DOMINICAN UNIVERSITY SAMONDA, IBADAN, OYO

STATE

NEW POLITICS FOR NEW PEOPLE

BY

ORAFU CALLISTUS CHIBUIKEM

MATRIC NO:

BEING A TERM PAPER SUBMITTED TO THE DEPARTMENT OF

PHILOSOPHY, DOMINICAN UNIVERSITY IBADAN, IN THE
PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENT FOR B.A
PHILOSOPHY.

COURSE: MODERN PHILOSOPHY

COURSE CODE: PHI 301

LECTURER: SR. LUCY HAPPINESS OHANUMA, DHS.

DATE: JANUARY 2024

TABLE OF CONTENTS PAGES

INTRODUCTION…………………………………………………………………………..2

THE CONCEPT OF NEW PEOPLE……………………………………………………....2

THE CONCEPT OF NEW POLITICS………………………………………………….....3

WHAT IS POLITICS?............................................................................................................3

THE POLITICAL THEORY OF NICCOLÒ MACHIAVELLI

AS ENSHRIHED IN HIS WORK TITLED THE PRINCE………………………………3

THE POLITICAL THEORY OF ÉTIENNE DE LA BOÉTIE

AS ENSHRIHED IN HIS WORK TITLED

DISCOURSE ON VOLUNTARY SERVITUDE…………………………………………...6

THE POLITICAL THEORY OF JEAN-JACQUES ROUSSEAU

AS ENSHRIHED IN HIS WORK TITLED THE SOCIAL CONTRACT……………….9

HOW THE SYNTHESIS OF THESE VARIOUS POLITICAL THEORY

CAN BRING ABOUT A NEW POLITICS FOR NEW PEOPLE……………………….12

CONCLUSION………………………………………………………………………………15

BIBLIOGRAPHY……………………………………………………………………………16

1
INTRODUCTION

“New politics” for “new people”, what is politics?, what does it entail? what are it’s

essential characteristics?, Niccolò Machiavelli , Étienne de La Boétie, and some other notable

political Philosophy of prominent philosophers enshrined in their various works like The prince

and Discourse on Voluntary servitude respectively, is the underlying basis for the analysis of this

seminar topic, in this work I will discuss how the political philosophical thoughts of this men

can be synthesized to bring about the idea of a new politics for new people. These work takes the

phenomenological and analytic approach in defining terms and concepts.

THE CONCEPT OF NEW PEOPLE

In this work, by using the term ‘New People’, I am referring to the peoples and cultures

of this present millennia, although it is noteworthy to point out that in our present age there are

diverse cultural practices and diverse technological innovations, so it is possible that the concept

of new politics that I will attempt to bring about from the synthesis of the various political

philosophical thoughts of the aforementioned philosophers may not work very effectively in all

cultures and social conditions because the political theory of these philosophers also sprang up as

a result of the existing political turmoil of their time, however as the famous British writer and

philosopher Aldous Huxley said, 'That men do not learn very much from the lessons of history

is the most important of all the lessons that history has to teach', it is therefore noteworthy for me

to assert that even if these concept of “New politics” may not effectively work in every cultures

of the 21st century, there are still some various facets of these concept of New politics that these

cultures and societies can emulate for the betterment of their society.

2
THE CONCEPT OF NEW POLITICS

In this work “New politics” refers to the new political theory that I will attempt to

theorize by the synthesizing the political theory of aforementioned philosophers.

WHAT IS POLITICS?

From the etymology of the word, Politics stems from the Greek word πολιτικά (politiká)

which means 'affairs of the cities', the most widely used definition of politics was provided by

Easton and he defined politics as the “authoritative allocation of values for a society”.1 Politics,

in essence, boils down to collective decision-making and power dynamics within a group. It is

not just about voting and governments, but also about how individuals interact, influence each

other, and share resources or prestige.

THE POLITICAL THEORY OF NICCOLÒ MACHIAVELLI AS ENSHRIHED IN HIS

WORK TITLED THE PRINCE.

