Arab-Article-P179 - 1 en
Arab-Article-P179 - 1 en
Arab-Article-P179 - 1 en
B. MUïJAKKAM/MUÍJKIM*
CLAUDE GILMOT
University of Provence
* We would like to thank our colleagues, Messrs H. Motzki of Nijmegen, who kindly
sent us a photocopy of the Musnad of Rabí' b. łJabïb, M. Muranyi of Bonn, who sent
us, before publication, the photocopy of the part of Beifr'i¡ge which concerns Yalyyã b.
Sallãm, and A. Cheikh-Moussa who sent us from Berlin several photocopies of articles
on the Ibãdites. Our gratitude also goes to Mr Mustapha Khayati of IREMAM who
kindly re-read our text. For our communication in German on this commentary at the
26"' Deutscher Orientatlistentag, Leipzig, 25-29 Sept. 1995, r. bibliogr. infia.
For our references and abbreviations, please refer to the bibliography by Gİlliot, E lt (r.
b ibliogr. b elow). Those not found there are indicated in the bibliography at the end of this
article. The full references which appear in our notes have not, in general, b e e n included
in this one.
' Hüd b. MuÍyakkam (on Müiikim al-Hawwărï, uù. sec. me,d. III*/X' s.), to/or K. Allăh
o/-'amp, I-IV, ed. Belhãğğ Sa'ïd Ğarïfï, Beirut, Dãr al-Garb al-islãmï, 1990, 581 +.
487 + 467 + 616 p. (Introd. to the ed., I, pp. 5-59; indùfii and bibliogr., IV, 547-616); cited
below: Hüd, I-IV.
' The mention and short description of his Qur'anic commentary in Ğammã{¡ï,
Siyar, II, p. 59/ed. M. Hasan, p. 355, no. 217.
U. T. Lewicki, "Hawwãra", EIl III, p. 307; S.M. Stern, "Abii Yazïd al-Nukkärï" (who
belonged to the Zanäta, but who settled among the Hawwãra of the Aurès), EI, I, p. 167-8.
U. de Motylinski, "Chronique d'Ibn aghir", pp. 23-5; transl. pp. 81-87, Š a m m ã h ï , I,
167-8/ed. M. İjasan, p p. 1 08-9, n o . 3 9; v a n E ss: " Untersuchungen", p p.
4 2-43.
' RZQORDGHG
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180 CLAUDE GILLIOT
his father in his native region of the Aurès. We do not know whether he
travelled 'in search of science', but he probably stayed a t least in
Kairouan, and perhaps also in Tahert. It is assumed that he died around
the years 280 or 290, having belonged to the sixth class of scholars of his
school'.
2. In 1885, probably for the first time among Orientalists,
A. by C. Motylinski (1854-1907)' mentioned the Qur'anic commentary
of the ibäçÎite Hüd b. Muhakkam, without further precision, according to
the list of Abü 1-Qãsim b. Ibrähïm al-Barrãdï (uzu. usque ra. 810/ 1407)'.
During a stay in Mzab (December 1952-January 1953) Joseph Schacht9
was able to examine an incomplete manuscript of this commentary. But
it is only-
We owe more precise information on this work to Professor Josef van Essl0 ,
following a visit to the Mzab in March 1974, during which he was able to
consult part of it.
He wrote o f it: "It does not deal with grammatical questions or theological
consequences, but practises a purely historical exegesis, occasionally resorting to the fund
of ante-Islamic legends. Although it is not much older than the abarï commentary, the work
generally u s e s fewer sources and only older ones: the commentaries of Muğãhid (d. 104/
722), JJasan al- Ba ri (d. 110/ 7?8) and Kalbf (d. 146/ 763)1 ', i.e. books that already existed
at t h e time when the ibãdïte community left Ba ra. Since then, the links with Iraq, where
science essentially progressed, have been severed. 11 Nor is there much mention of hadït:
occasionally Ibn 'Umar, according to Ibn Mas'ïid or according to 'Ubãda
b. a -Şämit [...]"'°.
3. Now that this commentary has been edited by the Algerian ibãçhte
Belhãğğ b. Sa'ïd Śarïfï, we know that it is very different from what was
believed and from what has just been said.
The manuscripts and t h e establishment of the text (u. I, p. 40-43). The establishment of the text
has
was compiled from five mss: 1. Guerara (Qarãra), three vols: vol. I, 143 f., 1116 h.
In any case, we know t h a t people were happy to consult him and that his
commentary was appreciated, to the extent that disputes broke out to obtain a copy;
v. Abü Zakariyyä', K. al-Sïra ma a(bãr al-a'imma, p. 359-60, no. 11/7-8.
P. Ğarïfí, introd. an commentary, I, p. 17-8. Ibn al-Ğayh, o/-Qur'ãn, fa/úru/ìu ma
mufassirïihu. Al-sunna, riw@atuhä wa niwwãtuliã 'inda 1-ibä ğiyya, Gardaïa, al-Ma ba'a al-'ara-
biyya, 1984, p. 30, writes that Hüd had been appointed cadi of the Aurès by 'Abd al-Wahhãb
b. 'Ar. This is quite impossible, since the latter reigned from 1719/788 to 208/823 (M. Talbi, iri
El, VIII, p. 657b; according to C.E. Bosworth, 77ìr Islamic dynasties, p. 22, since 168).
A. de C. Motylinski, "Bibliographie du Mzab", p. 23, no. 49.
Kahhäla, Mu'ğain al-mu'allìfïn, VIII, 92; GAL S II, 339.
,J. Schacht, nBibliothèques et manuscrits abadites", fiœ. Afr, C (1956), p. 379, no. 1
[the whole, pp. 375-98]; c/ GAS, I, p. 41.
"Van Ess, nUntersuchungen", p. 43.
M. b. al-Sã'ib; GAS, I, p. 34.
"Van Ess, o r t . cit. p. 43.
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COMMENT FROM HUD 181
copyist: a. 1-Q. b. MÍisã b. 'Ar. b. M. b. Yahyä, from Fãti ia to Nirã', 20, then An'ãm, 145,
until the end of the sura; vol. II, 1118 h., from the beginning of A'rñ/ju until the end of
Kahn, the third quarter of the Qur'an i s not found there; vol. lV, copyist: A. b. Miisä b. a.
1-Q.
b. Amr, 1217 h., from juror to the end of Xãs 2. Djerba, library of Sälim b. Ya'qúb, 176 f.,
1086 h., copyist: Şälih b. Q. b. M. b. Sa'id b. Ibr. b. Bïi Nüh b. älih al-Balläz, contains the
second quarter. 3. Ateuf (al-'A f), two volumes, 167 f., first half of the Qur'an, copyist: a. 1-
Q. b. Yabyä al-Gardãwï. 4. Beni Isguen (Maktabat al-Qu b), i.z. of the Šayh A fìyyai of the
Mzab, contains the third quarter of the Qur'an, copyist: Sul. b. a. 1-Q.
b. Sul. al-NaUusi, 13 Ram. 1002/2. June 1594. 5. Djerba, Maktabat Ãl al-Ğãdawi, one
volume, contains the first half of the Qur'an, copyist: 'A. b. Sälim b. Bayãn, pupil of Abü
'Al. M. b. 'U. b. a. Satta al-Mahiï''; this manuscript is the best. The editor has also used
fragments of the commentary of Yalyyã b. Sallãm" and the abridgement of the latter by Ibn
a. 1-Zamanïn (a. 'Al. M. b. 'Al. b. 'Isã al-Murri al-Ilbïrï, 324-99/935-1008)".
4. This Tafsîr is a sort of abridged version of that of Yahyã b. Sallãm
al- Ba ri (d. 200/813, in Egypt)l6 , who was born in l24/742 in Basral ' and
also lived for a time in Kairouan. He is known to have been
"Thus for the edition, I, p 42: M. b. 'U.; Pierre Cuperly, Aper us rim l'histoire de /'i6ãd an
Mõãb, p. 51, n. 82, a: M. b. 'Amr. II lived in the XI' s. h.
"Tunis, BN 18653, from the library of iJ. İjusayni 'Abd al-Wahhãb, BN 7447
('Abdalliyya), from the beginning of sura 16 (Nali.1), Hüd, I, p. 23, and note 2: one third of
the commentary. In all, 2/3 of the commentary; HÍid, I, p. 27. In two versions: by his son
M. b. Yahyã (d. 262/875; the most important version of what is preserved) and by Abü
Dãwiid A. b. Miisã b. Ğarir al-Azdï al-'A är (d. 274/887); Hiid, I, p. 27. Six parts (qj2's')
were edited in Tunis under the direction of M. ä l i b i , but these editions do not appear
to have been published: by Hammüd [N! or rather ammãdï] Şammiid, al-Baiïr al-Mahînïnï
[be!] , Rašïd at-Guzzi; Hud, I, p. 26, n. 2. But the edition ignores the existence of: Ismail
Cerrahoğlu: "Yahyä Ibn Salläm ve tafsirdeki metodu", Ankara Unúersiteń Ilãhiyat FBI rat
ns, rxxxrx (1970), pp. 3-211, with ed. of the commen- tary of 33 (A zãb), pp. 164-203,
corresponding to Hiid, III, 351-86. Šarïfï gives further information on fragments of Dãr al-
Kutub: 24791-2b, 24831-2b (microf. of Tunis mss.); Hiid, I, p. 26, n. 3. For more
information since then, u. Muranyi, Beiträge, no. VII, pp. 16-20, as well as Nachtrag zu S.
19, and the annotated ed. of the commentary on 9:52-58, Text XII, pp. 390-6.
"On him, u. San, XVII, p. 188-9. For his commentary, microf. of the ms. of Fez Qarawiyyin
34 (Muranyi, Beiträge, n° VII, p. 18, n. 2, a: n° 340/40, in 10 parts); GAS, I, 46-7, also mentions
Br. Mus. Add. 19490. In this abridgement, İ l a d d s m a n y g rammatical re m a r k s . 11
has most often maintained the guarantor chains of Yahyã b. Sallãm. He distinguishes between
what is from him (qãła M.) and what is from the latter (qã/o Yahyá). The chain of transmission
of this comment is as f o l l o w s : his father 'Al. (b. 'İ s ä b . a . 1 -Zamanïn, d . 3 59/969;
' lyãd, T ortió, V II, p . 1 8)/'an
a. l-H. 'A. b. al-Ï¡l. (al-Murrï al-Bağğãnï, d. 334/946; 'lyãd, Tartïb, V, p. 226)/'an a. Dãwüd
A. b. Miisä (T. supra n. 14)/'òn Yahyã b. Sallãm, or his father/'on a. 1-H./Yahyä
b. M. b. Yahyã b. Sallãm; HÍid, I, p. 32, n. 1.
In addition to the abridgement by Ibn a. 1-Zamanïn, mentioned above, there is also one
by al-Q_anãzi'ï (a. 1-Mu arrif 'Ar. b. Marwãn al-An ãrï al-Qurtubì, m. rağab 413/oct. 1022);
Ibn 'Abd al-Barr was one of his pupils,' Dahabi, San, XVII, p. 342-3, n. 3, p. 343; Hüd, I, p.
30-1. It does not seem to have survived.
'' GAS, I, 39; Hamadi Sammoud, "Un exégète oriental en Ifriqiya: Yahyâ Ibn Sallâm (742-
815)", IBLA 126 (1970/2), p. 227-42; Hiid, I, p. 21-22, n. 3, Muranyi, ióíz/.
' RZQORDGHG
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182 CLAUDE GILLIOT
"Abti 1-'Arab, Tabaqät 'ulainä' Ifiïqiyya, ed. Ben Cheneb, p. 37-9; Lisàn al-mïzàn, VI,
p. 259-61, no. 912; H. Sammoud, art. rif. p. 236-9.
"The most frequent expression is: qäla 1-Hasan: I, p. 109, 119, 122, 131, 136, 142
(here Unnyoqii/u), 149, 151, 152, 157, 162, 169, passim, or dakara 1-Hasan: I, p. 160,
166; or dakarïi 'ani 1-Hasan: I, p. 139, 150, 167, 189, 193 (almost as frequent); or qäla
ba'duhum 'ant 1-Hasan, I, p. 201, 298. It is not known whether the expression f"/tri 1-Hasan
should be understood: JJ. interpreted as follows, or of the text written in the recension of 'Amr b.
'Ubayd or in another; u. J. I, p. 92, 96, 97, 98, 307, 358 (here, hâd_â tu/ñû 1-IIasan), 332, 562
(less frequent, by far, than qô/o 1-Hasaii), or Rita 1-Hasanu yufassini: I, p. 183.
"N tafsïr 'Amr 'an al-Hasan: I, p. 301, 487, 491 ( di erent from qôf" 1-H., in the same line), 499
(d_akara 'Amr 'an al-H.), 534, V. van Ess, TP, II, p. 45-6, 298-300.
"' Muranyi, Beiträge, p. 394-15 (i.e. n. 10 of the edited fragment of the commentary by Ibn
Sallam).
' RZQORDGHG
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COMMENT FROM HUD 183
I. Theological problems
"P. van Ess, NG, II, p. 224-31: "The relationship between sin and faith". "I, p.
83.
°' IV, p. 246-7.
"' There is another prophetic tradition on the ndix qualities", but they all relate to the way
in which the canonical prayer is performed; Ibn Mäga, Sunan, 5, Iqämat al-salät, 190, I, p.
443, no. 1387.
"Similar traditions have: 'a!aratun min al-fifra of the ten qualities which are part of t h e
state of natural purity); Muxnad, VI, p. 137/XVII (ed. 1995), p.. 500, ri° 24941; Nasä'i, Sunan,
K. al-fïna, VIII, p. 126-9, but also 'aiaratun tnin o/-anne/Nasä'ï, al-Sunan al-kubrä, V, p. 405-6;
Ibn Katir, Û à m i ' al-masànïd, XXXIV, p. 295, n° 586; J H. Laoust, Zzt @o/eldon de foi d'lbn
Bafta, Damascus, 1958, p. 141-2.
°' We have not found this tradition word for word, but similar traditions are applied to
the test which God, it is claimed, put Abraham through (2,124), on legal purity (tu/iñro),
Tab, III, p. 9, no. 1910, according to Ibn 'Abbäs: "He tested him pro- posing purity, five
[partsj of the head and five [parts] of the body: trimming the mous- tache, rinsing the
mouth, sucking water through the nose, cleaning the teeth (sùuàL), parting with a parting
[of the hair, beard, moustache], trimming the nails, depilating the pubis, circumcision,
depilating the armpits, washing w i t h water the remains of defecation and urine"; 'Abd al-
Razzäq, la/*r, I, p. 57/1, p. 76, no. 114, with a different order in the Iiste/Bayhaqi, Sunan,
Tn?tñro, I, p. 149. An almost similar tradition, according to al-Kalbï, in Hüd, I, p. 143, on
2, 124. But it should be noted that 'Abd al-Razzäq also gives another interpretation
according to al-IJasan al-Basrï: "He tested him by the immolation of his son, by fire, by the
planets, the sun and t h e moon"; J Tab, III, p. 14, ri° 1935, 1933. This tradition of al-Hasan
is further developed in Hiid, I, p. 142-3 (on 2,124).
' RZQORDGHG
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184 CLAUDE GILLIOT
said: Son o f Adam, are you unable to pray four rak'a-$ at the beginning of your day? [so if
you do] I will sufhrai you at the end of that same day".
The example of Abraham's faith in the exegesis of 2:8, which seems to
be a peculiarity of Hiid's among the commentators, a n d t h e fact that in
53:37 he refers only to Sunnah practices, clearly illustrate his desire to
insist on his conception of faith from which works cannot be detached'0 .
6. On 2,10: "A painful punishment will be the price of their dream
(ùitnd int yakd_ibîina)". Here, which is not frequent with him", Hüd i s
also interested in the variant yuR%iùuaa. If we read yak pibuna, he
We are believers, but they are not believers, because they do not fulfil God's obligations
and are not faithful to them. This is the exegesis of the "light" reading (ùi-/- /). If one
adopts the "heavy" reading (yuka%ibîina), one understands that such an act (ba'p al-'amos
is also a denial. He says that there are two types of denial: denial by word and denial by
deed [...]. He who adopts the light reading hears the lie as we have interpreted it. The
equiva- lent of this verse is: "God has therefore a r o u s e d hypocrisy in their hearts until
the day they meet him, b e c a u s e they did not fulfil w h a t they had promised God and
because they lied (tua bi-mö kän* yakdibtina)" (9, Tamba, 77)". [...]. If one adopts the
heavy reading, one then understands according to the meaning we said above, w h i c h does
not mean negation and rejection (no lä ya'nï bilii palidan wa lä i ran), because t h e disease
of hypocrisy is other than (your) the disease o f associationism, just a s the disbelief of
hypocrisy is other than the disbelief of associationism".
