Macroeconomics: William Mitchell L. Randall Wray Martin Watts

Macroeconomics
William Mitchell
L. Randall Wray
Martin Watts
© William Mitchell, L. Randall Wray and Martin Watts, under exclusive
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CONTENTS
List of Figures xvii

List of Tables xix
List of Boxes xx
About the Authors xxi
About the Book xxii
Tour of the book xxiv
Preface xxvi
Acknowledgements xxviii
Website Materials xxix
PART A: INTRODUCTION AND MEASUREMENT

1 Introduction 2
1.1 What is Economics? Two Views 2
Orthodox, neoclassical approach 3
Heterodox approach – Keynesian/Institutionalist/Marxist 5
What do economists do? 8
Implications for research and policy 8
1.2 Economics and the Public Purpose 9
1.3 What is Macroeconomics? 12
The macro model 12
The MMT approach to macroeconomics 13
Fiscal and monetary policy 15
Policy implications of MMT for sovereign nations 16
Conclusion 17
References 17
2 How to Think and Do Macroeconomics 18

2.1 Introduction 18
2.2 Thinking in a Macroeconomic Way 19
2.3 What Should a Macroeconomic Theory be Able to Explain? 22
Real GDP growth 22
Unemployment 23
Real wages and productivity 25
Private sector indebtedness 26
Central bank balance sheets 26
Japan’s persistent fiscal deficits: the glaring counterfactual case 27
vi Contents
2.4 Why is it so Difficult to Come to an Agreement on Policy? The Minimum Wage Debate 31
2.5 The Structure of Scientific Revolutions 32
Conclusion 34
References 35
Chapter 2 Appendix: The Buckaroos model 36
Implications of the Buckaroos model 37
3 A Brief Overview of Economic History and the Rise of Capitalism 38

3.1 Introduction 39
3.2 An Introduction to Monetary Capitalism 39
3.3 Tribal Society 40
3.4 Slavery 41
3.5 Feudalism 42
3.6 Revolts and the Transition to Capitalism 43
3.7 Capitalism 44
3.8 Monetary Capitalism 45
3.9 Global Capitalism 46
3.10 Economic Systems of the Future? 47
Conclusion 49
References 49
4 The System of National Income and Product Accounts 50

4.1 Measuring National Output 50
4.2 Components of GDP 53
Consumption (C ) 53
Investment (I) 53
Government spending (G) 54
Exports (X) minus imports (M) or net exports (NX) 54
4.3 Equivalence of Three Measures of GDP 54
Expenditure approach 55
Production approach 55
Income approach 55
4.4 GDP versus GNP 55
4.5 Measuring Gross and Net National Income 56
Measuring net national income 56
4.6 GDP Growth and the Price Deflator 57
4.7 Measuring Chain Weighted Real GDP 58
4.8 Measuring CPI Inflation 59
The CPI Index 59
Rate of growth of the CPI index 61
Difficulties in using the CPI to accurately measure inflation 62
4.9 Measuring National Inequality 63
Conclusion 65
References 65
5 Labour Market Concepts and Measurement 66

5.1 Introduction 66
5.2 Measurement 67
Labour force framework 67
Impact of the business cycle on the labour force participation rate 71
5.3 Categories of Unemployment 72
5.4 Broader Measures of Labour Underutilisation 73
Contents vii
5.5 Flow Measures of Unemployment 75

Labour market stocks and flows 77
5.6 Duration of Unemployment 78
5.7 Hysteresis 80
Conclusion 81
References 82
6 Sectoral Accounting and the Flow of Funds 83

6.1 Introduction 83
6.2 The Sectoral Balances View of the National Accounts 84
Introduction 84
How can we use the sectoral balances framework? 86
A graphical framework for understanding the sectoral balances 87
6.3 Revisiting Stocks and Flows 91
Flows 91
Stocks 92
Inside wealth versus outside wealth 93
Non-financial wealth (real assets) 94
6.4 Integrating NIPA, Stocks, Flows and the Flow of Funds Accounts 94
Causal relationships 96
Deficits create financial wealth 96
6.5 Balance Sheets 97
6.6 The Flow of Funds Matrix 101
Flow of funds accounts and the national accounts 102
Conclusion 103
References 103
7 Methods, Tools and Techniques 104

7.1 Overview 104
7.2 Basic Rules of Algebra 106
Model solutions 106
7.3 A Simple Macroeconomic Model 107
7.4 Graphical Depiction of a Macroeconomic Model 109
7.5 Power Series Algebra and the Expenditure Multiplier 111
7.6 Index Numbers 112
7.7 Annual Average Growth Rates 115
7.8 Textbook Policy Regarding Formalism 115
Conclusion 117
8 The Use of Framing and Language in Macroeconomics 118

8.1 Introduction 118
8.2 MMT and Public Discourse 119
8.3 Two Visions of the Economy 121
8.4 Cognitive Frames and Economic Commentary 123
8.5 Dominant Metaphors in Economic Commentary 123
8.6 Face to Face: Mainstream Macro and MMT 123
Mainstream Fallacy 1: The government faces the same ‘budget’ constraint as a household 124
Mainstream Fallacy 2: Fiscal deficits(surpluses) are bad(good) 124
Mainstream Fallacy 3: Fiscal surpluses contribute to national saving 125
Mainstream Fallacy 4: The fiscal outcome should be balanced over the economic cycle 125
Mainstream Fallacy 5: Fiscal deficits drive up interest rates and crowd out private
investment because they compete for scarce private saving 126
viii Contents
Mainstream Fallacy 6: Fiscal deficits mean higher taxes in the future 126
Mainstream Fallacy 7: The government will run out of fiscal space (or money)
if it overspends 127
Mainstream Fallacy 8: Government spending is inflationary 127
Mainstream Fallacy 9: Fiscal deficits lead to big government 128
8.7 Framing a Macroeconomics Narrative 128
Language and metaphor examples 128
Fiscal space 130
Costs of a public programme 130
The MMT alternative framing 131
Conclusion 131
References 132
Part B: Currency, Money and Banking

9 Introduction to Sovereign Currency: The Government and its Money 134
9.2 The National Currency (Unit of Account) 135
One nation, one currency 135
Sovereignty and the currency 135
What ‘backs up’ the currency? 136
Legal tender laws 136
Fiat currency 136
Taxes drive the demand for money 137
Financial stocks and flows are denominated in the national money of account 140
The financial system as an electronic scoreboard 140
9.3 Floating versus Fixed Exchange Rate Regimes 140
The gold standard and fixed exchange rates 141
Floating exchange rates 141
9.4 IOUs Denominated in National Currency: Government and Non-Government 142
Leveraging 143
Clearing accounts extinguish IOUs 143
Pyramiding currency 144
9.5 Use of the Term ‘Money’: Confusion and Precision 145
Conclusion 146
References 146
10 Money and Banking 147

10.2 Some Definitions 147
Monetary aggregates 147
10.3 Financial Assets 148
Yield concepts in fixed income investments 150
10.4 What Do Banks Do? 153
The neoclassical view: the money multiplier 153
MMT representation of the credit creation process 154
Loans create deposits 155
Banks do not loan out reserves 156
Endogenous money 156
Summary 157
An example of a bank’s credit creation: a balance sheet analysis 157
Conclusion 160
References 161
Contents ix
Part C: National Income, Output and Employment Determination

11 The Classical System 164
11.2 The Classical Theory of Employment 165
Why is the labour demand function downward sloping? 167
Why is the labour supply function upward sloping? 167
Equilibrium in the labour market 168
11.3 Unemployment in the Classical Labour Market 169
11.4 What is the Equilibrium Output Level in the Classical Model? 170
11.5 The Loanable Funds Market, Classical Interest Rate Determination 172
11.6 Classical Price Level Determination 175
11.7 Summary of the Classical System 176
11.8 Pre-Keynesian Criticisms of the Classical Denial of Involuntary Unemployment 176
Conclusion 178
References 178
12 Mr. Keynes and the ‘Classics’ 180

12.2 The Existence of Mass Unemployment as an Equilibrium Phenomenon 181
12.3 Keynes’ Critique of Classical Employment Theory 182
12.4 Involuntary Unemployment 186
12.5 Keynes’ Rejection of Say’s Law: The Possibility of General Overproduction 188
Refresher: the loanable funds market 188
Keynes’ critique of the loanable funds doctrine 188
Liquidity preference and Keynes’ theory of interest 190
Conclusion 192
References 192
13 The Theory of Effective Demand 193

13.2 The D-Z Approach to Effective Demand 194
13.3 Introducing Two Components of Aggregate Demand: D1 and D2 198
13.4 Advantages of the D-Z Framework 199
The macroeconomic demand for labour 199
13.5 The Role of Saving and Liquidity Preference 200
13.6 The Demand Gap Arguments and Policy Implications 201
Conclusion 202
Reference 203
14 The Macroeconomic Demand for Labour 204

14.2 The Macroeconomic Demand for Labour Curve 205
The interdependency of aggregate supply and demand 205
Money wage changes and shifts in effective demand 206
14.3 The Determination of Employment and the Existence of Involuntary Unemployment 211
14.4 A Classical Resurgence Thwarted 213
Conclusion 214
References 215
15 The Aggregate Expenditure Model 216

15.2
A Simple Aggregate Supply Depiction 217
15.3 Aggregate Demand 218
x Contents
15.4 Private Consumption Expenditure 219

15.5 Private Investment 222
15.6 Government Spending 224
15.7 Net Exports 224
15.8 Total Aggregate Expenditure 225
15.9 Equilibrium National Income 228
15.10 The Expenditure Multiplier 230
An algebraic treatment 231
A graphical treatment 232
Numerical example of the expenditure multiplier at work 234
Changes in the magnitude of the expenditure multiplier 235
A final point about the multiplier 236
Conclusion 238
References 238
16 Aggregate Supply 239

16.2 Some Important Concepts 240
Schedules and functions 240
The employment-output function 240
Money wages 242
16.3 Price Determination 244
16.4 The Aggregate Supply Function (AS) 245
The theory of production 247
Some properties of the aggregate supply function 248
16.5 What Determines the Level of Employment? 249
16.6 Factors Affecting Aggregate Output per Hour 249
The choice of production technology 250
Procyclical movements in labour productivity 251
Conclusion 252
Reference 252
Part D: Unemployment and Inflation: Theory and Policy

17 Unemployment and Inflation 254
17.2 What is Inflation? 255
17.3 Inflation as a Conflictual Process 255
Cost push inflation 256
Raw material price increases 258
Conflict theory of inflation and inflationary biases 259
Demand pull inflation 260
Cost push and demand pull inflation: a summary 261
17.4 The Quantity Theory of Money 261
17.5 Incomes Policies 264
Conclusion 267
References 267
18 The Phillips Curve and Beyond 268

18.2 The Phillips Curve 269
Phillips curve algebra 271
The instability of the Phillips curve 272
Contents xi
Econometric misspecification 273

18.3 The Accelerationist Hypothesis and the Expectations Augmented Phillips Curve 274
Introduction 274
Expectations of inflation 274
The algebra of the expectations augmented Phillips curve 278
Specification of inflationary expectations 280
18.4 Hysteresis and the Phillips Curve Trade-off 283
The algebra of hysteresis 284
18.5 Underemployment and the Phillips Curve 286
Conclusion 288
References 288
19 Full Employment Policy 290

19.2 Full Employment as the Policy Goal 291
19.3 Policies for the Promotion of Employment 293
Behaviouralist, structuralist, and Keynesian approaches 293
Private sector incentives 294
Direct job creation by government 295
19.4 Unemployment Buffer Stocks and Price Stability 296
Measuring the costs of unemployment buffer stocks 298
19.5 Employment Buffer Stocks and Price Stability 301
The JG wage 302
The JG as an automatic stabiliser 303
Inflation control and the JG 304
Open economy impacts 305
Would the NAIBER be higher than the NAIRU? 305
Employment buffer stocks and responsible fiscal design 307
A plausible adjustment path 308
19.6 Impact on the Phillips Curve 309
Conclusion 311
References 311
Part E: Economic Policy in an Open Economy

20 Introduction to Monetary and Fiscal Policy Operations 314
20.2 The Central Bank 315
The payments system, reserves and the interbank market 316
20.3 The Treasury 317
Government and private financial accounting 317
Sectoral balances 318
20.4 Coordination of Monetary and Fiscal Operations 319
Duties of the central bank 319
Duties of the treasury 320
A numerical example using balance sheets 321
Is there a sufficient demand for treasury debt? 322
20.5 Taxes and Sovereign Spending 323
20.6 Currency Sovereignty and Policy Independence 325
Conclusion 326
References 327
Chapter 20 Appendix: Advanced Material 329
Monetary policy in the open economy, causes and consequences of capital flows 329
xii Contents
21 Fiscal Policy in Sovereign Nations 332

21.2 Functional Finance versus Sound Finance 333
The fiscal constraint and the views of deficit hawks, doves, and owls 333
Why is the deficit owl the only perspective that is consistent with MMT? 334
Functional finance 335
21.3 Fiscal Policy Debates: Crowding Out and (Hyper) Inflation 336
Crowding out? 336
Voluntary constraints 337
Inflation and sovereign fiscal policy 339
Hyperinflation 342
Real world hyperinflations 344
Summing up on hyperinflation 346
Conclusion 347
References 347
22 Fiscal Space and Fiscal Sustainability 349
22.2 The Full Employment Fiscal Deficit Condition 350
22.3 Fiscal Space and Fiscal Sustainability 352
Advancement of public purpose 353
Understanding the monetary environment 354
Understanding what a sovereign government is 354
Understanding why governments tax 355
Understanding why governments issue debt 355
Setting fiscal targets 355
Foreign exposure 356
Understanding what a cost is 356
22.4 The Debt Sustainability Debate 356
Conclusion 359
References 359
23 Monetary Policy in Sovereign Nations 360
23.2 Modern Banking Operations 361
23.3 Interest Rate Targets versus Monetary Targets 362
Lender of last resort and financial stability 363
23.4 Liquidity Management 363
Introduction 363
Different interest rate setting arrangements 364
23.5 Implementation of Monetary Policy 365
Transmission mechanism 365
23.6 Unconventional Forms of Monetary Policy 366
Introduction 366
Quantitative easing (QE) 366
Negative interest rates 367
Conclusion 367
23.7 Monetary Policy in Practice 368
23.8 The Advantages and Disadvantages of Monetary Policy 368
23.9 Central Bank Independence 369
Introduction 369
Rationale for independence 369
Contents xiii
23.10 Horizontal and Vertical Operations: An Integration 370

Conclusion 372
References 372
24 Policy in an Open Economy: Exchange Rates, Balance of Payments and
Competitiveness 374
24.2 The Balance of Payments 375
Balance of payment examples 376
The current account 376
The capital account and financial account 377
24.3 Essential Concepts 378
Nominal exchange rate (e) 378
Change in the nominal exchange rate, appreciation and depreciation 378
What determines the exchange rate? 379
International competitiveness 382
The real exchange rate 383
24.4 Aggregate Demand and the External Sector Revisited 384
24.5 Trade in Goods and Services, Product Market Equilibrium and the Trade Balance 385
National income equilibrium with trade 385
The net exports function 386
The impact on national income and net exports of a change in world income 387
An increase in world income leads to a rise in net exports 388
24.6 Capital Controls 389
Conclusion 391
References 391
Part F: Economic Instability

25 The Role of Investment in Profit Generation 394
25.1 Investment in a Capitalist Monetary Economy 394
The volatility of investment 395
Gross and net investment 396
25.2 The Accelerator Model of Investment 397
The simple accelerator model 397
Limitations of the simple accelerator model 399
25.3 The Flexible Accelerator Model 400
Rate of adjustment in the flexible accelerator model 400
Implications of incomplete adjustment 400
25.4 Expectations and Interest Rate Impacts on Investment Demand 401
25.5 Introduction to Cash Flow Discounting and Present Value 402
25.6 Keynes and the Marginal Efficiency of Investment 404
25.7 Minsky’s Model of the Investment Decision 407
The two price system 407
Determination of investment 407
25.8 Investment and Profits 409
Kalecki’s simplified model 409
Kalecki’s generalised model 411
25.9 Business Cycles: Fluctuations in Economic Activity 413
Terminology and patterns 413
The interaction of the expenditure multiplier and the investment accelerator 415
xiv Contents
Conclusion 418
References 418
26 Stabilising the Unstable Economy 419
26.2 Economic Cycles and Crises 420
26.3 Marxist Theory of Crisis 422
26.4 Keynesian and Post-Keynesian Theories of Crisis 424
26.5 Minsky’s Financial Instability Hypothesis 427
Conclusion 428
References 429
Part G: History of Macroeconomic Thought

27 Overview of the History of Economic Thought 432
27.2 History of Neoclassical Theory 432
27.3 History of Heterodox Thought 436
27.4 Institutional Economics 437
27.5 Modern Orthodox Schools of Thought 438
27.6 Post-War Economic History and History of Thought 439
Conclusion 442
References 442
28 The IS-LM Framework 444
28.1 Introduction and the Concept of General Equilibrium 444
28.2 The Money Market: Demand, Supply and Equilibrium 445
28.3 Derivation of the LM Curve 447
28.4 The Product (Goods) Market: Equilibrium Output 450
28.5 Derivation of the IS Curve 452
28.6 Equilibrium and Policy Analysis in the IS-LM Framework 453
28.7 Introducing the Price Level: The Keynes and Pigou Effects 458
28.8 Limitations of the IS-LM Framework 463
The endogeneity of the money supply 463
Expectations and time 464
Conclusion 466
References 466
Chapter 28 Appendix: The IS-LM Algebra 467
Simplified open economy 467
Product market equilibrium 467
Money market equilibrium 467
General equilibrium 468
29 Modern Schools of Economic Thought 469
29.2 The Rise of New Classical Economics 470
Roots in Friedman’s Monetarism 470
New Classical Economics 472
29.3 Real Business Cycle Theory 473
Advanced treatment of the RBC model 474
29.4 New Keynesian Economics 475
Introduction 475
Contents xv
Examples of price and wage inflexibility 476

The role of policy 476
29.5 Modern Heterodox Schools of Thought 477
Introduction 477
Method: the notion of equilibrium and locus of analysis 478
Alternative approaches to distribution 479
Say’s Law 481
Loanable funds versus liquidity preference 481
Imperfect competition 482
Treatment of money, time and expectations 482
Conclusion 485
References 485
30 The New Monetary Consensus in Macroeconomics 487
30.2 Components of the NMC theory 488
30.3 Weaknesses of the NMC 490
Conclusion 494
References 494
Chapter 30 Appendix:The New Monetary Consensus model 496
Part H: Contemporary Debates

