Civil Disobe PDF
Civil Disobe PDF
Civil Disobe PDF
INTRODUCTION
Under the leadership of Gandhi, the Civil Disobedience Movement was launched in AD
1930. It began with the Dandi March. On 12 March 1930, Gandhiji with some of his
followers left the Sabarmati Ashram at Ahmedabad and made their way towards Dandi, a
village on the west coast of India. After travelling for twenty-five days and covering a
distance of three hundred and eighty-five kms, the group reached Dandi on 6 April 1930.
Here, Gandhiji protested against the Salt Law (salt was a monopoly of the government and no
one was allowed to make salt) by making slat himself and throwing up a challenge to the
British government. The Dandi March signified the start of the Civil Disobedience
Movement.
The movement spread and salt laws were challenged in other parts of the country. Salt
became the symbol of people’s defiance of the government. In Tamil Nadu, C
Rajagopalachari led a similar march from Trichinopoly to Vedaranyam. In Gujarat, Sarojini
Naidu pretested in front of the slat depots. Lakhs of people including a large number of
women participated actively in these protests.
The Civil Disobedience Movement carried forward the unfinished work of the Non-
Cooperation Movement. Practically the whole country became involved in it. Hartals put life
at a standstill. There were large-scale boycotts of schools, colleges and offices. Foreign goods
were burnt in bonfires. People stopped paying taxes. In the North-West Frontier Province, the
movement was led by Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan, popularly known as ‘Frontier Gandhi’. For
a few days, British control over Peshawar and Sholapur ended. People faced the batons and
bullets of the police with supreme courage. No one retaliated or said anything to the police.
As reports and photographs of this extraordinary protest began to appear in newspapers
across the world, there was a growing tide of support for India’s freedom struggle.
1
2
CHAPTER-2
The launching of the Civil Disobedience movement took place in 1930, as a consequence of
the resolution of the Indian National Congress passed at its session at Lahore that now
onwards its main objective would be to seek Purna Swaraj, complete independence. It was for
the first time the Congress had made this declaration in such an open manner. At midnight of
31 December 1930, it adopted the tricolour as the national flag of India. With the declaration
of the Purna Swaraj, as its goal and adoption of a national flag, it geared up to prepare for a
long haul of another round of struggle to seek independence. The Congress authorised the
All-India Congress Committee to launch the Civil Disobedience Movement, while it asked its
members in the central and provincial legislatures to resign their seats. It was a landmark
decision of the Congress to demand the complete independence. However, this demand alone
was not going to produce an immediate result without a sustained campaign for it, which was
to be launched under the leadership of Gandhi. Given the mood in the party, it would have
seemed ideal for him to launch a movement straight away, which he did not do. Instead he
retired to his Sabarmati Ashram to contemplate over the possibility of launching an agitation
for which creating a moral climate of non-violence was a pre-condition. Another crucial step
taken in this direction was to observe 26th January 1930 as Independence Day, for which
series of meetings were organised not only in the urban but also in rural areas. On all such
occasions the national flag was unfurled and proclamation for independence was made.
Within a week of observing the Independence Day, Gandhi served a memorandum on the
Viceroy, Lord Irwin on 31 January 1930, which did not even remotely mention the resolve to
attain Purna Swaraj.1
1
Dalton. "Mass civil disobedience throughout India followed as millions broke the salt laws". Introduction to
Gandhi's Civil Disobedience. Vol. 2, pp. 72.
3
the salt tax. 5. Reduction of military expenditure by fifty percent to begin with. 6. Reduction
of salaries of the highest-grade services by half. 7. Protective tariff on foreign cloth. 8.
Passage of the Coastal Traffic Reservation Bill. 9. Discharge of all political prisoners except
those condemned for murder. 10. Abolition of the C.I.D. 11. Issue of licenses to use firearms,
for self-defence.
The attainment of Purna Swaraj was nowhere mentioned. Questions arose as to how Gandhi
was going to get complete independence, if he did not even address this question in the
memorandum to the Viceroy. Many took it as a kind of retreat from the stated position of the
Indian National Congress. Yet it is possible to argue that these eleven points as enunciated by
Gandhi in more ways than one concretised the national demand as they also pertained to
specific grievances of different sections of the society. For instance demands such as 50% cut
in army expenses and civil services salaries, total prohibition, release of political prisoners,
Civil Disobedience Movement of 1930 87 88 Gandhi: The Man and His Times reforms or the
abolition of the C.I.D., and the changes in the arms Act, allowing the popular control of
issues of firearms licenses pertained to general interest of the common masses of Indians.
