Chesterton - Irish Impressions

irish
impressions
by
G.K. Chesterton
Norfolk, VA
2002
Irish Impressions.
Copyright © 2002 IHS Press.
First published in 1919 by W. Collins Sons & Co. of London.
Preface, footnotes, typesetting, layout, and cover design

copyright 2002 IHS Press.
All rights reserved.
ISBN-13 (eBook): 978-1-932528-25-1
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Chesterton, G. K. (Gilbert Keith), 1874-1936.

Irish Impressions / by G.K. Chesterton.
p. cm.
Originally published: London : W. Collins, c1919.
ISBN 0-9714894-5-9
1. Ireland--Civilization. 2. Irish question. I. Title.
DA962 .C4 2002

941.5082’1--dc21
2002027371
Printed in the United States of America.
This edition has largely preserved the spelling, punctuation, and

formatting of the London 1919 edition.
IHS Press is the only publisher dedicated exclusively

to the Social Teachings of the Catholic Church.
For information on current or future titles, contact:
IHS Press
222 W. 21st St., Suite F-122
Norfolk, VA 23517
USA
Table of Contents
Page
Preface..............................................................7
The Directors, IHS Press
Introduction...................................................15
Dr. Dermot Quinn
Chronology of Irish History..................22

Irish Impressions
I. Two Stones in a Square.........................25
II. The Root of Reality...............................31
III. The Family and the Feud.....................43
IV. The Paradox of Labour........................52
V. The Englishman in Ireland..................63
VI. The Mistake of England......................72
VII. The Mistake of Ireland........................83
VIII. An Example and a Question................97
IX. Belfast and the Religious Problem......111
Suggestions for Further Reading.........148
“...the men of this island had once gone forth, not with the
torches of conquerors or destroyers, but as missionaries in
the very midnight of the Dark Ages; like a multitude of
moving candles, that were the light of the world.”
Preface
G
ilbert Chesterton visited Ireland in 1918, ostensibly as a
recruiting agent for the British Army, but simultaneously
as a sincere and devoted friend of Irish freedom. The visit
had many repercussions, but the most practical fruit was this book.
To the uninitiated the title Irish Impressions might convey the
idea of a kind of travelogue written by a journalist with a sharp eye
and a nice line in humor; and in one sense it is. But it is a travel-
ogue that deals only tangentially with Ireland as a landmass, for this
“travelogue” is concerned principally with the Irish soul – with its
suffering and pain, its desires and dreams, its violence and its com-
passion – which has been molded down the centuries by the hammer
of oppression acting upon the anvil of Irish Catholicism, itself per-
meated by a mystical love of the Land of Youth and woven into the
very fabric of Gaelic life. The book looks at history as a succession of
events molded by Men and Ideas, written in words, in stone, in blood
– and framed by the Providence of Almighty God.
When Chesterton landed in Ireland in 1918, he could not
have known that the year was going to be so momentous, not only in
the struggle of the Irish for their national independence, but also for
successive British governments even unto our day; for 1918 was to be
the birth of a new phase in Irish and British history, and the death of
a previous way of life.
Dorothy Macardle in her authoritative work, The Irish
Republic 1916–1923, opens her chronological history in these words:
Although, at the beginning of 1918, the [Irish] Volun-
teers were re-organized, and although a determination to resist
conscription, if necessary, by force of arms existed throughout
the country, there was no intention among Republicans to
attempt a second insurrection during the year. The Volunteers
Irish Impressions
and the new Sinn Fein, united under De Valera’s leadership,

concentrated on strengthening the movement on its political
side. It was foreseen that when the European War ended and
a Peace Conference came into session, the claims of nations
long denied their freedom would be heard. Ireland was to
be prepared to send representatives to that Peace Conference
– representatives, not of a small party, but of a majority of the
nation, who would be in a position to base Ireland’s claim on an
irrefutable declaration of the will of the people and on the basic
principle of government by consent.
The first thing to note is that good numbers of Irish men
were armed and ready to fight. They were not on the offensive – as
yet – but they were prepared defensively. This is important, for it
had not been that way a mere two years earlier. Vincent MacDowell,
for example, in his work, Michael Collins and the Brotherhood (1997),
characterized the changing mood of the Irish people this way: “In
the beginning, there had been bewilderment over the suddenness of
the [Easter] Rising, disgust and cynicism over the bungling from a
military point of view, with divided commands and countermands.
This was gradually replaced with sympathy, as day after day the
announcements of the executions was given in terse and unfeeling
military language.” It was a classic, if typical, example of British gov-
ernment lack of comprehension; if you like, an almost innate inability
to see that Words and Symbols had meaning in Ireland, as they had
in England – but not the same meaning in too many cases.
A reading of the Irish situation in 1918 is not pleasant
reading, for it is replete with actions and events that brought little
credit upon the British government. Oppression was extensive; the
civil and military courts were busy; newspapers were regularly sup-
pressed; letters and telegrams were censored; patriots were harassed
and imprisoned; and conscription of the Irish for service at the front
in France was in the air. Every day brought grim news and foul
deeds – and with every step forward in this process the Constitu-
tional nationalism espoused and epitomized by John Redmond,
the leader of the Irish Parliamentary Party, died slowly and surely.
Indeed, Redmond’s death in 1918 was symbolic of the fate of the
whole Constitutional-nationalist position; as Macardle says, “[Red-
mond] and his followers were duped and betrayed.” Whilst Lloyd
Preface
George led the Redmondites a merry dance about Irish Home Rule
– an offer allegedly intended to satisfy Irish national aspirations – he
was writing to Edward Carson in May 1916: “My dear Carson, we
must make it clear that at the end of the provisional period [of Home
Rule], Ulster does not, whether she wills it or not, merge with the
rest of Ireland.”
Now into this seething cauldron of violent emotions stepped
an individual – not yet visible to the outer world – who was to chal-
lenge the British Empire through multi-level action that was to
range from the “cultural” – Gaelic sport, the Irish language and
literary revival and so on – through to extensive networking, intel-
ligence-gathering, fund-raising and physical force. It was a strategy
of co-ordinating the works and wills of the maximum number of
Irish men and women in the service of Ireland. It was largely a new
strategy, and its implementation was very largely down to one man:
Michael Collins.
Those who have seen Neil Jordan’s film Michael Collins
(1996), will be aware of the central importance of Collins in this
crucial post-1916 Rising period – though his existence, let alone
his centrality, was barely visible in official Irish history books for
decades before. One point nevertheless remains that needs to be
stressed: that the man, Chesterton, who had come to recruit Irish
men to fight on the bloody fields of France, had influenced the man,
Collins, the Irish Republican, in the most profound of ways. Collins
learned some of his methodology from Chesterton, and took much of
his political and economic inspiration from the Jolly Giant of Bea-
consfield. It is a delicious irony and paradox, and one that Chesterton
would have enjoyed tremendously.
In his highly readable biography, Michael Collins: A Life
(1997), James Mackey relates that Collins met Sir William Darling,
a British government official, in 1921. He writes:
They discussed books at great length and discovered a
mutual interest in the novels of G.K. Chesterton. It transpired
that Michael’s favourite was The Napoleon of Notting Hill; Dar-
ling concluded that the young Irishman was “almost fanati-
cally attached to it,” as he recorded in his memoirs, So It Looks
To Me, published in 1952.
10 Irish Impressions
This fact is of more than passing interest, for The Napoleon of

Notting Hill teaches many a profound lesson. It portrays the struggle
of a small nation against the pretensions of Empire; and its relevance
is not merely that in Chesterton’s book the victory comes to the small
nation, but also that the processes of struggle bring about a re-dis-
covery of the true soul of the imperial nation. The lesson is that once
a nation casts off the artificial burden of Empire, it becomes free to
be itself again. Such a lesson could hardly have been lost upon a mind
as fine as Collins’s.
Chesterton’s book also provides the framework of Catholic
patriotism. He counterposes the real heroism and sacrifice of patrio-
tism to the smug contentedness and inertia of imperialism; he shows
that small nationality not only seeks its rights but also its duties
– including the duty which demands that the legitimate rights of
other nationalities be respected. Most important of all, Chesterton’s
book demonstrates that a small nation which is cut off from its spiri-
tual roots risks ruin, in the same way that a man who loses his head
risks losing his body, too.
So much for the political inspiration drawn from Chesterton.
And the methodology? In Mackey’s book, we are told that in 1916,
Count Joseph Plunkett – one of the leaders of the 1916 Rebellion
– “lent Michael a copy of Chesterton’s novel, The Man Who Was
Thursday, and particularly drew the budding revolutionary’s attention
to the precept of the President of the Central Council of European
Anarchists that ‘if you don’t seem to be hiding nobody hunted you
out.’” Mackey justly comments: “It was a lesson Michael learned
well, later raising unobtrusiveness to a high art.”
It might be objected, of course, that the case for Chestertonian
influence over the young Collins has been exaggerated; yet the facts
speak for themselves. At a time when the world was dividing itself
between the defenders of Capitalism and the advocates of Socialism,
Chesterton and his small band of fellow intellectuals were promoting
the virtues of what came to be known as Distributism; a view of the
world that supported the small man and the large family; that put the
national before the international; and the genuine freedom and hap-
piness of the Common Man before the social control and economic
imperatives of Government and Board Room. All things being
Preface 11
equal, Michael Collins should have opted for one or other of the
supposedly antipathetic creeds of Capitalism and Socialism, given
the sheer magnitude of money, power and influence at their disposal.
Yet in his work, The Path to Freedom, Collins writes:
The development of industry in the New Ireland should
be on lines that exclude monopoly profits. The products of
industry would thus be left sufficiently free to supply good
wages to those employed in it. The system should be on co-
operative lines rather than on the old commercial capitalistic
lines of huge joint stock companies. At the same time, I think
we shall avoid State Socialism which has nothing to commend
it in a country like Ireland, and in any case, is a monopoly of
another kind.
It is not the only statement of its kind in Collins’s book, and
it goes to show that Chesterton had influence in Ireland where he
probably would have least expected it.
As we have seen, the year 1918 was crucial in very many
ways, not least by the fact that it gave birth to the War of Indepen-
dence – where Irish Republicans went from the defensive to the
offensive as the full weight of the British Empire was brought to bear
upon the tiny population of Ireland. Traditionally, it has been argued
that the attack at Soloheadbeg, County Tipperary in January 1919
– led by Dan Breen and Sean Tracy – was the opening shot in the
War of Independence, but T. Ryle Dwyer has shown in his highly
documented work, Tans, Terror and Troubles: Kerry’s Real Fighting
Story (2001), that the Kerry Brigade of the IRA has a better claim to
that honor since it had, under the leadership of Tom McEllistrim,
attacked the Royal Irish Constabulary barracks at Gortatlea in April
1918. Dates notwithstanding, one thing is clear: the Words, the
Symbols and the Actions of the Irish and British parties to the con-
flict meant wholly different things one to the other. Where the Irish
demanded “freedom,” the British saw only “sedition and treason”;
when the Irish sought refuge and consolation in the Irish language
and in the Gaelic heritage, the British saw only “a return to the
primitive,” something wholly inferior to the “civilization” bestowed
by the British Empire; when the Irish Volunteers maintained strict
discipline during 1917 and 1918, in spite of tremendous provocation
of all kinds, the British saw only “weakness.” This inability to find
a common language necessarily led to confusion, resentment, misun-
derstanding and conflict.
Seen in this light, it may be reasonably argued that Irish
Impressions still teaches many lessons which are as applicable today
to the problems of the unresolved conflict in the North of Ireland as
they were in Chesterton’s day. Though such a proposition may seem
incredible, it is not: Truth is not an attribute weighed down by Time.
It stands alone, upright and unflinching amidst the thundering
storms of history.
Since the end of the Irish Civil War in 1922, the Irish have
undergone many changes – most, arguably, for the worst. They
are more anglicized than they ever were; they have never been as
uprooted from the soil as they are now; and their Catholic faith,
which was clasped to their bosoms throughout the centuries of perse-
cution, grows ever weaker as the poisons of indifferentism, secular-
ism, ecumenism and consumerism take their toll. Yet one should take
care not to confuse the Clothes for the Man. One is trivial, the other
substantial; and a Soul, individual or national, can no more change
its nature than can a Pear become a Peach. The Japanese have suf-
fered similarly since 1945, having become “Americanized” – but only
the superficial will fail to notice that in Japan the concept of Ritual
and the Samurai spirit remain just below the surface.
What, then, of the possibility for Peace in the North of Ire-
land, over 80 years from the writing of Irish Impressions? Chesterton’s
contribution is to remind us to ignore the appearances and grasp
the realities. In spite of superficial changes which could fall away
in a moment, there remain the Irish and British Souls, that must
be enabled to speak to one another if there is to be any hope of
Peace. And no meaningful conversation can take place unless the
Words and Symbols used bear the same connotations; and unless it
is unflinchingly admitted that there can be no real Peace if it is not
founded upon Justice. Carefully worded documents which do not
address fundamental issues directly do not constitute Peace, even if
there is an absence of violence. As Chesterton states in Irish Impres-
sions: “I will say here, once and for all, the hardest thing that an
Englishman has to say of his impressions of another great European
Preface 13
people; that over all those hills and valleys our word is wind, and our
bond is waste paper.”
That is still the case today, but the meaning has wider impli-
cations now. When Chesterton wrote he was speaking only about
the Catholic Irish, though it is becoming evident that it could quite
easily be applied more and more to the Protestants of the North. For
they see themselves increasingly isolated, misunderstood, “betrayed”
by the governments of Westminster. Why has this come about?
Perhaps it is because, despite all their protestations, the Protestants
of the North have become more Irish than they have realized or
even wanted. Living in close proximity with the Irish for centuries,
sharing a substantial core of Christian doctrine, adopting indigenous
customs and habits, drawn from Gaelic stock and intermarrying on
a wide scale, it was inevitable that the Scottish Planter community
would approximate more and more to the Irish Soul – and in so
doing, “communication” with the British Soul would become ever
more difficult. It may well be that Ulster Protestant exasperation
with Westminster will, after all, alter the fulcrum point far more
than Irish Republican exasperation – for it is one thing to confront
an enemy, it is another to be stabbed in the back by “friends.”
No human being can know the future with certainty, how-
ever inspired or informed. But one thing is sure. A real and profound
knowledge of the past is vital to a real and lasting comprehension
of the present. Things in Ireland have changed; but not as much
as one might think; relations between England and Ireland have
changed – but to what degree? A deep study of this marvelous work
by Chesterton will give birth to mature fruit if approached in the
right way. May God permit us to hope that such fruit will include
the restoration of Ireland, the Land of Saints and Scholars, and the
reawakening of England, Our Lady’s Dowry.
The Directors
IHS Press
December 29, 2002
Feast of St. Thomas Becket
“We want such widely diffused prosperity that the Irish people
will not be crushed by destitution into living ‘the lives of the
beasts.’ Neither must they be obliged, owing to an unsound
economic condition, to spend all their power of both mind and body
in an effort to satisfy the bodily needs alone. The uses of wealth
are to provide good health, comfort, moderate luxury, and to
give the freedom which comes from the possession of these things.”
—Michael Collins (1890–1922)
Introduction
I
n early 1918 a strange couple came to Ireland on a mission as
strange as themselves. One was a bachelor of ascetic temper, a bit
prickly, finicky to a fault, an Old Etonian graduate of Oxford,
included in whose otherwise conventional upper-class upbringing
was time spent in a ranch in Wyoming. Without family but with
sufficient private income to do much as he pleased, he had dedicated
his life to the promotion of rural co-operatives in Ireland, preaching
the cause with visionary zeal. An Isaiah of the country creamery,
a John the Baptist of the combine harvester, he foresaw a country
made beautiful by small farmers working together to transform their
shared landscape. Independent but honorably reliant on the efforts of
others, proud of their plots but not jealous of the plots of their neigh-
bors, they would renew the face of the earth, becoming (as the second
member of the party would later describe them) a multitude of men
standing on their own feet because they were standing on their own
land. This prophet of rural regeneration was Sir Horace Plunkett
and his name is still held in affection in Ireland today. Plunkett’s
companion, while endorsing this dream, could not have been more
different in appearance or personality. Large, affable, disorganized,
fond of beer, he came to Ireland by way of Saint Paul’s school, the
Slade, and several pubs in between. A journalist of genius (indeed
a genius pure and simple) he was an English patriot who saw no
contradiction – indeed the opposite – in arguing the cause of Ireland.
In column after column he urged his countrymen to be decent in
their dealings with the island to the west. He offered no defense of
a history written, for the most part, in sorrow and blood. He was, of
course, G.K. Chesterton: a man, as Plunkett quirkily put it, of “great
personal magnitude.” Out of his visit emerged Irish Impressions, one
of the sharpest books ever written by an Englishman about Ireland

and easily the most significant result of an eccentric and endearing
trip.
Irish Impressions may be read and enjoyed as a free-standing
volume. Its meaning reveals itself without much need for explanation
or historical context. Certainly it is one of Chesterton’s most relaxed and
engaging books, full of good jokes and insights, affectionate towards
Ireland and the Irish but not adulatory, playful and paradoxical but not
predictably so. It was not a literary exercise, a case of Ireland, as it were,
being given the Chestertonian treatment. Yet context is important. To
read the book without it is to miss much of its subtlety. Irish Impressions
will only make an impression – will only seem truly impressive – if we
know its time and place, the world in which the word was made. As
with many of Chesterton’s books, it was an occasional piece that far
surpassed the occasion that prompted it.
Why, then, did Plunkett and GKC come to Ireland? They
hoped to persuade Irishmen to enlist on behalf of the Allied cause in
the Great War, which was then moving rapidly towards its climax. This
was an appeal that worked once before. John Redmond, leader of the
Irish Parliamentary Party at Westminster, tried it in 1914, persuading
thousands of his countrymen that small, Catholic Belgium was worth
defending in the face of Prussian Protestantism. Although prompted
by genuine pity for the Belgian plight, there was also political calcula-
tion behind the appeal. Redmond believed that the defense of a small
nation could only help the cause of Ireland. Joining the colors would
help to ensure “Home Rule,” that is to say, the long-standing demand
for an Irish parliament sitting in Dublin. But that was 1914. By 1918
the world had changed utterly. No-one could have known in those
early days and weeks that the war would prove so dreadful and so
calamitous. The carnage of Passchendaele and the Somme shocked
the world. It also destroyed (a relatively minor consequence, to be sure)
the political career of John Redmond. In such circumstance, further
Irish involvement in the trenches was almost unthinkable. But there
was another, more immediate factor that argued against enlistment: the
Easter Rising of 1916 and its bloody aftermath. Chesterton, for once
lacking acuity, regarded this rebellion simply as “the Dublin riot.” In
Introduction 17
fact, it was enormously consequential. The center of Ireland’s capital

was reduced to rubble, the rebel leaders were executed, the cause of
constitutional nationalism at Westminster was dealt a blow from which
it never recovered, and violent Irish republicanism (a tradition dating
at least from the United Irish rebellion of 1798) was given a new
lease of life. The leaders of the rising had no interest in Redmondite
Home Rule which they considered, with some justice, a watered down
devolution that would have kept Ireland in a state of continued colonial
dependency and stunted nationhood. A fully-fledged Irish Republic
was their goal and (for a week or so in 1916) their nominal achievement.
With Irish and English public opinion so far apart, could much hope
have been held out for the success of a recruiting campaign in early
1918? Chesterton and Plunkett must have known that their task was
forlorn. Yet on they rode, tilting cheerfully at windmills: a couple of
Quixotes destined magnificently to fail. Rarely has so genial a book
been produced in circumstances so uncongenial.
For all that, the good humor of Irish Impressions is not a pose.
Chesterton had reasons to be cheerful, not least the simple pleasure of
coming to Ireland for the first time and seeing for himself a country
he had long considered a model Christian nation. Until 1918 he knew
Ireland only indirectly, mainly through the company of Irish intellec-
tuals and politicians living in London: the painter John B. Yeats and
his son, Willie, better known to history as W.B. Yeats; the playwright
John Millington Synge; the literary hostess Lady Gregory; the MP
John Redmond. They were a variegated bunch, in some ways typically
Irish (lovers of language, at once serious and comical, undeniably
exotic against a staid English background) and in other ways untypi-
cal (mostly Protestant, more or less professional, people who had never
dug a potato in their lives). After their own fashion these London Irish
convinced Chesterton of a few truths about the country that produced
them. The first was that Irish intellectuals were indeed intelligent,
some of them supremely so. Chesterton considered John Yeats the best
talker he ever met; his son was almost as good. Synge was a dramatist
of real originality, perhaps even genius; Redmond could speak with
more than ordinary passion and eloquence. These men showed him
that words were the national pastime, perhaps the national failing, pro-
viding a pleasure so great that all other activity came distantly second
to it. Moreover, the talking occurred in a home. Nothing impressed
Chesterton so much about the Irish as their attachment to kitchen and
hearth. He liked to speak of the “drama of the home,” of the fact that
humanly important things – birth, rearing, death – all took place in a
domestic setting. That was why, he said, those most revolutionary about
the state were most conservative about the family. They recognized the
deeper implications of the demand for national self-determination. A
parliament in Dublin was not an end in itself, they understood, but a
means towards some greater goal, its real purpose being to allow Irish-
men to be Irish, not imitation Englishmen. This was rarely grasped
by English promoters of Home Rule, especially Gladstonian Liberals
with their high-minded, rational, progressive, curiously solipsistic view
of the world. Too preoccupied with the Irish Question, they missed the
Irish Answer. And that answer, Chesterton said, was so obvious as to
go almost unsaid. The demand for Home Rule was really a demand
for the rule of the home. It was an argument that faith and family come
first. It was an assertion that the House of Commons should promote
common houses. It was an appeal that the mother of parliaments should
have some interest in mothers.
The charm of Irish Impressions thus derives in part from
Chesterton’s discovery that Irish in Ireland were no different from the
Irish he first encountered in England: talkative, humorous, familial,
frequently absurd. They could also be cruel. There was romance in
Chesterton’s portrayal but also realism, an awareness of national vices
(long memory, begrudgery, occasional unkindness) as well as virtues
(charm, thoughtfulness, imagination). This recognition of Irish flaws
seems to lend verisimilitude to the book, a sense of balance. Yet it is not
always convincing. A standard criticism of Chesterton (one, however,
that misses a larger point) is that his writing is full of types and tropes,
stock figures designed to illustrate a moral rather than complex human
beings capable of ambiguous action or motive. Consider his account of
Ulster Protestants. These were the men, as he put it in The Flying Inn,
who live in “black Belfast…/ and think we’re burning witches when
we’re only burning weeds.” It contains good things, to be sure, but it is
also procrustean, schematic, and too trite to be taken seriously. Ulster
Introduction 19
stood as an objective correlative, a synecdoche for too many troubles:

the insolence of industrialism, the coldness of Calvinism, the corrup-
tion of the party political game, the dangers, of all things, of Prus-
sianism. Of course, Chesterton’s was a figurative imagination, more
at home with symbol and allegory than dry reportage. Still, even his
realism – his description of the hard and flinty Presbyterian mind – is
curiously unreal. It is literary device, little else. More reportage and less
romance might have done the argument a lot of good.
Yet this is to cavil. Even when the book seems to offer harsh
judgments, geniality keeps breaking through. Why? Is it because of
Chesterton’s irrepressible good humor, his splendid optimism? Per-
haps. Yet there was a reason more immediate than that. Chesterton
and Plunkett may have made improbable recruiting sergeants; Ireland
may have been too far gone in republicanism to rediscover Home Rule
as a political crusade; the Orange card may have been thrown once
too often. Those difficulties notwithstanding, Chesterton’s vision of
Ireland was vindicated by the central fact he reported in the book – a
fact so great he thought it little short of a miracle, another resurrec-
tion. The land of Ireland, he was able to report in triumph, was once
again owned by the people of Ireland. Two parliamentary measures
had turned the Irish tenant into a landowner: Ashbourne’s Land Act
of 1885 and Wyndham’s Land Act of 1903. Between 1906 and 1908
alone, more than 100,000 renters had been able to buy their own farms.
By 1914 nearly three-quarters of Ireland’s farmers owned the land
they farmed. No wonder Chesterton considered George Wyndham,
author of the 1903 Act, the finest statesman he had ever known. “At
the price of nobody knows what pain and patience,” amidst the ruins of
a decadent parliamentary system, he alone established a free peasantry
in Ireland. It was because of his efforts that Home Rule had become a
social and economic reality. All that awaited was that it should become
a political reality as well. If ever the case for distributism needed to be
made, Ireland, and Wyndham, made it. What Chesterton called “the
poetry of private property” had come alive in a land that almost died for
lack of it. That was the real Easter Rising, the true greatness of Ireland.
“The meaning of these green and solid things before me is that it is not
a ghost that has risen from the grave… It is a miracle more marvelous
than the resurrection of the dead. It is the resurrection of the body.”

The wearing of the greens, he joked, was better than the wearing of the
green. Or, to put the matter slightly differently, in Ireland (and in all
sane places) cabbages are kings.
Yet that was not the only news Chesterton reported in 1918. It
was true that a land and a landscape had been transformed, vindicating
not only the value but also the very possibility of small proprietorships
and the family life that such proprietorships help to sustain. Pas-
sages from Irish Impressions could be taken from The Outline of Sanity,
Chesterton’s later defense of private property on a human scale. All this
may be granted. But the story was even deeper. A people had been
made whole by the recovery of their land: they had also been made holy.
This was true in a double sense. Chesterton saw sacramentality in the
life of the land. Sowing and reaping, cycles and seasons, are the stuff of
creation itself. Incarnational truths are revealed by rows of beans and
plots of potatoes. Physical things have metaphysical meaning. They are
glimpses – sometimes brief, sometimes blinding – of an unseen Maker.
And the work of the land, the co-operation grower with Creator, is
good in other ways. In a real sense, a man does not cultivate land: the
land cultivates him. It teaches him patience, thankfulness, humility. It
offers him a chance to provide for himself and his family. It reveals new
beauties every day. It is solace for the soul.
And there was a second way in which the people of Ireland had
been made holy by the return of their land. The recovery of property
was a sign and symbol, Chesterton thought, of the survival of Christi-
anity itself. Throughout their history the Irish never wavered in fidelity
to the gospel, clinging to it the more firmly as the darkness deepened
and the tides threatened to carry them away. That faithfulness was a
kind of sermon, a lesson to others. If Christianity was not meant to
survive, if the cross was not meant to triumph, Chesterton was at a loss
to know why it had survived in Ireland.
This is why Irish Impressions is significant beyond the occa-
sion that prompted it. That is why it also should be read along with
Chesterton’s other great Irish work, Christendom in Dublin, published
in 1932 after the Eucharistic Congress of that year. The first book is a
spirited account of a spirited journey, a record of a good-hearted jaunt
Introduction 21
with talk and laughter and fellowship along the way. The second book
is mellow, reflective, somehow autumnal in its sense that Ireland’s jour-
ney to nationhood had been completed as his own life was nearing its
end. But whatever their surface differences both books are essentially
soul odysseys, indeed the odysseys of two souls – Chesterton’s and
Ireland’s. Author and country were well matched. He never ceased to
delight that in an age of rationalism, Ireland remained religious. In an
era of eugenics, it favored family life. In a time of trusts, it trusted the
farm. In a world that worshipped wealth, it preferred frugality. When
greatness and grandiosity were all the rage, it preferred a beautiful
smallness – the life of the field, the village, the story by the fire. Those
truths are not less true for having been expressed, with wit and grace,
almost a century ago.
Dermot Quinn
Department of History
Seton Hall University, New Jersy, USA
Chronology of Irish History
432ad St. Patrick arrives in Ireland, marking the beginning of a

serious effort to convert the Irish to Catholicism.
1014 Battle of Clontarf. Ireland’s greatest king, Brian Boru,
decisively crushes the Viking invaders.
1170 The English-Norman invasion of Ireland. Marks the
beginning of the eight-century long struggle to end
English occupation of the island of Ireland.
1556 Queen Elizabeth I of England begins the Plantation.
Protestants, mainly Scottish Presbyterians, are transferred
to Ireland to dominate and outbreed the native Irish.
1649 Oliver Cromwell, English Puritan leader and regicide,
arrives in Ireland and begins to massacre Catholics. The
atrocity at the city of Drogheda becomes a by-word for
English oppression, and remains foremost in the Irish
memory even today.
1690 Battle of the Boyne. The Stuart and Catholic cause is lost
to the Protestant Dutchman, William of Orange, invited
to take the Crown of England by the Protestant rich.
1691 The Treaty of Limerick is signed. The remaining Irish
Stuart troops are given free passage to France. It is the
effective departure of the Irish nobility, and becomes
known as the “flight of the wild geese.”
1692 Catholics are excluded from office for the first time.
1695 Penal Laws are introduced, depriving Catholics of their
civil rights.
1829 Catholic emancipation. Limited restoration of civil rights
to Catholics by Parliament as a result of the leadership of
Daniel O’Connell.
1845 The first year of the Irish Famine. Led to the death
and exile of over one third of the Irish population. The
callousness of the English government in refusing to help
the Irish practically – when the whole country was littered
with corpses – is another event fresh in Irish memory.
1877 Irish nationalist leader, Michael Davitt, founds the Land
League. Marks the beginning of a new phase in the
struggle of the Irish to recapture the ownership of the
land of Ireland.
1893 Irish Protestant Douglas Hyde founds the Gaelic League
to revive Irish culture. It is a resounding success.
1916 The Easter Rising, led by James Connolly and Patrick
Pearse. The the Irish Republic is proclaimed, leading to
terrible repression, with some 1,400 Irish republicans
facing over 14,000 well armed British troops, backed by
artillery. The Rising is crushed after five bloody days, but
continues the Irish tradition since the Norman days of
having a military rising in every generation.
1919–21 The War of Irish Independence. Led principally by
Michael Collins, it replaces the failed tactics of the past,
which involved direct confrontation with superior English
military forces, and institutes urban and guerilla warfare.
It leads to an offer from the British for peace talks as their
position becomes untenable. This period also witnesses
the emergence of the IRA.
1922 A Treaty establishes the Irish Free State in 26 of Ireland’s
32 counties. The Free State becomes the Republic of
Ireland several decades later. However, the partition
of the country, creating the statelet “Northern Ireland”
under Protestant domination, effected the abandonment
of the Catholics in the Northeast of the country, and led
to dissension in Irish Republican ranks. The Anti-Treaty
IRA fought a Civil War with the Free Staters from 1922
to 1923, but were eventually forced to surrender. They
continued the struggle in the North of Ireland for a
32 County Republic, becoming the historical point of
reference for the modern IRA.
“Englishmen believed in Irish decay even when they were large-
minded enough to lament it.... This sight of things sustaining,
and a beauty that nourishes and does not merely charm, was a
premonition of practicality in the miracle of modern Ireland. It
is a miracle more marvellous than the resurrection of the dead.
It is the resurrection of the body.”
I. Two Stones in a Square

hen I had for the first time crossed St.

