I{-

c,_
JOURNAL OF
SEMITIC STUDIES

EDITED BY

I, C. F. BECKINGHAM, E. ULLENDORFF
AND P. R. WEIS

f!~

VOLUME VI

JAN. TO DEC. 1961

MANCHESTER UNIVERSITY PRESS

 COPTIC PHONOLOGICAL INFLUENCE ON EGYPTIAN ARABIC

Egyptian as [g]. This feature of Upper Egyptian, the tendency to

articulate palatals as alveopalatals and uvulars as velars, becomes
peculiar when it is contrasted with Cairene which apparently ON THE USE OF THE TENSES IN
exhibits just the opposite tendency. Cairene renders classical THE ARAMAIC OF DANIEL
Arabic m as [g], and [~] as [']. In seeking the origin of this
peculiar feature of Upper Egyptian, it should be borne in mind By H. B. ROSEN
that while proto-Coptic uvulars became velars other Arabic
dialects also shared the same feature, especially in Southern o The following should be read in conjunction with any of the
Arabia. The most plausible explanation, therefore, is to attribute comprehensive accounts of the subject; permanent reference will
this feature to internal development in the language. However, be made here to Bauer-Leander, Grammatik des Biblisch-Ara-
the fact that Cairene did not share it with Upper Egyptian may miiischen, pp. 2.76 if., without necessarily implying agreement with
indicate that Coptic might have had some influence on Upper the views there expressed.
Egyptian only in accelerating this phonetic development. Ac-
cordingly, this case may be considered an instance in which I The use of a preformative tense form for the expression of
Coptic had only a limited influence on Egyptian Arabic. non-past is firmly established (Bauer-Leander, p. 2.78), yet a tense
possessing identical morphological characteristics (whether or
not originally identical with the former) is, not unlike the
CONCLUSION
Akkadian preterite, more widely used as a narrative tense than is
From the above summary it can be seen that Coptic did not usually admitted, and was usually understood as such by the
influence Egyptian Arabic as much as it would be expected to translators:
under normal conditions of bilingualism. There are seven cases
in which Coptic theoretically could have influenced the Egyptian
"37'1 1117:1' '1:1':1" ":I'TiI ,." ""17 :n n" 'm •••""17 :I, n" "17'T17::1 Nl7::lt-il:I
•••"" nJjo'iI iI,"n" ,:1" mpnil "m::l"7::1 (9' E31lTOW, Emcrrpeljlev, rne-
Arabic phonology. However, Coptic did not show any influence crrpacpT]O"ov) iv. 33; "ll"iI:I" .,tI.'N' "tm ••• "ll"n'T'" n'Tn c"n (ETapcXx61']v,
on Cairene Arabic at all, and influenced Upper Egyptian Arabic ECPO!3ePlo"ev) iv. 2; N"7::ItI.' ",Jj:S; P''T'' "i11Jjl17:1' ••• ""tl:l 'i11nnn (LXX
only in two of these cases-the influence in a third case was EVOO"O"EVOV, 9' KaTcj>KOW) iv. 9, 18; 'ill"17" C7::l,ntl.'N ••• "N"l'T r'TN
limited. Moreover, this Coptic influence on the Upper Egyptian ill" iI:I' (9' o"wETapaO"O"ov) iv. 16; 'ill"17" "i11ltl.' "m.,t N::l'''' r'TN
phonology was restricted to allophonic features only. This leads il1"iI:I" (9' O"WETapaO"O"ov) v. 6; C'P" ••• N::l"'" r'N:I (9' aveO"TT], LXX
to the following conclusions: wp6plO"e) vi. 20; '11" iI:I" "'tI.'N, "tm ... "N"l' illN 'm, n"'::lmt (9' ETa-
Bilingualism between Coptic and Arabic must have been on a paO"O"ov) vii. 15; ''''N1 il1'-"::l-"17 ill7::1 N17:1N N:I":S;'" N""'NP-l7::1 'Tn-'17 n:l'i'
very limited scale. This, in tum, indicates that the Arabic-speak-: 'll17 'T' ii' N"'''' 'W, ,., (LXX E31lTOW •.• crrrOKpl6eiS EAeye ... e51lAOOO"E, 9'
ing portion of the population in Egypt after the Islamic invasion E31lTOW .•• Kai ehTev ... Kai EyvooPIO"ev) vii. 16; "1'''17' N"'ltl.' 'N'l' il1N
n'tl1 ":1,:1 Nn,,,,, '''37 plntl." ..,'n "ll' iI:I" (9' O"WETapaO"O"ov, ';AAoloo61'])
was mostly of Arab origin; converted Copts must have been,
vii. 28; iI"'tI.'l N''''tI.' ,tl7::l, ill' "'17 tl' r"n::l N:ltI.'17 ... ",tl Ntl.'lN 'l:l -17::1'
therefore, a minor segment of the population. Also Coptic
17:1 tl:S;, (9' E1jl001J130V, e!3acpT]) v. 21.
seems to have had little prestige as compared to Arabic; and
therefore linguistic interference could not take place in any The instances enumerated above indicate that the choice of
recognizable measure from Coptic to Arabic. this narrative tense coincides with a durative or progressive
This investigation, assign from its linguistic value, will help, no lexical meaning of the verb; similarly, it has been stated by
doubt, in the revaluation of the relationship between the Arabs Bauer-Leander, p. 280 that "je nach der Aktionsart des Verbums
and the Copts shortly after the Muslim expansion in the Middle ergibt sich hierbei der Ausdruck der (kontinuierlichen) Dauer
East. oder der Wiederholung (= diskontinuierliche Dauer)"; but we
cannot agree that the items of the narrative sequence expressed
by the preformative tense "nicht ein Hauptmoment der Erzah-
182. 18 3
 ON THE USE OF THE TENSES IN THE ARAMAIC OF DANIEL
ON THE USE OF THE TENSES IN THE ARAMAIC OF DANIEL
lung darstellen, sondern Nebenumstande betreffen, die daher l'''n" l'lTNT J1i1" ... " ClT!:) vi. 27; i'Tl N'iI"-N" N::l"!l' vi. 3; -N~
auch logisch und psychologisch dem Hauptvorgang unter- ri':J' J1i1" ii. 43.
geordnet sind" (p. 281); however attractive the parallels may
