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 THE R E L ATIONSH I P BETWEEN SKIN COLOR, SELF-ESTEEM

AND A F R I C A N SELF-CONSCIOUSNESS A M O N G A F R I C A N

A M E R I C A N COLLEGE-EDUCATED W O M E N

KIM DANIEL, PhD

BA, Mont c l a i r State University, 1985

MA, Mont c l a i r State University, 1988

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Me n t o r
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A m y L. Reynolds, PhD

Readers
Barbara L. Jackson, EdD
Jos e p h G. Ponterotto, PhD
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DISSERT A T I O N

SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS

F O R THE DEG R E E OF D O C T O R OF PHILOSOPHY IN
THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF EDUCATION
OF FORDHAM UNIVERSITY

N EW Y O R K
2001

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 UMI Number: 3003022

Copyright 2001 by
Daniel, Kim M.

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All rights reserved.

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__ ®

UMI
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UMI Microform 3003022

Copyright 2001 by Bell & Howell Information and Learning Company.
All rights reserved. This microform edition is protected against
unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code.

Bell & Howell Information and Learning Company

300 North Zeeb Road
P.O. Box 1346
Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346

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 FORDHAM UNIVERSITY
Graduate School o f Education

This dissertation prepared under my direction by

Kim Daniel

entitled

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The Relationship Between Skin Color, Self-Esteem and African Self-
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Consciousness Among African American College-Educated Women

has been accepted in partial fulfillm ent of the requirements for the
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Degree o f PhD
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An)ly Reynolds, PhD

lo -5 -d O

Date

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 ® K i m Daniel, 2001. All Rights R e s e r v e d

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 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I w o u l d like to acknow l e d g e and thank Dr. W i l l i a m E.

Cox for encouraging me to enroll in a doctoral p r o g r a m as

well as Dr. Shawn U t s e y for all of his assistance wi t h

this process. In addition, I want to say thank y o u to

the staff in the CAP office at Pace University, with

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special thanks to Nata s h a Clarke for their c o n t i n u e d help

and support throughout this p r o c e s s .

Charles E. Robinson,
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I w o u l d also like to a c knowledge and thank Mr.

Jr., for numerous hours of

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proofreading as well as m y father (Obiediah), sisters

(Norma, Jennifer, Cynthia, an d Kathleen) and Sorors of

Alpha Kappa A l p h a Sorority, Inc., fo r their c o o p e r a t i o n

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and generous contributions of time to this study.

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 DEDICATION

I d e d i c a t e this work to th e late Aman d a S m i t h

Daniel, m y mother, best friend, a n d the wind b e n e a t h m y

wings. A l t h o u g h she is not h e r e to see me r e c e i v e this

degree, it w a s the love, support, a n d guidance she

p r o v i d e d t h r o u g h o u t m y life that g a v e m e the courage,

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pride, and s t r e n g t h that e n a b l e d me to complete this

document. I thank h e r .

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 V

T A B L E OF CONTENTS

Page

NOTICE O F COPYRIGH T ii

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS iii

DEDICATION iv

LIST OF TABLES viii

CHAPTER I. THE PRO G R A M 1

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Overview 1

Rationale 7

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Stat e m e n t of the P r o b l e m

R e s e a r c h Questions a n d Hypotheses
10

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Questions 12

Hypotheses 13

D e f i n i t i o n of T e r m s 14
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S i g n ificance of the S t u d y 18

CHAPTER II. REVIEW OF R E L A T E D LITERATURE 23

S k i n Col o r / H i s t o r i c a l Literature R e v i e w 23

S k i n C o l o r and S e l f - E s t e e m 27

A f r i c a n S e lf-C o n s c i o u s n e s s 36

Summary- 41

CHAPTER III. METHOD 43

Pa r ticipants 43

Instruments 52

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 vx

TABLE OF CONTENTS (continued)