7. On 2,13: "When it is said to them: believe as p e o p l e believe":
"Make your faith perfect (e/rrni/ii) by the action you have forsaken, as people believe, that
is, as believers believe who perform it (yastakmilïina) in word and deed"".
"K Ibn iJanbal, Mumad, V, p. 287/XVI (ed. 1995), p. 318, no. 22373; r/ in t h e form o f
an order (pray ...), no. 22370-2; Tirmidï, Sunan, jalät, jalät al-Œfià, II, p. 340, no. 475;
Bayhaqï, Sunan, jalät, III, p. 48, 1. 1-2.
"C/ Tab, XXVII, p. 73; Qurt, XVII, p. 113-4 (on 63,37); Tab, III, p. 8-17; Q_urt, II, p. 97-
107 (on 2,124).
"I, p. 83-4.
We have not systematically studied his variants. But we have noted that he occasionally
takes an interest in them, r. §. I, p. 550, on 6,105: four variants on darasta. These variants
seem to be, in general, taken from the commentary of Yalyyi b. Salläm.
"In connection with this verse, Hiid, II, p. 155, quotes two traditions of al-Hasan on the
hypocrites, to whom he contrasts nées believers who have complete faith (o/-niwfoÖniûna) in
word and deed".
"Tab, I, pp. 284-7, dwells at greater length on the two readings, but a l t h o u g h h e op-
poses to the Mur i'ites (or Gahmites, according to the terminology he also uses on this
subject; c. Gilliot, Elt, pp. 211-21), he makes no development here on the relationship
between faith and works.
"I, p. 85.
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COMMENT FROM HUD 185
As for major sins, such as fornication, those who commit them are not
believers36q
On 6, An'äm, 28: "[...] They are liars", Hüd" expresses himself on
the "hypocrites": "Someone said: These are the hypocrites. Their negation (W_iû) is not that
of the resurrection (ûn'_f), but it is the negaÖon by t h e act they do not perform (los
yukatnmiluhu), the obligations they do not observe completely (toni yutimmîi 1-farä'id4)".
"There are some who say" that this verse concerns the hypocrites, and to say that the
negation is of two types (al-takdibu Œ$lôñni). There is the denial of the resurrection in which
there is retribution for deeds; this is the denial of the associators, and the hypocrites are exempt
from it (ù "rö' or bord')". But there is another type of denial which is that of the hypocrites; it
consists in not performing [the acts in keeping with faith] (ford al-wafä') and in reduced
obligations (intiqä al-farä'id)", whereas the only believers are those who perform them in full
(i/fa bi-stikmäliliä). The hypocrites are deniers in this and in this sense, not i n s o f a r as they
deny and reject (ch- ier no 1-yuji kid), but their denial consists in not performing [the acts in
accordance with faith] and not performing the obligations in full".
On 9, Tawùa, 7 7, Hüd quotes two traditions which he abbreviates
from al- iJasan al-Basri'l which define the hypocrite, but he does not
make the slightest allusion to the cause of the revelation of this verse
which occupies so much space in the commentaries which report
accounts concerning T_a'laba b. iJätib al-Ansärf, because what interests
him most is to show that hypocrites "say but do not do" (gälû wa lam
af'alc), whereas believers are "those [who have complete faith], joining
deed to word (a/-mui/a/ontfin ft-/-qamf sa l-'amal)".
Similarly on 9, Samba, 12: "But if they repent, if t h e y perform the
prayer, if they give alms, they become your brothers in religion", Hüd
first quotes a prophetic tradition according to al-iJasan al-Basrï:
"I have been ordered to fight the people u n t i l they confess that there is no
God but God, that they perform the prayer and give alms", then he comments:
"This is proof that faith is both word and deed".
8. A great deal of space is given to defining hypocrites, for example
on 24, Phr, 39: 'The deeds of the unbelievers are like a mirage in a plain
...', Hiid applies this verse to hypocrites,
"III, p. 160: omc f-eaniya laysa ù i - m u 'rnin, sur 24, nir, 3; r/ for Tabari, in Gilliot,
Elt, p. 213-4.
"I, p. 521.
"This paragraph, according to the ed. is by Hüd himself; it does not appear in the ms. of
the commentary by Ibn a. I-Zamanïn.
"Lane, I, p. 79b: barà' "used alike as sing. and dual and plur.
"Fayyûmi, Misbàp, p. 854: irifoqnrà: daliaba minhu jay' ba'da itmämitii.
1They can be found in Tab, XIV, p. 374, no. 16989; 377-9, no. 16999, 17000."
II, p. 155.
"II, p. 1 1 7. For the intrinsic link between faith and works or the performance of
obligations, c/ II, p. 141, on 9, Tawba, 71.
' RZQORDGHG
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186 CLAUDE GILLIOT
unlike Ibn Sallãm who, in accordance with the letter of the text, applies it
to disbelievers: "The hypocrite testifies that God is Lord (aqarra ói- ń raóòon), that
Muhammad is a prophet, that w h a t he brought is truth; but he does not
fart nothing for God of w h a t he attests as coming from Him. He claims to be a w i t n e s s ,
but without t h e faithful performance of deeds (dîina 1-wafă' bi-1-a'mãl), and he does not
perform for God the obligations fixed by Him. 11 thinks that God praises him for his attestation
without t h e faithful performance of deeds. He is like the thirsty person who sees a mirage and
thinks it is water, but when he reaches it, he finds that it was nothing [...]",
and to quote in support 14, Ibrãhïm, 18", and to conclude: "When death
comes to him, he finds that his attestation is of no use to him, any more than a mirage is to
the thirsty"".
In fact these hypocrites are (57, Iladïd 13}' riles people of the assent who
forsake the prayer on the obligations] and who betray (Æ/ al-tadyï' wa 1-(iyãna ruin fi/ al-
iqrãr)"^.
9. It follows that faith is inseparable from "good deeds": thus on 27,
Kainl, 89: "Those who will come on this Day with a good deed
(fiasana)", Híid gives a definition of a good deed: "That is to say, those
who will come on this Day with a good deed (fiasana)".
say [those who will come] with the faith that consists in confessing that there is no god but
God.
God, that Muhammad is the Messenger of God and that w h a t he has brought is truly from
God, and who will have done probre săli ian) work and observed all the obligations"". OR
again, on 28, Q , 84: "He who comes with a good deed":
"It is faith, i.e. the fulfilment of obligations (iLinãl al-farä'id)"".
To have faith is to have it in deed, hence the division of those who
profess faith into two categories, the separation being by deed. Thus on
29, 'Ankabîit, S: "We have tested those who lived before them. God
knows perfectly well those who speak the truth and He knows perfectly
those who lie", Híid declares about the first' :9
"Those who faithfully perform [the obligationsj (alil al-wajă' wa l-istitmiâl), for Die
Has tested them in deeds (/imã btalăhum Allãh bilm min al-a'tnãĘ". For the second:
"11, on the other hand, interprets this verse as referring to unbelievers; II, p. 323; III, p.
184-5.
"IV, p. 293, 1. 1 Cf. III, p. 18: If @f/i' al-salãt.
"III, p. 269. As for Ibn Sallãm, he only said: "with there is no god but God in a sincere
way". Tab, XX, p. 22: "By proclaiming the oneness of God and faith in him, and by saying:
there is no God but God! being convinced in his heart".
"HI, p. 293. C/ on 27, Xaml, 90: "Those who will come with a good deed ( asana)", Hiid
quotes a prophetic tradition reported by Ğãbir b. 'Al.; he had quoted it before, but this time
a mention is added to it placed here in square brackets:
"He who dies without associating anything with God [and having observed the obligations]
will go to paradise. Whoever dies having associated with God will go to hell", III, p. 269.
"And having observed the obligations" is not found in I, p. 388, where he quotes the same
tradition attributed to Ğäbir. Nor is it found in Muslim, 1, Imän, 40, no. 15 I -2, I, p. 94. P.
Hiid, III, p. 293, on: "He who will come with a good deed" (28, Q p, 84): nIt is faith, i .e.
the fulfilment of obligations (itmiãl al-
9 III, p. 295-6.
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COMMENT FROM HUD 187
"The people of treachery and falsehood (ahl al-§iyãna ma /-ßğió), for God has tested them in
deeds, and they are hypocrites. This is the science of action ('the al-fa'ãĘ"".
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These and those who attest" Islam and its Law (aqarra ói-/-lfas wa däna óźi)? Hudayfa
replied, "Perfect, perfect, (òa#in óo#in) Yes, brother Israelites, if you have what is sweet,
they have what is bitter; moreover, it is the traced path [sunna] that succeeds t h e path
traced as made to measure. (B) That is to say, these verses cover both the People of the
Book, Jews and Christians, and the People of Islam; anyone of them who does not judge
according to what is in his Book and according to what his Lord has promised him and
what his prophet Muhammad has ordered him to do is a disbeliever, an unjust person and a
transgressor. However, the disbelief of the People of the Book in this matter is a disbelief of
negation (Aïid), it is associationism (bin); whereas the disbelief of the people who testify
[ahl al-iqrãr òi) God and the Prophet is a disbelief of hypocrisy (R/ nìfăq) which consists in
not showing graÖtude for grace (ton al-ni'tna)"', it is a lesser disbelief, a lesser injustice, a
lesser transgression (kufi dïina kufî ma film düna iulm wa fnq dîina fuq", etc.)".)"".
12. The part marked above (B) is not by iJudayfa. It could be by
Ğãbir b. Zayd, but it is more likely a commentary by Hüd himself. As
for the part (A) of this tradition which is supposed to be by łJudayfa, we
understand it as follows: yes, these verses are about the Israelites, but in
fact there is nothing new under the sun, such was the practice of the
Israelites, such is still the practice of Muslim [rulers] 6" today. Those of
you who have come to see me, you have the good part; those of the
Muslims who today do not judge according to the Law of God have and
will have, in t h e other world, the bad part.
lS. This tradition belongs among others to the ibäçtite collection,
especially in the interpretations given of it. According to another version
' RZQORDGHG
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COMMENT FROM HUD 189
a group of ibadites63 (or people from the Banii 'Amr b. Sadïis)6 ' remained
with (qa'nda i/fi) Abü Miğlaz6 ' who answers about the three verses:
"They do what they do - that is, those in power (al-umarã') - and they know well that it is a
sin (ğonò). But this verse was revealed ă about Jews and Christians.
— By God! you know what we know, but you are afraid of them [i.e. those in power],"
they say.
— You know more about this than I do, but we don't know what you know," he says.
But you know that very well. In fact, what prevents you from committing yourself (an
tumdîi umrWni) is your fear"".
Tabari also reports on this subject a Kufi tradition which can be
understood as anti-Ibadite, through the channel of Abíi lJayyãn' ,7
According to Abíi Şãlih: "The three verses that are in Surah al-Mă'ida [ . . . ] are n o t
about the people of Islam at all, but about the disbelievers.""
This tradition, with its variants, provides a forum for debate both on
t h e attitude t o be adopted towards rulers who d o not apply or
enforce divine law and on the status of the Muslim sinner.
14. Consequently, it is not only the associationists who are qualified a s
unjust or transgressors by the Koran, but also people who declare themselves
to be believers, even if the injustice and transgression of the associationists is
greater than that of the hypocrites.
Thus, on 9, Tamba, 18: "God does not direct unjust people (al-
a/imÎn)žï' "Because of their injusdce, ń are not guides with God. There is a higher injusdce and a
lesser injusdce (huma zulm fauiqa zulm wa Kuhn dîina ¢u/m)""".
' RZQORDGHG
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190 CLAUDE GILLIOT
ulm fawqa zulm. II, p. 7 (7,9): "They were unjust to themselves. There is a greater injustice and
a lesser injustice ( ulm famqa zulin sa rulin dïina palm). The verse deals with the injustice o f
associationism and the injustice o f hypocrisy".
"I, p. 121-2. Cf. II, p. 156 (9,80): sa hàpä fuq al-nifàq, wa liuwa fisq dïina fuq wa fisq fawqa
fisq,- II, p. 157: no Euro Qq al-nijâq.
"II, p. 127: wa huwa kufr fawqa kufr sa kufr dïina kufi. On 10, fùcw, 33: "The Word of your
Lord has thus b e e n fulfilled against the transgressors, they will n o t believe": no hàdà fisq
cl-iir£, zz'o huwa fisq fawqa fisq wa fisq dîina fuq: "This is the transgression of asso-
ciationism; there is a higher transgression and a lower transgression", II,
p. 193.
"I, p. 162.
"II, p. 139; J Tab, XIV, p. 294-5; Qurt, VIII, p. 163-4.
"Cf. II, 147: biinä a ni min al-taæjïd ma 1-iqrär.
"Tab, XVI, p. 395, n° 17024: the Prophet is said to have given him the name 'Abd Allâh,
because "al-fiubäb is Satan". Ibn al-Atïr, Xitiâya, I, p. 326: refers to Satan and the serpent.
' RZQORDGHG
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COMMENT FROM HUD 191
he made a shroud; the Prophet also prayed for Ibn Sa1ü176 : "There is an
argument against the people of division (al/ n/Jrãq), namely that if [the hypocrites]
w e r e a İ e n t a s s o c i a t i o n i s t s a s d s s ay, t h e P r o p h e t w o u l d n o t
h a v e s a i d t h e p rayer [of the dead] f or them, d would not have stopped at their
graves, he would not have buried them in h i s g a r m e n t a n d İ l s w o uld not h ave
taken them dow n t o their graves after God said: "The assocationists are nothing but
impurity" (9,28) and "It is n o t for the prophet or the believers to beg God's forgiveness for
the associationists, even if they are their relatives [...]" ( 9,113)"".
17. Again on 9,101: "Among the Bedouins and the people of Medina,
there are obstinate hypocrites...", Hüd uses two traditions to attack the
people of the division (ahl al-firãg). Indeed,
According to al-ÏJasan al-BíìSri: "A man died who was a companion next to Hudayfa (b.
al-Yamãn), and Hudayfa did not pray for him. 'Umar sent someone to him to admonish
him, saying, "A man dies next to you who is a companion of the Prophet, and behold you
do not pray for him!" Hudayfa replied, "Õ prince of the believers, he is one of these people
(ruin e/-çor)""'Umar said, "By God, I pray you, am I one of them?""" łJudayfa replied,
" No! By God, I will not reassure (lã u'ammin) anyone after you!""".
18. According to another tradition without any guarantor: "'Umar said:
"A man among the companions of the Prophet died next to you and you do not make
invoca- tion for him?" ÏJudayfa said: "If you were like him, I would not pray for you".
'Umar asked: "Is he a hypocrite, iJudayfa?" "I will not reveal to you the secret of the
Messenger of God!" replied Hudayfa. "I adjure you by God, am I one of them?",
asked 'Umar. "My God, no," replied IJudayfa"'i.
It should be noted that Ludayfa was considered to be the holder of a
secret entrusted to him by the Prophet concerning the names of the
2
hypocrites.
19. Híid concludes from these two traditions: "There is here an argument in favour
of
people of the daltl fi-fi/ al-firãq division), namely that 'Umar did not blame Judayfa
"P. Tab, XIV, p. 406- 10. We shall not enter here into the details of the different versions
of the narrative: the Prophet prayed and then came the prohibition of praying for
hypocrites, etc.; Buijãrï, 65, Tafnr, 9,12 (out of 9,80)/trad. III, p. 334-5/FÆ, VIII, p. 268
Egg; Buhãri, 23, Ğonõ'iy, 85/trad. I, p. 441; Bayhaqï, Sunan, III, p. 402.
"Hiid, Il, p. 159 (9, Tamba, 84-5).
"I.e. hypocrites.
"The fear o f being a hypocrite is a frequent theme among the "ancient", thus according
to al-Hasan al-Ba r "11 is no believer who does not fear hypocrisy for himself, morning and
evening",' Firyäbï (Abii Bakr Ğa'far b. M.), S/ct al-nìfăq wa damm al-inunãfiqïn, ed.
Zuhayr al-Ğãwïi, Beirut/Damascus, al-Maktab al-islamï, 1406/ 1986' (1404/ 1984),
p. 43, no. 86.
"II, p. 163.
"Ibid.
"Twelve in number, six supposed to have died of a kind of dysentery (form a/- dubayla),
and six of natural death; Tab, XIV, p. 443, n° 17130; r/ Ibn al-Atïr, Usd al- gãba, I, p. 468.
This question is the subject of multiple tradiöon which bring 'Umar and ł J u d a y f a into
confrontation, the former seeking to know if there are hypocrites among his governors, one
if he can say the prayer of the dead over one or t h e o t h e r , being certain that it is not a
hypocrite, or again if he himself is not part of the list!
' RZQORDGHG
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192 CLAUDE GILLIOT
for not performing the prayer for this man, even though this man was Muslim to him.