seem from Arabic. We shall be in a position to indicate below In these compound tenses as well, the verbs occurring are of
(§ 3. 2 ) that it is precisely the verbal forms preceding the prefor- durative lexical meaning (cf. § I).
2.2 In the case of other verbs, there is a wide range of examples
mative tenses which describe the" Nebenumstande". Although
it may be very often a matter of interpretation to decide which where the participle without any copula is used as a purely
of the actions or facts referred to in any sentence is to be regarded constatative-narrative tense for past events (Bauer-Leander,
as "main" and which as "accompanying", and in spite of the p. 294: "Eine eigenartige Verwendung des Partizips als einer
fact that "subordinative" does not necessarily mean "less im- Art selbstandigen Tempus zur Einfiihtung einmaliger Ereignisse
portant" (cf. the Latin ctlm inverstlm I), in quite a number of cases findet sich ill Buche Daniel ").
an interpretation like that of Bauer-Leander would hardly seem The singularity of this use and its limitation to Daniel renders
consonant with common sense. With reference to another tense it necessary to describe monographically the verbal system of
sequence, namely the" aorist" concluding a series of other finite this text and not of Biblical-Aramaic in general.
tense forms, they remark (p. 283) that "es ill Belieben des Examples:
Erzahlers liegt, einen Vorgang als Haupt- oder Nebenmoment Zu .,~~ iIllT passim; rlT"iI!l-N" iI'lVEl' ... N'!lb,n 1'''''lT 1"N:J (e' e!crmo-
behandeln" . PeVOVTO, el1Ta, OVK Eyvooplerav) iv. 4; l'''!:)i'Z'l7.l N'7.l'::lM1 Z'li'Ell NZ'l" (e'
Ct1TEKTEvvOVTO) ii. 13; '~l$ 1::l' "'n:J N'R. (Eq>OOVT]cre) iv. II; cn" ,;;~
iltl~ N.,7.ln NEl"N ":Ji''', •.• :J., (E1TlVev) v. I; ,,-" 1lT:J:lI:N 'i'El1 NZ'llTlV-il:J
2 Much wider use as a narrative tense is made of the "parti-
1:JZ'l::l' lV1N (EyPCX\flav, Eypaq>ov) v. 5; iIltJ N::l"!l v. 5; iIl'''iI:J' 'iIl'lT'"
ciple" (Bauer-Leander, p. 292), a phenomenon occasionally met
llVi'l N'" N' ilZ'l:J::l,m r'Z'llV!l iI:lI:,n "!:)i" (e' SleAVoVTo, IJ\JVEKPOVOVTO) v. 6;
with in Akkadian (cf. von Soden, GrttndrijJ de,. akkadischen N~"!l N'R. (LXX Eq>ooVllere, e' E~ollere) v. 7; N~"7.l '7.l'~n ,,~ l'''''lT r'N
Grammatik, p. III). The participles are found in two con- N'i'7.l" N:JZ'l~ l'''iI~ N'" (e!erE1TopeVoVTO ... OVK nSwa[V]TO) v. 8; N~"!l 1"N
structions : rlV:JZ'llV7.l 'illl:J':J" 'm"lT 1'1lV 'iI,'n "iI:JZ'l7.l N'llV ••• (e' hapax6r], nAAoloo6r],
2.1 With preterite copula N~4: o"wE'Tap<lereroVTo) v. 9; r"iI~-N"' ... N'7.l'~n ... '''lTiI 1lT~' v. 15; r'K
iln~lViI" r"~'-N" iI"lT-"~' ••• iln~lViI' iI'lT rlT:J "iI ••• N'~'O (ovSe llVP1IJKOV)
Z'l"iI iltn passim; mil ,"m.l (LXX ~iJE1TOpeVE'TO) iv. 27; 1'lTNT "iI vi. 5; 1"!lN "N N,.,:Jl 1"N vi. 6; l,.,7.lN 1~'''' 'lVl.,iI r'N vi. 7;
C'.,7.l mil ... "!:)i' mtl N:J:lI: mil-" ,'m7.l'i'-T7.l 1'''n" (e' OIlS n~OVAE'TO ... N7.l'-l7.l 1i"0 ••• 1,'n IT:J,m ••• N:J' N7.l" 1n'l7.l N'7.llV 'M1' IT:J'K ,.,N' ... Z'l"iI ilTn
av(jPSI ... E-nnrrev ... lAyov) v. 19; n:ll:1Z'l!l mil ••. "N'1' r'N (LXX 1jv ExC':lV vii. 3-4; ilOEl' iI"l.,:J ... ili"!l' iI"~N ... iI,'n ,.,N, ... Z'l"iI ilTn ill' 'Z'lN:J
e~over{av, e' 1jv lnrep cxtrrovs) vi. 4; rlT:J W'l ... N~"O r'N (LXX (~i]TOW) vii. 7 (cf. vii. 19); i'El~"~ "1-" 'iIl ... n"iI ilTM vii. 9-10; n"iI ilTn
vi. 5; N"7.l' N":lI:7.l, 'm::l":J-"lT ,.,:J (v.I. N~iI) NJrJ N7.l":J NZ'l"Z'l r1!ln (and iI"~" ... :J,i' N':JlT 1~' N1'i"'" vii. 2 I; N'lN!l" n!l!l,.,nil N'!llV-N'7.l ,IT,
not N"il7.l! Hebraism?) (LXX E1Tl'TITEV, eSeITo, e' 1j v K<lIlTrTOOV ... Kai l'iI:J rnlV N.,7.ln ... T1:J':J" ilmm 1'7.l'P ,'n'iI ill1':J -" (E1TlVES) v. 23;
1TpoerEV)(ollevos Kai E~olloAOyovllevoS) vi. 11 ; ,:JlT N'iI (LXX E1Toiel, e' l'!lNi" N'lEl'~nN 1"'»1~117.l l"N:J ill. 3; N'R. iIT"~' ill. 4; •• 'l'lT7.llV "~
1jv 1T01OOV) vi. II; ill'I1":lI:iI" "'Z'llV7.l N'iI NlV!llV "lT7.l ,IT, (e' fjv ayooVl 3°- 1"10 ... -, ... l"tll iii. 7; N"l N'l-l7.l ... 1'i'Ell l"N:J il1~~ ~i'~ iii. 26; etc.
llevoS) vi. 15; Z'l"iI "::lZ'lW (E6eoopow) vii. 8; mil ilZ'lN lV1N .,:J::l (LXX
T\pxE'TO, e' fjv epxollevoS) vii. 13; iI'W l'I1i1 " vii. 19. 3 On the other hand, it does not seem to be the fact that the
Biblical-Aramaic tense variously called "perfect", "nominal",
It is fairly evident from the context as well as from the ren- etc., which we shall here for obvious reasons term "stative",
derings of the translators (even if we leave out of account the serves as a narrative tense, as it does in other types of Aramaic
compound tenses slavishly rendered as such by Theodotion), that and Semitic. Bauer-Leander, p. 286, describeit as "das gewohn-
these periphrastic constructions represent iterative-durative Hche Tempus der Erzahlung und datum ungemein haufig"; how-
tenses, and are not constatative.:.narrative. This periphrastic past ever, they illustrate it by only three examples. These examples, as
is in contrast to a periphrastic future, where the copula appears will be presently shown, assign it to quite another function than
in the preformative tense: the narrative-constatative one.
18 4 18 5
 ON THE USE OF THE TENSES IN THE ARAMAIC OF DANIEL ON THE USE OF THE TENSES IN THE ARAMAIC OF DANIEL

