Can Lib

The relationship
between liberal and
feminist ideology
has historically been
a complex one. This
introduction to this
special issue of the

ever be
Journal, by Elizabeth
Evans, will consider
the peaks and troughs
of the relationship and
assess to what extent the
aims and objectives of
feminism and liberalism
are intertwined or
mutually exclusive.
While thinkers such as
Mary Wollstonecraft

E
and John Stuart
Mill have inspired arly feminist ideas on between the party and feminist
extending the rights organisations such as the Fawcett
generations of Liberal of men to women, set Society. This article will firstly
campaigners for the forth by Mary Woll- consider some of the key areas of
stonecraft in A Vindica- tension between feminism and
equal treatment of tion of the Rights of Women (1792), liberalism before moving on to
were adopted and championed by a chronological analysis of the
men and women, the a number of leading Liberals who extent to which Liberalism in
party’s position on argued that the refusal to accord practice can claim to be feminist.
women the same basic rights of It is important to deconstruct
the suffrage issue at equality and liberty was tyran- the terms ‘liberalism’ and ‘femi-
the beginning of the nical.1 J. S. Mill’s detailed and nism’ in order to provide a more
important work, The Subjection of concise understanding of their
twentieth century was Women (1869), provided a critical distinct ideological approaches,
often problematic. appraisal of women’s oppression, thereby allowing us to identify
applying the principles of justice, shared ground or potential for
While modern Liberal liberty and the right to choose to hostility. Most commentators
Democrat manifestos the condition of women’s lives. identify two distinct waves of
However, liberalism and femi- feminism: first-wave feminism,
do show a degree nism have, at times, been dia- typically contained within the
of commitment to metrically opposed: for example period 1830–1920, is grounded
in the early twentieth century the in a classical liberal-rights per-
women’s issues, a failure Liberals were divided on the issue spective with women’s enfran-
to secure the election of suffrage, leading many lib- chisement and civil rights at
eral feminists to desert the party the core of its agenda, while
of more women to concentrate efforts on the second-wave feminism emerged
newly formed Women’s Social during the 1960s and relied
MPs ensures that the and Political Union (WSPU). heavily upon informal grassroots
party’s commitment More recently, the use of equality women’s organisations. First-
guarantees or quotas to increase wave feminism concentrated on
to feminist objectives the number of women MPs has overturning legal obstacles to
remains uncertain. highlighted divisions in opinion equality, and, following Mill’s

4 Journal of Liberal History 62 Spring 2009

beralism
e Feminist?
philosophy, liberal feminists Mystique (1963), focused their a multilayered ideology. Theo-
campaigned for access to prop- efforts on highlighting the more rists write of ‘feminisms’ rather
erty ownership and the right unseen elements of discrimina- than ‘feminism’, and the rec-
to vote. What is evident is the tion – challenging sexist stere- ognition of this plurality is
disconnect between practi- otypes and created gendered crucial.2 During the 1970s the
cal changes to legislation that identities. Taking as their start- women’s liberation movement
would improve women’s lives ing point the failure of first-wave underwent internal divisions
and a more strategic approach to feminism to address the role of as a result of accusations from
challenging the underlying gen- women in society, women were non-white, non-middle-class
dered norms and values of soci- encouraged to believe that they women that the movement was
ety. This is best exemplified by could be more than just house- only concerned with securing
the fact that many liberal femi- wives. There was a conver- equality for a certain type of
nists saw no connection between gence between the personal and woman.3 This led to a widen-
legal equality and the need for the political which resulted in ing of the feminist approach so
wider societal social and cul- increased attention towards leg- as to incorporate views as wide
tural equality. Essentially their islation surrounding issues such ranging as black, eco, cyber and
main objective was to secure as divorce and abortion. The power feminism, all of which
equality and liberty within practical objectives of feminism provide different perspectives
existing societal structures, and and liberalism were once again on the feminist agenda. Despite
personal oppression within the in harmony, with David Steel, the diverse number of feminist
family was not considered. The the former Liberal Leader, at the theories, we can assume that
period between the end of first- forefront of the campaign for the underlying philosophy run-
wave feminism and the start of women’s rights to access abor- Liberalism ning through most contem-
second-wave feminism, roughly tion. In 1967, registered practi- porary feminist thought is the
from the 1920s to the 1960s, tioners, and the free provision of and feminism desire to eradicate the discrimi-
is generally considered to be medical aid for abortion through nation against women by chal-
a period of relative inactivity the NHS, were key components have, at lenging hegemonic patriarchy
for feminists, which correlates of his successful Private Mem- within society. This patriarchy
neatly with the decline in the ber’s Bill regulating abortion.
times, been manifests itself through cultural,
fortunes of the Liberal Party. Current forms of feminism diametrically institutional and structural dis-
Second-wave feminists, such focus on the pluralistic nature crimination that places women
as Betty Friedan in The Feminine of feminism, constructing it as opposed. at a disadvantage in relation to