31 Recent Policy Debates 498
31.2 Ageing, Social Security, and the Intergenerational Debate 499
Dependency ratios 499
Do dependency ratios matter? 501
31.3 The Twin Deficits Hypothesis 503
Introduction 503
The link between the deficits 504
31.4 Balance of Payments Constraints and Currency Crises 507
Currency crises 508
31.5 Fixed versus Flexible rates: Optimal Currency Areas, the Bancor, or Floating Rates? 513
Introduction 513
Optimal currency areas 513
The demise of the gold standard: the Great Depression and the Second World War 514
Keynes’ Bancor plan and the end of Bretton Woods 515
An alternative (MMT) approach to international money: floating rates and sovereign currency 516
The euro and optimal currency areas 518
Conclusion 519
31.6 Environmental Sustainability and Economic Growth 520
References 522
Chapter 31 Appendix 1: Case Study 1 – Economic Growth: Demand or Supply Constrained?
The US, 1975 to 2007 524
Introduction 524
Did the US economy suffer from secular stagnation from 1970 to 1995? 525
The ‘New Economy’ and the productivity miracle, 1995 to 2007 527
Chapter 31 Appendix 2: Case Study 2 – The Return of Secular Stagnation? US Labour Markets
after the Global Financial Crisis 529
Conclusion 532
Chapter 31 Appendix 3: The US Social Security and Medicare Systems 533
xvi Contents
32 Macroeconomics in the Light of the Global Financial Crisis 535

32.2 Why Didn’t Mainstream Macroeconomics Foresee the GFC? 536
32.3 Who Did Foresee the GFC and Why? 540
Introduction 540
Minsky’s financial instability hypothesis 540
The rise in inequality 543
32.4 Lessons That Can be Learned About Sovereign Currency From the
Eurozone Crisis 547
Conclusion 549
References 549
33 Macroeconomics for the Future 551

33.2 Modelling Framework 552
33.3 Government and the Monetary System 553
A sovereign currency 553
Fiscal policy 554
Persistent fiscal deficits 555
33.4 Monetary Policy 556
Reserves and bond sales 556
33.5 Private Banks 557
Finance 557
Inside wealth versus outside wealth 558
Credit creation and the money supply 558
33.6 Trade and Exchange Rates 559
Exchange rate regime 559
Conclusion 560
Further Reading 561
Index 562
LIST OF FIGURES
2.1 Comparative unemployment rates, 7.1 Consumption function 110

per cent, 1960 to 2017 24 7.2 Slope of consumption function 110
2.2 Real wage and productivity indexes, 7.3 Employment index numbers, Australia,
Australia and USA, 1971 to 2015 (March 2000–15, January 2000=100 114
1982=100) 26 7.4 Real wages and productivity, 1978–2015,
2.3 Household debt to disposable income March quarter, 1982=100 115
ratio, OECD nations, 2000 to 2015 27 8.1 The conservative economic construction 121
2.4 US Federal Reserve Bank monetary base, 8.2 The economy is us 122
1959 to 2015, $US billions 27 9.1 The Minsky–Foley pyramid 145
2.5 Government fiscal balance as a percentage 10.1 US Treasury yield curve (3 February 2016) 152
of GDP, Japan, 1980–2015 28 10.2 A typical bank balance sheet 157
2.6 Gross and net public debt as a percentage 10.3 Bank A initial balance sheet 158
of GDP, Japan, 1980 to 2015 29 10.4 Bank A balance sheet showing loan 158
2.7 Japan overnight interest rate, per cent, July 10.5 Bank A balance sheet showing purchase
1985 to December 2015 30 of car 159
2.8 Japan government 10 year government 10.6 Bank B balance sheet showing purchase
bond yield, per cent, 1990 to 2015 30 of car 159
2.9 Inflation and deflation in Japan, per cent, 10.7 Bank A balance sheet showing loan from
1980 to 2015 31 central bank 159
2A.1 University Reserve Roo Note 36 10.8 Central bank balance sheet showing loan 159
4.1 The Lorenz curve 64 10.9 Bank A balance sheet showing settlement
5.1 The labour force framework 69 of debt 160
5.2 Labour force participation rate, Australia, 10.10 Bank B balance sheet showing settlement
1980 to 2015, per cent 71 of debt 160
5.3 Unemployment rate and average duration 10.11 Bank A final balance sheet 160
of unemployment (weeks), US, 10.12 Bank B final balance sheet 160
February 2008 to October 2012 79 10.13 Central bank final balance sheet 160
6.1 UK sectoral balances, 1990 to 2017 86 11.1 The Classical production function 166
6.2 A graphical sectoral balances framework 87 11.2 The Classical labour market equilibrium 167
6.3 Private domestic surpluses and deficits 88 11.3 Unemployment in the Classical labour
6.4 Sustainable space for sovereign market 169
governments 89 11.4 Classical equilibrium output determination 171
6.5 Sustainable space for governments 11.5 Classical interest rate determination 173
constrained by fiscal rules 90 11.6 Increased desire for consumption 174
6.6 A stylised sectoral balance sheet 98 12.1 Keynesian aggregate labour supply
6.7 A uses and sources of funds statement 98 function 187
6.8 A complete sector uses and sources of 12.2 The interdependence of saving and
funds statement 100 investment 189
6.9 A stylised three-sector flow of funds matrix 101 13.1 Keynes’ D-Z aggregate framework 197
xviii List of Figures
14.1 The ‘Classical’ case 207 23.2 Vertical and horizontal macroeconomic
14.2 The ‘Keynesian’ case 208 relations 371
14.3 The ‘underconsumptionist’ case 209 24.1 A simple bilateral foreign exchange market 380
14.4 A generalised macroeconomic demand 24.2 Net exports as a function of constant price
curve for labour 210 national income 387
14.5 Employment and unemployment 212 24.3 Equilibrium national income with a
15.1 Aggregate supply 218 change in world income 390
15.2 The consumption function 222 25.1 Relationship between change in GDP and
15.3 The aggregate demand function 226 gross investment, simple accelerator model 399
15.4 Increase in the intercept of the aggregate 25.2 Marginal efficiency of capital and
demand function with increased investment projects 406
autonomous spending 227 25.3 Minsky’s investment decisions 408
15.5 Changing slope of the aggregate demand 25.4 A stylised economic cycle 414
function with increased marginal 25.5 Australian real GDP growth, 1960 to 2015,
propensity to consume 228 per cent per annum 415
15.6 Planned expenditure and equilibrium 27.1 Chronology of macroeconomics 434
income 229 28.1 Equilibrium in the money market 446
15.7 The multiplier process 231 28.2 Money market equilibria 448
15.8 Impact of a change in government spending 28.3 The impact of an increase in the money
on equilibrium expenditure and income 233 supply from Ms1 to Ms2 448
15.9 Impact of a change in the marginal 28.4 The LM curve 449
propensity to consume on equilibrium 28.5 Product market equilibrium and interest
expenditure and income 236 rate changes 451
16.1 The employment-output function 242 28.6 The derivation of the IS curve 452
16.2 Output, sales and national income 246 28.7 General IS-LM equilibrium 454
16.3 The general aggregate supply function (AS) 247 28.8 Expansionary monetary policy 455
16.4 US manufacturing output per person 28.9 Expansionary fiscal policy 456
employed 1987 to 2017 250 28.10 Fiscal policy and financial crowding out 457
17.1 Velocity of M2 money stock, US, 28.11 The Keynes effect 461
1950–2015 264 28.12 The Pigou effect 463
18.1 The basic Phillips curve 270 31.1 Total, child and age dependency ratios, actual
18.2 The unemployment inflation choice set 271 and projected, 1971 to 2051, Australia 500
18.3 The shifting US Phillips curve, 1948–2015 273 31.2 Current account and fiscal balances,
18.4 The expectations augmented long run Australia 1960–61 to 2015–16, percentage
Phillips curve 276 of GDP 507
18.5 Short and long run Phillips curves 279 31.3 Employment rate and labour productivity,
18.6 Annual Australian unemployment rate, 1970 to 1995, 1970 = 100 526
Treasury and OECD NAIRU estimates, 31.4 Decomposing the increase in US GDP per
1960–2015 284 capita, 1970 to 1995, 1970 = 100 527
18.7 Inflation and unemployment, Australia, 31.5 Decomposing the increase in US GDP per
quarterly data, 1978–2015 287 capita, 1995 to 2007, 1995 = 100 528
18.8 The inflation rate, unemployment and under- 31.6 US employment-to-working age population
employment, Australia, quarterly ratio and unemployment rate, January
data, 1978–2015 288 1990 to April 2017 530
19.1 The sacrifice ratio and disinflation episode 299 31.7 Measures of labour underutilisation,
19.2 Sacrifice ratios with persistence USA, 1994 to 2017, per cent 531
and hysteresis 300 32.1 Financialisation of the US economy 544
19.3 The JG and the Phillips curve 309 32.2 Distribution of average income growth
23.1 Unemployment and inflation rates for during expansions, US, 1949–53 to
Australia, 1980 to 2015, per cent 368 2009–12 545
LIST OF TABLES
2.1 Average annual real GDP growth by decades, per cent 23

2.2 Average unemployment rates by decade, per cent 23
4.1 Items in Australian CPI, March 2016 59
4.2 Hypothetical data for basket of goods and services 60
4.3 Gini coefficients for several OECD nations, 2004 and 2012 64
5.1 OECD underemployment, per cent of labour force, 1990 to 2015 75
5.2 Labour market flows matrix 76
5.3 Gross flows in the US labour market, December 2015 to January 2016, millions 76
5.4 Total inflow and outflow from labour force states, US, December 2015 to
January 2016, millions 77
5.5 Labour market state transition probabilities, US, December 2015 to January 2016 78
7.1 Employment in Australia, 2000–12 113
7.2 Employment indices for Australia, 2000–12 113
7.3 Compound growth rate calculations 116
8.1 Examples of neoclassical macroeconomic metaphors 124
8.2 Examples of MMT macroeconomic metaphors 131
15.1 Consumption ratios, OECD nations, 2010 and 2016, per cent 220
15.2 Expenditure chain volume measures in national accounts (seasonally adjusted),
Australia, 2017 223
15.3 The expenditure multiplier process 234
15.4 Simulating changes in the multiplier components 237
20.1 Balance sheets associated with net government spending ($) 321
21.1 The modified MMT view of government deficit spending 339
23.1 Target interbank rates for developed economies 364
24.1 Australian and US balance of payments, current prices 376
24.2 Comparison of international prices 378
25.1 Total investment ratios for selected countries, per cent of GDP 395
25.2 Capital stock and GDP, various countries, 2010, in local currencies 396
25.3 The simple accelerator model 398
25.4 Time path of investment in simple accelerator model 399
25.5 Time path of net investment in simple accelerator and flexible accelerator
models, d = 0.3; v = 3, and replacement investment = 400 401
25.6 A simple cash flow for an investment project 405
25.7 Changes in output and its components from a permanently higher level of
government spending 417
31.1 GDP per capita, 1960 to 1995, 1970=100, 2011 prices 525
32.1 Share of financial institutions, 1945-2008, percentage of total financial sector assets 542
LIST OF BOXES
2.1 Challenging neoclassical conventions 33

5.1 The collection and publication of labour market statistics 68
7.1 Rules of Algebra 106
9.1 An historical note: Paper notes and redemption taxes in colonial America 138
10.1 Worked Yield Example 150
10.2 The orthodox approach to nominal interest rate determination: the Fisher effect 152
12.1 Is there an inverse relation between employment and real wages? A critique of the
First Postulate 185
12.2 Graphical exposition showing saving and investment are not independent 189
14.1 The Tale of 100 Dogs and 95 Bones 213
15.1 Inventory movements and planned investment 230
16.1 The Perils of Neglecting Innovation 241
17.1 Velocity example 262
17.2 The Scandinavian Model (SM) of inflation 265
18.1 Expectations of inflation: an historical note 274
19.1 Buffer stocks in agriculture 310
28.1 John Hicks on his IS-LM framework 459
29.1 Why didn’t Keynes reject perfect competition in the General Theory? 483
31.1 Case study: Australia 506
32.1 Greenspan admits flawed model 537
32.2 Money manager capitalism (MMC) and the rise of inequality 545
32.3 How the US government’s bailout of Wall Street promoted inequality and rewarded
bad behaviour 546
ABOUT THE AUTHORS
William Mitchell
William Mitchell is Professor of Economics at the University of Newcastle, NSW, Australia, Director of the Centre
of Full Employment and Equity (CofFEE) and a Docent Professor of Global Political Economy at the University of
Helsinki, Finland.
William is the author of various books, the most recent being Eurozone Dystopia (Elgar, 2015) and Reclaiming
the State (Pluto, 2017). He has published widely in refereed academic journals and books in the areas of
macroeconomics, labour market studies, econometric modelling, regional economics and economic develop-
ment. He has received regular competitive research grant support and has extensive experience as a consultant to
the Australian Government, trade unions and community organisations, and several international organisations
(including the European Commission; the International Labour Organisation and the Asian Development Bank).
William maintains a high commitment to community activities, and regularly provides media commentary on
economics. He is one of the founders of Modern Monetary Theory (MMT).
L. Randall Wray
L. Randall Wray is a Professor of Economics at Bard College and Senior Scholar at the Levy Economics Institute
of Bard College, NY. He is a past-president of the Association for Institutionalist Thought (AFIT) and has served
on the board of directors of the Association for Evolutionary Economics (AFEE). A student of Hyman P. Minsky,
Randall has focused on monetary theory and policy, macroeconomics, financial instability, and employment
policy. He is one of the founders of MMT.
Randall is the co-editor (with Jan Kregel) of the Journal of Post Keynesian Economics. His books include Modern
Money Theory: A Primer on Macroeconomics for Sovereign Monetary Systems (Palgrave, 2012; second revised edi-
tion, 2015); Understanding Modern Money: The Key to Full Employment and Price Stability (Elgar, 1998) and Money
and Credit in Capitalist Economies: The Endogenous Money Approach (Elgar, 1990). He edited Theories of Money
and Banking (two volumes, Elgar, 2012) and Credit and State Theories of Money: The Contributions of A. Mitchell
Innes (Elgar, 2004). He co-authored (with Eric Tymoigne) The Rise and Fall of Money Manager Capitalism; Minsky’s
Half-Century: From World War Two to the Great Recession (Routledge, 2013).
Randall’s newest book is Why Minsky Matters (Princeton University Press, 2016), and he is currently editing an
unfinished book manuscript by the late Hyman Minsky.
Martin Watts
Martin Watts is Emeritus Professor of Economics at the University of Newcastle, NSW, Australia, and Research
Associate of the Centre of Full Employment and Equity (CofFEE). He was previously employed at Monash
University (1975–90).
Martin has published widely in refereed academic journals and written many book chapters in the area of
macroeconomics, the conceptualisation and measurement of segregation and spatial modelling. He has regularly
received competitive research grant funding and has extensive teaching experience, primarily in labour econom-
ics and macroeconomics.
ABOUT THE BOOK
Macroeconomics has eight parts. In Part A Introduction and Measurement, we introduce students to the subject
matter of macroeconomics, and how it differs from microeconomics (Chapter 1). We note that it is a highly con-
tested discipline, and that macroeconomic reasoning can be blighted by the fallacy of composition. The impor-
tance of developing skills of critical thinking is emphasised (Chapter 2). In Chapter 3, we place capitalism in
context by a brief overview of economic history in which its rise to prominence is explored. Every discipline has
its own language in the form of concepts and theories that provide the basis for understanding, and not merely
describing, the relevant phenomena. To this end, we develop some initial conceptual understanding of national
accounts, the labour market and sectoral balances (Chapters 4–6). Concepts and theories can also be depicted
and understood through the development of formal mathematical models. Some introductory mathematical
material is provided in Chapter 7. Students need to recognise the importance of framing and language in learning
macroeconomics (Chapter 8).
In Part B Currency and Banking, we explain why a fiat currency is valued and is acceptable in domestic transac-
tions. The distinction between fixed and floating exchange rate regimes and their significance for the conduct of
macroeconomic policy is explained. Students are provided with an understanding of how IOUs are created and
extinguished (Chapter 9). The focus is money and banking in Chapter 10. The definitions of the money supply
and financial assets are outlined. The important distinction between the MMT and orthodox representations of
the process of credit creation by banks is highlighted. Also, students are introduced to simplified balance sheets,
which provide important insights as to the operation of the financial system.
In Part C National Income, Output and Employment Determination, a number of models are outlined, begin-
ning with the Classical system which still influences macroeconomic theory and policy today (Chapter 11). This is
followed by Keynes’ rebuttal of Classical theory due to major flaws in its analysis of both interest rate and employ-
ment determination (Chapter 12) and his demonstration that employment and output depend on expected
effective demand (Chapter 13). The macroeconomic demand for labour is argued to be a derived demand and it is
shown that macroeconomic equilibrium can be characterised by unemployment (Chapter 14). Part C concludes
with the presentation of the real expenditure model (Chapter 15) and a detailed analysis of mark-up pricing
theory which provides a rationale for firms acting as quantity adjusters in the short run in the real expenditure
model.
In Part D Unemployment and Inflation: Theory and Policy, we first define inflation and go on to argue that it
emanates from a conflict over the distribution of income. We highlight the deficiencies of the Quantity Theory
of Money (Chapter 17). In Chapter 18 the early Phillips Curve debate is outlined, and this is followed by a criti-
cal analysis of the expectations augmented Phillips Curve which continues to have a profound influence on the
conduct of macroeconomic policy in developed economies more than 40 years later. Students are also exposed to
recent advances in the Phillips curve literature which include hysteresis and hence the importance of the duration
of unemployment, and also the role of underemployment. Most policymakers continue to utilise a buffer stock
of unemployment to counter inflationary pressure. Chapter 19 explores the merits of a Job Guarantee which is
based on an employment buffer stock and is designed to achieve both full employment and price stability in
concert with other macroeconomic policies.
About the Book xxiii
In Part E Economic Policy in an Open Economy, we start with an introductory outline of the roles of the treasury
and central bank. Typically, liquidity management by the central bank must accompany the operation of fiscal
policy. We argue that a necessary condition for the capacity to conduct independent monetary policy is currency
sovereignty. Also, the design of the taxation system should be motivated by equity and behavioural objectives
and not revenue raising. In Chapter 21, the competing views about the conduct of fiscal policy associated with
the deficit hawks, doves and owls are outlined. The crowding out arguments are presented and rejected. In addi-
tion, the alleged link between stimulatory fiscal policy and hyperinflation is assessed. We develop the concepts of
fiscal space and fiscal sustainability in Chapter 22. A floating exchange rate is shown to maximise fiscal space, and
we demonstrate that a government which operates with a sovereign currency can never face a crisis associated
with public debt sustainability. Chapter 23 is devoted to an analysis of the operation of monetary policy by the
central bank and its impact on the macroeconomy. The final chapter in Part E outlines the components of the
balance of payments and their interrelationship. We make the distinction between nominal and real exchange
rates. The real expenditure model (introduced in Chapter 15) is extended in Chapter 24 to incorporate foreign
trade and the impact of changes in the exchange rate.
Part F explores Economic Instability, with the focus in Chapter 25 being the role of investment due to the
operation of both the multiplier and the accelerator. The insights gained from the modelling of investment are
examined in the context of policies to stabilise the economy. In Chapter 26, Marxist and other heterodox theories
of crisis which are financial in their origins are presented, with a particular focus on Minsky’s financial instability
hypothesis, which has the counter-intuitive conclusion that remedial policies enacted by treasury and the central
bank can further weaken the financial system, and make it more prone to crisis.
Part G is entitled History of Macroeconomic Thought and starts with an overview of the history of economic
thought, commencing with Smith and then covering the neoclassicists of the late 19th century. A chronology
is presented which shows when particular economic principles were developed and how they have been incor-
porated (or rejected) by later schools of thought. Chapter 28 is devoted to a thorough examination of a very
influential body of theoretical work: IS-LM analysis. Policy options are analysed within the IS-LM framework, and
also the macroeconomics consequences of wage/price flexibility. Finally, the limitations of the IS-LM framework
are documented. In Chapter 29 modern schools of economic thought are outlined and assessed. In particular,
New Classical, Real Business Cycle and New Keynesian perspectives are developed, along with modern heterodox
approaches.
The final three chapters comprise Part H Contemporary Policy Debates. In Chapter 30, we outline the new mon-
etary consensus in macroeconomics. This body of economic thought can be viewed as the post-Global Financial
Crisis consolidation of the modern orthodox schools of thought. In the following chapter, five contemporary
policy debates are analysed through an MMT lens. These are (i) Ageing, Social Security, and the Intergenerational
Debate; (ii) the Twin Deficits Hypothesis; (iii) Balance of Payments Constraints and Currency Crises; (iv) Fixed
versus Flexible Exchange Rates: Optimal Currency Areas, the Bancor, or Floating Rates; and (v) Environmental
Sustainability and Economic Growth. In Chapter 32, the key deficiencies of mainstream macroeconomics are
identified; shortcomings that meant that its supporters did not foresee the Global Financial Crisis (GFC). By con-
trast, we outline the reasons why MMT advocates both anticipated the GFC and recognised the design faults of
the European Monetary Union. In the final chapter, the key building blocks of a robust macroeconomic model
for the future are outlined. These include stock flow consistency, an understanding of the significance of a fiat
currency, the role of the central bank with respect to liquidity management and its inability to directly control the
volume of bank lending, and a recognition that the choice of the exchange rate regime is crucial in determining
the extent to which a government can exercise discretion in policymaking.
TOUR OF THE BOOK
CHAPTER
24
POLICY IN AN OPEN ECONOMY:
EXCHANGE RATES, BALANCE
OF PAYMENTS AND
COMPETITIVENESS
Chapter Outline Chapter Outline
24.1 Introduction
24.2 The Balance of Payments Each Chapter Outline signposts its top level
24.3 Essential Concepts
24.4 Aggregate Demand and the External Sector Revisited subheadings on the first page to indicate what
24.5 Trade in Goods and Services, Product Market Equilibrium and the Trade Balance
24.6 Capital Controls
you will cover, while Learning Objectives are
Conclusion also listed to flag up the most important take
References
home messages to consider.
Learning Objectives
• Understand the components of the balance of payments and their interrelationship.
• Acknowledge the distinction between the nominal and real exchange rates.
• Analyse the role of trade in the determination of equilibrium national income.
Boxed Text BOX 7.1 RULES OF ALGEBRA
General boxed text includes digressions from, Addition and subtraction