Biography

Niccolò Machiavelli was a Florentine statesman, diplomat, and writer who lived during

the turbulent Renaissance period. He received a humanist education, possibly attending Florence

University, and in 1498, his public life began with a diplomatic appointment for the Republic. He

served Florence for 14 years and travelled far and wide, however in in 1512, the Medici returned

to power, shattering Machiavelli's political career. He was dismissed, imprisoned, and even

tortured for suspected conspiracy. Forced into retirement, Machiavelli turned to writing,

composing "The Prince" in 1513. This controversial treatise, initially intended for Giuliano de'

Medici, sought to regain his favor, the treatise presents a pragmatic, and often ruthlessly realistic,

1
Isaak, Alan C. 1975. Scope and methods of political science, rev. ed. Homewood, IL: Dorsey Press, 20.

3
take on statecraft., It wasn't published until 1532, after his death, he furthermore wrote various

works like, The art of war, Discourses on Livy, which was a a work exploring republican

principles disguised as a commentary on Roman history. In essence, Machiavelli's life was

marked by his active involvement in Florentine politics, followed by a period of forced exile that

became a springboard for his enduring literary contributions.2

THE PRINCE

In his book the prince Machiavelli examined the qualities and methods necessary for a

successful ruler, regardless of morality. The book's frank, pragmatic advice, advocating for

ruthlessness and deception, if necessary, sparked controversy and earned Machiavelli the

reputation of a cynical "father of modern politics."3

Forget about morality. In the real world of politics, power, not virtue, is king. That's the

message Machiavelli delivers in his famous book The Prince and he asserts that:

Power and authority are two sides of the same coin. Whoever holds the reins has the right to

command, regardless of their moral character. Being good doesn't guarantee power, and power

doesn't need goodness to be legitimate.

Forget about "shoulds" and "oughts." Politics is about one thing: acquiring and keeping

power. Machiavelli focuses on "maintaining the state," not power itself, but it's all about the

same thing.

Morality is irrelevant. Rulers shouldn't worry about being nice. Fear, not love, is the glue that

keeps people in line. They obey because they're scared, not because they admire you.
2
Nederman, Cary, "Niccolò Machiavelli", The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Winter 2023 Edition), Edward N.
Zalta & Uri Nodelman (eds.), Retrieved on January 2, 2024 from URL =
https://plato.stanford.edu/archives/win2023/entries/machiavelli/
3
John M,Najemy. 2011. Machiavelli: A biography. Princeton University Press. 52.

4
Laws are just threats with teeth. They only work because force backs them up. Forget about

"rightful" authority; it's all about who has the biggest stick, and he asserted that "It is far safer to

be feared than loved if one cannot be both."4

Machiavelli isn't advocating for tyranny, but rather for a pragmatic approach to politics.

He believes that rulers need to understand the realities of human nature – selfishness, deceit, and

fear – and use these to their advantage. He sees politics as a game of power, and he provides a

playbook for those who want to win. He dismantled the idea of authority as something separate

from power. He argues that might and power makes right, and ‘good guys’ don't always win in

the game of thrones. His focus on raw power and control has been both praised and condemned,

but it remains a powerful critique of how politics, stripped bare, truly operates. 5 Also his brutal

realism exposes the bare bones of politics: power is king, and morality is just a pretty ribbon you

tie around it. He bases his argument on observed human behaviour and political realities, not

idealistic notions. He believes rulers need to understand and wield power effectively to be

successful.6

Furthermore, The Prince criticizes the traditional link between morality and legitimate

political authority. Machiavelli argues that power, not virtue, is the true foundation of authority.

He emphasizes the importance of force and fear as tools for control. Machiavelli argues that

power is the true goal of politics, not morality. His work went on to emphasize the importance of

force and fear in maintaining control. His cynical view of human nature paints a realistic picture

of political life. The prince offers a practical guide to acquiring and wielding power in a ruthless

world. He introduces virtù, a unique blend of skill, talent, strength, and intelligence. This

4
Niccolò Machiavelli. The Prince, Transl. by Harvey C. Mansfield Jr. 2nd Ed. University of Chicago Press, 1998.66
5
Harvey C ,Mansfield. 1996. Machiavelli’s Virtue, Chicago: University of Chicago Press. 129.
6
Nederman, Cary, "Niccolò Machiavelli", The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy.

5
virtuosity allows the prince to adapt to changing circumstances, make ruthless decisions, and

ultimately conquer and control his territory.

