Buen Vivir and the Challenges

to Capitalism in Latin America

This book explores the battleground between neoliberal capitalist development

processes in Latin America and the challenges to these systems that can be
found through innovative community-driven buen vivir/vivir bien initiatives.
In the current climate of worldwide capitalist development, Latin America is
caught between left-leaning proposals for progressive policies towards a more
inclusive form of development, and the re-emergence of harsh austerity meas-
ures, neoliberal reforms and right-wing populism. Divided into two parts, this
book first provides a retrospective analysis of the advance of resource-seeking
‘extractive’ capital across the continent since the 1990s. The second part goes on
to focus on forward-looking challenges to neoliberal capitalist development,
focusing in particular on the indigenous notion of buen vivir/vivir bien—the
concept of ‘living well’ in social solidarity and harmony with nature. Drawing
on cases in Mexico and Venezuela, the book argues that it will be through these
new approaches to social change that we will move beyond development as
we know it towards a more inclusive form of ‘postdevelopment’.
Looking hopefully towards this future of development, this collection offers an
essential analysis of the vortex of social change currently consuming Latin America
and will be key reading for advanced scholars and researchers in the fields of Devel-
opment Studies, Latin America Studies, Politics, and Social Change.

Henry Veltmeyer is senior research professor in development studies at Univer-

sidad Autónoma de Zacatecas, and senior research fellow in the centre of
Advanced Latin American Studies (CALAS) at the Universidad de Guadalajara.
He has authored and edited over 60 books in the area of Latin American studies,
the political economy of development and globalisation, and social movements
in the Latin American context.

Edgar Záyago Lau is professor and researcher of the Academic Unit in Development
Studies, Universidad Autónoma de Zacatecas (UAZ), Mexico, and Co-coordinator
of the Latin American Network of Nanotechnology and Society (ReLANS). His
research areas include the political economy of science, technology and develop-
ment; development theory and public policy. He is also the author and co-author of
more than 60 articles in mainstream academic journals and has co-edited nine books.
Routledge Critical Development Studies
Series Editors:
Henry Veltmeyer
Co-chair of the Critical Development Studies (CDS) network, Research Profes-
sor at Universidad Autónoma de Zacatecas, Mexico, and Professor Emeritus at
Saint Mary’s University, Canada
Paul Bowles
Professor of Economics and International Studies at UNBC, Canada
Elisa van Wayenberge
Lecturer in Economics at SOAS University of London, UK

The global crisis, coming at the end of three decades of uneven capitalist
­development and neoliberal globalisation that have devastated the economies
and societies of people across the world, especially in the developing societies
of the global south, cries out for a more critical, proactive approach to the study
of international development. The challenge of creating and disseminating such
an approach, to provide the study of international development with a critical edge,
is the project of a global network of activist development scholars concerned
and engaged in using their research and writings to help effect transformative
social change that might lead to a better world.
This series will provide a forum and outlet for the publication of books in the
broad interdisciplinary field of critical development studies—to generate new know-
ledge that can be used to promote transformative change and alternative development.
The editors of the series welcome the submission of original manuscripts that
focus on issues of concern to the growing worldwide community of activist
scholars in this field.
To submit proposals, please contact the Development Studies Editor, Helena
Hurd ([email protected]).

The Rise and Fall of Global Microcredit

Development, Debt and Disillusion
Edited by Milford Bateman, Stephanie Blankenburg and Richard Kozul-Wright

Postdevelopment in Practice
Alternatives, Economies, Ontologies
Edited by Elise Klein and Carlos Eduardo Morreo

Buen Vivir and the Challenges to Capitalism in Latin America

Edited by Henry Veltmeyer and Edgar Záyago Lau

www.routledge.com/Routledge-Critical-Development-Studies/book-series/RCDS
Buen Vivir and the
Challenges to Capitalism
in Latin America

Edited by Henry Veltmeyer

and Edgar Záyago Lau
First published 2021
by Routledge
2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN
and by Routledge
52 Vanderbilt Avenue, New York, NY 10017
Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business
© 2021 selection and editorial matter, Henry Veltmeyer and Edgar Záyago Lau;
individual chapters, the contributors
The right of Henry Veltmeyer and Edgar Záyago Lau to be identified as the
authors of the editorial matter, and of the authors for their individual chapters, has
been asserted in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright, Designs and
Patents Act 1988.
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised
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infringe.
British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data
A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Names: Veltmeyer, Henry, editor. | Záyago Lau, Edgar, editor.
Title: Buen vivir and the challenges to capitalism in Latin America /
edited by Henry Veltmeyer and Edgar Zayago Lau.
Description: New York : Routledge, 2020. | Series: Routledge critical
development studies | Includes bibliographical references and index. |
Identifiers: LCCN 2020016937 (print) | LCCN 2020016938 (ebook) |
ISBN 9780367550011 (hardback) | ISBN 9781003091516 (ebook)
Subjects: LCSH: Social change–Latin America. | Capitalism–Latin
America. | Latin America–Economic policy. | Latin America–Politics
and government–21st century.
Classification: LCC HN110.5.A8 B834 2020 (print) |
LCC HN110.5.A8 (ebook) | DDC 303.4098–dc23
LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2020016937
LC ebook record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2020016938

ISBN: 978-0-367-55001-1 (hbk)

ISBN: 978-1-003-09151-6 (ebk)
Typeset in Times New Roman
by Wearset Ltd, Boldon, Tyne and Wear
Contents

