"A Home Away from Home": The World of the High School Music Classroom

Author(s): Cecil Adderley, Mary Kennedy and William Berz

Source: Journal of Research in Music Education , Autumn, 2003, Vol. 51, No. 3 (Autumn,
2003), pp. 190-205
Published by: Sage Publications, Inc. on behalf of MENC: The National Association for
Music Education

Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/3345373

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190 JRME 2003, VOLUME 51, NUMBER 3, PAGES 190-205

The purpose of the study was to investigate the world of the high school music class-
room. Motivation to join music ensembles and to remain, perception of the musical
groups by their members and by the school community as a whole, the meaning and
value that music ensembles engender for their participants, and the social climate of
the music classroom were explored. Structured interviews were conducted with 60 stu-
dents-20 each from band, choir, and orchestra. Students joined ensembles for musi-
cal, social, academic, and family reasons. Insider views highlighted the importance of
labels and identifiers and changing perceptions throughout one's school career, where-
as outsider views included the opinion that musicians are talented, intelligent, and
underappreciated. Ensemble participation yielded musical, academic, psychological,
and social benefits. The social climate emerged as a pervasive element in the study as
students noted the importance of relationships for their well-being and growth.

Cecil Adderley, Mary Kennedy, and William Berz

Rutgers, The State University of New Jersey

"A Home away from

Home": The World of the

High School Music

Classroom

The fact that adolescents form subcultures in their schools and in

society is well-documented in the literature (Cotterell, 1996; Cusick
1973; Head, 1997; Kinney, 1999; Moffatt, 1989). In his ethnogra
study of the high school student's world, Cusiak (1973) identified t
"music-drama" clique as one of several closely knit circles in the in
tution he studied (p. 144). Important characteristics of the cl
were that several of the members were among the highest achieve
in the school, that most had known each other since elementar
school, and that, unlike some other groups in the school, the musi
drama clique members did not seem to associate with one anoth
outside of school.

Cecil Adderley is an assistant professor of music, Mary Kennedy is an assistant pr

fessor of music, and William Berz is a professor of music at the Mason Gross School
the Arts, Rutgers, The State University of New Jersey, 81 George Street, New
Brunswick, NJ 08901-1441. Their e-mail addresses are [email protected],
[email protected], and [email protected], respectively. Copyright @ 2
by MENC: The National Association for Music Education.

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 JRME 191

Morrison (2001) supports Cusiak's finding that music ensembles

form close-knit circles and goes further to suggest that "school
ensembles are not just classes or performance groups, but guardians
of their own specific culture, a culture that informs and enriches the
lives of their members" (p. 24). Morrison explores this "overlooked
culture" through the themes of identity, transmission, social dimen-
sion, practical and personal boundaries, traditional song and perfor-
mance practices, and diaspora. Lamont (2002) examines the devel-
opment of young people's musical identity, asserting that both in-
school and out-of-school contexts play a role.
The social "pecking order" of high school groups, from popular
"preppies" and 'jocks," deviant "burnouts" and "headbangers [a
musician who performs hard rock]," to low-status "nerds" and
"dweebs," is explored by Kinney (1999). Kinney found that the
"trendies" (also referred to as "preppies," "populars," 'jocks," or the
"in-crowd") "had the highest participation in extracurricular activi-
ties (such as football, basketball, track, golf, cheerleading, gymnas-
tics, student council, yearbook, and choir) relative to other groups"
(p. 24). These students also "express higher degrees of self-esteem
than do their peers who are members of less popular groups" (p. 21).
In light of the foregoing discussion, it seems clear that music stu-
dents form subcultures of their own within the larger school setting
and that these subcultures prove to be important vehicles for support
and growth. In the present study, we investigated the music subcul-
ture of one high school to determine its fundamental nature and
quality, its features and its significance, and to discover how closely
this subculture resembles Morrison's "culture of our own."
Against the backdrop of Morrison's claim, three studies prove use-
ful to our investigation. Hylton's (1981) study was concerned with
identifying dimensions of meaning perceived by participants of
senior high choral ensembles. Six dimensions were illuminated:
achievement, spiritualistic, musical-artistic, communicative, psycho-
logical, and integrative. In a study of junior high school boys' expe-
rience of choral music as an elective, Kennedy (2002) explored four
issues: motivation to join the choir and to remain, acquisition of
musical skills, knowledge, and attitudes, repertoire considerations,
and perception of the "choral experience"-both preferences and
benefits. Evidence from the data supported five out of six dimensions
of meaning as stated by Hylton (1981). Comments related to the spir-
itualistic dimension were missing, perhaps due to the age of the
informants or perhaps due to the secular age in which we live.
Conway and Borst (2001) investigated the "relationship between per-
sonal motivation and choral involvement at multiple levels of study"
(p. 5). Specifically, they were interested in determining what person-
al factors motivated graduating middle school choral students to con-
tinue choral music electives in high school and what "other non-
musical influences motivated the students to value their choir class
experiences from one school to another and from one grade to
another" (p. 5). Analysis of student interviews yielded seven cate-