In general, what we add to or subtract from one side of the equation, we have to add to or subtract
and extra discussion of, material mentioned in from the other side to maintain the equality.
Given an equation y = x, then we know that the equivalent expression is y ± z = x ± z. So, for
the main text. example, y = x is equivalent to y + 2 = x + 2.
We can also substitute an expression from one equation into another and maintain equivalence.
For example, we might have y = 2x, and x = 6z. In this case, it is equivalent to write
y = 2(6z) = 12z.
Multiplication and division

Given an equation y = x, then we know that the equivalent expression is 3y = 3x or y/3 = x/3. If we
multiply or divide the left-hand side of the equation by a variable (or more complex algebraic
expression) then we have to multiply or divide the right-hand side of the equation by the same
variable (or expression). Dividing by zero is not allowed, however, and multiplying by zero is not
very helpful!
Reminder Boxes
REMINDER BOX
The sustainable goal for a government should be to maintain full employment and price
Reminder Boxes indicate
stability and allow its fiscal balance to adjust accordingly to ensure aggregate demand is wherever new learning or
consistent with those goals. A sovereign, currency-issuing government can always meet discussion requires you to
those goals if it chooses.
revisit ideas from previous
chapters.
To u r o f t h e b o o k xxv
Try It Yourself
TRY IT YOURSELF
You might like to input the data into a spreadsheet and compute the present value of the revenue Try It Yourself boxes invite you
stream in Equation (25.13) using a discount rate of 15.1 per cent. You should verify that it is equal to take on worked examples
to $10,000, which is exactly the present value of the initial outlay. The actual result you get may not
equal $10,000 exactly but this is due the approximate iterative solutions used by the spreadsheet. or simple exercises to illustrate
newly-covered material.
Conclusion, References and Endnotes

Conclusion
Conclusion, References and any Endnotes over a quarter of a century after the Second World War. While supposedly a “Keynesian” approach, in reality it was
largely based on orthodox economics. It used a simplistic IS-LM model that was based on simultaneous clearing
appear as shaded text at the end of each chapter. in the money and goods markets. Deviations from a full employment equilibrium could occur, but market mech-
anisms would (eventually) move the economy to full employment. Not only did this view dominate in academia,
but it also formed the basis of much policymaking.
Because of policy, predictive, and theoretical failures, the IS-LM model was gradually dropped by academics
(although it still resides in the minds of many policymakers and a few influential professors of economics). In
Chapter 30 we will discuss the New Macroeconomic Consensus model that has replaced IS-LM as the domin-
ant model. We will see that while there are differences between the two, there remains a similar equilibrium
framework.
References
Econometrica, 1(4), 337–57.
Foley, D.K. (1975) “On Two Specifications of Asset Equilibrium in Macroeconomic Models”, Journal of Political Economy,
83(2), 303–24.
Hicks, J.R. (1937) “Mr. Keynes and the ‘Classics’; A Suggested Interpretation”, Econometrica, 5(2), 147–59.
, 51(135), 365–7.
Hicks, J. (1980) “IS-LM: ‘An Explanation’”, Journal of Post Keynesian Economics, 3(2), 139–54.
Holmes, A. (1969) “Operational Constraints on the Stabilization of Money Supply Growth. In Controlling Monetary
Aggregates”, Federal Reserve Bank of Boston, 65–77.
Kalecki, M. (1944) “Professor Pigou on the ‘Classical Stationary State’ A Comment”,
Minsky, H. (1982) “Debt Deflation Processes in Today’s Institutional Environment”, Banca Nazionale del Lavoro Quarterly
Review, 143, 377–93.
Endnotes
1. In Figure 28.4, the upward sloping section of the LM curve is shown as being linear. It is upward sloping, but not
necessarily linear.
2. Dennis Robertson, who worked closely with Keynes at Cambridge University in the 1930s, coined the term liquidity
trap.
Visit the companion website at www.macmillanihe.com/mitchell-macro for additional resources

including author videos, an instructor’s manual, worked examples, tutorial questions, additional
references, the data sets used in constructing various graphs in the text, and more.
PREFACE
This book presents a comprehensive, university level study course in Macroeconomics from a Modern Monetary
Theory (MMT) perspective.
Our approach is grounded in the operations of real world institutions, and our approach clearly identifies the
policymaking capacity of central governments. The pedagogy thus starts by putting the currency-issuing govern-
ment at the forefront.
We want students to understand how a modern monetary system operates, how the government and non-
government sectors interact, how the central bank and the banks interact, how the labour market works, how
trade and capital flows impact on economic outcomes and much more.
Students will appreciate what the capacities of a currency-issuing government are and how fiscal and mon-
etary policy can be used purposefully to enhance the well-being of the nation.
Unlike earlier pluralist approaches to macroeconomics in which the teaching sequence begins with an exposi-
tion of the standard mainstream macroeconomics (dominated by the New Keynesian approach) and only then
qualifies that conceptual structure and framing with some ‘real world’ criticisms and quibbles, we feel students
are better informed if we build the narrative from the ground up, based on an understanding of how the mon-
etary system actually operates. In adopting that approach, we are informed by our view that the mainstream
macroeconomic approach does not provide coherent knowledge upon which to understand those real world
monetary operations.
We believe that students who are taught in the mainstream tradition are introduced to concepts and explana-
tions of how the monetary system operates which are simply incorrect when applied to the real world. The con-
sequences of these major flaws of reasoning have, at times, been devastating. Just think about the Global Financial
Crisis (GFC). Mainstream economists did not see it coming, and, when the world was on the precipice of a total
financial collapse, many advocated government spending cuts to maintain low fiscal deficits. Alternatively, think
about the intractable problems within the Eurozone – problems that were identified by MMT economists even
before the launch of the euro, but which still are beyond the grasp of mainstream economists.
Among other mistakes, the mainstream approach was used to form predictions that quantitative easing would
lead to accelerating inflation. It was thought that the rising fiscal deficits would push up interest rates and bond
yields, and that governments would run out of money. Also, that adoption of the euro would allow European
nations to converge toward high and sustainable growth rates with rising living standards for everyone. None of
those predictions turned out to be accurate, yet governments that listened to this sort of advice forced millions
of workers to lose their jobs and ensured that economic recovery would be a long, drawn-out and painful process.
The literature shows that economists working in the MMT tradition were much more prescient in understand-
ing why the GFC occurred and why it quickly led to an even worse crisis in the euro area, and what the likely
outcomes of the subsequent government interventions would be.
We thus believe that an approach that starts with a sound understanding of how the monetary system works
and the capacities of the government as the currency issuer within it – the hallmark of the MMT approach – pro-
vides a much sounder platform for students to learn about the economy.
While we present a detailed descriptive understanding of the day-to-day operations of economic institutions
(government, the central bank, commercial banks, households, firms, trading entities, and so on), we are also
Preface xxvii
mindful of the past. In order to provide students with a contextual perspective, we also introduce them to a rich
historical analysis, both in terms of the history of economic thought itself, and the economic history of nations.
There is much to learn from history. Many of the current debates about policy options are just repeats of debates
of yesteryear. More pointedly, some of the resulting propositions being offered today were already categorically
shown to be poor options in the past. We believe that students need to be aware of these issues, so as to be better
informed of the viable policy options available to government.
We believe the concepts drawn from cognitive sciences such as framing and language are important compo-
nents in conducting an informed economic narrative and in report writing. In that context, a highly innovative
feature of the book is to show students how we use language to frame economic narratives, to convey economic
concepts and form policy options. In this way, we place macroeconomics in a broader social science context,
which we consider enriches the learning experience for students.
We have not shied away from recognising the benefits of formality: the use of mathematics and statistical
techniques. The book provides a solid introduction to more technical aspects of the subject – students will gain
knowledge of mathematical techniques, not for their own sake, but because they help us gain a more effective
understanding of the material covered.
Further, students will learn how to deal with real world data and apply that knowledge to real world situations.
We see that as being essential preparation for students once they enter the professional stage of their lives and are
required to prepare meaningful economic commentary.
Macroeconomics is an exciting area of study not the least because it has a profound influence on our everyday
lives and the prosperity of our nations.
We want students who use this book to gain a thorough knowledge of the field of macroeconomics in order
to equip them with the skills necessary to make sense of the important macroeconomic debates and to be able
to constructively participate in those debates.
We hope you enjoy the journey.
William F. Mitchell
L. Randall Wray
Martin J. Watts
October 2018
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
The overall project encapsulated in this book is dedicated to the millions of nameless unemployed workers who
have been denied the opportunity to live fulfilled lives by the implementation of neoliberal economic policies
abetted by orthodox economists who, unfortunately, bear none of the costs of their folly.
The authors would like to specially acknowledge the valuable administrative and editorial assistance they
received from Melinda Hannan (at CofFEE).
The authors have appreciated great feedback from many students at the University of Missouri-Kansas City
and at the University of Newcastle who have been exposed to this material as it has evolved.
They also would like to thank the input and guidance arising from countless discussions with colleagues,
including Warren Mosler, Mat Forstater, Stephanie Kelton, Pavlina Tcherneva, Eric Tymoigne, Yeva Nersisyan,
Flavia Dantas, James Juniper, Andrew Nadolny, Tim Sharpe, John Henry, Jan Kregel, Steve Fazzari, Wynne Godley,
and Hyman Minsky.
On a personal note, Bill would like to thank Louisa for her constant support, critical oversight and love. Randy
would like to thank Shona, Xinhua, Shane, Alina, and Allison for their patience. Martin would like to acknowledge
the forbearance of Linda, Rachel, Ben and Clare who expected the textbook to be finished some years ago! Also,
Martin thanks niece Gemma who has maintained her interest in this project, despite her disciplinary areas of
expertise being law and psychology!
While many have offered help and advice, all errors remain the responsibility of the authors.
WEBSITE MATERIALS
Companion Website
Visit the book’s companion website at www.macmillanihe.com/mitchell-macro for extra resources to support
and enhance your teaching and learning:
For Students:
• videos covering each major topic
• statistical data sets for recreating and experimenting with the graphs from the book
• additional further reading, weblinks and reference resources
For Lecturers:
• a Testbank of assessment questions
• a Lecturer Guide for using Macroeconomics in your teaching and module planning
Part A
Introduction and Measurement
cHaPter
1 IntroductIon
Chapter Outline
1.1 What is economics? two Views
1.2 economics and the Public Purpose
1.3 What is Macroeconomics?
Conclusion
references
Learning Objectives
• understand that macroeconomics analyses the behaviour of aggregates, such as
employment, unemployment, GdP and inflation, whereas microeconomics studies the
behaviour of individual economic agents, notably households and firms.
• recognise that macroeconomics is a contested discipline with two broad schools of
thought that differ in terms of their perspectives on the effectiveness of markets and
the role of government.
• acknowledge that social science disciplines and physical science disciplines each have
their own language in the form of concepts and theories, and these provide the basis
for understanding, and not merely describing, relevant phenomena.
1.1 What is Economics? Two Views

uS President Harry Truman is said to have sought a one-armed economist because he was so frustrated by his
economic advisors always telling him, “Well, on the one hand, we could do X, but on the other hand, we could
instead do Y” – with ‘Y’ typically being the precise opposite policy to ‘X’.
The story is of course funny, but it does highlight a problem that is ubiquitous to all social sciences.
unfortunately, economics is sometimes relegated to something like the ‘study of business decision making’, or
even just a branch of mathematics, a view enabled in part by the heavy use of mathematics and models in much
of the discipline. This view of economics as a ‘decision science’ assumes a highly artificial hypothesised world of
hyper-rational automatons that consistently act to maximise pleasure and avoid pain. If this were true, of course
it would have been easy for Truman’s advisors to have come up with the one ‘right’ policy to follow.
1 • Introduction 3
This textbook will instead take a broader perspective of the discipline of economics, by including it within
the social sciences. As Truman’s experience illustrates, economics is as difficult as the other social sciences, such
as psychology and political science, because it too concerns human behaviour, taking place in a sphere that we
designate as ‘the economy’, which itself is hard to define and to delineate from other arenas of human interac-
tion. Since the main topic of the social sciences – human behaviour – is complex, we often do not understand
its causes, or even its nature, and much less do we know how to influence it in a desired manner. Even if we know
the result we would like to achieve (say, smarter and happier kids), we do not know with certainty which policy
choices would produce the desired outcome.
While we may think it is useful to separate ‘the economy’ from the rest of social life, and to apply ‘economics’
to the study of that area of life, we recognise that the division is necessarily arbitrary. In truth, there is no com-
pletely separate sphere of ‘economic life’, meaning that economics is linked to, and incorporates findings from,
the other social science disciplines.
Further, we want to stress that there is no single ‘right’ way to do economics. In this textbook we will use a
variety of methods and approaches to build our understanding of ‘the economy’. We will occasionally bring in
research and methods from other disciplines. We will use some mathematics and modelling. Because we believe
that economic history, as well as the history of economic thought, helps us to understand today’s economy, we
will look back in time, both in terms of economic events and to examine the insights of the great thinkers of
the past.
In the rest of this section we will briefly outline the two main approaches to economics taken by those think-
ers, as well as by today’s economists. It is always risky to pigeonhole individuals and their theories into categories.
Just as a politician in any political party (say, the Labor Party in Australia, or the Republican Party in America) will
hold many views that are shared by most members of that party, they will likely also hold some views that are
more consistent with those of a rival party. This is true of economists too. Still, it is useful to identify the two broad
approaches to economics that have dominated much of the debate over the past two centuries.
Recalling the story about President Truman’s frustration, we can think of the ‘two hands’ of economics as the
orthodox, or neoclassical approach, of which a number of related strands have emerged, and the heterodox or
Keynesian/Institutionalist/Marxist approach, which also is a ‘broad church’. Let us examine each in turn, while
recognising that we must generalise.
Orthodox, neoclassical approach