George’s Channel, and for the first time stepped
out of a Dublin hotel on to St. Stephen’s Green,
the first of all my impressions was that of a par-
ticular statue, or rather portion of a statue. I left
many traditional mysteries already in my track,
but they did not trouble me as did this random glimpse or vision.
I have never understood why the Channel is called St. George’s
Channel; it would seem more natural to call it St. Patrick’s Channel,
since the great missionary did almost certainly cross that unquiet sea
and look up at those mysterious mountains. And though I should
be enchanted, in an abstract artistic sense, to imagine St. George
sailing towards the sunset, flying the silver and scarlet colours of
his cross, I cannot in fact regard that journey as the most fortunate
of the adventures of that flag. Nor, for that matter, do I know why
the Green should be called St. Stephen’s Green, nor why the parlia-
mentary enclosure at Westminster is also connected with the first of
the martyrs; unless it is because St. Stephen1 was killed with stones.
The stones, piled together to make modern political buildings, might
perhaps be regarded as a cairn, or heap of missiles, marking the place
of the murder of a witness to the truth. And while it seems unlikely
that St. Stephen was pelted with statues as well as stones, there are
undoubtedly statues that might well kill a Christian at sight. Among
these graven stones, from which the saints suffer, I should certainly
include some of those figures in frock coats standing opposite St.
Stephen’s Westminster. There are many such statues in Dublin also;
but the one with which I am concerned was at first partially veiled
from me. And the veil was at least as symbolic as the vision.
I saw what seemed the crooked hind legs of a horse on a

pedestal and deduced an equestrian statue, in the somewhat bloated
fashion of the early eighteenth century equestrian statues. But the
figure, from where I stood, was wholly hidden in the tops of trees
growing round it in a ring; masking it with leafy curtains or draping
it with leafy banners. But they were green banners, that wave and
glittered all about it in the sunlight; and the face they hid was the face
of an English king. Or rather, to speak more correctly, a German
king.
When laws can stay...it was impossible that an old rhyme
should not run in my head, and words that appealed to the everlast-
ing revolt of the green things of the earth.... “And when the leaves
in summer time their colour dare not show.”2 The rhyme seemed to
reach me out of remote times and find arresting fulfilment, like a
prophecy; it was impossible not to feel that I had seen an omen. I was
conscious vaguely of a vision of green garlands hung on gray stone;
and the wreaths were living and growing, and the stone was dead.
Something in the simple substances and elemental colours, in the
white sunlight, and the sombre and even secret image held the mind
for a moment in the midst of all the moving city, like a sign given in a
dream. I was told that the figure was that of one of the first Georges;
but indeed I seemed to know already that it was the White Horse of
Hanover that had thus grown gray with Irish weather or green with
Irish foliage. I knew only too well, already, that the George who had
really crossed the Channel was not the saint. This was one of those
German princes whom the English aristocracy used when it made the
English domestic polity aristocratic and the English foreign policy
German. Those Englishmen who think the Irish are pro-German, or
those Irishmen who think the Irish ought to be pro-German, would
presumably expect the Dublin populace to have hung the statue of
this German deliverer with national flowers and nationalist flags.
For some reason, however, I found no traces of Irish tributes round
the pedestal of the Teutonic horsemen. I wondered how many people
in the last fifty years had ever cared about it, or even been conscious
of their own carelessness. I wonder how many have ever troubled to
look at it, or even troubled not to look at it. If it fell down, I wonder
Two Stones in a Square 27
whether anybody would put it up again. I do not know; I only know

that Irish gardeners, or some such Irish humorists, had planted trees
in a ring round that prancing equestrian figure; trees that had, so
to speak, sprung up and choked him, making him more unrecog-
nisable than a Jack-in-the-Green. Jack or George had vanished; but
the Green remained.
About a stone’s throw from this calamity in stone there stood,
at the corner of a gorgeously coloured flower-walk, a bust evidently
by a modern sculptor, with modern symbolic ornament surmounted
by the fine falcon face of the poet Mangan,3 who dreamed and drank
and died, a thoughtless and thriftless outcast, in the darkest of the
Dublin streets around that place. This individual Irishman really
was what we were told that all Irishmen were, hopeless, heedless,
irresponsible, impossible, a tragedy of failure. And yet it seemed to be
his head that was lifted and not hidden; the gay flowers only showed
up this graven image as the green leaves shut out the other; every-
thing around him seemed bright and busy, and told rather of a new
time. It was clear that modern men did stop to look at him; indeed
modern men had stayed there long enough to make him a monu-
ment. It was almost certain that if his monument fell down it really
would be put up again. I think it very likely there would be competi-
tion among advanced modern artistic schools of admitted crankiness
and unimpeachable lunacy; that somebody would want to cut out a
Cubist4 Mangan in a style less of stone than of bricks; or to set up
a Vorticist5 Mangan, like a frozen whirlpool, to terrify the children
playing in that flowery lane. For when I afterwards went into the
Dublin Art Club,6 or mixed generally in the stimulating society of
the intellectuals of the Irish capital, I found a multitude of things
which moved both my admiration and amusement. Perhaps the best
thing of all was that it was the one society that I have seen where the
intellectuals were intellectual. But nothing pleased me more than the
fact that even Irish art was taken with a certain Irish pugnacity; as if
there could be street fights about aesthetics as there once were about
theology. I could almost imagine an appeal for pikes to settle a point
about art needlework, or a suggestion of dying on the barricades for a
difference about bookbinding. And I could still more easily imagine
a sort of ultra-civilized civil war round the half-restored bust of poor

Mangan. But it was in a yet plainer and more popular sense that I
felt that bust to be the sign of a new world, where the statue of Royal
George was only the ruin of an old one. And though I have since seen
many much more complex, and many decidedly contradictory things
in Ireland, the allegory of those two stone images in that public
garden has remained in my memory, and has not been reversed. The
Glorious Revolution, the great Protestant Deliverer,7 the Hanove-
rian Succession,8 these things were the very pageant and apotheosis
of success. The Whig9 aristocrat was not merely victorious; it was as
a victor that he asked for victory. The thing was fully expressed in
all the florid and insolent statuary of the period, in all those tumid
horsemen in Roman uniform and rococo periwigs shown as prancing
in perpetual motion down shouting streets to their triumphs; only
today the streets are empty and silent, and the horse stands still. Of
such a kind was the imperial figure round which the ring of trees had
risen, like great green fans to soothe a sultan or great green curtains
to guard him. But it was in a sort of mockery that his pavilion was
thus painted with the colour of his conquered enemies. For the king
was dead behind his curtains, his voice will be heard no more, and no
man will even wish to hear it, while the world endures. The dynastic
eighteenth century is dead if anything is dead; and these idols at least
are only stones. But only a few yards away, the stone that the builders
rejected is really the head of a corner, standing at the corner of a new
pathway, coloured and crowded with children and with flowers.
That, I suspect, is the paradox of Ireland in the modern
world. Everything that was thought progressive as a prancing horse
has come to a standstill. Everything that was thought decadent as a
dying drunkard has risen from the dead. All that seemed to have
reached a cul de sac has turned the corner, and stands at the opening
of a new road. All that thought itself on a pedestal has found itself up
a tree. And that is why those two chance stones seem to me to stand
like graven images on either side of the gateway by which a man
enters Ireland. And yet I had not left the same small enclosure till
I had seen one other sight which was even more symbolic than the
flowers near the foot of the poet’s pedestal. A few yards beyond the
Two Stones in a Square 29
Mangan bust was a model plot of vegetables, like a kitchen garden

with no kitchen or house attached to it, planted out in a patchwork
of potatoes, cabbages and turnips, to prove how much could be done
with an acre. And I realized as in a vision that all over the new Ire-
land that patch is repeated like a pattern; and where there is a real
kitchen garden there is also a real kitchen; and it is not a communal
kitchen. It is more typical even than the poet and the flowers; for
these flowers are also food, and this poetry is also property; property
which, when properly distributed, is the poetry of the average man. It
was only afterwards that I could realize all the realities to which this
accident corresponded; but even this little public experiment, at the
first glance, had something of the meaning of a public monument.
It was this which the earth itself had reared against the monstrous
image of the German monarch; and I might have called this chapter
Cabbages and Kings.
My life is passed in making bad jokes and seeing them turn
into true prophecies. In the little town in South Bucks, where I live,
I remember some talk of appropriate ceremonies in connection with
the work of sending vegetables to the Fleet. There was a suggestion
that some proceedings should end with “God Save the King,” an
amendment by someone (of a more naval turn of mind) to substitute
“Rule Britannia”; and the opposite of one individual, claiming to
be of Irish extraction, who loudly refused to lend a voice to either.
Whatever I retain, in such rural scenes, of the frivolity of Fleet Street
led me to suggest that we could all join in singing “The Wearing of
the Greens.” But I have since discovered that this remark, like other
typical utterances of the village idiot, was in truth inspired; and was a
revelation and a vision from across the sea, a vision of what was really
being done, not by the village idiots but by the village wise men.
For the whole miracle of modern Ireland might well be summed up
in the simple change from the word “green” to the word “greens.”
Nor would it be true to say that the first is poetical and the second
practical. For the green tree is quite as poetical as a green flag; and
no one in touch with history doubts that the waving of the green
flag has been very useful to the growing of the green tree. But I
shall have to touch upon all such controversial topics later, for those
to whom such statements are still controversial. Here I would only

begin by recording a first impression as vividly coloured and patchy
as a modernist picture; a square of green things growing where they
are least expected; the new vision of Ireland. The discovery, for most
Englishmen, will be like touching the trees of a faded tapestry, and
finding the forest alive and full of birds. It will be as if, on some dry
urn or dreary column, figures which had already begun to crumble
magically began to move and dance. For culture as well as mere cad-
dishness assumed the decay of these Celtic or Catholic things; there
were artists sketching the ruins as well as trippers picnicking in them;
and it was not the only evidence that a final silence had fallen on the
harp of Tara,10 that it did not play “Tararaboomdeay.”11 Englishmen
believed in Irish decay even when they were large-minded enough to
lament it. It might be said that those who were most penitent because
the thing was murdered, were most convinced that it was killed. The
meaning of these green and solid things before me is that it is not
a ghost that has risen from the grave. A flower, like a flag, might
be little more than a ghost; but a fruit has that sacramental solidity
which in all mythologies belongs not to a ghost, but to a god. This
sight of things sustaining, and a beauty that nourishes and does not
merely charm, was a premonition of practicality in the miracle of
modern Ireland. It is a miracle more marvellous than the resurrec-
tion of the dead. It is the resurrection of the body.
II. The Root of Reality
he only excuse of literature is to make

things new; and the chief misfortune of journal-
ism is that it has to make them old. What is hur-
ried has to be hackneyed. Suppose a man has to
write on a particular subject, let us say America;
if he has a day to do it in, it is possible that, in the
last afterglow of sunset, he may have discovered at least one thing
which he himself really thinks about America. It is conceivable that
somewhere under the evening star he may have a new idea, even
about the new world. If he has only half an hour in which to write, he
will just have time to consult an encyclopaedia and vaguely remem-
ber the latest leading articles. The encyclopaedia will be only about
a decade out of date; the leading articles will be aeons out of date
– having been written under similar conditions of modern rush. If
he has only a quarter of an hour in which to write about America, he
may be driven in mere delirium and madness to call her his Gigantic
Daughter in the West, to talk of the feasibility of Hands Across the
Sea, or even to call himself an Anglo-Saxon, when he might as well
call himself a Jute. But whatever debasing banality be the effect of
business scurry in criticism, it is but one example of a truth that can
be tested in twenty fields of experience. If a man must get to Brigh-
ton as quickly as possible, he can get there quickest by travelling
on rigid rails on a recognized route. If he has time and money for
motoring, he will still use public roads; but he will be surprised to
find how many public roads look as new and quiet as private roads.
If he has time enough to walk, he may find for himself a string of
fresh footpaths, each one a fairytale. This law of the leisure needed
for the awakening of wonder applies, indeed, to things superficially
familiar as well as to things superficially fresh. The chief case for old
enclosures and boundaries is that they enclose a space in which new
things can always be found later, like live fish within the four corners
of a net. The chief charm of having a home that is secure is having
leisure to feel it as strange.
I have often done the little I could to correct the stale trick
of taking things for granted: all the more because it is not even
taking them for granted. It is taking them without gratitude; that is,
emphatically as not granted. Even one’s own front door, released by
one’s own latchkey, should not only open inward on things familiar,
but outward on things unknown. Even one’s own domestic fireside
should be wild as well as domesticated; for nothing could be wilder
than fire. But if this light of the higher ignorance should shine even
on familiar places, it should naturally shine most clearly on the roads
of a strange land. It would be well if a man could enter Ireland really
knowing that he knows nothing about Ireland; if possible, not even
the name of Ireland. The misfortune is that most men know the
name too well, and the thing too little. This book would probably
be a better book, as well as a better joke, if I were to call the island
throughout by some name like Atlantis, and only reveal on the last
page that I was referring to Ireland. Englishmen would see a situa-
tion of great interest, objects with which they could feel considerable
sympathy, and opportunities of which they might take consider-
able advantage, if only they would really look at the place plain and
straight, as they would at some entirely new island, with an entirely
new name, discovered by that seafaring adventure which is the real
romance of England. In short, the Englishman might do something
with it, if he would only treat it as an object in front of him, and not
as a subject or story left behind him. There will be occasion later to
say all that should be said of the need of studying the Irish story. But
the Irish story is one thing and what is called the Irish Question quite
another; and in a purely practical sense the best thing the stranger
can do is to forget the Irish Question and look at the Irish. If he
looked at them simply and steadily, as he would look at the natives of
an entirely new nation with a new name, he would become conscious
of a very strange but entirely solid fact. He would become conscious
The Root of Reality 33
of it, as a man in a fairy tale might become conscious that he had

crossed the border of fairyland, by such a trifle as a talking cow or a
haystack walking about on legs.
For the Irish Question has never been discussed in England.
Men have discussed Home Rule;12 but those who advocated it most
warmly, and as I think wisely, did not even know what the Irish
meant by Home. Men have talked about Unionism;13 but they have
never even dared to propose Union. A Unionist ought to mean a
man who is not even conscious of the boundary of the two countries;
who can walk across the frontier of fairyland, and not even notice
the walking haystack. As a fact, the Unionist always shoots at the
haystack; though he never hits it. But the limitation is not limited
to Unionists; as I have already said, the English Radicals have
been quite as incapable of going to the root of the matter. Half the
case for Home Rule was that Ireland could not be trusted to the
English Home Rulers. They also, to recur to the parable, have been
unable to take the talking cow by the horns; for I need hardly say
that the talking cow is an Irish bull. What has been the matter with
their Irish politics was simply that they were English politics. They
discussed the Irish Question; but they never seriously contemplated
the Irish Answer. That is, the Liberal was content with the negative
truth, that the Irish should not be prevented from having the sort
of law they liked. But the Liberal seldom faced the positive truth,
about what sort of law they would like. He instinctively avoided the
very imagination of this; for the simple reason that the law the Irish
would like is as remote from what is called Liberal as from what is
called Unionist. Nor has the Liberal ever embraced it in his broadest
liberality, nor the Unionist ever absorbed it into his most complete
unification. It remains outside us altogether, a thing to be stared at
like a fairy cow; and by far the wisest English visitor is he who will
simply stare at it. Sooner or later he will see what it means; which is
simply this: that whether it be a case for coercion or emancipation
(and it might be used either way) the fact is that a free Ireland would
not only not be what we call lawless, but might not even be what we
call free. So far from being an anarchy, it would be an orderly and
even conservative civilization – like the Chinese. But it would be a
civilization so fundamentally different from our own, that our own

Liberals would differ from it as much as our own Conservatives. The
fair question for an Englishman is whether that fundamental dif-
ference would make division dangerous; it has already made union
impossible. Now in turning over these notes of so brief a visit, suf-
fering from all the stale scurry of my journalistic trade, I have been
in doubt between a chronological and a logical order of events. But I
have decided in favour of logic, of the high light that really revealed
the picture, and by which I firmly believe that everything else should
be seen. And if any one were to ask me what was the sight that struck
me most in Ireland, both as strange and significant, I should know
what to reply. I saw it long after I had seen the Irish cities, had felt
something of the brilliant bitterness of Dublin and the stagnant opti-
mism of Belfast; but I put it first here because I am certain that with
it all the rest is meaningless; that it lies behind all politics, enormous
and silent, as the great hills lie beyond Dublin.
I was moving in a hired motor down a road in the North-
West, towards the middle of that rainy autumn. I was not moving
very fast; because the progress was slowed down to a solemn proces-
sion by crowds of families with their cattle and livestock going to the
market beyond; which things also are an allegory. But what struck
my mind and stuck in it was this; that all down one side of the road,
as far as we went, the harvest was gathered in neatly and safely; and
all down the other side of the road it was rotting in the rain. Now the
side where it was safe was a string of small plots worked by peasant
proprietors, as petty by our standards as a row of the cheapest villas.
The land on which all the harvest was wasted was the land of a large
modern estate. I asked why the landlord was later with his harvesting
than the peasants; and I was told rather vaguely that there had been
strikes and similar labour troubles. I did not go into the rights of the
matter; but the point here is that, whatever they were, the moral is the
same. You may curse the cruel Capitalist landlord or you may rave
at the ruffianly Bolshevist strikers; but you must admit that between
them they had produced a stoppage, which the peasant proprietor-
ship a few yards off did not produce. You might support either where
they conflicted, but you could not deny the sense in which they had
combined, and combined to prevent what a few rustics across the

road could combine to produce. For all that we in England agree
about and disagree about, all for which we fight and all from which
we differ, our darkness and our light, our heaven and hell, were
there on the left side of the road. On the right side of the road lay
something so different that we do not even differ from it. It may be
that Trusts are rising like towers of gold and iron, overshadowing
the earth and shutting out the sun; but they are only rising on the
left side of the road. It may be that Trade Unions are laying laby-
rinths of international insurrection, cellars stored with the dynamite
of a merely destructive democracy; but all that international maze
lies to the left side of the road. Employment and unemployment
are there; Marx14 and the Manchester School15 are there. The left
side of the road may even go through amazing transformations of
its own; its story may stride across abysses of anarchy; but it will
never step across the road. The landlord’s estate may become a sort
of Morris16 Utopia, organized communally by Socialists, or more
probably by Guild Socialists. It may (as I fear is much more likely)
pass through the stage of an employer’s model village to the condi-
tion of an old pagan slave-estate. But the peasants across the road
would not only refuse the Servile State, but would quite as resolutely
refuse the Utopia. Europe may seem to be torn from end to end by
the blast of a Bolshevist trumpet, sundering the bourgeois from the
proletarian; but the peasant across the road is neither a bourgeois
nor a proletarian. England may seem to be rent by an irreconcilable
rivalry between Capital and Labour; but the peasant across the road
is both a capitalist and a labourer. He is several other curious things;
including the man who got his crops in first; who was literally the
first in the field.
To an Englishman, especially a Londoner, this was like
walking to the corner of a London street and finding the policeman
in rags, with a patch on his trousers and a smudge on his face; but
the crossing-sweeper wearing a single eyeglass and a suit fresh from
a West End tailor. In fact, it was nearly as surprising as a walking
haystack or a talking cow. What was generally dingy, dilatory, and
down-at-heels was here comparatively tidy and timely; what was
orderly and organized was belated and abandoned. For it must be

sharply realized that the peasant proprietors succeeded here, not only
because they were really proprietors, but because they were only peas-
ants. It was because they were on a small scale that they were a great
success. It was because they were too poor to have servants that they
grew rich in spite of strikers. It was, so far as it went, the flattest pos-
sible contradiction to all that is said in England, both by Collectivists
and Capitalists, about the efficiency of the great organization. For
insofar as it had failed, it had actually failed, not only through being
great, but through being organized. On the left side of the road the
big machine had stopped working, because it was a big machine. The
small men were still working, because they were not machines. Such
were the strange relations of the two things, that the stars in their
courses fought against Capitalism; that the very clouds rolling over
that rocky valley warred for its pigmies against its giants. The rain
falls alike on the just and the unjust; yet here it had not fallen alike on
the rich and poor. It had fallen to the destruction of the rich.
Now I do, as a point of personal opinion, believe that the
right side of the road was really the right side of the road. That is, I
believe it represented the right side of the question; that these little
pottering peasants had got hold of the true secret, which is missed by
both Capitalism and Collectivism. But I am not here urging my own
preferences on my own countrymen; and I am not concerned pri-
marily to point out that this is an argument against Capitalism and
Collectivism. What I do point out is that it is the fundamental argu-
ment against Unionism. Perhaps it is, on that ultimate level, the only
argument against Unionism; which is probably why it is never used
against Unionists. I mean, of course, that it was never really used
against English Unionists by English Home Rulers, in the recrimi-
nations of that Irish Question which was really an English Question.
The essential demanded of that question was merely that it should
be an open question; a thing rather like an open wound. Modern
industrial society is fond of problems, and therefore not at all fond
of solutions. A consideration of those who really have understood
this fundamental fact will be sufficient to show how confusing and
useless are the mere party labels in the matter. George Wyndham17
was a Unionist who was deposed because he was a Home Ruler. Sir
Horace Plunkett18 is a Unionist who is trusted because he is a Home
Ruler. By far the most revolutionary piece of Nationalism that was
ever really effected for Ireland was effected by Wyndham, who was
an English Tory squire. And by far the most brutal and brainless
piece of Unionism that was ever imposed on Ireland was imposed in
the name of the Radical theory of Free Trade, when the Irish juries
brought in verdicts of wilful murder against Lord John Russell.19
I say this to show that my sense of a reality is quite apart from the
personal accident that I have myself always been a Radical in English
politics, as well as a Home Ruler in Irish politics. But I say it even
more in order to reaffirm that the English have first to forget all
their old formulae and look at a new fact. It is not a new fact; but it
is new to them.
To realize it we must not only go outside the British par-
ties but outside the British Empire, outside the very universe of the
ordinary Briton. The real question can be easily stated, for it is as
simple as it is large. What is going to happen to the peasantries of
Europe, or for that matter of the whole world? It would be far better,
as I have already suggested, if we could consider it as a new case of
some peasantry in Europe, or somewhere else in the world. It would
be far better if we ceased to talk of Ireland and Scotland, and began
to talk of Ireland and Serbia. Let us, for the sake of our own mental
composure, call this unfortunate people Slovenes. But let us realize
that these remote Slovenes are, by the testimony of every truthful
traveller, rooted in the habit of private property, and now ripening
into a considerable private prosperity. It will often be necessary to
remember that the Slovenes are Roman Catholics; and that, with
that impatient pugnacity which marks the Slovene temperament, they
have often employed violence, but always for the restoration of what
they regarded as a reasonable system of private property. Now in a
hundred determining districts, of which France is the most famous,
this system has prospered. It has its own faults as well as its own
merits; but it has prospered. What is going to happen to it? I will here
confine myself to saying with the most solid confidence what is not
going to happen to it. It is not going to be really ruled by Socialists;
and it is not going to be really ruled by merchant princes, like those

who ruled Venice or like those who rule England.
It is not merely that England ought not to rule Ireland but
that England cannot. It is not merely that Englishmen cannot rule
Irishmen, but that merchants cannot rule peasants. It is not so much
that we have dealt benefits to England and blows to Ireland. It is
that our benefits for England would be blows to Ireland. And this
we already began to admit in practice, before we had even dimly
begun to conceive it in theory. We do not merely admit it in special
laws against Ireland like the Coercion Acts,20 or special laws in
favour of Ireland like the Land Acts;21 it is admitted even more by
specially exempting Ireland than by specially studying Ireland. In
other words, whatever else the Unionists want, they do not want to
unite; they are not quite so mad as that. I cannot myself conceive
any purpose in having one parliament except to pass one law; and
one law for England and Ireland is simply something that becomes
more insanely impossible every day. If the two societies were station-
ary, they would be sufficiently separate; but they are both moving
rapidly in opposite directions. England may be moving towards a
condition which some call Socialism and I call Slavery; but whatever
it is, Ireland is speeding farther and farther from it. Whatever it is,
the men who manage it will no more be able to manage a European
peasantry than the peasants in these mud cabins could manage the
Stock Exchange. All attempts, whether imperial or international, to
lump these peasants along with some large and shapeless thing called
Labour, are part of a cosmopolitan illusion which sees mankind as a
map. The world of the International is a pill, as round and as small.
It is true that all men want health; but it is certainly not true that
all men want the same medicine. Let us allow the cosmopolitan to
survey the world from China to Peru; but do not let us allow the
chemist to identify Chinese opium and Peruvian bark.
My first parallel about the Slovenes was only a fancy; yet I
can give a real parallel from the Slavs which is a fact. It was a fact
from my own experience in Ireland; and it exactly illustrates the
real international sympathies of peasants. Their internationalism
has nothing to do with the International. I had not been in Ireland
many hours when several people mentioned to me with considerable

excitement some news from the Continent. They were not, strange
as it may seem, dancing with joy over the disaster of Caporetto,22 or
glowing with admiration of the Crown Prince. Few really rejoiced
in English defeats; and none really rejoiced in German victories. It
was news about the Bolsheviks; but it was not the news of how nobly
they had given votes to the Russian women, nor of how savagely they
had fired bullets into the Russian princesses. It was the news of a
check to the Bolshevists; but it was not a glorification of Kerensky23
or Korniloff,24 or any of the newspaper heroes who seem to have satis-
fied us all, so long as their names began with K and nobody knew
anything about them. In short, it was nothing that could be found
in all our myriad newspaper articles on the subject. I would give an
educated Englishman a hundred guesses about what it was; but even
if he knew it he would not know what it meant.
It had appeared in the little paper about peasant produce
so successfully conducted by Mr. George Russell, 25 the admirable
“A.E.,” and it was told me eagerly by the poet himself, by a learned
and brilliant Jesuit, and by several other people, as the great news
from Europe. It was simply the news that the Jewish Socialists of
the Bolshevist Government had been attempting to confiscate the
peasants’ savings in the co-operative banks; and had been forced to
desist. And they spoke of it as of a great battle won on the Danube
or the Rhine. That is what I mean when I say that these people are
of a pattern and belong to a system which cuts across all our own
political divisions. They felt themselves fighting the Socialist as
fiercely as any Capitalist can feel it. But they not only knew what
they were fighting against, but what they were fighting for; which
is more than the Capitalist does. I do not know how far modern
Europe really shows a menace of Bolshevism, or how far merely a
panic of Capitalism. But I know that if any honest resistance has to
be offered to mere robbery, the resistance of Ireland will be the most
honest, and probably the most important. It may be that international
Israel will launch against us out of the East an insane simplification
of the unity of Man, as Islam once launched out of the East an insane
simplification of the unity of God. If it be so, it is where property is
well distributed that it will be well defended. The post of honour

will be with those who fight in very truth for their own land. If ever
there came such a drive of wild dervishes against us, it would be the
chariots and elephants of plutocracy that would roll in confusion and
rout; and the squares of the peasant infantry would stand.
Anyhow, the first fact to realize is that we are dealing with a
European peasantry; and it would be really better, as I say, to think
of it first as a Continental peasantry. There are numberless important
inferences from this fact; but there is one point, politically topical and
urgent, on which I may well touch here. It will be well to understand
about this peasantry something that we generally misunderstand,
even about a Continental peasantry. English tourists in France or
Italy commonly make the mistake of supposing that the people cheat,
because the people bargain, or attempt to bargain. When a peasant
asks for tenpence for something that is worth fourpence, the tourist
misunderstands the whole problem. He commonly solves it by call-
ing the man a thief and paying the tenpence. There are ten thousand
errors in this, beginning with the primary error of an oligarchy, of
treating a man as a servant when he feels more like a small squire.
The peasant does not choose to receive insults; but he never expected
to receive tenpence. A man who understood him would simply sug-
gest twopence, in a calm and courteous manner; and the two would
eventually meet in the middle at a perfectly just price. There would
not be what we call a fixed price at the beginning, but there would
be a very firmly fixed price at the end: that is, the bargain once
made would be a sacredly sealed contract. The peasant, so far from
cheating, has his own horror of cheating; and certainly his own fury
at being cheated. Now in the political bargain with the English, the
Irish simply think they have been cheated. They think Home Rule
was stolen from them after the contract was sealed; and it will be hard
for anyone to contradict them. If “le Roi le veult”26 is not a sacred
seal on a contract, what is? The sentiment is stronger because the
contract was a compromise. Home Rule was the fourpence and not
the tenpence; and, in perfect loyalty to the peasant’s code of honour,
they have now reverted to the tenpence. The Irish have now returned
in a reaction of anger to their most extreme demands; not because
we denied what they demanded, but because we denied what we

accepted. As I shall have occasion to note, there are other and wilder
elements in the quarrel; but the first fact to remember is that the
quarrel began with a bargain, that it will probably have to end with
another bargain; and that it will be a bargain with peasants. On the
whole, in spite of abominable blunders and bad faith, I think there is
still a chance of bargaining, but we must see that there is no chance
of cheating. We may haggle like peasants, and remember that their
first offer is not necessarily their last. But we must be as honest as
peasants; and that is a hard saying for politicians. The great Par-
nell,27 a squire who had many of the qualities of a peasant (qualities
the English so wildly misunderstood as to think English, when they
were really very Irish) converted his people from a Fenianism fiercer
than Sinn Fein28 to a Home Rule more moderate than that which
any sane statesmanship would now offer to Ireland. But the peasants
trusted Parnell, not because they thought he was asking for it, but
because they thought he could get it. Whatever we decide to give to
Ireland, we must give it; it is now worse than useless to promise it. I
will say here, once and for all, the hardest thing that an Englishman
has to say of his impressions of another great European people; that
over all those hills and valleys our word is wind, and our bond is
waste paper.
But, in any case, the peasantry remains: and the whole weight
of the matter is that it will remain. It is much more certain to remain
than any of the commercial or colonial systems that will have to bar-
gain with it. We may honestly think that the British Empire is both
more liberal and more lasting than the Austrian Empire, or other
large political combinations. But a combination like the Austrian
Empire could go to pieces, and ten such combinations could go to
pieces, before people like the Serbians ceased to desire to be peasants,
and to demand to be free peasants. And the British combination,
precisely because it is a combination and not a community, is in its
nature more lax and liable to real schism than this sort of community,
which might almost be called a communion. Any attack on it is like
an attempt to abolish grass; which is not only the symbol of it in the
old national song, but it is a very true symbol of it in any new philo-
sophic history; a symbol of its equality, its ubiquity, its multiplicity,

and its mighty power to return. To fight against grass is to fight
against God; we can only so mismanage our own city and our own
citizenship that the grass grows in our own streets. And even then it
is our streets that will be dead; and the grass will still be alive.
“It is strictly and soberly true that any peasant, in a mud cabin
in County Clare, when he names his child Michael, may really
have a sense of the presence that smote down Satan, the arms
and plumage of the paladin of paradise. I doubt whether it is so
overwhelmingly probable that any clerk in any villa on Clapham
Common, when he names his son John, has a vision of the holy
eagle of the Apocalypse, or even of the mystical cup of the disciple
whom Jesus loved.”
III. The Family and the Feud
here was an old joke of my childhood, to

the effect that men might be grouped together
with reference to their Christian names. I have
forgotten the cases then under consideration; but
contemporary examples would be sufficiently
suggestive today. A ceremonial brotherhood-in-
arms between Fr. Bernard Vaughan29 and Mr. Bernard Shaw seems
full of possibilities. I am faintly pleased with the fancy of Mr. Arnold
Bennett30 endeavouring to extract the larger humanities of fiction
from the political differences between Mr. Arnold White31 and Mr.
Arnold Lupton.32 I should pass my own days in the exclusive society
of Professor Gilbert Murray33 and Sir Gilbert Parker;34 whom I can
conceive as differing on some points from each other, and on some
points from me. Now there is one odd thing to notice about this old
joke; that it might have been taken in a more serious spirit, though
in a saner style, in a yet older period. This fantasy of the Victorian
Age might easily have been a fact of the Middle Ages. There would
have been nothing abnormal in the moral atmosphere of medievalism
in some feast or pageant celebrating the fellowship of men who had
the same patron saint. It seems mad and meaningless now, because
the meaning of Christian names has been lost. They have fallen into
a kind of chaos and oblivion which is highly typical of our time. I
mean that there are still fashions in them, but no longer reasons for
them. For a fashion is a custom without a cause. A fashion is a custom
to which men cannot get accustomed; simply because it is without
a cause. That is why our industrial societies, touching every topic
from the cosmos to the coat collars, are merely swept by a succes-
sion of modes which are merely moods. They are customs that fail to
be customary. And so amid all our fashions in Christian names, we

have forgotten all that was meant by the custom of Christian names.
We have forgotten all the original facts about a Christian name; but,
above all, the fact that it was Christian.
Now if we note this process going on in the world of London
or Liverpool, we shall see that it has already gone even farther and
fared even worse. The surname also is losing its root and therefore
its reason. The surname has become as solitary as a nickname. For
it might be argued that the first name is meant to be an individual
and even isolated thing; but the last name is certainly meant, by all
logic and history, to link a man with his human origins, habits or
habitation. Historically, it was a word taken from the town he lived
in or the trade guild to which he belonged; legally it is still the word
on which all questions of legitimacy, succession and testamentary
arrangements turn. It is meant to be the corporate name; in that
sense it is meant to be the impersonal name, as the other is meant
to be the personal name. Yet in the modern mode of industrialism,
it is more and more taken in a manner at once lonely and light. Any
corporate social system built upon it would seem as much of a joke as
the joke about Christian names with which I began. If it would seem
odd to require a Thomas to make friends with any other Thomas, it
would appear almost as perplexing to insist that any Thompson must
love any other Thompson. It may be that Sir Edward Henry,35 late of
the Police Force, does not wish to be confined to the society of Mr.
Edward Clodd.36 But would Sir Edward Henry necessarily seek the
society of Mr. O. Henry,37 entertaining as that society would be? Sir
John Barker,38 founder of the great Kensington emporium, need not
specially seek out and embrace Mr. John Masefield;39 but need he,
any more swiftly, precipitate himself into the arms of Mr. Granville
Barker?40 This vista of varieties would lead us far; but it is enough
to notice, nonsense apart, that the most ordinary English surnames
have become unique in their social significance; they stand for the
man rather than the race or the origins. Even when they are most
common they are not communal. What we call the family name is
not now primarily the name of the family. The family itself, as a
corporate conception, has already faded into the background, and
The Family and the Feud 45
is in danger of fading from the background. In short, our Christian

names are not the only Christian things that we may lose.
Now the second solid fact which struck me in Ireland (after
the success of small property and the failure of large organization)
was the fact that the family was in a flatly contrary position. All I
have said above, in current language, about the whole trend of the
modern world, is directly opposite to the whole trend of the modern
Irish world. Not only is the Christian name a Christian name; but
(what seems still more paradoxical and even pantomimic) the family
name is really a family name. Touching the first of the two, it would
be easy to trace out some very interesting truths about it, if they did
not divert us from the main truth of this chapter; the second great
truth about Ireland. People contrasting the “education” of the two
countries, or seeking to extend to the one the thing which is called
education in the other, might indeed do worse than study the simple
problem of the meaning of Christian names. It might dawn at last,
even on educationalists, that there is a value in the content as well as
the extent of culture; or (in other words), that knowing nine hundred
words is not always more important than knowing what some of them
mean. It is strictly and soberly true that any peasant, in a mud cabin
in County Clare, when he names his child Michael, may really have
a sense of the presence that smote down Satan, the arms and plumage
of the paladin of paradise. I doubt whether it is so overwhelmingly
probable that any clerk in any villa on Clapham Common,41 when he
names his son John, has a vision of the holy eagle of the Apocalypse,
or even of the mystical cup of the disciple whom Jesus loved. In the
face of that simple fact, I have no doubt about which is the more
educated man; and even a knowledge of the Daily Mail42 does not
redress the balance. It is often said, and possibly truly, that the peas-
ant named Michael cannot write his own name. But it is quite equally
true that the clerk named John cannot read his own name. He cannot
read it because it is in a foreign language, and he has never been
made to realize what it stands for. He does not know that John means
John, as the other man does know that Michael means Michael. In
that rigidly realistic sense, the pupil of industrial intellectualism does
not even know his own name.
But this is a parenthesis; because the point here is that the