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192 ADDERLEY/KENNEDY/BERZ

gories of meaning: singing for learning's sake, singing for self-expres-

sion, singing for social and group reasons, singing for enjoyment,
singing for performance, singing to be identified with the school pro-
gram, and singing for the music itself (p. 6).
The foregoing three studies confined their investigations to stu-
dents in choral ensembles. The present study adopts a wider lens to
incorporate participants enrolled in the three major high school
ensembles-band, choir, and orchestra. Our purpose was to investi-
gate the world of the high school music classroom. We looked at four
main issues: motivation to join music ensembles and to remain, per-
ception of the musical groups by their members and by the school
community as a whole, the meaning and value that music ensembles
engender for their participants, and the social climate of the music
classroom.

METHOD

The study took place in a large American high school in a

eastern city in a predominantly upper-middle-class socioec
area. The 40-year-old suburban school is considered by peer ac
ic institutions to be academically upwardly mobile and staff m
pride themselves on the fact that a significant proportion of se
on to higher education, including a number who attend Ivy
colleges. (The orchestra teacher gave us the unofficial perce
college-bound students as 90%!) The ethnic makeup of the
body is two-thirds White, one-quarter Asian, with small num
Black, Hispanic, and other groups. During the time of the stu
school was in the final stages of a major renovation that woul
more space for the music department (among other things).
The music facilities and equipment in evidence gave a pictur
healthy department, well-supplied and valued. There were
rooms for each of the three ensembles. Only the choral ro
shared by the occasional nonmusic class. The three music t
shared an office that was often inhabited by students during
hour, study periods, and before and after school. The orc
teacher, affectionately dubbed "Mr. T." by the students, was in
year of teaching at the high school. The choral teacher, "Miss
and the band teacher, "Mr. K.," were both in their fifth year
school. All three had had additional teaching experience p
arriving at the high school. Out of approximately 2,000 s
attending the school in grades 10-12, 330 were enrolled i
choir, and orchestra classes. (During this study, there were 12
dents enrolled in band, 118 in orchestra, and 92 in choir.) In both
orchestra and choir, girls outnumbered boys two to one. Band mem-
bership was almost evenly divided between the sexes.
To investigate the subculture of the music classroom, we conduct-
ed structured interviews (as suggested by Fontana & Frey, 1994) with
60 students-20 each from band, choir, and orchestra. Interviews
were held during regular class hours in adjoining practice rooms and

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 JRME 193

the music office by three investigators. The one-on-one strategy and

the fact that the interviews were recorded added informal commu-
nication (Creswell, 1998, p. 124) and voice tones to the data, features
that would not have been present had a written survey been used.
Each investigator interviewed approximately 20 students. By coinci-
dence, each investigator had either observed one or more of the
ensembles as a university student-teaching supervisor or had adjudi-
cated and/or given clinics to at least one of the ensembles prior to
the study. Because the interviewers had each had some previous
interaction with one or more of the ensembles, all were assigned stu-
dents whom they did not know. Teachers were asked to select a bal-
ance of girls and boys and also a balance of students from grades 10,
11, and 12 for interviewing.
Accessibility rather than randomness was the major determinant in
choosing the participants. Each student who was selected was given
the opportunity to either accept or decline by the interviewer. In all,
16 sophomores (8 girls, 8 boys), 19 juniors (12 girls, 7 boys) and 25
seniors (11 girls, 14 boys) were interviewed. A few students were mem-
bers of more than one ensemble, and several were enrolled in music
theory in addition to their performing ensemble(s).
The interview questions were designed to address the four focus
issues already mentioned: motivation to join music ensembles and to
remain, perception of the musical groups by their members and by the
school community as a whole, the meaning and value that music
ensembles engender for their participants, and the social climate of the
music classroom. Care was taken with the ordering of the questions so
that rapport with the participant would be established at the outset,
questions would flow naturally from one topic to another, and oppor-
tunity would be given for participants to offer additional comments at
the conclusion of the interview (Spradley, 1979) (see Figure 1).
Analysis consisted of studying the complete interview transcripts
and of systematically organizing them into groups by music ensem-
ble (band, choir, or orchestra) and by sex (girl or boy). Secondly,
questions pertaining to each focus issue were grouped together and
their resulting answers synthesized. From this vantage point, clear
patterns began to emerge. In addition to patterns within each focus
area, there was also crossing of boundaries between the four focus
areas. For instance, the social impact of friends appeared not only in
the questions related to friends and the social climate, but also in the
other three focus areas. Thus, mention will be made of this social
impact in each area in an effort to not only reflect the data accurately
but also to highlight its important role in the musical world of these
young people.