3.1 Whenever the stative is used as a "principal" tense, it is We can hardly subscribe to Bauer-Leander's contention
a time-indifferent form of a perfect (not perfective) aspect: (p. 292) that the statives '::137, 1pEl1, ,t'l.,rI in
"reines resultatives Perfekt. .. im Hauptsatz als Aussage"
(Bauer-Leander, p. 285, cf. von Soden, op. cit. p. 101); this be- rlnt' ... -, ... cn? '::1~ N'?t.l .,::tIet'?::1 v. I; l::1n" ... 1l7::1::tN 'pbl v. 5;
comes clear whenever we examine its use in a phrase where other r.,t.lN 1" N'?t.l-':17 1ttl.,rI vi. 7, etc.
tenses occur beside it:
are" gleichzeitig" with the participles appearing in the same
,::1." n1pnrl 'm,'t.l '37' 1'37::1' '1::1.,::1"' •.. ::1,n' 'm ••• ::1,n' '37'lt.l N1t.lT rI::1. phrases; on the contrary, the stative functions are what may be
" nbO'rI rI,,'n' iv. 33; Nn't.l' '?37 ~ln'll1' ','n 'll?rI::1' '~l7" N'1t' ?N'1' rIlN suitably termed an expression of the "pluperfect" or rather plu-
n"~l '::1?::1 vii. 28.
preterite. Cf. also v. 2, 4.
(Bauer-Leander's analysis of this phrase (p. 283) is, to put it 3.3 Yet the use of the stative is equally clear in phrases where
mildly, unconvincing; again they operate with the "Nebenum- it stands alone; its nearest equivalent would be an English
stande", allegedly expressed by the preformative tenses: '" Ich perfect tense; for example,
Daniel, meine Gedanken beunruhigten mich und meine Zuge
verzerrten sich und ich bewahrte die Sache in meinem Herzen' = 1"37 n:l7t.lt' "I have heard" I v. 14; .,Elt' "It hath seemed good
'wahrend meine Gedanken mich beunruhigten' usw." Does unto me" iii. 32, vi. z; 1::1::1' n'Elt'rI N' ... rln1N, "hast not humbled
"usw." stand for "wahrend meine Zuge sich verzerrten"? How thy heart" v. 22; n.,'rI N? rI? .. rlrI?N" "hast thou not glorified"
v. 23; nt.lt''' .,ON N?rI "hast thou not signed" vi. 13; n?t' 'rI?N
long did this "Nebenumstand" last?)
'l'?::1n N;' Nn".,N CEl .,10' rI'N?t.l "they have not hurt me" vi. 2 3 ;
r."n, N::1W rI.",t.l N',.,l7-C37' .,t' Nm'n-Cl7 rI::1::1?, ".,~ Nt'lN ·l::l-lt.l' 1'::IN .,:S:l"::11? ::1r1' ... Nn'::1'" Nn,,'t.l N"37 NrI?N N"t.l rlnlN v. 18; ""
l7::1~~ rlt.lt'l N't.lt' ?~t.l, rIl,t.l:l7~' v. 21;
•.• N'lNt.l?, nt.lt.l,.,nrl N't.lt'-N"t.l?~ rIlt.l ",:I7r1 rI.,p" rln,,'t.l NO"'-lt.l nMlrl ... rI::1::1? c., v. 20; ... Nl::1~
rnt' ... j'l::1.,::1." rln1~ ... ,.n'rI v. 23; ,,'on nn,t'l'11 N'ltNt.l::1 Nn?pn ?j:'n N:I7.,N-?' n(N)'t.l' ... .,,~, n'rI ii. 35; C:I7~ C't' 'It.l iii. 29 et passim;
v. 27; rlrI?N m::1 'm?:17 Nln,m 1r1? N?:I7-?, ... n,m1 N?" r.,t.lN vi. 6; .,::tl"'::11-?37 N~t.l N" iv. 25; 11t.l n'l7 rlm,?t.l iv. 28; NrI'N-rllt.l
rlt.lD::1 r:l7?:17 n?m nt.lprl ... m'n ,.,~ vii. 5; l~?~ ... :I7::1.,N rb1rl;' ... ,.,~ n::1'rI" nO,.,b ... rlt.l?t'l'11 1n,,'t.l v. 26-8; le'lb.,'t'nN? ... C'Prl vi. 2;
rI? ::I'rI' vii. 6; r"t.l~ '137 ii. 7; 'll?n," n'tn c?n iv. 2; N't.lt'? '1':17 'l'11':17 nn,nt'rI N? rln'n~ vi. 5; rI::1 n,nm-N' ?::1n-'" N::11-1t.l ?N'l' pOri
n."m nn::1t' Nt.l?l7 'n?, n,.,::1 N'?:I7?' ::1,n' '?37 ·l7'1t.l' n?~l iv. 3I. vi. 24;
'--'
,",nb r.,bO' ::1lJ' N1" (but cf. §6.41) vii. 10; ,.,:I7r1 Nmn
3.2 It is only iitting that the stative should be found accom- ~rI? n::l'rI' r'n::1 rI'''~ ~rIl~?t' vii. 12 (cf. vii. 1,-14); rI,.,N' Nl'I't.l'p
panying a narrative tense-in this case it usually precedes the t'lN ::I::1?, nt.l'prl t'lN' r'l.,-?:I7' ••• n?'~l' rI'Ell ,~,.,t.l-., ,:17 ••• rI? .,t'l-" rb1'
rI? ::1'rI' vii. 4; rl1"37 "iIT"p C37? l'I::1'l'1' vii. 27; Nm::::l't.l '::::1.,0 ?, '~l7'nN
narrative tense and implies logical subordination (see the follow-
"have consulted" vi. 8.
ing paragraphs)-to express circumstances which might more
aptly be described as "anterior" rather than by the term" Neben-
3.4 The Biblical-Aramaic prefixless finite is used to a much
umstande"; for example (note the consistent switchover from
larger extent as a general subordinative form than as a verb in
conjunct participles or pretemporalaorists to narrative imperfects
principal clauses (cf. the Akkadian subjunctive stative, see von
in the Greek versions):
Soden, op. cit. pp. 108,215).
N't.lNP-Tt.l ,n-?:17 n::1.,p ... 'll?rI::1' 't'le., "tm ... ?Ie'l' rIlN 'm., n,."nN
3.41 Thus it appears mainly in (relative or other subordinate)
'll:l7"rI' N'?t.l "t'El, .?-.,t.l~, .•• rIlt.l N37::1N N::1'~' (LXX cXKTj61aCTas Eyw
clauses introduced by the hypotactic particle', (Bauer-Leander,
LlavlTjA Ev TCj) 6pallaTi. .. rrpoCTfjAeoV ... Kat (~TJTOW, 9' Eq>Pl~ev TO rrveVlla
1l0V ... Ked e-r6:paCTCT6v IlE ... Kat rrpoCTfjA60v ... Kat E3TJTOW) vii. 15 - 16 ;
p. 286); instances: ii. 8, 10, 14, 23 ter, 25, 26, 34, 35, 37, 38,41,
r"t.l~ tl'''P (9' Kat rrpOCTEA66VTES eTrrav) vi. 13; ?,nt't.l .rI?.,W l'l.,p, 43,45 his, 48; iii. 2, 12, 23, 24, 25 his, 27 quater, 28 quater, 32, 33;
~rI'r::1 np?o ..• ,.,nN l"P "N' N'l"P::1 n"rI vii. 7-8; iv. h 10, 16 ter, 17, 19, 21, 23, 27, 30; v. 2, 3, II his, 12 his,
14 his, 18, 21, 22, 23, 25; vi. 5, 10, II, 14, 15,23,24,25 his, 26,
cf. also a sequence of statives :
'P'rI ~rI't.l"1-?'1 Nn1,.,N 11r1::1 ,~'t'-" '37 N::Il n':I7.,N? '~t.l-N;' vi. 25. I I quote a modern American translation.

