International Journal of Qualitative Studies on Health

and Well-being

ISSN: (Print) 1748-2631 (Online) Journal homepage: www.tandfonline.com/journals/zqhw20

The lived experiences of street children in Durban,

South Africa: Violence, substance use, and
resilience

Frances Hills, Anna Meyer-Weitz & Kwaku Oppong Asante

To cite this article: Frances Hills, Anna Meyer-Weitz & Kwaku Oppong Asante (2016) The
lived experiences of street children in Durban, South Africa: Violence, substance use, and
resilience, International Journal of Qualitative Studies on Health and Well-being, 11:1, 30302,
DOI: 10.3402/qhw.v11.30302

To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.3402/qhw.v11.30302

© 2016 F. Hills et al.

Published online: 09 Jun 2016.

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 International Journal of
Qualitative Studies æ
on Health and Well-being

EMPIRICAL STUDY

The lived experiences of street children in Durban, South

Africa: Violence, substance use, and resilience

FRANCES HILLS, MsocSci, ANNA MEYER-WEITZ, PhD &

KWAKU OPPONG ASANTE, PhD

Discipline of Psychology, School of Applied Human Sciences, University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, South Africa

Abstract
South African studies have suggested that street children are resilient but also suicidal, engage in unprotected sex and other
high risk sexual behaviour as a means of survival, have high rates of substance abuse and are physically abused and
stigmatized due to their state of homelessness. However, few studies have explored in a more holistic manner the lived
experiences of street children in South Africa. The main purpose of this study was to explore qualitatively the lived
experiences of street children living on the street of Durban, in the province of KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa. Adolescents
(six males and four females) between the ages of 14 and 18 years (average age 16) were purposively selected and in-depth
semi-structured interviews were conducted. An interpretative phenomenological analysis of the transcribed data revealed
that incidence of violence and drug and alcohol use were common experiences of street life. Yet despite these challenges
survival was made possible through personal and emotional strength, cultural values, religious beliefs, supportive peer
relationships, and participation in sports activities. These protective, resilience resources should be strengthened in health
promotion interventions with a focus on mental health, the prevention of violence, substance use, and daily physical
activities that seems to provide meaning and hope.

Key words: Lived experiences, resilience, street children, substance use, violence, South Africa
Responsible Editor: Lisa Low, Caritas Institute of Higher Education, Hong Kong.
(Accepted: 16 May 2016; Published: 9 June 2016)

‘‘All those who pass by see them, but they are Children [CSC], 2014). Most are in the large
invisible. They do not exist.’’ This is how researcher cities, including Durban, the second largest city in
Elena Poniatowska describes homeless youth on the South Africa (Statistics South Africa [StatSA], 2014).
streets of Mexico City in the United Nations Inter- The inherent difficulties in counting homeless youth
national Children’s Emergency Fund (UNICEF, due to their mobility were noted by Ward and Seager
2006) report on the State of the World’s Children 2006: (2010) when working on the HSRC’s 20052008
Excluded and Invisible (p. 42). It is, however, not only large-scale study of the homeless in the Gauteng and
Mexico City’s homeless youth who are invisible. The Cape provinces of South Africa. Nevertheless, the
same might be said of those in South Africa, in whose large number of children living on the streets pro-
cities homeless children and youth have been esti- vides a challenge to government, policymakers and
mated to number in the thousands (Human Sciences non-governmental organizations.
Research Council [HSRC], 2008; Sewpaul, Osthus, Most of South Africa’s homeless youth are black
Mhone, Sibilo, & Mbhele, 2012). and male (HSRC, 2008), with the gender disparity
The United Nations Education Fund (UNICEF, attributed to the widespread practice of girl children
2015) has estimated that there are tens of millions of being tasked with home responsibilities such as child-
street children and adolescents globally in both de- minding and other household chores (Le Roux,
veloped and developing countries. In South Africa, 1996). Youth in South Africa also seem to stay on
about 250,000 children and adolescents are reported the street longer than those in developed countries.
to be living on the street (Consortium for Street The HSRC survey (2008) found that the majority of

Correspondence: K. Oppong Asante, Discipline of Psychology, School of Applied Human Sciences, University of KwaZulu-Natal, Howard College Campus,
Durban 4041, South Africa. E-mail: [email protected]; [email protected]

# 2016 F. Hills et al. This is an Open Access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License (http:// 1
creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/), allowing third parties to copy and redistribute the material in any medium or format and to remix, transform, and
build upon the material for any purpose, even commercially, provided the original work is properly cited and states its license.
Citation: Int J Qualitative Stud Health Well-being 2016, 11: 30302 - http://dx.doi.org/10.3402/qhw.v11.30302
(page number not for citation purpose)
F. Hills et al.