However, when 'Umar said: Ö Hudayfa, I adjure you by God, am I one of them?', İ t h e r e
i s p r o o f f o r e v e r y b e i n g g i f t e d with in t e l l i g e n c e a n d s p i r i t
( dï n u l i a n w a h!iğan) that 'Umar w a s not afraid of being an associator, but that he
was afraid o f having committed sins during the period of Islam that would result in
hypocrisy for him on although the Prophet had entrusted łJudayfa with some secret in this
regard. But as for associationism, 'Umar had no fear of it for himself, and he did n o t even
think about it"".
It is probably a condemnation of extremist Kharijites, particularly the
Azraqites".
20. On 11, Hîid, l 18-9: "If your Lord had so willed, He would have
gathered all men into a single community. Now they are in continual
divergence, except for those to whom your Lord has shown mercy, and
that is why He created them." Hüd" begins by freely quoting Muğahid 6,
according to whom those who differ
"are the disbelievers". Asked why God created them (for disagreement or for
mercy?), he quotes only al- íJasan'7 , according to whom it was for
disagreement". Having said that, Hüd emphasises here above all the
differences between Muslims, giving his own
point of v i e w : "With t h e exception of those to whom your Lord has shown mercy":
those who differ are the disbelievers and also the believers. The latter do not disagree about the
resurrection, unlike the disbelievers, who doubt it, and this is their disagreement, and they are
confused about it (bòs). The people of mercy, on the other hand, are people of the community
(Æ/ ğamä'a), even if their territories are scattered (ma in taffaragat diyänihum). But people who
commit acts of rebellion" against God (ahl ma' iyyat Alläh) are people of disunity (o/i/ Jrqa),
even if their territories are grouped together (tea ini ğtama'at diyãnihum). This verse done
includes the divergence and doubt of the disbelievers concerning the resurrection and the diver-
gence of those of the people of the qió/o who have adopted religious prescriptions (rniinm't
š a r a 'ïi min al-adyàn inã turn yadan òñi Alłäh) which God has not authorised [...]. There is no
divergence today that is more serious, more harmful (mabãlan), more disruptive (as "adda
furqatan) and more presumptuous before God than the divergences of the people of qiòf" in the
religious prescriptions they have adopted. They attribute
' RZQORDGHG
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COMMENT FROM HUD 193
their vain lies to God (taqatuzualïi 'alä Lläh min oàôfi/ñim). God says: that is why He has
created the people of mercy who do not differ".
21. On 19, Mayam, 59: "Their successors after them abandoned
0 : "That is to say, the Jews. In the Sura of the Women God says: "God wants to return
to you, whereas those who follow their passions want to lead you down a dangerous
slope". This means that they have committed a serious sin, i.e. the Jews take their
brother's daughters as wives. Another said, it is the hypo-
crites, people who forsake prayer (ahl @fyi' al-¡alät)"'. Hiid thus sees a reference to
the Jews, but this does not prevent the second interpretation, which
seems to be absent from the Sunni commentaries, but which i s part of
his representation of hypocrisy, this time applied to certain Muslims.
22. The doctrine of our ibä@te exegete on these two points is in line
with that on the dilFerent statutes in relation to faith and disbelief. Thus
on 7:51: "[...] when they denied Our signs" (tua mfi Anti bi-@àtinâ
yqjfiadîina), Hiid understands "they did not deny Our signs". He does not
give any grammatical explanation, but it is indeed involved, in relation to
knowing those who are in hell:
"That is to say, not all ceun who are in hell are deniers. God says mii känîi, i.e. los y'ztûnû, all
those who are in hell did not deny Our signs. So in hell there are those who deny Our signs and
those who do not (al-ffâfiid bi- äyättnä tua ffayr al- äJid). This is t h e true exegesis. Indeed,
one is put into hell without any denial. Those who p r a c t i c e usury and interest (flot
al-rita; m. à m. "those who devour the nbâ"), those w h o c o m m i t fornication (räkibïi 1-
zinä), those who commit murder, those who devour the money of orphans and the money of
people in vain, and other major sins that lead to perdition (mùùiqa), enter it. Ge verse
encompasses
"III, p. 18; cf. IV, p. 293: alil al-tad ï' sa 1-(iyäna mli alil al-iqràr.
"C'/ Muqätil, II, p. 632: "The Jews; but this is given by God as an example [not to be
imitated] to the community of Muhammad: do not be evil successors like the Jews. Then God
characterises them by saying: "they neglected prayer", i.e. they delayed the times of prayer".
Tab, XVI, p. 98-9: 1. Those who do not observe the prayer times. 2. Those who do n o t pray.
3. People from this community at the end of time. None of the traditions cited by Tabari
mention hyprocrites. C/ Qurt, XI, p. 122-5. In Suytitï, Ozrr, IV, p. 277, 1. 24-6, they are
mentioned in connection with this verse, but it concerns their so-called descripson in the
Pentateuch: according to Ibn a. iJätim, according to Ka'b (al-Ah.bär): "By God, I have found the
characteristics (n/o) of the hypocrites in the Pentateuch (ta rät): they are heavy drinkers (iarrñûin
fi-/-qoftotrôf); they follow their passions without restraint (Hûûfi'ïn o/-io/tnwñï); they wreak havoc on
the temples of God (R''îfñ/); they sleep soundly during the first third of the night, letting the
prayer pass (raqqâdïn 'an al-'atamät), 'ûs sleep more than is reasonable in the morning (mufi'ifïn
fi-1-gadateàt),''ûz never perform the prayer (forr'tAe al- so/aï); they never go to t h e Friday
service (forrôûn al-gumu'àt). Then Ka'b recited the verse (19,59)".
' RZQORDGHG
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194 CLAUDE GILLIOT
° II, p. 22-3. The ed. points out, I, p. ?2, n. 1, that this paragraph is not found in the
commentary of lbn a. 1-Zamanin, and that it represents the thought of Hiid.
"C/ Muqatil, II, p. 40; Tab, XII, p. 476; Räzï, XIV, 94, without grammatical
explanation; Abii Hayyän, IV,305; Tiisï, IV, p. 418; Tabarsi, VIII, p. 70: tnñ in both
places, i.z. in Anna, then alone, has the meaning of an inWiiif (masdar)¡ Zaggag, II, p.
341: md is coordinated with (tunsaq 'alä) 1:amä and is virtually in the indirect case
mawdi' carr); Farrä': does n o t explain this verse; Nahhäs, II, p. 129. We have not found
i n any of these works any mention of anyone interpreting inâ here as a negative particle.
"II, p. 249, and n. 4. We know that 11, Hïid, 107-8 are among the main verses used by
the mur i'ites against the thesis of an eternal stay in hell (al-ta(lïd
/-black); c. Shahrastani, Lrs, I, p. 296, n. 19.
"Tayñr al-tafnr, VI, p. 44-46, according to n. 4 of the ed.
"For the interpretation of this verse in Tabari, u. Gilliot, Elt, pp. Gilliot, Elt, p. ?23-4;
for the
Mu'tazilites, D. Gimaret, Lecüire, p. 472-3.
"For a similar expression, r. Cuperly, Introduction p. 84: "partisans du doute qui restent
dans l'indécision"; u. info, § 24.
"K Sachau, "Über die religiösen Anschauungen", p. 76-7. "II,
p. 250.
' RZQORDGHG
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COMMENT FROM HUD 195
"' Thus on 40, Gfi/r, 18: "the unjust will find no zealous friend, no inter- cesseur likely to
be listened to", Hiid, IV, p. 58, declares: 'of the associatÎonists..., n o one will intercede for
them..., indeed intercession is for the believers"; IV,
p. 439, on 74, Mudat_tir, 48: "The intercession of intercessors will be useless to them", he
quotes Mugähid: "They intercede only for believers". C/ Gimaret, Lecture, p. 719; Id., Doctrine,
p. 498, for the position of the Mu'tazilites above all, but also of the Jjäri ites, even if the two
positions are not entirely similar. For the Sunnis (r. Ä urri, fan'a, p. 335, 1. 21-2), the
intercessors for the believers can be the prophets, the angels, the martyrs, the savanu (for these
last two categories, r. also p. 349-52) and the believers, w i t h regard to Muslims who spend
time in hell; cJ Ä urri, Éan'a,
p. 347, 1. 10: Adam, then the prophets, then the angels, then the believers. P.
supra § 23.
"' Or: refuting God's revelation (sa roddnf 'alä Iani tnn¿i/nào).
"' This term applied to those Muslims who, having committed major faults, spend some
time in hell and then enter paradise, in other words, those for whom "God makes an
exception", is attributed to Qatäda; Ibn Manda (M. b. Isly. b. Yalyyä), al-/tnfiii, II, p. 831,
n° 862; / Gilliot, Ell, p. 223.
II, p. 340, after mentioning, on p. 339, verses which he considers to be equivalent: 23,
Mu'minïin, 99-100; 6, An'äm, 27; 33, Ajzäb, 66. The following passages follow
vants of the Koran: 2,81; 5,37; 37, jàjflit, 90; 43, fuljnf 75; 22, Hafl, 22; 35, Fâlir, 36;
43, Ç "#ru/ 77; 40, Oäfir, 49-50.
°' II, p. 340-1, n. 1, the ed. notes that Hud has used certain expressions found in the
commentary of Ibn a. I-Zamanin and in Ibn al-Salläm's commentary, but
' RZQORDGHG
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196 CLAUDE GILLIOT
25. On 16, juli/, 11 l: "[...] each soul will be justly recompensed for
w h a t it has done [ . . . ]", Hüd takes up a passage by Ibn Salläm on the
trials that the believer undergoes for his evil deeds before appearing
before God, at the moment when he gives up the ghost, in the grave,
during the station before God (al-mamgif) and on the bridge, and then he
declares:
"until he meets God who will have forgiven him all his sins", exp res-
sion which is by Hüd himself, and which replaces Ibn Salläm's final
which was: "Those of them whose faults remain, God makes them enter hell, He takes
vengeance on them there, then He takes them out of it to place them in paradise"'.
26. On 19, Mayam, 71: "There is not one of you who does not'0 ' arrive
there, for [this is] an irrevocable sentence for your Lord"'0 ', a fundamental
verse w h i c h has given rise to much debate, it is difficult t o know what
Hüd'09 's position is. He cites three traditions on the crossing of the bridge
(yirôJ) over hell and a tradition of al-lJasan
al-Basr1 "That is, no one enters it (illä dä§iluhä). But he makes it a place of "salutary
In any
freshness (ûardan au i a / a m a n ) "0" for believers, as he did for Abraham"'''.
case, we cannot deduce from these traditions that Muslims go to hell (at
least the hell of torments), then are taken out of it to go to paradise.
But he also quotes another tradition, through the Mugähid/Ibn channel
'AbbaS' "Ibn 'Abbäs'1 ' was asked about this verse while Nifi' b. al-Azraq''' and
that he suppressed the traditions reported by Ibn al-Salläm on the Gehennites and on the
intercession of the Prophet, merely refuting them by mentioning the Qur'anic verses we have
listed above, which, according to him, attest to the eternity of the stay in hell of
associationists and disbelievers, if they have not repented before dying.
II, p. 391-2, and n. 1 of the ed. p. 392.
"I.e. to Gehenna. But in the interpretation, some understand the place of the
r'issemblement or bridge (siràt).
'"' Translated by Si Hamza Boubakeur, Paris, Fayard, 1972, adapted from Blachère; "Il
n'est,
Likewise J. Berque, après lui, Paris, 1990: "Il n'en est aucun parmi vous qui n'y arrive". We
prefer this translation
"open", which leaves room for divergent interpretations, such as that of D. Masson: "...
who will not be precipitated into it", or that of M. Henning: "... dernicht hinunter zu ihr
stiege".
III, p. 23-4.
Reminiscence of 21, Anbiyä', 69. This expression was included in a tradition attributed to
the Prophet by Gäbir b. 'Abd Allih; u. Bayhaqï, Su'ab, ro§. IX, II, p. 260, ri° '464/(ed. 1990), I,
p. 336, n° 370.
' ' ' Muqitil, II, p. 636: "God then makes hell a place of freshness and security t Ji''ur
believers, as he did for Abraham"; this interpretation of Mu9;i(i1 test by Bayhaqï, Ñ u 'oè,
r't§. IX, II, p. 262, n° 365/1, p. 337-8, ri° 37 1.
' '-' It is said that the Azraqites accused Ibn 'Abliïis, among others, of disbelief; I.i.s, 1.
J'. .J 77.
' ' Abü Räiid al-HanaIï al-Hanz.ali, killed at the battle of Düläb in 6ô/6H5; Aj. Wt-nsii ri k,
iii III, VII, p. 878-9. According to Mubarrad, al-Kämil, ed. M.A. al-Däli, Beyr'iulh, iil-11isiil:i.
' RZQORDGHG
YLD 8QL
COMMENT FROM HUD 197
lyãs b. Mudarrib'" were at his house. Nafi' said: "The disbelievers make it, but the believers
do n o t ". Ibn 'Abbãs said: "lyãs', you and I will make it, and you will see whether we will
come out of it or not".
27. An almost identical tradition, but without the presence of lyãs is
reported by Tabari' "'"You and I, Abii Rãšid (i.r. Nãfi'), we will get there, you will
see if we will come back (nasduni)'' or not", to illustrate the interpretation
according to which all will go there, but the believers will come back
thanks to it.
to their good deedsl I'.
In another tradition quoted by Tabaril ", t h r o u g h the channel of 'Abd
al- Razzãq/Ibn 'Uyayna (Sufyãn)/'Amr Q. Dinãr)/someone who heard, Ibn
'Abbãs who was arguing with Nãfi' say: "The arrival, is the entrance (o/-
murïidu 1-dĄOil)"'. Nãfi' said: no! Ibn 'Abbãs then recited [21, Anbiyã', 98; 11, Hîid, 98,
which contain: zãridíin and al-wird al-mawrïiĄ, saying: is this teurîid or not? You and I
1406/ 1986, p. 1,144 (Wright ed., p. 563), Nãfi' often had recourse (yonfpğififi-) to Ibn 'Abbăs,
"on questions concerning the Qur'an or on other matters. h followed and adopted the latter's
explanations on these matters, but, subsequently, he met with a miserable fate pałabat 'oleh/ii /-
Sqm)".
'" 11 is most certainly lyãs b. Mudärib, on Mudarrib, al-'IğlI (u. the addenda ct to Goeje's
ed. of Tabari's Annals, p. DCLXIX, where both spellings are attested), appointed by Ibn
Muï' an commander of the police troops; r. Tabari, Annals, II, p. 602/VI, p. 10/ ffirïo y of
al-Taban, XX, trans. G.R. Hawting, Albany, 1989, p. 186; Balãdurï, Ansãb al-ašrãf, V, ed.
S.D.F. Goitein, Jerusalem, 1936, p. 221. He was killed by Ibr. b. al-Aštar in Rabi' I
66/October 685; Tabari, Annałes, II, p. 616/VI,
p. 12/ 77ìz /-fùfo y of al-Bahan, XX, p. 200; Balãdurï, Ansãb al-ašrãf V, ?24-6; Hasting,
"al-Mui¡jytãr b. a. 'Ubayd", EIl VII, p. 522b paragr. ult.
The ed. points out, p. 24, n. 2, that one of the ms. has: actea anä wa iyyäka, and that it
should be: ammã anã ma anta. In fact, in Tab, XVI, p. 111, we have: ammã anã wa anta yã
Abä Rãšid (i.e. Nãfi'). These variations between the two characters, Nãfi' and lyãs, are
perhaps not without significance in the controversy over retribution in the hereafter.
Indeed, for the ibãdites, Năfi', an azraqi hãriğite, is part of the ahl al-firãq, and his fate is
decided. @uant to lyãs, Hiid knows nothing about it: he may be a believer or a hypocrite.
The presence of lyãs probably only serves the purpose of not associating Năfi''s fate with
that o f lbn 'Abbãs.
Tab, XVI, p. 111, 1. 24-6.
Opposition between tearada and sadara: going to and returning from the
trough. Tab, XVI, p. 111, 1. 17.
Tab, XVI, p. 108, 1. 26-109, 1. 4; 'Abd at-Razzãq, To/nr, III, p. 11: Ibn 'Uyayna (Sufyän
al-Hilälï al-Kriíí al-Makkï, d. 196/811; GAS, I, p. 96)/'Amr b. Dinãr (a. M. al-Ğuma iï al-
Makkï aI-A ram, d. 126/ 743; San, V, p. 300-7; Tad_kira, I, p. I 13-4), has in addition: "Ibn
'Abbãs says: about what rit-i1 doric?". Moreover, 'Amr b. Dinär appears in the following
chain of guarantors: [...] 'Amr b. Dïnãr/Ğãbir b. 'Al., according to Mu'ãd (b. Ğabal) who,
when on the point of death, is said to have reported the following prophetic tradition:
"Whoever, with a sincere and firm heart, confesses that there is no god but God, will go to
paradise, he will not be touched by the fire (o f hell)"; San, V, p. 306. '°' Q_urtubï, Tadkira,
II, pp. 447-51, has collected and explained several traditions relating to the murîid and its
meaning; Därimi, 30, Raqã'iq, Wurîid, II, p. 329: according to al- Suddï who one day
questioned someone about 19,7 I who told him that Ibn Mas'üd had reported that M. had
said: "People go to hell, then they come out of it thanks to their
works . . .".