INTERPRETATION

Motivation to Join

"Why did you join the band/choir/orchestra in the first plac

This question elicited a wide range of responses, many of which

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194 ADDERLEY/KENNEDY/BERZ

1. What grade are you in? What is your voice part/instrument(s)?

2. How long have you been a member of the band/choir/orchestra in this
school? In previous schools? Are you a member of more than one ensem-
ble? If so, which ones?

3. I'm interested in understanding your participation in band/choir/orches-

tra from your viewpoint. Can you tell me the reasons why you chose to be
a member of the b/c/o in the first place?
4. What are the things you really like most about being a member of the
band/choir/orchestra?

5. As a member of your high school band/choir/orchestra, you are a person

who plays/sings because this experience means something to you. I am try-
ing to find out what it is about this experience that is meaningful. From
your point of view, what would that be?

6. Now I'd like to ask a different type of question. Do you spend time with your
fellow musicians outside of rehearsal? If so, what kinds of things do you do?

7. Are you a member of other groups in the school such as athletic teams or
clubs? If so, which ones?

8. I'd like to know something about your friends, the group you hang out with
in band/choir/orchestra or otherwise. Can you tell me in general about
their interests?

9. Moving back to the band/choir/orchestra. What's your perception of the

social climate of this ensemble?

(a) Do you know everyone's name? Is everyone friendly with everyon

else in the group?
(b) Are there people within the ensemble who seem to stick together?
(c) Are there people who don't seem to have any friends?
10. Are the music groups in the school popular? If so, why do you think t
is?

11. How do you think the other students who are not involved with the music
program perceive you and your classmates who are involved?
12. After you graduate, what do you think you will take away with you from
being a member of the band/choir/orchestra?
13. This is a rather different question. If you had an unexpected free period,
where would you go and what would you do?
14. How would you describe your participation as a member of the band/
choir/orchestra? Is it like being part of a regular class? Or like a team situ-
ation? Is it like a club? Or like a "home away from home"? Or is it like
something else?
15. Now that we have talked for a little while and you have better idea as to
what we are discussing, could you please talk again about why band/
choir/orchestra is valuable to you?
Thank you so much for talking to me. You have really helped me to under-
stand how you view your participation in the band/choir/orchestra and
what this experience means to you.

Figure 1. Interview Questions.

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 JRME 195

firm and affirm results of earlier research. First was the influence of
family. Parents alternatively encouraged or pressured students to join
music ensembles. An orchestral student explained: "Like, my parents
told me mostly to do it because when they were young they didn't
play, so they wanted me to just learn more how to play an instru-
ment." Sometimes the parental influence seemed more benign, as in
the following comment: "I wanted to become a musician, and my
mom had been a musician." In addition, many students referred to
the importance of a sibling in helping them make the decision to be
in a school ensemble.
A second area of influence was the whole domain of things "musi-
cal." First was an acknowledgment of students' liking for the subject.
Simple statements such as "I like music" appeared frequently in the
transcripts, along with more focused comments like "[it] kind of
influenced me to the classical part of music." A second musical
dimension was earlier exposure to music in a variety of ways. This
proved to be quite significant for some. Comments such as "I started
in 5th grade," "Compulsory choir in 4th grade was the catalyst,"
"Earlier piano training paved the way," and "Music programs on VH1
when I was little" are evidence of this component. Playing and the
appeal of instrumental timbres was a third musical dimension.
Students enjoyed playing and said that "the band was something you
wanted to be in." Students also mentioned individual instruments
and their connection with them. The following comments serve to
emphasize this connection. "The clarinet ... I liked the sound of it,
then switched to bassoon," "I thought the violin had a cool sound,"
and "My mom brought home a trumpet [from a garage sale] and I
liked the way it sounded" underline the affinity that one can have for
a certain instrumental color. Finally, students referred to the whole
area of musical development. Some "wanted a music career," while
others cited the "good program at the school" as the reason they
became involved. Some spoke of the "opportunity to learn musical
skills" while others referred to the "opportunity for solos."
A third reason for joining musical ensembles was the perception
of the balance they provided in the school curriculum. Students wel-
comed the chance to "get away from schoolwork" and said that they
believed that they were more "well-rounded" people for having par-
ticipated in a music group. One student referred to his two music
periods (music theory and choir) this way: "I have bookends first and
eighth period, so something to look forward to."
The social benefit of being in a group was a fourth area of influ-
ence. Students welcomed the opportunity to "feel part of something"
and "to make friends." Playing/singing with a group was another
draw for participation. One student expressed his musical and social
reasons forjoining the choir this way:

I'm drawn to, like, to singing and music in general, and then there's the social
aspect, which is real fun because, like, walking into the chorus room breaks
down like social barriers, and you get to know people a lot better than you
would outside of the music room.

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196 ADDERLEY/KENNEDY/BERZ

The sentiments of these high school students confirm Morrison's

(2001) view and echo those of the informants in Kennedy's (2002)
study, for whom "love of singing, influence of the teacher and the
company of friends" (p. 27) were instrumental in persuading them
to join the choir in the first place.

Perception of the Musical Groups by their Members and the School

Community

Many of the students interviewed for this study had strong views on
how other people in the school who were not enrolled in music class-
es viewed them and the performing groups. A majority seemed to
take considerable pride in their ensembles and the quality of the
resulting performances. Many students remarked that the ensembles
performed at a high level and that their concerts were reasonably
well-attended. This seemed to shape their opinions of how their non-
musical peers judged them and if participation was viewed to be pos-
itive and a popular thing to do. A tenor saxophone player provided
a summary that was quite typical. "They think that we're good, but
we're not the center of attention."
Comments indicated that many students viewed themselves as part
of the larger school population, while others saw themselves as sepa-
rate, part of an experience that was totally unique from all others in
their school (see Morrison, 2001). It is this blend of the two oppos-
ing views that seems to be the overall theme of how students were
viewed by their nonmusical peers. There was not a single view, how-
ever, as to how they were judged by others in the school. Students
often used athletics as a benchmark to measure whether participa-
tion in music was viewed as popular. In a similar vein to the results
reported by Kinney (1999), the implication was that the organized
sports programs were the most well-regarded activities in the
school-at the top of the school's "pecking order." A soprano sum-
marized her comparison of music and athletics. "I guess that it's not
as big as some athletics, but it's pretty big."
A considerable number of students said that they believed that
those in the music groups were perceived to be talented, partly
because of the overall feeling that the larger school community
judged the ensembles to be of high quality. A chorister remarked:
"There's an element of respect. There's an element of, 'well, she's
really good at music.' "
Many music students also said that they are viewed as being intel-
ligent. A violinist's comments point to this, as well as to how he
viewed himself and his musical peers. "There [are] a lot of people
that are smart that are in the orchestra. I think they might see us as
that because a lot of people are." Several orchestra members men-
tioned that students in music generally earned high grades in other
classes. Notwithstanding the fact that the general population of the
school is academically oriented, these student comments affirm
Cusiak's (1973) findings and fuel the already heated discussion over

