CHAPTER III

PHONOLOGY

3.1. What is Phonology?

Phonology is the study of the sound system of language: the rules that govern
pronunciation. The word phonology itself comes from the Greek word phone, which
means ‘voice’. The study of phonology in the western tradition goes back almost 200
years, to the early 1800s, when European linguists began studying sound change by
comparing the speech sounds in a variety of related languages. However, the
emphasis in modern phonology, as it has developed over the last 50 years, has been
primarily on the psychological system that underlies production, and only
secondarily on the actual physical articulation of speech.

Phonetics is one of the linguistic branches that studies the basics of the physical
sounds of the language. There are three aspects of this physical dimension that
become an object of phonetics; firstly, it studies speech organ and its use in
producing the sounds of the language and secondly, it studies the produced acoustic
properties of the sound itself; thirdly, it studies the way listeners comprehend and
perceive the sounds.

3.2. How Does Phonology Work?

In order to see how phonology works, let’s begin by considering some observations
we can make about the sound system of English.

1. The first sound in the word fight is produced by bringing together the top
teeth and the bottom lips and then blowing air between them.
2. The word war is produced with one continuous motion of the lungs, tongue,
lips, and so on, yet we interpret this motion as a series of three separate
speech sounds, w-a-r.
3. The words pea, see, me, and key all have the same vowel, even though the
vowel in each word is spelled differently.
 4. p and b are alike in that they are both pronounced with the lips; p and k are
different in that k is not pronounced with the lips.
5. The vowels in the words cab and cad are longer than the same vowels in cap
and cat.

Observation (1) illustrates the fact that we use our vocal tract to produce
speech. Observation (2) illustrates the fact that words are physically one continuous
motion but are psychologically a series of discrete units called segments. Observation
(3) illustrates that a single segment can be represented by a variety of spellings.
Observation (2) and (3) can, in turn, be used to justify a phonemic alphabet, a system
of transcription in which one symbol uniquely represents one segment.

Observation (4) illustrates the fact that segments are composed of smaller
units called distinctive features. Thus “labial” (referring to the lips) is a distinctive
feature shared by p and b, but not by p and k. observation (5) illustrates that two
segments can be the same one level of representation but different on another. Thus,
the vowels in cab, cad, cap, and cat are the same on one level (the vowel a) but
different on another level (longer in duration in cab and cad; shorter in duration in
cap and cat). These systematic variations between levels of representation can, in
turn, be stated in terms of phonological rules (e.g. vowels are lengthened in a
particular context).

All of the phenomena in (1-5) are essentially phonological in nature, in that

they have to do with the system underlying the pronunciation of words. We will make
the familiar assumption that these phenomena are governed by a system of rules.
What we will do now is attempt to develop a set of concepts and principles to help us
explain the observations in (1-5).

3.3. The Basic Concepts

In this section we will highlight the basic concepts that we will use in
phonology. It is important to study several concepts such as segment, level of
representation and phonological rules. In describing level of representation, we will
also focus on parallel distribution and complementary distribution and in explaining
the phonological rules, we will use some kinds of analysis in aspiration,
3.3.1. Segment

When we listen to someone talk, we hear speech but we perceive segments,

psychological units which correspond more or less to “speech sounds”. It is necessary
to make this distinction because the sound waves produced by the vocal tract are
continuous (not divided neatly into individual sounds); however, our interpretation
of these sounds waves is discrete (we perceive distinct sounds, one following the
other). For example, if someone utters the word war within our hearing, what we
actually hear is a sound that gradually changes the shape through time.

What we perceive, however, is a series of three discrete segments: w-a-r. This

distinction between hearing and perceiving is fundamental to an appreciation of
phonology, although it is not an easy concept to grasp. In particular, it is not
immediately evident that speech is a gradually changing sound. In order to grasp this
concept, we might try a simple experiment: play some recorded speech at half speed.
We will notice that the “speech sounds” blur one into the other. An experiment such
as this illustrates quite dramatically that what we perceive as discrete segments is
actually a continuous, gradually changing physical signal.