In general Machiavelli offers a brutal but honest analysis of power dynamics. He argues

that morality is irrelevant in the ruthless game of politics, and only those who master the art of

wielding power can truly succeed, however The Prince offers a fascinating, but ultimately

precarious, model of rule, raising questions about its practical applicability and the very

possibility of creating a truly flexible, all-powerful prince.

THE POLITICAL THEORY OF ÉTIENNE DE LA BOÉTIE AS ENSHRIHED IN HIS

WORK TITLED DISCOURSE ON VOLUNTARY SERVITUDE

Biography:

Etienne de La Boétie, a French political philosopher born in 1530 in Sarlat, he left a

lasting mark on the world through his unwavering commitment to freedom and human dignity.

He studied law and became a counsellor, navigating the turbulent political landscape of 16th-

century France. He actively sought tolerance and understanding, aligning with the policies of the

chancellor Michel de l'Hôpital. His personal beliefs remain a subject of debate, with some

suggesting a possible connection to Marrano Judaism. His wok titled Discourse on Voluntary

Servitude, became a landmark defence of human dignity and freedom, he died in the year 1563.7

DISCOURSE ON VOLUTARY SERVITUDE

7
"La Boétie, Etienne de ." Encyclopaedia Judaica. Encyclopedia.com. Retrieved on January 2, 2024, from
.https://www.encyclopedia.com/religion/encyclopedias-almanacs-transcripts-and-maps/la-boetie-etienne-de

6
 In his work La Boétie boldly addresses the question of why people willingly submit to

oppressive rulers even when they have the power to resist., challenging the legitimacy of

tyranny. He argues that tyrants have no inherent power over us; our consent and obedience fuel

their strength. He proposes that recognizing the voluntary nature of servitude is the first step

towards reclaiming freedom and building a just society.

His work offers offers insights into the nature of power, freedom, and the human

condition. And it can be analyzed in summary as follows:

Voluntary Servitude: The essay's central thesis is that tyranny only exists because people

choose to obey it. La Boétie argues that tyrants have no inherent power over us; their strength

comes solely from our consent and submission.

The Illusion of Benefits: People often justify their obedience by citing the "benefits" offered by

the tyrant, such as protection or order. La Boétie exposes these benefits as mere illusions, arguing

that tyrants only provide a semblance of security while stripping away true freedom and dignity.

The Corruption of Habit: Obedience, over time, can become a habit, a comfortable routine that

blinds us to the chains that bind us. La Boétie emphasizes the importance of questioning and

challenging established power structures, even if they seem familiar or inevitable. 8

Breaking the Chains: La Boétie offers no easy solutions, but he suggests that the path to

freedom begins with awareness. Recognizing the voluntary nature of our servitude is the first

step towards reclaiming our power and forging a just society.9.

8
Murray Rothbard, 1975. Introduction to The Politics of Obedience: The Discourse of Voluntary Servitude by Étienne
de la Boétie, Transl. by Harry Kurz, New York: Free Life Editions.167.
9
De La Boétie, Estienne (1942). Anti-dictator: the Discours sur la servitude volontaire of Étienne de La Boétie. Edited
by Harry Kurz.New York: Columbia university press. 67

7
The Power of Unity: La Boétie emphasizes the importance of unity and solidarity in resisting

tyranny. When people come together and refuse to obey, even the most powerful tyrant can be

overthrown.

Nature vs. Custom: La Boétie draws a stark contrast between our natural state of freedom and

the artificial constraints imposed by tyranny. He argues that living under a tyrant is unnatural and

contrary to our basic human desire for liberty.

Self-Worth: A crucial element of La Boétie's argument is the emphasis on individual self-worth.

He believes that every person deserves to be treated with dignity and respect, and that

surrendering to tyranny diminishes our inherent value.

Collective Action: While the essay focuses on individual responsibility, La Boétie recognizes the

importance of collective action. He suggests that the only way to effectively resist tyranny is

through solidarity and shared awareness. He encouraged individuals to withdraw their support

and refuse to collaborate with the oppressive regimes, suggesting that a collective refusal to obey

can undermine tyrannical power

Also, La Boétie's arguments are based on several key observations which are:

Human Nature: He believes that humans are naturally inclined towards freedom and self-

determination. To give up this freedom voluntarily is unnatural and harmful.

