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Aurel RUSTOIU**
The inventory of the famous grave with a helmet from “Silivaş” (Transylvania) was
first published by M. Roska, an archaeologist from Cluj, in 19251 (fig. 1). Its
inventory includes a decorated helmet, two spear heads, a fragmentary sword, a
dagger (Hiebmesser), a brooch and a “sickle”, all objects being made of iron.
According to the mentioned author the finds belonged to the private collection of
Count Teleki Domokos, a well-known collector interested in Transylvanian
antiquities, being later donated to the Museum of Cluj.
The discovery attracted the interest of various specialists shortly after its
publication,2 but some archaeologists expressed their doubts regarding the
provenance of the grave and the composition of its inventory.3 These doubts led
later to more investigations aiming to resolve the controversy around the history
and the fate of the grave from “Silivaş”.4
The archaeological collection of Count Teleki, containing 82 artefacts
mainly recovered from Transylvania (only a few come from Hungary),5 was
brought over from the residence of the donor in Gorneşti (Mureş County) to Cluj
by the archaeologist Al. Ferenczi sometime between 30 November and 2
December 1918. He registered the artefacts in the Museum’s collections,
mentioning the place of discovery only if it was known. The objects discussed in
this article are lacking this mention, so the place of discovery must have been
unknown. It is also significant that most of the artefacts were successively
registered, having the inventory numbers IV 1900-1907, whereas the brooch is
listed with the inventory number IV 1892.6 Furthermore, it has been later proven
that the brooch actually comes from Ernei (Mureş County) and is not part of the
inventory.7
A more recent enquiry provided new information concerning the origin of
the finds. The artefacts initially belonged to another private collection owned by
* This work was supported by a grant of the Romanian National Authority for Scientific Research,
Botár Imre, a collector of antiquities from Turda (Cluj County). They were
discovered in 1895 and were sold to Count Teleki before 1897.8
An analysis of the inventory belonging to the so-called “grave from Silivaş”
also raised some doubts about the identification of the iron “sickle”9 (fig. 2). The
artefact is actually a curved dagger (with the length of 29 cm). Some specialists
considered that the piece comes from the Thracian milieu of the Balkans.10 It is
true that similar daggers or short swords having a curved blade were used in
Thrace in the 4th-3rd centuries BC.11 However the total number of recovered finds
is reduced, even if they are sometimes depicted, for example, in warlike scenes on
the painted walls of the dromos inside the famous domed grave from Kazanlăk in
Bulgaria12 (fig. 3). On the other hand, the curved daggers are frequently found in
graves belonging to the Padea-Panagjurski Kolonii group from the northern
Balkans (dated to the 2nd-1st centuries BC), inclusively in burials from south-
western Transylvania13 (fig. 10/2-3). As a consequence it might be possible that
the curved dagger from “Silivaş” is coming from one such grave.
Lastly, it has to be noted that the fieldwork carried out on the territory of
Silivaş (Alba County), the presumed place of origin of the funerary inventory,
failed to identify a cemetery or any other Celtic traces.14
It can be therefore concluded that the iron brooch and the curved dagger
did not belong to the funerary inventory. However the remaining artefacts form a
unitary assemblage due to their typology and chronology. As a consequence they
probably belong to a Celtic funerary inventory discovered at the end of the 19th
century somewhere in Transylvania, perhaps in the surroundings of Turda, a town
in which the collector Botár Imre was active and other Celtic discoveries are also
known. The helmet, the sword and the two spears belong to the “traditional” set
of weapons of the warlike Celtic elite. The panoply might have also included a
shield, but its iron fittings (the umbo and the rim) were not recovered. The helmet
and the sword stand out among the Celtic weapons and many interested
researchers included them in numerous studies.
