Final Exam

Revision
Urban Sciences & Heritage

conservation
Dr. Amro Yaghi

[email protected]
Mid Term Exam
• The exam will take place Sunday 13/12/2020
• Time: 11:10 till 11:40
• Duration: 30 minutes
• The exam will be on Moodle
• The exam contains 6 pages, each page has 5 question

- Ensure revising your answers before submitting the page
Contact
• Me.
• The University.
What is a city?
What is a city?
1. A large town
2. A place with a Cathedral
3. The aggregate of two or more towns, specialized
districts and connective transportation and open
space corridors (McLaghlin, 2000)
4. The opposite of rural
The Culture of Cities, LEWIS MUMFORD,
(1938/1995)
The city, as one finds it in history, is the point of maximum
concentration for the power and culture of a community.
The city is the form and symbol of an integrated social relationship;

it is the seat of the temple, the market, the hall of justice, the
academy of learning.
Defining the city (Frey & Zimmer, 2001)
• “City” and the concept of “urban” are interrelated.

• City is an administrative definition that places boundaries.
• Determining what a city is depends on interrelated factors:
population size, population density, space, economic and social
organization, economic function, labour supply and demand, and
administration.
• The three elements of the urban character (Frey & Zimmer, 2001):
1. Ecological element
2. Economic element
3. Social character
What is a region?
What is a city?
What is a district?
What is a village?
Urban planning
PATRICK ABERCROMBIE defined planning as 'proposing to do, and then
doing …in rational way, having in view some definite end that is expected to
be beneficial' (Williams‐Ellis, 1937).
• Urban planning is also known as TOWN PLANNING (UK) and CITY
PLANNING (US).
• First used in 1900‐05.
• First National Conference on City Planning was held in Washington
DC in 1909.
• The Royal Town Planning Institute (UK) was founded in 1914.
• The American City Planning Institute (US) was founded in 1917.
Urban design
The first urban design conference was held at Harvard University's
Graduate School of Design in 1956, its participants including LEWIS
MUMFORD, JANE JACOBS, VICTOR GRUEN and EDMUND BACON.
Its organiser, Jose Luis Sert, announced urban design as a new
academic field, which he defined as 'the part of planning concerned
with the physical form of the city‘.
The American Institute of Architecture established a Committee on

Urban Design in 1960.
The Joint Centre for Urban Design at Oxford Polytechnic (Oxford Brookes University) was
established in 1972. The UK URBAN DESIGN GROUP was formed in 1978.
Urban design
Urban design is 'the relationship between different buildings; the
relationships between buildings and the streets, squares, parks,
waterways and other spaces which make up the public realm; the
relationship of one part of a village, town or city with other parts;
patterns of movement and activity which are thereby established; in
short, the complex relationship between all the elements of built
and unbuilt space.‘ (The Department of the Environment, Transport
and the Regions UK).
Principles of Urban Planning
A PLAN is “an adopted statement of policy, in the form of text, maps,
and graphics, used to guide public and private actions that affect the
future.
Types of plans
• Housing
• Transportation
• Open‐space preservation
• Priority investment areas
• Strategies for a specific area such as the downtown
Time frame, Binding, Community involvement
Plan elements
• Land use
• Transportation
• Housing
• Community facilities
• Economic development
• Historic preservation
• Urban design
Typical data needs for plan preparation
1. Maps and images
• Base maps
• Aerial photographs
• GIS map layers
2. Natural environment
• Climate
• Topography
• Soils
• Vegetation
• Water features
• Habitat areas
• Natural hazards
3. Existing land uses
• Residential
• Commercial
• Industrial
• Institutional
• Open‐space lands (agricultural?)
• Vacant urban lands
• Farmlands
4. Housing
• Inventory of housing
• Housing condition
• Vacancy rate
• Affordability
5. Transportation
• Street network
• Street capacity
• Traffic flow volumes
• Parking supply and demand
• Transit facilities by mode
• Bicycle networks
• Pedestrian networks
6. Public utilities
• Water supply
• Wastewater disposal
• Solid waste management
• Storm water management
• Telecommunication services
• Electric network
7. Community services
• Administrative centres
• Education facilities
• Parks and recreation facilities
• Health services
• Public safety facilities
8. Population and employment
• Population size
• Population characteristics
• Vital statistics
• Labour force characteristics
• 9. Local economy
• Employment
• Retail sales
• Cost of living
10. Special topics
• Historic sites and buildings
• Archaeological sites
• Urban design features
• Existing zoning
Management of
Historical Sites
 What is Heritage?
 A broad concept that encompasses our Natural,
Indigenous and Historic or Cultural inheritance.
(ICOMOS)
► “Heritage is not just about sticks and stones. It's about

people's memories and it's about things making sense to
people, part of the accumulated culture of their
communities", Yates (English Heritage)
 What are the levels of Intervention?
 (Preservation, Restoration, Rehabilitation (reuse), Reconstruction, other?)
 What values may heritage represent?

 (scientific, social, cultural, aesthetic, political, and economic)
 A community has layers of value for buildings and areas
‫• الصون‪/‬الحفظ ‪ Preservation‬تعني‬ ‫• الصيانة ‪ Maintenance‬تعني العناية‬
‫الحفاظ على نسيج المكان في حالته‬ ‫الوقائية للنسيج والمكونات والمحيط للمكان‬
‫الحاضرة وتأخير التردي والتدهور‬ ‫وال بد من تمييزه عن التصليح الذي يتضمن‬
‫على الترميم وإعادة االنشاء‬
‫• الترميم ‪ : Restoration‬استبدال العناصر‬ ‫الصيانة والتصليح ‪Maintenance and‬‬

‫‪ :Repair‬الصيانة هي العناية الوقائية‬
‫المتردية للمبنى آخذين بعين االعتبارالمواد‬
‫األصلية والدالئل األثرية والتصميم األصلي‬ ‫المستمرة للنسيج أما التصليح فيعني‬
‫والوثائق األصلية‪ .‬ويجب أن تندمج بتناغم‬ ‫المعالجة الوقائية المستمرة ويتضمن الترميم‬
‫مع الكل‪.‬‬ ‫وإعادة اإلنشاء لجعل النسيج يستمر‪.‬‬
‫• النسيج ‪ Fabric‬يتضمن جميع المواد‬

‫الفيزيائية للمكان‬
‫إعادة اإلنشاء أو البناء‪ Reconstruction‬هو إعادة بناء المباني التاريخية‬
‫باستخدام مواد جديدة على أساس توثيق ودليل دقيق وليس اعتمادا على‬
‫المخيلة‪.‬‬
‫• التكيف أو التوظيف ‪ Adaption‬تعني تعديل المكان ليتناسب مع استخدام‬

‫منسجم مع اقل خسارة ممكنة للموروث الثقافي‬
‫• إعادة التأهيل‪ :Rehabilitation‬الحفاظ على المبنى إلعادة استخدامه لنفس‬

‫الوظيفة التي أنشئ من أجلها‪ .‬في حال تغير االستعمال يسمى ذلك باالستخدام‬
‫التكيفي الذي يتضمن تغييرات للتكيف مع االحتياجات الجديدة‪ .‬هذا النوع من‬
‫إعادة االستعمال عادة يكون ألهداف إقتصادية‪.‬‬
Types of Heritage
• Heritage:
• A broad concept that encompasses our Natural, Indigenous and Historic or
Cultural inheritance (ICOMOS)
• Man-made or natural
• Tangible Heritage:
• Buildings (vernacular, urban), Districts, Landscapes, Structures, Objects, Sites,
Routs.
• Intangible heritage: lifestyles, meanings, values, customs, …
26
Why conservation?
Why conservation
 Utility of building (s).
 Work of art, creative
 Rare, challenging, or unique
 Associative
 Exemplary and instructive
architectural examples
 Knowledge source
 Economic benefit
 Environmentally friendly MLK home restoration
 Diversity of the urban env.
 Cultural identity
28
Relevant Preservation Ethics
• Integrity of Fabric
• Is a state in which the original historic building materials, location, feelings,
and systems remain intact.
• Any act that changes them, adds to them, or damages them is considered
damage to the integrity of the historic fabric.
• The original materials and systems of the building are important as historic
documents that should not be falsified
29
Relevant Preservation Ethics
Maintaining Historic Character
• Refers to all those visual aspects
and physical features that comprise
the appearance of every historic
building.
• Character-defining elements
include
• the overall shape of the building
• its materials,
• craftsmanship,
• decorative details,
• interior spaces and features,
• as well as the various aspects of its
site and environment.
30
Urban historic
character?
• Aleppo -1930
• New roads in
the French
colonial city at
northwest.
Fatima Mayada Al-Nammari 31

CHARTER FOR THE CONSERVATION OF HISTORIC
TOWNS AND URBAN AREAS
1. In order to be most effective, the conservation of historic towns and other historic urban areas should be an
integral part of coherent policies of economic and social development and of urban and regional planning at
every level.
2. Qualities to be preserved include the historic character of the town or urban area and all those material and spiritual
elements that express this character, especially:
a) Urban patterns as defined by lots and streets;
b) Relationships between buildings and green and open spaces;
c) The formal appearance, interior and exterior, of buildings as defined by scale, size, style, construction, materials, color and
decoration;
d) The relationship between the town or urban area and its surrounding setting, both natural and man-made; and
e) The various functions that the town or urban area has acquired over time.
Any threat to these qualities would compromise the authenticity of the historic town or urban area.
3. The participation and the involvement of the residents are essential for the success of the conservation program and
should be encouraged. The conservation of historic towns and urban areas concerns their residents first of all.
4. Conservation in a historic town or urban area demands prudence, a systematic approach and discipline. Rigidity should
be avoided since individual cases may present specific problems.
METHODS AND INSTRUMENTS
5. Planning for the conservation of historic towns and urban areas should be preceded by multidisciplinary studies.
• Conservation plans must address all relevant factors including archaeology, history, architecture, techniques, sociology and economics.
• The principal objectives of the conservation plan should be clearly stated as should the legal, administrative and financial measures necessary
to attain them.
• The conservation plan should aim at ensuring a harmonious relationship between the historic urban areas and the town as a whole.
• The conservation plan should determine which buildings must be preserved, which should be preserved under certain circumstances and
which, under quite exceptional circumstances, might be expendable.
• Before any intervention, existing conditions in the area should be thoroughly documented.
• The conservation plan should be supported by the residents of the historic area.
6. Until a conservation plan has been adopted, any necessary conservation activity should be carried out in accordance with the
principles and the aims of this Charter and the Venice Charter.
7. Continuing maintenance is crucial to the effective conservation of a historic town or urban area.
8. New functions and activities should be compatible with the character of the historic town or urban area.
Adaptation of these areas to contemporary life requires the careful installation or improvement of public service facilities.
METHODS AND INSTRUMENTS
9. The improvement of housing should be one of the basic objectives of conservation.
10. When it is necessary to construct new buildings or adapt existing ones, the existing spatial layout should be
respected, especially in terms of scale and lot size.
• The introduction of contemporary elements in harmony with the surroundings should not be discouraged since such features can
contribute to the enrichment of an area.
11. Knowledge of the history of a historic town or urban area should be expanded through archaeological investigation
and appropriate preservation of archaeological findings.
12. Traffic inside a historic town or urban area must be controlled and parking areas must be planned so that they do
not damage the historic fabric or its environment.
13. When urban or regional planning provides for the construction of major motorways, they must not penetrate a
historic town or urban area, but they should improve access to them.
14. Historic towns should be protected against natural disasters and nuisances such as pollution and vibrations in order
to safeguard the heritage and for the security and well-being of the residents.
• Whatever the nature of a disaster affecting a historic town or urban area, preventative and repair measures must be adapted to
the specific character of the properties concerned.
15. In order to encourage their participation and involvement, a general information program should be set up for all
residents, beginning with children of school age.
16. Specialized training should be provided for all those professions concerned with conservation.
34
Heritage and Local Community
Development
35 13610/27/2014
Development
• Different measures:
• life expectancy, adult literacy, access to all three levels of education, as well as people’s average income.
• Or: quality of life:

• access to education and health care,
• employment opportunities,
• availability of clean air and safe drinking water,
• the threat of crime, and
• so on.
• UN: All aspects of individuals’ well-being, from their health status to their economic status and
political freedom.
36
Sustainability
• Sustainability has many sides,
• on the social level; it calls for
• social equity, justice, and equilibrium in distribution of resources.
• On the environmental level, it calls for

• sound strategies that does not leave the environment polluted or
damaged but minimize energy and other sources consumption.
• On the cultural level, it calls for

• maintaining cultural resources for future generations and reducing the
losses due to carelessness, damage, or disasters
• And on the economic level , it calls for :

• Maintained ethical economic growth, fair distribution of income, low
inflation rates, resource accessibility, avoiding alienation of minorities,
etc..
37
Sustainable Development
• Development that meets the needs of today without compromising
the ability of future generations to meet their own needs.
Sustainability is a process, not a

destination
38
So called ”Public” space
Definition
Public space: Any Public realm: : the Public sphere: Neither
space where the public realm of the state or the private sphere of
have access as open the public authorities the individual, their
space, buildings and sphere, which family and their daily
virtual space.
encompasses the life, nor the realm of
government, state the state, the space in
institutions and which “private people
workers (Hoskyns, come together as a
2014). public” (Habermas,
1962).
.
“Access” to public space:
1. Physical access.
2. Social access.
3.Access to social and political activities

and discussions.
4.access to information.
Move from the narrow
perception of “streets
THINK OF STREETS as conduits for cars”.
AS
PUBLIC SPACES To think of “streets as
places” to stay
Who is the City for?
Dubai Amman
Privately owned space
Abdali Boulevard: The new downtown

shopping mall entrance - Amman Abdali Boulevard gate- Amman
Mecca mall
City mall
Taj mall
Valet parking
Mapping Narratives
PSEUDO PUBLIC SPACE:
PUBLIC SPACE DOES NOT EXIST!!
Neo-liberalism: Social polarization
West (Rich) East (Poor)

Public space
Vegetable market in the old downtown

Theories
Socio spatial dialectic:
• Space is Active and not passive

• Social relations produce space
• Spaces Produce social relations
Critical spatial practice
Critical spatial
practices
adriana cobocorey
public works Muf – architecture art

Spider man metro performance as an icon for
Egypt revelation
How Sheffield city spaces are performed?
Critical performative interventions
Drawing a barrier line to cafes, Co-producing Spaces of dialogue

asking if you have money.
Your presentations
GOOD LUCK
Social Inequalities and the
city
Content
1. How are social inequalities produced?
2. Research on segregation
3. Social inequality and urban planning
4. Public participation
Spatial inequalities?
Social inequalities?
Public participation?
Definitions
• inequality is surprisingly difficult to define. This is in part because it is
a multifaced concept: the spatial division of rich and poor areas
sometimes reinforces other types of division on the base of race,
culture, or ethnicity, with immigrants in particular often facing a
combination of social and spatial discrimination.
• Chris Hamnett (2003) defines inequality simply as the process that
makes the rich become richer and the poor become poorer, a
formulation which focuses largely on the economic.
Definitions
Spatial segregation: can be defined as the “residential separation of
groups within a broader population”.
Social concentration: can be defined as “an overrepresentation of a

certain group” within one area (Kempen and OezuÈekren, 1999).
How are social inequalities produced?
• Social inequalities are the consequence of a class based

structure of society and a capitalist form of economy
• Social inequalities are embedded into society as to enable

hierarchies, order, competition
2. Research on segregation
• Segregation means:
• Living in bad housing
conditions
• Bad schools
• Bad quality of life
• Income poverty
• Unemployment
• “bad behaviour“
The divided publics - Amman
• Social polarisation that starts with the exploitation of labour,
reinforcing a pattern of inequality, whereby the wealthy become
richer and the poor poorer (Tasan-Kok et al, 2015), which can
ultimately hollow out the middle classes in society altogether (ibid.)
• Social cohesion: is generally understood to refer to a kind of
metaphorical glue that brings a society together into a unity
(Maloutas and Malouta, 2004; Bolt and Kempen, 2009).
“First life, then places and then buildings – the other way round never
works“
Jan Gehl
Moral
assumptions:
Social mix is Important
Public participation
Definition
Public participation:
Refers to the process that directly engages the public in decision-
making and gives full consideration to public input in making that
decision.
Benefits
 Local participation provides
 input by the locals that is relevant to their viewpoints and needs.
• provides the locals with a sense of ownership.
 allow for discussion of their values and beliefs.

