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Integrity: What it is and Why it is Important

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 Public Integrity

ISSN: 1099-9922 (Print) 1558-0989 (Online) Journal homepage: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/mpin20

Integrity: What it is and Why it is Important

L. W. J. C. Huberts

To cite this article: L. W. J. C. Huberts (2018): Integrity: What it is and Why it is Important, Public
Integrity

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Public Integrity, 0: 1–15, 2018
Copyright # American Society for Public Administration
ISSN: 1099-9922 print/1558-0989 online
DOI: 10.1080/10999922.2018.1477404

Integrity: What it is and Why it is Important

L. W. J. C. Huberts
Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam

“Integrity” has become a concept and topic with more prominence in research on government
and governance, as well as in actual policy making at all levels. This contribution will address
basic questions about integrity. What views and interpretations of “integrity” can be distin-
guished? Eight different views will be summarized, with additional reflection on the underlying
basics of an integrity “approach” and on its relationship with concepts/views with “ethics” or
“corruption” or “good governance” in the center. It will be concluded that integrity is a crucial
concept for an understanding of governance. Not as an alternative for “ethics theory and
approaches” but to be embedded in existent “approaches” and theory development. In that sense
it belongs on the agenda for further progress in these fields of study, in particular in empirical
research on the actual significance of integrity and ethics in governance (“empirical turn”).

Keywords: integrity, ethics, good governance, corruption

“Integrity” has become a concept with more prominence in research on government and governance,
as well as in actual policy making at all levels. In this contribution for the journal Public Integrity,
whose name illustrates the importance of the topic, a number of basic questions about integrity are
addressed. The main question concerns the meaning of the intriguing concept, what is “integrity?”
Everybody desires it, but what exactly is being longed for and talked about? A review of the literature
(Huberts, 2014) led to at least eight different views that will be summarized in the next sections, with
additional reflection on the underlying basics of an integrity “approach” and on its relationship with
concepts/views with “ethics” or “corruption” or “good governance” in the center.
It will be concluded that integrity is a crucial concept for an understanding of governance.
Not as an alternative for many challenging “ethics theories and approaches” in the field but
to be embedded in existent “approaches” and theory development. This presupposes that
moral values and norms are important to describe and explain the behavior of governance
actors. That topic should be a challenging one for future research that presupposes an
“empirical turn” in the research that already focuses on ethics and integrity.

INTEGRITY OF GOVERNANCE

This article will focus on the integrity of government and governance, but the concept obvi-
ously has become more important in all sectors of society, including the academic community.

Correspondence should be sent to L. W. J. C. Huberts, Department of Political Science and Public

Administration, Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam, De Boelelaan 1105, Amsterdam 1081HV, Netherlands. E-mail:
[email protected]
2 HUBERTS

Research integrity and academic integrity have become important topics (Bretag, 2016;
Macfarlane, Zhang, & Pun, 2014; Steneck et al., 2015), as we all want to be seen as academics
with high standards of integrity in research and teaching. That includes feeling really shocked
when our integrity is questioned, in that we are similar to all other professionals, including
those who are involved in governance.
Governance is nowadays a popular concept that relates to power; authority; politics; policy;
administration; government; steering; management; and organization (Bevir, 2009; Fukuyama,
2016; Kettl, 2015; Kjaer, 2004; Rose-Ackerman, 2017). In this article governance is seen as
“authoritative policy-making on collective problems and interests and implementation of these
policies” (Huberts, 2014, p. 68). Governance is about addressing collective problems and inter-
ests, possibly by one actor but also by a network of public and private actors. A second import-
ant element is “authoritative,” a term referring to the relation between the governing actor(s)
and the collectivity involved. It presupposes support and legitimacy of the organization or
community whose problems and interests are addressed, the relation to Easton’s (1953) famous
definition of politics as the authoritative allocation of values of course not being coincidental.
The literature on the policy process (Easton, 1965/1979) and “governance” adds that dif-
ferent phases and aspects can be distinguished (input with demands and support; throughput
or how the system deals with input in order to establish output; the policy output; as well as
actual effects or results of the output: outcome). In all phases, ethical controversies and
debates are apparent, obviously also on policy content and outcomes. All policy areas involve
choices about good and bad, about social equity, social justice, and other crucial values,
including policy areas with very intense discussions about the rights or wrongs (e.g., war and
peace; immigration; abortion; euthanasia), frequently fueled by religious convictions. The eth-
ics of the content of decisions, policies, and laws, with a focus on the consequences or results
of policy, should nevertheless be distinguished from the “moral quality” of the political or
governance process (how policies are made, decided on, and implemented).