Thus, when we talk, we are actually producing a continuous set of movement

within the vocal tract, which result in a continuous set sound of waves; what we think
we are doing (unconsciously, of course) is producing a series of discrete segments.
Likewise, when we listen to someone talk, we hear a continuously changing set of
sound waves; what we perceive are segments. Speech refers to what we are actually
doing when we talk and listen; phonology refers to the segments and rules in terms
of which we recognize our interpretation of speech. Put another way, speech refers to
physical or physiological phenomena, and phonology refers to mental or
psychological phenomena.

The /t/ in Tim is aspirated; that is, there is a puff of air following the release of
the /t/. We can test this by holding the palm of our hand about three inches from our
lips and saying Tim. Feel the rush of air as you release the /t/?) Aspirated /t/ is
transcribed [th]
3.3.2. Level of Representation

At the beginning of this section, we discussed the idea that two segments
might, at the same time, be both the same and different. In order to reconcile this
apparent paradox, linguists have developed the notion of level of representation. By
recognizing more than one such level, we are able to say that two segments are
identical on one level of representation yet different on another. As an illustration of
this concept, let’s take the fact that specific properties of a phoneme vary according
to its position in a word. This variation is sometimes referred to as allophonic
variation. Consider, for example, the following English words and phrases, each of
which contains an instance of the phoneme /t/: Tim, stem, hit, hit me and Betty.
Each of these instances of /t/ differs systematically from the others. These systematic
variations of /t/ are called allophones of /t/ and are transcribed in square bracket
([]).

The /t/ in Tim is released, but not aspirated; that is, there is no puff of air
following the release of the /t/. We can test this by using the ‘palm’ test just
described; say Tim and stem alternately. Note that there is no rush of air with the /t/
in stem. Released /t/ is transcribed [t].

The /t/ in hit can be released or unreleased. If it is unreleased, the tip of the
tongue stops at the alveolar ridge. We can test this by saying hit and leaving our
tongue at the alveolar ridge after the word is pronounced. Unreleased /t/
transcribed [t¬].

The /t/ in hit me may be unreleased or it may be a glottal stop. If it is a glottal

stop, there is no contact between the tip of the tongue and the alveolar ridge; instead,
the vocal cords are brought together and the airflow is stopped momentarily. You can
test this by saying hit me without ever raising your tongue to the alveolar ridge.
The /t/ we perceive is actually a stop formed with the vocal cords. A glottal stop is
transcribed [?].

The /t/ in Betty is an alveolar flap; that is, it is formed by raising the tip of the
tongue to the alveolar ridge very rapidly and releasing it. An alveolar flap is more
rapid than either [t] or [d]. We can test this by saying Betty with an alveolar flap,
which sounds like the normal pronunciation; then with a [t], which sounds British,
like Cary Grant; then with a [d], which sounds like beddy. An alveolar flap is
transcribed [г].

Each of these allophones of /t/ is predictable, in that it typically occurs in a

particular position within a word or phrase. For example, [t h] as in Tim occurs
when /t/ begins a syllable and is followed by a stressed vowel. [t] as in stem occurs
when /t/ is followed by a vowel, but does not begin a syllable. [t h] as in hit occurs
when /t/ begins a syllable and is followed by a stressed vowel. [t] as in stem occurs
when /t/ is followed by a vowel, but does not begin a syllable. [t h] as in hit occurs
when /t/ occurs at the end of an utterance. [?] as in hit me occurs when /t/ follows a
vowel and precedes a consonant. [г] as in Betty occurs when /t/ follows a stressed
vowel and precedes an unstressed vowel.

/t/

[th] [t] [t¬] [?] [г]

Notice the consequences of what we have done. We have essentially justified two
levels of phonological representation: the phonemic, where phonemes are described,
and the phonetic, where allophones (i.e. systematic variants) of phonemes are
described. This situation is summarized in figure which illustrates the fact that
speakers of English perceive the words Tim, stem, hit, hit me, and Betty as
containing instances of very different pronunciation.

3.3.3. Phonological Rules

3.3. Exercises