Journal of Liberal History 62 Spring 2009 5

can liberalism ever be feminist?

male citizens. In some respects to the Constitution of the Lib- grounded in liberalism’s com-
it is easier to define feminism by eral Democrats which states that mitment to equality of opportu-
what it is against rather than try- the party ‘exists to build and nity and the idea that the ‘best’
ing to pull together the varying safeguard a fair, free and open candidate should be selected
strands of feminist thought into society, in which we seek to bal- regardless of gender. Addition-
a more detailed definition. ance the fundamental values of ally, many women in the party
This negative def inition of liberty, equality and community have highlighted the patronising
feminism is at odds with the and in which no one shall be nature of positive discrimination
idea of liberalism, which Con- enslaved by poverty, ignorance and the importance of avoiding
rad Russell described as a ‘hur- or conformity.’8 tokenism.14
rah word’, thereby signifying his Perhaps of most interest A commitment to meritoc-
interpretation of the philosophy when considering the relation- racy in the selection of parlia-
as setting out a positive agenda ship between feminism and mentary candidates led to the
for change.4 However, ambigu- liberalism is the tension within establishment of the party-
ity and complexity of meaning the party over the importance funded Gender Balance Task
are by no means absent from lib- of equality of outcome versus Force (now Campaign for Gen-
eralism, especially in its twenty- equality of opportunity.9 Whilst der Balance, CGB) which has
first-century context. Just as we feminism in general empha- the remit of encouraging, sup-
would distinguish between the sises the importance of equality porting and training potential
different feminist approaches, of opportunity, it is equality of women candidates. Yet whilst
so it is also necessary to consider outcome that is now the more the majority of Liberal Demo-
the differing views within liber- signif icant feature of feminist crats view positive action and
alism. Those who traditionally writing, particularly in support discrimination as a curtailment
favour a social liberal approach, of direct intervention to increase of the freedom of the individual,
as espoused by Hobhouse, Key- the number of women MPs as highlighted in the 2001 con-
nes, Beveridge and Rawls, rec- through all-women shortlists ference decision not to adopt
ognise the value and role that (AWS).10 Gender equality and AWS, many feminists argue that
the state can play in bringing freedom from discrimination this is the only way to ensure
about social change and tackling is now a core part of the social
Perhaps of parity of representation, and so
inequality;5 whereas economic justice agenda espoused by all most interest criticise the incremental liberal
liberals, influenced more by the three political parties.11 Because approach.
pre-New-Liberal Gladstonian this equality of opportunity when con- The criticisms leveled at lib-
tradition, set out their views has now become part of a com- eralism by feminism are that the
in The Orange Book and see a mon-sense rhetoric, evident in sidering the former fails to properly con-
more limited role for the state speeches given by party leaders, sider women as a group, albeit a
in changing society.6 They tend surrounding women’s numeri-
relationship diverse one, and as such the lib-
to favour greater private sector cal representation in Parlia- between eral approach to equality over-
intervention in the delivery of ment, feminist attention is now laps with non-feminist analysis
public services. firmly directed towards equality feminism of social life, couched within
These two approaches at of outcomes, and this is where a commitment to equality for
times seem to present quite a liberalism and feminism part and liberal- all. Despite legislative successes
dramatic divergence of opinion, company. brought about through the
although, as David Howarth This divergence has occurred
ism is the introduction of legal reforms
argues, it would be simplistic to because many feminists believe tension to improve opportunities for
present these approaches as war- an equality of opportunity women, most notably in educa-
ring factions and the two beliefs approach is not sufficiently radi- within the tion and employment, the exis-
do not prohibit convergence of cal to overcome the institutional tence of liberal feminism as part
opinion on much of the contem- sexism within political parties party over of the initial foundations of fem-
porary Liberal Democrat policy which currently helps prevent inist theory has to some extent
platform.7 J. S. Mill’s focus on greater numbers of women
the impor- become redundant. To be sure,
equality, freedom and what we from being selected, particu- tance of liberal feminism is distinct from
now call civil liberties is what larly in winnable seats.12 The Marxist and radical feminism,
drives much of the thinking Liberal Democrats’ refusal to equality of with their emphasis on power
behind twentieth-century and introduce AWS for the selec- relations and sexual politics, but
contemporar y liberal think- tion of their parliamentary can- outcome for a contemporary understand-
ing, and it is these core themes didates has resulted in criticism ing of feminism the inclusion of
that this article will take as the from women’s pressure groups
versus a distinct liberal strand requires
base understanding of liberal- such as the Fawcett Society.13 equality of a far-reaching def inition of
ism. This principle is articulated The philosophy behind much feminism that could prove to be
neatly in the opening preamble of the opposition to AWS was opportunity. of limited political use. Those