Integrity

What is integrity? What characterizes the integrity of a person, functionary, or organization?

What characterizes, for example, politicians acting with integrity, what is an “integritous”
politician?1 In the literature on ethics and integrity, it is possible to distinguish at least eight
perspectives (Huberts, 2014, pp. 39–44) using the keywords wholeness and coherence; pro-
fessional responsibility; moral reflection; value(s) like incorruptibility, laws and rules; moral
values and norms; and exemplary behavior. These will be summarized, followed by a reflec-
tion on their content and some clarification of the chosen perspective.
A dominant perspective, Montefiore and Vines (1999, p. 9) concluded, is in line with the
meanings of the Latin integras: intact, whole, harmony, with integrity as “wholeness” or com-
pleteness, as consistency and coherence of principles and values. Another view sees integrity as
professional wholeness or responsibility (including a view with a focus on taking into account
the environment): “integrity means that a professional exercises his tasks adequately, carefully
and responsibly, taking into account all relevant interests” (Karssing, 2001/2007, p. 3).
Other perspectives focus on one or more other specific values (Dobel, 1999, 2016); for
example, incorruptibility; honesty; impartiality; accountability (as also in many codes of
 INTEGRITY: WHAT IT IS AND WHY IT IS IMPORTANT 3

conduct). A view that fits into this category relates integrity to virtues, with integrity as acting
in line with virtues such as wisdom; justice; courage; and temperance (Becker & Talsma,
2016; van Tongeren & Becker, 2009).
Other views are more characterized by the relationship between integrity and morals; in
other words, what is right and wrong, good or bad. The first sees integrity as open reflection
on morals (Carter, 1996). Three other viewpoints see integrity more as an umbrella concept,
one that combines sets of values that are relevant for the official being judged. Among these
is the more legal view that seems attractive because of the clarity of laws and rules on what
matters (Lee & Rosenbloom, 2005; Rosenbloom, 2011), following up on Rohr (1989) with
the focus on “constitutional or regime values” (pp. 4–5).
The next perspective argues that a broader interpretation is necessary, also because the “law”
does not offer clear guiding principle for many aspects of actual decision making and implementa-
tion processes in government and governance, with an interpretation therefore in terms of
complying with the relevant moral values and norms (see, e.g., Becker, 1998; Fijnaut & Huberts,
2002; Thomas, 2001; Thompson, 1995; Uhr, 1999). This interpretation, of course, comes close to
“a general way of acting morally” and “morality” (Brenkert, 2004, p. 5), or, as De George (1993)
put it, “[a]cting with integrity is the same as acting ethically or morally” (p. 5).
The last and eighth view stresses that integrity is something to strive for—integrity as the
“stuff of moral courage and even heroism” (Brenkert, 2004, p. 5), which means that it “stands
for complying in an exemplary way with specific moral standards” (Van Luijk, 2004, p. 39).

Behavior and Process Versus Outcome

How do views on integrity relate to the characteristics of governance summarized previously?

All interpretations of integrity focus on the behavior of the participants in governance in deci-
sion making and decision implementation. That is, it does not concern everything in politics
and governance; integrity concerns behavior, process, and procedure (in a broad sense). It is
not about the content of the output or the societal results (outcome).
The ethics of the content of decisions, policies, and laws, with a focus on the consequen-
ces or results of policy, should thus be distinguished from the “moral quality” of the govern-
ance process. To simplify: a government can decide to go to war (or not) or to limit
immigration (or not) with or without a process of policy and decision making (and implemen-
tation) in line with the valid moral values and norms for that process.