The iron helmet having a neck-guard (Eisenhelme mit angesetztem Nackenschutz)
(fig. 4-6) belongs to a type well-known at the end of the 4th century and in the first
decades of the 3rd century BC (LT B2 according to archaeological chronology)
8 Ibid., p. 295-296.
9 Ibid., p. 296-297.
10 Zirra 1975, p. 54; Szabó, Petres 1992, p. 21, 68, n. 74, expressed their doubts regarding the place of
discovery, but considered that the inventory is unitary from a typological and chronological point of
view, so the curved dagger having analogies in the local Thracian milieu belongs to the same early La
Tène period.
11 Similar pieces, dating from the 4th and 3rd centuries BC, were discovered in a series of
archaeological sites. Some daggers come from the cemetery at Zimnicea (Alexandrescu 1980, p. 36,
40, fig. 59/12, 17), while others were found in the Thracian settlements between the Rodopi
Mountains and the Balkans, for example at Kabyle (Domaradzki 1991, p. 59, pl. 26/9) and
Seuthopolis (Ognenova-Marinova 1984, p. 184-185, fig. 17). They have a thicker edge and a narrow,
slender blade.
12 Zhivkova 1975, pl. 14; Domaradzki 1986, p. 227-228, fig. 1.
13 See recently Rustoiu 2012 with previous bibliography.
14 Zirra 1971, p. 182, n. 57.
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Wandering Warriors. The Celtic Grave from “Silivaş” (Transylvania) and Its History
from the Western Europe (Normandy and northern Spain) to the east, in
Transylvania15 (fig. 7). Similar items are mostly concentrated in the Alpine region
(in western Austria and northern Italy), an area in which they were probably
created and from which they circulated to the west and the east. Sometimes these
helmets are richly decorated. The examples from Agris and Amfreville (France)
were decorated with gold and coral16. The helmet from “Silivaş” was ornamented
on the neck-guard with vegetal elements specific to the so-called Waldalgesheim or
Vegetal Style17 (fig. 5-6). The vegetal decorative details on the neck-guard of the
helmet from Silivaş belong to the late phase of the aforementioned style, similarly
to the ornamentation of the helmets from Förker Laas Riegel, in Carinthia,
discovered in 1989.18
The sword is only fragmentary preserved. However, the chape of the
scabbard is better preserved (fig. 9), allowing the typological identification of the
sword and its scabbard. The piece belongs to a type of Celtic swords known as
Hatvan-Boldog or Kosd, which is characterised by a specific shape: a large, open-
worked chape-end decorated with two rosettes and rounded off. These swords
were used at the end of the 4th century and in the first decades of the 3rd century
BC.19 Their distribution area is wide, being known from France to the Eastern
Europe, in Transylvania20 (fig. 8). Similarly to other examples belonging to this
type the rosettes on the scabbard’s chape-end from “Silivaş” were decorated.21 At
the same time, in many cases the upper part of the scabbards belonging to this type
of swords was decorated with face-to-face dragons or griffins. Unfortunately the
scabbard of the sword from “Silivaş” is incompletely preserved so it is impossible
to say if there was any decoration. However a suggestion about its possible
decoration is offered by another sword coming from a Celtic cemetery at Aiud
(Alba County).22 The upper part of the scabbard was engraved with two face-to-
face dragons or griffins, while the rosettes placed above these motifs were gilded
(fig. 10/1). The swords having the scabbards decorated with face-to-face dragons
or griffins are also known from the Western to the Eastern Europe23 (fig. 11).