List of illustrationsvii
List of contributorsviii

Introduction 1
HENRY VELTMEYER AND EDGAR ZÁYAGO LAU

1 In the vortex of social change 11

HENRY VELTMEYER

PART I
Development in the neoliberal era 29

2 Extractive capitalism: development and resistance dynamics 31

JAMES PETRAS

3 Capitalism on the frontier of agroextractivism 50

RAÚL DELGADO WISE

4 Social movements and the state in the post-neoliberal era 71

GERARDO OTERO, EFE CAN GÜRCAN AND
HORACIO MACKINLAY

5 The syncopated dance of Mexico’s industrial policy 92

JUAN CARLOS MORENO-BRID, JOAQUÍN SÁNCHEZ
GÓMEZ AND STEFANIE GARRY

6 Communes in Venezuela in times of crisis 113

DARIO AZZELLINI
vi  Contents
PART II
Antinomies of development: constructing an
alternative reality 133

7 Neoextractivism and development 135

MARISTELLA SVAMPA

8 Paradoxes of development in the Andes and Amazonia  149

FERNANDA WANDERLEY, HORACIO VERA COSSIO
AND JEAN PAUL BENAVIDES

9 Uchronia for living well 174

RENÉ RAMÍREZ GALLEGOS

10 Disputes over capitalism and varieties of development194

EDUARDO GUDYNAS

Index214
Illustrations

Figures
5.1 Exports of aerospace enterprises located in Querétaro 98
5.2 Aerospace industry in Mexico: value added multipliers 101
5.3 Aerospace industry in Mexico: employment multipliers 102
5.4 Software industry: value added and employment multipliers 106
10.1 Disputes between development varieties 204
10.2 Type III disputes 207

Tables
1.1 The structure of Latin American exports, 1990–2011 14
1.2 Latin America: poverty and extreme poverty rates, 2002–2015 18
5.1 Industrial activities at the aerospace hub in Querétaro 99
5.2 Industrial activities in the software industry in Jalisco 104

Maps
5.1 Querétaro’s aerospace enterprises by location 100
5.2 Software enterprises in the state of Jalisco, by industrial class 105
Contributors