186 18 7
 ON THE USE OF THE TENSES IN THE ARAMAIC OF DANIEL ON THE USE OF THE TENSES IN THE ARAMAIC OF DANIEL

z8; vii. 4 quater, 9 his, II, 19, zo, zz his. Add to these the there is every indication of a non-verbal part of the phrase
following instances where a compound tense is found con- bearing the emphasis:
taining the stative of the copula (§Z.I): v. 19, vii. 19. l"I:I7:J'N r':Jl l"ITn illN-Nl"I ... N"l-N1ll;1 Nl"r.l' l"Il'1l;1l'1 P':J l Nl;Il"I (8' avSpas
3.421 More often than not, the subordinative particle may be TpetS e!3<XAOI-lEV) iii. 24-5; ... l"IIN,,,.'pl;lo 1:1:l!!1~ 1;1:17 1'1":17' N:lI;lr.ll"ll'11N
absent and the hypotactic function may be vested in the tense '1;1 ,l;Il illi NT.., (" as for thee, 0 King, ... , but as for me ... ") ii. 29-30;
form itself, as it is in its Akkadian equivalent. This type of sub- N:lI;I~1;I :I7"l"I :I, l"Il;I N (l"II;IN in predicative absolute state?) ii. 45; l"Il'11 N
ordination is admittedly rare, if the subordinate phrase corre- rnl;l!) NI;I 1'l"II;INI;I"'l":ll 'l'1'N ... C:I70 l'1r.l!!1 N:lI;I~ iii. 10-12; NT~I;I 'r.lN1
sponds to a European" relative" clause (Bauer-Leander, p. 355), l"Il'1El:l1;I '~N ... I;I'n-":ll l":Jll;I, ... N1'l'1NI;I iii. 19-20; ' i 11;1N N":Jl
but is nevertheless attested in more instances than are usually N"l ' i N:J':J!!1 l'r.ll"l l;Ioj:' 'll ,:1:17, 1!!1'~ 1"!!11;1 'P0l"l (T1r.ll"l refers back to
cited: the extraposited predicate; it is they that are now killed and not
Shadrach and the others who meditated murder upon Daniel and his
N:lI;I~ illN l'1'Tn N~l;In l"Ili (8' TOVTO TO EvVrrvlOV 0 e1!5ov eycl» iv. 15;
followers) iii. 22; ' i N:Jl'1:l l"I1i' ... Ni'-'i NO!) n'~ 'l"I1~'j:'-lr.l l'iN:J
C'!!1' (" and this is the writing that was inscribed ") v. 24-5 ; l"I :J
l"I~'j:'N l'1!!1 r~N l"I'l'1!) rl'1!!1 r~N l"I~" :Jl"Ii-'i cl;I~ i:J:S: N:lI;I~ '~i:l':Jl
'~N!!1I;1:1 l;I'oj:' N,1;1,1;1:1 (" in that night B. was slain", €v cn'rnj Tfj VVKTI
~:J:J l'1l'i~:J N"i l'1:17j:':J:J iii. I.
clvalp~) v. 30; l"ITQ cl;ln I;IN'li I;I:I:J 11;1r.l '~N!!1I;1:Jl;Il"I'n l'11!!1:J vii. I;
(l'1'r.ll;ln '~i:l:l1 cl;ln '~i:l:l1 l'1':lI;lr.l~ C'l'1!!1 l'11!!1:J' ii. I.)
(Bauer-Leander mention only the first portion of the relative
clause, rl'1!!1 r~N l"I~", as an example of this type.) The stricto Add to these some instances of compound tenses with stative
sensu relative construction may serve (cf. the ne.'{t paragraph) to copula:
characterize the antecedent of the clause as the (logical) pre- NI;I~r.l' ... 1':1 N1l"1 Nr.l":J l"Il'1l;1l'1 11r.lT vi. II; 'il'1W l"I1l"1 N!!1r.l!!1 '1;I:I7r.l ,:17,
dicate:! '~N~I;I T1l'1lr.l(,)m l"Il'1'M!!11 l"I:J,:l l"Il;Ir.l ii. 9 (in this case, the l"Il111;1~l"Il;I vi. 15; N'l"I l"Il'1N !!11N ,:1:> vii. 13; 1;1:> l"Il;I-:ll"I' " Nl11:1'-1r.l'
Greek translator utilizes inversion to express the same notion: 8' rl;ln" r:l7NT "l"I N'l!!1~ N'r.lN N'r.lr.l:17 v. 19; and often l'1"l"I ilTn or l'1"il
pf)~cx I.fIEVOSS Kcxi OlE<peCXp~EvOV crwEeEcr6e Elmiv Evw'lTl6v ~ov). 1;I!:)l'1W followed by "N' ("N') or '!:) i:17 introducing the predicate
3.422 The particleless subordinative clause is, however, much (Bauer-Leander, pp. 286f.).
more frequent in cases of "general subordination" as distinct
The stative, as might be expected, exercises one more function
from cases of relative construction. We have here the type of the
of a "second" tense, namely, to serve as the verbal form used in
phrase coupee (" cleft sentence ")2 whose antecedent (logical pre-
questions,! a fact already noticed by Bauer-Leander, pp. z86, 34 8.
dicate) is not a zero case (nominative or accusative) noun, but
As a matter of fact, all questions in the Book of Daniel, referring
another part of the sentence or the predication as a whole. In
these cases, the stative may be interpreted as the non-predicative to past events, are either construed in the form of a relative
(" second ")3 verbal tense within a narrative sequence. The clause, naturally including a stative (J'I!:)l:lT'!!1' ' i ill;lN N'il-~'
examples to be adduced exhibit the usual circumstances in which
ill. 15, cf. the particleless relative clauses depending upon an
interrogative pronoun in Ezra v. 3, 9), or else simply contain the
non-predicative verb forms are likely to appear: they contain
antitheses; a portion of the phrase is repeated and therefore not verb in stative (l'1i:J:17 ilr.l ill;l '~N" iv. 32, 1l'1':lMh 1;I!;l;il ••• 1ill;lN vi. 2. I).
3.423 The stative being essentially subordinative, adverbs whose
the predicate; certain parts of the phrase are extraposited, or-in
force is otherwise demonstrative may acquire a relative function,
more general terms-inversion has taken place: 4 as a whole,
if the verb by which they are followed is a (subjunctive) stative. 2
I Cf. for this and the following: Polotsky, Etmies de !}ntaxe copte (Publica-
This applies in particular to third person statives, that is, forms
tions de la Societe d'archeologie copte, 1944), 2cme etude (in particular, whose nominal origin had not yet been completely obliterated
pp. 53-64), and my own article in Museum He/vencum, XIV (1957),133 ff. by the addition of an agent suffix. The adverbials alluded to are
2 Cf. Jespersen, Modern English Grammar, VII, 147 ff., and Museum He/ve- in the first place l'iN(:I) (in that case) "when, as because", -1;1:>
ncum, XIV (1957), 134.
3 Cf. references quoted in note I on this page. I Cf. Polotsky, op. cit. p. 31, and Museum He/veticum, XIV (1957), 149.
4 Cf. Polotsky, op. cit. p. 30, and Museum He/veticum, XIV (1957), 148. 2 a. von Soden, GrundriJ der akkadischen Grammatik, p. 108.