man in the street (as distinct from the man in the field) has been
separated not only from his private but from his more public descrip-
tion. He has not only forgotten his name, but forgotten his address.
In my own view, he is like one of those unfortunate people who wake
up with their minds a blank, and cannot therefore find their way
home. But whether or no we take this view of the state of things in
an industrial society like the English, we must realize firmly that a
totally opposite state of things exists in an agricultural society like
the Irish. We may put it, if we like, in the form of an unfamiliar and
even unfriendly fancy. We may say that the house is greater than the
man; that the house is an amiable ogre that runs after and recaptures
the man. But the fact is there, familiar or unfamiliar, friendly or
unfriendly; and the fact is the family. The family pride is prodigious,
though it generally goes along with glowing masses of individual
humility. And this family sentiment does attach itself to the family
name; so that the very language in which men think is made up of
family names. In this the atmosphere is singularly unlike that of
England though much more like that of Scotland. Indeed, it will
illustrate the impartial recognition of this, apart from any partisan
deductions, that it is equally apparent in the place where Ireland and
Scotland are supposed to meet. It is equally apparent in Ulster, and
even in the Protestant corner of Ulster.
In all the Ulster propaganda I came across, I think the
thing that struck me most sharply was one phrase in one Unionist
leading article. It was something that might fairly be called Scottish;
something which was really even more Irish; but something which
could not in the wildest mood be called English, and therefore could
not with any rational meaning be called Unionist. Yet it was part of
a passionately sincere, and indeed truly human and historic outburst
of the politics of the North-East corner, against the politics of the
rest of Ireland. Most of us remember that Sir Edward Carson43 put
into the Government a legal friend of his named Campbell;44 it was
at the beginning of the war, and few of us thought anything of the
matter except that it was stupid to give posts to Carsonites at the most
delicate crisis of the cause in Ireland. Since then, so we also know,
the same Campbell has shown himself a sensible man, which I should
translate as a practical Home Ruler; but which is anyhow something
more than what is generally meant by a Carsonite. I entertain, myself,
a profound suspicion that Carson also would very much like to be
something more than a Carsonite. But however this may be, his legal
friend of whom I speak made an excellent speech, containing some
concession to Irish popular sentiment. As might have been expected,
there were furious denunciations of him in the Press of the Orange
party; but not more furious than might have been found in the Morn-
ing Post45 or any Tory paper. Nevertheless, there was one phrase that I
certainly never saw in the Morning Post or the Saturday Review;46 one
phrase I should never expect to see in any English paper, though I
might very probably see it in a Scotch paper. It was this sentence, that
was read to me from the leading article of a paper in Belfast: “There
never was treason yet but a Campbell was at the bottom of it.” I give
the extract as it was given to me; I am quite conscious of a curious
historical paradox about it. A curse against Campbells would seem
to be a Jacobite47 rather than a Williamite48 tradition. It may suggest
interesting complications of Scottish feuds in Ireland; but it serves as
one of a thousand cases of this fact about the family.
Let anybody imagine an Englishman saying about some
business quarrel, “How like an Atkins!” or “What would you expect
of a Wilkinson?”A moment’s reflection will show that it would be
even more impossible touching public men in public quarrels. No
English Liberal ever connected the earlier exploits of the present
Lord Birkenhead49 with atavistic influences, or the totem of the wide
and wandering tribe of Smith. No English patriot traced back the
family tree of any English pacifist; or said there was never treason yet
but a Pringle was at the bottom of it. It is the indefinite article that is
here the definite distinction. It is the expression “a Campbell” which
suddenly transforms the scene, and covers the robes of one lawyer
with the ten thousand tartans of a whole clan. Now that phrase is the
phrase that meets the traveller everywhere in Ireland. Perhaps the
next most arresting thing I remember, after the agrarian revolution,
was the way in which one poor Irishman happened to speak to me
about Sir Roger Casement.50 He did not praise him as a deliverer
of Ireland; he did not say anything of the twenty things one might
expect him to say. He merely referred to the rumour that Casement
meant to become a Catholic just before his execution, and expressed
a sort of distant interest in it. He added: “He’s always been a Black
Protestant. All the Casements are Black Protestants”: I confess
that, at that moment of that morbid story, there seemed to me to be
something unearthly about the very idea of there being other Case-
ments. If ever a man seemed solitary, if ever a man seemed unique
to the point of being unnatural, it was that man on the two or three
occasions when I have seen his sombre handsome face and his wild
eye; a talk, dark figure walking already in the shadow of a dreadful
doom. I do not know if he was a Black Protestant; but he was a black
something, in the sad if not the bad sense of the symbol. I fancy,
in truth, he stood rather for the third of Browning’s51 famous triad
of rhyming monosyllables. A distinguished Nationalist Member,
who happened to have had a medical training, said to me, “I was
quite certain, when I first clapped eyes on him, the man was mad”:
Anyhow the man was so unusual, that it would never have occurred
to me or any of my countrymen to talk as if there were a class or clan
of such men. I could almost have imagined he had been born without
father or mother. But for the Irish, his father and mother were really
more important than he was. There is said to be a historical mystery
about whether Parnell made a pun when he said that the name of
Kettle52 was a household word in Ireland. Few symbols could now
be more contrary than the name of Kettle and the name of Casement
(save for the courage they had in common); for the younger Kettle,
who died so gloriously in France, was a Nationalist as broad as the
other was cramped, and as sane as the other was crazy. But if the
fancy of a punster, following his own delightful vein of nonsense,
should see something quaint in the image of a hundred such Kettles
singing as he sang by a hundred hearths, a more bitter jester, reading
that black and obscure story of the capture on the coast, might utter
a similar flippancy about other Casements, opening on the foam of
such very perilous seas, in a land so truly forlorn. But even if we were
not annoyed at the pun, we should be surprised at the plural. And
our surprise would be the measure of the deepest difference between
England and Ireland. To express it in the same idle imagery, it would

be the fact that even a casement is a part of a house, as a kettle is a
part of a household. Every word in Irish is a household word.
The English would no more have thought of a plural for the
word Gladstone53 than for the word God. They would never have
imagined Disraeli54 compassed about with a great cloud of Disraelis;
it would have seemed to them altogether too apocalyptic an exag-
geration of being on the side of the angels. To this day in England,
as I have reason to know, it is regarded as a rabid and insane form
of religious persecution to suggest that a Jew very probably comes
of a Jewish family. In short, the modern English, while their rulers
are willing to give due consideration to Eugenics as a reasonable
opportunity for various forms of polygamy and infanticide, are
drifting farther and farther from the only consideration of Eugenics
that could possibly fit for Christian men, the consideration of it as
an accomplished fact. I have spoken of infanticide; but indeed the
ethic involved is rather that of parricide and matricide. To my own
taste, the present tendency of social reform would seem to consist of
destroying all traces of the parents, in order to study the heredity of
the children. But I do not here ask the reader to accept my own tastes
or even opinion about these things; I only bear witness to an objec-
tive fact about a foreign country. It can be summed up by saying that
Parnell is the Parnell for the English; but a Parnell for the Irish.
This is what I mean when I say that the English Home
Rulers do not know what the Irish mean by home. And this is also
what I mean when I say that the society does not fit into any of our
social classifications, liberal or conservative. To many Radicals this
sense of lineage will appear rank reactionary aristocracy. And it is
aristocratic, if we mean by this a pride of pedigree; but it is not aristo-
cratic in the practical and political sense. Strange as it may sound, its
practical effect is democratic. It is not aristocratic in the sense of cre-
ating an aristocracy. On the contrary, it is perhaps the one force that
permanently prevents the creation of an aristocracy, in the manner of
the English squirearchy. The reason of this apparent paradox can be
put plainly enough in one sentence. If you are really concerned about
your relations, you have to be concerned about your poor relations.
You soon discover that a considerable number of your second cousins

exhibit a strong social tendency to be chimney-sweepers and tinkers.
You soon learn the lesson of human equality, if you try honestly and
consistently to learn any other lesson, even the lesson of heraldry and
genealogy. For good or evil, a real working aristocracy has to forget
about three-quarters of its aristocrats. It has to discard the poor who
have the genteel blood, and welcome the rich who can live the genteel
life. If a man is interesting because he is a McCarthy, it is so far as
he is interesting because he is a man; that is, he is interesting whether
he is a duke or a dustman. But if he is interesting because he is Lord
FitzArthur and lives at FitzArthur House, then he is interesting
when he has merely bought the house, or when he has merely bought
the title. To maintain a squirearchy it is necessary to admire the new
squire, and therefore to forget the old squire. The sense of family
is like a dog and follows the family; the sense of aristocracy is like
a cat and continues to haunt the house. I am not arguing against
aristocracy, if the English choose to preserve it in England; I am
only making clear the terms on which they hold it, and warning them
that a people with a strong family sense will not hold it on any terms.
Aristocracy, as it has flourished in England since the Reformation,
with not a little national glory and commercial success, is in its very
nature built up of broken and desecrated homes. It has to destroy a
hundred poor relations to keep up a family. It has to destroy a hun-
dred families to keep up a class.
But if this family spirit is incompatible with what we mean
by aristocracy, it is quite as incompatible with three-quarters of what
many men praise and preach as democracy. The whole trend of what
has been regarded as Liberal legislation in England, necessary or
unnecessary, defensible and indefensible, has for good or evil been
at the expense of the independence of the family, especially of the
poor family. From the first most reasonable restraints of the Fac-
tory Acts55 to the last most maniacal antics of interference with other
people’s nursery games or Christmas dinners, the whole process has
turned sometimes on the pivot of the State, more often on the pivot
of the employer, but never on the pivot of the home. All this may be
emancipation; I only point out that Ireland really asked for Home
Rule chiefly to be emancipated from this emancipation. But indeed

the English politicians, to do them justice, show their consciousness
of this by the increasing number of cases in which the other nation is
exempted. We may have harried this unhappy people with our per-
secutions; but at least we can spare them our reforms. We have smit-
ten them with plagues; but at least we dare not scourge them with
our remedies. The real case against the Union is not merely a case
against the Unionists; it is a far stronger case against the Universal-
ists. It is this strange and ironic truth; that a man stands up holding a
charter of charity and peace for all mankind; that he lays down a law
of enlightened justice for all the nations of the earth; that he claims
to behold man from the beginning of his evolution equal, without
any difference between the most distant creeds and colours; that he
stands as the orator of the human race, whose statute only declares all
humanity to be human; and slightly drops his voice and says, “This
Act shall not apply to Ireland.”
One scene of the incredible devastation at the center of Dublin, wrought by the massive British artillery
bombardment during the 1916 Rebellion.
IV. The Paradox of Labour
y first general and visual impression of the

green island was that it was not green but brown;
that it was positively brown with khaki. This is one
of those experiences that cannot be confused with
expectations; the sort of small thing that is seen
but not foreseen in the verbal visions of books and
newspapers. I knew, of course, that we had a garrison in Dublin, but
I had no notion that it was so obvious all over Dublin. I had no notion
that it had been considered necessary to occupy the country in such
force, or with so much parade of force. And the first thought that
flashed through my mind found words in the single sentence: “How
useful these men would have been in the breach at St. Quentin.”56
For I went to Dublin towards the end of 1918, and not long
after those awful days which led up to the end of the war, and seemed
more like the end of the world. There hung still in the imagination, as
above a void of horror, that line that was the last chain of the world’s
chivalry; and the memory of the day when it seemed that our name
and our greatness and our glory went down before the annihilation
from the north. Ireland is hardly to blame if she has never known
how noble an England was in peril in that hour; or for what beyond
any empire we were troubled when, under a cloud of thick darkness,
we almost felt her ancient foundations move upon the floor of the sea.
But I, as an Englishman, at least knew it; and it was for England and
not for Ireland that I felt this first impatience and tragic irony. I had
always doubted the military policy that culminated in Irish conscrip-
tion, and merely on military grounds. If any policy of the English
could deserve to be called in the proverbial sense Irish, I think it was
this one. It was wasting troops in Ireland because we wanted them
The Paradox of Labour 53
in France. I had the same purely patriotic and even pugnacious sense
of annoyance, mingling with my sense of pathos, in the sight of the
devastation of the great Dublin street, which had been bombarded
by the British troops during the Easter Rebellion. I was bitterly dis-
tressed that such a cannonade had ever been aimed at the Irish; but
even more distressed that it had not been aimed at the Germans. The
question of the necessity of the heavy attack, like the question of the
necessity of the large army of occupation, is of course bound up with
the history of the Easter Rebellion itself. That strange and dramatic
event, which came quite as unexpectedly to Nationalist Ireland as to
Unionist England, is no part of my own experiences, and I will not
dogmatise on so dark a problem. But I will say, in passing, that I sus-
pect a certain misunderstanding of its very nature to be common on
both sides. Everything seems to point to the paradox that the rebels
needed the less to be conquered, because they were actually aiming at
being conquered, rather than at being conquerors. In the moral sense
they were most certainly heroes, but I doubt if they expected to be
conquering heroes. They desired to be in the Greek and literal sense
martyrs; they wished not so much to win as to witness. They thought
that nothing but their dead bodies could really prove that Ireland
was not dead. How far this sublime and suicidal ideal was really
useful in reviving national enthusiasm it is for Irishmen to judge; I
should have said that the enthusiasm was there anyhow. But if any
such action is based on international hopes, as they affect England
or a great part of America, it seems to me founded on a fallacy about
the facts. I shall have occasion to note many English errors about the
Irish; and this seems to me a very notable Irish error about the Eng-
lish. If we are often utterly mistaken about their mentality, they were
quite equally mistaken about our mistake. And curiously enough,
they failed through not knowing the one compliment that we had
always paid them. Their act presupposed that Irish courage needed
proof; and it never did. I have heard all the most horrible nonsense
talked against Ireland before the war; and I never heard Englishmen
doubt Irish military valour. What they did doubt was Irish political
sanity. It will be seen at once that the Easter action could only dis-
prove the prejudice they hadn’t got, and actually confirmed the prej-
udice they had got. The charge against the Irishman was not a lack
of boldness, but rather an excess of it. Men were right in thinking
him brave, and they could not be more right. But they were wrong in
thinking him mad, and they had an excellent opportunity to be more
wrong. Then, when the attempt to fight against England developed
by its own logic into a refusal to fight for England, men took away the
number they first thought of, and were irritated into denying what
they had originally never dreamed of doubting. In any case, this was,
I think, the temper in which the minority of the true Sinn Feiners
sought martyrdom. I for one will never sneer at such a motive; but it
would hardly have amounted to so great a movement but for another
force that happened to ally itself to them. It is for the sake of this that
I have here begun with the Easter tragedy itself; for with the consid-
eration of this we come to the paradox of Irish Labour.
Some of my remarks on the stability and even repose of a
peasant society may seem exaggerated in the light of a Labour agita-
tion that breaks out in Ireland as elsewhere. But I have particular and
even personal reasons for regarding that agitation as the exception
that proves the rule. It was the background of the peasant landscape
that made the Dublin strike the peculiar sort of drama that it was;
and this operated in two ways; first, by isolating the industrial capi-
talist as something exceptional and almost fanatical; and second, by
reinforcing the proletariat with a vague tradition of property. My
own sympathies were all with Larkin57 and Connolly58 as against the
late Mr. Murphy;59 but it is curious to note that even Mr. Murphy
was quite a different kind of man from the Lord Something who is
the head of a commercial combine in England. He was much more
like some morbid prince of the fifteenth century, full of cold anger,
not without perverted piety. But the first few words I heard about
him in Ireland were full of that vast, vague fact which I have tried
to put first among my impressions. I have called it the family; but it
covers many cognate things; youth and old friendships, not to men-
tion old quarrels. It might be more fully defined as a realism about
origins. The first things I heard about Murphy were facts of his
forgotten youth, or a youth that would in England have been forgot-
ten. They were tales about friends of his simpler days, with whom he
had set out to push some more or less sentimental vendetta against
somebody. Suppose whenever we talked of Harrod’s Stores we heard
first about the boyish day-dreams of Harrod. Suppose the mention
of Bradshaw’s Railway Guide brought up tales of feud and first love
in the early life of Mr. Bradshaw, or even of Mrs. Bradshaw. That
is the atmosphere, to be felt rather than described, that a stranger
in Ireland feels around him. English journalism and gossip, deal-
ing with English businessmen, are often precise about the present
and prophetic about the future, but seldom communicative about the
past; et pour cause.60 They will tell us where the capitalist is going
to, as to the House of Lords, or to Monte Carlo, or inferentially to
heaven; but they say as little as possible about where he comes from.
In Ireland a man carries the family mansion about with him like a
snail; and his father’s ghost follows him like his shadow. Everything
good and bad that could be said was said, not only about Murphy but
about Murphys. An anecdote of the old Irish Parliament describes
an orator as gracefully alluding to the presence of an opponent’s
sister in the Ladies Gallery, by praying that wrath overtake the whole
accursed generation “from the toothless hag who is grinning in the
gallery to the white-livered poltroon who is shivering on the floor.”
The story is commonly told as suggesting the rather wild disunion
of Irish parties; but it is quite as important a suggestion of the union
of Irish families.
As a matter of fact, the great Dublin Strike, a conflagra-
tion of which the embers were still glowing at the time of my visit,
involved another episode which illustrates once again this recur-
rent principle of the reality of the family in Ireland. Some English
Socialists, it may be remembered, moved by an honourable pity for
the poor families starving during the strike, made a proposal for
taking the children away and feeding them properly in England. I
should have thought the more natural course would have been to
give money or food to the parents. But the philanthropists, being
English and being Socialists, probably had a trust in what is called
organization and a distrust of what is called charity. It is supposed
that charity makes a man dependent; though in fact charity makes
him independent, as compared with the dreary dependence usually
produced by organization. Charity gives property, and therefore

liberty. There is manifestly much more emancipation in giving a
beggar a shilling to spend, than in sending an official after him to
spend it for him. The Socialists, however, had placidly arranged for
the deportation of all the poor children, when they found themselves,
to their astonishment, confronted with the red-hot reality called
the religion of Ireland. The priests and the families of the faithful
organized themselves for a furious agitation, on the ground that the
Faith would be lost in foreign and heretical homes. They were not
satisfied with the assurance, which some of the Socialists earnestly
offered, that the Faith would not be tampered with; and, as a matter
of clear thinking, I think they were quite right. Those who offer
such a reassurance have never thought about what a religion is. They
entertain the extraordinary idea that religion is a topic. They think
religion is a thing like radishes, which can be avoided throughout a
particular conversation with a particular person, whom the mention
of a radish may convulse with anger or agony. But a religion is simply
the world a man inhabits. In practice, a Socialist living in Liverpool
would not know when he was or was not tampering with the religion
of a child born in Louth. If I were given the complete control of an
infant Parsee61 (which is fortunately unlikely) I should not have the
remotest notion of when I was most vitally reflecting on the Parsee
system. But common sense, and a comprehension of the meaning of
a coherent philosophy, would lead me to suspect that I was reflecting
on it every other minute. But I mention the matter here, not in order
to enter into any of these disputes, but to give yet another example
of the way in which the essentially domestic organization of Ireland
will always rise in rebellion against any other organization. There
is something of a parable in the tales of the old evictions, in which
the whole family was besieged and resisted together and the mothers
emptied boiling kettles on the besiegers; for any official who inter-
feres with them will certainly get into hot water. We cannot separate
mothers and children in that strange land. We can only return to
some of our older historical methods and massacre them together.
A small incident within my own short experience, however,
illustrated the main point involved here; the sense of a peasant base
even of the proletarian attack. And this was exemplified not in any
check to Labour, but rather in a success for Labour, insofar as the

issue of a friendly and informal debate may be classed with its more
solid successes. The business originally began with a sort of loose-
jointed literary lecture which I gave in the Dublin Theatre, in con-
nection with which I only mention two incidents in passing, because
they both struck me as peculiarly native and national. One concerned
only the title of my address, which was “Poetry and Property.” An
educated English gentleman, who happened to speak to me before
the meeting, said with the air of one who foresees that such jokes will
be the death of him, “Well, I have simply given up puzzling about
what you can possibly mean, by talking about poetry as something
to do with property.” He probably regarded the combination of
words as a mere alliterative fantasy, like Peacocks and Paddington,
or Polygamy and Potatoes; if indeed he did not regard it as a mere
combination of incompatible contrasts, like Popery and Protestants,
or Patriotism and Politicians. On the same day an Irishman of simi-
lar social standing remarked quite carelessly, “I’ ve just seen your
subject for tomorrow. I suppose the Socialists will reply to you,” or
words to that effect. The two terms told him at once, not about the
lecture (which was literary if it was anything), but about the whole
philosophy underlying the lecture; the whole of that philosophy
which the lumbering elephant called by Mr. Shaw the Chesterbelloc
laboriously toils to explain in England, under the ponderous title of
Distributism. As Mr. Hugh Law62 once said, equally truly, about
our pitting of patriotism against imperialism, “What is a paradox in
England is a commonplace in Ireland.” My actual monologue, how-
ever, dealt merely with the witness of poetry to a certain dignity in
man’s sense of private possession, which is certainly not either vulgar
ostentation or vulgar greed. The French poet of the Pleiade remem-
bers the slates on his own roof almost as if he could count them. And
Mr. W.B. Yeats,63 in the very wildest vision of a loneliness remote
and irresponsible, is careful to make it clear that he knows how many
bean-rows make nine. Of course there were people of all parties in
the theatre, wild Sinn Feiners and conventional Unionists, but they
all listened to my remarks as naturally as they might have all listened
to an equally incompetent lecture on Monkeys or on the Mountains
of the Moon. There was not a word of politics, least of all party poli-
tics, in that particular speech; it was concerned with a tradition in art,

or at the most, in abstract ethics. But the one amusing thing which
makes me recall the whole incident was this; that when I had finished
a stalwart, hearty, heavy sort of legal gentleman, a well-know Irish
judge I understand, was kind enough to move a vote of thanks to
me. And what amused me about him was this: that while I (who am
a Radical, in sympathy with the revolutionary legend) had delivered
a mild essay on minor poets to a placid if bored audience, the judge,
who was a pillar of the Castle and a Conservative sworn to law and
order, proceeded with the utmost energy and joy to raise a riot. He
taunted the Sinn Feiners and dared them to come out; he trailed
his coat if ever a man trailed it in this world; he glorified England;
not the Allies, but England; splendid England, sublime England
(all in the broadest brogue), just, wise and merciful England, and
so on, flourishing what was not even the flag of his own country,
and a thing that had not the remotest connection with the subject in
hand, any more than the Great Wall of China. I need not say that
the theatre was soon in a roar of protests and repartees; which I sup-
pose was what he wanted. He was a jolly old gentleman, and I liked
him. But what interested me about him was this; and it is of some
importance in the understanding of his nationality. That sort of man
exists in England; I know and like scores of him. Often he is a major;
often a squire; sometimes a judge; very occasionally a dean. Such a
man talks the most ridiculous reactionary nonsense in an apoplectic
fashion over his own port wine; and occasionally in a somewhat gasp-
ing manner at an avowedly political meeting. But precisely what the
English gentleman would not do, and the Irish gentleman did do,
would be to make a scene on a non-political occasion; when all he had
to do was to move a formal vote of thanks to a total stranger, who was
talking about Ithaca and Innisfree. An English Conservative would
be less likely to do it than an English Radical. The same thing that
makes him conventionally political would make him conventionally
non-political. He would hate to make too serious a speech on too
social an occasion, as he would hate to be in morning dress when
everyone else was in evening dress. And whatever coat he wore he
certainly would not trail it solely in order to make a disturbance, as
did that jolly Irish judge. He taught me that the Irishman is never so
Irish as when he is English. He was very like some of the Sinn Fein-
ers who shouted him down; and he would be pleased to know that he
helped me to understand them with a greater sympathy.
I have wandered from the subject in speaking of this trifle,
thinking it worthwhile to note the positive and provocative quality of
all Irish opinion; but it was my purpose only to mention this small
dispute as leading up to another. I had some further talk about
poetry and property with Mr. Yeats at the Dublin Arts Club; and
here again I am tempted to irrelevant but for me interesting matters.
For I am conscious throughout of saying less than I could wish of a
thousand things, my omission of which is not altogether thoughtless,
far less thankless. There have been and will be better sketches than
mine of all that attractive society, the paradox of an intelligentsia that
is intelligent. I could write a great deal, not only about those I value
as my own friends, like Katherine Tynan64 or Stephen Gwynn,65 but
about men with whom my meeting was all too momentary; about the
elvish energy conveyed by Mr. James Stephens;66 the social greatness
of Dr. Gogarty,67 who was like a witty legend of the eighteenth cen-
tury; of the unique universalism of A.E., who has something of the
presence of William Morris, and a more transcendental type of the
spiritual hospitality of Walt Whitman.68 But I am not in this rough
sketch trying to tell Irishmen what they know already, but trying to
tell Englishmen some of the large and simple things that they do not
always know. The large matter concerned here is Labour; and I have
only paused upon the other points because they were the steps which
accidentally led up to my first meeting with this great force. And
it was nonetheless a fact in support of my argument because it was
something of a joke against myself.
On the occasion I have mentioned, a most exhilarating eve-
ning at the Arts Club, Mr. Yeats asked me to open a debate at the
Abbey Theatre, defending property on its more purely political side.
My opponent was one of the ablest of the leaders of Liberty Hall,69
the famous stronghold of Labour politics in Dublin; Mr. Johnson,70
an Englishman like myself, but one deservedly popular with the pro-
letarian Irish. He made a most admirable speech, to which I mean
no disparagement when I say that I think his personal popularity had

even more weight than his personal eloquence. My own argument
was confined to the particular value of small property as a weapon
of militant democracy, and was based on the idea that the citizen
resisting injustice could find no substitute for private property; for
every other impersonal power, however democratic in theory, must
be bureaucratic in form. I said, as a flippant figure of speech, that
committing property to any officials, even guild officials, was like
having to leave one’s legs in the cloakroom along with one’s stick or
umbrella. The point is that a man may want his legs at any minute,
to kick a man or to dance with a lady; and recovering them may be
postponed by any hitch, from the loss of the ticket to the criminal
flight of the official. So in a social crisis, such as a strike, a man
must be ready to act without officials who may hamper or betray
him; and I asked whether many more strikes would not have been
successful, if each striker had owned so much as a kitchen garden
to help him to live. My opponent replied that he had always been
in favour of such a reserve of proletarian property, but preferred it
to be communal rather than individual; which seems to me to leave
the argument where it was; for what is communal must be official,
unless it is to be chaotic. Two minor jokes, somewhat at my expense,
remain in my memory. I appear to have caused some amusement by
cutting a pencil with a very large Spanish knife, which I value (as it
happens) as the gift of an Irish priest who is a friend of mine, and
which may therefore also be regarded as a symbolic weapon, a sort
of sword of the spirit. Whether the audience thought I was about to
amputate my own legs in illustration of my own metaphor, or that I
was going to cut Mr. Johnson’s throat in fury at finding no reply to
his arguments, I do not know. The other thing which struck me as
funny was an excellent retort by Mr. Johnson himself, who had said
something about the waste of property on guns, and who interrupted
my remark that there would never be a good revolution without guns,
by humorously calling out, “Treason.” As I told him afterwards, few
scenes would be more artistic than that of an Englishman, sent over
to recruit for the British Army, being collared and given up to justice
(or injustice) by a Pacifist from Liberty Hall. But all throughout the
proceedings I was conscious, as I say, of a very real popular feeling
supporting the mere personality of my opponent; as in the ovation

he received before he spoke at all, or the applause given to a number
of his topical asides, allusions which I could not always understand.
After the meeting a distinguished Southern Unionist, who happens
to own land outside Dublin, said to me, “Of course, Johnson has
just had a huge success in his work here. Liberty Hall has just done
something that has really never been done before in the whole Trade
Union movement. He has really managed to start a Trade Union
for agricultural labourers. I know, because I’ve had to meet their
demands. You know how utterly impossible it has always really been
to found a union of agricultural labourers in England.” I did know
it; and I also knew why it had been possible to found one in Ireland.
It had been possible for the very reason I had been urging all the
evening; that behind the Irish proletariat there had been the tradition
of an Irish peasantry. In their families, if not in themselves, there had
been some memory of the personal love of the land. But it seemed to
me an interesting irony that even my own defeat was an example of
my own doctrine; and that the truth on my side was proved by the
popularity of the other side. The agricultural guild was due to a wind
of freedom that came into that dark city from very distant fields; and
the truth that even these rolling stones of homeless proletarianism
had been so lately loosened from the very roots of the mountains.
In Ireland even the industrialism is not industrial. That is
what I mean by saying that Irish Labour is the exception that proves
the rule. That is why it does not contradict my former generalization
that our capitalist crisis is on the English side of the road. The Irish
agricultural labourers can become guildsmen because they would
like to become peasants. They think of rich and poor in the manner
that is as old as the world; the manner of Ahab and Naboth.71 It
matters little in a peasant society whether Ahab takes the vineyard
privately as Ahab or officially as King of Israel. It will matter as little
in the long run, even in the other kind of society, whether Naboth
has a wage to work in the vineyard, or a vote that is supposed in some
way to affect the vineyard. What he desires to have is the vineyard;
and not in apologetic cynicism or vulgar evasions that business is
business, but in thunder, as from a secret throne, comes the awful
voice out of the vineyard; the voice of this manner of man in every
age and nation: “The Lord forbid that I should give the inheritance
of my fathers unto thee.”
Above, Catholic women gathered outside Mountjoy Gaol, Dublin, in 1920.

