NQ 41129

Download as pdf or txt
Download as pdf or txt
You are on page 1of 232

ANNA MARIA ORTESE:

A TESTIMONY OF TIME

Luisa Cordaro

A thesis subrnitted in conformity with the requirements for the degree


of Doctor of Philosophy
Graduate Department of Itaîian Studies
University of Toronto

O Copyright by Luisa Cordaro 1999


National tibrary BiMÏtheque nationale
du Canada
Acquisitions and Acquisitions et
Bibliogmphic Services services bibliographiques
395 Wellington Street 395, rue Weilington
OüawaON K 1 A W OltawaûN K1AON4
Canada Canada

The author has granted a non- L'auteur a accordé une licence non
exclusive licence allowing the exclusive permettant à la
National Library of Canada to Bibliothèque nationale du Canada de
reproduce, loan, distriiute or seU reproduire, prêter, distri'buer ou
copies of this thesis in rnicroform, vendre des copies de cette thèse sous
paper or electronic formats. la forme de microfiche/nlm, de
reproduction sur papier ou sur format
électronique.

The author retains ownership of the L'auteur conserve la propriété du


copyright in this thesis. Neither the droit d'auteur qui protège cette thèse.
thesis nor substantial extracts fiom it Ni la thèse ni des extraits substantiels
may be printed or otherwise de celle-ci ne doivent être imprimés
reproduced without the author's ou autrement reproduits sans son
permission. autorisation.
ABSTRACT OF THE THESIS

Anna Maria Ortese: A Testimony of Tirne

Doctor of Philosophy 1999

Luisa Cordaro

Department of Italian Studies

University of Toronto

Thesis Director: Professor Rocco Capoui

This dissertation is an analysis of Anna Maria Ortese's themes and styliaic

evolution. The purpose of this thematic study is to give a stnicture to Ortese's works and

to provide unifying categories that reflect three distinct phases in her Iiterary career. This

chronological method also allows one to appreciate the progression in her works and the

socio-historic value in them.

The first chapter provides the environment in which Ortese's literary career

began. The tragic death of Onese's brother was what led to her need to release her pain

through literature. This is also a penod between the two world wars ruled by Benito

Mussolini and the Fascist movement. The time period may have contributed to the

author's themes of escape and wishfùl adventure. Her way of depicting autobiographical

situations through a magical perspective Ied to Massimo BontempeIli's interea in her

writings since it reminded him of his own magic realism.

The second chapter discusses another phase in Ortese's writings which arose afier

the second world war. Dunng this time, her works took on a rebellious, berating tme and

her themes dealt with the poor socio-econornic conditions of Naples. This was the
Neorealist period when many cinematographers as well as writers such as ûrtese were

inspired to talk about the horrific imprints left behind by the war.

During Chtese's 1st literary phase, her style changed to more of a fintastic one,

while remaining true to her mission of exposing socieîy's ills. Chapter threé analyzes the

purpose of Ortese's use of the fantastic and how she used it to accomplish her mission.

It is hoped that this dissertation wiil offer a new point of view on Ortese's works

and a renewed sense of appreciation for an author who has been misundmtood.
TABLE OF CONTENTS

1. Introduction
a. Ortese's biographical data
b. The critics and Anna Maria Ortese.
c. Outline of Ortese's three literary phases.
d. Onese's vision of the world.

II. Chapter One - Portrayal of Enchantment and Escapism Throughout Years of Self-
Discovery 1937-1950.
a. Angelici dolori: hope and escapism.
b. Personfications of inanimate objects
c. L 'Infntu sepolo: Development of empathy and rebeilion against silence and
submission during the years 1945- 1950.

III. Chapter Two - Ortese's Realistic Portrayal 1950-1958.


a. "II mare di Napoli", "Gli ombra" and II mure non bagna Nipli: Realinic
socio-environmental criticisms of Naples and Neapolitans.
b. Milan: the antithesis of hope.

IV. Chapter Three - Between Protest ans Meditation: The Moral Purpose of
Literature 1950's-1996.
a. Esivi temuri and L ' I g u ~ l lOrtese's
~: response to her time.
b. Ln luna NI mur0 and L 'alonepiHo: depictions of the three sins of society.
c. In sonno e in veglicl: Meditative dreams.
d. I! cardiI10 uddooruto and Alonso e i visionmi: simple messages amid the
complex dramas.

- -
V. Conclusion Corpo celeste Ortese's Mission as a Writer Until the End -1 997
INTRODUCTION

A. Ortese 's biographical &ta

Anna Maria Ortese was bom in Rome on June 13, 1914. Her father, Oreste, was

born in Sicily, and her mother, Beatrice, in Naples. She was the second to last child of six

siblings. Financially, they were quite strained because of the sue of the family and because

of the unstable war penod in which they iived. Her father had a modest paying job in a

state finance office. Unfortunately, before long he had to leave to fight on the front line in

World War 1 and did not return until four years later, when peace was finally established.

Meanwhile, Anna Maria and the rea of her f d y were moving from Puglia to the suburbs

of Naples in econornic misery. Since the end of the war until 1924 her family had moved

to Potenza where her father had regained his modest position in the aate financial ofice.

In 1924, the Ortese family moved to Tripoli, Libia where the father retains the sarne aate

position and where he and his farnily were given a piece of land on which to build their

home. This is the only consistent scholastic penod in ûrtese's Sie where she attends the

elementary school with regularity. But, the consistency was short lived because in 1928,

they were forced to rnove back to Italy. They resettled in a low-income area of Naples.

Here, Onese registered for the fia year of a trade school but did not fiequent courses

with good intention. She therefore abandoned her erratic studies for good. It was around

this penod that her literaiy passion began to surface. She read classics by authon such as

Edgar Man Poe, Katherine Mansfield. and Emily Bronte who sparked an interest in

literary expression that she did not h d an outlet for until the homble tragedy of her

brother Manuele's death- Manuele was kilied in combat while at sea in the far away

island of Martinique in 1932. AAer a period of silence, she found the wed to put into
words her desperate. silent torture. From this pain, three poems were conceived, one of

which was entitled "Manuele". These were published in Lu Fiera Leneraria in 1933. One

year later, in 1934, the shon story, bbPellerossa,"was published in this same joumal. This

story was later included in her fmt collection of short aones Angelici doiori (1937) . By

1937 another of her brothers, Antonio, was also kilied at war in Albania which added to

her pain.

In Angelici d o m Onese included aones about dreams she had s h e d with both

brothers and about their abrupt deaths. For Angelici dolori she won a monetary prize

which was very important for the young author considenng her family's financial aruggle.

The outbreak and the bombings of the second world war in 1940, further devastated the

Ortese fmily as they witnessed the destruction of tïieir home. At this point the family

decided to temporarily leave Naples. They resided with famüy fiiends in miserable

conditions in the regions of Lazio and then in Veneto. In 1945, when the war ended. the

Onese farnily transferred back to Naples. They moved f?om home to home and found

thernselves in very desperate economic situations. The shon story "Un paio di occhiali" in

I i mare non bapu N@i (1953) retlects one of the living enviromnents in which the

family lived. Giancarlo Bom states that the intemal living quarters described in "Un paio

di occhiali" refiea the actuai living conditions of the Ortese family until 1948:

Le condirioni morali ed econorniche di vita sono pero' sempre disastrose e


per qualche anno gh Onese sono costretti a cambiare diverse volte
alloggio. Il
sordido intemo d e d o nella novella Un paio di occhiaii (inII mare non
bopu N q l i , 1953)rispecchia fedelmente I'abitazione-portinena del
caseggiato dove abitano gli Ortese sino al 1948.'
Later, Anna began a sporadicjoumalistic career working for very important

newspapers and magazines such as: Ii Mondo and L 'Eutopeo.Her love for literary

creation was never abandoned and in 1950 her second collection of short stones,

L 'Infcmtaseplta was published.

Ortese's mother passed away in 1951, inflicthg more sadness to her life. She won

the Premio Saint Vincent in 1952 for journalism. She won the prestigious Premio

Viareggio for a collection of short stories of a Neorealkt tendency, Il rnare no)?bugna

Nopol, published in 1953. Then, w i t h that same year, the death of her father and the

criticism caused by II mure, compelled her to l a v e Naples for good and move to Milan.

In 1958 she published a book entitled Szlenzio a Milmo which is a collection of

joumalistic style aones describing certain disillusioning environments of the industrial city.

In other words. Milan which was supposed to be symbolic of hope and success was

ponrayed by Ortese as a city of moral and economic poverty as well.

In 1959, Anna Maria Ortese and her sister moved to Rome. It was dunng this

time that she began to wrîte the manuscript of the novel Poveri e semplic( that would not

get published until 1967. In 1963 she wrote L 'I'mmwhich did not get published until

1965. This was moa certainly a book of transition as she breaks away fiom the redistic

tone and moves toward a fantastic style. She uses the fantastic in order to criticize certain

socio-economic and literary trends that were developing in Italy during this time. As will

be discussed in chapter t h e , this penod marks a third phase in her writing style. What

differentiates this third phase characteRzed by the fantastic as opposed to her first phase of

Magic Realism is her sense of moral and social engagement.


In 1967 she moved back to Milan where she published the novel Poveri e sempfici.

The book was weii accepteci and led to another literary award, the prestigious Premio

Strega. She conhued to pubiish in 1968, La Ium SUI mut0 and in 1969, L 'afonegripo.

During these years she revisited her adolescence and wrote IIporto di Toledo, published

in 1975. This novel is a reworking of her previous novels Angelici dolorz and L 'Infbnta

sepolra. In a sense, she takes the reader b e b d the scenes and lets him see what led her to

write the stories and why. The book was not easily understood nor weli accepted which

fùrther enhanced her need for seclusion. In the autumn of 1975, she and her sister moved

to Rapallo in a voluntary exile. During these years she is characterized as living a life of

solitude and in a never ending firiancial struggle which most cenainly duenced her

thematic focus. In 1979, the novel II cappeilopium~rfo


was published which is a

continuation of Poveri and sernplici. In 1983 Ortese pubiished II trem russo, a collection

of short nones narrating her trip to Russia for a journalistic inquiry. For this the author

In May of 1987 Estivi ternori was


was second runner up for the Prernio Rupa~Io.~

published. It is a collection of short stories written between 1950 and 1960 including

thematics regarding the disintegration of values and human ethics within the capital city of

Rome.

In November of the sarne year, 1987, appeared In sonno e in veg1.upublished

through the Adelphi publishg house which supported her next three works as weli. The

collection is composed of nine short stories and a fictitious interview. in 1993 she

published II cardiflodoiorato, a novel which is set back in the 1700's in Naples. It is

constructed in an objective style through which a fantastic and magicai world is created,

similar to that of L ' I g r r m , emphasirllig very real criticisms toward ethical values. Alonsu
e i visionmi, published in 1996, is set up as a nuitasy-mystery novel in which human

ethical values are once again questioned and modem society criticized for "murdering"

natural innocence. ln 1997 Corpo celeste, Ortese's final project, was published. It is a

collection of two speeches and three modifieci interviews. Through them the aufhor has

tried to clarify her perspective on literature. On March 9, 1998 Anna Maria Ortese passed

away in Rapalio, Itaiy. On this day Italy lost one of its most misunderstood and passionate

authors.

B. 7he critics and Anna Maria Ortese

There has not been a consistent body of criticisrn in regards to the study of

Ortese's works. In 1937, at the onset of her literary career with Angelici dolori, Ortese

was either praised for her imocently magical descriptions or scomed for an outdated

Magic Realism. Massimo Bontempelli, for example, approved and supporteci this book

stating: "Rivela una rua Potenza di creazione fantastiq un istinto sicuro di espressione,

un senso religioso delle realta' quotidiane, che per virtu' di poesia appaiono ivi

continuamente trasfigurate in luce di bellena."' EMW Falqui, on the other band, berated

the collection descnbing it as disorganized and as not havlng a categontable style.'

Giancarlo Vigoreiii also agrees with him calling the collection a "pagina raccogliticcia"

and of "bassa letterat~a".~Bo& critics, according to Giancarlo Borri, haâ more

problems with the collection's association with Massimo Bonternpeiii than with Ortese

herself He stated that "... Falqui voleva colpire, con questa drastica stroncatura, non tanto

la giovanissima esordiente quamo, piunosto, 10 stesso Massimo Bontempe6 con il quale

sussistevano profondi contrasti ideologici e lettemi." As for Vigorelîi, Bom continues:


"emerge, anche in questo intervento, un chiaro contrasta con il tipo di letteratura

.."6 Mer this contmdictîng period whet foliowed


privilegiato da Massirno ~ontem~eiii..

was over a ten year period of silence from the author. In 1950 appeared L 'Infmtasepolra

which was received with silence. It was not umil the publication of II mare non 'bagrw

N'ii in 1953 that the critics once again took an interest in Ortese. In the preface of the

book Elio Vittorini, who encouraged the creation as well as the publication of ll mare.

stated:

Anna Maria Ortese non e' nuova alla letteratura. Nata a Rorna, vissuta
lungamente a Napoli, ebbe una notorieta' di fancida prodigio, poco prima
dell'uitima guerra, per un libro che Bontempeili chiarno', lanciandoio,
Angelici dolori. Sulla strada che si apri' con quel libro essa ha vagato per
dieci anni corne una sonnambula. E' stata una zingara assorta in un sogno.
Ma ora si e' sveghata, si e' fennata, e' Napoli di tutta la sua vita ch'essa si
vede intomo, presenza e memoria insieme, e nflessione, pieta', traspono,
sdegno.'

This is an interesting quote because Vittorini distinguishes between the dream-like quality

of Ortese's previous work and now the reaiistic tonaüty of Il mure. However, it must be

pointed out that stiil up to this point, the attention received by the nitics is only in the

fom of book reviews. The issue of discussion in regards to II mare was whether it had or

did not have Neorealist tendencies. For example, Michele Prisco stated that the Naples

that Ortese descnbes: ". ..e' una realta' di miseria e squaiiore, ma anche di poesia, per chi

sappia intenderla: di rassegnazione, di soffetema, ma di umanita'.""n the other hand,

there are cntics such as Carlo Saiinari that condemn this latest collection for being

In 1958, and once agah in 1965 Ortese is received with


"eccessivamente rn~rûido."~

silence with the publication of Siiemo a Mil'o and L 'Igianu,respectively. Then, in

1967, some critics seemed to accept Ortese's second novel Poveri e semrplici, in a more
positive manner although inconsistency amongst the rewiews still remained. Giovanni

Titta Rosa wrote an article which began with an introduction of the recently published

Poveri e semplici and moved into a discussion of Ortese's earlier material. He considered

the fantastic qualities in her works. Titta Rosa wrote that Ortese's style is never

completely redistic nor totally fantastic. Even within her moa realistic of works such as

in II mure P J O ~6agrà11
J Nclyoii the= is a tendency to exaggerate and defonn reaiity.'O A

long penod of silence followed this book and the two collections of shon aories that

followed: La Iuna sui nuro in 1968 and L 'alone@gio in 1969 were for the most part

ignored by critics. However, in the introduction to the latter book, Geno Pampaioni

recognized a ". ..sentiment0 generale del vivere..." that touches ". ..l'inter0 universo

esistenziaie."

In 1974, Alfonso Gatto wrote the introduction to the republication of Poveri e

semplici. He stated: "Poveri e semplici e' la poesia degii essen e dei sentimenti che

mandano avanti il mondo."" This is an important point because it is never the action but

it is instead sentiments that give life to Ortese's works. Again, in 1975, Ortese's third

novel, Ilporto di Toledo is practically ignored by both the public and critics. It was not

until Luigi Compagnone (one of the members of the intellectuai group of Naples that

Onese was a part of, the same group she later criticized in one of the nones of Il mare),

wrote a laudatory review of the myaenous and indescribable beauty of the book. From

this point on the appreciation of Ortese slowly began to grow. L 'Ipmwas republished

in 1978. lncluded in this publication was a very compiimentary preface by Dario Bell-.

His introduction of the author was very important as it expresseci the essence of the writer

and her mission as a writer.


Certo e' che ripensando alla sua opera che conoscevo poco e male, e
rileggendola fino ai suo ultimo libro...non solo affermi la sua grandezza,
capii la grandezza, ma riconobbi in una scrittrice poco frrqueutata dalla
c n t i q e snobbata dai circoli piu' idiotamente intelietnidi che si fanw
travolgere da mm gli «ismi» contemporanei senza sapere mettere un
centro al loro abbietto modo di guardare il mondo. fra pettegolezzo e
mondanita', nconobbi appunto il massirno di capacita' sperimentale che
uno scrittore avesse perseguito in Italia, anche andando comro corrente e
con il rischio di non vendere una copia dei suoi libri. Perche' le ragioni
della Ortese sono puramente espressive... Per lei scrivere e' un atto
reiigioso....12

He saw her as an important author who has been not well received by the critics and

intellectuals. Beilezza recognized in Ortese a loyalty to her works even if it meant going

against the literary currents and risking bad sales of books. Writing, he explained, was a

religious act for Onese. The important aspect to keep in mind in the study of Ortese's

works, including this dissertation, is that Ortese was led to write by a need to express

either personal or societal issues. She did not follow literary movernents or currents in a

strict, academic mariner.

By 1979,11 cappeIfopiurnaio was also received with praises, in particular by Elena

Croce as she expressed that this book as well as II mure non b a g Napoli
~ could be

considered testimonials of history.13 Ines Scaramucci in 1979 wrote a detailed study of

Ortese's works up to date. Scaramucci's oveniew is moaly thematic discussing Ortese's

works on an individual basis. A very important theme, she wrote, is that of pain which is

aiways present at some level within each of her works: "Una visione dolorosa che,

attraverso la npresa di un motivo tematico O il pretesto bouettistico, si allarga a una

prospettiva che se non e'una visione universale deila condizione mana, bene si puo'

defuiire un sentimento generale della pena di vivere....,914


In the 1980's there was an evident change in perspective and appreciation for an

author, Ortese, who has obviously stood the test of tirne. h 1985 this renewed

appreciation was seen by the republication of Il porto di Toledo. Then in 1986 Silerrzio o

Milano and L ' I g r m were also republished. The I g u ~ l t in


~ lpartidar, received much

attention in the form of book reviews. However, this does not mean that there have not

been any studies on Ortese of a more global nature up until the mid 1980's. An interesting

essay on the l@mmz was written by Rosita Copioli in 1986. She discussed the utopic,

moral perspective in Chtese's works that separates her from other writers:

La sua identita' letteraria, forse la sua concezione di letteratura contempla


una 'speranza progettuale', appunto, che l'awicina agli scritton utopisti, ai
moralisti: pur non piegando letteratura a morale, le confensce un ton0 alto,
e la separa da che l'ha pensata invece, per le ragioni piu' varie, corne
un'occupazione fine a se stessa, e cos? da chi ne ha fatto un gioco. magari
solo parodico, O smitiuante, privo di desiderio di mutamento."

In 1987 ln sogno e in vegfia was published. Once again for the most part, the book

is received with silence. It is a coUection of short stories of a fantastic nature. A book

review of ln sogno written by Rocco Capozzi delineates the use of the fantastic in Ortese:

Neither the obvious references to the process of narration nor the explicitly
fantastic projections of anxieties, fean, disillusionmentswith fellow man,
and denunciations of social evils codd ever be considered playfùl literary
exercises. Ortese's readers know far too weU that this wodd not be
expected 6om an author who from the days of Angelici dolori (1937) has
constantly manifested a need to speak against the erosion of life.l6

In 1988 Giancarlo Bom wrote Invito alla ienrrra di Anna Mora Ortese. He gave a

detailed ovewiew of the author's autobiography, a chroaological overview of the critics,

and his own,as well as, the critics'perspectives of her works. Rita Wdson in 1990 wrote

an essay about Ortese and in her fmt line she questioned why this author has been ignored
by critics. Wilson suggested that it could have been because of the tendency on the part of

the intellectuals to ignore those that are outside the Italian institutionaiized cultural

circuits, especially if they happen to be women. 'Di questa colpevole trascuratezza della

critica le ragioni possono essere tante, corne la scarsa attenzione degli accademici per chi

e' fuori dai circuiti della cultura istifunonaiizzata e in particola.modo per le donne che,

ancora oggi, vengono spesso damitate ai margini della scena letteraria."17 Ortese herself

stated in an i n t e ~ e wthat other contemporary women writers had men backing them up:

Anna Banti had Roberto Longhi, Gianna ManEni had Enrico Faiqui, Elsa Morante had

Alberto Moravia. '' J o h n Cannon also stated that unfortunately ltalian literary criticism

has tended to neglect many of its female writers. An interesting observation she made is

on the senes Inviio alla lettura by the publishing house Mursia. It is a monographic study

done on particular authors and their works which delineates biographical information on

the author being studied, important thernes. influences, and the wtiter's criticai literary

history. Cannon noticed that "Ofsixty-five Itaiian writers featured...up to about 1980,

only four women were included... By 1989 that number had increased slightly to

include...Anna Maria Ortese... At present seven of the Nnety-two witers featured in the

series are women."lg Ortese must have been well aware of the problem that témale

wiiters had in Italy when she wrote in Lorpo celeste:

E penso di non essere un vero scrittore se, finora, non mi e' riuscito di dire
neppure Iontanameme in quaie temore economiw - e quindi impossibiiita'
di scrivere - viva, in italia, uno scrittore che non prenda gli Ordini... Uno
scrittore-donna, dopotutto, e proveniente da queiia parte del paese che nel
1861 si aggiunse.. .alla decorosa storia del Piemonte.. .Un0 scrittore-donna,
una bestia che paria, dunque...Perche' ta donna, nei paesi antichi, O morti,
deve restare la d m : cosa a cui non credo?"
Luca Clerici, in 1990 wrote a detailed panoramic study of Ortese's works. He

outlined repetitive moMs and compareci several of her stories with one another. Clerici

also made an interesthg obseivation stating that ûrtese's use of the fantastic and oneinc

style is one which is used when the namitor-protagonia is a child or adolescent. As the

narrator-protagonia matures into adulthood there is an evident change in style. Ortese

becomes much more objective and realîstic as seen in many of her books where there is an

adult narrator-protagonisi, for example in: II m m non Bagrma ~ k p o l i . ~ '

Ad esseme condizionate sono le strategie della rappresentazione ne1 loro


complesso: si passa da racconti che inscenano il travestimento della realta'
condotto lungo le coordinate della fantasticheria infantile, a novelle in cui la
visuale adulta impone contomi rappresentativi piu' netti e scuri, ed effetti
non piu' fântastici ma d' indole reaiistica...

Clerici also compared her very first work Angeitcz dolon (1937) with In sonno e in v e g h

(1987). He noted that within a fi@ year span there had been a certain evolution in style

and maturity in Ortese's works. He explained that the therne focusing on the pain endured

from the loss of childhood innocence, which is a theme very cornmon in Ortese's works, is

an interpretive key as it lads to the existentid condition of humanity in general. Clenci,

in this detailed snidy of Ortese's works covering a nfty year span begi~ingwith Angefici

dolori ( 1937) up until In sogno e in vegiia ( 1987), reaffirmed the convictions of Ortese

throughout her literary career, as well as inspired the purpose of this dissertation. Clerici

declared:

Se si paragonassero infine Angelici dolori e In sonno e in wglia, coliocati


corne sono agli estremi cronologici della produzione dell'ortese, sarebbe
fade o s m a r e quanto appaiono diverse le tecniche rappresentative
impiegate: alla visionarieta' del primo iibro si contrappone la vena
ragionativa e filosofica del secondo. Ma entrambe le opere appaiono
incentrate sui medesirno tema, il dolore detaminato dalla perdita
delf'infiwia, che da esperienta autobiografica letterariamente
spersonalizzata, diviene chiave di interpretazione delia aoria, fino ad
assurgere a condbione esistedale dell'intera umanita' ."

By comparing the two books, each on the opposite ends of the chronological scale, one

notices an important dierence between them. Clerici believed the first to be more oneinc

in style and the latter to have more of a philosophicai, mord nature, although both are

quite fantastic in fom. In dl, he claimeci, they do have in cornmon the aspect of applying

the author's personai pain as a tool of interpretation of the existentid condition of al1

humanity. This is a point that will aiways be apparent throughout the study of Ortese's

works within this dissertation. In fact, Ortese's sense of pain aiways perrneates through

even her most fantastic of worlds. II cardillo addoforazoa fantastic novel which came

out in 1993 saw an enonnous amount of attention, but mainly in the form of newspaper

articles and book reviews. In 1994 Sharon Wood, one of the most detailed and faithfiil

critics of Ortese, wrote a panorarnic study of Ortese's works including Il curdillo. Wood

explained the problem of categorizing Onese's works: "It is almoa impossible to place

her within any coherent group of wrïters, or to identifi her work within a specific trend:

hers is very rnuch a solitary voice, whose surreal humanity occasionally rises to the surface

of an ltalian cultural scene which she sees to be largely abandoning its task to reveal

'reality', to stnp the mask off the face."" The reality that she is ailuding to is Ortese's

definition of it, which is that of emotion and thought. In fa*, Wood stated that the author

protested against Neorealism as well as reaiistic literanire because it could do nothing

"more than skim the surface of our perceptions":

Ortese's protest against 'realism' is more than stytistic and expressive


dissent. In refiising the dominant literary orthodoxies of Neorealism, she
represents a dramatic ethical and culturai alternative grounded in the
brnarvellinginnocence' of childhood, which attempts to heal the split
between mankind and the natural-phenomenon world. Her stones and
novels consistently challenge elements of conventional narrative structure
such as plot and chanicter, dealing instead with the ebb and flow of
experience, emotion, thought and drearn which escape the constraints of
logicai reas~ning.~

In another article of the same year, Wood concentrated on ûrtese's use of the fmtaaic.

She explained "Fantasy in Onese is not anarchy but a deeply-held hope for the funire of

the world-not oithodox political utopianism, but a separete hierarchy of moral value."z6

Onese is not able to capture hope in reality and therefore resorts to writing fantastic

complex aories in order to capture it. By building fictitious worlds and characters she cm

also include a vision of hope for the future. This topic will be further discussed in chapter

three.

In 1997 Ermanno Paccagnini wrote the most recent panorarnic study to date of

Onese's works and it also includes her last novel Alonso e i visionmi (1996). He brought

up a very important aspect that moa certainly plays a role in the difficulty in grouping

Ortese's works in logical categories of style. He warned that the critic should be carefù1

when making generalizations about Ortese's themes and style. The problem is that many

of her shon aories fiom Atgelici dolori (1 937) and L 'Infnta seepola (1950) have been

republished in more ment collections such as L a luna sui muro (1968) and L 'alonegngio

(1969). Paccagnini explained:

II problema non e' di poco conto e, data la ncaduta interpretativa, deve


suggerire al critico onde evitare affermazioni quali (e' solo uno dei tanti
esempi): CcNel rom- L ï j p a z m (1965) e nela raccolta di racconti
L 'alonegrigo (1969)la Ortese supera i moduii neorealisticî di II mare non
b a p Napoli per proiettarsi in una dimensione fhntastica...». Che e'
indubbiamente vero per L ' I g u m ; assai meno per I'aitro, visto che 11 dei
suoi 15 racconti erano stati d t i vent'anni prima.n
s
This point is important because what a critic may have been reading in 1969 was

probably one of the aories written in 1937. This is aiso a problem for works such as

FstiM tewori which was published in 1987 but actually written between 1950 and 1960.

Thus, the aspect missing fiom the body of criticism is a study that permits us to +iew

Ortese's works Ui a chronological perspective which incorporates the dates in which the

works were conceived, not just when they were published. Only through this type of

chronological study can a more educated judgment be made of Ortese's evolution as a

writer as well as her uses of reaiism and fmtasy and their signincance. In fact, up to now

the most significant studies on Onese have been on the discussion of Ortese's use of the

fantastic as opposed to her use of Neorealism or Realism. But the problem that Paccagnini

sees is that some cntics are making judgrnents on the fantasy used in 1969 as similar to

that of 1937. The similarity is there because some of those stories were in fact wrinen in

1937.

Thus, for this dissertation I placed Ortese's works are placed in the chronological

succession in which they were written, not when they were published. Reading her works

in this manner demonstrates three major phases within her literary career. These phases

are outlined based upon ûrtese's particular style, themes, critics' opinions and historical

time periods which surrounded certain works. The next section shall give a description of

these three phases which represent the three chapters of the dissertation, and the three

major movements that surrounded them: Magic Reaiism, Neorealism and the Gruppo 63.

C . Outfine of Onese 's thtee litermy phases


There is an air of innocence and marvelous discovery that surrounds her fint

collection Angelici &lori (1937). and part of her second collection L 'Infmit~sepoftu

(1 950). Escape and adventure are main thernes of her first collections rnainly because of

the personal pain she has endured in her life but also because of the f e s t tirne period in

which she lived. The world ofAngelici d o h i is displayed to us through the eyes of an

innocent chiid. Supported by Massimo Bontempelii, Angelici dolori (1937) was associateci

with Magic Realism, a literary tendency conceived by him in the twentieth century.

Bontempelli stated that Magic Realism, a reconstruction of extemal as well as individuai

reality, was not to be considered a philosophical movement, but an anistic one. He went

on to say that the only tool needed was an imagination. "Unico stnimento del nostro

lavoro sua' l'iinrnaginazione. Occorre riimparare l'me di costruire, per inventare i rniti

freschi onde posa scaturire la nuova atmosfera di mi abbiamo bisogno per respirare."*'

What was needed, he implored, was to re-leam the art of construction in order to invent

fiesh myths fiom which could stem a new atmosphere, a much needed environment in

which to breathe. Bontempelli envisioned an art that would create mythologies such as

the Greeks had. "Piuttosto che di fiaba, abbiarno sete di awentura. La vita piu'

quotidiana e normale, vogliarno vederla corne un awenturoso miracoio: nschio continuo,

e condnuo sfo~zodi mismi o di trappole~ieper campam me."^ He continued to explain

that through the use of Magic Realism he wanted to see normal, everyday life as an

adventurous miracle with contùiuous risks and heroic forces.

ûrtese's purpose in writing originalîy began as an escape flom her pain, an escape

fiom the societal conlines that surrounded her. The fïrn chapter of this dissertation

focuses on ûrtese's adolescent and developmemal years of selfldiscovery concentrathg


on the collection of short stories Angelici dolori (1 937), the aory "La cura" and some

aories of L 'Infmtaseplta (1950). This second phase of Ortese's writings is

characterized as very subjective; she writes within an autobiographicai context. 1 believe

that during this period she portrays personal environments and sihiations as fantastic,

magicd events in order to use them as worlds of escape and adventure. These are also the

writings that are recounted fiom a first person child narrator. As we shail discuss in

chapter one, certain aspects of Magic Realism do emerge within Angelici dolori.

However, Onese's sense of Magic Realism did not consist of creating new myths nor of

creating atmospheres of nsk and heroisms. Her stones instead were transfigurations of

autobiographical conditions and situations written in a magicai fom rather than a plain

realistic one. In other wofds in a "precisione reaiidca e atmosfera magica."'O What is

important to keep in mind is that this was a period in Ortese's literary career marked by a

need to escape fkom her painful reality. The pain had been caused by the death of beloved

family members, the fascia historical period and the family's precarious financiai

situations. Her use of fantasy in this penod is more of an escapist nature, aimoa as a

refusa1to accept reality. To my knowledge, Sharon Wood is the oniy critic who has

pronounced that in Attgdici dolori "Imagination c m be he~ea fom of escape....>?31

In chapter two is then discussed her second phase which was characterized by a

transition to a realistic style. This phase includes the study of selected short stories from

a Milmo ( 1958) and


L 'Infantasepolla (1 950)' Il mare non bugnu N q o I i (1 953), SiIemnno

the novel Poveri e sempiici ((1 967). This second phase is identifid by a sense of socio-

ewnornic and hiaoncal engagement. The two cities emblematic of this period are Naples
and Milan. Common themes of the works analyzed in this chapter wincided with

recurrent themes in Neorealist literature as well : post-war effects, the struggles of the

south and of the lower social classes.

Ortese's second collection of short stones L 'Infata sepolla (1950) is clearly one

of transition as it gained more of a rebellious and a aitical tone in cornparison to her first

collection Angelici dolori. Although it has been cleariy stated by critics such as Sharon

Wood that Ortese cannot be strictly categorized in any one tendency, it does not mean

that she could not have been infiuenced by Neorealist thematics and sense of engagemenl.

The mere fact that Elio Vittorini, a noted Neoredia, encouraged the publication of ll

mure already suggests a Neorealist

Cntics such as Maria Corti state that Neorealistic tendencies actually began during

the time peFiod between the iwo world W W S . ~However,


~ Neorealisrn reached its ciimactic

point during the tirne of the Liberation, toward the mid 1940's. Therefore, moa

Neorealistic literature after that point and especially those written within the 1950's were

already losing its aria sense of definition. A generai definition of Neorealism is given by

Natalino Sapegno as a movement characterized by:

..xontenuti attinti alla Cronaca e alia vita reale,... un Iinguaggio immediato


e concret0... Si trattava...di riprendere e potenriare le esigenze di
oggettivita' ...di disegnare il quadro di un'urnile reaita' differenziata nelle
diverse co~otazioniregionali e nei diversi strati sociali, di dare gogo a un
urgente bisogno di denunce, di proposte, di solle~itazioni.~~

The contents of these Neorealist works were docurnentary depictions of daily lifé.

Language was not ernbeilished, but irnrnediate and wncrete; in certain instances dialect

was used rather than the national scholastic Italian. This was done in order to comunicate

with the general public. Neorealist Iiteranire was one of engagement and was written for
both, the masses and for the intellectuals but especially for the common population. It was

about going back to an objective namition and giving vent to an urgent need to denounce,

propose and solicit. In other words it was an emission of rage and an outcry for change.

There were writers during this time that were concemecl with their particular

region, province or more specifically, their city. Their main focus was the socio-economic

situations within that specific area and used that environment as a criticism of the entire

social-econoniic and political stems.^^ Aruia Maria Ortese along with Domenico Rea,

Luigi Compagnone, RafFaele LaCapria, Carlo Bemari, and Eduardo De Filippo are a

group of Neapolitan writers who focused specifically on Neapolitan socio-econornic poa-

war conditions. They denounced the misery surrounding areas and ghettos of Naples and

solicited change and renewal fiom the Neapolitans. However, as Maria Coni pointed out,

Neorealism only encompassed a limited number of thematics and could only go for so long

until writers and readers alike needed to break away from this tendency's restrictive

chahs. In fact, some of the writers mentioned, such as Bemari, La Capria as well as

Ortese, also came to the reaiization that the context of Naples and Neorealism were too

limited to remain abreast of changing socio-economic and political changes happening in

Italy. Maria Coni explained:

...l'opzione per la tematica regionale e I'infiusso delle comspondenti


tradizioni letterarie locali vengono a. ..collegare autori che poi, finito il
penodo neoredista, divergeranno assolutamente fia loro e ciascuno dai se
stesso d'allora. Tipico il cas0 degh scntton napoletani... Per.. .questi motivi
Marotta, B e M , Rea, per non citare che i napolaani piu' noti e h i , sono
legati, pur diversissimi tra Ioro, da una rete di terni cornuni e facenti capo ai
campo tematico della cita' pmenopea.. ..36

In the last aory of II mare m>n b a p Ncrpoli, "1 silenzio deUa ragione", Anna Maria

Ortese denounced the intellectualist group of Naples who began writing with such
fewency and in the end were swallowed up by the very city they aiticized. After this, the

response fiom Ortese's aitics was les than favorable for having femeted out her own

group of friends. This wrresponded with the period when Ortese left Naples and moved

to Milan.

In Milan Ortese wrote another collection of short stories except this t h e her focus

was on the antithesis of Naples: the city of Milan. This was the city of the industrial boom

that symboked hope and prosperity for a post-war, economically challenged Italy. Ortese

published a journalistic style collection of short stories, Siiemio a Milmo in 19%. This

was a period in which Neorealism had seen its disintegration because of its insufficient

relatedness ta political and socio-economic changes happening in Italy. The themes in

Silenzio include the unequal distribution of rights and of moral disintegration. 1 conclude

this chapter with the analysis of Poveri e semplici. Here the author explains why Realism

is a concept too narrow to include her ambitious vision of the world. Although Poveri e

semplici was published in 1967. that is not of concern to us since the mm~scnptof this

novel was actually wrinen in the early 1960's. During this time, another literary tendency

was evolving. This leads us to the description of the third phase that 1 have outlined in

Ortese.

By the mid 1950's a literary movement initiated by a group of intellectuals was

beginning to develop. This group was officiaily calied the G r u p p 63 in 1963. This

tendency was motivated by a sense of disiilusion and weariness in Neorealism. According

to Sapegno what marked the t h e in which Neorealism dissipated and the G ~ p p o


63

began was the foliowing:


...gli interessi di partit0 e di casta riprendono il soprawento disperdendo le
sperme di un'azione progressiva unitaria; la rinascita dell'economia si
attua secondo leggi spietate che vanificano le utopie di giustizia; la stessa
lotta democratica, ispirandosi a un mode110 amencano. perde la sua veste
liberde, diventa intoilerante e aggressiva.. .subentra in molti animi un
sentiment0 di stanchepa, di amaro scenicismo... Ne1 moment0 culminante
''
diventera'. ..rifiuto della letteratura, dissolwioae del linguaggio.

The description of this group is oniy to give a basis to some of the criticisms that

Ortese had in L 'Iguaiw (1 965). the novel that chronologically followed this period.

Through this famastic novel not only did she bring forth many of the themes so common in

her works (man's destruction of innocence and nature, the moral degeneration of society).

but the author also clearly criticized what literature and language were becorning through

the Gruppo 53: difficult and incomprehensible.

As was mentioned, the 1960's was a penod in which literature was going through

changes. The belief that literature was to include a sense of engagement was no longer an

issue for many writers disillusioned with the socio-politicai and socio-econornic situations

in Italy. Therefore, literature became an experimental tool of abstract constmction.

Literature was to be objective and difficult, no longer concerned with socio-econornic and

political problems that the Neorealists were concemed with. Ortese reacted to. and did

not act within the Gncppo 63. I believe that it is within this third phase characterized by

protest and philosophical meditations that Ortese used the technique of fantasy to

denounce cenain sociologicai and literary aspects which she &und to be c o ~ ~ u p t .The
'~

use of the famastic in the third phase that 1 have outlined is not to say that she regressed

back to the same fmtastic style of her first phase. What is different in the fantastic

discussed in chapter three is that Ortese uses fmtasy as a social criticism rather than a

personai escape, as was chacteristic of h e 6.m


~ w r h g phase.39
Chapter three with a description of the the Neoavantgarde liteniry taidency called

the Grupp 63 that had developed during the dissolution of Neorealism. This shall serve

as a literary historicai fiame in which the works described in this chapter were written in.

Esrivi terrori (1987) is a collection of short stories actually written between the 1950's

and 1960's. In an observational, almoa documentary manner, the first person narrator

described the disintegrated values within the city of Rome. Ortese's focused sense of

human ethical engagement and the themes regarding man's narcissism and the unequal

distribution of wealth are consistent throughout her books of realistic as well as fantastic

depictions. In fact, to show the thematic cohesiveness within her works I will discuss her

first fantastic novel L 'Iguana- (1965) thematically cornparhg it to Esiivi terrori. The

@ana is also a protest against the Gruppo 63 which will be fùrther be discussed in

chapter three. L 'Iguanu is built as a fictitious world, but in it are depicted realistic

problems and criticisms of socio-economic situations in Italy. It is written in the third

person' with occasional intejections fiom the author to the reader, clari@ng or explainhg

cenain points. Ortese seems to use this technique as a way of emphasizing the tact that

there is indeed a message within the w ~ r k . ~

Included in chapter three is In sogno e in vegfza(1 987) a collection of short

stories of a philosophical nature. The title makes reference to the very point between

drearn and wake; where one is not either in a dream state nor in a wake one. The fiision

of these two States that rnakes the reader wonder where reality finishes and drearn begins.

It is a point where tune cannot be measured and meditation can be developed. This

collection is full of moral messages and hope for a bener world.


Aiso discussed in chapter three are the novels, II cradilo rddooruto ( 1 993) and

Afonsoe i vision& (1996). 11cmdilo is ofa fantastic nature and is one of Onese's most

elaborate works, structurally speaking. What the reader finds is a consfant intrusion of

stones in order to explain other stories and the inclusion of a three hundred year old little

imp called Kappchen who goes through several transformations. This creature also

happens to be Elmina's brother, the heroine of the story. There is also a negromancer and

a magical lense that helps him decipher the perplexity of the situations. But, the only true

reality the reader is left with in the end is pain: Elmina's and that of the goidfinch. There is

a parallelism between this protagania and Onese. Both have a duty or a mission to fulfill:

Elmina must adopt her brother Kappchen, and for him refuses dl worldly happiness;

Ortese, on the other hand adopts to nay true to what she believes is the mission of

literature. Her sacrifice is that of renouncing personal and financial success in order to do

this. An interpretation of Kappchen's transformations could dso see him as a symbol for

the changes that literature has gone through throughout the years. Ortese seeing a dissent

in content and ethical value represented by the Neoavantgarde movements seems to be

sending out the message that although her approach may change, her mission or sacrifice,

would not. Ortese continues the stylistic use of the fantastic with Alonso e i visionmi

( 1996) constmcting a detective, mystery-murder aory complicating aii the events, only to

jus send the reader a simple message. This includes hope for a redeemed world filled with

eoodness and empathy for rnankind and the naturd world.


*

Lastly, her final work, Corpo celeste is discussed in the conclusion. It is a

collection of two speeches and k e e interviews. Although this was her fml publication,

in 1997, the speeches were wrinen in 1980 and the most recent of the interviews collected
(and modifieci) in the book holds the date of 1989. It seems as though she needed to give

herseif the critical attmtion that she had yet to receive in the 1980's. It is as if with this

book she closes the gap of rniscomprehension between her and the critics. C o p celeste

is the compilation of everything that Ot-tese stood for and a tool for understanding the

author; that is why references will be made to this book throughout the three chapters. It

is a book that a reader should begin with in order to understand completely Onese's deep

philosophical beliefs grounded in goodness and hope.

If I were to place the three phases on a timeline it would show that the first phase

was one of reminiscence and therefore represented past. The Neorealist period

represented the present and the third phase the future. In other words, although the first

and third phase of Ortese are both ponrayed as fantastic the difference between them is

that the first one is a personal escape into the past and the third phase is a hope for a better

wortd in the fùture.

D. Ortese 's vision of the world


In an i n t e ~ e wentitled "Dieci domande ad Anna Maria Ortese" she explained how

she thought that a painting that she saw from RaEaello depicted a sky more real than any

sky she had ever seen in the world. "Vidi un k @ i d l l o di piccole proporzioni...

Rappresentava un cielo. E quel cielo, - in quaiche modo che devo ntenere straordinario, -

capovolgeva ogni idea che avevo sulia realta', era piu' vero, piu' reale di ogni cielo del

mondo reale.''4' In other words what is represented thFough art or literature eould

actuaiiy represent situations and objects more reaiistically than if one were to directly

observe them. In this same interview she continueci to express her perspective on what
rnakes something real and admits that according to her, the ody tme authors that

expressed the real were Dante and Leopardi. What made thern writers of the real was

their expression of the interior, where the sentiments have a voice. "Si direbbe, Leopardi.

I'unica voce reale della letteratura italiana, dopo Dante... La natura gii appare, ne1 suo

aspetto usuale, inganno; il reale (di natura e di uomo), distnitto. Cosi', la natura dei

pensieti, unicamente la natwa intenoFe dei sencimenti ... si pone corne d e . ' A 2

This perspective helps us understand why human ethics are at the forefiont of

Onese's literary w e e r and not politics and theones. Ortese's inner moral inclination was

the inspinng force that continued to give life to many of her works until the very end. In

chapter three is discussed how above al1 else it is man alone that must change his ways

before trying to change society through public institutions such as politics and religion.

Moreover, according to Ortese, man needs to rid himself of his narcissistic perspective

within the world. The three major sins of the world are man's narcissism, and his

obsession with money and time. Nature and the forces of time are so great that they alone

should be enough to humble man. Onese insists until the end that man's role in the world

could be great and is yet so minute in comparison with al1 the mysteries surrounding us.

Man is solely another character who should be living in harrnony with dl the other

characters whose roles are equally important. The destruction of any part of the universe

is a direct destruction of man.

As an autodidactic author, Ortese has stood the test of time (over sixty years) and

proven to her readers that one does not need to foUow specific iiterary genres and

tendencies in order to have something important to Say. This does aot mean that she rnay

not have been influenced by them. ui this dissertation will be disnissed her evolution as a
writer and more specifically as an Itaiian one. The major miticism of Ortese's works has

been that they were not categorizabie under any of the literary trends and movements. My

stance is that they are instead a sign of the perîods in which they were written. She may

not have written within those literary trends but she was certaioly affecteci by them. Her

works are the testimonial of time and prove to be nch venues of Italian sociological

history fkom 1937 until 1 997, a sixty year period. In fact, historical and socio-economic

influences are always present in her works. In the end she reaiùed that before society cm

make a change for the better, man mua change on an individual ievel. This is the

philosophical ideology that has developed throughout her long career as a writer and as a

witness to Italian sociological history.


Notes to Introduction
1
Gianwlo Bom, Invita aila llettu~adi Amui Maria Ortese, (Milano: Munia, 1988) 17.

Some of her works such as L'Imam, were published in 1986 for which she won the
Premio Fiugg.
3
Massimo Bonternpelli "Angelici dolori," Gazzetta del Ponolo, 22 April, 1937.

'Enrico Falqui, "Anna Maria Ortese - Angelici dolori," Ouadrivio (May 9, 193 7).
'Giancarlo Vigorelli, "Anna Maria ûttese - Angelici dolori," Letteratura, (October, 1937)
Giancarlo Bom, Invito alla lettura di Anna Maria Ortese, pp. 94-95.

' ElioVittorini in the introduction to Anna Maria Ortese, Il mare non bama Na~oli,
(Torino: Einaudi, 1953).
"Michele Prisco, "Anna Maria Ortese - Il mare non bagna Napoli," Giovedi', (July, 1953).

Carlo Salinari, "1 libri premiati a Viareggio," L7Unita',(24 August 1953).


'"Giovanni Titta Rosa, "Anna Maria Ortese," Vita letteraria del Novecento, (vol III.,
1972) 457-460.

" Alfonso Gatto in the Introduction to Anna Maria ûrtese, Poveri e semdici, (Milano:

Riuoli, 1974) XI.

'' Dario Bellena in the Introduction to Anna Maria Ortese, L71$uana, (Milano: Rizzoli,
1978).

l3 Elena Croce, "L'ultima Onese," Prospettive settanta, (February 1980).

l4 Ines Swamucci, "Anna Maria Ortese," Novecento Vm (Milano: Marzorati, 1979)


7668.

a secolo, (Roma: n
l 5 Rosita Copioli, "Anna Maria Onese. Mare immortde," Una d 0 ~ un
ventaglio, 1986) 101- 102.

l6 Rocco Capozzi, "In sogno e in veglia," World Literature Todav 62 3 1988: 445.

l7Rita Wdsoq "Una reaita' estranea: la nmativa di Anna Maria Ortese," Studi
d71talianistica3-4 (1990): 100.
1s
Elisabetta Rasy, "La zingara t o m a Napoli," Panorama (4 July, 1993): 2 1.

l9 J o h n Canon, "Women Writers and the Cannon in Contempory M y , " Italian Women
Writers from the Renaissance to the Present, (University Park: The Pennsylvania State
University Press, 1996) 14.

" Anna Maria Ortese, Co- celeste, pp. 50-5 1.

2' Luca Clenci, "Anna Maria Ortese," Belfa~or46 (1991): 405-406,

Ibid., p. 406.

