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    Times), and Canada (The Globe and Mait) in 1983, Focusing On Descriptive Words and Phrases Used With

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    IanBiagtan
    This article analyzes the decision of some members of President Estrada's political party, LAMP, to endorse his impeachment in 2000. It finds that LAMP legislators who more recently switched parties or were facing term limits, and thus had less to gain from Estrada's future patronage, were more likely to support impeachment than other LAMP members. The article provides useful context for how media could be used to endorse a president's impeachment by some of his own party members.

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    Times), and Canada (The Globe and Mait) in 1983, Focusing On Descriptive Words and Phrases Used With

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    IanBiagtan
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    This article analyzes the decision of some members of President Estrada's political party, LAMP, to endorse his impeachment in 2000. It finds that LAMP legislators who more recently switched parties or were facing term limits, and thus had less to gain from Estrada's future patronage, were more likely to support impeachment than other LAMP members. The article provides useful context for how media could be used to endorse a president's impeachment by some of his own party members.

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    110 Biblio 2

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    This article analyzes the decision of some members of President Estrada's political party, LAMP, to endorse his impeachment in 2000. It finds that LAMP legislators who more recently switched parties or were facing term limits, and thus had less to gain from Estrada's future patronage, were more likely to support impeachment than other LAMP members. The article provides useful context for how media could be used to endorse a president's impeachment by some of his own party members.

    Copyright:

    © All Rights Reserved
    Download as DOCX, PDF, TXT or read online from Scribd
    Download as docx, pdf, or txt
    14 views3 pages

    Times), and Canada (The Globe and Mait) in 1983, Focusing On Descriptive Words and Phrases Used With

    Uploaded by

    IanBiagtan
    This article analyzes the decision of some members of President Estrada's political party, LAMP, to endorse his impeachment in 2000. It finds that LAMP legislators who more recently switched parties or were facing term limits, and thus had less to gain from Estrada's future patronage, were more likely to support impeachment than other LAMP members. The article provides useful context for how media could be used to endorse a president's impeachment by some of his own party members.

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    © All Rights Reserved
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    of 3

    Kasuya, Yuko.

    “Patronage of the past and future: Legislators' decision to impeach President Estrada of
    the Philippines.” The Pacific Review 20 Aug 2006: 521-540. Online.

    This article addresses the question using the case of President Estrada's impeachment in the
    Philippines in November 2000. It explained why some members of Estrada's party, Laban ng
    Makabayang Masang Pilipino (LAMP), decided to endorse the impeachment of the president. After
    reading the article, I find that LAMP legislators' impeachment decision was influenced largely by their
    consideration of patronage from Estrada in the past as well as its value in the future. In this article, two
    factors are highlighted. First, the LAMP members who had switched their party affiliation to LAMP after
    the 1998 election were more likely to endorse the impeachment than those who were already LAMP
    members in 1998. The primary explanation for this behaviour, according to the article, is that the new
    switchers received little campaign contribution from Estrada during the previous election campaign.
    Second, LAMP members who faced the term limit rule were more likely to endorse the impeachment
    than continuing members, most probably because the departing members accorded less value to future
    presidential patronage than the continuing members. This is a useful source for it involves media as a
    venue for endorsing the impeachment of the president by some of his party members. I would use this
    source to show how powerful media can be when used wisely, like how those departed members of
    LAMP used media as an avenue to retaliate and fight against Estrada.

    Soderlund, Walter. “The impact of the Aquino assassination on the press image of Ferdinand Marcos:
    Transformation or amplification?” Communication Reports 21 May 2009: 36-42. Print.