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we'll get in. You will see whether we get out or not! It is unthinkable that God would take
you out of it because of your status as a denier (bi-tabğïbika). 11 [the man who had heard
Ibn 'Abbãsl t : Nãfi' then began to laugh"'"'.
28. According to a last tradition quoted by Tabaril22 : "Abii Rãiid al- Hamrï de
bariğite), said when this was mentioned: the harürite [i.c. is the one who gets there: märiduliã],
is do not hear [i.z. the lyarûrites] the fizzing (of the fen, h'uïsan]. Ibn 'Abbãs said: Are you mad?
What do you make of what God says [follows 1 1,98, 19,86 and 19,71, i.e. al-wird al-mawrïid,
medau and z'iridNã], by God, if the prayer of the one passing by is: God, bring me out of hell
safe and sound and bring me into paradise winner, without effort ğãniman)".
29. It is said that there was a dispute in Basra about the zuríidl ",
some saying that believers d o not enter hell, others that all enter it and
that God then saves from it those who are "pious" (iffaçaii) and
"abandons there the unjust kneeling'""". Abíi Sumayya "l5 met Ğãbir b.
'Abdalläh and asked him a b o u t this. He replied, "They all enter it. But he
(Abii Sumayya) said to him: we differ o n this. Ğãbir waved his finger in the direction of her
ear (o/ixô ói-ÿòs'ñi ilã utfvnilii) and said: She would be deaf, if I had not heard the Messenger of
God say [follows the fiodit]."
30. Ezcursus: the Masâ'il of Nñfi' b. al-Azraq in Hfid.
It should be noted that 19,71 is one of the verses about which Nãfi' is said to have
questioned Ibn 'Abbäs, but only about iatman maqğiyyanj 0. Anbãrï, Iğã , p. 97; Masä'il
Nãfi' b. al-AIraq 'an 'Abd Alläh b. 'Abbãs (recension of al-Hu alï, ed. M.A. al-Dälï (from
the ms. Zãhiriyya), Limassol, aI-Plan wa l-Ğãbï, 1412/ 1992"', p. 27, q. 41. In the
Commentary on HÎid, we find a questio from Nãfi' b. al-Azraq to Ibn 'Abbäs, on 27, Xaml,
20: nsalomon reviewed the birds ...": "It is reported that Nãfi'
b. al-Azraq asked Ibn 'Abbãs why Solomon sought out the hoopoe. Ibn 'Abbãs replied: When
they went on a journey, the hoopoe dug the earth to find the nearest water. Nafi' asked: How did
it know where the nearest water was in the earth, w h e n it did not know that it would be
caught in the net? Ibn 'Abbãs replied: Don't you know that precautions are useless against fate
(al- iad_ar lã yuğnï min al-qadar s "ay'an); Hüd, III, p. 250. C/ Masä'il Xãfč b. al-AIraq, op. cit..,
p. 79, q. 52 (a/-q õ ' yafullu 1-hatar). It is also said: lã yanfa' łiadar min qadar. Gf. Abîi 'Ubayd,
K. al-Am!ãl, ed. 'Abd al-Mağid Qa ãmii, Damascus, Dãr al-Turăt, 1980, p. 327, no. 1076;
Maydãnï, no. 3637; expression also passed into a /ìodi/, r. Concordance, I, p. 438b; al- iadar
add min al-uiaqï'a a. Maydãnï, no. 1 U2.
'"' Qurtubi, Tad_kira, II, p. 451: "You and I, it is necessary that we go (an nańdatiã, the text
has: yaridaliã). God will save m e , but I don't think he will save you".
"" Tab XVI, p. 109, 1. 5-9.
"' According to Bayhaqi, Śu'oó, cap. IX, II, pp. 259-60/1 (ed. 1990), pp. 336-7, no. 380; Ibn
ł J a n b a l , Mumad, III, p. 328, jens//.-329, 1. 5/XI (ed. 1995), p. 473, no. 14458; Mundirï,
Torğió, IV, pp. 321-2, no. 5274, with some variations from the text of Bayhaqï, Hay amï,
Mamma', E. al-Ba't, X, p. 363; Suyü ï, Arr, IV, p. 280, 1. 28-33. Some of the following
expressions are also found in the prophetic #odi reported by Ğäbir and which follows on from
Bayhaqï's text.
'" ĞifiJyon, reminiscent of 19.68.
"Čar , IX, p. 388, no. 1821: ramä iadïl Čãbir fî 1-wurud.
"' F. c. r. Gilliot, in MIDEO, 23 (1997), no. 44.
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COMMENT FROM HUD 199
31. Further on, on 19, Mayam, 87: "Only those who have concluded a
covenant with the Merciful will benefit from an intercession", Hüd
simply refers to the explanation that "d gave above on "covenant" ('ahd),
i. e. on 19, Mayam, 87: "Only those who have concluded a covenant with
the Merciful will benefit from an intercession", i. e. on 19, Mayam, 87:
"Only those who have concluded a covenant with the Merciful will
benefit from an intercession".i.e. on 19,78, not repeating any of the five
prophetic tra- ditions reported by Anas b. Mãlik and by Abü Hurayra and
quoted by Ibn Sallãm in his Commentary, and making no allusion
whatsoever t o intercession"'.
°' II, p. 29. For traditions on intercessions, see in particular Mundirï, Torjiò, IV,
pp. 3?3-34, nos. 5279-5301; Hayiami, Äf a ' X, pp. 370-86; Ãğurrï, Š a n 'a, pp. 331-52,
including the intercession of scholars and 'martyrs'; Ğazälï, fíìyò', Cairo, 1933 (1289), Dił:r al-
inawt tea mã ba'daliu, pars secunda, ì f a t al-šajă'a, lV, pp. 447-50/Trad. T.J. Winter, Ttu
Rem'tnbrance of Death and the Afterlife, Cambridge, The Islamic Texts Society, 1989,
p. 210-16; Bayhaqï, Śu'aó, cap. VIII, II, pp. 108-36/1, pp. 280-9; Ibn al-Ğawzï, Mawpïi'ãt,
III, p. 250; H. Laoust, la profession de %i d'Ibn Ba ta, p. 100 and n. 1, and index.
"On the doctrine of the Ibãdites on this subject, a. I.ri, I, p. 409. Among the others, t
äriğites, the Hamzites professed that the children of their adversaries or associators went to
hell. For some Bayhasites, as for the A'labites, the children of the wicked are themselves
unbelievers, p. 390; for the Azraqites, the children of associators go to hell, p. 379.
"Tab, XXI, p. 40; Qurt, XIV, p. 24-30, produces a veritable treatise on the subject. "III,
p. 321-2.
"' Perhaps Ibn Sallãm.
"' Until then, tradition of Ibn 'Abbãs, reported with several variants, r. Tab, XXIX, p. 16-
7, on 68, Qo/om, 1; Tirmidï, 48, No/*r, on 67,1, V, p. 424, n° 3319/ Mubãr k urí, Tuftfat al-
atiwadï, IX, p. 232-3, n° 3375, according to 'Ubãda b. Şãmit, but without the question
asked by the calamus; Tirmidi, 23, Qadar, 17, IV, pp. 457-8, no. 21ö5, according to 'A ã' b.
a. Rabãh, who met al-Walid b. 'Ubãda, who told him that his father [...] (with the question
asked by the calamus)/MubãrMurï, Tulifat, VII, pp. 368-70, no. 2244. C'/ Gilliot, "Mythe et
théologie: calame et intellect", (II. Le traitement des tradiÖons sur le calame chez Tabari).
"I.e. the "someone" above.
"Tirmidï, 6,aumi, 44, III, p. 122, n° 747. It is also reported that the doors of the
paradises open every Monday and Thursday, r. Coiirordanr", II, p. 83b.
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200 CLAUDE GILLIOT
in t h e form of atoms (Ja-Qru aÂutn mitla 1-durr)"', and He said: "Am I not your Lord? They
said, 'Yes'" ( continued from 7:172). Then He replaced them in Adam's rib. After that, man is
marked in the Original Book as damned or blessed, in his mother's womb". He who is [marked]
damned in the Original Book is kept alive ('unitnir') until the calamus comes to him Jattä ya
riya 'alaybi) and breaks the pact that was made on him in the rib of Adam, and he is then
damned. He who is [marked] blessed in the original Book is kept alive until the calamus reaches
him, then he believes and becomes blessed. The child of believers who dies young, before t h e
calamus reaches him, will be with his parents in paradise, he will be part of the kings of
paradise"', because God says: "Those who believe and are in the faith followed by their
posterity, we will join them" (52, nir, 21)""'.
"Someone said: 'Those who are children of associators, and die before t h e calamus
reaches them, will not be with their fathers in hell, for they died under the covenant that
was made for them in the coast of Adam, and they did not break that covenant. He says:
They are the servants of the people of Paradise".
33. "The following tradition is reported from Anas: The Messenger of God was asked about
the children of the associators, and he said: They have no good deeds (jaronö/) which would
earn them the recompense fa-yuan bihä) and which would make them kings of paradise, they
have [n e i t h e r ] evil deeds (sayyi'ât) which would make them people of hell, so they are
servants of the people of paradise."'"
"' From: "He extracted" to "atoms", almost similar traditions reported by Ibn 'Abbis, in Tab,
XIII, p. 222-4, ri° 15338-40, on 7.17 2, but also some of the following tradi- tions; 'Abd al-
Razzäq, Tafsïr, III, p. 307, on 68.1; Ibn Hanbal, Musnad, I,
p. 272/IV, p. 151, no. 2455, which begins with a|fada Lläh al-mïtàq rrtin palm Ä d a m ,'
Nasä'ï, al-Sunan al-kubrà, Tafsïr, 150, VI, p. 347, no. 11191, out of 7,172.
'" The same text can be found word for word in Qurt, XIV, p. 29 ufï-30,
1. 4, without the mention of 52:21, but the Qur{ubï text continues as follows: "The children
of the associators who die before t h e calamus reaches them will not be with their parents
[in hell], for they died under the original pact which was con- tracted for them in the rib of
Adam, and that pact was not broken." He states that this is the position of a group of
commentators who find agreement between the various prophetic traditions. Cf. Tab, XIII,
p. 230-1, n° 15352.
"According to Abti Hurayra: da'àmis al-hanna', Muslim, 45, Birr sa sila, 47, IV; p. 2029, n°
154 (2635). The du'mïis is a type of midge found on water. But for this tradition, based on a
verse by Umayya b. a. 1-Salt, it is understood that they can come and go as they please in the
äiversez abodes of paradise, just as children in this world are not forbidden any place. The term
is also understood of a kind of chamberlain or steward of kings (al-dalj|fäl fi 1-umïir, al-
z'uuwäd /i-/-inu/Îil); u. Täg, XVII, p. 582,' Q_urtubi, Tad_kira, II, p. 682-4; r/ Suyiitï, Earp o/-n
"fiir, ed. M.Jl. al-Himsï, Beirut/Damas, Mu'assasat al-Îman/Där al-Rasïd, 1407/ 1986, p.. 334, 1.
9; Abii Ya'lä, Mu'tamad, p. 115; Gimaret, Doctrine, p. 510, who translates by nmoucherons",
without explanation.
There follows (III, p. 322) a tradition reported by Ibn Salläm in his commentary: Qurra
b. J¡iä1id/al-iJasan, in which Sa'd b. 'Ubäda tells the Prophet that a man no longer leaves
his house because his son has died. The Prophet said to the man: "Are you not satisfied that
you have fed him in this world and [t h a t ] when you reach one of the gates of Paradise, he
will already be there waiting for you?"; Abii Dawüd al-Tayälisi, Ä f o n d , p. 145, no. 1075,
almost similar content; Qurtubï, Tad_kira, II,
p. 683.
"' This tradition is reported by Ibn al-Salläm in his commentary, as the
' RZQORDGHG
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COMMENT FROM HUD 201
"It is reported that Salmän al-Fãrisi said, 'The children of the associators are semi-teasers
of the people of paradise.' People reported this to al-łJasan who said: 'What have you to
reprove? They are people whom God honours and i1 [honours] others, i.e. the people of
paradise, by them""'*.
34. "The following tradition is quoted from Abíi Hurayra: "The Messenger of God said:
Every newborn child is born in the state of nature, it is his parents who make him a Jew or a
Christian. He was asked: 'O Messenger of God, what about those who die in i n f a n c y ?
He replied: "God knows best what their actions would have been [if they had lived].
35. "The following tradition is quoted from al-Hasan [al-Ba rr]: 'It was asked
to the Envoy of God who is in paradise. ß replied: "Prophets are in paradise, newborn
babies are in paradise, martyrs are in paradise, girls buried alive are in paradise"""'.
"The following tradition is quoted from al-Ijasan: "Four [categories of creatures] can
hope to be excused (yur§awno 1-'usr) on the Day of Resurrection: the one who died before
[the announcement of] Islam, the one who lived long enough to see Islam (man adraka /-
irfani) but whose mind was disturbed because of his old age, the one who was delivered by
his mother but does not yet hear the voice and the one who is struck and touched by Satan.
All these may hope to be excused on the Day of Resurrection. l¡lasan also says: God sends
them envoys and lights a fire for them, and they order them to throw themselves into it.
Some of them threw themselves into it and others fled". Someone said: "It has been
reported to us that those who throw t h e m s e l v e s into it are saved and that those who do
not throw themselves into it go to hell".
36. To this someone objects1 '4 : "We think that those who are put in the
by their mother and who do not hear the voice, and that those who are hit and who do not
hear the voice
precise l'édit, III, p. 322, n. 3: al-Rabi' b. ubayh (a. Ğa'far al-Ba ri, d. 160/ 776-7; San, VII,
p. 287-90)/Yazid al-Raqäiï (b. Abăn b. 'Al. Abii 'Amr, Qadarite sermonist from Basra, who
transmitted many traditions of Anas. He is criticised f o r attributing traditions of al-Hasan
al-Ba'rï to Anas; d. between 110/ 728 and 120/738; W, XI, pp. 309- 11; Ansăb, III, p. 81,
on him and his father; van Ess, OHT, p. 121, n. 10, continued.
p. 122; Id, Æ t f F , p. 124; Id, , II, p. 89-91)/Anas. Qurt.ubï, Tadkira, II, p. 681, who reports this
same tradition through Abãn [b. 'Al. at-Raqäši, i.e. the father of Yazïd al-Raqãšì] 'on Anas, has
in addition: "for which they would be punished" fa-yu'äqabïi 'ofny/ìò), and he adds that this
tradition is quoted by Ibn Sallãm in his commentary. C/ Qurt, XIV, p. 30, who states that it is
found in lbn al-Sallãm's commentary; Hay ami, Mamma', Qadar Awlãd al-mu žł n, VII, p. 222,
with only the end of the tra- diÖon. Other versions can also b e found via Samura b.
Ğundub/Anas in abaränï, Mu'gam ß ò i r , VII, p. 239, end of tradition no. 6984.
"III, p. 323.
"Hammäm b. Munabbih, ahïfa, no. 66, longer text; Muslim, 46, Qadar, 6, IV,
p. 2048, no. 24; C/ van Ess, ffHT, p. 101 Egg.
"III, p. 323. This tradition, but without Hasan in the chain, is found in Abii Dãwüd, Giliãd,
Fad1 al-šaliãda, III, p. 15, no. 2521, but with al-wa'ïd, here al-ma'ïida,' Ibn Hanbal, V, p. 58, 1.
13-15. Some argue from a tradition reported by Salama
b. Yazìd a1-Ğu'fï: "Do you know that the [mother] who buried her f İ l l e a l i v e a n d t h e
d a u g h t e r b u r i e d a l i v e a r e i n h ell, u n l e s s t h e m o t h e r h a s
k n o w n I s l a m a n d t h i s i s f orgiven her?", t o say that the children of the
as s o c i a t o r s a re in hell; u . Q_urtubï, Tapkira, II, p. 676; Ibn Ï J a n b a l , III, p. 478, 1.
10-14/XII (ed. 1995), p. 375, no. 15866,
without "Did you know that".
"III, p. 323. C/ Gimaret, doctrine, p. 511. '* la
q's/o ba'pulium, III, p. 324.
' RZQORDGHG
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202 CLAUDE GILLIOT
touched by Satan have an excuse. But those who w e r e born before Islam and those who
lived long enough to see Islam, but whose minds were disturbed because of their old age,
have in t h e argument that comes from the prophets, whether from jesus or those w h o
preceded him: "They found their ancestors gone astray and they rushed in their footsteps
(37, affăt, 69-70)""'. What al-fJasan says on this subject is to be rejected (mafrïik), it is not
to be accepted, it is not what Muslims profess."