" Luca Clenci, "Anna Maria Ortese," Belfaszor 46 (199 1): 406.
" Sharon Wood "'Such Stuff as Drearns are Made on': Anna Maria Ortese and the Art of
the Red," Italian Women's Wntina 1860-2 994, (London: The Atlone Press, 1995) 1 79.

25 Ibid., p. 173.
2b Sharon Wood, "Fantasy and Narrative in Anna Maria Ortese," Italica 7 1 3 (1 994): 366.

Ermanno Paccagnini, "1 dolori dell'angelica Ortese," Letture (April 1997): 1 15 .

Massimo Bontempelli, Opere scelte, (Milano: Mondadon, 1978) 750.


Ibid., pp. 750-75 1.

'"Ibid., p. 766.
" Sharon Wood, "Fantasy and Narrative in Anna Maria Ortese," p. 359.
32 See note 7.

j' Maria Corti Il viaspi0 testuale, (Torino: Giulio Einaudi Editore, 1978).

'' Nataiino Sapegno, Compendio di Storia della Letteratura Italiana, (Firenze: La Nuova
Italia, 1989) 352.
35
Maria Coni, Il viannio testuale, pp. 64-67.

37
Natalino Sapegno, Com~endiodi aona della letteratura italiana, p. 370.

' 1 have chosen not to take a structural or theoretical approach in studying Ort.se's use
of the fantastic as discussed by Tzvetan Todorov, The Fantastic>(Cleveland: The Press of
- - - - -- - - --

Case Western Reserve, 1973) because the author herser has made it clear that she is not
interested in theory or structure, but only in moral reconstniction.

See note 23. Luca Clerici identined the differences between the fmtastic techniques of
Angelici dolori ( 1937) and In sogno e in venüa ( 1987). He States that the fist is more
magical and the last more philosophical. 1 agree with this staternent although my addition
includes that the philosophical nature of her futastic works began much sooner with the
publication of L' Imiana (1965).

"Ortese also uses this technique in the first story of In somo e in vedia (1 987) and in
cardillo addolorato (1 993).

" Anna Maria Ortese, "Dieci domande ad Ama MaFia Ortese,"Nuovi Arnonienti 5 1-52
(Rorna, 1976):6 .
42
Ibid., p. 7.
CHAPTER ONE - PORTRAYAL OF ENCHANTMENT AND ESCAPISM

THROUGHOUT YEARS OF SELF-DISCOVERY 1937-1950

This chapter will focus mainly on Ortese's earlier works inciuding: AnMici dolori
(1937). the story "La cura" (1942), and L 'InjaniaSepola (1950). Some references will

also be made to II porto di Toledo (1975) since it is a reworking of her first two

publications. Some of her moa cornrnon thernes d u ~ this


g t h e of self-discovery were

her dependence on men as vehicles of hope, escapism, her personal and religious rebellion.

Very early on in her life, Ortese was aware of her socio-econornic limitations. She was a

female that came fiom a lower social economic status and who lived in a city, Naples, that

was obsessed with religion. In many ways she felt impnsoned because of these issues. In

fact, as will be discussed in this chapter, she depended vev much on the men in her life to

save her fiom many of these problems. When she was around the age of twelve, she

began to appreciate the gift of fantasy and expression which she could use as a tool to

escape from her conformirtg reality. The only way to find her much sought after freedom

was to create her own identity and beliefs through literary adventures. This first phase led

to her second phase which was the depiction of different types of vidims in socio-political

and socio-historical settings.

Although Angelzci dolori and the first half of h a second book, L 'Infantasepolta

are oneinc in style, her focus revolved around her own social and econornic limitations and

issues regarding h a self discovery. Emma Marras compares Ortese to two of her

contemporaries: Grazia Deledda and Elsa Morante. She points out that although their
writing styles may have been different, all t h e tended to work within a socio-economic

time-frame that corresponded with their own lives, even if the iiterature seemed fiunastic

in substance.

However differently Deledda, Morante, and Ortese treat their mbject


matter, they share a common interest in investigating human passions and
the secret sides of the self Al1 three novelists also tend to make subtle
references to historical, economic, and cultural processes shaping Italian
society.'

By following a chronological study of Anna Maria Ortese's works one can observe

the maturation and the evolution of her themes. niroughout her adolescence captured in

Angeiici dolori, (1 937),"La cura" (1942), L 'infanusepola (1950), and later once again

recaptured and revisited in Ilporto di Toledo (1 967), one cm find themes regarding her

own self discovery. What will also be apparent is her submissive tone and sense of

insecurity in Algelici dolori ( 1937), as opposed to her tone of rebellion in L 'I~>frnrta

srpolra (1 950). Within this span of thirteen years there is a certain degree of transition in

the tonality of her stories. As will be discussed, by the end of L 'Injaniaseplta there is a

stylistic change. Angeiici dolori and most of L 'Inj6mtu sepolla are wrirten in an oneiric

style. Since Anpiici dolori was supponed and published because of Massirno

BontempeIli. a question that aises is how much influence did he have upon the young

Onese? Many critics seem to agree that there is cenainly an Muence of Magic Reaiism,

but opinions seem to fluctuate whm disnissing which aspects of it. In other words,

Ortese does use some of the Bontempellian techniques of combining reality and magic, but

only to a certain degree. According to Gabriele Casolari, there is a clear depidon of the
author even when the actions seem to take on the surredistic, magical qualities, which

defines the qualities of Magic Realism:

Ma l'autobiografia piu' vera e' queila deîlo spinto, che va delineandosi,


dehendo coerentemente la d o m e la SCfittrice, anche la' dove l'azione O
la situazione, da1 reale, trascorre in trasfigurazioni htastiche O sumedi...
secondo la maniera del realismo magico di Bontempelli - Io scnttore che
tenne a baitesirno... Angelici dolori (1 93 7). . 2
)..

But according to Giancarlo Bom, there is a distinct Merence found in Bontempefi's

Magic Realism and Ortese's style. It is true that both styles depict reaiity and amal

events through a dream-like, fantastic environment. The différence is that the style of

Magic Realism includes the domination of the dynamic, mysterious, abnormai and strange.

According to Bomi there is nothing super-human in Ortese's works that could rnake her a

~ this does not exclude the fact that Ortese may have been
true Magic ~ e a l i s t .StiU,

influenced by certain aspects of Magic Realism. In fact, beginning with the first story of

Angelici dolori, the fira person narrator starts from the reality of dreaming and from this

conanicts a world of adventure and enchantment. According to Gilbert Bosetti, childhood

and adolescence interest Bontempeîii because of theû innocent reaction of stupor and

marvel in the face of everyday things.' Marvel, in fact, is a characteristic found in this

first phase of Ortese as she writes fiom the perspective of a child-like frst person narrator.

Certainly, Ortese was influenced by Bontempeüi especiaily when using memory as a means

to re-embrace childhood. Bonternpelli used the childhood perspective as a point of

departwe and not as an autobiographid recomposition. In other words he used the

concept of childhood as a universal notion that every one is familiar with in order to mate

on top of that a world of f-aie. Bontempelli stated that the fùnction of writing is:
"...non per copiare urnilmente la vit* e specialmente la mia vita d'ogni giorno, come ho

fatto sin qui; ma per inventame una nuova: servirmi de& elementi immutabili della vita

umana, per costruire casi immagïnati, personaggi semplificati, costruzioni tra inquietanti e

arnene in cui la nostra esistenza vera appaia una favola O una fiaba."' He eiucidated that

he used the imrnutable elernents of human life in order to constmct irnaginary situations.

They are disquieting and at the same time pleasant constructions in which our real

existence appeared in the form of a fable or fairytale. Bontempelli also did not believe that

the function of art was to resolve philosophical and social problems, instead it was used to

transfonn everyday reality into poetic fairytale. This is the influence that Bontempelli had

on this first phase of Ortese's writing. In faa, although her first works are marked by

pain, they are aiso fairytale-like in style.

Magic Realism is the magical sense that is discovered within daily reality.

Bontempelli stated: "Piuttosto che di fiaba, abbiamo sete di awentura. La vita quotidiana

e normale, vogliamo vederla come un awenturoso rniraco~o."~What is discussed in this

chapter is this aspect of Bontempelli's influence on the depiction of Onese's eveqday life

seen as adventures and miracles. Through the eyes of a child, the first person narrator's

worlds of enchantment are laced with Ortese's autobiography but e ~ c h e dwith adventure

and the sense of magic that BontempeNi refers to.

Angelici dolori is a book that depicts the hopes, dreams, innocence, fears and

disillusions of a young girl. In it are aories outlining revisitations to her childhood and

early adolescence. While portraying memory and personal conditions in a dream-lie

manner, ûrtese illustrates her feus as a young girl growing up in a politicai and historieal
world ruled by silence. submission, and feu. When this book was published, on Apnl 16.

1937, there were mixed reviews. The fkst critique was writren by Massirno Bontempelli

in Gazzem &l Popolo on April22, 1937.' He admireci the style and content of the book

because it reminded him of his own style. Enrico Falqui and Gianwlo Vigorelli'both

accused the young Ortese of being incompetent and thematidy di~or~anized.~


It was

many years later that Enrico Falqui adminecl to Ortese that the negative critickm of

Angefici dolori was made solely to attack Massimo ~ontempelli.~


Vigorelli also accused

her work of being too easy, without a categorizable style. At the time of publication of

Angelici dolori, artists were beginning to write with a sense of political ettgagerne~~t,
later

to be known as the Neorealist movement. Vigorelli was not fond of Bontempelli and

thought that Ortese was too inexpenenced to even associate her style to that of Magic

Realism. However, years later, Guido Macera attributed her first book Angelici dolori to

Magic Realism because of its reminiscent fantasy. l0 Also, Giovanni Titta Rosa stated that

Ortese's first book was definitely infiuenced by the Bontempellian movement and

explained the characteristics of Magic Realism: "11 «realismo magico- si proponeva una

poetica in cui la realta' fosse trasponata e rifatta, integralmente proiettata in una

dimensione sua...". " What is interesting about his description of Magic Realism is that it is

a perfect game, a divertissement. Titta Rosa continued: "...la realta', con le sue

dimensioni e il suo peso terrestre, i sentimenti, con la loro ve~ita',la loro serieta',

l'indubitabiie loro esistenza mana, erano, O parevano, lontaoissimi da quest'arte."12 in

other words*reality and d l its terrestrial dimensions including sentiments and their tnith

and seriousness seemed like the furthest thing f?om this art fom. Therefore, if Ortese's

Angelici dolot? is innatecl with sentimentakm and very human pain, then how can she be
categorized under the guise of Magic Realism? The ody two aspects that associate

Ortese to Magc Realism are the following: her use of a child first person narrator's sense

of stupor and adventure; the use of every day reality as a point of departure in

constructing enchanteci and magical places as a way to escape from it and make it more

acceptable.l3 However, because BontempeHi encouraged Ortese to write and publish her

works in La Fiera Lettermia. she was automatically associated with him and his art form

by cntics. In fact, Sharon Wood stated that the very early association of Anna Maria

Ortese with Massimo Bontempeili "made of Ortese's work a pawn in a wider controversy,

and led to sorne vitriolic criticism by critics such as Enrico Faiqui of what was, after dl. a

fira work."'" It is not doubtful, on the other hand, that the young writer, Ortese, was

iduenced by this magic, dream-like style, that inevitably helped her escape from her

painful reality . In fact, Michele Ricciardelli elucidated that Massirno Bontempelli, "the

father of 'magic realism'", was captured by the writings of the young Ortese because of

her way of fusing her autobiography with fantastic adventures. Bontempelli, as was

rnentioned, was the one who collected and published her first aories under the title

Angefiet dolori. Ricciardelli continued :

In this book, which is the history of a life of "solitude," Ortese intertwines


her life and her family's with the lives of such characters as Arneriuin
Indians or with fantastic adventures and drearns. These stones are the
poetic amalgam of reality and fabulation. Angefici dofon' is fûndamental to
the understanding of the rest of Ortese's work. ''
Sharon Wood seemed to agree with the perspective that Angelici dolori was the perfect

amalgarn of reality and fabulation. She compares both Massimo BonternpeUi's and

Onese's use of the fantastic. (Magic Realism as opposed to the fantastic in Ortese will be
funher discussed in chapter three, whicb focuses on her last phase of writing). Wood went

on to say:

Chtese's first book, Angelici &lori, is... a series of shon aories which re-
evoke the magical, privileged, imaginative fantasy of childhood the
atmosphere is one of enchantment: 'incantato' and 'allucimto' are words
which occur repeatedly... Imagination can be here a form of escape... It is
the drem, the imagination, which gives shape to reality.

Marinella Mascia Galateria also used the word enchantment when describing the art of

Bontempelli: "E il fondo dell'arte - secondo Bontempelli - non e' altro che incanto.""

Enanno Paccagrhi stated the importance of Angelici dolori as fundamental in

understanding the author. He stated:

Angelici dolori, pur con le incextezze ricordate e una scrittuni alla cui
ricercatezza formale pare essere demandata una valenza catartica, e' libro
fondamentale per capire la ûrtese ... perche' offre gia' un esauriente
cataiogo di cose e oggetti (il dialogo con le cose, il mare, la casa e il muro,
il sole, la luna, gli alberi, gli uccelli) oltre alla trasfigurazione tangenziale di
momenti autobiografici tesa a una ciEra di universaliuanone, poi costanti
nella sua opera.. . . 18

He also went on to explain that her method of rewriting her childhood under the guise of

fantasy and dream served as catharsis and as a means of codort. Paccagnini brought up

another point when he mentioned that in Ortese's first works the reader is aiready

introduced to certain stories where the narrator communicated with inanimate things. This

is interesthg because Massimo Bontempelli also uses this technique in his novel Eva

ulrima (1923). The protagonia Eva ended up fiilling in love with a marionette. AIthough

conscious of the impossibility of such a situation the explanation is in these two words:

utopzc regression. What this means, according to Lui@ Fomanella, is the "...ricerca di m a

purezza perduta, morale, che li fa regredire al candore h b a l e dd'infanoa.. ." Later, he


continued to explain the reason why Eva's falling in love with a marionette m y have

occureci: ". ..delusa dall'umanita', ha trovato piu7naturale «innamorarsi>> di una

marionetta che di una persona."'9 Fontanella explained, that because Eva may have been

so disillusioned by hurnanity, she found falling in love with a marionette more naturat than

falling in love with a person. (The situation of escaphg into the world of the inanimate in

the early works of Onese is later discussed in a specific section in this chapter.) Ortese,

like Eva, was disillusioned with life and for this reason found it necessary to cultivate

relationships with a Iamp, a plant, etc., as a means to escape from reality. It must be

emphasized that this first phase of Ortese's writings presented situations which made her

life more acceptable but by no means did she try to solve sociological problems. In fact, it

was not until the end of her next book that she becme more interested in socio-politicai

problems afEecting Naples.

Paccagnini described her next book L 'Infmtasepolra (1950) as similar to Angelici

dolori in that there is a continuity of thematics. However, there is also an evident

evolution in tonality. The evolution was possibly influenced by the fact that at this point

Ortese was writing joumaliaic style essays for MiIrno-Serra. Paccagnini noted that this

book was clearly one of transition. In fact, by the rniddle of the book, her aories became

more and more realistic and harsh in tonality, rather than the magical-innocence that

characterized the first phase of her writing. This second phase of h t i n g will be studied in

chapter NO, which focuses on Ortese's phase of neorealistic influence, and the evolution

to more of an adult, first person namitor.

A Angelici doiori: Hope mzd ficupim.


With the nnt story of her first book Angelici &lori, the feeling of religious and

societal limitations are already being addressed. Onese speaks of an imprisoned

adolescence confined by religious and societal d e s . What must be kept in rnind is Italy's

histoncal and political tirne fhme outlining Ortese's childhood and adolescence. These

years between the two world wars were mled by Benito Mussoli and the Fascist Regime.

Therefore, given this historical fnune, one can bmer understand why Anna Maria Ortese

felt trapped and believed she may have needed to depend on a man in order to make her

drearns corne true. She felt insignificant because of her gender, based on values instilled

upon society by Fascism. In fact, L 'Infantasepdta published in 1950. afler the second

world war, had an evident change in opinion and tone. She evaluated, questioneà, and

cnticized familial, religious and societal values.

Guido Macera considered Angelici dolori a collection of aones in which the

author ponrayed her lived expenences in an oneiric style. He aiso acknowledged that the

stones told are ones that expressed Ortese's wishes and dreams of the life she would have

loved to have lived as opposed to the life that she cannot live. The reason why is the

obvious socio-political and socio-hinoral restrictions that the Fascist regime demanded.

Guido Macera said:

In tale contesto d'influenze la giovane scrittnce s'apri', dunque, la via


coltivando una sorta di autobiografismo onirico (I'esiaenza vissuta in
un'immaginazione simile al sogno) ch'e' l'elemento caratterizante di tutti i
racconti di Angelici dolori. AM, sarebbe piu' esatto parlare di un unico
romanzo raccontato dall'autrice e protagonista come la vita che essa ama
sognare, quasi a compenso deila vita che non sa O non puo' vivere?

He explained that within the context of these influences the young author opened her path

in writing by cuitivating a sort of oneinc autobiography. In other words she portrayed her
existence through images similar to dreams. In fact, Macera continued that they are

aories recounted of a life that the first person narrator loved to drearn about although

limited by a life she did not know how nor was able to live.

Beginnllig with a quote fiom "Isola", the first story in Angelici dofori.it is

apparent that the first person narrator is already beginmng to run from her reality into the

world of drearns. She, in fact, awaited the night so t h her drearns could take her away

from her reality of social and religious limitations:

Io, riascoltando in me, con una limpidita' sovrana, I'affanno di


un'adololescenza prigioniera e vogliosa.. .io mi sarei fatta fiioco per
distruggere il Creato, cioe' le benedette Opere del Signore. Poi
oscuratamente pentita, non volevo questo: ma raggiungere non so che rive.
navigue non so che mari (e ndevo), conoscere e adorare non so che
impetuosa, sanguigna demoniaca gente. Oh, sofferenui! e io non potevo,
no, che' nella Via dei Mercanti...era la mia casa, e proibito mi era, da
, tom& la sera...Ed ecco dunque la sera che mi
occulte w n v e ~ o n inon
porterebbe hori?

The night, which brought her into the world of dreams, was not only her escape from

religious and societal rules, but it was also her escape from her pain. It is the pain of

reality and of loss that found its therapy through fantasy. The first person narrator found

that in her mernories and in her drearns she could be with the people that she loved and

lost and could temporarily experience happiness. On this "Isola" (Island) she encountered

the "bella casa" (the beautfil house) in which she found representations of her family and

niends in iife and in happiness. What she saw were pichires hanging on the w d s

ponraying scenic memones.

Raîiiguravano essi, facevano rivivere, ricordavano in aspetti pieni di poesia


e di Pace una quantita' di cara gente dei rnio nome. C'era la nonna
materna, piccola e in nero...1 fiatefi aüegri ne1 giardino...La madre, dai
pensosi occhi nerissimi, vestita di bianco..Yi& piccoli e dolci maestri delia
mia prima eta'; giovinetti amici ch'erano morti da tempo, O - piu' crudele,
-
raffinata mentura erano divenuti uomini. Aspetti soavi e deserti di cose
amate. E piansin

It is interesthg how she points out that becoming an adult is a much greater misfortune

than to have died, which hints at her own contemplation of death as a form of escape. In

fact, she points this out in Ilporto di Toledo (1967) when referring back to the adolescent

time penod of Angelici dolori and talks about the fear that she had of life. "Inoltre,

capivo che cio' che veniva avanti (I'awenire dell'uomo, cosi' come si presentava). non era

preferibile alla morte."= According to Ortese, the future of man at that point in history,

was not one that looked better than death. What she associateci with death was absolute

freedom f?om anphing and eveqahing that could bring one pain and suffering. The

closest thing to death, that she has experienced thus far, were her adventures of the night,

her drearns. It is through her dreams that she thinks she is getting a sweet glimpse of

death. As she rernembers her dreams she says:

...io ero felice. Non avevo mai fieddo, mai farne, mai stanchezza...
Nessuna occuparione mi era prescritta., se non voiger gli occhi intomo, il
fantasticare, il sospirare. Qui non era piu' voce del mondo, tristem
squallore, pena delle mortaii vie; non tonnent0 di uomhi, non esigenze
sociali, non nmproveri di religione...Io ero pari agli Dei, perche' in Pace e
salvata dalla Lotta, partecipavo neilo stesso tempo di tutti i piaceri della
Vita. E cio' durerebbe ««etern~».~~

In the world of dreams there weren't any societal duties that she needed to abide by, nor

any religious ones either. This was the only place where she felt safe and in peace.

Along with the contemplation of death also came the contemplation of God,what

He was and what He looked Wre. She contemplated ifHe even existeci at al1 and if He did,

she was certain that He looked like 1typicai men of the world. Interestingly enough, it is
already at this point in her adolescence that her beliefs in spint and nature as the tme

religion of the world began to emerge. In her spiritual meditation she revered an image

which represented a combination of man and nature. In fact, she admitted:

Non veneravo Iddio ...qual'e' raffigutato nelie imrnagini sacre, descritto nei
sani Testi. Non Iddio veneravo; ma h e r s a ero in colioqui di tenero e
perfetto more, con Io Spirito della Gioia e del Silenzio... Queao Spinto,
corne 10 amavo!... Io avevo irnmaginato simile a uomo, ma con aii
d'uccello.. .25

She explained that she did not venerate the God that is represented in sacred

images or as describeci in sacred writings. The essence she adored was that of absolute

love which she narned the the Spirit of Joy and Silence. Although she envisioned this

Spirit of Happiness differently al the tirne, it was always portrayed as a masculine being.

Vidi quest'Essere, amato sempre. sono diversi aspetti. Pnma era un


allegro principe olandese, altero e fùlgente di fie@e nappine d'oro, ...Poi
era un poeta dagli occhi stupendi di dlegria e purem... Indi era un
giovinetto tedesco, fulgente pei coni biondi capelli ...Finzioni dolorose.
Uomini erano essi, in fondo, e non per questi, ...bruciava di gioioso amore
l'anima rniamz6

Here it is underaood that it is God that she loved although not in the traditional way He is

depicted by-thechurch. The first person loved Him because He represented everyone,

humanity in general.

Being aware of her societd restrictions and limitations as a female, dunng her

adolescence, she tended to view the men in her Me as vehicles of hope, of escape and

adventure. She always personified this cornpanion of the night, this unknown being, which

brought her peace and happiness, as a man. They were always different types of men, but
nevertheless, it is the male gender that she tended to associate with needom and

adventure.

Later on in the story, while she was stiil in the beautifid home, a man appeared to

her. It was her grandfather, who was also the man that she had always confided in, but

had never met. "Apparve un uomo. .. Egli era mio nomo...Ma quant0 io 10 avevo

chiarnato nei giorni del dolore; corne a lui soltanto avevo confidata l'anima rnia ribollente

odii mostruosi, di ardori In this dream her grandfather took her by the hand

and was her vehicle through time and space guidig her fiom dream to reality. He took

her through the voyage of truth, leading her down through the stellar universe and the

clouds, until finally reaching the surroundings of her city, her home and her reality.

"Ormai vedevo citta', sono l'imminente chiaro della luna ivi fiiggita. Veicoli fiecciare...

Mari,monti.. .L'usignuolo, ora, finiva.. .Dopo un poco il fiume crebbe muggendo, rise,
accemo '. sparve."28

The "Isola" (island) represented a d e place, protected by a river which separated

it fkom the rest of the world, in other words. reality. On this island she found her

grandfather, the vehicle that gave her the sense of security. He encouraged her to lave the

island, the world of death, and face her reality, and therefore, Me. In a sense he acted as

the bridge u n i m g life and death, and the water in between was the metaphor for dreams

and fantasy, which are the essence of life. Without dreams, unifying the concepts of being

dive and being dead, life would have no intemal value.

In ellero rossa"", the second aory in Angelici dofon',the therne of seeing the men

as vehicles of hope, of fieedom and adventure continues. in this story, the first person's
vehicle of hope was her brother Manuele. 'Won piu' di tre anni fa. esiaendo ancora mio

fratello Manwle...io potevo sognare quello che dico, ora assurdo e lamentevole ~ o g n o . " ~ ~

With him she planned to sail ont0 the Amencas in search of the heroes of the indigenous

world. This was a drearn of escaping to the land that she associated with fkeedom. She

was aware of her limitations and she knew that by latchlng on to her brother, he could

take her to see places and experience situations that otherwise would have been impossible

given her gender and economic status; "...a me gia' d'allora sospirava in cuore l'arnarezza

d'un dileggio non molto velato a cui da tempo, per parte dei fratelli civilissirni i quali

frequentavano scuole supenoriori, andavarno questo Manuele e io soggetti. Io avevo

inoltre la mahconia...dell1inattuabilita1,cos? subito, di tali cose..." .31 Unfomnately, the

narrator's brother was killed in the war and with him also died her hopes and drearns of

escaping the reality of her existence. "Una mattina m'awidi che il fratello Manuele non

c'era piu' ... Io non avevo speranza che in lui".'* The pain of Manuele's death and the

reality of her furure were devastating to her. The first person narrator was a prisoner of

societal confines and she felt that alone she was useless: "...a me piangeva ne1 cuore Io

sgomento della solitudine, della ormai evidentissima inutilita' rnia di fkonte alla vita

pratica, alla civilta' moderna..." .33 Without her vehicle of hope to freedom, Manuele, she

felt desperately ovenvhelmed by the realities and limitations of her surroundings.

The death of Manuele was so unbearable that the only mode of coping was

through expression of thought on paper. As was mentioned in the introduction, the death

of the author's brother Manuele was what compelled her to write and express those

emotions t hat would otherwise destroy her. According to Ortese, by expressing thoughts

and dreams, they are then etemal. Therefore, it can also be interpreted that by portraying
her brother and the dreams they shared, she was also irnmortalizing him and their existence

together .

In the aory I' capitano" the first person narrator describeci the growth of the

friendship and the developing bond between herself and her other older brother, Antonio.

In him she felt a renewed sense of hope cailing him her savior, "il mio salvatore'? He

was her salvation, even if temporary, from the pain m s e d by the death of Manuele and

her sense of solitude. On two separate occasions, while explaining the benefits of her new

found fnendship with her brother Antonio, she mentioned: ...e spesso...mi fermavo a
"

pensare ndendo...ch'io avevo un amico... Che m'importava piu' del ~ n a ~ ~ i o r eand


?"~~,

later. ". ..soprattutto la trovata arnicizia, fecero si' che...non m'irnportava afRatto piu' delle

cose a ~ e n u t e " .Antonio


~~ helped her not only to heal from the loss of her brother

Manuele, but he also helped in restoring her sense of hope of escape and possible &dom

from the societal and religious confines awaiting her. She and Antonio spoke and

dreamed of future plans of a home by the sea where she would have a door to the beach

and a boat; the door symbolizes freedom and the boat fulfills the sense of adventure.

S7eraanche discusso parecchio su certo nostro progetto d'una casa a


Posillipo, tra qudche diecina d'anni; dove egli avrebbe fatto alzare una
piccola specola, e io avrei avuta una p o n i c i ~sulla spiaggia, con la barca...
C7eracorne un accordo, tra noi, che mi faceva felice; una benevolenza di
costui ch'era la mia serenita' e f o r ~ a ? ~

With hirn she felt d e and secure again and this security gave her the strength to face her

future. Unfomuiately, once again, rnilitary duties cded as they had with Emanuele.
Antonio had set sail never to return home. Devastatingiy, her dreams and her vehicle of

hope, once again destroyed, nullified.

Io sedetti, e peasavo questo aweiiire che si chiariva ormai...e la breve


epoui sfumata ne1 nulla.. .e ogni momento...somdevo credendo u d ~ suoi e
passi.. . Ma egli non compariva piu' ... Egh scendeva rapido verso 71 mondo.
wm'e' destinato dei fratelli, chino il more su affetti suoi, propn.38

Although death had taken both brothers away, she felt betrayed by both Manuele

and Antonio. The first person namitor felt that they had just, selfishly, left her behind Iike

a pnsoner of war, her war behg, herself against reality and the societal duties that awaited

her. Manuele and Antonio were now both fiee of worldly confines and she envied that

sense of &dom that was, as she thought, an opportunity only destined for men.

"Fantasticavo su grandi viaggi che avrei fatto. Volevo andare via dall'Italia ... I miei

fiatelli sono partiti. Erano maschi. Io no."39

The book Angelici dolori, was one in which many of Ortese's feus of growing up

were illuarated. Part of those fean were about facing her duties as an adult and leaving

behind those moments ofjoy that she had shared with her brothers. Becoming an adult

meam deahg with sonetal responsibiiities including: independence, identity, work and

marriage. It mua be understood that the future did not look very bright during Ortese's

adolescence. Women had one role as far as the fascist regime was concemed and that was

to marry and reproduce. She was aware of her social and econornic restrictions and for

this reason she knew she could never marry whomever she wanted, but instead only whom

she couid, given her socio-economic class and the socio-political situation. In her book of
reminiscence, Ilpono di Toledo (1975), she makes reference to this tirne when she was at

the age of about seventeen and the fact that she would not have been able to marry by

choice, but by duty :

Corninciai a pensare, di tanto in tanto, che fia breve avrei anni diciassette. e
potrei unirxni in matrimonio (cos? si diceva) con un qualche biondino di
mare, e con lui trasportarmi in isola O continente sereno... seppi dopo.
signori sposavano signore, biondi bionde, capitani di luce giovanette di
luce, e io, Toledana, queste cose non ero."

She used to drearn about the possible union of marriage with a young, blonde boy of the

sea that could transport her to some serene island or continent, but then as she grew older

she learned that ali people had to marry within their own socio-economic class.

In the story "Angelici dolon, which gives the book its title, an interesting relationship

developed with an imaginary boy, who we later discovered, was narned EMCO.The

book's title may have been taken from this story because it was the one in which the

concepts of life and art are bonded. In fact. it is through the character of her beloved

Enrico that the significance of art is defined. Sharon Wood made an interesting point

about the significance of this aory and the correlation between imagination and reality.

She claimed that "Angelici dolori", an imaginary account of a love story. had more to do

with reality than with fmtasy. Since love is a feeling experienced in Me and moa likely

one of the first emotions felt between mother and child, then the notion of love in this

aory is a reworking of reaiity. Wood stated:

Neither love nor imagination can corne as aaything totally new. If adult
love recalls and re-works this prima1 love, then adult imagination similarly
h a i o n s as a recombination, a re-working of elements which have already
been apprehended by our mind. Ortese's first book is a reminder that ail
desire and imaghtion have their roots in a past fkom which we are
permanently exiled, and reach towards a future of which we can only
ciream."

While the first person narrator and EMCOwere holding a conversation on art and

literature, he noticed that she knew nothing on the topic. "Nulla c'era in lui del

rirnprovero; piuttosto una divertita amorevoleza, un'ansia orgogliosa di rifanni, di

guarirmi con la sua esperienza, dalle fanciuuagini antiche che in me si palesavano.

principalmente per l'ignoranza~'." Iust as her brothers Manuele and Antonio were her

vehicles into the discovery of the world, Enrico shall be her vehicle to knowledge and self-

reliance. In fact, in the beginning of the story when she first met him he taught her the

difference bctween life and art. He informed her that life can either be fived or written. It

was the second action which was moa important to him because it is everlasting. By the

end of the story he told her that one of the great privileges of imagination and thus, of art,

was the fact that we decide, or have control over our situations by creating Our own

worlds. "Stasera noi siamo qua e domani la'. Ecco il gran privilegio dell'kte ..."." This

is a quote which may have been the inspiration of Angelici doM. Enrico acts as the

parallel of Bontempelli who gave the young Ortese the tools of art and imagination.

Treating art as a voyage, gave the narrator-protagonia, the wings to fly independently,

without having to rely on the men in her life as vehicles of hope. Now, with the tools of

knowledge given to her, she could create her own worlds of hope and adventure. The

next story, is in fact, '2'awentura" (''The Adventure"), a story in which is depicted the

sadness of her existence and her loss of hope in fùIfilling her dreamed adventures.

This story is important to explain briefiy because it seems that this is the story
where once again are expressecl her feelings of limitations. In fàct, she wiiî use these
emotions to create the world that EMCOhad taught her, the world of art which she could

mate and use as an escape in the story foUowing LLL'awaitura"."L'awentura" began

with the scene of the first person narrator gohg about her daily routine of working as a

typist. At which point she decided to relax and imagine her fnend EMCO. She explained

that he was not her boyfhend, but a fnend with whom she experienced special emotions.

Besides, she was aware of her sociai restrictions and she knew it would be impossible for

someone like Ennco to love her. The beauty of imagination and fantasy is that societal

rules do not appiy, just Iike EMCOhad taught her in the previous story. "Egli non poteva

essere il fidanzato di me (era ricco e, per suo carattere, naturalmente ponato alla gloria e

ai molteplici incontn con sublime donne)... Di cio' ero un po' araziata."* In a society

mled by class, she was well aware that he coud not be her boyfnend and this reaiity pained

her very much. This is interesting to point out because although this is considered a book

of fantasy, and childhood drearns, many societal aspects are also being unveiled. The fact

that one could not marry outside their rank was a reality during Ortese's adolescence.

M e n Enrico asked her what she had been doing with her life, it was as if she was

abruptiy thrown back into reality. He had confided in her that he had had a childhood

dream of sailing offinto the infinite blue sea. This thought sparked the memory that she

too had shared with her brothers of taking her away to expenence distant continents. The

fact that she was to spend her life being a typist inaead of being able to sail off to vast

advennires, greatly upset her. "Qui mi turbai, e nippi in lagrime amare... L'orrore di

quella vita suUa macchina, dopo gli angelici sogni della puerizia, mi riassaliva

potentemente."45 Her fear of addt responsibilities are once again represented by such a

quote. Reality and the worid of restrictions and limitations found w i t h it, homfied her.
In the next story, she relapsed into the d e world of dreams with Emico as her savior.

She seemed to have taken his advice and used art to m a t e a drearn that fùlfilled both

Enrico's and her own dream of sailing off together. Only in a dream would that be

possible. In fact, the story is called lI' sogno".

In this story, "Il sogno7', the fira person narrator-protagonist descnbed her

relationship with a blonde boy from the sea, EMCO,tvhn tmsported her to a serene

continent. In fact, this fantastic and imaginary relationship with Enrico takes place on the

northern Coast of France where she shares a drearn home with him.

La nostra casa era situata in un paese strano della Francia, su quelle rive
della Bretagna etemamente scivolate dalla spuma del mare, che a tanta
leggenda hanno dato origine. Ed era una casa bassa e solitaria, a un sol
piano, guamita alle otto finestrine limpidissime di tendine gialle. Al
viandante, che su1 crepuscolo di una giomata invernale, passando a due
rniglia di la', sulla carrozzabile, avesse alzato gli occhi, si sarebbe
acutamente railegrato l'animo alla vina di quelle finestrine leggiadre, che
tanta Pace promettevano."

The fact that she stated that anyone passing by would have noticed those windows and the

inner peace that they evoked portrays just how much she wished she could be within that

house. This is a reminder of the "beila casa" found in the story "Isola". It seems that

within the home she found her inner peace. Luca Clerici writes that the home is a

recumng topos in the works of Ortese:

La «<casa>>, vissuta a livello di percezione infantle corne spazio di rifugio


e confort0 ma anche come base dalla quale awiare I'esplorazione del
mondo. assomma in se' anche il sentiment0 dell'angoscia generato dalla
rnancand7
Fear of losing the d e haven is apparent by the end of the story when she began to realize

that, in fact, the relationship and the home she shared with Enrico were only a dream, thus

the title of the story, "Il mgno''. She admined that the thought of losing the sense of

peace and having to retum to the wretched wodd of restrictions and societd limitations,

filled her with terror. "Perdere la quieta e limpida casa dai vetri gialli; non vedere piu'

Enrico; tomare ne110 sciagurato mondo dove Egli mi era negato, dove Egli aesso,

infinitamente diverso m' imdeva, ecco il mio terrore.''#

This fear of reality led her to continue hoping that someone or something could
take her away and Save her from her pains and her fears. Her heart began whispering such

things as that she needed to find a boy so that she could help him knot his tie. This

symbolizes the fact that it was essential for her to feel needed and useful. In fact.

throughout the story there are references made to this issue.

Uscita presto dal doloroso stato, rimanevo col corforto di quei pochi versi,
in una immobilita' che supponevo fatalmente posteriore alle grandi
passioni. E nulla m'interessava piu', e dicevo «staro' sempre in Pace».
Ma dora, quasi awertendolo la prima volta, mi accorgevo del cuore.
Costui andava dicendomi voler tante cose, e io zitta; cc un giovanetto a cui
annodar la cravatta m. e io zitta, cc perche' lui e' sbadato, non se la sa
appuntare », proseguiva egli con dolcezza. M'importava assai a me della
cravatta, dopo quanto avevo s o f f e r t ~ ! ~ ~

Luca Clerici also wrote in his essay that her allusion to finding a boy in order to be able to

h o t his tie, is an erotic symbol: "...il.. .piacere di annodare la cravatta ad un uomo,

allusione ad un erotico desiderio di contatto fisico sublimato in gesto rituale di dedizione

al maschio.. ." .'O 1 also believe that the luie in the quote wrinen by Onese above:

"M'importava assai a me delia cravatta, dopo quanto avevo soffcrt~!"~',


refers to the need

to feel needed and close to someone after everything she had endured in Iosing her two
brothers. Now it was important for her to feel needed and close to Kirneone who she

could share dreams of adventure with.

Not h a h g a direction in her life she felt that she could possibly Mfill her duty in

being useful and subservient to anyone who would let her. The point to remember is that

she had already been this way with her brother Antonio. In fact, this recalls her behavior

with Antonio, in the story dedicated to him, "Ti capitano". She spoke of the joy it brought

her to serve him and the need to feel irreplaceable.

Io guardavo il Capitano con nconoscenza, io proponevo in cuor mio


senirlo, rendemi insostiîuibile; e a ta1 h e non avevo riposo, ero sempre ai
loro ordini... Ogni momento: «Bada che serve questo, bada che serve
quello...»... E io portavo i fiaschi con I'acqua, io i piani con la minesna.
il pane, la mitta."

The need for attention continued in "Il sogno" when she described a scene in

which she and EMCO were both sitting in the livingroom of theu dream home. He was

sitting in his armchair and she was instead kneeling at his feet showing her subse~ence

and reliance on hirn. She, in fact, made a point of c a h g him Sir (Signore), showing such

formality and humility out of recognition and respect.

Corne si sara' notato, io Io chiamavo sempre «<sipore»>, e non sema


rnotivo: bisognando infatti, alla pienezza della mia d d i o n e , risentir
costante l'eco della potenui e sovranita' di lui, del suo dominio. in una
parola. Egli doveva, all'opposto, consideranni corne un suo miscurabile
balocco, un trastullo docile e - direi - silenzioso. Egli conversare,
cornandare, ammonire, voltare, spezzare, ridere. Io, ecco."

Guido Macera, as was mentioned, noted that Ortese was dreaming of the life that she did

not know how to live or that she was unable to live given the many societal restraims.

Emico bas taken on the role of savior and hope of escape that her brothers had prornised,
but tragedy had instead taken thern £irst. Her Me had been filled with so much pain and

misery that she felt trapped not only by social confines, but also by emotional ones as well.

Quando pensavo a cio' che avevo sofferto «<prima>>, a cio' ch'ero stata
prima di regalami questo meraviglioso e grazioso signore, a le agonie
meste dell'Anima prima e dopo la visione sua, non potevo non rabbrividire.
Ma ora, egli era accanto a me... Oh, be~gnita'del Padrone del Cie10 e
della Terra!... Mi avevano regalato ~nx-ico.
s4

Finally, even if through an irnaginary fiend, she had found an outlet, an escape- and

Enrico was her vehicle. Yet, it caused her much grief and tonnent to think that this was

not real and that in reality a world Wed with anguish awaited her, without Enrico.

Questo era dunque I'irnpedimento solo, l'ombra unica d a mia cornpleta


felicita', quel tempo lontano. L 'irnpressione fantastica di una
«irrealta'», I'incubo di una imminente voragine da cui forse ero uscita,
in cui forse rientrerei, e piu' presto di quanto imaginassi, mi preoccupavano
e oscuravano con fiequenui... non vedere piu' Enrico; tomare ne110
sciagurato mondo dove Egli mi era negato, dove Egli aesso, infinitamente
diverso m'imdeva, ecco il rnio terrore."

M e r the death of her older brothers and the discovery of the world of fantasy and

art, thus the creation of Enrico, the iast person she would depend on was her youngest

brother Giovanni. What is important to point out is the age: "Diciotto anni io. Egli

~ e d i c i . "She
~ ~ was eighteen, which correlates chronologically with the dismissai of her

drearns of adventure with Enrico at the age of seventeen. It seems as though by the end of

the book she was combining the real, her brother Giovanni, who was aiive, and her new-

found ideas on imagination. The story is called "La vita primmva" and is the depiction of

search of a fm away island of innocence together with her brother Giovanni.


This adventure, or escape from reality, is set on an island, just like in the ûrst aory,

bbIsola". "Eravamo amvati una mattina di prirnavera, mio fratello Giovanni ed io, su

questa perduta riva del Pacifico, la costa orientale deUa Nuova Zelanda del Sud, non molto

distante da ~unedin."" The difference between the fust story, "Isola" and this, is that in

the first the name of the island remained unknown. In this aory, "La vita pnmitiva". the

fira person narrator seems to be getting closer reality. Her famasies are taking on a

realistic tone as well. It seems that at the crucial age of eighteen, she is beginning to

realize that reaiity was a force too great for her fantastic escapisms. This is something that

filled her with fear because it forced her to deal with her future as well as her past. In fact,

wheras in the first story, "Isola", she waited for the night in order to escape from her

reality. now,in this a o v , it was the night that filled her most with terror.

At one point during the story, while saying goodnight to her brother, she was

hesitant to go to her room, knowing that she would not be able to fa11 asleep.

Understanding her fear of the night, her brother reassured her that ail she had to do was

knock on the wall and he would be there to protect her. "Vedrai.. . A proposito: se sentissi

fischi O altro, intendo qualcosa di ««anormale»: sei colpetti, tre foni n e deboli, alla

parete - e awertimi, sai. Saro' in piedi in un bal en^."^' This overwhelming fear of the

Nght when everyone coilapses into the unconscious world of drearns leaves her feeling

desperately alone, although physically surrounded by people.5g She explained that despite

the fact that she had bamicaded her door in order to reassure herseifinto fallîng asleep,

she still was not able to. "Chi sa non fosse il senso della solitudine a tenermi desta, deHo

spazio immenso che ci separava oramai da1 ~ a s s a t o . "The


~ night gave her the bitter taste

of solitude which is when she could very clearly feel her reality and her pain. Solitude
gave her the exterior peace needed in order to thuik. It was at this point that she could let

herself remember and come to grips with the past and aü the emotions that it evokeù. It

seemed that within her drearn of a primitive life, away from reality, she was slowly coming

to the redization that evm dreams must come to an end and that fàntasy is not the

solution to etemal bliss and happiness.

Sentivo per la prima voita, precisarnente, irrimediabilmente, la


superficialita' infernale di questa situazione... I'amore per il Prirnitivo un
meditato tormento. Tutto in me - affktti, sperme, dolceae, meravigliose
sofferenze- era l'artificioso h t t o di una fantasia perdutamente invaghita
del beîlo. della mirabile Compostezza, sorgente. splendida come un fiore,
da1 gioco brutale dei moti e delle attivita' ~rnane.~'

There was a certain beauty in humanity and in life that she had begun to appreciate. She

had come to realize that escaping from reality was just a superficial solution. The

expenence of life encompassed such emotions as love. pain, devastation, fear and

sweetness. Feeling them was synonomous with life and her future, which she had been

avoiding up to now.

A topic discussed in IIpono di Toledo was the fear of life and adulthood. What is

captured in this novel are the years in which the author searched for an outlet for her pain

and solitude caused by the death of her brothers. Also, the tirne of these tragedies was

when she began to realize her restrictions in society as a femaîe and as a mernber of the

lower end of the social scale. What she feared moa during this delicate period of

adolescence is the faa that she was going to become an adult. Soon, her adolescence,

which she desmies as the only goodness in Me, would have been taken away âom her.
Ero talmente terrorizzata di tutto.. . Non facevo che disegnare e scrivere e
smaitivo in cio' il mio terrore.. . E perche' ero terrorizzata?... mi accorgevo
di vivere, e intuivo quant0 questo vivere fosse tremendo. In secondo
luogo, sentivo che in questo vivere vi era del buono, e questo buono era
M a ' giovanile, e presto mi sarebbe m a tolta."

The first person namitor admitteci in this quote that drawing and h t i n g were the ways in
which she dissolved her terror of both life and the passage of t h e . She began to reaiize

that aside from the fact that writing was a forrn of expression, it immortaiized certain

events, people and situations, like her adolescence, the only goodness in life. "Sentivo che

la vita era opera di una mente dolce e sublime, in cui tutto, espnmendosi, era nell'atto

stesso immutabile, eterno.'""

Wnting became her vehicle of escape and hope because through imagery and

metaphor she was able to make an imaginary world r d . as had been previously analyzed

within this chapter. There is an important character mentioned throughout the story

whom she refers to as the master of weapons (il maestro d'anni), the Conte d'Orgaz. This

is a very important character because it is he who teaches the young Dasa the art of

writing and expression. He is a character which parallels the character of EMCOin the

story "Angelici dolori", as well as Bontempelli. It was the Conte's belief in Dasa, the first

person narrator, that gave her the courage and most importaatly, the belief in herself, to

continue writing and use it as a constructive tool. This is a book sub-titied: "Ricordi della

vita irreale". The reason for this will later be revealed as one of the tools taught by Orgaz,

the protagonist's teacher of expressive tools. One of his lessons concemeci the use of

metaphor to express a concept. He ais0 told her that it was important to invent or re-
invent reality rather than the abruptly listing data, which reminds us of Bonternpelli's

definition of Magic Realism.

Lo scrivere, cosi', non si pomi' come pura e l e n h o n e O lista di fatti, come


eco. muta cronaca, ma, oltre cio', anche come «invention e... Non si
chiedera' alla parola, quindi, di ritnirre la lettera del mondo, ma di cercarne
10 spirit0 che opera.. . (10 scrivere): apparentemente come nfesso; in
realta': risposta, e a@tlnta. L'intero creato, un giorno, sua' solo risposta
e, per cos? dire, aggiunta: in reaita', sani' un NUOVO creato."

This was important to explain because this perspective gives more value to the fact that II

porto di Toledo, dong with her first two collections of short stories, is a re-invention of

the author's own life. The response to reality, rather than the mere reflection of reality, is

one in which emotion and perspective are included. This perspective helps us better

understand the painting of RafFaello mentioned in the introduction, and the impression it

lefi upon the author. The sky depicted in the painting was more real than the one found

within our natural world. RaEaelo, as a re-creator, or re-inventor of the real had also

included his own perspective of beauty and his ernotion to the canvas. Expression is the

inclusion of everything in combination with the real and not solely the collection of data.

This book is not ody an autobiography, but it is also a fantasy in which names and

situations have been altered showing that the author has not forgotten her lesson on the art

of expression. This book also focuses on the need during her adolescence, to develop her

own identity through the use of expression that would ultimately take her to her own

autonomy and independence as a writer.

In Corpo celesie she became the teacher, as Orgaz had been with her, explainhg to

the world the importance of expression. Expression is not only a tool but it is fieedom
f?om aii that confines man within the prison of convention; it is the rebeiiion of silence.