How
• That benefit, however, depends on
• the level of empowerment provided for the participants and
their role in the process.
- Some participatory processes provide locals with a chance to obtain

information, or comment on it, while other processes would make them
partners and decision makers
• participation is a process not an outcome
Charette
19
Exhibits, public meetings
20
Heritage Conservation 1
Heritage Conservation
University of Petra
Faculty of architecture & design
Urban Sciences and Heritage Conservation
Dr.amro yaghi
Farah alzoubi
201720711
Content
1 - cover page
2 - table of content
3 - abstract
4 - introduction
5 - The problem
6 - Purpose and Objectives of the Study
8 - Data collecting
11 - Degrees intervention in Heritage
15 - salt case study
23 – Conclusion
24 – References
Abstract
Heritage is our past that been preserved for the present and it will be inherited
for the future generations. Heritage itself is conceptualized as the meanings
attached in the present to the past and is regarded as a knowledge defined within
social, political and cultural context.
places which bear the marks of our predecessors' efforts to sustain life and satisfy
their needs. That part of our surroundings that displays the interaction between
people and places through time is called the historic environment.
The historic environments are important to society as a whole or to a group
within it and merit some level of protection or consideration. These are called our
heritage assets. They are the elements of the historic environment that we value.
The generations that follow us are most likely to value them too, for the same or
similar reasons. so, we have a responsibility to look after them.
conservation seeks to maintain and give the value of buildings by keeping their
original built form and architectural elements, favoring their restoration over
replacement or demolition and, when restoration is not possible, respectfully
recreating scale, period and character.
1. Introduction
Our heritage is all that has been passed to us by previous generations. It is all
around us. It is in the houses we live in, our places of work, the transport we use,
our places of worship, our parks and gardens, the places we go to for our sport
and social life, in the ground beneath our feet, in the shape of our landscape and
in the placing and arrangement of our fields, villages, towns and cities.
Heritage is also found in our moveable possessions, from our national

treasures in our museums, to our own family heirlooms, and in the intangible
such as our history, traditions, legends and language.
1.1 The problem
Heritage Conservation is more than just history - A good heritage

conservation strategy incorporates all aspects of a region's heritage -
historical, but also natural and cultural.
Much of local and national government's plans for preserving

'heritage' deals almost exclusively with physical assets, such as
historical sites and buildings - Palaces, temples, churches, mosques,
tombs, and similar sites. This is particularly true in countries and
regions that have a long history and a number of historical public
buildings.
But heritage is more than that.
We need to remember that heritage is in fact more than just

physical buildings. The true heritage of an area is to comprehensively
look at not only the tangible assets, but intangible ones as well. This
includes public assets, and private 'domestic' assets such as dance,
music, art, festivals, dresses, food, and more form part of the area's
heritage.
1.2 Purpose and Objectives of the Study
1. Evolution of human consciousness

Many heritage precincts are focal points for community gatherings and events.
The importance of their preservation stretches beyond their history, attributing
more to the unique character and sense of belonging they evoke in our hearts.
2. Promotes Cultural Tourism

Heritage tourism is often deeply rooted by historic buildings.
3. Increases Property Value

Heritage preservation often leads to greater appreciation rates for both the
restored building and its surrounding properties compared to areas without
historical landmarks.
4. Economic Sustainability
Retain money within the community by creating more local employment and
requiring fewer imported materials. Various industries such as construction firms
and product manufacturers also benefit from heritage conservation.
5. Retaining Our Identity

To preserves our national & ethnic identities linking our past to the present, so if
we know where we came from we can direct past flaws out and seek a better
enlightened world that we are currently sharing with the rest of mankind.
6. Giving a generation link

with the past and future generation which can in overall lead to the process of
building a strong nation and national identity. Due to this, you need to preserve
cultural heritage.
7. Limited memory
It is also important to note, that we as a society have a limited memory. We
cannot remember everything about our past.
8. Respect to the environment

Preserving old buildings can be considered a form of recycling, which reduces
construction waste, saves energy spent on manufacturing building materials,
tools and equipment and transporting them.
1.3 Data collecting
Cultural heritage is a representation of the ways of living established by

society or group and passed on from generation to generation. Cultural heritage
can be categorized as either tangible or intangible.
❑ Tangible means perceptible, touchable, concrete, or physical. A tangible

heritage is a physical artifact or objects significant to the archaeology,
architecture, science.
❑ Intangible Heritage is the opposite of tangible. an intangible heritage is not a
physical or concrete item. Intangible heritage is that which exists
intellectually in the culture.
❑
Based on Historical Heritage Criteria UNESCO, Heritage Conservation could be

divided into three parts:
I. Natural Heritage
II. Cultural Heritage (monuments, group of buildings, Sites)
III. Combination of natural and cultural heritage.
Degrees intervention in Heritage

Prevention of deterioration
- Protecting cultural property by controlling its environment agents of
damage.
Preservation
- keep cultural property in existing state. Repairs must be carried out when
necessary to prevent further decay.
Consolidation
- Physical addition or application to ensure continued durability or structural
integrity.
Restoration
- Restoration when the item has lost part of its significance or function
through past alteration or deterioration. They are based on respect for the
original material. Most often such actions modify the appearance of the
item. Examples of restoration are retouching a painting, reassembling a
broken sculpture.
Reuse
- (Rehabilitation) To keep it in use with a few changes. Adaptive re use from
house to museum and office.
Reproduction
- Copying an artifact in order to replace some missing or decayed parts,
generally decorative to maintain aesthetic harmony.
Reconstruction
- Done for historic buildings that are damage by fire, earthquake or war.
Heritage buildings basically represent the past history and culture of a nation.
They constitute together the architectural heritage of an area. Heritage buildings
possess historical values resulting from their beautiful architecture and their
correlation with important events that occurred in the heritage area such as
religious, social and political events. Heritage buildings are subjected to processes
of degradation with time, which leads to a situation in which they became not
able to fulfil the purpose for which they were built.
In many cities of developing countries, like Jordan, the existence of an older

city core represents a unique historic link with the past. However, their social
structure and economics due to their rapid growth and fast transformation,
where land uses were rapidly misshaped and declined, thus, presents a genuine
threat and intimidation to their natural and cultural resources.
Historic urban cores, in fact, of the second half and end of the nineteenth
century with their traditional houses and open networks, as in the case of the
many cities in Jordan such as in Irbid, As-Salt, Madaba and Karak can be
considered one of the most important evidence of the past.
CASE STUDY
in this case study will discuss the results of the main projects carried out at Salt
Historic Cores and focuses on the executed urban heritage projects undertaken
mainly by the Ministry of Tourism and Antiquities (MoTA) of Jordan in the last two
decades.
reuse of traditional buildings, the refurbishments of urban spaces, traditional

buildings facades and street pavements.
In many cities of developing countries, like Jordan and almost everywhere, the
existence of an older city core represents a unique historic link with the past. as in
the case of the many cities in Jordan such as in Irbid, As-Salt, Madaba and Karak
can be considered one of the most important evidence of the past.
Life style
In the case of the urban historic Salt core, the traditional houses are the most
important evidence of the past lifestyle. In fact, they, as in many historic cores,
can be seen as "the physical manifestation of the social and cultural traditions
which have developed to give the modem city and society its meaning and
character"
Traditions
that have evolved by the collective memory and their related traditional forms
can and must be widely used and re-used in contemporary architectural and
urban design projects. So re-functioning or conversion of traditional buildings to
contemporary uses is a tool for carrying the traditional environments into the
future, both physically and socially.
Assets
(geographical center) where the majority of these significant heritage buildings
are still under the ownership of members of the local families and remains
untouched by the restoration efforts. In addition, the majority of the residents of
those old buildings have left and migrated to Amman, the Capital. Many of the
buildings stand vacant while the families and communities living in are often too
poor or ignorant to maintain the old stone houses.
Salt is located 30 km to the west of the capital Amman, and it is the 4th largest
city in Jordan, with a population of around 140,000 inhabitants.
The old city lies on three hills (Jada, Qala’ and Salalem ) with the central city Plaza
at the meeting points of the valleys.
Most of the urban heritage residents and mansions date back to the period
between 1890 and end of the 1920’s. These were mainly built in soft yellow marl-
lime using local technologies and later introducing newly imported materials of
metal I-sections and red tiles for roofing.
The main heritage buildings in Salt include the urban merchants, residents houses
at the turn of the twentieth century, commercial linear markets and religious
buildings.
More than 600 heritage houses such as Abu-Jaber mansion of 1890, turned into
Salt historic museum with a network of stairs that run all the way down from the
hills to overcome the rigid topography of the city.
Rehabilitation of Salt Historic Landmarks
The conservation of the Toukan house into the

archaeological museum of Salt.
The traditional small mosque of Al-Hammam Street was another project for
renewal, where an extension for a women prayer hall was added to the upper
floor and following to that a new façade was built in front of the original façade. It
is worth mentioning that the original facade still exists behind the later modern
addition.
The traditional small mosque of Al-Hammam Street was another project for
renewal, where an extension for a women prayer hall was added to the upper
floor and following to that a new façade was built in front of the original façade. It
is worth mentioning that the original facade still exists behind the later modern
addition.
The entrance level was built 1900-1905 on top of road - level vaulted basements
that would have been used for storage. The upper floor was added a few years
later. Downstairs one can see cross - vaults and barrel - vaults supporting the
ceilings while upstairs there are iron girders, as used in the construction of the
Hijaz railway. The rooms upstairs are light, each with large windows originally
glazed with plate - glass imported from Germany and Britain. The upstairs area was
mainly used by the family, who lived in the house until the mid - 1950, when it was
converted for use as a school.
Reuse of “Madafat Abu Jaber” into Historic Old Salt Museum
Situated prominently on the main square (Sahet al Ain) , the Abu Jaber House
dwarfed all other buildings in town and remains one of the most significant
architectural icons in Jordan today . The house was built in 1887 and started
building the ground floor. The first floor was added in 1896. The second floor was
added in 1905.
The building is crowned by a complex pitched roof in imported red tiles. The house
boasted more windows than any other house in town, with colored glass and
wrought iron work set into finely carved stone lintels framed by columns, plaster
moldings and painted ceilings. It was also one of the first houses in town with
internal plumbing. The Abu Jaber House was transformed into a museum in 2010.
The Historic Old Salt Museum recounts the history of the city in its Golden Age,
between the end of the 19th century and the 1930s .
In addition to the establishments of the panoramic outlets and refurbishment of

Sahat Al-Ein, which followed project in Salt identified 4 panoramic outlooks (1200
m2), paths and stairs (7km), in addition to open spaces (4 public Sahas, plazas
including Al-Ein Plaza) of 3850 m2 to enhance the built-up environment.
1.4 Conclusion
We must have a sympathy and understanding for old buildings and recognize
that sensitive and appropriate treatments must be applied if their life and beauty
is to be preserved. Every old building has its own character and, by becoming fully
acquainted with it, I can recommend the most suitable course of action essential
to restore it fully to its original character and beauty.
References
Cohen, N. (1999). Urban conservation. Cambridge, Massachusetts: MIT Press.
Fakhoury, L., (1987), Salt; A Study in Conservation, University of York, UK (unpublished Master
thesis)
Fakhoury, L. Haddad, N., (2014), Manual for the conservation of the Historic Centre of Salt, (in
Arabic), CultTech, Amman. https://issuu.com/asociacionrehabimed/docs/manual_as_salt
Steinberg, Florian, (1996), Conservation and Rehabilitation of Urban Heritage in Developing Countries,
Habitat International. Vol. 20, No. 3, pp. 463-475.
https://universes.art/en/art-destinations/jordan#c41984
POLITICS & URBAN
PLANNING
University of Petra / Faculty of Architecture and Design

Supervised by: Dr.Amro
Yaghi
Tamara Hijjawi
INTRODUCTION
Urban planning is a technical and political process concerned with the development and use of land
protection and use of the environment, public welfare, and the design of the urban environment, including air,
water, and the infrastructure passing into and out of urban areas such as transportation, communications and
distribution network.
Politics is the process of making decision by applying to all members of a group. Politics refers to achieving
and exercising position of governance in an organized control over human community, particularly a state.
Political system is a framework which defines acceptable political methods within a given society
WHY IS PLANNING POLITIC AL ?
• For several reasons, planning generally takes place in a highly politicized environment.
1. Planning often involves matters in which people have large emotional stakes—for
example, the character of a neighborhood or the quality of a school district. A
planning decision that you do not like may intrude itself into your life every day
because its fruits are located where you live or work. The often very emotional
suburban resistance to subsidized housing is largely a matter of residents’ fears about
the effect it will have on the local school system. The residents may be right or wrong,
but either way it is easy to understand why they become passionate about what they
think will affect the happiness and safety of their children. Vociferous citizens’
opposition was the major force that ended Urban Renewal (see Chapter 12). Few
actions of government can arouse more emotion than a program that might force the
citizen to give up an apartment or relocate his or her business to make way for what
one writer called “the federal bulldozer.”
• 2. Planning decisions are visible. They involve buildings, roads, parkland, properties—
entities which citizens see and know about. Planning mistakes, like architectural
mistakes, are hard to hide. 3. Like all functions of local government, the planning
process is close at hand. It is easier for the citizen to affect the actions of a town board
or a city council than the actions of a state legislature or of Congress. That feeling of
potential effectiveness encourages participation.
• 4. Citizens correctly assume that they know something about planning without having
studied it formally. Planning involves land use, traffic, the character of the community,
and other items with which they are familiar.Therefore, citizens tend not to defer to
planners.
• 5. Planning involves decisions with large financial consequences. Mr. X owns
100 acres of farmland on the urban fringe. Land values in the area are rising,
and it is clear that the land will soon pass from agricultural to a more
intensive use. If municipal sewer and water lines are extended along the road
fronting the property, the land will be suitable for garden apartment
development at 12 units per acre, making it worth, say, $100,000 per acre. On
the other hand, if the land is not served with utilities, development there will
be limited to single-family houses on one-acre lots, and land will be worth
$10,000 per acre. Mr. X now has a $9 million interest in whether the
municipal master plan shows sewer and water lines down a particular road.
Variations on this theme could easily be posed in terms of zoning, street
widening, community development, construction of public buildings, flood
control measures, and the like.
• 6. There can be a strong link between planning questions and property taxes.
The property tax is one of the financial mainstays of local government as well
as of public education. Planning decisions that affect what is built within a
community affect the community’s tax base. This affects the property taxes
that community residents must pay, and these taxes are hardly a trivial sum. In
2013 total property tax collections in the United States were approximately
$488 billion, or a little over $1,500 per capita. Concern over property tax
levels has been very great for many years. Witness Proposition 13 in California
and comparable property tax limits in a number of other states.
PLANNERS & POWER
• Planners are basically advisors. Alone, the planner does not have the power
to do many of the things that cause change within the community:
to commit public funds, to enact laws, to enter into contracts, or to exercise
the power of eminent domain.Where the planner does have some legal
powers, perhaps in connection with land-use controls, as discussed in
Chapter 9, they are powers granted by the legislative body and removable
by that same body. The planner’s influence on events, then, stems from the
capacity to articulate viewpoints and develop consensus and coalitions
among those who do wield significant power.
• A plan is a vision of the future. A planner moves events to the extent that he or she can
cause that vision to be shared. In the early years of planning—as noted in connection
with the Plan of Chicago—the view was that the plan came solely, or almost solely, from
the head of the planner. It was then his or her task to sell that vision to the public and to
the political establishment of the community. This is exactly what was done with great
success in the Chicago case by Burnham and his associates.
• Planners now view involvement with politics very differently than they did a few decades
ago. In the 1920s and 1930s, it was common to try to isolate the planning process from
politics—to keep planning “above” politics. A common political arrangement was to have
the planner report solely to a “nonpolitical” planning board. In time it was realized that
since the political sphere was where decisions were made, isolating the planner from
politics rendered him or her much less effective. Then, too, it came to be realized that
the term nonpolitical is misleading. If one appoints a group of prominent citizens as a lay
board, one has, in fact, made a political decision. A group of nonprominent citizens might
give the planners a very different set of instructions. No one is really nonpolitical, since
everyone has interests and values, and that is the substance of which politics is made.
FRAGMENTATION OF POWER
• The environment in which the planner operates is characterized by a diffusion of

political, economic, and legal power. This condition is probably true for any planner
anywhere, but it is particularly true in the United States. The U.S. Constitution was
designed to limit the power of government not only to protect the nation as a whole
from tyranny but also to protect minorities from what has been termed the “tyranny
of the majority.” The system was clearly not designed to facilitate quick and decisive
action by government. Political power in the United States is fragmented in several
ways. First, it is distributed among different levels of government. State and local
governments are much stronger in relation to the national government than is the
case in most of the other democratic states of the Western world such as France or
Great Britain. In general, state and local governments raise much more of their own
revenues than do their counterparts in other democracies. Financial responsibility and
political autonomy are related. The relatively greater autonomy of state and local
governments in the United States goes back to the Constitution, which, as its writers
intended, sharply limits the power of the federal government. Resistance to central
authority is an old American political tradition.
• The United States has a strong tradition of respect for property rights. Conflict
over the exact location of the boundary between the rights of the public and the
rights of property owners is inevitable. The determination of the boundary is
ultimately made in the courts, that is, by the judicial branch. We also note that the
courts are often the guardians of individual rights and in this role may require
certain actions by the other branches of government. Court-mandated school
integration is perhaps the best-known example, but there are many others. For
example, how the courts interpret the language of the Americans with Disabilities
Act (ADA) of 1992 determines exactly what steps municipalities must take and
what expenditures they must make for individuals with disabilities.
STYLES OF PLANNING
• 1. The planner as neutral public servant. In this role, planners take a politically neutral stance
and fall back on their professional expertise, which they will use to tell the community how best to
do what it wishes to do.They will not, in general, try to tell the community what it ought to do.The
advice and technical work they present to the community, subject to law and personal and
professional ethics, will largely be confined to “how to” and “what if” and not “should” or “should
not.”
• 2. The planner as builder of community consensus.This is essentially a political view of the

