Geo 3 RD Sem

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Determinism vs possibilism
Introduction:

The relationship between man and environment has been of increasing interest to
geographers throughout its history. One can say that the idea of geography as the study of man-
environment Relationship has a long history and has led to a long-standing debate about the
position of man in relation to nature. Determinism and possibilism are the two mutually elite
philosophies in geography which are centered on a man and his place in nature. Both these
doctrines try to place man within the ambit of the environment and deliberate on the issue whether
a man should be looked upon as a ‘passive’ agent or an ‘active force’ while interacting with the
environment. In this process, he not only adapts to the environment but also brings changes within
it.
The deterministic point of view states that human activities are controlled by the
environment (Lewthwaite, 1966). They propose that man is just a passive force in front of nature
as nature determines man’s activities and in no way, man is free to control his life. Possibilism, on
the other hand, argues that the relationship between man and nature is not so as human beings have
the capacity to choose between a range of possible responses to physical conditions.

2. Historical Background:
Since ancient times, determinism has been important notion defining the man-environment
relationship. The idea was that man is a product of nature or physical environment moulds the
human culture (Glacken, 1967). Most of the early scholars like Aristotle, Eratosthenes, Strabo, and
Hippocrates were deterministic in their approach. For Example, Aristotle believed that the worlds
climatic zones – frigid, temperate and torrid; determined habitability of man. In medieval time,
France scholar Montesquieu in his work The Spirit of the Laws (1748) discusses how climatic
conditions govern the degeneration and persistence of cultural traits.
This philosophy even dominated the writings of Arab scholars especially Al- Masudi, Ibn-
Battuta, and Ibn- Khaldun. In the early modern period, Kant vehemently supported determinism.
Ritter, one of the founding fathers of Modern geography also had a tilt towards anthropocentric
approach and advocated geographical determinism. Ratzel (1844-1904) also propagated new
determinism where he emphasized that man holds a higher position than other organisms; still
accepting that determinism is a dominant force in explaining the man-environment relationship.
In the second volume of ‘Anthropogeographie’, he analyzes socio-economic activities and culture
of man in relation to the physical environment. This concept at the later stage became an inspiration
for Vidal de la Blache.
Apart from determinism, scientific concepts like deductive approach, Darwin’s theory of
evolution, Newtonian cause and effect relationships in the latter half of the ninetieth century and
early twentieth century influenced a number of geographers in France. This led to the foundation
of the modern school in France (France School of Geographical Thought) which had its roots in
the philosophy of possibilism. Vidal de la Blache, Gallois, Brunhes, Demangeon, Emmanuel De
Martonne, Blanchard, and all advocated the paradigm of possibilism. This philosophy is in direct
contrast to determinism and puts a man in the first place that is a man and no longer the earth or
climate influences man’s habitability. Thus, presents man as an active rather than the passive agent.
3. The Rise of Possibilism
The doctrine of possibilism tries to explain the relationship of a human being with the environment
in a different way; it puts human at a higher level and regards it as an active agent. It is a principle
which claims that environment provides opportunities and man being an economic man chooses
from those possibilities. Febvre (1932) in ‘A Geographical Introduction to History’ stated ‘there
are no necessities, but everywhere possibilities; and man, as the master of these possibilities, is
the judge of their use’. The roots of possibilism can be traced back to the works of Plato, who is
considered the master of deductive reasoning. Though his idea went into gloom for hundreds of
years; the contrasting doctrine of determinism continued to grow and flourished. It got support in
the writings of French scholar of the eighteenth century – Montesquieu, who is credited with
developing a doctrine analogous to modern paradigm of possibilism. He opined that man possesses
free will and has the ability to choose from a series of opportunities. Similar thoughts were also
put believed that man was ordered to conquer the earth and even transform it. Their views laid the
base for cryto-possibilistic hypothesis (Adhikari, 2010).In the nineteenth century, George Perkins
Marsh and Kirchoff made an attempt to put forward a non-deterministic approach to human
geography; they focused on the man himself. It was only in the latter half of the nineteenth century
that under the leadership of Vidal De la Blache (1845 – 1918), a possibilistic view of man-
environment developed. The focus of this philosophy was “Nature has set boundaries and has
provided possibilities for human settlement, but the way a person responds to these conditions or
adjusts it depends on the traditional way of life." Vidal rejected the concept of material
determinism and advocated favorability. He even rejected Durkheim’s opinion of human
geography as social morphology rather insisted that man was a partner and not a slave of the
environment (Dikshit, 2009). He was critical of Darwinian-Ratzelian heritage which proposed
environmental determinism and put forth the concept of possibilism. He sought a scheme for
understanding the interaction of nature and culture that eschewed both environmental determinism
and radical possibilism to seek answers or solution for the dichotomy between the human and the
environment. He vehemently rejected the idea that society and nature stood out as adversaries in
the human-nature confrontation. For him, the man was part of nature and therefore, it’s most active
Collaborator. To resolve this dichotomy he generated the concept of ‘genre de vie’. ‘Genre devie’
(way of life) includes all activities, practices, and techniques that characterize the adaptation of a
human group to the milieu – the natural surroundings of their habitat (Mercier, 2009). Vidal
pointed out that the same genre de vie had different interpretations for various human groups.
Thus, his works gave a sound methodological as well as a philosophical foundation for the doctrine
of possibilism. This growth somewhat weakened the hold of Darwinian Determinism within the
geographical thinking. In the twentieth century, possibilism got stronghold after the publication of
Blanche’s article in 1913 where he categorically states that geography as a discipline seeks to
measure and role of man in modifying the earth surface. This was further strengthened when his
book was published in 1921 (English translation in 1926), though posthumously. He observes that
nature gives man materials which have their inherent needs as well as limitations thus leading them
to limited uses.

Possibilism was further flourished by acclaimed historian Lucien Febvre (1878-1956).He puts
forward - “Whatever the men do in their own environment, they cannot completely get rid of
themselves completely." Febvre emphasized human initiative and motivation against the
environment, destroying the environmental deterministic reasoning and as part of the environment
of any group, as well as other humans, because they belong to the next group's cultural
surroundings, or the constraints of the environment are influenced by such thinking. He stated that
in the view of possibilists, a homogeneous region does not necessarily result in a homogeneous
society. This is because people residing in any area have the choice of possibilities
time to time and also in the quantity they want.
Bruhnes followed Blache’s ideas and took it to next step, he not only transmitted Blanche’s
philosophy in France but also disseminated it to different parts of the world. In 1910, his
monumental work La Geographie de L'Histoire was published. His prime focus was on the
actualities of exploitation of the earth by man. Commented: "The power that is meant is limited,
and it meets in it the bounds of nature that it cannot cross human activity can change within its
boundaries and its environment. But it cannot be removed from its environment, it can only modify
it, but it can never cross it, and it will always be conditioned by it. “He also stated that -"Nature is
not compulsory but the approval. “Futility is also associated with the French school of geography;
French geographers saw a series of possibilities for human development in the physical
environment, but argued that the development in the real development was related to the culture
of related people, perhaps in the field of extremes like deserts and tundra.

Criticisms

Despite the fact that humans have many possibilities in some physical setting, they cannot go
against the instructions set by the physical environment. Many contemporary thinkers have
criticized the possibilistic approach. Griffith Taylor, criticizing the possibility, said that the society
should elect entirely, and since only one advisory role has been assigned to geography, therefore
their work is not "plan of explanatory nature". Taylor was fairly right when he wrote that the work
of geography is not the study of all the problems related to natural environment and humans,
possibilities do not encourage the study of the physical environment and promote humanism
in geography. Geographical determinism forces at least geography to focus on nature, and if the
question is asked who is deciding to destroy the geography, then everyone should blame on the
doors of the prospects. Thus, imbalance tried to exaggerate the role of culture and to ignore the
importance of the natural environment. In essence, the possibilities of probability can be careless
as determinism, but there is a possibility that the extent of the work to be done by the environment
is recognized, and to avoid great generalization, which is characteristic of their opponents. The
Neutrality of Possibilism Certain implications logically follows from this distinction. In the first
place, it seems clear that (psychological affinities apart), possibilism has virtually no connection
with the philosophical problem of determinism and free will. If the environment alone is
considered, it may well be true, as Brunhes insisted, that there are "no necessities but everywhere
possibilities,"52 but this leaves unsolved the further question of why one possibility should be
selected rather than another. Unless the geographer then follows the chain of causation back and
back through space and time and plumbs its very psychological or metaphysical depths (and how
many geographers do that?), the problem of freedom and necessity remains unresolved. Nor are
other particular determinisms banished: in fact, all that possibilism does or can do is to assert that
whether or not human activity is free or determined, it is not determined solely by geographic
conditions, a denial that leaves the door wide open to the forceful entry of other controls.
Geographers may agree with Tatham that the Danish decision to turn from wheat growing to
dairying involved deliberate choice rather than environmental constraint but this leaves the
question unsolved: was the choice free or was it necessitated by some other factor, psychological,
political, or economic, per chance? In point of fact, the only form of determinism with which
possibilism is incompatible is geographic determinism: the field is left wide open for every other
particular determinism as well as the overarching necessitarian principle. It was the realization of
this fact which led Platt, involved in a plea for the reality of human choice, to complain that
complex "determinism may persist as a false guide in geography even after environmentalism has
been banished from the field." Conversely, it is doubtful whether many deterministic philosophers
have been sympathetic with their presumed allies working in geography. Freud was a determinist
in general and in particular, but he was certainly not a geographical one, whereas Communists,
committed both to economic determinism and the transforming power of social revolution,
repudiate any theory that the Marxist vision may be frustrated by an environmental veto: it is
possibilism which such determinists favour.

THE CONCEPT OF POSITIVISM

The origin of positivism as a well-established philosophy can be accredited to French philosopher


August Comte in the 1830s. Positivism as a philosophy was mainly initiated as apolemical
instrument against the romantic and speculative tradition that prevailed prior to the
French Revolution. Its main purpose was to distinguish science from metaphysics and religion.
Thus, positivism may be precisely described as a philosophical movement that emphasized on
science and scientific method as the only source of knowledge and, which stood in sharp contrast
to religion and metaphysics.
Comte rejected metaphysics for two reasons---- (i) its abstract nature with no grounding in
reality; and, (ii) for being more concerned with emotional than with practical questions. He sought
for ‘sociocracy’ dominated by scientists for the unity and progress of the entire humanity. Since a
lot of social disorder was created following the French Revolution, Comte attempted to establish
positivist philosophy as an organizational tool that would lead the society through unorganized
development. This was much against the metaphysical principle that sought to change society
through utopian solutions to the existing situations. Therefore, Comte argued that philosophy was
an ‘immature science’ and metaphysics should hence be replaced by a
Scientifically dominated ‘positive’ outlook.
August Comte delivered lectures on positivist philosophy which was published as a book
with the title ‘The Course of Positive Philosophy.’ His positivist philosophy included the
following five basic guidelines:
 All scientific knowledge was to be based on direct and empirically verifiable experience
of reality (phenomenology). This was supposed to provide an edge over theoretical
conjectures. Scientific methods, he asserted, was to combine both reason and experience—
reason to formulate the hypothesis; and, experience to do away with falsifications.
 There was to be a unified scientific method or ‘le certitude’ acceptable to all the sciences.
This implied that the different branches of knowledge were to be distinguished by their
subject matter or the object of study rather than their method of study. In other words,
branches of knowledge differed from each other not on the basis of how they studied but
on the basis of what studied.
 This was possible only when there was ‘le precis’ or a common objective of formulating
Scientific theories that could be subjected to empirical testing and utilized for proposing universal
laws. This meant that ethical-based value judgements (beliefs, customs, norms etc.) were not to be
considered as part of scientific knowledge since they were not based on direct observations and
thus, were not capable of empirical verifications.
 The empirically verifiable theories so developed were supposed to be based on the tenet
of ‘le utile’ meaning that it should have had some utility to serve as an instrument of
social engineering.
 Finally, the positivist philosophy was supposed to follow the doctrine of ‘le relative’
which implied that scientific knowledge was never complete but rather relative. It kept
progressing with time through the unification of scientific theories which increased
human awareness about the social arrangements that in turn, required more inclusive
theories. The philosophy of positivism challenged several taboos and religious beliefs that
existed against empirical investigations. The above five postulates provided some sort of
transition from the immediate through the unitary to the universal.
Comte opined that development of the society took place in three stages:
 theological when everything was described as God’s will;
 metaphysical; and,
 Positive when attempts were made to find out some sort of causal relations between the
observed phenomena.
Comte advocated that it was true that the social phenomena were more complex than the
natural phenomena, yet, there should have been a science of social relationships to be developed
as parallel to and in the same principles as the natural sciences. The purpose of such social sciences
would be to explore the laws governing human society through the scientific investigation of social
communities. These ideas of Comte were much in tune with the proposition of John Locke that
knowledge could only be derived through direct observations of actual situations and whatever
were not supported by empirical facts could not considered as knowledge.
In a nutshell the basic tenets of positivism were:
 Positivism was also described as empiricism (derived from the Greek word ‘empeire’
meaning experience) since it promoted science and scientific methods as a source of
knowledge. It averred that science only dealt with ‘empirical questions’ that were based
on experiences of real conditions as they existed and that which could be tested through
experiments or some other measures. It enabled to discover the causal connections
between the facts to arrive into some conclusions that were supposed to be value-free,
unbiased and unprejudiced.
 The positivist philosophy proved to be anti-idealistic that is, it stood in contrast to
anything that was abstract and essentially a mental construct. Therefore, positivist
philosophy did not deal with the ‘normative questions’ since they could not be tested
empirically and could not be established with scientific evidence. Positivism thus rejected
metaphysics for being unscientific.
 Since positivism declared anything as unscientific and abstract until it could be verified
With empirical evidence and tested through experiments, it did not accept authority just
because it was declared as authority. This brought them in conflict with the Nazi
Movement in Germany and positivist philosophy was branded as anti-authoritarian and
The term ‘positivism’ was used as an abusive term.
In the 1920s, positivism witnessed some sort of deviation from the classical Comtean
ideas when, a group of scientists created the ‘Vienna Circle’ and identified themselves as the
‘logical positivists.’ German philosopher and physicist Moritz Schlick was the founder of this
group which also had another German philosopher Rudolf Carnap as a prominent member.
They upheld the viewpoint that some knowledge could also be gained without relying on
experience, through formal logic and pure mathematics. Hence they distinguished between:
 analytical statements which were, a priori propositions whose truth could be verified
through tautologies and, which were essentially the domain of the formal sciences like
logic and mathematics; and,
 Synthetic statements that were supposed to be established empirically through hypothesis
testing and these in turn, were supported by the analytical statements. Hence, logical
positivism offered a much more authentic basis for scientific investigation. The essence of
logical positivism was acquiring knowledge through a combination of both experience and
analysis and using such knowledge to alter phenomena so as to yield a desired outcome.
This philosophy included three interrelated precepts:
 Scientism: This meant that the positive methods alone were the methods of acquiring
knowledge.
 Scientific Policies: This implied that only positivism was the key to social engineering or
modification as it provided rational solutions to all social problems.
 Value-Freedom: This implied that scientific judgements derived through positive methods
were neutral, unbiased and objective and hence were free from any moral or political
binders.

POSITIVISM IN GEOGRAPHY

There was a great deal of efforts in the latter half of the 19th century to develop the discipline of
geography as a nomothetic science. This was largely the impact of the Darwinian tradition that
invigorated the scientists to search for the governing laws of nature and in the same tune, thesocial
scientists to explore the laws determining social arrangements. The hypothetic-deductive
approach of study that was especially characteristic of the natural sciences, replaced the inductive
methods in the social sciences. Thus there was an effort to accommodate social sciences within
the framework of positivism. It must be pointed out here that the of empirical data. Once verified,
they were validated as laws until their eventual refutation through further research. The logical
positivists conceived that some order persisted in the objective world that needed to be explored
and discovered through scientific investigation----spatial patterns of variation in geography----that
could not be manipulated by the observer. Geography soon became ‘positivist-led.’ The
hypothetic-deductive approach led the discipline particularly human geography to develop as a
model building and theoretical science since it dealt with phenomena that were familiar with reality
both spatially and temporally.
During the 1950s and 1960s, the essence and purpose of Anglo-American geography
witnessed a drastic transformation with the replacement of the idiographic approach that focused
on areal differentiation with the adoption of the nomothetic methods that sought to explore
models of spatial structure. This change was initiated by Schaefer with his critique of Kant’s
exceptionalist views that placed history and geography as exceptional and different from the other
systematic sciences. Schaefer put forward his ‘spatial organization paradigm’ and conceived
geography as a spatial and social science primarily concerned with the formulation of laws that
governed the spatial distribution of any phenomenon as they were found on the earth’s surface.
Hence, Schaefer set off a sort of ‘revolution’ in geography that was basically ‘theoretical and
quantitative’ in nature. This revolution in geography sought to provide the discipline a scientific
approach with the application of mathematical and statistical methodologies. It largely accepted
the tenets of positivism of unified scientific methods acceptable to all the sciences----natural and
human. The quantitative schools undertook to construct models and theoretical structures within
which geographical realities were supposed to be incorporated. The quantitative revolution that
geography underwent by adopting the viewpoints of positivism was set off mainly by the
mathematicians. It was mainly the outcome of the impact of the non-geographers on geography.
As ‘Theoretical Geography’ (1962) went as far as to describe geography as a science of spatial
relations and geometry as the mathematics of space. So logically, geometry was supposed to be
the language of geography. What followed was the development of the concept of ‘space’ as the
basic concept for organizing the subject matter of geography. Two major approaches were
identified in the study of geography, namely----
 Spatial Analysis: This referred to the application of quantitative or more specifically
Statistical methods and techniques in locational analysis.
 Spatial Science: This concept was largely akin to the positivist philosophy and presented
human geography as a social science with its prime focus on space as the guiding principle
behind the organization and operation of the society and the behavior of individual human
being.
These two approaches related to space led to the development of the following two aspects of space
that became the central theses of geography:
 Spatial Interaction: This referred to the interdependence between spatial units and was
gratuitous to the interaction between humans and environment within a particular area.
 Spatial Structure: This referred to the spatial arrangements or more precisely the
geometric pattern of any phenomena on the earth’s surface since geometry was regarded
as an important tool in geographical studies.
Inspired by positivist thinking, major advances towards a unified methodological and
philosophical basis of the quantitative schools were rendered by Peter Haggett, Richard
Chorley and David Harvey in the 1960s. The discipline of geography witnessed major theoretical
and methodological developments. A new domain of knowledge emerged that came to be known
as regional science. It was basically an assemblage of geography, economics and planning with
its main concern for regional problems. The pioneer for this new discipline was Walter Isard
(1956).The most important theoretical development that fundamentally incorporated the
philosophy positivism was the locational analysis of Peter Haggett. The concept was put forward
by him in the book ‘Locational Analysis in Human Geography’ (1965). Following the geometric
tradition this approach in human geography, more popularly termed as spatial science concerned
itself with, the spatial arrangements of phenomena on the earth’s surface. In addition to this, it also
dealt with the interaction between places within a spatial pattern, the dynamics of such patterns as
well as the creation of alternative patterns through model building to provide for a better
possibility. The Central Place Theory postulated by August Losch (1954), the Gravity Model
by Stewart and Warntz (1959) or the Diffusion Theory of Hagerstrand (1953) were all
formulated using locational analysis.
Another concept that was intrinsically associated with positivism was the concept of
systems. A system was defined as an array of entities that had specific relationship among them
as well as with their environment. Richard J. Chorley was the first geographer to introduce
general systems theory in geography. His paper ‘Geomorphology and General Systems Theory’
(1962) was developed within the framework of the systems approach in which he tried to apply
the concept of open and closed systems to geomorphology. A major contribution to the positivist
theory was made by David Harvey in his ‘Explanation in Geography’ (1969). He opined that
reality was a set of complex phenomena particularly so far as. While development meant the
changes in the structure and function of the system overtime.
Since geography studied the relationship between humans and the environment, systems
analysis was supposed to have a wide range of applications especially in human geography. This
was because the systems analysis was based on an implicit assumption of positivist philosophy
and drew analogies between human societies on one hand and natural phenomena on the other.
This drawing of analogies led to the model and analogue theory that had close connections with
positivism. A model was basically a structured conceptualization of reality that represented
particular attributes of reality and, analogue theory was the formal theory related to building of
models. A model or an analogue ranged from a structured idea to a hypothesis to a law to a theory.
Following the positivist outlook, a model could be used as a guide to validate a set of hypothesis
through empirical testing and to establish a theory as it contained some resemblances with the
reality. Though model building had been used in many sciences since long back but, its use in
geography was of comparatively recent origin and could be attributed to positivism.