In the neoclassical approach, an important assumption about human nature is made: individuals seek to max-
imise pleasure and avoid pain. Pleasure is defined as ‘utility’, so individuals pursue utility-maximising behaviour
and avoid the ‘disutility’ of pain. Further, rational individuals are self-interested, seeking to maximise their own
utility, and they do not receive either utility or disutility from the experiences of others. Neoclassical economics
presumes individuals are ‘rational’, meaning that they maximise utility, given constraints. If there were no con-
straints, neoclassical thinking indicates that individuals would maximise utility to infinity. However, individuals
are constrained by the resources that they have at their disposal, which are referred to in neoclassical economics
as ‘individual resource endowments’. Mutually beneficial exchange redistributes resources according to prefer-
ences, increasing the utility of both parties to the trade.
In the hypothesised free market, exchanges take place at competitively determined relative prices. (Relative
prices are ratios; for example: one deer = three beavers = six rabbits = two bushels of wheat = ten hours of labour
services.) Participants in markets take relative prices as signals. Relative scarcity will cause the price of a traded
commodity to rise, inducing suppliers to produce more of it, and buyers to demand less. For example, if the sup-
ply of students trained in economics is insufficient to meet the demand for economists, the relative wage of econ-
omists to that of historians, say, rises. This signals to students that they ought to switch from the study of history
to the study of economics. At the same time, employers try to find acceptably close – but cheaper – substitutes;
say, political science students. As the supply of economists increases, the relative wage advantage for students
trained in economics falls. Of course, other factors enter into decisions, but the important point is that relative
prices function as signals to both suppliers (economics students) and demanders (employers of economists).
4 I ntro d u c tion an d M eas u rement
Equilibrium is defined as the set of relative prices that ‘clear’ markets; a ‘general equilibrium’ is a complete
set of prices to clear all markets. Adam Smith’s famous metaphor of an invisible hand is invoked to explain
how markets are guided toward equilibrium prices. One interpretation of the ‘invisible hand’ analogy is that
by producing market clearing prices, the market provides the signals that guide individuals to maximise their
utility while also providing the social or public good of ensuring that demand and supply are equilibrated. To
understand the invisible hand idea, we could envision a farmers’ market held in the public square on a weekend.
The farmers bring their fruits and vegetables early on Saturday morning, advertising the prices at which they are
willing to make sales. Over the course of the day, some discover they’ve set them too low (facing a brisk pace
of sales that would deplete their inventory too soon) while others have set them too high. At the same time,
consumers adjust their reservation prices (the maximum they will pay for a given quantity/quality) as well as
their desired quantities in light of offer prices. Prices are adjusted over the weekend to try to maximise revenue
while ensuring the farmers do not have to cart home unsold produce. In this narrative, rational behaviour by
producers and consumers will adjust prices so that ‘supply equals demand’; that is, all fruits and vegetables have
been sold.
The hand is ‘invisible’, guiding individuals and the economy as a whole toward equilibrium, with no need of
an authority. For that reason, there is little need for the government to manage the economy. While it is a bit of
an analytical leap, the next step in this ‘free market’ narrative is to stretch the market analogy to the economy as
a whole. Surely if all prices and wages were flexible, every market, including the markets for labour of every kind
of skill, would clear, with demand equalling supply in each of the markets? Would it be rational for any individual
supplier or demander to stubbornly refuse the guidance provided by the invisible hand? It seems that the overall
economy might reach a grand general equilibrium with a set of prices and wages (one for each type of product
or input to production) that clears every market.
Certainly government has some role to play in setting and enforcing rules, in providing national security, and
(perhaps) for providing a social safety net. But according to this interpretation of Smith, there is no need for the
government to direct individuals to serve the public interest because by reacting to price signals and pursuing
their own interests, individuals actually act in the public interest.
There is one more important conclusion to be reached by neoclassical economics: “you deserve what you get”.
If we all come to the free market to make mutually beneficial exchanges, we are all seeking to maximise our own
individual utility subject to our resource constraints. The equilibrium allocation can be construed as being ‘fair’.
That does not mean that the allocation is equal. Some will have more (and achieve greater utility) and others will
have less but that is because some start with greater endowments (of resources, ability, and drive).
Technically, the idea is that one receives an allocation of resources based on one’s own contribution to the
market. If your final allocation is low, it is because you did not bring enough to market: perhaps you were born
with few resources, you made a constrained choice to obtain little education, and you prefer leisure over work. In
other words, you have no one to blame for your meagre allocation but yourself.
To be sure, neoclassical economics also allows for bad luck, congenital disabilities, and so on. Hence, there is
a role for social policy to get involved in altering the allocation in order to protect the poorest and least advan-
taged. However, generally speaking, allocations ought to be left to the market because it will reward each partici-
pant according to their productive contributions to the market; a dimension of fairness.
In recent years, the neoclassical approach to economics has been invoked in support of the conservative
backlash against post-Second World War economic and social reforms in Western nations. (This movement is
generally called ‘neoliberal’ outside the USA or ‘neoconservative’ within the USA.) This ‘anti-government’ stance
is closely associated with the terms in office of President Ronald Reagan in the USA and Prime Minister Margaret
Thatcher in the UK. When running for President in 1980, Reagan promised to “get the government off the backs
of the people”, while Thatcher was famous for arguing that there is no such thing as society, reflecting the indi-
vidualistic framework shared by neoclassical economics.
Downsizing government, and especially reducing the social safety net, is consistent with the view that govern-
ment only needs to ‘get the incentives right’, and then the ‘free market’ will maximise individual welfare while the
invisible hand will ensure that signals coming from markets guide individuals to do what is best for the economy
as a whole.
While neoliberal/neoconservative policies are most closely associated with conservative political parties, even
the moderate and social democratic parties adopted these policies throughout the 1990s and 2000s. For example,
US President Clinton (a Democrat) echoed President Reagan’s distaste for social welfare programmes when he
promised to “end welfare as we know it” in his 1992 election campaign. He eliminated the biggest anti-poverty
programme (Aid to Families with Dependent Children) and replaced it with a term-limited programme that tried
to force aid recipients to work for their benefits (‘workfare’ rather than ‘welfare’).
Outside the USA other left-wing parties such as the Labour Party in the UK pursued similar strategies (such
as ‘work for the dole’). Many European social democratic parties have overseen the fiscal austerity, privatisation
and deregulation that have occurred in the Economic and Monetary Union (the ‘Eurozone’). Neoclassical eco-
nomic theory provided strong justification for these economic and social policy changes as politicians invoked
the so-called benefits of a greater reliance on ‘market outcomes’ while reducing ‘government interference’ in the
workings of the ‘invisible hand’.
Since the 1980s, the neoclassical domination of the public debate has been so powerful that most political
parties, at least in terms of economic policy, have fallen into step with these ideas. We shall see that many of the
policy decisions that were based on an adherence to this school of thought have led to poor outcomes.
Finally, let us turn to the neoclassical definition of economics, as it provides a very nice summary of the
approach taken.
Neoclassical Definition of Economics: the study of the allocation of scarce resources

among unlimited wants.
This definition is often framed as ‘the economic problem’ – that is, while resources are scarce, our wants are
unlimited. The ‘problem’ is that we cannot ever satisfy our wants. While we all try to ‘maximise utility’, resource
constraints prevent us from ever achieving maximal bliss. For this reason, many call economics ‘the dismal
science’ in recognition of the unsolvable nature of ‘the problem’.
Another statement commonly attributed to economists is that “there’s no such thing as a free lunch”,
which also derives from the neoclassical definition of economics. In other words, since resources are scarce,
there is always a trade-off. If we move resources from one use to another, we necessarily reduce enjoyment
of the first use in favour of enjoyment of the second. For example, if we want to have more ‘guns’, we must
have less ‘butter’, and if we want to improve the standard of living enjoyed by ‘Bob’, we must reduce the living
standard of ‘Jill’.
Strictly speaking, this would be true only at full employment of all resources. However, with the invisible hand
guiding the allocation of resources, flexible relative prices ensure that all scarce resources are fully employed. The
idea is that prices will always fall until supply equals demand so that no resource is left idle.
Note also that the trade-off might only be temporary. For example, if we move resources out of the produc-
tion of consumption goods and into the production of investment goods that raise productive capacity, then in
the future we can have (produce) more consumer goods. Through economic growth we can increase the level
of production so that both ‘Bob’ and ‘Jill’ can have more. This does not contradict the admonition that there is
no free lunch, however. If we are to have more production in the future, we need to be willing to sacrifice some
consumption today.
We will have much more to say about the neoclassical approach later in the text. However, it is time to move
on to the alternative approach.
Heterodox approach – Keynesian/Institutionalist/Marxist

There is a second, important tradition in economics that adopts a quite different framework. Unfortunately,
there is no strong consensus about what to call it. Sometimes it is called ‘non-orthodox’, which appears to define
it in opposition to ‘orthodox’ or neoclassical economics. In recent years, many of those working in this tradition
have settled on the term ‘heterodox’, but that adjective too is usually defined as ‘not in agreement with accepted
beliefs’. Yet from the end of the Second World War until the early 1970s, those views now labelled ‘heterodox’
economics were actually dominant, and it was the ‘orthodox’ views that could be considered ‘unorthodox’ in the
sense that they were not the majority opinion!
Further, while all orthodox theorists substantially accept the tenets of neoclassical theory, ‘heterodoxy’ is
made up of a number of well-established and coherent economic schools of thought.1 While these share a com-
mon approach, they also deviate from one another in important ways. The three most important of these schools
of thought are the Marxist (following the work of Karl Marx), the Institutionalist (following the work of Thorstein
Veblen), and the Keynesian (followers of John Maynard Keynes).2
What are we to do? In spite of the semantic objections we have raised, we will conform to the convention and
call this second approach the heterodox or Keynesian/Institutionalist/Marxist approach. Let us examine their
shared framework.
First, according to this approach there is no such thing as ‘natural’ human behaviour; rather, it is shaped and
changed by institutions, culture and society. There is nothing inherently ‘natural’ about self-interested (or better,
‘selfish’) behaviour, nor would such behaviour be ‘rational’ in the neoclassical sense. Humans are social animals
and in many cultures, selfish behaviour is punished and selfish individuals are ostracised. Since human survival
requires cooperation, selfishness would actually be irrational because losing the support and resources of the
group would reduce one’s chances of survival. In all known societies, elaborate rituals and traditions have evolved
to promote cooperation and even sacrifice for the common good.
Human behaviour varies significantly across societies, and the economic system is one factor that helps to
determine appropriate behaviour within any particular society. Self-interested behaviour is more acceptable in
some societies than in others. It is not a coincidence that neoclassical economic theory was developed largely in
Western capitalist societies, and particularly in the UK. The ‘rational’ behaviour attributed by neoclassical econo-
mists to all humans actually forms a reasonably accurate description of the behaviour of early British capitalists.
In the social environment in which they operated, pursuit of their own self-interest without regard to the
welfare of others (especially that of their employees) may have increased their probability of success as capitalists.
Further, they operated in a hostile political climate in which the Crown and the land-owning aristocracy wanted
to protect the dominance of an agrarian economy that favoured them, and to maintain or even increase their
own share of the nation’s rather feeble output. Government ‘intervention’ was almost always a bad thing from
the perspective of the first capitalists because government operated substantially in the interest of the Crown
and the aristocracy.
We will not go into economic history now. What we wish to emphasise is that human behaviour is surprisingly
malleable and influenced in a complex manner by custom and tradition.
Furthermore, we cannot know for certain that any action we take is truly ‘utility maximising’. Should I buy the
Renault or the Mazda motor car? After the decision has been made I might have a better idea of the better choice
with the passage of time, but it is more probable that, even a decade down the road, I will not know which would
have been best. Obviously, that choice is relatively unimportant and simple compared to most economic choices
one must make. In truth, we almost never know whether we made the right decision for ‘maximising’ utility, even
with hindsight.
According to the heterodox approach, decisions and behaviour depend on a range of other factors, including
uncertainty, power, discrimination, prejudice and segregation. The range of options that are realistically available
to individuals depends on their status, social class, race, religion and gender, for example. These ‘noneconomic’
factors heavily influence and even constrain our choices.
Heterodox economists of all persuasions reject the notion that economic outcomes are arbitrated by an
impersonal market that only seeks to equilibrate ‘demand and supply’. In the real world, market prices are largely
administered by firms with market power. Wages are set not to ‘clear’ the labour market, but rather to reflect the
outcome of contested bargaining processes between workers and the representatives of capital. Capitalism is a
system defined by class conflict. In general, workers want to earn as much as they can for the effort they expend,
while bosses want workers to produce as much as they can while paying them as little as possible. And, as will
be discussed later, unemployment cannot be eliminated through wage reductions that eliminate excess labour
supply; indeed, wage reductions can reduce the demand for labour and thus increase unemployment. More
generally, wages and other prices are not simply signals of the invisible hand, but rather determine incomes and
thus influence business sales and decisions going forward. For that reason, price and wage determination are not
usually left to the invisible hand of the market.
Heterodoxy holds a different view of the so-called ‘economic problem’ of scarce resources and unlimited wants.
Wants are largely socially created, and there is nothing natural about humans having ‘unlimited’ wants. While it
is true that modern advertising operates to continually expand our desires, this can be countered through educa-
tion. Further, resources are also largely socially created. While it is true that some natural resources have a limited
supply, innovations continually produce substitutes. For example, Western societies faced their first major energy
crisis in the 19th century when whalers had significantly reduced the number of whales, the source of whale oil
used for lighting and other purposes. However, the production of petroleum and then electricity quickly replaced
the need for whale oil.
Moreover, the most important resource in any economy is labour. Ironically, in capitalist economies labour
is virtually always in excess supply, that is, many workers are left unemployed. It is ironic that neoclassical eco-
nomics starts from the presumption that resources are scarce, when the obvious empirical fact is that labour is
underutilised. Any theory that begins with the presumption that labour is always fully employed, and hence
scarce, is ignoring a glaring inconsistency.
Let us look at the heterodox definition of economics.
Heterodox Definition of Economics: the study of social creation and social distribution of
society’s resources.
Note that unlike the orthodox definition, heterodoxy focuses on the creation of resources. Further, most of that
creation is a collective undertaking rather than an individual one: people work together to produce society’s
resources. Distribution too is socially determined, rather than being determined by a technical relation (one’s
contribution to the production process). For example, labour unions engage in collective bargaining with their
employers, who themselves band together to keep wages low.
The political process is also important in determining distribution; not only does government directly provide
income to (employ or support) large segments of society, but it also puts in place minimum wages, benefits, and
working conditions that must be met by employers. Government is also a creator of resources; it is not just a user
of them. It organises and funds innovative research and development (often in its own labs) that is then used to
create resources (frequently by private firms). It also purchases directly from firms, encouraging them to increase
hiring and output. Not only do these government activities increase production, but they also affect distribution.
This is well understood by voters and their representatives in government because policy creates winners and
losers, and not usually in a zero-sum manner. Thus some policies can create more winners while others might
create more losers.
Power, discrimination, collusion and cooperation all play a role in determining who gets what. The point is that
society does not have to let ‘the market’ decide that women should be paid less than men for example, or that
those with less education should remain jobless and thus poor.
Economics, like all social sciences, is concerned with a society that is complex and continually undergoing
change. Since economists study human behaviour in the economic sphere, their task is very difficult. Whatever
humans do, they could have done something different. Humans have some degree of free will, and their behaviour
is largely based on what they think they ought to do. That in turn depends on their expectations of an unknow-
able future. They do not know precisely what the outcome of their actions will be, and they do not know what
others will do.
Indeed, humans do not know exactly what happened in the past, nor do they fully understand what is
happening today. They must interpret the environment in which they live, and realise that they cannot fully
understand it. They can never know if they have truly ‘maximised’ their pleasure. They make plans in conditions
of existential uncertainty, and do the best they can, given their circumstances. Their actions are almost always
taken with consideration given to the impacts on others. Humans are above all social animals and that is why
economics must be a branch of the social sciences.
What do economists do?

Like sociologists and political scientists, economists are trying to understand particular aspects of human behav-
iour; for example decisions about levels and patterns of spending, choices about enrolment in post-school edu-
cation and types of employment to pursue. We have argued above that all these are influenced by institutions,
culture and society, at least as much as they are by ‘purely economic’ variables such as income, the prices of goods
and prospective wage rates for different occupations. In microeconomics our focus is the behaviour of individual
consumers and firms, whereas in macroeconomics the focus is the aggregate impacts of these decisions on out-
comes at a national level, including total output and employment and the rate of inflation. We elaborate on these
definitions of microeconomics and macroeconomics below.
In trying to understand particular forms of economic behaviour, we need to develop theories that require
us to decide on those factors that we think influence particular economic decisions. In other words, we need to
make simplifying assumptions, which means we necessarily ignore those factors that we consider to be irrelevant.
Otherwise we would be trying to replicate the complex reality as we see it; engaging in description rather than
theorising.
In the development of theory, we formulate concepts that can be viewed as the building blocks of theory.
A model can be seen as the formalisation of a theory (see below). To understand any theory (model), it is import
ant that students comprehend its underlying concepts.
Social scientists seek to test their abstract theoretical models, expressed in the form of conjectures about real
world behaviour, using the empirical data that the real world provides. For example, we might form the conjec-
ture that if disposable income (that is, income remaining after the payment of taxes) rises, household consump-
tion will rise. We would then collect the relevant data for disposable income and household consumption and
any other information we thought might bear on the relationship and use various statistical tools (for example,
regression analysis) to enumerate the relationship between disposable income and household consumption to
see whether our conjecture was data consistent.
In engaging in this sort of exercise, the responsible social scientist is not seeking to establish whether the
theoretical model is true, because that is an impossible task given there is no way of knowing what the truth
is anyway. Instead, we seek to develop theories or conjectures that provide the best correspondence with the
empirical world in which we live. This means that our current, accepted body of knowledge comprises theories
and conjectures that explain the real world data in the most comprehensive way possible compared to the com-
peting theories.
Further, we can rarely completely refute a theory. As President Truman complained, there are two or more
sides to the most important economic questions, so there are competing theoretical approaches yielding differ-
ent conclusions. Even when a researcher utilises the analysis of relevant data (which often entails the use of econo-
metrics), they can never refute a theory with 100 per cent confidence. Often the acceptance of a theory is driven
by ideology and politics, rather than a balanced assessment of the competing theories and associated evidence.
Implications for research and policy

Many students, like President Truman, find the inability of economists to come up with definitive answers to
economic questions to be rather frustrating. Here it is important to emphasise that, like physical sciences and
other social sciences, economics is a contested discipline, as illustrated by our brief discussion of the two schools
of thought above. Students will be exposed to some other major contemporary debates in macroeconomics in
Chapter 31.
If there are long-standing debates in economics (and other disciplines) which appear to be unresolved, how
can there be progress in our understanding of economic phenomena? This is an important question because
decisions made by macroeconomic policymakers have profound effects on the welfare of the population in terms
of, for example, employment opportunities and wages.
1.2 Economics and the Public Purpose

The households and business firms in a modern capitalist economy make many of the important economic
decisions that contribute to determination of the level of employment and output, the prices and composition of
that output and the distribution of income. Claims are sometimes made that a ‘free market’ economy comprised
of individuals seeking only their own self-interest can operate ‘harmoniously’ as if guided by an ‘invisible hand’
(see Section 1.1). In fact, economists had rigorously demonstrated by the 1950s that the conditions under which
such a stylised economy could reach such a result could not exist in the real world. In other words, there is no
scientific basis for the claim that ‘free markets’ are best.
In any case, these claims – even if true for some hypothesised economy – are irrelevant for the modern capi-
talist economies that actually exist. This is because all modern capitalist economies are ‘mixed’, comprising huge
corporations (including multinational firms), labour organisations and a significant government relative to the
size of the economy. Individuals and firms operate within socio-political and cultural economic structures that
are constraining but also enabling.
Sometimes the goals of individuals and firms coincide with what might be called ‘the public purpose’, while
often they do not. In this section we will discuss the public purpose and the role played by government in trying
to align private interests with socially progressive goals.
What is the public purpose? It is not easy to define or to identify. One of the basic functions of any social
organisation is to provide the necessary food, clothing, shelter, education, health care, legal framework and social-
isation for the survival of members of the society.
While the subject of this course is economics, there is no sharp distinction between the sphere of economics
and the spheres of other social sciences that study social processes. We usually think of the economy as that part
of the social organisation that is responsible for the provision of the material means of survival: food, clothing,
shelter and so on. However, the economy is always embedded in the social organisation as a whole, affecting and
affected by culture, politics and social institutions.
Even if we can agree that any successful economic organisation should be able to produce adequate food
for its population, that still leaves open many questions: What kind of food?; How should it be produced?; How
should it be distributed?; and even What does ‘adequate’ mean?
Further, no society comprises harmonious individuals and groups. There are always conflicting claims and
goals that must be moderated. There is no single, obvious public purpose to which all members of a society wish
to strive. Even if we can identify a set of goals that the majority of society would like to work toward, that set will
surely change over time as hopes and dreams evolve. The public purpose is an evolving concept.
The position taken in this book is that there is no ‘invisible hand’ that ensures that private interests are consist-
ent with the public purpose. Indeed, the economy is just one component of the social organisation that is neces-
sary to establish the always evolving public purpose and to work towards its achievement.
The ‘market’ is just one institution among a wide variety of social organisations working to delineate social
goals that comprise its social and private purposes. Other institutions include political organisations, labour
unions, manufacturers and NGOs (non-governmental organisations).
As we noted at the beginning of this chapter, the national government plays an important role in society
because it can help to identify the social purpose and to establish a social structure in which individuals and
groups will work toward achieving the public purpose.
While it is admittedly difficult to outline what defines the public purpose, it is possible to identify widely
accepted goals. For example, the United Nations Universal Declaration of Human Rights (1948) commits signa-
tory nations to a common set of relatively well-defined goals.
The declaration is outlined on the United Nations Home Page (United Nations, 1948):
Now, Therefore THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY proclaims THIS UNIVERSAL DECLARATION OF HUMAN RIGHTS
as a common standard of achievement for all peoples and all nations, to the end that every individual and
every organ of society, keeping this Declaration constantly in mind, shall strive by teaching and education to
promote respect for these rights and freedoms and by progressive measures, national and international, to
secure their universal and effective recognition and observance, both among the peoples of Member States
themselves and among the peoples of territories under their jurisdiction.
The Articles that define the Declaration include:

•• Everyone has the right to life, liberty and security of person.
•• No one shall be held in slavery or servitude; slavery and the slave trade shall be prohibited in all their forms.
•• Everyone has the right to an effective remedy by the competent national tribunals for acts violating the funda-
mental rights granted them by the constitution or by law.
•• Everyone has the right to freedom of movement and residence within the borders of each state.
•• Everyone has the right to a nationality.
•• Men and women of full age, without any limitation due to race, nationality or religion, have the right to
marry and to found a family. They are entitled to equal rights as to marriage, during marriage and at its
dissolution.
•• Everyone has the right to own property alone as well as in association with others.
•• Everyone has the right to freedom of thought, conscience and religion; this right includes freedom to change
their religion or belief, and freedom, either alone or in community with others and in public or private, to mani-
fest their religion or belief in teaching, practice, worship and observance.
•• Everyone has the right to freedom of opinion and expression; this right includes freedom to hold opinions
without interference and to seek, receive and impart information and ideas through any media and regardless
of frontiers.
•• Everyone has the right to freedom of peaceful assembly and association.
•• Everyone has the right to take part in the government of their country, directly or through freely chosen
representatives.
•• Everyone has the right of equal access to public service in their country.
•• Everyone, as a member of society, has the right to social security and is entitled to realisation, through national
effort and international co-operation and in accordance with the organisation and resources of each state,
of the economic, social and cultural rights indispensable for their dignity and the free development of their
personality.
•• Everyone has the right to work, to free choice of employment, to just and favourable conditions of work and
to protection against unemployment.
•• Everyone, without any discrimination, has the right to equal pay for equal work.
•• Everyone who works has the right to just and favourable remuneration ensuring for themselves and their fam-
ily an existence worthy of human dignity, and supplemented, if necessary, by other means of social protection.
•• Everyone has the right to form and to join trade unions for the protection of their interests.
•• Everyone has the right to rest and leisure, including reasonable limitation of working hours and periodic holi-
days with pay.
•• Everyone has the right to a standard of living adequate for the health and well-being of themselves and of
their family, including food, clothing, housing and medical care and necessary social services, and the right to
security in the event of unemployment, sickness, disability, widowhood, old age or other lack of livelihood in
circumstances beyond their control.
•• Everyone has the right to education. Education shall be free, at least in the elementary and fundamental stages.
Elementary education shall be compulsory. Technical and professional education shall be made generally avail-
able and higher education shall be equally accessible to all on the basis of merit.
•• Everyone has the right freely to participate in the cultural life of the community, to enjoy the arts and to share
in scientific advancement and its benefits.
It is obvious that many of these human rights, especially near to the end of this list, are connected to the oper
ation of the economy. For example, we argued above that any successful economy should provide adequate food,
clothing and shelter, and many of the human rights listed in the UN Charter address the material well-being of a
nation’s population.
Further, other human rights that superficially appear to be unrelated to economic performance actually pre-
suppose fulfilment of other human rights that are themselves directly related to material well-being.
For example, in a modern capitalist economy access to employment (one of the recognised rights) is necessary
for full participation in society. Not only does a job provide income that allows one to purchase food, clothing,
and shelter, but it also provides access to social networks, generates feelings of self-worth (since one contributes
to social production), enhances social prestige and helps to provide for retirement in old age.
Indeed, employment has been shown to have a wide range of other benefits to individuals and to society
including better physical and psychological health, reduced crime and drug abuse, lower child and spouse abuse,
and greater participation in other social and political activities.
To be sure, the above list (which is itself only a partial listing of the agreed universal rights) includes many
rights that have not been fully achieved even in the wealthiest and most democratic nations. In that sense, these
rights are ‘aspirational’, with the signatory nations committing to striving toward achieving them. Again, if we
look at the example of the right to work and to an adequate standard of living, those are rights that are routinely
violated even in the best of times in the wealthiest of nations. Still, these universally recognised rights provide a
measure against which nations can assess their progress.
We conclude with three important points.
First, the public purpose is broad and evolving over time, and for these reasons it varies across time and place.
It should include rising living standards, particularly for those on low incomes. Environmental sustainability must
be included. The reduction of racial, ethnic, and gender inequalities is an important component of public pur-
pose. This must go beyond simple economic measures such as family income to include full participation in the
life of the community. The public purpose also should include reductions of crime, corruption, cronyism, invidi-
ous distinction, conspicuous consumption and other social pathologies.
Second, the UN Charter lays out what it sees as ‘universal’ human rights. This is a useful, but not wholly sat-
isfactory list to be included in a statement of the public purpose. What is considered to be a human right today
would have appeared to be radically utopian a century ago; and the above list will no doubt appear far too cau-
tiously conservative at some date in the future.
The public purpose is inherently a progressive agenda that strives to continually improve the material, social,
physical, cultural, and psychological well-being of all members of society. It is inherently ‘aspirational’ in the sense
that there is no end because its frontiers will continually expand.
Third, national governments as well as international organisations (such as the United Nations) must play an
important role in shaping our vision regarding the types of societies to which we aspire. And beyond setting these
goals, governments at all levels must take the lead in developing sets of institutions, rules of behaviour and sanc-
tions for undesirable behaviour in order to move societies toward the achievement of these goals.
As an example, in the 1950s national governments and international organisations started to eliminate the
devastating disease known as smallpox. While markets and for-profit production played a role in helping to
develop vaccines, in distributing the vaccines, and in formulating information campaigns, private initiative alone
would never have eliminated the disease.
The task was too big, it was not completely consistent with self-interested profit-seeking behaviour, and it
required international cooperation beyond the reach of even the largest firms.
Hence, governmental organisations had to play a role.
With respect to the aspirational nature of the public purpose, successful elimination of smallpox would not
be the end, but rather would serve as the beginning of a new campaign, to eliminate another disease, and then
another and yet another.
Perhaps in a long-distant future, a human right to a disease-free life will be recognised, adding to an ever-
increasing list of established rights that all nations would be expected to protect.
While we cannot, of course, imagine such a future, it was not so long ago that the US Congress did not rec-
ognise the voting rights of women and African Americans. Today, any nation that denies the vote to members
of society on the basis of gender, religion, race or ethnicity, or national origin is considered to be in violation of
human rights, and thus, to be an international pariah, even though such restrictions were considered acceptable
just a few generations ago. For example, white US women over the age of 21 did not secure the vote until the 1920
Presidential election, while in the UK suffrage was extended to all women over the age of 21 in 1928. In Australia
Aborigines were granted the right to enrol and vote in federal elections in 1962. Many developed countries that
are seen as liberal democracies today did not give women or minorities the vote until well into the 20th century
(1971 in the case of Switzerland for instance).
The public purpose is inherently progressive; it can never be finished.
1.3 What is Macroeconomics?

In macroeconomics we study the aggregate outcomes of economic behaviour. The word ‘macro’ is derived from
the Greek word ‘makro’, which means large, as we take an economy-wide perspective.
Thus, macroeconomics is not concerned with analysing how each individual person, household or business firm
behaves; that is the domain of the other major branch of economic analysis, microeconomics. Macroeconomics
focuses on a few outcomes at the aggregate level and is considered to be the study of employment, output and
inflation in an international context. A coherent macroeconomic theory will provide consistent insights into how
each of these aggregates is determined and why it changes.
In this regard, there are some key macroeconomic questions that we seek to explore:
1. What factors determine the flow of total output produced in the economy over a given period and its growth
over time?
2. What factors determine total employment and why does mass unemployment occur?
3. What factors determine the evolution of prices in the economy (inflation)?
4. How does the domestic economy interact with the rest of the world and what are the implications of that
interaction?
A central idea in both macroeconomics and microeconomics is efficiency: getting the best out of what is avail-
able. The concept is extremely loaded and is the focus of many disputes, some more arcane than others. However,
there is a consensus among economists that at the macroeconomic level, the ‘efficiency frontier’ (which defines
the best outcome achievable from an array of possible outcomes) is normally summarised in terms of full employ-
ment. The hot debate that has occupied economists for years is the exact meaning of the term ‘full employment’.
We will consider that issue in full in Chapters 17 and 18.
But definitional disputes aside, it is a fact that the concept of full employment is a central focus of macro-
economic theory. Using the available macroeconomic resources, including labour, to their limits is a key goal of
macroeconomics. The debate is over what the actual limit is. The related macroeconomic challenge is how to
maintain full employment but at the same time achieve price stability, that is, the growth of prices at a low and
stable rate.
The clear point is that if you achieve full employment and price stability then you will be contributing to the
prosperity and welfare of the population by ensuring real output levels are high within an environment of stable
prices.
This book develops a framework for understanding the key determinants of these aggregate outcomes – the
level and growth in output, the rate of unemployment, and the rate of inflation – within the context of what we
call a monetary system. All economies use currencies as a way to facilitate transactions. The arrangements by
which the currency enters the economy and the role that the currency issuer, the national government, has in
influencing the outcomes at the aggregate level are crucial parts of macroeconomics. Modern Monetary Theory
(MMT), which is briefly outlined below, develops a macroeconomic framework that incorporates the unique
features of the monetary system.
The macro model

To organise our thinking about macroeconomic relationships, we use a conceptual structure sometimes referred
to in the economics literature as a model; in this case a macroeconomic model. A model is just an organis-
ing framework and represents a simplification of the system that is being investigated. In this textbook, we will
develop a macroeconomic model that combines narrative and some algebra to advance your understanding of
how the real world economy operates. We will necessarily simplify where complexity hinders clarity, but we will
always focus on the real world rather than an assumed abstraction that has no relevance to the actual economy.
All disciplines develop their own language as a way of communicating. One might think that this just makes it
harder to understand the ideas and we have sympathy for that view. But we also understand how useful it will be
for students of a specific discipline, in this case macroeconomics, to be somewhat conversant with the language
of the discipline they are studying.
In Chapter 7 – Methods, Tools and Techniques – we present the essential analytical techniques and terminology
that are used to specify and solve macroeconomic models throughout this book. These tools and techniques are
also deployed in the practical exercises that accompany this text and are to be found on the internet home page
for the book (www.macmillanihe.com/mitchell-macro). Chapter 7 should be consulted regularly.
A macroeconomic model draws on concepts and algebraic techniques to advance our understanding of the
main economic aggregates (such as output, employment and price level). This textbook design is unique because
it specifically develops the Modern Monetary Theory (MMT) macroeconomic model, which will inform eco-
nomic policy debates. We introduce that approach in the next subsection.
The MMT approach to macroeconomics

Modern Monetary Theory (MMT) is distinguished from other approaches to macroeconomics because it places
the monetary arrangements at the centre of the analysis. As we will see, MMT builds on the insights of many
economists who have worked in the heterodox tradition. It therefore rejects the main precepts of the orthodox
neoclassical approach to macroeconomics. However, because it places an emphasis on monetary arrangements
within the capitalist economy, it adds new insights that were not previously available within the heterodox trad
ition. Learning macroeconomics from an MMT perspective requires you to understand how money ‘works’ in the
modern economy and to develop a conceptual structure for analysing the economy as it actually exists.
By placing government, as the currency issuer, at the centre of the monetary system, the MMT approach
immediately focuses on how a government spends, and how that spending influences those aforementioned
macroeconomic aggregates that we seek to explain. The framework will first provide a general analysis of gov-
ernment spending that applies to all currency exchange rate systems, before explaining the constraints (policy
options) that apply to governments as we move from a flexible exchange rate to a fixed exchange rate system. We
will consider how the design of the monetary system impacts on the domestic policy choices open to govern-
ment and the outcomes of specific policy choices in terms of output, employment and inflation.
The most important conclusion reached by MMT is that the issuer of a currency faces no financial constraints.
Put simply, a country that issues its own currency can never run out and can never become insolvent in its own
currency. It can make all payments as they come due. For this reason, it makes no sense to compare a sovereign
government’s finances with those of a household or a firm.
Households and firms are users of the currency; they must obtain the currency in order to make payments
as they come due. They must either earn income, or borrow, or sell assets to obtain the currency. They can be
forced to default. But the sovereign currency issuer can never run out of its own currency. In later chapters, we
will explain how sovereign currency issuers spend and why they can always afford anything that is for sale if it is
priced in their own currency.
There is a caveat, however. Even a sovereign currency issuer can tie its own hands. This occurs if the govern-
ment promises to deliver precious metal (such as gold) or a foreign currency in payment. It is not uncommon
for governments to issue debt denominated in foreign currency. This is especially true of developing nations. In
this case, they must obtain the foreign currency to service their debts. In the past, many governments promised
to exchange their own currencies for gold or silver so, again, they had to obtain the gold or silver to meet these
promises. Thus while these governments cannot run out of their own currencies, they can certainly run out of
precious metal or foreign currencies and then be forced to default on their promise to make payments in precious
metal or foreign currency.
Many people are unaware that a major historical event occurred in 1971, when US President Nixon abandoned
gold convertibility and ended the system of fixed exchange rates that had existed in the Bretton Woods inter-
national monetary system since the Second World War. Under that system (as well as under the gold standard
system that had existed since the late 19th century, with breaks for both world wars), currencies were convertible
into gold, and exchange rates were fixed to the US dollar. As such, they had to operate their economies in such
a manner as to accumulate gold or dollars. This usually meant adopting contractionary fiscal policy as well as
maintaining high interest rates to ensure trade surpluses and strong currencies. However, after 1971, most govern-
ments floated their currencies and traded them freely on foreign currency markets. Occasionally, central banks
would conduct what became known as a ‘managed’ float where they tried to limit the amplitude of movements
that the free float would generate.
It is thus essential to understand the notion of a currency regime, which can range through a continuum from
a fixed exchange rate system to a floating exchange rate system with varying degrees of exchange rate manage-
ment in between. Understanding the way the exchange rate is set is important because it allows us to appreciate
the various policy options that a currency-issuing government has in relation to influencing the main objects of
our study; employment, output and inflation. It also allows us to deepen our understanding of the policy options
available to a government which chooses to use a foreign currency, such as the Member States of the Economic
and Monetary Union (the ‘Eurozone’).
A flexible exchange rate releases monetary policy from defending a fixed parity (exchange rate) against a for-
eign currency. Fiscal and monetary policy can then concentrate on ensuring domestic spending is sufficient to
maintain high levels of employment. A consequence of this is that governments that issue their own currencies
need no longer accumulate large reserves of foreign currencies to defend their exchange rates. The reality is that
currency-issuing governments such as those of Australia, Britain, Japan and the USA can never run out of money.
These governments always have the capacity to spend in their own currencies.
However, most of the analysis appearing in macroeconomics textbooks, which filters into the public debate
and underpins the cult of austerity, is derived from ‘gold standard’ logic and does not apply to modern fiat mon-
etary systems. The economic policy ideas that dominate the current debate are artefacts from the old system,
which was abandoned in 1971.
One of the most basic propositions in macroeconomics that MMT emphasises is the notion that at the aggre-
gate level, total spending equals total income and total output. In turn, total employment is related to the total
output in the economy. So to understand employment and output determination we need to understand what
drives total spending and how that generates income, output and the demand for labour.
In this context, we will consider the behaviour and interactions of the two economic sectors: government
and non-government. Then we will unpack the non-government sector into its component sectors: the private
domestic sector (consumption and investment) and the external sector (trade and capital flows). In Chapter 4 we
analyse in detail the so-called National Accounts, drawing on these broad macroeconomic sectors. This approach
is called the sectoral balance approach, and builds on the accounting rule that a government deficit (or surplus)
must be exactly offset by a surplus (or deficit) in the non-government sector. The non-government sector com-
prises the private domestic and external sectors. So a more general observation is that the sum of the sectoral
balances nets to zero when we consider the government, private domestic and external sectors.
If one sector spends more than its income, at least one of the others must spend less than its income because
for the economy as a whole, total spending must equal total receipts or income. While there is no reason why any
one sector has to run a balance between its spending and income, the National Accounts framework shows that
the system as a whole must. Often though, but not always, the private domestic sector runs a surplus (spending
less than its income). This is how it accumulates net financial wealth. Overall private domestic sector saving (or
surplus) is a leakage from the overall expenditure cycle that must be matched by an injection of spending from
another sector. The current account deficit (the external sector account) is another leakage that drains domestic
demand. A current account deficit occurs when the domestic economy is spending more overseas than foreigners
are spending in the domestic economy. These concepts are developed in full in Chapter 6.
Here it is useful to differentiate between a stock and a flow. The latter is a magnitude per period of time. For
example, spending is always a flow of currency per period (for example, households might have spent $100 billion
dollars in the first three months of 2018). On the other hand, a stock is measured at a point in time. For example,
a student’s financial wealth could have consisted of a deposit account at a local bank, with a balance of $1,000 on
1 January 2018. We explain stocks and flows in more detail in Chapters 4 and 6.
The sectoral balances framework shows that a sectoral deficit (a flow per year, say) accumulates as a matter
of accounting to a financial debt (a stock). On the other hand, a sequence of sectoral surpluses accumulates to
a financial asset, which is also a stock. MMT is thus based on what is known as a stock-flow consistent approach
to macroeconomics by which all flows and resulting stocks are accounted for in an exhaustive fashion. The
failure to adhere to a stock-flow consistent approach can lead to erroneous analytical conclusions and poor
policy design.
From the perspective of fiscal policy choices, an important aspect of the stock-flow consistent approach that
will be explained in greater detail in Chapter 6 is that one sector’s spending flow equals its income flow plus
changes to its financial balance (stock of assets).
This textbook will show that a country can only run a current account deficit if the rest of the world wishes to
accumulate financial claims on the nation (financial debt). The MMT framework also shows that for most govern-
ments, there is no default risk on government debt, and therefore such a situation is ‘sustainable’ and should not
necessarily be interpreted to be undesirable. Any assessment of the fiscal position of a nation must be taken in the
light of the usefulness of the government’s spending programme in achieving its national socio-economic goals.
This is what Abba Lerner (1943) called the functional finance approach. Rather than adopting some desired fiscal
outcome (relationship between spending and taxation revenue), a government ought to spend and tax with a
view to achieving ‘functionally’ defined outcomes, such as full employment.
On matters of terminology, we avoid using the term ‘budget’ to describe the spending and taxation outcomes
for the currency-issuing government. Instead, we use the term fiscal balance. A government fiscal deficit occurs
when its spending exceeds its taxation revenue, whereas a fiscal surplus occurs when government spending is less
than its taxation revenue.
The use of the term ‘budget’ to describe the fiscal balance invokes the idea that the currency-issuing govern-
ment faces the same financial constraints as a household when it is forming its budget. A careful understanding
of the monetary system will make it obvious that the government is not a ‘big household’. The government can
consistently spend more than its revenue because it creates the currency. Households use the currency issued by
the government and must finance their spending. Their access is constrained by the sources of available funds,
including income from all sources, asset sales, and borrowings from external parties. Whereas households have
to save (spend less than they earn) to spend more in the future, governments can purchase whatever they like, as
long as there are goods and services for sale in the currency they issue.
A sovereign government must spend before it can subsequently tax or borrow. A household cannot spend
more than its revenue indefinitely because continuously increasing private debt is unsustainable. The budget
choices facing a household are thus limited and prevent permanent deficits. A currency-issuing government can
never be revenue constrained in a technical sense and can sustain deficits indefinitely without solvency risk. In
other words, our own personal budget experience generates no knowledge that is relevant to the consideration
of government matters. This alternative narrative, which we present in this book, highlights the special character-
istics of the government’s currency monopoly.
Fiscal surpluses, which arise when a government’s spending is less than the amount it takes out of the econ-
omy by way of taxation, do not provide governments with a greater capacity to meet future needs, nor do fiscal
deficits erode that capacity. Governments always have the capacity to spend in their own currencies.
In summary, budget surpluses force the non-government sector into deficit and the domestic private sector is
forced to accumulate ever-increasing levels of indebtedness to maintain its expenditure. We will explain why this
is an unsustainable growth strategy and how eventually the private domestic sector is forced to reduce its risky
debt levels by saving more. The resulting drop in non-government spending will reinforce the negative impact of
the government fiscal surplus on total spending.
Fiscal and monetary policy