planner. It became more popular in the postwar period as it grew very clear to most planners that
the older view of the planner as nonpolitical public servant was at great variance from the way in
which planning questions actually are resolved
• In this view, planning cannot be separated from politics. Politics is the art of taking divergent views
and divergent interests and bringing them into sufficient harmony to permit action to be taken.The
role of the politician, then, is that of broker between various interests.
• 3.The planner as entrepreneur.
• This is not a role that planners originally envisaged for themselves but one in
which many find themselves. When the planners run an agency that is particularly
task-oriented, they very often become entrepreneurs. For example, in Urban
Renewal programs, public funds were used to clear and prepare sites, which were
then sold or leased for development by private capital.The planner who ran an
Urban Renewal Agency had to market sites, find developers, and negotiate
contracts. Local economic development programs have as their primary goal
increasing private investment in the community. Thus the economic development
planner is necessarily drawn into an entrepreneurial role involving marketing,
negotiation, and financing
• 4.The planner as advocate.
• 5.The planner as agent of radical change.
COMMUNISM VS. SOCIALISM
• In both communism and socialism, the people own the factors of economic
production.The main difference is that under communism, most property and
economic resources are owned and controlled by the state (rather than individual
citizens); under socialism, all citizens share equally in economic resources as
allocated by a democratically-elected government.This difference and others are
outlined in the table below.
• It started after communist takeover in the early 1950s. Through implementing new
national urban policies, communist planners first introduced urban
planning by creating an urban system with Chinese characteristics, by applying
centralized economic planning and industrialization especially in heavy industry.
• In a socialist economy, the means of production and distribution are owned,
controlled and regulated by the public, either through the state or through
cooperatives.
• The basic motive is not to use the means of production for profit, but rather for the
interest of social welfare
SUMMARY
• Planning takes place in a highly political environment because planning often involves issues in which
citizens have a large emotional stake; the results of planning decisions are often highly
visible; planning questions are more accessible to citizens than those handled at the state or national
level; citizens feel they have insight into planning questions and are not overly deferential to planners’
expertise; planning decisions often have large financial effects on property owners; and planning
decisions may have significant effects on property tax rates. Planners exercise little or no power
directly but rather affect events to the extent that they affect the political processes of the
community. In the last several decades, the idea of planning as a nonpolitical process has given way to
a more realistic view of the planner as one of a number of participants in the political process.The
older view of the planner as presenting a finished plan to the community has now been supplanted by
the view that planning is a community process, one that the planner facilitates and supports with
technical expertise. Depending on the community and the personality and ideology of the planner(s),
a variety of planning styles can be identified: the planner as neutral public servant; the planner as
builder of community consensus; the planner as entrepreneur; the planner as advocate, and the
planner as agent of radical change
PHASE 2
• The design of cities has been the conscious task of many throughout history. However, only in the
1950s, with the advent of university degree programs, did the term urban designer and the profession
of urban design emerge with a distinct label. Cities develop over time because of the conscious and
unconscious acts of people. Urban designers assume that in spite of their vast scale and complexity,
cities can be designed and their growth shaped and directed.A major example of human ability to
shape the urban environment is the work of Baron Haussmann from 1855 to 1868 in Paris during the
time of Napoleon III. During this period, Haussmann was responsible for creating a new pattern of
boulevards that reshaped the character of Paris.The facades of buildings along the grand boulevards
were required to be uniform, giving a sense of rhythm and order to the streets. The grand tree-lined
boulevards he created became and remain some of the major public spaces of Paris.
Haussmann’s design a century later. A view down the Seine from Notre Dame cathedral
• He addressed the problem of the flow of traffic and the appropriate uses of land. He shaped the
skyline and the proportion of space by limits on height and rules governing the space between
buildings.The vistas shaped by the boulevards focused on major public buildings and on gardens, giving
new character to the nineteenth-century city.This plan for Paris, using grand boulevards as a major
orienting force, was copied throughout the world.
Napoléon III dismissed Berger as the Prefect of the Seine and sought a more effective manager. His minister of the
interior,Victor de Persigny, interviewed several candidates, and selected Georges-Eugène Haussmann, a native
of Alsace and Prefect of the Gironde (capital: Bordeaux), who impressed Persigny with his energy, audacity, and ability to
overcome or get around problems and obstacles. He became Prefect of the Seine on 22 June 1853, and on 29 June, the
Emperor showed him the map of Paris and instructed Haussmann to aérer, unifier, et embellir Paris: to give it air and open
space, to connect and unify the different parts of the city into one whole, and to make it more beautiful. [15]
Haussmann went to work immediately on the first phase of the renovation desired by Napoléon III: completing
the grande croisée de Paris, a great cross in the centre of Paris that would permit easier communication from east to
west along the rue de Rivoli and rue Saint-Antoine, and north-south communication along two new Boulevards,
Strasbourg and Sébastopol. The grand cross had been proposed by the Convention during the Revolution, and begun by
Napoléon I; Napoléon III was determined to complete it. Completion of the rue de Rivoli was given an even higher
priority, because the Emperor wanted it finished before the opening of the Paris Universal Exposition of 1855, only two
years away, and he wanted the project to include a new hotel, the Grand Hôtel du Louvre, the first large luxury hotel in
the city, to house the Imperial guests at the Exposition.[16]
Under the Emperor, Haussmann had greater power than any of his predecessors. In February 1851, the French Senate
had simplified the laws on expropriation, giving him the authority to expropriate all the land on either side of a new
street; and he did not have to report to the Parliament, only to the Emperor. The French parliament, controlled by
Napoléon III, provided fifty million francs, but this was not nearly enough. Napoléon III appealed to the Péreire brothers,
Émile and Isaac, two bankers who had created a new investment bank, Crédit Mobilier. The Péreire brothers organised a
new company which raised 24 million francs to finance the construction of the street, in exchange for the rights to
develop real estate along the route. This became a model for the building of all of Haussmann's future boulevards. [17]
To meet the deadline, three thousand workers laboured on the new boulevard twenty-four hours a day. The rue de
Rivoli was completed, and the new hotel opened in March 1855, in time to welcome guests to the Exposition. The
junction was made between the rue de Rivoli and rue Saint-Antoine; in the process, Haussmann restyled the Place du
Carrousel, opened up a new square, Place Saint-Germain l'Auxerrois facing the colonnade of the Louvre, and
reorganized the space between the Hôtel de Ville and the place du Châtelet.[18] Between the Hôtel and Ville and
the Bastille square, he widened the rue Saint-Antoine; he was careful to save the historic Hôtel de Sully and Hôtel de
Mayenne, but many other buildings, both medieval and modern, were knocked down to make room for the wider street,
and several ancient, dark and narrow streets, rue de l'Arche-Marion, rue du Chevalier-le-Guet and rue des Mauvaises-
Paroles, disappeared from the map.[19]
In 1855, work began on the north-south axis, beginning with Boulevard de Strasbourg and Boulevard Sébastopol, which
cut through the center of some of the most crowded neighborhoods in Paris, where the cholera epidemic had been the
worst, between the rue Saint-Martin and rue Saint-Denis. "It was the gutting of old Paris," Haussmann wrote with
satisfaction in his Memoires: of the neighborhood of riots, and of barricades, from one end to the other." [20] The
Boulevard Sébastopol ended at the new Place du Châtelet; a new bridge, the Pont-au-Change, was constructed across
the Seine, and crossed the island on a newly built street. On the left bank, the north-south axis was continued by the
Boulevard Saint-Michel, which was cut in a straight line from the Seine to the Observatory, and then, as the rue d'Enfer,
extended all the way to the route d'Orléans. The north-south axis was completed in 1859.
The two axes crossed at the Place du Châtelet, making it the center of Haussmann's Paris. Haussmann widened the
square, moved the Fontaine du Palmier, built by Napoléon I, to the center and built two new theaters, facing each other
across the square; the Cirque Impérial (now the Théâtre du Châtelet) and the Théâtre Lyrique (now Théâtre de la Ville).
https://study.com/academy/lesson/georges-eugene-haussmann-s-urban-
renewal-of-paris.html
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SlHlSCvh0JA
THANK YOU
Spatial Agency
Urban Sciences and Heritage

Conservation.
Dr. Amro Yaghi
• Architecture “as a profession…is
based on the need for architecture
(as practice and product).
This narrow definition of architecture, and the

limited discourses surrounding it, is
restructured, providing an insight into the
various approaches to the production of
buildings and spaces that are separate, or
external to, mainstream architectural practice
https://www.spatialagency.net/database/
the book sets out the theory

and practice of these ‘other
ways of doing architecture’ in
four extended essays and
documents, a partial lexicon
and over 130 examples of
these other practices.
• The authors establish three main themes:
1. Architecture should not only be left to architects;
2. Ethics should not be abandoned for aesthetics;
3. Spatial agency is open to multiple operations.
• The authors are keen to avoid

“the temptation to ditch the architectural skills of
design and spatial intelligence”
but rather look to how these skills “might be
exploited in different ways and contexts”
By reappropriating the ‘traditional’ skills of
architectural practice.
“Engage in their spatial environments in ways

previously unknown or unavailable to them,
opening up new freedoms and potentials as a
result of reconfigured social space” Authors said
social space
• He wants to redefine the notion of the social by

going back to its original meaning and making it
able to trace connections again.
• Social is about connections and relationships, but
not in the typical “sociological” sense, which views
the social too narrowly, excluding non-human
Agents/Actors.
• Latour uses the term “social” to refer
to the “trail of associations between
heterogeneous elements.”. Extends
sociology to mean “any type of
aggregate from chemical bonds to
legal ties, from atomic forces to
corporate bodies, from physiological
to political assemblies”
• (Re)expands the meaning of social to

apply to more than only humans and
modern societies. Corals, baboons,
trees, bees, ants, and whales are also
social. This is probably the most
controversial or “political” element of
his ANT (Actor-Network-Theory).
• Architecture neither be restricted to the
actual built environment nor to the
“limiting” title of architect.
• Architecture should not be left to the
architects.
• Running contrary “how the role of the
architect can be extended to take into
account the consequences of architecture
as much as the objects of architecture
Iquique Housing project by Elemental,
• They do so by looking at alternative
practices currently in the margins of
architectural practice such as:
The Iquique Housing project by Elemental,
where the architect has designed only ‘half
a house’, allowing residents to appropriate
and develop the space over time, as they
required.
In traditional production the professional
(architect) envisages the end product, fully
released, however a key part of spatial
agency is accepting that the citizen expert
(and their practical wisdom), not just the
professional, should take part in spatial
production and is in fact key for the
success of that production.
The sites of spatial agency
• The definition of the sites expands the

traditional site of action in architectural
practice, taking spatial “in the widest
sense of the word – physical, social,
metaphorical, phenomenal – and rarely
limited by externally determined
instructions and conventions
EACH OF THESE SITES POINT TO “NOT PRACTICE ITSELF CAN BE THE SITE OF
JUST THE POSSIBILITY, BUT THE REAL SPATIAL AGENCY, WHICH INCLUDES
NECESSITY OF SEEING THAT COLLABORATIVE AND INTERDISCIPLINARY
ARCHITECTURE CAN BE PLAYED OUT STRUCTURES, AS WELL AS HOW THE
THROUGH A MULTIPLICITY OF SETTINGS, KNOWLEDGE HELD BY INDIVIDUALS
AND THAT THIS GIVES NEW OPPORTUNITIES /GROUPS WITHIN THESE PRACTICES IS
FOR ARCHITECTS AND OTHER SPATIAL DISSEMINATED, FROM DIY PUBLICATIONS
DESIGNERS TO WORK WITH TO OTHER WEB-BASED FORMATS.
• The attention given to both structures and processes,
and the opportunities for design they present, is markedly different
to the traditional physical relationships that architectural discourse
focuses on.
• Spatial agency is seen as a way to expand the professional role,
including the education system that has remained relatively
unchanged since the 19th century, but also challenges the protection
afforded to the professions.
• spatial agency has the potential to more fully engage with the
networks and structures that, due to the limited scope of the
‘profession’, others have claimed and have reduced the architect to a
technical facilitator “with decisions effectively made by others”
The motivations of spatial agency
• In the first essay, and begin with the common reasons for students
entering the architectural profession – ‘to make the world a better
place’
• This initial motivation can, over time, be replaced with “the more
simple, and more controllable, motivation of making beautiful stuff”
• beautiful thing will lead to a beautiful life”
• The primary motivations of spatial agency are described as:
Ecological, Ethical, Pedagogical, Political and Professional.
The critique of the
loss of “political”
motivation
• Comments made by Charles Jencks

about the modernist housing
complex Pruitt-Igoe, in ‘The
Language of Post-modern
Architecture’, are said to draw “on
the myth that design was primarily
responsible for the societal collapse
on the estate…and so at a stroke
demonises architecture’s
association with social issues”
The recent interest in “architecture’s complicity with

prevailing political and economic forces”, moreover,
causes many a pragmatic laissez-faire theorist to fall
into the postmodern trap of focusing on style.
Ethics of architecture
• ”The conjunction here of practicality

and imagination is important”, the
authors write in rather metamodern
fashion, “because it brings two
operations that are sometimes kept
apart, and so asks spatial agents to be
at the same time realist and visionary.
This leaves the door open for
architectural intelligence,
Highlights
• The trend for spatial agency over time shows how these practices are not new but
have not been taken into the mainstream of architectural practice.
• Spatial agency is not restricted to one country or region but is global.
• Spatial agency shows that it is a part of the wider architectural landscape.
• Profile of these wrong practices, which are accepted outside of architectural
circles judging by the examples presented.
Case Study
The Boulevard
Different Actors
1- Management 2- Policies 3- People