188 18 9
 ON THE USE OF THE TENSES IN THE ARAMAIC OF O.\NIEL ON THE USE OF THE TENSES IN THE ARAMAIC OF DANIEL

iiJi l;>::Ip "as, because", ~li;1W-ii:J, ~m')T-ii:J, ll.l:J "at the time as, \Vith -,:
when". Although the Greek versions slavishly render these N'IJ':JM1 11P~l Nli11 I ... iii:J1il' 'IJNi N')W ~~P' 0l:J N:J'IJ iili ':JP-'::l
adverbs almost without exception by T6TE, there are some cases r'~pli~ (8' f3O:v1i\Ev5 EV ev~0 Ko:i 6pyiJ ... ) ii. 12-13; ),)iiii Nli'~ l'iN
where the subjunction of the phrase is shown by a conjunct N:Jl;>~-l1~ N),):J' ,),) l;>N'J1' I ?N'li' 1"'N ii. 15-16; iili':J' 'N'li riN
participle, indicating, if not syntactic structure, at least that part ),)i'ii N11'~ .•. ii'lln" I 'T~ ii. 17; I NM1' l'~ii NWl' ... ")'):J "ii1 ••• 'pi l'1N::I
of the narrative which the translator considered either main or 11il? n:Jlitzm-Nl;> '11N-':J1 ii. 35; .•• iltl'Wii1 iI'-:Jii' •.• jlli~' '::1, ... N:J'r.l1'iN
subordinate. The analysis suggested here is supported by the fact NlI:J 'N'm I (LXX 80V5 ... ~Eyo:MvO:5) ii. 48-9; n',w 'il'~iP-1~ l'iN::I
that in quite a number of cases the transition from the stative to O'W' iili N:Jli:J1 I N1'-'i NO~ v. :'4; I N:J'~-')') 1Wl'il T'N ... N':J'O l'1N
the following verb is found to be asyndetic, and we have every ii' r'~N p' vi. 7; N:J'~-01P l"~N' I ,:J',P l'iN:J vi. 13; I '1)') riN:I
N:J'~ e1p l"~N' vi. 14; ... OW 'N'11 ,~, I 'ii1l;>;1 WN:I N'lW ... N:J'~ l'iN
reason to ascribe the function of the hypotactic syndesis to the
(i\VTIOV~EVOS) vi. 15; N~'IJl;> l"IJN1 I N::l'IJ-'lI 1Wl'il 1'N N":Jl l'iN:J
adverb which has thus become subordinative. Where there is a
conjunction between the stative and the following phrase, it is
vi. 16; I
'N'11 P\?t1, ... iipOlii' '~N l;>N'l1" 'iI"),) :JN~ N'lW N:J'~ l'iN:J
vi. 24; I
i"~ NW1~-lIJ' ':!t11:J':ll-?)') 1'1~O Nli?~ NZ1:!)W-ii:J iv. 30; TlI:;"
in these cases invariably -1, which may consequently be con- l"ii:J-N" I ...
N'~':Jn '~1P ~~~~ v. 15; N:lli:;' UW1 ... N:J'~ iili ':JP-':J
sidered introductory of the main clause, as often in Biblical- I
1':J N'ii N~i':l j1li'111'l~T1 ... illi'::J' ';1 ... 'N'li' N'ON1 vi. 10-11.
Hebrew, or postpositive, like Akkadian ma (cf. Biblical~Aramaic
Add the instances of the stative copula with participle:
ii1li, Nm'N: Biblical-Hebrew ii~li, l~l'N).
Without -1: I
N::>'~' ii:l N"li' n1'-'1 ':JP-':J I ...
N':J'O-l;>;1 n~lli~ i11ii ill' ?N'li l'1N
Nli'::>'~-?:J-')') illi1~Piil;> l'l'W31 vi. 4; M:JWii' iil;!~ l'31:J "i1 ... N':J,O l'1N
'~N' iill) ," .l1liN l)'lil;> '~n:J':Jl :J'R l'iN::I (LXX TIpoo"EMwv) iii. z6; ii"::>llm, r':J'-N' ... il?)')-?~' I ... ?N'li' vi. 5·
iil;>-'~N p' ~TN ," .,i"N-'l) ~l) ~N'li iili ~:Jp-~:J (LXX Eio"Ei\6wv 81:
llavllli\) ii. 24; ""N~ '~N' iill) ," .,"'N? ... Ntl;1 :J'liii ?N'li i'iN::! 3.43 There is a residue of two instances in the stative, not yet
ii. 14-15; '~N1 ... iill) ,N'~W ii~N? ,,::1 ?N'li l'iN ,'?l NT' ... ~N'li? l'iN classified under any of the above headings:
ii. 19-zo; N:J?~ iill) , .•. iI?-'~N 1:J' ••• ?N'n? ?;11ii ••. 1"'N l'iN ii. Z 5-6; l;>~1l'1.'~W-l~ 'P N:J?IJ u~:I Nli?~ 1111 iv. z8.
'~N' .•• N:JI;>~ iil;1 ,ii? ii:JOl? ,~~ .•• iinlm i~O ?N'li?i ••• ?~l •.• N:J?~ 1'iN::I
It seems to me that the stative is here again subordinative,
(LXX mO"wv) ii. 46-7; , ... "li'ii ••. 1'iN:J ,'" ii'li'ii? '~N ••. ':!t1i:J':Jl l'iN:J
'r.lNi '~l1:Ji:J1 iil;1 iii. 13-14; i1liWN 'ii1!:llN e?:!t' N~n "~liii ':!t1i:J':Jll'iN:J
forming a phrase of the (tIJlI im'el'StfIIJ-type: "There was still the
'r.lN1 iil;1 ,'" iii. 19; -':J ,'" N'ill'liN-N'l, 1'~'i .•. 'li~:J 1'N N":Jl 1'iN:J word in his mouth, when a voice came down."
J1~ii 'tlp •. '1'N N":Jl ,ii"li' iiTN NliliNi ii~:!tn~ N:J'~ li'r.l 'i-l~ iili ':JP ii'~P11iil;> 'il":Jn1 'N'l1 131:1' l"tlpM N'~':Jn1 liP!:)l N1'l1' ii. 13.
N:J':JW 111. ZI-2; '~N1 iil;1 ," .epi ii1li ... ':!tli:J1:Jl 1'iN iii. 24; riN:J
This phrase is utterly obscure and probably corrupt; it also con-
••• N'~~;1-':J' N:J'~ ':!t1i:J1:Jl ,':J:J lil'1~:J 1)3 i::l;1, 1W'~ ,'iW' ii':!tii N:J'~
(LXX E~ovO"iav 80vs) iii. 30-1; ,iil'ii:J' 'iil';1'1 ... r:J~1liWN ... 'N'li riN
tradicts a rule to be stated below (§6.p). Strack, Gral!lJJJatlk des
'~Ni N:J'~ iil;1 iv. 16; i'liWN ," .liii:J "liWNi ... N::Iiii 'lNr.l 1'I'1'ii l'iN:J Bib/tsch-AralJ/aisdm, vocabulary, s.v. NlI:I, wonders whether the
'" N::Iiii 'ii'N' 1n:JW1 N'~n v. 3-4; iil;1 ,N:J?~ eip ?~~ ,N'li riN:J sense be not TlIJEi\i\OV cmoKTElvECJ6aJ [deb. CmOKTEVVECJBaJ? H.B.R.],
'~~ti N:J'~ v. 13; !:lip pnn~1 ii),):J ,'N'J" in:JWii1 iWl'iI 1'N N":Jl l'iN comparing N'HT;11:t7 N~~1 N't71:t1 Targ. Jo;;. i. 4·
iiil?N vi. I z; N:J?~ iil),) ,'" N:Jl' i~'i ,N'li' "li'ii1 'r.lN N:J'~ l'iN:J
'r.lN, vi. 17; liil iilillL'1 'iI'~iP ?;1Jii-N' l1ni' liitl li:J1 .•• N:J'r.l 'TN l'iN 4- There is, of course, an objection that may be raised in view
,N'n, N:Jl' ii:J'p~~' ,'TN ... N:Jl' iI'iI:Jliil:J' ... e1p' ... N:J'~ 1'iN::I ,'tT1?;1 of the foregoing statements. The preformative tense, as stated"
... '~Ni N:J?r.l iil;1 ,P;1!' .. vi. 19-2 I ; "~N:J?~-e),) ?N'li l'iN (?) vi. zz; above, is of narrative-constatative nature; we should therefore