Ortese States:

...vorrei gridare: lasciate che gli uomini tutti creinu qualcosa con le loro
mani, O la loro testa, in tutte le eta', e soprattutto neUa primissima; che
imparino le misteriose leggi della struttura e composizione eaetica...se
avete a more liberta' e societa'. .. Imroducete I'Es~eticue le sue le&
nell'omiso e prigioniero vivere umano. Avrete introdotto iiberta' -
sospensione del dolore -,eieganza, dolceua6'

By introducing the tools of expression, one has also introduced the foundations of the

bridge to independence, identity and fiedom. In this way,society is no longer a prison.

but an inspiration. In fact, the first person namitor of llpuno di Toledo, Dasa went on to

...secondo d'Orgaz, ogni volta che mente umana entrava ne1 mondo
dell'Espressivita', lavorava a nient'altro che alla costruzione di un nuovo
continente, O terra, dove, finche' su1 mondo vi fosse stata la caducita', i
nauâaghi avrebbero tmvato salve- sebbene temporanea.
L'umanita', in taie continente, avrebbe trovato pace. Questo continente
era il fiore della aoria (corne somma del vivere), della scienui e delle arti
tutte, essendo la Espressivita' .
Non altro disse, solo aggiungendo che andare verso questa terra era andare
in cerca di speranza per I'uomo. Non molti arrivano, anzi pochi. 1 piu' si
perdono ne1 Vasto avurro muto de~l'ines~resso.~~

Writing and creating new worlds and continents helps in eiiminating pain and suffering.

Literature's fùnction should be that of creating hope and peace.

B. Person~~catioons
O/ Imimate Objeczs

Ortese developed a dependence on the men in her life as vehicles of hope and

security in order to face the outside world. Also, the objects within the author's

environment twk on a Me oftheir own, becoming her h d s , her dreams, her hopes and
thus, her replacements for the relationships with people she would have liked to have, but

did not. This reminds us of the utopzc regession, discussed earlier in this chapter6' In II

porto di Toledo the first person namitor explained that she began to write these stories.

expressing the relationships between herself and these inanimate objects, during the season

of her brother Manuele's death (whorn she named Rassa) and the departure of her other

brother Antonio (named Lee). "Inoltre, in quel tempo si accostava il quarto inverno dei

fatti del vasceilo di Rassa, la mia vita era proprio povera e muta. Nessuno mi badava, e

partit0 anche Lee, le mattine trascorrevano in grande calma... Mi rnisi dunque al tavolo, e

in un po' di giorni scrissi la storia... .68

Through the personified objects that will be discussed the fira person narrator also

began to discover a sense of self in a world purely fantastic, without the limitations and

confinements that reality and society imposed upon people.

Io, insomma, ero a tanti strati, ora ragazzo serio e attivo, ora fanciullina
piangente, ora animale strarnbo, ora aduho freddo ed esperto... E poiche'
tutto cio' risvegliava echi infiniti...non avevo mai pace. Allora, per
salvarmi, non vi era nulla, saivo il guardare gli altri, la pieta' degli altri...
Questi altn...erano spesso anche creature del mondo oggettivo, vegetale O
animale, oppure ven e propri oggetti (deli'inanirnato), una casa, un muro,
un fanale, che per non so quale stranezza, dopo un PO' che li avevo
guardati, si animavano, mi parlavano, e io gli rispondevo... Insomma,
questo mondo afEatato, infantile, buono assai, che coesisteva con I'dtro un
po' maiato, d'improwiso si muoveva a chiarnarmi con riso strano, mi
offriva in aiuto sua rnan~.~'

This shows that Ortese viewed the worid that she shared with objects as enchanting,

infantile, and good. She also admits that the enchanted world coexisted with the other one,

that of reality, which she described as sick. It is the enchanted world that would cal1 her

and offer its hand in help. Although physically she could not escape her socio-political
reality, she at lest had found &dom through fantasy, which is something that helped her

cope with her physical existence.

Retuming to Angelici dolori, in the story "II solitario lume", the l m e (the light)

took on the form of an impossible suitor. She called him her "~rnato"." Through the

window he would always stare at her, while she always wondered why he always used to

look at her as if she were his savior:

Che ha? Che vuole? Mi guarda sempre con una dolcezza tranquilla e
sconfinata, come io fossi la sua salvezza, il suo punto ne1 tempo; come egli
sappia e tuttavia non curi l'amaro ridicolo d'una sua pretew
I'impossibilita' di essere, ne1 suo ideriore stato, amato da me."

She related to this lume because he also was alone and needed to be saved like she did.

The title speaks of this: the solitary light. She is the one who has made hirn real in her

imagination where she discovered a world of enchantment surrounding her. Although

confined to her solitude, al1 she had to do was look out the window of her home, where

she found an animated wrld of companions. "Venuta in questa tome per passarvi la Mta,

credevo rimanervi finalmente in solitudine e, invece, ecco sono in mezzo a un mondo e chi

mi guarda chi mi so~egliachi mi ama? What saddened the young narrator-protaganist

in this story "11 solitario lume" was the feeling that without her he would die. Reflecting

her own sense of btation on the lume, she acted as his vehicle of hope as her brothers

did with her. It tomented her to think that ifshe were to leave he would be obligated to

expenence a sentence of solitude and indifference. "Che gli rimaneva a questo? A chi piu'

si confidava? Egii sarebbe mono, senza di me.""


This led her to appreciate the need and the importance of receiving attention from

others. In fact, in a dream she had spoken of this: "htorno a me.. .swrgevo nobili e care

forme umane passare e volgere a questa persona il loro affettuoso somso... Oh. era

be~o!"" What she thought was so beautifid was receiving affiéctionate srniles and

attentions fiom people. Not only did this help her empathize with the fume, but it also

helped her acknowledge her own needs for affection and attention.

The aory "La cura" dates back to 1942 and is found in the collection of short

aories entitled I n sonno e in vegiiu, published in 1987. On the back cover of the second

edition of the publication of the book in 1993,there is a note from the editor explaining

the origins of each of the aones. The editor States that al1 of the stories were written

between 1970 and 1980 with the exception of "La cura". "Allo aesso tempo, del reao,

appartengono anche gli aitri. con I' eccezione di Ln cura, che risale al 1942."" What the

reader shall l e m is that the title of this story is referring to a cure, and thus the title. from

the malady called iijie.

The story, "La cura" acts as a bridge, chronologically, between Angefici doiori

(1 937)and L 'Infiltasepolta ( 1 950). In this story, she ni11 uses the route of oneiric

fantasy to escape from her reality. A recumng theme that was evidmt in Anpiici dolori

(1 937) and is also apparent in "La cura" is her fear of adulthood, which is pari of the

malady of Me.

Non avevo mai pensato che vi sarebbe stato un temillie al delicato


vaneggiamento che ora formava dawero tutto il guao della mia vita
infantile: ... e starmi ricantucciata negli occhi del Dottor Li, ecco I'dca
possiblita7di gioia e di pace, nella mia pur triste condizione. In quegli
occhi chiari era il rnio giardino; nella «sorpresa>> con cui si rpnvano, il
mi0 paradiso."

The first person narrator explained that her ody way to acperhce joy and peace was by

looking into the eyes of the fantastic. Within those eyes she found her garden and her

paradise that the passing of time into adulthood threatened to take away from her. Once

she was able to acknowledge her fears of growing up, she also found the cure to her pain.

What will unfold fiom this is the tonality of her next book L 'lnfmfasepolta (1950). It

seems as though once she allowed herself to express and declare her pain, which for her

was synonomous with life, she found the courage to question and rebel against her fears,

as will be show in L 'Infantasepolta.

In "La cura", the first person narrator would go to visit an imaginary doctor every

other day to be cured from a malady which she called life. This imaginary doctor was a

plant that she had a special, fantastic relationship with. Although she visited him often,

she noticed that her condition, her life and thus her pain, remained the same. There were

not any signs of bettement, nor of decadence. "Andavo da1 Dottor Li per una cura, un

giorno si' e uno no, da ornai qualche tempo, ma non rniglioravo ne' peggioravo; una

condizione stazionaria.. . Io solo,infatti, conoscevo il perche' di questa dolce caparbieta'

del rnio male, del10 smarrimento che mi toglieva il coraggio di guarirei7." Escaping into

the fantastic, imaginary world was not making her life any easier because the reality that

she was avoiding would always be there when she was not with Dottor Li.

What is interesthg is that even in this story, îike in 'Ti sogno" fiom An~elicidolon

( 1937), the narrator hoped that she and the plant, named Dottor Li.,could share a peacehi
beautifid home, like she and Emico did. The symbol of the safe haven that Luca Clerici

discusses in his essay is present also in this story." "Per lungo tempo io fui tomentata da

un pensiero, da un desiderio.. . carezzata da un'assufda speranza: sposarlo... Si pensi:

vivere sempre con L i in quella casetta dorata, tra il finto &O e le piccole fineare

verdi."79 The world of fantasy and dreams was her escape and had been her cure for life

during her adolescence. As she matured, Me was a force she needed to deal with as was

expressed by the plant, Dottor Li, when he told her that he codd not help her anymore

and that she needed different help. This different help signified that she needed to live life

and face her reality, rather than escape from it. She did not want to lose her adolescent

imagination because in doing so and entering the cold unimaginative world of aduithood

she would have to forever say goodbye to her imaginary fiend, Donor Li. "Era per

guesto. anche, che non guarivo, benche' 10 desiderassi sinceramente. 11 coraggio mi

veniva meno. Guarendo, avrei dovuto dirgli addio, cosi' corne addio si dice ai sogni

sognati su1 far d e ~ ' a l b a . " ~

By the end of the aory she realized that she needed to face reality and that she

would never actuaily be cured by this sickness which everyone, unknowingly, tends to

suffer from. Everyone suffers fiom it because it is life that is the sickness. "Micurai, un

po', ma non guarii mai del tutto.. . nessuno guarisce di questo male, si sa, vivendo;... La

gran parte di noi neppure sa di essere malata, e la porta benissirno; molti, invece, si

disperano..."." When she aated that the rnajority of us is not even aware of being il1 and

yet wears it well, while others despair themselves, she is refeming to life and the Merent

ways in which people either accept it or are tomued by it. The narrator discovered her

temporary, yet meanhgful cure to her pain alrnost by mistake one night bdore going to
bed. Life was her maiady, and pain and féar were her symptoms. The cure for life came to

her in a moment of desperation wbile she acknowledged the fact that those days passed

with Dottor Li would never again retum. As she picked up the giass of water by her

nightstand, she begm to cry. As the pain was expressed in the form of tean rolling down

her cheeks it seemed to numb her:

A questo punto, sentii qualcosa c o r r d sulle guancia, e prima che me ne


fossi resa conto, due lacrime grosse corne nocciole caddero ne1 bicchiere.
Continuai a bere, ma ecco, non avevo ancora finito, il dolore sembrava
svanito. Ahre due lacrime, e un benefico torpore s'impossesso' della mia
testolina. M a fine dormivo, e sognavo, tutta somdente, che la mia
terribile malattia - la nosPa, dovrei dire - La Vita - era sparita, e non
sarebbe tornata mai piu' ... Cosi', ecco la ricetta.. . ogni sera, prima di
concarsi... in due dita d'acqua, due grosse gocce di pianto.*

The cure was the fact that her tears led her to feel numbness and thus led her to fa11 into

deep sleep and into the timeless world of dreams. The world of dreams is where the

sickness called - Life - and al1 that it encompassed, pain inevitable passage of time, fear,
had disappeared and had found its cornfort.

C. L 'Infanrasepoita: Developnieni of empathy and r e b e l h agaiimt szlence and

sttbrnissiot~during the years 19-12- M O .

As was mentioned, L 'Itfanta sepofta has a definite change in tonality as well as

themes. This could be an effea of her matunty and sense of security, or the fact that

politically, things had changed by the time this book was pubiished in 1950. The second

world war was over and a renewed sense of hope had been restored in the hearts of many

Itaiians. Hope may have given Ortese the courage to speak her mind and rebel against

certain conventions that kept people oppressed and subrnissive. One of the institutions
that was considerd a culprit in enslaving people's minds was the church. In fa*,a crucial

theme in Ortese's works is the wnflict between conventional religious beiiefs and her

own. Her beliefs, as will later be shown, enwmpass all creations in a sacred li&

meaning that EGod is the creator of man and nature then al1 that He has created'is sacred,

including nature.

As Luca Clenci points out, as 1 mentioned in the introduction, there is an evolution

in Ortese's works. The evolution may be found in a group of books, and at times within a

single text.

Un'evoluzione sia interna al singolo testo, sia riscontrabile in gruppi di libn


legati fia loro proprio di tale aspetto, sia infine deil'intera opera valutata ne1
suo complesso. Infatti tanto Angelin' d o m e L 'Infatasepolra....
considerate come singole raccolte ma anche come wppie di libn abbinati.
descrivono uno sviiuppo della prospettba dei narratore che passa
comunque attraverso una dislocazione intema al protagonista - spesso una
voce fabulatrice ben poco caratterizzata -,all'inizio pre-adolescente e poi
sempre piu' adulta."

In L 'Infatusepoiia there is an evolution as the narrator becornes more adult-like.

L llnfania sepolta begins with a aory, "L3Indifferenzadella madre" which &es her

perspective for the rest of the book. This first story gives the reader the background in

understanding why the narrator and the author took the views that she did during the

evolution of the book.

In the story "Indifferenza della madre" there is a pafaUeLism between the v i c h of

indifference, and the author herself It is interesting that in this aov Ortese uses the third

person and treats this issue as an impersonai one. Luca Clerici explained that Ortese

treated the topic of the pain inflicted on a child by an indiierent mother, as a general one,
Caratteristiche ancora diverse presentano innae le noveile Indrflerenra
ciefla m&e e Suppiizio, in cui due tipici terni quali il dolore per la
progressiva distrazione materna nei codkonti del bambino che cresce e le
pene d'amore inflitte da chi, non piu' innamorato, abbandona la donna un
tempo mata, vengono trattati in modo saggistico, e cioe' come casi
generali e impersondi, sema il ricorso a personaggi interpreti di una
vicenda."

Yet, it is important to point out that this was an event in Ortese's life. The fact that she

may not have received much affection and attentions fiom her mother was also mentioaed

in the story "La vita primitiva" in Angelici doIori. The namat or-protagonist mentioned tO

her brother that their mother did not know anythuig about them. "EUa non sapeva nulia di

noi, ~iovanni."*'
In the story "Indifferenza della madre" the child depicted is a little boy named

Mario who expenences the pain of the abandonment of affection fiom his mother. This

expenence led to his escape into the world of imagination. "Sono quei momenti, in cui la

sua giovane mente si &da, come una barca, alla Potenza amara dei sogni. i soli in cui il

bambino provi alla fine qualche felicita .86 The namator explained that the world of
3-7

imagination was the only place in which the neglected child could find happiness. There is

a parailelkm between the character Mario and the author, whose name, Maria,is the

ferninine version of the name Mario. His escape brought hlln happiness because what he

was not receiving in reality he could then receive in his imagination. As we have seen in

Angelici dolori escapism was an issue during Ortese's adolescence as weii. The pain of

indserence has made Mario susceptible to al1 those that, Like him, have been ignored and

abandoned. In fact, a sacred word to him was solitude. in this world of soiitude he
created his own happiness filied with &&on and love. It has also given him the gift of

empathy for al1 those who are suffering from the efkcts of indifference.

Presagisce ... che la parola d'ordine, per lui, e' solihr&ne, e, intenento
da@ strazi soffkrti, si china con un interesse insolito agli altri giovani esseri
sulle piccole cose. Ha una debotezza morbosa per un piccolo gatto. il cui
lamento, se ha fame o M d o , O Io sguardo tirnido e supplichevole, gli
ricordano con un brivido le sue recenti disperazioni. Una lucertola...gli fa
battere a precipizio il cuore, e si strugge da1 desiderio di carezzaria. Se,
d'autunno, una fogha secca scivola vicino al suo piede, e g . si airva a
raccoglierla... istintivamente desiderom a consolarla, perche' nessuno. piu'
di lui, puo' sentire quanto e' sola una foglia, dopo che l'albero l'ha
abbandonata."

The narrator explained that Mario's negative childhood experience has evolved intO a

positive one. When he hem a cat larnenting for food or because it is cold, Mano is

rerninded of himself and feels a need to help the cat. If instead a l d falis fiorn a tree he

instinctively feels a need to pick it up and console it since it has been abandoned by the

tree.

Therefore, this story explains the reasons why ûrtese may feel so strongly about

defending the abandoned and the rebellious tone she will take in the rest of the book.

The pain experienced during childhood has evolved Uito a defensive voice against rnany

societal and religious injustices. Mario, as well as the author, Maria,have developed an

empathetic sensitivity toward the weak and the oppressed.

In the next story, "Occhi obliqui", the first person narrator questioned why there

was so much pain in this world. Many people were affecteci by the tragedy of the second

world war. Many lives were lost and many people suffered terribly. The adoloescent
first penon namitor asked Him whether He ever looked down upon the earth and if He

noticed all the pain

Non so se vi afEacciate di frequente a guardare la tara.. .se, durante le


vostre passeggiate a cavaiio in mezzo d a campagna, osservate la tristezza
deUe cose a ai voi non parlate, che voi non accatezzate... Signore, Padre:
a volte ascolto il mare neUe notti d'autunno, e mi pare che la sua voce sia
piena di uno spaventoso dolore - il dolore do non vedervi ed arnarvi...
Padre, signore: ho visto le madri accartocciarsi e piegarsi come foglie
bucate dai venti invemali, dopo aver colmato di bianco latte la bocca dei
figli... Padre caro, perche' nonli guardate? Perche' non ii scaldate?
Perche' non li investite di gioia? Perche' essi sofEono e muoiono senui
vedervi, senza trasfigurarsi? Senza Pace, rnuoion~?~~

The young narrator-protagonist questioned why the things and people that were His

creations had been abandoned and neglected; why they had al1 experienced pain and

surering. There is a certain evolution between the fust story, "L'hdifferenza della

madre" and this one. Mario was a victim of abandonment and therefore deveioped a

sense of empathy toward ail the suffenng. In "Occhi obliqui" the fint person narrator

questioned why this pain happened and why God has abandoned His world and His

creations. The first person namitor explained how much she loved Kim as a child and

how disillusioned she becarne of Him as she began to notice the pain in the world. She

told Him that she loved everythmg around her because He was in them. God

responded:

< q u credi che io sia buono, Rachele>, continuo' crudelmente.


KPeccato! Io non sono buono. Sono come te, come gli altri. Sono anche
peggio di te, perche' tu mi ami, e io no. Io non amo che la b e h . Odio i
tentativi, le decademe. Abbandono quanto mi e' piaciuto un'ora e mi
preoccupo di cercare nuovi divertimenti...>>@

In other words, she made Him out to be a hero, but instead He informeci her that she was

taking Him much too seriously. Later, by the end of the story, He explaiued to her that
He was only a ctnld and He was tired. Therefore ifHe was tired, she knew she could never

be. She needed to help the world f?om useless suffering while God rested.

«Sono corne un fanciullo>>, egli soggiunse appoggiandosi tirnidamente


all mia spalla...Mi parve di essere la terra, una madre...
Somsi. Egli poteva essere stanco, ma io non piu', mai, se egli era stance?

The first person narrator openly admitted within the quote that because God may be tired,

she can never again be so. Her mission and her duty was to defend life and elirninate

senseiess suffering. Some of the suffering was somethes caused because of silent

submission. Sometimes conventions need to be questioned, just like she will in the story

"Jane, iI mare".

L 'Infantas q d l i a , as h s been mentioned, developed a tone of rebeliion against

silence and submission. In fact, the aory "L'lnfânta sepolta" speaks of a madonna alive

and r d , yet trapped because she is so different fiom the accepted noms and images of a

conventional madoma. Ortese seems to parallel herself with that madoma and just as the

madoma's hand was broken off and scattered ont0 the streets symbolinng fixedom. so

did Ortese use her hand in expressing her own fieedom of opinion through the art of

wrîting. "Ora la prîgione e' caduta, il simuiacro del171dantatravolto. Disperse le sue

membra nere cosi deiicate.. .non si sa dove, sotto quale pietra, schiacciate... Io somdo,

quando penso che sole, vento, pioggia, le cose giî anni, si awicendano su quelle

macerie."''
In this book Ortese began to criticize and rebel against religious and societal

conventions. The war destroyed the Infanta, but at the same time it set her fke by

scattering her h b s everywhere. In the same way, the namitor-protagonia felt destroyed
and yet set free by the wu. She felt destroyed because the war had taken away loved

ones. Yet, she felt set free because writùig was an inspiration, caused by the paui she

endured.

A topic that is developed in this story that was mentioned in "Occhi obliqui", was

people's iilusory attraction to beauty. In "Occhi obliqui", the first person narrator felt

sorry for the spider who was so ugly that it only inspired hate and fear. In the story

"L71nfantasepolta", the first person namitor felt sorry for this madoma who was not

beautifùl. The narrator-protagonist felt connected to this madoma because she looked so

real and alive. Yet, the irony was that the people ignored her because she looked so

cornmon. "Cosi', quella statua nera e incantata non piaceva a nessuno, e le si prefenva di

gran lunga la Mana Signora di Porto Sole, bella e materna...".* People needed to believe

in hope and beauty because there was already too much pain and suffering. The war was

horrific and the realistic pain on the Infanta's face did not inspire hope, but only reminded

the people of their devastating socio-economic problems and surroundings. The other

madoma, the Signora di Porto Sole, was the one who inspired hope and beauty because

she did not look like them. She was the one that was honored every year by taking her

out to sea while people followed and cherished her. This remînds us of the perspective

ûrtese chose to take in displaying reality. Just like she had admitted that depicting the

harsh reality without a sense of the fantastic was unacceptable because it did not inspire

hop+ the people of Naples were equaily unattracted to the realistic madonna because she

was al1 too similar to them, hopeless.

The narrator-protagonist explained why she liked the abandoneci Infanta so much:
Puo' darsi che tutte queste non fossero che fmtastichene, torbide
supposizioni di un more che, ieri come O&, e' portato a vedere dovunque
dei pngionieri, a nconoscere in ogni albero un carcere di spiriti ardenti, in
ogni sasso una cella infame, dove qualauio arde e si lamenta.93

She said that she, like Mario from "L'InWerenza della macire", saw in evesything an

impnsoned spirit. The first person narrator saw a prison surrounding everythurg and

everyone. Society rnay be considered a prison because if one is not hanciaily self-

supporting then one is a prisoner of the system. One rnay also be a prisoner of

appearance. If one is not endowed with beauty then one is pnsoner of his outer shell. In

fact, the Infanta was not liked by the people because of her cornmon appearance. which

needless to Say, did not make her less holy than the beautifiil madoma. Yet, this jua

proved how people can be prisoners of conventions which was another critique that

Ortese made of her people ofNaples. The Neapolitans admired and prayed to the

conventionai madonna rather than to the cornmon looking one. It was almost as if the

people thought that the cornmon looking Infanta would not be able to p t them their

wishes and hopes just because she did not fùlfill their visual concept of a madonna.

What critics have failed to notice, except for Ermanno Paccagnini, is that L 'Itifmta

s e p o h was-aireadydeveloping a realistic tonality of depicting the displeasing while slowly

letting go of the dream-like, fantastic portrayai of the world. ui fa*, in her interview with

Dacia Maraini. Ortese was asked when she began to have a political interest:

Verso la fine della guerra, sui ventotto anni. La guema era un'ingiustizia,
troncava il nostro crescere. La odiavo. Ne1 '45, tornando a Napoli, vidi
come aveva troncato il crescere di tutti. Ami, 10 aveva deviato. Guardo
alla guerra, a tutte le guerre come a vergogne universali, ternpi di rapine,
aimini, r n e n z ~ ~ n e . ~
Ortese responded that it was during the end of the second world war at about the age of

twenty-eight, which corresponds with the period in which she was writing L 'Infanta

sepolta, since it was published in 1950. With this book she was cnticizing Che people of

her city, rather than concentrating on solely her own world and her own problems like she

had done in the previous book Angelici dolori. Now she began looking around her and

fond that the cause of individual suffing is often caused by societal indifference. One

exarnple is that of the unquestioning, conformist attitude of praising the conventional

madonna as opposed to the Infanta. It seemed that the suffering of the neglected Infanta

was happening out of people's ignorance and mute subjugation. Ortese's pomayal of the

Infanta's ernotional pain and feeling of exclusion was to delineate the message that where

ever there is exclusion and confomùty, there is pain. Many intellectuals, as well as

Ortese, thought that the only positive outcome of the war was that a renewed sense of

hope and spirituality could be restored. Therefore, the fact that it brought a smile upon

the narrator's face when the statue of the Infanta was destroyed is symbolic because the

madonna was now fiee from the old world and the old way of thinking. The fact that the

Infanta was scattered amongst the rubble symbolized her fieedom because she was no

longer enslaved to her appearance and within her sheil. The next story discussed is also a

story of a rebellion against religious and societal confonnity. Just Like the Infanta was a

pnsoner of the statue she embodied, the narrator-protagonist from "Jane, il mare" is

impnsoned by socio-religious noms and expectations.

In "Jane, il mare", the narrator-protagonist is a twelve year old girl who speaks

out against confinement and silence. AE was mentioneà, in this story the twelve year old
girt is a prisoner who has been serving a twelve year sentence for reasons unknown to her.

"Mi trovavo in un carcere...per scontare una pena di mi non ricordavo assolutamente la

causa."g5 The reader later h d s out that the reason is actually a religious one. Not

viewing religion under the same conventional lem, her parents have punished her by

confining her to solitude and biblical readings. Catching a glimpse of the sea, she wished

she could be swept away with it. "Quante volte non sognai quel Mare invisibile.

vicinissirno e lontanissimo, sognai che mi trascinava con imrnensa forza e dolceua

lontano!"% In the sea she sees fieedom, iife, nature and happiness. She describes it as:

"...la Jungla azzurra, la santa Natura, la gioia, la liberta', la vita, da cui I'infiessibile

giustizia che presiede al vivere urnano. mi aveva ail~ntanata."~The narne Jane is very

interesting. Considering that the author called the se9 a blue Jungle, tends to recall Jane of

the Jungle, (Tarzan's female counterpart), symbolic of freedom, nature. non-conformism

and most of dl. rebellion. In fact, she realizes that in order to be set free,the Signori (ha

parents) need to witness her confomism and subrnission to the religious guidelines. She

read with irony believing that this was her key to freedom. She was aware that she had to

be carefûl in taking notes on the things the Sigtiori would consider to be most important.

Her notes consisted of things such as:

Il piacere della vita e' solo nei Iimiti del dovere... Dove troveremo la pace,
se non nelia nnuncia delia liberta' e deiia gioia? - La monifiicazione
continua del cuore, e una vita sottomessa al meccanismo della Morale,
ecco l'omaggio piu' gradito d o Spirito Santo. - Uomo: Tua madre, la
Natura, merita il disprezzo piu' aperto, l'odio piu' implacabile: crocifiggila,
e sarai s a l v ~ ! ~ ~

The narrator's notes included the fact that in order for one's sou1 to be saved and holy one

needed to hate and crucify mother Nature (which she aiso capitaIizes). Also included was
a note about renouncing fieedorn and happiness in order to find peace, which in her case,

she believed jua the opposite. In other words, by renouncing fieedom and happiness one

is forever impnsoned. In fact, in suppressing her achial beliefs, she found that she was

becoming less hurnan and more Wre a rock, "...la rnia mente si era purificata, ...

Rassomigliavo... a una pietra."99

Finally came that long awaited night of the examination that she had worked so

hard for, in order to receive her freedom. No one had infonned her of this night, but she

just knew by a sign given to her from Nature, the mother she was supposed to cruciSr.

The moon gave her this sign by shining brightly in the sky.'Era aitissima, lontana, ma il

suo volto pallido era buono, e io compresi in un lampo ch'era il segno: avevo nveduto un

aspetto della sublime Natura, qualcosa di grande e benefico nava per accadere."'" This

was the night that she had memorized al1 those notes for. in came her examiners, twelve

of them, including a foreign woman who came under the guise to study the methods of

Justice and Penance. The woman's narne was Jane and according to the young narrator

protagonia, what she represented was instead courage and rebellion. "Mi basto'

guardarla, per sapere che tutti credevano questo, ma che non era vero, O meglio non era

del tutto vero; e che il suo aesso nome, Jane, ne nascondeva uno molto piu' importante.

Jane, pero' io continuai a chiamarla ne1 mio cuore, e soltanto Jane, che nel mio cuore

wole dire: ~ibellione."~"At this point things began to happen to the namitor.

Mesmerized by the eyes of Jane, the young prisoner was incapable of responding to the

questions of her examiners. "Non sapevo piu' dove mi trovavo, trascuravo l'importanza

~ eyes took more and more control


dell'esame, per guardare gli occhi di ~ a n e . " ' ~These

over the examiRee as she continued with: "Asuoi occhi continuavano a splendere con la
santa profondita', la luce spirituale del mare. Volutta', forza, fuoco; grandezza e gioia:

ecco gli occhi di lane."'"

The young pnsoner was imprisoned because she was forced to beiieve in

something that she was against. Now, with a kiss âom Jane, she is able to proudly face

her beliefs that will set her free fiom societal and religious rdes and fean.

Le labbra di Jane si accostarono d e mie labbra. Nello stesso attirno, il mio


corpo si strinse al suo, e qualcosa in me @do' alto, fho alle stelie, di gioia:
perche' io sprofondavo ne1 mare, nella luce proibita, in un infemo piu'
splendide del cielo. Io comunicavo con la te- i venti, le acque. e tuno
questo non aveva tuttavia nome Legge, ma Disordine; non era figlio della
paura, ma della Ribellione. 'O4

The love and respect for nature was something that began with a need for escape

and later continued to mature into the author's philosophical and religious perspectives on

life, nature and religion. In II porto di Toledo the protagonist, the first person narrator,

described her rebellion against conventional religious beliefs. She resented the fact that

one must always live in fear of punishment and unable to stray and explore other venues of

belief In fact, the young girl, the nanator-protagonist stated: ". ..poiche9queno

Altissimo, trarnite la Chiesa del Papa, si presentava a noi come terrore e castigo,

unicarnente terrore e castigo del vivere di Lui stesso ordinato, i miei sentimenti per Lui

erano violenti e muti. e presto, aggruppandosi, generarono la sed~zione."'~' She

explained that the mere fact that He represented fear and punishmem via the Papal Church

inflamed her with sedition and defiance toward the institution of the church. Her mother

would wam her that her rebellion would cost her an infernal etemity which terrifieci the

young girl narned Apasa. This did not stop her fiom exploring her own beiiefs of what
and how religion should be. Her biggest fear of death were not the flames of punishment

that she would have to endure, but the fact that she would never be able to appreciate and

interpret the sight of Nature and al1 of its offings.

Soffersi percio' a lungo timori e terron indiciiili, immaginado e addirimira


provando questo orrore deila came bmciata (se fossi mona ora), del viso
distnitto dalle fiamme, della privazione, in taie stato, della pioggia e deila
buona aria, soprattutto deile grandi corse intomo ai colli, e poi delle
irnmaghi (esempio, la tnstezza del giardino, e la sua bonta', I'affanno della
nuvola porporina), che volevo esprimere. Tale perdita totale, O abisso che
mi aspettava, sarebbe stata la moneta con cui avrei pagato la mia
indipendenza mode. .. Non volevo che alcuno mettesse limiti alla rnia
necessita' di sperimentare.'O6

At the age of thineen, as she declared in the beginning of Ilporto di Toledo, was when the

first person narrator claimed her moral and religious independence fiom conventional

thought. This corresponded with the first person narrator's rebellious release fiom her

twelve year moral incarceration in %ne, il mare" fiom the book L 'Infnta sepolra. Even

with Dacia Maraini, Ortese admits that she began to live at the age of
in the i n t e ~ e w

twelve: "Sono nata d a vita verso i dodici anni. Improwisamente ho cominciato ad avere

interessi. Ho cominciato a nflettere."'*' The evolution that began at the age of twelve

continued throughout her life. Almost years later in Corpo celeste, she claimed :

Davanti a una fiagola, a un mandarino, a una rosa, si puo' svenire, in certo


senso, per il dolore del loro inconoscibile essere... Ho visto picwle
tartanighe...che, chiamate, si voltavano e alzavarro i loro occhi, quasi
impercettibili e tisti ... Cosi' ho avuto tremore e terrore di essere I'umano,
di appartenere a questa specie che giudica senza misericordia, che e'
superba e regolarmente... infme. La Tema e' il mio amore. Arno e venero
la Terra; e i suoi fi& piu' modesti e discreti mi sollevano ne1 more onde di
emozioni che un tempo, forse, appartenevano alla sfera del sentiment0
fiale, infantile. Arno e venero la Terra! E' il rnio ~ i o'O8.
Therefore, the belief that began over fifty years earlier as an adolescent still remained in

1997, at the t h e of publication of Corpo celeste. The earth was her God. She was

moved by a rose, a mandarin, or by the eyes of a turtle. In al1 these beings she saw pain

and suffering that filleci her with waves of emotion. These are all entities that do not

possess a sou1 and are therefore not considered children of the church. She felt empathetic

towards these creatures because they have been abandoned. This is the cause of much of

their pain with which she empathizes. The author, like Mario, had also endured

abandonment and neglect as has been shown in "IndSerenza della madre".

In "Vita di Dea", found in L 'Infantusepolra the author's views on religion are

further explored as she talks about her relationship with her very good Wend Dea. Dea

was a very rich, beautifil girl and seemed to have received al1 the superficial and worldly

gifts. The namitor-protagonia is a fiend of Dea and is just the opposite of her in her very

humble misery, financially and physically speaking.

Dea mi amava: e poteva appmire un mistero la indinazione di un essere


cosi' mirabilmente dotato, pure nella vita sociale - che' Dea era figiia di
signori, e sfoggiava gli oggetti di piu' alto costo, di piu' raffinato fùlgore, e
-
viveva in ma casa simile a un sogno per una ragazzetta quale io ero
dora, recante ne1 volto e nelle vesti i segni di una magra e cupa infamia. di
un umiliato destino.log

ï h e story is interesting because the author's focus is not on the fkiendship itself, but

actuaily on destiny and chance. What may be considered a gift in one lifetime rnay tum

into a condemnation in another. Therefore, with such a karmatic beliec what is being

conveyed is the possibility of reincarnation. One lifetime is too short to encompass all the

expenence and the knowledge necessary to be wmplete. Dea explained to her frieml that
al1 the good that she has received in her present tirne is oniy the f i t of much pain f?om

the past. The tenn past is not the one referring to our measurable knowledge, but one

refemng to a past Ise.

Ti spiego: non vi e' luce, in me, che non sia h t t o di ombra, ne' goia che
non sia costato alto dolore... Non dudo a un mio passato, che tu ben
conosci, e sai quanto sia stato facile e lieto... non a queilo! La vita umana
e' troppo breve, perche' si matuMo nel suo rapido corso tutti i semi che vi
sono stati gettati. E' in ahn giorni, dopo uno squallido morire, e' in altra
luce che si aprono i suoi bei fion. Non ti ha mai sorpresa e ferita, corne
una crudele ingiustizia, il pensiero che su alcune creature siano accentrati,
per cosi' dire. i miglion doni dei mondo, mentre i piu' ne mancano quasi al
tutt~?"~

Spirituality is in everything that surrounds man, animal and nature. Dea, in fact, explained

that the gifts given to her in this Me may jua mean that if and when she dies, her soul may

be the one living within a frog or a serpent. Dea begged her udortunate fkiend, the first

person narrator, to never mistmt the &als around her because some day that frog that

may be crossing the road may actually have her own, Dea's soul living, breathing, seeing

within it.

Quando un giorno, in non so quaie mondo di belle= e di gioia, tu


cornincerai a somigliare a Dea per la gioia che gonfiera' la tua anima, non
trasalire d'orrore se, ne1 corso di una felice passeggiata, una povera rana
dolorante attraversera' faticosamente la tua strada, per andare a morire piu'
in la'. Abbi pieta' della sua angoscia e delia sua misena, ti prego! La mia
anima ti guardera' da que@ occhi toni. " '
The oung narrator's fiend, Dea, died. and al1 the tbgs that she had said left their

imprint on the young girl's mernories. One day while taking a walk she did notice a dying

f?og in the road and the d e r i n g eyes of the creature looked d i r d y into the eyes of the

girl. She remembered the words that Dea had said to her and felt that those eyes were
those of her fiend. The first person namitor tried shaking those thoughts and supposed

instead that Dea's soul would be at the cemetery where she was buried, joyfbl and not at

al1 suffering.

Ma che dico? Perche' ella dovrebbe essere ancora la ? Chi potrebbe


S e m a r e che i rnorti uano veramente sotterra? Una volta gettata I'ultha
palata sulla loro fossa, essi si alzano e si dontanano vacillando pei sentieri
oscuri, quali verso i cieli, quali verso i mari, quali verso le verdi profondita'
del globo, e Dio solo sa dove andrmo e quale fonna rivestiranno. e se non
ci fissano ogni giorno, assorti, sotto forma di un povero animale O di un
'
fiore. I2

Readjusting her views she doubted that in fact Dea's soul would still be at the cemetery,

but that it actually couid be living in an animal or flower in the world. This aory explains

the author's f i t y for nature and animals and why her religion encompasses nature and

man as one. In Corpo celeste she expresses this view by stating: "Dovunque siano occhi

che vi guardano con pace O paura... bisogna onorarlo e difenderlo... Io sono dalla parte di

quanti credono nell'assoluta santita' di un albero. e di una bestia, ne1 dintto dell'albero,

della bestia, di vivere serenamente, rispettati, tutto il loro tempo."'13 Everything has a

sou1 and eve-ng and everyone must be loved and respected equally and

compassionately. The empathy of Mario that began in "Indifferenza della madre" slowly

developed into a deeper understanding of her love for nature, and the meaning of Ise,

death and spintuai continuity.

The entire discourse on religion and Ortese's belief or disbelief in it, is important

because according to Ortese it is inte~elatedwith society. Ortese's beiief syaem is one

which may be termed as socio-reiigious. The foundations that rnake up religion, such as

the ten comandments are morally and sociologicaliy sound. According to Ortese if
everyone would foUow the ten comandments we wouid iive in a much more peaceful and

positive society. She believed in God, but it is the history of the institution of the church

which spurred rebellion and refisal in the author. In an interview with Dacia Maraini

Ortese was asked what place religion had in her Me. Her response was that she was

simultaneously attracted and repulsed by it:

La religione mi attraeva e mi rispingeva insieme. Le chiese mi incantavano


e mi incupivano. Dio per me si identificava con la speranza di vivere
etemamente e liberamente, era il nome, I'identita', la stabilita' . Mi pareva
terribile invece la chiesa storica; incomprensibile I'infermo, incornprensibile
I'inquisizione, inaccettabile poi la sorvegiianza sulle coscienze. Poco alla
volta mi allontanai... 1 p ~ c i pdi
i non uccidere, non rubare, onora il padre e
la madre e cosi' via mi sembrano fondamentali ne1 piu' modesto discorso
per una Niascita del mondo e un mutarnento di rotta ... Aggiungo che in
questo non uccidere io includo il nspetto e la compassione anche per il
mondo animale, I'intero mondo della vita terrestre dai quale siamo usciti e
verso il quale sicuramente abbiamo doveri di solidarieta' e di affetto.

She believed that the pnnciples of religion are based on goodness and respect. They are

fundamentally beneficial in the rebirth of society. This is the aspect of religion that she

agreed witb. What she disagreed with was the invasiveness of the institution and its

hiaory. God is freedom. Instead, the hiaory of the church has proven j u s the opposite.

She found unacceptable the inquisition and the surveillance of individual consciousness.

This is not fieedom, but an entrapment and this is what she rebelled against. She rebelled

against the institution, and inaead supported the principles of goodness and the concept

of God. which translated into hope and freedom.

The thematic analysis of Anna Maria Onese's earlier works was necessary in order

to get an idea of where her philosophical perspectives denved fiom. This chapter dealt

with the foundation of her thoughts and beliefs. Throughout the following chapters what
s h d be exposed is the continuity of these beliefs. What is important to remember is that

the calamhies and adversities that characterized her adolescence were the building blocks

of her future sensitivitiesand beliefs. As was mentioned, L ïnfrarm s e p h (1950) was a

book in which societal observations and criticisrns were already being made by the author.

Two aories found in the thkd, and last section, of the book will be discussed in chapter

two because they reflect a realistic pomayal of Naples which is part of the focus of

chapter two. The stones are: "Gli Ombra" and "Il mare di Napoli".

She felt as an adolescent that she was a victim in many aspects, beginning with the

situation described in "Indifferenza della rnadre". The feeling of being cast aside and

ignored was one which she applied to the victims of the religious institution, and ail the

financially and physicaily excluded from society. Victirnization played a role in her life in

the sense that her family was also financially strained, therefore making her a member of

the lower social class. She felt that this closed many doors, whether of possible

matrimonies, educational advances, respectability, jobs, etc. Her gender was another

hindrance in social advancement and independence, and this also, in a sense, victimized

her. This is why in her earlier years of development she depended on the men in her life as

vehicles of hope and escape fiom her socio-politically confined world.

For the first twelve years of her life she was a prisoner of conventionai beliefs

according to not only her family, but also according to socio-political nom. At the age

of thineen, she broke £?eefrom those thoughts and chose to mate her own beliefs

according to what she thought was just. She feit a need to become her own person. These

were al1 crucial points of study so that one could better understand the perspective of the

author and how these issues evolved into her adult years. n i e foilowing quote captures
the essence that best sUmmanzes Ortese's fears and insecurities that encompassed the

years of her adolescence:

Erano gh anni precedenti la guerra. Ora aprivo gli occhi e vedevo le reali
condinoni della mia famiglia: casa miseranda, mobili rot& debiti; purtroppo
la verita' era questa; e ben presto, siccome non avevo studiato, ne'
imparato alcun mestiere, superati i ventidue ventitre' anni mi sarei trovata
d a strada. '"
This is a quote which also explains why she so desperately depended on the men in her life

as vehicles of hope and why she had developed a need to escape fiom her reality.

Therefore, in the fol10wing chapter what shail be discussed are Ortese' s realistic

portrayal of Naples and Milan and certain victims of society during post-war Italy. What

is interesting is that although for the most part, she tends to show compassion for the

different victims of the world and of society, there is a certain period in her life when she

acnially criticizes certain people for being victims of themselves. Lnterestingly enough, the

people she cnticizes are the people of Naples, who according to Ortese, had mostly

themselves to blame for their lamentable circumstances because of their inciifference and

lethargy. The reason why her themes revolving around v i c t h t i o n are so important is

because through the depiction of these roles, her philosophical beliefs are thus unveiled.

Ortese sees the world as a unique mictocosm, in which man plays an equd role to

everything else within it. Everything such as: the children, the sick, the handicapped, the

trees, the gardens, the animais, the mountains. the seasons has a signifiuuice and a

respectability. In other words, everything that encompasses the universe is sacreci and is

to be respected because every little piece is part of the whole and therefore everything has

a value and an importance. "Per me, del resto, ogni pietra, ogni cosa piu' umile e muta

esiaente in questo Universo, e7sacra e rispettabile quant0 i'universo tutto .116


37
Notes to Chapter One

Emma Marras, "The Isiand Motif in the Works of Grazia Deledda Elsa Morante, and
Anna Maria Ortese," Proceeâin~sof the Conmess on the Intemational Comparative
Lierature Association 12 (1990): 275.
2
Gabnele Casolari, "Anna Maria ûrtese; owero defl'amarezza," Letture 24 (1969): 846.
3
Giancarlo Bo* Invito alla lettura di Anna Maria Ortese, (Milano: Mursia, 1988) 85.

'Gilbert Bosetti, "La poetica deli7infanPaneUa narrativa di Bontempefi," Massimo


Bontempeili scrittore e intellemiale, (Roma: Editon Riuniti, 1992) 5.

Massimo Bontempelli, Miradi, (Milano: Mondadori, 1938) 299.


6
Massirno Bontempelli, L'awentura novecentista, (Firenze: Vallecchi, 1974) 10.
7
MassimoBontempelii, "Angefici dolori," Gazzetta del Pop010 22 Apr. 193 7. It should
be noted that it was because of his solicitation and encouragement that Amelici dolon was
published.
8
Enriw Falqui, "Anna Maria Ortese - Angetici dolon," Novecento letterario IV
(Florence: Vallecchi, 1970); and Giancarlo Vigoreili, "Anna Maria ûrtese - Angetici
dolon," Letteratura (Oa.1937).
9
Giancarlo Bom, Invito alla lettura di Anna Maria Ortese, p. 16.
10
Guido Macera, "La parabola di una scrimice: da Anaelici dolori aiI'Imana," Realta' del
mezzogiomo 6 (1966).

" Giovanni Titta Rosa, "Anna Maria Chtese," Vta Letteraria del Novecento, vol. III,
(1967): 459.
12
Giovanni Titta Rosa, "Massirno BontempeUin Vita Letteraria del Novecento, vol. II,
(1972): 176.
13
Massimo Rizzante, "Abitare il moderno. Rinessioni Sulla poetica novecentista.,"
Massimo Bontern~elliscrittore e intellemiale, (Roma: Editon Riuniti, 1992) 183.
l5 Michele R i d d e l l i , "Anna Maria Ortese: 'AGypsy Absorbed in a Dream'," WntUias
on Twentieth Centuq Italian Literature, (Stony Brook: Forum Italicum, 1992) 39.

l6 Ibid., p. 359.
17
Marinella Mascia Galateria, "Tipologia del racconto d'more nella narrativa di-Massirno
BontempeIli," Massirno Bontern~ellisaittore e intellettuale, p. 84.

l8 Emuuino Paccagnini "1 dolori dell'angelica Ortese,"Lemire (April 1997): 1 16.

Luigi Fontanella, "Bontempelii tra mit0 e metaiïsica: una lettura di <<Eva ultirna>>,"
l9
Massimo Bontemwüi scrittore e intellettuale, p. 109.

Guido Macera, "Parabola di una Scrittrice: da Angelici dolon allYIguana,"Realta' del


mezzoniomo 6 (1966): 73.
21
Anna Maria Ortese, Amelici dolori, pp. 10-11 .

Ibid., p. 13.

23 Anna Maria Ortese, il porto di Toledo, p. 12.

24 Anna Maria Ortese, Anszelici dolori, p. 15.


25
ibid., p. 15.

Zb ibid., pp. 13-14.

27 Ibid., p. 16

28 ibid., pp. 19-20.


29
This was the first short aory published in Lu Fiera Lettermu in 1937.

'O Ibid., p. 23.

" Ibid., p. 24.

" Ibid., p. 34.

'' Ibid., pp. 35-36.


34
Ibid., p. 87.
35
Ibid., p. 86.
36
Ibid., p. 91.
37
Ibid., p. 92.
38
Ibid., p. 95.

39Dacia Maraini, "Anna Maria Ortese," E tu chi eri? Inteniste sull'infhzia, ( M i h o :


Bompiani, 1973)30.

" Anna Maria Ortese, II ~ o r t odi Toledo, p. 89.


" Sharon Wood, "Fantasy and Narrative in Anna Maria Ortese," p. 3 59.

42 Anna Maria Ortese, Amelici dolori, p. 104.


43
Ibid., p. 1 14.
44
Ibid., p. 123.
45
Ibid., p. 123.

46 Ibid., p. 135.

" Luca Clerici, "Anna Maria Ortese," Belfagor 46 ( 1 99 1): 403.


" A m Maria Ortese, Angelici dolori, p. 145.
49
Ibid., p. 101.

'''Luca Clerici, "Anna Maria Ortese,"p. 405.

53
Ibid., pp. 136-137.
54
Ibid., p. 137.
5s
Ibid., p. 145.
56
Ibid., p. 165.
"Ibid., p. 165.
'' Ibid., p. 177.
59
This is an interesthg point that she never quite ovemornes even later in her Wei In fact,
she conhues to describe this overwhelming and incomparaùle feeiing of solitude that one
could only feel during the night in Ii caooello uiumato (1979) and In soma e in vedia
(1 987).