6 Journal of Liberal History 62 Spring 2009

 can liberalism ever be feminist?

more comfortable with the dis- On the men and women.16 Mill’s work is behind liberalism’s traditional
course and ideas of liberal femi- the only substantial text within distinction between public and
nism have embraced the social broader liberalism which seeks to pro- private life and its insistence that
justice agenda and the discourse themes of vide a philosophical discussion the latter cannot be a matter of
of diversity with a firm emphasis about the inequality between political concern.’18 By viewing
on equality of opportunity and a equality, the sexes. However, in arguing the private sphere as a distinct
belief in meritocracy based upon that women should receive equal space free from state interven-
an existing system. such as wom- treatment to men, it is suggest- tion, the traditional liberal view
Away from the contentious ing that the assumed male norms essentially isolates women and
issue of positive discrimination en’s right to governing society should also women’s issues from the pub-
for the selection of parliamen- vote, to be be applied to women, an area lic agenda, reinforcing cultural
tary candidates, the basic con- of significant contention within traditions surrounding women’s
temporary values of feminism educated, feminism. roles within society and the
and liberalism clearly chime. On Although not perhaps writing sexual division of labour. How-
the broader themes of equality, and to work with gender in mind, the impor- ever, thinkers within the Lib-
such as women’s right to vote, tance of equality or equal rights eral Democrats have recently
to be educated, and to work for for equal is emphasised by Rawls, who begun to grapple with the need
equal pay, liberalism and femi- pay, liber- writes, ‘each person is to have an for the party to provide detailed
nism are in accord. However, equal right to the most extensive policies regarding the family,
within Western twenty-f irst- alism and basic liberty compatible with a and to debate the role that the
century politics these are ideas similar liberty for others’.17 Fem- state can play in safeguarding
that are matters of consensus feminism are inists would argue that if the childhood.19 Whilst this goes
rather than controversial femi- rules and laws governing a soci- some way to allaying feminist
nist demands, and none of the in accord. ety have been created by men, concerns vis-à-vis liberalism’s
mainstream political ideologies then women will never be able unwillingness to interfere too
would be at odds with femi- to take an equal part because of heavily in the private sphere, a
nism on such issues. In order to the inherent cultural and institu- feminist liberal approach must
analyse this relationship more tional bias against both women be willing positively to embrace
closely we need to look beyond and femininity that exist within the idea that intervention is cru-
a simplistic understanding of the fabric of society. Feminism cial in improving the lives of
equality to assess to what extent not only stresses the importance children, and helping the poor-
liberalism is a champion of gen- of difference between women, est and most vulnerable women
der equality. but also the differences between in society.
Part of the criticism lev- men and women which have Looking in further detail at
elled at liberalism by feminists to be taken into account when the trajectory of liberal thought
has been that whilst they claim considering how a truly fair and and activity in the twentieth
to consider men and women equal society could be created. and twenty-first centuries, we
equal, several liberal philoso- Tinkering with legislation will can see that, on the question
phers have used essentialist not be enough to create equal- of suffrage, feminists and the
language and ideas. For exam- ity between the sexes because majority of liberals were clearly
ple, Mill describes women as men have created the basis of divided, leading many to join
intuitive, which signifies an ele- a liberal, free and fair society. the newly formed Labour Party.
ment of reductivist biologism Rather, what is needed is a more Whilst the issue of suffrage
in his thoughts on women, and fundamental revolution in the was of significant importance,
plays into the construction of a way in which society and cul- it is also vital to acknowledge
romanticised notion of woman- ture operate in order to allow that during this period issues
hood.15 Of course it is important men and women together to cre- of Home Rule and splits over
to consider the historical context ate the rules governing their leadership were also key to the
when analysing nineteenth- society, free from existing gen- decline of the Liberals. So what
century texts, and Mill’s work der stereotypes. evidence is there for any com-
The Subjection of Women (1869) Feminist critics have also mitment to feminism on behalf
highlights an early and progres- argued that the liberal emphasis of the party? Indeed, is it pos-
sive discussion within liberal- on the individual is too cerebral sible to find such a consensus
ism on the need to improve the and that the division of society within a philosophy which val-
quality of women’s lives. Con- into public and private com- ues the individual over a sense
sidering the need for changes to pounds the idea that public space of collective identity?
legislation and societal attitudes is codified as male, and the pri- Whilst feminism certainly
towards women Mill called for a vate home as female. As Valerie finds fault with certain aspects of
‘morality of justice’ and the crea- Bryson observes, ‘Male values liberal ideology, looking at lib-
tion of an equal society between and interests are also said to be eralism in practice may provide