Both the zoomorphic lyre and the pairs of griffins are part of an
iconographic code which is relatively unitary and probably characterised certain
15 Schaaff 1974, p. 150-171, fig. 22; Schaaff 1988, p. 297-300, fig. 14; Schaaff 1990, fig. 1.
16 Schaaff 1988, fig. 10; Megaw 1970, p. 89, no. 110.
17 Szabó, Petres 1992, p. 21; Megaw 1970, p. 89; Megaw, Megaw 2001, p. 266.
18 Schaaff 1990; Megaw, Megaw 2001, p. 266.
19 Petres, Szabó 1986.
20 Stöllner 1998, p. 167-170, Liste 4, Beilage 3; Rustoiu 2008, p. 102-103, fig. 47.
21 Szabó, Petres 1992.
22 Ferencz 2007, p. 124, pl. 11.
23 The distribution map of these swords witnessed numerous completions during the last decades,
illustrating their presence from the Western Europe to Transylvania (see a synthesis of this problem
in Ginoux 2007, p. 14-20; the last mapping in Ginoux 2012, p. 180, fig. 1). To the already listed
examples coming from inside the Carpathians (Pişcolt, Sanislău, Tărian and a piece having an
unidentified Transylvanian provenance: Szabó, Petres 1992, p. 107, no. 97-100) some other swords
can be added, the still unpublished pieces from the recently identified cemetery at Viştea, near Cluj-
Napoca, and from Remetea Mare in Banat.
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distinct groups within the warrior social category.24 These symbols, probably
having magic meanings, also played an important role as agents of social
communication. They were “read” and acknowledged by the members of a pan-
European warlike elite (who used to identify themselves through this visual code),
as well as by various individuals belonging to other social or hierarchical categories
that went in contact with them.25 In this context it is important to note that the
decoration was located on the scabbard on a highly visible area, sometimes (if not
in the majority of cases) being enhanced using inlays of various coloured materials,
or through gilding, as it is the case of the scabbard from Aiud. P. S. Wells has
noted that “…these images are for the most part visually simple … They were
structured in such a way that their content could be grasped quickly.”26
In contrast, the curved daggers (sica) commonly present in burials belonging
to the communities from the northern Balkans in the area of the Padea-
Panagjurski Kolonii group during the 2nd-1st centuries BC, and used in Dacia until
the Roman conquest,27 have different decorative features (fig. 10/2-3). Several
pieces were decorated on their blade, and not on the scabbard, with pairs of birds
of prey or with geometric motifs usually interpreted as astral symbols.28 The curved
daggers were not regular weapons, although they were associated with panoplies of
arms consisting of long swords of La Tène type, spears or javelins and shields.
Sometimes the military equipment also included helmets and chain-mails. As it has
been recently suggested, the daggers were used as sacrificial instruments.29 Thus
the symbols decorating the blades were only visible during their use within certain
sacrificial rituals and could have only been observed by a reduced number of
initiated individuals having the right to participate in these ceremonies. This
situation is similar to that of the daggers or short swords having the hilt decorated
with anthropomorphic details and the blade incised on the upper part with
symbols representing the moon, which are widespread in the temperate Europe
during the La Tène period (fig. 10/4). These objects were very probably used, like
the curved daggers of the northern Balkans, in sacrificial rituals by a restricted
number of masters of the sacred,30 so the symbols incised on the blades were only
visible during particular religious ceremonies.
The symbols decorating the scabbards of the aforementioned swords played
an important role in the construction and further identification of the identity of
certain groups within the warlike elite, in contrast with the iconography decorating
the blades of some sacrificial instruments, like the curved daggers of the northern
Balkans or those having an anthropomorphic hilt from the Celtic environment,
which had a ritual role.
24 Ginoux 2012.
25 See a theoretical approach in Castillo Butters et alii 1996, p. 8-9.
26 Wells 2008, p. 81.
27 Rustoiu 2007a.
28 Rustoiu 2007b.
29 Rustoiu 2007a; Rustoiu 2007b; Rustoiu 2008, p. 153-158.
30 Fitzpatrick 1996; Megaw 2002, p. 411.
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Wandering Warriors. The Celtic Grave from “Silivaş” (Transylvania) and Its History
The practice of decorating the weaponry was not confined solely to the
helmets and the swords. One of the spear heads (more likely a javelin head due to
its smaller dimensions - the length is of 19.1 cm) from this assemblage has the
blade decorated along the edge with a row of incised circles (fig. 12). The
ornament is now hardly visible due to improper restorations, but it can be still
noted that the decorative row covered the entire length of the blade’s edge.