There were three demands, which were quite specific to the interest of the capitalists. For
instance, lowering of the rupee-sterling exchanger ratio to 1s 4d, textile protection and
reservation of coastal shipping for Indians were such which would have benefited this class
only. However, there were still some other demands, which concerned the peasantry alone,
such as 50% reduction in land revenue and the abolition of the salt tax and the Government
monopoly on salt. Following the serving of this memorandum, Gandhi waited for a positive
response from the Viceroy to these demands; however, the Government did not respond and
Gandhi was left with no option but to think of a strategy to launch a movement. Gandhi
seriously contemplated on the issue or symbol to mobilise the masses and zeroed on ‘salt’
which was taxed by the Government and reflected on this issue most imaginatively: ‘There is
no article like salt outside water by taxing which the state can reach even the starving
millions, the sick, the maimed and utterly helpless. The tax constitutes therefore the most
inhuman poll tax ingenuity of man can devise.’ Apart from the reason of taxing an item of
common use such as salt, there were other reasons for the choice of ‘salt’ as the symbol of an
unfolding movement. For instance, the salt was a non-divisive issue and no community or
social group could ever raise an objection to it being the rallying point. Another reason for
the choice of salt was that with the help of an item such as this, the message of the freedom
struggle could be taken right into the homes of the people across classes and the masses. The
4
choice of the salt, therefore, was a cleverly crafted idea. Thereafter Gandhi addressed a letter
to the Viceroy, informing him of his intention to launch an agitation on the question of salt,
giving the justification for doing so; he regarded the British rule as a curse because, ‘It has
impoverished the dumb millions by a system of progressive exploitation….it has reduced us
politically to serfdom. It has sapped the foundations of our culture…it has degraded us
spiritually.’ Though Gandhi explained the historical consequences of the British rule, there
were other reasons, the impact of certain other developments on the ordinary mass of the
people. The worldwide economic slump since 1929 impacted India adversely. The prices of
everything the peasant produced fell catastrophically until they were halved. It has to be
recognised that the prices of items that peasant was to buy also came down, but it did not help
him since his buying capacity was considerably limited. The demand of the Congress for
complete independence coincided with the immediate historical circumstances to produce a
heady mixture for launching a movement, which Gandhi was contemplating ever since the
Congress adopted the resolution to the same effect. Similar to earlier movements, this time
too he proposed non-violence as a precondition for the movement and those who wished to
join it. True to his conviction in Satyagraha, Gandhi did not wish to harm the enemy but to
prove the point as emphatically as possible and the same lesson he was imparting to those
Satyagrahis, who were to accompany Gandhi in his long march to Dandi. The Satyagrahis
must not harbour any ill will towards the adversary. While the preparations for launching the
movement were on, he addressed a letter to the Viceroy on the 2 March 1930 declaring his
intention of launching the movement, which he did on 12 March 1930.
The Congress leaders who met Irwin brought disappointment to the Congress annual session
that met on the bank of the river Ravi, near Lahore. The delegates were enraged over the
tactics of the British authorities. The young Nehru, who presided over the session,
condemned British Imperialism. He pleaded for action and deprecated timidity. He describe
Wedgewood’s Dominion Status in action talk a snare, and emphasised that nothing less than
complete independence should be the goal of the Congress. The main resolution of the
Congress about complete independence was as follows:
“This Congress endorses the action of the working committee in connection with the
st
Manifesto signed by party leaders, on the viceregal pronouncement of 31 october relating to
Dominion status and appreciates the efforts of the Viceroy towards a settlement of the
5
national movement for Swaraj. The Congress in pursuance of the resolution passed at its
session at Calcutta last year, declare that the word Swaraj in Article 1 of the Congress
Constitution shall mean complete independence and further declares that the entire Nehru
Committee’s Report to have lapsed and hopes that all Congressmen will hence forth devote
their exclusive attention to the attainment of complete independence.” The resolution
advised all Indians taking part in the national movement to abstain from participating in
future elections and directed the Congress members of legislature and committee whenever, it
deemed fit, to launch upon a programme of civil disobedience including non-payment of
taxes.2
On 31st December, 1929 at mid-night Jawaharlal Nehru unfurled the tricolour national flag in
Lahore and proclaimed that it was a crime against man and God to submit any longer to
th
British rule. The Congress also issued a call to the country to celebrate 26 January as a
“Purna Swaraj” day. A pledge was drawn up to be taken by every Congress man. It is the
inalienable right of the people of India to have freedom and enjoy the fruits of their toil
and3have necessities of life, so that they might have full opportunities of growth –The British
Government in India has based itself on the exploitation of the masses and ruined India. We
believe, therefore, that India must severe the British connection and attain Purrna Swaraj or
complete independence. Thus, the Lahore Congress became a prelude to another nationalist
mass movement. But Iyengar and Subhas Bose were not satisfied by this resolution and were
excluded from the Congress working committee. They walked out from the Lahore session
and announced the formation of another party; they called the Congress Democratic Party.