Dario Azzellini is Senior Research Professor in Development Studies at Univer-

sidad Autónoma de Zacatecas and Visiting Fellow at the Latin American
Studies Program of Cornell University. He received his PhD in political
science from Goethe University Frankfurt, Germany, and his PhD in soci-
ology from Benemérita Universidad Autónoma de Puebla, Mexico. He was
lecturer for development sociology, Cornell University; assistant professor
for sociology at Johannes Kepler University Linz, Austria; and fellow at the
CUNY graduate center, the CUNY Murphy Institute and at the Cornell ILR
School. He has published more than 20 books, numerous other writings and
11 documentary films in the areas of critical labour studies and global social
change with a special focus on Latin America and Europe, including Com-
munes and Workers’ Control in Venezuela: Building 21st Century Socialism
from Below (2017); They Can’t Represent Us. Reinventing Democracy From
Greece to Occupy (2014); The Class Strikes Back. Self-Organised Workers’
Struggles in the Twenty-First Century (2018); and Ours to Master and to
Own: Worker Control from the Commune to the Present (2011). Much of his
work is available at: www.azzellini.net.
Jean Paul Benavides is Assistant Professor and Researcher with the Institute of
Socioeconomic Research at the Universidad Católica Boliviana ‘San Pablo’.
Publications include TOOLKIT for the Monitoring and Evaluation of Produc-
tive Products with Gender-based Approach (2020), Institutional Diversity
and Local Forest Governance (2014), Carbon Sequestration in Community
Forests: Trade-offs, Multiple Outcomes and Institutional Diversity in the
Bolivian Amazon (2014), and Public Policy Reforms and Indigenous Forest
Governance: The Case of the Yuracaré People in Bolivia (2012).
Raúl Delgado Wise is Professor and Director of the Doctoral Program in Devel-
opment Studies at the Autonomous University of Zacatecas, general coordi-
nator of the UNESCO Chair on Migration, Development and Human Rights,
and member of the advisory board of the UNESCO-MOST committee in
Mexico. He is also president and founder of the International Network on
Migration and Development, co-Director of the Critical Development Studies
Network. He has authored and edited 30 books, and written more than 200
 Contributors  ix
essays, including book chapters and refereed articles. Recent books include
Mexico’s Economic Dilemma: The Developmental Failure of Neoliberalism
(2011); Critical Development Studies. An Introduction (2018); and Migration,
Civil Society and Global Governance (2019).
Stefanie Garry is an Economic Affairs Officer at the United Nations Conference
on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) in Geneva, Switzerland. She works
in the Office of the Director, Division for Africa, Least Developed Countries
and Special Programmes. She has also served as Associate Economics Affairs
Officer with the Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean
(ECLAC) in the Subregional Office in Mexico City, and a sectoral specialist
at the International Labor Organization (ILO)—with a specialised interest in
economics and development, community development planning, value
chains, small business development, labour market analysis, employment and
labour market statistics.
Eduardo Gudynas is Director and Senior Researcher at the Uruguay-based
Latin American Centre for Social Ecology (CLAES). His expertise is in the
area of social ecology, sustainable development and alternatives. He has
worked and continues to work closely with social movements, particularly in
South America. He is also associate researcher in the Department of Anthro-
pology, University of California, Davis (US); was Arne Naess chair on
environmental and global justice at the University of Oslo (Norway), fellow
at the Center for Advanced Studies at LMU Munich University (Germany),
and researcher with the Uruguayan innovations and research agency. He has
been listed among the 74 key thinkers in development and one of the 50 most
influential intellectuals in Latin America. He has authored or edited over 30
books, including now classic textbooks on Nature’s rights in Latin America
(printed in six countries) and on extractivisms (two versions in Spanish, and
forthcoming in English).
Efe Can Gürcan is Associate Dean of Research and Development for the Faculty
of Economics, Administrative and Social Sciences at İstinye University. He is
also a faculty member in the Department of International Relations, İstinye
University and Research Associate at Manitoba University’s Geopolitical
Economy Research Group. He completed his undergraduate education in Inter-
national Relations at Koç University. He received his master’s degree in Inter-
national Studies at the University of Montréal and earned his PhD in Sociology
at Simon Fraser University. He speaks English, French, Spanish and Turkish.
His publications include three books as well as more than 30 articles and book
chapters on international development, international conflict and international
institutions, with a geographical focus on Latin America and the Middle East.
His recent book is Multipolarization, South-South Cooperation and the Rise of
Post-Hegemonic Governance (Routledge, 2019).
Horacio Mackinlay, a sociologist and political scientist, is Professor of Soci-
ology at the Universidad Autónoma Metropolitana, campus Iztapalapa. His
x  Contributors
work is about political and rural sociology in Mexico. He has published over
30 scholarly articles and book chapters. His new research project is about
several aspects on the history of the Mexican agrarian reform (1915–1992).
His most recent article is ‘Well-off small-scale tobacco growers and farm
workers in the Mexican agrarian reform (1972–1990)’, published in the
Journal of Agrarian Change. Most of his work is available at: http://sgpwe.
izt.uam.mx/Profesor/1030-Horacio-Mackinlay.html.
Juan Carlos Moreno-Brid received his PhD in Economics from Cambridge
University. For many years he served as Director of the regional centre
(Mexico) of the Economic Commission of Latin America and the Caribbean
(ECLAC), but now is Professor of Economics at the Autonomous National
University of Mexico (UNAM), serving as lecturer and tutor in Economic
Development Knowledge as well as Economic History. His many publications
include Cambio estructural y crecimiento en Centroamérica y República
Dominicana (CEPAL, 2014) and Desarrollo y crecimiento en la economía
mexicana: una perspectiva histórica (Fondo de Cultura Económica, 2014;
Oxford University Press, 2009).
Gerardo Otero, a sociologist and political economist, is Professor of Inter-
national Studies at Simon Fraser University in Vancouver, Canada. His work
is about political economy of agriculture and food, civil society and the state
in the Americas. He has published over 100 scholarly articles, chapters and
books. He is the author of Farewell to the Peasantry? Political Class Forma-