Although the spear heads were less frequently decorated in comparison with the
swords, a series of similar examples are known from the Carpathian Basin, for
example the piece from Csabrendek (Hungary),31 which was lost during the last
war, or another recovered from an unknown site in Hungary and preserved in the
National Hungarian Museum of Budapest.32
In conclusion the inventory of the mentioned grave, discovered in an
unknown location from Transylvania and containing a helmet, a sword, two spear
heads and a dagger, is dated between the end of the 4th century and the first
decades of the 3rd century BC. The widespread presence across Europe of this type
of weapons was determined by the significant mobility of the warlike elites.
The questions are, which were the factors determining such a wide mobility
and who were the major protagonists. The answers can be found in the historical
events of the beginning of the 3rd century BC. This period was animated by
conflicts and military expeditions which happened across a wider European area.
Polybius (II, 19) writes that in 299 BC the Transalpine Celts (from the north of the
Alps) successfully attacked Roman settlements in Italy, returning home with a huge
booty. At the same time the Celts who already colonised several territories from
the Carpathian Basin a few generations ago, lead by a certain Cambaules, attacked
Thrace but were drove back on the top of the Haemus (Balkans) Mountains by
Cassandros, the King of Macedonia, in 298 BC. During the following years (in 295
and 284 BC) the Celts from northern Italy continued to attack Roman territories,
but some larger expeditions were carried out eastward, in the Balkan Peninsula33
(fig. 13).
The death of Lysimachus, the King of Thrace, in 281 BC during the battle
of Corupedion in Asia Minor, left the northern front of Thrace and Macedonia
without defence. Thus in the spring of 280 BC some Celtic groups advanced
southward taking advantage of the political void which appeared in Thrace. These
troops sometimes consisted of larger groups originating from certain tribes (for
example the Tectosages), whereas in other cases members of certain families or
clans from different areas of the temperate Europe came under the authority of
some famous and competent warriors, later being amalgamated into some new
tribes (very probably this was the case of the Scordisci who settled in the
surroundings of modern Belgrade or of the Trocmi and Tolistobogii who settled in
Asia Minor).
One of these groups going southward, led by Bolgios, attacked and pillaged
Macedonia. The young ruler Ptolemaios Keraunos, freshly installed as King of
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Macedonia, was captured and beheaded by the Celts, who then returned home
with the amassed booty resulting from their swift action.
Another group, the most numerous, was led by Brennos and Acichorios.
They advanced toward Greece and in the next year (279 BC) unsuccessfully
attacked the sanctuary of Delphi, after the initial victory against the Greeks at
Thermopylae. Shortly after the defeat Brennos committed suicide at Heraclea.
Before the arrival in Greece, a group led by Leonorios and Lutarios separated from
the main group led by Brennos and Acichorios and settled in Asia Minor. After the
defeat of Delphi some of the Celts settled at the confluence of the Sava with the
Danube, in the surroundings of modern Belgrade, being later known as the
Scordisci. Other survivors of the disaster from Delphi, led by Commontorios,
went to eastern Thrace and established the kingdom having the capital at Tylis (a
settlement still unidentified on the field but very probably located somewhere in
eastern Bulgaria), which resisted for two generations before falling under the
attacks of the local populations.
Lastly, in 279 BC or perhaps in the following year other Celtic groups from
the Carpathian Basin advanced southward under the command of Keretrios. They
first defeated the troops of the Getae and Triballi, and then attacked Thrace, but
were defeated shortly after that (in 277 BC) by Antigonos Gonatas at Lysimacheia.
All these events indicate that the first decades of the 3rd century BC
represented a period in which smaller or larger expeditionary corps, led by
commanders having a larger authority, moved across wider areas in the temperate
Europe and organised a series of massive invasions in the eastern Mediterranean
area. The factors which determined these group displacements were different.
Some of these groups aimed to colonise new territories, while others were only
attracted by the possibility to raid rich territories and to obtain large booty. The
mobility of the warriors can be also noted in the wide distribution of certain
symbolic elements associated with them, for example the set of weapons and
military equipment. Aside from these concrete objects, the mobility of the warriors
also determined the distribution of certain archaeologically “invisible” elements,
for example ideologies, military strategies, rituals and religious practices, etc.