Page
S k i n Color 52

S el f - E s t e e m 54

A f r i c a n Self-Consciousness 55

African American Acculturation 57

Demograph i c Questionnaire 58

P rocedure 59

Statistical Analyses 55

CHAPTER IV. FINDINGS 66

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Test of Hypotheses 71

CHAPTER V. SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS, AND

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R ECOMMENDATIONS 75

Summary 75
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R e v i e w of the S t u d y 75

Results of the Hypothesis T e s t i n g 77

Demograph i c R esults 85
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Conclusions 89

Limitatio n s of the Study 89

E thical Considerations 93

Recommendations 94

Future Rese a r c h 94

C o u n s e l in g / P r a c t i c e 98

REFERENCES 101

APPENDIX A. C O V E R LETTER TO PARTICIPANTS 110

APPENDIX B. INFORMA T I O N SHEET 113

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 TABLE OF CONTENTS (continued)

Page
A P P E N D I X C. A F R I C A N A M E R I C A N A C C U L T U R A T I O N
SOCIALIZATION SUBSCALE D I S T R I B U T I O N
OF SCORES 117

A P P E N D I X D. A F R I C A N S E L F - C O N S C I O U S N E S S SCALE 119

A P P E N D I X E. RANGE OF SCORES F O R A S C SCALE 12 7

A P P E N D I X F. ROSENBERG'S S E L F - E S T E E M SCALE 129

A P P E N D I X G. ROSENBERG'S S E L F - E S T E E M SCALE,
RANGE OF SCORES, AN D D I S T R T B U T I O N OF
QUESTIONS 131

A P P E N D I X H. D EMOGRA P H I C I N F O R M A T I O N FOR

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FOLLOW-UP O N STUDY 133

ABSTRACT 13 5

VITA IE 13 9
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 L I S T OF TABLES

Table

1. Participants' D e m o g r a p h i c Data:
S e l f - I d e n t i f i e d Ethnicity, Place of
B i r t h for Self a n d Parents, and
C o untry of G r a d e a n d H i g h Schools
A t t e n d e d (N = 3 03)

2. Participants' D e m o g r a p h i c Data: Age,

L i v i n g Arrange m e n t s , a n d Marital
Status (N = 3 03)

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3. Participants' D e m o g r a p h i c Data: E d u c a t i o n
Level, S e l f - R e p o r t e d Income for Participants,
a n d S e l f - R e p o r t e d Income for Parents
(N = 303)

4.
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Participants' D e m o g r a p h i c Data: Self-
R e p o r t e d Sk i n C o m p l e x i o n and T w o - C a t e g o r y
Split (N = 303)
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5. Means, S t a n d a r d Deviations, and
Coefficient A l p h a s for the A f r i c a n
A m e r i c a n A c c u l t u r a t i o n So c i a l i z a t i o n
Subscale, the A f r i c a n S e l f - C onsciousness
Scale, and R o s e n b e r g S e l f - E s t e e m Scale
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(N = 303)

6. P e a r s o n P r o d u c t - M o m e n t Corre l a t i o n
C o e f ficients f or the A f r i c a n A m e r i c a n
A c c u l t u r a t i o n S o c i a l i z a t i o n Subscore,
S e l f - E s t e e m Score, a n d A f r i c a n Self-
Consciousness S c o r e B e t w e e n Age a n d
S e l f - R e p o r t e d Inc o m e Level
(N = 303)

7. De s c r i p t i v e S t a t i s t i c s Betw e e n the
Independent Variable, Lig h t Skinned
a n d Dark Skinned, a n d the Dependent
Variables, Self-Esteem, A f r i c a n Self-
Consciousness, a n d A f r i c a n A m e r i c a n
Acculturation

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 LIST OF TABLES (continued)
Table Page
8. Independent Sample t Test for Equality
Means B e t w e e n the Afr i c a n A m e r i c a n
A c c u l t u r a t i o n S o c i a l ization Subscale,
S e l f - E s t e e m Scale, and A f r i c a n Self-
Consciousness Scale 74