The crescendo of violence between British forces and the IRA was rapidly approaching its peak, and many
hundreds of Republican volunteers were imprisoned throughout the country. The combination of Prayer and
Action was the hallmark of the struggle.
Irish women played a key role in most other aspects of the struggle against the British as well. Active in
fund-raising, in organizing demonstrations, in saying the Rosary in public, in information-gathering, they were
often the most committed of the Republican militants.
Below, another view of the gathering of women outside the gate at Mountjoy Gaol, ca. 1920, a gathering
known to the British as “the Republican Scenic Railway.”
V. The Englishman in Ireland
ith no desire to decorate my travels with

too tall a traveller’s tale, I must record the fact
that I found one point upon which all Irishmen
were agreed. It was the fact that, for some reason
or other, there had been a very hopeful begin-
ning of Irish volunteering at the beginning of the
war; and that, for some reason or other, this had failed in the course
of the war. The reasons alleged differed widely with the moods of
men; some had regarded the beginning with hope and some with
suspicion; some had lived to regard the failure with a bitter pleasure,
and some with a generous pain. The different factions gave different
explanations of why the thing had stopped; but they all agreed that
it had begun. The Sinn Feiner said that the people soon found they
had been lured into a Saxon trap, set for them by smooth subservient
Saxons like Mr. Devlin72 and Mr. Tim Healy.73 The Belfast citizen
suggested that the Popish priest had terrorized the peasants when
they tried to enlist, producing a thumbscrew from his pocket and
a portable rack from his handbag. The Parliamentary Nationalist
blamed both Sinn Fein and the persecution of Sinn Fein. The Brit-
ish Government officials, if they did not exactly blame themselves,
at least blamed each other. The ordinary Southern Unionist (who
played many parts of a more or less sensible sort, including that of a
Home Ruler) generally agreed with the ordinary Nationalist that the
Government’s recruiting methods had been as bad as its cause was
good. But it is manifest that multitudes at the beginning of the war
thought it really had a very good cause; and, moreover, a very good
chance.
The extraordinary story of how that chance was lost may find
mention on a later page. I will begin by touching on the first incident
that befell me personally in connection with the same enterprise. I

went to Ireland at the request of Irish friends who were working
warmly for the Allied cause, and who conceived (I fear in far too flat-
tering a spirit) that I might at least be useful as an Englishman who
had always sympathized warmly with the Irish cause. I am under
no illusions that I should ever be efficient at such work in any case;
and under the circumstances I had no great hopes of doing much,
where men like Sir Horace Plunkett and Captain Stephen Gwynn,
far more competent, more self-sacrificing, and more well-informed
than I, could already do comparatively little. It was too late. A hun-
dredth part of the brilliant constancy and tragic labours of these men
might easily, at the beginning of the war, have given us a great Irish
army. I need not explain the motives that made me do the little I
could do; they were the same that at that moment made millions of
better men do masses of better work. Physical accident prevented my
being useful in France, and a sort of psychological accident seemed
to suggest that I might possibly be useful in Ireland; but I did not
see myself as a very serious figure in either field. Nothing could be
serious in such a case except perhaps a conviction; and at least my
conviction about the Great War has never wavered by a hair. Delenda
est74 – and it is typical of the power of Berlin that one must break
off for want of a Latin name for it. Being an Englishman, I hoped
primarily to help England; but not being a congenital idiot, I did not
primarily ask an Irishman to help England. There was obviously
something much more reasonable to ask him to do. I hope I should
in any case have done my best for my own country. But the cause was
more than any country; in a sense it was too good for any country.
The Allies were more right than they realized. Nay, they hardly had
a right to be so right as they were. The modern Babylon of capitalistic
States was hardly worthy to go on such a crusade against the heathen;
as perhaps decadent Byzantium75 was hardly worthy to defend the
Cross against the Crescent.76 But we are glad that it did defend the
Cross against the Crescent. Nobody is sorry that Sobieski77 relieved
Vienna; nobody wishes that Alfred had not won in Wessex.78 The
cause that conquered is the only cause that survived. We see now that
its enemy was not a cause but a chaos; and that is what history will say
The Englishman in Ireland 65
of the strange and recent boiling up of barbaric imperialism, a whirl-

pool whose hollow centre was Berlin. This is where the extreme Irish
were really wrong; perhaps really wrong for the first time. I entirely
sympathize with their being in revolt against the British Govern-
ment. I am in revolt in most ways against the British Government
myself. But politics are a fugitive thing in the face of history. Does
anybody want to be fixed forever on the wrong side at the Battle of
Marathon, through a quarrel with some Archon whose very name
is forgotten?79 Does anybody want to be remembered as a friend of
Attila, through a breach of friendship with Ætius?80 In any case,
it was with a profound conviction that if Prussia won Europe must
perish, and that if Europe perished England and Ireland must perish
together, that I went to Dublin in those dark days of the last year of
the war; and it so happened that the first occasion when I was called
upon for any expression of opinion was at a very pleasant luncheon
party given to the representatives of the British Dominions, who
were then on an official tour in the country inspecting its conditions.
What I said is of no importance except as leading up to later events;
but it may be noted that though I was speaking perhaps indirectly to
Irishmen, I was speaking directly, if not to Englishmen, at least to
men in the more English tradition of the majority of the Colonies. I
was speaking, if not to Unionists, at least largely to Imperialists.
Now I have forgotten, I am happy to say, the particular speech
that I made, but I can repeat the upshot of it here, not only as part of
the argument, but as part of the story. The line I took generally in
Ireland was an appeal to the Irish principle, yet the reverse of a mere
approval of the Irish action, or inaction. It postulated that while the
English had missed a great opportunity of justifying themselves to
the Irish, the Irish had also missed a similar opportunity of justify-
ing themselves to the English. But it specially emphasized this; that
what had been lost was not primarily a justification against England,
but a joke against England. I pointed out that an Irishman missing
a joke against an Englishman was a tragedy, like a lost battle. And
there was one thing, and one thing only, which had stopped the Irish-
man from laughing and saved the Englishman from being laugh-
able. The one and only thing that rescued England from ridicule
was Sinn Fein. Or, at any rate, that element in Sinn Fein which was
pro-German, or refused to be anti-German. Nothing imaginable
under the stars except a pro-German Irishman could at that moment
have saved the face of a (very recently) pro-German Englishman.
The reason for this is obvious enough. England in 1914
encountered or discovered a colossal crime of Prussianized Ger-
many. But England could not discover the German crime without
discovering the English blunder. The blunder was, of course, a per-
fectly plain historical fact; that England made Prussia. England was
the historic, highly civilized western state, with Roman foundations
and chivalric memories; Prussia was originally a petty and boor-
ish principality used by England and Austria in the long struggle
against the greatness of France. Now in that long struggle Ireland
had always been on the side of France. She had only to go on being
on the side of France, and the Latin tradition generally, to behold
her own truth triumph over her own enemies. In a word, it was not a
question of whether Ireland should become anti-German, but merely
of whether she should continue to be anti-German. It was a question
of whether she should suddenly become pro-German, at the moment
when most other pro-Germans were discovering that she had been
justified all along. But England, at the beginning of her last and
most lamentable quarrel with Ireland, was by no means in so strong
a controversial position. England was right; but she could only prove
she was right by proving she was wrong. In one sense, and with all
respect to her right action in the matter, she had to be ridiculous in
order to be right.
But the joke against the English was even more obvious and
topical. And as mine was only meant for a light speech after a friendly
lunch, I took the joke in its lightest and most fanciful form, and
touched chiefly on the fantastic theory of the Teuton as the master of
the Celt. For the supreme joke was this: that the Englishman has not
only boasted of being an Englishman; but he has actually boasted of
being a German. As the modern mind began to doubt the superiority
of Calvinism to Catholicism, all English books, papers and speeches
were filled more and more with a Teutonism which substituted a
racial for a religious superiority. It was felt to be a more modern and
even more progressive principle of distinction, to insist on ethnology

rather than theology: for ethnology was supposed to be a science.
Unionism was simply founded on Teutonism. Hence the ordinary
honest patriotic Unionist was in a highly humorous fix when he had
suddenly to begin denouncing Teutonism as mere terrorism. If all
superiority belonged to the Teuton, the supreme superiority must
clearly belong to the most Teutonic Teuton. If I claim the right to
kick Mr. Bernard Shaw on the specific ground that I am fatter than
he is, it is obvious that I look rather a fool if I am suddenly kicked
by something who is fatter still. When the earth shakes under the
advancing form of one coming against me out of the east who is
fatter than I (for I called upon the Irish imagination to embrace so
monstrous a vision), it is clear that whatever my relations to the rest
of the world, in my relations to Mr. Bernard Shaw I am rather at a
disadvantage. Mr. Shaw, at any rate, is rather in a position to make
game of me; of which it is not inconceivable that he might avail him-
self. I might have accumulated a vast mass of learned sophistries and
journalistic catchwords, which had always seemed to me to justify
the connection between waxing fat and kicking. I might have proved
from history that the leaders had always been fat men, like William
the Conqueror,81 St. Thomas Aquinas82 and Charles Fox.83 I might
have proved from physiology that fatness is a proof of the power of
organic assimilation and digestion; or from comparative zoology that
the elephant is the wisest of the beasts. In short, I might be able to
adduce many arguments in favour of my position. Only, unfortu-
nately, they would now all become arguments against my position.
Everything I had ever urged against my old enemy could be urged
much more forcibly against me by my new enemy. And my position
touching the great adipose theory would be exactly like England’s
position touching the equally sensible Teutonic theory. If Teutonism
was creative culture, then on our own showing the German was
better than the Englishman. If Teutonism was barbarism, then on
our own showing the Englishman was more barbaric than the Irish-
man. The real answer, of course, is that we were not Teutons but
only the dupes of Teutonism; but some were so wholly duped that
they would do anything rather than own themselves duped. These
unfortunates, while they are already ashamed of being Teutons, are

still proud of not being Celts.
There is only one thing that could save my dignity in such
an undignified fix as I have fancied here. It is that Mr. Bernard
Shaw himself should come to my rescue. It is that Mr. Bernard Shaw
himself should declare in favour of the corpulent conqueror from
the east; that he should take seriously all the fads and fancies of that
fat-headed superman. That, and that alone, would ensure all my own
fads and fallacies being not only forgotten, but forgiven. There is
present to my imagination, I regret to say, a wild possibility that this
is what Mr. Bernard Shaw might really do. Anyhow, this is what a
certain number of his countrymen really did. It will be apparent, I
think, from these pages that I do not believe in the stage Irishman.
I am under no delusion that the Irishman is soft-headed and senti-
mental, or even illogical and inconsequent. Nine times out of ten the
Irishman is not only more clear-headed, but even more cool-headed
than the Englishman. But I think it is true, as Mr. Max Beerbohm84
once suggested to me in connection with Mr. Shaw himself, that
there is a residual perversity in the Irishman, which comes after and
not before the analysis of a question. There is at the last moment a
cold impatience in the intellect, an irony which returns on itself and
rends itself; the subtlety of a suicide. However this may be, some
of the lean men, instead of making a fool of the fat man, did begin
almost to make a hero of the fatter man; to admire his vast curves
as almost cosmic lines of development. I have seen Irish-American
pamphlets which took quite seriously (or, I prefer to think, pretended
to take quite seriously) the ridiculous romance about the Teutonic
tribes having revived and refreshed civilization after the fall of the
Roman Empire. They revived civilization very much as they restored
Louvain or reconstructed the Lusitania.85 It was a romance which the
English for a short time adopted as a convenience, but from which
the Irish have continually suffered as from a curse. It was a suicidal
perversity that they themselves, in their turn, should perpetuate their
permanent curse as a temporary convenience. That was the worst
error of the Irish, or of some of the best of the Irish. That is why
the Easter Rising was really a black and insane blunder. It was not
because it involved the Irish in a military defeat; it was because it lost

the Irish a great controversial victory. The rebel deliberately let the
tyrant out of a trap; out of the grinning jaws of the gigantic trap of
a joke.
Many of the most extreme Nationalists knew this well; it
was what Kettle probably meant when he suggested an Anglo-Irish
history called “The Two Fools”; and of course I do not mean that I
said all this in my very casual and rambling speech. But it was based
on this idea, that men had missed the joke against England, and
that now unfortunately the joke was rather against Ireland. It was
Ireland that was now missing a great historical opportunity for lack
of humour and imagination, as England had missed it a moment
before. If the Irish would laugh at the English and help the English,
they would win all along the line. In the real history of the German
problem, they would inherit all the advantages of having been right
from the first. It was now not so much a question of Ireland consent-
ing to follow England’s lead as of England being obliged to follow
Ireland’s lead. These are the principles which I thought, and still
think, the only possible principles to form the basis of a recruiting
appeal in Ireland. But on the particular occasion in question I natu-
rally took the matter much more lightly, hoping that the two jokes
might, as it were, cancel out and leave the two countries quits and in
a better humour. And I devoted nearly all my remarks to testifying
that the English had really, in the mass, shed the cruder Teutonism
that had excused the cruelties of the past. I said that Englishmen
were anything but proud of the past government of Ireland; that the
mass of men of all parties were far more modest and humane in their
view of Ireland than most Irishmen seem to suppose. And I ended
with words which I only quote here from memory, because they
happen to be the text of the curious incident which followed: “This is
no place for us to boast. We stand here in the valley of our humilia-
tion, where the flag we love has done very little that was not evil, and
where its victories have been far more disastrous than defeats.” And
I concluded with some general expression of the hope (which I still
entertain) that two lands so much loved, by those who know them
best, are not meant to hate each other forever.
A day or two afterwards a distinguished historian who is a

Professor at Trinity College, Mr. Alison Phillips,86 wrote an indig-
nant letter to the Irish Times. He announced that he was not in the
valley of humiliation, and warmly contradicted the report that he was,
as he expressed it, “sitting in sackcloth and ashes.” He remarked, if
I remember right, that I was middle-class, which is profoundly true;
and he generally resented my suggestions as a shameful attack upon
my fellow Englishmen. This both amused and puzzled me; for of
course I had not been attacking Englishmen, but defending them;
I had merely been assuring the Irish that the English were not so
black, or so red, as they were painted in the vision of “England’s cruel
red.” I had not said there what I have said here, about the anomaly
and absurdity of England in Ireland; I had only said that Ireland had
suffered rather from the Teutonic theory than the English temper;
and that the English temper, experienced at close quarters, was really
quite ready for a reconciliation with Ireland. Nor indeed did Mr.
Alison Phillips really complain especially of my denouncing the Eng-
lish, but rather of my way of defending them. He did not so much
mind being charged with the vice of arrogance. What he could not
bear was being charged with the virtue of humility. What worried
him was not so much the supposition of our doing wrong, as that any-
body should conceive it possible that we were sorry for doing wrong.
After all, he probably reasoned, it may not be easy for an eminent
historical scholar actually to deny that certain tortures have taken
place, or certain perjuries been proved; but there is really no reason
why he should admit that the memory of using torture or perjury has
so morbid an effect on the mind. Therefore he naturally desired to
correct any impression that might arise, to the effect that he had been
seen in the valley of humiliation, like a man called Christian.
But there was one fancy that lingered in the mind over and
above the fun of the thing; and threw a sort of random ray of conjec-
ture upon all that long international misunderstanding which it is so
hard to understand. Was it possible, I thought, that this had happened
before, and that I was caught in the treadmill of recurrence? It may
be whenever, throughout the centuries, a roughly representative and
fairly good-humoured Englishman has spoken to the Irish as thou-
sands of such Englishman feel about them, some other Englishman

on the spot has hastened to explain that the English are not going in
for sackcloth and ashes, but only for phylacteries and the blowing of
their own trumpets before them. Perhaps whenever one Englishman
said that the English were not so black as they were painted in the
past, another Englishman always rushed forward to prove that the
English were not so white as they were painted on the present occa-
sion. And after all it was only Englishman against Englishman, one
word against another; and there were many superiorities on the side
which refused to believe in English sympathy or self-criticism. And
very few of the Irish, I fear, understood the simple fact of the matter,
or the real spiritual excuses of the party thus praising spiritual pride.
Few understood that I represented large numbers of amiable Eng-
lishmen in England, while Mr. Phillips necessarily represented a
small number of naturally irritable Englishmen in Ireland. Few, I
fancy, sympathized with him so much as I do; for I know very well
that he was not merely feeling as an Englishman, but as an exile.
The defeated Volunteers of the 1916 Rebellion being led through the streets of Dublin. Loathed, spat
upon, and reviled by much of the Dublin populace, they were to become the heroes of the Irish people within
a year or so.
VI. The Mistake of England
met one hearty Unionist, not to say Coer-

cionist in Ireland, in such a manner as to talk to
him at some length; one quite genial and genuine
Irish gentleman, who was solidly on the side of
the system of British Government in Ireland. This
gentleman had been shot through the body by the
British troops in their efforts to suppress the Easter Rebellion. The
matter just missed being tragic; but since it did, I cannot help feeling
it as slightly comic. He assured me with great earnestness that the
rebels had been guilty of the most calculated cruelties, and that they
must have done their bloody deeds in the coldest blood. But since
he is himself a solid and (I am happy to say) a living demonstration
that the firing even on his own side must have been rather wild, I am
inclined to give the benefit of the doubt also to the less elaborately
educated marksmen. When disciplined troops destroy people so
much at random, it would seem unreasonable to deny that rioters may
possibly have been riotous. I hardly think he was, or even professed
to be, a person of judicial impartiality; and it is entirely to his honour
that he was, on principle, so much more indignant with the rioters
who did not shoot him than with the other rioters who did. But I
venture to introduce him here not so much as an individual as an
allegory. The incident seems to me to set forth, in a pointed, lucid and
picturesque form, exactly what the British military government really
succeeded in doing in Ireland. It succeeded in half-killing its friends,
and affording an intelligent but somewhat inhumane amusement to
all its enemies. The fire-eater held his fire-arm in so contorted a
posture as to give the wondering spectator a simple impression of
suicide.
The Mistake of England 73
Let it be understood that I speak here, not of tyranny thwart-

ing Irish desires, but solely of our own stupidity in thwarting our
own desires. I shall discuss elsewhere the alleged presence or absence
of practical oppression in Ireland; here I am only continuing from
the last chapter my experiences of the recruiting campaign. I am con-
cerned now, as I was concerned then, with the simple business matter
of getting a big levy of soldiers from Ireland. I think it was Sir Fran-
cis Vane, one of the few really valuable public servants in the matter
(I need not say he was dismissed for having been proved right) who
said that the mere sight of some representative Belgian priests and
nuns might have produced something like a crusade. The matter
seems to have been mostly left to elderly English landlords; and it
would be cruel to record their adventures. It will be enough that
I heard, on excellent testimony, that these unhappy gentlemen had
displayed throughout Ireland a poster consisting only of the Union
Jack and the appeal, “Is not this your flag? Come and fight for it!”
It faintly recalls something we all learnt in the Latin grammar about
questions that expect the answer no. These remarkable recruiting
sergeants did not realize, I suppose, what an extraordinary thing this
was, not merely in Irish opinion, but generally in international opin-
ion. Over a great part of the globe, it would sound like a story that
the Turks had placarded Armenia87 with the Crescent of Islam, and
asked all the Christians who were not yet massacred whether they did
not love the flag. I really do not believe that the Turks would be so
stupid as to do it. Of course it may be said that such an impression
or association is mere slander and sedition, that there is no reason
to be tender to such treasonable emotions at all, that men ought to
do their duty to that flag whatever is put upon that poster; in short,
that it is the duty of an Irishman to be a patriotic Englishman, or
whatever it is that he is expected to be. But this view, however logical
and clear, can only be used logically and clearly as an argument for
conscription. It is simply muddle-headed to apply it to any appeal for
volunteers anywhere, in Ireland or England. The whole object of a
recruiting poster, or any poster, is to be attractive; it is picked out
in words or colours to be picturesquely and pointedly attractive. If
it lowers you to make an attractive offer, do not make it; but do not
deliberately make it, and deliberately make it repulsive. If a certain

medicine is so mortally necessary and so mortally nasty, that it must
be forced on everybody by the policeman, call the policeman. But
do not call an advertisement agent to push it like a patent medicine,
solely by means of “publicity” and “suggestion,” and then confine
him strictly to telling the public how nasty it is.
But the British blunder in Ireland was a much deeper and
more destructive thing. It can be summed up in one sentence; that
whether or no we were as black as we were painted, we actually painted
ourselves much blacker than we were. Bad as we were, we managed
to look much worse than we were. In a horrible unconsciousness we
re-enacted history through sheer ignorance of history. We were fool-
ish enough to dress up, and to play up, to the part of a villain in a
very old tragedy. We clothed ourselves almost carelessly in fire and
sword; and if the fire had been literally stage-fire or the sword a
wooden sword, the merely artistic blunder would have been quite
as bad. For instance, I soon came on the traces of a quarrel about
some silly veto in the schools, against Irish children wearing green
rosettes. Anybody with a streak of historical imagination would have
avoided a quarrel in that particular case about that particular colour.
It is touching the talisman, it is naming the name, it is striking the
note of another relation in which we were in the wrong, to the con-
fusion of a new relation in which we were in the right. Anybody of
common sense, considering any other case, can see the almost magic
force of these material coincidences. If the English armies in France
in 1914 considered themselves justified for some reason in executing
some French woman, they would perhaps be indiscreet if they killed
her (however logically) tied to a stake in the market place of Rouen. If
the people of Paris rose in the most righteous revolt against the most
corrupt conspiracy of some group of wealthy French Protestants, I
should strongly advise them not to fix the date for the vigil of St.
Bartholomew, or to go to work with white scarves tied around their
arms. Many of us hope to see a Jewish commonwealth reconstituted
in Palestine; and we could easily imagine some quarrel in which the
government of Jerusalem was impelled to punish some Greek or
Latin pilgrim or monk. The Jews might even be right in the quarrel
and the Christian wrong. But it may be hinted that the Jews would be
ill-advised if they actually crowned him with thorns, and killed him
on a hill just outside Jerusalem. Now we must know by this time, or
the sooner we know it the better, that the whole mind of that Euro-
pean society which we have helped to save, and in which we have
henceforth a part right of control, regards the Anglo-Irish story as
one of those black and white stories in a history book. It sees the trag-
edy of Ireland as simply and clearly as the tragedy of Christ or Joan of
Arc. There may have been more to be said on the coercive side than
the culture of the Continent understands. So there was a great deal
more than is usually admitted to be said on the side of the patriotic
democracy which condemned Socrates; and a very great deal to be
said on the side of the imperial aristocracy which would have crushed
Washington. But these disputes will not take Socrates from his niche
among the pagan saints, or Washington from his pedestal among
the republican heroes. After a certain testing time substantial justice
is always done to the men who stood in some unmistakable manner
for liberty and light against contemporary caprice and fashionable
force and brutality. In this intellectual sense, in the only competent
intellectual courts, there is already justice to Ireland. In the wide
daylight of this worldwide fact we or our representatives must get
into a quarrel with children, of all people, and about the colour green,
of all things in the world. It is an exact working model of the mis-
take I mean. It is the more brutal because it is not strictly cruel; and
yet instantly revives the memories of cruelty. There need be nothing
wrong with it in the abstract, or in a less tragic atmosphere where
the symbols were not talismans. A schoolmaster in the prosperous
and enlightened town of Eatanswill might not unpardonably protest
against the school children parading in class in Buff and Blue in
favour of Mr. Fizkin and Mr. Slumkey.88 But who but a madman
would not see that to say that word, or make that sign, in Ireland, was
like giving a signal for keening and the lament over lost justice that is
lifted in the burden of the noblest of national songs; that to point to
that rag of that colour was to bring back all the responsibilities and
realities of that reign of terror when we were, quite literally, hanging
men and women too for wearing of the green? We were not literally
hanging these children. As a matter of mere utility, we should have

been more sensible if we had been.
But the same fact took an even more fantastic form. We not
only dressed up as our ancestors, but we actually dressed up as our
enemies. I need hardly state my own conviction that the Pacifist trick
of lumping the abuses of one side along with the abominations of the
other was a shallow pedantry come of sheer ignorance of the history
of Europe and the barbarians. It was quite false that the English
evil was exactly the same as the German. It was quite false; but the
English in Ireland laboured long and devotedly to prove it was quite
true. They were not content with borrowing old uniforms from the
Hessians of 1789; they borrowed the newest and neatest uniforms
from the Prussians of 1914. I will give only one story that I was told,
out of many, to show what I mean. There was a sort of village musical
festival at a place called Cullen in County Cork, at which there were
naturally national songs and very possibly national speeches. That
there was a sort of social atmosphere, which its critics would call
Sinn Fein, is exceedingly likely; for that now exists all over Ireland,
and especially that part of Ireland. If we wish to prevent it being
expressed at all, we must not only forbid all public meetings but all
private meetings, and even the meeting of husband and wife in their
own house. Still there might have been a case, on coercionist lines,
for forbidding this public meeting, for imprisoning all the people
who attended it; or a still clearer case, on those lines, for imprison-
ing all the people in Ireland. But the coercionist authorities did not
merely forbid the meeting, which would mean something. They did
not arrest the people at the meeting, which would mean something.
They did not blow the whole meeting to hell with big guns, which
would also mean something. What they did apparently was this.
They caused a military aeroplane to jerk itself backwards and
forwards in a staggering fashion just over the heads of the people,
making as much noise as possible to drown the music, and dropping
flare rockets and fire in various somewhat dangerous forms in the
neighbourhood of any men, women and children who happened to be
listening to the music. The reader will note with what exquisite art,
and fine fastidious selection, the strategist has here contrived to look
as Prussian as possible without securing any of the advantages of

Prussianism. I do not know exactly how much danger there was, but
there must have been some. Perhaps about as much as there generally
has been when boys have been flogged for playing the fool with fire-
works. But by laboriously climbing hundreds of feet into the air, in
an enormous military machine, these ingenuous people managed to
make themselves a meteor in heaven and a spectacle to all the earth;
the English raining fire on women and children just as the Germans
did. I repeat that they did not actually destroy children, though they
did endanger them; for playing with fireworks is always playing with
fire. And I repeat that, as a mere matter of business, it would have
been more sensible if they had destroyed children. That would at
least have had the human meaning that has run through a hundred
massacres: “wolf cubs who would grow into wolves.” It might at least
have the execrable excuse of decreasing the number of rebels. What
they did would quite certainly increase it.
An artless Member of Parliament, whose name I forget,
attempted an apology for this half-witted performance. He inter-
posed in the Unionist interest, when the Nationalists were asking
questions about the matter, and said with much heat, “May I ask
whether honest and loyal subjects have anything to fear from British
aeroplanes?” I have often wondered what he meant. It seems possible
that he was in the mood of that medieval fanatic who cried, “God
will know His own”;89 and that he himself would fling any sort of
flaming bolts about anywhere, believing that they would always be
miraculously directed towards the heads harbouring, at that moment,
the most incorrect political opinions. Or perhaps he meant that loyal
subjects are so superbly loyal that they do not mind being accidentally
burnt alive, so long as they are assured that the fire was dropped on
them by Government officials out of a Government apparatus. But
my purpose here is not to fathom such a mystery, but merely to fix
the dominant fact of the whole situation; that the Government copied
the theatricality of Potsdam even more than the tyranny of Potsdam.
In that incident the English laboriously reproduced all the artificial
accessories of the most notorious crimes of Germany; the flying men,
the flame, the selection of a mixed crowd, the selection of a popular
festival. They had every part of it, except the point of it. It was as if
the whole British Army in Ireland had dressed up in spiked helmets
and spectacles, merely that they might look like Prussians. It was
even more as if a man had walked across Ireland on three gigantic
stilts, taller than the trees and visible from the most distant village,
solely that he might look like one of those unhuman monsters from
Mars, striding about on their iron tripods in the great nightmare of
Mr. Wells. Such was our educational efficiency that, before the end,
multitudes of simple Irish people really had about the English inva-
sion the same particular psychological reaction that multitudes of
simple English people had about the German invasion. I mean that
it seemed to come not only from outside the nation, but from outside
the world. It was unearthly in the strict sense in which a comet is
unearthly. It was the more appallingly alien for coming close; it was
the more outlandish the farther it went inland. These Christian peas-
ants have seen coming westward out of England what we saw coming
westward out of Germany. They saw science in arms; which turns the
very heavens into hells.
I have purposely put these fragmentary and secondary
impressions before any general survey of Anglo-Irish policy in the
war. I do so, first because I think a record of the real things, that
seemed to bulk biggest to any real observer at any real moment, is
often more useful than the setting forth of theories he may have made
up before he saw any realities at all. But I do it in the second place
because the more general summaries of our statesmanship, or lack of
statesmanship, are so much more likely to be found elsewhere. But
if we wish to comprehend the queer cross-purposes, it will be well to
keep always in mind a historical fact I have mentioned already; the
reality of the old Franco-Irish Entente. It lingers alive in Ireland, and
especially the most Irish parts of Ireland. In the fiercely Fenian city
of Cork, walking around the Young Ireland monument that seems to
give revolt the majesty of an institution, a man told me that German
bands had been hooted and pelted in those streets out of an indignant
memory of 1870. And an eminent scholar in the same town, referring
to the events of the same “terrible year,” said to me: “In 1870 Ireland
sympathized with France and England with Germany; and, as usual,
Ireland was right!” But if they were right when we were wrong, they
only began to be wrong when we were right. A sort of play or parable
might be written to show that this apparent paradox is a very genuine
piece of human psychology. Suppose there are two partners named
John and James; that James had always been urging the establish-
ment of a branch of the business in Paris. Long ago John quarrelled
with this furiously as a foreign fad; but he has since forgotten all
about it; for the letters from James bored him so much that he has
not opened any of them for years. One fine day John, finding himself
in Paris, conceives the original idea of a Paris branch; but he is con-
scious in a confused way of having quarrelled with his partner, and
vaguely feels that his partner would be an obstacle to anything. John
remembers that James was always cantankerous, and forgets that he
was cantankerous in favour of this project, and not against it. John
therefore sends James a telegram, of a brevity amounting to brutality,
simply telling him to come in with no nonsense about it; and when he
has no instant reply, sends a solicitor’s letter to be followed by a writ.
How James will take it depends very much on James. How he will
hail this happy confirmation of his own early opinions will depend
on whether James is an unusually patient and charitable person. And
James is not. He is unfortunately the very man, of all men in the
world, to drop his original agreement and everything else into the
black abyss of disdain, which now divides him from the man who has
the impudence to agree with him. He is the very man to say he will
have nothing to do with his own original notion, because it is now the
belated notion of a fool. Such a character could easily be analysed in
any good novel. Such conduct would readily be believed in any good
play. It could not be believed when it happened in real life. And it
did happen in real life; the Paris project was the sense of the safety
of Paris as the pivot of human history; the abrupt telegram was the
recruiting campaign, and the writ was conscription.
As to what Irish conscription was, or rather would have
been, I cannot understand any visitor in Ireland having the faintest
doubt, unless (as is often the case) his tour was so carefully planned
as to permit him to visit everything in Ireland except the Irish.
Irish conscription was a piece of rank raving madness, which was
fortunately stopped, with other bad things, by the blow of Foch at

the second battle of the Marne.90 It could not possibly produce at
the last moment allies on whom we could depend; and it would have
lost us the whole sympathy of the allies on whom we at that moment
depended. I do not mean that American soldiers would have muti-
nied; though Irish soldiers might have done so; I mean something
much worse. I mean that the whole mood of America would have
altered; and there would have been some kind of compromise with
German tyranny, in sheer disgust at a long exhibition of English
tyranny. Things would have happened in Ireland, week after week,
and month after month, such as the modern imagination has not seen
except where Prussia has established hell. We should have butchered
women and children; they would have made us butcher them. We
should have killed priests, and probably the best priests. It could not
be better stated than in the words of an Irishman, as he stood with
me in a high terraced garden outside Dublin, looking towards that
unhappy city, who shook his head and said sadly, “They will shoot
the wrong bishop.”
Of the meaning of this huge furnace of defiance I shall write
when I write of the national idea itself. I am concerned here not for
their nation but for mine; and especially for its peril from Prussia
and its help from America. And it is simply a question of considering
what these real things are really like. Remember that the American
Republic is practically founded on the fact, or fancy, that England
is a tyrant. Remember that it was being ceaselessly swept with new
waves of immigrant Irishry telling tales (too many of them true,
though not all) of the particular cases in which England had been a
tyrant. It would be hard to find a parallel to explain to Englishmen
the effect of awakening traditions so truly American by a prolonged
display of England as the tyrant of Ireland. A faint approximation
might be found if we imagined the survivors of Victorian England,
steeped in the tradition of Uncle Tom’s Cabin, watching the American
troops march through London. Suppose they noted that the negro
troops alone had to march in chains, with a white man in a broad-
brimmed hat walking beside them and flourishing a whip. Scenes far
worse than that would have followed Irish conscription; but the only
purpose of this chapter is to show that scenes quite as stupid marked

every stage of Irish recruitment. For it certainly would not have reas-
sured the traditional sympathizers with Uncle Tom to be told that
the chains were only a part of the uniform, or that the niggers moved
not at the touch of the whip, but only at the crack of it.
Such was our practical policy; and the single and sufficient
comment on it can be found in a horrible whisper which can scarcely
now be stilled. It is said, with a dreadful plausibility, that the Union-
ists were deliberately trying to prevent a large Irish recruitment, which
would certainly have meant reconciliation and reform. In plain words,
it is said that they were willing to be traitors to England, if they could
only still be tyrants in Ireland. Only too many facts can be made to fit
in with this; but for me it is still too hideous to be easily believed. But
whatever our motives in doing it, there is simply no doubt whatever
about what we did, in this matter of the Pro-Germans in Ireland.
We did not crush the Pro-Germans; we did not convert them, or
coerce them, or educate them or exterminate them or massacre them.
We manufactured them; we turned them out patiently, steadily and
systematically as if from a factory; we made them exactly as we made
munitions. It needed no little social science to produce, in any kind
of Irishman, any kind of sympathy with Prussia; but we were equal
to the task. What concerns me here, however, is that we were busy
at the same work among the Irish-Americans, and ultimately among
all the Americans. And that would have meant, as I have already
noted, the thing that I always feared; the dilution of the policy of the
Allies. Anything that looked like a prolonged Prussianism in Ireland
would have meant a compromise; that is, a perpetuated Prussianism
in Europe. I know that some who agree with me in other matters
disagree with me in this; but I should indeed be ashamed if, having
to say so often where I think my country was wrong, I did not say as
plainly where I think she was right. The notion of a compromise was
founded on the coincidence of recent national wars, which were only
about the terms of peace, not about the type of civilization. But there
do recur, at longer historical intervals, universal wars of religion, not
concerned with what one nation shall do, but with what all nations
shall be. They recommence until they are finished, in things like the
fall of Carthage or the rout of Attila. It is quite true that history is

for the most part a plain road, which the tribes of men must travel
side by side, bargaining at the same markets or worshipping at the
same shrines, fighting and making friends again; and wisely making
friends quickly. But we need only see the road stretch but a little
farther, from a hill but a little higher, to see that sooner or later the
road comes always to another place, where stands a winged image of
victory; and the ways divide.
Troops, tanks and armored cars guarding the entrance to Mountjoy Gaol in Dublin, in April, 1920.
Inside the prison, some 80 Irish Republicans were on hunger strike, demanding to be recognized as political
prisoners and not listed as common criminals. Whatever doubts the remaining elements of the population had
had about the wisdom of the War of Independence were largely washed away by this protest campaign. It
marked the effective unification of the Irish people, and simultaneously made the British position untenable.
The presence of troops, armored vehicles, and police in large numbers on the streets was a common
feature of Irish daily life in the main centers of population during the period 1918–1922.
VII. The Mistake of Ireland
here is one phrase which certain Irishmen

sometimes use in conversation, which indicates
the real mistake that they sometimes make in
controversy. When the more bitter sort of Irish-
man is at last convinced of the existence of the
less bitter sort of Englishman, who does realize
that he ought not to rule a Christian people by alternations of broken
heads and broken promises, the Irishman has sometimes a way of
saying, “I am sure you must have Irish blood in your veins.” Several
people told me so when I denounced Irish conscription, a thing ruin-
ous to the whole cause of the Alliance. Some told me so even when I
recalled the vile story of ’98;91 a thing damned by the whole opinion
of the world. I assured them in vain that I did not need to have Irish
blood in my veins, in order to object to having Irish blood on my
hands. So far as I know, I have not one single drop of Irish blood
in my veins. I have some Scottish blood; and some which, judging
merely by a name in the family, must once have been French blood.
But the determining part of it is purely English, and I believe East
Anglian, at the flattest and farthest extreme from the Celtic fringe.
But I am here concerned, not with whether it is true, but with why
they should want to prove it is true. One would think they would
want to prove precisely the opposite. Even if they were exaggerative
and unscrupulous, they should surely seek to show that an English-
man was forced to condemn England, rather than that an Irishman
was inclined to support Ireland. As it is, they are labouring to destroy
the impartiality and even the independence of their own witness. It
does not support, but rather surrenders Irish rights, to say that only
the Irish can see that there are Irish wrongs. It is confessing that
Ireland is a Celtic dream and delusion, a cloud of sunset mistaken

for an island. It is admitting that such a nation is only a notion, and
a nonsensical notion; but in reality it is this notion about Irish blood
that is nonsensical. Ireland is not an illusion; and her wrongs are not
the subjective fancies of the Irish. Irishmen did not dream that they
were evicted out of house and home by the ruthless application of a
land law no man now dares to defend. It was not a nightmare that
dragged them from their beds; nor were they sleepwalkers when they
wandered as far as America. Skeffington did not have a delusion that
he was being shot for keeping the peace; the shooting was objective,
as the Prussian professors would say; as objective as the Prussian
militarists could desire. The delusions were admittedly peculiar to
the British official whom the British Government selected to direct
operations on so important an occasion. I could understand it if the
Imperialists took refuge in the Celtic cloud, conceived Colthurst as
full of a mystic frenzy like the chieftain who fought with the sea,
pleaded that Piggott was a poet whose pen ran away with him, or
that Sergeant Sheridan romanced like a real stage Irishman. I could
understand it if they declared that it was merely in the elvish ecstasy
described by Mr. Yeats that Sir Edward Carson, that famous First
Lord of the Admiralty, rode on the top of the dishevelled wave; and
Mr. Walter Long,92 that great Agricultural Minister, danced upon
the mountains like a flame. It is far more absurd to suggest that no
man can see the green flag unless he has some green in his eye. In
truth this association between an Irish sympathy and an Irish ances-
try is just as insulting as the old jibe of Buckingham, about an Irish
interest or an Irish understanding.
It may seem fanciful to say of the Irish nationalists that they
are sometimes too Irish to be national. Yet this is really the case in
those who would turn nationality from a sanctity to a secret. That
is, they are turning it from something which everyone else ought to
respect, to something which no one else can understand. National-
ism is a nobler thing even than patriotism; for nationalism appeals
to a law of nations; it implies that a nation is a normal thing, and
therefore one of a number of normal things. It is impossible to have
a nation without Christendom; as it is impossible to have a citizen
The Mistake of Ireland 85
without a city. Now normally speaking this is better understood in