Journal of Liberal History 62 Spring 2009 7

can liberalism ever be feminist?

us with examples of where the The first However, following this brief to maintain women’s position
two agendas have both clashed period most radicals switched within society, he was aware
and dovetailed. The narrative explicit to Labour and the party failed of the drudgery of housework
of the suffrage movement is mention of to capitalise on the issue.22 Pugh and his scheme was a significant
irrevocably bound to the Liberal considers two different catego- move forward in terms of provi-
government and its subsequent women in ries of women involved in the sion for women in society.
demise. As early as 1902 the Lib- party. Firstly there were leading Whilst Beveridge is impor-
eral MP Herbert Samuel wrote post-war feminists such as Margaret Win- tant as regards an analysis of
in his work Liberalism that the tringham and Margery Cor- the substantive Liberal and Lib-
arguments in favour of women’s manifestos bett Ashby, and secondly, there eral Democrat commitment
suffrage were part of a power- produced by were party loyalists with deep to women’s issues, a feminist
ful backdrop regarding citizen- family connections in the party appraisal of party election mani-
ship. Despite the patronising the British such as Violet Bonham Carter festos will allow us to trace the
assumption that women had less and Megan Lloyd George, who extent to which such issues have
responsibility than men, Samuel Liberal Party showed no obvious sign of inter- been prioritised by the party. Of
highlights that having the vote est in women’s issues. Pugh course, when looking at mani-
will engender citizenship and came in credits Wintringham’s success festos, it is vital to remember the
a feeling of self-worth amongst 1964’s Think to the fact that she was a femi- historical context and the extent
women, ‘despite their lives being nist who ‘epitomised the WI to which the Liberals were
narrower than those of men, and for Yourself, image of the motherly woman’ struggling for survival.
their responsibilities less, all the and was thus able to cham- The first explicit mention of
greater is their need of the stim- with its rec- pion women’s causes and break women in post-war manifestos
ulus of citizenship and the larger down prejudices surrounding produced by the British Liberal
advantage they would derive ognition of women’s involvement in poli- Party came in 1964’s Think for
from it.’20 However, he lacked the economic tics.23 The existence of feminists Yourself, with its recognition of
the confidence to come out in in the Liberal Party at this point the economic inequalities facing
favour of women’s suffrage, and inequali- was crucial to the party’s abil- women. The manifesto included
his conclusion states that, whilst ity to attract feminist voters and a commitment to introduce
opinion is so bitterly divided ties facing campaigners. equal pay and enhance legal
about the issue within the Lib- The 1942 publication of the rights in marriage, and an
eral Party, it can ‘neither be women. Beveridge Report marked a dra- emphasis on part-time working
denied discussion in its counsels matic shift in social reform, and opportunities to allow women
nor find a place in its immedi- his commitment to improving to return to work.25 This inclu-
ate programme.’21 This reticent the lives of the poorest citizens, sion of a specific policy designed
attitude towards women’s suf- particularly through the provi- to appeal to women was devel-
frage is symptomatic of the Lib- sion of family allowances and oped in the 1966 election mani-
eral Party’s hesitant approach to widow’s pensions, explicitly festo, where the party called for
what would be one of the most recognised the fact that women a new system of allowances to
important political issues of the were disproportionately dis- provide more funds for widows
early twentieth century. When advantaged by the system. 24 with children and again stressed
the Liberal W. H. Dickinson Beveridge undoubtedly made the importance of helping mar-
introduced his Bill to enfran- a conscious decision to redress ried women with children to
chise unmarried women house- many of the gendered economic return to work if they wished
holders, Campbell-Bannerman inequalities evident within to.26
said that the government would society, arguing that married The 1970 manifesto did not
give it no time and that he could women should be entitled to build on 1964 and 1966. It made
not support it because it would economic support from their no mention of women despite
only enfranchise ‘well-to-do husbands, as he viewed women’s having sections entitled ‘The
single women’ and not impact unpaid role within the home as Old’, ‘The Young’ and ‘The
upon working-class men and crucial. Whilst many women Independent Trader’ amongst
women. The Bill was eventually welcomed the proposals in the others. The February 1974 elec-
talked out. scheme, the Women’s Freedom tion manifesto, Change the Face of
In his work on women’s League was critical of the sup- Britain, saw the return of a small
movements in Britain, Martin port the plan gave to the domi- section concerning women’s
Pugh notes that Liberal politi- nant view of women’s dependent equality, this time under the
cians had often championed status, a view taken up again heading ‘The Status of Women’,
women’s causes. This con- by second-wave feminists in which advocated the establish-
nection was brief ly reborn in the 1970s. However it would ment of a Sex Discrimination
1918, when prominent Liber- be unfair to suggest that Bev- Board to ensure that legisla-
als campaigned on equal pay. eridge had willingly attempted tion surrounding equal pay and