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 JRME 197

the connection between musical engagement and general cognitive

development (see Hodges, 2000).
Students generally said that they put considerable effort into music,
but that their work was underappreciated. A chorus member com-
mented: "I don't think that they really have an understanding of how
hard we work, but I think there's a certain respect that we have." A tuba
and string bass player also noticed this blend of respect and underap-
preciation. "A lot of people do notice that it's an outstanding program
in this school and they realize we work hard. People don't understand
the depth of effort that goes into something like marching band. How
much time we put in, how much energy we put in-blood we lose."
The use of labels provided insights into how students regard them-
selves and how they fit into the larger school environment. The stu-
dent musicians seemed to use several "derogatory" labels for them-
selves. Of these terms, the most frequently used were "choir geeks"
and "band dorks." There did not seem to be such wide-scale use of
such labels for the orchestra members. The labels were viewed with
both humor-maybe even some pride-as well as with consider
negativity. The students seemed to imply that it was okay to use
labels for one another, but not so from those outside of the prog
Several students tried to provide explanations of the terms and
they were used. A violinist commented: "They might think
dorky. That comes up often because we practice hard and we
fool around, and most of the people who participate are high-s
people." A chorister put the labels into some perspective: "Th
[are] always some people who have stereotypical impressions
as] 'that person's a "band dork" or a "choir geek," or whatever
predominantly, I'd say most peoplejust view it as a really nice act
The marching band seemed to be viewed somewhat differe
from the other ensembles for a number of reasons. A few students
noted that "marching band was for 'dorks' and that the concert ban
was just another class." One band member said, "Marching band
its own persona, and a lot of baggage comes with it."
Although not unique to the marching band, identifiers seemed
be at the root of some of these perceptions. Not only were stud
using "music as a badge" (Frith, 1981), but they were also using clot
ing, instrument cases, and other symbols to signify their participati
These things identified musicians as members of the school's ens
bles and set them apart at least to some degree. The most contro
sial was wearing marching band jackets. A number of choir member
remarked on this and thought that this contributed to the imag
marching band members being perceived as "band nerds." A num
of students seemed to think that the view of their participatio
music changed rather significantly during their school career. A m
chorister said:

In eighth and ninth grade, it's not the coolest thing for a guy to do, and you get
looked at kind of funny. In eleventh and twelfth grade, you become more seri-
ous about music and more serious about your dedication to it then. People stop
judging you by it and just admire you.

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198 ADDERLEY/KENNEDY/BERZ

An 11th-grade violinist expressed similar feelings. "Back in sixth

grade they'd say, 'you're a dork; you play violin.' Now they say, 'Wow,
you're in the orchestra.' It changes when you get older."
Although not to a large degree, the view of the arts in the larger
social context had an influence on how the students perceived their
participation in music. A violinist remarked: "The popular kids don't
think that it's cool to be in it. Because to them it's kind of geeky, just
like classical music is not popular." Conversely, a couple of students
did say that they thought that, in general, the arts were valued in
their community and school. Another violinist added: "Our school
appreciates art, so if we have an orchestra concert, our friends come
and watch and we have a chorus concert they come, and we also have
theater so our friends all come and watch that." A third violinist had
a somewhat different take. "I'm in orchestra and I wouldn't say that
I'm popular because of it. I'm popular because I play bass in a garage
band."

Meaning and Value

What meaning and value did performance ensembles engender

for their participants? Student responses were naturally varied, yet
distinct themes arose. They can be most easily discussed under musi-
cal and nonmusical benefits, with the nonmusical benefits being fur-
ther divided into academic, psychological, and social subcategories.
Making music and performing emerged as important in the
"meaning and value" responses. Comments such as "I like playing"
and "the knowledge of playing" are sprinkled throughout student
interviews. Some students saw their performing as more than a recre-
ative act. "I've been able to create a lot," offered one person. Other
students appreciated the fact that they had opportunities to perform
in a variety of groupings from the complete ensemble to sectionals to
chamber groups and even as a soloist. Students named their expo-
sure to a variety of music as being something they valued. A chorister
expressed it this way:

Just the different types of music that you can be shown and be like experienced
to because this past spring ... we had like a guy's group that does barbershop
quartets and I really like it 'cause it's fun and we pick up the music nicely too ...
from, like, spirituals to requiems.

Another area of value concerned students' learning. Acquisition

of musical skills and knowledge was suggested by many. An orchestra
member explained: "It's a really good experience to learn music and
learn how to read music and understand it." Students' love of music
and their understanding of its power was acknowledged by severa
a young women in band put it: "And you know how music, ... it's k
of weird, that you can, just by blowing through something, ... m
someone cry or get excited or get depressed or whatever. It's cool
Some benefits straddled dual areas. Students mentioned interac-
tion with the audience as a significant feature of their participatio

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 JRME 199

in and enjoyment of music ensembles. While this is certainly con-

nected to the musical act of performing, it also aligns well with the
notion of an emotional outlet, one of several psychological benefits.
Similarly, working toward a goal and the sense of accomplishment,
named here by students in a musical context, could apply equally to
other subject areas and thus be not a purely musical benefit or value.
In response to my question about the meaning of his school musical
involvement, an orchestra member replied:

It's just like being part of a group and accomplishing something, like when we
went to Chicago to play at the Midwest Clinic, that feeling of accomplishment
after we walked off the stage was just incredible!