The two main policy tools that influence what is termed the demand, or spending, side of the economy are mon-
etary and fiscal policy.
Fiscal policy is represented by the spending and taxation choices made by the government (the ‘treasury’).
The net financial accounting outcomes of these decisions are summarised periodically by announcements of the
government’s fiscal position. Fiscal policy is one of the major means by which the government seeks to influence
overall spending in the economy and achieve its economic and social objectives.
This textbook will show that a nation will have maximum fiscal space (that is, capacity for government to use
its fiscal policy tools of spending and taxation):
•• If it operates with a sovereign currency; that is, a currency that is issued by the sovereign government and
whose value is not pegged to foreign currencies; and
•• If it avoids incurring debt in foreign currencies, or guaranteeing the foreign currency debt of domestic entities
(firms, households, and state, province, or city debts).
Under these conditions, the national government can always afford to purchase anything that is available for sale
in its own currency. This means that if there are unemployed resources, the government can always put them to
productive use through the use of fiscal policy. To put it as simply as possible, this means that if there are unem-
ployed workers who are willing to work, a sovereign government can afford to hire them to perform useful work
in the public interest. As we have noted, from a macroeconomic efficiency perspective, a primary aim of public
policy is to fully utilise available resources. Under these optimal conditions, the government is not revenue con-
strained, which means it does not face the financing constraints that a private household or firm faces in framing
its expenditure decision.
The central bank in the economy is responsible for the conduct of monetary policy, which typically involves
the setting of a short-term policy target interest rate. Since the 2008 global economic crisis the ambit of monetary
policy has broadened considerably and these developments will be considered in Chapter 23.
The typical roles of a central bank include not only the conduct of monetary policy via the overnight interbank
lending rate, but also operating the interbank clearing mechanism (so that bank cheques clear among banks), act-
ing as lender of last resort (to stop bank runs), and regulating and supervising the banks.
MMT considers the treasury and central bank functions to be part of what is termed the consolidated
government sector. In many textbooks, students are told that the central bank is independent from government.
The MMT macroeconomic model will demonstrate how it is impossible for the central bank to work independ
ently of the treasury if the monetary system is to operate smoothly.
Policy implications of MMT for sovereign nations

MMT provides a broad theoretical framework based on the recognition that sovereign currency systems are in
fact public monopolies per se, and that the imposition of taxes coupled with insufficient government spending
generates unemployment.
An understanding of this point will be developed to allow the student to appreciate the role that government
can play in maintaining its near-universal dual mandates of price stability and full employment. The student will
learn that two broad approaches to controlling inflation are available to government in designing its fiscal policy.
Both approaches draw on the concept of a buffer stock to control prices. We will examine the differences
between the use of:
a. Unemployment buffer stocks: The neoclassical approach, which describes the current policy orthodoxy, seeks to
control inflation through the use of high interest rates (tight monetary policy) and restrictive fiscal policy (aus-
terity), and leads to a buffer stock of unemployment. In Chapters 17 and 18, students will learn that this approach
is very costly and provides an unreliable target for policy makers to pursue as a means for inflation control; and
b. Employment buffer stocks: Under this approach the government exploits its fiscal capacity, which is inherent
in its currency-issuing status, to create an employment buffer stock. In MMT, this is called the Job Guarantee
(JG) approach to full employment and price stability. This model, which is considered by MMT to be the
superior buffer stock option, is explained in detail in Chapter 19.
The MMT macroeconomic framework shows that a superior use of the labour slack necessary to achieve price
stability is to implement an employment programme for those who are otherwise unemployed, which both
anchors the general price level to the price of employed labour of this (currently unemployed) buffer and can
produce useful output with positive supply side effects.
Conclusion
This chapter has emphasized that economics is a social science that studies “economic life”. We defined the econ-
omy as that part of the social organization that is responsible for the provision of the material means of survival:
food, clothing, shelter, and so on. However, the economy is always embedded in the social organization as a
whole, affecting and affected by its culture.
There is no single ‘right’ way to do economics. Economic theories, as well as economists themselves, can
be grouped into two main approaches: the orthodox, Neoclassical approach and the heterodox, Keynesian/
Institutionalist/Marxist approach. We will see that public policy recommendations that follow from each of these
two approaches are quite different because they are based on very different views as to how the economy works.
The heterodox approach, for example, envisions a more important role for the government to play in ensuring
that the economy furthers the public purpose. This chapter discussed widely shared goals of public policy as enu-
merated in the United Nations Universal Declaration of Human Rights, many of which are related to economic
issues such as the right to work.
Finally, the chapter defined the scope of macroeconomics as the study of the aggregate outcomes of eco-
nomic behaviour. The Modern Money Theory (MMT) approach was introduced and distinguished from other
approaches to macroeconomics because it places the monetary arrangements at the centre of the analysis. In
particular, MMT puts emphasis on the sovereign nature of currency and the policy implications that derive
from the ability of a national government to issue its own currency. This is a theme that will be examined
throughout this text.
References
Lerner, A. (1943) “Functional Finance and the Federal Debt”, Social Research, 10 (1), 38–51.
Samuelson, P. (1947) Foundations of Economic Analysis, Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
United Nations (1948) United Nations Declaration of Human Rights, United Nations General Assembly, 10 December
1948, available at: http://www.un.org/en/universal-declaration-human-rights/ accessed 15 January 2016.
Endnotes
1. Note that the approach taken in this text, Modern Money Theory, falls within the heterodox camp. Indeed, it rests
upon the foundations of many of the heterodox traditions.
2. A caveat is necessary here. Many of those who call themselves ‘Keynesian’, as well as the approach that is often presented
in economics textbooks as ‘Keynesian theory’, are not heterodox. They are much closer to the neoclassical approach.
Indeed, one of the founders of orthodox macroeconomic theory, Paul Samuelson (1947), called it the ‘Neoclassical
Synthesis’ to indicate that while its foundations are neoclassical, some of Keynes’ ideas are ‘synthesised’ or grafted onto
that base. Heterodox followers of Keynes argue that such integration is not possible. We will revisit these issues in more
detail in Chapter 27.

CHAPTER
2 HOW TO THINK AND DO

MACROECONOMICS
Chapter Outline
2.1 Introduction
2.2 Thinking in a Macroeconomic Way
2.3 What Should a Macroeconomic Theory be Able to Explain?
2.4 Why is it so Difficult to Come to an Agreement on Policy? The Minimum Wage Debate
2.5 The Structure of Scientific Revolutions
Conclusion
References
Chapter 2 Appendix: The Buckaroos model
Learning Objectives
• Recognise the importance of the fallacy of composition in understanding
macroeconomics.
• Gain an awareness that macroeconomics is a highly contested discipline in terms of
theory and policy prescription.
• Note the importance of referring to the stylised facts in analysing theory and policy
prescription.
• Develop critical thinking skills about the working of a macroeconomy with its own
sovereign currency.
2.1 Introduction
In Chapter 1, we noted that any science, whether physical or social, develops theories to gain an understanding of
the specific phenomena that it is trying to explain. This necessitates abstraction.
In economics there are two broad schools of thought, which means that economics is a contested discipline,
with ongoing debates about both theory and policy. In Chapter 1, we outlined the subject matter of macroeco-
nomics and highlighted the distinct features of Modern Monetary Theory (MMT). Finally, we provided a discus-
sion of macroeconomic policy objectives, by introducing the concept of public purpose.
All disciplines have their own language and way of thinking. In the next section, we argue that thinking as a
macroeconomist is particularly challenging because the discipline is highly contested, with self-styled experts
offering diverse views. An important contemporary example is the MMT rejection of the neoclassical claim that
2 • How to Think and Do Macroeconomics 19
a currency-issuing national government is like a household and subject to the same type of ‘budget’ constraint.
More generally some propositions, which make sense at an intuitive, personal level, fail to hold true at an aggre-
gate level. This is referred to as the fallacy of composition.
A number of examples, both economic and non-economic, are provided. We then discuss what macroeco-
nomics should be able to explain and outline two empirical examples relating to unemployment and the conduct
of fiscal policy in which there are sharp theoretical differences between MMT and orthodoxy. We will look at the
case of minimum wage laws as an example of the difficulty of determining the macroeconomic effects of policy.
Finally, we address the nature of scientific progress in the social sciences.
In the Appendix, we provide a brief outline of the Buckaroos model, which has been implemented at the
University of Missouri at Kansas City (UMKC) in the United States. UMKC students are required to undertake a
certain number of hours of voluntary labour for community service providers prior to graduation. The Buckaroos
model is a means of operationalising the administration of this scheme and provides insights about the operation
of a modern monetary economy.
2.2 Thinking in a Macroeconomic Way

Macroeconomics is a controversy-ridden area of study. In part, this is because the topic of study is seen as being of
great significance to our nation and our daily lives, even though the details that are discussed are mostly difficult
for us to understand.
The popular press and media in general are flooded with macroeconomics. The nightly news bulletins invari-
ably feature commentators speaking about macroeconomic issues, such as the real GDP growth rate, the inflation
rate or the unemployment rate. The population has been more exposed to macroeconomic terminology over the
last two decades or so, and the advent of social media has given a voice to anyone who wants to be a macroeco-
nomic commentator.
The so called ‘blogosphere’ is replete with self-appointed macroeconomic experts who wax lyrical about all
and sundry, often relying on intuitively logical arguments to make their cases. The problems are that common
sense is a dangerous guide to reality, and not all opinion should be given equal privilege in public discourse. Our
propensity to generalise from personal experience, as if that experience constitutes universal truths, dominates
the public debate; and the area of macroeconomics is a major arena for this sort of problematic reasoning.
A typical statement that is made in the public arena is that ‘the government might run out of money if it
doesn’t curb spending’. Conservative politicians who seek to limit the spending ambit of government often
attempt to give this statement authority by appealing to our intuition and experience.
They draw an analogy between the household and the sovereign government to assert that the same micro-
economic constraints that are imposed on individuals or households apply equally, without qualification, to the
government. We are told that governments, like households, have to live within their means. This analogy reso-
nates strongly with voters because it equates the amorphous, obscure workings of government finance to a more
easily relatable subject and scale – that of our daily household finances.
As we noted in Chapter 1, we know that we cannot run up our household debt forever and that we have to
moderate our spending when we reach the borrowing limits on our credit cards. We can borrow to enhance cur-
rent spending, but eventually we have to sacrifice spending to pay the debts back.
Neoliberals draw an analogy between households and governments because they know we will judge gov-
ernment deficits as being reckless, more so if fiscal deficits rise. But the government is not a big household.
It can consistently spend more than its revenue if it creates the currency. Whereas households have to save
(spend less than they earn) or borrow to spend more in the future, governments can purchase whatever they
like whenever there are goods and services for sale in the currency they issue. Governments such as Britain, the
United States, Japan and Australia always have the capacity to spend in their own currencies, and can never run
out of money.
MMT teaches that our experience in managing our own household budgets provides no guidance about the
management of the government fiscal position, yet on a daily basis, we are told it does.
20 Introduction and Measurement
The government has to consider the real resources that are available to the economy and how best to deploy
them. These are not financial considerations; there are no intrinsic ‘financial’ constraints that are relevant to a
currency-issuing government. In addition, fiscal surpluses (taxation revenue greater than government s pending)
today do not provide greater capacity to governments to meet future spending needs, nor do fiscal deficits
(taxation revenue less than government spending) erode that capacity.
A household that has ‘too much debt’ can save and reduce that debt. But putting aside the question of
whether public debt is actually inherently problematic (see Chapter 22), if the government tries to ‘save’ (in itself
another inapplicable conceptual transfer from the individual level) then public debt will probably rise.
Prior to the 1930s, there was no separate field of study called macroeconomics. The dominant neoclassical
school of thought in economics saw macroeconomics as a simple aggregation of the reasoning used at the indi-
vidual unit or atomistic level. In the 1930s, macroeconomics emerged as a separate discipline precisely because
that way of thinking, blithely transposing microeconomic truisms to the macro scale, was realised to be riddled
with errors of logic that led to spurious analytical reasoning and poor policy advice.
Microeconomics develops theories about individual behavioural units in the economy – at the level of the
person, household, or firm. For example, it might seek to explain the employment decisions of a firm or the saving
decisions of an individual income recipient. However, microeconomic theory ignores knock-on effects on others
when examining these firm- or household-level decisions. That is clearly inappropriate if we look at the macro-
economy, where we must consider these wider impacts.
We have learned that macroeconomics studies the aggregate outcomes of the behaviour of all firms and
households. The question is how we go from the individual unit (microeconomic) level to the economy-wide
(macroeconomic) level. This is a question that the so-called aggregation problem seeks to address.
To make statements about industry, markets or the economy as a whole, neoclassical economists sought to
aggregate their atomistic analysis. For reasons that will become clearer, simple aggregation proved to be flawed.
The solution was to fudge the task and introduce the notion of a ‘representative household’ to be the demand
side of a goods and services (product) market and the ‘representative firm’ to be the supply side of that market.
Together the two sides bought and sold a ‘composite good’. These aggregates were fictions and assumed away
many of the interesting aspects of market interaction.
For example, if we simply sum all the individual demand relationships between price and spending intention
we could form a representative household demand function.
But what if the spending intentions of each household or a segment of them were interdependent rather
than independent? What if a household changed their demand once they found out what the spending
intentions of the next door neighbour were (the notion of ‘keeping up with the Joneses’)? What if the actions
of one household impinge on the feasible choices of another? Then a simple summation of demands is
inappropriate.
But these issues were not considered, and the representative firm and household used were just bigger ver-
sions of the atomistic units while the underlying principles applied to explain the behaviour of these representa-
tions were simply those that were used to explain behaviour at the isolated, individual level. Accordingly, changes
in behaviour or circumstances that might benefit the individual or the firm are automatically claimed to be of
benefit to the economy as a whole.
During the Great Depression, this erroneous logic guided policy in the early 1930s and the crisis deepened.
At that time, British economist John Maynard Keynes and others sought to expose the logical error that the
dominant orthodoxy had made in their approach to aggregation by highlighting several discrepancies with that
model, including the paradox of thrift and the wage-cutting solution to unemployment. In that debate this
orthodoxy on aggregation was shown to incorporate a compositional fallacy, which led to the development of
macroeconomics as a separate discipline from microeconomics. Karl Marx had appreciated this fallacy in the
mid-19th century but his contributions were largely ignored in the popular economic literature of the early
20th century.
Compositional fallacies are errors in logic that arise when we infer that something which is true at the
individual level, is also true at the aggregate level. The fallacy of composition arises here when actions that are
logical, correct and/or rational at the individual or micro level are found to have no logic (and may be wrong and/
or irrational) at the aggregate or macro level.
Prior to considering the paradox of thrift and fiscal austerity, let us consider two simpler examples, the first of
which is non-economic and the second has economic relevance.
Consider a large crowd attending a sporting event. The stadium provides seating for all attendees. An indi-
vidual spectator would get a better view of an incident occurring near the sideline by standing up. Would all
members of the crowd get a better view if they all stood up? Clearly the answer to this question is no – they would
then obscure each other’s views.
Now let us consider an employee who loses their job on Thursday evening. On Friday morning they consult
the vacancies advertised in the local newspaper and online and apply for suitable jobs. They also knock on the
doors of all local employers to present a CV and inquire about a job. Within a week they have secured a new job,
following their thorough job search. Would it be correct to argue that if all the unemployed searched as consci-
entiously for jobs, then the unemployment problem would be solved? The answer is no. To make the discussion
simple, assume all the unemployed are qualified to fill the available job vacancies, but 100 workers are competing
for 50 jobs. At best, 50 of these job seekers will remain unemployed, irrespective of how thoroughly they search
for jobs. This topic is further discussed in The Tale of 100 Dogs and 95 Bones (Centre of Full Employment and
Equity [CofFEE], c.2001) (see Box 14.1).
A contemporary example of the flawed reasoning that follows a fallacy of composition is the paradox of thrift,
which is that while an individual can increase their saving if they are disciplined enough (a micro-level fact), the
same reasoning does not apply at the macro level. By reducing their individual consumption spending a person
can of course increase the proportion they save, and enjoy higher future consumption possibilities as a conse-
quence. The loss of spending to the overall economy caused by this individual’s adjustment would be small and
so there would be no detrimental impacts on overall economic activity, which is driven by aggregate spending.
But imagine if all individuals (all consumers) adopted the same goal at the same time and started to reduce their
spending en masse? Surely this would impact sales and hence employment and income at the aggregate level. It is
not so clear that after all adjustments are made, we would find that aggregate saving had risen. This is what Keynes
called the paradox of thrift.
Why does the paradox of thrift arise? In other words, what is the source of this compositional fallacy?
The explanation lies in a basic rule of macroeconomics, which you will learn once you start thinking in a
macroeconomic way: that spending creates income and output. This planned economic activity powers
the generation of employment to produce the goods and services. Thus, adjustments in spending drive adjust-
ments in total production (output) in the economy as firms react to higher (lower) sales by increasing (reducing)
employment and output.
As a consequence of increased saving, total spending falls significantly, and as you will learn from Chapter 15,
national income falls (as production levels react to the lower spending) and unemployment rises. The impact of
lost consumption on aggregate demand (spending) would be such that the economy could plunge into a reces-
sion. Certainly, total saving will be less than individuals planned due to the fall in equilibrium national income. As
we will see later, if poor sales due to an increased desire to save negatively impact on investment, aggregate saving
would certainly fall.
By assuming that we could simply add up the microeconomic relations to get the representative firm or
household, the mainstream economist consensus at the time assumed that the aggregate unit faced the same
constraints as the individual sub-units.
During the Global Financial Crisis (GFC), the conservative reaction to increasing government deficits
was to enact fiscal austerity measures by cutting government expenditure and/or increasing taxes, and
to encourage nations to cut domestic costs in order to stimulate their export sectors via increased
competitiveness.
If one nation does this in isolation while all other nations are maintaining strong economic growth, this
strategy might have a chance of working. In a similar way, one individual saver might reasonably assume that
changing their consumption choices would not cause a wider effect that could impact their income. But if all
nations engage in austerity and cut their growth rates, then overall spending declines, and imports will fall across
the board, as will exports. This is another example of a fallacy of composition.
It is the interdependence between countries via trade, as well as a fall in net government spending, that
undermines the policy prescription in this case. It is also clear that not all countries can rely on export-led
growth (to more than offset a decline in net government spending) since for every exporter there must be an
importer.
MMT contains a coherent logic that will teach you to resist falling into intuitive traps and compositional falla-
cies. MMT teaches you to think in a macroeconomic way.
Keynes and others considered that fallacies of composition, such as the paradox of thrift, provided a prima
facie case for considering the study of macroeconomics as a separate discipline. The above examples show that we
must be very careful when drawing general conclusions on the basis of our own experience.
2.3 What Should a Macroeconomic Theory be Able to Explain?