' RZQORDGHG
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COMMENT FROM HUD 203
but it seems, according to the editor, that this is the addition of the
copyist of one of the manuscripts' '.5
Nor does God have members. On 2,245: "God referees his
hand, or he opens it": "He restricts to whom he wills and he dispenses to whom he wills
sustenance (yo ó u 'amman yas "ã'u ma yabsu u 1-hzqa li-man yœ*ã'u)"'.
On 39, Kumar, 67: "The whole earth on the Day of Resurrection will
be a handful in his hand": "That is, in his power" "and the heavens will be
folded in his right hand": "in his sovereignty and authority" bi-mulkiht Xã
SHİtáłfÚt)' .3
On 68, Qa/otn, 42: "The day when the leg will be uncovered", Hiid
merely repeats abbreviated traditions from lbn Sallãm's commentary,
from which it emerges that this expression refers to an important and violent
event, and to the events of the punishment which precede the great
punishments of the Day of Resurrection ".I
39. The vision of God is rejected by Hüd; indeed, while ń says
nothing about 6,1031 "', he does, on the other hand, express himself on
75, ã m a , 23, citing a tradition that leaves no doubt about his own
opinion:
M u S l İ m a l-WăSiti"6 /A b t i ã Í Î h ' ^': " [Th e i r f aces] a w a i t t h e
r e w a r d o f their Lord"'. Abii älih says: no one has seen it and no one will see
it""'.
' RZQORDGHG
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204 CLAUDE GILLIOT
6. Prophecy
41. On 19, Mayam, 30: "[Jesus] said: I am indeed the servant of God. He
has given me the Book; he has made me a prophet; he has blessed me
wherever I may be.", Híid déc1are'66 : "Certain said: he has made me a teacher.
who teaches (inu'alliinan inu'addiban)"'. Then he continues unexpectedly here
on the dignity of the teacher who teaches: "There is no one who is favoured by
greater blessings (/õ a ada aymanu tea lä a'zamu òar&f n) than the master who
' RZQORDGHG
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COMMENT FROM HUD 205
teaches, the /oçi scholar who teaches wisdom to people, educates them in it and makes
them understand it; he occupies the [same] place as the prophets; his true being (Jaqquliu)
is that of the pure. Prophets are superior to scholars only in their [prophetic] mission.
42. On 2l, Anbyâ', 62-3: "Did you, Abraham, do this to our gods? He
said: No! it was the greatest of them all who did it. Interrogate them,
then, if they can speak", Hiid pauses for a long time to inform Abraham
of the three lies attributed to him in the
"tradition of intercession" (hum/ a/-îa@'o)l 6'. Indeed, to those who come
to ask for his intercession on the Day of Resurrection, he answers:
"I can do nothing for you" [or: I am not what you need] (inni /nr/ti
àmaRn)'". Then he mentions the three lies he committed: when he said:
"I am ill" (37, Saff t, 89) and "No! this is the greatest
"This tradition, with its many variants, has the Prophet saying that on the Day of
Resurrection people will go to the "prophets" to ask them to intercede for them. They are
told by each o f them that he has committed a fault (or several faults) and that it is rather
he who needs to be interceded for; Buhärï, 60, Anbiyä', 9/Trad. II, p. 477 (short version,
with only the scene where Abraham refers to Moses); 60, Anbiyà', 3bis/4/trad. II, p. 466-7
(only Adam and Noah); Därimï, 30, Raqà' ouf, Éafâ'a, II, p. 327; Ibn Manda (M. b. Isly. b.
Yahyä), Imän, II, p. 833-34, ri° 863, long version, with "all" the "prophets"; also ri° 864-6,
p. 834-8; no. 873, p. 841-2: on this occasion the Bassorians question Anas about this
tradition of the intercession of the prophets, and he confirms it to them, with variations
(ttc fnùö sa foin 'alaykutn bi-Mïisä, etc.); Ibn a. 1-Dunyä, K. al-Ahmäl, ed.); Ibn a. 1-
Dunyä, K. al-Ahmäl, ed. Magdi Fat(iï al-Sayyid, Guizéh, 1993, p. 169, no. 255: md anà bi-
sähibikum liädä.
In another tradition, reported by Yazïd al-Faqir (b. Suhayb a. 'Ut. al-KiifI; San, V, p.
227-8): "We were a group of people living in Mecca (min wt1ôni/ra), and with me was a
brother by the name of Talq b. i¡labib (mur i'ite, kufi, from Basra, d. ca. 95/714, e. Lrs, I, p.
432; van Ess, N, p. 158-60), and we professed the doctrine of the Harürites". We learned
that Ùäbir b. 'Al. who came on every pilgrimage had arrived, and we went to see him,
saying: We learned that you had said something about intercession (qaml fi 1-sajâ'a), etc.;
À urri, È a r ï 'a, p. 333-4. "' With U/ al-ffitäb, the U/ of allocation; r. Murädï (lJ. b. Q.), al-
Öänï 1-dänî fi jurîif
al-ma'äiiï, ed. Faj)r al-Din Q_abäwa and M. Nadim Fidil, Beirut, Där al-kutub al-'ilmiyya,
1992, pp. 91-5. In certain contexts, as is the case here, the !fäk/hunäk opposition is
equivalent to the i/è/tri opposition, laudative/pejorative, in Latin. Here aptitude/inaptitude,
or even dignity/unworthiness: iiiiii /ortu a/îfan li-dâlika. One of the long versions of t h e
tradition of intercession, with the request addressed to each of the "prophets" who all
respond, except Muhammad, /arfu hunäkum, is in Ibn Hanbal, in the report of Anas, Muxnad,
III, p. 244, 1. 11-245 1. 1/XI (ed. 1995), p. 214-15, no. 13496. Jesus, for whom n o fault is
mentioned, also makes this reply and refers to Mohammed; Buhärï, 97, Tauiliïd, 19/Trad.,
IV, p. 590-1; 65, To/rir, 2,1/Trad., III, p. 250-1 (here, without mentioning
of Abraham's faults); Muslim, 1, Imän, 322, ed. 'Abd al-Bäqï, I, p. 180-1. For another
longer version, but with the nafsi response to Abü Hurayra's report,
e. Gazälï, Ijyä', al-mawt wa mö ba'dabu, pars secunda, Sifat al-s "ajâ'a, IV, p. 448,
1. 7-450, 1. 4/Trad. T.J. Winter, Rmiembrance of Death and the Ajterlife, p. 212-14/Zabidï,
Itliñ/ XIV, p. 504-7.
' RZQORDGHG
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206 CLAUDE GILLIOT
of them" (21,63), and when he1 said that his wife Sarah was his
SisterlŸ0p
Hiid reacted decisively against t h e idea that Abraham could have
lie lI : "Gela cannot be said by Muslims, and there is no agreement on this version, as they
reject t h e idea that the friend of the Merciful lied. As for "I am sick", that is to say the
sins (al-ma'ã y) that they commit, for Abraham had ordered them not to do this. This is
how it is said: it makes me sick, if someone does the opposite of what he has been
ordered to do. As for what Abraham said to Sarah: "If they ask you, say that you are my
sister", she is indeed his sister in relationship, she is also his sister because he is the
daughter of Adam, and fur is also the son of Adam. Finally, Abraham's saying: "The
greatest of them all d i d it" is a rebuke (mói#), and there can be no falsehood in a rebuke.
This is the best interpretation of the Prophet's words, transmitted by the transmitters,
saying that Abraham had committed three sins.
Tabari, who is no less committed than Hüd to preserving Abraham's
impec- cability, maintains the reality of the three lies because of the
evident meaning of the traditions reported from the Prophet on this
subject (mã ta ãharat bihi l-Øbăr 'an rasîìl Alläh)'7 '. God may have
authorised him to lie in order that he might rebuke his people, use this
lie as an argument against them and show them where their sin lay, this
being particularly true of the two lies mentioned in the Qur'an which
concern the essence of God. As far as 21:63 is concerned, the verse
cannot therefore be understood as a case of postpositionl :
"He is the greatest of them all. If they speak these gods, ask him leun''7 ".
Tabari therefore refuses to accept that Abraham's words can be conceived
as an "ambivalent allusion" or an insinuation (mi'rağ)176 , which would rule
out the possibility of a lie.
'" On these three lies of Abraham, u. Tab, XXVI, p. 71-2, on 37,89. The last lie is inspired
by Genèse 12,10-20; J Gilliot, nLes trois mensonges d'Abraham" (c/ bibliogr. inta).
"' C'/ Gimaret, Ğrtur", p. 613: Ğubbã'ï also refuses that Abraham art pu men- tir; Ibn
Qutayba, Muškil, p. 268-9, has the interpretation denounced by Tabari: if the Prophet
spoke of three lies, it is because these three words are similar (iõMł) to lies.
"° On the impeccability of prophets among the ibãdites, u. Cuperly, "Ğannäwunï", p. 36.
"Tab, XVII, p. 41, 1. 7-8.
'" Third possible interpretation mentioned by Rãzï, 'Isinat al-anbiyã', Aleppo, Ma ba'at
al-Iriăd, Presentation by 'Abd a1-'Azïz 'Uy:in al-Síid, n.d. (1970?) p. 38.
"' This interpretation is mentioned by Farrã', Ma'ãnï 1-Qur'ãn, II, p. 207. Ibn al-Samayfa'
(on him and this reading, see Gilliot, "Les trois mensonges d'Abraham", § 12) read: fa-
ła'allaliu Róituńutn, op. cit., p. 206.
"' In the sense of fnwríyya. This time in connection with 37.89, i.e. all those who are near
death are ill, even though Abraham was not really ill when he1 said this; Tab, XXIII, p. 71,
ult. Qurt, XI, p. 300, 1. 5 and 7 (ntin al-ma'ănğ, ta'rïp, insi- nuation), for one of the
interpretations of 21,63.
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COMMENT FROM HUD ?07
43. We know that the question of divine decree was discussed and gave
rise to unrest in the circles around Abü 'Ubayda (Muslim b. a. Karima) and
also a f t e r w a r d s "7 . More often than not, our exegete d o e s not take a
position on verses which are part of either the predes- tinationist arsenal or
that of the Qadarites or Mu'tazilitesl . When it comes to the guidance of
believers by God, he is usually content to gloss it with "in paradise" (ilä 1-
ganna), which is a way of equating guidance with "reward", and thus of
eliminating pre-destinationist exegesis".
He rarely comments on passages where it is said that God "does not
guide"l '0 , the unjust, etc.I ", or that he "leads them astray"l '2 . But
sometimes he does, as in 3:86, where he quotes a tradition from al-íJasan
by way of 'Amr b. 'Ubayd"'. Similarly on 5,67: "God does not lead an
unbelieving people": "i.e. they will not reach you (Muhammad) before
you have announced the message"'".
Often, too, he does not comment on the "misguidance" that God brings
upon the disbelievers"', but significantly, in one place, he quotes al-łJasan
al-Ba ri"'.
44. If it is said that God places an "envelope" over the heart of
unbelievers, his statements are varied. While he is silent on 6,251 ", he
declares elsewhere (1 7,45) that: nGod has made the disbelief that comes from them a
screen ğa'ala Llähu 1-kufia llapï kãna min/turn ś ãóon f "žter) which prevents them from
believing" (on l 7,45)1 ' . On again, he equates 17,45: "we place a thick veil
between you and those who do not believe in the future life", with 45,23:
"God knowingly leads him astray; he puts a seal on his ears and on his
"K Cuperly, Introduction, p. 27-8, 257-62; van Ess, N , II, p. 202-6. "' V.
Gimaret, Lecture, p. 53.
I, p. 397 (4.68); I, p. 440, on 4.175; J Gimaret, reading, p. 51. P.
toutefois were §13-14.
"P. g. I, p. 479 (5,51); I, p. 247 (2,264). Nor on those where God is nl'em- bellisseur" (verb
zayyana: 6,108; 27,4), I, p. 550; II, p. 246. Nor, when 'd'em- bellisseur' is anonymous: I, p. 271
(3,14), p. 557 (6,122); II, p. 131 (9,37).
"I, p. 91 (2.26); I, p. 406 (4.88).
"I, p. 298; J Gimaret, Arfurs, p. 183 iq.
"I, p. 486, with a tradition by Hasan (undoubtedly taken from Ibn Salläm's commentary),
repeated in another version in II, p. 428 (17,60).
"I, p. 91 (2.26); I, p. 406 (4.88).
"I, p. 558 (6,125); c/ Gimaret, Drfure, p. 324-5, with reference to Hasan's letter.
"I, p. 520.
"II, p. 421; c/ Gimaret, Drturr, p. 560, with a material explanation which prevents any
predestinationist exegesis.
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208 CLAUDE GILLIOT
heart", and comments: "All this God does against them fa'alabu L/afiu ó i f i i m ) because of
their practice of disbelief which comes from them (li-fi'lihiini 1-kufri llaffi käna
" 9 II, p. 422; r/ IV, p. 140, where he does not repeat it.
"I, p. 83.
"I, p. 89. It could also be translated: "capacity is concomitant with t h e act";
u. van Ess, , II, p. 205, I, p. 409-10, on the equivalent doctrine of t h e Cufian ibadite 'Al. b.
Yazid al-Fazãri; c/ D. Gimaret, 77ìéorísi de l'aste humoin m tliéologie miwilinane,
Paris/Louvain, 1980, p. 69: an expression reminiscent of that used for the posi- tion o f al-
Nağğãr, but was it the same? Maqãlãt, ed. Ritter, p. 283, 1. 7-9.
"Cuperly, Introduction, p. 84 Egg, 267.
"' A. Nã ir Dïn Alläh (d. 322/934), K. al-X ãt [Streitschrrifi dev Ęaìditneìmams Ahmad an-
Xãsir wider dk iòodifisc/rs Prädesttnationslehre} , ed. W. Madelung, Wiesbaden, Fr. Steiner (in
Kommission bei) (BI, 30), 1985, pp. 58-9; Van Ess, TG, I, pp. 409-10; II, pp. 205-6.
"P. van Ess, TC, II, p. 193-6.
"' Abii Ša'tã' al-Azdï al-ĞawÍi, d. 93/ 172, in Basra, where he had settled with the
Azdites, probably around 60/679; u. van Ess, TG, II, p. 190-2, who notes: "he was not yet a
pure 'ibadite'"; Dahabï, Siyar, IV, p. 481-3.
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COMMENT FROM I-IUD 209
The ibadites continued to quote them. Qatãda and 'Amr b. Dinãr, among
others, were among his disciples.
46. We will later come across several passages in which Hüd refers to
the scholars of his school (9 ), but it may seem useful to group together
some of the places where he refers to them in support of his legal choices.
Thus on 2,14: "Whenever they meet the believers, they say: we believe!
But when they find themselves alone with their devils, they say: we are
with you ...":
"That is, the disbelievers according to the interpretation of al-Hasan. According to the
interpretation of another who is of our éroñ: their great ones and their guides (qadãtulium) in the
mat"'". One may wonder who this sauant of our school is. It cannot be
@atãda. Could this be the author o f a ¡ ã r i ğ i t e comment? We could-
would be 'Ar. b. Rustum (d. 171/788) or 'Abd al-Wahhãb
b. Rustum (d. 208/824), to whom is attributed a commentary on the Qur'an IŃ8q
To return to Qatãda (d. l 17/735 on 118/73ô), we know that the Agmãl
Qa/ada circulated in Iberian circles. He often refers to 'Amr b. Harim al-
Azdï al-Ba ri, himself a disciple of Ğäbir b. Zayd (Abíi a'tã', d. between
93/711 and 104/722)"'. In addition, @atãda was the disciple and
continuator of al-iJasan al-Ba ri, often cited in the exegesis of Hüd,
through the commentary of Ibn Sallãm. It is possible that an ibãçtite from
Basra adopted Qatãda's exegesis.
47. On 2,228: "Repudiated women shall wait three periods before
remarrying" (qur', pl. qRrû')2 °'. One of the problems among jurists is to
know whether qurïi° is to be understood here as inter-menstrual periods of
legal purity (called af/ìõr)201 on mentruations (ljiyağ, pl. of Iiïğa). For Iraqi
(or Coufa) jurists, particularly from the Abíi iJanïfa school, the term has the
latter meaning, i.e. period o f legal impurity (iïğ), 'for Medina jurists it
means iJiğãz,
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210 CLAUDE GILLIOT
49. The zakãt: on 2,3: "Those who g i v e alms with the goods that
we have granted them" (wa miinmã razaqnãhum yufiqîin): "That is to say
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COMMENT FROM HUD 21 l
the legal alms imposed according to the practice of the Messenger of God on gold and
silver, camels, cattle and sheep, wheat and barley, dates and raisins. Al- Jasan and other
scholars of our school (min pjaóinã)"1 ' say that, apart from this, İthere is n o l e g a l
a l m s g i v i n g a s l o n g a s İ t h e r e i s n o sal e , in which case there is
alm s g i v i n g o n the ar- gent [that is t a ken from it], the alm s g i v i n g i s then on t h e
mon e y , if there is alm s g i v i n g , if one has earned money. Some scholars of our school
add corn to wheat and barley. We have explained this in the /ìodi -s of almsgiving"'.