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 CHAPTER I

THE PROGRAM

Overview

Baldwin (1955) said:

It is part of the price the N e g r o pays for his

position in s o c i e t y that he is almost always acting.
This implies that playing the role of "Negro"
requires the N e g r o to behave in ways that are

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inconsistent w i t h his concept of himself, as others
have observed. Yet if there were no effects of the
role one plays u p o n the self-concept, A m e r i c a n
Negroes would not bear the "mark of o p p r e s s i o n , " and
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sociologists w o u l d have long since lost interest in
role theory, (cited in Udry, Bauman, & Chase, 1971,
p. 722)
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Pettigrew (1967), a f t e r acknowledging Baldwin's point,

replied,

B oth Whites an d Negroes confuse their own roles as

b eing an essential part of themselves. A large b ody
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of psychological research convincingly d emonstrate

the power of role-playing to change deeply h e l d
attitudes, values, and e ven conceptions of self.
Moreover, these remarkable changes have been
rendered b y temp o r a r y role adoptions of an
exceedingly trivial nature w h e n compared to the
life-long role of "Negroes." Imagine, then, the
depth of the effects of having to play a role w h i c h
has such vast personal and social significance that
it influences v i r t u a l l y all aspects of d a i l y living.
Indeed, the resulting confusion of self-identity and
lowering of self-esteem are two of the most serious
"marks of oppression" upon the American N e g r o
personality, (cited in U d r y et a l ., 1971, p. 722)

The African A m e r i c a n p opulation in the U n i t e d States

ha s b e e n referred to b y several different designations

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 2

t h r o u g h o u t history: Colored, Negro, Afro-Americans, etc.

For t h e purpose of this research, the terms A f r i c a n

A m e r i c a n a n d Black are u s e d s y n o n y m o u s l y to r e f e r to

t hose descendants of slaves b o r n a n d raised in the U n i t e d

Sta t e s of America. A c c o r d i n g to B a l d w i n and P e t t i g r e w

and r e l a t e d research, the concept of p laying a "Negro"

(Black) role has p r o d u c e d a d a m a g e d self-concept, o n e of

low s e l f - e s t e e m and s e l f - c o n t e m p t . A m o n g the m ost clear-

cut a s p e c t s of this p r o c e s s is the w e l l - d o c u m e n t e d

n e g a t i v e evaluation of skin p i g m e n t a t i o n b y "Negroes"

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(Blacks) (Udry et a l . , 1971) . S everal decades of

r e s e a r c h have demon s t r a t e d that B l a c k people t h e m s e l v e s

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have d e f i n e d dark skin as u n d e s i r a b l e and light s k i n as

desirable (Udry et a l . , 1971) .

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In the United States of America, the concept of

r acial discrimination, d u e to skin color, has roots that

can b e t r a c e d back almost 400 y e a r s to w h e n s l a v e r y began

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in t h i s c o u ntry (Degler, 1971; Graham, 1999) . S o m e of

the l i g h t e r - s k i n n e d A f r i c a n A m e r i c a n s in the U n i t e d

States a d o p t e d the same f o r m of d i s c r i m i n a t i o n a g a i n s t

the d a r k e r - s k i n n e d B lacks and t h e m s e l v e s as d i d the W h i t e

p o p u lation. Gholar (1995) asked a specific q u e s t i o n

r e g a r d i n g the "color" of racism. G h o l a r stated that m a n y

p e o p l e w o u l d say that the color of r a c i s m is almost

o b l i v i o u s to the naked eye,

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 but w h e n h e l d up to the l i g h t of justice a n d p l a i n
hu m a n decency, racism c a n a l l o w one to see lives
c o n s u m e d w i t h pain. . . . So subtle is the c o l o r of
rac i s m in America, so faint o n the surface--but a
hue that stains the es s e n c e of life as it p enetrates
the soul of those commonly refe r r e d to as the
subservient race, the A f r i c a n American, (p. 108)