CRITIQUE OF POSITIVISM

The positivist philosophy by rejecting metaphysics provided a sound philosophical,


methodological and scientific base to the discipline of geography. Knowledge based on the
observations of real situations that could be easily verified empirically was highly objective,
unbiased and unprejudiced and could be readily utilized for the formulation of universal laws and
theories. Positivism encouraged the use of statistical and mathematical techniques that provided
precision to research and enabled to analyse a geographical system in a much more simplified
form. It provided a kind of framework within which theoretical statements could be formally
presented. However, the critique of positivism was highly intense and convincing. Positivism
Was criticized mainly on three fronts:
 Empiricism: Positivism recognized the fact that theory building was essentially based on
the direct observation of reality which could be subjected to statistical procedures for
empirical verification. But this approach proved to be very superficial against which new
philosophical and theoretical frameworks were designed and for which alternate methods
than statistical techniques much more insightful exposure of human society. In contrast to
positivism that concerned Itself with ‘how’, they were concerned with ‘why’ and went
beyond the positivist argument to discover the processes that created a particular pattern
of physical or social regularities.
 Exclusivity: The positivists’ claim that the methods of natural sciences could be extended
into the domain of the social sciences including humanities to establish a unified Scientific
method was also criticized. Positivism excluded the normative questions like beliefs,
values, emotions, attitudes and so on. But in reality, much of human behavior and social
arrangements was to be guided by such questions. Hence, it provided a very parochial
approach to the study of any domain of social sciences.
 Autonomy: The assertion of positivism that knowledge based on direct observation and
verified empirically would yield a scientific discipline that would be objective, neutral and
unprejudiced was widely challenged.
Among the social sciences, human geography was the one to adopt the positivist doctrine
in a great way as it provided a systematic and scientific approach to the discipline and where reality
could be verified. This new paradigm was widely accepted particularly in the fields of urban and
economic geography. Schafer’s paper on exceptionalism opened the door to the domain of
(logical) positivism. The geography that developed by adopting the positivist doctrine emphasized
on analyzing spatial data and developing spatial theory based on empirically tested mathematical
models. However, in the 1970s and 1980s, there was increasing dissatisfaction among the
geographers with over emphasis on spatial views and they sought to explore alternative approaches
to geographical problems. They argued that human geography employing the spatial view was
actually a sort of ‘fetishism’ that alienated, diverted and obscured the fundamental social questions.
For this reason, even David Harvey later deviated from the positivist stand to focus on the question
of social distribution.
The critique of positivism in geography mainly emanated from two sources:
 Its acceptance of statistical techniques for making inferences about reality; and,
 Its acceptance of the assumption of the methodological unification of the sciences.
Regarding the first criticism, Bennett in 1985, highlighted the following points:
Positivism created a false sense of objectivity. The models constructed using statistical techniques
that were considered as an effective tool of theory building actually deviated the observer from the
observed by giving more prominence to some elements and undermining others. This paved the
way for controlling and manipulating society. They were regarded as grossly inadequate for
geographical enquiry as well due to no repeatability of experiments and data.
 By employing quantitative techniques positivism largely eliminated the social and
humanistic concerns and reduced humankind as decision-makers or workers to mere
passive agents. Such models mostly turned out to be the result of economic determinism.
 Positivism described the existing real situation and thus encouraged status quo in society
especially with respect to the distribution of social well-being.
 Since it excluded the normative questions thus it deprived human society of the norms and
values based on which it should have been organized. With its overenthusiasm with
empirical questions, sometimes it overlooked many good qualitative statements that would
have otherwise proved to be effective in describing regional entities.
 Positivism attempted to construct theories with universal acceptability by moving from
particular to the general which had reduced validity in real world owing to the spatial
character of geographical data. Hence, this resulted into overgeneralization.
 Availability of an extensive and reliable database was an important pre-requisite for the
application of statistical techniques in human geography in the absence of which the
models or theories developed were supposed to portray an erroneous and distorted picture
of reality.
So far as the second criticism was concerned, some geographers like Peet or Slater derided
the positivist-spatial science tradition in geography and even challenged its methodological base
as a whole. Their rejection of positivism implied a rejection of the concept of space and hence the
rejection of the entire subject matter of geography. They argued that spatial science with geometry
as its language was not adequate for addressing geographical problems. Though space was
regarded as the central theme of the subject, yet the discipline could not be distinguished from
others solely on that ground. The concept of space merely reduced geography to a heterogeneous
amalgam of spatial models that yielded no process of understanding or specific theoretical object
to geography.
The separate development of physical and human geography also eroded the possibility
regarding the unification of the subject. In most situations, human geographers minimized the role
of the environment while physical geographers sought to develop theories detached from human
and social needs.
The critique of positivism revived the social foundations and responsibilities of social
sciences due to which geography went through an anti-positivism and critical revolution in the
1970s. A lot of humanistic approach was proposed to counter and replace the concept of an
objective world highlighted upon by the positivist paradigm.

RADICALISM

INTRODUCTION
In the Leftist ideological group, there were two sections – Left-liberal and Left-radical.
Both the sections were concerned with inequalities, deprivation etc., i.e. problems pertaining to
rich-poor divide. They were against capitalism. They both criticized Positivists because Positivism
could not answer the questions of deprivation, dislocation, crime, problems of female issues, class
differences etc.
Left-liberals were those people who want minor adjustment in society for the benefits of
have nots. But Left-radicals wanted to change the entire social order.

II-Context
Amid mass demonstrations against government’s social policies, for which people came out on
the streets of American cities, political radicalism through the revival of socialist parties happened
due to certain reasons, as follows:
1. After the World War-II, there was a steady economic growth for two decades. Then an
economic slowdown or slump started to happen. In such a situation, people became conscious of
the role of the government – its successful schemes and failed projects. It was widely felt that the
fruits of economic growth were not shared equally, and a substantive chunk of society was facing
economic hardship. This fueled grievance against the government, and that’s how Civil rights
Movements took place in almost all American cities during the late sixties.
2. Another point of discontent was Vietnam War where USA’s aggression was viewed as
an imperialist hegemonic pursuit. By and large, it was against the essence of democracy which the
USA preached and practiced. It not only led to the destruction of lives and properties of
Vietnamese but also led to the death of US soldiers fighting in Vietnam. American people,
especially the youth, revolted against the government for Vietnam War. Student protests were not
only limited to its place of origin i.e. USA, but it expanded to several European countries also.
3. Problems of Black population, who lived in the shabby physical environment, started to
emerge. Such problems pinpointed the failure of economic growth-centric government policies,
which was running under the profit maximization policies.
III-Social Relevance Revolution

Given this context, a reassessment of purpose and methodologies of natural as well as


social sciences began. It was felt that human being and their environment as a part of the earth is
the most important subject that natural and social sciences should enquire in details. Geographers,
Who were working on the themes of “optimum location” of infrastructural facilities, now started
to focus on the physical and social environment that surround people. This phase of revolution in
geography, after the much-acclaimed quantitative revolution, is known as “radical revolution” or
“social relevance revolution”.

III A-The Radical Stream of the Relevance Movement:


In fact, “radical revolution” emerged as a critique of quantitative revolution. During the
1950s, the philosophy of positivism and empiricism became very influential. Geographers, while
interacting with other disciplines, also started applying various tools and techniques to analyze and
explain the spatial variation of man-nature interaction. They got so engrossed in model building
that the theoretical approach towards looking at socio-economic problems was Sidelined, and
availability of data and application of techniques started to guide research procedures. In such a
context, through “radical revolution”, a new discourse started that reminded geographers it is
theoretical understanding that shows the path of research through an exploration of suitable dataset
and methods, and not the other way round
Radical viewpoint started through William Bunge’s work who wrote about Radicalist ideas
in his book Theoretical Geography in 1962 and who founded Society for Human Exploration at
Detroit in 1968. This Society urged geographers to undertake fieldwork in areas where poorest
people live or the areas which are most backward and depressed. Such expeditions targeted to
acquire first hand and unbiased information of these areas so that a collective engagement with
local people can bring meaningful inputs and bring about sound policy and planning framework.
Few expeditions were carried out in Detroit. For providing training to aspirants who shown interest
to participate in such expeditions, a course was opened at the University of Michigan. As university
officials did not cooperate at the later stages, such expeditions were stopped in the USA. However,
the expeditions continued in Toronto (Canada), Sydney (Australia) and London (England).
Moreover, the Union of Socialist Geographers (USG) was established in 1974.Members of USG
also participated in special sessions of AAG conventions and IBG annual meeting
Radical ideas flourished in the hands of David Harvey and Richard Peet. Harvey wrote
Social Justice and the City where he talked about Black people living in Ghettos. Richard Peet
started to publish articles in a famous journal known as Antipode in Clarke University in
Massachusetts in 1969. The issues in Antipode were quite revolutionary. They talked about urban
poverty, discrimination against Blacks, feminism and cruelty against women, crime, deprivation,
Problems pertaining to minorities etc. Therefore, geography again got a breakthrough from its
Original systematic or regional approach when it started incorporating new social issues.
Due to increased poverty and inequality, especially poverty among the people of Ghetto
and rural areas, Radicalist tried to perceive planning from a new viewpoint i.e. planning with the
People rather than planning for the people. According to Harvey, geographers should consider the
question as to who is going to control whom, in whose interest the controlling is going to be
exercised and if it is exercised in the interest of people, who is going to take it upon himself to
define that public interest.
Important features and objectives of the radical stream of relevance movement are following:

1. To expose the issues of discrimination, deprivation, inequalities, crimes, issues pertaining to


health and mental degradation in the capitalistic society
2. To pinpoint the weakness of Positivism and Quantitative Revolution in geography which
emphasized geography as a spatial science and did not deal with the human issues.
3. To remove regional inequality
4. Radicalists opposed economic and political concentration, imperialism and nationalism.
5. They opposed superiority of a particular race.
6. They also prescribed revolutionary changes in the work order to develop a tension-free
peaceful environment for all.
Radicalism was developed as a critique of existing models, because such models especially
those adopting a positivist methodology which was supposed to be value-neutral, was helping the
imperialistic forces to maintain the status quo. Geography was a tool for imperialists. Radicalism
was critical to this system.
Radicalists always talked from the standpoint of those people who were not in control of
means of production (land, labour, capital, organization), and they always supported the
downtrodden group of society. Radicalist thinking always went against nationalism. Before
Radicalist thinking, geography was a science which protected the ideology of majority who owns
the means of production. Radicalists criticized this scenario. It also developed as a protest against
data. Radicalists thought of a society which is controlled by all.
Radicalists like James Blaut (1970) attempted to link the issue of imperialism with capitalism.
Imperialism denotes domination and subordination of one country to another – be it in economic
or political terms. More developed countries had a tendency to control less developed ones, by
exploiting natural resources and setting terms of trades often biased against less developed
countries. Capitalistic countries, through this control, created a monopoly situation. Another issue
was ethnocentrism, where an ethnic group was considered superior to another group(s).European
ethnocentrism pointed towards the superiority of Europe over Asia and Africa, the superiority of
Whites over non-Whites. It also showed the world how and why development persists in Europe.
Blaut was very critical to this unicentric model and explained how Europe progressed at the cost
of disrupting African and Asian countries. Imperialistic hegemony, through colonization of many
African and Asian countries, paved the way for European countries to access billions of wealth.
This led to the progress of Europe, in terms of expansion of industries, commercial activities,
education, and technology. As the entire idea of racial superiority and ethnocentrism was based on
certain prejudices, Radicalists opposed it.
Radicalists also opposed the way females were oppressed in developing and developed
countries. Females were found to have an unequal role in terms of decision-making in households.
They were systematically exploited, as their role was defined from a male perspective. They had
relatively less mobility, and their role was defined to be restricted within household – cooking and
taking care of children and so on.
To a certain extent, Radicalism was linked with anarchism. Anarchism called for the
removal of state, and its replacement by voluntary groups of individuals. These individuals could
work without external pressure and maintain social order. In a way, anarchism promoted individual
liberalism and socialism. Peter Kroptokin and Elisee Reclus elaborated on the way by which such
social orders can be maintained. Kroptokin attacked capitalism on the ground that it Increased
competition and inequalities. He commented that mutual cooperation and support help a
community or a society to live peacefully. Cooperation based production, decision-making at
grassroots level, the spread of democracy, greater integration of short-distanced workspace and
living space were some of the ideals many Radical geographers followed.

III B-The Liberal Stream of the Relevance Movement:


Liberalism, although beliefs in democratic capitalism, advocates executive actions for
minimizing social and spatial inequalities in the levels of human well-being. It shows a
commitment towards ensuring a basic minimum level of standard of living for all. In this context,
it prescribes state action in helping less privileged section of the human society. Statistical
techniques, involving multiple variables, were applied to map levels of human being (Thompson
and associates, 1962). The work done by Smith (1973) and Knox (1975) are often referred in
geographical literature. Measurement and mapping of variables related to human well-being
became important, and such variables were categorized into three sub-sets- “physical needs”
(nutrition, shelter, and health), “cultural needs” (education, leisure, recreation and security), and
“higher needs” (through surplus income). Their works show that geographers can play a significant
role in informing policy-makers about the spatial implications of inequalities so that better
decisions can be taken for improving policies and schemes further. Another part of these works is
raising awareness among citizens so that they become better informed on welfare issues. Cox
(1973) and Massam (1976) looked at how efficiently public services can be provided, by redrawing
of administrative boundaries or changing the location of public facilities. In his seminal book,
Human Geography: A Welfare Approach, David Smith (1977) focused on “who gets what, where
and how”, and this reoriented the goal of human geography towards making a society where spatial
malpractices and injustices are done away with. Therefore the “distribution” of fruits of economic
growth emerged as an important issue.
Moreover, this stream of social relevance movement advocates that our surrounding
environment should be looked after well. Therefore, issues like environmental degradation-
conservation management are often discussed.

CRITICISM

Social relevance movement, especially radicalism was able to usher in some fruitful changes in
the methodological discourse of geographical studies. These are:
 From the rhetoric of quantitative technique based analysis of geographical attributes, it
reoriented human geography towards prominent social and environmental issues, there
by broadening the scope of geography to interact with other disciplines of social
sciences.
 The classical tradition of fieldwork in a small region was altered in the sense that more in-
depth and participatory planning oriented studies were encouraged. This field worken
tailed a new pattern where respondents were involved in the process of surveying. One
needs to understand that this new pattern was quite challenging. The expeditions,
promoted by the Society for Human Exploration, could not go on extensively due to
multiple reasons (including existing power structure), even though it received a certain
chunk of academic interest.
Some of the limitations or weaknesses of radicalism are:
 First criticism came from Russians who claimed themselves as true Communists and
Marxists. Radicalism was entirely an American enterprise. Though Radicalists in
America talked about the social change they never talked about an armed revolution which
is a basic component of Marxist ideology.
 The theoretical base of radicalism was very weak. Basically, they were dependent on other
social sciences. Whatever Harvey discussed in Social Justice and the City were basically
sociological, political or economic analysis.
 Though the topic of radicalism was varied, the techniques and methodologies were not
very path-breaking.
 Radicalism gave over-weight to Marxism. Geography, by virtue of its subject matter, is a
spatial science. It cannot be explained totally with the help of Marxist thinking.
 The ultimate question was ‘Who will guard the guardians’? Even socialist governments
following models of Marx could not solve problems of the oppressed class.
 Humanistic geographers criticized Radicalists because the former gave more emphasis on
people, not as an ideology like the Radicalists. Humanistic geography says that geography
cannot be explained through any generalized theory. It is human-specific.
 Positivists criticized radicalism because they don’t take help from any empirical science.
After the fall of USSR and East European nations in the end of 1980s, the worldwide impression
was that socialism has no value and capitalism has won its final victory. Therefore, geography is
essentially a locational science which is based on empirical positivist values, which is the tool of
capitalists

BEHAVIOURAL GEOGRAPHY

1. Introduction:
By the mid-1960s use of statistical techniques in research for precision has been largely accepted
by geographers. The duality of systematic versus regional geography was resolved as both were
now accepted as important components of the discipline though interdependent and equally useful.
It was increasingly realized by the geographers that the models propounded and tested with the
help of quantitative techniques, provided poor descriptions of geographic reality as well as the
man-environment relationship. Consequently, predictive powers were weak. Theories such as
Central Place Theory, based on statistical and mathematical techniques, were found inadequate to
explain the spatial organization of society. The economic rationality of decision-making was also
criticized as it does not explain the behavior of man. It was a psychological twist in human
geography which emphasized the role of subjective and decision-making processes that mediate
the association between environment and spatial behaviour of man. It can be said that the
dissatisfaction with the models and theories developed by the positivists, using the statistical
techniques which on the ‘economic rationality’ of man led to the development of behavioural
approach in geography.
The axiom of ‘economic person’ who always tries to maximize his profit was challenged
by Wolpert. In his paper entitled ‘The Decision Process in Spatial Context’, Wolpert (1964)
compared the actual and potential labour productivity of Swedish farmers and came to a conclusion
that optimal farming practices were not attainable. He concluded that the farmers were not
optimizers but, satisfies. Thus human behavior was seen to be a product of decision-making and it
was a human tendency to have incomplete information, to make imperfect choices and even then
be satisfied with sub-optimal options.

2. Behaviourialism in Geography

Behavioural geography banks heavily on ‘Behaviourialism’. Behaviourialism is an important


approach which is largely inductive, aiming to build general statements out of observations of
ongoing processes. The essence of behavioural approach in geography lies in the fact that the way
in which people behave is mediated by their understanding of the environment in which they live
or by the environment itself with which they are confronted.
In behavioural geography, an explanation for the man-environment problem is founded upon the
premise that environmental cognition and behaviour are intimately related. In other words, the
behavioural approach has taken the view that a deeper understanding of man-environment
interaction can be achieved by looking at the various psychological processes through which man
comes to know the environment in which he lives, and by examining the way in which these
processes influence the nature of the resultant behaviour.
One of the most interesting and applied aspects of behavioural geography was work examining the
human perception of environmental hazards. The pioneering work by Robert Kates (1962) on
floodplain management is one of the bases of this approach.
He states the manner in which human beings perceive the uncertainty and unpredictability of their
environment play a significant role in the process of decision-making. He developed a scheme that
had relevance to a wide range of human behaviour.
This scheme of Kates was based on four assumptions –
1. Men are rational while taking decisions.
2. Men make choices.
3. Choices are made on the basis of knowledge.
4. Information is evaluated to pre-determined criteria.
Subsequently, Kirk (1952-1963) supplied one of the first behavioural models. In his model,
he asserted that in space and time the same information would have different meanings for people
of different socio-economic, cultural and ethnic backgrounds living in a similar geographical
environment. Each individual of a society reacts differently to a piece of information about the
resource, space, and environment. This point may be explained by citing the following example.
The highly productive Indo-Gangetic plains have different meanings for different individuals
belonging to a various caste, creed and religion. Jats, Gujjars, Ahirs, Sainis, Jhojas and Gadas
living in the same village perceive their environment differently. A Jat farmer may like to sow
sugarcane in his field, a Gada and a Jhoja may devote his land to sugarcane, wheat and rice, an
Ahir may like to grow fodder crops for the milch animals, and a Saini is invariably interested in
intensive cultivation, especially that of vegetables. For a Saini(vegetable grower), even five acres
of arable land may be a large holding, while a Jat who uses a tractor considers even 25 acres a
small holding. The perceived environment of each of these farmers living in the same thus differs
from each other both in space and time.
The aspect environment which was most enthusiastically adopted by geographers from
behavioural analysis was the concept of mental maps. The paper of Peter Gould (1966) was the
seminal contribution in this regard. He points out that since decisions on location were guided by
the manner in which a human being perceives the environment, it becomes essential for a
geographer to have a mental image of how one perceives his environment while making decisions.
Therefore, mental maps are not just images or maps but an amalgamation of information and
interpretation that a person has on a particular thing as well as how he or she perceives that place
(Johnston, 1986). This was further developed by Gould (1966), Downs (1970), Downs and Stea
(1973), Gould and White (1974) and Saarinen (1979) through their writings. Gould opines that
mental maps are not only means of examining a person’s area of a spatial preference but also
provides insight into the processes which led to that particular decision. He states that mental maps
may provide a key to some of the structures, patterns and processes of man’s work on the earth
surface.
During the 1970s, a range of related personality assessments, such as personal construct
theory and the semantic differential were employed, and in this work geography and psychology
became close neighbours (Aitken, 1991; Kitchin, Blades and Golledge, 1997). In particular, this
productive interdisciplinary relationship was developed through the annual meetings of the
Environmental Design Research Association and in the pages of the new journal, Environment,
and Behavior. Since that period, behavioural geography has continued to diversify, even if its
position has been less elevated than in the 1960s and 1970s when many disciplinary leaders worked
in this sub-discipline. More recent research has included a learning, spatial search, developmental
issues in spatial cognition and cartography and Golledge’s (1993) important work with the disabled
and sight-impaired. But some of the lustre has left the field. In part, this may be related to the
methodological sensibilities of Post-positivist human geography. In part, it is due to the growing
conviction of the inherently socialized nature of geographical knowledge, which challenges the
individualism of psychological models. In part, it emanates from a suspicion of the adequacy of
an epistemology of observation and measurement that may leave
Unexamined non-observable and non-measurable contexts and ideological formations.
Nonetheless, behavioural geography has a continuing legacy, comprehensively itemized and
integrated into the massive compilation of Golledge and Stimson (1997).

3. The objectives of behavioural approach were:

1. To develop models for a human phenomenon which would provide an alternative to the spatial
location theories developed under the influence of positivism.

