Labour Marketing-3
Labour Marketing-3
Labour Marketing-3
SUBMITTEDINPARTIALFULFILLMENTOFTHEREQUIREMENTSFO
RTHE AWARDOFTHE DEGREE OF
BACHLOR OF MANAGEMENT STUDY (BMS)
UNIVERSITYOFMUMBAI
SUBMITTEDBY
(SUHAS MARUTI LAWAND)
BMS, SEMESTERVI
(ROLLNO. 24160)
ACADEMICYEAR2022-2023
UNDERTHEGUIDENCEOF
1
CERTIFICATE
This is to certify that (SUHAS MARUTI LAWAND) has worked and duly completed
his project work for the degree of Bachelor of Management Studies under the Faculty of
Commerce in the subject of Finance and his project is entitled “ RECRUITING AND
LABOUR MARKETS”. under my supervision.
I further certify that the entire work has been done by the learner under my guidance and that no
part of it has been submitted previously for any Degree of any University.
It is his own work and facts reported by his personal findings and in vestigations.
Principal
External Examiner
2
DECLARATION
I, here by further declare that all information of this document has been
obtained and presented in accordance with academic rules and ethical
conduct.
PLACE:
DATE
Student Signature
SUHAS MARUTI LAWAND
3
ACKNOWLEDGEMENT
It gives me great pleasure to submit this project to the University of Mumbai as a part of
curriculum of my BMS course. I take this opportunity with great pleasure to present before you
No words can adequately express my sincere thanks to all those who have helped me in making
this project a success.
Last but not the least; I am thank full to the almighty for giving me strength, courage and
patience to complete this project.
4
INDEX Page no
CHAPTER I 1 - 38
* Introduction.
1.5 Recruiting
5
1.17 Disadvantage of internet Recruiting
CHAPTER II 39 - 52
* Review of literature.
CHAPTER III 53 - 58
* Research methodology
3.1 Introduction
CHAPTER IV 59 - 82
* Data interpretation
6
4.2 labour market data analysis.
CHAPTER V 83 - 87
5.1 Abstract
5.2 Introduction
7
5.7 Acknowledgements.
CHAPTER VI 88 -89
* Conclusion
CHAPTER VII 90
* Biblography
7.1 website
CHAPTER VIII
*Appendix
8.6 Reference
8
CHAPTER I
INTRDUCTION
Employers in other states also have turned to “risky” hires that they
would normally not consider. For example, Produce Packaging in
Cleveland has
9
hired parolees from Ohio prisons, many of whom had been convicted of
violent crimes. For this recruiting source, many of the 1.7 million pris-
oners in U.S. prisons are released to halfway houses or work-release pro-
grams from which they can be hired. Additionally, welfare recipients with
little or no job experience are hired, as well as former drug addicts. In
fact, one firm—Microboard Processing in Seymour, Connecticut—sets
aside 10% of its hires for “high risk” candi- dates. They do not all work
out, because a significant number of them fail to meet production or
attendance standards and are terminated. But with a variety of educational
and trainng programs provided by Microboard, others do succeed.
Employers trying to recruit employ- ees in the especially difficult areas of
information technology and com- puter/software engineering go to great
lengths to “steal” employees from each other. One firm sent a secretary
to obtain a competitor’s in-house phone book, which could be used to
contact employees. In Dallas, National Semiconductor put a billboard
right outside the headquarters of its com- petitor, Texas Instruments. The
sign said, “Why did the engineer cross the road?... to get a better job.” It
included National’s toll-free phone number.
Other information technology (IT) firms have paid signing bonuses
tosophomore and junior computer sci- ence majors—and promised
$60,000 jobs with no college degree. To some 19-year-olds, such offers
have proved tempting—but like would-be sports stars, some individuals
ultimately have found that they needed to go back and get college degrees
for long-term career growth.In another type of creative recruit- ing, some
firms have opened employ- ment centers in shopping malls, and others
have stationed remodeled motor homes—all set up for interviews, test-
ing, and hiring—in parking lots at the malls. These centers sport big
signs: “Want a job? Apply here!”Other innovative approaches include
advertising over the loud- speaker at San Francisco 49ers games, using a
10
plane towing an adver- tising banner over beach areas, setting up
recruiting tables at minor league baseball games, advertising on the back
of grocery receipts, advertising for “moonlighters” (those who want a
second job), and busing people to work so they do not have to
drive.These are only a few of the ways employers have pursued
employees when faced with tight labor markets. But like everything
connected to the business cycle, if and when the unem- ployment rates
increase, some employers will be able to return to the traditional approach
of advertising in the newspapers to attract candidates for most open jobs.
11
Many employers currently are facing shortages of workers
with the appropri- ate knowledge, skills, and abilities
(KSAs) in tight labor markets, as the chapter opener
indicates. However, because business cycles go up and
down, the demand for labor changes and the number of
people looking for work changes. Because the labor
market is the environment in which staffing takes place,
learning some basics about labor markets aids
understanding of recruiting.
Labor Markets
There actually is not one, but several labor markets that are the
external sources from which employers attract employees. These
markets occur because different conditions characterize different
geographical areas, industries, occupa- tions, and professions at any
given time. For example, the demand for over-the- road truck drivers
is very strong at this writing (a tight labor market). Yet with
downsizing and mergers in the banking industry, there is a surplus
of middle- level banking managers (a loose market).There are many
ways to identify labor markets, including by geographical area,
type of skill, and educational level. Some labor market segments
might in- clude managerial, clerical, professional and technical,
and blue collar. Classified differently, some markets are local,
others regional, others national; and there are international labor
markets as well. For instance, an interesting labor market seg- ment
opened up with the demise of the Soviet Union. A number of
excellent So- viet scientists became available due to the absence
of job opportunities in their own countries. Several research
organizations, including Sun Microsystems, have recruited them for
12
jobs. Many of these recruits have continued to live in their home
countries and are linked electronically to their employers in the
United States.Recruiting locally for a job market that is really
national likely will result in disappointing applicant rates. For
example, attempting to recruit a senior ac- counting faculty
member in a small town is not likely to be successful. Con-
versely, it may not be necessary to recruit nationally for workers
in unskilledpositions on the assembly line. The job qualifications
needed and the distribu- tion of the labor supply determine which
labor markets are relevant.
Changes in a labor market may force changes in recruiting efforts.
If a new major employer locates in a regional labor market, then
other employers may see a decline in their numbers of applicants.
For instance, when three riverboat casinos, employing a total of
3,000 workers, opened in Council Bluffs, Iowa, many employers in
the area noticed a dramatic decrease in the number of ap- plicants
for job openings outside of the casino industry. Also, some
employers, particularly smaller manufacturing firms, had to raise
their wages to prevent turnover of existing workers. Similar
occurrences have followed the opening of large automobile
manufacturing plants in South Carolina, Tennessee, Kentucky, and
Alabama.
To understand the components of labor markets in which recruiting
takes place, three different concepts must be considered. Those three
groups are labor force population, applicant population, and
applicant pool.
The labor force population includes all individuals who are available
for selection if all possible recruitment strategies are used. This vast
array of possible applicants may be reached in very different ways.
13
Different recruiting methods— for example, newspaper ads versus
college recruiting—will reach different seg- ments of the labor force
population.
The applicant population is a subset of the labor force
population that is available for selection using a particular
recruiting approach. For example, an organization might limit its
recruiting for management trainees to MBA graduates from major
universities. This recruiting method will result in a very different
group of applicants from those who would have applied had the
em- ployer chosen to advertise openings for management trainees
on a local radio station.
At least four recruiting decisions affect the nature of the applicant
population:
1. Recruiting method: advertising medium chosen and considering
use of employment agencies.
14
information available to the applicant population. Assuming a
suitable candidate can be found, the final selection is made from
the applicant pool.
The supply and demand of workers in the labor force population
has a sub- stantial impact on the staffing strategies of
organizations. Internal labor markets also influence recruiting
because many employers choose to promote from within whenever
possible, but hire externally for entry-level jobs. A discussion of
these and other strategic decisions to be made in recruiting follows.
15
than the supply, there is upward pressure on wages, because workers have
more bargaining power and are more likely to be able to move to higher-
paid jobs. In contrast, employers have to fight for scarce labour.Some
factors can affect supply and demand in the labour market. An increase in
immigration into a country, for example, may increase labour supply and
potentially depresses wages. In particular, it is likely to happen if a newly
arrived worker is willing to accept lower pay. The ageing population will
consume labour supply and potentially drive up salaries.Microeconomic
theory analyses the supply of labour and demand at the individual firm
and worker level. Supply, or the hours that an employee wants to work,
initially decreases as wages increase.Few workers would willingly work
for nothing (theoretically, unpaid interns are working to gain experience
and improve their desirability for other employers) and more people are
willing to work for Rs.50 an hour than Rs.5 an hour.
RECRUITING
Recruiting is becoming more important as labor markets shift.
Although recruiting can be expensive, an offsetting concept that
must be considered is the cost of unfilled jobs. For example,
consider a company in which three operations-related jobs are
vacant. Assume these three vacancies cost the com- pany $300 for
each business day the jobs remain vacant. If the jobs are not filled
for four months, the cost of this failure to recruit in a timely
fashion will be about $26,000.