Integrity as Moral Quality

In this article, integrity is seen as the quality of acting in accordance or harmony with relevant
moral values, norms, and rules, a choice based partly on some of the arguments already put for-
ward. A concrete illustration, however, might help to clarify the choice. For example, what line
of reasoning is appropriate when discussing the integrity of a member of the national govern-
ment, a cabinet minister or secretary of state (Huberts, 1998, 2014, pp. 44–45)?
In judging the integrity of a government minister, one should concentrate on his or her
behavior as a politician; hence, a first element of integrity is whether the minister is consist-
ent and whole, not changing viewpoint every day or saying one thing and doing something
4 HUBERTS

else. Without doubt, opportunists with weak knees lack integrity. Nevertheless, consistency
or wholeness is not sufficient. Some ministers are highly consistent in misusing their author-
ity and are supported by an extensive network that relates them to their environment. Thus, a
corrupt minister can still be behaviorally consistent and fully integrated into a corrupt envir-
onment. Therefore, as this example shows, an integrity judgment always raises the moral
dimension, the question of what is considered right and wrong.
Yet this moral dimension must go further than the minister’s own moral values and norms.
Individual perceptions of integrity often are limited to assessing behavior in terms of one’s
personal values. In research among police officers, including 43 in-depth interviews by jour-
nalists (Naey
e et al., 2004), officers stressed that “it’s a kind of feeling; being able to look at
yourself in the mirror” while others referred to “character and the values one is brought up
with” (pp. 99–100). Another example of a rather prominent interpretation of integrity (by pol-
iticians) is the ability to explain and defend behavior when it is published on the front page
of a (national) newspaper (Kaptein, 2002, p. 14).
This tendency to defend and justify oneself is understandable but is contrary to the pos-
ition that one cannot be the judge of one’s own integrity. Thus, a minister for the environ-
ment who promotes a trusted friend with a professorship in environmental policy analysis to
secretary general of his ministry may see this promotion as the morally right thing to do. S/
he may be convinced that the appointment is in the best interest of the department, and may
even see it as a duty to influence the appointment process to ensure the right result. Or, what
about a minister who sees it as “morally appropriate,” if not obligatory, to keep secret a
report about brutal interrogation methods by his troops in Afghanistan? Ministers, like other
functionaries, may be able to morally defend such behavior to themselves (and on the front
page if necessary), but, at the end of the day, they cannot be the judges of their own integrity.
Officials acting with integrity would not appoint friends without independent review or cover
up misconduct. It is others—for example, the population that the minister represents, parlia-
ment, and the party—who must decide whether the minister acted with integrity (Huberts,
2014, p. 45).
The moral dimension also goes beyond comparing the minister’s behavior with one (or
some) specific value(s). For example, the minister of defense referred to above did not break
any law (lawfulness), acted reliably, was honest and sincere toward his department and cab-
inet colleagues, and was concerned with the effectiveness of his ministry and the reputation
of his troops during an important and dangerous mission. Obviously, therefore, several values
were being cherished. Yet integrity is not about one or more values: an official’s behavior is
integritous when it is ethical in a more generic sense. It is not that laws and codes do not
matter: in a democracy, they are supposed to reflect society’s ethics. However, the judicial
framework is not always applicable to the behavior being judged. Moreover, much behavior,
such as that during private time, is unregulated, and sometimes the law can contradict the
society’s dominant values concerning a public official’s behavior. The correct perspective,
therefore, must include the more informal norms and values that are relevant for judging
behavior, norms, and values that clarify what is right and wrong in given circumstances
(Huberts, 2014, pp. 45–46).
These norms and values, however, do not, in the chosen perspective, state what is exem-
plary and admirable; rather, to conclude that a person’s behavior is integritous, it suffices that
the behavior be right and defendable from a moral perspective. Nelson Mandela, for example,
 INTEGRITY: WHAT IT IS AND WHY IT IS IMPORTANT 5

is admired for his courage and integrity. However, that type of courage and behavior is not
demanded from all politicians. Indeed, expecting public functionaries to live up to saintlike
expectations would seem counterproductive (how many would be left?), unrealistic, and
strange. Rather, people in power, as well as people in general (including researchers), are per-
mitted to make mistakes, including in a moral sense.
The previous reflection on the different views on integrity hopes to clarify the chosen per-
spective. In this article, integrity is seen as the quality of acting in accordance with relevant
moral values, norms, and rules. That is, of course, not an original approach. Much of the lit-
erature on integrity considers integrity to be synonymous with being moral or ethical, which
is, to a certain extent, in line with the presented perspective. What is often missing then is a
clarification. What, for example, is a value or norm, a moral value or norm, a valid moral
value or norm?