2. To define the cognitive (subjective) environment that determines the decision-making process
of humans;

3. To come up with psychological and social theories of human decision-making and behaviour in
a spatial framework;

4. To change the emphasis from aggregate populations to the disaggregate scale of individuals and
small group

5. To search for methods other than those popular during the quantitative revolution that could
uncover the latent structure in data and decision-making;
6. To emphasize on procession rather than structural explanations of human activity and physical
environment;

7. To generate primary data about human behaviour and not to rely heavily on the published data;
and

8. To adopt an interdisciplinary approach for theory-building and problem-solving.

The fundamental arguments of the behavioural geography to achieve these objectives are
that:
(i) People have environmental images;
(ii) Those images can be identified accurately by researchers; and
(iii) There is a strong relationship between environmental image and actual behaviour or the
decision-making process of man.
The behavioural paradigm has been shown in Figure 3. In this paradigm, man has depicted
as a thinking individual whose transactions with the environment are mediated by mental processes
and cognitive representation of the external environment. In geographical circles, this concept is
derived primarily from the work of Boulding (1956) who suggested that over time individuals’
developmental impressions of the world (images) are formed through their everyday contacts with
the environment and that these images act as the basis of their behaviour.

4. Salient Features of Behavioural Geography


The salient features of behavioural geography are discussed in the following section:
1. The behavioural geographers argued that environmental cognition (perception) upon which
people act May well differ markedly from the true nature of the real environment of the real world.
Space (environment) thus can be said to have a dual character:
(i) As an objective environment—the world of actuality—which may be gauged by some direct
means (senses); and
(ii) As a behavioural environment—the world of the mind— which can be studied only by indirect
means.
1No matter how partial or selective the behavioural environment may be, it is this milieu
which is the basis of decision-making and action of man. By behavioural environment, it is meant:
reality as is perceived by individuals. In other words, people make choices and the choices are
made on the basis of knowledge. Thus, the view of behaviour was rooted in the world as perceived
rather than in the world of actuality. The nature of the difference between these two environments
and their implications for behaviour was neatly made by Koffka (1935-36) in an allusion to a
medieval Swiss tale about a winter travel.
2. Secondly, behavioural geographers give more weight to an individual rather than to
groups, or organizations or society. In other words, the focus of the study is the individual, not the
group or community. They assert that research must recognize the fact that the individual shapes
and response to his physical and social environment. In fact, it is necessary to recognize that the
actions of each and every person have an impact on the environment, however, slight or inadvertent
that impact may be. Man is a goal-directed animal who influences the environment and in turn, is
influenced by it. In brief, an individual rather than a group of people or social group is more
important in a man-nature relationship.
3. The behavioural approach in geography postulated a mutually interacting relationship
between man and his environment, whereby man shaped the environment and was subsequently
shaped by it (Gould, 1980).
4. The fourth important feature of behavioural geography is its multidisciplinary outlook.
A behavioural geographer takes the help of ideas, paradigms, and theories produced by
psychologists, philosophers, historians, sociologists, anthropologists, ethnologists, and planners.
However, the lack of theories of its own is coming in the way of rapid development of behavioural
geography.

Therefore, one can say that the behavioural approach in geography is a fruitful one and it
helps in establishing a scientific relationship between man and his environment. The broad scope
of behavioural geography is remarkable even by the standards of human geography.

5. Criticisms:

There are, however, overall, biases in content towards urban topics and towards developed
countries. One of the main weaknesses of behavioural geography is that it lacks in the synthesis of
empirical findings, poor communication, inadvertent duplication, and conflicting terminology. In
behavioural geography, the terminology and concepts remain loosely defined and poorly
integrated, primarily owing to the lack of systematically-organized theoretical basis.
Another shortcoming of behavioural geography lies in the fact that most of its data are
generated in laboratory experiments on animals and the findings are applied directly to human
behaviour. Koestler (1975) pointed to the danger of this strategy, in that Behaviourialism “has
replaced the anthropomorphic fallacy—ascribing to animals human faculties and sentiments—
with the opposite fallacy; denying man faculties not found in lower animals; it has substituted for
the erstwhile anthropomorphic view of rat, a rato-morphic view of man”. In short, behaviouralist
theories are elegant but unhelpful when it comes to understanding the real world man-environment
interaction.
Behavioural geography has too often put too much emphasis on ego-centered
interpretations of the environment. Specifically, scholars are critical of two assumptions on which
a great deal of behavioural research in geography is based. The first assumption is that there exist
identifiable environmental images that can be accurately measured. It is not clear whether an
environmental image can be extracted without distortion from the totality of mental imagery.
Moreover, not enough effort has gone into checking and validating the methods by which images
are elicited.
The second critical assumption is that there exists a strong relationship between revealed
images or references and actual or real-world behaviour. The main objection to this assumption is
that it is an unfounded assumption because extremely little research has been undertaken to
examine the congruence between image and behaviour.
Another significant deficiency in behavioural geography has been the gap between theory
and practice. This has been most noticeable over the question of public policy. In fact, behavioural
geographers remain observers rather than participants. There is a serious lack of knowledge of
planning theories and methods amongst behavioural geographers, which is an impediment to more
active involvement.
It is a barrier that can be removed only by developing the requisite understanding of the
planning processes; it cannot be camouflaged by noble sentiments and moral tone. For instance, it
will be only rarely that a small survey carried out upon a sample of students will supply the basis
for far-reaching policy recommendations, yet the final paragraphs of many such works contain this
seemingly obligatory element.
Despite several constraints and methodological limitations, behavioural geography is now
widely accepted within the positivist orientation. It seeks to account for spatial patterns by
establishing generalizations about people-environment interrelationship, which may then be used
to stimulate change through environmental planning activities that modify the stimuli which affect
the spatial behaviour of us and others.
The research methods of behavioural geography vary substantially but the general
orientation—inductive generalization leading to planning for environmental change—remains.
Eventually, it is hoped, a ‘powerful new theory’ will emerge. Golledge argued that substantial
advances in understanding spatial behaviour have already been made by studying‘individual
preferences, opinions, attitudes, cognitions, cognitive maps, perception, and so on—what he terms
processes variables.

HUMANISTIC GEOGRAPHY

DEVELOPMENT OF HUMANISTIC GEOGRAPHY


Humankind as an agent of change on the earth’s surface was first identified by Comte
deBuffon as early as in the 18th century. Inspired by his ideas, Immanuel Kant developed his
physical geography that was essentially ‘anthropocentric’ in nature and content. According to
Kant, physical geography not only included the features visible on the earth’s surface created by
natural processes but also by human actions. Kant was also of the opinion that empirical knowledge
could be obtained in two ways—either (i) through pure reason, or (ii) through the senses. Senses
again could be divided into—(i) inner senses and, the (ii) outer senses. The world as perceived by
the inner senses was the seele (soul) or mensch (man) while as perceived by the outer senses, was
the Nature. The concept of Kant’s anthropocentric geography was subsequently adopted by Carl
Ritter. In his famous ‘Erdkunde’, he asserted that the central theme of geography was the element
of reciprocity that is believed to have existed between the natural phenomena and humanity.
Subsequently, Friedrich Ratzel in his ‘Anthropogeographie’set a framework for the systematic
study of human geography and thus set a new trend in the subject. Prior to him, systematic
geography only involved physical geography and, human geography was mainly confined within
regional studies. His anthropogeographie was essentially a reflection of the Darwinian viewpoints
and emphasized on the concept of natural selection that was used in the natural sciences.
The human approach in geography was greatly popularized by the French geographer Paul
Vidal de la Blache in 1899 with his introduction of a new dimension to the possibilistic. Blache
may rightly be called the father of modern human geography. He advocated ‘philosophy genre de
vie’, a concept akin to human culture, inherited and developed over time to convert natural
‘possibilities’ into elements of fulfilment. Nature was conceived as a mere adviser and humanity,
an active force of change. Blache’s possibilist philosophy was carried forward by Jean Brunhes
throughout France and other parts of the globe. His main emphasis was on the exploitation of the
earth by humankind for satiating human needs and desires.
In fact, it was the French historian, Lucien Febvre, who is actually credited for coining
the term ‘possibilism.’ In his ‘Geographical Introduction to History’ (1922), Febvre accorded to
the Vidalienne tradition of possibilism. He put forward that humankind emerged as a powerful
agent of modifying the earth’s surface through centuries of his accumulated labour and decision
making. In 1924, American geographer Carl O. Sauer propounded his ‘landscape paradigm’ in
which he highlighted on humans as agent of ‘fashioning’ the natural landscape.
The discipline of geography underwent several paradigm shifts and revolutions over time.
The 1920s witnessed the revival of the positivist philosophy after. The concept was however,
introduced in the 1830s by August Comte. The aftermath was a theoretical and quantitative
revolution in geography in the 1950s. Schafer’s critique of Kant’s exceptionalism and the
introduction of his ‘spatial organization paradigm’ opened the door for such revolution.
However, in the 1970s there was yet another revolution in geography which was essentially
antipositivist in nature. It came to be known as the ‘critical revolution’ as its origin was rooted in
the criticism against the positivist-quantitative-spatial tradition of geography. The effort was
on replacing the quantitative methods with a variety of humanistic approaches. This was supposed
to ascribe a pivotal role to humankind in the subject particularly to ‘human awareness, human
consciousness and human creativity’ and freed human beings from geometric determinism. Thus,
the modern humanistic geography was mainly an outcome of the growing dissatisfaction against
the quantitative revolution.
Effort was made to revive the ‘normative statements’ of values, attitudes, beliefs and so
on. It aimed at ‘verstehn’, that is, understanding humankind within the surrounding environment
in which humankind by using his rationality could improvise on the conditions of their lives.
The proponents of humanistic geography asserted that, humanistic geography should not be
considered as an earth science in its scope and content. Instead of viewing geography as the study
of the earth, it treated geography as the study of the earth as the home of humankind. Hence, the
main focus was on how humans perceived the place they inhabited through their thought processes,
consciousness and experiences.
Humanistic geography also contained elements of neo-Kantianism and pragmatism in it
owing to its emphasis on human consciousness and experience which were reflected in human
actions and, which in turn, were directed towards alleviating human problems.
Though humanistic geography started on the same platform as of behavioural geography,
the two soon parted ways as, humanistic geography according to Entrikin concerned itself with
the ‘subjectivity’ of both the researcher and the reconnoitered. It digressed from the formal
structures of Behaviourialism which otherwise was supposed to have a strong connection with the
positivist/spatial tradition and was rather considered an outgrowth of that tradition.
One of the first geographers to advocate humanistic geography was the Irish geographer,
William Kirk as early as in 1951. He published his ideas in his essay, ‘Historical Geography and
the Concept of the Behaviourial Environment.’ But perhaps the time was not appropriate since
by then, geography was greatly inspired by the positivist tradition to initiate the quantitative
revolution. Later in 1976, it was Yi-Fu Tuan who argued for humanistic geography as concerned
with people and their conditions. He opined that humanistic geography sought to achieve an
understanding of the world through an insight into the human-nature relationship and the
geographical behaviour of humankind as well as their perception about space and place.
Geographical activities and phenomena were treated as the manifestation of human awareness and
knowledge.
After the 1980s, humanistic geography advanced further from its early position of a critique
of positivist philosophy to attack on structuralism. At the same time it developed an insightful
methodology for empirical research. Two prominent streams of work were identified in humanistic
geography. One stream tried to connect with the humanities by investigating knowledge that
emanated from human feelings and experiences regarding being a human being on this planet. The
other stream tried to connect with various philosophies of human and social sciences.

APPROACHES TO HUMANISTIC GEOGRAPHY

Humanistic geography was developed as a conceptual perspective that highlighted on the


thorough understanding of human-environment relationship particularly on the basis of individual
or group awareness and experiences regarding different spatial units and related geographical
phenomena. The main emphasis was on humans as rational being with the power to think and
perceive rather than as mere responders to stimuli as was presented within the positivist and
behavioural framework. According to Ley and Samuels, humanistic geography incorporated a
wide range of philosophical approaches within it ranging from idealism, existentialism and
hermeneutics to phenomenology; the connection with pragmatism has already been mentioned
before. At the same it ascribed a central role to human beings and was a people’s geography with
human development as its principal objective.
Humanistic geography imbibed in it the philosophy of existentialism that urged on human
quality and subjectivity. It was based on the doctrine of ‘existence before essence’ which implied
that humans existed first and, thereafter were responsible for their every action. It stressed upon
personal freedom, personal decision-making and personal commitment. In other words, the
purpose of humanistic geography in its affinity with existentialism, was to analyse the existential
space as occupied by humans and the ways they defined their relationship with their space. This
approach was essentially historical in that, it attempted to reconstruct space through the
experiences of its denizens
As a counter to the postulates of positivism, Leonard Guelke propounded the philosophy
of idealism and urged the human geographers especially the historical geographers to probe into
what humans, as decision-makers believed in and not why they believed. Thus, human geographers
were not supposed to engage themselves in developing theories as, the pertinent theories that
resulted in the geographical activities under study were already extant in human minds. Humanistic
geography inspired by the idealist philosophy upheld that reality was basically a mental construct
and a pattern of human behaviour actually reflected the underlying ideas. Idealism according to
Guelke was based on two propositions--- (i) a metaphysical proposition which asserted that an
idea or a mental construct had a particular duration which was however, independent of material
things and processes; and, (ii) an epistemological proposition which believed that knowledge was
derived indirectly from the subjective human experience of the world and was an outcome of
human thoughts and ideas. It upheld that the existence of a ‘real’ world was actually mind-
dependent
Idealism was basically a sort of hermeneutics that dealt with the theory of interpretation
and clarification of meaning. It developed in the German tradition of ‘geisteswissenchaften’ or
human science. The contention between the objectivity and subjectivity of human discourses led
to ‘double hermeneutics.’ Hermeneutics was applied in contrast to the positivist-spatial science
methods as advocated by humanistic geography through, a presupposition approach directed by
social conscience. It provided an epistemology that aided in restructuring regional geography by
speaking of the spatio-temporal aspect of a region. At the same time, it expressed its concern
regarding any spatial unit with respect to its culture as developed by humans occupying it over
time particularly language.
In the 1970s, another philosophy that was more popular among the human geographers
than idealism was phenomenology. Though the term was first used by Sauer in the 1920s, it
became widespread in the 1970s when Relph tried to introduce the approach within geography.
The objective was similar to the above approaches---to present a critique of the positivist tradition.
It presented an alternative to positivist philosophy that was based on the premise that there can be
no objective world without human existence. Kirk in 1963 identified two different yet mutually
dependent environments---- (i) a phenomenal environment that included everything on this
planet; and, (ii) the behaviourial environment that was the perceived and experienced part of the
former. Phenomenology in geography was concerned with the phenomenal environment the
elements of which were considered distinctive for every human since, it was the outcome of
individual perception and action. Therefore, the phenomenological approach in geography sought
to explore how individual human being structured the environment in a subjective way.

THEMES AND METHODS OF HUMANISTIC GEOGRAPHY

Humanistic geography originated as a perspective against that form of human geography that was
reduced to an abstract study of space and structures. Sometimes, humanistic geography could be
used interchangeably with humanism because it accorded central role to humans. But precisely,
humanistic geography was mainly concerned with the outcomes of human activities. According to
Ley and Samuels, humanistic geography was based on three basic precepts----- (i)
anthropocentrism; (ii) subjectivity; and (iii) the concept of place.
Humanistic geography did not consider humans as mere ‘economic man’ but attempted to
investigate as to how geographical activities and phenomena were a manifestation of human
awareness and creativity. As a propounder of humanistic geography, Tuan identified the following
five major themes of humanistic geography:
 Geographical knowledge or personal geographies: Humans were to be treated as
rational beings with the ability to think and perceive. The main task of the
geographers therefore, was to study the ideas and thoughts that emanated from
human minds since these ideas constituted geographical knowledge. Each and
every human being possessed such knowledge though their perception varied. They
utilized their geographical knowledge for their biological survival. Hence,
geographical knowledge was conceived as personal.
 Role of territory and creation of place identities: As mentioned earlier, sense of
place was an intrinsic aspect of humanistic geography. Every human being
occupied and utilized some space with which they developed a strong sense of
emotional bonding. Much of his biological needs were satiated in that space. Hence,
a particular space constituted the territory of humans which was not only confined
area but a place with which human beings identified themselves. It was here where
humanistic geographers stepped in to analyse how a mere spatial unit turned into a
place identity for individual human being.
 Crowding and privacy: Crowding of a place resulted in physical as well as
psychological tensions which were eased out by cultural, social institutions and
infrastructures. In a similar way, privacy and seclusion also influenced the thought
processes and actions of humans. Privacy was thought to be required by every
individual. Within the private space individuals developed their own personal
world.
 Role of geographical knowledge in determining livelihood: For sustenance
humans engaged themselves in economic activities. They utilized their
geographical knowledge to decide their economic activities. Thus, accordingly they
planned their action for sustenance which was the essence of pragmatism. In doing
so, they were in an position to distinguish between life-sustaining and life-
destroying activities
 The impact of religion: Religion was supposed to be subjective and associated with
the normative elements of values, beliefs or ethics. Religion was conceived as the
desire for coherence. The variation in this desire, which differed with individual
persons and culture, provided a field of investigation for the humanistic
geographers
Four conceptual and methodological themes were identified as inherent of humanistic geography.
 According to humanistic geographers, human life and experiences were regarded
as dynamic and multivalent that had cognitive, attitudinal and emotional elements
attached to them. Humanistic geographers asserted that the task of a comprehensive
human geography was to identify these elements and understand how they
contributed to human experiences and actions, as well as, how each of these
elements were connected to each other in a supportive or contradictory manner.
This may be made clear in the words of Tuan that every individual human was at
the same time a biological being, a social being and an inimitable personality and
all these three aspects were believed to be a function of environmental perceptions,
attitudes and values.
 Since human experiences were indefinable, humanistic geographers departed from
the scientific methods employed under the positivist regime in which everything
was to be explicated and verified empirically using statistical techniques. On the
contrary, humanistic geographers adopted the ontological-epistemological
perspective to encompass a much wider range of experiences; which would have
created a framework within which the investigators would be able to study the
experiences of their subjects with greater precision.
 The humanistic geographers advocated that humanistic geography should have
originated from the self-knowledge and first-hand experience of the investigator.
At the same time, it should have also incorporated the experiences of the ‘others.’
The others could range from people, places, any natural phenomena or any aspect
of human-environment relationship. This approach of humanistic geography
brought them in sharp contrast with the objective approach of the quantitative
paradigm in which the experiences of the researchers were greatly minimized. With
regard to this, Tuan asserted that through an understanding of geographical
experiences individuals developed a sense of environmental humility and acted
more compassionately towards other humans and the place and the environment
they occupied.
 Humanistic geography employed the usage of two complimentary research
methods----one that involved the explanations of experiences. It was based on a
multitude of descriptive sources like first-hand experiences of individuals, archived
reports and literature, evidence gathered through photography, films or any other
forms of media. Its emphasis was to highlight the commonalities that existed in
experiences related to a place or an environment. The other method that involved
the interpretation of the social world was based on philosophical arguments rather
than experiential evidences. It involved a wide range of philosophical traditions
ranging from existentialism, pragmatism, idealism to post-structural Marxist
approach.

CRITICAL APPRAISAL OF HUMANISTIC GEOGRAPHY

Human experience and human actions have always been the focus of humanistic
geography. The central thesis of humanistic geography was provided by the criticisms rendered
against positivism. It ardently highlighted upon human as ‘living, thinking and acting being’ and
insisted that human conditions could only be suggested through humanistic endeavors expressed
in human attitudes, impressions and sense of place which otherwise could not be articulated
through positivist methods.

However, humanistic geography was not free from criticisms.