The concept of rac i s m has b e e n p r e v a l e n t in the U n i t e d

States since the early settlers founded this c o u n t r y and

brought the first A f r i c a n as a n indentured servant in the

United S t a t e s . The legal d i f f e r e n c e s between B l a c k s and

Whites c o n f i r m e d m a n y racial biases. Jim C row signs

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designating facilities for "Colored" and "Whites" o n l y

taught all A m e r i c a n s that B l a c k people, or those people

w i t h darker s kin in the community,

Gatewood, 1988) .
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and in some w a y inferior to W h i t e people
were truly d i f f e r e n t

(Degler, 1971;
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R a c i s m in the United States has not only l e d to

feelings of su p e r i o r i t y and i n f e r i o r i t y complexes among

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B l a c k pe o p l e a n d White people i n s ociety in g e n e r a l , but

also b e t ween light-skinned and d a r k - s k i n n e d B l a c k s in the

A f r i c a n A m e r i c a n community (Gatewood, 1988) . In

addition, r a c i s m has also c o n t r i b u t e d to the c o n s t r u c t of

A f r i c a n self-consciousness in B l a c k people (Stokes,

Murray, Peacock, & Kaiser, 1994) . Afr i c a n A m e r i c a n self-

consciousness has b e e n e m p i r i c a l l y examined for m a n y

years (Stokes et a l ., 1994). T h e construct of the

A f r i c a n A m e r i c a n self-consciousness includes m a n y aspects

of an individual's life (Baldwin, Brown, & Rackley, 1990)

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 4

s u c h as affiliation tendencies, h e l p i n g behaviors, and

locus of c o n t r o l . T he African A m e r i c a n people struggle

o n a daily basis w i t h issues of a c c u l t u r a t i o n wi t h i n

themselves and the "majority" c u l t u r e in America (Stokes

et a l ., 1994). These daily struggles of "being" a n d / o r

" a c t i n g , " as d e s c r i b e d b y Baldwin, a re aspects of the

A f r i c a n American self-consciousness.

In addition, skin color issues r e m a i n prevalent

throughout society and, as the p r e s e n t research examined,

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m a y have a d i s t r ess i n g correlation w i t h some aspects of

the African self-consciousness. U d r y et a l . (1971) made

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reference to several decades of r e s e a r c h regarding s k i n

c o l o r and p eople of color in the U n i t e d S t a t e s .

Unfortunately, e v e n today, in the 21st century, in the

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emergence of the n e w millennium, s k i n color issues still

r e m a i n controversial topics in the A f r i c a n American

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co m m u n i t y (Graham, 1999; Hall, 1998) . At times, they

h a v e b een openly discussed, and at o t h e r times, t h e y have

b e e n unacknowledged and considered taboo topics for

discussion (Hughes & Hertel, 1990; K e i t h & Herring, 1991;

R u s s e l l et a l ., 1992; Wade, 1996). A l t h o u g h skin

c o m p l e x i o n v a r i e d in Africa, A m e r i c a n archives indicate

that almost all of the Africans b r o u g h t into slavery in

A m e r i c a were of the d arker skinned c o m p l e x i o n (Degler,

1971). Therefore, it is widely b e l i e v e d that the l e g a c y

o f the different shades of skin c o l o r a mong A frican

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 5

A m e r i c a n people o r i g i n a t e d from cross-race b r e e d i n g among

A f r i c a n slaves and W h i t e slave masters. Interracial

color discrimination is an embarrassing as w e l l as a

h i g h l y controversial subject for m a n y A f r i c a n Americans

(Russell et al., 1992) . While m a n y p refer not to discuss

light-skin and/or d a r k - s k i n concerns, e s p e c i a l l y in the

c o m p a n y of Whites, o thers c ontend that skin c o l o r issues

and biases relating to skin color issues no lo n g e r exist

(Russell et a l ., 1992) . Some people believe that these

issues are "topics of the past." They b e l i e v e that skin

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color issues vanished w i t h h i s t o r y as well as concerns

such as those expre s s e d b y B aldwin

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1992) .