Although cost is certainly an issue, and some employers are quite
con- cerned about cost per hire as well as the cost of vacancies,
quality might be an important trade-off. For example, if an
organizational strategy focuses on quality as a competitive
advantage, a company might choose to hire only from the top
15% of candidates for critical jobs, and from the top 30% of
candi- dates for all other positions. Though this approach may
raise the cost per hire, it will improve workforce quality.These
examples illustrate that recruiting should not just be seen as an
expense, but as part of overall HR planning and strategy. To be
17
effective, recruiters need to integrate efforts involving labor
markets, recruiting respon- sibilities and goals, and recruiting
sources, including the Internet. Figure 6-1 highlights key
integrative recruiting components.
Recruiting decisions can identify not only the kinds and numbers of
applicants, but also how difficult or success- ful recruiting efforts
may be by type of jobs. In addition, effective recruiting focuses on
discovering talent before it is needed.
18
Integrating Recruiting Components
LABOR MARKETS
Because staffing takes place in different labor markets that can vary a
great deal, learning some basics about labor markets aids in
understanding recruit-ing. Labor markets are the external supply
pool from which employers attract employees. To understand where
recruiting takes place, one can think of the sources of employees as a
funnel, in which the broad scope of labor markets
19
Labor Market Components
20
recruiting method would result in a different group of applicants
from those who might apply if the employer were to advertise the
openings for management trainees on a local radio station, post a
listing on an Internet jobs board, or encourage current employee
referrals and applications. Figure 6-3 illustrates some common
items that affect recruiting applicant populations.
The applicant pool consists of all persons who are actually
evaluated for selection. Many factors can affect the size of the
applicant pool, including the reputation of the organization and
industry as a place to work, the screening efforts of the
organization, the job specifications, and the information avail-
able. It is important to develop an applicant tracking system
when consideringthe applicant pool. Using such a system, both
administra- tively and electronically, can make the recruiting
21
appli- cants, making recruiting easier and larger applicant pools a
fact.
22
working in a small firm rather than a large one. One key to this
firm’s recruiting efforts was to clearly identify the unique
characteristics of working in a smaller firm, which included
greater assignment variety, more work flexibility, and better
23
variety of jobs.11 Another example of a tight labor market is
that of business professors with PhDs, who are forecast to be in
short supply in the next few years due to the retirement of baby
boomers from faculty positions. Other examples of shortages in
specific labor markets include certified auto mechanics, heating
and air-conditioning technicians, and network-certified computer
specialists.Geographic Labor Markets One common way to
classify labor markets is based on geographic location. Markets
can be local, area or regional, national, or international. Local and
area labor markets vary significantly in terms of workforce
availability and quality, and changes in a geographic labor market
may force changes in recruiting efforts. For instance, if a new
major employer locates in a regional labor market, other existing
area employers may see a decline in their numbers of applicants.
Geographic markets require different recruiting considerations.
For example, attempting to recruit locally for a job market that is
a national com- petitive market will likely result in disappointing
applicant rates. A catalog retailer that tries to recruit a senior
merchandising manager from the small town where the firm is
located may encounter difficulties, although it may not need to
recruit nationally for workers to fill administrative support jobs.
This example shows how varying geographic labor markets must
be evaluated as part of recruiting.
24
migration of U.S. work overseas has been controversial. While many
decry the loss of American jobs, some employers respond that they
cannot be competitive in a global market if they fail to take advantage
of labor savings. For example, at some operations in India and China,
U.S. employers pay less than half of what they would pay for
comparable jobs to be performed in U.S. facilities. A significant
number of U.S. and European firms have farmed out software
development and back-office work to India and other countries with
lower wages. However, some advancements in American worker
productivity have made it possible to have fewer U.S. employees to
produce certain items, which has resulted in a cost savings, even at
those employees’ higher wage rates. Hence, those types of jobs are
not being exported to other countries.
The use of the Internet has resulted in global jobs being recruited in
many places, but often recruiting employees for global assignments
requires dif- ferent approaches from those used for typical recruiting
efforts in the home country. The recruiting processes must consider
variations in culture, laws, and language. For instance, in some
countries, potential recruits like to work for European and U.S. firms,
so recruiters emphasize the “Western” image. But in other countries,
cultural employer operational differences change how recruiting is
done.
Dealing with foreign labor markets can present challenges. For
example, in China recruiting is regulated and generally requires the
approval of local personnel or labor authorities. Hiring foreign
employees into U.S. jobs must meet certain legal requirements,
including H1 visa requirements. Concerns exist about hiring illegal
immigrants as well.
25
STRATEGIC RECRUITING DECISIONS
26
employees and outsiders.Organizations that are seen as desirable
employers are better able to attract qualified applicants than are
those with poor reputations. For example, one firm had good pay
and benefits, but its work demands were seen as excessive, and
frequent downsizings had resulted in some terminations and
transfers. The result was high turnover and fewer applicants
interested in
27
Recruitment process outsourcing (RPO) can be done to improve the
num- ber and quality of recruiting candidates, as well as to reduce
28
The PEO and the employment agency are different types of entities.
A PEO has its own workforce, which it supplies by contract to
employers with jobs. However, an employment agency provides a
“work-finding” service for job seekers and supplies employers with
applicants whom they may then hire.
29
temporary workers on a rate-per-day or rate-per-week basis.
Originally devel- oped to provide clerical and office workers to
employers, temporary work- ers in professional, technical, and
even managerial jobs are becoming more common. The
importance of using temporary workers is illustrated through the
use of computer technology by an educational publisher. The
publisher utilized an automated employment, recruiting, and
screening system to obtain sufficient temporary workers for its
firm. That employer obtained sufficient qualified workers which
resulted in a return on its hiring investment of $6 for every $1 of
cost.17
30
number of areas, including building maintenance, security,
advertising, and others. One major reason for the use of
independent contractors is that some employers experience
significant savings because benefits are not provided to those
individuals.
INTERNET RECRUITING
E-Recruiting Means
The growth in the Internet has led both employers and employees
to use Internet recruiting tools. Internet links, Web 2.0 sites, blogs,
twitters, and other types of Internet/Web-based usages have
become viable parts of recruiting. One survey of e-recruiting
software providers identified numerous firms as e-recruiting
31
Internet Job Boards Numerous Internet job boards, such as
Monster and Yahoo! HotJobs, provide places for employers to
post jobs or search for
32
Employer Websites Despite the popularity of job boards and
association job sites, many employers have learned that their own
websites can be most effective and efficient when recruiting candidates.
The most successful of these websites are created by highly prominent
firms and take extensive actions to guide job seekers to their firm. 27
Employers include employment and career information on their
websites under headings such as “Employment” or “Careers.” This is
the place where recruiting (both internal and external) is often
conducted. On many of these sites, job seekers are encouraged to e-
mail résumés or complete online applications.
It is important for the recruiting and employment portions of an
employer website to be seen as part of the marketing efforts of the
media more than job board sites.30 Internet connections often include
people who work together as well as past personal contacts and
friends.
33
The informal use of the Web presents some interesting recruiting
advan- tages and disadvantages for both employers and employees.
Social network- ing sites allow job seekers to connect with employees
of potential hirers. For instance, some sites include posts on what it is
like to work for a boss, and job hunters can contact the posters and ask
questions. An example is LinkedIn, which has a job-search engine
that allows people to search for contacts who work for employers
with posted job openings.
Firms and employers are now engaging in social collaboration by join-
ing and accessing social technology networks such as MySpace, Facebook,
and many others. Posting job openings on these sites means that millions of
website users can see the openings and can make contact online. Often those
doing recruiting can send individuals to the company website and then
process candidates using electronic résumés or completed online
applications.31
Job Applicants and Social Network Sites Many individuals see social
media and networking websites as a key part of online recruiting. A study of
200 users of one such website indicated that the individuals who were job
seeking were doing so for active reasons such as career opportunities, job
inquiries, and others; relatively few of them were passive job seekers who
were just looking at website information.Almost half of surveyed employers
indicated that instead of using general job boards, they were changing to
social networking and niche job sites for recruiting workers with specific
skills. However, employers who use social net- working sites for recruiting
must have plans and well-defined recruiting tools to take full advantage of
these sites.
Recruiting Using Special Technology Means
For a number of years, the Internet has been used by people globally.
Several special Internet tools that can be used as part of recruiting
efforts are blogs, e-videos, and twitters.Blogs and Recruiting Both
34
employers and individuals have used blogs as part of recruiting to fill
jobs. Firms such as Best Buy, Microsoft, Honeywell, and Manpower
have used blogs on which individuals could read and provide content.
For instance, describing job openings and recruiting needs on the Best
Buy blog has resulted in individuals responding to job areas such as
finance, marketing, HR, and other specialties. Numerous other
recruitment videos.35
Some of the online videos contain “employment games” for both
current and potential employees that focus on creating positive
employment images. People who are interested in working for the
company can then follow up by using online job application
documentation and information. For example, MITRE, a systems
engineering firm, developed a “Job of Honor” video game that drew
more than 5,000 hits in one year; more than 600 people in the
United States and from 25 other countries became registered players
in the game. Participation levels like this have led employers to
increase job-related recruiting and follow-up activities using Web-
based linkages.36
35
become “tweeters.” One professional sent a tweet in January 2009,
and by June of that year more than 20,000 people had responded by
contacting JobAngels with tweets.