The Nature of Power: Tyranny relies on deception, manipulation, and the threat of force. It is

not a natural order, but a system imposed on people by those who seek to control them.

The Importance of Individual Choice: La Boétie argues that each person has the choice to

resist or submit. True freedom comes from recognizing and exercising this choice.10
10
De La Boétie, Estienne 1942. Anti-dictator: the Discours sur la servitude volontaire of Étienne de La Boétie. 79.

8
 In general, La Boétie argues that any tyrant remains in power while his subjects grant him

that, therefore delegitimizing every form of power. The original freedom of men would be indeed

abandoned by society which, once corrupted by the habit, would have preferred the servitude of

the courtier to the freedom of the free man, who refuses to be submissive and to obey.11

THE POLITICAL THEORY OF JEAN-JACQUES ROUSSEAU AS ENSHRIHED IN HIS

WORK TITLED THE SOCIAL CONTRACT.

Biography

Born in Geneva in 1712, Jean-Jacques Rousseau's early life was marked by family

tragedy and haphazard education. He travelled Europe, taking on various roles

(servant, musician, tutor) and developing his love for music and literature. In 1749, Rousseau's

contrarian essay on arts and sciences won him fame and sparked lifelong controversies.

He championed natural virtue and criticized societal corruptionideas further explored in

his 1755 "Discourse on Inequality." Music remained a passion, with his opera Le Devin du

Village a success and his views on melody influencing music discourse. Reclaiming his Genevan

citizenship and reconverting to Calvinism, Rousseau published seminal works like the novel

Julie and the philosophical treatises Emile and The Social Contract in 1762.

These works brought both acclaim and condemnation, leading Rousseau to flee

persecution and seek refuge in England. Plagued by paranoia and mental instability, he spent his

later years writing autobiographical pieces like the Confessions, exploring political theory, and

pursuing his love for botany and music. Rousseau died in 1778, but his legacy as a champion of

11
Murray Rothbard, 1975. Introduction to The Politics of Obedience: The Discourse of Voluntary Servitude by
Étienne de la Boétie.201

9
individual liberty, social critique, and natural virtue continues to influence political and

philosophical thought.12

THE SOCIAL CONTRACT

His work on the social contract focused on the concept of the general will, for he believed

that legitimate authority is based on the collective will of the people and individuals should

submit to the general will for the common good. His central doctrine in politics is that a state

can be legitimate only if it is guided by the “general will” of its members.

Jean-Jacques Rousseau grapples with a fundamental question: how can individual

freedom and state authority coexist? He argues that humans, once able to live independently,

have reached a point where cooperation is crucial for survival and well-being.

Furthermore Rousseau, in The Social Contract, proposes three levels of will: Private

Will: Individuals pursue their own selfish interests. General Will: Citizens, identifying with the

collective, desire laws promoting universal freedom and equality. Corporate Will: Subgroups

within the population impose their own interests on the state.13

Rousseau's rejection of representative government: Rousseau's political philosophy is known

for its emphasis on individual freedom and the general will. However, one of the least persuasive

aspects of his thought for later thinkers is his doctrine of sovereignty and representation.

Rousseau rejects the idea that a people's legislative will can be vested in some group or

individual that then acts with their authority but rules over them. Instead, he argues that to hand

over one's general right of ruling oneself to another person or body is a form of slavery, and that

12
Bertram, Christopher, "Jean Jacques Rousseau", The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Summer 2023 Edition),
Edward N. Zalta & Uri Nodelman (eds.), Retrieved on January 2, 2024 URL =
https://plato.stanford.edu/archives/sum2023/entries/rousseau/
13
Canon, J.S., 2022. Three General Wills in Roussea. Review of Politics, 84: 35.

10
to recognize such an authority would amount to an abdication of moral agency. Rousseau

alternative for this is direct self-rule by the entire citizen body. He believes that this is the only

way to ensure that laws are truly representative of the general will. However, he also recognizes

that this is impractical for large states.14

The tension between the sovereign and the government: One of the key distinctions in The

Social Contract is the tension between the sovereign and the government. The sovereign,

composed of the people as a whole, promulgates laws as an expression of its general will. The

government is a more limited body that administers the state within the bounds set by those laws,

and which issues decrees applying them in particular cases.15

Rousseau's political pessimism: Even in the case of the best-designed and most perfect

republic, Rousseau is pessimistic about the prospects for long-term stability. He believes that it is

almost inevitable that the government will eventually usurp the sovereign power of the people

and substitute its corporate will for the people's general will.