Moral

Defining integrity in terms of the accordance with relevant moral values, norms, and rules
requires precise understanding of what a moral value, norm, or rule is; of what is meant by
ethics, morals, and morality. Despite agreement that both concern “right and wrong” or “good
and evil,” different interpretations of the terms abound, especially in the realm of philosophy
and the study of ethics. In this article the terms “ethical” and “moral” are almost always used
as synonyms, both denoting the principle of right and wrong in conduct (Thompson, 1985),
acknowledging that “ethics” is also seen as the study of such principles (Huberts, 2014,
pp. 49–50).
Kaptein and Wempe (2002, p. 40–42) distinguished six features exhibited by moral pro-
nouncements. They concern “right and wrong” (a normative judgment that expresses approval
or disapproval, evokes shame or pride), but they also appeal to the general consent; are not a
matter of individual taste; apply to everyone in similar circumstances and involve the inter-
ests of others (interpersonal); and the interests at stake are “fundamental” (2002, p. 42).
Thus, not all values and norms are relevant for ethical or moral judgments. Ethics are not,
for example, concerned with what is beautiful (aesthetics), what is conventional (etiquette),
or what works (science and technology; e.g., “ISO norms”—worldwide proprietary, indus-
trial, and commercial standards developed by the International Organization for
Standardization). Integrity is about “moral” norms and values, those that refer to what is right
or wrong, good or bad. The features also refer to a general consent with relevance for every-
one in the same circumstances. That relates to “valid” moral values and norms.
In sum, morality and ethics refer to what is right or wrong, good or bad. They concern val-
ues and norms that people feel rather strongly about, because serious interests are involved
that affect the community of which they are a part. Values and norms are the basis for judg-
ment and decision making. The roles they play, however, are different. A “value” is a belief
or quality that contributes to judgments about what is good; right; beautiful; or admirable.
Values thus have weight in the choice of action by individuals and collectives. A norm is
more specific. Norms tell us whether something is good or bad, right or wrong, beautiful or
ugly. For types of behavior, they answer the question “what is the correct thing to do?” (De
Graaf, 2003; Fijnaut & Huberts, 2002, pp. 10–11; Van der Wal, 2008, pp. 10–12).
6 HUBERTS

TABLE 1
Types of Integrity Violations
1. corruption: bribing
2. corruption: favoritism
3. conflict of interest (gifts, jobs, etc.)
4. fraud and theft of resources
5. waste and abuse of resources
6. break rules/misuse power (also for the organization)
7. misuse and manipulation of information
8. indecent treatment (intimidation, discrimination)
9. private time misconduct

Ethics (Theory) and Integrity

Integrity is about the ethics of behavior of everyone involved in governance. It is argued that
it is a relevant concept for an understanding of governance. To avoid misunderstanding: the
integrity perspective is not an alternative for “ethics theory” including the work on adminis-
trative ethics; these theories and approaches are much broader with moral or ethical reflection
on all aspects and phases of governance (Lewis & Gilman, 2012; Menzel, 2016; Svara,
2015). The integrity perspective is meant to be embedded in existent “approaches” and theory
development.