-Activities -Entry fee -No Harassment
-Prayer room -Couples only -Security
-Restaurant -Dress code -Police
-Shopping mall -No Vehicles
-No Food enters
Management
To get people involved
Activities To let them participate
-Prayer room
-Restaurant
-Shopping mall
Policies
People
‫اﻟﺴﯿﺎﺳﺔ واﻟﺘﺨﻄﯿﻂ‬
‫اﻟﻌﻤﺮاﻧﻲ‬
‫وﻻء ﺳﺤﻠﻮل‬
‫‪٢٠٢٠-١١-٢٩‬‬
‫ﺛﻣﺔ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ وطﯾدة ﺑﯾن اﻟﻌﻣﺎرة واﻟﺳﯾﺎﺳﺔ‪.‬وھﻲ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺗﺎرﯾﺧﯾﺔ ﻗدﯾﻣﺔ ﻣﺗﺟددة‬
‫ﺗﻧﺑﻌث ﺑﺎﻟﻌدﯾد ﻣن اﻟﺻور واﻻﺷﻛﺎل‪ ,‬وھﻲ اﯾﺿﺎ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺑراﻏﻣﺎﺗﯾﺔ ﻣﺻﻠﺣﯾﺔ ﺗﻌﻣل ﺑﺎﺗﺟﺎھﯾن‬
‫ﻓﺎﻟﻌﻣﺎرة ﻛﻔن ﺗطﺑﯾﻘﻲ وﻛﻣﻧﺣﻰ رﺋﯾﺳﻲ ﻣن ﻣﻧﺎﺣﻲ اﻟﺣﺿﺎرة واﻟﺛﻘﺎﻓﺔ ﻛﺎﻧت ﻣن اﻟﻔﻧون اﻟﺗﻲ‬
‫ﻻزﻣت ﺑﻼط اﻟﻧﻔوذ وﺻﻧﺎﻋﺔ اﻟﻘرار ﺑﺎﻟدوﻟﺔ وﺑﺎﻟرﻏم ﻣن اطروﺣﺎت اﻟﻌﻣﺎرة اﻟﺑﯾﺋﯾﺔ واﻟﻌﻣﺎرة‬
‫اﻟﻔطرﯾﺔ دون ﻣﻌﻣﺎرﯾﯾن و ﻋﻣﺎرة اﻟﻔﻘراء اﻟﻣﺛﺎﻟﯾﺔ اﻟﺗﻲ ﺗﻧﺎدي ﺑﺎن اﻟﻌﻣﺎرة ﯾﻧﺑﻐﻲ ان ﺗوظف‬
‫اﻟﻣﻘدﻣﺔ‬ ‫ﻟﺧدﻣﺔ ﻛﺎﻓﺔ ﻓﺋﺎت اﻟﻣﺟﺗﻣﻊ وﺑوﺳﺎﺋل ﻣﺗوﻓرة ﻓﻲ اﻟﺑﯾﺋﺔ وﻟﯾﺳت دﺧﯾﻠﺔ ﻋﻠﯾﮭﺎ اﻻ ان ﻣﺛل ھذة‬
‫اﻟطروﺣﺎت واﻟﻣﺳﺎﺟﻼت اﻟﻔﻛرﯾﺔ واﻟﻧظرﯾﺔ ﻣﻧﮭﺎ ﺗؤﻛد وﺑﺷﻛل ﻏﯾر ﻣﺑﺎﺷر ﺣﻘﯾﻘﺔ ان اﻟﻌﻣﺎرة‬
‫ﻛﺎﻧت ﺗﺎرﯾﺧﯾﺎ وﻣﺎ ﺗزال «ﻧﺧﺑوﯾﺔ»ﺗﺧدم ﻓﺋﺎت ﻣﻌﯾﻧﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻣﺟﺗﻣﻊ وﺗﻠﺗﺻق ﺑﺎﻟطﺑﻘﺔ اﻟﻣﺗﻧﻔذة‬
‫واﻟﺑورﺟوازﯾﺔ وﺻﻧﺎﻋﺔ اﻟﻘرار وﺻﻧﺎﻋﺔاﻟﻘرار ﻓﺎﻟﺗﺎرﯾﺦ ﯾدل ﻋﻠﻰ ان ﻏﺎﻟﺑﯾﺔ ﻣﺑدﻋﻲ اﻟﻌﻣﺎرة‬
‫وﺣﺗﻰ وﻗﺗﻧﺎ اﻟﺣﺎﺿر ﻛﺎن ﻟﮭم ﺣﺿور ﻗوي وﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﻣﺻﻠﺣﯾﺔ «ﺑﺑﻼط» اﻟﻣﻠوك واﻟﺳﻼطﯾن‬
‫واﻻﻣراء وﻛﺑﺎر اﻟﺗﺟﺎر واﻻﺛرﯾﺎء‬
‫وﻣﺎﻧﺮاه اﻟﯿﻮم ﻣﻦ ﻣﺎﺛﺮ ﻋﻤﺮاﻧﯿﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ اﻟﺤﻀﺎرات واﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﺎت اﻧﻤﺎ ھﻲ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺗﻼﻗﺢ‬
‫واﺳﺘﻨﻔﺎع اﻟﻤﻌﻤﺎر ﻋﻠﻰ ﺑﺎب اﻟﺴﻼطﯿﻦ واﻻﻣﺮاء وﻧﻈﺮة ﺳﯿﺎﺳﯿﺔ ﻟﻄﺒﻘﺔ اﻟﺤﻜﻢ ﻓﻲ ﺗﻮظﯿﻒ‬
‫اﻟﻌﻤﺎرة‪.‬‬
‫و اﻟﺗﻲ ﻛﺎن ﯾﻧﺑﻐﻲ ان ﺗﻜﻮن ﻓﻨﺎ اﻧﺴﺎﻧﯿﺎ ﻣﺠﺮدا ﯾﻌﻜﺲ ﻗﯿﻢ اﻟﻤﺠﺘﻤﻌﺎت‬
‫ﻟﺘﺼﺒﺢ ﺑﺪﻻ ﻣﻦ ذﻟﻚ وﺳﯿﻠﺔ ﺳﯿﺎﺳﯿﺔ ﺗﻜﺮس اﯾﺪﯾﻮﻟﻮﺟﯿﺔ «ﻗﮭﺮ» داﺧﻠﯿﺔ ﻓﻲ اﺳﺘﺒﺪاد اﻟﺤﻜﻢ او‬
‫ﺧﺎرﺟﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻻﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎر‪.‬‬
‫واﻻﻣﺜﻠﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ذﻟﻚ ﺗﻜﺎد ﻻﺗﻌﺪ وﻻ ﺗﺤﺼﻰ ﺳﻮاء ﺗﺎرﯾﺨﯿﺎ ‪ ,‬ام ﻓﻲ وﻗﺘﻨﺎ اﻟﻘﺮﯾﺐ اﻟﻤﻌﺎﺻﺮ‪.‬‬
‫»ﻓﻣﻌﻣﺎر اﻟدوﻟﺔ اﻟﻌﺛﻣﺎﻧﯾﺔ «ﺳﻧﺎن‬
‫ﻛﺎن ﻣﻘرﺑﺎ ﻣن ﺑﻼط ارﺑﻌﺔ ﺳﻼطﯾن ﻻ ﺳﻠطﺎن واﺣد ‪ :‬ﺳﻠﯾم اﻻول‬
‫وﺳﻠﯾﻣﺎن اﻻول وﺳﻠﯾم اﻟﺛﺎﻧﻲ وﻣراد اﻟﺛﺎﻟث‪.‬‬
‫وﺑداﺋﻊ اﻟﻌﻣﺎرة اﻻﺳﻼﻣﯾﺔ اﻧﻣﺎ ھﻲ ﻋﻣﺎﺋر ﺗﺧص ﻗﺻور اﻟﻣﻠوك‬
‫واﻻﻣراء واﻟﺳﻼطﯾن وﻛﺑﺎر اﻟﺗﺟﺎر واﻻﺛرﯾﺎء ‪ ,‬ﻛﻘﺻر اﻟﺣﻣراء وﺑﯾت‬
‫ﺟﻣﺎل اﻟدﯾن اﻟذھﺑﻲ واﻟﺳﺣﯾﻣﻲ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻘﺎھرة اﻟﻣﻣﻠوﻛﯾﺔ وھم ﻣن ﻛﺑﺎر‬
‫اﻟﺗﺟﺎر واﻻﺛرﯾﺎء اﻧذاك وﯾﻛﺎد ﯾﺧﻠو اﻟﺗﺎرﯾﺦ ﻣن ﻣﻌﻣﺎر ﻛرس ﻣﮭﻧﺗﺔ‬
‫ﻟﺧدﻣﺔ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﻣن اﻟﻧﺎس‪.‬‬
‫ﻗﺻر اﻟﺣﻣراء‬
‫وﯾﻛﺎد ان ﯾﺷﻣل ذﻟك ﺣﺳن ﻓﺗﺣﻲ ‪ -‬ﺻﺎﺣب اطروﺣﺔ ﻋﻣﺎرةاﻟﻔﻘراء‬
‫ﺣﺳن ﻓﺗﺣﻲ ﯾﻛﺗب ﻋن ﻣﻌﺎﻧﺎﺗﮫ ﻣﻊ دواﺋر اﻟﺣﻛم وﻋﻘﻠﯾﺎت اﺻﺣﺎب اﻟﻘرار ﻓﻲ ﻣﺻر ﻓﻲ‬
‫اﻻرﺑﻌﯾﻧﯾﺎت ﻓﻲ ﻗﺑول اﻓﻛﺎره اﻟﺣﺎﻟﻣﺔ ﻟﺗﺟده ﻓﻲ اواﺧر ﺣﯾﺎﺗﮫ اﻟﻣﮭﻧﯾﮫ ﯾﺻﻣم ﻟﻛﺑﺎر اﻻﺛرﯾﺎء ﻓﻲ‬
‫دول اﻟﺧﻠﯾﺞ اﻟﻌرﺑﻲ ‪ ,‬ﺑﻣﺎ ﻻﯾﺗﯾﺢ ﻟﻧﺎ اﻟﻣﻘﺎم ﺗﺳﻣﯾﺗﮭم ﻣﻣن ﻟﮭم ﺣﺿور داﺋم ﻋﻠﻰ اﺑواب‬
‫اﻟﺳﻼطﯾن واﻟﻣﻠوك واﻻﻣراء وھذه اﻟﻌﻼﻗﮫ اﻣﺎ ھﻲ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﻧﻔﻌﯾﮫ ﻣﺻﻠﺣﯾﮫ ﻣﺎدﯾﮫ ﻣﺣﺿﮫ وان‬
‫ﺗﻌددت اﻻطروﺣﺎت اﻟﻔﻛرﯾﮫ وﺗدﺛرت ﺑﺎﻗﻧﻌﺔ اﻟﻔﻛر واﻟﺛﻘﺎﻓﮫ واﻟﺗراث وﻏﯾرھﺎ ﻣن ﻧﺑﯾل‬
‫اﻻﻓﻛﺎر واﻟﻘﯾم وﺗﺳﺎﻣﯾﮭﺎ‬
‫ﻗرﯾﺔ ﺣﺳن ﻓﺗﺣﻲ اﻟﺣﺎﻟﻣﺔ‬
‫وﻓﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﺑل ھذا اﻟﺳﻌﻲ «اﻻرﺗزاﻗﻲ» ﻣن ﻗﺑل اﻟﻣﻌﻣﺎر ﻛﺎﻧت ھﻧﺎك ﻧظرة ﺳﯾﺎﺳﯾﺔ ﻣن ﻗﺑل‬
‫اﻟﺣﺎﻛم ودواﺋر اﻟﻣﺷورة ﻓﻲ ﺑﻼطﮫ ﺑﻧﻔﻌﯾﺔ اﺳﺗﺧدام اﻟﻣﻌﻣﺎر ﻓﻲ ﺗوظﯾﻔﺔ ﻛوﺳﯾﻠﺔ ﺗﺧدم اھداﻓﺎ‬
‫ﺳﯾﺎﺳﯾﺔ وﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺳﺗوﯾﺎت ﻣﺗﻌددة‬
‫ﻓﮭﻧﺎك ﻣﺳﺗوى ﻓﻲ ﺗﻛرﯾس ھﯾﻣﻧﺔ اﻟدوﻟﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻔرد ﺑﺗﻘدﯾم ﻣﻔﮭوم ﻣﺑﺗدع ﻓﻲ اﻟﻌﻣﺎرة‬
‫اﻟﻣﺳﺟدﯾﺔ اﻟﺻﻧﻣﯾﺔ ‪،‬ﺳطوة اﻟﺣﺎﻛم و ھو ﻣﻔﮭوم ﻗدﯾم ﺗﺎرﯾﺧﯾﺎ ﻋﻛﺳﺗﮫ ﻣﻌﺎﺑد اﻟﻔراﻋﻧﺔ اﻟﺗﻲ‬
‫ﻛرﺳت «ﻋﻣدا» ﺳطوة رﺟﺎل اﻟدﯾن واﻟﻛﮭﻧﺔ اﻟذﯾن ﻛﺎﻧت ﻟﮭم ﺳطوة ﺳﯾﺎﺳﯾﺔ ﻛطﺑﻘﺔ ﻣﺳﯾطرة‬
‫وﺣﺎﻛﻣﺔ‪ .‬ﻓﻛﺎن ﻣﻘﯾﺎس اﻻﻧﺳﺎن «اﻟﻣﺻﻐر» ﻓﻲ ھذه اﻟﻣﻌﺎﺑد «اﻟﺿﺧﻣﺔ» ﯾﻛﺎﻓﺊ اﻟواﺣد‬
‫ﻟﻠﻣﺎﺋﮫ وﯾزﯾد‪.‬‬
‫وھﻧﺎك ﻧوﻋﺎ اﺧر ﻣن اﻟﺗوظﯾف اﻟﺳﯾﺎﺳﻲ ﯾﻛﻣن ﻓﻲ اﻟﻘﻣﻊ اﻟﻔﻛر اﻟﻣﺿﺎد ﻟﻠدوﻟﺔ ﻣن ﺧﻼل‬
‫اﻟﻣﻌﻣﺎر ﺑﺷﻛل ﻣﺑﺎﺷر او ﻏﯾر ﻣﺑﺎﺷرواﻟﻘﻣﻊ اﻟﻣﺑﺎﺷر ﻋﻛﺳﺔ ﻧﺎﺑﻠﯾون‬
‫اﺛﻧﺎء اﻟﺛورة اﻟﻔرﻧﺳﯾﺔ ﺑﺗوظﯾف ﻟﻠﻣﻌﻣﺎر ھﺎوﺳﻣﺎن ﻻﻋﺎدة ﺗﺧطﯾط ﻣدﯾﻧﺔ ﺑﺎرﯾس ‪,‬ﺑﺣﯾث ﺗﻛون‬
‫اﻟﺷوارع ﻋرﯾﺿﺔ وﻣﺳﺗﻘﯾﻣﺔ ﻓﻘﺎم ھﺎوس ﻣﺎﻧرﺑﺎﯾﺟﺎد اﻟﻧﻣط اﻟﺗﺧطﯾطﻲ اﻟﺷﻌﺎﻋﻲ ﻟﻠﺷوارع‬
‫اﻟﺗﻲ اطﻠق ﻋﻠﯾﮭﺎ «ﺑوﻟﯾﻔﺎردز» وھﻲ ﺷوارع ﻋرﯾﺿﺔ ﺟدا ﺗﻧطﻠق ﺑﺷﻛل ﺷﻌﺎﻋﻲ ﻣن ﺳﺎﺣﺔ‬
‫ﺑﺣﯾث ﺗﺷرف اﻟﺳﺎﺣﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ھذه اﻟﺷوارع ﺟﻣﯾﻌﺎ‬
‫وھذا اﻟﻧﻣط اﻟﺗﺧطﯾطﻲ ﯾﺳﮭل ﺑﺑﺳﺎطﺔ ﻧﺻب اﻟﻣداﻓﻊ اﯾﺿﺎ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻣﯾدان ﺑﺎﺗﺟﺎه اﻟﺷوارع‬
‫اﻟﻣﺳﺗﻘﯾﻣﺔ اﻟﺗﻲ ﺗﻧطﻠق ﻣﻧﺔ ﻟﻘﻣﻊ اﻟﺛورات ﻣﻣﺎ ﻻﺗﺗﯾﺣﺔ ﺷوارع »اﻟﻌﺻور‬
‫اﻟوﺳطﻰ«اﻟﻣﺗﻌرﺟﺔ وﺑﺑﺳﺎطﺔ ﻋﻛﺳت ھذه اﻟﻌﻣﺎرة واﻟﺗﺧطﯾط اﻗﺻﻰ ﻧﺗﯾﺟﺔ ﻣﻣﻛﻧﺔ ﺑﺎﻗل ﻋدد‬
‫ﻣن اﻟﻣداﻓﻊ ﺑدﻻ ﻣن ﻣطﺎردة اﻟﺛوار ﻓﻲ ﺣرب ﺷوارع «ﺷطرﻧﺟﯾﺔ او ﻋﻧﻛﺑوﺗﯾﺔ ﻣﺗﻌرﺟﺔ»‪.‬‬
‫وﻓﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﺑل ھذه اﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ اﻟﻣﺗﺑﺎدﻟﺔ اﻟﻣﺻﻠﺣﯾﺔ اﻻرﺗزاﻗﯾﺔ وﺗﻛرﯾس رؤى دﯾﻣوﻣﺔ ﻧظﺎم اﻟﺣﻛم‬
‫واﻟﯾﺎت ﺳﯾطرﺗﺔ ‪,‬ﺗظل ھذه اﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﻣﺣﻠﯾﺔ وطﻧﯾﺔ داﺧﻠﯾﺔ ‪.‬ﺑﯾد ان ھﻧﺎك ﻧﻣوذﺟﺎ اﺧر اﺧطر ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺗوظﯾف اﻟﻣﻌﻣﺎر ﻟﺧدﻣﺔ اﻟﺳﯾﺎﺳﯾﺔ ﺿد اﻟﻔرﯾق اﻻﺧر وﺑطرق ﻗﻣﻌﯾﺔ‬
‫وھو ﻧﻣوذج اﺳﺗﻌﻣﺎري ﺧﺑﯾث ‪,‬ﻣﺎرﺳﺔ اﻻﺳﺗﻌﻣﺎر اﻟﻔرﻧﺳﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺷﻣﺎل اﻓرﯾﻘﯾﺎ‬
‫ﺣﯾث ﻗﺎم اﻟﻔرﻧﺳﯾون ﺑﺎﯾﺟﺎد ﻓﻛرة «اﻟﻣدن اﻟﺑدﯾﻠﺔ»اﻟﺗﻲ اﻗﺎﻣﮭﺎ اﻻورﺑﯾون ﺟﻧﺑﺎ اﻟﻰ ﺟﻧب ﻣﻊ‬
‫اﻟﻣدن اﻟﺗﻘﻠﯾدﯾﺔ ﺑﮭدف ﻋدم ﺧﻠق ﺗوازن اﺳﺗراﺗﯾﺟﻲ ﯾﺻب ﻓﻲ ﻏﺎﯾﺔ طﻣس ﻣﻌﺎﻟم اﻟﮭوﯾﺔ‬
‫اﻟﺗراﺛﯾﺔ ﻟﻠﺷﻌوب اﻟﻣﻘﮭورة ﻣن ﺟﮭﺔ ‪ ,‬وﻻﻋﻼء ﺷﺄن اﻟﻘﯾم اﻟﻐرﺑﯾﺔ اﻟداﺧﻠﯾﺔ وﻋﻣﺎرﺗﮭﺎ‬
‫اﻟﻣﺳﺗوردة ﻣن ﺟﮭﺔ ﺛﺎﻧﯾﺔ ‪ .‬وﻟم ﺗﻛن ھذه ﺳﯾﺎﺳﺔ اﺳﺗﻌﻣﺎرﯾﺔ ﻓﺣﺳب ‪ ,‬ﺑل ﻛرﺳﮭﺎ ﻋﻣﻼء‬
‫اﻻﺳﺗﻌﻣﺎر واﻻﻣﺑرﯾﺎﻟﯾﺔ وﻣن ﺑﮭرﺗﮫ اﺿواء ﺣداﺛﺔ »ﻓﺎﻟﺧدﯾوي اﺳﻣﺎﻋﯾل ﻛﺎن ﻣﻐرﻣﺎ ﺑﻣدﯾﻧﺔ‬
‫ﺑﺎرﯾس ﻟدرﺟﺔ اﻧﮫ ﻧﻘل «ﺑوﻟﯾﻔﺎردز اﻟﻐرب ھﺎوﺳﻣﺎن اﻟﻰ ﻋﻣﺎرة وﺗﺧطﯾط اﻟﻘﺎھرة وﺑﺣﯾث‬
‫ﻏدت اﻟﻘﺎھرة ذات وﺟﮭﯾن ﻣﺗﻧﺎﻗﺿﯾن – اﺣدھﻣﺎ ﯾﻌود ﻟﻠﻘرن اﻟﺛﺎﻟث ﻋش ر ﺗﺟﺳده ﻋﻣﺎرة‬
‫اﻟﻣﻣﺎﻟﯾك وﺷوارع اﻟﻘﺎھرة اﻟﻔﺎطﻣﯾﺔ وﻗﺻﺑﺔ اﻟﻣﻌز اﻟﻔﺎطﻣﻲ واﻟﺛﺎﻧﻲ ﯾﻣﺛل اﻟﺷوارع اﻟﻌرﯾﺿﺔ‬
‫اﻟﻣﺗﺳﻌﺔ اﻟﺗﻲ ﺗﻧﺗﮭﻲ ﺑﺎﻟﺳﺎﺣﺎت ﻛﺳﺎﺣﺔ اﻟﺗﺣرﯾر او طﻠﻌت ﺣرب وﻧﻣط اﻟﻌﻣﺎرة اﻟﻘوطﯾﺔ اﻟﺗﻲ‬
‫ﺗﻌﻠو ﻧﺻف وﺟﮫ اﻟﻘﺎھرة اﻻﺧر‬
‫اﻟﻣدﯾﻧﺔ اﻟﻘدﯾﻣﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺷﻣﺎل اﻓرﯾﻘﯾﺎ‬
‫ﻧﻣط اﻟﻣدن اﻻوروﺑﯾﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺷﻣﺎل‬