The patience of the Indian masses reached a breaking point. The intelligentia of the country
was convinced that the method of persuasion could not work effectively. The adamant British
Government had already rejected the Nehru Report. There was acute economic depression in
the country. The communist workers in this hour of economic crisis assumed the leadership
of the hardest hit class of the peasants and workers.
2
Saharan, M.S. Modern Indian History. Delhi, Black Prints. (2013).
6
Gandhiji before taking any extreme step, made another offer to the government, and it was
an eleven point demand. These demands were presented to the Government of India on
January 1930. They were prohibition, revaluation of the exchange ratio of Rupees,
reduction in the expense of the army, reduction of land revenue restriction on the import of
foreign cloths, abolition of salt tax, abolition of criminal investigation department, release of
all political prisoners and permission for keeping arms to Indians. Gandhiji’s Eleven points
ultimatum to Irwin seemed to many nationalist leaders a sad climb-down from the Purna
Swaraj. But the government’s response to Gandhiji’s proposal was negative. Gandhi wrote to
the Viceroy. Viceroy gave a brief reply in which he regretted that Gandhi was contemplating
of law and danger to the public peace. Gandhi in his rejoinder said, “on bended knees I asked
for bread and received a stone instead. The English nation respond only to force and I am not
surprised by the Viceregal reply.” Gandhi’s Dandi March had thus become inevitable.
7
The movement spread from town to town and village to village. Thousands of men and
women braved lathi blows and courted arrest. At many places the administration was put out
th
of gear. Gandhi was arrested on 5 May ,1930 before he could offer Satyagrah and make salt
at the government depot at Dharsana, 150 miles from Bombay. His place was taken by A.
Tayabji and he too was arrested Later on Sarojini Naidu led the followers of Gandhiji.
Gandhi’s arrest sparked a wave of protests. In Bombay cotton mills and railways workshops
stood still as thousands of workers came out in streets. Cloth-merchants went on a six-day
hartal. There were clashes and firing in Delhi and Calcutta. In the big textile towns such as
Sholapur, the textile workers went on strike from the 7th May and along with others, burnt
down liquor shops and attacked all symbols associated with the Government such as railway
station, law courts and police stations and municipal buildings. They virtually established
parallel government, which could only be dislodged with the imposition of the martial law
after 16 May.4
The Civil Disobedience was an all-India movement and yet not all parts and social groups
responded to the call of the movement in the same manner. Bombay was the main citadel of
the movement throughout 1930. Two strands of leadership were in action, one, was the
Gandhian type leadership and the other, socialist oriented leadership of K.F. Narima and
Yusuf Meherally. The Congress volunteers made serious efforts to reach out for working
class support and received overwhelming responses in Gujarat areas such as Anand, Borsad
and Nadiad taluks, in Kheda, Jambusar in Broach and Bardoli in Surat.
The Civil Disobedience movement remained weak in Sindh, despite an initial mob-police
clash on 16 April in Karachi. In Maharashtra, the movement was considerably strong because
of the changed nature of leadership of the Congress, who had come close to non-Brahaman
Satya Shodhak Samaj radicals, for example, social groups such as Mahars, who were not
attracted to the Congress, as they were closer to Dr. B.R.Ambedkar. The Central Provinces
areas such as Chanda, Amraoti, Betul, Raipur, Bhandara and Seoni emerged as strong centres
of the movement due to the forest Satyagraha as being a part of the Civil Disobedience
movement. There were instances of the local tribal leaders emerging on their own and taking
4
Dalton. "Mass civil disobedience throughout India followed as millions broke the salt laws". Introduction to
Gandhi's Civil Disobedience. Vol. 2, pp. 72.
8
part in the movement, which on occasions involved violent methods as well. Violent attacks
on forest guards and police parties were common in these regions.