INTEGRITY (AND INTEGRITY VIOLATIONS) IN CONTEXT: CORRUPTION

In line with the integrity framework, an integrity violation concerns behavior that violates the
relevant moral values and norms. What can go wrong and what actually goes wrong in gov-
ernance? And how does this relate to international research with a focus on “corruption”
(Anechiarico, 2017; Bland, 2014; Bull & Newell, 2003; Graycar & Smith, 2011; Heywood,
2015; Johnston, 2005; Klitgaard, 1988; Mungiu-Pippidi, 2015; Rose-Ackerman, 2006;
Rothstein, 2011; Sampford et al., 2006), although there is broader research as well, highlight-
ing different types of unethical behavior or integrity violation in public administration (De
Graaf et al., 2018; Lewis & Gilman, 2012; Menzel, 2016; Salminen, 2010; Svara, 2015; also
Hardi, Heywood, & Torsello, 2015)?
Table 1 presents a first idea of the types of behavior seen as integrity violations. The (vali-
dated) typology was developed step by step, building on several bodies of knowledge in
police corruption and integrity research, integrity of governance research, and, for example,
also organizational misconduct research (Huberts, 2014; Lasthuizen, Huberts, & Heres, 2011;
Vardi & Weitz, 2004).
Why is the focus on integrity (violations) instead of on the appealing concept of corruption
(Huberts, 2007; Huberts, Lasthuizen, & Peeters, 2006)?
The first and most obvious reason is that a focus on the moral dimension of (the behavior
of) individuals, organizations, and even countries (and what behavior violates relevant moral
values and norms), by definition begs for a broad framework. Although it is certainly worth-
while to know more about the amount of bribery and favoritism in government and adminis-
tration (corruption), it is also important to discover more about such violations as waste and
 INTEGRITY: WHAT IT IS AND WHY IT IS IMPORTANT 7

abuse of (public) resources; discrimination; improper use of authority; and private time mis-
conduct. It thus seems advantageous to distinguish clearly between subtypes of “corrupt” or
“unethical” behavior (or integrity violations).
How does this relate to basic definitions of corrupt behavior in the literature? The first,
and most specific, interprets corruption as acting in a particularistic interest because of advan-
tages promised or given and thus includes bribery (often found in legal frameworks) but also
influence peddling, kickbacks, and forms of favoritism and conflict of interest. The second
interprets corruption in line with the definitions in use by international anti-corruption organi-
zations: corruption as the abuse of office for private gain (Pope, 2000; also central in the
impressive work by Transparency International on the topic, including the Corruption
Perception Index, https://www.transparency.org/). These definitions portray corruption as a
breach of moral behavioral norms and values involving private interests but do not see the
presence of a third party or interest as conditional (which brings fraud, theft, and embezzle-
ment under the corruption “umbrella”). The third, and broadest, definition views corruption
as synonymous with all types of wrongdoing by functionaries in terms of acting contrary to
the public interest. In its broadest form, corruption then becomes synonymous with the vices,
maladies, and sicknesses of politics and bureaucracy. In this latter definition, corruption is
identical to unethical behavior or the violation of integrity. This interpretation is doubtful
though, because the essence of corruption gets lost (its relationship with private interest) and
because doing so would not solve the problem but only move it. That is, when everything
that is unethical is called corruption, it then becomes crucial to distinguish between subtypes
of corruption in order to cope with the diversity of moral misbehavior or integrity violations
(e.g., discrimination and manipulation of information).

INTEGRITY IN CONTEXT: A WESTERN BIAS?

Another reason to focus on a broad spectrum of integrity violations relates to the international
context of the “integrity of governance.” Many scholars question the Western or cultural bias
in perceptions of corruption (De Graaf, von Maravic, & Wagenaar, 2010; Lawton, Huberts,
& Van der Wal, 2016; Lawton, Rayner, & Lasthuizen, 2013; Mungiu-Pippidi, 2006).
Sissener (2001), for example, in proposing an “anthropological perspective on corruption,”
claimed that Western approaches to corruption are often exactly that: they are peculiarly
Western, influenced as they are by Weber’s famous ideal type of bureaucracy and not easily
applied to non-Western societies. In countries like Bangladesh, China, or Nepal, for instance,
the public official who issues favors for a remuneration of some kind within an established
network is not corrupt; his or her actions are simply a social obligation to help, and deals
within the network are considered normal (Sissener, 2001). The definition issue thus raises
questions of cultural bias. Andersson and Heywood (2009) argued that the concept of corrup-
tion is politically misused, claiming that the very concept has been increasingly instrumental-
ized for political ends since the end of the Cold War—most especially in those countries
where corruption is perceived as a major issue (Huberts, 2014, p. 118).
How does this criticism relate to the proposed integrity approach (Huberts, 2014, p. 125)?
Basically, the “integrity perspective” itself seems rather “Western” too, because in other parts
8 HUBERTS