homeless people (adults and children) surveyed had as specific behavioural patterns (Ungar, 2011). Over
been on the streets between 2 and 5 years, with some the past two and half decades, several explanations
for far longer. Duration on the street is likely to have been postulated to explain the complex nature
impact full reintegration into society. of resilience, but only three different types of models
Experiences of parental neglect, physical and sex- have been described. A more recent ecologically
ual abuse, and extreme poverty are common drivers focused definition of resilience was provided by Ungar
to a life on the street (Oppong Asante, 2016; Oppong (2008), who stated that ‘‘in the context of exposure
Asante & Meyer-Weitz, 2015a; Seager & Tamasane, to significant adversity, whether psychological, envi-
2010; Ward & Seager, 2010. This in turn increases ronmental, or both, resilience is both the capacity of
their vulnerability to both health risk behaviours and individuals to navigate their way to health-sustaining
mental health problems, which is further exacerbated resources, including opportunities to experience feel-
by limited access to education, support, and health ings of well-being, and a condition of the individual
facilities. family, community and culture to provide these health
The resilience of street children has been high- resources and experiences in culturally meaningful
lighted in South African studies (Theron et al. 2011; ways’’ (Ungar, 2008, p. 225). Thus, in understand-
Theron & Malindi, 2010). However, they are also ing how street youth survive in the adverse environ-
suicidal (Ward & Seager, 2010), engage in unpro- ment in which they find themselves, and how they
tected sex and other high-risk sexual behaviours as a make meaning of their experiences, it is appropriate
means of survival (Kruger & Richter, 2003; Van to consider individual-level influences but also the
Rooyen & Hartell, 2006), have a high rate of sub- interaction between, and within, the social and
stance abuse (Morojele, Parry, Brook, & Kekwaletswe, environmental context in which the individual lives
2012), and are physically abused and stigmatized (Ungar, 2011).
due to their state of homelessness (Ogunkan & The risk and protective factors model (Hawkins
Adeboyejo, 2014; Oppong Asante, Meyer-Weitz, & et al., 1992) outlines factors within a particular
Petersen, 2015). All these aspects also increase their population that may ameliorate the effects of psycho-
risk for HIV infection, especially in the context of a logical problems and or distress (protective factors)
generalized HIV epidemic. Furthermore, street chil- or exacerbate the probability of developing a psy-
dren have also been reported to have poor mental chological problem (risk factors). Among vulnerable
health partly due to challenging lifestyles (Aptekar & populations, several factors may be associated with
Stoecklin, 2014a; Swart-Kruger & Richter, 1997; susceptibility to various health risk behaviours. These
Van Rooyen & Hartell, 2006; Ward & Seager, 2010). include personal and situational characteristics that
Notwithstanding these studies, a deeper exploration may directly impact mental and physical health, or
of the lived experiences of street children in Durban, indirectly via acceptable and accessible health ser-
South Africa, is needed as to the type of violence vices, social resources, and support. Certain socio-
they are exposed to or the survival strategies they demographic characteristics, for example, their younger
adopt to overcome challenges on the street. age and lack of adult guidance, years of living on the
The main purpose of this study was to qualita- street, and lack of education, make them particularly
tively explore the lived experiences of youth living on vulnerable to engagement in health-compromising
the street of Durban, a coastal city in KwaZulu- street lifestyles. These lifestyles may include poor
Natal, South Africa. It is envisaged that the findings health-seeking behaviour, vulnerability to physical
of this study could inform the development of and sexual abuse, and maladaptive coping strategies,
interventions to address the needs of this vulnerable
including the use of drugs and alcohol that may
population.
have major long-term effects on the mental health
of street children. This further underscores the
Theoretical frameworks need for a deeper understanding of risk and pro-
tective factors that are associated with homeless
The resilience theory of Ungar (2008, 2011) and youth’s street lifestyles to support appropriate harm-
the risk and protective factor model of Hawkins, reduction interventions and increased access to
Catalano, and Miller (1992) were used as frame- appropriate psychosocial and health services.
works to explore the lived experiences of street youth.
Resilience theory is generally concerned with the
ability of an individual to overcome, positively adapt, Methods
or cope with adversity (Masten, 2001). It stems from
the perspective that numerous factors both within Research design
and outside of the individual or child combine to The study adopted a qualitative research design,
determine the general course of development as well which enables researchers to capture how those

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 The lived experiences of street children