11'1i1 ilm ,'" N11';1':J' N11,'n ?),) N:J:!t'? 11':J:!t 1'iN vii. I 9-Z I ; [iil1 ':JP ?:JJ expect to see it precluded from use as a future or volitive, in-
1"r.lNi '1;1 ,N'1'iI' 'i l'ii':!t'P "::>N1 ..• 1":J1 ,::I,P ~UIJT-ii:J (LXX TIp0o"Ei\66v- stances of \vhich appear in so many passages that an enumeration
TES) iii. 8-9; N"":J ii:J ,'" N11l'N 'N'11' ,w':J'ii1 ':!tNW':J '~N 1'1N:J seems to be superfluous. Similarly, the participle fulfils the
':!tNW':J ,'tlP v. z9-30.1 function of a narrative tense, yet at the same time it frequently
I The phrase introduced by the particle -, reports the contents of the
has "present" meaning-again a fact borne out by a wealth of
command; d. Bauer-Leander, op. cit. pp. 351 f. examples. In certain syntactic frames, for example in some types
19° 19 1
 ON THE USE OF THE TENSES IN THE ARAMAIC OF DANIEL
ON THE USE OF THE TENSES IN THE ARAMAIC OF DANIEL
of subordination, a stative tense seems to be capable of being
We are not as yet able to state whether the "tempus instans"
used just as well as a compound tense. In attempting to assign
belongs in the category of present or future.
specitic conditions to the use of the various tenses, we seem to be
6.2 The following synopsis will show the inventory of verb
faced by an extreme latitude of usage.
However, the impression of confusion vanishes if we take into forms in Daniel, classified into linear and point verbs, the q!il
stem excepted (see §§ 3,6.4). Attested forms are marked +. We
account a fact alluded to in discussing the narrative function of
have included no verbs that cannot be assigned to either group
the preformative tense and the compound statives (§§ I, 2.1):
because of insufficient evidence (for example, being attested only
both these forms were found to be limited to verbs of a durative
lexical meaning. Closer inspection shows that the two narrative in the infinitive or the imperative, or only in participial forms of
forms are not used indiscriminately with all such verbs. It can purely nominal function). The prohibitive N" followed by a pre-
be shown that there is a rather neat distinction in Daniel between formative tense has not been considered proof of the point
(I) verbs whose narrative tense is the participle, whose future- character of the verb. Nor have we included the instances of the
volitive is preformative and whose subordinative is a simple preformative tenses found in the various hymns, prayers or ac-
stative, and (2) verbs whose participle denotes a present, whose counts of visions, of poetical character (ii. 20-3; iii. 33; iv. 74),
preformative tense is narrative, and which supply the rest of 11-14, 31-2 ; vi. 27- 8 ; vii. 9-IO, 13-14, 23-7; viii. 23-6). Both
their forms (subordinative and future-volitive) by means of com- in vocabulary and the use of the tenses (for example, the" time-
pound tenses containing the copula in the corresponding tense less" preformative tense, etc.), these passages show a wealth of
hebraisms (some of the hymns are also included in the Hebrew
forms. We may tentatively term the tirst group "point aspect"
verbs to contrast them with the other class-the "linear" class. portions of the book of Daniel). The designations of the various
tenses will be abridged as follows: S = stative, Pt = participle as
5 Before we check the validity of the assertion concerning the narrative tense, Pp = periphrastic present, Pf = preformative
aspectual separation of the two verb classes, we must call atten- tense (for point verbs); P = periphrastic perfect, Pn = preforma-
tion to the fact that we have not yet indicated what corresponds tive tense as narrative tense, Pr = participle as present, Fp = peri-
in the "point" class to the present tense of the "linear" verbs, phrastic future (for linear verbs).
denoted by the participle. The present of the "point" aspect 6.21 Point aspect verbs:
verbs is formed by the copula-if this term is suitable-'l"l'N com-
bined with the participle: QtaI /' HiBq/l1 1 Qa!tiI I tt
(H)i6qa al 1 (H)aq!fl r (H)oq!al I faq!il
,~ ,----A------, ,----A------, ,---A-----, ,---A-----, ,----A------, ,---A-----,
l'""El Nll'1'N-N" ,'il"N" iii. 18; P'l"ll7 P:;)'l"l'N Til 1l7:;) iii. 15; il"N 'l"l'N Root PfPp Pt S PfPp Pt S PfPp Pt S I PfPp Pt S PfPp Pt S PfPp Pt S PfPp Pt S
T'r'1 il"l N'~!I):J ii. 28; 'll'1l7"il" "il:;) ,'l"l'Nil ii. 26. i:JN + +
"TN +
While "l"ll7 is a hapax legoIJ'lCI1On, other verbs usedi n these ":;)N + +1
forms, ""E), "il:;), have been shown to belong to the "point" class ~N
'~N + +
+
by virtue of the examples mentioned above for the narrative *Nl"lN +
!l)N:J +
participle. +
"il:J +
6. 1 We are, therefore, in a position to set up two separate N3:J
tense paradigms, paradigmatically exhibited for the verbs
*Nl7:J +
,,:J
+ : I +
"dwell" (linear) and" fall" (point): n'1l +
Linear aspect verb Point aspect verb 'U +1
N"l +
Future-volitive '1N1 Nj!;l~ "~7 ppi + + + +
Present '1Ni "Ell 'l"l'N 'iil + +
Narrative-constatative '1~'~ .. ~Ell T
N'il +
Su bordinative 'N1 N~ci
19~·
(also perfect) ,,~~ l!lT
i'l7T
I3
:1
193 SSVIii
 ON THE USE OF THE TENSES IN THE ARAMAIC OF DANIEL ON THE USE OF THE TENSES IN THE ARAMAIC OF DANIEL