Anna Maria Ortese, Anaelici dolori, p. 177.

lbid., p. 186.

'' Anna Maria Ortese, II ~ortodi Toledo, p. 12.


63
Ibid., p. 99.
64
Ibid., p. 99.
65
Anna Maria Ortese, C o r n celeste, p. 94.

66 Anna Maria Ortese, Il porto di Toledo, p. ?

67 See note 19.

68
Ibid., p. 102.

69 Ibid., pp. 101-102.


70
Anna Maria Ortese, Annelici dolori, p. 41.

" Ibid., p. 43.

Ibid., p. 45.

" Ibid., p. 61.


74 Anna Maria Ortese, L'Infants sepolq pp . 100- 10 1.
75
Anna Maria Onese, In somo e in ve@a, 1987, back panel.
76
Ibid., p. 78.

ibid., p. 75.

" Luca Clerici, "Anna Maria Ortese," p. 403.


" Anna Maria ûrtese, In somo e in ve&% p. 77.
80
Ibid., p. 76.
81
Ibid., p. 80.

"Ibid., p. 81.
Ibid., p. 406.
84
Ibid., p. 409.

85 Anna Maria Ortese, Antzelici dolon, p. 176.


86
Anna Maria Ortese, L'Infants sebolta, p. 66.
81
Ibid., p. 18.

Ibid., p. 40-42.
89
Ibid., p. 44.
90
Ibid., p. 49-50.

' Ibid., p. 96.


Ibid., p. 92.
93
Ibid., p. 93.

9" Dacia Maraini, E tu chi en? Interviste sull'infànzia, (Milano: Bompiani, 1973) 33.

95 Anna Maria Onese, L'Infants sepolq p. 97.


%
Ibid., p. 100.
M
Ibid., p. 99.
90 Ibid., p. 105.
99
Ibid., p. 107.

'00 Ibid., p. 107.

'O1 Ibid., p. 109.

'O3 Ibid., p. 111.

Ibid., p. 112.

'O5 Anna Maria Ortese, Il porto di Toledo, p. 16.

'06 IbiG., p. 17.


107
Ibid., p. 28.
108
Anna Maria Ortese, Corpo celeste, p. 124.

'O9 Anna Maria Ortese, L'Lnfanta seoolta, p. 1 18.

"' Ibid., p. 123.


Ibid., p. 129.

"3 Anna Maria mese, Corpo celeste, p. 52.

Ibid., p. 29.

Il6
Ibid., p. 29.
CHAPTER TWO - ORTESE'S REALISTIC PORTRAYAL BETWEEN THE 1950's

AND 1960's

L 'Infantasepita is divided into three sections and is a collection of a total of


seventeen short stones. Some stories in the first two sections were discussed in chapter

one. In chapter two only two stories from the third section have been chosen in order to

illustrate that these stories were not B e her previous ones. The stories chosen are "1

mare di Napoü" and "Gli Ombra". In my opinion, these stories prove that there is an

indisputable change in tondity and style. In fact, these are not oneiric, dream-like stories

depicting solely autobiographical situations. They portray socio-environmental scetwios

of post-war Naples. "Il mare di Napoli" focuses on a general view of the inhabitants of

an alley of Naples. "Gli Ombra", on the other hand focuses on one particular famly, but

one which is ernblernatic of many families within Naples. The first person narrator is just

an observer and is not a protagonist in either of these stories.

What needs to be mentioned in order to understand my perspective regarding the

fact that Ortese was already, at the tirne of L 'Infmzaseplta changing her literary style, is

that she was working as a joumalist during the composing of this book. Giancarlo Bom

aated that she worked for two very farnous penodicals: II monab and L 'Europeosome

tirne during 1945 and 1950.' This rnay have certainly infîuenced the author's style and

choice of thernatics. It is Unforhinate that L 'Infmtasepola was not appreciated for its

historical and socio-environmental values. This was one of the rnany socio-historical

documntations of Naples and Neapolitans after the second world war, but the nrst that

ûxtese wrote in such a reaiistic style. The only critic, to rny knowledge, that has noted
L 'Infmta sepoita as a book of transition is Ermanno Paccagnini. He stated: ...a partire
"

dai 17 racconti di L 'Infantaseplta, nati a contatto dell'esperienza giomalistica di inviato

per MiZrno-Sem (cio' che spiega 10 stile piu' secco): una raccolta inferiore e piu'

discontinua della precedente... un volume chiaramente di transizione.. .."2 This was finally

observed in 1997, fotty-seven years later. According to Giuliano Manacorda there were

three phases of Neorealism and Ortese entered into the Neorealist scene during the third

phase which began in 1950 and lasted until about 1955.

Neorealist literature was bom out of the need for not only the intellectuals. but

more imponantly, the non-inteliectuals to give a voice to the social pain they were seeing

around them. Origuially, during the first phases, literanire was written in a direct

journalistic style and not in a fantastic or logical style. By the last phase what remained

were the sarne themes but al1 the Neorealist writers began to find their own way of

ponraying social problems. The recurrent themes were: fascism, the war, post-war

effects, the Liberation, the struggles of south and of the lower social classes. Language

was also important because what was not used was an acadernic one, but a popular one.

The purpose of this is clear because Neorealist literature was wrinen in order to reach the

masses and not for the acadernic elite. "L'unita' di intenzione piu' che l'unita' di risultato

e' cio' che definisce il neorealismo, e questa i n t e ~ o n fu...


e dichianitamente pratica ma da

assolversi in sede letteraria e artiaica."' According to Manacorda, what defines the

Neorealist period is the unity of intention rather than the unity of results. As we shail find

in chapter three, the lack of unity of results and the redundancy of the themes of

Neorealisrn wili define the end of this penod.


Unfortwiately, at the publication of L Ynfmta seplm critics were very dent.

M e r the attention received for Angelici dolori it was not until the publication of If mare

non b u p Napoli that Ortese received a much broader range of consideration fiom critics

and the general public. ûrtese's Neorealistic portrayal of society was officially

recognized with one of her most famous books entitled II mure non k p a N q d i (1953).

"Comunque la critica cosiddetta ufficiale, O almmo la rnaggior parte di questa, parla

subito di opera <<neoredista>>; in effetti questo particolare genere letterario e

cinematografico...stava attraversando, proprio in que@ anni, il periodo di massirno

succes~o".~This was a book that was categorized by critics as Neorealistic in style

because of the cnide portrayal of life as it was in Naples after the second world war? The

distinction of Ifmare non bagna NrrpoIi was also noted in cornparison to her two previous

books, Angelici dolori and L 'Infanasepolta, wwhich critics associated with the magical

fantastic. Bom states about Il mare non b a p Nipli:

Abbiamo prima accennato a una attribuzione di questo libro al filone


<cneo-redista», e in effetti dobbiamo subito precisare che rispetto ai due
volumi precedenti c'e' un salto notevole di quaiita' e l'andarnento narrativo
e' molto diverso.
Si &onta cioe' una redta' cruda e tangibile, analkata e descritta sema
mezzi termini, attraverso l'elemento socio-ambientaie che b a h subito in
primo piano... .6

What Bom states is that in II mure non bapm Ncrpoli there is a tangibility to the reality

described by Anna Maria Onese. In her previous books, reality was always a part of a

dream or dispersed within a fable-like story. In opposition to this, the point that will be

made about the stories "Il mare di Napoli" and "Gli Ombra", considering that they appear

in L 'Infmtasepola, is that these were not dream-like and that in fact, they are reaiistic
depictions of the real. This style will continue throughout II nuae non b a p Nipoli and

in S'lem0 a MiIàno.

Si tratta de II nrme non &pN e ,che @a' nella struttura narrativa si


distingue per una forma inusitata, raccogiiendo novefle vere e proprie
insierne ad alcuni «<rqortages-inchiem>> suUa citta' partenopea, formula
che la stessa scrittrice riprendera' in altre sue opere, corne Szlenrio a
~iiuno. '
This chapter will thus f o a s on Ortese's reaiistic portrayal of Naples and Milan.

Both of these cities are emblematic in Italian socio-cultural history. Naples has been

known throughout literary and pidonal depictions as the city of beauty, colors and

vivacity. Its people have been known for theu animated expressions and their

theatricality. Ortese, like many Neapolitan authors, chose to represent the irony of Naples

and its people. Rocco Capozzi in his monographic study of Carlo Bernari points out that

Onese is one of many Neapolitan authors that have been inspirecl by the sights and sounds

s . ~Ortese, as well as Bernari, Naples rather than being the city of tounsm
of ~ a ~ l e For

and nostalgie beauty, is the city of rnisery and pain.

The same concept continues with the representation of Milan. This was the city

where many people migrated a e r the war in order to achieve their hopes and drearns.

Milan was known for its socio-economical prosperity, and therefore many southemers

relocated there in hopes of not only gaining hanciai status, but aiso of eliminating class

distinctions. Milan, poïitically associated with sociaiia ideologies, many southemers

identified this city with hope. Ortese, on the other hand, depicted the disillusions of those

hopes. In a mix of jounialistic inquiries and narratives, she interviews, observes and
narrates the many situations where Milan has been the city of fdseness and deception for

many emigrants, rather than the city of opportunjty and hope.

A. "Il rnure di NapoIi " , "Gli Ombra" md II mare non b a p N a p l i : redistic socio-

environmentai ctiticism of Nq,les and Neclpolitans

Appena scesa a Napoli, subito dopo l'arrivo delie truppe alleate ne1 Nord,
mi chiusi in casa e vi feci il mio anno di disperazione.
La casa dava in un vicolo, in altri tempi tranquille e remoto ...ma durante la
guerni...non era pid, a detta degli stessi indigeni, ricono~cibile.~

"Il mare di Napoli" was wdten, according to the story, whm Ortese retumed fiom

Burano (an island near Venice) where she and her family had exaped to, after their house

in Naples was destroyed by bombing. According to Boni, the Ortese family retumed to

Naples in 1945 as soon as the war ended. She noticed that the beauty of the sky and the

sea were ail1 untouched, uniike the people and their attitudes. The war had destroyed the

people of Naples and it was very noticeable by the lack of expression and vivacity that

once distinguished thern.

Il cielo. su in alto, era sempre 10 stesso splendente cielo degli anni buoni; il
mare. ne110 sfondo, sempre il pur0 celeste...ma I'aria del Quartiere, corne
forse tutta la cina', era tembilmente mutata. Il sangue di questa gente, che
non e' stata mai veramente lieta, pareva annento e sconvolto; colpiti in
qualche parte il suo dolce cervello...la grazia del linguaggio perduta,
svanita...ugualmente perduta, sepolta, la gentilezza del gesto, che rendeva
Caro a tutti questo pop010 vivace. La loro stessa vivacita' era divenuta
inquietudine, e una superficiale gaiezza copnva una selvaggia malinconia,
un senso immobile nei cuori di disfacimento, di fine.'O

The sea of Naples is Ortese's way of depicting the reality, the misery, and the

tragedy of the people of Naples. The uony is that the sea of Naples has been the
inspiration of beauty, life and hope for many artists. Now, Ortese is showing that

although the sea is still beautfil and has not b a n affecteci by the socio-economic

problems and the effects of the wars, the poor people, the mie syrnbolic sea of Naples,

have. "1 poven di sperme e di arnbizioni, gli umili di more, i buoni ladri, leetenere

prostitute, le madri selvagge e i bambini pieni di simpatia, ma abbandonati, costituiscono

qui I'autentiq regale popolazione."ll In fact, in rnaking a distinction between the poor

and the rich, she explains that it is the poor people who hve closest to the sea and the nch

who have moved up, figuratively and literally, upon the hills and the countryside.

Da una punta d'altra deila citta', il mare correva corne un paradis0 di


turchino, estraneo al dolore e all'orrore della moltitudine umana, che
viveva miseramente aggruppata sulla sue spiagge... 1 ricchi, aristocratici O
mercanti, sono qui una gente a parte, che vive in case moderne,
arrampicate lungo divine made pei coili, con dolori e gioie, arnbizioni e
speranze che nulla hanno in wmune con quelle dell'esercito dei poveri.'2

What rnakes this story neorealiaic are the themes presented. This aory holds

many thematic similarities with II mure no11bagm NujwIi, which was the book that critics

gave much appraise to for the neoredistic qualities and depictions found within it. Still,

"Il mare di Napoli", remained invisible to many critics even though it was the foundation

to the next book.

Onese dso makes a point of unveiling the superstitious myths and theatrical

mannensms so characteristic of the Neapolitans. In this story she expressed how even the

m o a religious could be indinerent in the faces of those in need and desperate. Her

perception of the church was that it was the cause for the shs and the apathy of the

population because it promised forgiveness and an after-life of salvation, and in the

meantirne, led to the self desmiction of the people. "E la stessa fede cristiana, e le chiese
zeppe di santi indulgenti a tutti i peccati, a tutta la irrefienabiie miseria del sangue,

costituivano wsi' il piu' implacabile document0 della loro henia, deila loro debolezza:

parevano salvezza, ed erano condanna."" in other words, it was the church that set the

example that through pain and misery one shall be rewarded and forgiven in the êfterüfe.

Therefore, rather than promoting self-reliance, independence and growth, the obsessive

belief in the church encouraged apathy and dqendency.

While trying to overcome the homfic mernories the war had lefi behind, the people

would honor and cherish the church, although consciously aware that they were living

sinful lives. Ortese gave an example of a family of five women which, during the day.

gave the illusion of decency and respectability, but then they tumed prostitutes d u ~ the
g

night. Neighbors who had later found out of the deceivingly decent, innocent home by

day, and the whorehouse by Nght, were shocked. "Non era vero, non era vero, non

poteva essere vero. Era una povera vecchia casa, ospitava gente di chiesa."" The author

then continues to tell the story of the husband who tried unavailingly to convince his wife

to prostitute herself ûtherwise he would have to aeal in order to support the family. He

tried convincing his wife that if they loved each other there was nothing wrong with her

proaituting herself

Essi si arnavano, del resto, queao era l'importante. Purtroppo, il denaro


era necessario, senza il denam non si viveva, e quale lavoro era concesso a
un pover'uomo, in questa ciaa', in questi anni, se non rubare?... Lui non
voleva rubare.l5

There was also the story of the old lady who would act out a scene of insanity on

the areets jus so that people could have pity upon her and donate money and food. She
is an example of the histrionic, or theatrid nature so cornmon of the character of

Neapolitans.

A una certa ora del mattho.. . una vecchia gobba.. . appariva urlando alla
sommita' della stradetta e, corne invasa da spiriti rnaligni, rotolava lungo
tutto il selciato, dimenandosi, inveendo, wntorcendosi, guardando alle
hestre con due occhi bianchi di pazza, supplicando con pida ombili...
Baiche' conoscesse il giuoco di quell'ira, la gente correva con una
sorpresa sempre nuova ai balconi... Poi, le corde si strotolavano... sudici
biglietti da dieci lire scendevano... .16

These sinful scenarios were ironically taking place wMe madonnas were being cherished

and omamented with wealth and jewels. This is the hypocricy that Anna Maria Onese

referred to when she captured t h superstitious religious obsession of the Neapolitans.

Those same simen that earned their money dishonestly through the act of prostitution,

theft, or by an insane dramatization, would then offer their dirty money to the madonnas

and the religious figures who were brought through the streets.

Vacillanti, e inebnati, quei peccatori saiivano ,uno per volta, ne, quamo
scalini e, in un gesto rapido, dopo esseni curvati a baciare un lembo della
morbida veste della Sovrana, vi appuntavano, con uno spillo, un bigiietto di
grosso tagho, h t t o deiia loro colpevole anivita'. offerta che doveva
calmare I'angoscia dei loro cuori. e insieme sorreggerli sull'ardua via del
p ~ l7~ t ~ .

Ortese points out in Cotpo celeste that during the period of time, after the second

world wu, when she wrote these stories depicting Naples, including the book II mare ~ o t t

bugta Napoli, she perceived the Neapolitans not as the vichs, but as their own culprits

for being so apathetic.

Alnini dei miei h i piu' lunghi e credo impegnati7 su Napoli mi valser0


I'attenzione dell'ailora presidente della Repubblica, Luigi Einaudi.. .
conclusi... il mi0 terzo libro: II mare non bcrgna Nipoiz, che trattava
appunto della mndizione meridionale dopo la guem, scoperta da1 dopo-
guerra, ma, in realta', proveniente da lontano. Nientemeno (secondo me)
da1 culto della natura, che io attribuivo ai napoletani."
Although in this quote she is making reference to II mare non bagna N u p l i it is an

expianation of "Il mare di Napoli" as well, given their thematic and styüstic sirnilarities.

In other words, in this staternent she explained that the works on the condition of the

south were something that began to be appreciated after the war. In reality it was

something that had much more of a deep-rooted history. Oriese explained that the excuse

of the apathetic, miserable conditions were the effects of the war, but the actual reason

was the very essence of the Neapolitans.lg Bernari also attributed this attitude to his

people of Naples:

Riprendendo da un punto di vista storico... l'autore scruta...le attese, le


false speranze, l'me dell'arrangiarsi, le superstizioni, la teatralita', Io
spirit0 reazîonario, cioe' tutti quei fatton responsabili della condinone di
miseria che ancora oggi aftligge la sua citta' ...con un'arnara ironia, intesa a
srnitizzare la cosiddena tradizione napoletana e a denunciare le
responsabilita' di un pop010 che per cinisrno, passivita', O per servile
tolleranza, ha favorito se non proprio detenninato I'awilimento delle
masse.20

Bernari denounces the Neapolitan tradition of superstition, servile tollerance. theatricality,

and everything that contributes to the rnisery of his people. One of the major criticisms of

ûrtese in the story "Il mare di Napoli" ,and once again in "Gli Ombra", is the obsessive

nature of Neapolitan religious wonhip and superstition. She denounces the fervent

veneration of a church that is far removed from the reaiity of the streets. It was rnentioned

in chapter one that Onese's view of religion is that it is a good thing as far as moral

regeneration is concerneci. The essence of religion, when comectly foiioweû, is to make

each individual a better person, morally and sociologicdy speakhg. Unfortunately, what
Ortese was observing in the streets and deys of Naples were lifestyles of lying, cheating,

prostitution and theft. These are di activities that the church is against. Yet, the sarne

people that were endurhg these sins were then venera~gthe madonnas and making

monetary contributions to them. In a d t y what she saw was a never ending chah of

deceit and sin.

At the time of writing this story, "11mare di Napoli", and the next book II mare

non bugna N q l i she accused the Neapolitans for being so &le and apathetic. She

accused them of not using reason and of being passive. This, she thought, was the reason

why they were blind followers rather than rational thinkers and achievers. Aimost fi@

years iater in Corpo celede (1 997) Ortese reàelined this topic and explained that her

original stance on nature was wrong. It was not the nature of the Neapolitans that made

them passive, but the fact that they lived as nature that hindered their rationale. "Che

ingenuita'. .. Mai piu'. oggi, affennerei che la natura ci faccia del male: solo ho riflettuto

che vivere a livello di natura, come un animale domestico, I'uomo non puo'; e quando

adotta questo sistema - come in parte fu adottato e in parte inculcato a Napoii da una

Chiesa non rifosmata - la sua decadenza e' certa."" The author explained that one of the

problems of the Neapolitans was that they lived like animals domesticated by a non-

refomed church. They acted out of habit. as trained animais do. The problem that Onese

saw was that these people needed to leam a work ethic that would make them better

citizens and therefore better christians. She stated that what was necessq was the

reconstruction of educational buildings and officeswhere people could alter their behavior

by developing a work ethic and thus pave their way to honesty and the essence of God.

"Oggi, molte chiese erano cadute, ma non erano sorte le officine e le scuole, non era
diffus0 alcun principio di quella civilta' del lavoro, s p e r a . della ngenerazione fisica e

spirituale, che e' sala al possesso di ~ i o . "She


~ continues the topic of blind veneration

in the next story discussed, focusing on one particular family that codd be an example of

many families of Naples.

The title, "Gli Ombra", is the symbolic last narne of the family depicted in this next

story. It is a family that is illuarative of many Neapolitan families. Once again Ortese is

unveiling the superstitious myth surrounding Neapolitan religious belief Ombra, means

shadow, thus one can assume that this family is one that exists, but devoid of expression,

is not really alive. They believe that when they die they shall then live and be rewarded.

Suffering and deprivation are sure roads to a successful der-life as the imprisoned girl in

"Jane, il mare" was forced to memorize.

The aunt, Etta Ombra, who lives with her brother Fortunato and his family, 10s

her only son. This event led to her complete religious devotion. Not being able to die

quickly enough in order to join her son in paradise, she filled her surroundings with the

saintly images that she believed heaven would be filled with. Her bedroom ornamented

with worldly pictures of God and of saints fulfilled her notion of paradise.

Le disillusioni e i dolori sopportati, fra cui la morte dell'uniw figlio


deficiente, avevano orientato tutto il suo animo verso, l'Etemo, a cui non
potendo arrivare cos? subito, aveva rimediato, per cosi' dire, con delle
anticipazioni. Nella sua a w ... mille immagini della Madre di Dio. dei
Santi, degli Angeli in tutte le positure, negii attegiamenti piu' diversi, entro
sali regali O seduti tra i piccoli fiori di piccoli giardini... .23

In this family was an eight year old girl, Luciana Ombra, who suffered from an

illness of the hem and was on her death bed. Between convulsions and lapsing into silent
stares into space, the mother would ask her what she saw, as if awaiting some religious

reveiation. Aunt Etta, feeling that she already knew what images would be surrounding

the iittle girl, answered: "Vede tanti angeli. .. vede un bel giardino..." and "Vede un bel

palauo... una signora vestita di rosa..." .24 The father Fottunato then responded that the

only image the young girl was moa likely seeing was that of God, but Luciana simply

reacted: "Niento vedo, papa'. .. Voi mi dite b ~ ~ i e .The


" ~aunt thought the young girl was

obviously delusional at this point because according to her belief it was impossible that she

was seeing nothing. In fact, the aunt concluded that, ". ..E' il del in^".^^ The aunt could

not imagine that there may not be a possibility of an afterlife.

The author's criticism was that this family obsessively venerated religious images

and yet was not concemed with the world they were currently in. In fa*, the title refers to

this situation. They exist as shadows. The need to believe in an afterlife has dominated

their present lives. In other words, they lived only to await their death without realizing

that in fact, they have been dead al1 dong. The problem was that they, especially the aunt,

have not aopped to look outside their own world. This view was continued and talked

about in Corpo celeste as Ortese proclairneci the unjust notion of man's egocentrism and

especially the church's, which she called one of the cultures of deception.

Un arbitno inaudito - favorito finora dalle Chiese e da agni cultura


dell'inganno: che h o m o sia centrale, e supenore in quanto infinitamente
astuto e forte. La centralita' ... e' invece tutta, esclusivarnente,
nell'mmirare e ne1 soccorrere. Perduta questa facolta', Adamo e' una
forma qualsiasi, un nvestimento ... di semplici apparati organici. Non ha
volto. E' meno espressivo di un sasso."

Man should not be so concerned with his centrality or egocentrism, but rather his concern

should be that of admiring bis surroundings and of helping those in need. Otherwise, he is
seen as a body of organs, expressionless as a rock or, as in the story just analyred, solely a

shadow, k e the f d y ûmbra.

As has been mmtioned, both stories, "Ii mare di Napoli" and "Gli Ombra" are

similar in content and style, and are the foundation of the stories found in II mare no)?

b a p NrrpoIz. There is a quote found in "Oro a Forcella", third story in II mare r m r ~

bagua Nclpoi, that describes, once again, the obsessive religious adoration by the

Neapolitans for christian imagery. The first person narrator feh that man has idolized

saintly figures so much that the act of veneration has become a cult that has dehumanized

him. The reason for this is that the figurines and the imagery portrayed in the streets that

the narrator described, are so far removed from reality. It seerns that man has completely

forgotten the significance of religion and dl he did was idolite religious imagery out of

habit and insanity, and not out of tnie faith. While walking through the streets of Naples

the first person narrator noticed the very strong contrast of the religious images posted

everywhere as opposed to the reaiity of the streets.

Faceva contrasta a quena selvaggia dur- dei vicoli la soavita' dei volti
raffiguranti Madome e Bambini, Vergini e Martiri, che apparivano in quasi
tutti i negozi di San Biagio dei Librai, chini su una culla dorata e infiorata e
velata di rnerletti finissirni, di cui non esisteva nella realta' h minima
traccia. Non occorreva molto per capire che qui gli aRetti erano stati un
culto, e proprio per questa ragione erano decaduti in vizio e follia; infine,
una razza svuotata di ogni logica e raziocinio s'ma aggrappata a questo
tumulto inforne di sentimenti, e l'uomo era adesso ombra, debolezza,
nemastenia, rassegnata paura e impudente allegrezaa

The concept of man as a shadow comes up once again, reinforcing the symbolism of "Gli

Ombra" as a famly that depicts the obsessive nature of many Neapolitan familes. The

Neapoütans are just shadows because they are void of any sentiment or logic that would
make them rational. They are fouowers of a religion just because that is what they are

used to, without question or doubt. As we sidl later hd,the sociwnvironmental

cnticism and cornmitment that began in L 'Znfmtaseplta wiii continue in II mare non

bagna N p I i . In fa*, whm asked by Ne10 Ajeiio how II mue non kgm Napoli should

be read, Ortese answered:

Corne un documenta di m a citta' e di una personalita' umana, la mia, che


viveva in uno stato di ansia dolorosa, di angoscia. La Capna ha scritto che
la Napoli da me raccontata lui non l'ha mai vista. Invece c'era. Neiia mia
memoria ha lasciato un solco. Mi t o m in mente una ragazza sema le
gambe. Uomini con i moncherini... Se ho usato toni eccessivi e' percheT
eccessiva era la realta' che vedevo. Ne1 descrivere i Granili non potevo
servinni di altre parole. Dovevo usare matite forti, altrimenti quelle scene
sarebbero scomparse dalla letteratura. E dalla vita, che e' Io stesso. La
vita e' come se non ci fosse. Non lascia segni. La letteratura, quella si che
ne lascia."

She claimed that if she exaggerated certain homfic descriptions of Naples it was because

she did not want the horrors to be forgotten. Lives, she stated, come and go without any

trace. Literature. on the other hand does leave an imprint. This book is thus a

combination of a documentation of a point and time in history, as well as. the emotional

disgua of the author.

In II mare non b a p N a p i i Ortese continued to reveal the critickm that she

made of Neapolitans during this tirne. Many Neapolitan writers felt the need to denounce

the obsessive, passive behaviors of their people. Some of these writers were Bernari, La

Capna, Pnxo. P m a s and Rea. Ortese, iike her contemporaries. felt the same need to

uncover the socio-historical nature of her people. By no means does this dissertation mean

to be a generalization of the mission and thematics of any of these authors, nor is it a


comparitive study. It is just an admission to the fact that Ortese was not the first, but

instead, was one of rnany inspired by the miserable conditions of Naples and the

Neapolitans. She, like the writers mentioned, felt a need to unveil the socio-historical

conditions of her city and of her people. Her focus in II mure was to manifest the rnisery

of the lower social classes of the south. RafFaele Crovi stated: "Anna Maria Ortese, ne Il

mare non bagna NqoZi ci ha mosaito, per rnolte pagine, il pauroso incubo della miseria

del sottoproletariato meridionale con ridondante fiuore iliustrativo.. Therefore, jus

like Ortese had mentioned herse& II mure non bagna Napoli is a documentation

delineating a point in time in the socio-historicai environment of Naples. Of course, the

time is after the Liberation, the people and environments depicted are those in which there

was most suffenng and econornicai misery. Ortese did admit to a redundance and even an

exaggeration, but the purpose of this was to grab the attention of the reader and to lave

an unforgettable impnnt. In fact, her depictions are at times even surredistic. She has

succeeded in leaving an imprint in the reader's memory if we are to consider the fact that

forty one years later after the publication of ll mare non bagna Napoli ((1 953) was once

again re-published in 1994.

II mare non b u p NPpol as has been mentioned, received much critical acclaim.

It won the Premio Viareggio- In the renewed edition there is an introduction by the

author entitled "Il «Mare>> corne spaesamento" clarified her derogatory tone towards

Naples and the Neapolitans. This original harshness is what led to much criticism toward

her by many Neapolitans, some of which were her own fiieads. Not ody was she

disillusioned with the reality that she was seeing in Naples, but she was also disappointed

with the group of intekctuais who abandoned their mission of shattering fàise
idealizations of Naples. in fact, in the 1994 edition there is also attached a new aory "Le

giacchette grigie di Monte di Dio" which was written in order to promote the Gruppo

Sud. This was the group responsible for the contributions to the magazine that Pasquale

Prunas founded in 1945, Sud. He was one of the members of the Neapolitan intellectuaiist

group that Ortese was a pan of soon after the Liberation. Sud consisteci of articles

regarding literahire, art and culture. There were only seven issues. The last one was

published in 1947. M e r so many years of being forced to live under a regime of silence,

this magazine symbolized education' freedom of speech, and fieedom of choice. Some of

the writers in the magazine were: Domenico Rea, Luigi Compagnone, Michele Prisco.

Raffaele La Capria and Anna Maria Ortese. One of the goals of the magazine was not to

represent their environment, but rather to educate through literary translations and

analysis. The group was opposed to the sentimental, traditional portrayals of Naples.

Ortese described this group's perspective in an interview:

Quei miei amici e cornpagni avevano con se' la giovineua, che era gioia.
Per la prima volta queste persoae guardavano Napoli neile sue crepe. Nelle
sue rughe. Nelle sue fosse oscure. E criticavano anche il linguaggio
corrente con il quale la citta' veniva celebrata. Odiavano le canzoni. Ce
l'avevano con il "sentimento" che aleggiava su quella rovina. h o m o a
loro, i borghesi napoletani erano una classe di morti. Non sapevano, non
riflettevano, non distinguevano. Corne mosche che si posano
indifferentemente su un cadavere e su una torta. ..Sud era nato corne
reazione a tutto questo. ~ n ' u t o ~ i a . ~ '

Onese claimed that the reality depicted in If mare non b a p N p I i was inspired by the

ideologies of the group she belonged to. They were against the inmerence of the middle

and high classes of Naples. In b,in the intewiew she described them as fies
indifferently resting on a corpse or a cake. The group was also against superstitious,

reiigious obsession; a theme that she aiready began to undertake in L 'Infm~cr


sepita.

At the onset of the publication of the book in 1953, Il mcae non bapw N q d i

was received with acclamations fkom critics such as Mario de Micheli, who described

Ortese's writing as a unique fonn of narrative.32Michele Prisco also wrote that although

the book is about resignation and suffering it is also about humanity, if one knows how to

interpret it." Giuseppe Bartolucci also praised the author for her sense of reality and her

ability to remove her personal sentiments in order to depict r e a l i t ~ .Of


~ ~course, Ortese

did not only receive praise, she was aiso criticized for being exceedingly r n ~ r b i d .Guido
~~

Botta in 1955 stated that Onese's pomayal of the poor and the sick in such a grotesque

manner was unacceptable. He also explained that the first two aones: "Un paio di

occhiali" and "Intemo familiare" were the nicest ones within this ugly book.36 Many were

shocked with her last story of the collection "11 silenzio della ragione" where Ortese tore

apan her assemblage of Neapolitan intellectuals. RafFaele Crovi made an interesting point

of this and stated that this last story is the interpretative key to the entire book. The story

is an hiaoncal explication of ideological and mordistic dilemmas of the Meridione

Whereas the other stories such as: "La &a' involontaria" and "Oro a Forcella" are

accused of being highiy exaggerated, "Silenzio della ragione", according to Crovi is the

most realistic of them d l .

In ~ ~ S i l e n zdella
i o ragion-, invece, protagonisti deUe paure, deiie
ossessioni, degii episodi di conformisrno, insomma delia vita, sono gli
uominî, la loro intelligenza, che finaimente si presenta...corne elemento al di
fuon del quale non esiste altro che realta' alien~ita.~'
Ortese's tone was harsh as she depicted these cornpanions that once shared the same goal.

Nevertheles, it is this cutting and direct tone that gives the story the realistic crediiility

that it does.

In 1992, Alba della Fazia Amoia, wrote about the inf'mous n e Bay JS Not NqIes.

(the English translation of Il mare) stating that Ortese's harsh cnticism of Naples was

aaually a much broader criticism against the whole cornplacent Italian society.

7he Bay is Noi Nipies, a redistic and autobiographical chronicle of


Ortese's expenences, made its rnidcentwy readers uncornfortable. Her
drastic message disturbed Italian complacency, for it reads iike an
accusation leveled against an entire social system that had permined the
total degradation of an unfortunate, pockmarked sector of its population.
In the cmdest of terms, Ortese plots the trajectory of Naples's absurd and
headlong fall, while the rest of Italian hypocritical society looks on
indifferently. Her descriptions of the devastated city, steeped in squalor
and age-old ills, demonstrated that the generai socio-economic progress
made during the 1950%had never reached the ~ 0 ~ 1 t h . ~ '

She went on to say that although Ortese7sII mare non b a g Napoli


~ provoked feelings of

pity and contempt, it also recognized that the exaggerated sentirnentalism and religious

credences were also culprits of the Neapolitan acceptance of their misery. The

Neapolitans' misery triumphed because of their refusal to rebel and rationalize their

situations. What is interesthg about the point made by della Fazia Arnoia is the fact that

Ortese willingiy or unwillingly made a contribution to Italian socio-economic

documentation by depicting Naples as it was, although exaggerated at tirnes, while the

northem part of Italy in the 1950's was beginning to see the light of economic

embetterment. &fiedo Fofi in 1994 stated the same thing expressing about Ortese:

"...ellae' tra i pochissmi grandi scrîtton italiani ad aver saputo praticare, volente O

nolente, a livello altissimo, la professione del giomaiista, dell'imiato; ha saputo raccontare


1' Italia del suo tempo...corne pochi altri nostri scrittori e pochissimi giomalisti."3gFinally,

Sharon Wood summarized best this phase of Realism that ûrtese shared with many of her

contemporaries. Wood explained that Realism was only one side of the many that ûrtese

brought forth in her writings. In fact as we s h d later find, in chapter tbree, Ortese

progressecl to more of a fantastic style that was different from that of her eadier works.

Wood clarified:

7kBay is not N q i e s was d t t e n at the height of the Neorealist literary


movement, and shared the avant-garde urge to moral as well as urban
renewal. 'Realism', however, is just one side of Ortese's extraordinary
output, and is a term which she gradually contests as her fictions come
closer to fairy-tale and fable...she abhors what is l o s with rapidly growing
consumerism: her texts consistently, ifobliquely, reject the headiong rush
to the technological progrew and advanced industriakation as the path to
the greatea happiness for all."

As one can see, II mare non b a p Napoii received either acclamation or

disapproval by many critics in 1953. Whether the book had lefi a positive or negative

impression, almost al1 of them had only positive things to say about the first story "Un

paio di occhidi". As Luca Clerici mentioned, Ortese had a way of portraying an evolution

within a group of books or within onee4'II mare non bagna N q i i happens to be an

example of an evolution within itself The author began with a story that fiames the book.

The nory is a depiction of the perspective of a naive, myopic young girl, who may be a

pardlel of the author-child, or ofjust the concept of innocence being shattered by its

impact with reality. "Interno familiare", the following story focused on the perspective of

a forty year old woman. Then, in a detached, journalistic manner, the first person namator

depicted the socioaivironrnent of post-war Naples in "Oro a Forcelia", "1 Granili" and

the infamous "Il silenzio della ragione". Therefore, Il mme non kgnu Napoli begins with
the perspective of a child's devastated shattered illusions and fiom this progressed to an

adult one filied with disgust and anger.

The first aoty of Il mure is one that has beai appreciated by both readers and

critics. As was stated, "Un paio di occhiali" is the story of a young myopic girl named

Eugenia. Her faMly lived in squallor in a Neapolitan ghetto, but because she wuld not

see she beiieved that there was ody beauty surroundhg her. Her aunt, who was single

and Iived with Eugenia's family, decided to use her savings in order to buy her a pair of

glasses. So they set out one day to the comercialized, upper-class section of Naples to the

eyeglass store. There, Eugenia tned on a pair of glasses and looked around and outside

the store she saw beauty, elegance, wealth, and cleanliness. She thought to herself that

that was how she envisioned everything anyway. The aunt ordered the glasses and paid

for them and they were notified that the glasses would be arriving within eight days. In

the meantirne, Eugenia went back to her squallor but of course was never aware of the

incredible diflerence between where she lived and what she saw outside the store.

Eugenia was so naive that she believed that the Marchesa, the owner of the building, a

fallen member of the elite, was one of the kindest, most religious of people. One day, the

Marchesa called Eugenia up to her apamnent and when she arrived the Marchesa told her

that she had a present for her. Eugenia was so excited at the "sight" of the gif?. The

Marchesa had given her an old dress filled with holes and dirty, but Eugenia thought it was

new and beautifid based on what her limited vision ailowed her to see.

The culminating point of the aory cornes when the glasses finally arrive and

everyone in the neighborhood, including the Marchesa waited around Eugenia as she put

them on. What Eugenia saw through them was total devastation. She saw bnitality, filth,
squallor, deforrnity, unsightliness, and even the dress that the Marchesa had given her.

Now she noticed that it was ragged, wom, and dirty. Eugenia was suddenly overcome

with nausea and disgust and could not stand up straight. Everyone was now womed that

the aunt had just wasted her money since the glasses were making Eugenia so si&. No

one, on the other hand, seemed to be concerned with Eugenia's impact with brutal reality.

In Il mare non bagna N p h , what al1 the stones have in comrnon is the

victimization of the weaker and the poorer. In this case, the people depicted are al1

victims of Naples. Rita Wilson expiaineci:

Ed e' in questa raccolta che si nova il racconto, "Un paio di occhidi", in


cui la fanciulletta miope scopre I'orrendo squdore del mondo in cui vive
attraverso un regalo appunto di un paio di occhiali; un racconto che
potrebbe essere la metafora profonda dell'originalissimo modo di nmare
ortesiano. Il suo e' un occhio smarrito sull'infinito dolore del mondo, un
occhio in cui stagna 10 stupore ompilato di un sentire remoto, infantile e
imocente, insieme con i trasalimenti angosciosi di un intelietto che ha
scoperto il volto fieddo della ~erita'.'~

Wilson suggested that this stoiy of a young rnyopic girl is a profound metaphor of

Onese's own vision of the world. Ortese, according to Wilson, still maintains an eye of

child-like stupor of the world while her intellect has already discovered the cold truth of

reality .

Claudio Varese mentioned that the aory "Un paio di occhiali" represented a wide

variety of issues." Many of the issues mentioned in the aory are also the ones that the

Gmppo Sud was focused on. The glasses syrnbolized hope for the young girl, just as the

group symbolized hope for the author. Ortese rnakes a point of depicting the rich Naples

completely unaffected by the poor Naples. She dso contrasts that with the hopeless part

of Naples untouched by the sea, hence the title of the collection. In fact, when Eugenia
went to the eyeglass store, she tried on a pair of glasses. As she looked out ont0 the

street what she saw was:

Sul rnarciapiede passavano...tante persone ben vestite: signore con abiti di


seta e visi incipriati, giovanotti coi capelli lungh e il pullover colorato,
vecchietti con la barba bianca e le mani...appoggiate su1 bastone dhl porno
d'argenta; e, in meao aiia -da, certe beUe automobili che sembravano
giocattoli...tutti luccicante...c'cran0 negozi bellissimi, con le vetrine come
specchi, piene di roba fina... Una meravigha?

Purposely descnbing the beautifid sections or neighborhoods of Naples Ortese then moved

on to describe the homfic reaiity of where Eugenia lived. This is almoa a criticism

towards al1 those writers that depicted Naples as the pichireque beauty of the

Meditemean neglecting to talk about the contrasting poverty, ignorance and its peoples'

superaitious obsessions. Unfomuuitely, Eugenia, as well as the touria or deluded reader,

is now under the illusion that the world is beautfil and elegam just as she had seen it

when she had tried on the glasses. The contrast of these two perspectives occurred when

eight days later Eugenia received her glasses and put them on for the fim time within her

own socio-environment.

Eugenia, sempre tenendosi gli occhiali con le mani, ando' fino al portone,
per guardare fuori, ne1 vicolo della Cupa. Le gambe le tremavano, le
girava la testa, e non provava piu' nessuna gioia. Con le labbra bianche
voleva somdere, ma quel somso si mutava in una smorfla ebete.
Improwisamente i balconi cominciarono a diventare tanti, duemila,
centornila; i carretti con la verdura le precipitavano addosso; le voci che
nempivano l'aria, i richiami, frustate, le colpivano la testa come se fosse
malata... Corne un imbuto viscido il cortile, con la punta verso il cielo e i
muri lebbrosi fini di miserabili balconi; gli archi dei temuiei, neri, coi lurni
brillanti a cerchio intorno dl' Addolorata...le foglie di cavolo, i pem di
carta, i rifiuti, e, in meno al cortile, quel gmppo di cenciosi e deformi, coi
visi butterati dalla miseria e dalla rassegnazione... .45

What Eugenia saw was filth, deformities and poverty. The street that she had previously

seen had cars, this one had horse wagons. The buildings that she had seen before were
clan and sparkiing, here they were black and had rnildew. The people were elegantly

dressed and here they were described as shabby and ragged. In al1 of this rnisery, the only

lights she distinguished were the ones adoniing Our Lady of Sorrows. What is interesting

is that no religious reference had been made during her observation of the higher class

In "Un paio di occhiali" are mentioned issues that the author began to emphasize in

L 'Infmttasepofta. Varese explained:

il racconto Wnpaio di occhiaii raccoglie in brevi pagine tutto un mondo:


per una barnbina rniope, tanto da essere quasi cieca, in un barso miserabile,
questo paio di occhiali diventa il shbolo di tutte le speranze della vita: il
comprarli e il non comprarli, il significato che ha la misena per chi ne e'
hori; il disprezzo delle ncche signore per la bambina miope che si crea una
personalita' con quella sua disgraria, la compassione e il dolore, la vita,
non solo di quel basso e di quelia bambina, ma di tutta la strada e di tutta
Napoli, sono disegnati con linea precisa nelle irnmagini e nei sirnboli?'

The point that Varese makes about Eugenia forming her personality as a direct effect of

her environment also reinfiorces Ortese's explanation as to why her descriptions of Il mure

nori bapa Napoli were so exaggerated and horrifie. She wrote from her own view point

of Naples which was that of devastation and horror. In the introduction of the

dissertation*was mentioned that for a period of time foilowing the second world war, the

Ortese family lived in devastating surroundings such as those that disgusted Eugenia.

Therefore, understandably, Ortese's pomayal of the poor and the misery is not only one

which had been influenced by a group of intellemals. but also one that was influenced by

what she knew bea, whch was poverty and misery.


The next story, "Interno fadare", was one that critics also approved of Cntics

such as Varese and Boni, describecl it as solely a psychologicai analyska It is a story

recounted in the third person. Anastasia, the protagonist, was on the verge of forty, from

a middle class family. She is a symbol of the stagnant dependence characteriitic bf al1 of

Naples. What most of the critics have failed to see is the socio-environmental symbolism

of this story. Varese, however, did briefiy mention that the pain endured by Anastasia is a

symbol of the pain and resignation of the entire Neapolitan race: "...ildolore di Anastasia,

condannata a restare nubile e a lavorare, diventa il dolore e la rassegmzione di una razza

abituata a non vedere ormai e a non volere piu' nessun ~ambiamento.'*~

Anastasia Finkio was a single?successfûl woman who had supported her farnily

since her father had passed away. Her life is descnbed as very monotonous until one day,

a long loa love fiom her childhood, Antonio, came back to town. Antonio's presence

began to bnng back feelings of hope that had been dormant for many years in Anastasia.

He is aiso a metaphor of hope for al1 of Naples, if, as was mentioned, Anastasia is the

representation of the resignation of a race not used to wanting or seeing change.

Ironically, Anastasia's sorrow culminated on the day of Christmas, a day which is symbolic

of re-birth and hope. In fact, as she looked at her surroundings she thought:

...andava pensando come sarebbe stata la sua esistenza da qui a vent'anni.


Si vide ancora in questa casa (non vide il proprio viso)... Tutto sarebbe
stato come oggi, in quel Natale fka vent'anni. Solo le figure, uunbiate. Ma
che differenta c'era? Si chiamavano aoccra Anna, Eduardo, PetriUo,
avevano le stesse facce fkedde, prive di vita e di gioia. Erano gli aessi,
anche se in realta' erano cambiati. La vita, nella loro razza, non produceva
che questo: un rumore fi oc^.'^

Anastasia thought about what We would be Wre in twenty years. She saw herself in the

same house, although she could not envision her own face. This was possily because her
personal case was a syrnbol of many others in Naples. She thought that within twenty

years the figures would change but there wodd d


i be the Annas, Eduardos, and Petrilios
with their typical cold faces deprived of life and happiness. With this statement Ortese

addressed the sociological problem that affecteci most of the soutb, which was the loss of

hope. The Liberation represented hope for rnany southemers, but it faded ail too soon.

Antonio represented hope for a moment in t h e in Anastasia's monotonous, hopeless life,

just like the Liberation had done for the Neapolitans. According to Sharon Wood:

"Anastasia, like Eugenia, exemplifies the condition of the whole Neapolitan people,

condemned to unchanging resignation, whose momentary rebellions are swiftly

e~li~sed."~~

Appropriately, the next story is entitled "La citta' involontaria", The imuhtary

ciw, in other words, the city of passive people. In this story Ortese describeci an edifice,

cded I Grmilz, of three floors. It was used for those who had lost their homes and was

supposed to be a temporary housing project. Unfomnately, for some it was, and would

rernain, their entombment.

Perche' il ID e IV Granili non e' solo cio' che si puo' chiamare una
temporanea sisternazione di senzatetto, ma piuttosto la dimostrazione, in
termini c l i c i e giuridici, della caduta di una razza. Secondo la piu'
discreta delle deduzioni, solo una cornpagine umana profondamente malata
potrebbe tollerare, corne Napoli toîlera, sema turbarsi, la putrefazione di
un suo membro, che' questo, e non altro, e' il segno sotto il quale vive e
germina I'istituzione dei ~ranili.'~

The author criticized the people of Naples as passive for choosing their own circumstances

and, in a sense, blarned them for not being fighten. As is explaineci in the quote, I GraniZi

was the proof of a f d and deterioration of a race, meaning the Neapolitans. The main
reason for this is the wune reason why Anastasia looked so~~owfÙIly
into the future. There

was a complete loss of hope and this led to the devastation of a race. The Liberation

promised hope and a more equal society and instead many people could not disassociate

themselves from their class distinction, their poverty and their miseries. These are the

types of people that Ortese harshly portrayed. In fact, this was an aspect that provoked a

lot of criticism. She was accused of an impersonal portrayal of homfic environments that

according to some, like La Capria, did not even exist in ~aples." But in Ortese's

statement to Ajello in 1994, she expressed that she did see the misery and if she wrote

about it harshiy it was because she wanted to leave an unforgettable Claudio

Varese expressed that this story, "La citta' involontaria" not ody described the rnisery of

thousands of Neapolitans after the war, but was also a moral analysis, journalistic

reportage, and an historical and political essay. He stated:

Lu Ciira ' invoIontaria, descnve la disperata rniseria dei Granili, la


disumana situazione di migliaia di napoletani costretti a vivere in Cinque O
in otto per starnbugio. E' un analisi morale, un reportage giomalistico. un
saggio aonco e politico: eppure, e7insieme un'opera letteraria; ...perche7
la notizia di questi orrori che il saggista, 10 scrittore ci da' con tanta
esattezza, e' pervasa da uno sdegno morale e civile, da un sentiment0
insomma, che a un certo punto diventa commozione liri~a.~'

The story was wrinen in the first person and presented as a journalistic research.