Elsewhere, 6, 141: "Pay the duties on the day of harvest", Híid rap-
carries that according to al-łJasan and others, it is the legal alms.
Furthermore
the same al-íJasan said: "Alms are g i v e n in seven items: gold and silver, camels,
cattle and sheep, wheat and barley, dates and raisins"'".
Note that in neither case does Hüd speak o f ab-
rotation.
Still on the subject of almsgiving, but also on the insistence of the
beggar (2,273), Hiid°l5 first mentions a tradition reported by Abíi Darr
according to which the beggar who has forty drachmas is a
"importunate"2 '6 , and an unnamed scholar for whom the holder of fifty
drachmas is not entitled to alms"I7 . But he chose the solution
' RZQORDGHG
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212 CLAUDE GILLIOT
from "the majority of our scholars, Abíi 'Ubayda (Muslim b. a. Karima) and
others", i.e. from the Ibadite scholars: "To him who has a servant (#ãdùn), a house and
a slave (jufatn), and to him who has a hundred or two hundred [drachmas], it is
w i l l g i v e alms if they are not enough to feed them and if he does not manage to feed
them.
If he has two hundred, a servant, a house and a slave, it is preferable that he refrain from
begging ywtati abbu ... 'an yasta'aßfa 'ant l-mas'alatì) and from taking [that of which he is
given almsj , but if İhe takes it, th e r e i s n o h a r m i n t hat""".
ò. Manage ct repudiation
50. With regard to the period of waiting for the pregnant woman"",
on 2.234, Hüd relies on the position of the jurists of his school who rely
on the statements attributed to 'Ali and Ibn 'Abbãs'20 , according to whom
she must observe "the longer of the two periods"°"1 . It is a question, in
fact, of finding a reconciliation between 67, aläg, 4 which imposes the
whole period of pregnancy until delivery and 2,234 which refers to four
months and three nights. We know that the majority of scholars impose
the time of pregnancy, relying in particular on the traditions of Abü
Hurayra, Ibn Mas'íid"2 ', Ubayy b. Ka'b°3 , 'Umar and Ibn 'Umar2 °'. In
this case, 67.4 abrogates 2.234 for the pregnant widow. In
to explain that this applies to anyone in possession of fifty drachmas; Tabari, T'ffïb al-ãtăr.
Mumad 'Umar, I, pp. 23-24, nos. 32-33; 'f. Ğas ã , I, p. 464, 1. 6-8; Sarahsï, Mabsut, III, p.
14, 1. 5-7.
"Cf. Tabari's position, in Gilliot, "Le traitement du Å o d i f ", p. 323-4.
"' For details of this complicated debate, r. J. Burton, Sources, pp. 57-64; Schacht,
r,p2256
°° Bu tãrï, 65, Tafsïr, 65/2/trad. Houdas, III, p. 479, but Abü Hurayra and Abii Salama
were of the opposite opinion, so Ibn 'Abbäs sent his servant Q_urayb to consult Umm
Salama, who reported the tradition on Subay'a al-Aslamiyya. Ibn 'Abbãs is also credited
w i t h t h e contrary opinion that the delay is childbirth; c. Tab, V,
p. 79, no. 5071.
°' Agaluhà ab'adu 1-apalayn. Wa yaqclu bun 'Abbãsin ma 'Alifyun.- bi-liädä na'(udu wa 'alayhi
na'tainulu. Wa ùinatnã qawlu Llähi: rna uläłu 1-ałimäli ağaluhunna an yada'no hainlaliunna (65,4)
fî 1-inu all!iqãti duna 1-mutawajfă 'anhunna azwãğuhunna, I, p. 226; i:f. IV, p. 374, on 65.4,
where he adds that "the longer of the two periods" is the position of "Gãbir b. Zayd, AbÍi
'Ubayda [i.e. Muslim b. a. Karïma] and the majority of our scholars"; r. Harü ï, Min Ğawabàt
al-imãm Gãbir b. Zayd, p. 90, no. 423: ã (ir al- alayn, ':f. Tab, XXVIII,
p. 144, 1. 1.
'"' Tab, XXVIII, p. 142, 1. 24-8; p. 143, 1. 11-13.
Tab, XXVIII, p. 143, 1. 19-21: "I said (on 67,4): O Envoy of God, the one whose
husband has died and the one who has repudiated him? He answered: yes"; J 1. 22-4.
"" For the whole, u. Qurt, III, p. 174-6, q. 3; Ğa ã , I, p. 415, 1. 3-15; III,
p. 458-9; Ibn a. Zayd al-Qayrawãnï, Risãla, p. 195: "The term of the 'bdda of a pregnant woman
who has been widowed or repudiated is her delivery, whether she is free or a slave, Jewish or
Christian". For other scholars, u. Burton, Sources, p. 63.
' RZQORDGHG
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COMMENT FROM HUD 213
On the other hand, Húd follows 'Ali and Ibn 'Abbãs, and considers that
on this point 2,234 cannot be linked to 67,4, the latter verse dealing with
repudiated pregnant widows, whereas the former refers to unrepudiated
pregnant widows. Moreover, the Ibadites consider that, in the tradition of
Subay'a Bint al-Ęläri al-Aslamiyya'°' who gave birth to a child nine
days°"6 after the death of her husband and to whom Muhammad declared
that the time limit had expired, this was a special tolerance (ni( a) from
the Prophet granted to this woman°°°7 .
51. On divorce by compensaÙon (§uf')"2 ' on 2,229-30, and more
especially: "If you fear not to observe the laws of God, no fault will be
imputed to either of you, if the wife offers compensation" (verse 229c)"',
we notice that the principles of al- iJasan al-Ba ri occupy a prominent
place there, first of all to tell us that it is a question of the wife redeeming
her freedom (§uf') "20 . Hüd adopts the point of view of the majority of
scholars, this time against al-lJasan23l , according to whom this type of
repudiation requested by the wife can be carried out in the absence of
authority (without judicial intervention)2 . With regard to the status of §uf',
Ibn 'Abbãs did not consider it to be a repudiation"3 ; for al-Hasan, on the
other hand, repurchase (ß d ã ') was tantamount to "repudiation".
' RZQORDGHG
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214 CLAUDE GILLIOT
Hüd takes this position, which is that of the majority. A final point
relates to compensation°3 '. From a tra- dition he quotes concerning
Ğamila Bint Ubayy2 '", wife of T_äbit b. Qays b. Śamãs, who left her
garden to her husband whom she asked to give her back her freedom, it
emerges that according to Hüd the husband should not demand more
than the compensation°'6 . This seems to be the position of the Ibadites .2
52. In the event of irrevocable repudiation, during the period of
retirement ('bdda), according to Hiid, the woman is not entitled to the
maintenance pension (during the period of r e t i r e m e n t , the pregnant
woman's pension is taken from her share of the inheritance)2 "(nafagatuhä
watt tiesiòifiõ)2 ", which means,
Imad, a technical term not used by Hüd, which the husband may take from his wife's
dowry, or other compensation that the wife gives him.
"' According t o other versions, łJabiba Bint Sahl (we also find łJabiba Bint Saliil). For
discrepancies about her identity and name, r. F'atłi, IX, p. 327, 1. 19- 328, 1. 29: Ibn IJağar
thinks that these are two difFerent accounts which would have led to the confusion of names.
The Bassorians, whom Hiid (or Yahyã b. Sallăm) follows, see Ğamïla; the Medinese, Habiba.
"" I, p. 218-9: Muhammad is said to have told Ğamïla to leave her garden to her husband
and nothing more (no fõ tazïdïlii)', but according to other versions not mentioned by Hiid,
Muhammad is said to have said "give her more". For the differences between scholars on
this subject, u. hurt, III,
p. 140-1, q. 6; Fatti, IX, p. 326, 1. 15-"/i.,' Ğa ã , I, p. 393, 1. 2-19. It should be noted that Hiid
d o e s not here adopt the position o f al- asan who thought that the husband could take
more than the wife gave, whose name İ 1 d o e s n o t e v e n m e n t i o n , u n l i k e
w h a t A b i i łJanïfa's v i e w w i l l b e .
"' U. I, p. 219, n. 2.
"Insofar a s she is the heir with right to her h u s b a n d 's property. ijarüsï, q. 90, no.
422: al-hämil al-mutawwaf'i 'anùã saw ä nafaqatuliã min n'zsióiśã, according to Abii 1-Sa'tã',
i.e. Ğäbir b. Zayd al-Azdï at-Ba rï. Other non-Ibä@t jurists discuss whether the pension of the
pregnant widow should be taken from her share of the inheritance or from that of the "fruit of
her womb" (or of the unborn boy @/źim) until he is delivered, or from the entire estate; thus
according to the Kufi (Ibr. al-Naiya'ï and Ğurayiy): if the estate is large id_ä käna 1-mãlu dã
tnizein), it is from the pregnant widow's share, but if the estate is small, the deduction is made
from the whole (min yumi'i /-mõĘ, Sa'ïd b. Man iir, K. al-Sunna, I, pp. 366-7, no. 1373; Ibn a.
Sayba, th anno/ (1995), IV, p. 1 72, no. 18984.
"" Hiid, IV, p. 375, on 65, Tatäq, 6, begins by saying: according to 'Amr b. Dïnär/according
to Ibn 'Abbãs and Ibn al-Zubayr who said: nafaqatuliä tain n ióñö, and continues: Wa bi-qawli
óni 'Abbãsin wa bni Ęubayrin pa'§udu as ãbunã tea 'alayhi ya'tamidîina tea huwa qamlu Abï
'Ubaydata wa 1-'ämmati min fuqatiã'inã. According to 'Alï, the husband who repudiates his
wife must provide for her until it i s known whether or not she is pregnant. If she is pregnant,
he provides for her until she is delivered ((attã tad'a hamlahã), but if she is not pregnant, he
does not p r o v i d e for her; Hüd, tóíd. For the Ibadites, a pregnant widow provides for her
own maintenance from her share of the inheritance (nafaqaluhä min n' ióña); r. Ijarû ï, o§. rif, p.
90, n° 422; u. Rabï' b. łJabib, Mumad, II, p. 34, no. 532:
a. 'Ubyada (Muslim b. a. Karïma)/Ğãbir b. Zayd/Ibn 'Abbãs/1st Prophet: laysa laki 'o/o/śi
min nafaqa, Ibn a. Ğayba, Âfizsanna/(1988), IV, p. 144, no. 190/ 1/(1995), IV, p. 171,
' RZQORDGHG
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COMMENT FROM HUD 215
in fact, that she is not entitled to ut tic alimony (lã nafaqata lahä) at the
husband's expense. For this he refers t o Ibn 'Abbãs and Ibn al-Zubayr2 , as
well as the scholars of his school, in particular Abü 'Ubayda Muslim b. a.
Karïma°. This tradition to which Hüd refers seems to be the one found in
Ibn a. Ğayba"2 : "[...] 'Amr b. Dinãr: Ibn 'Abbãs said: the pregnant widow has no right
to maintenance; this is what stipu-
milk from us (q õ óñi Jul) Ibn al-Zubayr'. Ibn al-Zubayr does refer to the pregnant
widow, but she is put on the same footing as a woman who has been the
subject of an irrevocable repudiation in the longer tradition of Ibn 'Abbäs
reported by parabarÚ'3 : If the woman who has b e e n t h e subject of an
irrevocable repudiation is not pregnant, she is entitled to housing until the
expiry of her retirement, but not t o maintenance. The same applies to a
pregnant widow; her maintenance is taken from the share of the fruit of her
womb if there is a right of inheritance (mïrät),' if there is none,
n° 18970 (191): 'A ä' (b. a. Rabãh)/Ibn 'Abbãs and 'A ä' (b. a. Rabãh)/Abii I-Zubayi (M. b.
Muslim b. Tadrus al-Q_uraiï aI-Asadï al-Makkï, m. 128/ 745-6; San, V, p. 380-6)/ Ğãbir b.
'Al.: fa nafaqata łahã, yunfaqu min nasïbihã (for the pregnant widow). Or, according to
Sa'fd b. al-Musayyib, Ğäbir b. 'Al. and al-Hasan (al-Ba r1): laysa lakä nafaqatun, asbutià
1-mïrãl d'héritage lui sufht pour son entretien); Ibn Qudäma, Mini, IX, p. 288- 92; Milliot,
p. 332-3.
I.e. 'Abd Allãh b. al-Zubayr b. al-'Awwäm al-Makkf al-Madanï, m. ğumäda II 73/March-Apr.
692; u. Ibn a. Šayba, Mu annaf (1995), IV, p. 1 71, no. 18976; c/ on the other hand, 'Abd al-
Razzäq, Musanna no. 12084: anfiqïi 'alaybä, tumma qäła. łä! latiã, in ü '/sm!
"There are three opinions on this subject: housing, but not maintenance (al-Šãfi'ï, Mãlik);
c/ Laïmèche, p. 236-8; Lapanne-Joinville (J.), "L'obligation d'entretien", p. 113; housing
and maintenance Yes lyanafites and most Coufiens: Ibn Mas'iid, lammãd
(h. a. Sul. a1-Aš'arï al-Kiifí, d. 120/ 738; GAS, I, pp. 404-5), Ğurayh (h. al-ł¡lärit b. Qays al-
Kİndï a. Umayya, d. ca. 78/697; GAS, I, pp. 402-3), Ibrähïm al-Na[ a'i, Abîi Yiisiif, Sufyãn
at- awrP, the posison o f lbn a. Laylä being variously interpreted, r. G.R. Hasting,
"The role of Qur'ãn and Hadïtb in the legal controversy about the rights of a divorced woman
during her "waiting period™ ( ) ", p. 433; neither accommodation nor maintenance (Ibn
Hanbal, Abii T_awr). For the maintenance of the wife among the Í y a n a f i t e s , r. E. Clavel,
Õroit misu/- man du statut personnel ct des iuccerúonr, I, p. 140-61. For a discussion of the
tradition of Fä ima b. jays: topic to/ìu 'ofoyú no/eqn (Hasting, o r t . if., p. 436 Egg.) and other
tra- ditions, see Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, Tamhïd, XIX, p. 135-68. On the position of the Ibãdites,
r. also Ğannãwunï, K. o/-N/rñ/t, p. 306.
"" Ibn a. Ğayba, Musannaf, IV, p. 145, no. 190/ 7; r/ p. 144, 190/ 1, according to Ibn 'Abbäs
and according to Abü I-Zubayr/Ğãbir b. 'Al.: lã nafaqata lahã, yunfaąu 'alayhã min n'zsióiśã.
Or according to 'A ã' b. a. Rabäh/Ibn 'Abbäs, on the pregnant widow: fuyia /i-/-mum- waffă
'anliã zawğuliä nafaqatu 1-fiãmil¡ Sa'id b.Man íir, K. al-Sunan, I, p. 368, no. 1380; cf. pp. 366-
72, nos. 1373-1406, Bãb mã ğã'a fî nafaqat al-fiãmil, with many divergent tradi- tions.
"' Tab, XXVIII, p. 146, 1. 9-15, with the chain: [...] 'Alï/Ibn 'Abbäs; cf. Bayhaqï, Sunan,
VII, p. 475, 1. 1-2: laysa laliã nafaqa, M. Rawwäs Qal'aği, Mawsïi'a fiqh 'Al. b. 'Abbãs,
Mecca, 1403/ 1983, II, p. 240.
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216 CLAUDE GILLIOT
4. is surcesátons
54. On 4,11: "If he has no children and his parents inherit from him, a
third will go to his mother"'5 ', Híid mentions al-iJasan al-Ba rï according to
whom Abü Bakr treated in inheritance the paternal grandfather as the father
(ğa'/a 1-gadda aóan)°"°. As he claimed to b e al-Hasan, this
' RZQORDGHG
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COMMENT FROM HUD 217
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218 CLAUDE GILLIOT
do not practice that what God has revealed in his Book and through the
mouths of his prophets is disbelieving, unjust and sinful (U/r, ã l i m ,
@áiç)"6I . The Hanafites°'2 , some Mãlikites"" and šäfi'ites"'4 , and the
Ibadites believe that what was revealed before Islam is still revealed in Islam,
unless abrogated.
57. On the subject of homicide (which is one of the major
punishments), on 4,93: "Whoever wilfully kills a believer will have
Gehenna as his retribution; he will dwell there eternally". Hüd26 ' cites
only two traditions of Ibn 'Abbãs, according to whom this verse is not
abrogated'66 . On the other hand, he does not take up a tradition reported
by Ibn al-Salläm in his commentary, according to Muhammad b. al-
Hanafiyya who is said to have
says: "Do not place the abode of those who know and commit a sin in para- dis or hell until
God decides about them on the Day of Resurrection"°"'.