~
Qtal Hi&qlil
~ ~ ~ ~
Qattil (H)i6qattal (H)aq~il (H)oqtal faqtil
,------A---, ,--A--.,
Qtal HiIJq!il I Qaltil 1 (H)i6qallal I (H)aq!il I (H)oqt I
,--A-----., ,--A-----., ,--A-----., ,--A-----., ,--A-----., ,--A-----., ,--A-----.,
al Saqtil

Root Pf Pp Pt S PfPpPtS PfPpPtS PfPpPtS PfPpPtS PfPpPtS PfPpPtS Root Pf Pp Pt S Pf Pp Pt S Pf Pp Pt SIPf Pp Pt S Pf Pp Pt S pf Pp Pt S Pf Pp Pt S

':l" + + *'1:l» + + +
+ iI'1» + + + +
N'" + ,,» 1+
*NTn + + + + +1 +
ill»
~'"
+ + +
ll" + '~» 1 +
+ + + +
10" " D
1'"
!;ittm +
+ O'D
'tDD
?
+
r::m" + *':lS + +
:lNt1 + »:lS +
C»t1 + "'S +
'1,t1 + ':li' + +
*»'1' + + + + *C'i' + + + 1+ + +1 +
:lil' + +
+ +
't1P +' I +
:It'' ~Sp +
'::l' + + + + N'i' + + +
~O' :l'P + +
tl»'
:In' +
+
an,
iI:l' + +
+
'iI::l + + C" + + +
tDl::l
nD::l +
+
T"'
iI~' + +
+
N'::l + »», + +'
T'::1 + OD' +
:In::l + CtD, + +
tD:l' + + 'N17 + +
N"~ + + ":lU7> + +
Ntl~' + p:l17 +
N'~
,,~
+
+ +
+ tD:l17
NliD +
I 1 +
Nm + + 'W ?I +
'111 + c,iD
'1'1l :1+
+ "::l17 +1 1+ +
nnl + + "'17 +
'tll + t1'17 + + +
'tll + C'17 +
'Dl + + + C~17 +
~Dl + + + *»~17 + + + +
Sl + *Nl17 + + + +
+1+
tDpl + *'D17 1 +
NtDl + 'D17 + +
lnl + 'n17 + + +
,nl + :l,n 1 +
'110 + + + mn +
'10 + 'pn +
+ + li'n
XO
i' 0 + + + + ~pn +
1 +

I The preformative tense in iv. 17, 18, being a quotation from the I Mqa!!al participle.
account of the vision (cf. above), is neglected. 2 The participle in the hymn ii. 23 is neglected.
194 19S I3-2
 ON THE USE OF THE TENSES IN THE ARAMAIC OF DANIEL
ON THE USE OF THE TENSES IN THE ARAMAIC OF DANIEL

Linear aspect verbs: clear lexical differentiation between the two systems. Moreover,
6.22
the roots which may exhibit this phenomenon belong to one or
QfaI I
Hi6q/el I
Qattil I
(H)i6qa//al I (H)aq/el I
(H)oq!al I Saqtil
,---"-----, ,---"-----, ,---"-----.. r---"-----.. r---"-----.. r---"-----.. ~
two well-defined semantic classes: (a) verba sentiendi: mn, "'-'
Root Fp Pr Pn P Fp Pr Pn P Fp Pr Pn P Fp Pr Pn P I Fp Pr Pn P Fp Pr Pn P Fp Pr Pn P ""ii, Nl7::1, "~lT); (b) physical and psychical activities (including
*NnN + verbs of motion): '::l:S, ,::1", N1'IN, C1P; (c) physical conditions: N~,
~iI::1 + '~';l, '!:lWii.
*N"::1 + + +I +
,,::1 + (a) iiTn point, transitive: linear, intransitive: "have a
P::1., +
".,
~n., +
+ +
+1 +
"see, 6pav, loeiv" vision, have the power of
seeing, 6ecupeiv, j3AE1TEIV":
'~iI + +
l::1T + W"P' ,'l7 N::I'!l iim " (LXX rl7" N" l'l7~W N" l'Tn N' "
lm + + eT5e" 8' eT5e) iv. 20 (j3AE1Tovcnv) v. 23
*Nm + +
N'n + iim c,n 'N'l'... l1lW::1 (eT5EV) vii. I 1'I"ii mn N:I'IJ iil'llN (8' e6Ewpe1S,
N" + LXX EWPCXKas) ii. 3I
*".,.pfl +
+ + + +
n'm (-,) (N)~'n (eT5ov) ii. 26, iv. 2, •., ,l7 1'I'ii ;,Tn (e6ewpow) ii. 34,
mu + 6, 15 vii. 4, 9, 1 I
*,::1l7 + + N,t,£) (ii)n'm ., (8' eloes, LXX ("N1) "N1 1'I"ii ;,Tn (e6ewpow) iv. 7,
::1,l7 +
*'::1~ + EWpCXKaS ii. 41, 43 vii. 6
»::1~ + (ii::1') N"~~" n'Tn-" (eioes) ii. 45, (N"-' Cl7 ,N"") 'WN' '1Tn::1 1'I"iI iim
N~:lt + (e6ewpow) iv. vii.
iv. 17 10, 2, 7, 13
*c,p + +
~~P + N::11'1::1 " N" O£) Nm N:I'~' (LXX ::l'P N'::117 •.• Nl'P' n'1ii iiTn (8'
c"IT)
,'~::IfD +
+ eT5e, 8' e6ewpel!!) v. 5 e6ewpovv) vii. 2I

N'TN-" lwm (8' eiOETE, LXX

+
*l7~1!'l + Ecup6KaTe) ii. 8
*Nl1!'l + + + iil7::1'N r'::1l mn iilN-Nii (6p&) iii. 25
*~£)1!'l +1 +
:11n + l7IJW point, transitive: "hear" : linear, intransitive: "have
the power of hearing" :
6.31 A significant observation resulting from the above tables
is that in quite a number of cases, different verbal stems of the
l7IJW Nn'IJ " N:I'IJ r'N vi. 15 rl7" N" rl7IJW N" rm N' " v. 2;
,::1 1'iI'N m, " "'l7 '1'I"IJVJ1 v. 16
same root possess different aspectual value. In a number of cases,
a stem formation of transitive character will be of "point" Nl'P 'P N'IJIJl7-':I r"IJW ',:1 iii. 7
aspect, in contrast to a "linear" intransitive: ,,::1 q/al, linear I Nl'P 'P l7IJVJ' " IT)lN-':I iii. 10

qa/# point, 'iI::1 hifJqa//al linear I qa/# point, ::1,1'1 qtal linear I Nl,P 'P 7117~lT)1'I " Nl'17::1 iii. 5, 15
haqtel point; but in some cases there is another relation: 'tlP
hi6qat/al point I q/allinear; l7::1:lt hi6qa//al point / qa.ttillinear, c"
q/al, qa/#, hi6qa//al point / haqtellinear. The qtal-reflexive hi6qtel
and the borrowed faqtil are never linear.
6.32 Much more significant are the few cases where the same
stem formation of anyone root may appear in a linear as well as
in a point tense paradigm (marked * in the synopsis). There is a
196 197
 ON THE USE OF THE TENSES IN THE ARAMAIC OF DANIEL ON THE USE OF THE TENSES IN THE ARAMAIC OF DANIEL