 The first and the basic criticism rendered against the humanistic methods is that the
researcher was not in a position to ascertain whether the real and the true explanations had
been provided or not. It is true that humanistic explanations could not be established with
certitude but this again provided a field of criticism by the positivist-quantitative
approaches where everything could be verified empirically and thus had a greater certainty.
In fact, the natural sciences whose methods were adopted by the positivist regime were
mainly comprised of theories that were abandoned through further research which in turn
enhanced the scope of study and resulted in more authentic and powerful theories. But with
humanistic methods this was not possible.
 Secondly, on methodological grounds humanistic geography differentiated and
distinguished between physical and human geography which diluted the core of the subject
and gave rise to some sort of dualism in the discipline of geography. This dualism
sometimes proved to be detrimental in the development of geography. Physical geography
mainly dealt with inanimate objects and so its methods were mainly scientific and
mathematically verifiable. On the contrary, since human behaviour was difficult to predict
and varied over space and time, such quantitative techniques were not always applicable
in human geography. However, humans as the prime focus of humanistic geography and
physical environment of physical geography were not mutually exclusive but rather related
and, could not be studied independent of the other.
 Humanistic geography was criticized as ‘methodologically obscure’ since its main focus
was on subjective rather than objective research. Humanistic geography was largely based
on the experiences and perceptions of the humans which were mental constructs and were
essentially abstract in nature with no practicality as such. Any method was acceptable to
interpret the meanings of human experiences. Thus, humanistic geography had no sound
or valid methodological base on which the theories developed by it could be successfully
and authentically grounded.
 This gave rise to another criticism against humanistic geography that it had limited applied
aspect. The investigator could have numerous interpretations of reality and in that situation
it was really difficult to ascertain reality. Under such circumstances, it was rather
challenging to identify the geographical problems and frame alleviating policies
accordingly.
Humanistic geography has been subjected to criticisms and rejection by modern day
geographical research due to its unscientific character and its associated gross inability to provide
generalizations, laws and theories. However, since any philosophy is largely an outcome of
thoughts originating in human minds, the importance of human ideas can in no way be undermined.
It is true that post 1990s humanistic geography disappeared as a distinctive sub branch of
geography, but interests in humanistic themes still persists particularly among the
Phenomenological philosophers regarding the phenomena of space. Interestingly with time
Humanistic geography with its continued focus on human action, human beliefs and awareness;
human interaction with their place in space and, the interpretation of that place within space, have
adopted psychoanalytic theories. The objective behind this has been to do away with the criticisms
regarding their obscured methodological and poor theoretical base. It had also started focusing on
the increased interaction between human and physical geography particularly in determining the
role of individuals’ perception in creating the physical landscape.
CREDIT 2
CONCEPT OF RACE

Race refers to classification of humans into relatively large and distinct population groups
based on appearance through heritable phenotypic characteristics, often influenced by and
correlated with culture, ethnicity and socio-economic status. Race is a concept, applied in various
senses, even by human biologists. In the present context we are concerned with anthropological or
biological concept of race. As a biological term, race denotes genetically divergent human
populations that can be marked by common phenotypes.
Among humans, race has no cladistics significance- all human beings belong to the same
hominid subspecies, ‘Homo sapiens sapiens’, each differing from other populations in the relative
commonness of certain hereditary trait
Hooton (1926) has defined race in essentialist concept as “A great division of mankind,
characterized as a group sharing certain combination of features, derived from their common
descent, and constitute a vague physical background, usually more or less obscured by individual
variations, and realized best in a composite picture.”
In short, the term ‘race’ is applied to a physically distinctive groups of people, on the
basis of their difference from other groups in skin color, head shape, hair type and physique.
Anthropologists take the word ‘race’ in its zoological sense. “If the people of one race may be
distinguished by physical markings, then they constitute a race.”

FORMATION OF RACES
Race formation is a complex process where several factors are involved. These may be
summarized as:
1) Mutation: The basic mechanism by which genetic variability is introduced is through
mutation. Mutation is a sudden change in genes resulting in hereditary variation. As soon
as a new mutant gene appears, it multiplies from one generation to another and becomes a
distinctive characteristic of the particular population, provided other conditions are
favorable. In this sense mutation is an important process through which races are formed.
2) Natural selection: Natural selection is an important factor that operates to pattern and
maintain inter and intra specific variability, when applied at the genetic level to the alleles
operating at individual loci, as it predicts the behavior of genes under specific conditions.
Selection moulds the genotypes of an organism such that they produce phenotypes fitting
to the environment in which organism lives. But natural selection does not operate directly
on the genotypes; it acts through the phenotypes of the individuals and their gametes. With
natural selection advantageous genes are multiplied more rapidly than the disadvantageous
genes, as the latter will be eliminated by nature.
3) Genetic Drift: Chance fluctuations of gene frequencies may lead to appreciable genetic
differences between completely isolated sub-populations. This effect becomes stronger, if
the effective breeding size of population is small. There may be lessened variability owing
to the random loss of alleles for a predictable proportion of genes. In this process, increase
or decrease of the frequency of a gene in a certain population does not depend upon
advantageous or disadvantageous conditions of life in a particular locality, but happens
merely as an accident or chance. The different frequency of or tasting or not tasting PTC
in different population’s forms a good example of accidental fluctuation of genes.
4) Migration: Migration plays an important role in racial differentiation. It helps in isolation,
hybridization and mixing of different populations with the migrants. Groups of people
migrate from mother population to different directions from the common Centre and
become isolated from one another and due to endogamy, pressure of natural selection and
process of hybridization may cause formation of races
5) Isolation: Isolation may be geographical or social and is considered to be a great race
maker. The natural selection and genetic drift, will act effectively only when a particular
population is isolated from the neighboring populations. On the other hand, people
migrated in groups acquire new traits that appear Racial Classification through mutation.
Some of the traits being selected by nature become adaptive to particular sets of conditions,
thus forming new gene pools. As isolation increases, the possibility of intermarriages
among groups’ decreases, thus introducing new genes transmitted from generation to
generation by the process of heredity resulting in new racial strains.
6) Hybridization: Hybridization is a process by which genes within a species are introduced
into other populations resulting in genetic combinations which are entirely new. Through
hybridization, genetic variation is introduced in a population called as gene flow that leads
to the formation of new race. For example, the mingling of Americans and Negroes has
produced a new racial population, an ongoing process.
7) Sexual selection: It is a process of selecting mates on the basis of some preferred qualities,
as a result of which the sexually preferred type would become the dominant variety of the
individuals. For example, in a population where blue eye color was preferred to brown
color, the brown colored individuals would brown-eyed. In such case two distinct types of
subgroups would be formed.
8) Social Selection: In social selection, breeding is regulated by artificially instituted barriers
between socially approved individual and groups within a population, so that mating occurs
between individuals preferred by such social standards rather than at random. In such
situations strong isolating mechanisms are developed which in due course may produce
modifications in a population.
Thus, it may be stated that mutation, natural selection, genetic drift, migration,
isolation, hybridization, sexual selection and social selection, etc., are the main processes
responsible for the formation of racial strains.

BASIS OF RACIAL CLASSIFICATION


Racial classification is given to a group of individuals, who share a certain number of
anthropological traits, which is necessary such that they are not confused with others. There are
two aspects to distinguish people based on phenotypic and genotypic traits.

Phenotypic Traits: Phenotypic traits are those physical characteristics of an individual, which
may be examined:
These are of two types:
 Indefinite Physical (Phenotypic) Traits and
 Definite Physical (Phenotypic) Traits
Indefinite Physical (Phenotypic) Traits
Those physical traits which are observable but immeasurable to any measurement are called
indefinite physical traits, such as the color of skin, hair and eyes. Hence they can only be described.
Following are some of the indefinite physical traits:
1) Skin Colour: From the very beginning, anthropologists have used skin color as one of the
most important distinguishing characteristic. Usually, on the basis of skin color people
differentiate between the white, yellow and black races. Recently Spectrophotometry has
been made as the basis of an objective and accurate measurement of the colour of the living
human skin. Of the colour of the skin the following distinctions are made:
– White skinned people or Leucoderms, e.g. Caucasian
– Yellow skinned people or Xanthoderms, e.g. Mongolian
– Black skinned people or Melanoderms, e.g., Negroes

2) Hair: In racial classification, the characteristics of hair, viz., hair form, colour, texture and
abundance have been most frequently observed. Besides, cross section and hair whorls
have also been used in certain studies. All these hair traits are well defined and classified
by anthropologists.
3) Eye: The characteristics of the eye, particularly the eye opening, eye fold and eye colour
have been utilized in distinguishing the racial groups.
4) Nose: Nose is an integral part of the face and an independent entity whose attributes are
comparable. Mainly, the descriptive elements of the nose may be observed and recorded
in the following manner:
 Nasal depression: None, shallow, medium, deep
 Nasal bridge: Straight, concave, convex, Concave-convex
 Nasal tip: Sharp, Medium, thick, bulbous
 Nasal septum: Sloping upward, horizontal and sloping downward.
 Disposition of the nares: High and narrow, medium broad, broad and flaring.
5) Lips: In humans, lips bind the oral fissure or the mouth opening. This trait is peculiar in
man. It is generally observed that changing moods affects the position of the lips in four
different ways: open and shut, foreword and backward, up and down, tense and slack on
the basis of thickness of the lips, anthropologists distinguished humans into four groups,
viz., thin, medium, thick and very thick lips.
6) Face form: Human face has distinguishable characteristics, which help us to identify
individuals. On the basis of conformation of the face, predominantly the hair line, the form
of the jaw and the forehead, the form of the face may be determined. Poch has distinguished
ten facial types, viz., elliptic, oval, reversed oval, round, rectangular, quadratic, rhombic,
trapezium, inverted trapezium and pentagonal (quoted by Comas, 1960).
7) Ear: Ears are individually characteristic and have a number of Racial Classification
peculiarities in ear forms. The external ear form may be classified into six types, viz.,
macaques form, cercopithecinae form, Darwinian point, Darwinian tubercle, vestigial
Darwinian tubercle and without Darwinian tubercle.
Definite Physical (Phenotypic) Traits

Definite physical traits are those, which can be measured with the help of anthropological
methods and instruments. In brief, the following are definite physical traits:
 Stature: Different races are distinguished on the basis of differences in stature. Martin has
classified stature in the following manner:
Pygmy Upto 129.0 cms.
Very short 130.0 149.9 cms.
Short 150.0 159.9 cms.
Below medium 160.0 163.9 cms.
Medium 164.0 166.9 cms.
Above Medium 167.0 169.9 cms.
Tall 170.0 179.9 cms.
Very tall 180.0 199.9 cms.
Giant 200.0 and above
 Head form: Anthropologists have adopted a method for classifying the head form based
on the ratio of the maximum breath and maximum length expressed as cephalic index.
On the basis of cephalic index, head is classified into three classes, i.e., Dolicocephalic,
Mesocephalic and Branchycephalic.

 Nose form: The nasal index is a good indicator to know the dimension of the nose. It is
the proportion of the width of the nose to its length. Broca consider it as the best indicator
in racial determination. Human population may be conveniently classified on the basis of
nasal index as follows:
– Leptorrhinae upto 70.9
– Mesorrhinae 71 to 84.9
– Chamaerrhinae or Platyrrhine 85 to 99.9
– Ultra Chamaerrhine 100 and above
 Face form: The proper evaluation of the face form can be possible with the help of Facial
Index. It is an indicator of the proportion of the facial length to its breadth. The human
populations may be conveniently classified on the basis of facial index as follows:
Hypereuryprospic upto 78.9
– Euryprospic 79 to 83.9
– Mesoprospic 84 to 87.9
– Leptoprospic 88 to 92.9

2) Genotypic Traits: A new approach to classify human races is based on some genetic traits.

The genotypic traits are as follows:


 Blood Groups: The Blood groups (ABO, MN, Rh, Lutheram and Kid blood groups,
Duffy Blood Group, P Blood Group and ABH secretor status. etc.) are used in racial
classification. There are about a dozen blood group systems known to us, each inherited
independently. Their frequencies vary in different populations all over the world; these
are used as genetic markers.
 Dermatoglyphics: The dermatoglyphics traits are used in racial classification. Each
dermatoglyphic trait is inherited independently or polymorphically. These traits are not
modified by environmental factors. In fact, Dermatoglyphics (Derma=skin;
Glyphic=Carve) is the study where the ridge patterns on the skin of the fingers, palms, toes
and soles are considered. The Dermatoglyphics trait include finger pattern types, Pattern
Intensity Index, Pattern size, Palmar main line formula, Configurational area (Thenar
interdigital area, Hypothenar area, Second, third, fourth, interdigital areas), Main Line
Index, Palmar and finger -ridge counts, atd angle, etc.

 Hemoglobin variants: The hemoglobin within the red cell also has its own variations in
different populations of the world. The sickle-cell hemoglobin or hemoglobin S,
Hemoglobin C, Hemoglobin E, Glucose-6-phasphate dehydrogenase (G-6 PD),
Haptoglobins, and Transferrins may be used in racial classification.

 Some other variants: The ability to taste phenyl thio-carbamide, colour blindness, sweet
glands, etc., are used for the racial classification.
 DNA finger prints: The proper evaluation of racial classification can be possible with
help of DNA finger printing. The genome of various populations may be used for such
purpose

Ashley Montagu Classification


In 1951, Ashley Montagu proposed a classification, which was accepted by many anthropologists.
He used skin colour, hair form and head form. He classified mankind into three main groups, viz.1)
Negroid 2) Mongoloid and 3) Caucasoid. He further pointed out that another division which is
larger than an ethnic group may be distinguished as Australoid, who is in fact archaic.
The physical characteristics of the three major races are as follows:

S.No Characters Caucasoid Negroid Mongoloid


Skin Colour Light reddish white to Light blond to dark Light yellow to yellow
Olive brown. Some are brown in colour Brown. Some are reddish
1 brown Brown.

2 . Head Hair Light blond to dark Brown-Black in colour, Brown to brown black in
brown in colour, fine tocoarse in texture, curly colour, coarse in texture,
medium in texture, to straight in form
straight to wavy in formfrizzly or woolly in
form
3 Head form Dolichocephalic to Predominantly Predominantly
branchycephalic, Height dolichocephalic, Height branchycephalic
is medium to very high is height is medium
low to medium
4 Body Hair Moderate to profuse Slight Sparsely distributed
5 Face Narrow to medium broad Medium broad to Medium broad to very
narrow. broad. Check bones are
Prognathism is very high and flat
often
present
6 Eye Colour is light blue to Brown to brown black Brown to dark brown.
dark brown Mongoloid eye fold is
very
often present
7 Nose Leptorrhine to Platyrrhine, usually Mesorrhine to
mesorrhine, usually bridge is low playtyrrhine,
bridge is high usually bridge is low to
medium
8 Chin Usually projecting Slight Medium

9 Lips Very thin to medium, Thick, much aversion Medium thickness with
small aversion aversion of membranous
often heavy
integumented
lips
10 Stature Medium to tall very short to tall Medium to short

11 ABO Blood Relatively high Relatively high High incidence of A1,


Group incidence of A2 incidence very
of A2, comparatively low frequency of A2
high
incidence of B
RELIGION: TYPES AND DISTRIBUTION:
Religion is more difficult to define, and whilst many writers have offered working
definitions, no single one captures the full meaning of the word. American cultural geographer Yi
Fu Tuan (1976) posed the rhetorical question "What is the meaning of religion?” He then sought
to answer it by reflecting on what people seek in, from or through religion. In his view, "the
religious person is one who seeks coherence and meaning in his world, and a religious culture is
one that has a clearly structured world view. The religious impulse is to tie things together. ... All
human beings are religious if religion is broadly defined as the impulse for coherence and meaning.
The strength of the impulse varies enormously from culture to culture, and from person to
person."(Tuan 1976 p.271-2).
If it is difficult to agree a simple definition of religion, it is even harder to fit boundaries
around its impact on people. As Tyler (1990 p.12) rightly points out, "many of the major religions
of the world have become so inextricably linked with particular racial groups, cultures, political
systems and lifestyles, that it is difficult to imagine one without the other. It is hard to imagine
Thailand without Buddhism, or India without Hinduism, for example. Christianity has become
intricately bound up with the lifestyle of Western culture." In essence, religion is so deeply
embedded into the matrix of many societies that its boundaries are permeable and its impacts
pervasive.

Classification
There are various ways of classifying religions, and the most commonly used ones reflect
differences in belief. From a geographical perspective it is more useful to distinguish universal and
ethnic religions. Universal (or universalising) religions -such as Christianity, Islam and the various
forms of Buddhism - seek world-wide acceptance by actively looking for and attracting new
members (converts). Ethnic (or cultural) religions, are very different in that they do not seek
converts. Each is identified with a particular tribal or ethnic group. Tribal (or traditional) religions
involve belief in some power or powers beyond humans, to which they can appeal for help.
Examples include the souls of the departed, and spirits living on mountains, in stones, trees or
animals. More broad based ethnic religions include Judaism, Shintoism, Hinduism and the Chinese
moral-religious system (embracing Confucianism and Taoism), which mainly dominate one
particular national culture.

Global distribution
Although at the start of the third millennium roughly one in three people on earth is classed
as Christian, the spatial distribution is uneven. Thus - according to the 1982 World Christian
Encyclopedia - a high percentage of the population in Europe (84 percent), the Americas (91 per
cent) and Oceania (84 per cent) is Christian, whereas the figure drops to 8 per cent in Asia Africa.
Perhaps not surprisingly both Hinduism and Buddhism (both over 99 per cent) are overwhelmingly
confined to Asia. Judaism, by far the smallest (numerically) of the five main world religions, has
a much more dispersed pattern than the others. The distinction between the universal and ethnic
religions has a strong influence on their spatial distributions. Universal religions - as the name
implies - are widely distributed. The ultimate goal of the three universal religions is to convert all
people on earth. Believers are encouraged to share their beliefs with non-believers, and each
universal religion engages in missionary activities and admits new members through individual
symbolic acts of commitment. Christianity has an almost global pattern at the start of the third
millennium, and Islam is dominant through much of Africa and Asia. Although Buddhism
transcends cultural and political boundaries, it still has a marked concentration in Southeast and
East Asia. Ethnic religions are often confined to particular countries. Thus, for example, Hinduism
is particularly strong in India, Confucianism and Taoism are largely confined to China, and
Shintoism is concentrated in Japan. Unlike the universal religions - where diffusion is a primary
objective - the spread of ethnic religions is limited and takes place only slowly because they do
not actively seek converts. Although in the historic past Judaism engaged in missionary activity,
in principle (and largely in practice today) membership is reserved for the in-group by inheritance.
In other ethnic religions, individuals are not accepted until they are fully assimilated into the
community. India and China, for example, gradually absorbed foreign tribes into their dominant
culture, which expanded accordingly. Traditional religions still persist in many less developed
parts of the world, including much of Africa, South America, parts of Southeast Asia, New Guinea
and northern Australia.

DYNAMICS - DIFFUSION AND DISPERSION


In this section we consider the general processes involved in spreading ideas spatially between
people, examine how the global pattern appears to have evolved, and by means of some small-
scale case studies reflect on detailed processes and resultant patterns.

Processes
Religion is in many ways like any other set of ideas or values that can be spread among
and between groups of people, often separated by considerable distances. This involves
processes of diffusion, which rest on two key principles. The first is that anything that moves
must be carried in some way. This means that we must understand the processes, speeds and
dynamics of this movement if we are to have any chance of understanding how and why
diffusion occurs. It is not enough to simply be aware of the outcome (usually the spatial patterns)
of the diffusion. The second principle is that the rate at which some things move over geographic
space will be influenced by other things that get in the way. As a result, we must recognize the
existence and operation of both carriers (which promote diffusion) and barriers (which inhibit
diffusion).
There are two basic types of diffusion process –
a. Expansion diffusion; in which the number of people who adopt the innovation grows by
direct contact, usually in situ. For example, an idea is communicated by a person who
knows about it to one who does not, and through time the total number of knowers
increases.
b. Relocation diffusion; this involves the initial group of carriers themselves moving, so they
are diffused through time and space to a new set of locations. Migration is a classic
relocation diffusion mechanism, because those who migrate take their beliefs, values,
attitudes and behaviour with them to new places. Missionaries who deliberately introduce
religion into new areas fall into this category.
Expansion diffusion can be further sub-divided into -
I. Contagious diffusion; this is diffusion through a population by direct contact. Diseases
spread this way. Such diffusion expands and spreads, and the speed of expansion is
strongly influenced by the frictional effect of distance. This operates like a series of
concentric waves moving over the surface of a pond after a stone has been thrown in -
places close to the points of diffusion normally adopt the innovation first, and more
distant places adopt after a time lag during which intervening places have adopted. In
human terms, ideas are passed to people close to those who already have them. Much
religious diffusion is of this contagious type, and takes place by contact conversion as a
product of everyday contact between believers and non-believers.
II. Hierarchical diffusion; here the idea or innovation is implanted at the top of a society
and it appears to leap over intervening people and places. Innovations are adopted or
received from the top of the hierarchy down. Hierarchical diffusion of religion has
occurred through history when missionaries deliberately sought to convert kings or tribal
leaders, in the hope that their people would follow.
The most common type of diffusion process for most innovations, including religious ideas
and practices, is contagious expansion diffusion. Traditionally this has taken place mainly the
physical relocation of people as carriers of the innovation (in this case a new religion). Modern
telecommunications has opened up the prospect of using radio and television to spread religious
messages across much bigger areas more quickly. Such processes underlie the evolution of
televangelism in the United States.
Few innovations are so important or universally embraced that every single person in an area
adopts them, and most innovations are voluntarily adopted by a large majority at best. Religion
falls into this category, and universal religions engage in diffusion much more readily and
deliberately than ethnic religions. This largely explains the significantly larger areas dominated by
the universal religions, and the much larger number of followers they have.