being interviewed view their world, to learn their on in the streets? Do you think religion has a role to play
everyday language and judgments, and to capture in your life? The interview schedule only served as a
the complexities of their perceptions and experiences guide, and probing questions were used to explore
(Neuman, 2011). It also helped to give the authors the youths’ own views and experiences during the
an in-depth understanding of the youths’ subjective interview process. Eight participants were inter-
understandings and experiences of homelessness. viewed in IsiZulu while the remaining two were
interviewed in English. Interviews took approxi-
mately an hour to complete.
Sampling and participants
The non-probability sampling technique of purpo-
sive sampling was used to select research participants Analysis
from a drop-in centre in Durban. Participants were All audio-recorded data were transcribed and trans-
recruited for the study if they were homeless, had lated into English. Data were thematically analysed
lived on the street for a month or longer, agreed to using the four steps of interpretative phenomeno-
participate in the study, and were willing to answer logical analysis (Storey, 2007). Coding of the data
questions related to their life as lived on the street. was informed by a priori concepts (Storey, 2007) as
The sample consisted of 10 adolescents (six males presented in the interview schedule and new emer-
and four females) between the ages of 14 and 18 gent themes from their lived experiences as reflected
years (average age 16). Participants’ length of time in the interviews. In the first step, the authors
being homeless varied from 2 months to 12 years. read and re-read the transcribed data to familiarize
Eight of the participants identified themselves as themselves with the data and made notes. The
black South Africans, while two were coloured (of second step involved harmonizing, identifying, and
mixed race). Apart from one, nine of the participants labelling themes from the notes that had been
had a basic education, with one not remembering identified. In the third stage, these themes were
the level of education. connected to develop a main theme. In the final
analysis, we summarized the main themes with their
subthemes, with supporting illustrative quotations
Data collection and procedure before the final narrative form. Two independent
Ethical approval for the study was obtained from coders were engaged to cross-validate the emergent
the Human and Social Science Ethics Committee themes. The NVivo software (version 10.1)(QSR
of the University of KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa International, Boston, USA) was used in generating
(protocol number: HSS/0958/012) and the admin- codes from the data (some of which were pre-
istrator of the drop-in centre. Two research assistants identified using the interview guide) and organizing
(male and female) helped to conduct the interviews these codes into various themes. The themes, which
in IsiZulu at the drop-in centre, which provides were identified by the first author, were cross-
psychosocial services to street children in Durban. validated by the second and third authors in order
The aim of the study was explained, and participants to reduce subjectivity and increase the validity of the
were assured of confidentiality and voluntary parti- identified themes.
cipation. Participants were informed of the avail-
ability of a psychologist should they require such a
Results and discussion
service. Those who agreed to participate in the study
signed an informed consent form. Permission to Following the analysis of the data, the findings were
audio-record the interviews was also sought from organized into three major themes: (a) violence as an
each participant. Interviews were then conducted in everyday experience, (b) substance use as coping,
the preferred language of the participants and at a and (c) psychosocial and contextual resources of
place convenient to them. An interview schedule resilience.
developed from a review of both international and
South African literature was used as a guide, allow-
ing for further probing where appropriate. The Violence as an everyday experience
interview schedule was developed in English and Notions of living on the streets and being home-
translated into IsiZulu and then back-translated into less are intertwined with experiencing and witnes-
English to ensure consistency for the key questions. sing aggression and violence. While the interviewers
Some of the interview questions asked were: How do did not raise the issue of violence, the focus was on
you cope with conditions on the street? What do other understanding how street youth cope with daily
people do to cope with bad things that happen to them on living. It was thus inevitable that the issue of vio-
the street? What kind of resources/structures do you rely lence was often spoken about. Three sub-themes

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F. Hills et al.

around violence emerged, namely rape, violence, women every year shows that levels of violence
harassment and other acts of aggression. directed at women are of national concern. The
Females were often the victims of rape on the lack of protection and shelter puts homeless youth at
street. Some respondents recounted how girls live a greater risk for rape than the general population of
in constant fear because of ‘‘what happened to a South Africa, whose women, in particular, are at a
friend.’’ For example, one girl said: high risk of being raped (Jewkes et al., 2015).
Violence and physical harassment from the police
Recently, my friend got stabbed in her private were another form of violence that male street child-
parts to death by a group of guys that wanted ren in particular experienced. For example, two
to rape her and she tried to fight them. She respondents said that the homeless males, in parti-
died three days after the incident. My friend cular, are badly treated by this city’s police force.
died a slow and painful death. This incident One of the males said: ‘‘Metro Police abuse people
was hard to deal with because I’m also a girl living on the street and beat them,’’ whereas the
and therefore I am a potential target for rape as other reiterated that, ‘‘At night, the problem is the
well. (Participant 1) Metro Police. They kick us, beat us and stomp on us
Another female interviewee poignantly disclosed as if they are superior human beings than us.’’ These
that she, herself, had been raped: findings with regard to the abuse from the police
echo those of Sewpaul et al. (2012), who conducted
There are boys that rape us, who don’t see focus group and individual interviews with Durban
us as sisters, but as girls that are there to get street youth over a period of 2 years. They described
raped. I myself was raped by a guy. When it the accounts of violence and abuse at the hands of
happened I felt so violated and alone. I felt so the Metro Police they heard from participants as
powerless when I got raped I did not even try to ‘‘horrific’’ (p. 247), saying that such reports also
fight back. I just let him do whatever he was formed a common theme in their research. In fact,
doing and I just kept on crying. (Participant 3) these researchers were forced to start a focus group
late one day because the participants arrived late and
These accounts by the females are an indication of exhausted after walking 74 kilometres from Stanger,
how overwhelmed and powerless they are on the far north of Durban, where they said the Metro
street. It seems that rape is a common occurrence on Police had dumped them after beating them up the
the streets of Durban, at least for females. Indeed, in night before.
an earlier study, one of the female participants in A previous study conducted in South Africa also
Motala and Smith’s (2003) study reported having described harassment and assault at the hands of
been raped three times in her 4 years on the streets of both the Metro Police and the South African Police
Durban. Previous findings have indicated that sexual Services (Seager & Tamasane, 2010). These young-
assault is a common occurrence on the streets, as sters also said that whenever a criminal act was
young boys are also sexually assaulted by older boys discovered, they were the first to be suspected by the
(Seager & Tamasane, 2010). Male participants in police and were chased away from buildings in the
our study did not mention sexual assault; this was in Johannesburg Central Business District. A qualita-
contrast to an earlier study that found widespread tive study with Durban street children in 2002 found
fear of rape among both female and male partici- that most of the children interviewed said that the
pants, some of whom had already been raped (Motala individuals they feared most on the street were the
& Smith, 2003). In fact, the boys interviewed in police (Motala & Smith, 2003). Donald and Swart-
the Motala and Smith’s (2003) study disclosed they Kruger (1994) found that harassment and arrest
slept in different places each night to avoid being by the police were common and claimed that the
raped. Our findings also support a previous study lives of street children amounted to a ‘‘constant cycle
where female street children were found to be of arrest, release or escape from arrest and re-arrest’’
victims of male violence as a means of controlling (Swart-Kruger & Donald, 1994, p. 109). The
their sexuality, subjugating them to masculine dom- participants in the current study did not mention
inance, and keeping other boys away from them actually being arrested but spoke of harassment,
(Sewpaul et al., 2012). being taken far away from the streets and dropped
It is not very surprising that rape is so common without transport, and of violence from the Durban
among street youths. South Africa is reported to Metro Police.
have one of the highest statistics of violence against Violence and harassment at the hands of the police
women in the world (Dartnall & Jewkes, 2013; Jewkes, is not confined to South Africa. Other studies con-
Flood, & Lang, 2015), and the fact that South Africa ducted in Nepal and Zimbabwe have reported that
marks 16 days of action against violence against street children are frequently harassed by the police,