D i d issues r e l a t i n g to skin color and t h e African

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A m e r i c a n population d i e du r i n g the "Civil Rights" era?

Di d the "Black Is Beautiful, B r o w n Is Hip" c oncept help

increase the self-e s t e e m of m a n y d a r k - s k i n n e d African

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Americans? Have the images of Af r i c a n A m e r i c a n s in the

m e d i a a n d in society in general helped to b r i d g e the gap

b e t w e e n light- and d a r k - s k i n n e d A f r i c a n A m e r i c a n s or help

to support and/or n u r t u r e the A f r i c a n self-consciousness

of B l a c k people? A l t h o u g h m a n y Blacks b e l i e v e that the

A f r i c a n A m erican population, and society in general, have

overcome skin color issues and have learned to embrace

the "many beautiful shades" of B l a c k people (Wade, 1996),

the p r e sent research e x a m i n e d the p o s s i b i l i t y that due to

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 6

ling e r i n g s kin col o r issues, m a n y in the A f r i c a n A m e r i c a n

c o m m u n i t y s u f f e r from low s e l f - e s t e e m a n d low le v e l s of

A f r i c a n self-consciousness. The present research

ex a m i n e d the relationships b e t w e e n s k i n color, self­

esteem, a n d A f r i c a n consciousness a m o n g c o l l e g e - e d u c a t e d

Af r i c a n A m e r i c a n women. An A f rican American

A c c u l t u r a t i o n socialization s u b s c a l e w as used to g a i n

further i n s ight into the r e a r i n g o r s o c i a l i z a t i o n of the

pa r t i c i p a n t s in the African A m e r i c a n community.

R e s e a r c h has shown that "educated" Blacks o r Blacks

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from h i g h e r socioeconomic status b e l i e v e that i ssues

relating to s kin color only a f f e c t school-age a n d / o r

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adoles c e n t y o u t h s as well as some of the lower

socioec o n o m i c B l a c k communities (Keith & Herring, 1991).

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However, t h e r e appears to be s ome e v i d e n c e to s u g g e s t

that e v e n a m o n g the higher s o c i o e c o n o m i c status Blacks,

issues r e l a t i n g to skin color, self-esteem, and A f r i c a n

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c o n s c i o u s n e s s m a y exist (Edwards, 1973). It has l ong

been a r g u e d that there are s i g n i f i c a n t social class

dif f e r e n c e s b e t w e e n light- a n d d a r k - s k i n Blacks as well

as d i f f e r e n c e s in social and p o l i t i c a l attitudes (Seltzer

& Smith, 1991). According to K e i t h a n d Herring, skin

color c a n p r e d i c t educational attainment, occupation, as

well as p e r s o n a l and family income. In addition, Baldwin

(1992) s u g g e s t e d that A frocentric features, such as skin

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color, c a n predict A f r i c a n consciousness amo n g African

Americans.

Rationale

B l a c k h i s t o r y r e s e a r c h provides c o n s i d e r a b l e

e v i d e n c e that the s k i n col o r or skin to n e of Afr i c a n

A m e r i c a n s has e x e r t e d powerful and p e r s i s t e n t influences

o n societal attitu d e s toward the t reatment of Black

people, a n d people of col o r in general, w i t h i n both the

W h i t e a n d Black cu l t u r e s (Bond & Cash, 1992; Grier &

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Cobb, 1968; Neal & Wilson, 1989) . Th e m a j o r p r o b l e m w i t h

t h e differences in s k i n col o r in the U n i t e d States is

b a s e d o n skin color.
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r a c i s m in the form of differential t r e a t m e n t received

The institution of the "color

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complex" in A m e r i c a is a constant c o n t r i b u t o r to the

s e p a r a t i o n of A f r i c a n A m e r i c a n people (Russell et a l .,

1992). The color c o m p l e x is a p s y c h o l o g i c a l fixation

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a b o u t c o l o r and f e a t u r e s that not o n l y m a y have

c o n t r i b u t e d to W h i t e s discriminating a g a i n s t Blacks, but

it also m a y have l e d Blacks to d i s c r i m i n a t e against oth e r

Blacks (Russell et a l ., 1992).

