Chapter 5

What Is Gender-Based
Violence?

What Is Violence?
Gender-based violence is one of many forms of violence. Violence is defined by the
World Health Organization (WHO) as:

The intentional use of physical force or power, threatened or actual, against

oneself, another person, or against a group or community, that either results
in or has a high likelihood of resulting in injury, death, psychological harm,
maldevelopment or deprivation.
(World Health Organization, 2002, para. 2)

Several elements of this definition are important for understanding gender-based

violence. Notably, violence does not have to result in harm; instead, the threat or
potential for harm to occur is sufficient to constitute violence. The purposeful or
deliberate use of force or power against another person or group is emphasised as
a criterion of violence; this is important for distinguishing violence from injury or
harms that may result from accidents or unintended actions. Considerations are
given to the impacts of violence on physical and psychological health and devel-
opment; as a result, the act of violence itself and the impacts of acts of violence are
not always visible. Violence has been studied extensively across numerous fields of
study, including in sport.

Typologies of Violence
Several typologies of violence have been proposed depending on the context, nature
of the violence, nature of the relationship in which the violence occurs, and the
purpose of the classification. The World Report on Violence and Health (WRVH)
divides violence into three categories according to who has committed the vio-
lence: self-directed, interpersonal, and collective violence (Krug et al., 2002).
Self-directed violence is a broad term that includes forms of violence against
oneself or self-harm such as suicidal thoughts or actions and self-mutilation.
Interpersonal violence includes acts of violence that occur between individuals.

DOI: 10.4324/9781003035138-7
34 Forms of Gender-Based Violence

This form of violence may occur between those known to one another such as in
the case of intimate partner violence, or abuse of elderly or child family members.
Other instances of interpersonal violence can occur when individuals may not be
known to one another or may not have close relationships as in the case of sexual
assault by a stranger (WHO, 2002). Collective violence has been defined as the
“instrumental use of violence by people who identify themselves as members of a
group . . . against another group or set of individuals, in order to achieve political,
economic or social objectives” (Krug et al., 2002, p. 215). Examples of collective
violence include genocide, terrorism, gang warfare, and the systematic abuses of
human rights as seen in residential schools for Indigenous children (Accomazzo,
2012; Krug et al., 2002; Smith et al., 2005).
Researchers have also referred to structural violence or the physical and
psychological harms that result from exploitative and unjust social, political, and
economic systems (Rutherford et al., 2007). Given the ubiquitous nature of struc-
tural violence, it is often invisible, pervasive, normalised, and therefore resistant to
change (Farmer, 2004; Winter & Leighton, 2001; Zakrison et al., 2019). An exam-
ple of structural violence in seen with existing pay inequities in the workforce and
lack of compensation for domestic responsibilities for women globally (Rutherford
et al., 2007). In Canada and other countries, the unjust and ill treatment of Indig-
enous peoples is another example of structural violence. The historic laws of the
country prohibited the demonstration and passing along of their culture, destroyed
their ways of life, children were removed from their families and sent to residential
schools, and multiple forms of violence were inflicted (Smith et al., 2005).
Others have defined forms of violence by maltreatment. For example, the
WHO Consultation on Child Abuse Prevention provides the following definition:

Child abuse or maltreatment constitutes all forms of physical and/or emotional

ill-treatment, sexual abuse, neglect or negligent treatment or commercial
or other exploitation, resulting in actual or potential harm to the child’s
health, survival, development or dignity in the context of a relationship of
responsibility, trust or power.
(WHO et al., 1999, p. 15)

Maltreatment includes both abuse and neglect and is conceptualised based on

the relationships in which these behaviours occur. For example, Crooks and
Wolfe (2007) refer to relational disorders to describe the harms experienced
by children in relationships. Crooks and Wolfe (2007, p. 640) define child mal-
treatment as “volitional or neglectful acts on the part of a child’s caregiver that
result in or have the potential to result in physical injuries and/or psychological
harm”. Child maltreatment can be defined in terms of the degree to which a
parent/caregiver uses aversive or inappropriate control strategies in an attempt
to inflict physical or emotional pain upon a child and/or fails to provide minimal
standards of caregiving and nurturance. Child maltreatment is not considered as
 What Is Gender-Based Violence? 35