‫اﻓرﯾﻘﯾﺎ‬
‫وھﻛذا ﻓﻠم ﺗﻛن اﻟﻌﻣﺎرة ﻋﻠﻣﺎ ﻓﻧﯾﺎ ﺟﻣﯾﻼ ﺑرﯾﺋﺎ ﻓﺣﺳب ‪ ,‬ﺑل ﻛﺎﻧت ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟدوام اداة طﯾﻌﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﻣرﻣﻰ ﺣﺟر ﻣن ﺳﯾﺎﺳﺎت اﻟطﺑﻘﺔ اﻟﺣﺎﻛﻣﺔ واﻻﺳﺗﻌﻣﺎر ﺑﺎﺷﻛﺎﻟﺔ اﻟﻣﺧﺗﻠﻔﺔ ‪ .‬وﻟﯾس ادل ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ذﻟك ﻣن اﻟﻌﻣﺎرة اﻻﺳراﺋﯾﻠﯾﺔ اﻟﺗﻲ ﺗﻌﻛس ﺳﯾﺎﺳﺎت اﺳراﺋﯾﻠﯾﺔ اﺑﻌد ﻣﺎﺗﻛون ﻋن اﻟﻌﻣﺎرة‬
‫ﺑﻣﻔﮭوﻣﮭﺎ اﻟﺣﺿﺎري ‪ ,‬ﻓﻣﺎ ھﻲ اﻻ ﺗﻧﻔﯾذ ﻟﺳﯾﺎﺳﺎت ورؤى اﺳﺗﯾطﺎﻧﯾﺔ ﺗﮭوﯾدﯾﺔ ﻟﻼرض‬
‫واﻟﺷﻌب اﻟﻔﻠﺳطﯾﻧﻲ ‪,‬ﻛﯾف ذﻟك ؟‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﻛﺗﺎب ‪:‬اﺣﺗﻼل ﻣدﻧﻲ –ﺳﯾﺎﺳﺎت اﻟﻌﻣﺎرة اﻻﺳراﺋﯾﻠﯾﺔ‬
‫‪the politics of Israeli architecture a civilian occupation‬‬
‫واﻟذي ﺷﺎرك ﻛﺎﺗب ھذه اﻟﺳطور ﻓﻲ ﺗﻘدﯾﻣﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﻧﺎة اﻟﺟزﯾرة اﻟﻔﺿﺎﺋﯾﺔ ﻗﺑل ﺳﻧوات ‪ ,‬ﯾروي‬
‫ﻣﻠﻔﺎه اﻟﻣﻌﻣﺎرﯾﺎن اﻻﺳراﺋﯾﻠﯾﺎن اﯾﺎل واﯾزﻣﺎن و راﻓﯾﺳﯾﻐﺎل ﻓﻲ ﻓﺻول اﻟﻛﺗﺎب اﻟﻣﺗﻌددة ﻛﯾف‬
‫اﺿﺣت اﻟﻌﻣﺎرة اﻻﺳراﺋﯾﻠﯾﺔ اداة ﺳﯾﺎﺳﯾﺔ ﻟﺗﻧﻔﯾذ ﺳﯾﺎﺳﺎت اﺳﺗﯾطﺎﻧﯾﺔ وﻣﺧططﺎت ﺻﮭﯾوﻧﯾﺔ‬
‫ﻣﺣﺿﺔ ‪.‬‬
‫واﻟﻛﺗﺎب اﺻﻼ اﻧﺟز ﻋﻠﻰ ﺷﻛل ﻣﻌرض ﻛﺎن ﻣن اﻟﻣﻔﺗرض ﻓﯾﮫ ان ﯾﻣﺛل اﺳراﺋﯾل ﻓﻲ‬
‫اﻟﻣﻌرﺿﺎﻟدوﻟﻲ ﻟﻠﻌﻣﺎرة ﻓﻲ ﺑرﻟﯾن‪ . 2002‬وﻗد ﺗم اﻟطﻠب ﻣن ﻣؤﻟﻔﻲ اﻟﻛﺗﺎب ﺗﻣﺛﯾل اﻟﻌﻣﺎرة‬
‫اﻻﺳراﺋﯾﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻣﻌرض‪ ,‬وﻟﻛن وﺑﺣﺳب ﺗﻌﺑﯾر اﻟﻣؤﻟف واﯾزﻣﺎن وﺟد ان اﻟﻣﺳﺗوطﻧﺎت ﻓﻲ‬
‫اﻟﺿﻔﺔ اﻟﻐرﺑﯾﺔ ھﻲ اﻟﺷﻛل اﻻﻛﺛر ﺗﺎﺛﯾرا ﻓﻲ اﻟﻌﻣﺎرة اﻻﺳراﺋﯾﻠﯾﺔ واﻟﺗﻲ ﯾﻣﻛن ان ﺗﻣﺛل ﺑﺣق‬
‫وﺑﺻدق ﻣظﺎھر اﻟﻌﻣﺎرة ﻓﻲ اﺳراﺋﯾل ‪ .‬وھﻛذا ﺗﻘدم اﻟﻣﻌﻣﺎرﯾﯾن ﺑﻣﻘﺗرح ﯾﻌﻛس اﻟﻣﺳﺗوطﻧﺎت‬
‫اﻻﺳراﺋﯾﻠﯾﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺿﻔﺔ اﻟﻐرﺑﯾﺔ واﻟﺗﻲ ﺗﻣﺛل ﺑﺻدق واﻗﻊ اﻟﻌﻣﺎرة وﺳﯾﺎﺳﺎت اﻻﺣﺗﻼل ‪ .‬ﻟﻛن‬
‫ذﻟك ﺑﺎﻟطﺑﻊ ﻟم ﯾرق ﻟﻠﺳﯾﺎﺳﺔ اﻻﺳراﺋﯾﻠﯾﺔ اﻟﺗﻲ ﺗﮭدف ﻟﺗوظﯾف ﻟﻠﺳﯾﺎﺳﺔ اﻻﺳراﺋﯾﻠﯾﺔ اﻟﺗﻲ‬
‫ﺗﮭدف ﻟﺗوظﯾف اﻟﻌﻣﺎرة ﻛﻔن ﯾﻌﻛس ﺗراث اﺳراﺋﯾل «اﻟﻣﺳﺎﻟم» اﻟذي ﺗرﺟو ﺗﻛرﯾﺳﮫ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ارض ﻓﻠﺳطﯾن ﺑﻛل اﻟوﺳﺎﺋل وﻣﻧﮭﺎ اﻟﻌﻣﺎرة‪ .‬ﻓﺎﻟﻣﺳﺗوطﻧﺎت – وﻛﻣﺎ ﯾﺗﻌرﺿﻠﮭﺎ اﻟﻛﺗﺎب –‬
‫ﺗﻣﺛل اﺑﺷﻊ اﻧواع اﻧﺗﮭﺎﻛﺎت ﺣﻘوق اﻻﻧﺳﺎن واﻟﺗﻣﯾﯾز اﻟﻌﻧﺻري واﻏﺗﺻﺎب اﻻرض وﺣﻘوق‬
‫اﻟﺷﻌب اﻟﻔﻠﺳطﯾﻧﻲ ‪ ,‬ﻓﺎوﻋزت ﻟﺟﺑﮭﺔ اﻟﻣﻌﻣﺎرﯾﯾن اﻻﺳراﺋﯾﻠﯾﺔ ﺑوﺿﻊ ﺣظر ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻛﺗﺎب‬
‫واﻟﻐﺎء اﻟﻣﻌرض واﻟﻛﺗﺎﻟوج اﻻوﻟﻲ ‪ .‬ﻓﻘﺎم اﻟﺑﺎﺣﺛﺎن اﻟﻣﻌﻣﺎرﯾﺎن اﻻﺳراﺋﯾﻠﯾﺎن ﺑﻧﺷر ﻧﺗﯾﺟﺔ‬
‫ﺑﺣﺛﮭﻣﺎ ﻓﻲ ھذا اﻟﻛﺗﺎب اﻟذي ﺳﺣﺑت اﻟﻧﺳﺦ اﻟﺗﻲ طﺑﻌت ﻣﻧﮫ وﺗم اﻟﺗﺧﻠص ﻣﻧﮭﺎ‪.‬‬
‫أﺑو ﺟﻌﻔر ﻋﺑد ﷲ اﻟﻣﻧﺻور ‪ 712-775-‬ﺛﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﻠﻔﺎء ﺑﻧﻲ اﻟﻌﺑﺎس وأﻗواھم‪ .‬وھو ﻣﺷﯾد‬
‫ﻣدﯾﻧﺔ ﺑﻐداد اﻟﺗﻲ ﺗﺣوﻟت ﻟﻌﺎﺻﻣﺔ اﻟدوﻟﺔ اﻟﻌﺑﺎﺳﯾﺔ‪ .‬وﺗوﻟﻰ اﻟﺧﻼﻓﺔ ﺑﻌد وﻓﺎة اﺧﯾﮫ اﻟﺳﻔﺎح‬
‫ﻛﺎن اﻟﮭم اﻷﻛﺑر ﻟﻠﻣﻧﺻور أﺛﻧﺎء ﺣﻛﻣﮫ ھو ﺗﻘوﯾﺔ ﺣﻛم أﺳرة ﺑﻧﻲ اﻟﻌﺑﺎس واﻟﺗﺧﻠص ﻣن أي‬
‫ﺧطر ﯾﮭدد ﺳﯾطرﺗﮭم ﺣﺗﻰ ﻟو ﻛﺎن ﺣﻠﯾﻔﺎ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﺎ ﻣﺛل أﺑو ﻣﺳﻠم اﻟﺧرﺳﺎﻧﻲ اﻟذي ﻗﺎد اﻟﺛورة‬
‫اﻟﻌﺑﺎﺳﯾﺔ ﺿد اﻷﻣوﯾﯾن ﻓﻲ ﺧرﺳﺎن‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﻐﺪاد‬ ‫رﻏب اﻟﺧﻠﯾﻔﺔ أﺑو ﺟﻌﻔر اﻟﻣﻧﺻور ﻓﻲ ﺑﻧﺎء ﻋﺎﺻﻣﺔ ﺟدﯾدة ﻟدوﻟﺗﮫ ﺑﻌﯾدة ﻋن اﻟﻣدن اﻟﺗﻲ ﯾﻛﺛر‬
‫ﻓﯾﮭﺎ اﻟﺧروج ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺧﻼﻓﺔ ﻛﺎﻟﻛوﻓﺔ واﻟﺑﺻرة وﺗﺗﻣﺗﻊ ﺑﺎﻋﺗدال اﻟﻣﻧﺎخ وﺣﺳن اﻟﻣوﻗﻊ‬
‫ﻓﺎﺧﺗﺎر "ﺑﻐداد" ﻋﻠﻰ ﺷﺎطﺊ دﺟﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ووﺿﻊ ﺑﯾده أول ﺣﺟر ﻓﻲ ﺑﻧﺎﺋﮭﺎ‬
‫ﺳﻧﺔ (‪145‬ھـ = ‪762‬م) واﺳﺗﺧدم ﻋددا ﻣن ﻛﺑﺎر اﻟﻣﮭﻧدﺳﯾن ﻟﻺﺷراف ﻋﻠﻰ ﺑﻧﺎﺋﮭﺎ‪ ،‬و‬
‫ﺳﻣﺎھﺎ دار اﻟﺳﻼم‬
‫ﺑﻧﻰ اﺑو ﺟﻌﻔر اﻟﻣﻧﺻورﻋﻠﻰ ﻧﮭر دﺟﻠﺔ ﻋﺎﺻﻣﺗﮫ ﺑﻐداد ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎم (‪ 149 - 145‬ھـ)‬
‫‪ 710‬ﻣﯾﻼدﯾﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺷﻛل داﺋري‪ ،‬وھو اﺗﺟﺎه ﺟدﯾد ﻓﻲ ﺑﻧﺎء اﻟﻣدن اﻹﺳﻼﻣﯾﺔ‪ ،‬ﻷن ﻣـﻌظم‬
‫اﻟﻣدن اﻹﺳﻼﻣﯾﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻧت إﻣﺎ ﻣﺳﺗطﯾﻠﺔ ﻛﺎﻟﻔﺳطﺎط ‪ ،‬أو ﻣرﺑﻌﺔ ﻛﺎﻟﻘﺎھرة ‪ ،‬أو ﺑﯾﺿﺎوﯾﺔ‬
‫ﻛﺻﻧﻌﺎء ‪ .‬وﻟﻌل اﻟﺳﺑب ﻓﻲ ذﻟك ﯾرﺟﻊ إﻟﻰ أن ھذه اﻟﻣدن ﻧﺷﺄت ﺑﺟوار ﻣرﺗﻔﻌﺎت ﺣﺎﻟت دون‬
‫اﺳﺗدارﺗﮭﺎ‪ .‬وﯾﻌﺗﺑر ﺗﺧطﯾط اﻟﻣدﯾﻧﺔ اﻟﻣدورة (ﺑﻐداد)‪ ،‬ظﺎھرة ﺟدﯾدة ﻓﻲ اﻟﻔن اﻟﻣﻌﻣﺎري‬
‫اﻹﺳﻼﻣﻲ وﻻﺳﯾﻣﺎ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻣدن اﻷﺧرى اﻟﺗﻲ ﺷﯾدھﺎ اﻟﻌﺑﺎﺳﯾون ﻣﺛل ﻣدﯾﻧﺔ ﺳﺎﻣراء وﻣﺎ ﺣوﺗﮫ‬
‫ﻣن ﻣﺳﺎﺟد وﻗﺻور ﺧﻼﻓﯾﺔ ﻓﺧﻣﺔ‪ .‬وإﻟﻰ ﺟﺎﻧب اﻟﻌﻣﺎرة وﺟدت اﻟزﺧرﻓﺔ اﻟﺗﻲ وﺻﻔت ﺑﺄﻧﮭﻣﺎ‬
‫ﻟﻐﺔ اﻟﻔن اﻹﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬وﺗﻘوم ﻋﻠﻰ زﺧرﻓﺔ اﻟﻣﺳﺎﺟد واﻟﻘﺻور واﻟﻘﺑﺎب ﺑﺄﺷﻛﺎل ھﻧدﺳﯾﺔ أو ﻧﺑﺎﺗﯾﺔ‬
‫ﺟﻣﯾﻠﺔ ﺗﺑﻌث ﻓﻲ اﻟﻧﻔس اﻟراﺣﺔ واﻟﮭدوء واﻻﻧﺷراح‪ .‬وﺳﻣﻲ ھذا اﻟﻔن اﻟزﺧرﻓﻲ اﻹﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻓﻲ‬
‫أوروﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺳم آراﺑﯾﺳك‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﺮازﻳﻠﯿﺎ‬
‫ﺟﻮﺳﯿﻠﯿﻨﻮ ﻛﻮﺑﯿﺘﺸﯿﻚ دي اوﻟﯾﻔﯾﯾرا ‪Juscelino Kubitschek‬ﺳﯾﺎﺳﻲ ﻣن أﺻل‬
‫ﺗﺷﯾﻛﻲ اﻟذي ﻛﺎن رﺋﯾس ﺟﻣﮭورﯾﺔ اﻟﺑرازﯾل ‪ .1956-1961‬وﻟد ﻛﺎن ﻓﻲ دﯾﺎﻣﺎﻧﺗﯾﻧﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﯾﻧﺎس‬
‫ﺟﯾرﯾس ‪ ،‬وﺗوﻓﻲ ﻓﻲ ‪ .1976‬وﻗد اﺗﺳﻣت ﻓﺗرة رﺋﺎﺳﺗﮫ ﺑﺎﻻزدھﺎر اﻻﻗﺗﺻﺎدي واﻻﺳﺗﻘرار‬
‫اﻟﺳﯾﺎﺳﻲ اﻟﻧﺳﺑﻲ ‪ ،‬و ھو اﻟﻣﺳؤول ﻋن ﺑﻧﺎء ﻋﺎﺻﻣﺔ ﺟدﯾدة ﺑرازﯾﻠﯾﺎ‪ .‬اﻟرﺋﺎﺳﺔ اﺗﺳﻣت‬
‫رﺋﺎﺳﺔ ﻛوﺑﯾﺗﺷﯾك ﺑﺎﻟﺗﻔﺎؤل اﻟﺳﯾﺎﺳﻲ أطﻠق "ﺧطﺔ اﻟﺗﻧﻣﯾﺔ اﻟوطﻧﯾﺔ" ‪ ،‬اﻟﻣﻌروف أﯾﺿﺎ ﺑﺎﺳم‬
‫ﺑرازﯾﻠﯾﺎ‬ ‫"دي ‪ metas‬ﺑﻼﻧو اﻟﮭدف ﻣن ﺧطﺔ ‪ ،‬اﻟﺷﮭﯾرة اﻟﺗﻲ ﻛﺗﺑﮭﺎ ﺗﺣت ﺷﻌﺎر ‪" :‬ﺧﻣﺳون ﺳﻧﺔ‬
‫ﻣن اﻟﺗﻘدم ﻓﻲ ﺧﻣﺳﺔ" وأﺿﺎف أن ﺧطﺔ ﺗوزﯾﻊ ‪ 31‬ھدﻓﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺳت ﻣﺟﻣوﻋﺎت ﻛﺑﯾرة ‪:‬‬
‫اﻟطﺎﻗﺔ ‪ ،‬اﻟﻧﻘل ‪ ،‬اﻟﻣواد اﻟﻐذاﺋﯾﺔ ‪ ،‬واﻟﺻﻧﺎﻋﺎت اﻷﺳﺎﺳﯾﺔ واﻟﺗﻌﻠﯾم‪ ،‬وﺑﻧﺎء ﺑرازﯾﻠﯾﺎ‪.‬‬
‫"‪"Fifty years of progress in five.‬‬