36
the personal information that can be seen by employers on
websites such as MySpace, Facebook, LinkedIn, and others may
be inappropriate and can possibly violate legal provisions. Also,
blogging creates enough possible legal concerns that regulations
may be implemented by the U.S. Federal Trade Commission
(FTC).
Employment lawyers are issuing warnings to employers about
remarks and other characteristics posted on LinkedIn, Facebook,
and Twitter. According to one survey of employers, about three-
fourths of hiring managers in various-sized companies checked
persons’ credentials on LinkedIn, about half used Facebook, and
37
an employer more positively and obtain more useful information,
other variables.42
Internet recruiting also can save time. Applicants can respond
quickly to job postings by sending electronic responses, rather
than using “snail mail.” Recruiters can respond more rapidly to
qualified candidates in order to obtain more necessary applicant
information, request additional candidate details, and establish
A good website and useful Internet resources also can help recruiters
reach “passive” job seekers—those who have a good job and are not
really looking to change jobs but who might consider it if a better
opportunity were presented. These individuals often do not list themselves
on job boards, but they might visit a company website for other reasons
and check out the careers or employment section. A well-designed
corporate website can help stimulate interest in some passive job seekers,
as well as other potential candidates.
38
The positive things associated with Internet recruiting come with a
number of disadvantages. Because of broader exposure, Internet
recruiting often creates addi- tional work for HR staff members and
others internally. More online job postings must be sent; many more
résumés must be reviewed; more e-mails, blogs, and twit- ters need to be
dealt with; and expensive specialized software may be needed to track
the increased number of applicants resulting from Internet recruiting
efforts. Another issue with Internet recruiting is that some applicants
may have limited Internet access, especially individuals from lower
socioeconomic groups and from certain racial/ethnic groups. In
addition, many individuals who access Internet recruiting sources are
browsers who may submit résumés
just to see what happens, but they are not actively looking for new jobs.
Internet recruiting is only one approach to recruiting, but its use has
been expanding. Information about how Internet recruiting methods
compare with other, more traditional approaches is relevant. Also,
how well the Internet recruiting resources perform must be compared
to the effectiveness and inte- gration of other external and internal
recruiting sources.
39
CHAPTER II
REVIEW OF LITERATURE
Literature review on the labour market
Summary Market systems development for decent work – ‘The Lab’ – is
a new three-year ILO research and knowledge-generation project that will
pioneer innovative ways to measure and maximise job improvements
when working to facilitate pro-poor change in value chains and sectors.
As part of this project, the ILO commissioned a systematic literature
review of the qualitative and quantitative impacts on the labour market of
value chain development interventions. This review aims to distil the
results of studies, in order to answer the question of what are the
outcomes of value chain interventions covering the quantity and quality
of jobs created. A search of websites, digital libraries, bibliographic
scientific databases and publically available databases using keywords
related to job quality and quantity resulted in 99 studies, 53 of which
were selected based on quality criteria and because they included
information on both value chain interventions and impacts on job quality
and/or quantity. Evidence from these studies indicates that the quality of
evidence on interventions in value chains leading to job creation and
increases on job quality is highly variable and generally scarce. Whilst
evidence is presented that interventions can lead to manual and semi-
40
skilled work, particularly in agricultural, natural resource and
manufacturing sectors in both developing and developed countries,
concrete evidence in the literature that specific interventions result in
large scale, long term jobs is scarce and points to the need for further
study. This could be due to (i) such impacts not occurring or (ii) that such
impacts do occur but were not captured in the literature reviewed, given
the cr iteria concerning the quality of the literature and the search terms
used and/or that (iii) the timescale between value chain interventions
occurring and such large scale impacts being measured, has been
insufficient to allow reporting and be captured by this review. More
examples were provided in the literature that chain interventions have
impacted job quality, particularly through training, skills and
empowerment resulting in income enhancement and improved working
conditions. Certification interventions provide a number of examples of
job quality impacts, based on scientifically robust evidence. Negative and
indirect impacts on the quantity and quality of jobs were noted, pointing
to the need for interventions to be supported, for example by good impact
logics, baseline assessment for which to measure performance and
progress, and monitoring and assessment. The evidence presented in the
literature reviewed largely makes assumptions about causality and
attributes outcomes and impacts on job quality and quantity to the
interventions. There was some discussion about external influences that
could have affected or caused the impacts noted and attributed to the
value chain intervention, reference to a baseline situation or a
counterfactual situation. Many studies indicated that the situation and
changes were strongly context related e.g. to land and resource
ownership, migration, societal changes, education, other projects etc.
Recommendations are provided for the ILO on selecting value chains for
41
interventions, and for action research in value chain development
projects.
Key words: Labour market, value chain interventions, impacts, work, job
creation, job quality
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Evaluating Recruiting Satisfaction The satisfaction of two groups is
useful in evaluating recruiting. Certainly the views of managers with
openings to fill are important, because they are “customers” in a very
real sense. But the applicants (those hired and those not hired) also are an
important part of the process and can provide useful input. Managers can
respond to questions about the quality of the applicant pool, the
recruiter’s service, the timeliness of the process, and any problems that
they see. Applicants might provide input on how they were treated, their
perceptions of the company, and the length of the recruiting process and
other aspects. Evaluating the Time Required to Fill Openings Looking at
the length of time it takes to fill openings is a common means of
evaluating recruiting efforts.64 If openings are not filled quickly with
qualified candidates, the work and productivity of the organization are
likely to suffer. If it takes 45 days to fill empty positions, managers who
need those employees will be unhappy. Also, as noted earlier, unfilled
positions cost money. Generally, it is useful to calculate the average
amount of time it takes from contact to hire for each source of applicants,
42
because some sources may produce recruits faster than others. For
example, one firm calculated the following averages for nonexempt,
warehouse and manufacturing jobs:
Metrics Because recruiting activities are important, the costs and benefits
associated with them should be analyzed. A cost–benefit analysis of
recruiting efforts may include both direct costs (advertising, recruiters’
salaries, travel, agency fees, etc.) and indirect costs (involvement of
operating managers, public relations, image, etc.). Cost–benefit
information on each recruiting source can be calculated. Comparing the
43
length of time that applicants hired from each source stay in the
organization with the cost of hiring from that source also offers a useful
perspective. Yield Ratios One means for evaluating recruiting efforts is
yield ratios, which compare the number of applicants at one stage of the
recruiting process with the number at another stage. The result is a tool
for approximating the necessary size of the initial applicant pool. It is
useful to visualize yield ratios as a pyramid in which the employer starts
with a broad base of applicants that progressively narrows. As Figure 6-
10 depicts, to end up with five hires for the job in question, a sample
company must begin with 100 applicants in the pool, as long as yield
ratios remain as shown. A different approach to using yield ratios
suggests that over the length of time, organizations can develop ranges
for crucial ratios. When a given indicator ratio falls outside that range, it
may indicate problems in the recruiting process. As an example, in
college recruiting the following ratios might be useful
44
Selection Rate
Acceptance Rate
45
against the number of applicants they competed against for their jobs,
using historical data within the organization. Also, the success base rate
can be compared with the success rates of other employers in the area or
industry using benchmarking data. This rate indicates whether the quality
of the employees hired results in employees who perform well and have
low turnover. For example, assume that if 10 people were hired at
random, it might be expected that 4 of them would be satisfactorily
performing employees. Thus, a successful recruiting program should be
aimed at attracting the 4 in 10 who are capable of doing well on this
particular job. Realistically, no recruiting program will attract only the
people who will succeed in a particular job. However, efforts to make the
recruiting program attract the largest proportion possible of those in the
base rate group can make recruiting efforts more productive in both the
short and long term.
46
Online profiles and resumes. This public, self-reported information can
be gleaned from a LinkedIn profile, for example, and varies from a
candidate’s job history and education to their specific skills, abilities,
certifications, etc. Securing real-time, intelligent labor market data like
this may help drive an organization’s recruiting strategy and retention
practices. Bad news: Organizations aren’t usually leveraging this data.
Without the resources required to scale and compete for talent, they lose
top candidates to their competitors and wind up making second-best
hiring selections. That’s why so many hiring teams in this boat have
turned to network-based recruiting for help.
Recruiters become their own boss. They can create their own schedule,
working full-time or as a side hustle. And they get paid when the
candidates they submit or refer are hired.
47
Employers can scale their hiring needs with freelance recruiters for a
fraction of the cost. Network-based recruiting results in 50% cost
savings over traditional staffing. Rather than paying 20% of a new hire’s
salary to a recruiting agency, organizations only invest 10% (on average).
48
intelligent hiring decisions based on actual candidate supply levels and
statistics for compensation and diversity.
Real-time data helps hiring teams stay objective so they can set
realistic talent acquisition goals and compete in the real world.