The first person narrator looked for a woman named Antonia Lo Savio. This name was

given to the narrator-joumalist by a doctor De Luca. Lo Savio was a woman who decided

to dedicate herselfto helping out in the emergency room of the building. She was a

resident of the first fioor and this sense of philanthropy was not characteristic of those
residing on the lower levels of 1GtmiIi. In fact, the author noticed that there was

sornething that disthguished Lo Savio from everyone else in the lower levels.

Guardavo la Lo Savio, e ne ritraevo continuamente gli occhi... AUa luce


delle poche lampade, la vedevo megho: regina deila casa dei morti,
schiacciata nella figura, ngonfia, orrenda, parto, a sua volta, di creanire
profondamente tarate, rimaneva pero', in lei, qualcosa di regale: la
sicurezza con cui si muoveva e parlava, e un'altra cosa, anche, un lampo
vivissimo in fondo agli occhietti di topo ... Dietro quella deplorevole fionte
esistevano delle speranze.s6

What the observer noticed was a spark that emanated from Lo Savio's eyes. The spark

signified that this woman believed and had many hopes. This was the crucial aspect that

sets Lo Savio apart from the others on her same first floor, she continued to hold on to

hope just like the people on the second and third floors. Lo Savio was the joumalist's

guide throughout the building and as she brought the author through the ground and first

floors, the images became more and more gruesome.57 "Tutto il temineo, e il primo

piano a cui risalirnrno, erano in queste condirioni di inerzia sconsolata. Non si aspettava

nulla, e ne~suno."~~
Ortese continued portraying such images as: "Eravamo al pianoterra,

e I'oscurita' e il s i l e ~ erano
o leggermente piu' foni che al primo.. . C'era in questa

stanza...un odore persistente di f d , raccolti in vasi nascosti, 10 stesso che riscoprimmo in

; ". ..c'erano delle croste di pane, e in mevo a queste,


quasi tutti queai 10cali."~~

muovendosi appena...tre lungh topi di chiavica rodevano il pane. La voce della doma era

cosi' normale, ne1 suo stanco schifo, e la scena cosi' tranquilla...che ebbi I'impressione di

stare sognando... .'aThese are the images that Giancarlo Bom referred to when he

aated that there was no sense of distinction between man and animai in this story6' The

images depicted are those of man living like nature, passively, as an insect or an animal,

without hope, without a vision, without a dream for the fùture; in other words, without
the characteristics that distinguish man fiom nature. This was Ortese's onguial criticism:

people could not live passively, Wre nature. There was nothing that set these people apart

as human beings because there was no hope, and ifthere was no hope, inevitably, there

was death, even if just metaphoridy.

Interestingly enough, there was aiso a class distinction within I Graniii represented

by three different floors. The people that populated this edifice were separated by social

class by having the worst on the ground and S m floon and the more well-off and hopefbl

people on the second and third floon. Giancarlo Borri noted:

Ma la cosa piu' sorprendente e' che anche in questo estrerno squallore


finisce per emergere via via una sia pur rudimentaie forma di gerarchia:
risalendo ùifatti da1 livello delia strada, dove massirna e' la miseria, al
secondo e ancor di piu' al teno piano, si scopre un lieve ma continu0
«progressa»... per dimostrare la doviziosa superiorita' dei fortunati
proprietari !62

Ortese, in fact, characterized the people on the second and third floor as having a work

ethic and a sense of pride by doing such simple acts as sending their children to school and

taking care of their living quaners. There was an apparent feling of life as they walked

up to the upper levels.

Al secondo e teno piano...la vita assumeva invece un aspetto urnano,


riprendeva un ntmo che poteva assornigliare in qualche modo a quel10 di
una normale cina'. Le donne, la mattina, rifacevano i id, spazzavano.
spolveravano, pettinavano se stesse e i bambhi, molti dei quali erano
awiati, con veri grembiulini neri e cravatte m e , a ma scuola di suore."

The first person narrator noticed that life on the upper levels resembled Me in a normal

city. These people lived with an essence of hope and prosperity which gave them the

reasons to look forward.


The people on the ground and fint floors, on the other han& lived iike k c t s , did

not take care of their living areas, nor of their childmi. "Gli uomini che vi vengono

inconno non possono farvi nessun male: larve di una vita in a i esistettero il vento e il

sole, di questi beni non serbano quasi ncordo. Strisciano O si arrampicano o-vadllano,

ecco il loro modo di muoversi. Parlano molto poco, non sono piu' napoletani, ne'

nessun'altra cosa."" The observer described these people as lami, sheils that used to be

human. in fact, not only are they not human anymore, but nor are they Neapolitans. Now

they are unrecognizable, they do not have an identity, they are only similar to insects. In

fact, this could very wel! be the reason why she makes no distinction between the animals,

inseas, men and children in this story. As Borri aiso wrote: "E' ben dacile evitare un

senso di disgusto nell'entrare in quell'arnmasso di sudicime, lordura e fetore che sovrasta

e caratterka il succedersi dei tuguri; uornini, barnbini, insetti e topi convivono entro una

quieta e rassegnata ~iis~erazione."~~

The sun and light also played a symbolic role in the representation of hope and

prospenty. In the previous paragraph the observer mentioned that at one time the sun and

the wind used to exist within the men now residing in the lower lwels. Elements that thqr

now barely remember. Of course, hope, an aspect of lTe, just as the sun, did not exist in

the lower levels. What took the place of the sun on the ground and first floors a were

larnps. What the author called the lower levels of l GrmiIi was: "...questo paese della

notte..." and later, "La Lo Savio mi condusse di porta in porta per tutto il pianoterra e il

primo piano... e mi resi conto che laggiu' non soprawiveva nessuna possibilita' di

emozione. C'era buio, e nient'al~ro."~~


It was night, domuuit and passive. The darkness

was symbotic of lack of intellect as weil as lack of We, in other words, dath.
The sun, however, was visible and shined within the second and third floors. As

Lo Savio and the journalist made theV way up the stairs in order to look at the upper

levels, the author explains what they saw. "Mentre salivarno quassu', godendo di una

certa luce del giorno che corninciava a piovere dalla d a . . .Quici si vedeva nitidamente...

e al terzo era addirittura uno sfolgorio...Y6' In fact, as the joumaiist found herself in the

upper level, she described her sentiment wtiich was that of relief of having once again

revisited humanity and life. "Eravamo, O almeno 10 ero io, in que10 stato d'animo tra

I'angoscia e la consolaione di chi, uscito da una casa di pena, ritrova la luce, l'aria, e in

quaiche modo la dolce liberta' umana, un certo livello di vita..."."

The depiction of children is also another important syrnbol of hope, or lack

thereof Children symbolize the future and there is a clea.distinction between the children

inhabitating the lower levels as opposed to those living in the second and third floors.

Ortese seemed to be comrnunicating that with the children, the corruption and

degeneration shall continue, and thus the continued f d of the race. In fact, speaking of

the children of the lower levels, the journalist observed:

Questa infmzia, non aveva d'infbtile che gii anni. Pel resto, erano piccoli
uomini e donne, gia' a conoscema di tutto, il principio corne la fine delle
cose, gia' consunti dai vizi, dall'ozio, daiia miseria piu' insostenibile, malati
ne1 corpo e stravolti nell'animo, con somsi corrotti e ebeti, fùrbi e desolati
neflo stesso tempo."

Children were supposeci to be symbols of hope, but her description of these children was

that they were already small men and women. They have loa their innocence and any

sense of hope or illusion. They are like Eugenia with her glasses on. Ifone is to think that

children are the fiiture, then such a description of the fiiture ofNaples is quite desolate and

unsaivageable. These children, rather than symbolizing hope, instead continued in the
footsteps of their parents, without an intelIectual or a moral education. They represented

cornplete resignation.

When the journalist then observed the children on the second and third floors, the

view was quite different: "...fùmmo raggiunte da un gruppo di ragazzi e bambine in

grembiule nero, con fiocchetti e cartelle, che tomavano daila scu01a."~~The ciifference of

this description is that these are defined as children. They were also illustrated with their

school uniforms which put emphasis on the importance of education. Education was also

syrnbolic of regeneration and of hope.

Ortese's criticism and lack of mercy is show as she conveys her disappointment

with the group of intellectuals that she was a part of The last story of the Grst edition of

the book is "Il silenzio della ragione". This story was also written in a journalistic fashion

under the title: T o s a famo i giovani scrittori di Napoli" (What are the young writers of

Naples doing). The group discussed in this aory is the one that since the onset of the

Liberation worked in order to establish a better quality of life for al1 of Naples. We would

have to agree withvarese who points out that "Il silenzio della ragione", the aory which

concludes the book. is one which explains the entire perspective of it. This story is a

representation of a loss of hope. It is indeed a story told fiom a perspective of bitter

resignaton which also has a hiaorical value:

In queste pagine la scrittrice rievoca, pardandola dal punto di vista


doloroso e amaro del 1953.. . la febbre illuministica e romarnica degli
intellemiali napoletani O cornunque viventi a Napoli nei primi anni dopo la
Liberazione, quando c'era tanto fervore e tanta speranza e, I'idea che gli
uomini dovessero e potessero vivere s e m a supqsbioni, s e m a retorica,
sema diuttamenti, pareve una sicurezza nuova e incancellabile. saggio
ha un suo valore storico e molte delle cose qui affermate sono giuste e
defhitive...7 t

the Liberation and yet, there was a definite


Not many years had gone by af&er

disintegration of the ideologies and fewor that the group had begun with. The journdist's

disappointments lied with the fact that they had al Men viaims to society and al1 its

negative forces. They staned to think about individual success and began to conform to

traits such as envy, greed, personal advantages.

As was mentioned, the c h m e r s described in the a o y are Domenico Rea, Luigi

Compagnone, Ranaele La Capria, Pasquale Prunas, Michele Prisco and Vasco Pratolini.

This was the Gnrppo Sud that shared ideologies and wrote in the magazine founded by

Prunas in 1945, cailed Sud of which Ortese was also a part. Mario Ajelio stated that the

magazine was founded on rebellion against silence, and the piauresque, happy

representations of Naples. "Pninas e i suoi, sono il fascismo, erano intellettudi abituati ai

silenzio O ail'espressione ennetica. Ora, nel191taliada nxostmire, scoprono di voler

parlare. Senza inibizioni." and later he continued: "Intanto Pninas e i suoi continuavano la

battaglia contro le cartoline che rafiïguravano il pino di Posillipo e un popolo sempre

somdente che balla tarantelle. Napoli e' un'altra cosa"." The fdl of these ideologies

was what inspired Ortese to depict their wealcnesses as they let themselves f d prey to the

very things they were originally againa.

"U siienzio deiia ragione" instigated a lot of harsh criticism and resentment
especidy fiom the protagonists. This was one of the reasons that forced Ortese to leave

Naples for good. When she wrote the collection II m e non bagna N q l i , she wrote it

from the etemal city of hope, Milan. Varese described this city as: "...Milano, la generosa
f o m di entusiasmo e speranza..."." This could explain why she was so disappointeci to

h d that the sense of collective hope had t m e d into individualistic concem. In an

with Ajeiio he explained that she described the individuals of the group as
inte~ew

defateci, as living dead souls. Ortese responded:

Ne1 Mare non b a p N q I i quei miei amici io fi vedevo soltanto corne


relitti. Sarei diventata un relitto anch'io. Quando usci' quel mio iibro
Compagnone non era un "vinto". Era vitale, intelligente, luminoso. in
piena forma. La sua konfitta consisteva, se& nell'essere napoletano e
ne1 voler parlare di Napoli con leggerezza, con una sorta di accensione
sentimentale. Lui era d'accord0 con Napoli. Io no... ne1 descrivere "dai
vero" i miei amici, pensavo di farli felici. Se mi sbagliai e' perche' io ero
diventata diversa. Loro erano rirnasti a Napoli, io, pur suffiendone molto.
io non potevo t o ~ c i . ' ~

Naples had destroyed their sense of hope and what the group stood for at the beginning of

the Liberation. She thought her realistic pomayal of them would make them happy.

Unfortunately, it did not, and she explained that the reason for this was because they had

remained in Naples. the city that devoured their sense of hope. She, on the other hand,

had moved to Milan, a symbolic city of hope.

B. Milan: the untithesis of hope

Naples and Milan are the two cities represented as contrasts in the social

econornic spectrum. Yet, interestingly enough, Ortese represented these two cities in a

similar way. The sea was characteristic of Naples and the noise was characteristic of

Milan. The book about Naples is entitled Il mare non h p N i p l i and the book

regarding Milan is SiIenzio a Milano. With these two books and the titles chosen, Ortese

completely breaks the chah of acquiesceme and codonnity. Rita Wdson expressecl that

represented were: "Una Napoii senui mare e una hdiiano sema m o r e... .75 Naples was
'7
the city of lost hope, and Milan, which ironicaily was viewed as a symbolic city of hope,

was represented as the antithesis of it. Also, according to Ines Scaramucci, in both of

these books Onese's intent was in dernystifjnng and denouncing conventional beliefs of

both cities: Naples and Milan? Gabnele Casolari poimed out:

Napoii e Milano, i due centri piu' rappresentativi del nord e del sud, due
emblemi cos? contrastanti neUa osservazione della Ortese e in quei suoi
brani dove anche il documentarisrno non scade a foklore conve~onalee
trascorre invece piu' facilmente in Iibera fantasia, sono accomunati da un
clima di angoscia, di definite condiPoni del vivere, disumane, fino a
provocare I'autrice a un greve e a stento contrastato pessimisme suila pena
universale deil'esistere.

Silemio a Milano was first published in 1958, five years fier II mare noil bapa

Napoli, and was once again pubiished in 1986. It is divided into seven chapters and is

also, like her previous work, a combination of journalistic inquiries and narratives. What

is different from the previous collection is the fact that we are not deahg with postwar

thematics anymore. Although what we do see is Ortese's continued concern for the lower

social classes and the victims of this new society moving towards self-desmiction. Guido

Macera explained that Ortese for a long time remained on the edge that separated

joumaiism from literature:

Ancora ne1 '58, con Silenzio a Milmo, quel confine non era stato varcato.
A far da bersaglio gava questa volta la capitale lombarda con la sua
cpulita e disperata atmosfera», con le <<degenerazioni»
del'industrialismo, con i tossici delia febbre edilizia rovinosi agli smiti piu'
deboli della societa'; ma la protesta della scrimice ristagno' al livello degli
urnori e perfino della polemica, piuttosto astratta, da «UitellettuaW>,
mentre la ragione vera dei quamo racconti ma anche dei tre reportages
raccolti ne1 libro risiedeva in un desiderio espressivo e cioe' in quel dolente
intinnsmo ed in quella disposhione a fissare le gxigie atmosfere e gli sbiaditi
volti della fatica del vivere ch'erano stati sperimentati con buoni risdtati ai
tempo di II m u e non bagM ~ q o ï i . "
Unfominately, S i W o a Milano did not receive much critical acclaim when it first

came out in 1958 except for few book reviews. Once again, critics either loved it or hated

it. For example, Paolo Milano wrote that the entire book was nothing but a collection of

journalistic reportages and advised Ortese to abandon her ideologies and stick to an

inventive narrative style? He m u a not have read the narratives because one of the stones

"Lo sgombero", is considered to be one of the moa beautifii1ly witten, according to

~ o m . ' On the other hand, Elemire Zoiia, praised the book stating that just W<eII niare

non b a p Nqoii lefi an imprint on the rnemory, so did Silenzio a Milano.

La vita popolare napoletana, chiusa a d e doppi entro pawenze


d'abbandono e di saggeua, era stata smascherata da Anna Maria Ortese
nei suoi racconti del '53. Certe nvelazioni di quel libro si stamparono nella
memona... Scoperte analoghe la Ortese ci promette nella vita, non
popolare, ma di massa, deUa Milano di questi anni, col suo libro Sihirio a
m il an o.'
Therefore, jus as II mare non bagna Nqoli is to be considered a documentation of the

effects of the Liberation, so is Silenrio a Milmo a documentation of the many disillusions

of people who fell victirns to the illusion of hope that Milan prornised.

Ma si intravedono chiaramente le patrie amare della donna e scrittrice, le


cina' (non solo Napoli e Milano come poli opposti su un unico asse piu'
insistentemente npercorso nelia rivelazione angustiosa d'un vivere
insidiato), le case, le eta' e la cronaca, gli eventi personali O d'ambiente
piu' irnmediato, sullo sfondo di piu' gravi momenti di storia italiana.n

Al1 those that left their homes in the south of Italy in search of their drearns and prospenty

in the northem, industriaiized city, Milan. were then faced with another reality. Their

hopes became their entrapment within a city that would not accept them. They then

became victims of the city for many reasons. In Siiemio a M i h o Ortese clearly depicted
vicths trying to better themselves and their economic status, but who were not accepted

into society. Casolari stated:

Il fatto e' che la Ortese, piu' che ossenme aretamente O esattamente la


realta' - persone e ambienti - legge dentro di se'. neUa fantasia, nella
memona, ne1 sentiment0 presente del passato O dell'assente.. .'L'attitudine
intenore la induce a ben definite scelte dei soggetti: sono in genere gli umili
O la vita umile, le solitudini, il perduto, i morti, i ragazzetti Selici O giovani
sema lavoro. Di costoro non m a rappresentare a forte contrasta le
tragedie, ma Io stato successive, la condizione squallida del dopo,
rassegnata, ineluttabile rilevandola da un moment0 qualunque, quasi che si
ciascuno e su tutti i momenti graviti la ~ i t a . ' ~

According to Wilson one of the most important aspects of Ortese's thematics is her

genuine dedication to the problems regarding social justice. She stated:

Uno degii aspetti piu' importanti delle sue tematiche e' la genuina e
convinta partecipazione della Onese ai problerni della collettivita' ("la
giustizia sociale, l'equa distribuione dei beni, il miglioramento delle
wndizioni delle classi piu' povere ed emarginate") ma rua0 cio' deve
essere insento ne1 contesto di un particolare periodo, cioe' quello dei dopo-
liberazione, un periodo in cui I'aspetto politico ha coinciso con quello piu'
vasto di tipo emotivo ed esistenziale."

Wilson explained that both, II mare non b a p Ncrpoii and Silenrio a Milmo were books

that could be structured within a political t i m e - h e . They were both inspired by

different emotions but with similar thematics. Ortese tended to focus on the victims of

society who were either victims of ideologies and hopes, or victims of conformity (like the

intellectualist group fiom Napies). These two books were her documentations of post-

war disappointments and disillusions that not only affectesi the author, but rnany Italians

&er the initial fervor of the Liberation had died dom. It is within this wntext that both

books were written.


In the first story, "Una notte neila stazione", Ortese delineated lifé during the night

in a train station in Milan. The style used is that of a jounialistic inquky. The fmt penon

narrator is a joumalist ammpanied by a photographer. Together they have a series of

encounters with various representatives of humanity which have been rejected by the city.

The reason why Milan was chosen was because it was considered "...la capitale del lavoro

italiano Because Milan was the capital of work, it was ofken mistaken for

symbolizing hope and prosperity. Unfortunately, many people reaiized that there was no

room for them in the city and so they were slowly pushed out.

The train station represents a city within the city, or the hem that connects al1 of

Milan. It is a setting within an edifice just like "La citta' involontaria" fiom Il more non

bagna N q o l i . Ines Scaramucci explained that "Una notte nelia stazione" has many

parallelisms with the aory "La citta' involontaria". This is in accordance with what

Elemire Zola had said in 1958 that there is indeed a similarity between the two books.M

Of course, this is an entirely different type of building, but in a sense, jua as in I Grandi

were represented the miseries of Naples, in the train station are represented the victims of

Milan. Ortese described the train station as:

...una specie di montagna degii onon inutili, di altare della decadenza, di


faro della cecita'. Guardandola si ha I'impressione di toccare il polso alla
vita modema, all'uorno preso ne1 girone della civilta' industriale, che
restituira' d a fine, dopo trent'anni, un automa O un rottame."

The building of 1 Graniii was described sirnilady as:

L'aspetto, per chi Io scorga improwisamente, scendendo da uno dei piccoli


tram...e' quello di una collina O una calva di monta- invasa dalle temiiti,
che la percorrono sema alcun rumore ne' segao che denunci uw scopo
particolare."
They are both portrayed as mountains of death and horror. Bom also notes a similarity

between the two books and states that both are based on socio-econornic inquiries."

What needs to be emphasized is that Chtese is not interested in depicting those who have

successfuly bem absorbed by Milan, but rather that stratum of society that is never quite

accepted anywhere, and moa tragic of ail, unaccepted by Milan, the eternal city of hope.

Ines Scaramucci noted:

UM notte neila stazione centrale di Milano, con tutto l'anonimo


sottomondo che brulica nei suoi meandri...non risuitano meno aliucinanti di
certi scorci di La citta ' i~tvofon~aria. E' 10 stesso mondo di relitti, di
emarginati, al1'estremo limite del'urnano e dei subumano, che contrasta in
maniera ahrettanto traumatizzante con la imagine convenzionaie e
ottimistica della metropoli delia tecnica, degh a f f i e del benessere,
ridondante di tutti i miti deUa civilta' delia industria...90

Scararnucci explained that Ortese's focus was once again on the portraya1 of the

emarginated section of the population while contrasting it with the iconic representation of

the city of technology and success. One of the recurrent themes throughout the book is the

victimization of man. People seeking the opportunity to find fortune in an industrial city

such as Milan, have loa themselves in the process. Ortese's argument was that these

people have loa their humanity and have instead becorne the machinery of Milan.

According to Lorenza Farina, Siiemio a Milano was also a criticism aga& the

enslavement of man by the industriai civiiization which destroyed aü that was humanistic

and tumed him into a robot.9' In the moming the people of Milan would wake up to go to

work and at night they retumed home to sleep, aimoa mechanicaiîy.

Geographically, Milan is distant fiom the sea, and yet Onese metaphoncally

portrayed its "sea" by the enormous crowds of factory and industrial operators that

flooded the train station, momhg and night.


Mare grigio, batîevano all'alba contro le rive della capitale lombarda. ne
mordevano la pietra, s'awentavano contro i suoi prodigi di metallo e di
pietra. Ritomvano indieao, corne un mare triste, la sera, si spargevano
ne1 retroterra a nempire coi loro respiri il buio. L'indornani all'alba
riapparivano: questo solo era il mare, il mare umano, il respiro profondo di
Milano.*

In other words, the only We present in Milan was the Mie of indusay and labor. If the sea

is the metaphor of life and hope, one then can see why the sea did not touch the Naples

she described as hopeless, and why this gray sea is the only lifeless sea of Milan. Oriese's

criticism is that people have become dehumanized by the production mentality of industry.

In order to be successfiil in a city like Milan, human characteristics of emotion are

unnecessary. She described the people in the station as:

...interminabili colonne di uornini logorati daii'ansia si muovono


interminabilmente, per un fine che e' soltanto il bene sommo di questo e di
quello. e la costruzione di opere che irnpiegheranno masse sempre piu'
estese di uornini, che con metodi ben calcolati strapperanno all'uorno
comme, ogni giorno piu', fin l'ultima energia, in un gesto ripetuto milioni
di volte, hina una vita, sempre piu' semto e rapido, fino alla e s t i ~ o n e
totale della personalita'. .. osservate... La loro ansieta', Io sguardo fisso, le
labbra serrate, quella interiore immobilita' e stordimento di chi crede di
correre, ma e' soltanto trascinato da qualcosa ch'e' fiori di lui, e che solo
essa Coire....93

The joumalist referred to the people in Milan's train station as not only victims of

the industrial life-style, but also victims of time. In the quote she made reference to the

misconception that these people had of life. The people believed they were rushing to get

to work, which was their life. hstead they overlooked the fact that it was time, and thus

their lives, that was passing them by. They were only struggling to keep up with it. "La

gente non ha nozione del tempo, non sa nulla del suo svanire, non stabilisce wnfionti con

nulla."" In the story "La citta' e' venduta" there is a character, la signora Elisa, who had

los her husband and her son in Germany and had thus decided to move to Milan in the
hope of rediscovering life. The only thing she had found instead, as the author descnbed,

was a job as a nurse, looking &er the il1 during the night and g&g her own rest d u k g

the day. "No, non va ph', nessun orologio va piu', in certe zone della citta'. La notte

succede aila notte, l'invemo all'invemo: e non de' giorno, mai il grande e luminoso

giorno, ne' primavera: ma solo, da fuon, talvolta anivano rumon e luci."'.'

The insane, or mentaüy disturbed are depicted as victims of society because they

are represented as people who are misunderstood by the nom. Ortese did not cal1 them

insane, but described them as different .

Oggi si da' alla parola &verso una dimensione fisica O psichica limitata alla
sfera afkttiva, personale. 1 veri diversi, per rnia esperienza, sono altri. e
sono di sempre: sono i cercatori d'identita', propria e colleniva, e
nazionaie, e d'anima. Coloro che videro il cielo, che mai 10 dimenticarono,
che parlavano ai disopra dell'emozione, dove l'anima e' calma?

The d m e n t are those who are searching for not only their mie identity, but everybody

else's as well. The quote also refers to those who had seen a sky and had never forgotten

it, which brings to mind the author's encounter with RafEaello's painting when she was

Young. She had mentioned that she had always considered the sky depicted in the painting

as more real than any sky she had ever seen.

The heroes of society as far as Ortese is concemed are the ones that do not follow
the nom. They are not ruled by class or by politics. T h 9 are those: "Che non credono, O

credono poco, ai partiti, le classi, i confini, le barriere, le fationi, le armi, le guerre. Che
- 7797 The
ne1 denaro non hanno posto alcuna parte dell'anima, e quindi sono incomprabh.

people that are wnsidered different, who cannot be bought because they choose not to

believe in anythuig that compts man are heroes. However, the people that do instead

choose to live their Lives by the nom are then victims of codorrnity, k e the intellectualist
group of Naples described in "Il silenzio deila ragione". Thus, the people who are

rnisunderstood or difEerent, as Ortese would cal1 them are heroes of society because they

are non-conforming.

The important character that is described in "UM notte nella stazione" is one

which the author introduced as a man whose eyes she would never forget. The reason for

tbis was that in those eyes she saw a memory of the way man once was. In other words

she saw innocence and emotion in them which are characteristics missing from the

industnaiized society. Ortese mentioned the terrns ricordo and rnernorza quite o f h in her

works and especially in Copo celeste. In fact, in the book just named, Ortese stated that

one of the major contnbuting factors for the disintegration of society was the loss of

rnemory. According to Ortese, memory is equivalent to the foundations of man which

should never be forgotten. Forgetting one's roots or foundation was to lose one's

identity.

E questo paese sconosciuto e' esanamente C ~ O 'che stringe da presso il


nostro paese reale: problemi che trascurammo, ora ingigantiti; lingue e
ordini diversi; fiantumazione. Una sensazione di nebbia su tutto: il non
sapere perche' siamo cosi' cambiati, che cosa volevamo prima, che cosa
speravamo; il non n ~ o r d a r e . ~

What she meant by this was that man did not remember the essence of who he was and

what his mission was supposed to be. He has forgotten about everything except his own

greed. This quote is also a reference to the fervent hope that swept over many Italians

&er the Liberation. There was a belief in equality and a better quality of life for ail.

put an end to those hopes. It was ahoa as if


Unfomuiately, t h e and ~e~absorption

people had forgonen what their original mission was after the war. These were the same

issues that she criticized her Neapolitan htellectuaiist fiends of forgetting. 'Z quando da
una cultura, vecchia O nuova, manchi questo senso... della cosa che era primo.. . la d t u r a

non ha vita, corne privata di ossigeno e di attivita' del respira... La cultura non respira,

muore. E con la dtura non respira, e urimediabilmente manca, l'uorn~."~~


Ortese

continued to explain that when a culture is lacking the sense of what was, the culture

ceases to live and inwitably causes the death of man as well.

As was mentioned, Ortese was captivated by the eyes of this man in the train

station in Milan. "Aveva qualcosa, nei grandi occhi neri, per cui non dovevo dimenticarlo

piu': un ricordo e un'ansia COS? assoluti, e su quel ricordo e quell'ansia una disperazione

cosi' fine. una morte tanto educata, che ne sembrava illuminato fino ai capelli." and iater,

". ..neigrandi occhi neri, torbidi e buoni, di rnalato rnentale."lW According to Ortese the

professor had the mernoria in his eyes that she explained as necessary in order to maintain

hope for humanity. In hîs eyes she saw a light just as she had seen in the eyes of Lo Savio

in the story "La citta' involontaria'' fiom If mure non bagna Napoli. The hope and the

memory of humanity were characteristics that distinguished them fkom everyone else.

Unfomnately, in the professor's case, the memory of humanity and the hope of finding it

again in Paris was the determination that drove him to the point of msanity in the eyes of

others. This man wanted to lave for Paris because there, he believed, people still had

concepts of hope and equality.

The professor used the Sun as a symbol of equality and justice and he explained

that in Paris its rays are justly distributed.

Per questo volevo andare a Parigi, capisce. Mi assicurano che lassu'


h o m o e' rispettato, la giustizia viene distribuita con la bottiglia del latte,
ogni mattina Il sole, la sera, e' rosso per la grande stanchezza di aver
illuminato tutti. 1 fiumi servono a lavare indisthamente tutti gli uomini.
V' e' acqua, liberta', gioia. Nessuno, inwntrandolo, distingue il professore
pnvato da un altro uomo.'*'

He also believed that the sun s W g over him would not be the same sun shlliing upon the

fiiture men of tomorrow. It is understood that it was not thé sun that would change. but

the concept of it, that would. In other words, the value that the professor put on the sun

would not hold the same value for a modem man consumed in a financial power stniggle.

The professor has realized that the youth growing up within the environment of indu-

and corruption would not have the capability to remember the goodness in the simple,

humble things in life.

Il mio sole non e' il medesimo che splendera' su questa beila giovinezza
domani, a Roma o a Napoli. E' un sole da venticinque lire... Ma Io trovo
naturale. Perche' io possa spiegare al mio allievo i testi classici, non e'
necessario che io sia felice, stia bene. Tutt'altro. Ocwrre soitanto ch'io
ricordi, e ricordi vivarnente.'O2

The professor continued to say that in order to teach Our children, it will not be enough to

teach them about the classics, but aiso to instill hope.

The photographer told the professor that he did not look well, and suggested that

he go see a doctor. The professor told him that he was in fact ill. He was completely

exhausted and had depleted al1 of his mental energies.

11 diritto, in Itaiia, mette di buonumore, se non e' sconato dalla potenza


economica, ami, il solo vero diritto sta neila potenza economica. Mora, il
pensiero si perde, le parole si ritirano confuse nella gola, e la pauia rimane
il modo piu' compito di esprimersi, per un galantuomo.'03

The professor was weli aware that the only respectable way for a gentleman to express

himself'trutffilly was to ciaim insanity in this day and age. As Lorenza Farina explained:

"E' un uomo che ha paura, che si sente sovrastato da1 mistero dell'esistere, un uomo a cui
non rimane che la pazia come uniw modo di esprimersi, O il silenzio". '" The professor
was disillusioned with the fact that the only rights in society were econornic rights. He has

noticed that in Italy human rights were non-existent ifnot accompanied by wealth and

status. For this reason he seeked refuge in Paris. He added that industry has tumeci man

into ad,giass and cernent because he no longer womed about the bettment of society,

but only of himself

Le strade, i monumenti, le piane, i quartieri nuovi, un po' verdi, i


grattacieli, i palazzi di cristailo, le stesse macchine per la produzione, e la
produzione, gli oggetti di ogni tipo e genere nelle vetrine di via Manzoni:
uomini e donne... sema parola, muti, docili; sena verde, luce, aria;
trasformati in cemento, vetro, acciaio; tradormati in lucidatrici,
figidaires... S e m parola, trasfonnati in cose... Cos'e' un uomo, mi dica,
di fionte all'indu~tria?'~~

There was also a family represented in this train station who, according to the

author, seemed like a typical southern family consisting of parents, two children (a boy

and a girl) and their grandmother. "Si trattava di una farnigliola, evidentemente

mendionale, accampata dietro un tavolino, in disparte."'06 Their physical position of

isolation at the station's cafe' is also syrnbolic of the lack of acceptance. The family had

moved to the north of Italy seeking hope of a better iife. They were completely

disillusioned by what they found. In faa, the little boy. the son, thought he was waiting to

go to Milan but what he did not redire was that the family had already been living here

and now they were moving back home, to the south. "Dice sempre la aessa cosa, dice.

Perche' venimmo di sera, e di casa non e' mai uscito. Del resto, nemmeno io l'ho veduta

bene: dicono ch'e' grande, piena di luci: e' vero?"lo7 The fhther explained that whm they

had originally arriveci in Milan it was during the night and after that the boy never left his

home. Therefore, he said that the boy never saw Milan and neither did he. The father
asked the first person m a t o r , the joumalist, if it was true what they said about Milan

being big and fÙl1 of iights. This is the type of comment that Ortese used in order to

express that the hopefùl vision of Milan was quite different for those not accepted by it.

Just like Ortese portrayeci the horrors behind the illusory beauty of Naples, she porîrayed

the pain of al1 those eschewed fiom the iconic city of hope, Milan.

The fact that industry destroyed the weak is also apparent when the joumalist

asked why the family was moving away from Milan. Their answer was that there was no

need for their occupation anymore as tailors. 'I n o m e' un mestiere che non va piu'

tanto; l'industria e' grande: sarto, signore mio, e malato per giunta: il clima. Ma moglie

non fa che piangere, piange giorno e notte, con gli occhi aperti, la casa e' buia, le lenzuola

ne1 c o d e non asciugano mai, diventano verdi. anche noi diventiarno verdi. Mora dico:

Indusvy had taken fkom the small artisan and instead concentrated on mass
t~miamo."'~~

production, thus leaving no choice to the w& but to feel rejected and unaccepted. The

hope of Milan and al1 that it aood for, failed them.

In the story "1 ragazzi di Arese", the main focus is on the children, the innocent

victims of society. This is also a journalistic portrayai of a segment of society rejected or

victimired by Milan. What makes the story very sad is the fact that the setting happens to

be the day before Christmas.'Og This is traditionally a day in which al1 familes should be

together and instead in Arese there were many children abandoned and forgottm by their

families. Arese is an orphanage in the suburbs of Milan that the author had actually

visited. In fact, in Corpo celeste she described that these types of orphanages were

inevitable in a city like Milan. This was more of a reformatory for the abandoned
adolescent victims of the industrial city. The only thing that distinguishes these children

from any other is their unfortunate circurnstances. As she observed them she noticed:

". ..miparve di vedere questa gioventu' ... nella sua vera luce: erano poveri, e pagavano con
le sbarre la mancanza di una farniglia; non erano cattivi, e 10 diventavano; non erano

stupidi, e precipitavano ogni giorno piu', attraverso l'incuna, in una fonda, disperata

oscurita' mentaie." l 'O

In C o p celeste she remînisced and recounted the reasoning behind many of her

books. She also spoke of some of Milan's abandoned children:

E Milano... tollerava anch'essa piaghe come la speculazione edilizia,


l'ailontanamento graduale degli immigrati non validi, ma vivi, e dei loro
figli, verso quelle periferie distmttive da mi dopo molti anni doveva rifluire
il torrente nero deila inquietudine giovanile, fino alle vere e piu'
organizzate spedizioni del crimine. Tollerava che I'assistenza ai ragazti
poven O abbandonati fosse concepita in forma di depsitro di queste giovani
vite: un deposito - il reformatorio senza decenni ne' apprendimento di
mestiere - che durava anni, dopo di che giovani informi erano gettati come
morti davanti alla societa'. Io vidi con i miei occhi uno di queai depositi di
adolescenti perduti, una sera di Natale; e ne scrissi... . 111

According to Ortese, the children are the insurance of a hopeful society. To destroy their

dreams before they even had a chance to mature was a devastation not only to the children

but to the future in general.

Ma una dele peggiori e' il corrompere, il far morire la fiducia e la speranza.


Queao, oggi, si fa con i giovanissimi, con i bambini stessi... Non sembra
giusto fiunare in luoghi fkquentati, a m i a volte e' proibito dalla legge;
cosi' dovrebbe essere proibito, per legge, vivere pubblicamente una vita e
un'attivita' dannose alla crescita di un minore. La salute mentale non e7
meno importante della salute del corpo, e chi non e' ancora giunto al suo
sviluppo avrebbe diritto a una tutela, anche se di quaiche saaifici0 per la
'
liberta' degli aduiti. l2

But one of the worst things in Me is the m p t i o n and the denial of hope of an

adolescent. ûrtese made an important point aating that soàety had installed laws
safeguarding Our physical health, but lacked those safeguarding our mental health. These

children from Arese were examples of our disintegrathg society and the lack of laws

protecting their belief in life and above dl, hope.

In "La citta' involontaria" ûrtese also made a point of illustrating and cornparhg

the children inhabitating I Grandi representing the children nom the lower levels as

definite examples of a hopeless fùture. They had been abandoned just as these children of

Arese had been. The children in the lower levels of 1Grantli were the ones that Ortese

envisioned as the future deiinquents of society because they had not been taught moral and

instructive education. She felt the same about the children of Arese, stating that the

biggest injustice was ". ..la ingiusta pena, la n e d u d o n e sotto forma di carcere .I I ? The
'T

children of Arese symbolized al1 of the victimized children of the lower socio-econornic

spectmm. As the first person narrator observed them together dunng Christmas Mass she

noticed how each of them symbolized victimized children of the more socio-economically

afflicted regions of ltaly:

Ma allora mi parve di vedere questa gioventu' della Campania, del Lazio,


delle Puglie, della Calabria, dell'Abnuzo e del Veneto e di ogni &a piu'
afnitta regione d'Italia, nella sua vera luce: erano poveri, e pagavano con le
sbarre la mancanza di una farniglia; non erano cattivi, e Io diventavano; non
erano stupidi, e precipitavano ogni giorno piu', attraverso I'incuria, in una
fonda, disperata oscunta' mentale.'14

Another criticism that Ortese made was that many modem parents were not willing

to sacrifice for their children. Sesgratification was the main ingredient contnbuting to the

degeneration of society. When a child grows up with the concept of abandonment and

societal, mentai, and emotionai limitations, he/she would know nothing else.

1 parenti non ne volevano sapere dei r a g e confinati quasi tutti la' dentro
per cornodita' dei genitori. Erano, in genere, ragazzi corne tutti gli altri, un
PO' Mvi, nbeili, soprattutto poveri. La loro educazione, specie il
mantenimento, costava troppo; a volte, quando i genitori conducevano una
vita irregolare, era di fastidio anche la loro presenta.. ..115

The blame is on the parents for not understanding the prionties in giving to their children.

According to Ortese what should be emphasized is the unlimiteci giving of values, love.

knowldge and dety. The problem instead was that rnany parents made up for the lack

of these concepts by giving in material things rather than moralistic teachings and

affections.

Con i minori io non farei complimenti, non h e i mtto, darei ami con mano
stretta, ma gli lascerei intera, a proteggerli, la certezza che la loro vita. e
quella di tutti, sia cosa sacra. impareggiabile. E' questa che serve per
crescere... Non crescere fino a quindici, sedici amii, e poi invecchiare di
colpo... No. Crescere sempre, dawero, anche da vecchi... .116

One of the children was considered mentaily il1 because of his deep understanding

of life. He is like the professor in the previous story, who expressed that in order to

maintain his own beliefs he needed to be considered mentally ill. He is depiaed as very

wise and far beyond his years. The boy "...aveva indagato alla profondita' della vita e

della morte.. .". 'l7 He had contemplated the concepts of life and death and of degradation

and corruption. When asked what the boy's narne was, he asked that the journalist and the

photographer mark it on their address lia: "Vogliono segnarlo... su1 loro taccuino degli

indiriui? E' uno zero circondato da un altro zero, il padre e la madre che hanno dato

origine al nulla.""* He, aware of his nullity, described himselfas a zero surrounded by

another zero, representing his parents who had given birth to nothing. These were very

profound words for a child that was described as rnentally unstable. But of course, the

instability would come fkom the simple recognition of the reality of his conditions. In fact,
in Corpo celeste, Onese explained jua this point of desperation in a chîld that finally

becornes aware of his insignificance in soci*y:

Una d t u r a - giovanile - fatta di slogan, di attegpiamento, di


accomunamento col peggio e col piu' fade; e sempre, imamo, queiia grave
solitudine dell'io, che non si vede portato a niente, che ha orrore di se' e Io
nasconde ne1 vanto. E invecchia, intanto, O si uccide, perche' di colpo ha
capito tutto. Ha capito che non e' piu' niente.Ilg

Ortese aiso criticized self-absorbed mothers for contributing to the comption of

al1 of society: "Oh, se le madri fossero aate eteme corne mentavano. Ma anche le madri

erano attratte dalla morte, prendevano un secondo rnarito, un terzo, un quano, cosi'

cessavano di essere madri, e la matemita' finiva in una morte piu' reale deii7aItramorte: e

la cosa piu' bella del mondo finiva di colpo ne1 luogo dov'era cominciata."" The author

even went so far as to say that she would not want to be bom to a mother of this day and

age: "Io tremo di rabbia quando sento dei bambini perseguitati, abbandonati. Avrei il

terrore di nascere da una donna di oggi, una donna capace di simili delitti: e' un mondo

bnitale, questo."'21 Therefore, the destruction begins at home and continues within

society. Oflese felt the pain of the never ending cycle that these poor children would have

to face once they lefi their homes and came into contact with the harsh, societal realities.

In the aory "Le piramidi di Milano" (The piramids of Milan) the cnticism of mass

production and the annihalation of individuality is continued. The title is refers to the

never ending view of housing buildings that all look identical. They, in a sense, remind the

author of entombments for the living. One of the reasons for this is because they do not

meet the human needs of the people residing in them. For example, if d e r six o'clock in
the aftemoon one of the residents needs help, or ne& a doaor, it would be impossible to

get that person help because the doorperson in charge would be gone by that t h e .

Dopo una certa ora (in qualche caso, le sei) queil'uomo O quella donna
possono essere amrnalati, infeiici, bisognosi di soccorso: proibito, a
qualsiasi essere umano estraneo al1'albergo, accedere aile stanze. 'Per fatti
di queao genere... sono, da1 punto di vista delle esigenze schiettmente
umane, pressoche' inse~bili:una generosa astrazione, un monument0
fimebre in memoria deli'uomo moderno, fatto da uornini antichi;. ..
Altissime e scintillanti, create col lavoro di migliaia di braccia, sotto la
spinta deil' intelligenza, custodiscono delle salme.l p

Where the piramids in Egypt entombed the dead in their etemal joumey through life after

death, the piramids of Milan buned its people while still alive. According to the author.

these piramids symbolize the lack of humanity and individual identity that is refleaed

within Milan. The criticism is in fact that Milan strips people of their wannth, their

intelligence and their ability to communicate.

Pesa, su ciascuno di questi cinadini, uomini e donne, giovani e anriani,


intenti tutti, piu' O meno, a guadagnarsi duramente la vita, imrnalinconiti
tutti, piu' O meno, dalla mancanza di una casa, una sontegliariza
delicatissima; e il sospetto permanente, cui i piu' si rassegnano, che la
<<vita» sia alla base dei loro interessi. La vita, cioe' i rapporti umani,
I'amicizia, il conversare, il discutere, I'intelligenza di uno sguardo, la
gioia.

In the next story, entitled "La citta' e' venduta" the author depicts the vision of the

touria who sees Milan for the first time. As an outsider, d-g through the city the first

person narrator found herself astounded at the vast magnitude of wealth and beauty

exemplified within this city.

Siamo gia' alla nazione Nord, a via Dante, corriamo verso il centro, la
foresta del trafnco dove, grande maccbia bianca, si disegna la mole del
Duomo; &am0 ne1 Corso, e qui ancora palazzi, palazzi, pda* e piu' in
la', a San Babila, palazzi, p a l e pal& un accecante mare di marmo, di
vetro, di materiali pregiati. E' ricca Milano, mi sorprendo a pensare. Lo
penso senza nessun sotthteso polernico, solo con stupore. Com'e' ricca,
splendida!'24

The story begins with a portraya1 of the picniresque wealth that is the typical vision of

Milan. But, the story takes a twist when the first penon narrator admits that the only

reason why she is travening the beautifid section of the city is because she is moving fiom

one suburb to another, which happen to be on opposite sides of the city. The conmst

then is also depicted when she reache's her destination in order to pick up her beiongings.

"Qui tutto e' vecchio, corroso, con efletti allucinanti. Per le d e , dai gradini neri e rot&

foglie di cavolo e una grossa zampa di gallina, gialia corne il soie, che devo spingere in la'

col piede... Imroduco una chiave nella porta, la spingo, e subito m'investe un odore

indefinibile di cose guaste: forse legno, libri, indumenti, chissa .125


Y"

This descnption rerninds the reader of the descnption of the poor section of Naples
when Eugenia put her glasses on in the story "Un paio di occhiali" fiom II mare notr

bapza Nipoli. In fact, Ortese seems to begin "La citta' e' venduta" in a similar fahion.

Fira she described the beautiful section of Milan in order to make the reaiity of povev

much more harsh. The section of Milan that she descnbed as filthy, old and abandoned

seemed to accumulate dl the victims, the oppressed of the city. If the people did not fit

the financial nom they were outcast into these homes made for the non-humans, as the

author called them. As she retums to her new habitat on the other side of the city, she

needed to traverse the splendid part of the city once again and as the heart of the city got

fiirther and ftrther she noted:

E la citta' ncomuicia a fùggire. Se ne vanno, a poco a poco, gli uitimi


palani di marmo, le case della luce, scompaiono i balconi e le terrane di
vetro e viene avanti il mare gonfio e scuro, sinistro e scuro dei quartieri
perifericî, dove abita il vecchio pop010 di Milano. Ci sono perifhe aperte
e periferie chiuse, periferie per i ricchi e periférie per i poveri, periferie per
uomini e periferie per non-uomllii. Questa e' m a periferia per non-
uomini. 126

In fact, as the taxi driver took her to her destination, he expresseci his confusion about the

growth of the city. He revealed his bafflement to the fact that although the city seemed to

be expanding and developing, there was a certain sector of people that kept getting pushed

fùrther away from it. They both wondered who could al1 this growth be happening foc it

was as if the city had been sold, thus refemng to the title of this story. The taxi driver

stated: "La citta' si allarga, e noi sempre piu' indietro. Una volta eravamo piu' vicino, O

mi sbaglio? Ora le nostre case s'allontanano sempre piu' dalla citta'. Ma chi c'e' nella

citta'? E' stiita venduta? Per chi costmiscono?..."'21 Ail of a sudden, althou@ confused

about whom they could possibly be building for, he realized that the reason why they kept

getting pushed away was because of their social aahis. "Gli vedo. di spalla, un orecchio

rosso corne una macchia di sangue sulla giacca di tela nera. Ora corre, vola corne un

pazzo. Corne chi ha capito qualcosa di triste, chi e' umiliato e ha vergogna."'21 It was as

if he has understood that he was also a victim of the city, and he is now humiliated

because he is one of the many financially disqualified.

I' disoccupato", which is the next story in the sarne collection., seems to take us
inside the hem of the man who cannot fit into the lifestyle of the city of Milan. Both this

story and the next, "Lo sgombero", are the only two short stones from the collection

recounted in the third person. "Il disoccupato" is the aory of a southem man tryùig to

fùIfill his drearns of success in the north. His fiend, Berto Filippone, whom he had met
dunng their military s e ~ c ewas
, from the north and was quite successfùl. According to

Borri:

II disoccupato e' un crudo, irnpietoso scandagiio imenore di un irnmigrato


calabrese, Antonio, che viene a Milano in cerca di lavoro e trova
temporaneo rifiigio in casa deil'emiw Berto; ma que& e' ormai preda del
meccanismo della metropoli, non ha piu' tempo ne' cuore per un tentativo
di rapport0 umano autenàco e partecipe.'"