    This article shows the aftermath of Benigno “Ninoy” Aquino’s assassination; the negative shift of
    Marcos’ image in the eyes and the hearts of the Filipinos and the international media. In the article, it
    has been suggested that Western press coverage played a crucial role in the withdrawal of U.S. support
    from Ferdinand Marcos and thus indirectly contributed to his subsequent fall from power in 1986. The
    assassination of prominent Marcos critic Benigno “Ninoy” Aquino in August 1983 is cited as a key event
    in turning American support with respect to long‐time ally Marcos. This study of press coverage on the
    Philippines in leading newspapers of the U.S. (The New York Times), the U.K. (The Times/Sunday
    Times),and Canada (The Globe and Mait) in 1983, focusing on descriptive words and phrases used with
    respect to Marcos, examines empirically how the Aquino assassination affected Marcos’ image in terms
    of transformation and amplification. This is a useful source for my research; Ninoy’s assassination was
    the spark in every Filipinos hearts to revolt, using media as an avenue to encourage other people to
    stand against Marcos. The international leading newspapers from U.S., U.K., and Canada wrote how this
    major event changed the image of Marcos among the eyes of everybody. Some of the columnists even
    wrote predictions on what will happen next and how did it affect the world in general.
    Arugay, Aries. “The Accountability Deficit in the Philippines: Implications and Prospects for Democratic
    Consolidation.” Philippine Political Science Journal 17 Feb 2012: 63-88. Print.

    This article attempts to expose the manifestations of the “accountability deficit” in the
    Philippines by looking at the problems, limitations, and inadequacies of elections and horizontal state
    agencies of restraint as institutions of accountability. It also probes into the emergence of an alternative
    means known as “societal accountability”, using the resignation, impeachment, and ouster (RIO)
    campaign against then President Joseph Estrada as a case study. This article concludes with some
    thoughts on the implications of the accountability deficit to the prospects for democratic consolidation
    in the Philippines. Like my earlier resources on the RIO campaign against Estrada, this would add some
    information on the idea of societal accountability. It is mentioned in the dissertation made by the same
    author, Arugay but in this article, he focuses more on the presence of media and its contributions on the
    emergence of societal accountability which is one of the reasons on the problems and issues inside
    Estrada’s Administration.

    Horsfield, Bruce. “Communication for Social Revolution.” Journal of International Communication 04 Apr
    2012: 52-66. Online.

    On Saturday, 22 February, 1986, anti-Marcos Senator Juan Ponce Enrile and General Fidel
    Ramos were tipped off that they were about to be arrested by Marcos. They moved decisively with
    about 100 soldiers to Camps Crame and Aguinaldo in the eastern suburbs of Metro Manila and declared
    their support for Corazon Aquino, whom Marcos had just cheated out of an election victory. A political
    crisis ensued in which the world press showed People Power prevailing against the armed forces of
    Marcos. Journalists and writers have since analysed People Power and from that literature several
    consensual accounts can be identified, favouring in turn the Catholic Church under Cardinal Sin and
    helped by its Radio Veritas, the US State Department and the CIA, the Philippine Left and Christian
    citizens of Metro Manila. These themes are either religious or secular or some of both, depending on
    the writer. The following research challenges the dominant interpretations of People Power and adds
    new information to the communication history of the fall of Marcos. The information regarding Radio
    Veritas is my primary concern, because the book “The Marcos Dynasty” focuses more on the TV network
    as a primary instrument to initiate the People Power Revolution. Radio Veritas also had a great impact
    during the People Power Revolution, and the way they disseminated information and influenced
    Filipinos could really help me in my research.
    Minielli, Maureen. “The nonverbal communication of President Bill Clinton.” New Jersey Journal of
    Communication 17 Mar 2009: 190-205. Online.

    This essay examines the nonverbal communication of President Bill Clinton during both
    presidential terms. This essay argues that Clinton was on a course of developing and refining his
    nonverbal communication skills until the Lewinsky scandal surfaced. Previously following a personal
    nonverbal communication style, Clinton was suddenly forced to switch communication strategies
    emphasizing a public and private Clinton during the scandal. Once the scandal and subsequent
    impeachment trial subsided, Clinton appears to be returning to the personal approach that has become
    a hallmark of his presidency. The essay describes the actions of Clinton in front of the public during
    interviews and press conferences before, during and after the said scandal. It highlights Clinton’s shift
    when publicly seen and interviewed and what really occurs in his private life, how his personally changes
    when faced with a big issue. I chose this essay as a reference for my research for it contains a lot of
    information on Clinton’s personal life, and how media interacted during the heights of the scandal and
    some of the media’s contribution to Clinton’s impeachment trial regarding his personality shifts.

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