Once they know the reality of the talent market, recruiters, hiring
managers, and leadership will be empowered to craft better job
descriptions, offer competitive compensation packages, and make the
right hire the first time around.
49
Labor market data helps teams identify the best markets and locations to
recruit for specific positions.
You can compare the number of current job openings with the number of
employees currently holding that job title by county, city, metro area,
drive time, or ZIP code.
Once you know the best markets to target, you can run job ads your
desired candidates will actually see.
Labor market data not only highlights demand in specific markets, but
common skillsets for those in-demand positions. This allows
organizations and recruiters to dig beneath unreliable job titles to find and
compare candidates with must-have skills, niche qualifications, and
impressive certifications.
Many hiring teams still use “gut feels” to decide if their salary is in the
right range and competitive. With labor market data, you can see
estimated salary ranges by skills and experience based on combined wage
data from government sources and online job postings. This allows
50
organizations to get realistic about fair, competitive compensation
packages.
A target salary range for each new hire will indicate whether
organizations need to raise salary expectations, include a sign-on bonus,
or add more employee benefits to attract top-level prospects away from
competitors. This data also helps recruiters negotiate compensation
packages for passive candidates on the fence about making a shift in
employers.
51
5. Increase workforce diversity and inclusivity
If you want to stay ahead of your competitors, you need labor market data
in your corner. This bird’s eye view of the workforce allows
organizations and recruiters to connect the right talent with their perfect-
fit roles.
52
It’s time to let sophisticated data analytics do the heavy lifting, so you
can focus on relationship-building, talent nurturing, and other essential
tasks requiring a personal touch.
CHAPTER III
RESERCH METHODOLOGY
Introduction
53
important factor in economic production. More and more not only the
level, but also the direction of a training is relevant for both individual
and social reasons. Secondly, the large individual and governemental
investments in the educational system ask for a careful consideration of
the way in which resources and utilized. For optimal decisions at
individual and policy level, adequate information is needed which
anticipates future trends in supply and demand for certain qualifications.
The most prominent method to deal with the projection of future
imbalances between supply and demand for certain types of education, or
qualifications, is the so-called manpower requirement approach. In the
manpower requirement approach typically forecasts are made of the
future labour market situation of types of education, in which demand and
supply are forecasted independently. The basic assumption of this
approach is that the demand (or requirement) for labour of a certain type
of education can be recognised as such in a sensible way. Both forecasts
requirements and supply are compared and if the supply does not match
the requirements, labour market problems are predicted. This comparison
leads to a surplus or to a shortage, and these are, in the pure requirement
approach, regarded as discrepancies which have to be bridged by an
adequate policy, because in case of a surplus educational resources are
inefficiently used and in case of a shortage economic goals cannot be
attained. In case of an adequate policy these gaps in case they were
predicted will therefore not be observed afterwards. The original aim of
the manpower requirement model has been an instrument for educational
planning.' If, as in a market system, the government has no significant
role in the educational decisions of students, the forecasts of the
educational structure of the future labour market might, nevertheless, be
important. The forecasts can be used as public information which is
relevant for students. Borghans (1993) shows that the provision of labour
54
market forecasts to students may improve their educational choice, and
therefore reduce the mismatch between supply and demand. In such a
situation it is not guaranteed anymore that students' choices will
automatically adjust to information about a gap between supply and
demand such that the expected gap will disappear. In this market based
framework students will not directly change their behaviour because of
the existence of a gap between supply and demand, but discrepancies at
the market will affect the market position of different types of education
(e.g. changes in the wages, job levels, or in the level of unemployment).
These changes in the market position, might, if correctly anticipated,
affect students' behaviour. In a more pragmatic view the gaps, predicted
by the manpower requirement approach, are therefore regarded as
indicators for the future labour market
55
From this market point of view the approach of predicting surpluses and
shortages for educational types in the usual manpower requirement
approach has several, closely connected, shortcomings. Firstly,
theprediction of a surplus or shortage is, as remarked above, an abstract
theoretical construct. In actual practice a shortage as such will not
necessarily be noticed. Surpluses are possibly observed byincreasing
unemployment, lower wages, or people changing to lower level jobs.
Shortages might manifest themselves in difficulties to fill vacancies,
higher wages, or the hiring of people for certain jobs with a less
appropriate education. The labour market has a some flexibility to react
on discrepancies betweenrequired and offered qualifications. A second
shortcoming of the requirement approach is that it does not take into
account the fact that surpluses or shortages for one type of education
influence the labour market situation of other types. For some types of
education (e.g. higher education) surpluses do, mainly, not lead to
unemployment, but result in crowding-out processes. The higher educated
get jobs at a lower level and therefore the demandfor people at the
intermediate level decreases. The usual independent projections of supply
and demanddo not take into account these substitution effects. A third
disadvantage of the straight surplus/shortage forecasts is that, due to the
hypothetical character, it is not possible to make straightforward
evaluations of the forecasts. The model only predicts thehypothetical gap
between supply and demand, which can not be measured directly. Ex post
measurement requires additional forecasts about what will happen with
the shortage or the surplus. They provide no direct information about the
'requirements' itself. The most important consequences of this is that
trends in employment actually observed do not necessarily directly reflext
underlying trends in the need for certain qualifications, but are also the
resultsof adjustment processes on the labour market. To make right
56
interpretations of the actual trends in occupations and qualification
requirements, but alsoin order to be able to make appropriate forecasts of
these trends, it is therefore important to developtools which provide
insight in these developments. This paper gives an overview of the
approach used bythe Research Centre for Education and the Labour
Market to cope with these problems. This approachconsists of, on the one
hand, a method to measure similarities or overlaps in occupational
domains between types of education, and, on the other hand, an explicit
model of substitution processes which occur due to demand-supply
imbalances. The paper both deals with the theoretical framework of this
approach and provides empirical examples obtained from the recent
forecast for the Dutch labour market till the year 2000. The next chapter
will investigate the problem of interpreting trends in required
qualifications, in the context of a flexible labour market. In chapter 3 the
structure of the Dutch labour market is decribed, in which the main point
of attention is on the flexibility of the market. Chapter 4 discusses the
Manpower Requirement Model with Substitution, developed by the ROA
while in chapter 5 empirical results of the earlier mentioned forecasts
provide an example of this approach. Finally in chapter 6, we will discuss
the possibilities these models provide to obtain more information about
trends in required qualifications and occupations, but also will mention
some important research questions. These questions point to future
theoretical research which seems to be very relevant for the improvement
of the insight we have in tendencies at the labour market. Such
investigations might further improve the transparancy of the labour
market developments and therefore improve decisions both at individual
and policy level.
57
As mentioned in the introduction, the traditional manpower planning
models depart from the assumption that every occupation requires certain
qualifications. Implicitly in this approach is the thought that more
qualifications do not contribute to the fulfilment of the job, while less
qualifications imply a serious shortcoming in the functioning of the
person involved in this job (see Blaug, 1967). Opposed to this, an obvious
conclusion from the fact that in actual practise the match
betweenoccupation and qualification shows some flexibility, is that
requirements for a specific job are not exogeneously to the labour market,
but are the outcome of the allocation process on the labour market. The
match between supply and demand is not only determined by the needed
qualifications but will also be regulated by the balance of supply and
demand. The possibilities to recruit somebody with a certain qualification
and the costs of recruitment (both searching costs and wages) influence
employers decision who to employ for a certain occupation. This means
that if a certain group of workers becomes more scarce, employers will be
forced to provide better working conditions for these people or to switch
their recruitment to other groups on the labour market. The demand for
one group of workers might therefore be caused by the shortages of
others. This view on the functioning of the labour market, which will be
empirically illustrated in the next chapter, seems at first sight to
contradict the traditional manpower planning model in which the demand
for each occupation is confronted with the supply from certain
educational categories. In some recent papers (Borghans and Heijke,
1996, Wieling and Borghans, 1995 and Borghans and Willems, 1995) it
has been shown however that also from the view point of a flexible
labour market, manpower requirement projections may provide very
useful information.
58
CHAPTER IV
DATA INTERPRETATION.
59
Let’s look at the applicant first. I think all of us have been a job applicant
at some point of time or other. And we have received interview calls. And
have done background research before joining a startup. We have gone
through Glassdoor to read reviews, to know about the work culture, and
to get an idea of what salary we should be negotiating. But what if I told
you that there an automated way to go about doing this? And there is
more that you can do to prepare yourself before going for that dream
interview, all using the data in hand!
If you are a job applicant and you are doing background research on a
company, you need to dig up quite a bit to get a bigger picture. If it is a
larger, well-known company like Facebook or Google, then this might
not prove to be a hassle. But if you are joining a startup. With 10 people,
you need to be sure of the founders, the people working there, their
credibility, and their goal. Web scraping can help you with this. You need
to search for all occurrences of the name of your company in Google
search as well as Google news search. Labor market data analysis can aid
in keeping pace with the market trends.
In case your company is a very small one. I would recommend you do the
same with the name of your founders just to be sure. This will lead you to
articles both positive and negative. As well as customer reviews, news-
pages, special mentions, testimonials of older employees, and more! This
can prove to be a treasure trove of data, that you can get easily and would
give you a much bigger picture of the company that you want to join.