The inventory of the grave discovered somewhere in Transylvania, and
known for a long period as coming from “Silivaş”, also illustrates this mobility of
the warriors which characterised the beginning of the 3rd century BC. The elements
of the panoply of weapons and the helmet belong to certain types of weaponry
which were widespread in Europe during this period. On the other hand the
decorative repertoire of the helmet and the weapons indicates that the deceased
belonged to the Celtic warlike elite who chose to express its specific identity
though particular symbols and ideologies.
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Wandering Warriors. The Celtic Grave from “Silivaş” (Transylvania) and Its History
Războinici rătăcitori.
Mormântul celtic de la „Silivaş” (Transilvania) şi povestea sa
(rezumat)
Articolul de faţă se referă la inventarul unui mormânt cu arme, La Tène timpuriu, descoperit
la sfârşitul secolului al XIX-lea undeva în Transilvania, poate în împrejurimile oraşului Turda, şi
considerat multă vreme ca fiind de la Silivaş. Piesele în discuţie au făcut parte din colecţii particulare
din Transilvania şi au fost publicate pentru prima dată de M. Roska în 1925, după achiziţionarea lor
de către Muzeul din Cluj. În acest articol sunt analizate evoluţia informaţiilor şi a interpretărilor
privind mormântul de la „Silivaş”, autenticitatea inventarului funerar, semnificaţia pieselor de
armament în contextul mai larg al mobilităţii războinicilor celţi şi în legătură cu marile expediţii din
Balcani şi din Grecia la începutul sec. III a. Chr.
Explicaţia figurilor
Fig. 1. Inventarul mormântului celtic de la „Silivaş” la prima sa publicare (după Roska 1925).
Fig. 2. Pumnalul curb considerat a fi de la „Silivaş” (după Rustoiu 1994) - 1 ; pumnalul curb
considerat a fi de la „Silivaş” - lungime: 29 cm (după Rustoiu 1994); 2 - pumnal curb dintr-
un mormânt din sec. III a. Chr. de la Zimnicea - lungime: 26 cm (după Alexandrescu 1980).
Fig. 3. Războinici cu arme de pe friza estică a dromos-ului mormântului de la Kazanlăk (după
Zhivkova 1975).
Fig. 4. Coiful de la „Silivaş” (foto: M. Egri).
Fig. 5. Apărătoarea de ceafă a coifului. Detaliu al decorului (foto: M. Egri).
Fig. 6. Apărătoarea de ceafă a coifului. Detaliu al decorului (foto: M. Egri).
Fig. 7. Harta de răspândire a coifurilor de fier - Eisenhelme mit angesetztem Nackenschutz (după
Schaaff 1990).
Fig. 8. Harta de răspândire a spadelor de tip Hatvan-Boldog (după Stöllner 1998 cu completări).
Fig. 9. Buterola spadei de la „Silivaş”.
Fig. 10. Spada ornamentată cu dragoni afrontaţi şi aurită de la Aiud - 1; pumnale curbe cu lama
decorată (2-3) de la Cetate (2) şi Piatra Craivii (3); spadă scurtă cu mâner antropomorf
descoperită în fluviul Rin lângă Mainz (4) (după Ferencz 2007 - 1; Nicolăescu-Plopşor
1945-1947 - 2; Rustoiu 2007b - 3; Fitzpatrick 1996 – 4).
Fig. 11. Harta de răspândire a spadelor ornamentate cu perechi de dragoni (după Stöllner 1998).
Fig. 12. Vârf de lance ornamentat de la „Silivaş”.