tion in Rural Mexico (Westvew Press 1999, re-issued by Routledge in 2018).
His latest monograph is: The Neoliberal Diet: Healthy Profits, Unhealthy
People (University of Texas Press 2018). Much of his work is available at:
www.sfu.ca/people/otero.html.
James Petras is Professor Emeritus in Sociology at Binghamton University in
New York and Adjunct Professor in International Development Studies at
Saint Mary’s University (Halifax, Canada). He is the author of over 50 books
and numerous other writings on the dynamics of globalisation and Latin
American developments, including Unmasking Globalization (2001); The
New Development Politics (2003); Social Movements and the State: Argen-
tina, Bolivia, Brazil, Ecuador (2005). A list and an actual file of his periodi-
cal writings and journal articles are maintained and can be accessed at
­Rebelion.org.
René Ramírez Gallegos is an economist with a PhD in Sociology (with speciali­
sation in Labour Relations, Social Inequalities and Trade Unionism) awarded
by the Faculty of Economics, University of Coimbra—Portugal. He worked
as Coordinator of the III Regional Conference on Higher Education for Latin
America and Caribbean (IESALC-UNESCO) in regard to the thematic axis
‘Science, Technology and Innovation’ (2018). He has served as Chairman of the
Council of Higher Education in Ecuador (2011–2016); as Minister of Higher
Education, Science, Technology and Innovation in Ecuador (2011–2017); and
 Contributors  xi
as Minister of Planning and Development (2008–2011). At present, he is
guest professor-researcher at the Autonomous University of Zacatecas (UAZ)
and researcher of the University Program of Studies on Democracy, Justice
and Society (PUEDJS) at the National Autonomous University of México
(UNAM), Mexico. His many writings include “La gran transición. En busca
de nuevos sentidos comunes” (2016), “La vida y el tiempo. Apuntes para una
teoría ucrónica de la vida buena a partir de la historia reciente de Ecuador”
(2019). He is also co-editor of the Alice dictionary: http://alice.ces.uc.pt/
dictionary/.
Joaquín Sánchez Gómez is Assistant Professor at the Faculty of Economics,
The National Autonomous University of Mexico (UNAM). He also works as an
independent consultant for international organisations and government agen-
cies and does research on manufacturing, labour economics and international
commerce.
Maristella Svampa is an Argentinian sociologist and writer. She is Senior
Researcher at the CONICET (National Centre for Scientific and Technical
Research), in Argentina and Professor at the Universidad Nacional de la Plata
(province of Buenos Aires). She is the coordinator of the Group of Critical
and Interdisciplinary Studies on the Energy Problem and a member of the
Permanent Group of Alternative Development. She received the Guggenheim
Fellowship and the Kónex award in Sociology (Argentina) in 2006 and 2016,
and the Kónex award in Political and Sociological essay (2014), and the Plat-
inum Kónex Award in Sociology (2016). In 2018, she received the National
Award in Sociology in Argentina. Recent publications include Debates Lati-
noamericanos. Indianismo, Desarrollo, Dependencia, Populismo, Del
Cambio de época al fin de ciclo (2016), Gobiernos progresistas, extractiv-
ismo, movimientos sociales en América Latina (2017); La expansión de las
fronteras del neoextractivismo en América Latina (2018) and Chacra 51.
Regreso a la Patagonia en los tiempos del fracking (2018). In English she
has published Development in Latin America, Challenges, Resistances,
Future Directions (Fernwood Publishing, 2019) and Neo-Extractivism
Dynamics in Latin America, Socioenvironmental Conflicts, Territorial Turn,
and New Political Narratives (Cambridge University Press, 2019).
Henry Veltmeyer is Senior Research Professor at the Universidad Autónoma de
Zacatecas (Mexico) and Professor Emeritus of International Development
Studies (IDS) at Saint Mary’s University (Canada), with a specialist interest
in Latin American development. In addition to holding a Senior Research
Fellowship in advanced Latin American Studies at the University of Guadalajara
he is co-Chair of the Critical Development Studies (CDS) network, and a
­co-editor of Fernwood’s Initiatives in Critical Agrarian Change series. The
CDS Handbook: Tools for Change, originally published by Fernwood Publi-
cations in 2011 has been translated into French and published by University
of Ottawa Press as Des outils pour le changement: Une approche critique en
xii  Contributors
études du développement. Both the CDS Handbook and the expanded and
updated version (The Essential Guide to Critical Development Studies,
Routledge, 2017) have also been translated and published in Spanish by the
postgraduate program in development Studies (CIDES) at the Universidad
Mayor de San Andrés, La Paz, Bolivia.
Horacio Vera Cossio is a Bolivian development economist, Researcher and
Lecturer at the Catholic University of Bolivia working on issues of develop-
ment, poverty, and inequality. Recent publications include Cycles versus
Trends: The Effects of Economic Growth on Earnings in Bolivia (2015) and
When the Women Are the Ones Who Rule: The Role of Savings in Female
Empowerment (2014).
Fernanda Wanderley is a Brazilian-born Bolivian sociologist. She received her
PhD in Sociology from Colombia University in 2005. Since 2016 she has
served as Director and Senior Researcher at the Institute of Socio-Economic
Research of the Universidad Católica Boliviana ‘San Pablo’ (IISEC-UCB).
She has worked as a professor in the postgraduate program in Development
Studies at the Universidad Mayor de San Andres in La Paz from 2007–2015.
Her many publications include Hacia el desarrollo sostenible en la región
andina Bolivia, Perú, Ecuador y Colombia (2018); Los desafíos del desar-
rollo productivo en el siglo XXI (2018); and Between Extractivism and Living
Well: Experiences and Challenges (2017).
Edgar Záyago Lau is Professor and Researcher of the Academic Unit in Devel-
opment Studies, Universidad Autónoma de Zacatecas (UAZ), Mexico, and
Co-coordinator of the Latin American Network of Nanotechnology and
Society (ReLANS). His research areas include political economy of science,
technology and development; development theory and public policy. Currently
he is the academic administrator of the Doctoral Programme in Development
Studies at UAZ. He has been a visiting research scholar at the Transdiscipli-
nary Doctorate for the Scientific and Technological Development of Society
(DCTS) of the Centre for Research and Advanced Studies of the National
Polytechnic Institute (CINVESTAV—IPN) (2016–present) and at the Federal
University of Paraná in Curitiba, Brazil (2014). He is also the author and
­co-author of more than 60 articles in mainstream academic journals and has been
co-editor of nine books. He is a member of the National System of Researchers
(Tier II) and a member of the Mexican Academy of Science (AMC).
Introduction
Henry Veltmeyer and Edgar Záyago Lau