Career preparation for musicians, offered as another factor in the

valuing of performance ensembles, can be viewed as both a musical
and academic by-product of membership in high school music cours-
es. Finally, making music in community, while certainly belonging in
the musical arena, can apply also to social aspects of membership in
ensembles, in particular, a benefit of playing with a group.
In addition, students talked about certain academic benefits. High
standards, honors credit, a bonus on a resume that might help them
gain entrance to college and in career preparation were mentioned.
Students also said that they learned a lot. Time management was one
of these skills. And once again, a currently popular music education
slogan cropped up in responses. "I think it makes you smarter," said
one student. A second offered: "I think the people in orchestra are
actually smarter."
Moving to psychological benefits, student responses grouped nice-
ly into four areas: personal qualities, personal growth, emotional out-
let, and atmosphere. Students expressed their belief that the quali-
ties of responsibility, commitment, perseverance, self-discipline, and
humor had been fostered through their association with their per-
forming groups. In agreement with the findings of Kinney (1999),
Lamont (2002) and Morrison (2001), the present study revealed that
these students also felt that they had grown in self-esteem, self-confi-
dence, and self-knowledge. Statements such as "Learning to take crit-
icism," "Builds character," "Helped me as a person," and "Keep up
with something for 8-9 years and see myself improve" are evidence of
this. Students also referred to the emotional outlet provided by their
musical connection. "Expressing yourself through the music,"
"Playing and feeling the music," and "An emotional experience
where you can find new feelings within yourself that you haven't felt
before" are statements that reflect this particular value. Many com-
ments were made concerning the atmosphere in the music class-
room. Respondents found their performance classes supportive,
relaxing, and fun. They valued the positive reinforcement they
received and enjoyed the somewhat freer climate in these courses.
Turning to social benefits, friendship and benefits of being in a
group were the most often mentioned. The teacher and group trips

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200 ADDERLEY/KENNEDY/BERZ

and outings were also important. Statements about friends were

sprinkled throughout the interviews. Some were concerned with
making friends-"I get a lot of friends," '"You get to meet a lot of peo-
ple"-while others referred to spending time with friends-"To see
all my friends," "A tight group of friends." Still others looked ahead
to life after graduation and the impact on their friendships, stating,
for example: "I'm going to miss the people a lot." Benefits of being
in a group included the sense of community engendered in the
ensembles, the diversity that was apparent in the membership, the
opportunity to participate in something musical as a group, and the
chance to improve social skills. "Working collaboratively," "the cama-
raderie that forms," and "the cliques type of things" are all testimony
to the presence of community in the performing groups.
The ethnic diversity of the membership, in particular, the fact that
many of the orchestra members were Asian, was referred to in the fol-
lowing comment: "Being with others who are my own age and eth-
nicity. It's because a lot of kids in the orchestra are Chinese ...." I
noted that the school Asian club meets in the orchestra room after
school on Thursdays. "Making music with other people," "Getting to
work with people to make a whole thing," and "The group expe
ence" are all statements that point to the importance and value
participation in musical groups. With respect to improving on
social skills, one student remarked that "it gives [you] more practic
and experience with other people." A second echoed this sentimen
stating that "it helps people socially." Several students mentioned th
quality of the teacher as playing a role in their valuing of their hig
school musical experience. "You learn a lot from your chorus teac
ers," "the relationship that I share with my conductor," and "I reall
think the conductor is really good" are typical of comments in this
area. Observing student/teacher interactions in the hallways and th
music office certainly confirmed these student references to teache
respect and friendship. A fourth social benefit was that music grou
go on outings. Students named contests, clinics, band camp, an
extended trips, for instance the orchestra trip to Chicago, as bei
keystone experiences for them.
In similar fashion to subjects in studies by Conway and Bors
(2001), Hylton (1981), Kennedy (2002), and Morrison (2001), stu
dent musicians in the present study found meaning and value
both musical and nonmusical ways. As occurred in the Kenned
study, student responses in the present study supported Hylton
achievement, musical-artistic, communicative, psychological, a
integrative dimensions. Furthermore, evidence from the data su
ported all seven of Conway and Borst's categories.