Berto decided to give Antonio a hana not out of compassion, but more out of necessity to

get rid of him. "A Beno Filippone, abile, fortunato, generoso, quel particolare tipo umano

rappresentato da Antonio, con tutte le tare, Io spavmto e il misterioso silenzio del Sud, un

silenzio carico di preoccupazioni, aveva fatto sempre compassione e rabbia insieme, e fin

da dora aveva provato a toglierselo davanti aiutandolo." 'O

The story continues with the fact that Berto had to leave for an extended business

trip and offered Antonio to stay in it. The apartment was otfered with the condition that

Antonio would go out daily searching for a job and a place to stay. One month later,

Beno had returned satisfied from his new financial gainings. "Era rientrato quella notte,

esattarnente dopo un mese, stanco morto ma soddisfatto del viaggio, degli incontn avuti,

del denaro guadagnato, ed era andato dintto a dormire, senza neppure ricordani di

The same Nght he retumed home, he had not even thought of Antonio. The
~ntonio."'~'

cold indifference that overcomes people when they reach a certain hancial manvation is a

criticism that Ortese makes and that was noted by B ~ r r i - ' ~ ~

Ortese's use of conmist is one that is apparent throughout both II mare non b o p

Nqofli and Silensio a Milano. In fact, the titles of these two literary works are evidence

that her intent was to depict the other side of the conventionai spectnim. The wealthy,

beautifid section of Naples was contrasteci with the poor, murky section described in "Un
paio di occhiali"; the lower levels of l G r d i were then contrasteci with the higher Ievels;

downtown Milan was then contrasteci with the suburban poverty and filth in "La &a' e'

venduta". Once again, Ortese uses this sarne technique in order to describe the humane

qualities of Antonio as opposed to the metropolitaq heariless qualities of Beito, as Boni

had mentioned.

In fact, Antonio could not wait for Berto to retum just so that he could teil him of

the good news of having found a job. Although it was Berto that insisted that Antonio

find a job by the time he retumed, Beno was now heartless and insensitive to his fiend's

emotions. Antonio infonned him that he had found a modealy paying job and that soon

he would repay him the small amount that Berto had lent him. But Berto had remained

expressionless and insensitive to his fnend's good fortune. The namator made a point of

descnbing the fact that at one point in the past Berto would have gone and sat by his

fiiend, happy to share such good news, but now he had become indifferent and cold. It is

as if the coldness and inhumanity of the city had af5ected Berto as we& and the only thing

he could concentrate on was an awful odor which seemed to be coming fiom the middle of

the room where Antonio was. "Gli sembrava che da1 centro della stanza venisse un gran

canivo adore."'" Berto expressed his repugnance for the odor coming frorn within the

room and told Antonio: "Devi aprire la finestra, appena ti alzi... Qui ci puzza, non Io

senti?"13' Antonio apologized, humiliated. GoBedo Fofi made an interesting observation

about the concept of odor in some of Ortese's characters. He notd that: "1 poveri delia

Ortese puzzano, corne puzzano i ven poven, nell'abiezione della vera povertar i , .135

As soon as Berto retumed to the bathroom to continue shaving, Antonio quickly

packed his things and lefi without saying goodbye. Jus as he peeked out wanting to ask
Antonio a question, he noticed that neither Antonio nor his bags were there. He had lefi

abruptly, without thanking him, Berto thought: "Tmone! Non Io aveva neppure

If Berto is the representation of the mechanid, heartless outcome of


ringra~iato."'~~

Milan, then it is understood that Onese is also portraying the reality of rejection and

stereotype that many southemers endured. Antonio is the rejected southemer jua like the

southem family encountered in "Unanotte nella stazione".

As Antonio made his way through the streets of Milan, he felt the confusion and

especially the silence that surrounded him which was evoked by the city itself This is the

contrasting silence that Ortese is refening to in the title of the collection. Although Milan

is the city of industry, technology, and trafnc. it is silent because in Ortese's ponrayal it is

lacking in human touch and expression. There are so many people coming and going and

yet no one is making personal, human contacts. Antonio knew he did not fit in and most

of his confusion stemmed fiom this: why wasn't the city able to absorb him as it had done

with Berto? As he looked around himself f&g crushed by the lights. sounds and

movements going on without him he asked himself: " Che fanno? A che scopo? E

perche' non mi vedono? Perche' non hanno occhi, e io non piu' voce per farmi capire, ne'

mani? Perche' muoio, perche' sono escluso, perche,9.w13f Ortese continued this

representation of the excluded , the victims of society, and in particular, of the city of

Milan, in the next story.

In "Lo sgombero" is represented the theme of victimization. A brother and sister,

Alberto and Masa Sanipoli lived together because both parents have died. They were

moving into a new housing project, similar to the ones describexi in "Le piramidi di
Milano". There was an air of sorrow surroundhg them as they packed their belongings.

They realized that moving away was also as if saying goodbye to many hopes and dreams

that they once had. In fact, Luca Clerici points out that the symbolism of moving away

fiom the home signifies the cornplete abandonment of the '13 Boni adds: "Alla vigilia

del10 sgombero afiiorano ricordi, fianhimi di speranze e di sogni ormai sepolti neila

memona . 139
?
,

Ortese focused on the depiction of Masa as a victirn of amorous hope, just like

Anastasia in the story "Intemo familiare" in II mare non b a p N u p l i . Masa is

characterized as a young, naive, woman victimized because of the hope of love she put

into a certain Dino Piermattei. Bom noticed a ceriain similarity between the characters

Anastasia and Masa. '"


According to Masa's brother Alberto, his sister did not have the qualities needed

to s u ~ v the
e harshness of modem society. In order to find love and happiness in this day

and age she needed tu have characteristics such as intelligence, shrewdness, and vulgarity.

Intanto, i rapponi tra uomo e donna, non erano piu' d'more: piacere,
interessi, divertimento. Ci volevano graria, fûrbizia, volgarita'. Forse,
dopo, poteva venire anche un po' d'amore. Ma cos?! Chi avrebbe potuto
amare Masa, se non un padre!... L'amore non basta, ci vuole l'intelligenui
per salvare i morti.. . Dopo era diventata grande, ma la debolezza era
rimasta. Ci sarebbe voluta una societa' anche per lei, la famiglia non
bastava. 14'

Ortese's use of the tenn inteIligem is very important. According to her, intelligettza is

something uwatural to man because it is this which compts hirn. The antithesis of this

term on the other hand, would be reason, which insteaci, encompasses ail which is human

and natural. The problem is that one must possess cold intelligence in order to succeed in
this society, and ail those who do not have it, are then shumed, as Masa is. In Como

celeste she desaibed the term, inîelligenza, as s i g . g horror and destruction.

Si', I'intelligenu> non e' la rugione, e' qualcosa di diverso, e che si va


sempre piu' dimostrando ostile alla ragione. In questo senso, si puo'
intendere il vago orrore che, a un certo punto, ispuano tutte le forme,
ormai Uinaturali, d'inteliigenza, addette all'infinito sviluppo e
all'incontenibile proliferare di scienza e tecnica... Vediarno questa
inteîligenza - per chiamaria cosi' - minare, sono gli occhi di tutti, i campi
della vita. Vediamo saltare di continu0 ogni cosa creata dalla natura e
dall'uomo.. . Una spe&edi Cavailo di Troia introdotto nella citta' della
ragione per dismiggerla. '"
The victimization consists of Masa's too kindhearted qualities and her lack of intdigenza,

making her unfit for the cold, indifferent society of Milan.

Once again, there is a contrast made and this time it is between Alberto Sanipoli

and Dino Piermattei. Dino was a political activist who believed in Comunism to the point

where he infiuenced and filled both Alberto and Masa with hope and illusion. In a sense,

Dino Piennattei is the personification of the city of Milan promising a better life and the

equality of dl. Dino Piermattei represents the lure of the city and both Aiberto and Masa

are its shumed victims. Dino came into their lives promising friendship, hope and a better

life. He would share his political and societal ideologies with the siblings and captivated

them into believing in his illusion, just like the city of Milan had done for many. Dino

would say things such as:

...Devon0 capirlo... Il rnondo camrnina.. . Gia' in Russia, le classi non ci


sono piu'. Perche' un uomo e' un uomo, e un operaio e' un uomo corne un
altro, che fa un certo numero di ore lavorative, e poi basta: va a teatro, al
circolo, rivede gii amici. E anche tra lavoro e lavoro non si fa dflerenui di
dignita'. Tutto, tutto il lavoro e' importante. Infine, l'uomo se ne libera
mano a mano che va avanti, e cio' che distinguera' un uomo, nelia societa'
che si awicina, non sani' piu' il lavoro che svolge, ma anche la personalita'
che si sara' formata. La personalita' ... piu' del pane.
This sense of hope and equality promised by the northem city was a hire for many coming
fiom the south. These were rnany of the people aying to escape class entrapment and

they thought they had finally found fkedom and equality in the city of Milan.

The statement made by Piermattei promising that ail work is equal and therefore al1

men are equal were words spoken fiom one who was ruleci by intelligem. The reason

for this is because he was speaking &om a political perspective and not an individual,

mordistic one. In fact, once the political ideology changed, so did his view for Albeno

and Masa. One of the lures of the big, industrial city was in fact that people could begin a

new Iife without having to always remain restricted within their own social class titles.

The reality is that the concept of equality and respect must be taken on by the individual

and not as a political philosophy. In fact, this is one of Ortese's criticisms about politics:

Voglio dire con questo che in trentacinque anni di repubblica molti


lottarono da ogni parte, e voglio credere per il bene, ma nella loro lotta
-
manco' - a questi oggi, a quelli domani, a chi piu' a chi meno I'obiettivo
di una umanita' nuova, di una nuova coscienza dell'uomo.. . E quando dico
umanita' nuova, dico sernpre vita morale, finora mai consentita, dico
dunque rivoluzione morale. '"
Dino Piermattei is the exarnple of a man who believed in an ideology not in a renewed

humanity, as Ortese pointed out. In fact, when the political ideology died down, so did

Piermattei's. In other words. Piermattei was only inspired by the political movement and

not by a deep need to help society fiom moral degeneration. His words went fiom

believing in equality, to: "Forse ci siamo sbagliati... forse... la liberazione non esiae.

Nessuno 10 vuole del resto... Chi ce 10 fa farq d a Dino's words reflect the

disillusion that not only ûrtese experienced, but also many Italians after the second world

war. They believed in Comunism and thought that Hungary and Russia were the icons of
political equality. When instead the truth became apparent that the Russians used violence

and intimidation in order to impose their d e s and ideologies, it seemed that all hope was

lost for the rest of the world. "Il partit0 era tuiito. Era corninciato con 17Ungheria

quand0 s'era scoperto che anche i mssi erano come hitleriani O fascisti, adoperavano le

ami per imporre le idee, e gli eserciti in luogo dei libri: non avevano cioe' ne7vere idee,

ne' veri libri."'a This statement is important in capturing the thoughts of Anna Maria

Ortese because in Corpo celeste she stated: "Che la vita di un paese non e' fattibile senza

un impegno morde - oh, assai prima che politico; politico, aliora, non ne' quasi piu'

necessario - che tenda a mutare e imalzare anche minimamente, ma dovunque, la qzîafita'

dell'uomo. Del contadino come del principe, del generale come del professore."'J7 In

other words, it is man's conceptions and mords that mua change in order to elirninate

discrimination. The quality of man does not have to be dependent upon political

movements, but upon moral ones.

Si', gli uomini, i paesi, le loro norie sifmno, si succedono in questa lotta
continua... Ma se una volta almeno, in tutto questo monotono farsi e
disfarsi di stati e modi di vivere, una nuova immagine deli'uomo si facesse
avanti, si facesse cultura nuova, nuovo uomo, dora noi avremrno dawero
un nuovo inizio, una nuova porta del mondo... il posto, nei secoli, sernbra
restare il medesirno: il poao di chi usa, abusa, e sopramino non
comprende. Mai che esca da queste vicende e ribaltamenti di stato e di
potere una Vnmagine nuova dell'uomo. una immagine disarmata e gentile di
uomo libero, di appartenente all'umanita'. No, questo si spera sempre, e
mai accade.'41

This is why Dino Piennattei symbolized the politicai movement that hurt believers such as

Albeno, Masa, and so many more Like them. Alberto and Masa believed in love and

respect. In fact, the reason why they are victims is because they do not want to fight

againa man in order to conquer their fieedom; they want to love in order to be loved.
Udortunately, that is not the way society is. Alberto expressed this in his silent

monologue:

In Russia, corne qui, doveva essere sempre la stessa cosa, invece. Uomini
che adoperano ed altri che sono adoperati. Non bastava essere comunisù
per non fiire in questo modo. Occorreva un mezzo piu' delicato. Una cosa
che c'era stata sempre, nei Sanipoli, etema come la fedelta' al lavoro: il
rispetto di se', degli altri. ïi rispetto ch'era anche piu' grande dell'amore.
perche' l'more nasceva da1 desideno e ntomava desiderio, desideno di
se', degli altri, e il desiderio portava I'ambizione, la sopraffàzione. E
mentre seppe questa cosa, che il rispetto era la cosa piu' grande che si
poteva ofnire agli uomini, seppe anche che lui e Masa e tutti gli uomini e le
donne come lui e Masa, erano u o e e donne sema peso, senza patrk
senza valore, perche' conoscevano il rispetto. Erano perduti perche' non
volevano combattere contro I'uomo.. .. 149

With this thought he automatically felt ovenvhelrned and annihilated by life. He felt

useless and trapped within a meazLingless world forever mute. Elemire Zolla wrote that

the characters in this story represented the many typical Milanese characters of the period:

"Sentiamo dawero il respiro dei personaggi O non debbono essi rappresentare qualcosa

(I'operaio in genere, la donna intristita ne1 suburbio proletario in genere, l'intellettuale

inevitabilmente ambigu0 in genere) piu ' che essere sempiicemente, e simboleggiare un*

nessuna, centornila c o ~ e ? " ' ~ ~

According to Bom, this story introduces the reader to a period of Onese's

thematics regardiig political ideoiogy. He explained that Ortese's interpretation of

ideology was: "quel10 deiia passione politica, intesa sopraMitto come fiatemita' di gmppo,

solidarieta' sociale, disimeressato impegno per addivenire a un mondo nuovo e piu'

giuaorr .151 He continued to explain that Ortese's politicai engagement is not of a strict

nature. In other words, her engagement is more of an individual, moral nature: 'Vna

prima e necessaria precisazione e' intanto quella di non dare all'irnpegno delia Ortese
un'impronta politica in senso stretto".lJ2 Rather than a focus on the ideologies of politics,

Ortese is more interested in how individuals are siffected by them. The author has

depicted the realistic disillusions that many Italians fell victims to &er the fervor of post-

war hopes and ideologies involving equality and mutual respect.

Poveri e semplici is a novel that depicts how a group of young artists, consisting

of writers and painters, dealt with their disillusion of political ideology. It is the story of

relationships and of collective hope. The characters that made up the group all came from

different areas of Italy and reunited in Milan d u ~ the


g late 1950's. This novel was

published in 1967, but the original manuscnpt for this story, as well as Il cappello

piumato, was Wntten in 1960 as is noted by Bom and Ortese herself '" Chronologically

and stylistically Poverz e semplici fits appropriately after Siienzio a Milmo (1958).'51

"Ne1 dicembre del '60, trovandomi a Milano...mivenne in mente di scrivere un racconto

dedicato allo spavento di vivere, nei suoi confini attuali, che sono da una parte la pressione

economica, dall'altra la vecchia triaezza esistenziaie, e la presenza in essa, sempre piu'

This was a period characterired by


awenita, di questo buio filosofico in cui ~iviarno."'~~

"philosophical darkness" as descnbed by Ortese. Poveri e semplici is an important story

because it closes the realistic phase of Onese and opens the door to a new phase

characterked by fantasy and philosophical meditation. (This will be discussed in chapter

t hree. )

Poveri e sempfici is recounted by the fist person narrator named Bettina, who was

a writer fiom Naples. The characten that made up the group lived in precarious economic

conditions but nevertheless, they were full of hope and understanding for one another.
There was Sonia, an artia fiom Naples and her older husband the Barone who was a

writer. Another important character is m a t , a jounialist, who was introduced to the

group when he came to interview Bettina when she had won a literary prize. Bettina was

imrnediately struck by the beauty and gentleness in Gilliat's eyes. '" Bettina's happiness

of meeting Gilliat and of her literary prize were soon overshadowed by the sudden death

of her father in Naples. As she was on the train on her way d o m to Naples Bettina was

taken by the "archaic" scenery, as she put it.

1 contadini, i piccoli mercanti, la povera gente che nempiva il treno. O


quella che dai campi O dal marghe stradale a h v a gli occhi ai suo rombante
passaggio, aveva ora ai i miei occhi un che di arcaico, di profondamente
semplice e ingenuo, che nello strazio della mia mente rappresentava il
simbolo stesso della mia vita, della rnia fancidezza ne1 Sud. Ed ora tuno
questo era finito. Non sarei stata una figiia del Sud mai piu .157

After she returned to Milan she and Sonia and the Barone went to Carrara to

receive Benina's literary prize. Upon their retum to Milan they stopped in La Pieve. near

Montecatini, to visit Sonia's uncle and her mother. Her uncle was described as very wise

and ~ o o d"Egli
: non credeva in nessun Dio, era ateo, credeva solo nell'Universo e nella

fondamentale bonta' degii uornini, nella bellezza della vita...."'58 Sonia's uncle was

cornpletely Mind and her aunt, Bella, considered him demented but it is through his

character that the definition of realism is given. He wanted to know what their

professions were and as they explained what they did, the term Neorealism was

mentioned. The uncle wanted to know what this meant and Sonia described it in the

simplest of forms. He responded that Neorealism should not make the group forget what

reality really was. When Sonia asked hirn what reaiity was for him, since he was b h d he

answered:
Molto pianto... molto dolore... 10 trovate anche neile foglie.. . molto
naturale. Tale scoperta deve suscitare pemieri buoni.. . Di difesa.. . Sofie
molto, il reale, bimbi... perche' ancora non e' reale. Solo il bene e' rdta'.
l'more, e questo aocora non si v d e d a povera umanita'.. . Ma un giorno
- i partiti non ci saranno piu', neppure il Socialisrno - il r d e sua' awerato,
la bonta' avra7il suo vero luogo... La mente malata deli'uorno - malata di
d e - sara' sana e lieta. Tutti, tutti saranno uomini.. . Io 10 vedo. 'Per me,
e' cosa concreta.. ..159

Reality, he aated, were also tears and pain. It meant goodness and love, and therefore. he

continued, reaiity was still not real because humanity had not yet diswvered the meaning

of those concepts. According to lnes Scararnucci Poveri e senplici is a "distaccata

ricerca di una propria venta .mlûû In this story ûrtese explained that realism was not jua
7

what was seen but was mostly what was felt, what was undemeath the sufice. Sharon

Wood also added that:

The foundation of the red is to be found not in material presence but in


ethics. Here Ortese overtums one of the fùndamental tenets of the
Neorealia position, which sought mord regeneration through direct
representation of the material and physical world. For Ortese this rea[-y,
which Neorealists took for granted, is problematical, yet to be created,
utopian. 16'

This is important because it clarifies why Ortese's works tumed toward the fantastic and
meditative in her 1 s t literary phase discussed in chapter three. In other words. she turned

to fantasy in order to make her thoughts stand out as reality.

The aory continued with the development of the relationship betweeen Bettina

and Gilliat. He bad professed his love to her and asked her to move in with him. They

moved in together and left the group. The fragility of the charaaers and the inexorable

passage of t h e were also themes present throughout the aory. Bettina and Gilliat

continued to visit the home where Sonia and the Barone s a were, but as time went on
they noticed that nothing was like it used to be. A sense of sadness kept enguffig the city

and their relationships. Even the relationship between Bettina and Giliîat suffered because

of a sense of socio-economic instability and uncertainty for the friture.

Io pensavo srniplicemente che, malgrado il suo amore, egli non sarebbe


stato mai uno sposo. Si', era vero, a me non andava la vita coniugale, ma
chi pua' dire se non mi sarebbe piaciuta vivendola? Eppure non si poteva,
ecco, quasi non veniva in mente. Non avevamo soldi, l'incertezza di tutto
era grande; la guerra, inoltre, era fuiito da poco, ne' poteva dirsi veramente
finita: covava su tutta la

The deterioration of their relationship is fûrther enhanceci in II cqpe220 piumato. The

story ended with the hopefùl belief that one day the world wodd be United as one. As

Gilliat stated:

E corne i Russi sono certo gli Arnencani, e i Sudarnericari, e gli Africani:


gente di cuore, gente che lavora e che si wol bene. E verra' un giorno che
saremo tutti uniti, e piu' buoni, e sinceramente de@... Non avremo piu'
paure! Vivremo! Ci abbracceremo ogni momento! Nessuno ci potra' piu'
separare... offendere... Terra, terra cara! Ed e' in questo..che bisogna
credere... Per questo bisogna lavorare!'61

This chapter began with "II mare di Napoli" and "Gli Ombra", and continued with
II mare no,> bagnu Na&, Siiemio a Milano and Povert e sempIici. Through these

works Ortese has voiced her opinions, disiliusions, criticisms regarding socio-political and

socio-economic aspects of Naples and Milan duming postwstwar


Italy. According to Borri,

these were the only works that couid be placed within a thne period that coincideci

thematically and histoncally.l" Poveri e sempfici is the appropriate conclusion of this

chapter because of Onese's description of Realism defineci by Sonia's biind uncle. He

explained that reaiity was d e r i n g because it was not yet real. Reality for Ortese is the
expression of the depth of motion and not merely mimetic observation. This description

deiineated the expressive limitations that Realism had for the author. Poveri e semplici

closed the phase of Ortese's realistic portrayals of Milan. While intemvining and

interchanging narrative and journalistic styles, Ortese has managed to depict the essence,

the feelings and the surroundings of Italy, and more imponantly of its less fortunate

members, dunng the years of I9SO7s-1960's.


- -

Notes to Chapter Two

' Giancarîo Borri, Invito alla leîtura di Anna Maria Ortese, (Milano: Mursia, 1988) 1 7.

Giuliano Manacorda. Storia della letteratura italiana contemporanea, (Roma: Editori


lüuniti, 1996) 37.
4
Ibid., p. 33.
5
Although it should be noted that certain critics believed that Ortese's style was more
"veristicapiu' che neorealistica". Ines Scararnucci, "Anna Maria Ortese", Novecento
VIII (Milano: Marzorati, 1979) 7662-7669.

6~iancarloBom, i e , p. 33-34.
7
Ibid., p. 33.

ROCCO CapoZP, Bemari tra fantasia e reaita', (Napoli:Societa' Editnce Napoletana,


1984) 86.

9
Anna Maria Ortese, L'Infants se~olta,p. 175.

'O Ibid., pp. 175-176.


11
Ibid., pp. 176-177.

l2 Ibid., p. 177.

l3 Ibid., p. 178.
14
Ibid., p. 192.
1s
Ibid., p. 188.
16
Ibid., pp. 185- 186.
17
Ibid., p. 196.
18
Anna Maria Ortese, Corpo celeste, (Milano: Adelphi, 1997) 76-77.

l9Alba della Fazia Amoia in "Regional Writers and the Problems of the South," Women
on the Italian Literary Scene: A Panorama (Troy:The Whitston hblishing Company,
1992) 22 also states that Ortese condemned the squaiid conditions of the Neapoiitans
while at the same time holding them responsible for not rebelling against t . She criticized
their sense of resignation.

Ibid., p. 71-72.

2' Anna Maria Onese, Corpo celeste, p. 77.

Anna Maria Ortese, L'Infants sepolta, p. 178.

lbid., p. 205.

*' Ibid., p. 2 10.

'' Ibid., p. 21 1.
*' Ibid., p. 2 11.
27
Anna Maria Ortese, Copo celeste. p. 15 1.

** Anna Maria Ortese, II mare non barnia Nawli, p. 67.


29
Ne110 Ajello, "Ortese spacca Napoli," Repubblica 15 May 1994: 3 1.

30 Raffaele Crovi, "Meridione e letteratura," II menabo' III (1960): 278.


31
Nello Ajello, "Ortese spacca Napoii," p. 3 1.

32 Mario de Micheli, "La Napoli della Ortese," L7Unita'(22 July 1953).


.".Michele Pnsco, "Anna Maria Onese - Il mare non bagna Napoli," Giovedi' (July 1953).
34
Giuseppe Bartolucci, "II voito di Napoli ne1 libro di Anna Maria Ortese." Avanti! (5
August 1953).
35
Carlo Salinari, "1 libn premiati a Viareggio," L7UNta'(24 Augua 1953).

GGuo Botta, "La bmtta Napoli di Anna Maria Ortese," Namiton napoletani (Napoli:
36
L'Me Tipografica, 1955).
37
Maele Crovi, 'Meridione e letteratura," Il Menabo' (1960): 279.

a FaEa Amoia, "Regionai Writers and the Problems of the South," Women on
3 8 ~ l bdella
the Italian Literarv Scene: A Panorama (Troy: The Whitston hblishing Company, 1992)
22.
39 GOfiedo Fofi,"La realta' intolletabile," Linea d'Ombra 95 (1994): 8 1.
40
Sharon Wood, '"Such Stuffas Dreams are Made on': Anna Maria Ortese and the Art of
the Real," Itaiian Women's Wntinn 1860-1994, (London: The Atlone Press, 1995) 17 1-
172.
41
Luca Clenci, "Anna Mana Ortese," Belfanor 46 ( 1 99 1): 406.
42
Rita Wilson, "'Una realta' estranea: la narrativa di &ma Maria Ortese," Studi
d'Italianistica, 3-4 (1 990): 1 03.

43 Claudio Varese, "Anna Maria Ortese," Nuova Antoloaia, (1954).


44
Anna Maria Ortese, Il mare non bama Naooli, pp. 16- 17.
45
Ibid., p. 33.
'6"Un paio di occhiali" was one of the moa successful as far as critical acclamation is
concemed.

" Ibid., p. 272.


48
Both Varese and Bom stated that this story was mostly appreciated for its interior
psycho-analysis of the protagonist, Anastasia Finizio. Boni States: "si natta di una sottile
e dolente introspezione psicologica ..."; Invito alla lemira di Anna Maria Ortese, p. 35.
49
Claudio Varese, "Anna Maria Ortese", p. 272.
50
Anna Maria Ortese, II mare non bama ~ D O I p.
~ , 60.
51
Sharon Wood, "'Such Stuff as Drearns are Made on' : Anna Maria Ortese and the Art of
the Red," p. 1 70.

s2 Anna Maria Ortese, Il mare non bama Napoli, p. 75.


53
Nello Ajello, "Ortese spacca Napoli" p. 3 1.
Y Ortese aiso explained fiom what perspective she wrote Il mare non banna Napoli in "II

<<mare» corne spaesamento". This is the introduction of the 1994 edition of this
collection.
55
Claudio Varese, "Amis Maria Ortese," pp. 27 1-272.
56
Anna Maria Ortese, II mare non bama Na~oîi,p. 80.
''niis couid bring to m h d Dame's DNiM Commeda if we are to interpret the three
floon of the building as symbokg hef17purgatoiy and heaven. To my knowledge no
one has made reference to this perspective. Further study would be necessary in order to
prove if such paraiîels occur.
58
Ibid., p. 86.
59
Ibid., pp. 81-82.

Ibid., p. 82.
61
Giancarlo Bom, Invito alla lemura di Anna Maria Ortese, p. 37.

62 Ibid., pp. 37-38.

6 3 ~ n nMaaria Ortese, 11 mare non bama Napoli, p. 86.


64
Ibid., p. 75.

65~an~ l o Invito alla lettura di Anna Maria Onese, p. 37.


Bom,
66
Anna Maria Ortese, 11 mare non barn Na~oli,pp. 86 and 92.
67
Ibid., pp. 86-87.
68
Ibid., p. 89.
63
Ibid., p. 93.
70
Ibid., pp. 86-87.
71
Claudio Varese, "Anna Maria Ortese," p. 271.
n Mario Ajello, ''Politecnico napoletano," Panorama, 16 Apnl 1994: 1 28- 129.

73 Claudio Varese, "Anna Maria Ortese," p. 271.


74
Nello Ajelo, "Ortese spacca Napoii," p. 3 1 .

'5 Rita Wdson, "Una reaita' estranea: la narrativa di Anna Maria Ortese," p. 103.

76 Ines Scaramucci, "Anna Maria Ortese," Novecento Vm (Milano: Marrorati, 1979)


7664.
- -

n Gabriele Casolari, "Anna Maria Ortese, owero dell'ammarezza," L a r e 24 (1969):


844.
78
a scrittrice: da Angelici dolon ail ' Iguana," Realta'
Guido Macera, ' L h p a r a b ~di~ unu
del mezzoaiomo 6 (1 966):72.

79 Paolo Milano, "Le cose corne aanno," L7Espresso18 May 1958.

Giancarlo Borri, Invito alla lettura di Anna Maria Ortese, p. 45.

" Elemire Zolla, "Anna Maria Ortese," Temw presente (Sept./Oct 1958): 820.
82
Gabriele Casolari, "Anna Maria Ortese, owero dell'amarezza," p. 845.

84
Rita Wdson, "Una realta' estranea: la narrativa di Anna Maria Onese," p. 102.

Anna Maria Ortese, S i l e ~ ao Milano, p. 9.


86
lnes Scaramucci, "Anna Maria Onese," p. 7664; and Elemire Zola, "Anna Maria
Onese." p. 820.
87
Anna Maria Onese, S i l e ~ ao Milano, p. 1 1 .
88
Anna Maria Ortese, 11 mare non bagna Napoli, p. 73.
89
Giancarlo Bom, Invito alla latura di Anna Maria Ortese, p. 37-43.
M
Ines Scaramucci, "Anna Maria Ortese," p. 7664.
91
Lorenza Farina, "Anna Maria Onese: testirnone del tempo," Lemire 38 (1983): 893.

* Anna Maria Ortese, Silenzio a Milano, p. 43.


9' Ibid., pp. 12-13.
94
Anna Maria Ortese, Corpo celeste, p. 130.
95
Anna Maria Ortese, Silenzio a Milano, p. 83.
%
Anna Maria Ortese, Corpo celeste, p. 30.
97
Ibid., p. 30.
9% Ibid., p. 18.
99
Ibid., p. 45.

'O0 Anna Maria Ortese, Silenzio a Milano, pp. 17 and 3 1.

'O' Ibid., p. 37.

'O2 Ibid., p. 28.


103
Ibid., p. 29.

'O4 Ibid., p. 894.

'O5 Ibid., p. 30.

'O6 lbid., p. 20.

'O7 Ibid., p. 23.


1O 8
Ibid., p. 22.
1O 9
Ottese used this holiday as well in the story "Intemo familiare". In order to emphasize
the sadness she contrasts it with a day that is supposed to be filled with happiness and joy.
1 IQ
Anna Maria Onese, Silenzio a Milano, p. 57.

' ' ' Anna Maria Ortese, Como celeste, pp. 34-3 5 .
112
Ibid., pp. 1 1 1-1 12.

'If Anna Maria Onese,Sileruio a Milano, p. 58.

Il4 Ibid., p. 57.

'" Ibid., p. 48.


' I6 Anna Maria Ortese, Corpo celeste, p. 1 12.

'17 Anna Maria Onese, Silenzio a Milano, p. 52.

'18 Ibid., p. 53.


'19 Anna Maria Ortese, Como celeae, p. 48.

'20 Anna Maria Ortese, Silenzio a Milano, p. 52.

12' Nic&na P&-Mat&, " 'Il mio paradis0 e' il silenzio'," Grazia (1996): 95.

'" h a Maria Ortese, Süenzio a Milano, pp. 78-79.


'= Ibid., pp. 77-78.
'21 Ibid., pp. 8 1-82.

125 Ibid., p. 82.

126iôid., p. 86.
127
lbid., p. 87.

'21 ibid., p. 88.

'" Giancarlo Bom, Invito alla lettura di Anna Maria Onese, p. 44.
l j0 Anna Maria Ortese, S i l e ~ ao Milano, p. 9 1 .
13' fiid., pp. 91 -92.
' 32 See note 129.

'" Ibid., p. 92.


13' Ibid., p. 93.

13' Gofiedo Fofi, "La realta' intollerabile," Linea d'ombra 95 (1994): 8 1.


136
Anna Maria Ortese, SileMo a Milano, p. 94.
137
Ibid., pp. 97-98.

'" Luca Clenci, "Anna Maria Ortese,"p. 404.


139
Giancarlo Bom, Invito alla lemira di Anna Maria Onese, p. 45.

'* Ibid., p. 35.


14 1
Anna Maria Ortese, SilenSo a Milano, p. 102.
14* Anna Maria Ortese, Corpo celeste, p. 137.

Anna Maria Ortese, Silenzio a Milano, pp. 127-128.

'" Anna Maria Ortese, Corpo celeste, p. 44.


145
Anna Maria Onese, Silenzio a Milano, p. 130.

'" Ibid., p. 129.


'" Anna Maria Ortese, Corpo celeste, p. 45.
'41 Ibid., pp. 43-44.
149
Anna Maria Ortese, Silenzio a Milano, p. 136.
150
Elemire Zola, "Anna Maria Ortese," p. 820.

15' Giancarlo Borri, Invito alla lemira di Anna Maria Ortese, p. 45.
152
Ibid., p. 87.

'" Ibid., p. 61.

'5"ovanni Titta Rosa in "Anna Maria Ortese" from Vita letteraria del novecento III
(1972) stated about Poven e sem~lici:"Dopo I'lgucma, che'e' del 1965, in cui s'awertiva
la presenza di una fantasia carka di simboli e non priva di quaiche elaboratione letteraria,
con il racconto di Poveri e sempiici, ci pare che I'Ortese abbia sveltita la sua scrittura, e
modulati sentimenti d'una purezza Unmediata... Poveri e sempfici, ci sembra, finora, il
risultato piu' felice della sua narrativa; un'opera che, nella temperie amiale della nostra
prosa corrente piu' complicata che cornplessa, nonostante le sue molte fàtture di
contenuto e di forme, consacra una scrittrice singolamente moderna." The problem with
this statement is that Poveri e semplici was written before L'Imam, not after. In fact, the
limitations of Realism descnbed in Poveri e sem~liciled to the evolution to the use of
fantasy in L'lauana. Ennanno Paccagnini in "1 dolori delî'angelica Onese" Lemire (April
1997), discussed in the introduction, warned that republications and the chronology of
works written long before they were published was a problem in establishg an evolution
in style and thematics in Anna Maria Ortese.

lS5 Anna Maria Ortese, Il c a ~ ~ e lpiumato,


lo (Milano: Mondadori, 1979) 7.

lMThe encounter of these two characters and their love aory is fiirther developed in a
cap~ellopiumato. See note 155 .
Anna Maria Ortese, Poveri e semplici, (Milano: Rizzoli, 1974) 44.
158
Ibid., p. 86.
' Ibid., p. 88.
59

'" Ines Scararnucci "Anna Maria Ortese," Novecento VIII (1979): 7667.
' Sharon Wood. "Fantasy and Narrative in Anna Maria Ortese," Itaiica 7 1 ( 1994): 3 5 5 .
6'

'61 Anna Maria Ortese, Poven e semplici, p. 148.

'" [bid., p. 162.

'CA Giancarlo Boni, Invito alla lettura di Anna Maria Ortese, p. 88.
CHAPTER THREE: BETWEEN PROTEST AND MEDITATION: THE MORAL

PURPOSE OF LITERATURE 1960's - 1997

The 1950%were already seeing the dishteption of Neorealism thernaticdy and

linguistically speaking. According to Giuliano Manacorda there were two possible

reasons for the dissolution of Neorealism. One, as suggested by Car10 Bo, was that

Neorealist literature was written for a stratum of society that for the most part was

illiterate or unemployed. Therefore they did not have much room or leeway to dedicate

themselves to any cultural activity. Another reason, according to Manacorda was the fall

of Marxism as a belief It was a traumatic period in which:

La scossa fu violenta e spazzo' via molte ingenuita7in ogni sede, non


esclusa queUa estetica.. . si fu ph' scontenti, piu' critici e.. .ph' disposti ad
ascoltare voci di diversa provenienra, che rinascevano da1 passato O si
presentavano corne espressione nuova di anni oramai non piu' « d i
dopoguerra>>,che avevano altri problerni specifici, diversi da quelli del
decennio precedente... . 1

From this period arose a group of select intellectuals ready to rebel against the stagnant

restrictive form of expression of Neorealism. This neoavantgarde group began to fom in

the late 1950's and it was not until 1963 that they emerged officiaiiy as the G m p p 63.

They no longer believed that literature served an ethical or socio-political purpose. The

group also rebelled against the popular language used in Neorealist literature. What these

opinions entaileci was a reformation of literature. It was a rnovement that left many

questions and doubts about the structure and purpose of its literahire.

The yean betweeen the late 1950's and 1960's were defined as those of the

economic boom, but for most of Itaiy's population there was still economic instability.
"L'ltalia rivelava una fragilita' ancora persistente deUe sue stnitture, con il pericolo di

continue oscillazioni e scompensi che continuavano a mettere in pencolo la stabiiita' del

Liveiio di vita di grossi strati della popolazione."2 What this period also saw in its literary

activity was an increasing invasion on the part of the publishing industry on artisiic

choices. The Neoavantgarde movement of the 1960's thus remained mainly a linguistic

movement and was bom out of a need for an abrupt change fkom Neorealism, a movement

that had wom out al1 of its thematic and linguistic purposes.

In the 1970's. Manacorda explains, that writers felt a need to retum to the

development of literature and move away fiom the destruction of it. In other words there

was a renewed appreciation for the long, well constructed novels. Manacorda States:

...gran parte degli scntton operanti negii anni settanta avevano sentit0
I'esigenza di restituire al10 aesso spessore del volume la W o n e di
testirnoniare il rimovato gusto della costruzione in grande sala di
situazioni e penonaggi. Era forse una naturale reazione al gran vuoto che
le neoavanguardie avevano praticato in questo settore, ed era certarnente
un modo di ridare dignita' e valore ai contenuti e ai messaggi dell'opera dei
quali il pubblico era aato per troppo lungo tempo privato e che percio'
sarebbe tornato presurnibilmente a gradire?

He felt that the revived fervor to constnict novels and the detailed developments of

characten and situations was probably a natural reaction to the big sense of emptiness that

the Neoavantgarde movements had Ieft behind. In other words, there was a "rilancio dei

valori urnani e il nfiuto persino ostentato della -da operazione di laboratorio, dei

significati asettici di tama letteratura degli anni sessanta.'*' The pexiod of the 1970's

(reflux) which continued throughout the 1980's.


sparked off a penod of "rifl~sso"~

Naturaimente il rifiusso non era solo della letteratura, la quale stava piu' O
meno coscientemente rispecchiando una stnitturaie situazione di
stanchezza per una contestazione che non era riuscita a diventare
nvoluzione e che forse non aveva avuto mai la forza per diventarlo, ma che
era si' riuscita a scandaliaare e a spaventare ogni bonpensante; e alla quale
ora si aîtribuiva per di piu' di aver figliato il temonsrno che incominciava a
insanguinare il paese.

in descnbing the literary period that encompassed the 1980's umil the early 1990's

Manacorda States: ...sta continuando quanto e' cominciato ad accadere fin dai primi anni
"

settanta e via via nei successivi in cui si e' accumulata un'anagrafe quasi imponente e non

certo tuna spregevole, ma priva di caratteri qualificanti e di figure dominanti, sino a

rendere frequente un giudizio dubitativo su un periodo gia' troppo a lungo durato delle

nostre patrie letterarie."6 The Iiterature that was published between the 1970's and the

1980's was not dl disagreeable?but neither were there any qualities or dominating figures

about them. Nevertheless, the 1980's proved to be, in regards to Ortese, a penod of

renewed appreciation.

This outiine of ltaiian socio-political and economic transformations was necessary

in order to understand what environment frarned the works that will be discussed in the

third phase of Ortese's literary career. It is also important to mention that Ortese was not

influenced by the Neoavantgarde movement of the 1960's. Instead, what will be discussed

is her cnticism or her reaction to the movement of the 1960's. In fact. Onese falls under

the category of writers that Manacorda describes as those who wrote about thematics

regarding hiaoncal events, specific localities, autobiography, etc.. These writers were

indifferent to genres and theoretical disputes. He explains: "...non sono mancati narraton

autentici che sono andati avanti per la loro strada quasi incuranti delle grandi O soltanto

SORTdispute teonche adandosi a una nativa voglia di raccomare, O legata a motivi


locali, aorici O autobiografici O assolutamente libera nei soggetti e neUa scelta dei

~uo~hl."~

Looking back at the first phase of Ortese's Wntings discussed in chapter one, she

was caught in a battle against reality, creating worlds of adventure and enchantment. She

fought this battle with bomowed Bontempefian artillery called Ma@c Realism. Literature,

for her. at that time in her life served as an escape from reality which was dominated by

the fascist movement.

During the second phase, she found herself caught up in an histoncal period soon

afler the second world war when people's hopes were, for a short period, at theh highest

in the mida of the Liberation. Those hopes soon became devastations as the nation

becarne more capitalistic and social classes became more divided. The war had devastated

lives, cities, and the economy. A tendency that embodied this postwar period was the

Neoredistic one which stood for depicting reality as it presented itself Ortese was also

motivated by this mode of expression dong with many of her Neapolitan contemporaries,

as was mentioned in chapter two. A representative example of this penod is II mare non

bapa N@li (1953) which was aiso discussed in the chapter. As is comrnon in times of

desolation there tends to develop a sense of fiaternity and alliance arnongst people sharing

similar expenences and anguish. Onese, like many of her conternporaries, shared many

hopes for the bettement of individual life as well as for humanity as a whole. The function

of literature from this second phase until her death was one of engagement, not in a

political sense, but in a human and moral. ethical one It seems that it was at this time

that Onese began her cnisade in the belief that nothing outside of man wiil make him

better, which takes us to this third phase in chapter three.


Moral reconstruction begins on an individual level by prioritizing the signincance

of life as ethical value and not as an econornic or political one. The destruction of

moraiity, according to Ortese, began when man put too much emphasis upon hirnself, the

value of money, and the importance of t h e : three major sins in the works of.Ortese.

These three major sins are her focus and the inspiration of her last creative, fantastic phase

discussed here in chapter three. This third and 1st phase is characterized by a juxtaposing

of reality and fmtasy to the point where the three concepts that are so important to man

completely lose their value and become insignifiant in the faces of nature and morality .

E rimane dunque - questa auspicabile decisione - di cina' e uomini - di


cercare ciascuno, ne1 <<disordine> universale, la propria seconda natuca,
intendo la lealta', I'ordine, la compassione, il benefico rappono umano, - la
luce umana, perche' ci guidi - rimane questa, oggi, la rnia sola modesta
filosofia. E anche inclinazione «politica», se si vuo~e.~

Onese's sole modest philosophy remained that of searching within the disorder of life, the

acnial significance of it. In other words, her political inclinations were that of finding

within each individuai the light of humanity: loyalty, order, compassion, and a positive

human rapport.

Between the years of 1950 and 1960 Ortese had written four short stories

regarding the temors of city life during the surnmer in Rome,which had remained unedited

until 1987. The collection was entitled Estivi tewon. Although these nories are more

similar in cornent and style to SiIenzio a Milmio (discussed in chapter two), 1 find it

important to discuss it here as the introduction to what will develop into Onese's use of

the fantastic. In fact, the importance of this is that there are many thematic correlations

between EFtivi tenon' and the following fantastic novel, L 'I'.


Adele Cambna in her epilogue of Esm,i terrcwi states that the denunciation of the

author in the years following the war between the 50's and 60's were prophetic

considering that at the time of publication, in 1987, those issues stiil held mie. Carnbria

states: "Ma e' in 'Estivi terrori' che 17Autrice,innocente e terribile, descrive la ragione non

esistenziale...per cui oggi nel171taliadel (quasi) 1990, gli sfiattati, i sema casa per sfi-atto.

sono diventati un irresolubile dramma collettivo, una mina politica, una riserva inquietante

di tensioni so~iali."~
Ortese was insighffil enough to realize twenty to thuty years earlier

that if people were not aven equal oppominities and ifclass distinction was not

eliminated, it was going to be inevitable that the rich would get richer and the poor poorer.

Carnbria affinns Ortese's visionary perspective that in fact, at the time of publication,

almost in 1990, the vagrants and the destitute have become an irresolvable problem in

Italian society.

Estivi temon' is a book that points out just how perceptive Ortese's social criticism

was in 1950-60. and how up to date it still was at the t h e of publication (1987). In the

story of the same title of the collection, "Estivi terrori", the first person narrator criticized

the ltalian social system and the unequal distribution of rights, which was a direct

consequence of the unequal distribution of wealth. Those that had more money had the

right to buy their land and everything in, on and above it; they also had legal and social

nghts. Meanwhile, those that did not have the financial means were always the spectators.

The select few that could buy their civil nghts were distinguished by the amount of money

they had:

...un governo che rappresenti solo due O tre cittadini, mette


automaticamente gli altri novantasette in angoscia, e la ragione e' chiara.
Mentre quei due O tre avranno radici ben salde ne1 terreno, cioe' nelia
legalita', cioe' nelia socialita', gli altri novantasette, privati morbidamente
di tutto questo, non avranno diritti che non siano immaginari, vivranno
sempre in m a m e z a realta', si crederamo ombre; ed essendo la loro buona
fede (O debolezza) infinita, mai oseranno dichiarare al governo il loro
dintto a un dintto autentico, non formale, ad una realta' di cose e non di
parole. Ed una volta rinwlpato ad essere cittadini autentici, ecco non si e'
neppure uomini autentici, professionisti autentici, cristiani autentici, e cosi'
via. Perche' la realta' base, perche' un uomo possa diventare un uomo, e'
quella civile, e comporta dei doveri, che tutti abbiamo, ma anche dei diritti,
che sono invece di due O tre persone. 'O

The narrator's anguish was a direct effect of the unequal distribution of civil rights. The

first person narrator stated that if the governrnent represented just two or three citizens it

automatically put the other one hundred in anguish. The reamn for this is clear because,

according to her, if only those three represented had legal, civil, social rights, then the

other ninety-seven only thought they had those same rights. The ninety-seven did not

have those rights because they were not at the same financial level as the other three.

They would always live in a half reality and they would have irnaginary rights. OneseTs

daim was strong as she continued to point out that what made a man real were his civil

rights which were made up of duties that each one of us has, but inaead of rights that each

one of us ought to have, rather than automatically has.

This-cnticism and perspective opens the introduction to one of Ortese's lem


comprehended books, L '&ana (1965). Without losing sight of the fact that Ertivi

terrori was written between 1950 and 1960, it makes perfect sense that the criticai, essay-

like representation is continued, similar to that of SiIemzo a Milrmo (1958) discussed in

chapter two. What is continued in L 'Iguamare the sarne social cnticisms, but presented

in an entirely different style.