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 The lived experiences of street children

who in some cases demand bribes from street youth Substance use as coping
in exchange for ceasing to harass the children (Baker, The use of drugs and alcohol has been found to be
Panter-Brick, & Todd, 1997). These types of treat- widespread among homeless youth. Even though
ment at the hands of the police violate a number of participants were not asked about their or others’ use
children’s rights as laid out in the South African of drugs or alcohol, several spoke spontaneously
Constitution, the United Nations Convention on the about these practices when discussing how they deal
Rights of the Child, and the legislation and policies with adversity. For example, one girl said:
drawn up to protect children that operate at regional
and national levels in the country (e.g., Panter-Brick, To cope, I smoke cigarettes because I think it
2004; Sewpaul et al., 2012). helps me to cope with the stress of living on the
Other forms of violence, such as fighting, were streets. I and my friends love drinking, smok-
also mentioned by participants. For example, one ing, and having fun at the clubs. (Participant 1)
male said that he had been beaten up and otherwise
ill-treated by boys who had been on the streets The behaviour expressed by this participant
longer than he had. He continued as follows: seemed to derive pleasure from the freedom they
have on the street. The desire to be free from parental
Since I have arrived in the streets, there are so control is an important reason for youngsters to leave
many people I know who have died on the home to live on the streets (Oppong Asante, 2016;
streets, stabbing and killing each other. You Ursin, 2011). The sense of freedom that the girls
know*things like that. (Participant 3) from the current study found in partying, drinking
alcohol, and smoking cigarettes may have served as
The allegations against older street males confirm form of escapism from harsh conditions on the street.
earlier research among Durban street youth who Indeed, Scanlon et al. (1998) reported that around
reported being beaten by older boys on the street, 80% of street children in Latin America utilized
gangs, homeless adults, security guards, and, as drugs on a regular basis as a cheap way of coping
mentioned above, the police (Motala & Smith, 2003). with hunger, fear, loneliness, and despondency. This
A male participant confessed that he, too, resorted also corroborates a South African study in which
to violence once he realized that no one cared about ‘‘smoking glue’’ generated pleasant feelings, as well as
anyone on the streets. Another male reported a shutting out loneliness, hunger, cold, and insecurity
similar story: (Donald & Swart-Kruger, 1994).
Especially when I first arrived, they [older boys] A male participant spoke of sniffing glue (which
used to abuse me, beating me up, demanding provides a cheap and easy-to-access ‘‘high’’) and
my money, giving me ‘‘blue eyes.’’ But I also how he perceived it to help him by allowing him to
ended up fighting back after having had escape from the stressors on the street:
enough. (Participant 10)
You smoke glue if you don’t want to keep
These findings correspond with those of Seager thinking about your situation, because when
and Tamasane (2010), who found that homeless you smoke it, you get high and you hallucinate;
people, in general, are very prone to assault and you don’t have to keep thinking that you live
injury. They found strong evidence of drug and on the streets and all that stuff. I don’t blame
alcohol-related violence, beatings, and robberies anyone who snorts glue, because glue takes
carried out by older boys on younger boys, gang- away the sadness of living in the streets; plus
related violence, and assaults by members of the glue is helpful in that it prevents a person from
public. These violent behaviours concurred with doing more dangerous and heavier drugs like
what Sewpaul et al. (2012) found in their Durban Whoonga, cocaine, and ecstasy. Heavy drugs
study, namely that violence was endemic, with most are bad; I have tried them and I have seen other
of their survey respondents witnessing violence people vomit and cough up blood and be sick
several times a day. The researchers emphasized because of them. (Participant 1)
the importance of paying attention to the issue of Another participant revealed that smoking glue
control when considering violence among street made things ‘‘difficult’’ for him and described what
youth. They argued that violence could be seen as life was like for a drug-addicted street youth:
a strategy towards exerting control over others, such
as older boys over younger boys. Violence on the It makes me physically sick. You also crave it
street is generally considered the norm and deter- when you don’t have money for it, but you still
mines the ability to survive on the street (Oppong have to find some way to buy it. And then you
Asante, 2015, 2016). end up not having any money to buy food and