Ireland than in England; but the Irish have an opposite exaggeration
and error, and tend in some cases to the cult of real insularity. In this
sense it is true to say that the error is indicated in the very name of
Sinn Fein. But I think it is even more encouraged, in a cloudier and
therefore more perilous fashion, by much that is otherwise valuable
in the cult of the Celts and the study of the old Irish language. It is
a great mistake for a man to defend himself as a Celt when he might
defend himself as an Irishman. For the former defence will turn on
some tricky question of temperament, while the latter will turn on the
central pivot of morals. Celticism, by itself, might lead to all the racial
extravagances which have lately led more barbaric races a dance.
Celts also might come to claim, not that their nation is a normal
thing, but that their race is a unique thing. Celts also might end by
arguing not for an equality founded on the respect for boundaries,
but for an aristocracy founded on the ramifications of blood. Celts
also might come to pitting the prehistoric against the historic, the
heathen against the Christian, and in that sense the barbaric against
the civilized. In that sense I confess I do not care about the Celts;
they are too like Teutons.
Now of course everyone knows that there is practically no
such danger of Celtic Imperialism. Mr. Lloyd George93 will not
attempt to annex Brittany as a natural part of Britain. No Tories,
however antiquated, will extend their empire in the name of the True
Blue of the Ancient Britons. Nor is there the least likelihood that the
Irish will overrun Scotland on the plea of an Irish origin for the old
name of the Scots; or that they will set up an Irish capital at Stratford-
on-Avon merely because avon is the Celtic word for water. That is the
sort of thing that Teutonic ethnologists do; but the Celts are not quite
so stupid as that, even when they are ethnologists. It may be suggested
that this is because even prehistoric Celts seem to have been rather
more civilized than historic Teutons. And indeed I have seen orna-
ments and utensils in the admirable Dublin museum, suggestive of a
society of immense antiquity, and much more advanced in the arts of
life than the Prussians were, only a few centuries ago. For instance,
there was something that looked like a sort of safety razor. I doubt if
the godlike Goths had much use for a razor; or if they had, if it was
altogether safe. Nor am I so dull as not to be stirred of modern Irish
poetry to praise this primordial and mysterious order, even as a sort
of pagan paradise; and that not as regarding a legend as a sort of lie,
but a tradition as a sort of truth. It is but another hint of a suggestion,
huge yet hidden, that civilization is older than barbarism; and that
the farther we go back into pagan origins, the nearer we come to the
great Christian origin of the Fall. But whatever credit or sympathy
be due to the cult of the Celtic origins in its proper place, it is none
of these things that really prevents Celticism from being a barbarous
imperialism like Teutonism. The thing that prevents imperialism is
nationalism. It was exactly because Germany was not a nation that
it desired more and more to be an empire. For a patriot is a sort of
lover, and a lover is a sort of artist; and the artist will always love a
shape too much to wish it to grow shapeless, even in order to grow
large. A group of Teutonic tribes will not care how many other tribes
they destroy or absorb; and Celtic tribes when they were heathen may
have acted, for all I know, in the same way. But the civilized Irish
nation, a part and product of Christendom, has certainly no desire
to be entangled with other tribes, or to have its outlines blurred with
great blots like Liverpool and Glasgow, as well as Belfast. In that
sense it is far too self-conscious to be selfish. Its individuality may, as
I shall suggest, make it too insular; it will not make it too imperial.
This is a merit in nationalism too little noted; that even what is called
its narrowness is not merely a barrier to invasion, but a barrier to
expansion. Therefore, with all respect to the prehistoric Celts, I feel
more at home with the good if sometimes mad Christian gentlemen
of the Young Ireland94 movement, or even the Easter Rebellion. I
should feel more safe with Meagher of the Sword95 than with the
primitive Celt of the safety razor. The microscopic meanness of the
Mid-Victorian English writers, when they wrote about Irish patriots,
could see nothing but a very small joke in modern rebels thinking
themselves worthy to take the titles of antique kings. But the only
doubt I should have, if I had any, is whether the heathen kings were
worthy of the Christian rebels. I am much more sure of the heroism
of the modern Fenians than of the ancient ones.
Of the artistic side of the cult of the Celts I do not especially

speak here. And indeed its importance, especially to the Irish, may
easily be exaggerated. Mr. W. B. Yeats long ago dissociated himself
from a merely racial theory of Irish poetry; and Mr. W. B. Yeats
thinks as hard as he talks. I often entirely disagree with him; but I
disagree more with the people who find him a poetical opiate, where
I always find him a logical stimulant. For the rest, Celticism in some
aspects is largely a conspiracy for leading the Englishman a dance, if
it be a fairy dance. I suspect that many names and announcements are
printed in Gaelic, not because Irishmen can read them, but because
Englishmen can’t. The other great modern mystic in Dublin, enter-
tained us first by telling an English lady present that she would
never resist the Celtic atmosphere, struggle how she might, but
would soon be wandering in the mountain mists with a fillet round
her head; which fate had apparently overtaken the son or nephew of
an Anglican bishop who had strayed into those parts. The English
lady, whom I happen to know rather well, made the characteristic
announcement that she would go to Paris when she felt it coming on.
But it seemed to me that such drastic action was hardly necessary,
and that there was comparatively little cause for alarm; seeing that
the mountain mists certainly had not had the effect on the people
who happen to live in the mountains. I knew that the poet knew,
even better than I did, that the Irish peasants do not wander about
in fillets, or indeed wander about at all, having plenty of much better
work to do. And since the Celtic atmosphere had no perceptible effect
on the Celts, I felt no alarm about its effect on the Saxons. But the
only thing involved, by way of an effect on the Saxons, was a practi-
cal joke on the Saxons; which may, however, have lasted longer in
the case of the bishop’s son than it did in mine. Anyhow, I continued
to move about (like Atalanta in Calydon)96 with unchapleted hair,
with unfilleted cheek; and found sufficient number of Irish people
in the same condition to prevent me from feeling shy. In a word, all
that sort of thing is simply the poet’s humour, especially his good
humour, which is of a golden and godlike sort. And a man would be
very much misled by the practical joke if he does not realize that the
joker is a practical man. On the desk in front of him as he spoke were
business papers of reports and statistics, much more concerned with

fillets of veal than fillets of vision. That is the essential fact about all
this side of such men in Ireland. We may think the Celtic ghost a
turnip ghost; but we can only doubt the reality of the ghost; there is
no doubt of the reality of the turnip.
But if the Celtic pose be a piece of the Celtic ornament,
the spirit that produced it does also produce some more serious
tendencies to the segregation of Ireland, one might almost say the
secretion of Ireland. In this sense it is true that there is too much
separatism in Ireland. I do not speak of separation from England,
which, as I have said, happened long ago in the only serious sense,
and is a condition to be assumed, not a conclusion to be avoided. Nor
do I mean separation from some federation of free states including
England; for that is a conclusion that could still be avoided with a
little common sense and common honesty in our own politics. I mean
separation from Europe, from the common Christian civilization by
whose law the nations live. I would be understood as speaking here
of exceptions rather than the rule; for the rule is rather the other way.
The Catholic religion, the most fundamental fact in Ireland, is itself
a permanent communication with the Continent. So, as I have said,
is the free peasantry which is so often the economic expression of the
same Faith. Mr. James Stephens, himself a spiritually detached man
of genius, told me with great humour a story which is also at least a
symbol. A Catholic priest, after a convivial conversation and plenty
of good wine, said to him confidentially: “You ought to be a Catholic.
You can be saved without being a Catholic; but you can’t be Irish
without being a Catholic.”
Nevertheless, the exceptions are large enough to be dangers;
and twice lately, I think, they have brought Ireland into danger. This
is the age of minorities; of groups that rule rather than represent.
And the two largest parties in Ireland, though more representative
than most parties in England, were too much affected, I fancy, by
the modern fashion, expressed in the world of fads by being Celtic
rather than Catholic. They were just a little too insular to accept the
old unconscious wave of Christendom: the Crusade. But the case
was more extraordinary than that. They were even too insular to
appreciate, not so much their own international needs, as their own

international importance. It may seem a strange paradox to say that
both nationalist parties underrated Ireland as a nation. It may seem a
startling paradox to say that in this the most nationalist was the least
national. Yet I think I can explain, however roughly, what I mean by
saying that this is so.
It is primarily Sinn Fein, or the extreme national party,
which thus relatively failed to realize that Ireland is a nation. At
least it failed in nationalism exactly so far as it failed to intervene in
the war of the nations against Prussian imperialism. For its argu-
ment involved, unconsciously, the proposition that Ireland is not a
nation; that Ireland is a tribe or a settlement, or a chance sprinkling
of aborigines. If the Irish were savages oppressed by the British
Empire, they might well be indifferent to the fate of the British
Empire; but as they were civilized men, they could not be indifferent
to the fate of civilization. The Kaffirs97 might conceivably be better
off if the whole system of white colonization, Boer and British, broke
down and disappeared altogether. The Irish might sympathize with
the Kaffirs, but they would not like to be classed with the Kaffirs.
Hottentots98 might have a sort of Hottentot happiness if the last
European city had fallen in ruins, or the last European had died in
torments. But the Irish would never be Hottentots, even if they were
pro-Hottentots. In other words, if the Irish were what Cromwell
thought they were, they might well confine their attention to Hell
and Connaught,99 and have no sympathy to spare for France. But
if the Irish are what Wolfe Tone100 thought they were, they must be
interested in France, as he was interested in France. In short, if the
Irish are barbarians, they need not trouble about other barbarians
sacking the cities of the world; but if they are citizens, they must
trouble about the cities that are sacked. This is the deep and real
reason why their alienation from the Allied cause was a disaster for
their own national cause. It was not because it gave fools a chance
of complaining that they were anti-English, it was because it gave
much cleverer people the chance of complaining that they were anti-
European. I entirely agree that the alienation was chiefly the fault of
the English government; I even agree that it required an abnormal
imaginative magnanimity for an Irishman to do his duty to Ireland,

in spite of being so insolently told to do it. But it is nonetheless true
that Ireland today would be ten thousand miles nearer her deliver-
ance if the Irishman could have made that effort; if he had realized
that the thing ought to be done, not because such rulers wanted it,
but rather although they wanted it.
But the much more curious fact is this. There were any
number of Irishmen, and those amongst the most Irish, who did
realize this; who realized it with so sublime a sincerity as to fight
David Lloyd George (1863–1946)
“The loss of justice for Ireland was simply a part of the loss of
justice in England; the loss of all moral authority in government,
the loss of the popularity of Parliament, the secret plutocracy which
makes it easy to take a bribe or break a pledge, the corruption
that can pass unpopular laws or promote discredited men.”
for their own enemies against the world’s enemies, and consent at
once to be insulted by the English and killed by the Germans. The
Redmonds and the old Nationalist party, if they have indeed failed,
have the right to be reckoned among the most heroic of all the heroic
failures of Ireland. If theirs is a lost cause, it is wholly worthy of a
land where lost causes are never lost. But the old guard of Redmond
did also in its time, I fancy, fall into the same particular and curious
error, but in a more subtle way and on a seemingly remote subject.
They also, whose motives like those of the Sinn Feiners were entirely
noble, did in one sense fail to be national, in the sense of appreciat-
ing the international importance of the nation. In their case it was a
matter of English and not European politics; and as their case was
much more complicated, I speak with much less confidence about it.
But I think there was a highly determining time in politics when cer-
tain Irishmen got on to the wrong side in English politics, as other
Irishmen afterwards got on to the wrong side in European politics.
And by the wrong side, in both cases, I not only mean the side that
Sir Edward Henry Carson

Lord of Duncairn (1854–1935)
“The political conventions that allow of dealing in Marconis at

one price, are conventions that also allow of telling one story to
Mr. John Redmond and another to Sir Edward Carson.”
was not consistent with the truth, but the side that was not really con-
genial to the Irish. A man may act against the body, even the main
body, of his nation; but if he acts against the soul of his nation, even
to save it, he and his nation suffer.
I can best explain what I mean by reaffirming the reality
which an English visitor really found in Irish politics, towards the
end of the war. It may seem odd to say that the most hopeful fact I
found, for Anglo-Irish relations, was the fury with which the Irish
were all accusing the English of perjury and treason. Yet this was
my solid and sincere impression; the happiest omen was the hatred
aroused by the disappointment over Home Rule. For men are not
furious unless they are disappointed of something they really want;
and men are not disappointed except about something they were
really ready to accept. If Ireland had been entirely in favour of entire
separation, the loss of Home Rule would not be felt as a loss, but
if anything as an escape. But it is felt bitterly and savagely as a loss;
to that at least I can testify with entire certainty. I may or may not
be right in the belief I build on it; but I believe it would still be felt
as a gain; that Dominion Home Rule would in the long run satisfy
Ireland. But it would satisfy her if it were given to her, not if it were
promised to her. As it is, the Irish regard our Government simply
as a liar who has broken his word; I cannot express how big and
black that simple idea bulks in the landscape and blocks up the road.
And without professing to regard it as quite so simple, I regard it as
substantially true. It is, upon my argument, an astounding thing the
Kings, Lords and Commons of a great nation should record on its
statute book that a law exists, and then illegally reverse it in answer
to the pressure of private persons. It is, and must be, for the people
benefited by the law, an act of treason. The Irish were not wrong
in thinking it an act of treason, even in the sense of treachery and
trickery. Where they were wrong, I regret to say, was in talking of it
as if it were the one supreme solitary example of such trickery; when
the whole of our politics were full of such tricks. In short, the loss of
justice in Ireland was simply a part of the loss of justice in England;
the loss of all moral authority in government, the loss of the popular-
ity of Parliament, the secret plutocracy which makes it easy to take
a bribe or break a pledge, the corruption that can pass unpopular
laws or promote discredited men. The law-giver cannot enforce
his law because, whether or no the law be popular, the law-giver is
wholly unpopular, and is perpetually passing wholly unpopular laws.
Intrigue has been substituted for government; and the public man
cannot appeal to the public because all the most important part of his
policy is conducted in private. The modern politician conducts his
public life in private. He sometimes condescends to make up for it by
affecting to conduct his private life in public. He will put his baby or
his birthday book into the illustrated papers; it is his dealings with
the colossal millions of the cosmopolitan millionaires that he puts
in his pocket or his private safe. We are allowed to know all about
his dogs and cats; but not about those larger and more dangerous
animals, his bulls and bears.
Now there was a moment when England had an opportunity
of breaking down this parliamentary evil, as Europe afterwards had
an opportunity (which it fortunately took) of breaking down the
Prussian evil. The corruption was common to both parties; but the
chance of exposing it happened to occur under the rule of a Home
Rule party; which the Nationalists supported solely for the sake of
Home Rule. In the Marconi Case they consented to whitewash the
tricks of Jew jobbers whom they must have despised, just as some of
the Sinn Feiners afterwards consented to whitewash the wickedness
of Prussian bullies whom they also must have despised. In both cases
the motive was wholly disinterested and even idealistic. It was the
practicality that was unpractical. I was one of a small group which
protested against the hushing up of the Marconi affair,101 but we
always did justice to the patriotic intentions of the Irish who allowed
it. But we based our criticism of their strategy on the principle of
falsus in uno, falsus in omnibus.102 The man who will cheat you about
one thing will cheat you about another. The men who will lie to
you about Marconi, will lie to you about Home Rule. The political
conventions that allow of dealing in Marconis at one price for the
party, and another price for oneself, are conventions that also allow of
telling one story to Mr. John Redmond103 and another to Sir Edward
Carson. The man who will imply one state of things when talking
at large in Parliament, and another state of things when put into a
witness box in court, is the same sort of man who will promise an
Irish settlement in the hope that it may fail; and then withdraw it
for fear it should succeed. Among the many muddle-headed modern
attempts to coerce the Christian poor to the Moslem dogma about
wine and beer, one was concerned with abuse by loafers or tipplers
of the privilege of the Sunday traveller. It was suggested that the
travellers’ claims were in every sense travellers’ tales. It was therefore
proposed that the limit of three miles should be extended to six; as
if it were any harder for a liar to say he had walked six miles than
three. The politicians might be as ready to promise to walk the six
miles to an Irish Republic as the three miles to an Irish Parliament.
But Sinn Fein is mistaken in supposing that any change of theoretic
claim meets the problem of corruption. Those who would break
their word to Redmond would certainly break it to De Valera.104 We
urged all these things on the Nationalists whose national cause we
supported; we asked them to follow their larger popular instincts,
break down a corrupt oligarchy, and let a real popular parliament
in England give a real popular parliament in Ireland. With entirely
honourable motives, they adhered to the narrower conception of their
national duty. They sacrificed everything for Home Rule, even their
own profoundly national emotion of contempt. For the sake of Home
Rule, they kept such men in power; and for their reward they found
that such men were still in power; and Home Rule was gone.
What I mean about the Nationalist Party, and what may be
called its prophetic shadow of the Sinn Fein mistake, may well be
symbolized in one of the noblest figures of that party or any party.
An Irish poet, talking to me about the pointed diction of the Irish
peasant, said he had recently rejoiced in the society of a drunken
Kerry farmer, whose conversation was a litany of questions about
everything in heaven and earth, each ending with a sort of chorus
of “Will ye tell me that now?” And at the end of all he said abruptly,
“Did you know Tom Kettle?,” and on my friend the poet assenting,
the farmer said, as if in triumph, “And why are so many people
alive that ought to be dead, and so many people dead that ought to
be alive. Will ye tell me that now?” That is not unworthy of an old
heroic poem, and therefore not unworthy of the hero and poet of
whom it was spoken. “Patroclus died, who was a better man than
you.” Thomas Michael Kettle was perhaps the greatest example of
that greatness of spirit which was so ill-rewarded on both sides of the
channel and of the quarrel, which marked Redmond’s brother and
so many of Redmond’s followers. He was a wit, a scholar, an orator,
a man ambitious in all the arts of peace; and he fell fighting the
barbarians because he was too good a European to use the barbar-
ians against England, as England a hundred years before had used
the barbarians against Ireland. There is nothing to be said of such
things except what the drunken farmer said, unless it be a verse from
a familiar ballad on a very remote topic, which happens to express my
own most immediate feelings about politics and reconstruction after
the decimation of the Great War.
The many men so beautiful
And they all dead did lie:
And a thousand thousand slimy things
Lived on, and so did I.
It is not a reflection that adds any inordinate self-satisfaction
to the fact of one’s own survival.
In turning over a collection of Kettle’s extraordinarily varied
and vigorous writings, which contain some of the most pointed and
piercing criticisms of materialism, of modern Capitalism and mental
and moral anarchism generally, I came on a very interesting criticism
of myself and my friends in our Marconi agitation; a suggestion,
on a note of genial cynicism, that we were asking for an impossible
political purity; a suggestion which, knowing it to be patriotic, I
will venture to call pathetic. I will not now return on such disagree-
ments with a man with whom I so universally agree; but it will not
be unfair to find here an exact illustration of what I mean by saying
that the national leaders, so far from merely failing as wild Irish-
men, only failed when they were not instinctive enough, that is, not
Irish enough. Kettle was a patriot whose impulse was practical, and
whose policy was impolitic. Here also the Nationalist underrated the
importance of the intervention of his own nationality. Kettle left a
fine and even terrible poem, asking if his sacrifices were in vain, and
whether he and his people were again being betrayed. I think nobody
can deny that he was betrayed; but it was not by the English soldiers
with whom he marched to war, but by those very English politicians
with whom he sacrificed so much to remain at peace. No man will
ever dare to say his death in battle was in vain, not only because in the
highest sense it could never be, but because even in the lowest sense it
was not. He hated the icy insolence of Prussia; and that ice is broken,
and already as weak as water. As Carlyle said of a far lesser thing, that
at least will never though unending ages insult the face of the sun any
more.105 The point is here that if any part of his fine work was in vain,
it was certainly not the reckless romantic part; it was precisely the
plodding parliamentary part. None can say that the weary marching
and counter-marching in France was a thing thrown away; not only
in the sense which consecrates all footprints along such a via crucis,
or highway of the army of martyrs; but also in the perfectly practical
sense, that the army was going somewhere, and that it got there. But it
might possibly be said that the weary marching and counter-march-
ing at Westminster, in and out of a division lobby, belonged to what
the French call the salle des pas perdus.106 If anything was practical it
was the visionary adventure; if anything was unpractical it was the
practical compromise. He and his friends were betrayed by the men
whose corruptions they had contemptuously condoned, far more than
by the men whose bigotries they had indignantly denounced. There
darkened about them treason and disappointment, and he that was
the happiest died in battle; and one who knew and loved him spoke
to me for a million others in saying: “And now we will not give you a
dead dog until you keep your word.”
A photo of the famous Mayo Flying Column of the IRA, taken on June 21, 1921. The Mayo Flying Column
confronted 600 British troops at Tourmakeady in 1921 and inflicted heavy losses, while themselves loosing only
a single man. The tactics of guerilla fighting practiced by the “Flying Columns” were developed as a result of
painful lessons learned by the Irish of the 1916 and former rebellions, who, with poorly armed people’s militias,
attempted to confront trained, regular troops.
VIII. An Example and a Question
e all had occasion to rejoice at the return

of Sherlock Holmes when he was supposed to be
dead; and I presume we may soon rejoice in his
return even when he is really dead. Sir Arthur
Conan Doyle,107 in his widespread new campaign
in favour of Spiritualism, ought at least to delight
us with the comedy of Holmes as a control and Watson as a medium.
But I have for the moment a use for the great detective not concerned
with the psychical side of the question. Of that I will only say, in
passing, that in this case as in many other cases, I find myself in
agreement with an authority about where the line is drawn between
good and bad, but have the misfortune to think his good bad, and
his bad good. Sir Arthur explains why he would lift Spiritualism
to a graver and more elevated plane of idealism; and that he quite
agrees with his critics that the mere tricks with tables and chairs are
grotesque and vulgar. I think this quite true if turned upside down,
like the table. I do not mind the grotesque and vulgar part of Spiri-
tualism; what I object to is the grave and elevating part. After all, a
miracle is a miracle and means something; it means that Materialism
is nonsense. But it is not true that a message is always a message;
and it sometimes only means that Spiritualism is also nonsense. If
the table at which I am now writing takes to itself wings and flies
out of the window, perhaps carrying me along with it, the incident
will arouse in me a real intelligent interest, verging on surprise. But
if the pen with which I am writing begins to scrawl, all by itself, the
sort of things I have seen in spirit writing; if it begins to say that
all things are aspects of universal purity and peace, and so on, why,
then I shall not only be annoyed, but also bored. If a great man like
the late Sir William Crookes108 says a table went walking upstairs,
I am impressed by the news; but not by news from nowhere to the
effect that all men are perpetually walking upstairs, up a spiritual
staircase, which seems to be as mechanical and labour-saving as a
moving staircase at Charing Cross.109 Moreover, even a benevolent
spirit might conceivably throw the furniture about merely for fun;
whereas I doubt if anything but a devil from hell would say that all
things are aspects of purity and peace.
But I am here taking from the Spiritualistic articles a text
that has nothing to do with Spiritualism. In a recent contribution to
Nash’s Magazine,110 Sir Arthur Conan Doyle remarks very truly that
the modern world is weary and wicked and in need of a religion; and
he gives examples of its more typical and terrible corruptions. It is
perhaps natural that he should revert to the case of the Congo, and
talk of it in the torrid fashion which recalls the days when Morel111
and Casement had some credit in English politics. We have since had
an opportunity of judging the real attitude of a man like Morel in
the plainest case of black and white injustice that the world has ever
seen. It was at once a replica and a reversal of the position expressed
in the Pious Editor’s Creed,112 and might roughly be rendered in
similar language.
I do believe in Freedom’s cause
Ez fur away ez tropics are;
But Belgians caught in Prussia’s claws
To me less tempting topics are.
It’s wal agin a foreign king
To rouse the chapel’s rigours;
But Liberty’s a kind of thing
We only owe to niggers.
He had of course a lurid denunciation of the late King
Leopold, of which I will only say that, uttered by a Belgian about
the Belgian king in his own land and lifetime, it would be highly
courageous and largely correct; but that the parallel test is how much
truth was told by British journalists about British kings in their own
land and lifetime; and that until we can pass the test, such denuncia-
An Example and a Question 99
tions do us very little good. But what interests me in the matter at

the moment is this. Sir Arthur feels it right to say something about
British corruptions, and passes from the Congo to Putumayo, touch-
ing a little more lightly; for even the most honest Britons have an
unconscious trick of touching more lightly on the case of British
capitalists. He says that our capitalists were not guilty of direct cru-
elty, but of an attitude careless and even callous. But what strikes me
is that Sir Arthur, with his taste for such protests and inquiries, need
not have wandered quite so far from his own home as the forests of
South America.
Sir Arthur Conan Doyle is an Irishman; and in his own
country, within my own memory, there occurred a staggering and
almost incredible crime, or series of crimes, which were worthier
than anything in the world of the attention of Sherlock Holmes in
fiction, or Conan Doyle in reality. It always will be a tribute to the
author of Sherlock Holmes that he did, about the same time, do such
good work in reality. He made an admirable plea for Adolf Beck113
and Oscar Slater;114 he was also connected, I remember, with the
reversal of a miscarriage of justice in a case of cattle mutilation.
And all this, while altogether to his credit, makes it seem all the
more strange that his talents could not be used for, and in, his own
home and native country, in a mystery that had the dimensions of a
monstrosity, and which did involve, if I remember right, a question
of cattle-maiming. Anyhow, it was concerned with moonlighters and
the charges made against them, such as the common one of cutting
off the tails of cows. I can imagine Sherlock Holmes on such a quest,
keen-eyed and relentless, finding the cloven hoof of some sinister
and suspected cow. I can imagine Dr. Watson, like the cow’s tail,
always behind. I can imagine Sherlock Holmes remarking, in a light
allusive fashion, that he himself had written a little monograph on
the subject of cows tails; with diagrams and tables solving the great
traditional problem of how many cows tails would reach the moon;
a subject of extraordinary interest to moonlighters. And I can still
more easily imagine him saying afterwards, having resumed the pipe
and dressing gown of Baker Street, “A remarkable little problem,
Watson. In some of its features it was perhaps more singular than
any you have been good enough to report. I do not think that even
the Tooting Trouser-Stretching Mystery, or the singular little affair
of the Radium Toothpick, offered more strange and sensational
developments.” For if the celebrated pair had really tracked out the
Irish crime I have in mind, they would have found a story which,
considered merely as a detective story, is by far the most dramatic
and dreadful of modern times. Like nearly all such sensational
stories, it traced the crime to somebody far higher in station and
responsibility than any of those suspected. Like many of the most
sensational of them, it actually traced the crime to the detective
who was investigating it. For if they had really crawled about with a
magnifying glass, studying the supposed footprints of the peasants
incriminated, they would have found they were made by the boots of
the policeman. And the boots of the policeman, one feels, are things
that even Watson might recognize.
I have told the astounding story of Sergeant Sheridan before;
and I shall often tell it again. Hardly any English people know it;
and I shall go on telling it in the hope that all English people may
know it some day. It ought to be first in every collection of causes
célèbres, in every book about criminals, in every book of historical
mysteries; and on its merits it would be. It is not in any of them. It is
not there because there is a motive, in all modern British plutocracy,
against finding the big British miscarriages of justice where they are
really to be found; and that is a great deal nearer than Putumayo.115
It is a place far more appropriate to the exploits of the family of the
Doyles. It is called Ireland; and in that place a powerful British
official named Sheridan had been highly successful in the imperial
service by convicting a series of poor Irishmen of agrarian crimes.
It was afterwards discovered that the British official had carefully
committed every one of the crimes himself; and then, with equal
foresight, perjured himself to imprison innocent men. Any one who
does not know the story will naturally ask what punishment was held
adequate for such a Neronian monster; I will tell him. He was bowed
out of the country like a distinguished stranger, his expenses politely
paid, as if he had been delivering a series of instructive lectures;
and he is now probably smoking a cigar in an American hotel, and
much more comfortable than any poor policeman who has done his
duty. I defy anybody to deny him a place in our literature about great
criminals. Charles Peace116 escaped many times before conviction;
Sheridan escaped altogether after conviction. Jack the Ripper117 was
safe because he was undiscovered; Sheridan was discovered and was
still safe. But I only repeat the matter here for two reasons. First, we
may call our rule in Ireland what we like; we may call it the union
when there is no union; we may call it Protestant ascendancy when we
are no longer Protestants; or Teutonic lordship when we could only
be ashamed of being Teutons. But this is what it is, and everything
else is waste of words. And second, because an Irish investigator of
cattle-maiming, so oblivious of the Irish cow, is in some danger of
figuring as an Irish bull.
Anyhow, that is the real and remarkable story of Sergeant
Sheridan, and I put it first because it is the most practical test of the
practical question of whether Ireland is misgoverned. It is strictly a
fair test; for it is a test by the minimum and an argument a fortiori.
A British official in Ireland can run a career of crime, punishing
innocent people for his own felonies, and when he is found out, he
is found to be above the law. This may seem like putting things at
the worst, but it is really putting them at the best. This story was
not told us on the word of a wild Irish Fenian, or even a responsible
Irish Nationalist. It was told, word for word as I have told it, by
the Unionist Minister in charge of the matter and reporting it,
with regret and shame, to Parliament. He was not one of the worst
Irish Secretaries, who might be responsible for the worst régime; on
the contrary, he was by far the best. If even he could only partially
restrain or reveal such things, there can be no deduction in common
sense except that in the ordinary way such things go on daily in the
dark with nobody to reveal and nobody to restrain them. It was not
something done in those dark days of torture and terrorism, which
happened in Ireland a hundred years ago, and which Englishmen
talk of as having happened a million years ago. It was something
that happened quite recently, in my own mature manhood, about the
time that the better things like the Land Acts were already before the
world. I remember writing to the Westminster Gazette118 to emphasize
it when it occurred; but it seems to have passed out of memory in an