Emergence of the global pattern


The source areas - or, as some writers call them "cradle lands" - of the main religions are well
established through detailed historical and archaeological research. Northern India provides the
core area of Hinduism in the Punjab, and Buddhism (an offshoot of Hinduism) in the Ganges Plain.
From here both religions spread through the Indian subcontinent, but Hinduism (an ethnic religion)
extended little further whilst Buddhism (a universal religion) dispersed across much of central and
eastern Asia. Judaism and Christianity originated in Palestine, and Islam (partly based on both
Judaism and Christianity) began in western Arabia. Both Christianity and Islam - the great
universal monotheistic religions - dispersed widely through the old world. Christianity gained a
particular stronghold in Europe and Islam spread through north and east Africa, as well as further
east into central and southern Asia.
Geographers describe the two areas where the main religions originated as 'religious
hearths' or 'religious heartlands'. The two areas share two important properties. First, they closely
match the core locations of the major ancient civilizations in Mesopotamia and the Nile and Indus
Valleys. This makes cultural evolution of religion a distinct possibility (although spatial
correspondence does not in itself establish cause-effect). Secondly, and equally importantly, the
religions emerged on the margins not the centres of the great civilizations. This hints at a more
complex interplay between religion and culture, involving factors such as innovation and cultural
diffusion, religious adaptation, and exchanges of ideas, beliefs and values along migration and
trade routes.
Whatever the reasons for the emergence of religions within such a small area, the fact
remains that many religions have spread far beyond their original homeland. Paradoxically, many
religions are stronger today in countries other than their source areas. Many religions have changed
a great deal as they have spread and grown, so that the form they display today is often far removed
from their original form. Through dispersion the main religions have come into contact with and
been influenced by different cultures and customs, some have divided into sub-groups (sects), and
many have changed forms of worship and organization. Modern Christianity, for example, is
different to what it was like in the first century after Christ. Similarly, Hinduism has evolved a
great deal over nearly thirty centuries.
The universal religions have an in-built dynamic towards expansion and diffusion, because
they deliberately seek new converts. Thus, missionary zeal and endeavor must also be considered
in the search for an explanation of contemporary religious patterns. One of the particular strengths
of universal religions, as far as survival and growth are concerned, is their adaptability to local
cultures. A religion that is adaptable can be modified to better suit new conditions it encounters,
both as it spreads through space and it survives through time. The flourishing universal religion is
thus able to assimilate dimensions of ethnic religion, which increases its attractiveness to new
converts and promotes its prospects of long-term survival.

Religions of the Indo-Gangetic Hearth


This important religious source area is based on the lowland plains of the northern edge of the
Indian subcontinent that are drained by the Indus and Ganges rivers. Hinduism, Sikhism and
Buddhism were born there. Hinduism had no single founder, and the reasons why it emerged here
around 2000 BCE remain unclear. Buddhism and Sikhism evolved from Hinduism as reform
movements, the former around 500 BC and the latter in the fifteenth century. Once a religion is
born, the quickest and easiest way in which it can spread is by diffusion. Throughout history India
has been an important cultural cross-roads and a centre from which cultures, beliefs and values
were scattered far and wide.

Hinduism
Hinduism was the earliest major religion to emerge in this area, at least 4,000 years ago. It is known
to have originated in the Punjab, in north-west. It later stretched from Afghanistan and Kashmir to
Sarayu in the east, followed by a major wave of expansion across the Ganges to occupy the region
between the Sutlej and the Jumna.From here it spread eastward down the Ganges and southward
into the peninsula, absorbing and adopting other indigenous beliefs and practises as it spread. It
was eventually to dominate the whole of the Indian sub-continent. Hindu missionaries later carried
the faith overseas, during its major universalising phase, although most of the convert regions were
subsequently lost. During the colonial period many hundreds of thousands of Indians were
transported to other countries, including East and South Africa, the Caribbean, northern South
America, and Pacific islands (particularly Fiji).This relocation diffusion effectively spread
Hinduism far beyond its source area.
Buddhism
Buddhism began in the foothills bordering the Ganges Plain about 500 BC, as an offshoot
from Hinduism. Its founder was Prince Gautama (born 644 BC), who found Enlightenment while
sitting under a pipal (Bodhi) tree. He later decided to make known to others the way of salvation
he had found the (Middle Way between the two extremes of self-indulgence and self-
mortification), initially in the Deer Park at Isapatana (now called Sarnath, near Benares). Starting
with five converts who became disciples (monks), the Buddha soon gathered around him sixty
monks who were sent out to preach and teach. During the Buddha's lifetime his preaching activities
were confined to northern India and a few small communities in the west of India. During the next
two centuries Buddhism spread into other parts of India, although it was to remain confined to the
Indian subcontinent for centuries after that. Missionaries and traders later carried Buddhism to
China (100 BCE to 200 CE), Korea and Japan (300to 500 CE), Southeast Asia (400 to 600 CE),
Tibet (700 CE) and Mongolia (1500CE). As it spread Buddhism developed many regional forms.
Ironically, it was subsequently to die out in the very area it had originated, and was re-absorbed
into Hinduism in India in the seventh century (although it has survived among the mountain people
of the Himalayas and on the island of Sri Lanka).

Sikhism
Sikhism originated in Punjab at the end of the fifteenth century in a reform movement
initiated by a spiritual leader called Nanak. Before long he was being regarded as a holy man
(guru), his ideas found widespread support, and he was preaching to large numbers, many of who
had travelled especially to hear him. The new religion was widely adopted in the Punjab because
it offered a fresh spiritual idea which people found attractive, particularly its criticism of the caste
system that was so central a part of Hinduism. It grew fastest when peaceful conditions prevailed,
which was not always the case (especially because of disturbance by Muslim invaders), and its
consolidation and expansion were greatly aided by initial political patronage. During the first 2
centuries Sikhism remained confined to its source area in the Punjab, mainly because successive
gurus were chosen in accordance with family lines. Between about 1850 and 1971 there was
considerable diffusion of Sikhism. Sometimes this occurred by voluntary migration, because the
Sikh community was notoriously adventurous. Often the diffusion followed forced migration
caused by political unrest. This was so especially with the creation of Pakistan after the partition
of India in 1947, which divided the Punjab into an Islamic western half and a dominantly Hindu
eastern half. Large numbers of Sikhs embarked on a mass exodus to India from the former West
Punjab and other states in Pakistan. Since partition there has been an almost complete shift of the
Sikh population from West Pakistan to India. Many of the immigrants settled in Punjab, where
nationalism based on both religion and language led to the eventual formation of Punjabi Suba
(state) in 1966.

Religions of the Semitic Hearth


Judaism, Christianity and Islam - the three great monotheistic religions - all developed first
among the Semitic-speaking people in or on the margins of the deserts of southwestern Asia in
what is today the Middle East. Like the religions of the Indo-Gangetic Hearth, these three have
family ties. Judaism originated about 4,000 years ago, and Christianity emerged from within
Judaism 2,000 years ago. Islam was born in western Arabia about 1300 years ago. Many writers
have questioned why it should be that the three great monotheistic religions all developed in the
same basic core area but at different times. Environmental factors cannot be ruled out, as the
determinists enthusiastically argued before about the 1950s, but it is much too simplistic to seek
one single or even one dominant cause or explanation.
Monotheism has spread throughout the world, and between them Christianity and
Islam have nearly 2.4 thousand million believers, accounting for half of the world population.
Christianity and Islam, two dominant universalising religions, have played key roles in the
dispersion of monotheism from their initial Middle East heartland. Judaism, the oldest Semitic
religion that does not seek new converts and thus remains an ethnic religion, has played a more
minor role, at least numerically.
Judaism
Judaism developed out of the cultures and beliefs of Bronze Age people who wandered through
the deserts of the Middle East nearly 4,000 years ago. Like all major religions, Judaism spread and
was quickly dispersed over a wide area. By 586 BC, when King Solomon's Holy Temple was
destroyed, the Ten Tribes that constituted the northern kingdom of Israel had already been resettled
in northern Assyria for four generations. This diffusion and scattering were to become a prominent
feature of Judaism through the rest of its history. The Jewish Diaspora (dispersion) began some
time before 550 BC, and it was led by Jewish refugees and immigrants who refused to give up
their faith when persecuted by pagan neighbours. Judaism spread into Europe by the forced and
voluntary migration of Jews, starting with the forced dispersal from Palestine in Roman times that
scattered Jews throughout the Mediterranean Basin. Through time most European Jews became
concentrated around the present Russian-Polish border in an area that became known as the
"Jewish Pale". In 1939 well over half the world's Jews were living in Europe and the Soviet Union
(almost 10 million). Poland housed over 3 million, and there were other concentrations in the
Soviet Union, Romania and Germany. Modern Zionism (the political movement for the
establishment of a national homeland for Jews in Palestine) has roots in medieval Jewish
migrations to the Holy Land. But the most important catalyst was a series of shocks that shattered
the life of Jews in Europe, the most prominent of which was the rise of Nazism in 1933 and its
attempt to annihilate totally the Jews in its conquered territories from 1939 to 1945 (the Holocaust).
Christianity
Christianity began in Jerusalem when disciples of Jesus of Nazareth proclaimed that he
was the expected Messiah. The movement spread slowly) while Jesus was alive, but after Jesus'
death it spread more rapidly. The diffusion was greatly assisted by Christian preachers and
missionaries. It spread first to Samaria (in northern ancient Palestine), then to Phoenicia to the
north-west, and south to Gaza and Egypt. Afterwards it was adopted in the Syrian cities of Antioch
and Damascus, then subsequently in Cyprus, modern Turkey, modern Greece, Malta and Rome. It
spread fast, and numbers quickly grew. Within the first century there were an estimated million
Christians, comprising less than one per cent of the total world population. But within 400 years
over 40 million people, nearly a quarter of the total population, had adopted Christianity. Imperial
sponsorship of Christianity in the fourth century accounted for its rapid increase in influence and
membership. The early spread of Christianity through the Roman Empire was achieved mainly by
relocation diffusion aided by the well-developed system of imperial roads. Christian missionaries
like Paul travelled from town to town spreading the gospel message.
In later centuries the pattern of Christianity reflected hierarchical expansion diffusion;
early congregations were largely confined to towns and cities while the countryside remained
largely pagan. Once planted in an area, Christianity spread further via contagious diffusion (contact
conversion). Christianity diffused through Europe along a number of different routes, mainly via
missionaries initially. Diffusion and adoption were slow during the first 300 years, and most early
converts were town dwellers. Progress speeded up after 313 when the Christian Roman Emperor
Constantine issued an edict of toleration for Christianity that led eventually to its status as state
religion. The Roman Catholic Church emerged in the fifth century, presided over by the bishop of
Rome (the Pope). During the fourth and fifth centuries the Roman church spread rapidly in the
western Mediterranean. Roman Catholic missionaries introduced Christianity to northern Europe.
Between the fifth and seventh centuries Roman Catholicism gained a stronghold throughout
Britain. Monks were an important and effective vehicle in the spread of Christianity around
Europe, and monasteries were hubs in a network of diffusion points.
While Christianity was winning its battle against paganism in northern Europe, Islam was
making inroads into the already Christianized Mediterranean region. In the eighth century North
Africa was won by Islam, and has remained Muslim ever since. A sizeable area within the Iberian
Peninsula (Spain and Portugal) was under Muslim rule for many centuries.
The world-wide dispersion of Christianity coincides with the era of colonial acquisition by
European countries. Roman Catholicism was introduced into Middle and South America by the
Spanish, after they had invaded the continent in the mid sixteenth century. Much of Africa and
small parts of India were converted by Christian missionaries, who were particularly active there
during the nineteenth centuries. The Reformation in the sixteenth century served to intensify rather
than diminish the enthusiasm of the Christian church for evangelism. Jesuits introduced
Christianity into many areas including Ethiopia, Morocco, Egypt, India, China, Japan, the
Philippines, Persia, Tibet, Ceylon, Malaya, Siam, Indochina and the East Indies. Many Protestant
refugees from the seventeenth century onwards emigrated to North America to escape conflict and
oppression in Europe, taking their Calvinist brand of Christianity with them and planting it firmly
there. Christianity has remained a universalising religion, with an abiding commitment to active
proselytism (the conversion of non-believers).
Distribution of Christianity
Nearly one in three of the world’s population is classed as Christian, and that Christians
are found in large numbers in most places. The largest concentrations on Christians are in Europe
and Latin America, where over half of the world's 1.5 thousand million Christians live, accounting
for around 17 percent of the global population. About one person in seven in North America and
Africais classed as Christian, accounting for nearly another half a billion individuals (just under a
tenth of the world population).Like all other major religions, Christianity is not monolithic and it
is perhaps not surprising that the numerical strength (both absolute and relative) of different
Christian sub-groups varies from place to place. The Eastern Orthodox Church is particularly
strong in the former Soviet Union, and in parts of Europe and Africa (particularly North Africa).
Roman Catholicism - altogether much larger and more widely dispersed than the Orthodox Church
- has its strongest presence, at least numerically, in South America and Europe. In South America
almost all Christians belong to the Roman Catholic Church; in Europe well over half do.
Protestantism remains numerically quite strong in Europe, where it accounts for nearly one in five
of all Christians. It has its strongest base in North America, where it accounts for over 40 per cent
of Christians. About a quarter of the large and growing number of Christians in Africa is associated
with the Protestant churches. The Anglican Communion - representing the Church of England, the
Church of Ireland, the Episcopal Church in Scotland, the Church in Wales, the Episcopal Church
in the United States, and other churches that are in full communion with each other - has most (70
per cent) of its members in Europe.
Islam
Islam means 'submission to God', and this strict monotheistic religion was founded by
Mohammed (SAW) in Medina in 622 (the year taken as the start of the Islamic calendar). By the
time Mohammed (SAW) died in 632, he ruled the whole of Arabia (in both religious and political
terms).
. Within less than a hundred years, Arab Muslims had conquered lands over a vast area - stretching
from the Atlantic Ocean in Western Europe to the borders of India, and including Spain, North
Africa, Egypt, Syria, Mesopotamia and Persia. Today's distribution of Islam reflects a significant
retreat from this early core emirate or territory, although the spread of Islam into India, Central
Asia, the Sudan and the margins of East Africa has left an enduring legacy. Islam also has a strong
presence in south East Asia. One important factor in the rapid spread of Islam was its emergence
at the hub of a series of important trade routes, including caravan trails leading from the Middle
East through Central Asia to North China, and across the Sahara to the Sudan. Many Muslim
traders were also effective missionaries, acting as multiple diffusion nuclei who travelled widely.
Expansion diffusion accounts for the spread of Islam from its Arabian source area, and relocation
diffusion accounts for its subsequent dispersal to Malaysia, Indonesia, South Africa and the New
World. Unlike Hinduism, Islam attracted converts wherever it took hold. New core areas soon
turned into effective source areas for further dispersion, by a combination of contagious and
hierarchical diffusion. In recent years Islam has once again started to spread into Europe, caused
not by military invasion but by the immigration of dispossessed Muslims from North Africa, the
Middle East and southern Asia. Europe now houses an estimated 7.5 million practising or cultural
Muslims, many of them in France, Germany and Britain. Muslims constitute the second largest
population group within the former Soviet Union, and their numbers are rising at a rate four times
as fast as the Soviet population as a whole. Separatist movements quickly emerged in the dying
days of Communist rule, and by 1990 the peoples of the Soviet Union's Muslim republics
(Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Kirgizia, Tajikistan, Turkmenia and Uzbekistan) were seeking to regain
control of their own destinies.
CREDIT III
POPULATION: AGE AND SEX STRUCTURE

The distribution of population by age and sex are among the most fundamental demographic characteristics
of human populations as well as of demographic statistics. It plays an important role for the development
of any society. The economic and cultural life of society critically depends upon the age and sex structure
of the population. Moreover, the planning process of any country makes use of this data extensively for the
development of the economy and culture as well as for its individual regions.
It is well known that many developed countries and international agencies study the distribution of
the population by sex and age across countries as it has significance to the world population trajectory.
The future size and structure of the population depend on the current age-sex structure of the population.
Moreover, in the current context of global concerns of environmental degradation and climate change, the
age-sex structure and its future growth carry an important role in the global

Definition
Age is a more complex characteristic than that of the sex. The age is normally defined by a
person at his/her last birthday at the time of the survey. Thus, demographically, age is considered as the
completed years while many cultures use age with varied other meanings. The definition of sex, on the
contrary, does not face many statistical issues. The age-sex distribution conveys the relative numbers of
children, young and old as well as the balance between men and women at different ages. Almost all
population characteristics vary significantly with different ages. As a component of population analysis,
most of the analysis is based on the age-sex structure of the population.

Measuring Age-Sex Structure

Age composition: It can be categorized in terms of age groups (e.g., 0-14 years, 15-64 years, and
65 years or above). The changing structure of the population in each of these broader age groups, reveals
many possibilities to understand the age composition of the population as well as the sex distribution
across these ages. As per Census 2011, India has a moderately significant proportion of the people in the
younger age groups in the world. Around 31 % of the population of the country belongs to the age group
of 0-14 years according to Census 2011. At the same time, the adult population between the age group of
15-59 years constitute 60.5% of the population.

Dependency ratio: Another important way to measure age structure is by computing Dependency ratio.
It is a ratio of economically active to the economically inactive population (Srinivasan, 1998). It is
important to mention that the composition of a population at a given point in time is of significant interest
to the demographers. The age-sex structure of a population is a fundamental determinant of the numbers
of demographic events which form the basis of the services that population will require, e.g., schools, care
homes, maternity services, etc.

𝐷𝑒𝑝𝑒𝑛𝑑e𝑛𝑐𝑦 𝑟𝑎𝑡𝑖𝑜 = 𝑁𝑢𝑚𝑏𝑒𝑟 𝑜𝑓𝑝𝑒𝑜𝑝𝑙𝑒 𝑎𝑔𝑒𝑑 0-14 𝑎𝑛𝑑 𝑎𝑔𝑒𝑑 60 𝑎𝑛𝑑 𝑜𝑣𝑒𝑟 × 100

𝑁𝑢𝑚𝑏𝑒𝑟 𝑜𝑓 𝑝𝑒𝑜𝑝𝑙𝑒 𝑎𝑔𝑒𝑑 15 − 60

Population pyramid: The population pyramid shows the age-sex structure of a population. Age sex
pyramids are also known as population pyramids. The information is graphically displayed to improve
understanding and ease of comparison. They are also potentially very informative on the history of a society
and its prospects. The importance of the age-sex structure can be understood from a simple fact that it acts
as a starting point for any demographic investigation. A particular method of assessing them through
statistical methods can be performed through graphical tools. The depictions of age-sex structures through
the horizontal bar diagrams on the both sides of the axis are called population pyramids (Srinivasan, 1998;
Shryock and Siegel, 1976).

How to read Age-Sex Pyramid?


1. It consists of two histograms placed on their side, and back to back.
2. It shows absolute numbers or percentages, where the X-axis must be labelled accordingly.
3. Itis calculated for each age-sex group from the total population (males and females).
4. The Y-axis represents the age, where the youngest at the bottom and the oldest is the pick.
5. The scale can be in single or five-year age groups depending on the precision needed.
6. It must be of equal width, apart from the final open-ended age group.
7. The statistics for males are plotted on the left, and for females on the right.

Types of Population Pyramids: It not only graphically displays long-term trends in the birth and death
rates, and migration but also reflects the shorter term of baby-booms, wars, and epidemics. Demographers
recognise three prototypical pyramid structures– constrictive, expensive, and stationary. All these structures
indicate the conditions of the populations which comprise them. A population pyramid illustrates age and
sex structure of a country's residents and may provide better insights into the political, social, as well as
economic expansion within a nation.
I. Constrictive pyramid: A constrictive pyramid is the opposite of an expansive pyramid. A
constrictive pyramid has fewer people in the younger age categories and has been typical of the
U.S. population as baby boom population’s shift to more conservative birth rates with a slight
narrowing in its younger age groups. Such type of pyramids is seen in the places with high life
expectancy, and healthy living conditions are significantly contributing to a higher number of older
people. Notwithstanding this, there is a lesser number of births taking place, which are outnumbered
by some deaths and work as a check to the growing population. Also, a rising number of older
people than the youth in the country places a burden upon the working-age population to maintain
a large number of elderly dependents. The decrease in the number of births indicates that people
are moving towards

II. Expansive pyramid: This type of graph has a classic or triangular shape, with a very wide base
and pointed apex. It denotes larger numbers of people in the younger age categories and is a
reflexion of many developing nations where birth rates are high or stalled, and life expectancy is
compact. Each age group presents a bar less wide than that of the age-group before it, showing that
more people are dying at the higher group (Shryock and Siegel, 1976). The large base confers to a
high birth rate, which is probably due to circumstances like a developing economy, low levels of
female education, poverty and less awareness of birth control measures. The tapering top of the
pyramid indicates to the prevailing high mortality rates, which signifies for a low level of life
expectancy at birth in the country. Determinants like poor living conditions and lack of proper
medical amenities may be responsible for high mortality rate among elderly. Such nations have a
higher population of children compared to people of working-age and elderly resulting to burden
over the population of working age to help the large younger population, making them work in
stressful states. Such type of the pyramids corresponds to stage 2 of the demographic transition.
III. Stationary pyramid: It indicates a population which is neither growing nor declining in its size.
This “pyramid” looks more like a column and typically has a relatively static birth and death rates.
Countries or areas with population pyramids like this belong to the final stage of the demographic
transition. A stationary pyramid explicates approximately equal numbers of people in all age
classifications, with a tapering towards the older age categories. Nations as, Sweden show
stationary age categories because of relatively low, steady birth rates, and a high standard of life.

Figure 1: Types of Population Pyramids

These are the three population pyramids that pertain to age-sex structures in different phases of
demographic transition (Shryock and Siegel, 1976). The age structure of a population can help a country
choose the needs of its population in the future so that it is further prepared to face them. It is the cumulative
result of past trends in fertility, mortality, and migration.