You should also be getting some information on the company’s details on
government websites since almost all countries require some amount of
company information to be publicly available.
60
You can view the paid-up capital, the type of license that the company
owns (which would explain the sector of business that it is targeting),
who all are the directors of the company, and sometimes even the name
of the parent company if one exists.
But that is all about the company itself, what about how much it pays?
Interview Questions, reviews, and how it treats employees? For this, I
would recommend you scrape data from multiple places. Getting data on
employees of the company from Linkedin. It would give you a fair idea
of what type of people with what sort of credentials are currently working
at the company. Labor market data analysis can aid in keeping pace with
the market trends.
Their years of work experience. The tech-stacks that they are experts at,
and the previous companies that they worked at. Can give you a fair idea
of what kind of background you would require to apply to specific roles
in the company. On the other hand. GlassDoor data can help you
understand the salary that you can ask for. The types of benefits that you
can expect as well as a general overview of how good or bad the
management of the company is. Another website not traditionally scraped
in such a situation, but can end up being a boon is Quora.
Scraping Quora for all questions and answers. The name of the company
can unearth information that you may have had no idea about. I used data
from Quora to choose which company to join. When I had two offer
letters. But then at that time, it was all manual and it took me hours to do
such tasks.
61
The recruiter, on the other side of the table, can use data just as efficiently
as the applicant. Among the tasks that a recruiter has to handle.
Shortlisting candidates is one of the toughest and takes a lot of time. A
basic filter created by the hiring manager to separate ones that don’t fit
the bill. Some manual work will still needed to scrape out the best
profiles. But the job reduced manifold, and this way you would not be
shortlisting someone who might have applied randomly. Labor market
data analysis can aid in keeping pace with the market trends.
If you are a recruiter who needs to hire for multiple job profiles. You can
even use algorithms that will help you match the best fits for each profile
from a pool of candidates.
In case you just have a job post and are not sure about the requirements
that applied- if it is a generic role. To say a software engineer you can use
web scraping to find the most commonly mentioned requirements. And
good to have for that profile and use it to create your job post.
Conclusion
Whether you are a recruiter or a job applicant, you are highly dependent
on job data and job posts. Want to get the job data-feed that you can plug
into your system and run algorithms on? That’s why we have
62
our automated job scraping tool- JobsPikr. Which can provide you with
a fully automated data feed without the hassle of maintenance and
infrastructure? You can build services on top of the data easily. You can
use custom filters to decide what sector you want your job feed from.
Which location you want to target, and more.
Data is every where and it can be used for deriving various Intreprations
and inferences, But inorder to do that we should understand the data.
6. Visualization of Data
63
7. Deriving conclusion and Decision Making
Iam not diving detailed explanation for each and every step, for eveyones
understanding just leaving key Recruitment matrixes
Recruitment metrics are crucial tools that provide insight into the
effectiveness of the recruitment process. These metrics can help recruiters
identify areas that need improvement and determine the success of their
recruitment efforts. Some Key Recruitment Matrixes include
1. Time to Hire :Time to hire is the duration between the start of the
recruitment process and the time a candidate accepts the offer. This
metric helps us understand how efficient their recruitment process is and
how quickly they can fill a vacancy.
2. Time to Fill :Time to fill is the duration between the creation of a job
opening and the time a candidate is hired. This metric is crucial as it helps
us to measure how long it takes to fill a position and identify areas that
need improvement.
64
5. Recruitment Conversion Ratio: The recruitment conversion ratio is
the percentage of candidates who make it through the recruitment process
and are eventually hired. This metric helps us to measure the
effectiveness of their recruitment process and identify areas that need
improvement.
Data analysis can help us to identify the key factors that contribute to the
success of a candidate in a specific role. By analyzing data, We can
identify the skills and characteristics that are necessary for success in a
particular role and make better hiring decisions.
Data analysis can help us to streamline the recruitment process and make
it more efficient. By analyzing data, We can identify areas that need
improvement and take steps to make the recruitment process more
effective.
65
Data analysis can help us to identify areas where they can reduce
recruitment costs. By analyzing data, recruiters can identify the most
cost-effective recruitment methods and channels and make better
decisions about where to allocate their recruitment budget.
Below, we’ve detailed five important ways that data analytics enhances
the recruitment process.
1) Benchmarking candidates
Recruiters can use data analytics to evaluate new candidates. For
example, by pinpointing the company’s top performers and identifying
their hard and soft skills, we can determine appropriate qualifications and
expectations for potential employees. This allows us to meet business
requirements and make more lucrative hires.
2) Applicant-to-interview ratio
67
Tracking the applicant to interview ratio can help you better understand
what to look for in a candidate. By using proper screening and assessment
tools, you can analyze patterns and improve the efficiency of your hiring
process.
3) Offer-to-acceptance ratio
If more candidates are rejecting your offers than accepting, this is your
cue to reevaluate your approach. You may need to provide better offers,
revamp your employee value preposition (EVP), or improve the overall
candidate experience. Setting industry benchmarks to elevate employer
branding and revise compensation is key to attracting and retaining talent.
Data analytics can also help recruiters proactively plan targets, deadlines,
and budgets.
68
Zoho Recruit provides a customizable dashboard that tracks the
candidate’s journey from start to finish. Our software’s advanced
analytics provides built-in visualizations and enables you to sync
candidate data from your other platforms. You can also develop and
analyze reports with stakeholders to create the perfect recruitment
strategy for your organization.
69
improving access to information about vacancies, and allowed employers
to benefit from a larger pool of job candidates (Autor 2001; Kuhn and
Mansour 2014; Piróg 2016). This shift to an online labour market has also
opened new opportunities for research and policy applications. At the
same time, newspapers stopped being relevant as a data source. In the
US, since the 1950s the Conference Board organization had
systematically surveyed the number of vacancies posted in the “Help
Wanted” section of the newspapers, but it stopped publishing its findings
in 2008, after failing to see any increase since the 1990s boom. This
failure was attributed to the migration of vacancies to the
Web (Anastasopoulos et al. 2021).
The Internet allows researchers and policy practitioners to access a large
volume of information about jobs and job candidates. Most commonly,
the data used originate from individual job sites (Beblavý, Kureková, and
Haita 2016; Drahokoupil and Fabo 2022; Marinescu and Wolthoff 2020),
as well as commercial websites where people post their personal profiles
or CVs, such as LinkedIn or Indeed (Kureková and Žilinčíková 2018;
Mamertino and Sinclair 2019; Apaza, Vidal, and Chire 2021; Pejic-Bach
et al. 2020). In some cases, however, data are instead taken from an
aggregator, such as the European Public Employment Services network,
EURES (Kureková et al. 2016), or companies such as Emsi Burning
Glass, which collect and extract information from large volumes of job
vacancies from many websites (Hershbein 2016; Deming and Kahn 2018;
Fabo and Kahanec 2020; Acemoglu et al. 2020). A major advantage of
this data source is that the data collection is regular rather than a one-off
event. Thus, the data can be analysed as time series and not just cross-
sectionally (e.g. Acemoglu et al. 2020; Leitner and Reiter 2020).
Social media is a comparatively less developed alternative. Nonetheless,
several notable studies have used social media data to analyse the labour
70
market (see the more detailed overview of alternative online data sources
in Box 1). Specifically, Twitter has been used to predict labour market
flows by counting the incidence of searches such as “lost my job” over
time (Antenucci et al. 2014). Additionally, there has been growing
research conducted with LinkedIn data (Mamertino and Sinclair 2019;
Tambe 2014; Tambe et al. 2020). Overall, social media remains a
powerful but underutilized tool for studying labour markets; this is due to
difficulty in obtaining data, as well as “making sense” of often rather
opaque signals present in the social media content (Lenaerts, Beblavý,
and Fabo 2016).
Importantly, the Internet has a dual role in labour market research: it
serves as an vital source of data, but at the same time it is transforming
the labour market (Horton 2011). A large number of studies have tried to
estimate and/or forecast important macroeconomic variables such as
unemployment using Google Trends data; mostly in developed
countries (Askitas and Zimmermann 2009; Fondeur and Karamé 2013;
McLaren and Shanbhogue 2011), but also in China (Su 2014, using
Baidoo). Empirical analyses have shown that online job vacancies are
suitable data sources for measuring aggregate economic activity in the
labour market (Hershbein and Kahn 2016; de Pedraza et al. 2019).
Importantly, the Internet has a dual role in labour market research: it
serves as an vital source of data, but at the same time it is transforming
the labour market (Horton 2011). A large number of studies have tried to
estimate and/or forecast important macroeconomic variables such as
unemployment using Google Trends data; mostly in developed
countries (Askitas and Zimmermann 2009; Fondeur and Karamé 2013;
McLaren and Shanbhogue 2011), but also in China (Su 2014, using
Baidoo). Empirical analyses have shown that online job vacancies are
71
suitable data sources for measuring aggregate economic activity in the
labour market (Hershbein and Kahn 2016; de Pedraza et al. 2019).
Internet labour market data typically cover a specific labour market, such
as a country; but in some cases they include multiple countries (or sub-
country units, such as the US states), in a comparative design (Azar et al.