‫ﻣدﯾﻧﺔ ﺑرازﯾﻠﯾﺎ ھﻲ ﻣدﯾﻧﺔ ﺣدﯾﺛﺔ ﻣﺗﺧﺻﺻﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻋﻣﺎل وﺷؤون و وظﺎﺋف اﻟﻣدﯾﻧﺔ اﻟﻌﺎﺻﻣﺔ‬
‫‪،‬اﻟﺗﺟﺎرة واﻟﺻﻧﺎﻋﺔ ﻟﯾﺳت ذي ﻧﺷﺎط ﻛﺑﯾر ‪،‬وﻟﻛﻧﮭﺎ ﻣدﯾﻧﺔ اﻣﻧﺔ وﻣﻛﺎن ﻣرﯾﺢ ﻟﻠﻌﯾش ‪،‬ھذه‬
‫اﻟﻌﺎﺻﻣﺔ اﻟﺟدﯾده ﺑﻧﯾت ﻣﻧذ اﻛﺗر ﻣن ارﺑﻌون ﺳﻧﺔ ووﺿﻌت ﻓﻲ ﻗﺎﺋﻣﺔ اﻟﺗراث اﻟﻌﺎﻟﻣﻲ ﺳﻧﺔ‬
‫ﺑﺮازﻳﻠﯿﺎ‬ ‫‪ ١٩٨٧‬اﻟﻣدﯾﻧﺔ واﻟﺗﻲ ﯾطﻠق ﻋﻠﯾﮭﺎ ‪pilot plan‬وذﻟك ﻻﻧﮭﺎ ﻟدﯾﮭﺎ ﺷﻛل طﺎﺋره و وﻟﻛن ﻓﻲ‬
‫اﻟﺣﻘﯾﻘﺔ اﻟﻣﺧطط ﻟوﺗﺳﯾو ﻛوﺳﺗﺎ ﺻﻣﻣﮭﺎ ﺑﺄﻧﮭﺎ ﺻﻠﯾب ‪.‬اﻟﻣدﯾﻧﺔ ﻟﮭﺎ ﻣﻧﺎطق ﻣﺧﺻﺻﺔ ﻟﻛل ﺷﺊ‬
‫ﺗﻘرﯾﺑﺎ و ﻣﺎ ﯾﻌﻧﻲ ان ﻟﻛل ﻣﻧطﻘﺔ ﺗﻘرﯾﺑﺎ ﻏرض ﻣﻌﯾن ‪،‬وھﻧﺎك ﺑﺣﯾرة ﺻﻧﺎﻋﯾﺔ ﻛﺑﯾره ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫راس ﻣﺧطط اﻟطﺎﺋره وﻗد اﺻﺑﺣت ﻣوﻗﻊ ﻟﻠﺛرات اﻟﻌﺎﻟﻣﻲ ﺳﻧﺔ ‪ ١٩٨٧‬ﻻﻧﮭﺎ ﻣﺛﺎل ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫اﻟﺗﺧطﯾط اﻟﺣﺿري واﻟﻣﻌﻣﺎري ﻟﻠﻘرن اﻟﻌﺷرﯾن‬
‫ﻛﺎﻧت ﻓﻛرة ﻧﻘل اﻟﻌﺎﺻﻣﺔ ﻣن رﯾو دي ﺟﺎﻧﯾرو اﻟﻰ ﺑرازﯾﻠﯾﺎ ﻓﻛره ﻗدﯾﻣﺔ ‪،‬واﻟﺗﻲ ﺗم دﻋﻣﮭﺎ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﻣطﻠﻊ اﻟﻘرن اﻟﻣﺎﺿﻲ ﻗدم ﻣﺷروع اﻟﻘﺎﻧون ﺧوﺳﯾﮫ ھﯾﺑوﻟﯾﺗو ﺟوس دي ﻛوﺳﺗﺎ ﺑوﻧﯾﻔﺎﺳﯾو‬
‫اﻟﻰ اﻟﺟﻣﻌﯾﺔ اﻟدﺳﺗورﯾﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺳﻧﺔ ‪ ١٨٢٣‬واﻟﺗﻲ ﺣﻠﮭﺎ اﻣﺑراطور اﻟﺑرازﯾل دوم ﺑﯾدرو ‪،‬وﻋﻠﻘت‬
‫ﺣﺗﻰ ﻣن ‪ ١٧٦٣‬اﻟﻰ ‪ ١٩٦٠‬ﻛﺎﻧت اﻟﻌﺎﺻﻣﺔ رﯾو دي ﺟﺎﻧﯾرو ﻓﻲ ذﻟك اﻟوﻗت ﻛﺎﻧت اﻟﺛروات‬
‫واﻟﻣﺻﺎدر ﻣﺗﻣرﻛزه ﻓﻲ اﻟﺟﮭﺔ اﻟﺟﻧوﺑﯾﺔ اﻟﺷرﻗﯾﺔ ﻣن اﻟﺑﻼد اﺻﺑﺣت ﺑرازﯾﻠﯾﺎ رﺳﻣﯾﺎ ﻋﺎﺻﻣﺔ‬
‫اﻟﺑرازﯾل ﻓﻲ اﺑرﯾل‪ ١٩٦٠‬ﻗﺑل ارﺑﻊ ﺳﻧوات ﻣن ھذا اﻟﺗﺎرﯾﺦ ﻟم ﺗﻛن ﻣوﺟوده اﺻﻼ ﺑرازﯾﻠﯾﺎ‬
‫ﺑﻧﯾت ﻓﻲ‪ ٤١‬ﺷﮭرا ﻣن‪ ١٩٥٦‬اﻟﻰ ‪ ٢١‬اﺑرﯾل ﺳﻧﺔ ‪ ١٩٦٠‬وﻛﺎن اﻗﺗراح ﻧﻘل اﻟﻌﺎﺻﻣﺔ اﻟﻰ‬
‫وﺳط اﻟﺑﻼد اوﻻ ﻓﻲ ﺳﻧﺔ‪ ١٨٩١‬وﻟﻛن ﻟم ﯾﺻدق اﻻ ﻓﻲ ﺳﻧﺔ ‪١٩٢٢‬‬
‫اﻟرﺋﯾس ‪Juscelino Kubitschek‬اﻣر ﺑﺑﻧﺎء اﻟﻌﺎﺻﻣﺔ اﻟﺟدﯾده وذﻟك ﺗﺑﻌﺎ ﻟﻠﻘﺎﻧون اﻟذي‬
‫اﺻدر ﺑﻧﻘل اﻟﻌﺎﺻﻣﺔ ﻣن رﯾو دي ﺟﺎﻧﯾرو اﻟﻰ ﻣﻛﺎن ﻗرﯾب ﻣن وﺳط اﻟﺑﻼد‬
‫‪-١‬اﻟﺧوف ﻣن اﻟﻐزوات ‪ ،‬اﻟﺑرازﯾل ﻏزت ﺑﺎﺳﺗﻣرار وﺑﺎﻧﺗظﺎم ﻓﻲ اﻟﻣﺎﺿﻲ ﻣن ﻗﺑل اﻟﻔرﻧﺳﯾﯾن‬
‫واﻟﮭوﻟﻧدﯾﯾن وﺣﺗﻰ اﻟﺑرﺗﻐﺎل ﺑﻌد اﻻﺳﺗﻘﻼل ‪ ،‬و وﻗوع اﻟﻌﺎﺻﻣﺔ رﯾو دي ﺟﺎﻧﯾرو ﻋﻠﻰ ﺑﺣر‬
‫ﺟﻌﻠﮭﺎ ﺿﻌﯾﻔﺔ ﺟدا‬
‫‪ -٢‬اﻟﻣﺳﺎﻋده ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗطوﯾر ﻗﻠب اﻟﺑﻠد‬
‫أﺳﺒﺎب ﺑﻨﺎء‬ ‫‪ -٣‬اﺳﺑﺎب اﻣﻧﯾﺔ ‪،‬ﻓﺎﻟﻣدﯾﻧﺔ اﻟﺻﻐﯾره ﻣن اﻟﺳﮭل اﻟﺳﯾطره ﻋﻠﯾﮭﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺣﺎﻟﺔ اﻋﻣﺎل اﻟﺷﻐب وﻣﺎ‬
‫ﺷﺎﺑﺔ واﯾﺿﺎ اﻟﻣطﺎﻟب اﻟﺷﻌﺑﯾﺔ ﺳﺗﻛون اﯾﺿﺎ ﻗﻠﯾﻠﺔ‬
‫ﺑﺮازﯾﻠﯿﺎ‬ ‫‪ -٤‬ﻧﻘﻠﮭﺎ ﻣن اﻟﺳﺎﺣل اﻟﻰ اﻟوﺳط اﻟﻐرﺑﻲ ﻟﻠﺑﻼد وذﻟك ﻻن اﻟﺣﻛوﻣﺔ ارادت ان ﺗﺳﺎﻋد اھل‬
‫ﺗﻠك اﻟﻣﻧطﻘﺔ ﻣن اﻟﺑﻼد ﺑﺗوﺿﯾﻔﮭم ﻟﺑﻧﺎء ھذه اﻟﻣدﯾﻧﺔ واﯾﺿﺎ ﺑﺗوﺿﯾف اﻟﻌﻣﺎل ﻣن ﺟﻣﯾﻊ اﻧﺣﺎء‬
‫اﻟﺑﻼد وﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﻣن ﺷﻣﺎل ﺷرق اﻟﺑﻼد وذﻟك ﻟﺗطﺑﯾق اﻟﻣﺑﺎدئ اﻟوارده ﻓﻲ ﻣﯾﺛﺎق اﺛﯾﻧﺎ ﺳﻧﺔ‬
‫‪١٩٣٣‬‬
‫‪ -٥‬رﺑط اﺟزاء اﻟﺑرازﯾل ﺑﺑﻌﺿﮭﺎ‬
‫ﻛﺎن ﺑﻧﺎء اﻟﻌﺎﺻﻣﺔ اﺣدى اﺳﺑﺎب اﻻﻧﻘﻼب اﻟﻌﺳﻛري ﺳﻧﺔ ‪ ١٩٦٤‬واﻟذي اﺛر ﺳﻠﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻌﺟز‬
‫اﻟﻌﺎم واﻟﺗﺿﺧم وھذه اﻟﻌواﻣل ﺳﺎھﻣت ﻓﻲ ﻋدم اﻻﺳﺗﻘرار واﻻﻧﻘﻼب اﻟﻌﺳﻛري ﺧﻼل ادارة‬
‫ﺧﺎﻧﯾو ﻛوادروس و وﺟو او ﺟواﻟرت ‪،‬وﺻﻠت ﻋﻣﻠﯾﺔ اﻟﺑﻧﺎء اﻟﻰ طرﯾق ﻣﺳدود وﻛﺎن ھﻧﺎﻟك‬
‫اﻟﻛﺛﯾر ﻣن اﻟﺿﻐط ﻟﻧﻘل اﻟﻌﺎﺻﻣﺔ اﻟﻰ رﯾو دي ﺟﺎﻧﯾرو ‪،‬وﻓﻲ ذﻟك اﻟوﻗت ﻛﺎن ﻋدد ﻗﻠﯾل ﻣن‬
‫اﻟﻧﺎس ﯾﻌﯾﺷون ﻓﻲ ﺑرازﯾﻠﯾﺎ ‪ ،‬وﻛﺎن ﻓﻲ اﻻدارة ﻛﺎﺳﺗﯾﻠو ﺑراﻧﻛو اول رﺋﯾس ﻋﺳﻛري ﺑﻌد‬
‫اﻻﻧﻘﻼب ‪،‬وﻗد ﻋزز ﻣوﻗﻊ اﻟﻌﺎﺻﻣﺔ ﺑﻌد ان دﻋﺎ اﻻﻧﻘﻼب ﻟرﺟوع اﻟﻌﺎﺻﻣﺔ اﻟﻰ رﯾو دي‬
‫ﺟﺎﻧﯾرو ‪,‬ھل اﻟﺑرازﯾﻠﯾﯾن ﻻ ﯾﺣﺑون ﻋﺎﺻﻣﺗﮭم اﻟﺟدﯾده ؟؟؟‬
‫ﻟﯾس ھﻧﺎك أي اﺣﺻﺎء او ﺗﺣﻘﯾق ﯾدﻋم ان اﻟﺑرازﯾﻠﯾﯾن ﻻ ﯾﺣﺑون ﻣدﯾﻧﺗﮭم‪ ،‬وﻟﻛن ھﻧﺎك‬
‫اﺳﺑﺎب ان اﻟﺑرازﯾﻠﯾﯾن ﻟدﯾﮭم ﻓﻛرة ﻏﯾر ﺟﯾدة ﻋﻧﮭﺎ وذﻟك ﻻن اﻟﻣدﯾﻧﺔ ﺗﻣﺛل اﻟﻔﺳﺎد وﻋدم‬
‫اﻟﻛﻔﺎءة واﺧرﯾن ﯾﻛررون ﻧﻔس اﻟﻣﻔﺎھﯾم ﻋﻧدﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﻧت ﺑرازﯾﻠﯾﺎ ﻓﺎرﻏﺔ ﻣن اﻟﻧﺎس‬
Barcelona’s Urban Planning
10-01-2020 - Wala Sahloul
Urban planning and
transformation in
Barcelona
The story below is a brief history of urban
planning and transformation in Barcelona,
Spain. It provides background and context
for a five-part series about the city’s current
comprehensive urban plan, which would
reclaim more than half the streets now
devoted to cars for mixed-use public spaces,
or “superblocks.” You can find .
The Sagrada Familia in Barcelona.

Barcelona is in a
perfect place for a city.
On the northeastern corner of the Iberian
Peninsula, in the Spanish Levante, it sits on a
plain of land about 5 kilometers wide,
bounded by the Mediterranean Sea to the
east, the Collserola mountains to the west,
the Besòs river to the north, and the
Llobregat river to the southwest.
The city’s origins trace back to the Romans,
who settled in the area in 15 BC and, in the
first century BC, built the medieval city of
Barcino. It was small, surrounded by a wall
roughly 1.5 kilometers in circumference,
with the characteristic Roman grid of
perpendicular streets.
Barcino, sketched in
its original location
over a map of
Barcelona’s current
Gothic Quarter.
Modest Beginnings
In these modest beginnings are already visible
two characteristics that would define
Barcelona’s development over the years.
First, it began, and has always remained, a
bounded and compressed city, dense from its
founding. First physical walls and then the limits
of geography have hemmed the city in and
ensured that its residents are crammed tightly
together.
And second, it has always been
an intentional city, closely conceived and
constructed by central planners. There have
been very few periods of unplanned growth in
Barcelona history. Unlike so many newer cities,
it has not sprawled. Each new burst of growth
has been on purpose; there has always been a
plan.
Over the centuries, the city has been
transformed again and again at the hands of
visionaries, mostly notably architect Ildefons
Cerdà, still considered one of history’s great
urban planners.
15th-century Barcelona walls, with the original medieval walls in the

center and the current city in the background.
How Barcelona’s walls
finally fell
After the Roman Empire fell in the fifth
century CE, the years saw a series of
conquests — Visigoths, Arabs, what have you
— but they all reused the existing city.
In the Middle Ages, the city grew and
became more complex, the center of a
region known as Catalonia. An extended wall
was built in 1260, and then in the 15th
century, the wall was expanded again to
encompass the new Raval neighborhood. The
part of the plain outside the wall was used
for agriculture to provision the city.
15th-century Barcelona walls, with the original medieval walls in the

center and the current city in the background.
finally fell
In 1714, the War of the Spanish Succession
ended and Barcelona (having backed the the
Habsburg rather than the Bourbon claimant
to the throne of Spain) was on the losing
side. Upon its surrender, in order to suppress
any future challenge, Philip V abolished many
of the city’s institutions and charters, built a
fortress citadel to keep an eye on it, and
forbid Barcelona to grow beyond its medieval
walls.
Remarkably, the wall around the city stayed
in place — hemming in a growing population
and almost completely separating the city
from the sea next to it — for two more
centuries. By the middle of the 19th century,
population density was the highest in Spain,
working conditions were miserable, sewage
was out of control, water was dirty, and the
city was struck by a series of cholera
epidemics and riots.
Barcelona near the turn of the 19th century, hemmed in by a wall and
watched over by a citadel. Public domain;
finally fell
By 1854, when the Spanish government
finally gave permission to take the wall
down, it was one of the most hated
structures in Europe. Townspeople
immediately went at it with crowbars and
pickaxes; it took 12 years to completely
remove it.
Then came one of the most extraordinary
and underappreciated chapters in urban
design history — a chapter that, though 175
years in the past, contains many omens and
warnings for Barcelona’s current efforts.
Barcelona’s original medieval walls are still visible in several parts of the
city; this is next to the Sant Antoni market.
Cerdà’s utopian plan
for Barcelona
As soon as the wall’s demolition was
announced, plans began for an expansion of
the city. In 1855, the central Spanish
government approved a plan by
architect Ildefons Cerdà.
Cerdà is a legendary figure in urban planning
circles, farsighted and progressive even by
today’s standards. (Among other things, he is
credited with coining the
term urbanización.) Trained as a civil
engineer, over time he developed a range of
skills, from mapmaking to surveying to
public health analysis. He was eventually
involved in virtually every area of the city’s
planning
Architect and humanist Ildefons Cerdà, whose accomplishments

include an amazing mustache.
for Barcelona
Cerdà was horrified by the conditions of the
working class in Barcelona and set out to
make his extension of the city —
the Ensanche in Spanish, or in Catalan, as the
district is still known today, the Eixample — a
model of orderly, clean, safe, hygienic urban
living.
The plan was approved by royal decree in
1860.
Cerdà’s modified plan, in 1859.

Museu d’Historia de la Ciutat, Barcelona
for Barcelona
Two things are worth noting about Cerdà’s plan.
First, he took what was, for the time, an
exceptionally holistic view of urban quality. He
wanted to ensure that each citizen had, on a per
capita basis, enough water, clean air, sunlight,
ventilation, and space. His blocks were oriented
northwest to southeast to maximize daily sun
exposure.
And second, his plan embodied what is — then
and today — a striking egalitarianism. Each
block (manzana) was to be of almost identical
proportions, with buildings of regular height
and spacing and a preponderance of green
space. Commerce was to take place on the
ground floor, the bourgeoisie were to live on
the floor above (rather than in mansions at the
edge of town), and the workers were slated for
the upper floors. In this way, they would all
share the same streets and public spaces,
exposed to the same hygienic conditions,
reducing social distance and inequality.
for Barcelona
Each 20-square-block district was meant to
be largely self-contained, with its own shops
and civic facilities. Hospitals, parks, and
plazas were to be spaced evenly throughout
the city, to maximize equality of access.
Excluding the already developed Old Town
and the two diagonal avenues intended to
bisect the plain, the pattern of regular
rectilinear blocks (exactly 113.3 by 113.3
meters, for 12,370 square meters, with at
least 800 square meters for gardens) was to
be replicated all the way to the borders of
nearby settlements. The streets were to be
wide enough to allow for the free flow of
pedestrians, goods, and commerce (in the
original plan, 35 meters wide).
for Barcelona
A regular grid is comprehensible and easily
navigable. There are multiple routes to any
destination and regularly spaced choices.
Because almost all streets are the same, it
promotes the dispersion of foot traffic and
street life.
Though Cerdà’s manzanas were (and are)
criticized for their uniformity — the sameness is
said to leave no room for great monuments or
idiosyncratic artistry — it is just that underlying
uniformity that has proven so endlessly
adaptable.
The repeating structure of the blocks means
that as social and economic circumstances
change, old buildings can be shifted in use or
ripped out, or multiple buildings combined.
“You can change a building to introduce
housing, a school, a hotel, or offices; you just
need to put a building between two others that
exist,” says Miguel Corominas Ayala, a professor
at the Barcelona School of Architecture. “It’s
very rigid geometrically, but it’s very flexible in
use.”
Like Legos, the blocks have been built and
rebuilt many times, for many different uses.
(In the US, perhaps only Manhattan and
Washington, DC, have similarly long
experience with similarly regular blocks.)
Originally, each of Cerdà’s blocks was to have

buildings on just two sides (sometimes
three), occupying less than 50 percent of the
total area, with the bulk of the interior space
devoted to gardens and green space. The
buildings were to be low enough (no more
than 20 meters tall and 15 to 20 meters
deep) to allow for almost continuous
sunlight in the interiors during the day.
The goal was to combine the advantages of
rural living (green space, fresh air and food,
community) with the advantages of urban
living (commerce, culture, free flow of goods
and ideas).
Though Cerdà designed the city before
automobiles, he included wide streets and
his famous chamfered (45-degree) corners
in anticipation of urban steam trams
distributing goods and people. They would
need lots of room to turn. (Seriously.) The
design has, to Barcelona’s current dismay,
proven extraordinarily accommodating to
motor vehicles. Many of the areas created
by the chamfered corners are now used for
parking.
A plan for two of Cerdà’s blocks, from an 1863 booklet.

Cerdà’s original plan
fell victim to greed and
politics
Nonetheless: The Example got built. And
though it has become crowded, loud, and
paved over, it remains one of the most in-
demand and expensive areas of the city. The
basic system of manzana Legos that Cerdà
envisioned has proven incredibly adaptable
and resilient.
The urban plan of Antoni Rovira y Trias.

Museu d’Historia de la Ciutat, Barcelona
Urban transformation
in Barcelona after
Cerdà
Held in a park on the grounds that once
housed Philip V’s citadel, it was a huge
success, drawing more than 2 million visitors
and helping to cement Barcelona’s
reputation as a premier European city.
(The architectural works of Antoni Gaudí, for
which the city is famous, date to roughly this
era and through the turn of the century.)
In 1929, the city, which had since grown to
encompass six smaller settlements around it,
hosted the International Exhibition, which
brought more improvements, like public
toilets and the complete replacement of gas
lights with electric.
Then, after a series of political convulsions,
the Spanish monarchy fell in 1931. That led
to another fascinating episode in Barcelona
urban planning history — a path not taken.
Buildings erected for the Universal Exhibition of Barcelona in 1888.

The modernist
transformation of
Barcelona that never
happened
The period was anomalous in the city’s urban
history, characterized by mainly unregulated
construction using cheap materials, often in
suburbs at the periphery of the city, to
quickly accommodate workers moving from
other parts of Spain.
The end of dictatorship and the arrival of
democracy set off a series of small, locally
focused, often self-funded urban
improvements, which bolstered the city
enough to win it the 1992 Summer Olympics.
And the Olympics led to the biggest urban
transformation since Cerdà’s.
The residential district of the Macià Plan.

The 1992 Olympics made
Barcelona a global
tourist destination
Barcelona’s strategy around the Olympics
was so novel, progressive, and successful
that it has been studied ever since.
(London explicitly looked to the “Barcelona
model” when preparing for the 2012
Olympics.)
Rather than focusing on a few large sports
venues — which often become “white
whales” when events are over — Barcelona
spread new investment across the city,
funding structural upgrades that would
outlast the event.
Barcelona’s Olympic Village.