of the world the focus was and still is on corruption and fraud as the crucial integrity viola-
tions to address, as Khalid (2016) showed in his research on police integrity in Pakistan.
What might help though is that the broader focus brings more nuance in the evaluation of
the integrity systems in the West and beyond. The integrity of government and governance
involves a variety of violations, and serious bribery, nepotism, and patronage are rather
exceptional in many “Western” countries. That makes other types of unethical behavior—for
example, conflict of interest through sideline activities, fraud, and private time misbehavior—
more decisive for the legitimacy and credibility of the political and administrative system.
In addition, research on internal investigations by governmental organizations has shown
that the number of investigations of corruption specifically is limited compared with those of
other violation types. The internal integrity investigations of Dutch regional police forces, for
example, primarily concern types of integrity violations (Lamboo 2005; Punch, Huberts, &
Lamboo, 2004) such as off-duty private time misconduct (including contacts with criminals;
theft and fraud; home violence; and driving under the influence of alcohol); improper use of
force; waste and abuse of organizational resources; abuse of information; and inappropriate
demeanor, including discrimination and intimidation.
These findings are supported by comparable evidence from many other research projects;
for example, on the reports of integrity violations to local government in the Netherlands (De
Graaf et al., 2018) and on workplace misconduct in the government and the business sectors
(Kaptein et al., 2005; Lasthuizen, 2008). The same conclusion can be drawn based on a wide
body of research from other countries on misconduct occurring in the workplace
(ERC, 2012).
These observations relate to the supposed Western bias of corruption and integrity
research. There are differences between most Western countries and many countries in the
developing world in corruption (reputation) research, but when the focus is only on corrup-
tion or bribing, this might overestimate the moral quality of politics and administration in the
West and a broader framework might bring in some nuance. A framework on not only
“corruption perception” but taking into account “integrity perception” may help to contradict
too simple images of the integrity of governance in different parts of the world.

INTEGRITY IN CONTEXT: WHAT MATTERS AND WHAT HELPS

Another reason for focusing on a broad and complex integrity framework (rather than the nar-
rower spectrum of corruption) relates to the diversity of the phenomena under study. There
seems to be a need for differentiation and nuance when researchers reflect in research and
policy on the causes of integrity violations (including types of corruption) and the effective-
ness of anti-corruption and integrity policies. Phenomena such as bribery; patronage and
favoritism; private time misbehavior; fraud; intimidation and discrimination; and so forth
might be caused by different characteristics of the involved individuals, the organization (cul-
ture and structure), and the environment (De Graaf, von Maravic, & Wagenaar, 2010).
A broader framework also is relevant for reflection on what helps to protect integrity and
prevent integrity violations, including corruption.
Despite continual calls to pay more attention to “what works” (Demmke & Moilanen,
2011; Huberts, Jurkiewicz, & Maesschalck, 2008; Lawton & Doig, 2006; Menzel, 2005),
 INTEGRITY: WHAT IT IS AND WHY IT IS IMPORTANT 9

knowledge of actual effects of integrity policies and policy instruments is still limited. More
specific research on the effectiveness of policies is very much needed, despite overall insights
on the state of the art (Huberts, 2014, p. 195–196) of research insights on integrity instru-
ments, agencies, and systems. In summary, what seems to matter is

1. Placing integrity on the agenda. Integrity of governance means paying attention to the
moral values and norms of policy making and policy implementation. Although many
different instruments are available and multiple institutions can be created, a crucial start-
ing point is that the integrity and anti-corruption issue is seen as important and placed
high on the agenda.
2. The role of leadership. The fact that integrity concerns all members of an organization or
system makes the involvement of leadership on all levels inherently important to policy
success. This involvement is part of the aforementioned necessity to position integrity
high on the agenda. Leadership, however, is no panacea. The extent to which different
types of ethical leadership influence consciousness and behavior varies.
3. A central integrity actor helps. Research on agencies and systems has suggested that it is
important to have specific institutions or actors that have integrity and anti-corruption as
their primary task and responsibility. Having such an actor opens windows of opportunity
and gives credibility to the topic.
4. Balancing strategies and excluding no one. On strategies based on compliance or values,
on the focus on what goes wrong (violations) or on moral awareness (values), there is
only one credible answer: doing both or balancing strategies is the most effective and
both strategies are relevant for awareness as well as limiting wrong behavior. And these
must concern all types of officials (politics, bureaucracy) at all levels (from elite to
street level).
5. Reflecting on effectiveness. Existing institutions tend to be self-satisfied about their role,
whereas supporters of the importance of integrity and anti-corruption sometimes seem to
favor “the more, the better,” which can seriously undermine the credibility of integrity
initiatives. Hence, more reflection and research on what works is essential, in terms of
not only agencies but also instruments and systems. Such study should address possible
positive and negative side effects, as Anechiarico and Jacobs (1996) did so convincingly
for effectiveness.