Rousseau's views on individual rights: Rousseau rejects the idea that individuals associated

together in a political community retain some natural rights over themselves and their property.

Rather, such rights as individuals have over themselves, land, and external objects, are a matter

of sovereign competence and decision. Individual rights must be specified by the sovereign in

ways that are compatible with the interests of all in a just polity, and Rousseau rejects the idea

that such rights could be insisted on as a check on the sovereign's power.16

14
Masters, R.D., 1968. The Political Philosophy of Rousseau, Princeton: Princeton University Press.164
15
Williams, D.L., 2014. Rousseau’s Social Contract, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.167.
16
Bertram, Christopher, "Jean Jacques Rousseau", The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy.

11
Rousseau's exclusion of women: Rousseau's commitment to the freedom and equality of

citizens is marred by the fact that he envisages those citizens as exclusively male. Women are

subject to the authority of the state but have no voice in the determination of the general will. 17

Rousseau's doctrine of sovereignty and representation is a complex and controversial one.

While it has been criticized by later thinkers for its impracticality and its exclusion of women, it

remains an important contribution to political thought. Rousseau's emphasis on the importance of

the general will and the need for citizens to be actively involved in their own governance is still

relevant today.

HOW THE SYNTHESIS OF THESE VARIOUS POLITICAL THEORY CAN BRING

ABOUT A NEW POLITICS FOR NEW PEOPLE.

Recall from my clarification of concepts that “New People” in this body of work refers to

the people of the 21st century, and now through the synthesis of the political philosophical

thoughts of Machiavelli, La Boétie, and Rousseau, I will now bring about a possible theory of

“New politics” for “New people”.

The 21st century society, marked by diverse cultures and rapid technological

advancements, presents unique challenges and opportunities for shaping a "new politics." By

synthesizing insights from Machiavelli, La Boétie, and Rousseau, onee can envision a political

landscape that fosters freedom, collaboration, and justice in this complex new context.

Beginning from Machiavelli, his pragmatism offers a valuable starting point. His

emphasis on understanding "real world" power dynamics and human nature can be applied to

17
Rousselière, G., 2021, Rousseau’s Theory of Value and the Case of Women. European Journal of Philosophy, 29:
285.

12
navigate the intricate power struggles within and between nations in the 21st century. Learning to

wield power effectively, not succumbing to naivety or idealism, is crucial for ensuring the well-

being of citizens in an increasingly competitive globalized world. However, Machiavelli's focus

on "maintaining the state" should be balanced with the other elements of this synthesis.

Also, from his political thoughts one can envision effectiveness over morality this means

that priority should be given to the effectiveness of political actions in achieving desired

outcomes, while not abandoning ethical considerations altogether. A balance between

pragmatism and principle is crucial.

Furthermore, his idea of Virtù which is the ability to adapt to changing circumstances,

make difficult decisions, and navigate complex situations, should be one of the characteristics of

any leader of a government because this is essential for navigating the uncertainties of the

modern world.

Secondly La Boétie's critique of tyranny serves as a vital reminder of the dangers of blind

obedience and the importance of active citizenship. In a diverse society, where differing

ideologies and identities collide, La Boétie's message about questioning authority and resisting

oppression resonates powerfully. Recognizing the voluntary nature of servitude and fostering

critical thinking can empower individuals and communities to push back against unjust systems

and advocate for change.

Furthermore, La Boétie's vision of transformation is key to redefining the relationship

between power and authority. This idea of a “new politics’ that I am proposing following his

insights moves beyond traditional power structures and creates a more participatory and

equitable system.

13
 Rousseau's concept of the "general will" provides a framework for forging a collective

vision for the future. By actively participating in shaping laws and policies that reflect the needs

and aspirations of all citizens, regardless of background, gender or belief, one can strive towards

a society that is not only just but also truly united. However, Rousseau's ideal of direct self-rule

by the entire population needs to be adapted to the realities of large, complex societies in the 21st

century. Effective forms of representation and participatory democracy become crucial for

channelling the general will in a practical and inclusive manner.