Age and Sex Structure of Population in the World


The age and sex structure of a country’s population can affect gender issues in a variety of ways.
Age structure is a process of population ageing that is determined primarily by trends in fertility and
mortality. Any population with considerably a long history of high fertility has a “young” age structure
,alike in its general characteristics to the present age structure for the group of least developed nations (see
Figure 2).The median age of the population starts to rise when both the fertility and mortality rates decline.
By 2015, the world’s population is projected to reach 7.2 billion, of which about two-thirds will be residing
in countries at or below replacement fertility (United Nations, 1999c). From Figure 2, projected and
estimated age and sex distribution of the population from 2000 and 2050 shows world population moving
from expansive growth to constrictive growth rate, followed by less and least developing country. Whereas,
more developed country transitions from constructive to stationary stage or as we call towards the older
aged population. A situation like this arises when fertility rest below replacement fertility, besides low death
rates.
DETERMINANTS OF AGE STRUCTURE WITH SPECIAL REFRENCE TO INDIA
Age structure refers to the distribution of the population in different ages. The age structure
constitutes a significant part of the population change. Its significance encompasses several areas
like society’s reproduction potential, workforce supply, development needs, mortality pattern,
migration history, etc. For these reasons, the age-sex structure has significant policy implications.
The processes of fertility, mortality, and migration, together determine not only the current size of
the population but also the distribution of age and sex. Conversely, the age structure sets the future
pace of population growth through its influence on effective fertility, mortality, and migration. The
meaning, measure, impact and dynamics of the age-sex structure of populations have been
evaluated exhaustively by Weeks (1999). The impact of the three population processes (migration,
mortality, and fertility) on age structure has also been assessed (Russell, 1992; Kim & Shoen,
1997; Preston and Guillot, 1997). Studies on age composition have been carried out by Blacker
(2000), Lean (2000), and in charting the progress of populations Bongaarts (2000).
There has been a contrast in the age structure and its transition in the world between the
developing countries and their developed counterparts. While the age structure transition was
bottom heavy with a large proportion of people in the younger age groups in the developing
countries due to high fertility, it was top heavy in the case of developed nations with a higher
proportion of the older population. The issues and concerns of age structure are different both for
national economic growth and for development due to its varied pattern.
The age structure of India’s population is broad-based (UN Population Prospect, 2015) and
has future implications for fertility and migration trends within the country, as well as for socio-
economic development. Therefore, any developmental planning process should necessarily take
into account the age and sex structure of a population for policy and planning. A lesser attention
has been given to the determination of the effects on age-sex composition irrespective of its
importance and the determinants of socio-economic implications. The historical development of
age structure of the population is a necessary condition for the identification and explanation of
demographic events and processes. The most frequently used way of the interpretation of the age
structure by sex and age is a graphical presentation called age pyramid. Numerous studies have
been carried out on population age structure and other related issues.

Measuring Age Structure


The age structure can be classified into sub-parts of total population for better understanding.
Several measures are developed to assess the age structure in the country are as follows:
 Age distribution: The numbers of persons in successive age groups in a given population.
Mostly referred to as age composition in demography. A country with prolonged high
fertility, for instance, has a large proportion of children and a small proportion of aged
persons reflects different scenario than that of the age structure constituting larger old
people and fewer population in the young ages (UN Manual, 1955).
 Median age: It is defined as the age that divides the entire population into two numerically
equal halves. The one section indicates to half the people belongs to younger age while
other half constitute of the remaining old people in the population. It is a single index that
summarises the age distribution of a population (Shryock and Siegel, 1976).
 Dependency ratio: It showing the number of people are dependents, aged 0-14 years and
over the age of 65 years, to the total population aged 15 to 64 years. It is also referred to as
the "total dependency ratio".
𝐷𝑒𝑝𝑒𝑛𝑑𝑒𝑛𝑐𝑦 𝑟𝑎𝑡𝑖𝑜 = 𝑁𝑢𝑚𝑏𝑒𝑟 𝑜𝑓𝑝𝑒𝑜𝑝𝑙𝑒 𝑏𝑒𝑡𝑤𝑒𝑒𝑛 0 − 14 𝑎𝑛𝑑 𝑜𝑣𝑒𝑟 65 𝑎𝑔𝑒𝑑 × 100
𝑁𝑢𝑚𝑏𝑒𝑟 𝑜𝑓 𝑝𝑒𝑜𝑝𝑙𝑒 𝑎𝑔𝑒𝑑 15 − 64

 Support ratio: Economic or Potential support ratio (PSR) is defined as the number of
people age 20–64 per one older person 65 years aged or older. It can describe the burden
placed on the working population (unemployment and children are not considered in this
measure) by the non-working aged population.

𝐸𝑐𝑜𝑛𝑜𝑚𝑖𝑐 𝑆𝑢𝑝𝑝𝑜𝑟𝑡 𝑅𝑎𝑡𝑖𝑜 = 𝑊20−64


(0.9 × 𝐷0−20 + 𝐷65+)

Where, 𝑊20−64 refers to the working age population, while 𝐷0−20 and 𝐷65+indicates to the
young and old age economically dependent population (UN Population Prospect, 2015).
 Population pyramid: It is well known that the population pyramids show the age-sex
structure of a population also known as population pyramids. It is potentially very
informative about the history of a population and its prospects. Age-sex pyramids
graphically illustrate long-term trends in birth and death rates, and migration but also
reflect shorter-term baby-booms, wars, and epidemics. The standard terminologies used
to describe age-sex structures of populations are 'young', 'old', and ‘stationary’. The figure
here confers the three most prominent types of the population pyramid, with descriptions
of the features of each. A population pyramid demonstrates the age and sex structure of a
country's population and provides an insight into the policies related to political, social,
economic front in a country.
` There are three basic type of pyramids available in the demography that relates well
to the ongoing demographic transition.

 Young and growing: Juvenile populations have a standard 'pyramid' shape, with a broad
field showing high proportions of children. It indicates a population is undergoing rapid
growth

Patterns of population pyramid


 Old and declining: A top-massive population pyramid with higher proportions of older
age groups indicates a declining population. Which may result from a phase of the
extended period of below replacement fertility, besides low death rates (The slow
Growth: United States age-sex pyramid in Figure 1 nearly corresponds to this) (World
Population Prospect, 2006).
 Stationary: It indicates the proportion of the population which is neither growing nor
sinking. There is a uniform distribution of the population in each age group, apart from at
the oldest ages (due to mortality). The population pyramid (Negative Growth: Germany
in Figure1) is just an approximation of what a stationary population would seem similar.
The small fluctuations in Germany’s age-sex pyramid at age groups 40-59 show that this
is nota stationary population (World Population Prospect, 2006).

Stages of Age Structure Transition


The number of population by age and sex are among the most fundamental demographic
characteristics of human populations as well as of the population statistics. Population classified
by the cohort of age group by sex structure play a significant role in all aspects of the economy,
society and even, family. There are three types of age structures one can broadly observe across
countries. These are:
 Type I: Mortality decline particularly in the younger ages resulting in sharp increase in the
young population and young dependency ratio: In high-fertility countries of Africa and
even some countries in Asia, 45-55 percent of the population are children, and old people
constitute only four-eight percent of the total population
 Type II: Fertility decline is resulting in a bulge in the working age’s dependency ratio
lowest: Many developing countries, including India, are at this stage of the transition now.
 Type III: Old age dependency increases: Children constitute less than 30 percent, and
elderly population comprise15 per cent or above.
These types of age structure have a direct influence on the future of a nation or
region, since both extremes, i.e., old age dependency as well as young age dependency
proves to be a burden on the economy. It is important, therefore, to measure the shape of
the age structure.

Age Structure transition in India


“Age Structural Transition” (AST) is a process and consequence of shifting in age structure from
young to old age cohort of the population over a period either by single year or age groups(World
Population Prospect, 2006)). It is the proportion of total population undergoes a transition from a
higher to a lower or declining (increasing) share in these age groups due to the demographic
transition of moving from a high mortality and fertility to a situation of low mortality and fertility.
It is recognized that the age structure changes have significantly contributed by
demographic gift or the ‘demographic bonus’ or ‘window of opportunity’ leading to economic
growth in many countries of the world. By the changes in age structure, we mean a decline in
young aged population and an increase in the proportion of working age group population. This is
suitable for an economic take-off, provided that the other factors such as political stability,
adequate savings and investment, human capital and the knowledge economy, required for
development are in place (Pool, 2000; Mason, 2005). It is an integral part of the demographic
transition.
In India, the share of young aged population (0-14) years seems to decline through 2020
sharply, after that stabilises from the 2030s onwards that cover around 25 percent of the total
population. While the share of the prime working aged population increases from 1975s which
contributes to a decline in the dependency ratio burden from the 1975s, old aged population begins
to grow from 2025s. This is an excellent opportunity to pursue the policies that will help the middle
age working population to save more. Between these periods, there is a period called ‘window of
opportunity’ for development in age structure transition.
India has a potential to improve employment sector, industrialisation, health services, consumption
of good and services, and quality of education when the dependency ratio starts declining with
improvement in the country’s per capita GDP growth. The size of the prime working-age
population is likely to decline sharply from the year 2025s which will ease the unemployment
situation. Accessibility of health care and social security care and improvement of life expectancy
of the elderly would be a major challenge for their population age. The proportionate share of the
aged population (65+) will continue to increase at a higher pace during the phase of age structural
transitions from the 2020s in China followed by India. But the share of elderly population stabilises
after the 2020s as seen in Figure 3. Therefore, the age structure is a dynamic process of transition
over the economic growth as cohort moves from young to the old aged population. The magnitude
coined by implemented socio-economic policies and institutional factors immediately to utilise the
window of opportunity. That will not be adequate for economic take-off, along with rapid ageing
process on which countries went up into a period of demographic turbulence.

Determinants of Age Structure


People enter or leave in a population cohort through birth, death, and migration. The age structure
of a population depends on three fundamental determinants and its consequence of trends in
fertility, mortality, and migration. These are interdependent; any change in one may influence the
other two. It is through these variables that the socioeconomic conditions affect the age structure.
Besides these, there are also some important variables that impact age structure. Effect of e0 (Life
expectancy) varies over the transition. For instance, in early transition, increase in e0 leads to even
younger population (gains are at young ages) and in later transition, increase in e0 leads to the
older population.

 Fertility: It determines the proportion of new-born in reproductive age categories. The


most of the Asian countries like India, China, Bangladesh, Pakistan and others (except
Japan, Singapore, Hong Kong and South Korea), Sub Sharan African and Latin American
countries have high fertility. Since the longevity and life expectancy in these countries is
short, the proportion of the elderly is also not very high. According to the accessible data
for the period 2010, in most of the countries of Europe and North America, about 20 percent
of their entire population is under the age of 15 years. While, in India, about 33 percent of
its population is under 15 years of age and 5.5 percent above 60 years. On the converse,
the European countries, with low fertility rate and long-life expectancy, have only 20
percent of their populations in the younger age group. Moreover, the share of the
population in the older age groups in developed countries is relatively large. Consequently,
most of the countries of Anglo- America, Europe, Japan, Australia, and New Zealand have
almost completed their demographic transition and are observed to in the Second
Demographic Transition state. The age-sex composition in which the proportion of
growing population (below 15) is lower than that of the rising old age population (above
65).However, the short-run effects of a fertility decline differ from the long-run effects.
From figure-4, it may be seen that the trend of total fertility rate significantly declines from
1950-2010, after that it becomes stagnant till 2030. Reason for fertility decline leads
immediately to fall in youth dependency ratio, but the rise in old age dependency does not
occur until the large pre-decline cohorts reach old age (World Population Prospect, 2015).
During the intermediate period, the entire dependency ratio is provisionally below trend:
there is a temporary reduction in the number of dependents (both young and old) per
working-age person. This decrease in the dependence can give the economy a transitory
boost and is referred to as a “demographic bonus” (World Population Prospect, 2015;
Bloom and Williamson 1998).

 Mortality: The age structure is also affected by the mortality rate. In general, if the
survival rate during the adolescence improves then the proportion of children is expected
to rise, and consequently, the older people will tend to fall. But, if the survival rate improves
among the older ages, the share of older population improve, but the number of the children
will tend to fall. Likewise, if the mortality is low both among younger and older age groups
as in the case of developed countries like Sweden, Netherlands, Germany, Italy, Belgium
and Denmark, the fraction of the working aged population will be larger, and the
dependency ratio became small. In contrast to this, if the decline in mortality is sharper in
lower age group than the older age club, it results in the swelling up of numbers people in
younger age group as is the case with most of the populations of the developing nations
(World Population Prospect, 2015). However, in India figure 5 shows that the age
distribution of deaths in India over a period of 1991 to 2030, which reveals how mortality
has determined the shape of age structure transition. The cohort wise deaths show that
mortality rate is much higher in a0-4 age group in 1991 in India followed by significant
reductions in 2011 and is expected to go down further by 2030. But unfortunately, the
conditions are reverse for people in cohorts 70+ among them. Besides, the most important
part is that from cohort 5-9 to 65-69 age group death rate looks like the reverse shape of
population pyramid where the male mortality rate is much higher than female.
Age distribution of Deaths in India, 1991, 2011 and 2030

 Migration This has a direct bearing on the age structure, both immigrants, and emigrants.
Those who migrate usually belong to the relatively younger age group. When the youths
out-migrate, the population of older adults and aged people starts declining after some
period. The influence of migration upon the age structure is extensive because migration
tends to be age selective. People in the age group of 1530years are more mobile than the
individuals in the younger and less in older age groups. Consequently, the population of
the juvenile and old age groups increases at the place of origin of migration. Table 2 also
provides the rate of mobility in census years separately. From Table 2 we see that females
are more mobile than males in the country. Thus, on the whole, less than one-third of the
total population in the country is movable as per census data or in other words, a majority
of the population are immobile. Attributing a low rate of mobility in the country at that
time to the predominance of the caste system, joint families, and the practice of early
marriages, diversity of language and culture, lack of education and predominance of
agriculture in the marketplace (Hassan, 2005: 303). Accelerated transformation of the
Indian economy in the post-independence period characterized by an improvement in the
levels of education, transport and communication facilities has influenced mobility pattern
of Indian people in recent times (Kundu and Gupta, 1996: 3392). Despite this, evidence
indicates an almost constant decline in population mobility over nearly four decades after
independence also shape the age structure of population pyramid over time.

Migrants as Percentage of Total Population in India, 1971 - 2001


(Place of the last residence)
Years Total Male Female
1971 29.12 17.46 41.66

1981 30.3 17.22 44.3

1991 26.94 14.05 40.85

2001 30.07 17.04 40.05


Summing up
Age structure plays a critical role in population distribution, in particular through the
process of shifting in age structure from young to old age cohort of the population over a period
either by single or age groups. It undergoes a transition from a higher to a lower or declining
(increasing) share in these age groups due to the interactive effects of mortality and fertility. Apart
from fertility, mortality, and migration, the age structure of the population is also influenced
significantly by wars (male selective in their casualty), catastrophes, natural calamities and
population policies. Above mention, determinants are directly or indirectly affected or influenced
by the age structure of a country or a region. Besides, the Task Force of the National Commission
on Population (NCP) has already identified the numerous keys on social, economic and
demographic indicators for age structure of the population in India

Factors affecting Distribution and density of Population


Introduction

Population distribution is the spatial pattern of the dispersal of populations, formation of


agglomerations, linear spreads of population, etc. In most countries, there are wide regional variations in
the geographic distribution of the population. Population densities are different in various parts of the world.
` The 2015 Revision of World Population Prospects is the twenty-fourth round of the United
Nations’ estimates and projections of population. They are prepared by the Population Division of the
Department of Economic and Social Affairs of the United Nations (United Nations 2015).
The world’s population reached 7.3 billion in mid-2015, which means that the world has added
approximately one billion people in the span of the twelve years. The global population is highly dispersed
over the seven continents. Most of the world’s population (about 60 per cent) lives in Asia (4.4 billion), 16
per cent in Africa (1.2 billion), 10 per cent in Europe (738 million), 9 per cent in Latin America and the
Caribbean (634 million), and the remaining 5 per cent in Northern America (358 million) and Oceania (39
million). China (1.4 billion) and India (1.3 billion) are the world’s most populous countries and home to19
and 18 per cent respectively of the world’s population. India’s population is expected to continue growing
for several decades. It is projected to reach 1.5 billion in 2030 and 1.7 billion in 2050, while that of China
is likely to remain constant and then decrease slightly. Therefore, it is projected that India’s population will
surpass China in the future.
The ten most populous countries in the world are distributed in all continents: one in Africa
(Nigeria), five in Asia (Bangladesh, China, India, Indonesia, and Pakistan), two in Latin America (Brazil
and Mexico), one in North America (United States of America), and one in Europe (the Russian Federation).
Nigeria’s population, currently the seventh largest in the world, is growing most rapidly. With the present
rate of growth, the population of Nigeria is projected to surpass that of the United States by about 2050 at
which point it will become the third most populous country in the world. By 2050, six of the ten largest
countries in the world are expected to have populations more than 300 million: China, India, Indonesia,
Nigeria, Pakistan, and United States of America.
It is estimated that 50.4 per cent of the world’s population is male and 49.6 per cent, female. The
median age of the global population, that is, the age at which half the population is older and half younger,
is 29.6 years. About one-quarter (26 per cent) of the world’s population is below 15 years of age, 62 per
cent are aged 15-59 years, and 12 per cent are 60 years or over.
Populations are not evenly distributed over the earth’s landmass. Physical environments vary from
place to place. Hence, it is necessary for demographers to understand how and where populations are
distributed. Present spatial distribution as well as projections for the future are integral to a demographer’s
work. With an understanding of certain patterns, and of the factors that have significant impact on
population density and the total population, it is possible to make projections of the growth (or possible
decline) in the global population, and its spatial distribution. It will then become possible for leaders and
policymakers to frame appropriate policies and strategies to protect the environment, plan for sustainable
development, and prepare for changes that accompany changes in population characteristics.

Adverse physical conditions and lack of sufficient livelihood opportunities mainly responsible for
discouraging inhabitation of certain areas. The factors affecting distribution of population may broadly be
grouped into the following major categories:

1. Physical factors
2. Socio-economic factors
3. Demographic factors and

Figure 1: Types of factors affecting population distribution

The physical factors include, chiefly, climate, landforms, topography, soil, energy and mineral resources,
accessibility in terms of distance from the coast, natural harbors, navigable rivers or canals etc. Socio-
economic factors include cultural characteristics, types of economic activities, technology used (including
the type of farming), and social organization. Demographic factors include changes resulting from natural
increase and migration. Factors such as political boundaries, political stability (or unrest), disturbances,
controls on migration and trade, government policies and transportation facilities are considered as political
factors.
1.2 Physical Factors affecting distribution of population
Man makes the choice of molding space according to his cultural values and hence, there are variations in
habitations in response to environmental stimuli. He relates to the natural environment through
settlements, which are physical embodiments of an ideal environment.
1.2.1 Climate is one of the most important natural conditions. It determines the nature of the flora of the
region and influences agriculture. Climate also determines the type of animals that are associated with the
region. Humans seek favorable climatic conditions in the places they want to settle in. The climatic belts
are the principal areas of most of the human activity. It is evident from the world’s population distribution
that the highest populated countries of the world are mostly located in the tropical regions.
A warm, comfortable climate attracts people. Regions with such climates provide favourable
conditions for a wide range of fauna to thrive, supporting the life systems in the place. Agriculture and
animal husbandry make it possible to provide food for large populations. On the other hand, places with
extreme climatic conditions are usually scarcely populated because it is difficult to sustain human life in
such places. Countries in the temperate regions are also well populated. The regions are colder than the
tropical regions but are hotter than the polar zones. The polar zones of the Arctic and Sub-Arctic regions
remain the least populated of all. The extremely low temperature is not favourable for habitation. Vegetation
is scarce. Cold winters and very short summers make living difficult.

1.2.2 Topography or terrain. Navigable areas are more populated than rough ones. Mountains are less
preferred because of lack of arable land. In addition, the cost of transportation, construction and agriculture
are considerably higher in such places. In general, high altitudes also impose a physiological
-on humans’ capacity to adapt. This is because of reduced atmospheric pressure and low oxygen content.
Higher altitudes, therefore, do not favour population and growth. Low lying plains and coastal areas are
more favoured areas for human settlement. The Himalayas are thinly populated, the Ganges valley is one
of the densely populated areas of the world. Coastal regions have the advantage of ocean-going trade and
transportation and thus, the major cities of the world are mostly located in the coastal areas.
1.2.3 Water is essential for human survival. The ancient civilizations of the world flourished near rivers
and the coastal areas. The Nile, Amazon, and Ganges river systems supported rich civilizations on their
banks. Adequate rainfall favour vegetation and agriculture which in turn, determine a place’s suitability for
habitation. Because of lack of water, vast expanses of deserts are uninhabited. For the same reason, there is
less population on the rain-shadow side of a hill or mountain; however, the leeward side is often densely
populated. Thus, population is tends to be concentrated in the well-watered river valleys and coastal plains.
1.2.4 Soil quality influences density and distribution of the population. A substantial population of
populations earn their livelihood from agriculture which depends on the quality of soil. Food crops are
grown on the soil, thus, is one of the most important raw materials required by population. The alluvial
regions, deltas and the coastal regions of India support high population densities. On the other hand,
mountainous regions, where soil erosion is a problem, such as the Terai region of Uttarakhand, or the sandy
soils of the desert of Rajasthan, cannot support dense populations. However, scientific agricultural
practices, with the aid of technology, have succeeded in converting low-yield soils to better quality ones.
In the past, degradation or overutilization of soil led to the disappearance of flourishing civilizations, such
as the Mayan in Central America.
Vast reserves of mineral resources encouraged the establishment of industries, which attracted
settlements. The Chhotanagpur plateau is an area rich in mineral resources. The higher population densities
in the Chhota Nagpur Plateau of Jharkhand and in the adjoining areas of Orissa are largely due to the
availability of minerals.
1.2.5 Location of a place—proximity to major towns and cities—favours concentration of population.
Generally, staying within the city limits increases living costs. The city’s periphery or nearby towns provide
affordable housing facilities. Cheap and reliable transportation provide convenient means of commuting.
1.2.6 Natural disasters discourage population concentration. Frequent storms, earthquakes, floods, wild
fires discourage formation of settlements as people migrate to safer places. There are many examples of
destruction of settlements due to the natural disasters. The city of Bichuan, in Sichuan province of China
was completely destroyed in 2011 by an earthquake of magnitude 8.0 causing collapse of eighty percent of
the buildings and a huge loss of lives. The city was not rebuilt and left abandoned to prevent any further
loss of human life in the event of recurrence of the disaster in future. Similar examples could be found in
history. On August 24, 79 AD, the volcano Vesuvius erupted, covering the nearby town Pompeii with ash
and soil, and subsequently preserving the city in its state from that fateful day. Everything from jars and
tables to paintings and people were frozen in time. Pompeii, along with Herculaneum, were abandoned and
eventually their names and locations were forgotten. They were rediscovered as the results of excavations
in the 18th century.