Latin America in the current neoliberal era of worldwide capitalist development

has turned into a veritable laboratory of different alternative pathways to devel-
opment. The region, it could be said, is caught up in the vortex of conflicting
forces of social change, some pulling or pushing towards the left (with proposals
for progressive policies in the direction of a more inclusive form of develop-
ment), and others to the right (in the form of a restoration of harsh neoliberal
reforms and austerity measures, the emergence of right-wing populism).
The turn into the twenty-first century was accompanied by a number of
momentous changes in both the international arena (the rise of China and a recon-
figuration of economic power) and in domestic politics (the rise of anti-neoliberal
social movements), which ushered in a cycle of progressive policies and level-
leaning political regimes in Latin America. Barely a decade in the making (from
2002 to 2015), this cycle came to an end in the wake of a ‘primary commodities
boom’, a cycle of high prices for the commodities (natural resources with little to
no processing) that dominated Latin American exports. With the collapse of this
commodities boom the capacity of the progressive regimes to finance programs of
poverty reduction was dramatically reduced, resulting in a pendulum swing of
electoral policies to the far right, putting in power a series of regimes committed to
turning the clock back towards an early cycle of neoliberal policies.
This book explores the development and resistance dynamics generated by
the forces of change mobilised in this process. The context for this development
process, and for the forces of resistance that it generated, was the advance of
what has been described as resource-seeking ‘extractive’ capital—foreign direct
investments by multinational corporations in the extraction of natural resources
such as fossil fuels, oil and gas and agro-food products, for the purpose of
exporting them in a primary commodity form so as to maximise windfall profits
made possible by the high prices for the products on capitalist markets. The
dynamic inflows of resource-seeking ‘extractive’ capital over the course of the
1990s and the past two decades not only released powerful forces of social
change but created an entirely different context in the search for different eco-
nomic models and development pathways, and alternative realities.
Part I of the book explores salient features of the capitalist development
process in the Latin American context. The central focus of the chapters in Part I
2  Henry Veltmeyer and Edgar Záyago Lau
is on a retrospective analysis of the forces of change that have been mobilised in
the capitalist development process. In contrast, Part II focuses on forward-looking
challenges, particularly as relates to the worldview and indigenous cosmovision
of alternative realities embedded in the indigenous notion of buen vivir or vivir
bien (sumak kawsay), which is to ‘live well’ in social solidarity and harmony
with nature. This concept has radically transformed the thinking about ‘development’,
which has always revolved around the policy and institutional dynamics associ-
ated with the evolution of capitalism as a world system. In Part II the book turns
away from an analysis of the development dynamics associated with the
advance of industrial and extractive capital over the past six ‘development’
decades to an analysis of diverse forces of change that have emerged in the
current context of capitalist development in the region—forces that have been
mobilised in the direction of postdevelopment, i.e. an alternative post-capitalist
society. In this regard, Chapters 7–10 (Eduardo Gudynas, Maristella Svampa,
Fernanda Wanderley and associates, René Ramírez Gallegos) take us beyond the
world of development as we know it, i.e. as circumscribed by the epistemology
of Western thought and the associated idea of economic progress as capitalist
accumulation and economic growth. The focus and central concern of these
chapters is on what we might consider to be ‘another world’, an alternative
reality based on an indigenous worldview—what Eduardo Gudynas, for one,
understands as ‘postdevelopment’. The indigenous concept of buen vivir, or
vivir bien (living well in social solidarity and harmony with nature) captures the
sense of this alternative worldview.