2020; Fabo, Beblavý, and Lenaerts 2017; Modestino, Shoag, and
Ballance 2020). Most studies focus on the entire labour market, but
several investigate specific occupations or industries, such as
logistics (Kotzab et al. 2018), nursing (Kobayashi et al. 2016), or data
science (Debortoli, Müller, and vom Brocke 2014; Ecleo and Galido
2017).
A clear majority of published studies of online labour market data focus
on the US, UK or EU labour markets, which is in line with the general
over-representation of research focusing on developed countries in
academia (Das and Do 2014). Nevertheless, the Western-centric focus in
the literature should not overshadow the growing number of important
publications that cover developing and emerging nations’ economies. In
particular, they deal with big labour markets such as China (Fang et al.
2020; Kuhn and Shen 2013; Maurer-Fazio and Lei 2015; Xu et al. 2017;
Zhu et al. 2016), India (Chowdhury et al. 2018; Nomura et al. 2017),
Russia (Pitukhin, Astafyeva, and Astafyeva 2020; Skhvediani et al.
2021), and Pakistan (Bilal et al. 2017; Matsuda, Ahmed, and Nomura
2019).
The large size of these markets generates a huge amount of labour market
data: for instance, a recent study focusing on the Chinese market
identified 20 million job adverts, offering 105 million job vacancies,
posted on just one online platform in four months (Fang et al. 2020).
Other emerging and developing countries that have been studied include
countries as diverse as the Philippines (Ecleo and Galido 2017),
72
Ukraine (Muller and Safir 2019), Belarus (Vankevich and Kalinouskaya
2020), Kosovo (Brancatelli, Marguerie, and Brodmann 2020),
Peru (Apaza, Vidal, and Chire 2021), and Mexico (Campos-Vazquez,
Esquivel, and Badillo 2021).
Lastly, research using online vacancy data appears more frequently than
research relying on job applicant/CV data; these two aspects of labour
markets are rarely studied simultaneously, although some examples
exist (Fabo and Kahanec 2020; Matsuda, Ahmed, and Nomura 2019).
This imbalance might be due to the generally easier access to information
about vacant jobs, rather than applicant information, which some portals
offer on a paid basis (e.g. Profesia.sk). However, it could also reflect the
greater interest in labour demand research, for which there are fewer
alternative data sources of vacancy data.
Online vacancy postings and CVs are the most widely used Web-based
data sources, but they are not the only ones. Some of the widely used
alternative Web-based or Web-collected data sources are:
Web-based surveys. Probably the most widely used is the WageIndicator
survey, which covers 130 countries, including many emerging
economies, for which other data are often unavailable. The respondents of
the survey are self-selected on a voluntary basis in response to the online
campaign, which results in a biased dataset. There is a lively discussion
among scholars as to what extent this bias can be sufficiently addressed
using methods such as weighting (Fabo and Kahanec 2018; Smyk,
Tyrowicz, and van der Velde 2018; Tijdens and Steinmetz 2016). In
developed countries, online panels with probabilistic sampling have
recently emerged as a promising means of collecting high-quality,
reliable data (Das, Ester, and Kaczmirek 2018). Nonetheless, they are
costly and rely on a high level of Internet access, and thus are less
practical for most emerging countries.
73
There has been an immense body of literature produced recently on the
role of labour market platforms, such as Uber, Amazon Mechanical Turk,
or Upwork. These platforms are relevant for the “standard” labour
market, because they often disrupt traditional dynamics present in these
markets. This can happen because the platforms allow outsourcing of
some tasks that were previously performed by employed workers to
people working through platforms, who are classified as self-employed
(e.g. some institutions have replaced in-house drivers with an Uber
service); or alternatively, because they allow enterprises to perform
offshore work overseas (Drahokoupil and Fabo 2016)
74
for example, unemployment trends (Askitas and Zimmermann 2009;
Simionescu and Zimmermann 2017) or GDP growth. Real-time
availability implies that data can be analysed with a much shorter time
delay than survey-based data about labour markets, while it can also
capture the impact and dynamics of unexpected events and shocks, such
as the COVID-19 pandemic (Campos-Vazquez, Esquivel, and Badillo
2021; Fang et al. 2020). For instance, an OECD study identified not only
the sizable dip in vacancy rates at the onset of the pandemic (March–
April 2020), but also the variance between countries, sectoral differences
in fluctuations, and the change in skill requirements connected to the
switch to working from home (OECD 2021); this implies that the impact
of the COVID-related shock varied across a set of dimensions. Moreover,
timely information is useful not only for research, but particularly for
policy makers and educators. For instance, it is well known in economics
that unsuccessful school-to-work transition has long-term implications for
career outcomes (Bloom, Freeman, and Korenman 1988). It is, therefore,
important to be able to advise young people which sectors are growing
despite the recession, and which are the most demanded skills that might
improve their chances in a difficult labour market.
While real-time availability is a key advantage, in some cases, past online
labour market data can also be reconstructed (for example, the job portal
Profesia.sk stores past vacancies and has provided researchers with
vacancy and CV data over a retrospective time period: see e.g. Beblavý et
al. 2016). Such data can in principle be used as longitudinal data, to study
trends in skills supply and demand, the emergence of new occupations
and their skill requirements, or transformations such as skill-biased
technological change. This enables cost-effective access to longitudinal
and sometimes cross-sectional data about skills (such as via the EURES
platform, Skills Panorama). Moreover, this longitudinal aspect allows the
75
study of changes within occupations, which is rarely possible with other
data sources.
Large quantities of online labour market go hand-in-hand with
comprehensiveness that online labour market data possibly entail. While
data are typically unstructured (Gandomi and Haider 2015), in principle
the information that can be extracted from the content of job vacancies or
from individual CVs is very comprehensive. In terms of online job
vacancies, information about educational or qualification requirements,
skills or tasks, and required experience is often detailed, and can be
systematically analysed (Beblavý, Kureková, and Haita 2016). Likewise,
online job applicant data in fact contain detailed professional and
educational experience, and personal information (i.e. key socio-
demographic characteristics). With rising competition for jobs, applicants
increasingly highlight key competences or skills – especially IT and
language skills – but also soft skills; this provides comprehensive input
for studying profiles of job candidates (Haddad and Mercier-Laurent
2021; Kureková and Žilinčíková 2018).
It is also important to consider trends that are likely to positively impact
the quality and usability of online labour market data. First, the
recruitment market is moving online in a dynamic way, and in some
developed economies, labour market matching is organized fully online.
In an ILO report, Van Loo and Pouliakis (2020) reviewed online job
markets in the EU28 countries during 2019, and concluded that in
countries such as Estonia, Sweden and Finland, the proportion of
vacancies published online approached 100 per cent, while in others such
as Denmark it accounted for around 50 per cent. Secondly, in part driven
by mismatches, firms are forced to broaden their recruitment processes to
include other occupations and regions, thus in effect enlarging their
76
candidate base (which in turn mitigates demand for higher wages). Both
these trends work in favour of increasing representativeness, and reducing
measurement error (van Loo and Pouliakas 2020). There is now also
strong evidence that the Internet has become an effective tool for
matching workers to jobs (Kuhn and Mansour, 2014), and that poorer
strata of society are increasingly turning to the Internet to search for jobs
because their social capital is weaker (Kuhn, 2014). It is also worth
mentioning that academic research has already influenced concrete policy
initiatives, some of which are summarized in Box 3
In addition to the academic-focused research, there have been several
important applied initiatives to utilize online job market data for
commercial or policy purposes. For instance, in the US, the O*Net
project utilized the online job vacancies collected by the Burning Glass
company to determine “hot technologies” on the basis of employers’ job
postings (Lewis and Norton 2016). The payroll company ADP publishes
monthly employment statistics based on Internet data before official
numbers are made available by the Bureau of Labor Statistics. (Einav and
Levin 2014). Furthermore several skill-matching platforms have been
developed for the commercial needs of HR departments, such as Burning
Glass (for a list, see Boselli, Cesarini, Marrara et al. 2018, 482).
In Europe, an agency of the European Commission, CEDEFOP, has
piloted a cross-country system of scraping and systematizing vacancies
across the EU member states (The Skills Panorama), to support
discussion on the use of online vacancy data for policy purposes (Boselli,
Cesarini, Marrara, et al. 2018; van Loo and Pouliakas 2020). A more
recent initiative is the ESSnet big data project, which pilots the use of
online vacancy data for official statistics. Some countries in the EU have
already experimented with online labour market data as an auxiliary
77
source of labour market statistics (such as the Experimental Online Job
Vacancy Index in Sweden). A good example of a non-Western
application is the SkillsFuture government project in Singapore
(www.myskillsfuture.gov.sg/), which uses the data from job postings,
combined with insights from stakeholders’ interviews, to support policy
and programme design
Sources of biases in online labour market data
Notwithstanding the evident advantages discussed in the previous
chapter, the online labour market data suffer from various biases,
particularly a lack of representativeness. Non-representativeness in
applicant data might have different causes to that affecting vacancy data.