1.3 Socio economic factors affecting population distribution


The choice of settlement is generally based on natural processes. However, with time,
man has been able to adjust and control the natural processes to some extent. Thus, the factors
influencing the choice of a place for settling no longer depends entirely on natural conditions. As needs
changed with the evolution of human society, social and economic perspectives gained primacy.
1.3.1 Economic activity is an indicator of employment opportunities. People in the rural areas are largely
dependent on agriculture for their livelihood. If the land fails to support the rural population, or with more
opportunities available in urban areas, they may choose to migrate to cities. Concentration of population in
urban areas is an outcome of diverse economic activities and livelihood options offered by cities. Usually,
there is work for almost everyone, which is unlike in villages where there are fewer options.
Therefore, population density in the towns and cities tends to be higher than in rural areas, and will continue
to increase. By their very nature, cities provide diverse livelihood opportunities in both the formal and the
informal sectors. Industries are a large job market, and have attracted cheap labour for several decades. The
influx of labour leads to settlements being established, often on otherwise uninhabitable land. For example,
hydroelectric power stations in largely uninhabited areas attract migrants to these places, resulting in
increase in population. Similarly, due to growing service and tourism industry, a large migrant population
have settled in the city of Dubai, making it one of the fastest growing cities in the world due to tourism.

1.3.2 Social Organization of communities in new areas encourages the movement of people and settling in
newer lands. Man is a social animal and it becomes essential for him to form a community, creating a

Figure 2: Socio Economic factors affecting population distribution

Familiar environment where he stays. People moving out of their native places tend to settle in those areas,
or parts of the areas, where there are people with language, culture, food habits and habits that are like their
s. It is common to find cities having residential areas which are communal in nature.
1.4 Demographic factors of population distribution
Figure 3: Demographic factors affecting population
distribution

The demographic factors are the characteristics of the population that have considerable influence
on population distribution and settlement patterns. These include fertility and mortality trends, and
migration. Fertility and mortality together influence the natural increase in a region. Over time, the
differential growth rates, results of fertility and mortality, lead to changes in population density and
distribution.
1.4.1 Migration has deep influence on population distribution. The push factors, or negative circumstances,
at the place of origin tend to motivate people to leave their native places to newer areas. Better opportunities
in distant lands also encourage migration.
People may choose to move due to land scarcity, shortage of work in current place of residence, insufficient
wages or salaries, inadequate medical facilities and education, etc. Expectations of a better standard of
living are often the main factors that drive rural to urban migration. The migration process allows
redistribution of population, but it also puts pressure on the place of destination and increases the population
density in this place.
1.4.2 Natural increase is the net outcome of fertility and mortality in a region. If in a region, the fertility
level is high, the population of that place tends to increase. In such situations, mortality brings stability
because of deaths. Epidemics and disease have always significantly influenced mortality levels. In earlier
times, high occurrence of disease resulted in more deaths. To offset the loss, a high level of fertility was
maintained. With medical advances, many diseases could be cured and the death rate fell sharply. In effect,
the population grew. However, this created the problems of high population density and pressure on limited
resources. With the introduction of contraceptives and with several family planning options available, birth
rate began to go down.

1.5 Political factors influencing population distribution

War, political disturbance, conflict, and weak administration negatively affect population distribution.
1.5.1 War and political conflicts take a great toll on human lives. Death rates are high, and people are
forced to move out in search of safety. Mortality rates peak and the out-migration dominates. Safer locations
experience a sizeable population growth because of the in-flow of migrants. This is also the situation in
regions near the political boundaries of countries that do not have peaceful relations. Even if there is no
conflict, the fear of one compels people to move, making these areas the least populated ones.
1.5.2 Political unrest and discrimination are detrimental to population growth. Clashes between different
political parties or people with different religious beliefs have often resulted in a reduction of population in
the affected area. Before settling in a new place permanently, migrant population looks for a place that not
only provides economic opportunities but also provides safe and healthy environment for wholesome living.
A politically unstable region is unable to provide both these conditions and hence it discourages not only
the incoming migrant population but also the already residing population which might be forced to leave
the region in search of peaceful locations for settlement. Discrimination faced by migrants because of race,
language, food, culture etc., discourages in-migration. This has reduced the population growth on one hand
and newer settlements on the other.
1.5.3 Policies encouraging migration have often led to population growth in the destination region.
International labour movements take place where rules governing cross-border migration are lenient.
Migration helps in the redistribution of population. Policies that promote reduction in fertility levels,
banning of infanticide, etc. also influence the population growth in a place. For example, China’s strict
enforcement of one-child policy succeeded in curbing fertility levels and controlling population.
1.6 Summing up
No single factor can be considered as solely responsible for concentrated or scanty populations, or their
distribution and growth. Most of the factors described in this module are interrelated and often act
collectively. Advances in technology have helped humans settle in places where it was not possible a few
decades ago. The tremendous population growth in the world population has forced many to settle in
uninhabitable regions where there is a shortage of adequate natural resources. Often, people do not have
the option of choosing where they must live. Earlier, physical factors determined population distribution;
however the industrial revolution and accompanying urbanization increased transport and communication
networks. These developments influenced population distribution. In this light present density map of
population is a cumulative outcome of the past.

Malthusian theory of Population


Thomas R. Malthus (1766-1834) propounded his view in his essay on the ‘Principle of
Population’ that is published in 1798. Thomas Malthus and his “An Essay on the Principle of
Population”:
Earth’s population today has reached the 7.5 billion mark with predictions suggesting it
will be close to 10 billion past the year 2050. While population growth in developed countries has
stalled, the majority of world population lives in developing countries struggling within gross
inequalities, striking poverty levels but growth aspirations of better living standards like the
developed counterparts. Although population growth is slowing down globally, since the
population base is huge, it implies that numerically it continues to add pressure on the limited
resources that earth supplies putting additional strain on environment, governing institutions and
social and economic infrastructures.
This relationship between growing population and finite resources was predicted long back
as the industrial revolution was setting in the Great Britain. An English scholar and cleric by the
name of Thomas Robert Malthus was writing and distributing pamphlets on population growth
with his monumental work published in 1798 in London by the title “An Essay on the Principle of
Population”. While the 18th century England was rejoicing optimistically the improvement in the
standards of living and future possibilities based on improvements in technological knowledge of
the times, Malthus was suggesting a contrary view. The fears he sighted were the exorbitant growth
in population, which if left unchecked would add pressures on the limited resources that earth
supplies. He argued giving example of the family tree that the population grows exponentially (i.e.
it doubles itself by each cycle) while the food supply increases only arithmetically (i.e. the
increment is only additive at a uniform time interval), which beyond a point of crisis would outstrip
the available resources.

Once the point of crisis is reached where the population increase is greater than the food increase,
population will be forced to move to subsistence level through various checks. There will be deaths
and famines, and many would fail even to maintain the subsistence level and population will be
checked. Malthus suggested two kinds of checks, the preventive checks and the positive checks.
The former implied man can voluntary strive towards reducing population growth. One of the
measures suggested was through ‘moral restraint’ by extending the age of marriage to a later part
in life, celibacy, family planning methods, self-restraint etc. The positive checks included natural
calamities, floods, famines and wars that would keep in check the growing population.
Positive Checks:
Levels the population to the level of food supply. Eg. Famines, epidemics, floods, seismic events,
misery, plague etc. These checks are applied by nature as humans fail to keep in check the growing
population increase.
Preventive Checks:
Delayed marriages until one can sustain family and offspring, abstinence, restricting marriage to
poo people, etc. Malthus was devout Christian and did not propose artificial birth control in his
original treatise. However, the neo-Malthusian idea propagates birth control also as preventive
measure to avoid the Malthusian catastrophe.
While the theory was simple and logical, it was severely criticized by a range of ideologies from
Marxists, socialists, free market proponents, to feminist, to economists etc. One heavy criticism
to the theory came from Marx himself who questioned him as ‘lackey of Bourgeoisie’. The
criticism was around the argument propounded by Malthus that the poor were responsible for the
population growth as they reproduced rapidly. And it was this rapid rise in their population that
explained their poor status rather than the exploitative practices of the capitalists. Others criticize
Malthus citing examples of growing agricultural productivity based on technological innovations
and dramatic changes in the fertility rates in our times. However, despite these criticisms the
basic postulate of Malthus stands valid in terms of the growing population and increasing
pressures on the finite resource base.
This theory holds true in many under developed countries like India, Pakistan, Bangladesh,
Kenya, China, etc. With high growth rates of population for many between 2-3 percent annual
growth and recurring food shortages despite improvements in agricultural productivity for instance
green revolution technology. The theory is substantiated by the need for the preventive checks in
form of family planning measures in many countries.

Optimum Population Theory


“The availability of resource in a country is equal to country’s population needs, termed as
optimum population. Optimum population theory criticises the approach of the Malthusian
principle of population. The modern economist Edwin Cannan and Carr Saunders of London
School of Economics have developed this theory. It is known as modern theory of population.
Again in recent years Prof. Robbins, Dalton and Carr Saunders have refined and polished it, to
put in a more presentable form, Saunders, et.al”.
This theory talks about “there will be a definite size of population with the per capita
income as per available natural resources, stock of capital and knowledge of technology. The
population with highest per capita income is considered as optimum”. According to Carr
Saunders, “optimum population as that which produces maximum welfare and Cannon describes
optimum population in relation to labour”.
The optimum level is that size of population, which yields the highest quality of life.
The quality of life means that: each inhabitant receives adequate amount of food energy, water,
and air of high quality; adequate raw material to permit him to make all the things and devices he
needs. Perton Cloud defines “optimum population as the one that lies within limits. According to
Sauvey, “however the size that helps in achieving the given end of maximization of means to
obtain full employment, longevity of life and good health, knowledge and culture. Social harmony
and family stability, can be called an optimum size of population”.

Assumption of Optimum Population Theory


1. If the population of the country increases, the proportion of working population to total
population remains constant.
2. The natural resources, the capital stock and state of technology remains unchanged if the
population of a country increases.

The optimum population can be regarded as that state of equilibrium between the population
and the resources, which satisfies the well-defined needs of all the members of a community and
which varies both in time and space. The measurement of such a population size is extremely
difficult because the attributes and characteristics involved in its evaluation defy their precise
measurement and mathematical simulation. The basic criteria for assessing optimum population
that emerge include per capita production, average standard of living, degree of employment,
longevity of life, dependency ratio, social per capita food consumption, proportion of expenditure
on food, rationality of land use, balanced demographic structure and rational development of
resources.

How to achieve the optimum population?

 “Changing people’s socio-cultural behaviour, i.e. thinking and attitudes on religion to


adjust it into a modern fashion, giving more rights to increase or decrease the family size
than following tradition, Saunders,1987”.
 In terms of economic, increase the career opportunities it will change the people’s mind
set on education and maintain their job. It impact like family planning could be delay.
 Through the medical science, “increase the amount of contraception in Less Economically
Developed Country (LEDC) i.e. educating adults and children about sexual education, on
how to use contraception and the risks involved, Sauer (1989)”.

Over Population

Over population is related with the human population and its environment. Overpopulation take
place when development of resources in an area is not in conformity with its population growth.
Clarke distinguish between the absolute and the relative overpopulations. The absolute
overpopulation is one where the living standards remain low even after the attainment of absolute
limit of resource development. Relative overpopulation is the one where the present level of
production is inadequate for the populations but greater production is feasible. Relative over
population is more common than the absolute overpopulation. Relative population may occur
because of the limitations of technology. As the technology advances, the population – resource
ration in such overpopulated areas marches towards equilibrium. “Country like Bangladesh, India,
Ethiopia, United States, Nigeria, Sudan, Niger, Haiti, United States, China, Arizona, California,
Uganda, and Zimbabwe are overpopulated , Barbara, L. ”.
This also include regional pockets which may be overpopulated, but at national level they
may not be. For instance, a country, which on the whole is not overpopulated may have some
regions. Which may be suffering from acute overpopulation. It is not uncommon to find islands
of overpopulation even in developed countries like japan, Belgium, Italy, Australia, New
Zealand etc. Java in Indonesia offers the classic example of regional overpopulation. Regional
overpopulation when confined to rural overpopulation and when concerned with industrial
regions is known as industrial overpopulation. Rural overpopulation may be attributed:
1. Rapid natural increase of rural population
2. Uneven distribution of agricultural land
3. Mechanization of agriculture
4. Limited development of non-agricultural sector in countryside and
5. Non-resilience of the agricultural sector.
Rural overpopulation is very common in the third world. The resources of the developing world
being limited, the problems being enormous, the priorities had to be different. Consequently, the
population growth in these countries has been far in excess of their economic growth, particularly
in rural areas. Industrial overpopulation, may be attributed to:
 The technological advancement that may render the labour or its product redundant and
 A decline of entries industry or its product.
Clarke considers industrial overpopulation less obvious on the plea that industrial labour is much
more resilient than agricultural labour.

Under Population
The basic understanding of under population is, population below optimum population. When the
population of an area is too small for full utilization of the territory’s resources, it is said to be a
situation of under population. The state of under population can also exist when the resources of
the areas can support a larger than existing population without lowering the standard of living or
creating either unemployment or underemployment. “The relative under population is more
common than the absolute under population. Absolute under population is rare and occur only in
completely isolated societies where the degree of replacement of population is less than unit. The
relative under population on the other hand, shall occur due to insufficiency of resources
development, Gersmehl(2005)”. The phenomena of underpopulation may be caused by high
mortality rate and could be rectified by improving medical facilities and, thus, reducing the
mortality rate.
There will not be enough people to exploit all resources of country when population are
below optimum. Due to this the per capita income and population will be lower. Due to outward
migration, UK are under population region (South wales and the highlands of Scotland are less
densely populated compared to the rest of the country). “On a global scale, when making
comparisons there does not seems to be any direct correlation between population density and over
or under population. For example Brazil is overpopulated, has the population of 2 persons per
square kilometer whereas portions of California may have additional carrying capacity with over
500 people per square kilometers it is related to the amount of available resources, Mathew
(2009)”.
THEORY OF DEMOGRAPHIC TRANSITION
Introduction

The demographic history of the human race makes it evident that it has maintained its existence at a
near balance throughout most of the time, characterized by fluctuation about a very gradual rate of
natural increase, was maintained generally until two centuries ago. Various levels of fertility and
mortality pattern formed a near stability between high rates of birth and high rates of death.
Nevertheless, stable population is the outcome of high birth and death rates as well as low birth and
death rates. This theory relates the type of population growth to the level of socio-cultural, economic
and technological development of the society and examines the periods of stability and periods of
different rates of exponential growth.
Even though population growth averaged close to zero, over the extended periods of human
history, there were also periods during which population size increased across generations. The
population problem in traditional societies was maintaining some sort of rough equilibrium between
births and deaths, If population decline could threaten community survival, a long period of increasing
population numbers would likely outpace the expansion of food and other resources, often, there were
moments of demographic implosion, or mortality due to calamities, that brought population numbers
to former subsistence levels. These catastrophes were viewed by Thomas Malthus as positive checks,
which he considered as unavoidable, given the tendency for populations to grow faster than the means
of subsistence
The demographic history of the human race makes it evident that it has maintained its existence
at a near balance throughout most of the time, characterized by fluctuation about a very gradual rate of
natural increase, was maintained generally until two centuries ago. Various levels of fertility and
mortality pattern formed a near stability between high rates of birth and high rates of death.
Nevertheless, stable population is the outcome of high birth and death rates as well as low birth and
death rates. This theory relates the type of population growth to the level of socio-cultural, economic
and technological development of the society and examines the periods of stability and periods of
different rates of exponential growth.
Even though population growth averaged close to zero, over the extended periods of human
history, there were also periods during which population size increased across generations. The
population problem in traditional societies was maintaining some sort of rough equilibrium between
births and deaths, If population decline could threaten community survival, a long period of increasing
population numbers would likely outpace the expansion of food and other resources, often, there were
moments of demographic implosion, or mortality due to calamities, that brought population numbers
to former subsistence levels. These catastrophes were viewed by Thomas Malthus as positive checks,
which he considered as unavoidable, given the tendency for populations to grow faster than the means
of subsistence
The single method to avert these gloomy cycles of demographic growth and implosion,
Malthus argued, for preventive checks, which he considered to be moral restraint that encouraged
celibacy and the postponement of marriage. Malthus was pessimistic, however, that moral restraint
would be sufficient to avoid positive checks because of the underlying passion between the sexes.
Malthus' pessimistic picture of increase and decline typified the population dynamics of many
premodern societies even though periods of growth could be accommodated for decades or even
centuries, depending on the technology of production, the possibilities for long distance trade, and the
size of the frontier. Moreover, plagues, famines, and wars often followed their own dynamics,
independent growth. Of population. The center of the demographic transition model is a classification
of populations which are differentiated in terms of their distinct combinations of fertility and mortality.
Thompson carried out the first formulation of this typology. Notestien's article is generally regarded
as the first acceptable formulation of the demographic transition theory. There are many versions of
demographic transition, but there is some agreement over definite stages of variation in death and birth
rates and population growth.
Development of the Theory
The process of population transition, from a low level growth to an expanding growth and
ultimately stabilizing it at an optimum level in European has been analytically classified into different
stages by different demographers. They differ in the number of stages in transition. The pioneers of
the transition theory i.e., Landry, Notestein and Thompson have attempted to construct a typology to
describe the transition from conditions of high mortality and high fertility to conditions of low mortality
and low fertility.
The theoretical task of explaining modern fertility transitions as a consequence (or a delayed
consequence) of declines in mortality and the socioeconomic changes that have transformed rural
agrarian societies into modern industrial has been the central question of the scientific field of
demography. Until the 1970s, the theory of the demographic transition was almost universally accepted
by demographers and was widely disseminated in introductory textbooks through stylized graphs and
an interpretation of declining fertility in response to the modern forces of industrialization,
urbanization, and literacy. These processes have occurred in many Western countries during the
nineteenth and twentieth centuries and were presumed to be on the near term horizon of many
developing countries. The idea emerged as early as 1929, when Warren Thompson gathered data from
some countries for the period 1908-27 and showed that the countries fell into three main groups,
according to their patterns of population growth. In the first group i.e., Group A (northern and western
Europe and the United States). From the latter part of the nineteenth century to 1927 they had moved
from having very high rates of natural increase to having very low rates of increase and will shortly
become stationary and start to decline in numbers. The second group i.e., Group B (Italy, Spain and
the "Slavic" peoples of central Europe): Thompson notices evidence of a decline both birth rates and
death rates but predicted that the death rate would decline as rapidly or even more rapidly than the birth
rate for some time. The condition in these Group B countries is much the same as existed in the Group
A countries thirty to fifty years ago. The third group i.e., Group C (the rest of the world): In the rest of
the world Thompson saw little evidence of control over either births or deaths. Thompson observed
that the Group C countries (which included about 70 to 75 percent of the population of the world at the
time) would continue to have their growth determined largely by the opportunities they have to increase
their means of subsistence. Frank W. Notestein presented the theory of demographic transition in a
conventional form with explanations for the changes in fertility. In that sense he may be credited with
as the expounder of the theory. He advocated that the development of positive forces resulting from
modernization contribute to the decline in mortality as seen from the experiences of Western Europe.
Modernization involved rising standards of living, rising incomes and advances in sanitation and
medical knowledge. Indeed Notestein did not use the term transition for his classification. The first to
use this expression was Adolphe Landry and some year’s later Davis in 1943.