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F. Hills et al.

get high on weed [marijuana], and then when Motala & Smith, 2003). The cheap and easily obtain-
the high is over, you are very hungry, and able nature of ‘‘glue’’ allows all ages of children and
you don’t have food, and your money is gone youth to use it. Oppong Asante, Meyer-Weitz, and
because you spent it on glue. I try to only Petersen (2014) and Young (2003) reported on the
smoke weed and cigarettes. (Participant 7) use of fuel among street youth in Uganda and
Ghana, respectively.
The above narratives indicate that the lifestyles of The findings of the current study also confirm
these participants appear to revolve around drugs. those of the HSRC (Seager & Tamasane, 2010),
According to criteria set out in the Diagnostic and who showed how common drug use is among
Statistical Manual IV-TR (Sue, Sue, & Sue, 2006), South African homeless youth. According to this
what this youngster said revealed symptoms of a research, it is commonplace for the homeless to
substance-related disorder. For example, he knew exhibit both direct and indirect symptoms of sub-
that smoking/sniffing glue was not good for him, stance use. These researchers reported various direct
but he seemed unable to cut down or control his consequences of substance use, such as liver disease,
use, and he devoted a considerable amount of time as well as indirect consequences such as risky sexual
to activities that allowed him to obtain glue. Other behaviour resulting in a high prevalence of sexually
symptoms necessary for a clinical diagnosis might be transmitted infections, including HIV.
in place but were not revealed during the interview.
He was also in danger of violence or arrest by the
authorities as a result of his drug-use behaviours. Psychosocial and contextual protective factors
Another participant narrated a violent incident of resilience
that took place after glue-sniffing: Even though the lifestyles of street youth seem to
revolve around incidences of violence and drug and
One day we [a friend and I] had a fight after we
alcohol use, they have found ways of surviving these
were smoking glue. After that, we fought over
challenging conditions on the street. The fact that
the actual glue bottle. We fought and he took
some of these young people have lived on the streets
out a knife and stabbed me, but I blocked it
for years points to adaptability and to a strong ability
with my arm and I got stabbed on my forearm.
to cope with adversity and thus the harsh circum-
Then I took a brick and hit him on the head
stances of street life. Although street children face
and made him bleed because he had made me
developmental risks in various developmental do-
bleed too. (Participant 10)
mains, evidence point to their ability to cope and
One of the girls showed how normalized drug use adapt to extremely difficult circumstances (Ungar,
was and how it formed an integral part of her life on 2011). The protective factors that were identified by
the streets: participants in this study as helping them cope with
the adversity on the street were personal and
In the morning, I wake up, open my eyes, take emotional strength, culture values, religious beliefs,
a bath, brush my teeth, eat, go pick weed, come supportive peer relationships, and participation in
back, find a corner with my friends, and smoke sports activities.
weed. (Participant 4)
When this female participant spoke of picking Personal and emotional strength. Personal and emo-
and smoking marijuana in the same sentence as tional strength were emphasized by participants as
getting up and brushing her teeth, she was portray- essential for survival on the street. For them, this
ing drug use as part of daily life. Marijuana smoking mostly seems to entail a physical ability rather than
also appears to act as a social bond between this an internal quality and shows some pride in their
participant and the friends with whom she smokes it. physical prowess. This physical strength is important
In a rather unconventional way*communal marijuana for survival on the streets. As one female participant
smoking*this participant demonstrated bonds with implied, without at least some physical strength,
her peers, a source of resilience (Malindi & Theron, most of these youngsters could easily become victims
2010) but possibly what could only be dubbed as a of violence. As reiterated by a participant, ‘‘Everyone
negative coping mechanism. fights to live.’’ What this suggests is that to lack
Our findings confirm the findings of previous physical strength, then, seems to mean greater
studies that revealed the use of intoxicants such vulnerability to the very real physical dangers that
as glue, petrol, and benzene to be widespread in come with life on the streets. It also seems that these
their review of the international literature pertaining youngsters not only require physical strength, but
to homeless youth (Aptekar & Stoecklin, 2014b; also need to physically demonstrate that strength.

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 The lived experiences of street children

This possibility arose when considering the words of was ‘‘still hopeful.’’ This participant seemed to value
a female participant who seemed to feel a sense of a personal characteristic that could be described as
failure because she did not use physical force against her an open and accepting attitude, and he seemed to
rapist. In spite of her horrific experience, however, consider this to be a form of strength. Hope, a key
this young woman is still resilient enough to survive construct of psychological capital, is an important
on the streets and dream of becoming a chartered intrapersonal resource to draw from in times of
accountant one day. adversity (Okafor, 2015). Interestingly, some studies
Another female participant indicated that she was (e.g., Oppong Asante & Meyer-Weitz, 2015b; Rew,
strong and able to survive street life because she is Taylor-Seehafer, Thomas, & Yockey, 2001) have
able to stand up for herself. She also expressed pride found that youth who perceive themselves as being
in her ability to control herself and not be angry for resilient report lower levels of life-threatening beha-
too long: viours, loneliness, and hopelessness. For the partici-
pants in this study, their experiences on the streets
I try to control and contain myself in all situ- were perceived to make them tough and capable to
ations so that I can cope and survive. I try to be live on the streets. This insightful response shows
calm. The problem is that I easily get irritated strength of character and also demonstrates an
by people and I don’t like talking too much; ability to overcome tough experiences and to survive
sometimes when I am pressured or provoked I the harshness of life on the streets.
end up fighting with people. (Participant 7)