Of course, it is the punishment that the murderer faces in this world that
is also important, but above all his or her status in the afterlife.
' RZQORDGHG
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COMMENT FROM HÜD 219
6. Other business
58. On the subject of wine, there is no question of abrogation, but he
states on 4,43: "After this verse, another verse was revealed which was
harsher" (i.e. 5,90)2 ".
59. We established at the outset of this study, and this has been
confirmed by Hiid's treatment of many issues, how his commentary,
while an abridgement of that of Yalyyä b. Salläm, is also an original
work26 '. But this is also shown by the fact that our ibädite exegete
intentionally deletes many of the passages quoted by the Basra
commentator.
Thus on 3, Mâ'ida, 55: "[...] those who perform the prayer, those who
give alms while bowing humbly (sa hum râki-'îin)", Hiid, reproduces an
account by al-Kalbi which he obviously truncated intentionally1'0, but which
continues in lbn a's Commentary.
1-Zamanin: "[...] a poor man came begging. The Messenger of God called to him and
said, "Has anyone given you anything?" The beggar replied: "The man who is
standing". It was 'Alï. The Prophet said, "In what position was he when he gave you?"
The man said: "He gave me while he was bowing" ... The Prophet then uttered a ffit'ir".
If scholars were to follow this tradition, it would at least imply that giving
alms during t h e inclination of the canonical prayer is a "praiseworthy"
tradition (tnamdtfj) to be imitated. However, this is not the case, which is
why Ibn Katïr criticises the grammatical analysis of this verse made by some
.2
Muqätil, for his part, gives a lengthy account, almost identical to that of
of al-Ka1bÊ'2 .
60. On the other hand, Hiid sometimes preserves the traditions
mentioned above.
" ° I, p. 481-2; r. n. 2 ed. p. 482; Tab, X, p. 426, ri° 12214, and n. 4: short tradition of
Mugähid according to Gälib b. 'Ubayd Alläh (al-'Uqaylï al-Öazarï, d. at the end of the reign o f
al-Mahdi; he is considered "weak"; u. Lisän al-mïzàn, IV, p. 414-5, no. 1266): "This verse was
revealed about 'Ali b. a. Tälib, he g a v e alms w h i l e he w a s bowing (z't huiua ref')";
absent from the No/fr of Mugähid, I, p. 199, but reproduced in t h e ed, n. 3. According to al-
Suddî, 'Alï, in the same position, gave a ring to the beggar; Tab, X, p. 425, ri° 12210.
"Ibn Katïr, III, p. 129, who criticises the fact that no Tarn
ràki'ïin would be the complement of state of "those who give alms", which would imply
that it would be preferable to g i v e alms while in inclination; Q_urt, VI, p. 221-2: Ilkiyä
al-Tabarï (a. 1-Jl. 'A. b. M. b. 'A. al-Harrasï al-Éäfi'ï al-Bagdädï, d. 504/ 1110; San, XIX, p.
3ô0-3) considers that the tradition on 'Alï shows that a reduced act (af- 'amal al-qalï) does
not invalidate the prayer. The same was true of the Baghdad Mälikite Ibn {;fuwayzmandid.
Others believe that this was done during a supererogatory prayer ¡alät al-tataiuwu'). There
is still the question of whether this was the legal alms (o/-¿it al-mafiuda) or not.
"Muqitil, No/fr, I, p. 485-6.
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220 CLAUDE GILLIOT
"I, p. 486. C/ Muqãtil, I, p. 492: nWhen this verse was revealed, the Prophet was
reassured against murder and fear, and he said: "I don't care who will abandon me and who
will come to my rescue". He had indeed feared that the Jews would kidnap him in order to
perish him.
'" In the commentary of Ibn a. 1-Zamanïn, taking up Ibn Sallãm, the tradition of al-
łJasan is reported by Abii Umayya (n. 2 of the ed, p. 486) i.e. 'Abd at-Karim b. a. 1-
Muhãriq (Q_ays on ã r i q ) at-Mu'addib al-Ba ri, m. 127/ 744-5 (Dahabï stresses that he
has in common with al-Ğazarï, i.e. 'Abd al-Karïm b. Mälik, to have died in the same year as
him and to have transmitted traditions from al-i¡lasan), on 126, who passed for murği'ite,
Dahabï adds (mo'o ta'abbud wa (ušïi'); he is considered "weak"; San, VI, p. 83, no. 19; M,
Vl, pp. 376-9.
"' A shorter tradition by al-łJasan is quoted by Wãhidï, Asbãb al-nuzïil, p. 150:
"The Envoy of God feared [JNióu, here, and not yahãbu, the form usually received;
u. Tãğ, IV, p. 408b, according to Fayyñmï, M[sbã , p. 887. In a tradition reported by lbn al-
Óurayğ: Käna 1-nabiyyu yatiäbu Qirayšan, Tab, X, p. 471, n° 12279] the Qurayiites, the Jews
and the Christians ...". In the most widespread traditions on this subject, the verb yu rnsu (to be
guarded) is used more modestly; u. Tab, X, p. 469, no. 12276, etc.
"' V. Andræ, Õíe person Muhammads, p. 132.
"' Makkï b. a. ä l i b , Qíit a/-qufÎiò, I, p. 8, 1. 22-5; Ibn a. Ğayba, Musannaf, VI,
p. 35-6, no. 29269-70; Ibn Janbal, Mumad, II, p. 25, 1. 20-25/IV (ed. 1995), p. 396-7,
n° 4785; quoted by Andræ, Õie person Mohammeds, p. 132-3. For the last sentence,
contrary to Andræ who translates: "dass wer unter mir ist nicht überrumpele", we read as
indicated; J Goldziher, hor/rrun¡ge *òe In Isłam, p. 221/French translation, p. 176/English
translation, p. 186-7.
' RZQORDGHG
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COMMENT FROM HUD 221
this work, despite its relatively small volume, deals with the most varied
aspects of what a classical Qur'anic commentary is made of. On 26,
Šu'arã', 54, Hïid°" states, following someone [probably lbn Salläm], that
Pharaoh's vanguard consisted of 1,200,000 horses! Ibn Ğurayğ, for his
part, spoke of 1,300,300 kings pares, sent by Pharaoh, each of these
kings being accompanied by 1,000 men°79 . As for Pharaoh, he
commanded the largest troop (af-Art a/-'u¿tna)°'0 .
G. Conclusion
III, p. 227.
"Tab, XIX, p. 76, 1. 17-8.
"U. the critical remarks of Ibn Haldíin, Muqaddima, Trad. Rosenthal, I, p. 16- 17, on the
figures given in the chronicles and commentaries. C/ G.H.A. JuynboI1 in the introd. to his
translation of 77ìe Histoy of al- Bahan, XIII, Albany, SUNY, 1989,
p. XIII-XV, on the troops involved in the battles, but this time historical.
8 supra § 46.
"K supra § 10-36, including fate in the hereafter and intercession. 8 ' See
supra § 43-57.
"V. sujm § 37-40. For prophetology, u. supra § 41-2.
"V. supra § 43-4.
' RZQORDGHG
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222 CLAUDE GILLIOT
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given in full in the notes to this article.
' RZQORDGHG
YLD 8QL
COMMENT FROM HUD 223
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— Hay¡amï/Haytamï (Núr al-Din 'A. b. a. Bakr b. Sul. b. łJağar al-Qãhirï, d. 807/ 1405),
Mamma' al-zatea'id I-- manba' al-famä'id}, I-X in 5, Beirut, Mu'assasat al- Ma'ãrif,
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a t i ã d ï İ m a 1 -älãr, I -IX, t e x t r e v i s e d b y M . ' Ab d a l - S a l ã m Šãhïn,
B eirut, D är at-Kutub al-'ilmiyya, 1416/ 1995. This is a third edition with continuous
numbering of the traditions. From the middle onwards, the numbering of the chapters
is different from that of t h e following ed. (ed. Sa'ïd M. al-Lahbãm, I-VIII, plus a
vol. of index, Beirut, Där al-Ma'rifa, 1989').
Ibn a. Zayd al-Qayrawãnï, Risãla, ed. and trans. Bercher [La Risâla on Epître sur les śl inmts du
dogme ct de ła /ni de l'llâm selon 1s rite mâlikite], Algiers, J. Garbonel, 1948', 374 p./
trans. E. Fagnan, Risala on Traité abrége & droit malékite ct de morale musulmans, Paris,
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R i s ä l a ( "'Aqä'id a l-salaf", 1 ), 1 407/1987', 6 + l 0 9 ö p .
Ittiãf = Zabïdï (as-Sayyid Murtadã M. b. M. al-Husaynï, d. 1205/ 1 790), Itliãf as-sãdat
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Dãr al-Ma'ãrif, 1328-1409/ 1949-1989 (unfinished)/ I-XX, ed. ed. A.M. Ğãkir, then al-
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X IX-XX). When we quote this last edition, we do so with the mention: (1993)
— Nabhãs (a. Ğa'far A. b. M. b. Ism. al-Murãdï al-Mi rï, d. 338/950), l'räb al- Qur'än, I-V,
ed. Zuhayr Gãzï Zãhid, Beyrouth, 'Älam al-kutub and Maktabat al-Nahda al-
'arabiyya, 1405/ 1985".
' RZQORDGHG
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224 CLAUDE GILLIOT
— Nasä'ï (a. 'Ar. A. b. Ğu'ayb b. 'A. al-Ęfurãsãnî, d. ia'bãn 303/Feb. 916), without more:
old ed. of [the abridged] Sunan.
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i¡lasan, Beirut, Dãr al-Kutub al-'ilmiyya, 1411/ 1991.
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found in vol. Vl, d'af-Annan al-kubrã (book 82), pp. 282-526.
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al-Rabï' b. łJabïb (al-Farăhïdï al-Ba rï, uù. ca. med. II/VIII* s.), al-Mumad {al-Čãnti' al-
i@iń], ordered and completed (t "rñó) by al-Wãrğalãnï (a. Ya'qîib Yiis. b. Ibr. al-
Sadrãti, N. set. diitud. VI/XII' s.), MV, ed. 'Al. b. i¡lumayd al-Sãlimï al-Ibãdi, Cairo,
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Rahmãn al-A'zamï, Bombay, al-Där al-Salafiyya, 1403/ 1982, 403 pp.
— Šammãbi (a. 1-'Abbãs A. b. Sa'ïd, d. 928/ 1522), K. al-Siyar, I-II, ed. A. b. Su'íid al-
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taräğim al-Mğńb, ed. M. Hasan. Tunis, Kull. al-'uliim al-insãniyya wa 1-iğtimã'iyya
("Silsilat 4", al-Muğallad XXX), 1995.
San - Dahabi (Ğam al-Dïn a. 'Al. M. b. 'Ut.), Siyar a'läm al-nubałä', I-XXV, ed. Šu'ayb al-
Arna'ii ct alii, Beirut, ar-Risäla, 1981-88.
— SaraĘsï (a. Bakr M. b. A.), Šar K. al-siyar al-kabïr /i M. b. al-H. aš-Šaybänï, I-V, ed.
Şaläh al-Dïn al-Munağğid ct alii, Cairo, 1957-72.
Śoz/t af-Anno' = Šïräzï (a. Ish. Ibr. b. 'A.), Šar o/-Rtno' I-II, ed. Abdel Majid Turki,
_ Beirut, Dãr al-barb al-islãmi, 1988, 1125 p.
— Sä ibi (a. IsÍy. Ibr. b. Miisã al-Garnã ï, d. 790 h.), al-Muwãfaqãt yú/ al-han'a,
I-IV, ed. and notes 'Al. Darrãz, reprinted in Beirut, Dãr al-Ma'rifa, n.d.
TA/A, TA/IA, TA/ U, r. Elt, no. 436.
Tab = abarï, Tafsïr.
Tartîb, 0. 'lyãd.
— Tirmidi (M. b. 'İ s ä b . S awra), o /-Ğãtni' a l- ahï , I -V, e d. A . M . Ğ ä k i r , M . F .
' Abd al-Bäqï, I br. ' A wa ' Awad, C airo, 1 357-81/ 1938-62, r epr. B eyrouth,
n .d.; sometimes followed by MubärMuri (a. 1-'AU M. b. 'Ar., d. 1353/ 1934), Tu
/o/ al-atiwadï
- Tufifat al-atiwadï bi-s "arh Čămi' al-Tìmiidï, I-II (in 1) + I-X, text revised by 'Ar.M.
'Utmän, Medina, al-Maktaba al-Salafiyya (M. 'Abd al-Muhsin al-Kutíbï), 1406/
1986" (Cairo, 1387/ 1967 ).1
M = Ibn lJağar, Tahd_ïb al-tali pïb.
Tul:!fat al-fuqakä' - Samarqandî ('Alã' al-Dïn al-Man iir M. b. A. a1-T¡lanafÏ, d. 538/ 1144),
Tulifal al-fuqalià', I-III, Beirut, Dãr al-Kutub al-'ilmiyya, 1405/ 1984.
— Yasğinï ('Abd at-'Azìz b. at-łjãğğ Ibr., d. 1222/ 1888), K. a/-N/, I-II, litho., Cairo,
1305/ 1887, 8 + 467 + 8 + 456 pp.
Studies on translations
Allouche (LS.), nDeux épîtres de théologie abãtjite", Hespêris, XXII (1936// 1), pp. 57-88.
Berg (L.W.C. van den), Principle du droit mwulman selan łes ńtes d'Abou Hanífali ct dc Ch "afi "i,
translated from the Dutch by R. de France de Tersant with the collaboration of
M. Damiens, Algiers, Adolphe Jourdan, 1896, VII + 278 p., index.
' RZQORDGHG
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COMMENT FROM HUD 225
Burton (J.), 77ie Sources o//i/amic Rw. Islamic Theories of Abrogation, Edinburgh, 1990,
XI + 23ã p.
Clavel (Eugène), Œoit inusulrnan du statut personnel ct dev successions [d'après les difł "erents
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Pierre Cuperly, "Abu Sahl Yahya" = "L'lbadisme au XIII"" siècle. La Aqida de Abu Sah1
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Id, Aper us sur l'histoire de l'ibä dimie an Mzäb (al-RisăLi 1- ãfiya fi ba'p taiuänM alil Wädï
M(ãb de Muhammad A fayyai). French translation (extracts) with introduction and notes,
Mémoire de maîtrise. Paris, Sorbonne, 1971, 156 pp.
Id, "Ğannãwunï" = "Une profession de foi ibãdite: La profession de foi d'Abii Zakariyyã'
Yahyã ibn al-Hayr ibn Abf al-łjayr Ğannãwunî", BEO, XXXIII (1980-81) (1982),
Id, Introduc'tton à l'étu'L' de l'lbädisine et de sa tliéalogìe, Algiers, Ofhce des editions universi-
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EU, a. Gilliot.
Ess (Josef van), TO - color und Ceselłscliafł in 2. und 3. ]a1irbun&rt Hidschra. Eine
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(1991-92), V-VI (1993, 1995), XXXII + 4õ6 p.
Id, "Untersuchungen zu einigen ibãditischen Handschriften", ĘDMG, 126 (1976), 25-63 Fagnan
(E.), Mańage ct repudiation, Traduction avec commentaire [du Traité de Sidi
Khalil], Algiers/Paris, A. }ourdan/P. Geuthner, 1909, XIX + 226 p.
Gilliot (Claude), Elt - Exegese, íangue et tliêolagie m islam. L'exégèse coranique de Tabari,
Paris, Vrin ("Études musulmanes", XXXII), 1990, 3020 p. p. 283-308.
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p. 309-51.
Id, "Les débuts de l'exégèse coranique", RE.M.M., 58 (1990/4), pp. 82-100.
Id, "Les trois mensonges d'Abraham dans la tradition interprétante musulmane. Repères sur la
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p. 39-92.
Id, "Mythe et théologie: calame et intellect, prédestination et libre arbitre",
f o r t h c o m i n g in Arabica.
Gimaret (Daniel), Doctrine - La doctńne d'al-Ash'ati Paris, Cerf, 1990, 601 p.
Id, Lecture - Une lecture mu'tazilite du Coran. Le Tafñr d'Abü 'Ali al-Djubbã'i (d. 303/915)
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de l'ÉcoIe PraSque des Hautes Études. Section des sciences religieuses", CI), 1994,
889 p.
G.R. Hawting, "The role of @ur'än and Hadïtti in the legal controversy about the rights of a
divorced woman during her "waiting period" ('idda)", BOAS, LII (1989),
p. 430-45.
Houdas (O.) and Martel (F.), Traité de droit miwilman. La Tohfat d'Ebn Acein, Arabic text with
French translation, legal commentary & p h İ l o l o g i c a l n otes by ..., Algiers,
G a v a u l d S aint-Lager, 1 882, I X + 9 1 8 p p.