a dichotomous construct; instead, it exists on a continuum, ranging from appro-

priate and developmentally sensitive behaviours to unhealthy patterns of adult–
child interactions including abuse and neglect (Chalk, 2006; ­Miller-Perrin &
Perrin, 2013).
Relational maltreatment may occur within a critical relationship or one in
which the child depends upon the adult for need fulfillment, and a sense of trust
and security. Commonly cited examples of critical relationships include those
between a parent or guardian and child, a teacher and child, and more recently,
this notion has been applied to child athletes and their coaches (Crooks & Wolfe,
2007; Stirling, 2009). Within these critical relationships, relational disorders
consist of sexual abuse, physical abuse, psychological abuse, and neglect. Non-
relational maltreatment is proposed to encompass those harms that exist in non-
critical relationships or those relationships between a child and adult that are not
pivotal to meeting the child’s needs, or sense of trust and security. For example,
relationships between a child and a peer or a neighborhood acquaintance may
be considered as non-critical. Stirling (2009) proposes that within non-critical
relationships, non-relational maltreatment such as harassment and bullying, and
institutional maltreatment may occur.
Child maltreatment is considered within ecological, transactional, and devel-
opmental frameworks (Chalk, 2006). As such, child maltreatment is socially con-
structed, shaped by language, generational, and cultural differences. For example,
spanking a child is a normative practice in some cultures and a criminal offence in
others (Gershoff, 2013; Lansford & Dodge, 2008; Miller-Perrin & Perrin, 2013).
The fact that most child maltreatment occurs within the family reveals a number
of underlying beliefs, including: (a) that parental rights supersede children’s rights
and that parents can and should have control over the development of their chil-
dren; (b) that family members will act in the best interests of children who are
not capable of caring for themselves; (c) that families rooted in traditional cul-
tures are strong families, even though some of their cultural customs justify child
maltreatment; and (d) that families have the right to privacy and autonomy even
though this right often results in harm to vulnerable members (Levesque, 2001).
Child maltreatment, therefore, occurs when the contextual norms of children’s
care have been violated and have the potential of significantly impairing a child’s
development (Chalk, 2006).
Importantly, all categories of violence and maltreatment are not mutually
exclusive, and many forms interact, overlap, and occur simultaneously. For
example, interpersonal violence is inherent in the use of rape as a weapon of war
or collective violence. The cultural genocide inflicted upon Indigenous peoples
in Canada is associated with structural violence such as economic exploitation
and circumstances of poverty which in turn have led to increased vulnerabil-
ity of children to maltreatment. Similarly, psychological maltreatment is both a
stand-alone form of violence and is inherent in sexual and physical abuse, and
neglect.
36 Forms of Gender-Based Violence

Forms of Violence
The World Report on Violence and Health (WRVH) further classifies forms of
violence according to the nature of the violence, including physical, sexual, psy-
chological violence or acts involving deprivation or neglect. This is consistent
with the literature on child maltreatment which classifies harms according to
sexual abuse, physical abuse, psychological abuse, and neglect (Miller-Perrin &
Perrin, 2013). Physical violence can include such acts as hitting, slapping, kicking,
choking, being confined or restrained. For girls and women, genital mutilation
is also a form of physical violence (Bradbury-Jones et al., 2019; Russo, 2019).
Psychological violence can include threatening, degrading, berating, or humiliat-
ing comments, shaming, isolating, denial of attention and support, stalking, and
manipulating behaviours. Sexual violence may include contact behaviours such
as assault and inappropriate touching, or non-contact behaviours such as sexual
remarks and the sharing of sexually explicit images without consent. Neglect is
the omission of care or provision of needs or failure to provide care in accord-
ance with expected societal standards for food, shelter, protection, and affection
(Miller-Perrin & Perrin, 2013).