This participant shows how physical strength

can sometimes get out of hand when she speaks of Cultural values. The role of cultural values in survival
on the street were explored among the participants,
her difficulty in controlling her anger and impulse
as it has been suggested that cultural values are
to fight. This girl appears to have some difficulty
an important source of resilience (Oppong Asante,
with impulse control. The same participant, how-
2015; Theron et al., 2011; Theron & Malindi, 2010;
ever, also expressed pride in managing to refrain
Ungar, 2011). However, this issue received surpris-
from acting violently and was clearly conscious of
ingly limited responses from most interviewees
what she expressed as a need to control herself and
despite extensive probing regarding, for example,
‘‘remain calm in all situations.’’ This girl spoke of
the use of rituals, cultural norms, the connection to
other incidents of physical fighting in her history, a
ancestors, and wise words of relatives, and so on in
problem that constituted a prominent reason for why
encouraging participant responsiveness. Many re-
she ended up on the streets.
spondents focused their attention on whether or not
Some of the respondents conceptualized ‘‘strength’’
they ‘‘believed’’ in the ancestors, in religion, or in
as something other than physical strength, but as
intermediaries between humans and a god.
more of an inner quality, which was referred to as
Another young male echoed these sentiments:
‘‘emotional strength.’’ For example, one of the male
interviewees said he saw himself as a strong person: No, no, I just believe in God only, not ancestors
. . . I grew up knowing that a witchdoctor does
You see, there’s a difference between a kid from not go to heaven . . . God is the person who
the township and a street kid. In the street, created me, and I see that this is his will that he
there is no one to coddle you whenever you’re is doing with me, so I just leave everything to
sick or have [the] flu and stuff like that. Him. Culture and related rituals do not help
(Participant 8) me during difficult situations. Like I said, my
This participant is clearly referring to the fact that friend, I don’t do anything that has to do with
he has no adult caregiver to act with his welfare ancestors or cultural rituals. I trust in God
in mind; there is no buffer between him and harsh only. (Participant 10)
reality, and he has been forced to grow up before In contrast to the above quote, a female partici-
nature intended. This inner strength echoes what pant revealed that she placed her faith in the
has been described as personal strengths by Theron ancestors and credited them with her protection on
and Malindi (2010). In fact, they found strong the street:
evidence of what they termed ‘‘feistiness and stoic
staying-power’’ (p. 727) as contributing to resilience My ancestors have helped to protect me during
among the homeless young people in South Africa. some difficult situations in my life. When
An interesting response to the question about there are fights here in the streets where I am
strength came from a male participant. He said he involved, somehow I never get stabbed, nor
considered himself to be a strong person because he am I taken to jail like my friends and brothers.

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F. Hills et al.

This is one of the reasons that make me believe so I just leave everything to Him . . . He has
only in my ancestors. (Participant 7) kept me alive while living in the streets all this
time; I could [have been] stabbed or beaten up
In contrast to Theron and Malindi’s (2010) study, by people and died, but I’m still alive. That’s
where they found a preponderance of accounts of how I know that God exists and answers my
resilience-inducing cultural pride, participants in the prayers. (Participant 5)
current study said very little about their culture. In
fact, when asked about their ethnicity, all the black Our findings support previous studies conducted
youth, except for one, identified themselves as black in Ghana and South Africa that found religion to be
rather than Zulu or Xhosa. The majority of the a major source of resilience for young street children,
participants dwelled upon the issue of whether or mostly as a way of making them feel strong, thus
not they ‘‘believed’’ in the ancestors. It was almost as making prayer to God fundamental to their hardi-
if these youngsters had shed their cultural ‘‘mantle’’ ness (Malindi & Theron, 2010; Oppong Asante,
as a way of rejecting their origins and accepted the 2015). They also said that religion was something
‘‘culture’’ of street life instead. It is possible that the not typically associated with street children, but that
mentioning of the ancestors in the question about it was a major resource in these youngsters’ ability to
culture proved too provocative for participants; it is rebound from adversity. Participants in the current
possible that in their efforts to distance themselves study echoed the findings of Malindi and Theron
from ‘‘beliefs’’ in the ancestors, they ended up dis- (2010), where homeless youth expressed a belief in a
tancing themselves from their entire cultures, along higher power that led them to access beneficial
with their norms, teachings, and practices. It is outcomes from individuals or communities.
important to note that participants in Theron and
Malindi’s (2010) study were unable to articulate
how culture had encouraged their resilience. Perhaps Supportive peer relationships. Social relationships and
this problem resided with our study participants as peer support were found to contribute to resiliency
well. Both Theron and Malindi’s (2010) research in street children in this study, as they often referred
and the current research have highlighted the need to important supportive peer relationships. The
for further research into culture as a resource for majority of the participants seemed to have benefited
resilience. from the help of a kind friend who was ready to share
and help them when in need. One particular older
girl featured largely in the lives of several of the
female respondents. This girl, to whom the fictitious
Religious beliefs. In contrast to responses about name of Bess has been given, seemed to have pro-
culture in general, religion (which can be said to vided a great deal of help to the girls. As a female
constitute a specific element of culture) appeared participant indicated:
to play an important role in the respondents’ lives
and in their ability to tolerate the difficulties they When I first got here [on the streets], my friend
experienced as street-dwellers. Although the major- [Bess] whom I got on the street used to hustle
ity of the participants professed to be Christians, for me and she would also give me some of her
some believed in their ancestors. One female parti- clothing . . . she helps me a lot here on the street
cipant showed her strong belief in God and attrib- because she knows a lot of things. When I am
uted her survival on the street to him: about to get into a fight, she is there immedi-
ately to break up the fight before it starts.
I have seen God play a major role in my and my (Participant 1)
family’s life because I see him protecting me
from a lot of things. I pray every morning and Another girl said that Bess had been a big help at
I thank God every time for all the things he the start of her life on the streets:
does for me . . . my religion plays a major role
because I think that God protects me from a When I first got here, [Bess] used to help me a
lot of bad things that I am facing here on the lot because I’d get everything from her from the
streets, living and surviving. (Participant 4) money she would get from selling CDs to
people on the streets. (Participant 3)
In reference to the hardships involved in street life,
one boy said he placed his hope in one ‘‘person,’’ It appears that these girls had been ‘‘shown the
God: ropes’’ by Bess, who seemed to act as peacemaker,
guide, protector, advisor, and what has been de-
God is the person who created me, and I see scribed as a ‘‘local role model’’ by some researchers in
that this is His will that He is doing with me, Africa (Theron & Malindi, 2010). Indeed, Malindi