Barcelona a global
tourist destination
Most notably, where the Poblenou district
met the water, rundown industrial facilities
were removed and replaced by an Olympic
village, with new residences that became
market housing afterward. The beach on
Barceloneta was extended two miles north,
across Poblenou, opening a huge stretch of
renewed waterfront to city dwellers and
tourists. A new port (the Olympic Port) was
built to accommodate increased tourism.
Ring roads (rondas) were constructed
around the city to enable smooth
transportation between venues and reduce
congestion. Montjuïc, the mountain at the
southern end of Barcelona, got the Olympic
stadium and an iconic Olympic pool
overlooking the city.
The Olympic swimming pool on Montjuïc, in Barcelona

Barcelona a global
tourist destination
Along with a range of other projects and new green
spaces, the 1992 Olympics transformed Barcelona
into a fully modern global city and a hugely
popular tourist destination.
In 1999, the Royal Institute of British Architects
took the unprecedented step of awarding its Royal
Gold Medal for Architecture not to an individual
architect, as in years past, but to a city: Barcelona,
for its “ambitious yet pragmatic urban strategy,”
which has “transformed the city’s public realm,
immensely expanded its amenities and regenerated
its economy, providing pride in its inhabitants and
delight in its visitors.”
In recent years, Barcelona has been grappling with
the consequences of its spiraling success, familiar
to many growing cities: It is overrun by tourists, real
estate prices are rising due to foreign speculation,
gentrification is pushing out longtime residents,
and there are too many cars, bringing with them
noise, air pollution, and congestion.
In a city as compressed and crowded as Barcelona,
these problems are no longer tolerable. The task
for urban planners now is to harness the city’s
success in service of yet another transformation,
into a model for the 21st century, designed around
people and public spaces rather than motor
vehicles. The Eixample, from the air, in 2007.
Noor amer
201720420
The right to the city is an idea and
a slogan that was first proposed by
Henri Lefebvre in his 1968 book Le
Droit à la ville and that has been
reclaimed more recently by social
movements, thinkers and several
progressive local authorities
▪ He defines the Right to the city as a right of no
exclusion of urban society from qualities and
benefits of urban life
▪ The Right to the city is far more than the
individual liberty to access urban resources: it
is a right to change ourselves by changing the
city
▪ The right to the city is not intended to be
understood as an individual legal right. It is a
slogan for movements around the world that
are fighting the semblance of many modern
cities in which public operations and facilities
have been privatized
▪ Due to the inequalities produced
by the rapid increase of the
world urban population in most
regions of the world and
struggle for social justice and
dignified access to urban life to
face growing urban inequalities
(especially in large metropolitan
areas)
Question: What is a common urban space? Is it a public space, a
space produced by the state, a space seized by groups or groups, or
spaces for political action?
▪ From a physical point of view of urbanization, urban public spaces
can be thought of as space within a city intended for public use,
collective ownership, belonging to a public authority or society as a
whole such as
1. spaces for circulation (street or a square)
2. spaces for recreation and recreation (such as A park (urban or
park)
3. spaces for contemplation (such as a waterfall)
In all of these cases, the right to freedom of access and movement is
guaranteed to everyone.
However, there are public or public urban spaces that have certain
restrictions on access and mobility, such as public buildings,
educational and health institutions, and cultural centers. For example,
hospitals define rules for access, use, and circulation for their
locations.
The concept of space has been proposed on a
tripartite basis:
1. spatial practice (a space of perception arising
from everyday reality)
2. Representations of space (perceived space and
representations of space)
3. representative spaces (i.e. spaces that are
experienced through images, symbols, spaces of
emotion and action)
For Lefebvre, “Spatial practice, representations of
space and representational spaces contribute in
different ways to the production of space according
to their characteristics and qualities, according to
the society or mode of production concerned and
according to the historical period”
absolute Relative space relational space
“space is neither
• then it becomes a • relationship • can only be said to absolute, [nor] relative or
"thing in itself" between living the extent that it relational in itself, but
that has an things that exist contains can become one or
existence only because represented by whole depending on the
independent of living things exist relationships in circumstances” and on
matter. and are related to themselves with human practice Thus
• Then it has a each other other beings
structure that we
can use to classify
phenomena or
their uniqueness
▪ This approach allows one to view the city as a
square in which different people with different
interests face each other. Each person pursues
his goals, even if they relate to the individual's
own existence and social reproduction in the city the contrasts of space are
(for example, living well or achieving symbolic exploding for two reasons
gains related to the state of residence in a private
place
▪ The value of the different areas of renewable
social space is determined in the relationship the contradictions arise from
production itself and social
between the distribution of people and the appropriation, especially
dynamism at work disrupts
distribution of goods and services in the place from capital. At the same
space, markets it, sells it,
and divides it.
time, in the logic of
▪ Thus, city space is an expression of “major capitalism
objective social contradictions in physical
space”, in the form, for example, of the division
between the city center and its surroundings, and
tends to be reproduced in forms of
representation
▪ the right to the city expresses a demand for the provision
of social reproduction in the city, and is linked to struggles
against dispossession - referring to claims related to
housing, sanitation, mobility, education, health, culture,
democratic participation
▪ From this perspective, the right to the city as a condition
(the right to the city as a cry)
▪ movements against eviction, movements for the homeless,
urban reform, sanitation, justice. Environmental Fair City,
free lanes for public transportation, immigrant rights, and
cultural movements
▪ Institutional struggles to change urban legislation, which
would create special zones for social interests, social
housing programs, and programs to regulate land tenure in
shantytowns and low-income neighborhoods. Through
participatory budgets and municipal councils
Case study
▪ Definition : Urban segregation is the unequal distribution of
different social groups in the urban space, based mainly on
occupation, income and education, as well as on gender and
ethnicity. The quality of life and number of healthy life years
differ among these groups, too
▪ Why ?
▪ The widening gap between rich and poor is leading to
more segregation, with both groups living in homogenous
▪ n some cities the rich have established 'gated communities'

in the sky by means of luxury apartment tower blocks
▪ in many cases, deprived areas are those lacking access to

public transport and services
Housing
Special
Segregation
Health Migration
▪ Housing :Some major cities face a structural housing shortage with
spiraling property prices and rent in high-demand areas. This is leading to a
territorial divide whereby finding adequate and affordable housing where job
opportunities are is becoming increasingly difficult
▪Migration: are one of the groups at major risk of exclusion in cities,

which is also linked to their segregation. To understand the integration of
migrants in the receiving society it is necessary to zoom in at the level of
specific neighborhoods
▪Health :Residents from socio-economically deprived neighborhoods

may experience health disadvantages Life expectancy is affected by early
childhood development, education, employment and working conditions,
income levels, physical environment (such as air quality) and other health
determinants like smoking, alcohol consumption and access to physical activity
and a healthy diet.
▪ Definition :It is a state or a tendency denoting
the growth of groups at the extremities of the social
hierarchy and the parallel shrinking of groups around
its middle
▪ Why ?:Social polarization is associated with the

segregation within a society that may emerge from
income inequality, real-estate fluctuations, economic
displacements etc. and result in such differentiation
that would consist of various social groups, from high-
income to low-income
▪ One of the research works on
social polarization is from wherein
he provides a comparison between
the Pre-capitalist society and
capitalist society.
▪ Capitalist society :
One of the prerequisites of wage
labor, and one of the historic
conditions for capital, is free labor
and the exchange of free labor
against money, in order to
reproduce money and to convert it
into values
▪ Definition : Katara is a cultural village in Doha,
Qatar. It is located on the eastern coast
between West Bay and the Pearl
▪ The buildings and facilities at Katara were

deliberately arranged in order to reflect the
country's cultural and architectural heritage
▪ The different between East and West Amman
▪ Difference in the arrangement of buildings
▪ Difference in street organization
▪ This is reflected in the type of services
Heritage Conservation
Dr. Amro Yaghi
Shareef Abu Hdeeb
201620717
‫تعريف التراث‬
‫يعرف التراث الشعبي لشعب من الشعوب على أنه كل ما‬
‫ورثه هذا الشعب من عادات‪ ،‬وتقاليد‪ ،‬وفنون‪ ،‬ومقتنيات‬
‫مادية‪ ،‬وغير ذلك عن أسالفه‪ ،‬حيث يعتبر التراث‬
‫الشعبي عالمةً مميزة وفارقة لكل شعب‪ ،‬بحيث يتميز به‬
‫عن باقي الشعوب األخرى‪ ،‬وتتشكل به هويته الخاصة‪.‬‬
‫العالقة بين التراث التاريخي والحضارة‬
‫التراث هو الحاضنة التاريخية للشعوب على‬
‫اختالفها‪ ،‬وهو ما يمنحها هويتها المميزة‪ ،‬كما‬
‫أنه مصدر الشعور باالنتماء واألمان بالنسبة‬
‫للمجتمعات الحديثة‪ ،‬كما أن التراث قد يكون‬
‫الدليل الذي يمكن لإلنسان من خالله تفسير‬
‫الحاضر وحل مشكالته والتنبؤ بالمستقبل‬
‫وهو األمر الذي يعد أساس قيام الحضارات‬
‫على تنوعها‬
‫يع ّرفوا الشعوب على‬
‫طرق حفظ التراث‬
‫التراث عن طريق إقامة‬
‫المعارض والمنشورات‬
‫االهتمام بقاعة‬ ‫القيام بالتجربة بشكل‬
‫العرض وقاعة‬ ‫فعلي مع محاولة‬
‫الزوار‪.‬‬
‫استقبال ّ‬ ‫إيصال الفكرة إلى‬
‫الشعب‪.‬‬
‫الحرص على الصيانة‬
‫المستمرة للتراث‬
‫الوطني وخصوصا ً‬
‫التراث الغير مكتوب‬ ‫توفير الحماية‬
‫الكافية للمتاحف‪.‬‬
‫الحرص على تنمية‬ ‫القيام على ترتيب‬ ‫الحرص على توفير‬

‫وتطوير التراث الثقافي‬ ‫وتصنيف المواد بدّقة‬ ‫المادة من أجل إعداد‬
‫مع التعريف به‬ ‫وإحكام‬ ‫المعرض‪.‬‬
‫أهميّة الحفاظ على التراث‬
‫التراث من أهم مصادر اإلحساس بالجمال ويساهم في اإلشباع‬
‫العاطفي حيث أنه يربط الماضي بالحاضر‪ .‬لألسف هناك البعض‬
‫من المشكالت التي تواجه التراث المعماري منها‪:‬‬
‫عدم وجود الوعي الكافي ألهمية هذا التراث‪.‬‬ ‫•‬

‫القيام بالترميمات بطريقة عشوائية مع فقد القواعد األساسية‬ ‫•‬
‫التي يتم عليها الترميم‪.‬‬
‫عدم االهتمام بالترميم للكثير من األبنية التي تمثل التراث‬ ‫•‬
‫العمراني والثقافي والحضاري‪.‬‬
‫أهميّة السياحة في الحفاظ على التراث‬
‫إن السياحة لها دور‬
‫كبير في الحفاظ على‬
‫التراث كما أنها من أهم‬
‫المصادر للدخل في‬
‫البالد وتساعد في دعم‬
‫االقتصاد‬
‫تنمية التراث‬
‫من أهم الوسائل التي تساعد على تطويرالتراث تطوير طرق عرضه‬
‫وتضمينه في المناهج المختلفة بالشكل الذي يتناسب مع مستويات‬
‫الطلبة وقدراتهم اإلدراكية‪.‬‬
‫أن المواقع األثرية والسياحية تُعتبر جزءا ً من اإلرث الحضاري‬
‫لشعب ُمعين من الشعوب‪ ،‬فإنه ينبغي االهتمام بها وتأهيلها من‬
‫الناحية السياحية حتى تصير من نقاط الجذب السياحية الهامة في‬
‫الدولة‪ ،‬كما ويجب نشر التراث خارج البالد من خالل الجهات‬
‫المعنية‪ ،‬والمواطنين الشرفاء الذين ينتمون إلى أرضهم ووطنهم‪.‬‬
‫‪Cases Studies‬‬
‫دور السياحه في الحفاظ على تراث االردن‬

‫تُعتبر السياحة في األردن من أهم القطاعات في اقتصاد البالد‪ ،‬حيث تُشكل ‪ % 13‬من الناتج المحلي‬
‫اإلجمالي‪ .‬كما تصل عائداتها إلى نحو ‪ 4.3‬مليارات دوالر سنويًا‪ ،‬إذ زار األردن عام ‪ 2014‬حوالي ‪ 5.3‬مليون‬
‫سائح من مختلف أنحاء العالم‪.‬‬
‫كما يُعتبر األردن أحد أهم مناطق الجذب السياحي في الشرق األوسط‪ .‬ويعود ذلك أسا ًسا إلى أهميته الدينية‬
‫والتاريخية‪.‬ويتمتع األردن بمواصفات أخرى تجعله مقصد ًا للسياح والزوار من مختلف أنحاء العالم طوال‬
‫السنة‪ ،‬خاصةً فيما يخص السياحة العالجية‪ ،‬إذ يُعتبر الخامس في العالم في هذا المجال‪ .‬كما تتمتع البالد‬
‫بتضاريس شديدة التنوع‪ ،‬وهي عبارة عن جسر يربط بين قارات أفريقيا وآسيا‪ ،‬وأوروبا‪ ،‬ما كان له تأثير كبير‬
‫على مجرى تاريخه‪.‬‬
‫يمتاز األردن بتنوع المقومات السياحية‪ ،‬وذلك لتوافر أماكن الجذب السياحي‪ ،‬مثل المواقع األثرية‪ .‬كما تتنوع‬
‫مجاالت السياحة في البالد‪ ،‬مثل السياحة الثقافية والدينية والترفيهية والعالجية وسياحة المغامرات‪ ،‬وغيرها‪.‬‬
‫ويوجد في المملكة أكثر من ‪ 300‬فندقًا ُمصنفًا وغير ُمصنف‪ ،‬من بينها ‪ 100‬فندق من فئة ‪3‬‬
‫نجوم فما فوق‪ ،‬ويبلغ عدد الغرف الفندقية نحو ‪ 23‬ألف غرفة فندقية‪.‬‬
‫وتتنوع تصنيفات الفنادق بين فنادق فئة خمس نجوم بالدرجة األولى والنجمة‪ ،‬وبلغ حجم‬
‫االستثمار في قطاع الفنادق في المملكة نحو ‪ 3.4‬مليار دينار حتى العام ‪ ، 2010‬وفقًا لجمعية‬
‫فنادق المملكة‬
‫من جهة أخرى‪ ،‬يساعد التنوع المناخي في األردن‪ ،‬رغم صغر مساحته‪ ،‬على تعدد أشكال‬
‫السياحة‪ .‬حيث يُعد مناخ البالد مزي ًجا من مناخي حوض البحر األبيض المتوسط والصحراء‪.‬‬
‫وبشكل عام‪ ،‬فإن الطقس حار وجاف في الصيف ولطيف ورطب في الشتاء يشار إلى أنه يُقام‬
‫سنويًا يوم للسياحة األردنية في ‪ 12‬أيار‪ /‬مايو من كل عام برعاية من وزارة السياحة واآلثار‬
‫األردنية‪ ،‬وبالتعاون مع عدد من الجهات الحكومية والخاصة األخرى‪.‬‬
‫احتل األردن في العقد األخير المركز األول عربيًا والخامس‬
‫السياحه العالجيه‬ ‫عالميًا في مجال السياحة العالجية‪ ،‬حيث أن ما يجذب‬
‫المرضى هو إجراءات تخفيض األسعار عن العالج‬
‫في أوروبا‪.‬إذ يستقبل األردن سنويًا ‪ 300,000‬زائر لغاية‬
‫العالج ونحو نصف مليون مرافق‪ ،‬وتقدر عائدات هذه‬
‫السياحة بأكثر من مليار دوالر سنويًا‪ ،‬ويبلغ عدد المستشفيات‬
‫‪ 103‬بإجمالي ‪ 13‬ألف سرير‪ ،‬باستثمارات تُقدر بنحو ثالثة‬
‫مليارات دوالر‪ .‬هناك عدد من المستشفيات الحكومية‬
‫والخاصة في عمان‪ ،‬التي يرتادها المرضى العرب من‬
‫دول الخليج العربي والعراق واليمن ودول المغرب العربي‪.‬‬
‫إن السياحة الطبية في األردن تتميز بمهارة وخبرة متميزة في‬
‫مجال أمراض وجراحة القلب وكذلك تطبيق الكثير من‬
‫الجراحات الدقيقة فيما يخص العيون والكلى والرئتين‪.‬‬
‫إن السياحة العالجية تعتبر رافدًا من روافد االقتصاد األردني حيث إلى جانب حضور ومعالجة‬
‫المريض‪ ،‬يحضر معه المرافقون والذين يستخدمون وسائل الخدمات العامة من فنادق وشقق مفروشة‬
‫ووسائل نقل ومطاعم‪ ،‬حيث قُدر الدخل العائد عن السياحة العالجية بحدود مليار ومائتا مليون دوالر‬
‫أمريكي‪.‬‬
‫وتشمل الخدمات التي تقدم للمرضى والمراجعين معظم التخصصات كأمراض القلب واالعصاب‬
‫وجراحة العظام واالمراض الباطنية وامراض العيون وزراعة الكبد والكلى وزراعة وترميم المفاصل‬
‫وعالج العقم واطفال االنابيب‪ .‬ويعتبر األردن واحد ًا من البالد التي يختلط فيها االستشفاء من أمراض‬
‫الجسد مع الترويح عن النفس‪ .‬حيث تتوافر كل مقومات العالج الطبيعي من مياه حارة غنية باألمالح‪،‬‬
‫إلى طين بركاني‪ ،‬إلى طقس معتدل وطبيعة خالبة‪ ،‬األمر الذي جعلها منتجعات عالجية يؤمها الكثير‬
‫من طالبي االستشفاء من األمراض المختلفة‪.‬‬
‫السياحه التاريخيه‬ ‫كبيرا باآلثار واألماكن التاريخية‬
‫ً‬ ‫يُعتبر األردن متحفًا‬
‫والحصون والقالع الدالة على تعاقب الحضارات‪ ،‬حيث‬
‫يمكن للسائح زيارة عدد كبير من المواقع التاريخية التي‬
‫تمثلها وتمثل الممالك والدول التي قامت على أرضه‬
‫وسادت ثم بادت وظلت آثارها تشهد عليها‪ .‬فقد منح موقع‬
‫األردن الجغرافي المتوسط والرابط بين‬
‫قارات آسيا وأفريقيا وأوروبا ومناخها المعتدل الذي‬
‫ورا‬
‫ساعد على االستقرار البشري منذ أقدم العصور‪ ،‬د ً‬
‫تاريخيًا مه ًما كطريق للقوافل التجارية وطرق‬
‫المواصالت التي تربط الشرق بالغرب والشمال‬
‫بالجنوب‪ .‬وتُعتبر البتراء أهم تلك المواقع األثرية‪،‬‬
‫تليها جرش‪ ،‬فالبحر الميت والمغطس‪ ،‬عمان‪ ،‬أم قيس‪،‬‬
‫وكل من مادبا والكرك وعجلون‪.‬‬
‫مواقع التراث العالمي‬ ‫البتراء ‪ :‬مدينة أثرية وتاريخية تشتهر‬
‫بعمارتها المنحوتة بالصخور ونظام قنوات‬
‫يوجد في األردن خمسة مواقع ثقافية‪ /‬أو طبيعة من‬ ‫جر المياه القديمة‪ .‬اُطلق عليها قديما اسم‬
‫المناطق التاريخية تم إدراجها ضمن التراث‬ ‫"سلع"‪ .‬كا ُسميت بـ "المدينة الوردية"‬
‫العالمي التابعة لليونيسكو منذ عام ‪،1985‬‬ ‫نسبة أللوان صخورها الملتوية تم تسجيله‬
‫هي البتراء‪ ،‬قصير عمرة‪ ،‬أم الرصاص‪ ،‬وادي‬ ‫‪1985‬‬
‫آخرا‬
‫رم‪ ،‬والمغطس‪ .‬كما أنه هناك ‪ 16‬موق ًعا أردنيًا ً‬
‫درجا على القائمة االرشادية المؤقتة لمواقع التراث‬ ‫ُم ً‬ ‫قصر عمره ‪ :‬شيد القصر في عهد‬
‫العالمي (القائمة المؤقتة) ‪ ،‬منها البلدة القديمة في كل‬ ‫الخليفة الوليد بن عبد الملك في القرن‬
‫من جرش والسلط وأم قيس‪ ،‬آثار بيال‪ ،‬آثار أم‬ ‫الثامن الميالدي وال زالت في حالة إنشائية‬
‫الجمال‪ ،‬قلعة الشوبك‪ ،‬قصر المشتى‪ ،‬محمية ضانا‪ ،‬وادي‬ ‫جيدة‪ ،‬وقد تم تنفيذ الرسوم التي يتميز‬
‫الموجب‪ ،‬محمية األزرق‪ ،‬وغيرها‪ .‬وهي خطوة أولية أو‬ ‫بها القصر عن طريق إكساء الجدران‬
‫تمهيدية لولوج الالئحة الرسمية لمواقع التراث العالمي‬ ‫بطبقة من الجص ومن ثم الرسم باأللوان‬
‫المائية تم تسجيله ‪1985‬‬
‫حسب اليونسكو‪ ،‬يتم المصادقة عليها من طرف لجنة‬
‫التراث العالمي‪.‬‬
ART PRACTICES AND THE CITY
.Ashraf Moh’d Sudqi Salameh