almost half-witted fashion. But that peep-hole into hell has afforded
me ever since a horrible amusement, when I hear the Irish softly
rebuked for remembering old unhappy far-off things and wrongs
done in the Dark Ages. Thus I was especially amused to find the Rev.
R.J. Campbell119 saying that “Ireland has been petted and coddled
more than any other part of the British Isles”; because Mr. Campbell
was chiefly famous for a comfortable creed himself, for saying that
evil is only “a shadow where light should be”; and there is no doubt
here of his throwing a very black shadow where light is very much
required. I will conceive the policeman at the corner of the street in
which Mr. Campbell resides as in the habit of killing a crossing-
sweeper every now and then for his private entertainment, burgling
the houses of Mr. Campbell’s neighbours, cutting off the tails of
their carriage horses, and otherwise disporting himself by moonlight
like a fairy. It is his custom to visit the consequences of each of these
crimes upon the Rev. R.J. Campbell, whom he arrests at intervals,
successfully convicts by perjury, and proceeds to coddle in penal
servitude. But I have another reason for mentioning Mr. Campbell,
a gentleman whom I heartily respect in many other respects; and the
reason is connected with his name, as it occurs in another connection
on another page. It shows how in anything, but especially in anything
coming from Ireland, the old facts of family and Faith outweigh a
million modern philosophies. The words in Who’s Who – “Ulster
Protestant of Scottish ancestry” – give the really Irish and the really
honourable reason for Mr. Campbell’s extraordinary remark. A man
may preach for years, with radiant universalism, that many waters
cannot quench love; but Boyne Water120 can. Mr. Campbell appears
very promptly with what Kettle called “a bucketful of Boyne, to put
the sunrise out.”121 I will not take the opportunity of saying, like the
Ulsterman, that there never was treason yet but a Campbell was at
the bottom of it. But I will say that there never was Modernism yet
but a Calvinist was at the bottom of it. The old theology is much
livelier than the New Theology.
Many other such true tales could be told; but what we need
here is a sort of test. This tale is a test; because it is the best that could
be said, about the best that could be done, by the best Englishman
ruling Ireland, in face of the English system established here; and it is
the best, or at any rate the most, that we can know about that system.
Another truth which might also serve as a test, is this; to note among
the responsible English not only their testimony against each other,
but their testimony against themselves. I mean the consideration of
how very rapidly we realize that our own conduct in Ireland has been
infamous, not in the remote past, but in the very recent past. I have
lived just long enough to see the wheel come full circle inside one
generation; when I was a schoolboy, the sort of Kensington middle
class to which I belong was nearly solidly resisting, not only the first
Home Rule Bill, but any suggestion that the Land League122 had a
leg to stand on, or that the landlords need do anything but get their
rents or kick out their tenants. The whole Unionist Press, which was
three-quarters of the Press, simply supported Clanricarde,123 and
charged anyone who did not do so with supporting the Clan-na-
Gael.124 Mr. Balfour125 was simply admired for enforcing the system,
which it is his real apologia to have tried to end, or at least to have
allowed Wyndham to end. I am not yet far gone in senile decay; but
already I have lived to hear my countrymen talk about their own
blind policy in the time of the Land League, exactly as they talked
before of their blind policy in the time of the Limerick Treaty.126 The
shadow on our past, shifts forward as we advance into the future; and
always seems to end just behind us. I was told in my youth that the
age-long misgovernment of Ireland lasted down to about 1870; it is
now agreed among all intelligent people that it lasted at least down
to about 1890. A little common sense, after a hint like the Sheridan
case, will lead one to suspect the simple explanation that it is going
on still.
Now I heard scores of such stories as the Sheridan story in
Ireland, many of which I mention elsewhere; but I do not mention
them here because they cannot be publicly tested; and that for a very
simple reason. We must accept all the advantages and disadvantages
of a rule of absolute and iron militarism. We cannot impose silence
and then sift stories; we cannot forbid argument and then ask for
proof; we cannot destroy rights and then discover wrongs. I say this
quite impartially in the matter of militarism itself. I am far from

certain that soldiers are worse rulers than lawyers and merchants; and
I am quite certain that a nation has a right to give abnormal power to
its soldiers in time of war. I only say that a soldier, if he is a sensible
soldier, will know what he is doing and therefore what he cannot do;
that he cannot gag a man then cross-examine him, any more than
he can blow out his brains and then convince his intelligence. There
may be; humanly speaking, there must be, a mass of injustices in the
militaristic government of Ireland. The militarism itself may be the
least of them; but it must involve the concealment of all the rest.
It has been remarked above that establishing militarism is
a thing which a nation had a right to do, and (what is not at all the
same thing) which it may be right in doing. But with that very phrase
“a nation,” we collide of course with the whole real question; the
alleged abstract wrong about which the Irish talk much more than
about their concrete wrongs. I have put first the matters mentioned
above, because I wish to make clear, as a matter of common sense,
the impression of any reasonable outsider that they certainly have
concrete wrongs. But even those who doubt it, and say that the Irish
have no concrete grievance but only a sentiment of Nationalism, fall
into a final and very serious error about the nature of the thing called
Nationalism, and even the meaning of the word “concrete.” For the
truth is that, in dealing with a nation, the grievance which is most
abstract of all is also the one which is most concrete of all.
Not only is patriotism a part of practical politics, but it is more
practical than any politics. To neglect it, and ask only for grievances,
is like counting the clouds and forgetting the climate. To neglect
it, and think only of laws, is like seeing the landmarks and never
seeing the landscape. It will be found that the denial of nationality is
much more of a daily nuisance than the denial of votes or the denial
of juries. Nationality is the most practical thing, because so many
things are national without being political, or without being legal. A
man in a conquered country feels it when he goes to market or even
goes to church, which may be more often than he goes to law; and
the harvest is more general than the General Election. Altering the
flag on the roof is like altering the sun in the sky; the very chimney
pots and lamp posts look different. Nay, after a certain interval of
occupation they are different. As a man would know he was in a land
of strangers before he knew it was a land of savages, so he knows a
rule is alien long before he knows it is oppressive. It is not necessary
for it to add injury to insult.
For instance, when I first walked about Dublin, I was
disposed to smile at the names of the streets being inscribed in Irish
as well as English. I will not here discuss the question of what is called
the Irish language, the only arguable case against which is that it is
not the Irish language. But at any rate it is not the English language,
and I have come to appreciate more imaginatively the importance of
that fact. It may be used rather as a weapon than a tool; but it is a
national weapon if it is not a national tool. I see the significance of
having something which the eye commonly encounters, as it does a
chimney pot or a lamp post; but which is like a chimney reared above
an Irish hearth or a lamp to light an Irish road. I see the point of
having a solid object in the street to remind an Irishman that he is
in Ireland, as a red pillar box reminds an Englishman that he is in
England. But there must be a thousand things as practical as pillar
boxes which remind an Irishman that, if he is in his country, it is not
yet a free country; everything connected with the principal seat of
government reminds him of it perpetually. It may not be easy for an
Englishman to imagine how many of such daily details there are. But
there is, after all, one very simple effort of the fancy, which would fix
the fact for him forever. He has only to imagine that the Germans
have conquered London.
A brilliant writer who has earned the name of a Pacifist, and
even a pro-German, once propounded to me his highly personal
and even perverse type of internationalism by saying, as a sort of
unanswerable challenge, “Wouldn’t you rather be ruled by Goethe
than by Walter Long?” I replied that words could not express the
wild love and loyalty I should feel for Mr. Walter Long, if the only
alternative were Goethe. I could not have put my own national case
in a clearer or more compact form. I might occasionally feel inclined
to kill Mr. Long; but under the approaching shadow of Goethe, I
should feel more inclined to kill myself. That is the deathly element in
denationalisation; that it poisons life itself, the most real of all realities.
But perhaps the best way of putting the point conversationally is to
say that Goethe would certainly put up a monument to Shakespeare.
I would sooner die than walk past it every day of my life. And in the
other case of the street inscriptions, it is well to remember that these
things, which we also walk past every day, are exactly the sort of
things that always have, in a nameless fashion, the national note. If
the Germans conquered London, they would not need to massacre
me or even enslave me in order to annoy me; it would be quite
enough that their notices were in a German style, if not in a German
language. Suppose I looked up in an English railway carriage and
saw these words written in English exactly as I have seen them in
a German railway carriage written in German: “The outleaning of
the body from the window of the carriage is because of the therewith
bound up life’s danger strictly prohibited.” It is not rude. It would
certainly be impossible to complain that it is curt. I should not be
annoyed by its brutality and brevity; but on the contrary by its
elaborateness and even its laxity. But if it does not exactly shine in
lucidity, it gives a reason; which after all is a very reasonable thing
to do. By every cosmopolitan test, it is more polite than the sentence
I have read in my childhood: “Wait until the train stops.” This is
curt; this might be called rude; but it never annoyed me in the least.
The nearest I can get to defining my sentiment is to say that I can
sympathize with the Englishman who wrote the English notice.
Having a rude thing to write, he wrote it as quickly as he could, and
went home to his tea; or preferably to his beer. But what is too much
for me, an overpowering vision, is the thought of that German calmly
sitting down to compose that sentence like a sort of essay. It is the
thought of him serenely waving away the one important word till the
very end of the sentence, like the Day of Judgement to the end of the
world. It is perhaps the mere thought that he did not break down in
the middle of it, but endured to the end; or that he could afterwards
calmly review it, and see that sentence go marching by, like the whole
German army. In short, I do not object to it because it is dictatorial or
despotic or bureaucratic or anything of the kind, but simply because
it is German. Because it is German I do not object to it in Germany.
Because it is German I should violently revolt against it in England.

I do not revolt against the command to wait until the train stops, not
because it is less rude, but because it is the kind of rudeness I can
understand. The official may be treating me casually, but at least he
is not treating himself seriously. And so, in return, I can treat him
and his notice not seriously but casually. I can neglect to wait until the
train stops, and fall down on the platform, as I did on the platform
of Wolverhampton, to the permanent damage of that fine structure.
I can, by a stroke of satiric genius, truly national and traditional,
the dexterous elimination of a single letter, alter the maxim to “Wait
until the rain stops.” It is a jest as profoundly English as the weather
to which it refers. Nobody would be tempted to take such a liberty
with the German sentence; not only because he would be instantly
imprisoned in a fortress, but because he would not know at which
end to begin.
Now this is the truth which is expressed, though perhaps
very imperfectly, in things like the Gaelic lettering on streets in
Dublin. It will be wholesome for us who are English to realize that
there is almost certainly an English way of putting things, even
the most harmless things, which appears to an Irishman quite as
ungainly, unnatural and ludicrous as that German sentence appears
to me. As the famous Frenchman did not know when he was talking
prose, the official Englishman does not know when he is talking
English. He unconsciously assumes that he is talking Esperanto.
Imperialism is not an insanity of patriotism; it is merely an illusion
of cosmopolitanism.
For the national note of the Irish language is not peculiar
to what used to be called the Erse language. The whole nation used
the tongue common to both nations with a difference far beyond
a dialect. It is not a difference of accent, but a difference of style;
which is generally a difference of soul. The emphasis, the elision,
the short cuts and sharp endings of speech, show a variety which
may be almost unnoticeable but is nonetheless untranslatable. It may
be only a little more weight on a word, or an inversion allowable in
English but abounding in Irish; but we can no more copy it than
copy the compactness of the French on or the Latin ablative absolute.
The commonest case of what I mean, for instance, is the locution

that lingers in my mind with an agreeable phrase from one of Mr.
Yeats’s stories: “Whom I shall yet see upon the hob of hell, and
them screeching”: It is an idiom that gives the effect of a pointed
manuscript, a parting kick or sting in the tail of the sentence, which
is unfathomably national. It is noteworthy and even curious that quite
a crowd of Irishmen, who quoted to me with just admiration the noble
ending of Kathleen-na-Hulahan,127 where the newcomer is asked if he
has seen the old woman who is the tragic type of Ireland going out,
quoted his answer in that form, “I did not. But I saw a young woman,
and she walking like a queen.” I say it is curious, because I have
since been told that in the actual book (which I cannot lay my hand
on at the moment) a more classic English idiom is used. It would
generally be most unwise to alter the diction of such a master of style
as Mr. Yeats: though indeed it is possible that he altered it himself,
as he has sometimes done, and not always, I think, for the better. But
whether this form came from himself or from his countrymen, it was
very redolent of his country. And there was something inspiring in
thus seeing, as it were before one’s eyes, literature becoming legend.
But a hundred other examples could be given, even from my own
short experience, of such fine turns of language, nor are the finest
necessarily to be found in literature. It is perfectly true, though prigs
may overwork and snobs underrate the truth, that in a country like
this the peasants can talk like poets. When I was on the wild coast
of Donegal, an old unhappy woman who had starved through the
famines and the evictions, was telling a lady the tales of those times,
and she mentioned quite naturally one that might have come straight
out of times so mystical that we should call them mythical, that
some travellers had met a poor wandering woman with a baby in
those great grey rocky wastes, and asked her who she was. And she
answered, “I am the Mother of God, and this is Himself, and He is
the boy you will all be wanting at the last.”
There is more in that story than can be put into any book,
even on a matter in which its meaning plays so deep a part, and it
seems almost profane to analyse it however sympathetically. But if
anyone wishes to know what I mean by the untranslatable truth
which makes a language national, it will be worthwhile to look at

the mere diction of that speech, and note how its whole effect turns
on certain phrases and customs which happen to be peculiar to the
nation. It is well know that in Ireland the husband or head of the
house is always called “himself”; nor is it peculiar to the peasantry,
but adopted, if partly in jest, by the gentry. A distinguished Dublin
publicist, a landlord and leader among the more national aristocracy,
always called me “himself” when he was talking to my wife. It will
be noted how a sort of shadow of that common meaning mingles
with the more shining significance of its position in a sentence where
it is also strictly logical, in the sense of theological. All literary style,
especially national style, is made up of such coincidences, which are
a spiritual sort of puns. That is why style is untranslatable; because it
is possible to render the meaning, but not the double meaning. There
is even a faint differentiation in the half-humorous possibilities of
the word “boy”; another wholly national nuance. Say instead, “And
He is the Child,” and it is something perhaps stiffer, and certainly
quite different. Take away, “This is Himself” and simply substitute
“This is He,” and it is a piece of pedantry ten thousand miles from
the original. But above all it has lost its note of something national,
because it has lost its note of something domestic. All roads in
Ireland, of fact or folklore, of theology or grammar, lead us back
to that door and hearth of the household, that fortress of the family
which is the key fortress of the whole strategy of the island. The Irish
Catholics, like other Christians, admit a mystery in the Holy Trinity,
but they may almost be said to admit an experience in the Holy
Family. Their historical experience, alas, has made it seem to them
not unnatural that the Holy Family should be a homeless family.
They also have found that there was no room for them at the inn, or
anywhere but in the jail; they also have dragged their newborn babes
out of their cradles, and trailed in despair along the road to Egypt, or
at least along the road to exile. They also have heard, in the dark and
the distance behind them, the noise of the horsemen of Herod.
Now it is this sensation of stemming a stream, of ten thousand
things all pouring one way, labels, titles, monuments, metaphors,
modes of address, assumptions in controversy, that make an English-
man in Ireland know that he is in a strange land. Nor is he merely

bewildered, as among a medley of strange things. On the contrary,
if he has any sense, he soon finds them unified and simplified to
a single impression, as if he were talking to a strange person. He
cannot define it, because nobody can define a person, and nobody
can define a nation. He can only see it, smell it, hear it, handle it,
bump into it, fall over it, kill it, be killed for it, or be damned for
doing it wrong. He must be content with these mere hints of its exi-
stence; but he cannot define it, because it is like a person, and no
book of logic will undertake to define Aunt Jane or Uncle William.
We can only say, with more or less mournful conviction, that if Aunt
Jane is not a person, there is no such thing as a person. And I say
with equal conviction that if Ireland is not a nation, there is no such
thing as a nation. France is not a nation, England is not a nation;
there is no such thing as patriotism on this planet. Any Englishman,
of any party, with any proposal, may well clear his mind of cant about
that preliminary question. If we free Ireland, we must free it to be a
nation; if we go on repressing Ireland, we are repressing a nation; if
we are right to repress Ireland, we are right to repress a nation. After
that we may consider what can be done, according to our opinions
about the respect due to patriotism, the reality of cosmopolitan and
imperial alternatives, and so on. I will debate with the man who does
not want mankind divided into nations at all; I can imagine a case
for the man who wants specially to restrain anti-national Prussia.
But I will not argue with a man about whether Ireland is a nation, or
about the yet more awful question of whether it is an island. I know
there is a sceptical philosophy which suggests that all ultimate ideas
are only penultimate ideas, and therefore perhaps that all islands are
really peninsulas. But I will claim to know what I mean by an island
and what I mean by an individual; and when I think suddenly of my
experience in the island in question, the impression is a single one;
the voices mingle in a human voice which I should know if I heard it
again, calling in the distance; the crowds dwindle into a single figure
whom I have seen long ago upon a strange hillside, and she walking
like a queen.
IX. Belfast and the Religious Problem
f that cloud of dream which seems to drift

over so many Irish poems and impressions, I felt
very little in Ireland. There is a real meaning in
this suggestion of a mystic sleep, but it does not
mean what most of us imagine, and it is not to be
found where we expect it. On the contrary, I think
the most vivid impression the nation left on me, was that it was almost
unnaturally wide awake. I might almost say that Ireland suffers from
insomnia. This is not only literally true, of those tremendous talks,
the prolonged activities of rich and restless intellects, that can burn
up the nights from darkness to daybreak. It is true on the doubtful
as well as the delightful side, and the temperament has something
of the morbid vigilance and even of the irritability of insomnia. Its
lucidity is not only superhuman, but it is sometimes in the true sense
inhuman. Its intellectual clarity cannot resist the temptation to intel-
lectual cruelty. If I had to sum up in a sentence the one fault really
to be found with the Irish, I could do it simply enough. I should say
it saddened me that I liked them all so much better than they liked
each other. But it is our supreme stupidity that this is always taken
as meaning that Ireland is a sort of Donnybrook Fair.128 It is really
quite the reverse of a merely rowdy and irresponsible quarrel. So far
from fighting with shillelaghs, they fight far too much with rapiers;
their temptation is in the very nicety and even delicacy of the thrust.
Of course there are multitudes who make no such deadly use of the
national irony; but it is sufficiently common for even these to suffer
from it; and after a time I began to understand a little that burden
about bitterness of speech, which recurs so often in the songs of Mr.
Yeats and other Irish poets.
Though hope fall from you and love decay

Burning in fires of a slanderous tongue.129
But there is nothing dreamy about the bitterness; the worst part
of it is the fact that the criticisms always have a very lucid and logical
touch of truth. It is not for us to lecture the Irish about forgiveness,
who have given them so much to forgive. But if someone who had
not lost the right to preach to them, if St. Patrick were to return to
preach, he would find that nothing had failed, through all those ages
of agony, of faith and honour and endurance; but I think he might
possibly say, what I have no right to say, a word about charity.
There is indeed one decisive sense in which the Irish are very
poetical; in that of giving a special and serious social recognition to
poetry. I have sometimes expressed the fancy that men in the Golden
Age might spontaneously talk in verse; and it is really true that half
the Irish talk is in verse. Quotation becomes recitation. But it is
much too rhythmic to resemble our own theatrical recitations. This
is one of my own strongest and most sympathetic memories, and one
of my most definable reasons for having felt extraordinarily happy
in Dublin. It was a paradise of poets, in which a man who may feel
inclined to mention a book or two of Paradise Lost,130 or illustrate
his meaning with the complete ballad of the Ancient Mariner,131 feels
he will be better understood than elsewhere. But the more this very
national quality is noted, the less it will be mistaken for anything
merely irresponsible, or even merely emotional. The shortest way of
stating the truth is to say that poetry plays the part of music. It is in
every sense of the phrase a social function. A poetical evening is as
natural as a musical evening, and being as natural it becomes what is
called artificial. As in some circles, “Do you play?” is rather “Don’t
you play?” these Irish circles would be surprised because a man did
not recite rather than because he did. A hostile critic, especially an
Irish critic, might possibly say that the Irish are poetical because they
are not sufficiently musical. I can imagine Mr. Bernard Shaw saying
something of the sort. But it might well be retorted that they are not
merely musical because they will not consent to be merely emotional.
It is far truer to say that they give a reasonable place to poetry, than
Belfast and the Religious Problem 113
that they permit any particular poetic interference with reason. “But
I, whose virtues are the definitions of the analytical mind,” says Mr.
Yeats, and anyone who has been in the atmosphere will know what
he means. Insofar as such things stray from reason, they tend rather
to ritual than to riot. Poetry is in Ireland what humour is in America;
it is an institution. The Englishman, who is always for good and
evil the amateur, takes both in a more occasional and even accidental
fashion. It must always be remembered here that the ancient Irish
civilization had a high order of poetry, which was not merely mystical,
but rather mathematical. Like Celtic ornament, Celtic verse tended
too much to geometrical patterns. If this was irrational, it was not by
excess of emotion. It might rather be described as irrational by excess
of reason. The antique hierarchy of minstrels, each grade with its
own complicated metre, suggests that there was something Chinese
about a thing so inhumanly civilized. Yet all this vanished etiquette is
somehow in the air in Ireland; and men and women move to it, as to
the steps of a lost dance.
Thus, whether we consider the sense in which the Irish are
really quarrelsome, or the sense in which they are really poetical, we
find that both lead us back to a condition of clarity which seems the
very reverse of a mere dream. In both cases Ireland is critical, and
even self-critical. The bitterness I have ventured to lament is not
Irish bitterness against the English; that I should assume as not only
inevitable, but substantially justifiable. It is Irish bitterness against
the Irish; the remarks of one honest Nationalist about another honest
Nationalist. Similarly, while they are fond of poetry, they are not
always fond of poets, and there is plenty of satire in their conversation
on the subject. I have said that half the talk may consist of poetry; I
might almost say that the other half may consist of parody. All these
things amount to an excess of vigilance and realism; the mass of the
people watch and pray, but even those who never pray never cease to
watch. If they idealize sleep, it is as the sleepless do; it might almost
be said that they can only dream of dreaming. If a dream haunts
them, it is rather as something that escapes them; and indeed some
of their finest poetry is rather about seeking fairyland than about
finding it. Granted all this, I may say that there was one place in
Ireland where I did seem to find it, and not merely to seek it. There
was one spot where I seemed to see the dream in possession, as one
might see from afar a cloud resting on a single hill. There a dream, at
once a desire and a delusion, brooded above a whole city. That place
was Belfast.
The description could be justified even literally and in detail. A
man told me in north-east Ulster that he had heard a mother warning
her children away from some pond, or similar place of danger, by
saying, “Don’t you go there; there are wee popes there.” A country
where that could be said is like Elfland as compared to England. If
not exactly a land of fairies, it is at least a land of goblins. There is
something charming in the fancy of a pool full of these peculiar elves,
like so many efts,132 each with his tiny triple crown or crossed keys
complete. That is the difference between this manufacturing district
and an English manufacturing district, like that of Manchester.
There are numbers of sturdy Nonconformists in Manchester, and
doubtless they direct some of their educational warnings against the
system represented by the Archbishop of Canterbury. But nobody
in Manchester, however Nonconformist, tells even a child that a
puddle is a sort of breeding place for Archbishops of Canterbury,
little goblins in gaiters and aprons. It may be said that it is a very
stagnant pool that breeds that sort of efts. But whatever view we take
of it, it remains true, to begin with, that the paradox could be proved
merely from superficial things like superstitions. Protestant Ulster
reeks of superstition; it is the strong smell that really comes like a
blast out of Belfast, as distinct from Birmingham or Brixton. But to
me there is always something human and almost humanizing about
superstition; and I really think that such lingering legends about
the Pope, as a being as distant and dehumanised as the King of the
Cannibal Islands, have served as a sort of negative folklore. And the
same may be said, insofar as it is true that the commercial province
has retained a theology as well as a mythology. Wherever men are
still theological there is still some chance of their being logical. And
in this the Calvinist Ulsterman may be more of a Catholic Irishman
than is commonly realized, especially by himself.
Attacks and apologies abound about the matter of Belfast
bigotry; but bigotry is by no means the worst thing in Belfast. I
rather think it is the best. Nor is it the strongest example of what I

mean, when I say that Belfast does really live in a dream. The other
and more remarkable fault of the society has indeed a religious root;
for nearly everything in history has a religious root, and especially
nearly everything in Irish history. Of that theoretical origin in
theology I may say something in a moment; it will be enough to say
here that what has produced the more prominent and practical evil is
ultimately the theology itself, but not the habit of being theological.
It is the creed, but not the faith. Insofar as the Ulster Protestant
really has a faith, he is really a fine fellow; though perhaps not quite
so fine a fellow as he thinks himself. And that is the chasm; and can
be most shortly stated as I have often stated it in such debates: by
saying that the Protestant generally says, “I am a good Protestant,”
while the Catholic always says, “I am a bad Catholic.”
When I say that Belfast is dominated by a dream, I mean it
in the strict psychological sense; that something inside the mind is
stronger than everything outside it. Nonsense is not only stronger
than sense, but stronger than the senses. The idea in a man’s head
can eclipse the eyes in his head. Very worthy and kindly merchants
told me there was no poverty in Belfast. They did not say there was
less poverty than was commonly alleged, or less poverty than there
had been, or less than there was in similar places elsewhere. They
said there was none. As a remark about the Earthly Paradise or the
New Jerusalem, it would be arresting. As a remark about the streets,
through which they and I had both passed a few moments before,
it was simply a triumph of the sheer madness of the imagination of
man. These eminent citizens of Belfast received me in the kindest
and most courteous fashion, and I would not willingly say anything
in criticism of them beyond what is necessary for the practical needs
of their country and mine. But indeed I think the greatest criticism
on them, is that they would not understand what the criticism means.
I will therefore clothe it in a parable, which is none the worse for
having also been a real incident. When told there was no poverty
in Belfast, I had remarked mildly that the people must have a
singular taste in dress. I was gravely assured that they had indeed a
most singular taste in dress. I was left with the general impression
that wearing shirts or trousers decorated with large holes at
irregular intervals was a pardonable form of foppery or fashionable

extravagance. And it will always be a deep indwelling delight, in
the memories of my life, that just as these city fathers and I came
out on to the steps of the hotel, there appeared before us one of the
raggedest of the ragged little boys I had seen, asking for a penny. I
gave him a penny, whereon this group of merchants was suddenly
transfigured into a sort of mob, vociferating, “Against the law!
Against the law!” and bundled him away. I hope it is not unamiable
to be so much entertained by that vision of a mob of magistrates, so
earnestly shooing away a solitary child like a cat. Anyhow, they knew
not what they did; and, what is worse, knew not what they knew not.
And they would not understand, if I told them, what legend might
have been made about that child, in the Christian ages of the world.
The point is here that the evil in the delusion does not consist
in bigotry, but in vanity. It is not that such a Belfast man thinks he
is right; for any honest man has a right to think he is right. It is that
he does think he is good, not to say great; and no honest man can
reach that comfortable conviction without a course of intellectual
dishonesty. What cuts this spirit off from Christian common sense
is the fact that the delusion, like most insane delusions, is merely
egotistical. It is simply the pleasure of thinking extravagantly well
of oneself, and unlimited indulgence in that pleasure is far more
weakening than any indulgence in drink or dissipation. But so
completely does it construct an unreal cosmos round the ego, that
the criticism of the world cannot be felt even for worldly purposes.
I could give many examples of this element in Belfast, as compared
even with Birmingham and Manchester. The Lord Mayor of
Manchester may not happen to know much about pictures, but he
knows men who know about them. But the Belfast authorities will
exhibit a maniacally bad picture as a masterpiece, merely because it
glorifies Belfast. No man dare put up such a picture in Manchester,
within a stone’s throw of Mr. Charles Rowley.133 I care comparatively
little about the case of aesthetics; but the case is even clearer in ethics.
So wholly are these people sundered from more Christian traditions
that their very boasts lower them; and they abase themselves when
they mean to exalt themselves. It never occurs to them that their
strange inside standards do not always impress outsiders. A great

employer introduced me to several of his very intelligent employees,
and I can readily bear witness to the sincerity of the great Belfast
delusion even among many of the poorer men of Belfast. But the
sincere efforts of them and their master, to convince me that a union
with the Catholic majority under Home Rule was intolerable to
them, all went to one tune, which recurred with a kind of chorus,
“We won’t have the likes of them making laws for the likes of us.” It
never seemed to cross their minds that this is not a high example of
any human morality; that judged by pagan verecundia134 or Christian
humility or modern democratic brotherhood, it is simply the remark
of a snob. The man in question is quite innocent of all this; he has no
notion of modesty, or even of mock modesty. He is not only superior,
but he thinks it a superiority to claim superiority.
It is here that we cannot avoid theology, because we cannot
avoid theory. For the point is that even in theory the one religious
atmosphere now differs from the other. That the difference had
historically a religious root is really unquestionable; but anyhow it
is very deeply rooted. The essence of Calvinism was certainty about
salvation; the essence of Catholicism is uncertainty about salvation.
The modern and materialized form of that certainty is superiority;
the belief of a man in a fixed moral aristocracy of men like himself.
But the truth concerned here is that, by this time at any rate, the
superiority has become a doctrine as well as an indulgence. I doubt
if this extreme school of Protestants believe in Christian humility
even as an ideal. I doubt whether the more honest of them would
even profess to believe in it. This can be clearly seen by comparing it
with other Christian virtues, of which this decayed Calvinism offers
at least a version, even to those who think it a perversion. Puritanism
is a version of purity; if we think it a parody of purity. Philanthropy
is a version of charity; if we think it a parody of charity. But in all
this commercial Protestantism there is no version of humility; there
is not even a parody of humility. Humility is not an ideal. Humility
is not even a hypocrisy. There is no institution, no commandment,
no common form of words, no popular pattern or traditional tale,
to tell anybody in any fashion that there is any such thing as a peril
of spiritual pride. In short, there is here a school of thought and

sentiment that does definitely regard self-satisfaction as a strength,
as against the strong Christian tradition in the rest of the country
that does as definitely regard it as a weakness. That is the real moral
issue in the modern struggle in Ireland, nor is it confined to Ireland.
England has been deeply infected with this pharisaical weakness,
but as I have said, England takes things vaguely where Ireland
takes them vividly. The men of Belfast offer that city as something
supreme, unique and unrivalled; and they are very nearly right.
There is nothing exactly like it in the industrialism of this country;
but for all that, the fight against its religion of arrogance has been
fought out elsewhere and on a larger field. There is another centre
and citadel from which this theory, of strength in a self-hypnotized
superiority, has despised Christendom. There has been a rival city to
Belfast; and its name was Berlin.
Historians of all religions and no religion, may yet come to
regard it as an historical fact, I fancy, that the Protestant Reformation
of the sixteenth century (at least in the form it actually took) was a
barbaric breakdown, like that Prussianism which was the ultimate
product of that Protestantism. But however this may be, historians
will always be interested to note that it produced certain curious and
characteristic things, which are worth studying whether we like or
dislike them. And one of its features, I fancy, has been this; that it has
had the power of producing certain institutions which progressed
very rapidly to great wealth and power; which the world regarded
at a certain moment as invincible; and which the world, at the next
moment, suddenly discovered to be intolerable. It was so with the
whole of that Calvinist theology, of which Belfast is now left as the
lonely missionary. It was so, even in our own time, with the whole of
that industrial Capitalism of which Belfast is now the besieged and
almost deserted outpost. And it was so with Berlin as it was with
Belfast; and a subtle Prussian might almost complain of a kind of
treachery, in the abruptness with which the world woke up and found
it wanting; in the suddenness of the reaction that struck it impotent,
so soon after it had been counted as omnipotent. These things seem
to hold all the future, and in one flash they are things of the past.
Belfast is an antiquated novelty. Such a thing is still being

excused for seeming parvenu when it is discovered to be passé. For
instance, it is only by coming in touch with some of the controversies
surrounding the Convention,135 that an Englishman could realize
how much the mentality of the Belfast leader is not so much
that of a remote seventeenth century Whig, as that of a recent
nineteenth century Radical. His conventionality seemed to be that
of a Victorian rather than a Williamite, and to be less limited by the
Orange Brotherhood136 than by the Cobden Club.137 This is a fact
most successfully painted and pasted over by the big brushes of our
own Party System, which has the art of hiding so many glaring facts.
This Unionist Party in Ireland is very largely concerned to resist the
main reform advocated by the Unionist Party in England. A political
humorist, who understood the Cobden tradition of Belfast138 and
the Chamberlain traditiona of Birmingham,139 could have a huge
amount of fun appealing from one to the other; congratulating
Belfast on the bold Protectionist doctrines prevalent in Ireland;
abjuring Mr. Bonar Law and the Tariff Reformers140 never to forget
the fight made by Belfast for the sacred principles of Free Trade.
But the fact that the Belfast school is merely the Manchester school
is only one aspect of this general truth about the abrupt collapse
into antiquity: a sudden superannuation. The whole march of that
Manchester industrialism is not only halted but turned; the whole
position is outflanked by new forces coming from new directions;
the wealth of the peasantries blocks the road in front of it; the
general strike has risen menacing its rear. That strange cloud of
self-protecting vanity may still permit Belfast to believe in Belfast,
but Britain does not really believe in Belfast. Philosophical forces far
wider and deeper than politics have undermined the conception of
progressive Protestantism in Ireland. I should say myself that mere
English ascendancy in that island became intellectually impossible
on the day when Shaftesbury introduced the first Factory Act, and
on the day when Newman published the first pages of the Apologia.
Both men were certainly Tories and probably Unionists. Neither
were connected with the subject or with each other; the one hated
the Pope and the other the Liberator. But industrialism was never
again self-evidently superior after the first event, or Protestantism

self-evidently superior after the second. And it needed a towering
and self-evident superiority to excuse the English rule in Ireland. It
is only on the ground of unquestionably doing good that men can do
so much evil as that.
Some Orangemen before the war indulged in a fine rhetorical
comparison between William of Prussia and William of Orange,
and openly suggested that the new Protestant Deliverer from the
north would come from North Germany. I was assured by my
more moderate hosts in Belfast that such Orangemen could not
be regarded as representative or even responsible. On that I cannot
pronounce. The Orangemen may not have been representative; they
may not have been responsible; but I am quite sure they were right.
I am quite sure those poor fanatics were far nearer the nerve of
historical truth than professional politicians like Sir Edward Carson
or industrial capitalists like Sir George Clark.141 If ever there was a
natural alliance in the world, it would have been the alliance between
Belfast and Berlin. The fanatics may be fools, but they have here
the light by which the foolish things can confound the wise. It is
the brightest spot in Belfast, bigotry, for if the light in its body be
darkness, it is still brighter than the darkness. By the vision that goes
everywhere with the virility and greatness of religion, these men had
indeed pierced to the Protestant secret and meaning of four hundred
years. Their Protestantism is Prussianism, not as a term of abuse, but
as a term of abstract and impartial ethical science. Belfast and Berlin
are on the same side in the deepest of all the spiritual issues involved
in the war. And that is the simple issue of whether pride is a sin,
and therefore a weakness. The modern mentality, or great masses
of it, has seriously advanced the view that it is a weakness to disarm
criticism by self-criticism, and a strength to disdain criticism through
self-confidence. That is the thesis for which Berlin gave battle to the
older civilization in Europe; and that for which Belfast gave battle
to the older civilization in Ireland. It may be, as I suggested that
such Protestant pride is the old Calvinism, with its fixed election of
the few. It may be that the Protestantism is merely Paganism, with
its brutish gods and giants lingering in corners of the more savage
north. It may be that the Calvinism was itself a recurrence of the