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 The lived experiences of street children

(2014) found that street youth often adopt one surfing helped her in daily life and how she hoped to
another or other street people as role models. The make a meaningful life from it.
help offered from an older homeless female in this
study contrasts sharply with the treatment respon- Surfing also plays a major role in me being
dents reported receiving from groups of older street able to cope. When I am surfing, I am free and
boys, who were reported to behave in a violent and I am not in anyone’s business. If I get surfing
threatening manner towards the respondents, both sponsorship, things could change for the better
male and female. In contrast, a Zimbabwean study for me, if only I could get a surfing sponsor-
ship. The sponsorship will give me proper new
(Bourdillon, 1994) found that very often, once street
clothes, all the surfing equipment I need for
boys got older, they began to act as guardian to a
competitions, a monthly allowance, and other
group of younger boys, helping them with money,
things as well. All that I need now is to get a
food, and, crucially, protection.
sponsor that would help me achieve my dreams
Research into friendship among children living
of going worldwide to surfing competitions.
on the streets has shown that a strong ethos of sup-
Through the sponsorship, I could also get my
port between friends constitutes a survival strategy
own flat and not have to live on the streets.
(Malindi, 2014; Mizen & Ofosu-Kusi, 2010). In
(Participant 3)
South Africa, Malindi (2014) found that when street
children band together, they form a grouping that The above participant’s determination and the
provides both emotional and economic support. In clarity of the picture she had of her future as a
support of this, Malindi and Theron (2010) revealed professional surfer was confirmation of this young
that bonding between street children acts as a strong girl’s hopefulness and resilience. One of the boys also
contributor to the resilience of these youngsters. expressed his hopes and dreams for the future as
Contrary to this, Swart-Kruger and Donald (1994) follows:
argued that peer groups on the street are often
depicted as ‘‘quasi-families’’ because of the support, Bro’ [brother], it’s definitely being more suc-
companionship, and protection that they afford mem- cessful at surfing. We also go to competitions
bers, but that this is a misleading analogy. According and get cash prizes, but it’s only for number
to these authors, the relationships within the street one until quarter-finalists, and I have never
been a quarter-finalist and I want to do well so
group are more erratic and temporary than within the
I can be better. (Participant 2)
family group and operate at a very different level from
relationships between adults and children in a family. The above participant’s narrative shows that his
Indeed, research undertaken in Ethiopia (Aptekar & dreams and plans are achievable, and he has the
Heinonen, 2003) found street groups to be loose-knit determination to achieve just that. From these narra-
as a result of the children’s strong desire for auton- tives, the sports programmes that these youth are
omy, which, the researchers claim, actually prevents exposed to offer them hope for a medium-term solu-
bonding. According to Swart-Kruger and Donald tion to their problems (sponsorship, getting prizes,
(1994), the peer group is still important. According accommodation, and so forth), as well as hope for
to Mizen and Ofosu-Kusi (2010), terms such as success in the long term. This corresponds with
reciprocity, cooperation, and mutuality are largely absent widespread findings reported by Van Blerk (2011),
from writings about street children, and they point to who stated that engaging ‘‘at risk’’ groups such as
the general lack of research into friendship among street children in sport has been found to divert
street children. Although South African researchers attention from the negative aspects of their lives. Our
(e.g., Le Roux & Smith, 1998a; Theron & Malindi, findings also contradicts the ‘‘live for today’’ attitude
2010) have paid some attention to this matter, there of some street youth in Indonesia (Beazley, 2003), as
still seems to be room for further investigation into they expressed hope and dreams for the future.
this area.