Though the Civil Disobedience movement was an all-India movement launched under the
Gandhian leadership, there was no uniform pattern so far as responses of various social
groups are concerned. In some cases strictly non-violent methods of protests were followed,
while there were also instances of the participants resorting to violence. Unlike the Non-
cooperation-Khilafat movement, when the movement was withdrawn after the violent
Chauri-Chaura incident, this time Gandhi had clearly stated that even though the Civil
Disobedience movement would be launched on the basis of non-violence, he would not
withdraw it if some violence broke out in the course of the movement. Therefore, it is
observed that the Civil Disobedience movement progressed essentially on the principles of
non-violence; inspite of occasional incidents of violence at different places, the movement
was not withdrawn. And yet towards the closing months, the movement’s response was
considerably weak. The Indian capitalist class had for the first time participated in this
movement as a class but with limited appetite to sustain this movement. As businessmen,
they could not afford to antagonise the Government on permanent basis; hence attempts were
made to bring about truce between Gandhi and the Government
9
2.4 The First Round Table Conference
While on one hand, the government was following a policy of repression, on the other it was
eager for a compromise. Sir Tej Bahadur Sapur and Dr. Jayakar played the role of mediator
between the congress leaders and British authorities. The British Government convened in
London, the First Round Table Conference on November 12, 1930 under the chairmanship of
the Prime Minister Ramsay MacDonald.5 The conference boycotted by the congress
continued till January 19, 1931. But it was attended by several eminent leaders like Sapru ,
Jinnah and 6Muhammad Ali. In the opening session Mr. Macdonald proposed a federal form
of government for India. In the provinces the proposed full responsible government subject to
special responsibility of the Governor to safeguard the interest of the minorities. In the centre
he suggested dyarchy. But the conference received a setback when B.R. Ambedkar demanded
that for electoral purpose, the Depressed classes should be treated as a separate community.
The Muslim delegation also demanded adequate safeguard for the Muslims of India
5
Saharan, M.S. Modern Indian History. Delhi, Black Prints. (2013).
10
CHAPTER-3
Gandhi-Irwin Pact
The British politician were anxious to secure the co-operation of Gandhi and other realised
that no scheme of constitutional reform would succeed unless the principal political party of
India assented to it. Lord Irwin, a far-sighted statesman, was uneasy over the no-tax
campaign. The boycott of British goods was in full swing and terrorist activities were
rampant in Bengal. The only way to ease the situation, the Viceroy thought was to enlist the
support and good will of the Congress. So on 25 January, 1931 all important political leaders
were set free. Sapru and Jayakar persuaded Gandhi to see the Viceroy and discuss the
possibility of a reapproachment with the government. The discussion between Gandhi and
th
Irwin lasted for 15 days and resulted on 5 March, in an agreement known as the Gandhi-
Irwin Pact.
According to this Pact, the government agreed to withdraw all ordinance and cases pending
against the political workers. To release all political prisoners excepting those who were
guilty of violence. To permit the persons living within a certain distance from the sea-shore to
manufacture salt without being taxed. To permit peaceful picketing of the shops selling
liquors. To restore the property seized in connection with the Civil Disobedience Movement.
Gandhiji on behalf of the Congress agreed to suspend the civil disobedience movement, not
to press for enquiry into police excesses. To take steps to associate Congress with the Round
Table Conference and to withdraw all boycott plans7.
On account of this climbdown from complete independence to the position of agreements
reached between Gandhi and Lord Irwin many Congress leaders, the left-wing, the younger
section were opposed to the Gandhi-Irwin Pact. The next session of the Congress was held
th
against this gloomy background at Karachi on 25 March, that is only two days after the
execution of Bhagat Singh and his comrades.
7
Ruhe, Peter. Gandhi. London, Phaidon Press. p. 75. (2001).
11
3.1 Karachi Congress
th
On 29 March, 1931, the Congress met at Karachi. It passed a resolution which praised the
bravery and self-sacrifice of Bhagat Singh, Sukhdev and Rajguru. The main resolution of the
Karachi Congress called for Purna Swaraj but also accepted the Gandhi-Irwin Pact. Another
important resolution passed at the Karachi Congress related to Fundamental Rights and
economic policy. The main points of this resolution were- Assurance of popular Fundamental
Rights, removal of caste and religious disabilities, development of regional languages,
reduction of taxes, prohibition of forced labour, abolition of salt duty etc.