The work of Thompson was followed by Landry's which was roughly comparable to
Thompson's classification, although the latter's analysis was much more depth in relation to fertility
and mortality rates. Three demographic regimes was put forth by Landry based on the relationship
between production and consumer's preference. In the first stage i.e., Primitive regime, population
increases with the increase in availability of food and vice-versa. Death rates are directly related to
increase and decrease in food supply. Total production form the upper limit of population growth. The
second stage is intermediate demographic regime in which production determines the size of
population indirectly related to economic development2. People aspires for a higher economic standard
of living and consider an increase in number as a constraint for development. Therefore, population
growth is controlled. The third stage- a modern epoch is characterized by general decline in fertility.
Under the first two stages, population increases because of technological advances, while economic
and technological progress does not have any impact on the growth rate of population.

A society that is undergoing industrialization will also undergo fertility decline. The
demographic transition is presented as a function of time and socioeconomic development. It traces a
change from a state where a population experiences high rates of mortality and ‘fertility, and hence a
low rate of natural increase (Stage I), to one where the mortality and fertility rates are low - as is the
rate of natural increase (Stage IV). Stages I1 and 111 are characterized by high population growth
rates due to large discrepancies between respective birth and death rates. A fluctuating mortality rate
in Stage I reflects human helplessness in the face of epidemics, wars and other natural and manmade
calamities. The fluctuating fertility rate in Stage IV suggests human decision-making that is sensitive
to economic change, and facilitated by modern methods of contraception. Noteworthy, the post-World
War 11 baby boom in the United States and other industrialized countries was a mere boom let
compared to the population explosion of the demographic transition

Notestein characterized three types of population on the basis of the stages of demographic
evolution:
1. population in the stage of "Incipient Decline", where fertility had fallen below the replacement
level or those approaching this stage (population of Europe, the United States, Australia and New
Zealand);
2. Population in the stage of "Transitional Growth", where birth and death rates are still high and
growth is rapid, but the decline of the birth rate is well established. (Population of the Soviet Union,
Japan and some Countries in Latin America); and
3. Population in the stage of "High Growth Potential" where mortality is high and variable and is
the chief determinant of growth, while fertility is high and thus far has shown no evidence of a
downward trend. In these populations, rapid growth is to be expected just as soon as technical
developments make possible a decline in mortality (Population in most countries of Asia, Africa
and Latin America).Davis calls the transitional growth of Notestein by the term population
explosion where the country is moving from high birth and death rates to low birth and death rates,
from high growth to incipient decline and there will be rapid growth. Viewed in the long run,
earth's population has been like a long, thin powder fuse that burns slowly and haltingly until it
finally reaches the charge and explodes.

If a society shifts from an agrarian base to an industrial base, then the demographic pattern of high vital
rates shifts to a regime of low vital rates. All nations in the modern era, which have moved from a
traditional, agrarian based economic system to a largely industrial, urbanized base, have also moved from
a condition of high mortality and fertility. The changing structure of production with a declining importance
of the family as a production unit, with the growth of impersonal systems for the allocation of jobs, and
with the development of economic roles of women outside of the home, tends to increase the possibility of
economic mobility that can better be achieved with small families and tends to decrease the economic
advantages of a large family. One of the features of economic development is typically increasing urbanization
and children are usually more of a burden and less of an asset in an urban setting than rural. The whole process
of economic change, moreover, weakens the force of traditional customs and beliefs. In most countries that have
undergone the economic transition from an agrarian to an industrialized, market oriented economy, the custom
of the small family has started in the urban groups at the higher end of the socio-economic scale and has spread
to smaller cities, lower income groups, and eventually to rural areas. The five phases of the demographic
transition was given by C.P. Blacker. They were
1. Stage of high birth rate and high death rate: Population virtually remains stationary in
backward economies where both the birth and death rates are high. During the preceding years,
the death rates may become higher than the birth rates due to the onset of certain positive
checks on the population, the growth rate of the population may be negative and the total
population even declines, This is a stage of virtually non-growth of population;
2. Early Expanding Stage: Fall in death rates due to better medical facilities and prevention of
epidemics, famines and diseases and there was no corresponding fall in the birth rates of
various groups of population and this results in an increase in population (40 per cent
population of the world in 1930 was in this stage according to Blacker);
3. Stage of Late Expanding Population: After a time lag, birth rates also start declining and fall
in death rate especially of the rates pertaining to infants and children. The higher dependency
ratio induces the government to provide family planning facilities (20 percent of the world
population was in this stage by 1930);
4. Stage of Low Birth and Death rates: Low birth rates are balanced by low death rates. This
is similar to first stage i.e., stage of no growth, However, the population may become large
while being stationary (developed European countries had reached this stage by 1930); and
5. Stage of declining population: Death rates exceed the birth rates in this stage. The stage of
negative growth rate will bring down the total number. Death rates are low in developed
countries but the birth rates may be still lower (France was in this stage).

Notestein pointed out the importance of 'Urban Industrial Society' as a major determinant of
demographic transition. "It is difficult to avoid the conclusion that the development of technology lies
at the root of the matter”. The theory relates to the stages of population growth with the level of socio-
cultural, economic and technological development of the society. The biological determinants of
fertility are limited gradually by a process of rational decision-making.
Credit IV
Meaning of Resource
Etymologically, “resource refers to two separate words, re, and source, that indicate any
thing or substance that may occur unhindered many more times”. It is only in early part of the
twentieth century that the term resource came in forefront and few started writing about it.
Only in 1933, when the eminent professor of economics Erich W. Zimmermann
promulgated his famous “Concept of Resource”, the idea became so popular that numerous articles
and papers started pouring in the contemporary Economic Geographical literature. Urgent need
was felt to identify the new concept as a separate and important branch of study.
“Resource, popularly, signifies a source or possibility of assistance; an expedient; means
of support; means to attain given end; capacity to take advantage of opportunities and above all
that upon which one relies for aid, support or supply, Zimmerman,1933”.
The above definitions vary markedly and fail miserably to produce any comprehensive
universally accepted meaning of resource. However, after critical examinations and analyses all
these meanings can be grouped into two, i.e., resources may help us if we are:
a. Taking advantage of opportunity
b. Overcoming obstacles or resistances.
The first is a positive approach, the second role of resource is, surely, negative.
Resource can be subjective as well as objective. Subjective resource denotes internal resource,
objective resource is external resource.
Prof. Zimmermann’s inimitable definition runs: “The word resource does not refer to a thing
or a substance but to a function which a thing or a substance may perform or to an operation in which
it may take part, namely, the function or operation of attaining a given end such as satisfying a want.
In other words, the word resource is an abstraction reflecting human appraisal and relating to a function
or operation”.
A thing or substance is not considered as resource when it fails to give satisfaction to human
beings. Proven reserves of petroleum in the midst of inaccessible terrain or in the abyss is not
considered resource as they fail to yield any satisfaction to either society or individual.
Geo-thermal energy in this contemporary world is considered to be the most useful resource,
but, till recently, this heat-flow was not considered as resource—because man was absolutely ignorant
about its uses.
Resource must possess two important properties:
 Function ability, and
 Utility.
To define anything or substance as resource, one must critically examine whether it has the property
of both utility and function ability. The presence of both utility and function ability is mandatory for
resource creation. For example, a bottle of poison has function ability but it has got no utility value as
food. The function ability is also the function of space and time.
“Any material which is valuable and useful for humans is called a resource”. In fact, “every material
has some utility for human beings but its utilisation is possible on the availability of appropriate
technology (Culturally driven)”. Only use of each one of them make them a resource.
“As Geography developed along nomothetic lines after the 1950s, resource or environmental
geography became a specialty subject focused largely on concrete problems and policy responses,
Bridge, 2000” (Bridge, 2000: p. 13266).This has been elaborated in many texts published in 1990’s
and as stated by Mather and Chapman (1995) and Mitchell (1989) “applied, ecological emphasis on
exploring the relationships between environment, resources, and society is significant and very
important”.
Classification of Natural Resources
When we say Classification of Resources, we first need to understand what is this natural resource to be
classified? There are other set of terms used like renewable resources, nonrenewable resources, man-made etc.
To begin with, "Natural resources “was first coined and popularized by E.F. Schumacher in the 1970's by his
famous book "Small is Beautiful. “Generally speaking, ‘natural resources’ is a term applied to all naturally occurring
substances which are considered valuable in their relatively unmodified, i.e. natural form. The value of the any
resource is determined by its demand-supply situation. The demand-supply again is determined by the utilitarian
value of that commodity.
Any commodity is a natural resource only if the primary activities of obtaining it are extraction and
purification, not creation. Due to this reason, petroleum, hunting, fishing, forestry and mining are classified as
natural resource industry. Since agriculture is an occupation/ industry related to creation, it is not considered a
natural resource industry. Some parameters used to classify resources are (i) Classification based on Source of
Origin; (ii) Classification based on exhaustibility; (iii) Classification based on ownership; (iv)Classification based on
the stage of development of the resource

(i) Classification based on source of origin: Abiotic vs. Biotic


 BIOTIC RESOURCES are resources which come from biosphere and have a life example.
Human beings, flora and fauna, fisheries, livestock etc. The materials obtained from them are also
considered biotic, example fossil fuels, coal, petroleum, because these are formed from decayed
organic matter.
 ABIOTIC RESOURCES are those resources which come from non-living, non-organic material.
Example, rocks, minerals, air, water, metals etc.

(ii) Classification based on exhaustibility: Renewable vs. Non-renewable


 PERPETUAL RESOURCES – these are resources which exist irrespective of the amount of their
usage. With adequate technology, they provide a vast potential for use. Example. Sun, wind and
water
 RENEWABLE RESOURCES - the resources which can be renewed and reproduced by
physical, chemical or mechanical processes are known as renewable or replenishable
resources. These resources are able to increase their abundance through reproduction and
utilization of simple substances. Examples of such resources are water, forests and
wildlife, plants etc. we can further divide into continuous or flow and biological.
Renewable Resources can be further classified as Living Renewable Resources and Non-
Living Renewable Resources. Some examples of renewable resources though they do not
have life cycle but can be recycled are wood and wood-products, pulp products, natural
rubber, fibers (e.g. cotton, jute, animal wool, silk and synthetic fibers) and leather.
 Living Renewable (biological) resources are those renewable resources which come
from living (biotic) sources – like forests, plants
 Non-Living Renewable resources are those that renewable resources which come from
non-living (abiotic) sources like land, water, air. Example, metals, minerals, wind, sun
etc.
 Continuous/ Flow Renewable resources are resources which do not need regeneration.
Similar to that of perpetual resources, example wind, tides etc.
 NON-RENEWABLE RESOURCES - this process takes place over a long geological
time. Examples of such resources are minerals and fossil fuels. This may take millions of
years in their formation. Some of the resources like metals are recyclable and some like
fossils fuels cannot be recycled and as such they get exhausted with their use. Non-
Renewable Resources can be further classified as Recyclable and Non-Recyclable
resources.
 Recyclable resources are those which can be processed to be used again and again.
These are non-renewable resources, which can be collected after they are used and can
be recycled. These are mainly the non-energy mineral resources, which occur in the
earth's crust (e.g. ores of aluminum, copper, mercury etc.) and deposits of fertilizer
nutrients (e.g. phosphate sock and potassium and minerals used in their natural state like
asbestos, clay, mica etc.)
 Non- Recyclable resources are those which once used perish, example coal. These are
non-renewable resources, which cannot be recycled in any way. Examples of these are
fossil fuels and uranium, which provide 90 per cent of our energy requirements.
There are a few substances too which can be recycled a few times, before they completely perish or turn
non-renewable resources.

(iii) Classification based on ownership: Individual vs. Community vs. National vs. International
This classification is inspired from socio-economic demarcation or classification of resources and
natural wealth. Interestingly, the resources (metals/ minerals) found on these pieces of land ownership also
belong to the concerned owner.
 -INDIVIDUAL RESOURCES - these are resources owned by individuals privately. Example, land
owned by a farmer allotted to them by government against the payment of revenue. Urban people
own plots, houses and other property. Some other examples include plantation, pasture lands,
ponds, water in wells etc.
 COMMUNITY RESOURCES- these include resources that are accessible to all the members of
the community like the village grazing grounds, burial grounds, village ponds, public parks, picnic
spots, playgrounds in urban areas are accessible to all the people living there.
 NATIONAL RESOURCES- technically speaking all the resources belong to the nation because
the country has legal powers to acquire even private property for public good. This we may have
seen many times when government take fields owned by private individuals to construct roads,
canals, railways. All minerals, water resources, forests, wildlife, land within the political
boundaries and oceanic area upto 12 nautical miles from the coast termed as territorial water and
resources therein belong to the nation.
 INTERNATIONAL RESOURCES - there are also international resources regulating resources.
The oceanic resources beyond 200km of the Exclusive Economic Zone belong to open ocean and
no individual country can utilize these without the consensus of international institutions.
(iv)Classification based on the stage of development of the resource: Potential vs. Developed vs.
Stock vs reserves
 Potential resources are those which can be found in a particular region but are yet to be put to use.
Example. Regions in states like Rajasthan and Gujarat have huge potential for development of
solar, wind and tidal energy, which us yet to be used.
 Developed/ Actual resources includes are resources which have been/ are surveyed and their quality
and quantity have been determined for utilization. The development of resources however depends
on technology and level of their feasibility
 Stock - the materials in the environment which have the potential to satisfy human needs but human
beings do not have the appropriate technology to access these, are included among stock. Water for
example is a compound of two inflammable gases; hydrogen and oxygen which can be used as a
source of energy. But we do not know how to use them for this purpose. Therefore it is considered
as stock.
 Reserves - they are the subset of stock/ actual which are/ can be used with the help of existing
technical knowledge. Reserves can be used for meeting future requirements. For example water in
lakes, dams, forests etc. is a reserve which can be used in the future .Of the not mentioned ones,
one can also say that in classification of resources, man-made resources and natural resources
should be put as a category, but well, that is a tricky argument.

WHAT IS LAND DEGRADATION?

Land degradation is a composite term; it has no single readily-identifiable feature, but instead
describes how one or more of the land resources (soil, water, vegetation, rocks, air, climate, relief)
has changed for the worse. A landslide is often viewed as an example of land degradation in action
– it changes the features of the land, causes destruction of houses, and disrupts activities. In the
longer term, however, the area of a landslide may regain its productivity. In places such as Jamaica
and Papua New Guinea, old landslide scars are noted for supporting better crops and more
intensive agricultural possibilities than on the adjacent land not affected by landslides especially
when the new soil is derived from less weathered rock materials, such as calcareous mudstones.
So, land de/*gradation is far from being a simple process, with clear outcomes. This complexity
needs to be appreciated by the field assessor, before any attempt is made either to define land
degradation or to measure it.
Land degradation generally signifies the temporary or permanent decline in the productive
capacity of the land (UN/FAO definition). Another definition describes it as, "the aggregate
diminution of the productive potential of the land, including its major uses (rain-fed, arable,
irrigated, rangeland, forest), its farming systems (e.g. smallholder subsistence) and its value as an
economic resource." This link between degradation (which is often caused by land use practices)
and its effect on land use is central to nearly all published definitions of land degradation. The
emphasis on land, rather than soil, broadens the focus to include natural resources, such as climate,
water, landforms and vegetation. The productivity of grassland and forest resources, in addition to
that of cropland, is embodied in this definition. Other definitions differentiate between reversible
and irreversible land degradation. While the terms are used here, the degree of reversibility is not
a particularly useful measure – given sufficient time all degradation can be reversed, as illustrated
by the landslide example above. So, reversibility depends upon whose perspective is being
assessed and what timescale is envisaged. Whilst soil degradation is recognized/ as a major aspect
of land degradation, other processes which affect the productive capacity of cropland, rangeland
and forests, such as lowering of the water table and deforestation, are captured by the concept of
land degradation.
Land degradation is, however, difficult to grasp in its totality. The "productive capacity of
land" cannot be assessed simply by any single measure. Therefore, we have to use indicators of
land degradation. Indicators are variables which may show that land degradation has taken place
– they are not necessarily the actual degradation itself. The piling up of sediment against a
downslope barrier may be an 'indicator' that land degradation is occurring upslope. Similarly,
decline in yields of a crop may be an indicator that soil quality has changed, which in turn may
indicate that soil and land degradation are also occurring. The condition of the soil is one of the
best indicators of land degradation. The soil integrates a variety of important processes involving
vegetation growth, overland flow of water, infiltration, land use and land management. Soil
degradation is, in itself, an indicator of land degradation. But, in the field, further variables are
used as indicators of the occurrence of soil degradation. This chapter and much of the rest of these
Guidelines will, therefore, dwell primarily on the use of evidence from the soil (mainly soil
degradation) and from plants growing on the soil (soil productivity).

Types of soil degradation include:


1) Soil erosion by water: the removal of soil particles by the action of water. Usually seen as
sheet erosion (a more or less uniform removal of a thin layer of topsoil), rill erosion (small
channels in the field) or gully erosion (large channels, similar to incised rivers). One
important feature of soil erosion by water is the selective removal of the finer and more
fertile fraction of the soil.
2) Soil erosion by wind: the removal of soil particles by wind action. Usually this is sheet
erosion, where soil is removed in thin layers, but sometimes the effect of the wind can
carve out hollows and other features. Wind erosion most easily occurs with fine to medium
size sand particles

3) Soil fertility decline: the degradation of soil physical, biological and chemical properties.
Erosion leads to reduced soil productivity, as do:
a) Reduction in soil organic matter, with associated decline in soil biological activity;
b) Degradation of soil physical properties as a result of reduced organic matter
(structure, aeration and water-holding capacity may be affected);
c) Changes in soil nutrient content leading to deficiencies, or toxic levels, of nutrients
essential for healthy plant growth;
d) Buildup of toxic substances – e.g. pollution, incorrect application of fertilizers.

4) Waterlogging: caused by a rise in groundwater close to the soil surface or inadequate


drainage of surface water, often resulting from poor irrigation management. As a result of
waterlogging, water saturates the root zone leading to oxygen deficiency.

5) Increase in salts: this could either be salinization, an increase in salt in the soil water
solution, or sodication, an increase of sodium cations (Na+) on the soil particles.
Salinization often occurs in conjunction with poor irrigation management. Mostly,
sodication tends to occur naturally. Areas where the water table fluctuates may be prone to
sodication.
6) Sedimentation or 'soil burial': this may occur through flooding, where fertile soil is
buried under less fertile sediments; or wind blows, where sand inundates grazing lands; or
catastrophic events such as volcanic eruptions.

In addition to these principal types of soil degradation, other common types of land degradation
include:
7) Lowering of the water table: this usually occurs where extraction of groundwater has
exceeded the natural recharge capacity of the water table.
8) Loss of vegetation cover: vegetation is important in many ways. It protects the soil from
erosion by wind and water and it provides organic material to maintain levels of nutrients
essential for healthy plant growth. Plant roots help to maintain soil structure and facilitate
water infiltration.
9) Increased stoniness and rock cover of the land: this would usually be associated with
extreme levels of soil erosion causing exhumation of stones and rock.

Although the foregoing list neatly breaks down the components of soil degradation by cause,
very often these agents of degradation act together. For example, strong winds often occur at the
front of a storm, thus wind erosion and water erosion may result from the same event. Additionally,
a soil that has suffered some form of degradation may be more likely to be further degraded than
another soil similar in all respects except for the level of degradation. One well-accepted indicator
of increased erodibility is the level of soil organic matter. Where the organic matter content of a
soil falls below 2% the soil is more prone to erosion, because soil aggregates are less strong and
individual particles are more likely to be dislodged.
Some environments are naturally more at risk to land degradation than others. Factors such as
steep slopes, high intensity rainfall and soil organic matter influence the likelihood of the
occurrence of degradation. Identification of these factors allows land users to implement
techniques that safeguard against loss of productivity. Management practices also exert a
significant influence on the susceptibility of a landscape to degradation. Extensive and poorly
managed land use systems are more likely to degrade than intensive, intricately-managed plots.
Milder forms of land degradation can be reversed by changes in land management
techniques, but more serious forms of degradation may be extremely expensive to reverse (such
as salinity) or may be, for practical purposes, irreversible. Soil erosion, when serious and
prolonged, is effectively irreversible because, in most circumstances, the rate of soil formation is
so slow. In moist, warm climates formation of just a few centimeters of soil may take thousands
of years and in cold, dry climates it can take even longer. Soil loss through erosion happens far
faster: up to 300 times faster where the ground is bare.
Soil erosion is the most widely recognised and most common form of land degradation
and, therefore, a major cause of falling productivity. However, since the effects of soil loss vary
depending on the underlying soil type, soil loss, by itself, is not an appropriate proxy measure for
productivity decline. For example, a loss of 1 mm from a soil in which the nutrients are
concentrated close to the surface will show a greater impact on productivity than the same level of
soil loss from a soil in which the nutrients are more widely distributed
Although land degradation is defined by reference to productivity, its effects may include
diminished food security, reduced calorie intake, economic stresses and loss of biodiversity.
These consequences concern rural land users greatly,

Causes of Land Degradation


Although degradation processes do occur without interference by man, these are broadly
at a rate which is in balance with the rate of natural rehabilitation. So, for example, water erosion
under natural forest corresponds with the subsoil formation rate. Accelerated land degradation is
most commonly caused as a result of human intervention in the environment. The effects of this
intervention are determined by the natural landscape. The most frequently recognised main causes
of land degradation include:
 overgrazing of rangeland;
 over-cultivation of cropland;
 waterlogging and salinization of irrigated land;
 deforestation; and
 Pollution and industrial causes.

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