The style used is that of the fmtastic. Ahhough fantasy was also used in the first

phase of Ortese's literary career, it contained more of the Magic realist characteristics of

innocence and stupor. That phase of her career was also dominated by a sense of escape

from reality. In chapter t h e , fantasy is used as social criticia. Onese blurrs the visible

environments only to make her philosophies stand out as real. The philosophies are those

grounded in a moral reconstruction of humanity in order to save the world £tom

degeneration. There are many different theories of the fantastic and de£iningit is not

difficult according to Neuro Bonifazi:

Definire ilfan~~s1ico non e' difficile, si puo' anche fermare alle apparenze,
che la coscienza cornune, la logica, giudicano subito soprannaturaii e
fantastiche, fatti impossibili, ecc., ma e' dificile capire perche' la finzione
letteraria prediliga...il racconto di tali fatti irreali e assurdi e li voglia in ogni
caso e senui adattarnenti, e perche' li senta cosi', credibili e accettabili
corne veri. Qui e' il nodo del racconto fantastico. Il quale nodo si puo'
scogiiere soitanto a condizione che si riconosca alfmastrico non il regime
dell'arbiuzuieta' e della fùtilita', O dell'evasione, ma 10 statut0 della
necessita'. .. .11

He states that the fantastic can be defined just by the appearances that cornmon logic

judge as supematural and fantastic, impossible situations. In chapter one was stated that

this period Onese's fantastic is used to express moral and human ethical issues that were

not possible for her to fuily express through Redism. This was why Ortese may have

needed to resort to the fmtastic as stated by Bonifaa. The need that Ortese may have felt

helps in differentiating this third phase from her first phase which was influenced by Magic

Realism. Ortese's first phase was characterized by escape and evasion nom redity which

would not fit under the definition that B o n i f ' gave. Tzvetan Todorov, a theoria of the

fantastic, states: "The fantastic is that hesitation experienced by a person who knows ody

the laws of nature, confronting an apparently supernanual went."" In Our case in the
study of ûrtese's use of the fantastic, we are not concemed about under which theory her

works fa11 because Ortese was not a folIower of theones and was never interested in them.

What we are rnerely suggesting is that indeed her last works are fantastic in style.

A. L 'I@mnaand Estivi Terrori: Orrese 'sRespome to Her T h e .


L ' I p m was a book that Ortese began to write in 1963 and was published in
1965. At the time of publication it was alrnost completely ignored by both critics and the

reading public. Onese stated in C o v o celeste: "Millenovecentonovanta copie in cinque

anni non sono una vendita". I3 The book was then re-published in 1978, in 1986 and in

1994. '" Thc Iguana is Ortese's first novel and one which created much confusion for

many critics. The reason for the critical debate was the fact that this novel was not

categorizable under any genre. In fact, the Ipma has been described as a ...fiab&
"

ballata, filastrocca, sogno, delirio, allegoria psichica'~.'5 It has been wnsidered a ballad, a

dream and even a delirium depending on the perspective taken. According to Giancarlo

Bom: ". ..L 'I&vanaappare corne un teao non attribuibile a nessun filone, un'opera al di la'

di ogni possibiie catdogazione". l6 Even after the 1986 re-pubblication the critics were

perplexed with this work that could not be interpreted under one perspective alone."

Between 1965-1978 the critics alrnost ignored the book and the few that did write

on it did not capture the many possibilities of interpretation. Three years after its fira

publication, Ennco Petrozzi, interpreting the Z'm as an allegory criticized Onese for

her subjectivity. He claimed that just because Ortese happeneci to be economically

exciuded and looking fiom the bonom of the hi11 up that did not mean that the elite were
doing this to her. Petrozzi felt that what began as an economic protest had tumed into an

ideological accu~ation.'~Speaking from an elitest point of view. he stated:

Due guerre ci hanno snappato i guanti bianchi e messi a condividere


gaiîetta insetti trincea e carro annato con l'operaio e il contadino, ci hanno
resi conmionaIi. Lunghe lotte sociali stanno per fàrci diventare
concinadini, e cornunque hanno gia' assicurato le uguagtianze esse~ali.. .
Certamente siamo solo all'inizio, ma la meta e' evidente ed immancabile:
una cornunita' di concittadini. E invece la Ortese ci awerte che la nostra
visione, basata su fatti e cifie inconfiitabili, e' confiitabile... .19

According to Petroui, Italy was becoming more unified and equal, or at least this was the

goal. But, Onese instead refuted this belief and gave a mirror image of what it was Iike to

see things, and reality, from her perspective. That reality was that things were not

changing for the better, but for the worse because the econornically excluded are also

socially and emotionally excluded as well. Petrozzi then concludes with a bitter note to

Ortese waming her that one becomes an iguana only if one covers hirnherself subjectively

with d e s . Basically, he is stating that if Ortese is in the situation that she is in she has

only herself to blarne because society does not exclude unless one excludes oneself first.

"A Napoli - e ne1 mondo - diventa Iguana solo chi si ricopre di scaglie. Se uno fa cosi',

finisce per cadere in un gmppo che gli fara' sofire inibizioni ed esclusioni ben piu' amare

di quelle contro cui voleva protestare.""

One year afier the second publication of L %ana in 1979, Ines Scaramucci wrote

one of the rnost complete studies on Anna Maria Ortese. She had studied al1 of Ortese's

works up until 1979 while also ove~ewingsome of the critics that had written on Ortese.

In faa. she mentioned that Ortese is not an easy author to research because of the

difficulty that critics have in categorizing her under specific genres. It was not until the

third publication of L ' I g î r m in 1986 that the book and the author received wider
attention. This. as was mentioned, codd have been beauise of the renewed sense of

literary appreciation that was based upon the development of characters and stories that

the reading public wuld once again relate to. Stefano Mecenate disproved seventeen

years later Petrozzi's criticism of ûrtese's subjectivity. Mecenate maintains ihat although

the Ipm had onginally been published more than twenty years earlier, there are

messages that can still be related to today: "resta, e ne siamo piacevolmente colpiti,

He also calls the Igu-


I'attualita' del messaggio in esso conten~to."~~ an invitation for

man to question the reality of this generation, calhg us victlms of humanistic respect that

simultaneously iirnits and humiliates us.* In other words, he sees that man's narcissistic

adoration for his own kind does iiot make him good because, according to Onese, the

significance of life is much broader than the concept of man alone. Nature is to be

respected as equally as humanity. The victim is man because his love for his own kind, in

this case, lirnits him emotionally and humiliates him in the face of the tme essence of love

and respect. Aiso in 1986, the respected writer Giorgio Manganelli, having jus

discovered the Ipana after its third publication, admitted how unjust it was to have an

extraordinary book such as this go umoticed by the critics twenty years earlier.

Manganelli aates that it is ternpting to read the story as an degory." There are many

messages in the novel and many modes of interpretation. Sharon Wood wrote that the

Iguma represents Ortese's humanitarian and political concerns about man's relationship

with nature which is crucial for man's continued existence in this worid.** For Emanno

Paccagnini the Ipanrr was a book about Ortese's fùries: comption of unwntaminated

nature, cultural Uidustry and literary society. He also stated that the book may be

interpreted through rnany approaches: politicdy, economicaiîy, cuituraiiy and


metaphysicaliy.Y What we have set forth to do is i d d m the messages within Ortese's

use of the faiitastic. The fantastic is built upon the r d as she rnakes specific references to

reality while masking her criticisrn under the guise of h t a s y .

One of the main protagonists of the I g u a is


~ Car10 Ludovico Aleardo de Grees,

otherwise known as Daddo, th* years old and wunt of Milan. He is leaving on a trip as

he does every year, looking for an island to buy in order to build villas and summer

retreats for the high society of Milan. His fnend, Boro Adelchi, who is an editor, asks hirn

to find hirn a strange aory so that it rnay sell. Daddo embarks on his trip and after making

a few brief stops in Spain and Portugal, continues his voyage into the sea when a few days

later he encounters an unknown island. The captain of the ship, Salvato, is afrad at the

discovery of such an island considering it diabolic because it was not even mentioned on

any of their maps. The island was called Ocana.

Daddo orders to disembark. On the shore there were waiting a strange group of

people. They were the noble don nario Jimenez, count of G m a n and his brothers. Their

family had transferred there in the 1600's. There was also an old lady that Daddo had

briefly sponed who ran quickly into the house. Don Ilario welcomed Daddo and very

cordially invited hirn to his home. As soon as they walk in Daddo makes the shocking

discovery that the old lady he thought he had seen outside was actually an iguana. She

was the Jimenez family's maid. Her name is Estrellita and Daddo is immediately attracted

to this being. He does not consider hm an abnomal creature but a being like any other.

The only thing he finds accentuated in her is sadness and loneliness.


Duriog his nay with nario, Daddo discovers that between Estdita and her owner there is

a strange relationship. It is one that fluctuates between attentive thoughtfulness and harsh

reprimands.

The iguana inspires curiosity in Daddo and so he decides to uncover some of the

mystery by following and observing her. One night whiie hiding in her living quarters (a

cavem), he discovers her secretively counthg and hiding some round pebbles. Daddo

realizes that the iguana actuaily believes that they are real coins. He also realizes t ha? he is

falling in love with her and so he begs her to go back to Milan with him so that he can

marry her. The more he is attentive to her the more she repudiates hm and becomes more

and more cruel. Soon he discovers that the iguana had been couned then abandoned by

her owner don Ilario. Daddo had realized this after the amval of a family fiom America.

It had b e n arranged that the daughter of this farnily was to many don nario and that the

iguana was to be given away to a circus. Estrellita becornes more savage and inhuman

while Daddo becornes more obsessed and enraptured with her. The obsession leads into a

world of hallucinations and visions. In fact. there is even described a strange trial to

punish the murderers of God, represented by a white butterfly. The insanity culminates

with Daddo's death. The Iast chapter explains the transformation of the island into a

holiday resort which ail1 is not good enough for the rich Milanese.

Ortese's denunciations are many regarding various aspects of societal and religious

institutions and beliefs. The same issues discussed in 'Estivi terrori" are once again

discussed in L 'Iguma. The only difference is in the way in which they are presented.

"Estivi terrori" tends to have an essay-like tone much closer to that of SileMo Q Miimo

(1 958) discussed in chapter two, whereas, L 'Iguona as has been d e s c n i is more of a


fable, and like a fable there is a moral to the story, or accordhg to interpretion, many

One of the sociai criticisms tallced about in "Estivi terrori" was that of the

obsessive summer ritual of the Italians to flee fiom the cities in search of the perfect place

to spend their money and vacation. As is customary d u ~ the


g sumrner months in Italy,

everyone seerns to squinn out of the city towards the beaches or the mountains:

Di questi giomi (giugno a a per finire, siarno O dovremmo essere alle porte
dell'estate), c'e' un gran daffare sulle strade...treni e macchine stipati fin su1
tetto, gente che parte, gente che arriva...al mare O in montagna, alioggetti
che assumono rapidamente un aspetto confortevole, vacanziero... Il denaro
corre a fiurni, i gelati anche... Monti e mari passano come in un ~ o g n o . ~ ~

The only dwellers left behind are either tourists or those that cannot S o r d the luxury of a

vacation. Once again, Ortese's focus is on the degeneration of man's identity lost within

social structures and economic class distinction. This was one of Ortese's firies as

pointed out by Paccagnini.

The cities became more and more polluted and now man looks for more nature to

conupt and devastate outside of the city. Daddo is a wealthy count of noble descent.

Therefore, he is one of those two or three that inherited civil rights because he was

automaticdly bom into economic rights. This was a topic that Ortese talked about in

"Estivi temon". Daddo sailed off as he did every s u m e r in search of an island as a

s u m e r retreat for the rich Milanese.

Corne tu sai, Lettore, ogni anno, quando e' primavera, i Milanesi partono
per il rnondo in cerca di terre da comprare. Per construirvi case e alberglu,
nadmente, e piu' in la', forse, anche case popolari; ma soprattutto
corrono in cerca di quelie espressioni ancora Nnaste intatte della
«nama>>, di Qo' che essi imendono per natura: un misto di liberta' e
passionalita', con non poca sensualita' e una sfùmatura di follia, di mi,
causa la rigidita' deUa moderna Mta a Milano, appaiono a s ~ e t a t i . ~
Mer living in the rigidity of modem tife, the Milanese like to set offaround the world

every spring in search of immadate places in order to start building hotels and homes and

eventually even houshg projects for the poor. Ortese's point being that every tirne there

is wealth it is always balanced by poverty. In other words, the wealthier becorne so at the

sacrifice of the poor.

Ortese speaks directly to the reader inwrporating a sense of reaiity into the

fictitious aory she is about to tell. Although the aory is not m l , Ortese balances the

fantasy with reality by naming concrete places such as Milano and opposing this with

completeiy fictitious places like Ocana. There is also the use of syrnbolism as a way to

refer to socio-economic aspects. For example, Estrellita appeared as many different things

to Daddo before and &er he realized that she was just an iguana. Nevertheless, he ail1

fell in love with her and saw her as a poor victim, corrupted by those more powerful than

her. She is the representation of those that have no social rights and is not considered a

civil madwoman because she has no financial status. The iguana is not human enough to

have social and religious rights, but she is human enough to do sende work and be taken

advantage of Like her there are many who feel they do not belong, that the land they

waik on and the air they breathe is always someone else's. This was a critical argument

made in "Estivi tenon":

Per il resto, montagne intere, regioni con boschi, con lagh, foreste
bellissime attraversate da un fiume pieno di pesci...appartengono
esclusivamente d a signora Rossi-.. NeUe cina' Io stesso: sorgono quartieri
di lusso, ville stupende, parchi rnagnifici vengono tagliati per hvorire
I'insediamento di condomini simili a sogni, e um che passa (col sacco in
spalla e i piedi pieni di polvere, ed e' stanco) si mette a guardare, e dice:
<<ma chi giiel'ha data-> (tutta questa tena), e poi si accosta e fa: e p e r
favore, questa terra era anche mia, ridatemi la mia parte>>. E loro ridono.
e dicono: <<ma noi si e' comprata, con l'aria e t u t t ~ ?

In "Estivi terrori" she explains that in the chies, magaificent parks are destroyed in order

to build luxurious apartment buildings and villas. Thus, a poor man that walks by with a

sack on his back and his feet fidl of dua wonders: "Who gave this to them?'and then says

to someone near by: "please, this land was also mine, give me back my share." The

person that the poor man asked laughed and responded that the poor man's share had

already been bought including the air within it. Jua like the poor man who wonders how

he has been bought out of his temtory and his nghts, the iguana is a symbol of the

financially oppressed.

Another reference to a socio-economic problem was the mention of the editorial

industry and the distortion of the name of the publisher Adelphi to Adelchi. Boro Adelchi,

was a very ~ o o fnend


d of Daddo and made a request to hlln before he lefk on his voyage.

Adelchi asked him to keep his ean open for an abnormal or peculiar aory that would

guarantee sales: ". ..ci vorrebbe quaiche cosa d'inedito, di straordinario. La concorrem e'

forte... Tu che vai viaggiando, Daddo, perche' non mi procureresti qualcosa di pnmitario,

magari d'anormale?"." M e r going through a period of Neorealistic thematics between

the 1940's and 1WO's, the publishing houses were requesting something other than

literature of engagement. This was the period when literature became eqerimental.

Writers felt the need to release the hstrations left behind by the Neorealistic expenence.

A reason for this may be the redundance of the subjects that Neorealism focused upon.

Postwar literature had the socio-political purpose of denouncing the bad in order to inspire
change. The change for the better was not happening and writers and intellects began to

iose f&h in the belief of literanire as engagement.

Sharon Wood adds that because of the publishers' need to ensure sales, art and

literahire had become constrained by this. Wood states: "[Ortese] is scathing about the

lack of engagement and challenge which ensures success in a cornplacent and self-satisfied

industry .. In fact there is a point in the aory where Daddo and don Ilario discuss the
issue of the publishing industry. Don [lario gave Daddo some pomis that he had written

wanting Daddo's opinion on thern. At first Daddo thought that the symbolism in the

poems was most likely referring to the infamous problem of oppression. Don nario's

works were a reflection of Ortesr's, in the sense of purpose and thematics. Ortese felt that

she no longer had a place in the literary world given the new experimentalist thought in

vogue. Like don Ilario, Ortese felt misunderstood and outdated.

In the poems echoed the pains and desperations of previously fmous poems of

great authors of the past that Daddo thought don Ilario must have read as a child. This is

clearly a composition that was based on the traditional literature that in the 1960's was

being rejected. Daddo did not feel that it was up to hîm nor up to Adelchi, nor the cntics

to interpret their significance. Regardless, he found them to be incomprehensible, perhaps

purposely done so, he thought, in order to instigate boredom which would be a sure venue

for sales. At this point ûrtese speaks directiy to the reader and explains: "Tale, Lettore

Caro, era, come vedi, la mentalita' del Daddo, che di libn n d a O quasi comprendeva,

come voleva il secolo... .'"' She states that Daddo knew nothing about books but that

was what the century, or the time penod, wanted anyway. This was a definite criticism of

the experimentd literature of the 1960's that was purposely hcomprehensible but
supponed by the publishing industry. Later. when don Ilario asked Daddo whether Milan

would be interesteci in his works, Daddo explained that although his poems were

traditional, that was not the style in vogue at the moment in Milan. Daddo explained to

don liario:

...a volte si da' arte sema vita, e cioe' sema necessita'; questo, quando ü
macchinario dell'indumia culturale gira da solo... [...] M o
scopo.. .d'incocaggiare la produione, il movimento delle intelligenze, le
quali, poco aiia volta, supereranno cosi' W t i coaflitti spiritudi-
ideologici.32

The interesting critique that Ortese makes through the character of Daddo is that modem

art was going through a period of art without life. The intellectuais were going through a

period of infinite spirituaiistic and ideological conflias. Traditional literature had an inner

voice of conscience and structure. Modem art, which is now in vogue, as Ortese

cnticizes, is the disintegration of structure and of meaning. As Sapegno states, the literary

period which marks the dissolution of Neorealism is characterized by "rifiuto della

letteratura, dissoluzione del l i n g ~ a ~ ~ i o . " ~ '

Although Onese created, with the Iguana, a fictitious world with fictitious

characters, there was still a realistic applicability to the problems of present day society.

In fact, Bom states:

Un altro elemento singolare del romanzo e' costituito...da@ improwisi e


inattesi riferimenti a situarioni e aspetti della nostra amialita', inseriti ne1
contesto di una trama svincolata da ogni riferimento a tempi precisi e a
dirette realta'. Si susseguono. volta a volta nurnerosi accenni alle leggi
economiche piu' conosciute, alle amiaii imperami regole di mercato,
ali'industria turistica di massa,ali'andamento dell'attivita' editoriale, ai
compensi per gli autori e simili."
Bom States that in the I g u m there are wntinuous references to the economical iaws and

market, to the touristic industry; and, to the progress of the editorial industry and the

compensations of their authors, etc.

m sui mur0 ami L ' a h e grîgio: Depictions of the Three Sim of Sociev.
B. La l

La l u m ml mur0 was published in 1968 and it is a collection of six short stories.

Two of these were already published under different titles in SiZemio a Milano. These

two stories are "Masa" and "Un nuovo giorno", which were entitled "Lo sgombero" and

"ii disoccupato". This book, as well as L 'alone piHo published the foilowing year in

1969, were for the mon part ignored by cri tic^.^'

The first story "Il cappotto rosso" from La lunu ml mur0 is h n e n in the third

person voice. The main characters are Zena and Laia. They are childhood fiends who

meet for coEee after a lengthy, unspecified penod of time. Zena is described as less

attractive, less distinguished and represents the stmpsiing proletariat class. Nevertheless

she is accepting of life and of cucumaances. Lala, on the other hand, is bitter and relishes

in others*sorrows, anguish and represents the higher social c l a s She suffered from a

mdady that rerninds us of the aory discussed in chapter two, "La cura*'. The illness

discussed in that story was never specific. The references made in the story heiped the

reader understand that the causes were the disilusions and sorrows of life. Lala, in this

story. describes her iilness but never declares it either. The illness couid be a sense of

emptiness that characterized the literary period.36


They discuss muîual acquaintances and the rnisfomuiate lives that some of them

have led. Lala also talks about her cousin Rubino. She was the one who was envied by

her cousin Lala because she was the most beautifùl and most loved by friends and admirers

at the tirne of adolescence. Now that many years have passed Lala idomis Zena of the

transformations of Rubino. It seems that Lala has taken w d o r t in knowing that time has

made her cousin old, poor and miserable:

...lYe'venuta addosso una crisi. A venîinove anni, e' cominciata, ed e'


venuta anche al marito. Ora, questo e' accaduto una decina di anni f ~in,
pieno splendore, ora sono due ragnetti. Cambiato totalmente tutto:
religione, societa', vita. Dato via tutto. Poven, miseri..."

Lala explained that Rubino must have had some kind of crisis at about the age of twenty-

nine and that her husband had had one as well. This had happened ten years earlier and

now they were completely diferent. In fbct, they changed their religion, society and their

lives. They gave everythmg away and now they are poor and content.

The three women represented in the story have experienced time and life

differently. Zena has remained the same. In other words, thne and people have aood stiil

in her memory. Laia has become embittered and has found consolation in knowing that

time has requited her by destroying what was once the beautifid image of her cousin

Rubino. Lala's satisfaction is also apparent when her husband finally confided in her that

there was no cornparison between Lala and her cousin anymore: "Mio m ~ t (sono
o venuti

a trovarci un'ultima voha due anni fa) non poteva pensarci. Sai che lui ne era stato un po'

innamorato? Beh, sai cosa: 'O@ confronto. Lala, tra te e Na cugina, e' ormai

impossibiie', ecco la sua espressione...r?.38


Then thme is Rubino who has completely rejected the past. In f'àct Lala told Zena:

"Ma non la riconosceresti piu'. Neppure lei ti riconoscerebbe. Del resto, non wole ph'

vedere il passato. Ha ripudiato t ~ t t o " . ~ The


' reader begins to understand, while

following the discussion between the two protagonists, that tirne shows no mercy and

continues on with or without us. The only thing that does remain the same are mernories.

People?events and emotions are forever fiozen in tirne.

According to Borri, this is a story that underlines the great mystery of life. Time

changes and deteriorates people and events, but life still proceeds.

E le pareva, questa vita, cosi' bella, bellissima, con le sue idnite distanze,
ma niente affatto crudele, ugualmente... anche se aveva mutamenti
misteriosi: niente affatto crudele. L'aria era sempre cosi' caida, le piante
risplendevano. Tutto appariva e spariva e riappariva regolarmente, come
gli astri, eteniamente in viaggio, etemamente sornmerso, non sapeva da che
cosa... cio' che chiamano tempo?

Zena's thoughts are expressed by the narrator. She believes that life is not cruel although

it has mysterious changes: but it is never cruel. Life is beautifhl in its continuity. It pives

us the air we breathe and the plants around us. It appears, disappears and reappears again.

Zena understands this but Lala has not yet understood the significance of life. In fact.

Zena kept trying to remember Laia when she was Young, thoughtnil and generous. Now

Zena thought of Lala: ". ..quella signora aveva denibato, ucciso, e cornunque fatto un gran

male a Lala Favero giovane."41

Ortese's criticism permeates through these characters as she represents the

econornic dflerences between them as well. Zena was financially restrained and Lived in

the poorer section of the city whïch is why she was embarrassed to invite Lala over to her

house. A point was also made to compare the appareî of each of the characters. Zena
noticed the fine, beautiful clothing that Lala had, including her nd coat ( r e f d g to the

title). The red mat is a symbolic reference to Lala's unwillingness to accept her growing

old and her need to a a y Young, but also of her dominant social class. Life, to Lala is vev

superfxial. What she had interpreted as a crisis, refaring to Rubino and her husband, as a

choice in Mestyle is incomprehensibleto her who is probably very attached to materialism.

They wanted to experience life without the defenses of matenal wealth and this to Lala

was an act of folly.

In the story that holds the same title as the collection, "La luna ml muro", Ortese's

criticism of man's three major sins, his narcissism, the importance of weaith and time, play

significant roles in explaining the title. The protagonist is Olga Zachin. She is a manied.

wealthy woman in her second pregnancy. Olga has just recently become aware of the fact

that she has been someone much too concemed with herself During this second

pregnancy she has made a promise to herself that she would like to make a change for the

better. She would like to become a person who is more giving and sharing with others.

This promise would put to the test shortly thereafter when Olga went to a cafe where an

old lady was working.

This older woman crossed her socio-economical boundaries and asked Olga if she

would like to join her in going to the movie theatre. Olga, rather than abiding by her

promise to be a more giving person, was quickly dismayed that a woman of such lower

status would show such fa.mîlïaritywith a woman of higher status like herself. In fact,

Olga was quite humiliated by the older woman's request: "Era impercettibilmente

umiliata.'"
Meanwhile, Olga wntinued her routine life and d l held on to the wish of

becoming a better person. One afternoon she took a walk in some nearby gardens and

went into the church. Here she prayed and thought mostly about herself, her beauty:

".:.prego' meccanicamente, ma soprattutto penso' al mondo, alla sua bellezza, a se stessa,

It was at this point that she immediately thought about


alla primavera e alla feli~ita'."~~

her cruel response to the old wornan in the bar. Therefore, Olga thought she wouId make

it up to her by buying her a m. The gesture was never to be appreciated because the
older woman was not working at the bar the times that Olga went looking for her. This

upset her because not only was she excited about giving her the @fi, but also because she

did not know why or what was keeping the old woman fkom going to work. It was a few

days later that Olga found out about the sad news: the older woman's son had died.

A year later, one sumrner evening, Olga and her husband decided to take a aroll

through the city. Olga requested that they visit the cafe across town, the one in which the

older woman used to work. To Olga's amazement, she found the old wornan working

there but with a completely dflerent expression on her face. What was once a face of

hope is now one of pain and sorrow. This made Olga realize how she could have made

things different, how she could have made a positive impact on the woman's life if only

she had been more open and inviting that one night when asked whether Olga would job

the old woman to see a movie. "Ah, perche' aveva perduto il figlio, perche' era dovuto

capitule quella disgrazia! Se fosse staio tua0 corne ien, e avessero potuto ancora

scambiare qualche parola su1 film, e lei avesse potuto lodarla per il suo gusto. Le pareva

che tutta la sua vita ne sarebbe con~olata.''~Instead now the old woman did not even
give Olga a glance. It was as if she had built a wall of pain and silence around her just like

the rest of society.

The intereshg aspect of this aory is the fact that time is not what changes people

but the situations they endure. One exarnple of this is when Olga met the old woman for

the very first tirne. At the d e that night, she had noticed that there was a beautiful

reflection of the moon on the wall: "C'era una bella luna su1 muro ... .45 One year later,
99

the atmosphere seemed to have been frozen in time with the same moon reflecting on the

wall: ".. .e corne qualche mese prima c'era la luna che batteva su1 mur0... .,746

Unfomnately, what has made the old woman different was the death of her son

and what made Olga different was her sense of guilt. For Giancarlo Bom this story is a

representation of how each individual is absorbed in hidher pain and how it affects their

relationships with others. As far as the things surrounding us are concemed, such as the

moon, they are harmonious representations of tirne. In other words, they continue on in

the same way regardless of changes in Our lives.

Queao possibile awicinamento finisce prima di corninciare: alla cameriera


muore il figlio ancora ragazzo, e I'immenso dolore la rende assente, dura,
assolutamente chiusa in se stessa; riemerge cos?, invincibile, I'oscura, muta
incomunicabilita' di ogni essere, preso ne1 gorgo del proprio dolente
destino.47

What Ortese has talked about in the third person slowly builds up to the fmt

person in the next book L 'alonegnRio published a year later in 1969. Mer a period of

not mentioning Naples she once again begins to reminisce about her past and persondy

analyzes how present experiences have affecteci her and her mernories. What she does is

take herseras an example of why society can at tirnes seem so indifferent and cold. Once
again, although time continues to pass us by inexorably, it is not time that changes people

but the events that each individual must endure that hardens him/her. This book was

written dunng a period in which Ortese was financially pressed and was desperately trying

to find a means to pay for rent. This was aiso a period of existentid as well as cultural

isolation for the author:

Gli anni '68 e '69 sono anche quefi delia contestaPone giovanile e
snidentesca, e Anna Maria vede accentuarsi il suo isolamento esistenziale e
culturale. In questo particolare clima la scrittrice sente, profonda e
irresistibile, I'esigenza di tomare al passato, alla sua adolescenza febbnle e
inquiets, agli struggenti, f e ~ danni
i napoletani, di prima della guerra, al
sorgere della sua vocazione letteraria?

Onese wrote about her Neapolitan years of her adolescence as a reaction to Italy's socio-
political and socio-economical situation. In other words, writing about the past helped her

preserve her appreciation for goodness and simplicity, in her view, what Mie used to be.

Her concem is that present day problems such as having to pay the rent and not having the

means to do so deteriorate the innocence that each individual was bom with. People

become less receptive and thus begins the building of the wails between each individual

and the next. Time does nothing more than make those mernories of goodness and

innocence more and more distant throughout the years. Bom also aates:

Si puo' chiaramente notare un fil0 conduttore...che accomuna...le raccolte:


quel10 del tempo che scorre inesorabile e che tutto modifica, della
giovinezza trascorsa, del passato imeso corne «<perdit.a» e corne
«cassenza», alle quali si puo' oppome soltanto - con grande &OROe
fatica - un <<esercizio» continu0 di memona, una ricerca, in ogni aspetto
del presente per reperire dmeno un segno, un barlume, una traccia di
quell'immenso accumulo di vita che a a alle nome spalle."

In the story "Fantastichene" she begins by explainhg that she is siîting at her table

at two o'clock in the momhg trying to find a subject to wrîte about. The fist person
narrator aates that there is nothing that &es her inspiration, not even the weather

because there is a constant veil of fog. It is just enough to d e one feel even more

closed in. This is a reminder of the theme running through her previous book Lu f u m sul

muro. There is a sensation of isolation and distance among people and within a person.

Events through tirne create a gap between our mernories and the present.

Infine, credo che sia per questo che non mi riesce di scrivere. Intomo a me
non c'e' nulla che mi consenta di essere tmquilla, e, cosa peggiore.
neppure nelia mia memoria c'e' ruilla. Per soprawivere in questa cina' mi
sono dedicata a cose che, poco d a volta, mi hanno fâtto dimenticare le
altre, tutte le altre. Darei non so che per ric~rdarmene.~~

In "Fantastichene" Ortese rewrites her pas?, once again, taking about her

experiences as a child. the war, and moving to Tripoli and then back to Naples; she

remembers family members who have passed away, and tries to regain a sense of identity

that Milano and financial responsibilities have stripped fiom her. "Chi sono? chi sono piu'

io? Che cosa faccio qui? Che aspetto qui. chiusa mi questo rnuro di nebbia e di

quiete?".5' These questions seemed to have inspired the science fiction-like aory that

holds the same title as the collection, "L'aione grigio".

In this story she tries to answer these questions by depicting the end of time.

There was a gray halo surrounding the sun and an air of darkness that would not cease.

The newspapen were talking about dserent meteorological disasters that were a c t i n g

the earth and the atmosphere in general. As the first person narrator observed these things

she realized that she was quite detached fiom them possibly because of the many daily

responsibilies assaiiing her:

Per quanto ne so, da1 modo corne vivevo, nela mia vecchia casa un PO'
misera, trascurata, era qualwsa che non mi riguardava Debiti, lavon
urgenti da nnire, e il senso - non troppo beilo - di una vita sbagliata, di un
mondo sbagiiato. Insomma dei nuovi hîti non mi preoccupavo... Direi,
ami, che qualcosa, in me, li osservava con una curiosita', una attenzione
non rnaievo~a.~~

As the atmospherical disasters continued, the m a t o r kept worrying about the bills she

ail1 needed to pay. There was a sense of a mistaken life or a mistaken world. The feeling

~ many characters in Ortese's works of being a spectator


that surrounded the I g u a and

and not a participatant is evermore present in this quote as she feels that the only

significant thing in the world is to pay those bills. The destruction of the world as we

know it continued, and suddeniy, the deceased were corning back. In faa, people fiorn

the past, whether they were family members or hinorical figures, were dl corning back to

be a part of the present. Rather than creating a state of panic, tbis event caused a lot of

relief and codon. Unexpectedly, time had no significance anymore. "Il tempo era

annullato, la fatale paura che l'uomo si porta ne1 sangue fin da bimbo, e credo che 10 faccia

tanto tremare e gridare, che tutto passa e non toma, che una cascata immensa e' la vita, le

cui acque mai piu' risalgono, tale paura era ann~llata."'~She observed the phenornenon of

the extermination of time as a spectator and not as a participant: "Tali fenomeni, io li

vedevo ora come speitacolo... Per una specie di deformazione spirituale, molto diffusa in

quell'epoca, il mio animo continuava a essere interessato soprattutto daîle cose meschine

di sempre: tanto per dime un& come pagare il telefono... .9154 The first person narrator

continues to cnticize herself because of her obsessive womes regarding bills and

payments. Although the world was changing right before her eyes she was stiU

conditioned by due dates and panic.


As was mentioned, what makes these stories Werent from jua a simple renirn to

her past and her adolescence is the hct that in these stones she uses herself as an example

of society. As the end of the world approached, everyone became more open and

humane. People began contacthg lost fiiends; neighbors apologized to one another for

not being nicer or for simply not greeting each other. The first person narrator instead

consurned herself with writing letters to everyone she owed rnoney to. The night that she

spent writing those letters was supposed to be the last night of the worid as known to

mankind. Instead mornhg came. It seemed that al1 of a sudden everything retumed to the

way it was.

The fantastic is built upon the reality of having to pay bills. The author's feelings

are an example the of anxiety of many rnembers of society going through the same type of

financial womes and stresses. The story includes phenomenal apocalyptic descriptions

such as the dead retuming in order to prepare us for the end of the world. In the end al1

retums to normal, to the reality that she is farniliar with and that she mus face.

The aspect that was most noticeable was the characteristic of distance and

indifference arnongst people once the world retumed to nomal again. Reality made its

presence known by creating an enormous gap between the generations of past and

present: "Vi era soltanto, tra gli uomini e le Ioro radici, grande lontananza, si sentiva il

perdimento dei nostri morti... .4 5


In other words, there was a gap between goodness and

innocence, represented by the dead and indifference and coldness, represemed by the

living. This story wuld aiso be considered a metaphor for what she may beiieve is the

significance of literature. Reality is empty and concernai with entities that destroy man:

money, self-gratification. Literature, on the other hanci, in Onese's view, has the purpose
which is that of helping man through the coldness of reality. It provides a world of

compassion and humanity where time and money do not hold a grip on man.

c. In sonno e in vegliu: dreams of moralzty

In 1987 was published In sonno e in vegl~a,a collection of short stones of

cornplex

nature as is characteristic of many works by Anna Maria Ortese. Literature, in the 1980's

was now re-establishing itself by veiling social problems in a fantastic surrounding, rather

than by using the documentary style that Neorealism had chosen.

The stories in In sogno e in veglia range from a fairytale-like to a meditative,

conversational style. Nonetheless, Ortese never loses focus of her moral engagement,

that is, to try and make sense of the senseless. Some of the stones become contorted into

drearn-Iike, sumalistic settings that seern the fùnhea frorn reaiity. Yet the stones are

always grounded in reality, always comected to it. The author explains the title which

depicts a state between dream and wake, hallucination and lucidity. Ortese states: "11

titolo itz sonno e in veglia... Mi e' parso adatto a sottolineare l'altemarua di attenzione e

di stordimento, di oblio (del reale e della logica) e insierne di interrogante coscienza, che

unisce, spero, questi petzi.. .apparentemente tanto diversi I'uno dall'altro".56 The author

explains that with this title she tried to uni@ aories that pomay states between wake and

dream; the altemating aates between attention and bewilderment, oblivion and a

questioning conscimce. If Sumealism is characterized by the irrational, then it may have

been an influence in the imagery of the first story, "La casa del bosco", but not in the

rational meditative discourse that is present tbroughout it. Basicaiiy these pieces are
representations of the fusion between fiction and reaiity. It is through fiction that she

challenges human ethics. Accordhg to Neuro Bonifazi:

e e' un rapport0 col reale, ma e' la legge del testo. anzi


Ii v e r o s ~ non
della scrittura, e' la sua d i f i e' la difesa di se' come &ennazione O
negazione, come interrogazione O esclamazione, corne ricordo O '

descrizione, come conféssione O protesta, come simulazione O


comunicazione, e cosi' via, fino a arrivare alla narraPone, ai racconto,
favola, storia...."

Verisirnilitude, he explains, is not a relationship with r d t y but it is the law of the text. Ii

is its own defense as affirmation or negation, memory or description, confession or

protest. It is the last combination that is of interest to us here. Ortese continues to veil

her protests and her confessions with fantasy, but it is reality that she is moa concemed

about. There is plausibility to the implausibie just like in the I g t r m and the stones

discussed fiom La Ium and L 'ahte.

The aories from In sognu were al1 wrinen between 1970 and 1980 (with the

exception of "La cura" which dates back to 1942). The criticism is not as abundant for

this latest collection as it was for the Igucnta (especially after its third publication in 1986).

Rita Wilson noticed that with: "...lnsonno e in vegiia...si e' ripetuto un fenomeno gia'

noto nella aona di quemi autnce difficile e appartata: il silenzio O quasi della ~ritica."~~

Once again with the release of In sopo the phenornenon of silence, or almost silence,

from the critics that has characterized the literary critical history of this author has been

repeated: of silence, or almost, fiom the critics. However, a concept that the cntics di

seemed to agree with in reviewing the stones in II sogno, was the social responsibility and

the ethical messages in it. As Rocco Capozzi states in a book review of II sogno:
In sogno e in vegiia confirnis Ortese's masteriid techniques incorporatïng
dreamke memones, oneinc andor surrealistic descriptions,
apparitions...feelings of emptiness, and sensations of being log. These are
some of the farniiiar expressions of an author who, often quite bitterly,
denounces misery, anxieties, estrangement, and man's destructive drive.
And ifthere is one motifwhich clearly stands out from the aories, it is
unquestionably ûrtese's reminder that man (not anirnals) is the being who
infiicts pain on other~.'~

Capozzi explains that her techniques rnay Vary, and in faa have varied throughout

Ortese's literary career, but what connects al1 of her works is the moral responsibility she

feds as a h t e r to help people dream of a better We, or perhaps, of abruptly waking them

up fiom this awfùl dream called reality. Claudio Marabini makes an interesthg point when

he remarks that shce the author's best known works, II mare non bagna Napoli (1953),

there has been a constant principle maintained in all her writings. He writes:

Se si prende corne base di partenza il libro piu' noto. forse, Il mure non
bugna Napoli, si vede il cammino percorso pur ne1 mantenimento di una
base che e' al10 stesso tempo fisica e morale, storico-sociale e spirituale, in
quanto rispecchia una visione del mondo immutata, scatunta dall'idea del
male e della sua prassi nella vita dei singoli e della societa'."

If one begins with 11mure as a starting point in conceiving the valueable impact of the

author in her works, one would notice that she consistently writes under a moral. socio-

histoncal and spiritual light, illuminating ail that is bad either on an individual matter or

more universally, such as, society as a whole. Franca Bosco also confirms that Ortese's

narrative style does not impede her fiom confronthg some of the greatest themes

regarding Me and history. "Questo suo particolare modo di raccontare non impedisce

perd alla Ortese di affiontare i grandi terni delia vita e deila noria. .. e la condanna della

violenza, la diesa della nanira a dei valori piu7alti deli'umanita' assumono spesso toni

lievi, a volte visionari, a volte surreali... ."6' These crucial themes, she States, are those of
condemning violence, the defense of nature and of the highest values of hurnanity. Rita

Wilson has a similar opinion to that of Marabhi as she writes: ". ..la btasia delia scrittnce

e' tesa ai terni dell'umanita' conculcata: da cui nase quella filosofia del Male che schiaccia

i 'non aventi dirino': cioe' tutta la natura inclusi gli ~omin.i.*~She, as weil as Marabini.

both state that fmasy is used in order to introduce themes regarding humanity. It also

introduces the philosophy of the bad (which the author capitalizes) that flattens al1 those

that do not have any rights (such as those referred to in "Estiviterrori"), therefore

including not only humanity but al1 of nature as weli. In addition to this point, Sharon

Wood affirms: 'Fantasy in Ortese is not anarchy but a deeply-held hope for the future of

the world - not onhodox political utopianism, but a separate hierarchy of moral value."63

"La casa ne1 bosco" is the first story in the collection and one which has typical

characteristics of a story by Ortese. What is meant by this is the combination of

hallucinatory events that multiply and negate themselves to the point of being inexplicable

in what we know as standard time and space. This techinque of combining and

overlapping the real with the unreal is one which is common to the writing of Ortese. Like

the other examples, the story "La casa del bosco" is also an opportunity for the author to

reveal her womîes, doubts and fean of society.

The story is told in the first person with an occasional direct note to the reader.

She begins with a f ~ r l ydetailed description of the outa and inner structure in which she

lives, in other words, her home. One important point is that there is a wail with two-

thousand bricks that separates her home h m the rest of the world. Wood explains:

"While the Garden of Eden or some promised land may lie beyond the walls, within them
the protagonist can ody retreat into ever smaiier inner spaces and into a state of dream

which constantly intertwines with reality... The first person narrator adds that she

lives in her home with a woman named Tnrde. An illusive character that seems to

figuratively act as the voice of consciousness, but rnay be the actual representation of her

sister. There is not an easy, linear way of recounting the story because the author creates

a confusion between dream-state and lucid-state. It is a story of a metaphysical state

where the mind questions what is real, and what is hallucination. It also tackies the

significance of daily turbulations as opposed to the much deeper rooted problems

regarding the meaning of life itself

W e sleeping she dreamed of two plumbers who transformeci themselves into

thieves, but when she awoke she was sure she had seen these two figures before in real

life. The doorbell rings and it is the mailman with the long awaited letter telling her if she

has been evicted or not. The mailmen happen to be those same characters, the plumbers,

whom she had seen in her dream. As she reads the letter with dread, she is given the

news: she has three more days and then she must leave. The thieves are syrnbolic figures

because she feels that she is continuously being robbed of her freedom. In fact she asks:

Perche', a me, questa sinistra visione del Ladro che presiede la vita del
mondo, mentre la vita fionsce e le stagioni si susseguono gratuitamente?
Vi e' generosita', ne1 mondo, in questa fluente natura data a topi e ad
angeli, e solo a me questa contemplante serenita' e' negata?

The first person narrator asks why she must have this vision of a thief: with a capitalized

linitial, connoiiing Me and the world while in the meantirne flowers blossomed and the

seasons change continuously and gratuitously. She r&es that there is generosity in the

natural world given to the rnice and the angels and it is only to her that this serenity is
denied. The thief is the symbol for the predomlliant role that money has in our society:

without it we are not fiee,but prisoners of this thief that steak our naturai fieedom. The

feelings of anxiety?uncertainty and of having no control over one's existence, al1 depend

on the outside world. Clerici notes that these feeiings are quite cornmon in the works of

Ortese. He says that the symbolic, recurrent theme of the loss of the home and therefore

of control: ". ..e' un motivo che sottintende con chiarezza l'idea di un'esistenui comunque

imprevedibile e la winerabilita' della delicatissima e instabile Pace intenore a momenti

raggiunta da questi protagonisti. L'atmosfera di dolente precarieta' del vivere viene cosi'
3 9966
ailusa attraverso I'impaurita attesa di un'improwisa comunicazione 'dail'esterno . The

feeling of vulnerability or the incapability of finding the means to pay rent (a theme found

in "L'alone grigio"), is a fear that is transrnitted in her works, including in this story "La

casa ne1 bosco". The sarne fear and anxiety that is a part of Onese's life is then

transferred on these characters. In this aory Ortese continues to show her criticism of

society. That man is nothing and has no place in society uniess he has money.

"L'ultima lezione del signor Sulitjema" is a aory that confronts another of Onese's

concems: the animais and nature. The story is described as one of the moa bountiîùl

aories in the book aithough it is the shorten." The fable-like story is presented as a

lesson about equai respect and compassion for al1 living creatures residing in the world

with mankind. The setting is in a schoolhouse located in a little t o m in Norway. The

teacher was a bear, Ors0 Sulitjema, but no one seerned to r&e it. The third person

narrator describeci the Nomegians as lovers of fantastic stones. In fact, two young boys?

midents of Sulitjema, made a bet that the next substitute t h q had was probably going to
be a bar. Upon hearing this. Sulitjema announced to the rest of the class not only the bet

made between the two boys, but also that fiom the next day forward a real teacher would

take over. The kick were ovejoyed but this did not bother Sulitjema much. He called

their attention by c a b g t h m his children and asked that they pay attention to his last gift.

Sulitjema explained that since he did not rnake much money teaching he could not buy

them a material gift, but he would therefore like to share a moral one instead.

The moral gift was composed of two points. One: do not judge by appearances,

either by color of skin or the value of clothing. Two: do not judge nature because it has

eyes and ears and it loves you. Therefore, he claimed, love and honor it back and it will

always be there for you. The reason for this, he continued, is because when you die there

will be a beautifil world filled with the gifts of the earth: anirnals and nature, and they will

be there waiting to welcome you in their kingdom. There will not be the heads of state

waiting to judge you, but nature will. The audents were so moved that they began to cry.

Moments later, a sled aopped in front of the school. Two men from the Forest

Guard came into the classroom looking for Sulitjema, but it was too late. By the time they

came inside. Sulitjema had already broken out of a window and disappeared into the

forest. Although the newspapers were saying that Sulitjema was just an authentic bear

acting like a human in order to teach the children of the world, the students denied the

claim. They defended Sulitjema and more importantly, they always remembered his

teachings.

Marabini describes In sogno c in v e g h as a: 'hifiessione filosofica, O morale,

sulla sostanui del mondo e deila vita, sulla natura degli uomini e la presenza del male... .,968

In sogno. he daims, is a book in which are instilleci many of ûrtese's personal moral
Mews. By passing them on to the newer and younger genemtions, as Sulitjema di& Ortese

feels there could be hope for a better world. Ortese sees the worid as destruction and

man, the cause of it. Society is a man made concept and one which, obviously, focuses on

man as the center and dominator of the universe. Since society is organized on a system

of econornical hierarchy, there will always be those that cm never be a part of that syaem

such as nature and the animais.

D. Ii cmdiilo d o l o r a t o and Alonso e i visionman:Simple Mesuiges Arnid the Complcx


Dramas.

II cardzIZo acldoloruto, published in 1993, is one o f Ortese's most complete works.

Finally, unlike the usual treatment by media and critics, this book received much well

deserved attention by both. Franz Haas calls it a miracle: “...l'ultime libro di Anna Maria

Ortese, -11 cardillo addolorato», si e' posato corne una ragnatela poetica su1 nostro

paesaggio letterario pilotato dai mass-media.. . un mira col^."^^ He claims that there may

be many reasons why this novel was much more fortunate than the others. One of the
reasons couid be that the age in which we live is much more accepting of diierent literary

styles: another could be that this book was supponed and published by Adelphi, a very

respecteci Milanese editorial house. 1 agree that this phenomenon may be due to a

combination of both situations because this attention does not repeat itseiffor her next

novel Aiom e i visionart nor for Corpo celeste. The criticism that Haas does have of the

media, regarding II curdiillo, is the quality, and not the quantity, of attention that ûrtese

may not have received. "1 giornali italiani si sono Mati su1 cccardillo addoiorato» con

diligenui ed euforia, sebbene la maggior parte dei critici abbia prefèrito intervistare
I'mtrice...anziche9leggere attentamente i suoi l i b He
~ states
~ ~ that she may have been

bombardai with attention by the media, but the reporters and critics chose to interview

her rather than read her books in detaii, and therefore, dl,did not do her justice. In fact,
many of the foiiowing references listed are merely book reviews found in newspapers.

Only two critics have studied this work at length: Sharon Wood and Errnanno Paccagnini.

At the publication of il cardiIk~Pietro Citati wrote an article about the uniqueness

of this novel and of its author. He places Ortese arnongst the best of the Gennan

Romantic authors. Citati also states that she scrutinizes the rasons and the orders of life.

Yet, he claims, she does not search for these answers through happiness, rather through

sadness. This is a characteristic of not only this novel, but of aU of Ortese's works."