8 Journal of Liberal History 62 Spring 2009

 can liberalism ever be feminist?

opportunity was adhered to. commitment to equal represen- significant increase in the par-
Again, it stressed the impor- tation on appointed bodies and ty’s engagement with women’s
tance of allowing women to improved maternity benefits.30 issues, with policies ranging
work, ‘Our aim is to provide Given the strong tradition of from ideas to strengthen UK
the opportunity for women who gender equality and women’s discrimination laws through an
so wish freely to seek satisfying groups within the Labour Party, Equality Act in Freedom, Justice
goals other than a lifetime of we would expect to and indeed and Honesty (2001) and the pro-
childbearing.’27 Despite the pro- can identify the greater empha- duction of a specific manifesto
gressive nature of some of these sis on women’s issues that the for women in both 2001 and
proposals there is no mention of SDP introduced into Alliance 2005.34 Again, the decision to
the need for a wider shift in soci- manifestos. The newly created produce a separate manifesto
ety with regards women’s roles, SDP had been clear about its for women is a key indication
as proposed a century before by commitment to gender equal- that, whilst the party stresses
Mill. Moreover, there was no ity and both the numerical and the importance of the individ-
discussion of childcare alterna- the substantive (acting on behalf ual, it also recognises the elec-
tives which would allow women of women) representation of toral importance of appealing
to go back to work, and such an women was a core part of their to women voters and showing
omission undermines the com- belief and narrative.31 that, despite the low numbers of
mitment to ensuring a nation of The Liberal Democrats in women MPs on its benches, it is
all the talents. their 1992 manifesto failed to concerned with women’s issues.
As the October election of build on or develop ideas from The 2005 manifesto for women
1974 was mainly fought on the previous manifestos, but did highlighted the party’s top five
economy, economic inequality introduce a policy for a citi- policies for women, juxtapos-
dominated this manifesto, but zen’s pension which explicitly ing traditional women’s policies
no links were made between recognised that women are dis- such as increased maternity pay
the disproportionate impact that proportionately discriminated with the importance of scrap-
poverty had (and still has) on against in old age due to a life- ping tuition fess to make uni-
women. Instead, it was in the time of poorly paid work and versity education affordable
1979 manifesto that the party childcare.32 The 1997 manifesto for all. The way in which the
f irst considered the impact of mirrored the 1987 coverage of party made this link between a
inequalities, other than eco- women’s issues detailing a range high-profile national policy and
nomic, with a discussion of of specif ic proposals aimed at The way in women’s issues is both striking
gender inequalities and eth- women such as ensuring equal- and a clear change of approach
nic minority rights. Moreover, ity of treatment in the health which the towards the established idea of
there was a discussion of men service and providing greater women’s issues, leading com-
and women in relation to family resources for domestic violence
party made mentators to highlight the pro-
needs, thereby recognising that, refuges. What is notable is that this link gressive nature of their policies
in order for women to take a full despite repeated pledges in this for women despite the numeri-
part in society, men have to take and previous manifestos to a between a cal under-representation of
on responsibilities previously commitment to parity in terms women MPs.35
undertaken by women.28 of appointments to public bod- high-profile So, having considered the rel-
The two elections fought by ies, the party did not offer any ative strengths and weaknesses
the Liberal–SDP Alliance, 1983 internal suggestions as to how to
national pol- of Liberalism’s commitment
and 1987, resulted in the devel- increase the numbers of women icy and wom- to feminist principles it is clear
opment of specif ic monetary MPs on their own benches. that the party has attempted to
policies of benef it to women. Rather, they focused on reform- en’s issues is engage with women’s issues on
For example, in the 1983 mani- ing the facilities of the House a policy level in their manifes-
festo, there was a pledge to of Commons to make it more both striking tos. Of course the debate on
increase child benefit by £1.50 appealing to women.33 Whilst women’s representation is a key
per week, with a supplemen- the 1992 and 1997 general elec-
and a clear part of understanding the cur-
tary benefit of £1.50 per week tion manifestos may have been change of rent relationship between femi-
for one-parent families. It also disappointing, the party was nism and Liberal Democrats.
pledged to enforce sex and aware of the importance of approach Despite the undeniable success
race equality through positive women’s issues and women’s of the ‘zipping’ process adopted
action in employment policies.29 votes, with specific leaflets and towards the for the 1999 European elections
The 1987 manifesto provided press conferences designed to (alternating women and men
a more in-depth considera- promote the party’s willingness
established on the regional lists of candi-
tion of women’s issues, rang- to be seen as a pro-women party. idea of wom- dates, which ensured that half
ing from equal opportunities However it is the 2001 the Lib Dem MEPs elected were
in education and training to a and 2005 elections that saw a en’s issues. women), it is the 2001 debate on