Gender-Based Violence (GBV)

Gender-based violence (GBV) is a particular form of violence that has been
defined as “violence that is committed against someone based on their gender
identity, gender expression or perceived gender” (Cotter & Savage, 2019, para. 1).
Similarly, the European Commission’s (2014, p. 47) Gender Equality in Sport: Pro-
posal for Strategic Actions 2014–2020 provides the following definition: “violence
directed against a person because of that person’s gender (including gender iden-
tity/expression) or as violence that affects persons of a particular gender dispropor-
tionately”. The United Nations uses the term violence against women defined as:

Any act of gender-based violence that results in, or is likely to result in,
physical, sexual or psychological harm or suffering to women, including
threats of such acts, coercion or arbitrary deprivations of liberty, whether
occurring in public or private life.
(1993, para. 14)

GBV is recognised as a global human rights concern given its prevalence across
developed and developing countries (Bradbury-Jones et al., 2019; Russo, 2019).
It is important that gender-based violence is a separate and distinct category of
violence because it recognises gender inequality, specifically the historical domi-
nation of men and women’s and girls’ subordinate status in society that serves to
maintain an unequal balance of power (Bradbury-Jones et al., 2019; Russo, 2019;
Watts & Zimmerman, 2002). In Western cultures, this position of dominance held
by men is specific to White men as men who are racialised, Indigenous, of sexual
 What Is Gender-Based Violence? 37

minorities, and those with a disability are often victims of GBV, as well. Most
victims of GBV therefore are women and girls and members of equity deserving
groups (Bradbury-Jones et al., 2019).
Conceptualisations of gender-based violence are influenced by historical and
cultural understandings, and thus cannot be uniformly understood or represented
(Hayhurst & del Socorro Cruz Centeno, 2019). Similarly, in their writings of vio-
lence against children in sport, Brackenridge et al. (2010, p. 6) note that “countries
approach the matter of violence against children in many different ways (includ-
ing child labour; prevention of sexual/economic exploitation; health promotion;
cultural or educational development)”.

Forms of Gender-Based Violence

The most commonly cited forms of GBV are physical, psychological, and sexual
(Russo, 2019). Importantly, these forms of GBV may occur individually or may be
overlapping and occur together. Psychological violence is inherent in neglect and
physical and sexual violence but may also be a stand-alone form of violence. In
addition, some authors include economic violence as a separate form of violence
which may include taking away or hiding money, underpaying, or preventing a
partner from earning money (Russo, 2019). Sometimes cyber violence is viewed
as a separate form of violence while other times cyber violence is considered as
the medium through which the other forms of violence may occur. Cyber violence
may include such acts as making threatening or degrading comments, sharing
sexually explicit pictures without consent, and stalking in online environments
(Al-Alosi, 2017).
Using the WHO typology of violence presented earlier, gender-based violence
includes self-directed violence such as self-starvation (e.g., anorexia nervosa) and
cutting (Pickard, 2015), interpersonal violence such as domestic abuse and inti-
mate partner sexual assault, collective violence against women and girls as a group
such as female genital mutilation and “honour killings” (Krantz & Garcia-Moreno,
2005, p. 821). Given the historical and sociocultural influences on GBV, developing
a widely accepted definition is challenging (Henry, 2018; Mergaert et al., 2016).
Gender-based violence includes microaggressions or those frequent experi-
ences and behaviours that reinforce stereotypes, biases, and structural violence
(Strunk & Locke, 2019). Some examples of microaggressions include teasing,
name-calling, and sexist or racist comments or jokes. These behaviours, which
in isolation may be viewed as relatively minor and subtle, are included because
they are not inconsequential (Krug et al., 2002; Miller-Perrin & Perrin, 2013;
WHO, 2002). Instead, the effects can accumulate to have substantial deleterious
impacts on the physical and psychological welfare of individuals (Sue et al., 2007)
given their cumulative, ongoing, and pervasive nature. Further, the effects of these
experiences may spill over to other domains of development; for example, receiv-
ing repeated, demeaning comments by a parent/guardian can extend to a lack of
confidence in school or extra-familial relationships.
38 Forms of Gender-Based Violence

For children, a broad perspective of violence is supported by the UNCRC which

states:

All forms of violence against children, however light, are unacceptable . . .