With respect to job applications and job searches, the main source of non-
representativeness is linked to the fact that the universe of jobs
intermediated online is not equal to the universe of new jobs that exist.
Internet access is an important driver of this, as individuals’ ability to
access the Internet remains unequal across and within countries, and
varies by socioeconomic status, age or skills. Other aspects that intervene
in decisions about online job seeking include a sector’s level of
informality, as well as the level of social capital that sustains referrals,
which are more widely used in lower-skilled jobs and in smaller
enterprises.
Regarding vacancy data, the individual labour market segments are
unlikely to advertise open positions to an equal extent. While Internet
access has become less of an issue for firms, factors such as the intensity
of labour demand, nature of work, level of informality in a given sector,
or aspects such as firm size, all affect the likelihood of a vacancy being
published online in the first place (Sostero and Fernandez-Macias 2021).
Sectors such as construction or agriculture are in some countries less
78
amenable to the use of online labour intermediation platforms, while
micro and small enterprises are more likely to rely on informal and non-
advertised hiring processes. We now turn to discussing these aspects in
greater detail.
The extent to which the population is connected to the Web varies greatly
between different countries, but also within them. As evident from Figure
1, Internet access is close to universal in high-income countries, and is
available to a majority in most upper-middle income countries and some
lower-middle income countries. However, the majority of the population
in low-income countries and many lower-middle income countries are
still without access to the Internet. The poorest, least educated and the
most distant from the labour market, even in high-income countries, are
typically digitally disconnected (Warschauer 2003; van Dijk 2006; 2020;
Scheerder, van Deursen, and van Dijk 2017). Furthermore, other specific
groups such as females, older workers and rural populations are likely to
be unable to go online in countries where Internet access is not
widespread (Birba and Diagne 2012). Hence, information about online
labour market matching is likely to have biases in less developed and
emerging economies, due to limited or skewed Internet access.
79
In countries where Internet access is close to universal, the bias of
analysis using Internet labour market data might be less
significant (Askitas and Zimmermann 2015); however, there is still an
observable bias in the data, leading to an over-representation of tertiary
educated workers and job opportunities for better-educated
workers (Muller and Safir 2019; Štefánik 2012). For example, Carnevale,
Jayasundera and Repnikov (2014) studied Burning Glass Technologies
data for the US labour market, and estimated that 80–90 per cent of job
vacancies requiring a tertiary degree (bachelor’s and higher) are posted
online, compared to about 40–60 per cent of job advertisements requiring
a high-school diploma. In spite of this limitation, some researchers have
used online labour market data to understand demand in low-skilled
occupations or in unstable, typically less skilled jobs (Beblavý,
Kureková, and Haita 2016; Kureková and Žilinčíková 2016).
Another important dimension to consider is that of informal labour. From
the existing ILO analyses, we know that six workers out of ten work in
the informal economy. Unlike some past predictions, we know that this
number is not necessarily decreasing. The issue is not limited to emerging
80
countries, and particularly affects vulnerable populations such as women,
uneducated people, or migrants (ILO 2021). The reasons for informal
employment vary; for instance, enterprises might opt to operate
informally to avoid regulations applying to a formal employment
relationship. Additionally, even formal firms might employ workers
informally; in some cases this reflects the preference of workers, as in the
case of online crowdworkers preferring to make some quick money on
the side. Thus, informal employment might be associated with lower
numbers of vacancies being published either online or offline.
Nevertheless, we see that some online job portals also cover the informal
labour market, such as Babajobs in India (see Nomura et al. 2017).
Next, particularly in the developing and emerging markets, a major part
of the workforce finds itself in a self-employment arrangement, due to
necessity or choice; even though their work is similar to that performed
by employed workers (ILO 2016; Poschke 2019). Self-employed work
does not typically generate vacancies (Dunlop 1966), and people might
be particularly prone to being inaccurate when describing their self-
employment experience in CVs (Jones 1984).
In the formal economy, there are also reasons for not advertising jobs
publicly. Enterprises and job seekers might opt for an informal (internal)
approach for multiple reasons, including lower search costs, ability to
avoid initial screening, and because seeking workers or work through
informal networks is likely to result in opportunities and applicants
located in the near vicinity (van Ours 1989). The sheer size of the online
job markets demonstrates that there are many situations where a formal
job search is nonetheless initiated; but we need to be mindful of the
limited generalizability of any patterns identified in the job postings, even
in countries with a high share of Internet users and an insignificant
81
informal economy. That being said, the relatively low cost of advertising
job vacancies (or of finding a worker via a CV posted online) might
empower actors who would not have initiated formal recruitment in the
pre-Internet era (Sodhi and Son 2010).
In addition to non-representativeness, validity and reliability might also
be of concern when using online data. Both vacancy and CV data are self-
reported, and there are no tools embedded to check the validity and
reliability of information provided. For example, Internet job boards can
be flooded by resumés that in fact no longer correspond to people who
are searching for a job – known as “stale” resumés (Kuhn 2014) – while
the same might be true in the case of vacancies. Nonetheless, some
researchers consider online information about job applicants to be more
truthful and accurate (van Loo and Pouliakas 2020). Moreover, vacancies
might be posted online even after the position has been filled, or one
posted vacancy can in practice mean more job openings. These
specificities warn of a measurement error due to duplicates and the
lifetime of a vacancy. Research has also identified that firms might use
vacancies as an advertising or company branding tool, which is likely to
affect the choice of vacancy content (Winzenried, 2020).
Particular concerns might also arise for cross-country comparative
research. Existing studies have shown that employers in different
countries seem to use very different strategies in terms of their expressed
expectations for skills or education; this might be due to underlying
differences in the functioning and institutional underpinning of national
labour markets across Europe (Kureková et al. 2016). Similar differences
have been identified among formally identical jobs advertised in different
sectors, occupations and skill levels (Beblavý, Kureková, and Haita 2016;
Brandas, Panzaru, and Filip 2016; van Loo and Pouliakas 2020). Brandas
82
et al. (2016), who studied academic vacancies worldwide, also pointed
out a lack of semantic and structural compatibility of data mined from
different sources. Winzenried (2020) provided examples of job vacancies
that greatly vary in the “density” of skills they require, and emphasized
the importance of “implicit” knowledge in vacancy posting, which can be
country-, sector- or occupation-specific (such as the significance of
education or experience)
CHAPTER V
Abstract
83
This paper attempts to investigate how employers' recruitment strategies
(in terms of the recruitment method used and the applicants'
characteristics) change in response to different conditions on the
relevant regional labour market.
Our empirical results show that the hiring of unemployed candidates and
the use of the public employment service are events more likely to
happen in a slack regional labour market. Moreover, the use of
advertisements and the hiring of already-employed job seekers are more
likely to occur in the presence of excess demand on the relevant regional
labour market.
This supports the view that shifts in recruitment strategies may be driven
by cyclical fluctuations in expected variations (in both the size and
composition) of the pool of potential applicants.
Introduction
The predictions from Pissarides' model are consistent with observed gross
worker flows in the labour market. Burda and Wyplosz (1994) show, for
different countries, that the outflow from unemployment becomes more
important during recessions, but it becomes much less important during
periods of economic recovery. In contrast, the importance of job-to-job
transitions is less evident during recessions, but they become much more
important during periods of economic expansion (see also Burgess,
1993).
85
show that employers tend to screen more applicants for more important
positions (with high educational requirements and involving training).
Barron et al. (1997b) endogenize the information about the quality of the
match. The authors found that both applicants and vacancy characteristics
strongly influence firms' search both at the intensive (signal offered by
the hiring standards) and at the extensive (number of applicants screened
before a job offer) margin.
In this respect, Russo et al. (2000) show that employers' search at the
extensive margin changes in response to different conditions in the labour
market. When faced with a tight labour market, employers tend to switch
to the use of the recruitment methods that trigger the highest number of
applications in order to make up for the scarcity of job seekers.2
86
employers' preferences for hiring among different categories of applicants
(with particular attention to the unemployed)
The data set used for the empirical application is derived from a survey
on the recruitment behaviour of Dutch firms “How do firms recruit?”.
The survey is carried out by telephone every 2 months. However, it is not
a panel because each time, a new random sample of firms is used. Here,
we use data for the years ranging from 1991 to 1994, a period which
represents 2 years with a tight labour market (1991 and 1992) and 2 years
with a slack labour market (1993 and 1994). The data set contains
87
applicant(s), we present the contingency table for the full sample in Table
1.
Estimation results
Conclusions
In particular, we find that the use of the public employment service and
the hiring of unemployed candidates are more likely to happen when
there is excess supply in the labour market. The use of advertisements
and the hiring of already-employed job seekers are more
Acknowledgements
CHAPTER VI
CONCLUSION
This paper has studied how online data on labour markets can be used to
describe, analyse, understand, refine or predict labour market trends. This
88
relates to the more general aspect of labour demand, but also more
specifically to skills demand and skills changes, in light of the existing
deficiencies of online data: specifically, a lack of representativeness.
The research field that relies on online labour market data has expanded
rapidly in recent years. Our review revealed that this expansion is
characterized by several features. First, research continues to focus on
single countries, with a small number of attempts at comparative work.