Social Climate of the Music Classroom

As stated earlier, the high school music classroom is an environ-

ment that provides a favorable combination of circumstances for
friendships to develop. One could even venture to say that the social

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 JRME 201

climate of these surroundings contributes to the solidification of

these unions.
Many of these students manage to spend a great deal of time w
other young musicians. A few of these associations are develop
the music classrooms, others through various community activi
According to these student performers, most of them spend
with other musicians because they have similar interests and per
alities. One band member responded: "Most of my friends act
have studied music in some way ... they think that's one of the ma
factors why we get along so well ...." A student who plays clarinet
piano stated: "The band has a dating thing going on ... we spend
much time together ... so romances form and all that stuff." Many
these students believed that it was natural for them to want to spe
time with one another outside the classroom due to their common
interest in music.
The musical connection is not the only association many of the
teenagers share. In addition to their music classes, many participate i
traditional teenage activities, including "hanging out" with thei
friends, eating lunch, sleeping, studying, or participating in oth
extra-curricular activities. In this way, these student musicians differe
from the music-drama clique in Cusiak's (1973) study. A talented mem
ber of the wind ensemble, orchestra, and marching band, who pla
both string bass and tuba, explained: "Oh, we go out to dinner som
times ... to the movies ... to each other's houses ... try and do hom
work. [We] get horribly sidetracked and play games. Occasionally, we'
practice." Being a teenager is a challenge, yet many of these tee
appear to enjoy the company of their classmates and are friendl
toward each other whether they are eating together, participating in
organized sports, shopping, attending a movie, or riding a bike.
Sports and other club activities provided by the school district are
also popular choices for many of these student musicians. Many o
those interviewed attempt to participate in several school-sponsor
activities each year. A member of the band who plays both tuba an
trombone stated: "Wrestling. I've been doing that as long as I've be
playing tuba. Lacrosse this year." Even though these activities ar
time-consuming, they are popular choices for these active youn
adults. According to an orchestra member, "I do yearbook. I'm t
senior editor, and I'm also in the model UN, and I learned to do
debates. I mean our school is known for its orchestra program and its
UN. I'm also in NHS [the National Honor Society]--that's just based
on grades (whether you get in or not), and, yeah, my time is pretty
well partitioned." It seems that many of these students divide their
time among a cross-section of student organizations that provide
each participant with unique opportunities only available to the
members of the group.
When asked about the interests of their friends, many of the stu-
dents found that their peers enrolled in the same music classes gen-
erally had similar outside interests, while those not enrolled in music
classes had other interests yet supported their choice to participate

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202 ADDERLEY/KENNEDY/BERZ

in a music ensemble. In other words, many had two groups of

friends. One band member stated:

I have many different friends, people that are in the band, people who pl
sports, people who don't do anything--just like to hang around. My ba
friends usually hang out all summer since I'm with them and we get to kn
each other a lot better. But, during the school year, when there's no band
anything, I just hang out with the athletic people and people who are on t
football or soccer team ...

A member of the wind ensemble, orchestra, and marching ban

responded: "A lot of the same things ... hang out, relax, movie
games, talk about music." Yet a violinist from the orchestra stresse
"Basically, the same as mine ... women, cars ... cars and women, typ
ical teenage things." It is apparent that these students are formi
unions or partnerships that appeal to them on many different level
When asked about their perception of the social climate of th
ensemble in which they are enrolled, some of the students had
rather interesting statements concerning their views of members o
these organizations. An upperclassman believed that he knew th
names of all of the students enrolled in the smaller ensembles, but
could only remember a few of the names of students enrolled in the
larger ensembles. This seemed to be the case for many of the student
musicians enrolled in the larger classes. In smaller ensembles, it was
easier to interact and, thus, to learn names. Responses to the ques-
tion that asked whether some students have a tendency to separate
themselves from others or "stick together" provided insight into how
some teens think and socialize. Many said that they tended to form
groups according to their school classification: seniors with senior
class members and juniors with junior class members. This did not
seem to vary much from grade level to grade level. Even though it
was never stated by any of the students or their ensemble directors to
only associate or form close friendships with those who are members
of the same class, it tended to occur. Another grouping of students
developed among the various sections of an ensemble. Some stu-
dents commented on the fact that certain sections, like the percus-
sionists, were more likely to associate with each other rather than
with nonpercussion students.
As to the presence of ensemble members who seemed to have few
or even no friends, a trumpet player stated: 'You have a few kids who
aren't ever going to be friendly in any situation ... they have prob-
lems with themselves and take it out on others. The friendships I see
come from outside the class and move into the class." A violinist sup-
ported this statement with: "I think that there are some who are just
into themselves." Another violinist believed that "those who are just
loud and want to be heard ..." are generally the students who seem
to not have any friends. Still another violinist believed that there
were a certain number of orchestra members who were loners; this
type of student was characterized as a student who was "sometimes
the outcast ... the ones that just don't fit in." Some students seem to