The Karachi session of the Congress paved the way for the Second Round Table Conference
by ratifying the Gandhi-Irwin Pact. The Congress was represented by Mahatma Gandhi as its
sole representative in the Second Round Table Conference held from September 7 to
December 1, 1931. The Congress decided to discontinue the civil disobedience movement for
the time being. Government released all political prisoners as agreed to in the Gandhi-Irwin
Pact. In the Second Round Table Conference the British Government declined to accept the
nationalist demand for freedom on the basis of immediate grant of Dominion status for India.
No agreement was regarding communal question.
After the failure of the Second Round Table Conference the Congress was declared illegal.
The normal working of law was suspended and the administrative was carried on through
ordinances. On his return from England, Gandhiji protested to Willingdon (Viceroy) about
his repression but he was adament on his attitude. On 4 January, 1932 a fresh batch of
Congress leaders including Gandhiji and Sadar Patel were arrested. In these circumstances
Gandhiji adviced Congress men to pursue individual Civil Disobedience. On May 8, 1933,
Gandhiji commenced his 21 days fast to atone for the sins of caste-Hindus against the
untouchables . It was also to fight to dismember the Hindu community by treating the
Harijans (or Childrens of God ) as a separate community. His fast had the desired effect. It
succeeded in revol
utionising the outlook of the people. A mass movement was started to win over the heart of
the Harijans. On 14 July, 1933, Gandhiji called off mass Satyagraha but allowed the people to
12
th
court arrest individually. Finally, he withdrew the movement on 7 April 1934.
13
3.3 Communal Award and The Poona Pact
Mr. MacDonald announced his decision known as Communal Awards. Principal features of
the communal award were the following: The scope of the award was confined to allocating
seats to various communities in the provincial legislatures only. The award accepted the
demand of the Muslims, Sikhs, Christians and women for separate electorate. Harijans were
recognised as a minority. Hindus in Muslims majority provinces were not given the same
concessions as were enjoyed by Muslims in Hindu-provinces. The communal award evoked a
deal of resentment in the country. The award was a mischievous attempt to divide and
weaken the Hindus by separating the Harijans. The communal award was an anachronism. It
had no historical basis. The communal award came as a great shock to Gandhiji. His heart
bled and revolted at the sight of Harijans gardually drifting away from the Hindu community
. In protest against this Gandhiji began his fast to death. Finally, an agreement was arrived at
when Dr. B.R Ambedkar agreed to incorporate certain modification. This is known as the
Poona Pact. It had the following points- there would be joint eletorate for all the Hindus. This
include Harijan also. The Harijan will remain as the indivisible part of the Hindus. Seats for
the Harijans would be terminated after 10 years. The British government amended the
communal award in the light of the Poona Pacit.
In November 1932, the British Government called the Third Round Table Conference in
London. The Congress felt that no useful purpose would be served by participating in it so it
was not represented in it. 8As a result of the deliberations as this conference the government
introduced a bill which led to the enactment of Government of India act, 1935.(For detailed
please see Constiutional Development of India 1861-1947).
The Civil Disobedience Movement, the second nationalist mass struggle in the history of
Indian Nationalism ended in 1934. It had a greater mass basis than the movement of 1920-21.
It proved increased political awakening among the Indian people. The masses included the
peasants were drawn into the nationalist struggle to a greater extent.
8
Nanda,S.P. Freedom Movement and Constitutional Development in India. New Delhi, Dominant Publishers &
Distributors Ltd. (2012).
14
CHAPTER-4
Within a week of Gandhi’s return, he, along with other members, was arrested on 4 January
1932; a series of ordinances were promulgated. Not only the CWC but also several
Provincial Congress Committees and innumerable local committees were declared illegal.
Many organisations sympathetic to the Congress such as- Youth Leagues, National Schools,
Congress Libraries and Hospitals- were also outlawed. The Congress funds were confiscated
and buildings were occupied and every possible step was taken to ensure that Congress did
not function at all. The civil liberties seemed suspended. Under these circumstances the
Gandhi-Irwin Pact was shred to pieces and the Civil Disobedience movement was resumed.
Lord Wellington, the Viceroy, who had replaced Lord Irwin, was a man of different
disposition, who believed in a highhanded approach in dealing with nationalists. The friction
between the congress and the Government had begun soon after the Pact was signed. The
Congress received complaints that in Bardoli and Borsad, all prisoners had not been released,
forfeited land had not been restored nor village officials reinstated. Tensions were mounting
in Bengal, where the Pact did not, in any way, cover thousands of young men who had been
detained without trial. In North-West Frontier Province, the repression against the Red Shirts
was continuing with great zeal so much so that Gandhi was denied permission to enter the
Province. The agrarian unrest was quite visible in the United Provinces.