A broader integrity approach seems crucial for further progress on knowledge of “what
works” because it is probable that organizations or governments will have to develop specific
policies against different types of integrity violations. When one wants to fight fraud, for
instance, it might be effective to be strict and tough in terms of norms, leadership, and poli-
cies, but this toughness might lead to negative effects such as intimidation and discrimination
(Lasthuizen, 2008; Lasthuizen, Huberts, & Kaptein, 2002). More specific research on the
effectiveness of policies for different aspects of integrity is very much needed, despite the
mentioned overall lessons on the state of the art. Research relies on the “one style does not
fit all” approach, whether it is on leadership (Heres, 2014) or other instruments and strategies,
and limits the possibilities for expanding knowledge about unethical behavior (content;
causes; effects; solutions).
10 HUBERTS

INTEGRITY IN CONTEXT: INTEGRITISM

Even though arguments were presented in favor of broadening the perspective from corrup-
tion to integrity, there also exists the danger of broadening the scope too much (Huberts,
2014). There are, as Caiden (1991) so convincingly argued, many bureaupathologies. Not all
of these 179 should be considered integrity violations, however; a functionary can do some-
thing wrong and make mistakes, even stupid mistakes, without committing an integrity viola-
tion. Yet, when this distinction becomes too blurred, an organization loses sight of what is
morally important and what is not, possibly leading to negative outcomes. For example,
employees may become too afraid to risk doing anything wrong or may become paralyzed,
with good reason, by the idea that making a mistake might lead to an investigation of their
integrity. To avoid such repercussions, therefore, organizations must clearly identify their
central moral values and norms and must develop organizational ethics that clarify what type
of (moral) value or norm violation is considered serious enough to warrant an investigation
of integrity. Although never easy, this undertaking is crucial for any organization that takes
ethics and integrity seriously and that wants to prevent the oversimplification and/or overgen-
eralization or “integritism” (Huberts, 2014, pp. 127–128). Integritism refers to the misuse of
the topic, to inappropriate accusations that functionaries did not act with integrity, without
good reason and with a political or opportunistic background (trying to harm the opponent)
or misunderstanding of what integrity is about (moral quality of policy making and not about
the content and outcome of decisions).

INTEGRITY IN CONTEXT: GOOD GOVERNANCE

Integrity refers to the moral quality of the governance process, which is important for the legit-
imacy and credibility of (public) power. Procedural justice (Van Ryzin, 2011) and integrity do
really matter for “good governance” but it is important to realize that there are more aspects and
values relevant for good governance. These concern other values that are relevant for the gov-
ernance process (responsiveness and democracy, lawfulness) as well as values that refer to the
resulting policies (effectiveness of policies and actual societal outcome). Good governance con-
cerns dealing with these often-conflicting values on process and outcomes, with thus a broader
perspective than the “integrity” of the process. This leads to intriguing discussions in actual
national and international policies on how to stimulate good governance in countries, but also
opens up a challenging agenda for research. Rothstein (2011), for example, argued that imparti-
ality of government is the crucial factor for societal progress. In contrast, Grindle (2004) pre-
sented the concept of “good enough governance,” acknowledging that many countries are not
capable of fulfilling all good governance demands, with impartiality and integrity to be seen in
the context of the development of (national) governance systems.