A chapter-by-chapter synopsis
The first chapter provides a contextual framework and sets the stage for an ana-
lysis of the forces of change that have swept across the political landscape in
Latin America in recent years. The focus is on the development and resistance
dynamics of these forces of change. The chapter is organised as follows. First, it
reviews the dynamics of what might be understood as the new geoeconomics of
capital in Latin America and the corresponding politics and realities. The aim
here is to provide a theoretical framework for the subsequent analysis and for
the chapters that follow. The chapter then turns to and elaborates on certain
dynamics associated with the advance of resource-seeking ‘extractive’ capital
(productive investments in the extraction of natural resources and the export of
these resources in primary commodity form). At issue in this development
process is the political economy of two types of capitalism, extractive and indus-
trial, with reference to the particular way in which these two forms of
capital(ism) are combined in the current context. The third part of the chapter
provides a brief review of the economic and political dynamics that led to the
emergence of a ‘progressive cycle’ of left-leaning policy regimes—a so-called
‘pink tide’ of regime change. The chapter ends with a brief discussion of the
forces implicated in what appears to be the end of this progressive cycle. The
conclusion is that the answer to this question should be sought and can be found
 Introduction   3
in the fundamental contradictions of capitalism and what might be described as
the antinomies of the development process.
The second chapter analyses the dynamics of class struggle and resistance on
the new frontier of extractive capital. In the context of these dynamics some
parts of the rural population in the region have been mobilised in protest against
the advance of extractive capitalism. They have undertaken a variety of col-
lective actions against the destructive operations and negative impacts of large-
scale foreign investments in agroextraction—the acquisition of land and the
extraction of natural resources for export. The chapter analyses the conflict
dynamics of these forces of resistance that have emerged on the frontier of
extractive capital in the rural areas, forces that pit the multinational corporations
in the extractive sector, as well as the governments that have licensed their oper-
ations, against the rural communities that are most directly impacted by these
operations.
The following chapter (3) analyses the development dynamics that have
unfolded in the agricultural sector of the extractive frontier. The focus here is on
the ‘agrarian question’ of the twenty-first century, namely: what is the impact of
the forces of change generated by the capitalist development of agriculture in the
current development context? Until recently and throughout the twentieth
century, the main role of agriculture in the capitalist development process had
been to constitute a proletariat in the form of a wage-labouring working class
and to replenish the industrial labour force in the form of a reserve army of
surplus labour. In the current context of extractive capitalism, however, the role
of agriculture has changed.
The purpose of the chapter is to analyse the development and resistance
dynamics of these forces of change. As for the forces of resistance mobilised in
this development process, forces mobilised by the peasantry and what the World
Bank chooses to call ‘the rural poor’ (the mass of dispossessed and
semiproletari­anised rural landless rural workers), they have been mobilised to
protest against the advance of extractive capitalism. The rural poor of peasant
farmers and landless workers in this context have undertaken a variety of col-
lective actions against the destructive operations of large-scale foreign investments
in agroextraction—the acquisition of land, or ‘landgrabbing, and the extraction of
natural resources for the purpose of exporting them in primary commodity form to
maximise profits. The chapter analyses the conflict dynamics of these forces of
resistance, which pit the multinational corporations in the extractive sector, as well
as the governments that have licensed their operations, against the rural com-
munities that are most directly impacted by these operations.
The chapter argues that, in addition to the dynamics of extractive capital, we
need to understand those dynamics associated with the concentration of capital
in the agricultural sector, as well as developments wherein intellectual property
and ownership of patents has become a key component of the imperial(ist)
system of domination under the aegis of neoliberal capitalism.
In Chapter 4 the authors critically engage the Latin American literature on the
politics of developments with a focus on two main strands of political practice
4  Henry Veltmeyer and Edgar Záyago Lau
since the neoliberal turn in the 1980s, but especially after the 1994 Zapatista
insurrection. These two main strands are the autonomists or the ‘social left’ that
has taken form primarily as a complex of nongovernmental organisations that
make up ‘civil society’, and a symbiotic or ‘political left’ that is fundamentally
concerned with electoral politics. The focus of the chapter is on the case of
Mexico, where the left-leaning MORENA (National Regeneration Movement)
party, with Andrés Manuel López Obrador (AMLO) as its presidential can-
didate, won the presidential elections by a landslide in 2018. What is particularly
interesting and highly relevant about López Obrador’s electoral victory is that
Mexico did not participate in the ‘progressive cycle’ of left-leaning regimes formed
in the so-called ‘pink wave’—a cycle that paralleled the primary commodities
cycle of 2002–2012. While Mexico in this case turned towards the left, virtually
all of the regimes that were part of the progressive cycle (particularly Argentina
and Brazil, Bolivia and Ecuador) have succumbed to forces of change mobilised
by the far right, resulting in the restoration of neoliberal austerity measures and
authoritarian politics in the region. In this context, López Obrador’s electoral
victory has revived hopes on the left of another progressive cycle.
At issue in the recent swing of the pendulum politics first to the left and then
to the far right is the most effective strategy for bringing about progressive
change: whether progressive forces would focus on gaining state power ‘from
above’ (via elections) or ‘from below’ (via social movement mobilisation from
within civil society). In this context, the authors argue that those social move-
ments that supported electoral transitions were demobilised or coopted by the
social-assistance policies of the state, while autonomist movements that refused
to engage with the state were mostly marginalised. In effect, both strategies
failed their popular constituencies. The authors conclude that the way forward
for progressive social movements is to engage with the state while staying
mobilised in order for movements to retain their independence from the state
and autonomy from political parties. This, according to the authors is, in fact,
the challenge for MORENA and sympathiser social movements in Mexico: how
can they support each other while advancing in a popular-democratic agenda of
sustainable development?
In Chapter 5 the book turns away from the forces of change associated with
the advance of extractive capital towards the problem of constructing a new
industrial policy in the context of the turn of many countries towards an extrac-
tivist approach to national development. In the context of state-led development
from the 1950 to the 1970s national development was equated with industrialisa-
tion and an endogenous industrial policy was deemed to be an essential drive of
the engine of economic growth. However, the installation in the 1980s of a ‘new
world order’ based on the principles of neoliberal globalisation radically
changed the prospects for further industrial development of countries and
regions on the periphery of the world capitalist system. In the forced compliance
to the rules of the new neoliberal world order, and the dictates of global capital
and the governments and international organisations that advanced these dictates
(integration into the globalisation agenda), these countries were prevented or
 Introduction  5
deprived of their capacity to pursue an active independent industrial policy and
become ‘a global manufacturing power’.
This was a turning point in the capitalist development process on the peri-
phery of the system—a turn towards the advance of extractive capital in the
development process. The focus of Chapter 5, which addresses this problematic
is on Mexico, which led the push in the region towards the development of
capitalism and modern industry in the pre-neoliberal era. Most development
thinkers either argue or assume that both extractivism (the extraction of natural
resources) and industrialisation (industrial development) are required conditions
for expanding the forces of production and bringing about a modern form of
capitalist development, or modernisation. The problem, however, is how to
combine industrialism and extractivism in a way that avoids the destructive soci-
oenvironmental impacts of both—a problem that has surfaced and taken form in