Elisabetta Rasy also wrote an article on II c a r d i ~ l oShe


. ~ introduces Ortese as one of the

most important, yet overlooked and unappreciated authors of the twentieth century. Rasy

states that this is an author to whom has never been given just credit. The article is

concluded with a quote fkom Citati: "In nessun altro libro, nemmeno nell' Iguma...Anna

Maria Ortese aveva mai posseduto queaa forza: un'irnmaginazione cosi' sovrana, una

sapienza simbolica cos? ricca, un'arte cosi' fiesca e delicata."" Silvia Sereni wrote an

article about the incredible success of Il cardiilo. Based on an interview with Ortese,

Sereni talks about the traits of this great, yet not so well known author. At the end of the

interview Sereni wonders how Ortese is feeling about the vast sales of this latest book.

Ortese's answer is: "Mi fa piacere. Ma io non ho venduto proprio niente. E poi... si sa, a

certi libri capita corne aiie valanghe. A un certo punto, chissa' perche', tutti li wmprmo.

Quel10 che mi chiedo e': la gente, oltre a comperare, legge?"." This reminds us of Heas'

criticism that people may not be dohg Ortesejustice ifthe book is not being rad. Sharon
Wood, in 1995, included II cmdilo in a monographie critical article on Ortese. She States

that the symbolism of the goldfinch is the memory of what we have briefly loved and l o s

forever. It is the cry of happiness and peace that man continuously hem the echo oc but

can never again regain, especiaiiy not within the social and econornic orders of our time.75

In this novel Ortese retums to the Neapolitan setting during the 1700's. It is as if

the author is trying to recreate the magnificent, mystenous atmosphere that Naples once

used to have. The story begins when three young Belgians, prince Neville, the merchant

Nodier and the smigghng artia Dupre', decide to travel to Naples in order to visit the

farnous glovemaker Don Mariano Civile. The glovemaker, the reader soon discoven, has

three young beautifid daughters. One of them is named Elmina. She is characterized as

silent and cold, and is disliked by prince Neville. However, Dupre' happens to fall in love

with her and asks for her hand in maniage to which she willingly abides.

There is an air of mystery that continuously surrounds the character of Elmina.

Throughout the aory the character of Elrnina becomes evemore complex and confused.

Although she cornes from a very wealthy farnily, she is for some mystenous reason

disinherited and penniless. Dupre' dies suddenly after they marry leaving Elrnina with a

daughter who was mentally challenged. Another elusive character is Elmina's brother

who is neither human, nor animal. Likewise, his age is not known either; he is either three

years old or threg-hundred. With the death of Dupre' Nodier is given the opportunity to

offer his hand in marriage to Elmina but to no avail. Meanwhiie, prince Neville's original

aversion to her, slowly tums into an obsessive passion. He suffers tembly as he sees her

mute in her pain and her cold distance. The hero in him would like to jus Save her from

al1 her pain and misery of which he d l does not understand the cause.
Throughout the aory the cause is known in fragments. Elrnina's sadness was

caused by an incident that involved the death of a pet bird, a golffich, at the tirne of her

chiîdhood of which she still feels responsible. In addition, she also promised her father

before he died that she would take care of the myaerious f à d y secret which was that her

gnome-like brother who could take on many forms. She lives her life for him and the only

reason why she mamied was for sacrifice. Elmina was able to adopt her brother only ifshe

married. Working as a seamstress, she did not make much money but she would take no

help fiom Neville who so desperately wanted to help her. Elrnina is a heroine who would

rather live a life of suffering in order to save the sou1 of her brother, Hieronyrnus

Kappchen, than think of making herself happy.

The a o q continues to complicate itself with new, arange characters such as dead

souls coming to life and a necromancer, who used to be an old fiiend of Neville's father.

Neville finally lefi Naples and in order to forget Elmina he married but was unfortunately

soon widowed. Many years later he retumed to Naples only to find that nothing had

changed and that Elmina was colder than ever. By the end of the story Elmina and her

brother ran away. Tired of his obsession, Neville, finally began to find peace and one

evening his butler announced the arrival of a certain goldfinch. He let him in and blessed

the farniliar chirping sound while life passed hirn by. The goldhch would now explain al1

the mysteries, the pains and the joys surrounding life. In the meantirne, everything tumed

cold, d m , and infinite.

The story of II cardiIo is more complex than Ortese's previous works. It is a

mare of events that confuse the reader that tries to understand every detail. The author's

ultimate message is that Me is mystenous, and the essence of We is understood solely by


those who live with pain. This concept reminds us of Citati's point that Ortese views the

world through the eyes of pain and projects this onto her charactem.

Hence, one can suggea a certain parallelism between the author and Elrnina.

Ortese lived a painhl life as we know fiom reading about the deaths she had to endure at

a young age and the economic struggle she has lived with her entire life. Literature

became Ortese's Hieronymus Kappchen. It was her responsibility and her duty to

enlighten and to reassure the world that there is more to life than what we see or hear.

Onese also lived in a chosen solitude and in poverty, like Elmina did. Franz Haas States

about the character of Elmina:

Con il suo amore per un figlio sciagurato della natura E b pratica una
religione sema Dio ne' preghiere... Sente per tutta la vita il canto di un
cardillo, che la esorta a considerare il dolore un privilegio, e la invoca di
non abbandonare mai quella creatura debole; e lei prende su1 seno questa
vocazione, corne alti si dedicano agh afiFiui di borsa O alla poesia."

Haas explains that for the love of a forsaken soul Elmuia practices a religion without God

or prayers. She hem the chirping of a goldfinch which urges her to consider her pain a

privilege and implores her never to abandon the poor soul. For Elmina it is a vocation she

takes very senouslyjust like others may dedicate themselves to the economic market or to

poetry. Onese, like Elmina, also takes her iiterature quite seriously never wasting an

opportunity to share with her readers the many cnticisms of corrupted modem society and

the mistake we make of putting man at the center of the universe.

A h o e i visioruui pubiished in 1996, is a different type of aory and yet similar to

II cardillo. It is different because of the place and time settings, and s i d a r because this
also is a very cornplex story involving an animal, a puma, and its effkct on the humans that

wme into contact with it. Whereas II cardillo is more fairytale-like with the appeanuices

and disappearances of gnomes, dead spirits and necromancers, Alonso is descn'bed as

more of a thriller. Once again, the attention received involved more book reviews than

critical analysis and on a much smaiier scale than the attention received for II cardiIlo.

As is common of Ortese, the aory is told by a first person narrator, Stella Winter.

She recounts the story beginning from a setting of her home which is located somewhere

near the border between Itdy and France. Her guest and fiend is an Arnerican professor

narned Jirnmy Opfenng (usually jus referred as Op). The mystery of the aory begins with

the conversation between these two fiiends. They begin to refer to a mutual acquaintance

Antonio Decimo and the mysterious murder, and speculations regarding it, of his infamous

son, Julio.

Antonio Decimo is described as an intellechial man of rigid intelligence. He is a

man of science and reason that despises things that can not be explained such as goodness

and compassion. Julio was a son he had out of wedlock. Antonio married several times

and in one of the maniages had another son named Decio.

The ordeal begins with a trip to America, in Arizona, many years ago. Antonio

took this trip meeting other acquaintances and colleagues for no specific mission, but

wanted to see what chance would present to him. He wanted bis son Julio to come with

him but he did not go. Decio, on the other han4 was adamant on going with his father.

Antonio was reluctant about the situation because he already felt indifferently about this

son and also because he was not eager to be traveiing with a chûld. Regardless, Decio

went with h i . .
While in the deserts of Arizona, Decio spotted a mal1 animal, a baby puma. The

puma instantly felt and developed a bond with the young and loving Decio. Antonio was

ready to fire at it with his pistol until warned against doing so by the much admired, Miss

Rose. Because the puma was lefl behind by hunters and had b e n taken away fiom its

mother, Miss Rose suggested to take it back with her at the Science Institute, where she

was director. It was too late, Decio had already fden in love with this innocent animal

and begged to take it home with hmi. In fact, he quickly named him Alonso and did not

leave its side. One day, when they retumed back to New York, at the home of Jimmy Op,

they al1 went for a drive. Antonio was dnving and u b n a t e l y he was speeding, which

caused them to get into a car accident. Everyone came out unscathed except for little

Decio who died with his protective arms around the puma.

This tragedy, Op explained to Stella, did not affect Antonio as much as it should

have until he retumed home to Italy where the sight of the puma was a constant reminder

of the loss of his son. But there was aiso Julio, the son Antonio had much hope in and the

person that the puma found another cornpanion in. This changed as Julio grew older and

more inhumane. Antonio's rigid and harsh visions of humanity directly and indirectly

affected and molded Julio's vision of the world. In Antonio's letters to Op there are

references made regarding the development of Julio's chamter. He stated that Julio was

living Antonio's theory of fieedom and lack of responsibility. Julio was 6ee of feelings

that, according to Antonio, stop us £tom reaching Our tme potentiai of reason. In fact,

Julio became the leader of a dangerous terrons group.

The puma continued to take on diffaent foms as the reader is informeci of its

deaths, disappearances and then its reappeamces, its transformation into dogs, and other
animal forms. Nevertheiess, it also continued to leave its Unprint on al1 those it came into

contact with. It brought out goodness and compassion in al1 those who looked deeply in

its eyes and understood the unconditional, sellless love that only nature is capable of

Jimrny Op (Opfenng stands for offering in German) believed and saw through the good

sou1 of the puma and in the end loa his sanity and offered his life in the name of love.

Al1 of the insanities and the complications that develop throughout the aory are

never resolved, including the mysterious murder of lulio. The story is a complex maze of

events and characten introduced to send one simple message. Onese's criticues man's

egocentnc belief that he is the center of the universe. Rossella Bo explains:

...apprendiamo che i piu' atroci delitti compiuti dalla nostra specie sono
ancora quelli perpetrati nei confionti del10 "Spirito del mondo", che non
puo' e non deve essere tradito e trascurato, e che un orinonte pnvo della
presenza pur ingombrante dedi dei e dei padn e' un orhonte tragicamente
e pencolosarnente incornbente sugli uornini. .. Apprendiarno che la
speranza...per la terra...sussiste per chi crede nela dolcezza.. .di questa
''stotia per barnbini", aoria di visionari capace di generare in chi la accoglie
visioni innumerevoli."

Bo explains that in this book we understand that the biggest crimes we commit are those

done against the "Spirit of the world". That should never be abbandoned because every

act of violence against the world of gods and of the fathers is a violence againa men. She

also states that this aory, for children, a story of visionaries, is also a story capable of

inspinng numerous visions for whomever welcomes them. In other words, as was

mentioned, this is a story with a very arong message that Ortese feels very strongly about.

It is a message of world peace and unanimous respect and hannony arnongst al1 life, not

just benveen mankind.


The visionaries in this story were Op and Stella. Op offered his life as a form of

redemption as Chna had done for the love of humanity. Stella, is the star of hope for the

embetterment and rehabilitation of mankind. Steila States in her final notes:

Tu, Signore deiie stelle, padre di tutti noi, in nome di Jiimy Op,da' Pace e
consolazione a questa terra, crudele per le offese e le attese del more. ma
tenera tanto per le sue risposte, la certezza di un'alba e di un'aurora ch non
finiranno piu' ."

Almoa as a prayer she asks God, our Father in the name of Jimmy Op, to give peace and

consolation to this world in which we live which is one of melty. It is, however, one of

kindness and gentlmess as it responds with its infuute dawns and s u ~ s e s .

These two las novels thar received much acclamation were pubiished dunng the

1990's. Giuliano Manacorda calls these works meditative and unique: "...la narrativa

dell'ortese non solo fbonesce dalle consuete leggi di una narrativa di fini...ma costruisce

un mode110 letterario unico per ricchezza di terni e per il modo.. .ideologico in cui li

iscnve." He describes these last novels as works ofmeditation and not of consumption:

"Opera.. .non di consurno, da meditare anche nelle sue spezzature e sovrabbondanze, corne

e' ne110 stile dell'autice, per apreuanie il valore che supera la rnisura della narrativa

cons~eta."'~
Notes to Chapter Three
1
Giuliano Manacorda, Stona della letteratura italiana wntemmranea, (Roma:Editon
Riuniti, 1996) 248-249.
* Ibid., p. 445.
3
Ibid., p. 535.
'Ibid., p. 537.
' Ibid., p. 726.
' Ibid., p. 918.
7
Ibid., p. 809.
8
Anna Maria Ortese, EstiM tenon, (Catania: Pellicanolibri, 1987). aftenvord, Adele
Carnbria,
9
Ibid., p. 71.

'O Ibid., p. 46-47.


II
Neuro Bonifazi, Teoria del fantastico e il racconto~funtasticoin Italia: Tarchetti -
Pirandello - Buzzati, (Ravema: Longo Editore, 1982) 66.

"Tzvetan Todorov, The Fantastic, (London:The Press of Case Western Reserve


University, 1973) 25.

" Ibid., p. 80.


14
The edition used throughout this dissertation is the 1994 version.

l5 Giorgio Manganeili, "Aspra letizia," II Messanaero, July 1986: 5.

I6 Giancarlo B o m Invito alla lettura di Anna M h a Ortese, (Milano: Mursia, 1988) 60.
17
Ibid., p. 52
18
Enrico Pemzzi, "L'Iguanaed il Colombre," Vta e pensiero 56 (1 969): 367.
19
Iôid., pp. 367-368.
20
Ibid., p. 370.
21
Stefano Mecenate, "L'Igua~,"Uomini e l i h (Sept./Oa. 1986): 44.

Ibid., p.44.
23
Giorgio Manganelii, "Aspra letizia," p.6.
24
Sharon Wood," 'Such S W a s Dreams are Made on': Anria Maria Ortese and the Art of
the Real," Italian Women's Writina 1860-1994, (London: The Atlone Press, 1995).

2-' Emanno Paccagnini, "1 dolori deli7angelicaOrtese," Lemire (April 1997): 119.
26
Anna Maria Ortese, Estivi terrori, p. 39.

" Anna Maria Ortese, L' Irmana, (Milano:Adelphi, 1986) 15.

''Anna Maria Ortese, Estivi terrori, p. 48.


" Anna Maria Ortese, L'Imam, p. 17.
30
Sharon Wood, "Anna Maria Oriese and the Art of the Real," p. 178.

Anna Maria Ortese, L' Iguana, p. 53.

32 Ibid., p. 59-60.

33 Natalino Sapegno, Compendio si Storia della Letteratura Italiana, (Firenze: La Nuova


Italia Editrice, 1989) 370.
34
Giancarlo Bom, Invito alla lettura di Anna Maria Ortese, p.59.
35
Ibid., p. 98.
36
Giuliano Manacorda, Stona della letteratura italiana contempranea, p. 727.

37 Anna Maria Ortese, La luna su1 muro, (Firenze: Vallecchi, 1968) 14.
38
Ibid., p. 15.

39 Ibid., p. 15.
JO
Ibid., p. 19
41
Ibid., p. 18.
" Ibid., p. 69.
43 Ibid., p. 70.
44
Ibid., p. 73.
45
Ibid., p. 67.

Ibid., p. 74.
47
Giancarlo Bom, Invito alla lettura di Anna Maria Ortese, p. 48.
48
Ibid., p. 20.
49
Ibid., pp. 50-5 1 .
50
Anna Maria Ortese, L'alone Mme,
- (Firenze: Vallecchi, 1969) 1 3 1.

'' Ibid., p. 145.


52 Ibid., p. 160.
53
bid., pp. 163-164.

'' Ibid., p. 165.


55
Ibid., p. 169.

56 Anna Maria Onese, In sonno e in vedia, (Milano: Adelphi, 1987) back cover.
" Neuro Bonifazi, Teoria del fantastico, (Ravenna: A. Longo Editore, 1982) 54.

'* Rita Wilson, "Una realta' estranea: la narrativa di Anna Maria ûrtese," Studi
d'ltalianistica nel1'Afi-k australe 3-4 ( 1990): 100.

59 Rocco Capozzi, "In sonno e in vegfia," World Literature Todav 62 (1988): 445.

Claudio Marabini, "Diario di lettura," Nuova Antoloma (1988): 220.


61Franca Bosco, “L'ultime libro di Anna Maria Ortese: Tra sonno e veglia memone e
visioni." Esperienze Lettetane ( 1989): 105.

"Rita Wilson, "Unarealta' estranea," p. 107 and Claudio Marabhi, 'Diario di lethua," p.
22 1 both aated the same thing.
. - -

63
Sharon Wood, "Fantasy and Narrative in Anna Maria Onese," Italica 7 1 ( 1994): 366.

" Ibid., p. 365.


65 Anna Maria Ortese, In somo e in vealia, p. 36.

Luca Clenci, "Anna Maria Ortese," p. 405.

'' Franca Bosco, "L7Ultimolibro di Ortese: Tra s o ~ eoveglia memone e visioni,"


Esperienze letterarie 14 (1989): 106.

6' Claudio Marabini, "Diario di lethira," p. 220.


69
Franz Haas, "II cardillo addolorato," Belfagor 49 (Jan. 1994): 1 1 1.
70
Ibid., p. 113.

7' Pietro Citati, "Lo sa il Folletto," Repubblica 9 June 1993.

Elisabetta Rasy, "La zingara toma a Napoli," Panorama 4 July 1993.

7-' Pietro Citati, "Lo sa il Folletto"


74
Silvia Sereni, "Storia straordinaria di un Best-seller (e della sua incredibile autnce),"
Epoca 27 July 1993.

" Sharon Wood, "'Such stuff as drearns are made on': Anna Maria Onese and the Art of
the Real".
76
Franz Haas. "Il cardillo addolorato," p. 1 1 4.
n Rossella Bo, "Delitto senza padn," Letteratura (Sept. 1996): 14- 15.

78
Anna Maria Ortese, Alonso e i visionari, (Milano: Adelphi, 1996) 245.
79
Giuliano Manacorda, Storia della letteratura italiana contemporanea, pp. 924-925
CONCLUSION - CORPO CELESE - ORTESE'S MISSION AS A WRITER

UNTIL THE END - 1997.

Corpo celeste is the very last work that Ortese published almost one yeaf before

her death in April of 1997. It is composed of two speeches and three modified interviews

that had taken place between the years of 1974 and 1989. The two speeches are dated

February 19, 1980 and April 1, 1980, respectively. This book as explained by the author

herself, was inspired by an invitation to speak about her experiences as an Italian writer

Onese reveals how Italian history and its wish to become like al1 other nations during the

period of industrial boom led it to lose its identity culturally and individualistically

speakmg. She asks if interior diversity within a country isn't just as important in order to

maintain its richness:

Credete che tutte le diversita' interion...non siano, insieme alle macchine e


a una ordinata prodwione, gran parte dela ncchezza reale di un paese? ...
Un paese, corne non deve mancare di corsi d'acqua, di sorgenti, di nuvole,
deve avere a r a , O consentire la crescita, di anime, coscienze, grazia,
linguaggi puri, ombre auurre, altissime: O perira'. .. si perdera' la nazione,
se mancano anime e coscienze. Se non sua' leginima quaisiasi forma di
profondita' e di coscienra, il paese piu' forte perira'.
E' stata questa la mia massima espenerua. '
She claims that just as a country needs its water, its clouds, it should also cultivate the

souls within it and its grace. If each form of profoundness (or of artistic expression) is not

considered legitimate then even the strongest of nations will perish. It seems that here she

is making reference to the fact that this may have been the reason why her works have

been misunderstood and not well accepted by the critics. Her form of expression was

diRerent in the sense that it did not foiîow the avantgarde tendencies in vogue. This may
have been one of the reasons why her works have been overlooked. Although, as we have

discussed throughout this dissertation, Ortese had much to say about many aspects

regarding My's socio-ethical and socio-economic history.

Corpo celeste is a book in which her past is recounted and explained fiom the

onset of her literary career. She divulges to the reader her wisdom collected fiom her

expenences as a writer, and as a citizen of not only a partidar country but of society in

general. Her concem is in humaniîy and its survival in an oppressive world where

goodness and morality are in dishtegration. In fact she goes on to say that in thirty-five

years of a republic everyone has fought for something but there has never been a battle for

the renewed morality of man.

Voglio dire con questo che in trentacinque anni di repubblica molti


loaarono da ogni parte, e voglio credere per il bene, ma nella loro lotta
manco' - a questi oggi, a quelli domani. .. - I'obiettivo di una umanita'
nuova, di una nuova coscienza dell'uomo.. . E quando dico umanita' nuova,
dico sempre vita morale, finora mai consentita, dico dunque rivoluzione
morale.

She continues this point of view in the second interview of Corpo. led by Sandra

Petrignani. The author claims that the original fom of this intemew has been modified.'

Ortese sees corruption beginnlng on an individual level and not on a political one. She

Oaacolo, oggi, e' il piccolo per la donna, il vecchio per la famgiia, il


povero (il non avente) per la societa' economica, 10 straniero per la societa'
«saha>> e infine la Bestia.. .per la Societa' urnaoa. Tutte queste figure -
noi Io vediamo, la cosa a c d e sotto i nostri occhi - sono sempre piu'
respinte indietro, indietro, fino d'muilamento, e, prima, la dissacrazione,
il disprezzo finale. La Tena va diventando una fossa atroce per i deboli, i
non aventi diritto.'
Ortese explains that the concept of obstacle is a cMd for the woman, the old person for

the family, the poor person for the economical society, and the beast (the animal)for

human society. The world, she claims, is becoming an atrocious grave for the weak, for

those that do not have any cights. This b ~ gtos mind protagonists such as Elmina nom II

c d 0 and the Op from Alonso e i visionati. These were both sacrificial lambs for

humanity. They sacrificed their happiness in order to fulfül their responsibiiities towards

the weaker. Ortese makes an interesting cornparison between Our socio-econornic with

...il nazisrno - e il suo fiore malato, il culto della raaa - e' oggi un altro, ed
e' universale, e in qualche modo, perche' universale, invisibile. E' la
concezione della vita come privilegio detla razza econoniica, della umanita'
come swnma del vaiore economico, del valore economico come unica carta
d'identita'.

Nazism, she explains and its cult of the race is dierent today and it is universal, and

because it is universai it is invisible. It is the understanding of life as a privilege of the

rconomtc race, of humanity as the result of economic value, and econornic value as the

only card of identity. Although this is a cnticism of our economic system Ortese first

holds man as an individual responsible for his own compted values.

These points help the reader understand Ortese's perspective throughout her entire

literary career, beginning from the penod of L 'Infantasepda. Throughout this

dissertation we have analyzed three distinct phases of Anna Maria Ortese's creative

expression. The first phase, as was discussed, is characteized by a child-adolescent

perspective. In chapter one, we have show how the eariy works of Anna Maria Ortese

captured many of the author's developmentai years of seIf-dXscovery. The oppressive


political atmosphere dong with her socio-economic and gender Wtations helps the

reader understand why Ortese used literature as an escape creating magical worlds of

adventure. In the face of reality these illusory adventures won becaxne futile as the second

world war presented a new set of problems for society. In facî, as she states in Corpo

celeste :

Ailudo...ai rniei raccunti di quel tempo prima delia guerra, e anche.


quaicuno, successivi alla guerra, che composer0 il volume, uscito nel '37
col titolo di Angeiici dolori, e il volume uscito ne1 '50 col titolo do Infatu
sepola. Questi racconti... b o n 0 tentativi, dapprima felici, poi via via
nevrotici e travagliati, di r e d r e il primo impatto col mondo (estasi,
meraviglia) e poi 10 sconfono vedendo questo mondo sempre piu' mutarsi
in un deserto... E il primo di tutti era queiia ragazzetta delle osservazioni
d l a nave e delia zona di ieri dove la nave e' pa~sata.~

This was period of rewriting her past as a means to escape fiom her present. But soon, the

impact of the war had led to a more neurotic and twmoiled tonality. The author continues

to explain that the tragedy of her life was that of discoverhg very soon that eveqthmg,

including people and books, were emptiness and only images. Only one thing was reai and

it remained so: pain, and in this category she also includes the emotions of joy and love.

Soon, she states, she found herself fighting for one thing alone: life. Life, she felt, was an

abyss and although being aware of this it did not exclude the need to fight for it.

La tragedia della rnia vita.. .Ndunque ne110 scoprire quasi subito che tutte
le cose - anche persone, volti, tibri - erano woto e apparenza, erano
immagini, la cui materialita' e liberta' erano tutte illusorie. Una soja cosa
viveva veramente, era quasi altro da1 vivere della materia: il dolore e
l'emozione dolorosa (metto fra queste emozioni anche l'amore e la gioia).
Ben presto, dunque, io mi trovai a dovermi battae per una cosa - la vita -
che era un abisso e una perdita. Lo sapevo, ma cio' non toglieva che
dovevo battermi. Dovevo scrivere - fermare - continuamente il fluente e
l'estatico - attraverso una parola che, rispetto d'arma regolare di uno
scrittore anche comme, era una parola z@izntiZe.
What blossomed fiom this is the second phase of Ortese's Iiterary career which

began between the years of the late 1940's and 1953 as she depicted the deplorable of

post-war Naples. She began to &te about the themes that defined Neorealism during the

last section of L 'Infantasepola. These themes regard'ig social problems were the war.

post-war effects, the Liberation, and the struggles of the lower social classes. Giancarlo

Borri categorizes L 'Infantasepoftaas oneinc in style, which in my opinion is not M y

correct.' As we have discussed, the last section of L 'Infantuseplta dready had a

Neorealistic tonality similar to t hat of ll mare non k g n a Nqpoli which was the book that

critics recognized as Neorealistic. She began to observe others in their suffering and with

her gift of expression, she was able to depict them in order to communicate with the

masses and solicit change. Not only was the penod of social engagement for the author,

but it was also one in which she could put into literary form her personai pain. As was

seen in chapter two, Ortese was very much iduenced by the Neorealistic movement. This

was not only seen by the themes that characterireci this penod but also the language which

she used was evidence. The language was not formal or acadernic, but was the popular

diaiect used by the comrnon people. As Manacorda had pointed out, Ortese had entered

on the Neorealistic scene dunng its last phase with the publication of II mare non bapza

Nuqooli in 1953. The literary and anistic tendency saw its total dissolution by 1955.

Manacorda stated that the depletion and redundancy of the themes as well as the fdl of

Marxisrn as a belief were two of the reasons. Another reason was the idea that using

popular language was supposed to help to reach the masses. Bo eqlained that the

problem was instead that the majority of the masses the literature was supposed to reach
was either illiterate or unemployed and therefore uninteresteci in my cultural or artistic

activity.

From this environment arose extreme perspectives by certain intellectuals who

decided that literature should no longer have a socio-politicai or ethicai purpose. They

also rebelled against the use of popular language and felt that language needed to be

revolutionized, acadernic and difficult. This Neoavantgarde group was officially named in

1963, and thus they are called the G m p p 63. Ortese, who obviously feels a sense of

ethical responsibility as a writer, reacted to these extreme perspectives that believed in

literature for literature's sake. In other words literature that sought meaning in words

rather than in characters and plots. Ortese's response to this literary penod was seen

through L ' I g u ~ l l las


~ ,she stated that this book: "Ers di schemo e protesta. Protesta nello

stile - improwiwnente abbandonavo 10 sgradito realismo di superficie - e schemo in

quanto mostravo di prendere su1 serio la insensatezza umana, O di c~asse."~


She explains

that her intent in writing the I'm was that of mockery and protest. Protest in the sense

that she abandoned the no longer liked superficial, mimetic reaiism in order to build a new

sense of reality, which for her was that of emotion and ethic. The mockery instead was

that she demonstrated to take seriously human or class nonsense. These nonsenses, as

discussed in chapter three were: the new avantgarde ideologies and their lack of

engagement. economic value us human value and the dominating power of the publishing

industries. In fact, she explained in her book Corpo, the unfortunate situation that writers,

like herself, find themselves in when they choose to write about subjects that depia their

own Mews. She feh that the editors and publishhg industries were dehumanizrng because
they dictated the topics and therefore, did not leave any room for se~expressionand

identity.

Quella Casa aveva in mano una quantita' di autori e di opere, di scrittori


reali (la gran parte, di ien) e di scrïtton invemtati, fkbbricati e prefhbbricati.
E sapeva che questa, dello scrittore invmtato, fiibbricato, e' la lima
universale, che passa oggi per I'Equatore, dell'opera nuova che voglia
essere vendibile. O se no, per passare, deve essere politica. Dunque: O
libro politico - di punta e consenso - O narrativa ind~stnale.~

The protea of using fmtasy as opposed to realism continued throughout the rest

of her literary career. Fantasy was a protest against reality and the insanities, or nonsenses

of man and society. In fact, in chapter three what we were concemed with, in Ortese's

use of the fantastic was not its technical or theoretical applicabilities, but rather the intent

of it.

What 1 hope to have accomplished with this dissertation is to clearly establish three

distinct phases in Anna Maria Onese's works. We have looked at her works in a

chronological rnanner from the dates of their inception and not just of their publication.

Thus, the three phases became more evident and we were able to sort her works in a

logical, consistent evolution. Hopefully, what was also made clear was that the three

literary currents introducing each of the three phases only served as a guide to show the

possible influences that Ortese rnay have been exposed to. 1beiieve, Ortese used the very

simple concept of Magic Realism, in other words, a realism that is magic, in order to

construct worlds in which she could escape. The realisrn was her own, based on her own

autobiography, and the magical aspect was her oneiric transformation of it. What m u a be

kept in mind is that she dropped out of school around the age of thirteen and that the age
in which she wrote her first collection was at about twenty-three. Therefore, it is unlikely

that Ortese was exposed to academic circles and inteliechialist thought. She was an

autodidactic author that began to write in order to fulfili a personal need, which we have

talked about. Therefore, in conclusion of this topic we will state that undoubtedly Ortese

wrote similar to the movement of Magic Realism, but she did not write because of the

movement .

However, that may not be the case for the second phase dedicated to postwar

Naples and Milan. Dunng this penod we cm say that she was most certainly exposed to

the literary trends because of her associations with Domenico Rea, Car10 Bernari, RafFaele

La Capria, Pasquale Prunas, Luigi Compagnone, and Michele Prisco. In fact, as Boni

states, Onese becarne a part of an intellectualist group in Naples during the 1940's: "In

effetti la Ortese si era legata...a queao gruppo di giovani intellettuaii...."'O Her part in this

group kept her abreast of the predominant literary tendency that became prevalent dunng

postwar Italy which was Neoredism. Onese discussed this issue in "Il <<mare» come
spaesamento". Here she stated that Italy had jus come out of the war and people were

very hopeful, she claims that they discussed everthing. II mare non bapa N i p l i , she

aates, was her contribution to the discussion on Naples." Therefore, this was a period

that began a sense of socio-economic and moral engagement even after Neorealism had

long died dom. Although afler this realistic penod Ortese ventured into more of a

fantastic one, her purpose had d l remained the same. One aspect that was different was

her sense of hope. If mure non b a p N i l z was a pessimistic perspeaive of not ody

present society but the f h r e of it. In her last phase, no matter how negative her social
criticism is, her works seem to aiways end with a hope for a renewed society and sense of

morality.

One of the problems in m a b g an educated judgement on Ortese's evolution as a

writer was the fact that her works were behg republished under ciiffirent titles and in

diflerent collections throughout the years.12 Up to now, some &tics, such as Giovanni

Titta Rosa, had just generalized that Ortese was retuming to a certain type of style after a

thirty year period. As we have tried to establish, there were no retums, or regressions, but

evoiutions that were also a sign of the author's own maîurity and her tirnes. It is true that

Ortese tended to focus on the negative aspects of society includig the conflict of the

oppressor vs the oppressed, and money as the only detennlning idmtity of man. But it is

through the oppressed characters' voices that we catch a glimpse of the author's

perspectives. Giacinto Spagnoletti States: "Perche' namare di se', anche per via trasposta,

e' uno schema etemo della narrativa, che si puo' variare ma che resta un suo codice da

osservare magari sema darlo a intendere."lf Therefore, the transmission of sentiment and

the depiction of the suffenng continued to be the essence of her literary career. Her art

was based on human life and nature, not on literary trends and theories, nor on what the

publishing industry requested.

The three phases that we have tried to clearly outline aiso represent the three

phases of life: childhood/adolescence, the age of virility, and old age. According to

Gilbert Bosetti, Bontempeiii delineated three phases of life and literature. It wouid be

diacult not to find a certain correlation between Onese's three phases ofliterature and

the ones described by Bontempelîi. As Bosetti ocplains, for Bontempelli (which in tuni is
not original to him but to Leopardi) the general reaction of a cMd is that of surprise and

stupor and that of an older person is of wisdom and philosophy. Bosetti continueci on to

say that the age of virüity, in other words, the age between childhood and oldness, is

solely the age of reproduction and action. The beginning and end phases have something

to add to art and literature. Childhood adds to art, and oldness to philosophy and

wisdom. In 1937, ironically, the year in which Ortese's first book, Angelici dolori was

published, Bontempelli wrote an homage to Leopardi for the one-hundred year

anniversary of his death. Gilbert Bosetti wrote on this topic: "...hanno ton0 quelli che

considerano il fanciullo come un uomo ancora incompiuto e il vecchio come un uomo

decadente, mentre queae eta' contemplative sono rispettahente le fonti della poesia e

della filosofia. Invece I'eta' virile e' queiia meno hteressante...". ' He States that those

that think of a child as an unaccomplished man and those that think of an old man as

feeble, are wrong. He continues to say that these opposite ages are, respectively, the

sources of poetry and philosophy. Instead, it is the years in between, the virile ones, that

are the least interesting. Similarly, Onese claims in Corpo a situation in which she

distinguished between the child and the adult. She talks about the time in which she

became interested in her surroundings and in particular, in the face of a child. She called

it a phenomenon.

Le mie prime emozioni, in questo senso, furono relative alla beiiezza ed


evanescenza di un volto di un bambin0...di cui mi colpiva la purezza e la
dolcezza castana de10 sguardo. Sentivo che era ccfenomen@>. .. A
lungo, come tanti adoloscenti, disegnai e disegnai: ma solo volti, e
fancideschi, insondabili; dove era I'eta' adulta non potevo disegnare -
-
nprendere nulla. l5
She clairns that her first impact of art began by drawing solely faces of children because

there was nothing to capture in an adult face. However, drawing soon was no longer

enough to capture her surroundings. Ortese also states that it is the adult world that tends

to destroy the imagination and the stupor of children who see things for the first time:

AU' adulto...tuno il mondo e' il mondo dell'owio, del luogo comune.


L'uomo, percio', applica i suoi cartellhi col preno e, occorrendo, le
informazioni sulla merce, sull'uso dovunque... Ma per il fanciullo. e
l'adolescente, e anche un certo tipo di artista... non e' cosi'! Dovunque
egli s'inoltre, tutto risplende di una luce sema origine. Ogni cosa che egli
- -
tocca la bandiera, un cavalio, l ' o ~ oscotta e Io folgora di stupore.
Egli capisce cio' che l'adulto non capisce piu': il mondo e ' un corpo
celeste... .16

She explains that for the adult the whole world is an obvious one. For the child and the

adolescent, on the other hand, everything he touches thunders with stupor. He

understands. she states, what the adult no longer does: that the world is divine. In fact,

Ortese's hope for the funire is to restore that sense of imocence to the world where there

is only disillusion and pain. Her aatement also brings to mind Luca Clenci's aatement as

he compares Angelici dolori and In sog~20e in veglia:

Se si paragonassero infine Angelici dolori e In sogno e in veglia, collocati


come sono agli estrerni cronologici delia produrione deiiyOrtese,sarebbe
facile osservare quanto appaiono diverse le tecniche rappresentative
impiegate: aila Msionarieta' del primo si contrappone la vena ragionativa e
filosofka del secondo.'7

He states that if one were to compare the two books: Angeiici dolori published in 1937

and In sogno e in vegiia published in 1987, one wuld observe a difference. The first one

in which she employs a child first person narrator's perspective there is a visionary,

magical sense to it. ûn the other hand, In sogno has an addt fim person narrator and a

disMCt vein of discourse and philosophical perspective. CleriQ thus differentiates


between Ortese's use of the fantastic in her fkst phase as opposed to the one discussed in

chapter thne. The daference is the age and perspective of the m a t o r . The child creates

visiomy worlds of stupor, represented in chapter one, and the adult contributes to the the

philosophical perspectives, represmted in chapter three.

In her last phase of writhg we have seen examples of fables and mystery murder

stones. This shows the phase of the older person's wisdom and philosophy that

BontempeIli was refming to. Ortese, in her mature age was able to mate some of the

mon cornplex stones of her entire literary career in II cmdilo addooruto and AIonso e i

viszomri. In these she was able to irnrnerse concepts of the fantastic, of the murder

mystery, elements of magic and iilusion, only to make emotions such as pain and hope

stand out as the reality. She uses these techniques not as a means of escape as she had in

her fira literary phase, but rather, as a way to criticize social and human nonsenses, and

through this restore a sense of hope for a better future.

In this dissertation 1 have set out to prove that Anna Maria Ortese, was not given

due ment for many years and was an asset in Italian literiq history. Her literature has

aven us, the readers, a view of the atmospheres and the tirnes that surrounded them. As a

first or third person narrator, or as a fantastic or Neorealist uniter, she remained faithfûl to

her sense of purpose and that was to defend the shunned from society. She either acted

within literary trends nich as that of Neorealism, or she reacted to thern such as the

Neoavantgarde movernent of the Gmppo 63.

The act of writing, throughout her We, serveci the purpose of expressing and

documenting what she saw was corrupt in humanity and in society.


Sono lieta di aver speso la mia vita per questo. Sono lieta, in mezzo alle
mie tristene mediterrame, di essere qui. E dirvi com'e' bello pensare
stnitture di luce, e gettarle corne reti aeree suila terra, perche' essa non sia
piu' quel luogo buio e perduto che a molti appare, O quel luogo di schiavi
che a molti si dirnostra - se vengono a occupare i linguaggi, il respiro, la
diguita' delle persone. l8

She is happy to have spmt her life for this purpose. She is happy, in the rniddle of the

Mediterranean sadness to tell her readers how wondemil it is to think of structures of light

(literature) and throw them upon the world like nets fallen from the sky so that it no

longer emerges as that dark and lost place as it appears to be for many. Ortese's works

are the testimony of tirne and prove to be nch sources of Itaiian sociological as well as

literary history, c o v e ~ ag sOny year period ffom 1937 to 1997.


Notes to Conclusion

' Anna Maria Ortese, Como celeste, (Milano: Adelphi, 1997) 32-33.
Ibid., p. 44.

Sandra Petrignani, Le simore deiia scrimira, (Milano: La Tartaniga, 1984).


' Anna Maria Ortese, Como celeste, p. 128.
Ibid., p. 129.
6
Anna Maria Oriese, Como celeste, pp. 70-71.

'Giancarlo Bom, Invito alla lemira di Anna Maria Ortese, (Milano: Mursia, 1988) 28.
"a Maria Ortese, Como celeste, p. 80.
9
Ibid., p. 28.

'O Giancarlo Bom, Invito alla lemira di Anna Maria Ortese, p. 19.

'' Anna Maria Ortese, Il mare non bama Napoli, (Milano: Adelphi, 1994)
'= See note 27 in Introduction.
" Giacinto Spagnoletti, Storia della letteratura italiana del novecento, (Roma: Grandi
Tascabili Economici Newton, 1994) 85 1.
14
Gilbert Bosetti, "La poetica deil'infanzia nella narrativa di Bontempek," Massimo
Bontemuelli scrittore e intellemiaie, (Roma:Editori Riuniti, 1992) 7.
15
Anna Maria Ortese, Corpo celeste, pp. 6 1-62.
16
Ibid., p. 58.

'' Luca Clerici, "Anna Maria Ortese," Belfaaor 46 (199 1): 406.
18
Ibid., p. 51.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
WORKS OF ANNA MARIA ORTESE

Angelici dolon. Milano: Bornpiani, 1 937.


L'infants se~olta.Milano: Milano Sera, l9SO.
11 mare non banna Napoli. Torino: Einaudi, 1953; Firenze: Vallecch 1967; Milano:
Rizzoli, 1975; Firenze: La Nuova Italia, 1979; Milano: Adelphi, 1994.
Silenzio a Milano. Bari:Laterza, 1958; Milano: La Tartaniga, 1986; Milano: La
Tartaruga, 1993.
1 gomi del cielo. Milano: Mondadori, 1958
L'Imiana. Firenze: Vdlecchi, 1965;Milano: Rizzoli, 19%; Milano: Adelphi. 1986.
Poven e sem~lici.Firenze: Vallecchi, 1967; Milano: Rinoli, 1974.
La luna sul muro. Firenze: Vallecchi, 1968.
L'alone mipio. Firenze: Vaiiecchi, 1969.
II porto di Toledo. Milano: Riuoii, 1975; Milano: Riuoii, 1985.
11 cappello piumato. Milano: Mondadori, 1979.
II treno nisso. Catania: Pellicanolibri, 1983.
Il monnorio di Parisi Roma-Napoli: Theoria, 1986.
Estivi terrori. Catania: Pellicanolibri, 1987.
In sonno e in vedia. Milano: Adelphi, 1987.
La lente scura. Milano: Marcos y Marcos, 1991.
Il cardillo addolorato. Milano: Adelphi, 1993.
Alonso e i visionari. Milano: Adelphi, 1996.
Corpo celeste. Milano: Adelphi, 1997.
Ajelio, Mario. b'Politecnico napoletano." Panorama 16 Apd 1 994: 128- 129.

Ajello, Nello. "Ortese spacca Napoli." Re~ubblica 15 May 1994: 3 1.

Bartolucci, Giuseppe. I' volto di Napoli ne1 libro di Anna Maria Onese." Avanti! 5
August 1953.

Bo, RosseNa. "Delino senza padn." Letterature ( 1996): 14- 15.

Bonifazi, Neuro. Teona del fantastico e il racconto-fmttuisrico in Italia: Tarchetti -


Pirandello - Buzzati. Ravenna: Longo Editore, 1982, 1966.

Bontempelli. Massirno. "Angelici dolori." G a w t t a del Popolo 22 April 1937.

- - -. Miracoli. Milano: Mondadori, 1938.

- - -. L'awentura novecentista. Firenze: Vaüecchi, 1974.

- - -. Opere scelte. Milano: Mondadon, 1978.

Bom, Giancarlo. Invito alla lettura di Anna Maria Onese. Milano: Mursia, 1988.

Boxo. Franca. "L'ultimo libro di Anna Maria Onese: Tra sonno e veglia memorie e
vkioni ." Es~enenzeLetterarie ( 1989): 105.

Bosetti. Gilbert. "La poetica dell'infanzia nelia narrativa di Bontempelli." Massimo


Bontern~eiliscnttore e intellettuale. Roma: Editori Riuniti 1992.

Botta, Guido. "La brutta Napoli di Anna Maria Ortese." Narratori na~oletani.Napoli:
L'Me Tipografica, 1955.

Capozzi, Rocco. Bernari tra fmasia e realta'. Napoli: Societa' Editrke Napoletana,
1984.

- - -. "In sonno e in veglia." Wodd Literature Todav 62 (1988): 445.

Casolan, Gabrieie. "Anna Maria Oftese; owero dell'amarezza." Letture 24 (1 969): 844-
853.

Citati, Pietro. "Lo sa il FoUetto." Re~ubblica9 June 1993.

Clerici, Luca. 'Anna Maria Onese." BeIfagor 46 (199 1): 40 1-4 17.
Copioli, Rosita. "Anna Maria Ortese. Mare Immortale." Una donna un secolo. Roma: II
Ventaglio, 1986. 98- 107.

Coni, Maria. Il viasgzio testuale. Tonno: Giulio Einaudi Editore, 1978.

Croce, Elena. "L'ultirna Ortese." Prospettive settanta February 1980.

Crovi, Raffaele. "Meridione e ktterature." il Menabo' III (1960): 267-291.

de Micheli, Mario. "La Napoli della Ortese."Giovedi' July 1953.

della Faria Amoia, Alba. "Regional Wnters and the Roblems of the South." Women on
the Itaiian Literarv Scene: A Panorama. Troy: The Whitston Publishing Company,
1992.

Donati, Corrado. Massirno Bontempelli scrittore e intellemiale. Rorna: Editori Riuniti.

Faiqui, EMCO."Anna Maria Ortese - Angelici dolon." Novecento îetterario IV Florence:


Vallecchi, 1970.

Farina, Lorenza. "Anna Maria Onese: testimone del tempo." Letture 38 (1983): 89 1-
900.

Fofi, Gotfredo. "La realta' intollerabile." Linea d'ombra 95 (1994): 80-84.

Guglielrni, Angelo. '41 canto delI'Ortese." La Stampa July 1993.

Haas, Franz. "II cardillo addolorato." Belfanor 49 (1994): 111.

Macera, Guido. "La pra40Ia di m a scritnice: da Angelici dolori al1 ' Iguana." Reaha'
del mezzomomo 6 (1 966): 7 1-78.

Manacorda, Giuliano. Storia della letteratura italiana contemDoranea. Roma:Editori


Riuniti, 1996.

Manganelli, Giorgio. "Aspra letkia." 11 Messamzero July 1986.

Marabhi, Claudio. "Diario di lettura." Nuova Antoloma (1988): 220.

Maraini, Dacia. E tu chi en? Interviste sull'infanPa Milano: Bornpiani, 1973.


Marras, Emma. "The Island Motif in the Works of Grazia Deledda, Elsa Morante, and
Anna Maria Ortese." Proceedinas of the Conmess on the Intemational
Comparative Literature Association 12 (1990): 275-280.

Mecenate, Stefano. "L'Iguana." Uomini e libri Sept./Oct. (1986): 44.

Milano, Paolo. "Le cose corne stanno." L'Es~resso18 May 1958.

Paccagnini, Emüuuio. "1 dolori dell'angelica Ortese." Lemire April(1997).

Petrignani, Sandra. Le simore della scrittura. Mano: La Tartaruga, 1984.

Petrozzi, EMCO. "L'Iguana ed il Colombre." Vita e pensiero (1969): 366-374.

Polla- Mattiot, Nicoletta. "'Il mio paradis0 e' il s i l e ~ o ' . " Grazia (1996).

Prisco, Michele. "Anna Maria Ortese - Il mare non banna Napoli. Giovedi' July 1953.

Rasy, Elisabetta. "La Pngara torna a Napoli." Panorama 4 July 1993.

Ricciardelli, Michele. "Anna Maria Ortese: 'A Gypsy Absorbeci in aDream'. Writinas on
Twentieth Centu- Italian Literature. Stony Brook: Forum Italicum, 1992.

Salinari, Carlo. "1 libn premiati a Viareggio." L'Unita' 24 August 1953.

Sapegno, Nataho. Compendio di storia della letteratura Italiana. Firenze: La Nuova


Italia, 1989.

Scaramucci, Ines. "Anna Maria Ortese." Novecento W.Milano: Marzorati, 1979.


7658-7672.

Sereni, Silvia. "Storia straordinaria di un Best-seller (e della sua incredibiie autrice)."


Eooca 27 Jdy 1993.

Spagnoletti, Giacinto. Storia della letteratura italiana dei novecento. Roma: Grandi
Tascabili Economici Newton, 1994.

Titta Rosa, Giovanni. "Anna Maria Ortese." Vita letteraria del novecento ïü (1972).

Todorov, Tzvetan. The Fantastic. London: The Press of Case Western Reserve
University, 1973.

Varese, Claudio. "Anna Maria Ortese." Nuova AntoloPia (1954):

Vigorelli, Giancarlo. "Anna Maria Ortese - Annelici dolori." Letteratura October 1937.
Wilson, Rita. "Una reaita' estranea: la narrativa di Anna Maria Ortese." Sm&
d' Italianistica 3-4 (1990): 100- 108.

Wood, Sharon. "Fantasy and Narrative in Anna Maria Ortese." Italica 71 (1994):406.
- - -. " 'Such S W a s Dreams are Made on': Anna Maria Ortese and the Art o f the Real."
Itaiian Women's Writin~1860- 1994. London: The Atlone Press, 1995.

Zolla, Elernire. "Anna Maria Ortese." T e m ~ opresente Sept-IOct. 1958: 820.82 1.

You might also like