Fig. 13. Expediţiile celţilor în Peninsula Balcanică din anii 280-277 a. Chr. Legenda: aria delimitată
de linia roşie indică zona de origine a grupurilor de celţi care au participat la expediţii; X -
bătăliile desfăşurate cu macedonenii sau grecii; săgeţi albastre - ruta urmată de grupul
condus de Bolgios; săgeţi roşii - ruta urmată de grupul condus de Brennos şi Acichorios;
săgeţi roz - ruta urmată de grupul condus de Leonorios şi Lutarios spre Asia Mică; săgeţi
verzi - ruta urmată de grupul desprins după înfrângerea de la Delphi din armata lui Brennos
şi Acichorios şi care a format ulterior grupa scordiscă; săgeţi negre - ruta urmată de grupul
condus de Commontorios care a fondat regatul cu capitala la Tylis; săgeţi galbene - ruta
urmată de grupul condus de Keretrios care a purtat lupte cu geţii şi tribalii, iar apoi a fost
învins de Antigonos Gonatas la Lysimachia.
Bibliographical Abbreviations
217
Aurel Rustoiu
Castillo Butters et alii 1996 - Luis J. Castillo Butters, Elizabeth De Marais, Timothy Earle,
Ideology, Materialization and Power Strategies, in CAn, 37/1, 1996, p. 15-
31.
Crişan 1973 - Ioan Horaţiu Crişan, Aşa-numitul mormânt celtic de la Silivaş şi problema
celui mai vechi grup celtic din Transilvania, in Sargetia, X, 1973, p. 45-78.
Domaradzki 1986 - Mieczysław Domaradzki, Les épées en Thrace de la deuxième moitié du Ier
millénaire av. n. è., in RevAquitania, supplément 1, 1986, p. 227-231.
Domaradzki 1991 - Mieczysław Domaradzki, Le mur ouest fortifie de Cabyle (in Bulgarian),
in Velizar Velkov (ed.), Kabyle, II, Sofia, 1991, p. 54-82.
Ferencz 2007 - Iosif Vasile Ferencz, Celţii pe Mureşul mijlociu. La Tène-ul timpuriu şi
mijlociu în bazinul mijlociu al Mureşului (sec. IV-II î. Chr.), Sibiu, 2007.
Fitzpatrick 1996 - Andrew Fitzpatrick, Night and Day: The Symbolism of Astral Signs on
Later Iron Age Anthropomorphic Short Swords, in PPS, 62, 1996, p. 373-
398.
Ginoux 2007 - Nathalie Ginoux, Le thème symbolique de « la paire de dragons » sur les
fourreaux celtiques (IVe-IIe siècles av. J.-C.). Étude iconographique et tipologie,
BARIntSer, 1702, Oxford, 2007.
Ginoux 2012 - Nathalie Ginoux, Images and Visual Codes of Early Celtic Warrior Elites
(5th-4th centuries BC), in C. Pare (ed.), Kunst und Kommunication:
Zentralisierungsprozesse in Gesellschaften des europäischen Barbarikums im 1.
Jahrtausend v. Chr., Mainz, 2012, p. 179-190.
Márton 1933-1934 - Lajos Márton, A korai La Tène sirok leletanyaga, in DolgSzeged, 9-10,
1933-1934, p. 93-165.
Megaw 1970 - John Vincent Stanley Megaw, Art of the European Iron Age. A study of
the elusive image, Bath, 1970.
Megaw 2002 - John Vincent Stanley Megaw, A late La Tène Anthropoid Gripped
Sword in New York, in Klára Kuzmová, Karol Pieta, Ján Rajtár (eds.),
Zwischen Rom und dem Barbaricum. Festschrift für titus Kolnik zum 70.
Geburtstag, Nitra 2002, p. 407-418.
Megaw, Megaw 2001 - Ruth Megaw, Vincent Megaw, Celtic Art. From its Beginnings to the
Book of Kells, a revised and expanded edition, New York, 2001.
Nestor 1937-1940 - Ioan Nestor, Keltische Gräber bei Mediaş. Ein Beitrag zur Frage der frühen
keltischen Funde in Siebenbürgen, in Dacia, VII-VIII, 1937-1940, p. 159-
182.
Ognenova-Marinova 1984 - Ljuba Ognenova-Marinova, Drevni nahodki, teracoti, skulptura, in
Dimităr, Maria Čičikova, Ana Balkanska, Sevtopolis I, Sofia, 1984, p.
159-228.