Limitations
Participation in sports activities. Community-based This study has strengths and limitations. The main
support and services provided by drop-in centres strength of this study resides in allowing marginal
seem to be important resilience resources to street voices to be heard, one of the first studies to have
youth. Without prompting, the majority of the examined the lived experiences of street children in a
respondents identified surfing as a physical activity more holistic approach. Limitations, however, include
that helped them to cope and gave meaning to their the small sample size and the non-probability sam-
lives. One of the female participants indicated how pling method used, implying that the findings cannot

Citation: Int J Qualitative Stud Health Well-being 2016, 11: 30302 - http://dx.doi.org/10.3402/qhw.v11.30302 9
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F. Hills et al.

be generalized to all street children in South Africa. Baker, R., Panter-Brick, C., & Todd, A. (1997). Homeless street
boys in Nepal: Their demography and lifestyle. Journal of
Participants who chose to participate in the study
Comparative Family Studies, 28(1), 129146.
may be different than their peers who did not. Beazley, H. (2003). The construction and protection of individual
Furthermore, social desirability biases may have influ- and collective identities by street children and youth in
enced responses to sensitive questions about violent Indonesia, Children. Youth and Environments, 13(1), 105133.
behaviours and substance use. However, such an Bourdillon, M. F. C. (1994). Street children in Harare. Journal of
the International African Institute, 64(4), 516532.
effect may have been moderated by the strong rapport
Consortium for Street Children. (2014, August 10). Consortium
the research team had with the participants. Despite of Street children, Annual Report of 2009. Retrieved August
these shortcomings, the study provides researchers 10, 2014, from Global Giving website: https://www.global-
and policymakers with a holistic picture of the life of giving.org
street children within a South African context. Dartnall, E., & Jewkes, R. (2013). Sexual violence against women:
The scope of the problem. Best Practice & Research Clinical
Obstetrics & Gynaecology, 27(1), 313. doi: http://dx.doi.org/
10.1016/j.bpobgyn.2012.08.002
Conclusion Donald, D., & Swart-Kruger, J. (1994). The South African street
child: Developmental implications. South African Journal of
The current study was conducted to explore the Psychology, 24(4), 169174.
lived experience of street children and adolescents in Hawkins, J. D., Catalano, R. F., & Miller, J. Y. (1992). Risk and
Durban, South Africa. Our findings revealed that protective factors for alcohol and other drug problems in
adolescence and early adulthood: Implications for substance
incidence of violence and drug and alcohol use were abuse prevention. Psychological Bulletin, 112(1), 64105.
common in these youngsters’ lives. Despite sub- Human Sciences Research Council HSRC. (2008). Street chil-
stance use being illegal and a socially unacceptable dren in Gauteng: Research information dissemination on
way of coping, it allows them to escape and ‘‘check homelessness with a focus on street children in Gauteng,
Johannesburg, 11 June 2008. Pretorial, South Africa:
out’’ of their lives, at least temporarily. In the midst
HSRC.
of these challenges, participants derived ways of sur- Jewkes, R., Flood, M., & Lang, J. (2015). From work with men
vival by relying on personal and emotional strenghts and boys to changes of social norms and reduction of in-
cultural values, religious beliefs, peer relationships equities in gender relations: A conceptual shift in prevention
and support, and participation in physical activities of violence against women and girls. The Lancet, 385(9977),
15801589. doi: http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/S0140-6736(14)
such as surfing. This study contributes to the body of
61683-4
knowledge regarding the lived experiences of street Kruger, J. M., & Richter, L. M. (2003). South African street
children in Durban, South Africa. Additionally, the children at risk for AIDS? Children, Youth and Environments,
identified protective factors could be strengthened 13(1), 114.
in health promotion interventions with a focus Le Roux, J. (1996). Street Children in South Africa  findings
from interviews on the background of street children in
on mental health, prevention of violence, substance
Pretoria, South Africa. Retrieved July 16, 2012, from http://
use, and daily physical activities that seem to provide pangaea.org/street_children/africa/safrica2.htm
meaning Le Roux, J., & Smith, C. S. (1998a). Psychological characteristics
and hope. of South African street children. Adolescence, 33, 132.
Malindi, M. J., & Theron, L. C. (2010). The hidden resilience of
street youth resilient street youth. South African Journal of
Conflict of interest and funding Psychology, 40(3), 318326. doi: http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/
008124631004000310
The authors acknowledge the receipt of a grant from Malindi, M. J. (2014). Exploring the roots of resilience among
female street-involved children in South Africa. Journal of
the Strategic Research Fund from the College of
Psychology, 5(1), 3545.
Humanities, University of KwaZulu-Natal, South Masten, A. (2001). Ordinary magic: Resilience process in
Africa, which partially funded the study. There is, development. American Psychologist, 56, 227238. doi:
however, no financial or conflict of interests regard- http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/0003-066X.56.3.227
ing the publication of this paper. Mizen, P., & Ofosu-Kusi, Y. (2010). Asking, giving, receiving:
Friendship as survival strategy among Accra’s street children.
Childhood, 17(4), 441454. doi: http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/
0907568209350511
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