Juynboll (Th. W.), Handbu h dev islamischm bset4es, Leiden, Leipzig, 1910, XVI + 384 p.
[Handbuch} .
Laïmèche (Ahmed) (translated by), Averroès, M Bidaya. Œ mańage ct & sa dissolution,
Algiers, nLa Typo-Litho", 1926, 311 p.
Lapanne-}oinville (J.), "L'obligation d'entretien (nafaqa) de l'épouse (dans le rite malékite)",
M. Marocaine de Œoit, III (1951), p. 102-14.
' RZQORDGHG
YLD 8QL
226 CLAUDE GILLIOT
Lrs, a. Shahrastani.
M İ l l i o t ( L.), I n t r a d u c h o n à l ' e t i u ù d u d r o i t m usulman, P aris, Sirey,
l 9ö3, X II, 8 2 2 p . Motyhnski (A. de C.), "Bibliographie du Mzab. Les livres de la secte
abadhite"; Bull.
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Shahrastani, Lrs - Liur' dev rel@aiis ct dos sectes, I, trans. D. Gimaret and G. Monnot,
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1985-6, XII + 294 + 293 p.
' RZQORDGHG
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THE G ORANIC G OMMENTARY OF HUD B. MUHAKKAM 227
INDEX NOMINUM*
Abãn b. 'Al. al-Raqãi n. 139 'Abd a. ãlib (Bãdãm mawlã Umm Hãni'): 13,
al-Karïm b. Mãlik al-Ğazarï: 39; n. 158
n. 274 a. Ša' ã', u. Ğãbir b. Zayd
'Abd Allãh b. 'Abbäs, u. Ibn 'Abbãs 'Al. ( a. Sumayya: 29
u b ã b ) b. 'Al. b. Ubayy b. Saliil: a. Tammãm al-Ba ri ('A. b. M.
16 al-Mäli1u3: n. 263
'Al. b. Ibãd: n. 62, 164 a. T_awr (Ibr. b. i;íãlid b. [a.] 1-Yamãn
'Al. b. 'İ s ä a l - M u r r ï b . a . I - al-Kalb : 54; n. 233, 241, 255
Zamanin at - I l b ï r n . a. Ubayd (al-Q, b. Saläm): n. 232
15 a. 'Ubayda Muslim b. a. Karimah: 43,
'Al. b. Mas'iid, r. Ibn Mas'iid 'Al. 44, 49, 52; n. 221, 227, 239
b. Ubayy b. Saliìl: 16 a. Umayya ('Abd al-Karïm b. a. 1-
'Al. b. 'U., r. Ibn 'U. M-bans [Qays on ãriqj a1-
'Al. b. Wahb: 4 Mu'addib al-Ba ri): n. 274
'Al. b. Yazid al-Fazãrï: 44; n. 191 a. Yíisuf (Ya'qüb b. Ibr. b. łjabïb aI-
'Abd al-Malik b. Marwãn: n. 62 'Abd KüfÏ): n. 241, 254, 255
al-Rahmãn b. Rustum: 46, 62 a. 1-Zubayr (M. b. Muslim b. Tadrus
'Abd al-Razzăq b. Hammãm al-lJimyari al-Quraii al-Asadi at-Making:
al- an'ãnï a. Bakr): 27 n. 239, 242
'Abd al-Wahhăb b. 'Ar.: n. 6 Adam of mythical proto-man): 32, 42; n.
'Abd al-Wahhãb b. Rustum: 46, 62 100, 136, 168
Abraham: 5, 42; n. 28, 111, 168, 169, Ahmad b. M:isä b. a. 1-Q. b. 'Amr
170, 171, 176, 251 (copyist): 3
a. 'Al. M. b. 'U. b. a. Satta al-Mahš 3 A. b. Miisã b. Ğarìr al-Azdï a1-'A ä r :
a. Bakr: 54; n. 252 n. 14, IS
a. Bakr al-Bäqillänï (al-Qädi M. b. — Afiab b. 'Abd al-Wahhãb: 1
aJ- ayyib): n. 263 'Â'iia: n. 208
a. Darr: 49 'Alï b. a. ä l i b : 50, 59; n. 65, 221, 243,
a. DãwÍid A. b¡ Müsä b. Ğarïr, u. A. b. 250, 254, 255, 256, 270, 271
Müsă b. Garïr 'A. b. al-H. al-Murrï a. 1-H. al-Bağğãnï
a. łJanïfa (al-Nu'män b. Täbit b. al-Andalusï: n. 15
Zîi ä al-KiifÏ): 47, 54; n. 233, 236, 'Alï b. Sälim b. Bayän (copyist): 3 'Amr
263 b. al-'Ãs: n. 62
a. 1-H. 'A. b. al-H., r. 'A. b. al- l. 'Amr b. Dïnãr (a. M. al-Čiumahì
a. T¡layyãn (Yahyä b. Sa'ïd b. Hayyãn al-Maklú al-A ram): 27, 45, 52;
al-Taymi at-Kîiłî): 13 n. 119, 239
a. Hurayra: 4, 31, 34, 50; n. 220 'Amr b. Harim at-Azdï at-Ba rÎ: 46 'Amr
a. Miğlaz (Läluq b. Humayd al-Ğaybãnï b. 'Ubayd al-Ba r 4, 43; n. 19,
al-Sadüsr): 13 20
a. Miisã aI-Ai'ar n . 62, 256 Anas b. Mälik: 4, 31; n. 139, 168, 169
a. Niih Sa'ïd b. Zanğil: 39 A ä' b. a. Rabäh: n. 60, 87, 132, 239,
a. 1-Q. b. Miisă b. 'Ar. b. Yahya 242
(copyist): 3 A ä' b. al-Sä'ib: 5
a. Rãšid, r. Näfi' b. al-Azraq — Awzã'ï (a. 'Amr 'Ar. b. 'Amr b.
a. Salama (h. 'Abd al-Asad b. Hiläl Yuhmid): n. 254, 255
al-Şahãbi): n. 220
' RZQORDGHG
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228 CLAUDE OILLIOT
— Bãği (a. 1-Walrd S. b. Halaf): n. 263 Ibn 'Abd al-Barr (a. 'U. Yíis. b. 'Al. al-
Banii 'Amr b. Sadiis: 13 Namarï): n. 16
Baníi Sadüs b. Ğaybän: n. 65 Banii Ibn Ćìurayğ ('Abd al-Malik b. 'Abd
Š a y b ä n : n. 65 al-'Azïz): 61; n. 275
— Barrädï (a. I-Q.): 2 Ibn Hanbal (a. 'Al. A. b. M.
al-Ğaybãni): n. 233, 241, 256
— Dabhäk b. Muzãbim (at-Hilãli Ibn łjuwayzmandãd (a. Bakr M. b.
al-Balbï at-ł¡juräsãnï): n. 213 A. b. 'Al. al-Mälilu\: n. 271
Ibn Mas'üd ('Al.): 2, 4, 47; n. 120, 217,
— Farrã': n. 153 24I, 2õ4, 256
Fã ima b. Qays: n. 241 Ibn Mudãrib, u. lyãs
Ibn al-Mundir (a. Bakr M. b. Ibr. al-
Ğăbir b. 'Al: 4, 29; n. 48, 110, 119, Mundiri al-Nisãbíirï): n. 256
123, 125, 168, 210, 239, 242 Ibn al-Musayyib, r. Sa'rd b.
Ğãbir b. Zayd (a. "Sa' ã' al-Azdï al-Musayyib
al-ĆìawIï al-Ba rï): 11, 12, 45, Ibn Mu ï' ('Al.): n. 114
46, 54; n. 55, 195, 210, 221, 238, Ibn al-Qãsim (a. 'Al. 'Ar.): n. 216
239, 256 Ibn Rähiiya, r. Islyãq b. Ibr. b. Mahlad Ibn
Ğãlib b. 'Ubayd Allăh (al-'UqayIï Sallãm, r. Yahyã b. Salläm
al-Ćìazari): n. 270 Ibn Salíil, u. 'Al. b. Ubayy b. Saliil
Ğamïla Bint Ubayy: 51; n. 235, 236 Ibn al-Samayfa': n. 175
— Ğubbã'i (a. 'A.): n. 171, 265, 266. Ibn Sïrïn (M.): n. 232
K in the notes: Gimaret, Reading Ibn 'Umar ('Al.): 2, 4, 38, 50, 60;
n. 148, 208
iJabïba Bint Sah1: n. 235 łJabïba Ibn 'Uyayna (Sufyãn b. 'Uyayna b.
Bint Salül: n. 235 Maymiin al-Hilälï): 27; n. 119
łJammãd (b. a. Sul. a1-Ai'arï a. Ism. Ibn al-Zubayr ('Al. b. al-Zubayr b.
al-KïiJ: n. 241 a1-'Awwãm: 52; n. 239, 240)
— Hasan: n. 62 Ibrãhïm b. al-Aštar: n. 114
— Hasan at-Ba ri (b. a. l-H. Yasãr a. Ibrãhïm b. Yazïd al-Naha'1 47; n. ?06,
Sa'ïd): 2, 4, 7, 17, 20, 26, 33, 207, 217, 238, 241
35, 36, 43, 44, 46, 47, 49, 51, Ikrima: 5
54, 55, 60, 62; n. 19, 20, 28, 6â, Ilkiyã al- abari (a. 1-łJ. 'A. b. M. b. 'A. al-
79, 86, 105, 138, 139, 142, 184, Harrăsi aÎ-Šăñ'Ï al-BagdadÏ):
186, 231, 236, 239, 246, 249, 265, n. 271
274, 275 Isaac: n. 251
łJasan b. Şälih (b. łJayy at-Kiifi): n. 217 Ishäq b. Ibr. b. Ma ¡lad b. Rähiiya: 54;
łJudayfa b. al-Yamãn: 11, 12, 17, 19; n. 256
n. 55, 82 Ismaël: n. 251
— Husayn: n. 62 lyãs b. Mudãrib (on Mudarrib)
aI-'Iglï: 26; n. 115
Ibn a. Laylã (M. b. 'Ar. al-Kïifí):
n. 241 Jesus: 41, 55; n. 169
Ibn a. 1-Zamanïn (a. 'Al. M. b. 'Al. b. 'İ s ã
a l - M u r r ï a l-Ilbirí): 3 , 3 7, 5 9; Ka'b al-Ah bär: n. 91
n. 38, 92, 105, 274 — Kalbi (M. b. al-Sã'ib): 2, 4, 59
Ibn a. I-Zamanïn, c. 'Al. b. 'İsã Ib n — Karhï ('Ubayd Allãh b. al- i.):
' Ab b ã s ( 'Al.): 4 , 5 , 2 6, 2 7, 3 0, n. 256
45, 48, 49, 50, 51, 52, 57;
n. 28, 5ô, 112, 113, 115, Mälik b. Anas: 47; n. 87, 216, 233, 241,
119, 132, 135, 197, 210,
213, 220, 221, 239, 242, Moses: 55; n. 168 Mu'äd
243, 265, 266 b. Ćìabal: n. 119
' RZQORDGHG
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THE CORANIC GOMMENTARY OF HÚD B. Mmøv xn i 229
' RZQORDGHG
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230 CLAUDE GILLIOT
INDEX VOCABULORUM
' RZQORDGHG
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THE CORANIC COMMENTARY OF HÜD B. MUHAKKAK 231
lıudüd: 55 tnu'addib: 42
#uf': 51; n. 233 inu'allim: 41
burnum: 24 iníióiq: 22
hunâkum (inni lastu ...): 42; n. 169 m "J¡:in J-/-jodozòt): n. 91 ni
"#Rw: 24
'd: 52 or/aqin: 39
/mrö: 23 rtu/£: 38
ğMö:60 munàfiq (pl. munàfiqïin): 10, 14
jim: ml: 14
44 tutori/ , r. istatmiala
ia 9(0Z/raM) n. 48 - mutbatàt al-nàsitjàt: n. 213
Wm d/%T:9
inkdr: a. ankara intipa nafaqa: 52 (nafaqatulıö min ne iyi/ra; fa
kal-fara'id): 7 nafaqata lo/ti); n. 238, 239, 242,
içrâr: 8 (ahl al-), 15; n. 57 (al-iqrâr 243, 246
bi-I-lĞânj, 74 nmıû: 52; n. 238, 239, 246
islâın: 11 nifâq: 11
ista'aQa: 49
ût#gâbg: 49 qa'ada i/'i: 12
ûmAmo6: 5, 7, 9, 15 qabada: 38
istatâ'a' 44 qadc qado timi luc): 52
- istitâ'a (ma'a 1-fi'l): 44 qoda': 30
qadar: 30 [al-lıadar lö yuğnı 'nin al-qadar
ka'abât: n. 91 s "ay'an), 38
kadaba: 6 qahwa: n. 91
kaddaba: 6, 7, 27 qalam: 32
kaâib: 9 qasada ('amado u'-): 37 qowod:
köf al-(itâb: n. 169 56
köfir: 56 qibla: 20
- kitöb al-awwal: 32 girl: 56
kudulı: n. 217 qudra: n. 153
fi/: 10, 44; n. 59, 71 gr'(p1. grd): 47; n. 208
k"/ a oç: 11 qurvûa (pi. qurab on qunıbât): n. 213 qumw":
kufr al-îirIc. 10 n. 153
labs: 20 ıadd: 23
laslu (felç latıâ wa lâkin 'alaykum bi-): radda: n. 102
n. 168 rağm: 56
rckit (raj * 1-yinc): 22 raqqâdîin
ınö maedariyya: 22 'an al-'atamât: n. 91 rat?a. 5
mfiğuâ: 39 raw'a: 60
mal-1:a: 38 - ribâ (akalat al-hbâ): 22
ın'tmnii'iin: n. 161 riwâya ködiba: 24
maqdîir. n. 153 ring: 38; n. 152
- mas'ala: 49 w#Jd: 50
maedar ¢aıfî.' ?3
ma'siyya (pi. ma'âsin): 20, 42 îâ'a: 38
matrîik. 36 - sadaqa al-mafiîida: n. 214
sadara: 27; n. 117
mi/la: n. 60 îaJâ'a: 23, 42
mi'ıâd: 42 söııiL (na an'i bi-sciıiLiLvm anda): n. ı68
mırât: n. 239, 246 îahwa: n. 91
mîlâq: n. 135
tip: n. 238
' RZQORDGHG
YLD 8QL
232 CLAUDE GILLIOT
tnrrãśiin a/-yumu'õt: n. 91
tarräkïin al-salãt: n. 91 foióifi:
n. 1ö2
tazói#: 42
s "arrãbîin li-1-qahawãt: n. 91 taw ïd: 15; n. 74
soyyi'a: 33 tamer a: n. 176
life: n. 91 tazăhara (tnà tazãharat bilii 1-a§bãr): 42
sila: 37 ubr: 47
Sigma ğalabat 'alayhi l-): n. 113
širãk: n. Õ8, 61 uår.' 35
şirã : n. 107 - umarã': 13
'uiaqã' rabb al-'ãlamïn: 24
'' 'ak.- . '28
æaòõl: 20
l an'38 trofii': 7 (lark al-), 8 (Łi-I-a'mél), 9 (4/i/ a/-)
sunna: 5, 11 maffă: 5 (ói-)
waqï'a (al- iad_ar ašadd min al-): 30
tabbã'ïin al-s "aliawãl: n. 91 marada: n. 117, 121
Œóir: 59 iuaraİa: n . 2 55
tadyï': (all al-): 8, 21 zãrid: 27, 28
H/arr a: 20 iuird: 27, 28
tafMk al-dubayła: n. 82 murïid: 21,' n. 125 (Æodiï Gãbir fî l-iourud) unit
ãn (sing. de mã in, min wu ä n i l i â ):
- card fi 1-nãr: n. 94 n. 168
takdïb, 0. kadd_aba
t0òg: n. 233 zôlim: õ6
fumi/: n. 102 pal:ät al-ta awwû': n. 213
taqawwala: 20 zayyana: n. 181
ta'nd: n. 176 - zi a rcvitu I-zinc): ż2
tarlc. 1 (al-iuafă') Kuhn: 11, 14; n. 69
INDEX CORANICUS
2,3: 49 2,238: 48
2,7: 44 2,245: 38
2,8: S ?,264: n. 181
2,10: 6 3,14: n. 181
2,13: 7 3,86: 43
2,14: 46 4,1 1: 54
2,19: 10 4,15: n. 259
2,24: 44 4,43: 58
2,26: n. 185 4,44-45: n. 56
2,29: 37 4,47: n. 56
2,31: n. 208 4,88: n. 185
2,3õ: 53 4,155: 15
2,81: n. 104, 266 5,37: n. 104
2,88: 15 5,44-45: 11; n. 260
2,219: n. 268 5,55: 59
2,228: 47 5,67: 43, 60
2,229-230: 51 5,90: n. 268
2,234: 50 6,25: 44
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CORANI@UE COMMENTARY BY HÚD B. MUHAKKAM 233
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