Paganism. But in any case, I am sure that this superiority, which
can master men like a nightmare, can also vanish like a nightmare.
And I strongly suspect that in this matter also, as in the matter of
property as viewed by a peasantry, the older civilization will prove
to be the real civilization, and that a healthier society will return
to regarding pride as a pestilence, as the Socialists have already
returned to regarding avarice as a pestilence. The old tradition of
Christendom was that the highest form of faith was doubt. It was
the doubt of a man about his soul. It was admirably expressed to me
by Mr. Yeats, who is no champion of Catholic orthodoxy, in stating
his preference for medieval Catholicism as compared with modern
humanitarianism: “Men were thinking then about their own sins,
and now they are always thinking about other peoples.” And even
by the Protestant test of progress, pride is seen to be arrested by
a premature paralysis. Progress is superiority to oneself, and it is
stopped dead by superiority to others. The case is even clearer by
the test of poetry, which is much more solid and permanent than
progress. The Superman may have been a sort of poem, but he
could never be any sort of poet. The more we attempt to analyse that
strange element of wonder, which is the soul of all the arts, the more
we shall see that it must depend on some subordination of the self to
a glory existing beyond it, and even in spite of it. Man always feels
as a creature when he acts as a creator. When he carves a cathedral,
it is to make a monster that can swallow him. But the Nietzschean
nightmare of swallowing the world is only a sort of yawning. When
the evolutionary anarch has broken all links and laws and is at last
free to speak, he finds he has nothing to say. So German songs under
the imperial eagle fell silent like songbirds under a hawk; and it is
but rarely, and here and there, that a Belfast merchant liberates his
soul in a lyric. He has to get Mr. Kipling142 to write a Belfast poem,
in a style technically attuned to the Belfast pictures. There is the true
Tara of the silent harp, and the throne and habitation of the dream;
and it is there that the Celtic pessimists should weep in silence for the
end of the song. Blowing one’s own trumpet has not proved a good
musical education.
In logic a wise man will always put the cart before the horse.
That is to say, he will always put the end before the means; when he
is considering the question as a whole. He does not construct a cart
in order to exercise a horse. He employs a horse to draw a cart, and
whatever is in the cart. In all modern reasoning there is a tendency
to make the mere political beast of burden more important than the
chariot of man it is meant to draw. This has led to a dismissal of all
such spiritual questions in favour of what are called social questions;
and this is a too facile treatment of things like the religious question
in Belfast. There is a religious question; and it will not have an
irreligious answer. It will not be met by the limitation of Christian
faith, but rather by the extension of Christian charity. But if a man
says that there is no difference between a Protestant and a Catholic,
and that both can act in an identical fashion everywhere but in a
church or chapel, he is madly driving the cart horse when he has
forgotten the cart. A religion is not the church a man goes to but the
cosmos he lives in; and if any sceptic forgets it, the maddest fanatic
beating an Orange drum about the Battle of the Boyne is a better
philosopher than he.
Many uneducated and some educated people in Belfast quite
sincerely believe that Roman priests are fiends, only waiting to
rekindle the fires of the Inquisition. For two simple reasons, however,
I declined to take this fact as evidence of anything except their
sincerity. First, because the stories, when reduced to their rudiment
of truth, generally resolved themselves into the riddle of poor
Roman Catholics giving money to their own religion, and seemed to
deplore not so much a dependence on priests as an independence of
employers. And second, for a reason drawn from my own experience,
as well as common knowledge, concerning the Protestant gentry in
the south of Ireland. The southern Unionists spoke quite without
this special horror of Catholic priests or peasants. They grumbled
at them or laughed at them as a man grumbles or laughs at his
neighbours; but obviously they no more dreamed that the priest
would burn them than that he would eat them. If the priests were as
black as the black Protestants painted them, they would be at their
worst where they are with the majority, and would be known at their
worst by the minority. It was clear that Belfast held the more bigoted
tradition, not because it knew more of priests, but because it knew
less of them; not because it was on the spot, but because the spot
was barred. An even more general delusion was the idea that all the
southern Irish dreamed and did no work. I pointed out that this also
was inconsistent with concrete experience; since all over the world a
man who makes a small farm pay has to work very hard indeed. In
historic fact, the old notion that the Irish peasant did no work, but
only dreamed, had a simple explanation. It merely meant that he
did no work for a capitalist’s profit, but dreamed of some day doing
work for his own profit. But there may also have been this distorted
truth in the tradition; that a free peasant, while he extends his own
work, creates his own holidays. He is not idle all day, but he may
be idle at any time of the day; he does not dream whenever he feels
inclined, but he does dream whenever he chooses. A famous Belfast
manufacturer, a man of capacity, but one who shook his head over
the unaccountable prevalence of priests, assured me that he had seen
peasants in the south doing nothing, at all sorts of odd times; and
this is doubtless the difference between the farm and the factory. The
same gentleman showed me over the colossal shipping of the great
harbour, with all machinery and transport leading up to it. No man
of any imagination would be insensible to such titanic experiments
of his race; or deny the dark poetry of those furnaces fit for Vulcan
or those hammers worthy of Thor. But as I stood on the dock I said
to my guide: “Have you ever asked what all this is for?” He was an
intelligent man, an exile from metaphysical Scotland, and he knew
what I meant. “I don’t know,” he said, “perhaps we are only insects
building a coral reef. I don’t know what is the good of the coral reef.”
“Perhaps,” I said, “that is what the peasant dreams about, and why
he listens to the priest.”
For there seems to be a fashionable fallacy, to the effect that
religious equality is something to be done and done with, that we
may go on to the real matter of political equality. In philosophy it
is the flat contrary that is true. Political equality is something to be
done and done with, that we may go on to the much more real matter
of religion. At the Abbey Theatre I saw a forcible play by Mr. St.
John Irvine,143 called The Mixed Marriage, which I should remember

if it were only for the beautiful acting of Miss Maire O’Neill.144 But
the play moved me very much as a play; yet I felt that the presence
of this fallacy falsified it in some measure. The dramatist seemed to
resent a schism merely because it interfered with a strike. But the
only object of striking is liberty; and the only object of liberty is life: a
thing wholly spiritual. It is economic liberty that should be dismissed
as these people dismiss theology. We only get it to forget it. It is right
that men should have houses, right that they should have land, right
that they should have laws to protect the land; but all these things are
only machinery to make leisure for the labouring soul. The house is
only a stage set up by stage carpenters for the acting of what Mr. J.
B. Yeats has called “the drama of the home.” All the most dramatic
things happen at home, from being born to being dead. What a
man thinks about these things is his life; and to substitute for them
a bustle of electioneering and legislation is to wander about among
screens and pulleys on the wrong side of pasteboard scenery, and
never to act the play. And that play is always a miracle play; and the
name of its hero is Everyman.
When I came back from the desolate splendour of the
Donegal sea and shore, and saw again the square garden and the
statue outside the Dublin hotel, I did not know I was returning to
something that might well be called more desolate. For it was when
I entered the hotel that I first found that it was full of the awful
tragedy of the Leinster.145 I had often seen death in a home, but
never death decimating a vast hostelry; and there was something
strangely shocking about the empty seats of men and women with
whom I had talked so idly a few days before. It was almost as if there
was more tragedy in the cutting short of such trivial talk than in the
sundering of life-long ties. But there was all the dignity as well as the
tragedy of man; and I was glad, before I left Ireland, to have seen
the nobler side of the Anglo-Irish garrison, and to have known men
of my own blood, however mistaken, so enduring the end of things.
With the bad news from the sea came better news from the war; the
Teutonic hordes were yielding everywhere, at the signal of the last
advance; and with all the emotions of an exile, however temporary,
I knew that my own land was secure. Somehow, the bad and good
news together turned my mind more and more towards England;
and all the inner humour and insular geniality which even the Irish
may some day be allowed to understand. As I went homewards on
the next boat that started from the Irish port, and the Wicklow hills
receded in a rainy and broken sunlight, it was with all the simplest
of those ancient appetites with which a man should come back to
his own country. Only there clung to me, not to be denied, one
sentiment about Ireland, one sentiment that I could not transfer to
England; which called me like an elfland of so many happy figures,
from Puck to Pickwick.146 As I looked at those rainy hills I knew
at least that I was looking, perhaps for the last time, on something
rooted in the Christian faith. There at least the Christian ideal was
something more than an ideal; it was in a special sense real. It was
so real that it appeared even in statistics. It was so self-evident as to
be seen even by sociologists. It was a land where our religion had
made even its vision visible. It had made even its unpopular virtues
popular. It must be, in the times to come, a final testing-place, of
whether a people that will take that name seriously, and even solidly,
is fated to suffer or to succeed.
As the long line of the mountain coast unfolded before me
I had an optical illusion; it may be that many have had it before.
As new lengths of coast and lines of heights were unfolded, I had
the fancy that the whole land was not receding but advancing, like
something spreading out its arms to the world. A chance shred of
sunshine rested, like a riven banner, on the hill which I believe is
called in Irish the Mountain of the Golden Spears; and I could have
imagined that the spears and the banner were coming on. And in that
flash I remembered that the men of this island had once gone forth,
not with the torches of conquerors or destroyers, but as missionaries
in the very midnight of the Dark Ages; like a multitude of moving
candles, that were the light of the world.
Notes.
1
St. Stephen. First Christian martyr, stoned to death by members of the
Synagogue after being falsely accused of blasphemy and brought before the
Sanhedrin, a scene recounted in the Acts of the Apostles, Chapter vii.
2
From the second verse of the poem/song, “The Wearing of the Green,”
by Dion Boucicault (1820–1890). In spite of his French surname, he was a
Dublin-born Irishman; later became famous in America for the song, “A
Bicycle Built for Two.”
3
James Clarence Mangan (1803–1849). Regarded as the leading Anglo-
Irish poet of the nineteenth century. Personally a social disaster, who was
addicted to alcohol and drugs and died of cholera. Nonetheless, he wrote a
number of celebrated poems, including “Ode to the Maguire,” “Farewell
to Patrick Sarsfield,” and “The Lament for the Princes of Tyrone and
Tyrconnell.”
4
Cubism. A style of art – especially in painting – in which objects are so
presented as to give the effect of an assemblage of geometrical figures.
The movement existed between 1907 and 1914 and was developed by
Pablo Picasso (1882–1973) and George Braque (1882–1963). It came into
existence after the artist Paul Cézanne suggested that nature be treated
“in terms of the cylinder, the sphere and the cone.” In Miscellany of Men
Chesterton refers to it as one of “the latest artistic insanities.”
5
Vorticism. An early twentieth century English artistic and literary move-
ment that had roots in Cubism and affinities to Futurism. It involved the
poet Ezra Pound (1885–1972), the author Wyndham Lewis (1882–1957),
and the sculptor Gaudier Brzeska (1891–1915). The principle achievement
of the movement was the production of two numbers of its journal, Blast.
6
Dublin Arts Club. One of several independent societies for the arts in
Dublin, founded in 1886; quickly became a gathering place for artists,
writers, and visionaries.
7
Glorious Revolution and Protestant Deliverer. A reference to events in
England in 1688–89 when a cabal of Parliamentary magnates – How-
ards, Russells and Cecils – overthrew the legitimate Stuart king, James
II, because of his conversion to, and advocacy of, Catholicism (which
threatened the ill-gotten gains of the aforementioned cabal) and placed
in his stead the sodomite, William, Prince of Orange, referred to as the
“Protestant Deliverer.” From that point on, the history of England is but
the story of unchecked Parliamentary control of the country, masquerading
as “the will of the English people.”
Irish Impressions 127
8
Hanoverian Succession. An important preoccupation of English politics
from 1702 to 1707. The Hanoverian Succession would ensure that the suc-
cessor to Queen Anne, who had no surviving issue of her own, would be a
Protestant of the House of Hanover, and would hold the Scottish as well
as the English Crowns. By Act of the English Parliament, the English
Crown was already slated to succeed to the Protestant House of Hanover;
it was ardently desired by the English that such would be the case for the
Scottish Crown, to avoid the possibility that the Scottish Crown would pass
to a Catholic Jacobite (vide infra). The English employed financial pressure,
bribery, and polemic to force the Scottish Parliament to accept a treaty unit-
ing the two nations in 1707, thus eliminating that latter possibility.
9
Whig. A member of the political party that, after the Revolution of 1688,
aimed at subordinating (and successfully so) the power of the Crown to
Parliament, which they controlled.
10
Hill of Tara. A low-lying ridge situated mid-way between Dunshaughlin
and Navan in County Meath. It has been regarded traditionally as the seat
of the High Kings of Ireland. The most renowned of many tales associated
with Tara relates how, in his campaign to bring Catholicism to Ireland, St.
Patrick lit the Paschal fire on the Hill of Slane and confronted Loegaire,
King of Tara, and his druids.
11
“Tararaboomdeay.” A trivial song made famous by dancer/singer, Lottie
Collins (1865–1910).
12
Home Rule. A proposal put on the table by the British government a
number of times during the late nineteenth and early twentieth century,
whereby the Irish would be a given a Parliament with various degrees of
authority but which would always be subservient to the Imperial Parliament
in London. It was frequently suggested in order to assuage rising Irish
nationalist and Irish Republican sentiment, but when it was finally made
law during World War I, it was immediately suspended pending the end
of the war. Thereafter Dominion Home Rule was never taken seriously by
Irish public opinion.
13
Unionism. As a political tradition, it can be traced back to that strand
of late seventeenth and early eighteenth century “patriotism” which held
that full political integration with Great Britain was preferable to a flawed
or unattainable legislative independence. When the Act of Union was
forced upon Ireland in 1801, Unionism still lacked a popular base. The
first formal Irish Unionist organization came into being in 1885–86 when
the Home Rule crisis of the day provoked this as a reaction. Since then
Unionism has principally centered in the North-east corner of Ireland, and
is largely identified with the Protestant community.
14
Karl Marx (1818–1883). German-born Jewish economic and political
philosopher. Went to Paris, France in 1843 where he met his companion
and friend for life, Friedrich Engels – and between them developed the
theory and tactics of the creed that became known as Communism. Both
joined the secretive Communist League in 1847 and at the insistence of
the League’s leaders wrote the now infamous Communist Manifesto. Marx
moved to London in 1849 where he wrote his most important work, Das
Kapital, the first volume of which was published in 1867.
15
Manchester School. A term first used by the nineteenth century Brit-
ish politician, Benjamin Disraeli, and which referred to the movement in
favour of “free trade” in England. The School’s roots were to be found
in the Manchester-based Anti-Corn Law League of Richard Cobden
(1804–1865) and John Bright (1811–1889). Since that time, the meaning
of the term has widened so as to encompass libertarianism in economic
policy, radical liberalism in politics, and unfettered “free trade.” Thus the
contemporary meaning is both economic and political.
16
William Morris (1834–1896). English artist, author, journalist, and
social activist. A chief Victorian-era critic of Industrialism, he was an
eclectic Socialist who was also variously influenced by the High Anglican
“Oxford Movement” of Newman, Keble and Pusey, and the legacy of
medieval life and art. In 1856, he embarked on an artistic career, becom-
ing famous for his poetry, his wallpapers, his designs, his writings and his
typography; he became the chief inspiration behind the Arts and Crafts
movement (1870–1900) which desired to elevate the applied arts to the
status of fine arts, and to restore a human scale and dimension to produc-
tion of useful goods. His critique of Industrialism led him to embrace
Socialism; in 1884 he founded the Socialist League, and for a time was
editor of its journal, Commonweal. Refused the Poet Laureateship in 1891,
following Tennyson’s death.
17
George Wyndham (1863–1913). A scion of the English aristocracy
which claimed descent from the rebel Lord Edward Fitzgerald. A liberal
Tory, Wyndham was Chief Secretary for Ireland from 1900–1905. An
ambitious reformer, he is best remembered in Ireland for his success in
putting the Land Act of 1903 on the books, whereby Irish tenants could
buy out the owners steadily and piecemeal. It was an action that allowed
much of the land confiscated from the Irish by the English to pass back
into Irish hands.
18
Horace Plunkett (1854–1932). A member of the Anglo-Irish nobility,
Horace Plunkett was the pioneer of agricultural co-operation in Ireland.
He launched the Co-operative Movement in 1889, having spent the pre-

vious 10 years ranching in Wyoming, USA. Elected a Liberal Unionist
MP in 1892, he proved that he was wholly indifferent as a politician. His
best known work, Ireland in the New Century (1904), caused grave offence
because of his claim that the influence of the Catholic Church was “baleful.”
19
John Russell (1792–1878). The son of the Duke of Bedford, entered
Parliament in 1813. Involved in the drafting of the 1832 Reform Bill
which greatly expanded the franchise in England. Prime Minister from
1846–1852, and made a Lord in 1861. His memory is reviled in Ireland
because it is believed that his rigid adherence to the so-called iron laws of
Political Economy led to the unnecessary deaths of many thousands of Irish
during the Irish Famine of the 1840s.
20
Coercion Acts. A general term for a series of measures commencing
with the Suppression of Disturbance Act (1833), which empowered the
Lord Lieutenant to proclaim a district as disturbed, thereby permitting
the imposition of a curfew and other restrictions. It also provided for trial
by military courts rather than by magistrates in special session. Other Acts
appeared in 1847, 1856, 1871, 1881, 1882 and 1887, all of which sought
to suppress “subversive activity” by increasing restrictive police and legal
powers.
21
Land Acts. A term to cover a series of Acts implemented over a period
of roughly 50 years. The Landlord and Tenant (Ireland) Act (1870) gave
force of law to customary tenant right where it existed, and created it in
other parts of the country. It was followed by the Land Law (Ireland) Act
(1881), the Purchase of Land (Ireland) Act (1885), the Balfour Act (1891),
and the Wyndham Act (1903) (vide supra). Collectively, they transformed
land-holding in Ireland from landlordism to owner occupation.
22
Caporetto. A reference to the military offensive launched in early October,
1917, by German and Austrian divisions, against Caporetto on the Isonzo
Front which was lightly defended by the Italian Army. By October 24,
General Luigi Cadorna gave the Italians orders to retreat, having lost over
300,000 men and most of their trench artillery.
23
Alexander Kerensky (1881–1970). Trained as a lawyer and then entered
the Russian Socialist Revolutionary Party in 1905, becoming the editor of
its radical paper, Burevestik. Elected to the State Duma in 1912, having won
much popularity from the working classes for his defence of “subversives.”
Member of a Provisional government headed by Prince George Lvov, set
up following the abdication of Czar Nicholas II; became head of the gov-
ernment on July 8, 1917. After much in-fighting among both members of
the government army and the Bolsheviks, he was ousted and went into exile.
He spent from 1939 until his death at the Hoover Institute in America.
24
General Lavr Kornilov (1870–1918). Graduated from the Mikhailovsky
Artillery Training Corps in 1892. After the Czar’s abdication, he became
Commander in Chief of the Petrograd Garrison, and Supreme Commander
of the Russian Army under Minister of War, Kerensky. He tried to arrest
the Revolution in 1917 by attacking Petrograd, but at Kerensky’s request
the Bolsheviks stopped him. Kornilov became one of the commanders of
the White Army during the Civil War (1918–1921), and died in action.
25
George Russell (1867–1935). Irish author who often wrote under the
pseudonym “A.E.” An active Irish nationalist, editor of Irish Homestead
from 1904 to 1923, and of the Irish Statesman from 1923 to 1930. He is
regarded as one of the greatest writers of the Irish Literary revival.
26
Le Roi le veult. “The King so wishes it.”
27
Charles Stuart Parnell (1846–1891). Protestant landlord who entered
Parliament in 1875 and joined the Home Rule party. In 1879, he became
President of Michael Davitt’s Irish National Land League – which sought
peasant proprietorship, and was leader of the Irish Parliamentary Party
from 1880, becoming, thereby, the “uncrowned King of Ireland.” In 1885,
Parnell’s Irish Parliamentary Party won a landslide victory, but his involve-
ment with Mrs. O’Shea in a messy divorce case split the Party ca. 1890 and
he died soon after.
28
Fenianism. A revolutionary movement that originated amongst the Irish
emigrants to the USA following the collapse of the Young Ireland move-
ment and the discrediting of Parliamentary agitation. Fenianism sought the
creation of an independent Irish Republic. The men chiefly responsible for
the setting up of the Fenian movement were John O’Mahony (1816–1877),
Michael Doheny (1805–1863), and James Stephens (1824–1901). Sinn
Fein was a politically nationalist group founded and led by Arthur Griffith
(1871–1922). Contrary to popular belief, Sinn Fein played no part in
the 1916 Rebellion (also called the “Easter Rising”), though the British
insisted on calling the rebels “Shinners.”
29
Fr. Bernard Vaughan (1847–1922). A prominent late nineteenth and
early twentieth century Jesuit preacher, who worked in Manchester and at
famous Farm St. mission in London. Brother of Cardinal Herbert Vaughan.
The dedication of his book, Society, Sin and the Saviour (1907), read: “To
you my brothers and sisters, who like Annas, Caiphas, Pilate and Herod
are vainly striving to rid yourselves and your country of Jesus Christ.”
30
Arnold Bennett (1867–1931). An English journalist and associate of the
Fabian Society. Directed the New Statesman, journal of the Fabian Society,
for a time before his death.
31
Probably a reference to the author of The Destitute Alien: A Series of Essays
dealing with the subject of Foreign Pauper Immigration, published in 1892. He
was concerned with the flood of immigration into the Britain of his day,
and particularly with the influx of Russian and Polish Jews into the East
End of London.
32
Probably a reference to the author of Happy India: and How it Might be
Guided by Modern Science, published in 1922, which argued, against Wil-
liam Digby who blamed British Imperial policy, that the roots of India’s
poverty and misery lay in Hinduism and the apathy of the higher castes.
33
Prof. Gilbert Murray (1866–1957). Regius Professor of Greek at Oxford
University, England. Wrote The Five Stages of Greek Religion and The Inter-
pretation of Greek Literature. The most popular Hellenist of his age, he was,
nonetheless, viciously attacked by T. S. Eliot for his work on Euripides.
Eliot wrote: “It is because Murray has no creative instinct that he leaves
Euripides quite dead.”
34
Sir Gilbert Parker (1862–1932). A Canadian writer whose novels and
tales were heavily permeated with the history of Canada and with praise
of the British Empire. His most popular works were Pierre and His People
(1892), The Seats of the Mighty (1896) and The Promised Land (1928). He
moved to England in 1889, and sat in the British Parliament from 1900
until 1918.
35
Sir Edward Henry (1850–1931). Appointed Inspector General of Bengal
Police in 1891, he became interested in the work of Galton and others who
sought to use fingerprints as a method of identifying criminals. Between
July 1896 and February 1897, he devised a system of classification for
fingerprints which, within a short time, was adopted worldwide. He was
appointed Commissioner of Scotland Yard – the headquarters of the Brit-
ish Police – in 1903, and was responsible for the founding of its Fingerprint
Bureau.
36
Edward Clodd (1840–1930). A rationalist and Darwinist writer, who was
also the President of the Folklore Society. He believed that he could debunk
religion through his advocacy of Evolution theory. He wrote An Essay in
Savage Philosophy in Folk Tale (1898), Pioneers of Evolution Theory from Thales
to Huxley (1907), and Animism: Primitive Myth and Religion(1921).
37
William S. Porter (1862–1910). American author known for his short
stories, written under the pseudonym “O. Henry.”
38
Sir John Barker (1840–1914). Wealthy owner of the Knightsbridge,
London, emporium of the same name. A close friend of the Liberal politi-
cian, David Lloyd George.
39
John Masefield (1878–1967). English writer who began as a journalist
and whose first volume, Salt Water Ballads, was published in 1902. Wrote
Gallipoli, which was published in 1916, and covered the disastrous cam-
paign of WWI. His autobiography, In the Mill, was published in 1941.
Became Poet Laureate in 1930 and remained so until his death.
40
Harley Granville Barker (1877–1946). English actor, producer, direc-
tor and dramatist. Renowned for his Shakespearean productions, he also
produced his own plays, which included The Voysey Inheritance (1905) and
The Madras House (1910). After WWI, he became President of the British
Drama League. He began writing his now famous work, Prefaces to Shake-
speare in 1923, which was published between 1927 and 1948.
41
A central south-western district of London, England.
42
Daily Mail. Daily newspaper founded by Alfred Harmsworth, Lord
Northcliffe (1865–1922), in 1894; still one of the major British tabloids.
43
Sir Edward Henry Carson, Lord of Duncairn (1854–1935). Protestant
lawyer who became MP for Trinity College, Dublin in 1892. Solicitor
General for Ireland (1892) and England (1900-1905); Attorney General
for Great Britian (1915–1916) in Herbert Asquith’s government. Violently
hostile to Irish Home Rule, he became leader of the Irish Unionist Parlia-
mentary Party in 1910, supported the paramilitary gun-running efforts of
the Ulster Volunteer Force, and was in favor of the Partition of Ireland.
44
James Henry Mussen Campbell, Lord Glenavy (1851 - 1931). Bar-
rister and Irish Unionist MP from St. Stephen’s Green (1898–1900) and
University of Dublin (1903–1916); colleague of Carson, who was also MP
from the University (1892–1918). Member of provisional government of
Ireland, formed by Carson as an element of his anti-Home Rule agitation.
Lord Chief Justice of Ireland, 1916–1918.
45
Morning Post. Daily newspaper founded in 1772. Initially employed
notable writers such as Samuel Coleridge, Robert Southey, William Word-
sworth and Charles Lamb to improve its status and circulation. Purchased
by Sir James Berry, owner of the Daily Telegraph, a paper founded in 1855,
and still being published; contrary to Berry’s original intentions, the two
papers were quickly amalgamated.
46
Saturday Review. London weekly newspaper founded in 1855 to combat
the influence of The Times. Ceased publication ca. 1938.
47
Jacobite. Supporter of James II and his son James Stuart, “the Old Pre-
tender,” and of their right to the English throne. Support was based largely
in Scotland and Ireland. There were several revolts in their favor, but the
Stuart army, under Bonne Prince Charlie, was eventually annihilated at
Culloden, Scotland in 1745. Not to be confused with the “Jacobins” of the
French Revolution.
48
Williamite. Supporter of William III, of the House of Orange, in his
war against the legitimate Stuart King, James II, between 1689–91.
49
F. E. Smith, Lord Birkenhead (1872–1930). Educated at Oxford Uni-
versity and elected as a Conservative MP in 1906. A brilliant orator. He
was violently anti-Home Rule for Ireland, though ironically he got on very
well with Michael Collins, the leader of the Irish War of Independence
which culminated in the Treaty founding the Irish Free State in 1922. He
was granted his lordship in 1919 by Lloyd George, and was Lord Chancel-
lor of England from 1919 to 1922.
50
Sir Roger Casement (1864–1916). Joined the British Colonial Service
in 1892, and established an international reputation for his reporting of
the terrible exploitation of native workers in Africa and Hispanic America
by European employers. Knighted in 1911, he retired two years later. A
founding member of the Irish Volunteers, he believed passionately that for
an Irish uprising to succeed, it needed German help. He obtained wholly
inadequate support and returned to Ireland to propose the postponing of
the Rebellion. Arrested on the Banna Strand, he was executed in August
1916. Converted to Catholicism shortly before his hanging.
51
Robert Browning (1812–1889). English poet who married the celebrated
poet, Elizabeth Barrett. His best collection of poetry is generally held to
be Men and Women, though it was The Ring and the Book, published in 1868
and 1869, which brought him considerable popularity in his own lifetime.
His final published volume was Asolando, which appeared on the day of his
death.
52
Andrew Kettle (1833-1916). Irish farmer involved in the Irish Land
Movement who presided at the first meeting of the National Land League
in 1879. “Right hand man” to Charles Stuart Parnell (vide supra). Kettle’s
son, Thomas (1880–1916), was a poet and essayist, and a Nationalist MP
for East Tyrone for four years. Was in Belgium purchasing weapons for the
Irish Volunteers when WWI began; outraged by the German invasion, he
switched his support to the Allies and died in action in France.
53
William E. Gladstone (1809–1898). British Prime Minister four times
between 1868 and 1894. Strongly Anglican in religion, he supported laissez-
faire economics, but opposed Income Tax.
54
Benjamin Disraeli (1804–1881). British politician who was variously a
Conservative, a Whig, a Radical and an Independent. Helped form the
Young England group in 1842 which advocated an alliance between the
working classes and the aristocracy. This doctrine appeared in his novels
Coningsby (1844), Sybil (1845) and Tancred (1847). He became Prime Min-
ister in 1868.
55
Factory Acts. A series of legislation in the United Kingdom in the nine-
teenth century which sought to protect workers – principally woman and
children – from the appalling conditions of rampant Capitalism. The first
was passed in 1802 and stipulated that children over 10 years of age could
only work 12 hours a day. The Acts originally applied only to the cotton
industry, but they were subsequently extended; 18 acts were passed between
1802 and 1891.
56
A reference to the Battle of St. Quentin in France which took place
between March 21 and March 23, 1918. It was part of the first phase of the
First Battle of the Somme in 1918.
57
Jim Larkin (1874–1947). Abrasive and rather dictatorial leader of the
Irish Transport and General Workers Union, which he founded in 1909
after splitting with James Sexton of the National Union of Dock Labourers
as a result of friction between them. Best remembered for his pivotal role in
the 1913 Dublin Lockout which ended in failure.
58
James Connolly (1868–1916). Irish labour leader born in Edinburgh,
Scotland. Imbibed his Irish nationalism from a Fenian uncle and his
Socialism from the extremely grim life of the working class of the day.
Became the head of the Irish Transport and General Workers Union, when
Jim Larkin went to America following the collapse of the 1913 Lockout.
A prolific writer, his best known works are Labour in Irish History (1910)
and The Re-conquest of Ireland (1915). Became the military commander of
the Easter Rebellion in 1916, and was executed sometime after. Despite his
socialist convictions, he died in communion with the Church.
59
William Martin Murphy (1844–1919). A capitalist who was typical of
the conservative ranks of the Irish Nationalist Party. He established the
Dublin United Tramways Company, and bought two nationalist papers,
The Irish Catholic and the Irish Independent. Founder of the Dublin Employ-
ers’ Federation in 1912, he was active in combating the rising labour agita-
tion, which culminated in the Dublin Lockout of 1913.
60
Et pour cause. “And for a good reason.”
61
Parsee. Member of a small community in India whose religion descends
from the Persian adherents of the dualistic religion of Zoroastrianism;
they fled to India in the seventh and eight centuries because of Muslim
persecution. The doctrines of this religion are codified in the Zend-Avesta,
and posit perpetual war between Ormuzd, the god of light, and Ahriman,
the spirit of darkness.
62
Hugh Alexander Law (1872–1943). Irish Nationalist MP for Donegal
in pre- and post- WWI Ireland.
63
William Butler Yeats (1865–1939). The greatest of the Anglo-Irish
poets. His first poems were published in the 1880s, but thereafter he drew
extensively upon Gaelic literature and County Sligo folklore, the county of
his birth. He was heavily involved in advanced nationalist circles, an activ-
ity which led to the founding of the Irish Literary Theatre – subsequently
to be called the Abbey Theatre. Of Protestant ancestry, he was well-known
for his opposition to Catholic clericalism and his support for the Irish Blue
Shirt movement of the 1930s. Chesterton’s reference is to his poem, “The
Lake Isle of Innisfree”:
I will arise and go now, and go to Innisfree,
And a small cabin build there, of clay and wattles made;
Nine bean rows will I have there, a hive for the honey bee,
And live alone in the bee-loud glade.
64
Katherine Tynan (1868–1931). A well-known Irish authoress, who
penned more than 100 novels.
65
Stephen Gwynne (1864–1950). The Oxford educated, Protestant
Nationalist MP for Galway from 1906–1918. He wrote extensively, pro-
ducing biographies, historical works and literary criticism. He fought for
the Allies in WWI.
66
James Stephens (1824–1901). Took part in the abortive Irish rebellion
of 1848, which led to his exile in Paris. Founded the Irish Republican
Brotherhood in Dublin in 1858, becoming the nominal head of the Fenian
movement in America in 1859. He established a successful propaganda
paper, Irish People, and built himself a great popularity in the early 1860s.
However in December 1866, he repudiated the rising that he had promised
for the end of that year; as a result, his influence and popularity drained
away. Died quietly in Dublin, shunned by subsequent IRB leaders and
followers.
67
Dr. Oliver St. John Gogarty (1878–1957). Obtained his Medical degree
from Trinity College, Dublin, in 1907, though he had already acquired a
reputation as a versatile controversialist and as a promising poet. A friend
of James Joyce, he is said to have been the model for “Buck Mulligan”
from Joyce’s work, Ulysses. He served for a time in the Irish Senate, but
was largely devoted to lecturing and writing. His Collected Poems were pub-
lished in 1951, and the best known of his eight novels are As I was Walking
Down Sackville Street (1937) and It isn’t That Time of Year at All (1954).
68
Walt Whitman (1819–1892). Well-known American poet, whose work
celebrated freedom, democracy and the brotherhood of man. His Leaves of
Grass was first published in 12 volumes in 1855 and by 1892 had expanded
to over 300 volumes.
69
Liberty Hall. The original building purchased in 1912 for the Irish
Transport and General Workers Union under Jim Larkin. Situated on
Eden Quay, Dublin, it was extensively damaged during the 1916 Rising.
It remained in use until 1956 when it was demolished and replaced by the
present 17-story HQ of the union.
70
Thomas Johnson (1872–1963). Born in Liverpool, England; had various
jobs that took him to Ireland. Became Vice President of the Irish Trades
Union Congress in 1913, and President in 1916. He was actively involved
in the anti-conscription campaign of 1918. He became the TD – equivalent
of MP in Ireland – for County Dublin in 1922 and remained so for five
years. He was the leader of the Parliamentary Labour Party until 1928.
71
Cf. 1 Kings 21: 1–29.
72
Probably a reference to Joseph Devlin (1871–1934). A working class
Catholic from Belfast, he became one of the leading Ulster MP’s of the
Nationalist Party. He became the Chairman of the newspaper, Irish News,
as well as President of the Ancient Order of Hibernians. In the post-1916
period, he sought to convince Northern nationalists to vote for temporary
partition. His reputation never recovered from that error.
73
Tim Healy (1855–1931). A well-known Irish politician renowned for his
maverick tendencies, high income, and sharp tongue.
74
Delenda est.... In English, “...must be destroyed.” From Cato’s repeated
statement “Carthage must be destroyed” (“Delenda est Carthago”), urging
the Roman Senate to make war upon Carthage.
75
Byzantium. The East Roman Empire.
76
Crescent. The symbol of Islam.
77
John Sobieski (1629–1692). A Polish warrior who rose to the position
of Commander in Chief under King Casimir, and became a national hero
when he wiped out the Turkish army at Chocimin in 1672. Elected King
John III in 1674. When the Grand Vizier, Mustapha, appeared before the
Gates of Vienna in 1683, with some 210,000 men, Sobieski was his princi-
pal opponent for Christendom. On September 12, Sobieski attacked with a
mere 76,000 and crushed the Islamic army. He sent Pope Innocent XI the
“Standard of the Prophet” captured from the Grand Vizier, and a letter in
which he adapted Caesar’s words to the occasion: “I came, I saw, God con-
quered.” In the Islamic world, Sobieski was known as the “unvanquished
Northern Lion.”
78
In 878 King Alfred the Great (849–899) of Anglo-Saxon England suc-
cessfully defended Wessex from the Vikings.
79
Battle of Marathon. Clash of September 490BC between Persians
under Darius I, who invaded the Greek mainland, and the Greeks under
Miltiades, who, though outnumbered 4 to 1, destroyed the invading army.
Roughly 6,400 Persians were killed; Athenian casualties were below 200.
The Archons were the nine principle magistrates of ancient Athens.
80
Attila (c406–453). King of the Huns from 433–453; probably of
Mongol stock. The Huns appeared on the fringes of the Roman Empire
from the Steppes of Asia, and won sweeping victories through their astute
use of horse-born archers. Roman General Flavius Aetius (c396–454) was
the first to defeat Attila at the Battle of Chalons in Gaul (451).
81
William the Conqueror (1028–1087). Duke of Normandy whose king-
dom was the most powerful vassal of the French Crown. Following the
victory over the Anglo-Saxons in 1066, he was consecrated King of Eng-
land in Westminster Abbey in 1067, though revolts broke out in Exeter,
the Welsh Borders and Northumbria immediately afterwards. The revolts
were suppressed violently. However, William greatly improved the condi-
tion of the Church in England.
82
St. Thomas Aquinas (1225–1274). The official Philosopher of the
Catholic Church. His first Summa was the Summa of Christian Teaching,
which was prepared specifically to deal with those who did not have the
Catholic faith: pagans, Jews, Greek schismatics, and Muslims. His second,
begun in 1266, was the Summa Theologica for which he is most famous, and
which was a beginner’s (!) introduction to Catholic theology. Mary Clarke,
the Thomist writer, says: “To know St. Thomas is to know the medieval
mind at its finest, its most powerful, and, indeed, its most modern. For he
is timeless and timely, a man for all ages.”
83
Charles Fox (1749–1806). A dissolute English politician who entered
Parliament in 1768; supported the French Revolution and helped abolish
the Slave Trade.
84
Max Beerbohm (1872–1956). Critic, essayist and caricaturist. He was
the Drama critic of the Saturday Review from 1898 to 1910, having suc-
ceeded George Bernard Shaw. His caricatures were collected in works
such as A Christmas Garland, published in 1912. From 1935, he took to
broadcasting. His major works include: A.V. Laider, Rossetti and his Circle,
and Zuleika Dobson.
85
RMS Lusitania. The “Queen of the Seas” was the pride of the Cunard
Line and was launched in 1906; its maiden voyage took place in September,
1907, and it transported 3,000 passengers to New York. On May 1, 1915,
it was requisitioned by the Royal Navy because of the needs of WWI, and
so left New York en route for Liverpool. On May 7, 1915, the German U-
Boat 20 torpedoed it in the Irish Channel. Some 18 minutes later, despite