The concept of B l a c k s d i s c r i m i n a t i n g agai n s t other

B l a c k s b e c a m e most e v i d e n t w h e n a "mulatto elite" emerged

f o l l o w i n g the Civil War. This mulatto eli t e pres e r v e d

t h e l i g h t-skinned B l a c k ' s status by e s t a b l i s h i n g social

clubs, churches, schools, fraternities a n d sororities,

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 8

an d neighborhoods for light-skinned A f r i c a n A mericans

on l y (Russell et a l . , 1992). T h e s e m o r e affluent A f r i c a n

A m e r i c a n clubs that were based o n skin complexion were

known as the s o - c a l l e d "blue vein" societies. A m o n g the

prerequisites for membership w e r e cer t a i n Caucasoid

physiognomic c r i t e r i a (Bond & Cash, 1992; Okazawa-Rey,

Robinson, & Ward, 1987). One's s k i n complexion was

required to be l i g h t e r than the w e l l - k n o w n brown p a p e r

ba g or light e n o u g h for v i s i b i l i t y of "blue veins" (Bond

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& Cash, 1992; Gatewood, 1988; O k a z a w a - R e y et a l . , 1987) .

The preferenti a l treatment of light-skinned versus

dark-skinned A f r i c a n Americans has conveyed to m a n y

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Blacks that the m o r e they p h y s i c a l l y conformed to the

W hite majority stand a r d s of beauty, the more rewarding

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their lives would be (Bond & Cash, 1992; Gatewood, 1988).

Thus, the general be l i e f among some A f r i c a n A m e r i c a n s is

that skin color h a s become a c r i t e r i o n for the attainment

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of prestige in the A f r i c a n A m e r i c a n community and so c i e t y

in general (Bond & Cash, 1992). Consequently, the issue

of skin color is a significant issue among the A f r i c a n

American population (Edwards, 1973) . In addition,

although rarely d i s c u s s e d publicly, some African

Americans in the U n i t e d States m a y sec r e t l y long for

light skin and str i v e to approximate Whites in facial

features and o ther societal images of beauty (Banks,

1976).

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 9

Banks (1976) stated that those A f r i c a n A m e r i c a n s who

choose or p r e f e r to look, speak, act, a n d behave as non-

African A m e r i c a n s or the W h i t e m a j o r i t y race are a c t u a l l y

rejecting themselves and o t h e r A f r i c a n Americans. The

negative c o n c e p t of self, w h i c h deve l o p s in m a n y A f r i c a n

American individuals, is a r e s u l t of social r e j e c t i o n and

negative l a b e l i n g (Banks, 1976). A c c o r d i n g to B a l d w i n

(1992), this social r e j e c t i o n a n d n e g a t i v e l a b e l i n g

contributes t o the c o n f l i c t i n g issues of A f r i c a n self-

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consciousness and a c c u l t u r a t i o n (the act of a s s i m i l a t i n g

fully into t h e White culture) e x p e r i e n c e d b y some A f r i c a n

Americans in this society. Hall (1995) s uggested that

the "Bleaching Syndrome"

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is a n a t t e m p t b y some A f r i c a n