.201720072
Abstract
There has been a remarkable rise in the number of urban arts festivals in recent
decades. The outcomes of cities’ engagement with arts festivals, however, remains little
understood, particularly in social and cultural terms. This article reviews existing
literature on urban festivals and argues that city authorities tend to disregard the social
value of festivals and to construe them simply as vehicles of economic generation or as
‘quick fix’ solutions to city image problems. While such an approach renders certain
benefits, it is ultimately quite limiting. If arts festivals are to achieve their undoubted
potential in animating communities, celebrating diversity and improving quality of life,
then they must be conceived of in a more holistic way by urban managers. Currently, the
tasks of conceptualizing the problems at issue and devising appropriate policies are
hampered by the scarcity of empirical research conducted in the area.
Festival meanings
people in all cultures recognize the need to set aside
certain times and spaces for communal creativity and celebration, and festivals have
long constituted a vehicle for expressing the close relationship between identity and
place. Ekman (1999), writing in a Swedish context, for example, described festivals as
occasions for expressing collective belonging to a group or a place. In creating
opportunities for drawing on shared histories, shared cultural practices and ideals, as
well as creating settings for social interactions, festivals engender local continuity. They
constitute arenas where local knowledge is produced and reproduced, where the history,
cultural inheritance and social structures, which distinguish one place from another, are
revised, rejected or recreated. To borrow Geertz’s terminology, they can be said to
represent an example of a ‘cultural text’ (Geertz 1993), one of the many ensembles of
texts that comprise a people’s culture. Historically, interrogating festival settings has
yielded insights into how a people’s sense of their own identity is closely bound up with
their attachment to place. In a European context, for example, Muir (1997) has written
about the important function that public festivities played in towns across western
Europe between the 12th and 18th centuries, those centuries during which civic
consciousness, or the identification of individuals with their home town, came to be one
of the distinguishing characteristics of European civilization
Festivals and urban policy – evolving recent approaches
By the beginning of the 1980s, the national and international contexts shaping the role of
cultural production in society was changing radically. Patterns of cultural consumption
had evolved radically in recent decades with huge expansions in the consumption of
mass media products in the home and a corresponding rise in diverse patterns of culture
as well as leisure and tourism. Cities, as Zukin (1991) noted, were no longer functioning
as landscapes of production but as landscapes of consumption. The collapse of the
industrial base in numerous cities had prompted a serious search for alternatives and a
shift towards the service economy. Many cities were beginning to see the logic in
developing the kinds of cultural facilities needed to attract the skilled workers who would
make up the new service class Simultaneous with this ‘cultural
turn’ in the advanced industrial societies emerged a corresponding inflation of ‘image
production’ ‘Image production’ or city marketing in the post-industrial era
was as Ward (1998) stresses, an American invention, which in a European context
tended to sit uneasily with a more intervensionist approach to urban governance
Characteristics of Urban Public Art
Urban public art has several typical characteristics, including artistry, expression diver-sity,
publicity and specific field property. Its artistry and expression diversity show that it doesn’t
have specific pattern of manifestation and style, but it can combine diversified artistic forms,
including building, multimedia, painting, device and sculpture. Any kind of means of expression
needs to combine with technology and art, aesthetics and science [2]. Besides, when designing,
artists shall consider whether the art coordinates with city characteristics and conforms to local
historic culture, emotional needs of the citizens and their receptivity for public art; as the most
prominent feature of public art, publicity includes the meaning of public places and urban
citizens exchange informa-tion and enter and leave the city freely. The publicity of public art
shall embody the publicity of artistic works in public spaces; the Bourdieu sociology theory
expounds the concept of “field domain”. We call the unity of individuals and all places
surrounding them “Life Circle” [3]. Public art has specific field property. If a public artistic work
is not placed in proper place, although it has sense of beauty, it cannot bring emotional
resonance for the audiences. In this way, it cannot promote public art to create social
atmosphere and represent city image.
City Image
1. The Concept of City Image
The word “image” appeared early in the Han dynasty. Some literatures explain it as
“shape and appearance of things”. Later, scholars use “image” to refer to entity image of
people or things. It has dual meanings. On one hand, it can refer to things of objective
existence. It can be depicted, observed and perceived and give people visual input; on
the other hand, it can refer to image information. It is realized through combination of
sensory system and nerve cell. City image can be explained as sensory information after
absorbing urban public art, including all the understanding information of urban public
culture through cultural background and history of the city. In city space, public
art such as road, bridge, street lamp, bus stop and sculpture has unique feature. The
public will produce direct sensory experience when perceiving public art in the space.
Because of individual differences, people hold different subjective understandings or
objective understandings toward public art, so the public have different understandings
for city image.
City image is the soul of a city. Its uniqueness, sense of beauty and cultural context
decide the appearance of a city. With the increase of travel experiences, people have in-
creasingly strong feeling toward city image. Public art is gradually popularized because
it can improve city grade and connotation. Meanwhile, it has become an important
topic of city image construction, realizing landscape and humanistic value of city. It is
the product of urban culture and life style. Nowadays, under the impact of economy,
city image can attract foreign investment and effective tourist resources. To develop
steadily, cities need to shape good city image.
2. The Characteristics of City Image
City image has three characteristics, namely integrality, long-term nature and other-
ness. The integrality means the impression that a city leaves on the public is integral. It
cannot be embodied through urban fragments or other individual elements. This un-
derstanding is an overall recognition through interaction of urban public art. Schelling,
a German scholar once elaborated in his Philosophy of Art that “maybe individual
beauty will move people, but only the integral real artistic work can reveal the beauty.
Therefore, people without holistic concept cannot judge artistic work very well” [5].
The formation of city image needs to go through a long process. It is inherited and de-
veloped constantly with evolution of history, culture and customs of cities. Many things
can be preserved for a very long period of time. It has relative stability for city image
and belongs to long term nature of city image, such as city image of headstream of the
four ancient civilizations in Ancient Egypt. As one of the main headstreams of western
civilization, Ancient Greek has special image. The integrality makes the city produce
stable characteristics. The otherness of city image is obvious. The geographical condi-
tion, natural environment, historical culture and customs of each city are different, with
different features and individuality. The character and individuality of cities are mani-
fested. Except for the vitality, to shape city image successfully, a city shall integrate with
the diversified factors, deepen understanding, and avoid repetition and plagiarism by
all means.
‫وجود المدن في الفن ووجود الفن في المدن‬
‫هما مجاالن غالبًا ما يتم دراستهما بشكل منفصل‬
‫‪ ،‬سواء كان ذلك من خالل تخصصات مختلفة‬
‫( التاريخ ‪ ،‬والجغرافيا ‪ ،‬وعلم االجتماع ‪ ،‬وما إلى‬
‫ذلك) أو من خالل مناهج مختلفة ضمن تخصص‬
‫واحد (الجغرافيا الثقافية أو الجغرافيا الحضرية‬
‫على سبيل المثال)‪ .‬ومع ذلك ‪ ،‬فإن الظهور‬
‫المتزايد للثقافة بشكل عام ‪ ،‬والفن بشكل خاص‪،‬‬
‫في المدن منذ نهاية القرن العشرين يميل إلى‬
‫تحدي هذا الفصل الصارم‪ .‬في الواقع ‪ ،‬يُفهم الفن‬
‫أكثر فأكثر على أنه جزء ال يتجزأ من النسيج‬
‫الحضري في حقبة ما بعد الصناعة‪ .‬ال يتم إعادة‬
‫تعريف المساحات واألماكن الفنية في المدن‬
‫ضا إعادة تعريف وظائفها‬ ‫فحسب ‪ ،‬بل يتم أي ً‬
‫وعالقاتها بالبيئة الحضرية‪ .‬وبالتالي ‪ ،‬يمكن‬
‫للمرء أن يتساءل إلى أي مدى يتم تحضر الفن ‪-‬‬
‫بأشكاله المختلفة (المنحوتات والجداريات‬
‫والعروض ‪ ،‬وما إلى ذلك) ‪ -‬في هذه العملية‬
‫والدرجات التي يتم بها جمالية المدن أو‬
‫"تشكيلها"‬
‫ظم دائرة الثقافة والسياحة ‪ -‬أبوظبي معرض «الفن والمدينة»‪ .‬الذي يقدم مجموعة‬ ‫تن ّ‬
‫مختارة من األعمال الفنية من مجموعتها الخاصة‪ ،‬التي تجسد معاني الثقافة الشعبية وارتباطها‬
‫الوثيق بالمدينة‪ ،‬وذلك خالل الفترة ما بين ‪ 17‬يوليو الجاري والسادس من أكتوبر المقبل في‬
‫منارة السعديات بأبوظبي‪.‬‬
‫يقدم المعرض فن الـ«بوب آرت» األوروبي واألميركي والشرق أوسطي‪ ،‬للكشف عن أبعاد‬
‫المدينة ودورها في تقديم الثقافة السائدة والمنتشرة باستخدام أعمال «الكوالج» والنحت والرسم‬
‫والتركيب‪ ،‬إذ استلهم الفنانون المشاركون في المعرض أعمالهم وأماكن عملهم ولوحاتهم الفنية‬
‫من مدينة أبوظبي‪.‬‬
‫يعكس معرض «الفن والمدينة» الطبيعة المعقّدة للمجتمعات الحضرية‪ ،‬التي تقوم على المال‬
‫والسيارات والنفط والتكنولوجيا‪ ،‬وهي الدليل األبرز على الحياة العصرية‪ ،‬ومهد الثقافة الشعبية‬
‫التي تنبثق من األصوات والخيال والحركة‪ ،‬سوا ًء كانت من اإلعالنات أو عمليات إنتاج‬
‫المنتجات االستهالكية أو الموسيقى أو الفن أو األدب أو الطعام أو التكنولوجيا أو المساحات‬
‫الحضرية‪.‬‬
‫وقالت مديرة منارة السعديات‪ ،‬علياء القاسمي‪« :‬يقدم المعرض أعماالً فنية استثنائية‪ ،‬تعكس اللغة والهوية‬
‫المشتركة لزمننا هذا‪ .‬ونتطلع قدما ً لعرض هذه األعمال الملهمة التي أبدعها مجموعة من الفنانين المبتكرين‪،‬‬
‫ونتمنى أن تلقى رؤيتهم الفنية الفريدة إعجاب الجمهور»‪ .‬وتتضمن األعمال المعروضة من المجموعة الخاصة‬
‫لدائرة الثقافة والسياحة ‪ -‬أبوظبي أعمال جيف كونز وحسن شريف‪ ،‬اللذين تتمحور أعمالهما حول آليات النزعة‬
‫االستهالكية الضخمة التي تنتقد الثقافة الشعبية‪ ،‬وتتحداها‪ ،‬وتحتفي بها في آن واحد‪ .‬بينما يعرض الفلسطيني وفا‬
‫الحوراني‪ ،‬أحد الفنانين المشاركين‪ ،‬صورا ً من مجموعته «قلنديا ‪ » 2047‬التي تصور الحياة اليومية في المخيم‬
‫الفلسطيني المالصق ألهم نقطة تفتيش تتحكم بالدخول إلى رام هللا‪ .‬وقال وفا حوراني‪« :‬ال تكفي صورة واحدة لفهم‬
‫التعقيد االجتماعي والسياسي اليومي في فلسطين‪ ،‬لكنني آمل أن تشكل أعمالي إسهاما ً صغيرا ً في النسيج الغني‬
‫لمدينتنا‪ ،‬وتعكس ثِقَل الحفاظ على هوية قومية تحمي تاريخنا الجميل ألجيال قادمة»‪ .‬ومن جهة أخرى‪ ،‬أبدع الفنان‬
‫الفلسطيني تيسير بطنيجي ‪ ،‬المقيم في فرنسا‪ ،‬عمالً منيرا ً بأضواء النيون تتشابك فيه كلمتا «ثروة ثورة»‪ ،‬ليشكل‬
‫تعليقا ً غير مباشر على واقع المدن في العالم العربي والعالم‪ .‬وفي تعليقه على مشاركته في معرض «الفن‬
‫والمدينة» عبر هذا العمل المس ّمى بـ«عاشقان غير كاملين»‪ ،‬قال بطنيجي‪« :‬يبدو أن للكلمتين معنيين مختلفين‬
‫تماماً‪ ،‬بينما هما توأمان غير متطابقين نصيا ً في الخط العربي‪ ،‬حيث يفصل بينهما حرف واحد فقط‪ ،‬وهو فارق‬
‫بسيط ال تكاد العين تلحظه‪ .‬وبذلك ال يستحضر أية مشاعر رومانسية‪ ،‬بل على العكس‪ ،‬فإنه يق ّدم لنا زوجين غير‬
‫طبيعيين‪ ،‬يكادان يكونان ثنائيا ً مثاليا ً كونهما يجذبان بعضهما بعضاً‪ ،‬ولكن دون إمكانية لمس أحدهما لآلخر‪ ،‬إال في‬
‫أذهاننا»‪.‬‬
‫تقنية خاصة‬
‫ت إعالنية من شوارع باريس البتكار تقنية خاصة به تدعى «أفيش‬ ‫يشارك في المعرض الفنان جاك فيليجلي ‪ ،‬الذي جمع ملصقا ٍ‬
‫السيريه»‪ ،‬أي الملصقات الممزقة‪ ،‬التي تعتمد على مواد اعتيادية البتكار أعمال فنية متميزة‪ ،‬حيث استأصل الفنان هذه المواد‬
‫من سياقها الحضري‪ ،‬وجمع قطعها الممزقة إلبداع أعمال تشير إلى الوضع السياسي الراهن‪ ،‬إضافة إلى الرسام األميركي‬
‫كيف هارينغ‪ ،‬الذي استوحى أعماله من الشارع أيضا ً‪.‬‬

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Urban Sciences & Heritage

Dr. Amro Yaghi

• The exam will be on Moodle

• The exam contains 6 pages, each page has 5 question

The city is the form and symbol of an integrated social relationship;

• “City” and the concept of “urban” are interrelated.

The American Institute of Architecture established a Committee on

► “Heritage is not just about sticks and stones. It's about

 What values may heritage represent?

‫• الترميم ‪ : Restoration‬استبدال العناصر‬ ‫الصيانة والتصليح ‪Maintenance and‬‬

‫• النسيج ‪ Fabric‬يتضمن جميع المواد‬

‫• التكيف أو التوظيف ‪ Adaption‬تعني تعديل المكان ليتناسب مع استخدام‬

‫• إعادة التأهيل‪ :Rehabilitation‬الحفاظ على المبنى إلعادة استخدامه لنفس‬

Fatima Mayada Al-Nammari 31

• Or: quality of life:

• On the environmental level, it calls for

• On the cultural level, it calls for

• And on the economic level , it calls for :

Sustainability is a process, not a

3.Access to social and political activities

Abdali Boulevard: The new downtown

West (Rich) East (Poor)

Vegetable market in the old downtown

• Space is Active and not passive

public works Muf – architecture art

Drawing a barrier line to cafes, Co-producing Spaces of dialogue

Social concentration: can be defined as “an overrepresentation of a

• Social inequalities are the consequence of a class based

• Social inequalities are embedded into society as to enable

 input by the locals that is relevant to their viewpoints and needs.

• provides the locals with a sense of ownership.

 allow for discussion of their values and beliefs.

- Some participatory processes provide locals with a chance to obtain

Heritage is also found in our moveable possessions, from our national

1.1 The problem

Heritage Conservation is more than just history - A good heritage

Much of local and national government's plans for preserving

But heritage is more than that.

We need to remember that heritage is in fact more than just

1.2 Purpose and Objectives of the Study

1. Evolution of human consciousness

2. Promotes Cultural Tourism

3. Increases Property Value

5. Retaining Our Identity

6. Giving a generation link

8. Respect to the environment

1.3 Data collecting

Cultural heritage is a representation of the ways of living established by

❑ Tangible means perceptible, touchable, concrete, or physical. A tangible

Based on Historical Heritage Criteria UNESCO, Heritage Conservation could be

Degrees intervention in Heritage

In many cities of developing countries, like Jordan, the existence of an older

reuse of traditional buildings, the refurbishments of urban spaces, traditional

Rehabilitation of Salt Historic Landmarks

The conservation of the Toukan house into the

Reuse of “Madafat Abu Jaber” into Historic Old Salt Museum

In addition to the establishments of the panoramic outlets and refurbishment of

Cohen, N. (1999). Urban conservation. Cambridge, Massachusetts: MIT Press.