Any macroeconomic theory should help us understand the real world and provide both explanations of historical
events and reasonable forecasts as to what might happen as a consequence of set events, for example, changes
in policy settings.
A theory doesn’t stand or fall on its absolute predictive accuracy because it is recognised that forecasting
errors are a typical outcome of trying to make predictions about the unknown future. However, systematic
forecast errors (that is, continually failing to predict the direction of the economy) and catastrophic oversights
(for example, the failure to predict the 2008 GFC) are indications that a macroeconomic theory is seriously
deficient.
In this section, we present some stylised facts about the way in which modern industrialised economies have
performed over the last several decades. These facts will be referred to throughout the textbook as a reality check
when we compare different approaches to the important macroeconomic issues such as unemployment, infla-
tion, interest rates and government deficits.
The facts provide a benchmark against which any macroeconomic theory can be assessed. If a macroeconomic
theory generates predictions which are consistently at odds with what we subsequently observe, then we can
conclude that it doesn’t advance our understanding of the real world and should be discarded.
Real GDP growth

Real gross domestic product (GDP) is the measure of actual production of goods and services in the economy
over the course of a particular period. We will learn how the national statistics offices measure it and how we
interpret movements in real GDP in Chapter 4 when we study the National Income and Product Accounts
(NIPA). For now, we consider economic growth to be measured by the percentage change in real GDP, and
in that sense, it is one measure of the prosperity of a nation. We will learn that employment growth is also
dependent on output growth and so a higher real GDP growth usually means higher employment and lower
unemployment.
Table 2.1 shows the average annual real GDP growth rates by decade from 1960 for various countries. The sam-
ple of nations chosen includes three large industrialised European nations representative of the ‘north’ (Germany)
and ‘south’ (Italy and Spain), all of which are members of the Eurozone; a European nation outside the Eurozone
since its inception in 1999 (UK); a small open economy predominantly exporting primary commodities and with
a relatively underdeveloped industrial base (Australia); and two large, non-European industrialised nations (Japan
and the USA).
Several things are clear. First, real economic growth has been lower on average since 2010 than in the 1960s for
each country. Second, the southern European nations (Italy and Spain) have clearly performed poorly in the most
recent period. Third, the European nations within the Eurozone, including Germany, have performed relatively
poorly since 2000. Fourth, Australia has generally performed better than the other nations in Table 2.1.
Table 2.1 Average annual real GDP growth by decades, per cent
Germany Italy Spain UK Australia Japan USA
1960–69 4.5 5.7 8.6 3.1 5.0 10.2 4.7
1970–79 3.3 4.0 5.3 2.6 3.3 5.2 3.2
1980–89 2.0 2.6 3.0 2.7 3.4 4.4 3.1
1990–99 2.2 1.5 2.8 2.1 3.2 1.5 3.2
2000–09 0.8 0.5 2.7 1.9 3.2 0.6 1.8
2010–15 2.0 –0.5 –0.3 2.0 2.6 1.4 2.1
Source: Authors’ own. Data from the various national statistical agencies.
Among the questions that our macroeconomic approach needs to be able to answer in a consistent fashion
are: Why has real GDP growth on average slowed? Why is Australia’s growth rate since 2000 superior to that of
the other nations? Why have Italy and Spain endured negative growth in the period 2010–2015?
Unemployment
One of the stark facts about modern economies has been the way in which unemployment has evolved since
the 1980s. While different nations have recorded different outcomes, the common thread is that unemployment
rates have risen overall, and in most cases, have been sustained at higher levels for many years.
In Figure 2.1, the unemployment rates, or the percentage of willing workers who are unable to find work,
are shown for the seven nations depicted in Table 2.1 from 1960 to 2015. Please note that the vertical scales are
different.
Table 2.2 provides further information upon which to assess the historical behaviour of unemployment.
Figure 2.1 and Table 2.2 show that unemployment rose in all seven nations during the 1970s and persisted at
these high levels well into the first decade of the new century. Unemployment rates in Japan have been signifi-
cantly below those of the other nations shown (although they have also trended upward).
The data also show quite clear cyclical patterns; Australia being a clear, pronounced example of this.
Unemployment was below two per cent for most of the early post-Second World War period and then rose
sharply in the mid-1970s, continuing to rise as the economy went into a deep recession in the early 1980s.
Economic growth in the second half of the 1980s brought Australia’s unemployment down from its
1982 peak but never to the low levels of the 1950s, 1960s and early 1970s. The 1991 recession saw the
unemployment rate jump up again very quickly and reach higher than the 1982 peak. The rate started to
fall again as growth ensued after the recession was officially over, but it took many years to get back to
pre-1991 levels.
Table 2.2 Average unemployment rates by decade, per cent

Germany Italy Spain UK Australia Japan USA
1960–69 0.8 3.8 2.5 1.8 1.7 1.3 4.8
1970–79 2.4 4.7 4.4 3.6 3.9 1.7 6.2
1980–89 6.8 8.4 17.5 9.6 7.5 2.5 7.3
1990–99 7.8 10.4 19.5 8.0 8.8 3.0 5.8
2000–09 8.9 7.9 11.3 5.4 5.5 4.7 5.5
2010–17 5.1 10.9 21.9 6.6 5.6 3.9 6.8
Source: Authors’ own. Data from the various national statistical agencies.
Figure 2.1 Comparative unemployment rates, per cent, 1960 to 2017
Germany Italy Spain

12 14 30
10 12 25
10
8 20
8
6 15
6
4 10
4
2 2 5
0 0 0
1960
1965
1970
1975
1980
1985
1990
1995
2000
2005
2010
2015
1960
1965
1970
1975
1980
1985
1990
1995
2000
2005
2010
2015
1960
1965
1970
1975
1980
1985
1990
1995
2000
2005
2010
2015
Australia Japan UK
12 6 14
10 5 12
10
8 4
8
6 3
6
4 2
4
2 1 2
0 0 0
1960
1965
1970
1975
1980
1985
1990
1995
2000
2005
2010
2015
1960
1965
1970
1975
1980
1985
1990
1995
2000
2005
2010
2015
1960
1965
1970
1975
1980
1985
1990
1995
2000
2005
2010
USA 2015
12
10
0
1960
1965
1970
1975
1980
1985
1990
1995
2000
2005
2010
2015
Source: Authors’ own, using data from: Australian Bureau of Statistics; Federal Statistical Office, Germany; National Institute of Statistics, Italy; Ministry of
Finance, Japan; National Statistics Institute, Spain; Office of National Statistics, Britain; Bureau of Economic Analysis, USA.
The US follows a similar pattern, although compared to Australia, unemployment rates were higher in the
early post-war period but lower in the 1990s. The GFC largely bypassed Australia but led to high unemployment
in the USA, which has fallen somewhat since.
Unemployment rates tend to behave in an asymmetric pattern; they rise very sharply and quickly when the
economy goes into a downturn in activity but then only gradually fall over a long period once growth returns.
Any credible macroeconomic model needs to provide convincing explanations for these movements. How
was unemployment kept at low levels during the 1950s and 1960s? Why did unemployment rates rise in the 1970s
and persist at the higher levels for several decades? What determines the cyclical and asymmetric pattern of the
unemployment rates? Is there a behavioural relationship between the GDP growth data shown in Table 2.1 and
the unemployment data in Table 2.2?
In answer to the first two questions, MMT would refer to the key proposition in macroeconomics that total
spending determines output and employment, and indirectly unemployment. MMT would conclude that the
problem probably lies in insufficient spending, attributable to insufficient aggregate demand, a topic we will
pursue in later chapters.
Real wages and productivity

In 1957, the renowned British economist Nicholas Kaldor wrote an article in The Economic Journal about the
nature of long-term economic growth. He noted that there were six “remarkable historical constancies revealed
by recent empirical investigations” (p. 591), which he later considered to constitute the ‘stylised facts’ regarding
economic growth. He noted that these constancies were not necessarily immune to cyclical variation (as the
economic cycle moves up and down), but were relatively constant over longer periods.
Among his stylised facts of economic growth was the observation that: “the share of wages and the share
of profits in the national income has shown a remarkable constancy in ‘developed’ capitalist economies
of the United States and the United Kingdom since the second half of the nineteenth century” (Kaldor
1957: 592–3). This observation was repeated by many economists for other nations in terms of the distribution
of national income between labour (wages) and capital (profits).
We will learn in later chapters that for the share of wages and the share of profits in national income to remain
constant over time, real wages must grow at the same rate as labour productivity. Real wages are the purchasing
power equivalent of the wage a worker receives in money terms. Labour productivity is the output that is pro-
duced per unit of labour input.
Figure 2.2 picks up the story in early 1971 for the Australian and US economies. These examples are repre-
sentative of trends observed over this time period in a number of advanced economies of the world. Up until the
early 1980s, real wages continued to grow at the same rate as labour productivity (represented as ‘GDP per hour
worked’ on our graph), which is consistent with Kaldor’s observation.
In the early 1980s, a gap opened up between these two data series and has widened ever since. (Don’t
worry if you are having trouble interpreting the graph and its underlying data at this stage. As we work
through the material in this textbook, we will develop the techniques necessary to assist you to interpret
changes in data.)
In terms of shares of national income, the growing gap between real wages and labour productivity has
meant that there has been an ongoing redistribution of real income away from workers (wages) towards capital
(profits).
How do we explain this increasing discrepancy in national income shares? Why did the period of Kaldor’s
stylised constancy of national income shares end? What are the implications of such a substantial redistribu-
tion of national income away from real wages, which have until the last few decades been the primary driver of
household consumption expenditure? What other factors now influence the growth in household consumption
expenditure? This is a topic that macroeconomics must be able to explain, and this textbook will help you to
address these questions.
Figure 2.2 Real wage and productivity indexes, Australia and USA, 1971 to 2015 (March 1982=100)
(a) Australia (b) USA

180 200
170
180
160
150
March 1982 =100

160
March 1982 =100
140
130 140
120
120
110
100 100
90
80 80
1971 1976 1981 1986 1991 1996 2001 2006 2011 1971 1976 1981 1986 1991 1996 2001 2006 2011
Real wage per worker GDP per hour worked Real wage per worker GDP per hour worked
Source: Authors’ own. Data from Australian Bureau of Statistics, National Accounts, US Bureau of Labor Statistics.
Private sector indebtedness

Figure 2.3 shows the rise in household debt as a share of disposable income between 2000 and 2015 for a range of
OECD nations. Over the period shown, the ratio has risen markedly in most nations as financial market deregula-
tion accelerated.
Is this large increase in the household debt ratio linked to the distributional shifts in national income implied
by Figure 2.2? What other factors might explain this shift? What are the implications of the elevation in the house-
hold debt to disposable income ratio? Was the GFC linked to this movement? Again, this textbook will provide
you with the understanding you need to comprehend these issues.
Central bank balance sheets

Figure 2.4 shows the so-called monetary base of the US economy administered by the Federal Reserve Bank.
We will learn about the monetary base in later chapters but for now we can simply consider it to be the total
reserves of the US banking system held at the central bank (the Federal Reserve Bank) plus currency (notes
and coins) in circulation. The monetary base represents liabilities on the balance sheet of the US central
bank. Up until 2008, the monetary base predominantly comprised currency on issue. The proportion in bank
reserves increased from 2008 so that in December 2015 bank reserves were around 65 per cent of the total
monetary base.
In January 2008, the US monetary base equalled $US830,632 million. It then accelerated upwards very quickly
and by December 2015, stood at $US3,835,800 million – a huge increase by any standard.
The rise in bank reserves at the US central bank is not an isolated event and similar balance sheet shifts occurred
in recent years in other nations (for example Japan and the UK). Many mainstream economists predicted that the
substantial rise in central bank reserves would flood each economy with money and cause inflation. History tells
us that over the same period inflation has been low.
How do we explain this massive shift in the balance sheet of the US Federal Reserve Bank? What are the
implications of this shift? How does the monetary base relate to the money supply? Can the central bank carry
liabilities of this size indefinitely?
Figure 2.3 Household debt to disposable income ratio, OECD nations, 2000 to 2015
350 2015
2000
300
250
200
Per cent
150
100
50
0
AU S
E
N
FIN
A
C
N
E
A
P
D
A
E
I
US
UK
N
L
K
T
T
R
R
R
SW
AU
BE
CZ
IR
SW
JA
GE
NO
PO
ES
SV
GR
FR
IT
SP
NL
DE
HU
CA
Source: Authors’ own. Data points from OECD iLibrary, National Accounts at a Glance 2015, Table 20.1. https://www.oecd-ilibrary.org/economics/national-
accounts-at-a-glance-2015/household-debt_na_glance-2015-table31-en.
Notes: The abbreviations in the figure denote the following countries: AUS Australia; AUT Austria; BEL Belgium; CZE Czech Republic; DEN Denmark;
FIN Finland; FRA France; GER Germany; GRC Greece; HUN Hungary; IRE Ireland; ITA Italy; JAP Japan; NLD Netherlands; NOR Norway; POR Portugal;
SVK Slovakia; SPA Spain; SWE Sweden; SWI Switzerland; UK United Kingdom; US United States; EST Estonia; CAN Canada.
Japan’s persistent fiscal deficits: the glaring counterfactual case

Consult almost any other macroeconomics textbook and you will find the following propositions stated, in some
form or another, as inalienable fact:
1. Persistent fiscal deficits push up short-term interest rates because the alleged need to finance higher deficits
increases the demand for scarce savings relative to its supply.
Figure 2.4 US Federal Reserve Bank monetary base, 1959 to 2015, $US billions
4500 Total US
monetary
4000 base
3500
3000
$US billion
2500
2000
1500
1000
500
0
1959 1964 1969 1974 1979 1984 1989 1994 1999 2004 2009 2014
Source: Authors’ own. Data from Federal Reserve Bank, US.

2. These higher interest rates undermine private investment spending (the so-called ‘crowding out’
hypothesis).
3. Persistent fiscal deficits lead to bond markets demanding increasing yields on government debt.
4. The rising public debt-to-GDP ratio associated with the persistent fiscal deficits will eventually lead bond mar-
kets to withdraw their lending to the government and the government will run out of money.
5. Persistent fiscal deficits lead to accelerating inflation and potentially hyperinflation, which is highly detrimen-
tal to the macroeconomy.
Japan was the second largest economy after its reconstruction following the Second World War led to spectacular
growth in the 1960s. It is now the third largest economy behind the United States and China. Japan since 1990
provides a very interesting case study for macroeconomists because it has been marked by a number of macro-
economic outcomes that are at odds with orthodox thinking.
As we can see in Figure 2.5, Japan has run a persistent deficit since 1992. A massive build-up of private
indebtedness associated with a real estate boom, accompanied the five years of fiscal surpluses from 1987 to
1991. The boom crashed spectacularly in 1991 and was followed by a period of lower growth and the need
for higher deficits. The convention in Japan is that the national government matches its fiscal deficit with the issu-
ance of bonds to the non-government sector, principally the private domestic sector.
Figure 2.6 shows the evolution of public debt levels as a percentage of GDP since 1980. Gross public debt is the
total outstanding public debt issued by Japan’s national (general) government sector. But the government also
has investments which deliver returns, and when we subtract them from the gross public debt we get the net
public debt.
Unsurprisingly, given the institutional practice of issuing debt to the private bond markets to match the fiscal
deficits, the debt ratio has risen over time as a reflection of the ongoing deficits that the Japanese government
has been running to support growth in the economy and maintain relatively low unemployment rates (see
Figure 2.6).
If the neoclassical propositions summarised above correctly captured the way the real world operates, then we
should have expected to see rising interest rates, increasing bond yields, and accelerating inflation in Japan, given
the persistent fiscal deficits.
Figure 2.5 Government fiscal balance as a percentage of GDP, Japan, 1980–2015
4 Fiscal deficit
2 Fiscal surplus
–2
Per cent
–4
–6
–8
–10
–12
1980
1981
1982
1983
1984
1985
1986
1987
1988
1989
1990
1991
1992
1993
1994
1995
1996
1997
1998
1999
2000
2001
2002
2003
2004
2005
2006
2007
2008
2009
2010
2011
2012
2013
2014
2015
Source: Authors’ own. Data from IMF World Economic Outlook dataset (http://www.imf.org/weo).
Did the persistent fiscal deficits in Japan drive up interest rates and government bond yields? The answer
is clearly no! Figure 2.7 shows the overnight interest rate in Japan, which is administered by the central
bank, the Bank of Japan. This is the interest rate that banks use to borrow. It has stayed exceedingly low
and has not responded adversely to the persistent fiscal deficits. Figure 2.8 shows that long-term (10 year)
bond yields (interest rates) on government debt have also stayed very low and not responded adversely to
the persistent fiscal deficits. If investors considered the government debt had become increasingly risky to
purchase, they would have demanded increasing yields to compensate for that risk. There is no such sug-
gestion – that bond market investors have become wary of Japanese government bonds – to be found here.
Nor have they signalled any unwillingness to purchase the debt; demand for the bonds remains high and
yields remain low.
Figure 2.9 shows the inflation and deflation rates for Japan between 1980 and 2015. Inflation occurs when
there is an ongoing increase in the general price level, whereas deflation describes the situation when the general
price level is continuously falling (negative inflation).
You can see that since the property boom crashed and the Japanese government began to run persistent
and at times, large, fiscal deficits, the inflation rate has been low and often negative. There is clearly no inflationary
bias in the modern Japanese economy, as persistently predicted by the mainstream economic theories.
The above evidence shows that, despite persistent deficits and a rising public debt-to-GDP ratio, along with a
downgrade of Japan’s credit rating by international ratings agencies, including Fitch in April 2015, international
bond markets have not ‘punished’ the Japanese government with high ten year interest rates on public debt nor
has the central bank lost control of the overnight interest rate. Second, the persistent deficits have not led to high
rates of domestic inflation.
It is clear that the mainstream macroeconomic explanation of the relationships between fiscal deficits, inter-
est rates, bond yields and inflation rates is unable to adequately capture the real world dynamics in Japan. Such a
categorical failure to provide an explanation suggests that the mainstream theory is seriously deficient. A MMT
Figure 2.6 Gross and net public debt as a percentage of GDP, Japan, 1980 to 2015
300
250
200
Per cent
150
100
50
0
1980
1981
1982
1983
1984
1985
1986
1987
1988
1989
1990
1991
1992
1993
1994
1995
1996
1997
1998
1999
2000
2001
2002
2003
2004
2005
2006
2007
2008
2009
2010
2011
2012
2013
2014
2015
Government gross debt percentage of GDP Government net debt percentage of GDP
Figure 2.7 Japan overnight interest rate, per cent, July 1985 to December 2015
5
Per cent
0
1985 1990 1995 2000 2005 2010 2015
Bank of Japan overnight interest rate
Source: Authors’ own. Data from Bank of Japan (http://www.stat-search.boj.or.jp/index_en.html).
Figure 2.8 Japan government 10 year government bond yield, per cent, 1990 to 2015
5
Per cent
0
1990 1995 2000 2005 2010 2015
10 Year Government Bond Yield (%)
Source: Authors’ own. Data from Ministry of Finance, Japan (http://www.mof.go.jp/english/jgbs/reference/interest_rate/historical/jgbcme_all.csv).