Frequency, severity of harm and intent to harm are not prerequisites for the
definitions of violence. State parties may refer to such factors in interven-
tion strategies in order to allow proportional responses in the best interests
of the child, but definitions must in no way erode the child’s absolute right
to human dignity and physical and psychological integrity by describing some
forms of violence as legally and/or socially acceptable.
(2011, p. 8)

Similar to the definitions of violence, the threat of harm from the behaviour is of
equal concern and severity as actual harm (Russo, 2019). Moreover, the potential
psychological and physical harms, whether bruises or depression, need to be given
equal weight (Russo, 2019). Many forms of GBV such as jokes, media portray-
als, and pay scales are embedded in societal practices and as such have become
normalised, legitimised, and inconspicuous, comprising forms of structural vio-
lence (Russo, 2019). This is especially true for girls and women and members of
other equity-deserving groups (Government of Canada, 2022).

Prevalence of GBV Outside of Sport

Regardless of any other considerations, women are 20% more likely than men to
be a victim of GBV (Perreault, 2015). When looking at sexual violence, preva-
lence rates of victimisation of girls and women between 15 and 24 years of age
increases to 50% (Conroy & Cotter, 2017). In an Australian National survey, 27%
of 1,218 women aged 16–85 years, reported experiencing GBV (Rees et al., 2011).
In Awassa, Ethiopia, amongst a sample of 1,330 female college students, 46% had
experienced GBV during their college experiences (Arnold et al., 2008). Findings
­
from a Canadian survey of safety in public and private spaces indicated that
women are twice as likely (32%) to experience unwanted sexual behaviour in a
public space than men (Cotter & Savage, 2019). In the workplace, women are
more likely (29% vs. 17%) to be the target of inappropriate sexual behaviour, often
experienced through sexual jokes, remarks, and innuendos (Cotter & Savage,
2019). Of Canadian women, 15 years and older, 30% reported having been sexu-
ally assaulted outside of an intimate relationship and 26% reported experiences
of physical assault (Cotter & Savage, 2019). The Canadian Women’s Foundation
(2016) reported that a Canadian woman is killed by her intimate partner every six
days and 80% of police- reported homicide victims in 2014 were women.
Prevalence studies on child maltreatment indicate that neglect and psycho-
logical or emotional abuse are the most commonly reported experiences (Jud,
2018; Stoltenborgh et al., 2015). Contrary to the image conveyed by the media
that sexual abuse is the most prevalent problem, experiences of neglect account
 What Is Gender-Based Violence? 39

for close to 60% of all documented cases of child maltreatment (Miller-Perrin &
Perrin, 2013). History of child physical abuse is reported more often by males,
whereas sexual abuse is reported more often by females. WHO (2004) estimates
that 40 million children ages 0–14 years are victims of child abuse and neglect
annually around the world.
GBV is influenced by the intersection of various forms of structural oppression.
For example, Indigenous women’s rates of spousal violence are three times that of
non-Indigenous women (Heidinger, 2021). Regarding sexual assault, women with
a disability have rates of violence nearly two times that of non-disabled women.
The LGBTQ+ community is also affected by GBV, as women who are bisexual
and lesbian report up to 3.5 times more partner violence than heterosexual women
(Burczycka, 2016). Recognizing different structures of oppression and the inter-
sections of these structures of oppression on experiences of violence is essential.

Gender-Based Violence in Sport

Although the positive narrative of sport remains strong in scholarly and public
domains, namely that sport experiences provide numerous individual, community,
and social benefits (Coakley, 2016; Holt, 2016), research evidence clearly points
to the fact that violence is experienced by many sport participants (Brackenridge,
2001; Young, 2011). When addressing violence in sport, it is important to note
that while aggression is inherent and permitted in many sports, the focus of this
and the remaining chapters is violence occurring outside of the prescribed rules of
the sport. Despite a substantial body of research on the prevalence, the nature of
experiences, and impacts of GBV in contexts such as intimate partner violence,
workplace harassment, school bullying, and child maltreatment in the home, less
research on GBV in sport has been conducted, presumably because of the barriers
posed by the assumptions of sport as an inherently positive context.
The study of gender-based violence in sport has been hampered by a lack of har-
monised language and clearly operationalised terminology (Bekker & Posbergh,
2021). For example, key researchers in sport such as Brackenridge and Fasting
refer to sexual exploitation with sexual harassment and abuse existing on a con-
tinuum of severity (Brackenridge, 1997; Brackenridge & Fasting, 2005). While
these authors acknowledge that the roots of these experiences lie in gender-based
violence, the continuum model leaves open questions about when harassment
becomes abuse or vice versa, posing challenges to practitioners who must address
these behaviours. The International Olympic Committee Consensus Statement
(IOCCS) uses the umbrella term “non-accidental violence” to refer to various
forms of harassment and abuse (Mountjoy et al., 2016). The authors also refer
to non-accidental violence or maltreatment through harassment and abuse, con-
flating terms and adding further conceptual confusion. The term non-accidental
violence originated from the field of medicine and physical abuse specifically to
distinguish between accidents and deliberate acts; however, it begs the ques-
tion, what of accidental violence? Is accidental violence not simply an accident?
40 Forms of Gender-Based Violence