The synthesis of these three perspectives suggests a "new politics" for “new people”, that is

for the people of the 21st century built on several key pillars:

Active Citizenship: Citizens are not passive subjects but engaged participants in shaping their

political fate, both questioning established power structures and advocating for positive change.

Global Perspective: Recognizing the interconnectedness of the world and the impact of our

actions on others, fostering international cooperation to address shared challenges like climate

change and inequality.

Technological Literacy: Leveraging technology to enhance transparency, accountability, and

participation in the political process, while simultaneously guarding against its potential for

manipulation and control.

Cultural Sensitivity: Embracing the richness of diversity and building a society where different

ways of life are respected and valued, fostering dialogue and understanding across cultural

divides.

14
Focus on the Collective Good: Balancing individual rights and freedoms with the needs of the

broader community, striving for policies that promote the well-being of all rather than just the

privileged few.

Rousseau's social contract: Freedom and responsibility are intertwined. These New politics

promotes individual freedom within the framework of a just society where everyone contributes

to the common good and it aims at promoting laws and policies that reflect the true needs and

aspirations of the people, not just elites.

Direct democracy: “New Politics” also explores ways to increase citizen involvement in

decision-making, moving beyond traditional representative models where power is often

concentrated in the hands of a few and through the insights of La Boétie's it recognizes that

tyranny thrives on one’s consent and obedience, so one must actively resist the temptation to

surrender one’s agency and critically examine power structures. E.g the #ENDSARS movement.

CONCLUSION.

In conclusion, the "new politics" for “new people”, envisioned through the synthesis of

Machiavelli's pragmatism, La Boétie's vigilance, and Rousseau's collective spirit, seeks to

prioritize active citizenship, global perspective, technological literacy, cultural sensitivity, and

the collective good, by balancing effectiveness with ethics, questioning authority, and pursuing

the general good, we can move beyond traditional power structures and forge a politics of

participation, collaboration, and global responsibility. This is not a utopian ideal, but a

framework for continuous dialogue and action. It emphasizes the balance between individual

rights and responsibilities, the importance of direct democracy, and the unwavering pursuit of

equality and freedom.

15
BIBLIOGRAPHY

"La Boétie, Etienne de ." Encyclopaedia Judaica. Encyclopedia.com. Retrieved on January 2,

2024, from .https://www.encyclopedia.com/religion/encyclopedias-almanacs-

transcripts-and-maps/la-boetie-etienne-de

Alan, Isaak. C. 1975. Scope and methods of political science, rev. ed. Homewood, IL: Dorsey

Press.

Bertram, Christopher, "Jean Jacques Rousseau", The Stanford Encyclopedia of

Philosophy (Summer 2023 Edition), Edward N. Zalta & Uri Nodelman (eds.),

Retrieved on January 2, 2024, URL =

https://plato.stanford.edu/archives/sum2023/entries/rousseau/

Canon, J.S., 2022, Three General Wills in Roussea, Review of Politics, 84: 350–371.

De La Boétie, Estienne (1942). Anti-dictator: the Discours sur la servitude volontaire of Étienne

de La Boétie. Edited by Harry Kurz.New York: Columbia university press.

Duke.L. Williams. 2014. Rousseau’s Social Contract, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Machiavelli Niccolò. The Prince, Transl. by Harvey C. Mansfield Jr. 2nd Ed. University of

Chicago Press, 1998.

Mansfield, Harvey C. 1996. Machiavelli’s Virtue, Chicago: University of Chicago Press

Masters, R.D., 1968. The Political Philosophy of Rousseau, Princeton: Princeton University

Press.

16
Murray Rothbard, 1975. Introduction to The Politics of Obedience: The Discourse of Voluntary

Servitude by Étienne de la Boétie, Transl.by Harry Kurz, New York: Free Life

Editions,

Najemy, John M. 2011. Machiavelli: A biography. Princeton University Press.

Nederman, Cary, "Niccolò Machiavelli", The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Winter 2023

Edition), Edward N. Zalta & Uri Nodelman (eds.), Retrieved on January 2, 2024

from URL = https://plato.stanford.edu/archives/win2023/entries/machiavelli/

Rousselière, G., 2021, Rousseau’s Theory of Value and the Case of Women. European Journal of

Philosophy, 29: 285-321.

17