Figure 2.9 Inflation and deflation in Japan, per cent, 1980 to 2015
10
6
Per cent
–2
1980
1981
1982
1983
1984
1985
1986
1987
1988
1989
1990
1991
1992
1993
1994
1995
1996
1997
1998
1999
2000
2001
2002
2003
2004
2005
2006
2007
2008
2009
2010
2011
2012
2013
2014
2015
Inflation rate Deflation rate
explanation of these empirical outcomes will be provided in Chapters 20 and 21, when students will have devel-
oped a thorough understanding of the workings of a modern monetary economy with a sovereign currency, and
the operation of fiscal policy.
2.4 Why is it so Difficult to Come to an Agreement on Policy?

The Minimum Wage Debate
In the previous section, we explored some of the stylised facts and noted that these are things that economic
theory ought to be able to explain. In this section, we turn to an example of a policy debate: the minimum
wage.
Many countries have legislated minimum wages that are periodically raised. Each time policymakers examine
the case for raising the minimum, economists are paraded to predict disastrous consequences for employment
should wages be raised. Most of these economists dishonestly proclaim that economic theory reaches a decisive
conclusion: minimum wages cause unemployment. In truth, economic theory gives (at least) two answers to the
question of the effect of raising minimum wages on unemployment.
1. Raising wages increases business costs that beyond some point will increase the price of output. If we hold
the income and purchasing power of consumers constant, it would seem that the higher prices must lead
to fewer sales, and hence to lower employment. (There are other effects that could strengthen this impact,
such as higher imports from abroad where labour is cheaper, and also substitution of machines for labour
whose price has gone up.) Thus, neoliberals argue that raising the minimum wage must lead to higher un-
employment.
2. Not so fast, says our two-armed economist. If wages rise, then it is not necessarily true that consumer income
and hence purchasing power is constant. After all, most consumption is financed by wages, and the incomes
of those employed at the lowest wages have increased. Those workers buy more goods and services. Firms
which sell these goods and services might decide to hire more workers. Those workers buy more, too. If some
employers decide that at the higher minimum wage they prefer to buy robotic machines to replace workers,
that means more jobs making machines. We cannot say for sure that the net result of this complex chain reac-
tion will be more jobs or fewer jobs.
So any two-armed economist will admit that economic theory cannot provide a decisive answer.
The frustrated student (and policymaker) asks ‘But why can’t we just look at real world evidence to settle the
question?’ Economists do of course try to do just that, and the tool of choice is econometrics. We can look at a
number of cases where minimum wages have been raised. In the USA, for example, the 50 US states have their
own minimum wage laws so it is possible to compare employment effects in one state when the minimum wage
is raised while it is held constant in a neighbouring state with otherwise similar conditions. What the most care-
ful studies in the USA find is that raising wages does not tend to reduce employment and raise unemployment;
indeed it looks like the correlation goes the other way, with employment rising.
Does that settle the case? No. Even leaving aside clearly ideologically biased claims by opponents of mini-
mum wage hikes, such empirical studies cannot be decisive. Even the most carefully designed tests cannot
control for all possible factors that might affect employment. We cannot be sure that raising wages was what
caused employment to rise. There could well be an uncontrolled factor that coincidentally increased employ-
ment (and indeed may have done so even if the wage hike by itself would have actually reduced the number
employed).
Economists are well aware of this conundrum: empirical correlation never proves causation. Causation itself
is a deeply complex topic. While we can put together theory and models and data to make a case, we probably
will not be able to prove that ‘X causes Y’ when it comes to the most significant questions in economics.
John Maynard Keynes argued that the best one can do is to convince by the weight of one’s argument.
Certainly, one needs theory and probably evidence, maybe even a mathematical model, but even that will not
convince an opponent unless the case is made through persuasive argument. Keynes was a master of argu-
ment, but even he did not always win. More recently Deirdre McCloskey made a similar claim in her book The
Rhetoric of Economics (1985). Her point is that evidence alone is not decisive; ‘rhetoric’, the art of discourse, is
also important.
If proof is difficult and theory provides ambiguous answers, can economics make progress? In the final section
we address this question.
2.5 The Structure of Scientific Revolutions

In his influential book, The Structure of Scientific Revolutions, Thomas Kuhn (1970) advanced a thesis in which
he distinguished between ‘normal science’ that works within a ‘paradigm’ and a ‘scientific revolution’ that
breaks free of the paradigm – or even smashes it apart. For our purposes, we can think of the neoclassical
approach as a ‘paradigm’ that works within the framework of utility maximisation and rationality, with the
Keynesian (/Institutionalist/Marxist) approach as the paradigm-breaking scientific revolution.
Returning to the debate about the minimum wage, the neoliberal conclusion that raising wages causes unem-
ployment is the correct answer if one views the question from within the neoclassical paradigm. In that paradigm,
prices ration resources, and at higher prices there will be less demand. As wages rise, employers want fewer work-
ers. It makes sense to argue that unemployment rises.
However, within the heterodox paradigm, what matters is aggregate effective demand (a topic to which we
will turn later). Higher wages mean more income and more sales, hence firms want more workers. The net effect
of a wage hike could be more employment.
Kuhn’s breakthrough was the realisation that most of the time scientists (including economists) work within a
paradigm, asking and attempting to answer questions in a manner that is consistent with the paradigm. He calls
this ‘normal science’ and the research process mainly entails ‘puzzle solving’. The ‘normal scientist’ comes across
‘anomalies’ that are hard to resolve within the paradigm in which they work, as we see in Box 2.1.
Kuhn’s argument was that over time, as researchers pursue normal science working within their paradigm,
they come up against more and more anomalies that cannot be explained. Another example would be the
flat earth theory. Early scientists could come up with increasingly complicated explanations for the appar-
ent anomalies. For example, as ships approach shore from a distant horizon, only the tops of the masts are
first visible due to the earth’s curvature. However, if light travels in a curved path that phenomenon could be
explained within the flat earth paradigm. Yet, other tests would find that light apparently travels in a straight
line, which is an anomaly.
According to Kuhn, as the anomalies build some researchers begin to think outside the paradigm. Well,
perhaps the earth is not flat. Guests and servers may not be ‘rational’ in the narrow neoclassical sense. People
begin to develop a new paradigm. Kuhn calls this a ‘scientific revolution’ and it has been likened to taking
off distorting glasses and putting on prescription lenses that correct vision. The world never looks the same
again because the new paradigm changes one’s view completely. What were thought to be anomalies are
easily explained within the new paradigm. It isn’t a coincidence that the new paradigm is developed by younger
researchers or by those outside the officialdom of the profession because it is easier for them to cast off the
old ideas.
Within the new paradigm, normal science advances by puzzle solving, and eventually comes up against new
anomalies. Eventually yet another scientific revolution will be needed. Note that no disparagement of ‘normal’
science is intended. Most of the advance of science comes through puzzle solving. Indeed, one cannot do research
or even attempt to understand the world without a paradigm to start from. But puzzle solving, by itself, is not
enough. Scientific revolutions are needed because paradigms are also constraining; they limit the conception of
what is possible.
When he had finished the draft of his classic work, The General Theory of Employment, Interest and Money
(1936), John Maynard Keynes wrote to a friend, George Bernard Shaw, proclaiming that his new book would
revolutionise economic theory, if not at once, then at least eventually. That is quite a claim to make, of course,
but Keynes was brilliant, and confident. The immediate reaction to his book seemed to validate his expecta-
tion. While not everyone was about to jump aboard it is not an exaggeration to say that many recognised
Box 2.1 Challenging neoclassical conventions
A commonly used example is the convention of tipping in a restaurant. If we assume that the
diner and the server are both completely rational in the neoclassical sense (that is, selfish), then
the tip typically should be negotiated before the meal to induce good service, except in the case
where the diner is a local who often frequents the restaurant. The local diner can wait until after
the meal to tip for good service. The server will provide good service in advance of the tip, expect-
ing the diner will reward good service. If the local diner pays a low tip then poor service can be
expected on the next visit.
The tourist or business visitor, however, might never expect to return to the restaurant. A tip
before service could be negotiated depending on the level of service the diner wants. A contract is
made and then if the server provides the service contracted the payment is made at dinner’s end.
The contract might include an external opinion and enforcement mechanism. In practice, we do
not observe such contracts. Rather, the diner pays a tip at the end of dinner, based on assessment
of services rendered. However, a rational one-time visitor would never pay a tip after service. Why
bother? It is too late for the server to deliver poor service. And the diner never expects to return.
Such behaviour is an anomaly for the neoclassical paradigm.
the revolutionary nature of his theory. By the 1960s, most macroeconomists considered themselves to be
Keynesian.
And yet Keynesian theory soon fell out of favour. Mainstream macroeconomics began to shed Keynesian ideas
from the early 1970s, and they were almost completely gone by the 1990s. It would be as if we returned to flat
earth theory after once embracing round earth theory.
Note that part of the difference is that economics is a social science that studies human behaviour and pro-
poses policy that directly affects human lives. It concerns topics that are contentious, and where policy bene
fits some but can hurt the interests of others. All the policies that came out of the Keynesian revolution were
opposed by some groups, whether it was social welfare for the poor, social security for the aged, or jobs for the
unemployed. Opponents inevitably regroup and attempt a counterrevolution.
Social sciences also experience reversals. Social theories from the past are thrust into the limelight again.
Indeed, even in the ‘hard’ sciences, old ideas sometimes come back. In the USA, for example, the well-established
theory of evolution is again under attack. Kuhn had warned that we should not see science as steadily progress-
ing in a linear fashion from myth to truth. There is a tendency to write the textbooks in that manner, but reality
is messy.
In any event, the authors of this textbook do view Keynes’ General Theory as a scientific revolution, in Kuhn’s
sense, as were Karl Marx’s theories presented in his 1867 book Capital. In both cases, orthodoxy mounted coun-
terrevolutions to restore neoclassical thought.
By the 1870s three orthodox economists had published books to not only defend, but to strengthen, the
arguments of neoclassical economics against Marx’s economics. Jevons, Walras and Menger published their con-
tributions between 1871 and 1873, in direct response to Marx (Henry, 2012). In other words, the neoclassical
framework was developed as a rebuttal to the Marxian approach. Marx’s revolutionary theory carried on, but in
much of the West it was sidelined as the neoclassical theory became dominant.
In the case of the General Theory, the Keynesian revolution was gradually aborted as a few of Keynes’ ideas
were integrated into the neoclassical approach, forming the ‘Neoclassical Synthesis’ which was outlined in text-
books (with Paul Samuelson (1947) in the lead). All the revolutionary insights of Keynes (and Veblen and Marx)
were dropped in order to make Keynes more or less consistent with neoclassical economics.
Unlike the case of Marx’s Capital, which was openly disparaged, Keynes’ book had been celebrated. A few of
Keynes’ ideas were incorporated into the ‘Synthesis’ and most macroeconomists became ‘Keynesian’ for some
time, even though few fully understood the book.
Heterodox economists insist that this was a mistake, that neoclassical theory should have been dropped,
and the revolutionary insights of heterodoxy (stretching all the way back to Marx) should have led to a new
paradigm.
While our main purpose in this book is to develop the coherent heterodox alternative, we will present the
neoclassical approach as we go along. Students must be familiar with both alternatives.
Conclusion
These examples demonstrate that macroeconomics is a highly contested discipline in terms of theory and pol-
icy prescription. When assessing the statements made by financial commentators and economists in the public
debate, one must continually refer back to the stylised facts.
It is important that students gain familiarity with the language of macroeconomics and understand the key
concepts and theories, which will be developed in the following chapters.
References
Centre of Full Employment and Equity (CofFEE) (c.2001) The Tale of 100 Dogs and 95 Bones. Available at: http://
e1.newcastle.edu.au/coffee/education/education_view.cfm?ID=1, accessed 10 July 2018.
Henry, J.F. (2012) The Making of Neoclassical Economics, Routledge Revivals, Abingdon: Taylor & Francis.
Kaldor, N. (1957) “A Model of Economic Growth”, The Economic Journal, 67(268), 591–624.
Keynes, J.M. (1936) The General Theory of Employment, Interest and Money, London: Macmillan.
Kuhn, T.S. (1970) The Structure of Scientific Revolutions, 2nd edn, Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
Marx, K. (1867) Capital, Volume I, London: Everyman’s Library.
McCloskey, D. (1985) The Rhetoric of Economics, Madison, WI: University of Wisconsin Press.
Samuelson, P. (1947) Foundations of Economic Analysis, Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.

CHAPTER 2 APPENDIX:
THE BUCKAROOS MODEL
A modern monetary economy is characterised by a currency regime, whereby transactions between economic
agents (for example, households, firms, financial institutions and government) can take place. This may involve,
for example, the purchase of goods and services by households from firms; the purchase of assets by households
and firms; the payment of taxes to the government or the receipt of transfers (e.g. unemployment benefit) from
government.
The real world Buckaroos model demonstrates the roles of the currency, spending and taxes in a simplified
economy.
At the University of Missouri at Kansas City (UMKC), students are required to undertake a specified num-
ber of hours of Community Service (CS) during each year of their degree programme. Failure to complete the
required hours of CS over the duration of the student’s degree programme has negative implications for the final
grade that the student receives. The Economics Department ran the pilot programme and designed a monetary
system to administer the scheme, which we briefly outline below.
Each student is assumed to be subject to a community service tax of say 25 hours’ work per semester, payable
to the University Treasury. Assume there are University-approved CS providers (for example, child care, aged
care, environmental services and so on) who submit bids for student hours to Treasury. Treasury awards paper
notes (let’s call these Bs as short for ‘Buckaroos’) to the CS providers (assuming health, safety and environmental
standards are met). In this economy assume one hour of ‘average community work’ is equal to B1. Paper notes are
printed, with the inscription ‘this note represents one hour of community service by a UMKC student’.
For example, Treasury may agree that students can do a total of 100 hours of work this semester at ‘the XYZ
not-for-profit agency’, which provides support for elderly people who are living alone. Treasury provides XYZ with
B100, enabling 100 hours of student labour to be purchased.
CS providers then draw on their Bs to pay students for their hours of service. This can be considered ‘spending’
by the University Treasury, through the CS provider. If the student has undertaken 25 hours of CS in the semester,
then they can then pay their B25 tax, when they return these Bs to the University Treasury. This transfer of Bs by
each student to the Treasury extinguishes their tax liability for the semester.
Figure 2A.1 University Reserve Roo Note

The University Treasury burns the Bs received from students, or stockpiles them to be used for future treasury
spending, whichever is more cost efficient. The number of Bs supplied to any CS provider is limited by its need for
student labour, but also its ability to attract student workers.
Implications of the Buckaroos model

Treasury is the only source of Bs, which cannot be counterfeited. Treasury cannot collect B taxes until it has
spent some Bs. Treasury can only be deemed to have spent when Bs are handed over to students for work done.
Treasury cannot collect more Bs in payment of taxes than it has previously spent.
A possible Treasury outcome is a ‘balanced budget’, with tax ‘revenues’ equalling B spending. Thus Bs acquired
by CS providers from Treasury are used to buy student labour and are then returned to Treasury as tax payments
by the students. On the other hand, a surplus (deficit) arises in, say, semester one, if total treasury spending is less
(more) than the total taxes collected over that period.

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Macroeconomics

List of Figures xvii

PART A: INTRODUCTION AND MEASUREMENT

2 How to Think and Do Macroeconomics 18

3 A Brief Overview of Economic History and the Rise of Capitalism 38

4 The System of National Income and Product ­Accounts 50

5 Labour Market Concepts and Measurement 66

5.5 Flow Measures of Unemployment 75

6 Sectoral Accounting and the Flow of Funds 83

7 Methods, Tools and Techniques 104

8 The Use of Framing and Language in Macroeconomics 118

Part B: Currency, Money and Banking

10 Money and Banking 147

Part C: National Income, Output and Employment Determination

12 Mr. Keynes and the ‘Classics’ 180

13 The Theory of Effective Demand 193

14 The Macroeconomic Demand for Labour 204

15 The Aggregate Expenditure Model 216

15.4 Private Consumption Expenditure 219

16 Aggregate Supply 239

Part D: Unemployment and Inflation: Theory and Policy

18 The Phillips Curve and Beyond 268

Econometric misspecification 273

19 Full Employment Policy 290

Part E: Economic Policy in an Open Economy

21 Fiscal Policy in Sovereign Nations 332

23.10 Horizontal and Vertical Operations: An Integration 370

Part F: Economic Instability

Part G: History of Macroeconomic Thought

Examples of price and wage inflexibility 476

Part H: Contemporary Debates

32 Macroeconomics in the Light of the Global Financial Crisis 535

33 Macroeconomics for the Future 551

2.1 Comparative unemployment rates, 7.1 Consumption function 110

2.1 Average annual real GDP growth by decades, per cent 23

2.1 Challenging neoclassical conventions 33

Boxed Text BOX 7.1 RULES OF ALGEBRA

General boxed text includes digressions from, Addition and subtraction

Multiplication and division

Conclusion, References and Endnotes

Visit the companion website at www.macmillanihe.com/mitchell-macro for additional resources

1.1 What is Economics? Two Views

Orthodox, neoclassical approach

Neoclassical Definition of Economics: the study of the allocation of scarce resources

Heterodox approach – Keynesian/Institutionalist/Marxist

What do economists do?

Implications for research and policy

1.2 Economics and the Public Purpose

The Articles that define the Declaration include:

1.3 What is Macroeconomics?

The macro model

The MMT approach to macroeconomics

Fiscal and monetary policy

Policy implications of MMT for sovereign nations

Visit the companion website at www.macmillanihe.com/mitchell-macro for additional resources

2 HOW TO THINK AND DO

2.2 Thinking in a Macroeconomic Way

2.3 What Should a Macroeconomic Theory be Able to Explain?

Real GDP growth

4 The System of National Income and Product Accounts 50

2.4 Why is it so Difficult to Come to an Agreement on Policy?