As Bekker and Posbergh (2021) question, if preventing non-accidental violence is

the intent, how does an organisation use and respond to the corollary, “accidental
violence”? As Bekker and Posbergh (2021, p. 187) state: “To invoke the possibility
for ‘accidental’ harm is misleading or negligent at best and may be actively violent
at worst”. Other authors use the term maltreatment (Stirling, 2009), stemming
from the child abuse and neglect literature. Although this term is often thought to
be restricted to children, it has been extended to adults.
The study of gender-based violence in youth sport has emerged from a number
of influences, including research on hegemonic masculinity, research on psycho-
social development of young people, and rights-based work. In the 1980–1990s,
feminist scholars in sport sociology (e.g., Brackenridge, 2002; Hall, 1985; Lenskyj,
1992; White & Brackenridge, 1985) were writing about male hegemony in sport.
This work extended to include experiences of sexual violence, with a focus on
that perpetrated by male authority figures in sport against female child and adult
athletes (e.g., Brackenridge, 1997, 2001). This work provided an important foun-
dation for further study into the occurrence, perpetuation, and silencing of girls’
and women’s experiences of gender-based violence in sport (Lang et al., 2021).
Research on GBV in sport has been and continues to be dominated by a focus
on sexual violence experienced by girls and women but has expanded to include
sexual violence against boys and men (Hartill, 2005), LGBTQ, intersex, and trans
individuals (Wirtz et al., 2020). The 2000s saw the slow emergence of a focus on
psychological violence. It should be noted that the early work of Orlick, Mar-
tens, and others in the 1970s and 1980s drew attention to psychologically harmful
practices in sport such as verbal berating, public shaming, and social exclusion,
although these behaviours were not framed as psychological violence at that
time. Similarly, earlier concerns about the impacts of intensive training and early
specialisation on the health and development of child athletes (Martens, 1978),
while not presented as forms of GBV, were clearly grounded in power structures in
sport, including those resulting from hegemonic masculinity. Despite the burgeon-
ing body of research on GBV in sport, most of this i­nadequately acknowledges
that the foundation of GBV is male hegemony and gender inequity (Brackenridge,
2001; Lang et al., 2021).
The study of gender-based violence in sport has also been informed by a grow-
ing body of research on child development, including an understanding that early
life experiences influence later development, health, and well-being (e.g., Jaffee &
Maikovich-Fong, 2011; Messman-Moore & Coates, 2007). Our understanding of
developmentally appropriate methods of teaching, learning, and talent nurturing
has also been enhanced through research in psychology, sociology, and education
(e.g., Weininger, 2002).
Scholarship and advocacy regarding children’s rights have also driven much
of the work on gender-based violence in sport. The ratification of the United
Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (UNCRC) in 1989 was pivotal in
advancing research on children in sport although numerous researchers had been
writing about children’s rights in sport long before the UNCRC. For example,
 What Is Gender-Based Violence? 41

Kidd and Eberts (1982) wrote about athletes’ rights in Canada, and Martens and
Seefeldt published a Bill of Rights for Young Athletes in the United States in 1979;
many other examples exist outside of North America and have influenced work on
gender-based violence in children’s sport.

Conclusion
In this chapter, the definitions, conceptualisations, and typologies of violence
were reviewed. Gender-based violence is recognised as a distinct and important
form of violence given its historical roots in the domination of men, specifically
White men, and the subordination of girls and women, particularly those who
are racialised, sexually diverse, Indigenous, or with a disability. This dominance
continues today globally within and outside of sport as reflected in the violation of
human and children’s rights and the prevalence of girls’ and women’s experiences
of gender-based violence.

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