its allegedly innovative construction in two parts, it sank with the loss of
1,195 lives. The controversy over its sinking is still raging, for although
survivors are unanimous in saying that they heard two explosions, the U-
Boat log of Captain Schweigen shows that only one torpedo was fired. The
accusation remains that the Lusitania was illegally carrying high explosives
to England, and that therefore the German government regarded it as a
legitimate target.
86
Walter Alison Phillips (1864–1950). Lecky Professor of Modern His-
tory at Trinity College, Dublin. Violently opposed to Home Rule, he
declared that “Ireland is not a nation, but two peoples separated by a deeper
gulf than that dividing Ireland from Great Britain.” Chief assistant editor
of the Encyclopaedia Britannica (11th edition). Also wrote a number of works
of modern European history.
87
Armenia. A region of Southwest Asia east of Turkey conquered frequently
by numerous peoples – in many cases Islamic – including the Mongols, the
Seljuk Turks, and the Ottoman Turks; in 1915 hundreds of thousands of
Armenian Christians were massacred, though the whole subject remains
disputed by the Turks.
88
In Charles Dickens’s novel, The Pickwick Papers (1836), a fictional Par-
liamentary election takes place in the town of Eatanswill between Messrs.
Slumkey and Fizkin, representing the Blue and Buff parties respectively.
89
Excerpt from the phrase “Kill them all! God will know His own” reput-
edly uttered by the Abbot Arnauld Amaury at the siege of Béziers in south-
ern France, during the suppression of the Albigensian heresy in the twelfth
century. The Catholics refused to leave the city stronghold of the Cathars;
Amaury declared that since men could not distinguish the faithful from the
heretic, it would be left to God – hence the famous quotation.
90
Second Battle of the Marne. 1918 battle in World War I from which the
allies emerged victorious, and which represented a significant turning point
of the war in their favor. Marshal Ferdinand Foch (1851–1929), a strong
Catholic, was acting as Allied Supreme Commander at the time; he was
also Chief of the French General Staff from 1917.
91
A reference to the Irish insurrection of 1798, which was the culmination
of the revolutionary activities of the United Irishmen. There were four
main outbreaks: risings in Counties Dublin, Kildare and Meath in April
and May; in eastern Ulster in early June; in County Wexford in late May
and early June; and on and off until 1803 in the province of Connacht.
Overall the rebellion resulted in the death of some 30,000 people.
92
Walter Hume Long (1854–1924). Elected a Conservative MP in 1880;
became President of the Board of Agriculture in 1895. Chief Secretary of
Ireland from 1905 to 1906. Became First Lord of the Admiralty in 1919,
and was granted the title Viscount Long of Wraxall.
93
David Lloyd George (1863–1946). Entered Parliament as a Liberal
Member in 1890. Served in various government posts, notably as Chancel-
lor of the Exchequer under Herbert Asquith from 1908 to 1915. Became
Prime Minister in 1916 after striking a deal with Conservatives to oust
Asquith; he remained in the post until his resignation in 1922. He contin-
ued to lead the Liberal party for a number of years.
94
Young Ireland Movement. A romantic nationalist group active in the
period 1842–48, led by Thomas Davis (1814–1845), Charles Gavan Duffy
(1816–1903) and John Blake Dillon (1816–1866). It formed around the
Nation newspaper, and was made up of middle class graduates from Trin-
ity College, Dublin, from both Catholic and Protestant backgrounds. It
sought to create a non-sectarian public opinion infused with a sense of
cultural nationality; it believed that a national literature and the Irish
language had to be promoted, though they did very little to implement such
principles. Their support was largely restricted to Dublin, and they were
not highly regarded by most Catholic clergy.
95
A reference to Thomas Francis Meagher (1823–1867), a Young Irelander
who became famous for his attacks on Daniel O’Connell’s peace resolutions
in 1846, a stance which earned him the nickname “Meagher of the Sword.”
He later became a journalist in New York and commanded the pro-Union
Irish Brigade in the American Civil War. Drowned in Missouri in 1867.
96
Atalanta in Calydon: A Tragedy. Published in 1865 by the poet Algernon
Charles Swinburne (1837–1909).
97
Kaffir. Member of a Bantu-speaking tribe of South Africa.
98
Hottentot. Member of a southern African Negroid people which
formerly occupied the region near the Cape. The name comes from the
Afrikaans language for “stammered,” and which refers to the Hottentots
peculiar mode of pronunciation.
99
Connaught. The westernmost of Ireland’s four Provinces. It is made up
of the counties of Leitrim, Sligo, Mayo, Roscommon, and Galway.
100
Theobald Wolfe Tone (1763–1798). Protestant barrister who studied at
Trinity College. His An Argument on behalf of the Catholics of Ireland, published
in 1791, attracted much attention for its insistence that Catholics and Prot-
estants shared much political common ground. In 1796, he negotiated suc-
cessfully with the French Revolution’s Directory for help in leading a rising
in Ireland. Arriving with a French force in September 1798, he was captured

and imprisoned. He committed suicide whilst under sentence of death.
101
Marconi Case. An intricate case of Ministerial knowledge of Govern-
ment intentions, contracts and share dealing by prominent public figures.
The affair centred around the Government’s intention to build a chain of
state-owned wireless stations, the decision to award the contract for the
work to the Marconi Wireless Telegraph Company, and the purchase and
sale – for large profits – of Marconi shares by government officials who
were in a position to know the effects that the awarding of the Marconi
contract would have on its share price. The scandal erupted in 1912 and
ran, violently, for some 18 months; it came to light principally as a result of
Hilaire Belloc’s reporting in his newspaper, the Eye Witness. Frances Don-
aldson in her comprehensive book, The Marconi Scandal, published in 1962,
says: “It is difficult to present the facts with clarity and justice because of
the mass of material among which one is forced to discriminate.” Neverthe-
less, G.K. Chesterton, 23 years after the close of the case, wrote: “It is the
fashion to divide recent history into Pre-War and Post-War conditions. I
believe it is almost as essential to divide them into the Pre-Marconi and
Post-Marconi days.”
102
Falsus in uno, falsus in omnibus. In English, “false in one thing, false in
all things.”
103
John Redmond (1856–1918). Born of Catholic landed gentry, Redmond
became an MP for the Nationalist Irish Parliamentary Party in 1881.
Following the party split and bitter strife caused by the Parnell crisis (vide
supra), Redmond became head of the re-united Nationalist Party and led it
from 1900 to 1918. Committed exclusively to Parliamentary agitation, he
became alienated from the real feelings of the Irish in the pre- and post-
1916 Rising period. He supported Irish enlistment in the British Army
during WWI believing that this would provide Irish unity after the war
and validate the right of “small nations” to their independence. Unhappily,
he failed in all that he sought to achieve.
104
Eamon De Valera (1882–1975). Irish republican leader who inspired,
and still inspires, both intense devotion and intense hatred amongst the
Irish. Served as President of the Dáil (the Irish Parliament) from 1919 to
1922. Having rejected the 1922 Treaty which Michael Collins negotiated
in the main for the setting up of the Irish Free State (and thereupon resign-
ing his presidency), he took part in the disastrous Civil War (1922–1923)
which led to the defeat of the anti-Treaty forces. In later years, he became
President of the Irish Republic (1937), turning now against the extra-par-
liamentary IRA, now against the Blue Shirts of Eoin O’Duffy. A commit-
ted Parliamentarian, “Dev” is still regarded as an enigma.

105
A reference to Thomas Carlyle’s remark upon the death of Louis XV
of France (1710-1774), from Chapter 3 of “The Diamond Necklace,”
published in Critical and Miscellaneous Essays, which cover the period from
1830 to 1875.
106
Salle des pas perdus. “The hall of wasted footsteps.” A phrase used to
refer to the large antechambers leading into important government courts
or offices.
107
Sir Arthur Conan Doyle (1859–1930). Best known for his creation of
the detective Sherlock Holmes, the personification of sharp reasoning. The
character made Doyle, by 1920, one of the most highly paid writers in the
world, though he had started out in 1885 as a qualified eye specialist. His
first Holmes story, A Study in Scarlet, appeared in 1887. Though educated
by Jesuits, he lost the Faith and became interested in the occult; in 1925 he
opened the Psychic Bookshop in London. He recorded his psychic experi-
ences in The Edge of the Unknown (1930).
108
Sir William Crookes (1832–1919). A leading Victorian scientist, he
made many contributions to the development of Physics and Chemistry.
He is best remembered for the Crookes Vacuum Tube, which led to the
discovery of X Rays and the electron. Also a famous Spiritualist.
109
Charing Cross. One of the main central London railway stations which
is a stone’s throw from Trafalgar Square.
110
Nash’s Magazine. London monthly fiction magazine which was in print
under various names from 1909 to 1937; merged with The Pall Mall Maga-
zine in 1914, becoming Nash’s Pall Mall Magazine.
111
Edward D. Morel. English humanitarian and journalist. Having
worked in the Belgian Congo, he saw the abuses consequent on Imperial-
ism. In 1903, he published the book, The Black Man’s Burden. His work
brought him into contact with Roger Casement.
112
“The Pious Editor’s Creed,” Letter Six from The Biglow Papers (1848)
by American poet James Russell Lowell (1819-1891).
113
A reference to the case of the Norwegian, Adolf Beck, living in
London, who was sent to prison in 1896 for allegedly perpetrating fraud
against women. He was, however, a victim of mistaken identity; the crimes
were committed by a “John Smith.” Beck had been a petty criminal, but the
case records show that his conviction was scandalous in the extreme.
114
Oscar Slater was a German Jew, real name Leschzinger, who was sen-
tenced to death in 1909 for the murder of Marion Gilchrist in Glasgow,
Scotland. The case seemed flimsy to some, and attracted Conan Doyle’s
attention. After three years of investigation, Doyle published The Case of

Oscar Slater (1912). Over the course of the next 15 years, various facts came
to light that caused the commutation of Slater’s sentence in 1927. Slater
spent 18 years in prison and was never compensated for the error.
115
Putumayo. A region of Columbia and Peru near the river of the same
name, where ca. 30,000 natives died as a result of crop exploitation and
horrendous conditions of forced labor imposed by the leaders of the Anglo-
Peruvian rubber industry for the harvesting of rubber during the late 19th
and early 20th century. The “Putumayo Affair” was documented for the
British government by Sir Roger Casement (vide supra).
116
Charles Peace (1832–1879). One of the great personalities of the English
criminal class of the nineteenth century. Crippled in a steel mill accident
in 1846, he began a career of crime. Beginning with theft, he moved on
to burglary. He was often caught and imprisoned. However, he eventually
ended up killing a policeman on one job and killing the husband of an
alleged lover on another. He was hanged for the latter crime.
117
A reference to the case of serial murders carried out in the East End
of London, England, in the 1880’s, in which 5 women were murdered.
Although the case is still “officially” a mystery, it is now largely agreed that
the murderer was a physician with high-level contacts in the Establishment.
Most people believe that the killer was Dr. William Gull, the Royal Physi-
cian and Freemason, who was covering up Prince Albert’s involvement
with one of the murdered prostitutes.
118
Westminster Gazette. London daily paper launched in 1839; merged with
the Daily News in 1928, which became the News Chronicle in 1930 when it
was absorbed by the Daily Chronicle, and ceased publication in 1960.
119
Reginald John Campbell (1867–1956). A liberal Anglican cleric, whose
“universalism” tended to produce a dogma-less “Christianity” – so much
so that Alice Bailey, the occultist founder of the New Age movement, could
quote him positively. He was the Canon of Chichester Cathedral, England
from 1930 to 1946. Chesterton frequently attacked Campbell’s liberalism
in books and articles.
120
A reference to the Battle of the River Boyne which took place on July 1,
1690, between James II and William, Prince of Orange. The Boyne battle
took place some four miles west of Drogheda, Ireland. The battle itself was
inconclusive, but shortly afterwards James II sailed to France and exile,
thus consummating the “Glorious Revolution” and ensuring the Protestant
and Plutocratic domination of England (vide supra).
121
A passage from Kettle’s response to attempts by Rudyard Kipling to fan
the flames of civil war in Ireland, presumably in line with Carson’s efforts
to ensure the Home Rule would not apply to the North. Quoted by his wife,
Mary Sheehy Kettle, in the memoir she contributed to his The Ways of War
(1917). The lines run as follows:
The poet, for a coin,
Hands to the gabbling rout
A bucketful of Boyne
To put the sunrise out.
122
The Irish National Land League. Founded in Dublin in October, 1879,
by Michael Davitt, it was the key organization in the main phase of the
1879–1882 “Land War,” which sought to eliminate the landlordism which
was then prevalent. Charles Parnell (vide supra) became its President, lead-
ing to its rapid extension throughout the country. The Land Act of 1881
undermined the unity of the League, because it divided those who merely
wanted some reform from those who wanted wholesale, revolutionary
change; the League was banned by the British government in October, 1881.
123
Hubert George De Burgh-Canning (1832-1916), 15th Earl of Clanri-
carde. The Burke family – or “de Burgh” prior to the name’s anglicization
– descends from the Norman de Burgh line, the first member of which
came to Ireland in the 12th century. Ulick de Burgh received the title
Earl of Clanricarde from Henry VIII of England in exchange for his
cooperation with Henry’s “Surrender and Regrant” scheme, which saw
Irish nobles ceding their land to Henry, only to receive it back, with a legal
guarantee, if they recognized both Henry’s sovereignty over Ireland and
his title “Head of the Church.” De Burgh was one of the first nobles to
cooperate with Henry’s plan, in exchange for which he received 6 baronies
of land in Galway County. Hubert George became notorious as a landlord
in the 19th century as a result of his refusal to grant tolerable terms to the
peasant tenants of his estate, which he inherited in 1874 and consisted of
56,826 acres of County Galway. During the agricultural crisis of the win-
ters of 1878-1879, he refused to lower his tenants’ rents, and forcibly evicted
those that couldn’t pay. Many evictions resulted in bloodshed and prison
sentences for the tenants; one lasted several days and became known as the
“Siege of Saunder’s Fort.” By 1891 roughly 200 families had been evicted
from his estate. Clanricarde was rarely out of the headlines, and he earned
for himself the nickname “Lord Clanrackrent.”
124
Clan-na-Gael. The oldest Irish Republican group in the world seeking
a 32-County United Ireland, founded sometime between 1867 and 1870 in
America; secretly known as the United Brotherhood.
125
Arthur Balfour (1848–1930). Elected to Parliament in 1874, he became
leader of the House of Commons in 1892, and Prime Minister in 1902.
Most famous for the Balfour Declaration which declared for a Jewish
National Homeland in Palestine. Though opposed to Home Rule, he
supported measures to alleviate the non-owning condition of the Irish
peasantry, such as Wyndham’s Land Purchase Act of 1903.
126
The Limerick Treaty. Signed on October 3, 1691, it brought to an end
the Williamite War, which, following James II’s flight to France, had
shifted to Ireland, where James landed in 1690 along with French troops
in hopes of regaining his throne and restoring Ireland to the Irish. Though
James fled back to France after his defeat at the Battle of the Boyne (vide
supra), the Catholic French and Irish forces continued to fight until forced
to cease hostilities at Limerick. The Treaty stipulated that in return for the
surrender of their last stronghold in Limerick, the Jacobite soldiers would
be granted free passage to France where they would be incorporated into
the French army under Louis XIV as the “Irish Brigade,” and the Irish
would be free to practice their Catholic religion. The English honoured the
terms of the treaty by imposing the repressive Penal Laws.
127
Kathleen-na-Hulahan. A reference to the poem of James Mangan (vide
supra).
128
Donnybrook Fair. In 1204 King John of England granted a licence to
Dublin Corporation to hold an annual 8 day Fair in the village of Don-
nybrook. It became very popular down the centuries, becoming longer in
the process, and becoming, too, a by-word for disorder and drunkenness;
though the worst problem was actually noise. The Fair was finally sup-
pressed by the authorities in 1855.
129
From “Into the Twilight,” by W.B. Yeats (1865–1939), published in The
Wind Among the Reeds (1899).
130
A reference to the epic poem written by one of England’s greatest poets,
John Milton (1608–1674).
131
A reference to the epic poem, The Rime of the Ancient Mariner, written by
Samuel Taylor Coleridge (1772–1834).
132
Eft. A newt.
133
Charles Rowley (1839–?). Socialist who worked in the Ancoats district
of Manchester from 1872 to bring cultural recreation to the poor and
working class, in the form of artistic and cultural displays, concerts, and
adult education. Rowley was connected with the founding of the Ancoats
Art Museum (1877), the Ancoats Recreation Committee (1882), and the
University Settlement of the University of Manchester (1895).
134
Verecundia. Latin for “shame.”
135
Probably a reference to the Ulster Unionist Convention of 1892 in Bel-
fast, organized as an attempt to show that the movement for Irish Union
was broad-based and popular. It declared unabashedly that it saw Home
Rule as an attempt to destroy Protestantism in Ireland, and resolved to sup-
port Unionists everywhere. Follow-on rallies took place notably in 1912;
Bonar Law (vide infra) was present to pledge the support of the English
Conservative (and Liberal Unionist) party for the Unionist cause.
136
Orange Brotherhood. A Protestant political society dedicated to
sustaining the “glorious and immortal” memory of King William III and
his victory at the Battle of the Boyne. It was instituted in September 1795
in the inn owned by James Sloan in the village of Loughgall, in Ulster,
following the victory of the Orange Boys over the “Defenders” at the Battle
of the Diamond, one of the last of the continuing battles between Protestant
supporters of William of Orange and Catholic supporters of James II. In
modern times, it is an important adjunct to Ulster Unionism, with most
leaders of the latter in the twentieth century coming from the ranks of
Orangeism.
137
Cobden Club. Established in 1866 to perpetuate the ideas of Richard
Cobden (vide infra).
138
Richard Cobden (1804–1865). English reformer and Free Trade
capitalist, whose successful crusade to repeal the protectionist Corn Laws
made a lasting name for him as an advocate of liberal, unrestricted trade
and commerce as the key to national and international prosperity, a position
which had a close affinity to that advocated by continental liberal Frédéric
Bastiat. The industrialists and merchants of the major cities of England
and the North of Ireland fully supported Cobden’s demand for repeal
of protectionist laws which tended to favor aristocratic landowners to the
detriment of the merchant class. Cobden’s movement was the foundation of
the Manchester School of economic liberalism.
139
Joseph Chamberlain (1836–1914). A successful businessman and MP
from Birmingham, elected in 1876 as a Liberal. He resigned from the
Liberal government in 1886 over its support for Irish Home Rule (which
he opposed), and led those who followed him – the Liberal Unionists – in
an alliance with the Conservative Party to oppose it. By the turn of the
century he became the premier advocate of Tariff Reform – protectionist
laws designed to form the British Empire into a single trading bloc.
140
Andrew Bonar Law (1858–1923). Ulster Presbyterian, he became
leader of the Conservative Party in 1911, and was British Prime Minister
from October 1922 to May 1923. His political hero and inspiration in
Tariff Reform was Joseph Chamberlain (vide supra). Unreservedly opposed

to Irish independence or even Home Rule, he declared at Blenheim Palace
on June 29, 1912, that there was “no length of resistance to which Ulster
can go in which I would not be prepared to support them.”
141
Probably a reference to George Clark, Sr. (1843–1901), Freemason,
Unionist, and head of the marine engineering firm Messrs Geo. Clark,
Ltd.; or to his son, George Clark, Jr. (1865–1937). May alternatively be a
reference to Sir George Clark (1861–1935) of Belfast, leading shipbuilder
and Unionist.
142
Rudyard Kipling (1865–1936). English short story writer, novelist and
poet. He celebrated the alleged achievements of British Imperialism, gain-
ing much popularity with his poem, The White Man’s Burden (1899). His
most famous works are: The Jungle Book (1894), The Man Who Would Be
King (1888/9), The Seven Seas (1896), and his probable masterpiece, Kim
(1901). He was the first Englishman to win the Nobel Prize for Literature,
which he was awarded in 1907.
143
St. John Irvine (1883–1971). A playwright, novelist and Unionist. He
started out with the Fabian Society and progressed to writing for A. R.
Orage’s New Age. He met W.B. Yeats and came to support Irish Home
Rule, flamboyantly detesting Edward Carson. He looked to Horace
Plunkett and George Russell for a New Ireland, but he came to have “a
pathological hatred of the rest of Ireland” after the 1916 Rebellion and the
subsequent War of Independence.
144
Molly Algood (1887–1952). Actress who performed under the stage
name Máire O’Neill. Well known on stage, she appeared in over 40 films
in a long career. Married the actor Arthur Sinclair, who appeared in over
a dozen films himself.
145
A reference to the Royal Mail Ship Leinster, which was sunk off the
Dublin coast on October 10, 1918, by three torpedoes launched from the
German U-Boat 123. Some 500 people lost their lives as a result.
146
Puck to Pickwick. Characters from novels written by Charles Dickens
(1812–1870).
“The Irish Question is at bottom a war against Protestantism;
it is an attempt to establish a Roman Catholic ascendancy in
Ireland to begin the disintegration of the Empire by securing a
second parliament in Dublin.”
—Dr. William McKean, Irish Presbyterian Church
Ulster Hall, September 28, 1912
Further Reading
For those interested in a deeper study of Ireland and its long and complex
history, the following selection of works is provided, with emphasis in
particular on the modern period and the struggle for Independence. The
Directors do not necessarily endorse every aspect of these works; they are
offered, however, as points of departure for a study of the issues.
How the Irish Saved Civilization, by Thomas Cahill (London:

Hodder & Stoughton, 1995). A broad survey of Irish history from
the fall of Rome to the rise of Medieval Europe, which provides
many fascinating details.
The Easter Rebellion, by Max Caulfield (Dublin: Gill &
MacMillan, 1995). Deals only with the actual Rebellion itself, but
in remarkable detail.
Tans, Terror and the Troubles, by T. Ryle Dwyer. (Cork: Mercier
Press, 2001). A history of the Irish Republican struggle in Kerry
from 1913–1923 as a microcosm of what happened throughout
Ireland in the period leading up to and including the War of
Independence.
Michael Collins: A Life, by James Mackay (Edinburgh:
Mainstream Publishing, 1997). One of the best biographies of
Michael Collins available.
Big Fellow, Long Fellow: A Joint Biography of Collins and De Valera,
by T. Ryle Dwyer (Dublin: Gill & MacMillan, 1998). A unique
double biography that looks at the two main actors in the Irish
struggle in the twentieth century, and how they related, positively
and negatively, to one another.
Michael Collins: In His Own Words, edited by Francis Costello
(Dublin: Gill & MacMillan, 1997). An interesting selection of
Collins’s writings with sympathetic commentary that places the
writings in their historical and political context.
Michael Collins and the Brotherhood, by Vincent MacDowell
(Dublin: Ashfield Press, 1997). Probably the definitive work on
the question of who was responsible for the “mysterious” murder of
Collins. Demonstrates that the idea that Anti-Treaty IRA forces were
responsible is not tenable.
Brother Against Brother, by Liam Deasy (Cork: Mercier Press,
1998). A moving work by the former chief of the celebrated Cork
Brigade of the IRA, who joined the Anti-Treaty forces during the
Irish Civil War. Brings out the full anguish and passion of the
period, but in a sympathetic manner that seeks justice for both sides
to the conflict.
The IRA and its Enemies: Violence and Community in Cork,
1916–1923, by Peter Hart (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1998). A well
written and well documented history of the IRA in Cork – the most
republican of the Irish Counties – which recreates the atmosphere of
fear and loyalty during the War of Independence.
Harry Boland: A Biography, by Jim Maher (Cork: Mercier Press,
1998). Michael Collins’s right hand man, who played a vital, if still
unseen, role in the War of Independence. This is the only biography
yet published about Boland.
The Irish Counter-Revolution: 1921–1936, by John Regan
(Dublin: Gill & MacMillan, 1999). An in-depth study of the
Ireland that came out of the Civil War, which looks at how those who
claimed to support the Treaty brought back from London by Collins
went off in a variety of directions as the years passed: some sought
the return of the British Monarchy in one form or another, some
looked to the Italian Corporate State, while still others stumbled
from one principle and policy to another.
The Tragedy of James Connolly, by Fr. Denis Fahey (Hawthorne,
CA: OMNI/Christian Books, 1988). A interesting tangent on
James Connolly in the form of a lengthy review of a book on Con-
nolly by R.M. Fox, James Connolly: The Forerunner (1946).
The Framework of a Christian State, by Fr. E. Cahill, Appendices
(Fort Collins, CO: Roman Catholic Books, n.d.). The appendices
deal with Irish history generally and the history and state of the So-
cial Question in Ireland during the first part of the 20th century.

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irish

Copyright © 2002 IHS Press.

First published in 1919 by W. Collins Sons & Co. of London.

Preface, footnotes, typesetting, layout, and cover design

ISBN-13 (eBook): 978-1-932528-25-1

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Chesterton, G. K. (Gilbert Keith), 1874-1936.

DA962 .C4 2002

Printed in the United States of America.

This edition has largely preserved the spelling, punctuation, and

IHS Press is the only publisher dedicated exclusively

Chronology of Irish History..................22

and the new Sinn Fein, united under De Valera’s leadership,

This fact is of more than passing interest, for The Napoleon of

of the sharpest books ever written by an Englishman about Ireland

fact, it was enormously consequential. The center of Ireland’s capital

stood as an objective correlative, a synecdoche for too many troubles:

than the resurrection of the dead. It is the resurrection of the body.”

432ad St. Patrick arrives in Ireland, marking the beginning of a

hen I had for the first time crossed St.

I saw what seemed the crooked hind legs of a horse on a

whether anybody would put it up again. I do not know; I only know

a sort of ultra-civilized civil war round the half-restored bust of poor

Mangan bust was a model plot of vegetables, like a kitchen garden

to whom such statements are still controversial. Here I would only

he only excuse of literature is to make

of it, as a man in a fairy tale might become conscious that he had

civilization so fundamentally different from our own, that our own

combined, and combined to prevent what a few rustics across the

orderly and organized was belated and abandoned. For it must be

and it is not going to be really ruled by merchant princes, like those

many hours when several people mentioned to me with considerable

well distributed that it will be well defended. The post of honour

we denied what they demanded, but because we denied what we

sophic history; a symbol of its equality, its ubiquity, its multiplicity,

here was an old joke of my childhood, to

be customary. And so amid all our fashions in Christian names, we

is in danger of fading from the background. In short, our Christian

But this is a parenthesis; because the point here is that the

England and Ireland. To express it in the same idle imagery, it would

You soon discover that a considerable number of your second cousins

Rule chiefly to be emancipated from this emancipation. But indeed

y first general and visual impression of the

produced by organization. Charity gives property, and therefore

check to Labour, but rather in a success for Labour, insofar as the

tics, in that particular speech; it was concerned with a tradition in art,

no disparagement when I say that I think his personal popularity had

supporting the mere personality of my opponent; as in the ovation

Above, Catholic women gathered outside Mountjoy Gaol, Dublin, in 1920.

ith no desire to decorate my travels with

that befell me personally in connection with the same enterprise. I

of the strange and recent boiling up of barbaric imperialism, a whirl-

even more progressive principle of distinction, to insist on ethnology

unfortunates, while they are already ashamed of being Teutons, are

because it involved the Irish in a military defeat; it was because it lost

A day or two afterwards a distinguished historian who is a

sands of such Englishman feel about them, some other Englishman

met one hearty Unionist, not to say Coer-

Let it be understood that I speak here, not of tyranny thwart-

deliberately make it, and deliberately make it repulsive. If a certain