Journal of Liberal History 62 Spring 2009 9

can liberalism ever be feminist?

AWS which best sums up the in favour of and those against domination’.39 For liberals the
differing approaches to wom- introducing quotas.36 repositioning of the debate on
en’s representation. Interviews discrimination against women
undertaken with women who I was angry and upset when it as one of oppression would be
were involved with the party at didn’t go through conference. I key to galvanising a greater sense
the time of the 2001 conference felt like going up to them and of urgency towards tackling
debate examined their recollec- saying if I was young, attrac- the inherent gendered assump-
tions, their stance on the issue tive and in my 20s I’d be there tions and structures in society.
and the roles of critical feminist with them with the T-shirt on, A key element of Liberalism is
actors in the campaign for the but I’m in my 40s and I want the fight for equality in the face
adoption of the mechanism. All to make a success of my career of injustices and oppression, so
of those who had witnessed or in politics. They could wait by shifting the discourse sur-
participated in the debate high- for ten elections, I could wait rounding women’s inequalities
lighted the acrimonious nature for two. I haven’t got time. to the more pressing language of
of the discussion: (Prospective Parliamentar y oppression, a more determined
Candidate) and strategic approach towards
I’ve never seen anything like countering systemic sex bias
the 2001 debate. There were a In that one decision they would perhaps come about.
group of young women wear- ruled out a whole generation Whether or not Liberal-
ing T-shirts saying ‘I’m not a of women. There are a few ism’s ideals and objectives can
token female’, and I still think like me who managed to get ever be congruent with femi-
there were interests in the party through the system, but I feel nism is a complicated question.
who manipulated them. (MP) sad about all those women who From a contemporary perspec-
worked so hard and never got tive, the underlying ideology
It was a bloody affair in 2001 the chance to become members remains based upon the writ-
and divided the women hugely. of Parliament. (MP) ings of a group of male writers
We were all disgusted with the whose political philosophies,
women in T-shirts. It was a real Those younger women who whilst dealing with issues of
drive against all-women short- had campaigned against AWS equality and liberty, are not,
lists by women themselves, argued that they were part of Liberal on the whole, concerned with
and I think it was a great pity. a new generation of women women and achieving equality
I think they thought they were who had not experienced any Democrat for women. As such, it would
being assertive but they didn’t form of sex discrimination.37 manifestos be difficult to argue that a phi-
realise what they were doing. This attitude rankled the older losophy based upon male values
(Peer) women in the party who were do show a could ever truly be feminist. To
all too aware of the continued be sure, Mill’s work is an impor-
I think there was immense sad- existence of sex discrimina- degree of tant contribution to bringing
ness on my part and the part of tion. Moreover, the debate on the condition of women’s lives
a few others about the way in AWS came within the context commitment to a more mainstream audience;
which people had conducted of an interim report highlight- to women’s however, from a contemporary
themselves. (Peer) ing evidence of covert discrimi- feminist perspective there are
nation within the party.38 Many issues, and elements of his work that are
T he v it r iol ic at mosphere of the older women in the party problematic. Feminism’s criti-
described by the interviewees subsequently walked away from research cism of the liberal focus on the
was in part due to the nature the issue of women’s representa- sanctity of the private sphere is
of the debate, which struck tion. Again the issue of women’s has also driven by a belief that, by pro-
at the heart of traditional lib- numerical representation has shown that tecting the home from state
eral assumptions regarding caused feminists to view the intervention, this essentially
approaches to any form of dis- Liberal Democrats with a cer- support for enforces the division between
crimination. The use of tight tain degree of mistrust. public and private. This divi-
fitting pink T-shirts as part of In his consideration of the the Liberal sion mirrors the gendered con-
the campaign against AWS was limitations that liberalism pres- struction of society, which sees
a particular sticking point for ents to feminist objectives, Democrats the public sphere as male and
many of the women angry at Kymlicka argues for gendered is higher the private home as female – so
the lack of awareness shown by inequalities to be recast and situ- protecting the private from leg-
the young women as to how it ated within the traditional lib- amongst islation effectively cuts women
would be perceived. As Rus- eral discourse of oppression: ‘We adr ift from the leg islative
sell and Fieldhouse quite rightly need to reconceptualise sexual women than process.
note, there was an evident gen- inequality as a problem, not of Liberal Democrat mani-
erational divide between those arbitrary discrimination, but of men. festos do show a degree of