the notion of neoextractivism and, according to the authors, in the revival of the
search and efforts to construct a new industrial policy. The problem, they argue,
is that in the context of the new (neoliberal) world order, Mexico, together with
other governments in the region, has been prevented from implementing an
independent and endogenous industrial policy, resulting in the destruction of
forces of production built up over several decades of state-led industrial devel-
opment based on an industrial policy designed to build up domestic industries.
Rather than building up an industrial sector to process the region’s wealth of
natural resources, the neoliberal macroeconomic agenda of the governments
formed within the institutional and policy framework of this agenda favoured
and promoted the advance of extractive capital, leading to an affluence of
resource-seeking extractive investments that reinforced the orientation of the
economies in the region towards a reliance on natural resource extraction and
the export of these resources in primary commodity form, with all of the attendant
contradictions and conflicts discussed in other chapters.
To situate and provide additional context for the discussion of Mexico’s
industrial policy in Chapter 5, it is important to understand that the 1980s pro-
vided a major turning point of developing countries away from a state-led
approach to development based on a strategy of import-substitution industriali-
sation towards ‘reprimarisation’ and an associated return to extractivism as a
development strategy. This turn towards primarisation and extractivism had its
origins in several trends. One was the advance of resource-seeking ‘extractive’
capital (investments in the extraction of natural resources) to meet and satisfy
the strong demand for ‘primary commodities’ on capitalist markets. Another is
the long commodities boom of 2002–14, which spurred the interest of those
governments formed in the search for a more inclusive form of development in
the extraction of natural resources in the region as a source of fiscal resources to
finance their social development (poverty reduction) programs. This concern for
additional fiscal resources led these governments to open up the economy to
foreign investment and provide the bearers of this investment, the large multi-
national corporations in the extractive sector, greater access to long-term contracts,
concessions to explore for oil and gas, and mining licences.
6  Henry Veltmeyer and Edgar Záyago Lau
A third cause was more indirect—the turn against industrial policy in the
region, which opened up political and economic space for extractivism. This
was most evident in Mexico. Its relatively advanced industrial sector was
incorporated into global value chains through the maquiladora program and then
the entry in NAFTA and the subsequent USMCA. The defining characteristic of
the latter were their neoliberal emphasis on ‘free trade’, an economic policy that
would see Mexico compete on a continental and global scale on the basis of its
relatively low labour costs. As noted by the authors of Chapter 5, the emphasis
on ‘horizontal’ and ‘sector neutral’ policies marked a departure from earlier
attempts to build national industries through the use of selective policy interven-
tions. This turn away from industrial policy led to a change in mindset in which
industry was no longer necessarily seen as the growth-facilitating leading sector
of economic development and a policy stance that no longer privileged the
sector. Both of these national level changes enabled extractivism to return as a
viable development strategy. Furthermore, part of the reason for the turn against
industrial policy was its perceived failure; a failure to spur national innovation
and now more difficult within a changing global production system within which
global value chains dominated and developing countries were able to access
only parts of those chains.
Developing countries such as Mexico and Brazil, in this context, could try to
insert themselves into those chains on the basis of their ‘strategic advantages’
but national industrial policies were for a bygone era. The authors challenge this
conventional wisdom by focusing on sub-national policies in the aeronautical
and software industries in Mexico. They argue that while national industrial
policy was abandoned, it lived on in interesting ways at the sub-national level
and with some success. In arguing for this, they present the case for continued
industrial policies as economic development policy instruments.
With Chapter 6 the book turns away from Part I and the dynamics of capital-
ist development towards the problem of constructing a socialist path towards
development, a path fraught with obstacles and failed experiments. The chapter
focuses on the complex and contradictory dynamics of socialist development in
Venezuela—a project designed to bring about the socialism of the twenty-first
century, which is to say, ‘from above’ (with the agency of the state) and ‘from
below’ (with the agency of community-based organisations and institutions).
While the concept of buen vivir (see the discussion in Part II of the book) breaks
with capitalism and rejects it as a system for bringing about an alternative
reality, another world of more inclusive and more sustainable form of national
development, most proposals for alternative development are predicated on one
form or other of capitalism, and seek a more human form of development
achieved by reforming the system, In Venezuela, however, and to some extent in
Bolivia under the presidency of Evo Morales (2006–19), the project of
­alternative development referenced or was predicated on socialism—not the
state-led ‘actively existing socialism’ of the twentieth century based on the
agency of the state, but on communalism, a new form of community-based
socialist development.
 Introduction  7
In this context, from the year 2000 onwards in Venezuela, popular organisations,
communities and even the government itself advanced various local self-government
initiatives and promoted the formation of worker-managed cooperatives. In
1998, when Chávez was first elected to state power there existed fewer than 800
cooperatives; by August 2005 there were almost 84,000. On the basis of this
development and associated initiatives and experiences in 2005 the Communal
Council was formed in 2005 as a form of self-administration at the neighbour-
hood level; this was followed in 2007 by the construction of the Commune as a
tier of self-government above that. Both of these institutions were formed with
substantive grassroots organisation, although their rapid expansion was undoubt-
edly due to formal support by the state under the project The Socialism of the
21st Century formulated by Hugo Chávez in the context of his reelection in
December 2006 (Chávez, 2007).
In January 2005 at the World Social Forum, Chávez explicitly called for the
reinventing of socialism in a form that was different from what had existed in
the Soviet Union. ‘We must reclaim socialism as a thesis, a project and a path,
but a new type of socialism, a humanist one, which puts humans and not machines
or the state ahead of everything.’ Six months later, Chávez argued the importance
of building a new communal system of production and consumption—in which
there is an exchange of activities determined by communal needs and communal
purposes … not just what Marx described as the ‘cash nexus’ or the profit
motive, the incentive to make money, accumulate capital. ‘We have to help to
create it, from the popular bases, with the participation of the communities,
through the community organisations, the cooperatives, self-management and
different ways to create this system.’
Out of the different experiences and initiatives advanced with reference to this
project, there emerged what Chávez termed ‘the communal state’, which subse-
quently became the political and social project of both the government and the
popular movements in Venezuela. At the base of this state as Chávez understood
and tried to construct it were the communal councils that were identified as the
fundamental cell of Bolivarian socialism. As Chávez declared: ‘All power to the
communal councils’, which would bring about an ‘explosion in communal power’,
designated as the fifth of ‘five motors’ driving the path toward socialism.
The chapter explores the complex dynamics associated with the struggle to
build socialism in the context not only of the powerful forces of internal right-
wing opposition and reaction mobilised by the US state (‘US imperialism’),
but also the project and institution of representative democracy. As the author
observes, the communal councils are constantly engaged in struggle resulting
from a complex relationship of cooperation and conflict with these institu-
tions. The chapter explores the complex dynamics associated with this polit-
ical development. This includes a transition from the notion of a communal
state in the transition towards socialism, a project pushed forward by the gov-
ernment, towards a rank-and-file chavista project of direct democracy based
on communist, anarcho-syndicalist, indigenous and afro-Venezuelan ideas and
experiences.
8  Henry Veltmeyer and Edgar Záyago Lau
With Part II the book turns away from a retrospective analysis of the dynamics
of capitalist development to the dynamics of what might be understood as ‘post-