Americans to assimilate into a s o c i e t y c h a r a c t e r i z e d b y

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cultural domination. The b l e a c h i n g syndrome i n c l u d e s the

us e of cosm e t i c s and c h e m i c a l s d e s i g n e d to lighten the

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skin c o m p l e x i o n of A f r i c a n A m e r i c a n s (Hall, 1992) . In

the early 196 0s, such b l e a c h i n g c h e m i c a l s (Amby,

Natanola, etc.) were v e r y p o p u l a r in the A f r i c a n A m e r i c a n

community. H a l l also s u g g e s t e d that m a n y A f r i c a n

Americans s t i l l have a skin c o l o r bias dire c t e d a g a i n s t

other A f r i c a n A m e r i c a n s . T h e s e same produ c t s (Amby,

Natanola, etc .) that were o n c e fou n d in most g r o c e r y a n d

drug stores o n the Black c o m m u n i t y are still a v a i l a b l e in

some i n n e r - c i t y areas. Boyd-Franklin (1993) spoke in

terms of "secret keeping" a n d A f r i c a n A m e r i c a n families.

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She stated that issues relating to s k i n c olor in A f r i c a n

A m e r i c a n families are a m o n g the top "family secrets list"

(Boyd-Franklin, 1993). However, as the research

regarding s kin color issues has indicated, it is not a

secret that rac i s m r e l a t i n g to s k i n c o l o r issues has

p l a y e d a negative role in the lives of m a n y A f r i c a n

Americans an d Black w o m e n in p a r t i c u l a r (Makkar & Strube,

1995).

State m e n t of the P r o b l e m

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M any b e l ieve that the issues r e l a t i n g to one's s k i n

complexion, espec i a l l y a m o n g A f r i c a n A m e r i c a n women, are

identity, b o d y image,
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devastating to a B l a c k woman's self-esteem, racial

as well as s e l f - p e r c e p t i o n of w o r t h
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(Bond Sc Cash, 1992; H u g h e s & Hertel, 1990; Makkar &

Strube, 1995; Wade, 1996). Wade f o u n d that male a n d

female skin color issues are different as they relate to

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self-perceived physical attractiveness. Throughout

history, B l a c k w o m e n in the U nited S tates have c o n f r o n t e d

two often conflicti n g standards of beauty, one s u g g e s t e d

b y the ma j o r i t y White c u l t u r e and o n e consistent w i t h

their A f r ican A m e r i c a n her i t a g e (Makkar & Strube, 1995) .

A f r i c a n A m e r i c a n w o m e n con t i n u e to b e confro n t e d a n d

a s saulted o n a d ail y b a s i s b y the "isms" pervasive in

this society (Chisholm, 1996). B l a c k w o m e n have to deal

w i t h the myths ascribed to them w h i c h form a s ocially

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co n s tructed r e a lit y or p s e u d o - r e a l i t y of stereotypic

images idea l i z e d b y A f r i c a n Americans (Chisholm, 1996).

The concept of school in t e g r a t i o n also p l a y e d a large

part in soc i a l i z i n g d a r k - s k i n n e d and l i g h t - s k i n n e d

issues. Fo r m a n y years, Bl a c k s were unable to attend

schools w i t h White children. Once i ntegration began,

those c h i l d r e n who looked m o r e like the W h i t e c hildren

could b l e n d in an d those w h o were darker felt inferior

(Hughes & Hertel, 1990). S tudies have s h o w n that even

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today, light skin is still considered more attractive

than d ark skin among m a n y B l a c k women a n d m o s t Black

women b e l i e v e that Black m e n found l i g h t - s k i n n e d women to

be more attractive
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(Bond & Cash, 1992; Hughes & Hertel,

1990). Therefore, for the p urposes of the p r e s e n t study,

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special a t t e n t i o n was g i v e n to the impact that skin color

issues has o n B l a c k females as they strive for feelings

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of attractiveness, positive self-esteem, a n d i dentity in

a dominant White society (Neal & Wilson, 198 9). The

present r e s e a r c h examined s k i n color issues a m o n g African

A m erican women.

Re s e a r c h Ques t i o n s and Hypotheses

The A f r i c a n Ame r i c a n p o p u l a t i o n has t r u l y p e r s e v e r e d

through r a c i s m o v e r the years, b oth within t h e i r race and

outside of their race, in t h e s e United States of America.

In addition, in spite of h i s t o r y and the m a n y different

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