10 Journal of Liberal History 62 Spring 2009

 can liberalism ever be feminist?

commitment to women’s issues, A failure to 10 See Sarah Childs, J. Lovenduski election manifesto.
and research has also shown that & R. Campbell, Women at the Top 28 British Liberal Party: 1979 ‘The
support for the Liberal Demo- secure the 2005: Changing Numbers, Changing Real Fight is for Britain’ election
crats is higher amongst women election of Politics? (London: Hansard Soci- manifesto.
than men.40 This clearly indi- ety, 2005); Drude Dahlreup (ed.), 29 Liberal–SDP Alliance: 1983 ‘Work-
cates both a willingness and a more women Women, Quotas and Politics (Oxon; ing Together for Britain’ election
need for the party to engage Routledge, 2006). manifesto.
in women’s issues. However, MPs ensures 11 Judith Squires, The New Politics of 30 Liberal–SDP Alliance Party: 1987
a failure to secure the election Gender Equality (Basingstoke: Pal- ‘Britain United: The Time Has
of more women MPs ensures that the grave Macmillan, 2007). Come’ election manifesto.
that the party’s commitment party’s com- 12 Joni Lovenduski, Feminizing Politics 31 Interviews with leading SDP mem-
to feminist objectives remains (Cambridge: Polity Press). bers undertaken for author’s PhD
uncertain. mitment 13 Laura Shepherd-Robinson and J. research.
Lovenduski, Women and Candidate 32 Liberal Democrats: 1992 ‘Chang-
Elizabeth Evans has recently been to feminist Selection in British Political Parties ing Britain for Good’ election
awarded a PhD at Goldsmiths, Uni- (London: Fawcett Society, 2002). manifesto.
versity of London. Her thesis is an objectives 14 Elizabeth Evans, ‘A Question of 33 Liberal Democrats: 1997 ‘Make the
exploration of women’s representa- remains Supply?’, ‘Woman and the Liberal Difference’ election manifesto
tion and the Liberal Democrats and Democrats’ Conference paper given 34 Liberal Democrats: 2001 ‘Free-
considers the response of the party to uncertain. at EPOP: Bristol, 2007. dom, Justice. Honesty’ election
feminism and to feminist demands 15 Valerie Bryson, Feminist Debates manifesto; Liberal Democrats: 2001
for women’s increased descriptie pres- (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, ‘Liberal Democrat Manifesto for
ence. She is the Guest Editor of this 1999). Women’; Liberal Democrats: 2005
special issue of the Journal. 16 J. S. Mill, The Subjection of Women ‘General Election 2005: Liberal
(1869) (New York: Prometheus Democrat Manifesto for Women’
1 Suzanne Brugger and Geoff Stokes, Books, 1986). available online, http://www.lib-
‘Feminism and Political Theory’, 17 John Rawls, A Theory of Justice dems.org.uk/media/documents/
Liberal Democratic Theory and its Crit- (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1972) p. policies/manifestos/women.pdf
ics, ed. Norman Wintrop (Becken- 60. 35 Sarah Childs, ‘Feminising Politics:
ham: Croom Helm Ltd, 1983). 18 Ibid., p. 13. Sex and Gender in the Election’,
2 Maggie Humm, Modern Feminisms 19 See Matthew Taylor, ‘The Politics Britain Decides: The UK General
(New York: Columbia University of Parenting: Confronting the F Election 2005, eds. A. Gamble and
Press, 1992). Word’, Reinventing the State: Social J. Geddes. (Hampshire: Palgrave,
3 Joni Lovenduski and Vicky Ran- Liberalism for the 21 st Century, pp. 2005) pp. 150–168.
dall, Contemporary Feminist Politics 159–174; and also Steve Webb and 36 Andrew Russell and Ed Fieldhouse,
(Oxford: Oxford University Press, Jo Holland ‘Children, the family Neither Left nor Right? The Liberal
1983). and the State: a liberal agenda’, The Democrats and the Electorate (Man-
4 Conrad Russell, An Intelligent Per- Orange Book: Reclaiming Liberalism, chester: Manchester University
son’s Guide to Liberalism (London: pp. 235–275. Press, 2005).
Duckworth, 1999). 20 Herbert Samuel, Liberalism: An 37 Lucy Ward, ‘Pink Politics’, The
5 Richard S. Grayson, ‘Social Lib- Attempt to State the Principles and Pro- Guardian, 1 October 2001, www.
eralism’, The Political Thought of the posals of Contemporary Liberalism in g u a r d i a n . c o . u k /w o r l d /2 0 01/
Liberals and Liberal Democrats since England (London: Grant Richards, oct/01/gender.uk, available online.
1945, ed. Kevin Hickson (Manches- 1902) p. 246. 38 Joni Lovenduski and Fawcett Soci-
ter: Manchester University Press, 21 Ibid., p. 253. ety, Experiences of Liberal Democrat
forthcoming). 22 Martin Pugh, Women and the Wom- Women in Parliamentary Selections
6 Paul Marshall and David Laws (eds.) en’s Movement in Britain 1914–1959 Interim Findings (Fawcett Society,
The Orange Book: Reclaiming Liberal- (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2001).
ism (London: Profile Books, 2004). 1992). 39 Will Kymlicka, Contemporary Politi-
7 Ibid.; David Howarth, ‘What is 23 Ibid., p. 177. cal Philosophy (Oxford: Oxford Uni-
Social Liberalism?’, Reinventing the 24 Jose Harris, William Beveridge: A versity Press, 2002).
State: Social Liberalism for the 21st Cen- Biography (Ox ford: Clarendon 40 Fawcett Society and Ipsos MORI,
tury, eds. Duncan Brack, Richard S. Press, 1997). Fawcett/ Ipsos MORI briefing on
Grayson and David Howarth (Lon- 25 British Liberal Party: 1964 ‘Think women’s votes (2006), http://www.
don: Politico’s, 2007), pp. 1–16. for Yourself ’ election manifesto. fawcettsociety.org.uk/documents/
8 ‘Our Beliefs’ available on line 26 British Liberal Party: 1966 ‘For all Fawcet t- MOR I%2 0Ipsos%2 0
http://www.libdems.org.uk/party/ the People: the Liberal Plan of 1966’ brief ing%208-9-06.doc, available
9 Duncan Brack, ‘Equality Matters’, election manifesto. online.
Reinventing the State: Social Liberal- 27 Libera l Par t y: Febr uar y 1974
ism for the 21st Century, pp. 17–36. ‘Change the Face of Br itain’

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