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 JRME 203

isolate themselves from other members of a smaller segment of the

school population. Even though the music ensembles are smaller
subgroupings of the larger school population, some individuals are
not included in special social groups, either by their own choice or
because they were not invited by other members of the ensemble(s).
Socialization takes place in many environments and is stimulated
by a number of activities. It was not a surprise to hear that many of
these teenagers would choose to spend an unexpected free period
eating lunch, but it was striking to learn that a number of them would
prefer to congregate in an ensemble room to participate in various
activities. A tenor saxophonist mentioned that: "I probably come
down here and practice my jazz music ... the music is a lot of fun and
... I've done that before-come down here to practice." One student
who is a member of the wind ensemble, orchestra, and marching
band was much more emotional when replying to the question, stat-
ing: "I'd probably come here ... I live in here ... in this general music
area. Music is such an overwhelming part of your life. I'd be fixing
drums, polishing sousaphones, playing bass, and guitar ... writing out
the drum cadences." As mentioned earlier, students would often
assemble in the music offices or rehearsal rooms to eat, talk, practice,
or help the directors with various odd jobs that needed to be com-
pleted.
According to many of these teenagers, the description of their par-
ticipation in each select ensemble varied from being viewed as a class
like any other classroom, a home away from home, a club, a family,
or something unlike anything else they experienced at this particular
school. The students' perception of these ensembles seemed to vary
depending on what they would acquire from participation. The stu-
dents who enjoyed the social settings of the school tended to see this
as a home away from home where they had established much more
personal relationships with members of the ensemble. These stu-
dents viewed the group as a circle of close friends who happened to
be enrolled in a graded course. Other students viewed these musical
groups as a course similar to other courses, but one that was much
more group-oriented than the traditional academic classes where
individual effort does not affect the overall group in the manner that
it affects an individual's performance. Their statements tended to
support ideals of ensemble teamwork: one is a part of something
much greater than what the individual could produce alone.
Despite the different viewpoints expressed, student statements
epitomized a conception of a music group that was special, one
bound together by a "common interest or ... set of shared values"
(Swanwick, 1988, p. 3), thereby affirming Morrison's (2001) claim of
music ensemble cultures.

CONCLUSION

Our purpose in this study was to investigate the world of

school music classroom. Themes of the investigation inclu

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204 ADDERLEY/KENNEDY/BERZ

vation to join ensembles and to remain, perception of the musical

groups by their members and by the school community as a whole, the
meaning and value that music ensembles engender for their partici-
pants, and the social climate of the music classroom. Many of the find-
ings support earlier research, providing a stronger case for the claim
that students are intellectually, psychologically, emotionally, socially,
and musically nurtured by membership in performing ensembles.
The information obtained from this study provides an insight into
not only how music students view their school, musical groups, and
others' perception of those who participate in these ensembles, but
also how the social aspects of the music subculture operate in a
school. A significant finding of the study is the degree of importance
students place on the social aspects of their ensemble membership.
References to the social domain are peppered throughout the inter-
view transcripts and embedded within each of the four themes.
Many of the students have formed smaller subgroups of friends with-
in each ensemble and tend to associate with these select people
inside and outside of the school setting. The social climate of these
ensembles is important to each member, and provides many with an
outlet that they might not have had to meet others from within the
larger school setting, or to form relationships away from the home
environment that assist them in negotiating the often turbulent high
school years.
Although the world of the high school music classroom may seem
to be "a home away from home" for some, these ensembles are
apparently valuable to each and every participant. The culture thus
depicted resembles Morrison's (2001) view in several ways, as his
themes of identity, transmission, social dimension, and practical and
personal boundaries are reflected in the views of the present study's
participants. Researchers in future studies could investigate the
theme of "the smarter kids take music" to discover whether in fact
this is the case at this school. Since approximately 90% of the school's
population go on to some form of higher education, one might be
quite surprised by the results of such a study.

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Submitted April 3, 2003; accepted September 2, 2003.

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