development’—the challenge of constructing an alternative reality to capitalism,
neoliberalism and extractivism. Chapter 7 in this connection presents the key con-
cepts that informs a critical political economy and social ecology perspective on
the development process unfolding in Latin America, namely, neoextractivism, a
commodity consensus and developmentalist illusion. The chapter also established
several lines of continuity and rupture between the concepts of extractivism and
neoextractivism. Neoextractivism here refers to an analytical category that has a
great descriptive and explanatory power in regard to contemporary developments,
as well as a denunciatory character and strong mobilising power. The author elab-
orates on these developments in the Latin American context. Insofar as the author
alludes to the unsustainable development patterns and asymmetries associated
with the advance of extractive capital in the development process, the chapter
warns of a deepening in the logic of d­ ispossession and the multiscale problems
that define different dimensions of the current crisis.
With Fernanda Wanderley and colleagues’ contribution in the form of
Chapter 8 the book turns towards the diverse and complex dimensions of the
social and environmental crisis associated with the advance of capitalism in a
period of epochal change. The main point of reference for the authors’ discussion
are the forces of change generated by the latest advances in the capitalist devel-
opment process as well as the COVID-19 pandemic, which has exposed the
fundamental contradictions of the capitalist system and accentuated its propensity
towards crisis. At issue in this crisis that has truly assumed global and even
planetary proportions is the close relationship between, on the one hand, the per-
sistence of social exclusion, poverty and social inequalities, and, on the other
hand, climate change, biodiversity loss and soil, water and air pollution. At the
same time, beyond the life-threatening dimensions of a global health and eco-
nomic crisis the COVID-19 pandemic exposed a fundamental contradiction of
the capitalist development process: economic, social and political inequalities
between and within countries.
A fundamental political truism regarding capitalism is that each phase and
advance in the development process—the capitalist development of the forces of
production—has activated and activates forces of resistance, which in the
current context of a multifaceted global crisis have assumed the form of a global
class struggle, an eco-territorial struggle of indigenous and non-indigenous
­communities against the ravages of extractive capitalism, and diverse citizen
mobilisations that are united in the demand for answers to today’s great dilemma:
how to meet the needs of the present without compromising the needs of future
generations in a democratic and social and environmental justice framework.
This chapter articulates the social, environmental and economic outcomes of this
resistance in the Andean highlands of South America and parts of the Amazonian
basin: Bolivia, Colombia, Peru and Ecuador, to be precise.
Why focus on these Andean-Amazonian countries beyond the fact that they share
a wealth of natural resources and a mega-diverse biozone with an exceptional
 Introduction  9
environmental heritage? For one thing, despite the enormous development
potential of the reservoir of natural resources shared by these countries, and
several decades of a concerted strategy of extracting this wealth and exporting
these resources in primary commodity form—extractivism, as we understand
it—none of these countries have managed to realise the development potential
of this wealth of natural resources or overcome what some economists have
described as the ‘resource curse’ associated with extractivism. At the same time
both the operations of extractive capital in these countries and the extractivist
strategy and policies implemented by the governments in this subregion—both
those that have opted for a progressive neoextractivist strategy (Bolivia, Ecuador)
and those that continue to hoe the neoliberal policy line (Peru, Colombia)—
generated forces of popular resistance whose mobilisation warrant a closer look
and careful study.
Chapter 9 moves beyond the development and resistance dynamics on the
extractive frontier to expand on a number of issues associated with the concept
of buen vivir, which lies at the heart of radical societal proposals advanced in
Bolivia and Ecuador to move beyond both neoliberalism and capitalism, as well
as beyond the mainstream vision of development and associated concepts. The
main argument advanced by the author, who has served as Ecuador’s Minister of
Development and Planning, is that an alternative social order such as buen vivir
(utopia), needs first of all to be reimagined via the uchronia of a different tem-
poral order (uchronia understood as a hypothetical alternative universe). Beyond
the current hegemonic structuration of life where ‘time is money’, which serves
as an engine for the accumulation of capital, this chapter reclaims ‘time for
living well’ as the pillar of an alternative form of society and development. This
dispute regarding ‘the commonsense of time’ is described by the author as a
dispute of the sense of existence. This chapter argues that the utopia of living
well proposed by a ‘collective social intellect’ (Ecuadorian society through its
Constituent Assembly) needs to be re-constructed in terms of an uchronia in which
time is recovered as life—not any kind of life, but life understood as living well
(in solidarity and harmony with nature). For this purpose, based on a critique that
exposes the limitations of using hegemonic monetary indicators of a good life, the
chapter questions the socioeconomic realities in force today by reference to an
alternative index for measuring time for living well. This new index, based on the
concept of the quality of time, puts at the heart of the debate not the accumulation
of money but the flourishing of life. In effect, the chapter introduces what could be
called a political socioecology of time, a set of theoretical and methodological
tools that facilitate analysis and proposes action alternatives to advance the con-
struction of a society predicated on living well (buen vivir).
Eduardo Gudynas in the concluding chapter provides an overview of the
diverse experiments with ‘alternative development’ in Latin America in the current
context of a post-neoliberal transition. On the one hand, he discusses the rhetoric
associated with diverse discourses on capitalism, criticisms of capitalism and
possible alternatives, including what Hugo Chávez conceived of as twenty-first-
century socialism. On the other hand, he goes beyond political speechmaking
10  Henry Veltmeyer and Edgar Záyago Lau
and the discourse on capitalism and alternative development to analyse the
­concrete actions taken by diverse economic actors, particularly the governments
that make up what has been described as the ‘progressive cycle’ of Latin American
politics.
The chapter analyses the concrete actions taken by these governments in the
direction of progressive change, inclusive development and extractivism, with a
particular concern with, and an analytical focus on, the contradictions between
the development and extractivist strategies and policies of these governments.
At issue in these strategies and policies are different varieties of capitalism and
development. The chapter establishes the utility of the concept of varieties of
capitalism, with reference to diverse experiments in the region in the search for
an alternative development pathway. One of these alternatives is neodevelop-
mentalism, a model constructed by theorists associated with ECLAC and put
into practice most consistently in Brazil under the administration of Luiz Inácio
‘Lula’ da Silva.
Because the idea of ‘development’ since its invention and subsequent construction
in the post-Second World War period has been associated with capitalism—
taken by most theorists and development practitioners as the most appropriate if
not the only system that would satisfy its requirement—the concept of ‘develop-
ment’ in theoretical discourse is closely associated with capitalism. Indeed,
throughout this volume of essays the contributing authors have used the term
‘capitalist development’ to define the central problematic of critical ­development
studies. Gudynas, however, in advancing the notion ‘varieties of capitalism’ and
different forms and pathways of development, argues for and defends the posi-
tion that capitalism and development should not be equated—that ‘development’ as
a concrete social formation both precedes and will likely follow capitalism. There-
fore, developments such as Cuban socialism or the socialism of the twenty-first
century, and even living well (buen vivir), include both capitalist and non-capitalist
and post-capitalist varieties. In this context, the chapter discusses and dissects the
disputes in the region regarding the diverse forms taken by both capitalism and
development. The chapter also establishes the meaning and delimits the use of the
notion ‘alternatives to development’ and the relevance of what René Ramírez
­Gallegos in Chapter 9 describes as the uchronia of buen vivir.

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