The second Civil Disobedience during 1932-34 was launched in a political climate of total
distrust of the Government as even the Government was determined to suppress it by using
wanton coercion to the maximum, as the civil liberties were totally suppressed and even
ordinary political act had become illegal. The forms of defiance included picketing of cloth
and liquor shops, closing of markets and boycott of white or loyalist business concerns,
symbolic hoisting of Congress flags, holding of illegal congress sessions, salt satyagraha,
non-payment of Chowkidari tax, no-rent as well as no-revenue campaigns, violation of forest
laws. There were occasions when the Congress carried out illegal activities such as secret
radio transmitter and the use of bombs.
15
The Government severely repressed the movement. Towards the close of 1932, the
movement had started tapering off, however in one form or the other it continued on till 1934.
In the face of heavy repression, ordinary people started succumbing to it without losing faith
either in Gandhi or in the congress. The leaders and the people who were arrested during the
movement and kept in jail earned much greater respectability in the eyes of the society.
For a while it might appear that the Government of the day had an upper hand in dealing
with and containing the movement. But the long-term consequence of the Civil Disobedience
would tell us a different story altogether. This movement was able to free the minds of
Indians even before the country earned its freedom on 15 August 1947. Gandhi had
awakened the nation from its slumber. In the words of H.S.L.Polak, a close associate of
Mahatma Gandhi in South Africa, a chronicler, ‘It acquiesced no longer in conquest.’ During
the movement, the resolve of India to win freedom was further steeled, as they no longer
feared the lathis and other means of repression as they were prepared to suffer for an altruistic
cause to liberate India from subjugation. Again in the words of Polak, ‘They shed their
servility and thought henceforward as free men.’ The lasting contribution of Mahatma
Gandhi in this movement as in earlier movements was to convey to the British rulers, that
their rule was no longer treated as legitimate and that Indians had come of age to be the
master of their own destiny.
16
CONCLUSION
The Civil Disobedience Movement was not successful. But the people of India for great
sacrifice .It was good training for the people. Unlike the Non-Cooperation Movement , the
Civil Disobedience Movement increased the popularity of the congress.
The movement seems to be a radical movement with lots of active participation to have a
freedom from colonial government.
Under the leadership of Gandhi, the Civil Disobedience Movement was launched in AD
1930. It began with the Dandi March. On 12 March 1930, Gandiji with some of his followers
left the Sabarmati Ashram at Ahmedabad and made their way towards Dandi, a village on the
west coast of India. After travelling for twenty-five days and covering a distance of three
hundred and eighty-five kms, the group reached Dandi on 6 April 1930. Here, Gandhiji
protested against the Salt Law (salt was a monopoly of the government and no one was
allowed to make salt) by making slat himself and throwing up a challenge to the British
government. The Dandi March signified the start of the Civil Disobedience Movement.
The movement spread and salt laws were challenged in other parts of the country. Salt
became the symbol of people’s defiance of the government. In Tamil Nadu, C Rajagopalchari
led a similar march from Trichinopoly to Vedaranyam. In Gujarat, Sarojini Naidu pretested in
front of the slat depots. Lakhs of people including a large number of women participated
actively in these protests.
The Civil Disobedience Movement carried forward the unfinished work of the Non-
Cooperation Movement. Practically the whole country became involved in it. Hartals put life
at a standstill. There were large-scale boycotts of schools, colleges and offices. Foreign goods
were burnt in bonfires. People stopped paying taxes. In the North-West Frontier Province, the
movement was led by Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan, popularly known as ‘Frontier Gandhi’. For
a few days, British control over Peshawar and Sholapur ended. People faced the batons and
bullets of the police with supreme courage. No one retaliated or said anything to the police.
As reports and photographs of this extraordinary protest began to appear in newspapers
across the world, there was a growing tide of support for India’s freedom struggle.
17
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Books used:
1. Modern Indian History, M.S Saharan, Published by : Black Prints India INC (New Delhi)
Articles used:
1. civil disobedience movement : :S.Chand, Centre for Policy Research, New Delhi
Web sources:
1. https://byjus.com/civil-disobedience-movement-background-incs-stand
2. www.adaniel.tripod.com/civil
3. Jstor
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