TO CONCLUDE AND REFLECT

A number of conclusions seem relevant in response to the basic questions. Integrity is an

intriguing concept, with more prominence in (governance) practice and research. Everybody
 INTEGRITY: WHAT IT IS AND WHY IT IS IMPORTANT 11

desires it, it is crucial for all of us, which makes it important to clarify its meaning. Eight dif-
ferent views on integrity were presented, with additional reflection on the underlying basics
of an “integrity perspective.” The basics are that integrity is about the moral quality of behav-
ior in the process of governance, not about the content of decisions and societal outcomes. It
concerns “moral quality,” the essentials of good or bad in how to operate, with reference to
the “valid” moral values and norms in the eyes of the relevant publics. That makes it important to
be aware of “integritism,” the misuse of the topic, with inappropriate accusations that functionaries
did not act with integrity, without good reason, and with a political or opportunistic background.
This perspective relates to concepts/views with “ethics” or “corruption” or “good gov-
ernance” in the center but it also offers specific elements for research and policy. Integrity is
about the “ethics” or moral quality of everyone involved in governance. Is that behavior in
line with the valid moral values and norms, with “valid” always referring to the context?
Integrity is about the “ethics of behavior;” ethics of governance and ethics theory concern all
aspects, including the ethics of policy content and the consequences for society (outcome).
What types of behavior in governance are in conflict with those moral values and norms?
Corruption as private profit from public power clearly opposes those values and norms, but
the integrity approach distinguishes more types of behavior that violate valid moral norms
and values. These integrity violations also include possible conflicts of interest and favoritism
(beyond bribing); misuse of information and power; intimidation and discrimination; and pri-
vate time misbehavior. These are also more prominent in integrity scandals and investigations
in many (Western) countries. When the focus is on only corruption or bribing, this might
overestimate the moral quality of politics and administration in the West and a broader frame-
work might bring in some nuance.
Another more theoretical argument seems relevant to differentiate between types of viola-
tions. What causes integrity violations, including corruption? What seems to help to prevent
and curb them? More specific research is needed, for example on how the leadership strat-
egies that help might have different consequences for different types of violations (Heres,
2014; Lasthuizen, 2008). By definition this also requires reflection on the strategies and poli-
cies that in practice might work to protect integrity and prevent violations. To progress, more
research on both integrity violations beyond “corruption” and on the involvement of politics;
public administration; civil society; and citizens in addressing and interpreting “integrity” and
types of integrity violations is both challenging, and needed.
In addition, a number of critical remarks on the state of the art of this research and theory
development on the “integrity of governance” seem relevant. Two related conclusions seem
appropriate. More attention to ethics and integrity is justified by the current state of multidis-
ciplinary (public) governance studies. “Moral values and norms” are often absent when schol-
ars are involved in describing, explaining, and understanding the reality of governance and
administration (the dominant focus is on goals and interests; biases and irrationality; institu-
tions; and context and power). An “ethics and integrity turn” in the dominant fields of study
is needed.
However, standard scientific work should also be a central focus for integrity and ethics
researchers. It is presupposed that moral values and norms play a significant role in daily pol-
itics and administration and researchers are in that sense part of the “ethics industry.”
Research that actually proves that importance, in comparison to other factors (goals/interests,
context, power), is limited. An “empirical turn” in ethics and integrity research is needed.
12 HUBERTS

That would include more empirical work on topics like the actual (lack of) importance of
moral norms and values in governance, the effects of more and less ethical and integritous
governance on output and outcome (good governance?), and the actual effectiveness of the
integrity policies and systems (researchers tend to favor). That would also make the commit-
ment toward improving the quality and integrity of governance more credible.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

This article is building on previous work, including a number of chapters of The Integrity of
Governance (Huberts, 2014). That content is summarized and revised, taking into account
recent literature. More references would be appropriate (as in the mentioned book), acknowl-
edging the many “shoulders I am standing on,” but for reasons of readability, the number of
references is limited. In addition I am grateful for the ideas and contributions of many col-
leagues, also at several ASPA, EGPA, and IIAS conferences, and of course the editors and
reviewers of this important journal.

NOTE

1. In English the noun “integrity” has no accepted adjective. Carter (1996), for example, used the adjective
“integral;” “integer” is common in French (integre), German (integer), or Dutch (integer). Because the term
“integer” seems inappropriate in English, and “integral” refers more to integrality then integrity, for now in English
the term “integritous” seems most appropriate.

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