Second, research using online vacancy data appears more frequently than
research relying on job applicant/CV data. This might be caused by the
generally easier access to information about vacant jobs, than to applicant
information, which some portals offer on a paid basis. However, it could
also reflect a greater interest in research on the demand for labour, for
which fewer alternative survey data sources are available. Third, while
this research field continues to be driven by a focus on advanced
economies, mainly the US and EU, there is also an evident trend towards
expanding this research to developing countries´ labour markets. These
studies, on average, tend to be less concerned with data biases than
research focusing on advanced economies. Fourth, somewhat to our
surprise, the data limitations of online sources used to study labour
markets often remain undiscussed in terms of the biases, non-
representativeness, or other potential pitfalls of these data. Moreover, this
situation does not seem to be improving with time – in contrast to those
studies that have taken a rigorous approach to understanding the qualities
of online labour market data, and have addressed them using various
methodological or research design approaches.
This paper advances the current debate by offering a mapping of biases
recognized in online labour market vacancies and CV data, and an
overview of approaches and techniques to address the identified biases.
89
We highlight that legitimate research approaches exist, which are
inductive in nature, focused on discovering patterns and trends in
underlying data. These methods are by definition less concerned with
generalizability of findings, as they have different objectives. For this
body of research, online labour market data open new avenues for
understanding developments in labour markets. (Near) real-time
availability, granularity, relative affordability and size represent some of
the key qualities which make online labour market data uniquely suitable
for many forms of analyses – traditional as well as novel ones.
Biases in online labour market data emerge due to a myriad of factors,
including populations’ varying levels of Internet access; different
resources, motivations or opportunities for advertising a vacancy, among
different sectors or firms of different size; as well as higher levels of
informality in some economies or sectors. Most evaluations of biases
pertain to developed countries, and these have identified over-
representation of some sectors (ICT, finance) and under-representation of
others, mainly the public sector and manufacturing. While there are more
skilled than non-skilled vacancies found in the online world, there is no
clear evidence of white-collar vacancies’ over-representation in relation
to blue-collar, as public jobs are prevailingly white-collar. In addition to
the type of work, additional factors such as hiring practices, job turnover
or the levels of informality can shape the probability of vacancies
appearing online.
CHAPTER VII
BIBLIOGRAPHY
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IN POLAND – SELECTED ISSUES." Polityka Społeczna 559, no. 10
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RESPONSE ON LABOUR MARKET NEEDS." Journal of
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labour market needs in logistics managers." Upravlìnnâ, ekonomìka ta
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Imbalance between Labor Quality and Needs of the Labor Market of
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CHAPTER VIII
APPENDIX
91
Performance of jobactive
A key component of jobactive is placing job seekers into employment.
When a job seeker finds a job whether on their own or with assistance
from their provider, that job is called a ‘job placement’.
Outcomes are payable to jobactive providers 4, 12 and 26 weeks after an
individual is placed into employment, unsubsidised self-employment or
an apprenticeship or traineeship. There are two types of employment
outcomes, full and partial.
A full outcome is achieved when an individual earns enough to move
them fully off income support for the outcome period. For individuals
with a partial work capacity or who are principal carer parents, their
reduced working capacity is taken into account.
A partial outcome is achieved when an individual earns enough to reduce
their income support by at least 60 per cent (on average) over the
outcome period, and is only available for 4 and 12 week outcome
payments. For individuals with a partial work capacity or who are
principal carer parents, their reduced working capacity is taken into
account.
Table F.1: Outcomes by type, 1 July 2015 to 31 May 2018
92
Stream Job placements 4-week 12-week 26-week
(share of total) outcomes outcomes outcomes
(share of total) (share of total) (share of total)
0
Grand Total 1,054,360 552,820 463,950 289,740
507,700
500,000
400,000
300,000
256,620
232,870
222,410 219,860
200,000
149,530
125,180 125,440
104,680 101,760 93,930
100,000
64,460 58,170 45,590
35,100
17,570
0
Under 12 months 12 to 23 months 24 to 59 months 60 months or more
93
Table F.3: Placements and outcomes by selected cohorts, 1 July 2015 to 31
May 2018
Selected cohort Job 4-Week 4-Week 12- 12- 26- 26-
Placeme Outcom Outcom Week Week Week Week
nts es e Rate Outcom Outcom Outcom Outcom
es e Rate es e Rate
People with 180,170 96,070 58.5% 77,810 49.6% 43,300 31.3%
Disability
Culturally and 170,970 96,550 65.9% 81,910 58.7% 52,930 43.2%
Linguistically
Diverse
Parents 120,600 73,540 70.0% 62,540 62.9% 37,020 42.2%
Mental Health 74,810 40,570 60.9% 32,720 51.8% 17,270 31.6%
Ex-Offenders 110,110 49,790 51.5% 39,150 42.4% 22,230 27.1%
Indigenous 96,190 47,840 57.3% 37,920 47.9% 21,670 31.0%
Homeless 96,840 45,810 52.6% 36,150 43.4% 20,410 27.6%
Drug and Alcohol 68,410 31,130 51.0% 24,270 41.6% 13,100 25.3%
Refugees 44,050 24,860 64.2% 20,560 56.2% 12,890 40.1%
Pre Release 680 370 72.7% 285 58.9% 140 32.9%
Prisoners
Grand Total 1,054,360 552,820 62.4% 463,950 54.8% 289,740 38.9%
Job seekers can be recorded against multiple cohorts. For example, a job seeker can be both Indigenous and a
parent.
The highest number of job placements was in the Other Services industry,
with 277,540 placements between 1 July 2015 and 31 May 2018. Other
Services is a diverse industry which includes firms providing personal
care, funeral and religious services, machinery and automotive repair and
maintenance activities. It should be noted, however, that Other Services is
a small industry, accounting for around 4 per cent of total employment in
Australia. Accordingly, it is unlikely that this industry would have
presented 277,540 placement opportunities and it is more likely that this
is being used as a ‘catch all’ category. The next two industries with a
large number of placements were Accommodation and Food Services and
Retail Trade, two industries that present good entry-level opportunities
due to the prevalence of lower-skilled jobs.
Job seekers who obtained a job placement in the Financial and Insurance
Services industry were more likely to stay in employment, with 56.9 per
cent of job placements converting to a 26-week outcome. Conversely, job
seekers who were placed in the Agriculture, Forestry and Fishing
industry were the least likely to remain in employment, with only 27.1
per cent of job placements converting to a 26 week outcome. However,
this may reflect the high incidence of seasonal and short-term work in this
industry.
94
TableF.4: Job Placements and Conversion Rates by Industry 1 July 2015 to 31 May 2018
Employer Industry Total Job 4-Week 12-Week 26-Week
Placement Outcome Outcome Outcome
s Rate Rate Rate
Other Services* 277,540 59.9% 52.5% 37.4%
Accommodation and Food Services 129,660 55.7% 48.7% 31.4%
Retail Trade 102,910 65.0% 58.9% 41.3%
Construction 96,100 55.7% 47.4% 33.3%
Manufacturing 72,160 67.4% 57.8% 41.5%
Health Care and Social Assistance 66,480 74.2% 70.7% 54.4%
Transport, Postal and Warehousing 59,420 62.2% 54.6% 39.3%
Agriculture, Forestry and Fishing 52,750 56.0% 44.1% 27.1%
Administrative and Support Services 44,290 71.5% 63.4% 48.0%
Education and Training 36,120 69.3% 62.3% 44.9%
Professional, Scientific and Technical 32,430 65.5% 56.4% 40.8%
Services
Wholesale Trade 16,080 65.8% 56.8% 40.5%
Information Media and 13,680 70.4% 62.8% 48.4%
Telecommunications
Arts and Recreation Services 11,030 54.6% 46.8% 32.1%
Mining 9,070 74.2% 66.2% 50.1%
Electricity, Gas, Water and Waste 8,960 69.1% 61.1% 45.8%
Services
Financial and Insurance Services 8,680 78.9% 71.8% 56.9%
Rental, Hiring and Real Estate Services 8,590 66.2% 58.0% 42.2%
Public Administration and Safety 8,420 68.2% 61.0% 46.7%
Total 1,054,360 62.4% 54.8% 38.9%
*The high number of placements in Other Services is likely due to this industry being used as a ‘catch all’
category
Placements by employer
Between 1 July 2015 and 31 May 2018, there have been 1,054,360
jobactive job placements, with 1,028,789 of these achieved with 308,855
unique employer ABNs.
A total of 61,771 (or 5.9 per cent) job placements are associated with the
top 20 employer ABNs (table below).
Of these top 20 employers, 14 employer ABNs have been identified as
labour hire companies. These account for 40,604 job placements, which
equates to 65.7 per cent of the total job placements of the top 20
employers and 3.9 per cent of total jobactive job placements.
Table F.5: Top 20 Employers ABNs (placements of job seekers)
*Labour Hire Company
95
Time to Exiti
60
50
40 All
30 Stream A
20 Stream B
10 Stream C
0
0 3 6 9 12 15 18 21 24 27 30 33 36 39 42 45 48 51 54 57 60 63 66
Fortnights from commencement
96
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