Pârvan 1926 - Vasile Pârvan, Getica. O protoistorie a Daciei, Bucureşti, 1926.
Petres, Szabó 1986 - Éva F. Petres, Miklós Szabó, Notes on the So-Called Hatvan-Boldog
Type Scabard, in RevAquitania, supplément 1, 1986, p. 257-272.
Roska 1925 - Márton Roska, Keltisches Grab aus Siebenbürgen, in PZ, 16, 1925, p.
210-211.
Roska 1926 - Márton Roska, Un mormânt celtic din Ardeal, in AO, V/23, 1926, p.
50-51.
Rustoiu 1994 - Aurel Rustoiu, Neue Präzisierungen bezüglich des „Keltischen Grabes” von
Silivaş, in Petre Roman, Marius Alexianu (eds.), Relations Thraco-Illiro-
Helléniques, Bucharest, 1994, p. 295-300.
Rustoiu 2007a - Aurel Rustoiu, Thracian “sica” and Dacian “falx”. The History of a
“National” Weapon, in Sorin Nemeti, Florin Fodorean, Eduard
Nemeth, Sorin Cociş, Irina Nemeti, Mariana Pîslaru (eds.), Dacia
felix. Studia Michaeli Bărbulescu oblata, Cluj-Napoca, 2007, p. 67-82.
Rustoiu 2007b - Aurel Rustoiu, About a Curved Dagger Discovered at Piatra Craivii, in
Apulum, XLIV, 2007, p. 83-97.
Rustoiu 2008 - Aurel Rustoiu, Războinici şi societate în aria celtică transilvăneană. Studii
pe marginea mormântului cu coif de la Ciumeşti - Warriors and ociety in Celtic
218
Wandering Warriors. The Celtic Grave from “Silivaş” (Transylvania) and Its History
219
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Fig. 1. Inventory of the Celtic grave from “Silivaş” published for the first time
(after Róska 1925)
Fig. 2. The curved dagger considered to be from “Silivaş”. Length: 29 cm (1) (after
Rustoiu 1994); Curved dagger from a 3rd century BC grave from Zimnicea. Length: 26 cm
(2) (after Alexandrescu 1980)
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Wandering Warriors. The Celtic Grave from “Silivaş” (Transylvania) and Its History
Fig. 3. Warriors depicted on the eastern frieze of the dromos of the grave from Kazanlăk
(after Zhivkova 1975)
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Wandering Warriors. The Celtic Grave from “Silivaş” (Transylvania) and Its History
Fig. 7. Distribution map of the iron helmets – Eisenhelme mit angesetztem Nackenschutz
(after Schaaff 1990)
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Fig. 10. Sword having the scabbard decorated with face-to-face griffins and gilded
from Aiud (1) (after Ferencz 2007); Curved daggers having decorated blades from Cetate
(2) (after Nicolăescu-Plopşor 1945-1947) and Piatra Craivii (3) (after Rustoiu 2007b);
Anthropomorphic hilted short sword from the Rhine at Mainz (4) (after Fitzpatrick 1996)
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Wandering Warriors. The Celtic Grave from “Silivaş” (Transylvania) and Its History
Fig. 11. Distribution map of the swords decorated with face-to-face dragons
(after Stöllner 1998)
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Fig. 13. Celtic expeditions in the Balkan Peninsula in 280-277 BC. Legend: area
delimited by the red line indicates the territory of origin of the Celtic groups participating in
the expeditions; X - battles against the Macedonians or Greeks; blue arrows - route of the
group led by Bolgios; red arrows – route of the group led by Brennos and Acichorios; pink
arrows - route of the group led by Leonorios and Lutarios towards Asia Minor; green
arrows - route of the group separated after the defeat of Delphi from the army of Brennos
and Acichorios, who later formed the Scordiscian group; black arrows - route of the group
led by Commontorios who founded the kingdom having the capital at Tylis; yellow arrows
- route of the group led by Keretrios who fought against the Getae and Triballi, being later
defeated by Antigonos Gonatas at Lysimachia
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