N»'::I point, transitive: I "de- linear, intransitive: "pray, point, causative of fore-
37"il linear, causative of forego-
mand, &~IOW, CdTEiv": seek, lfpocreO)(ea6al, 3T]TEiv": going: "inform, CTTJ!Ja{VEIV, E1T1- ing: "impart knowledge of... ,
SE1KVVEIV" etc.: 6T]AOVV":
N::l';!~-~ N»'::I' ?»' ?N'l' (";~ICilaev) ill1'37::1 N17::1 N~'-::I ill1?11 r1~n (e' -?jv
ii. 16 TIpoCTEV)(6IJevos) vi. 14 ?N'l'? 1".,N 17"il NI1?~ (LXX '33:17"il' N'?~ ,n, (LXX ES';AOOO"E,
11~ N1'»'::I-" 'lr1»"'il p7::l, (";~ICilC7a, ?N-1'? iln::llt'il? •• r17::1 "il (e' E3';-
ecr,;IJCXVEV, e' EyvWP10"E) ii. 15 e' EyvWP10"E) vii. 16
";~lwC7alJev) ii. 2; TOVV 1Tp&paC71v evpeiv) vi. 5 17"il NI1?~ ••• il'33n?, (LXX E1TE-
Sel~e, e' EyvwplC7e), cf. ii. 2;,28, 29,
ilil?N C'P llnl1~' il»'::1 (&~loOvra Ka\ ill'-?::l-?17 il1~ N17::1N N::I'3" (E3';-
Se6lJevov) vi. 12 TOVV) vii. 16 45, iv. 4, v. 17, etc., etc.; II. 17
il?N-?::l-T~ '»'::1 N»'::I'-" ';!::l (Os &v
alTJiCTIJ aiTT]lJa) vi. 8 (b) ,::1:17 point, transitive with linear, intransitive or tran-
il?N-"::l-~ N37::1'-" It'lN-?::l (os &v effected object: "make, con- sitive with internal object:
aITtiCTIJ) vi. I; ftcere" : "do,facere, agere":
37" point, transitive: "recog- linear, sometimes intransi- ... ••• .,31'::l'::I1 ill.
tJ?3 '::137 I N'~lt' ?'n::l '::I~ il'::I3~::l' iv. .3 2.
nize, understand, yvoovat": tive: "have the power of Nil?N '~:17 ,::1»' " N'il~m N'I1N ill. ;2 ill' n~'p-l~ ,~~ N,+,1.-" vi. 1I
intelligence, know, elSeval, ::I., cn? ,::1:17 N::l?~ v. 1 ril~n' rnN ,::1:17, vi. 2.8 1
Y1VW01<E1V" : ::I.,P N'::I:17 l::l' N1.,p, vii.
11'::1:17 il~ iv. ; 2. 2. I

37'311 " ~ ,N'?37 ~'?w " 31'311 " '37 r17" N?' r17~lt'-N?' rm-N? " (ou 11'::1:17-" N~?3 ill. I 5
~'?w-" 37"-" '37 ,N'~lt' Ttl'?w " YIVWC7KOVC7IV) v. 2; 11'::1:17 N? il?'::In vi. 2.3
il?N (~ws ou fyvCil, yv4ls) iv. 22, 2;, NlN »'T' ::I'3--T~ (oISa) ii. 8
29, v. 2.1 N::lWM::I il~ 31'- ... N~il (YIVWC7KCilV) '::13 point: "decide, 6eAelv, linear: " wish, like, !30VAe-
N::II1::l C'V1-" 37" ',::l ?N-1" (9' ii. 2.2. S6~al T1V!": a6at":
fyvCil) vi. II
N::I3'? n'::I3 r'N (i't6ei\ov) vii. 19 N::I3 mil-'" 1;I~p mil N::I3 N'il-"
1137'- il1'-?::l -, ?::IP-?::l (e' fyvws)
illll1' N::I3' "-~?' (4) £O:v S6~1J) iv. ••• C'''~ mil N::I3 il'il-'" Nn~ mil
v. 22.
",t)w mil (";(30vi\eTo) v. 19
14, 22., 29
1::1 ••• m., -, 1137" il1N (LXX fyvoov)
iv.6 il'?17 C-Pil- N::I3' "-~?' (4) &v
S6~) V. 21
'331nill1 il.,n -, 37'lN' (yvwC70IJal)
ii. 9 NnN point: "come, V-6eiv" linear: "tread, walk, ap-
37'311 1::1::1? '31'37'" (e' iva yv4lS) proach, epxea6at":
;0
ii.
N'''n Tl37'3'--' 11.,::1'-'37 (iva YVCOO1V) N'~" p'n:17 ilnN-" ,:17 (LXX ~ws
TOO e;>..6eiv, e' ~ws ou -?jA6ev) vii. 22.
I
vii.
NJi:! ilnN It'lN .,::I::l (e' epx6IJEVOS -?jv)
13
iV.I4

I The dubious passage ii. I;, contradictory to the statement made here, I Is this a hebraism in a hymn?
is left out of consideration, see § 3.43.

199
19 8
.I
 ON THE USE OF THE TENSES IN THE ARAMAIC OF DANIEL ON THE USE OF THE TENSES IN THE .ARAMAIC OF DANIEL

t:I1p point: "be upset, get on linear: "stand, get up, 6:vcr- 'EllVil point: "humbl e, TcrTIEI- linear: " humiliate, TcrTIEI-
one's feet, establish oneself": O"Tfjval, Op6Plcra!, EcrTaVa!": vwcral" : -
vovv " :

N~~:S ~:J.p~ r~Np' (probably: "rose 1':JP~ ONp ••• N~~:S (8' EOTwcra) 1:J::I' 1"I'Elttlil t6 (8' OUK haml- ~Ottl~ N'il N:J:S N'il-'" (hamlvov)
in presence of ... "), iii. 3, cf. vii. 10 ii. 3 I vwO"as) v. 22 v. 19
l'~'P' 'i11~iP lp1 ill" (mpIEIOTT]- Ni1ll:J o'p' N1010lV:J N::J~~ (LXX (?) ~Elttlil' p~~ ilTl'1"I1 (TaTrElvwcrEI)
KEIO"av alJT0) Wp6pIUE, 8' avEOTl)) vi. 20 vii. 24
il~il:J.1'li1:J. op, i111"1 N::J~~ (8' E~avE-
0Tl)) iii. 24 6.4 Finally, the q!il stem must be dealt with in conjunction with
lil'1l1N O'p' l1nN' l'~P' r::J~~ il1ttl37 the hi6qjel, which serves as a suppletive formation for the former
(8' avaOTT]O"oVTaJ) vii. 24 in the case of point aspect verbs. This is indicated by the follow-
l'~'P' p~~ il37:J1N (8' 6:vaOTT]crov- ing facts:
Tal) vii. 17 (I) No hi6qtel stative is attested from any verb which has a
O'P1"l N'i11 ••• '1nN '::J~~ O'P1"l 11Tl:J' qtil stative; we conclude that the 1Ji6qjel performs a suppletive
N'~~37~ (avaOTijO"ETaJ. .. ou [ola-] function where there is no qfil.
<p6apT]O"ETaJ) ii. 39-44 (2) A linear q!il could do without the preformative tense
(ordinarily narrative in function), while the rest of the tense
category is borne out by the copulas all connected with only one
(c) Nlttl point: "be deformed, linear: "be different": single form, the participle. For the point q!il, on the other hand,
distinguish oneself, 6:7\i\OJOV- it was necessary to express the contrast between the tenses
crBa!" : normally expressed by the opposition participle vs. stative.
llttl N, l'il'~:J1tl' (OUK i]Molw61l- l1il':J-~ il;t~ 1"I'il-'i (8' chi i'jv Owing to the almost general homophony of these two q/il forms,
[crav]) iii. 27 OIO:<P0POV) vii. 19 the narrative was dropped, except for nIae N, , roots, in a
('il"37 l'llV) 'i11llV 'i11'f (iji\i\OIW~)
manner corresponding to what has been said about the linear
v. 6, 9 verbs. But the preformative tense was supplied from the
'N'li:J ,:J:S NllV1"I-N' 'i (8' OTrWS J..lT]
hi6q!el; examples will be shown below.
aAi\OIw6ij) vi. I 8 (3) There is no linear hi6qtel. Moreover, it will be shown that
point tense forms of the qtil exist, if the corresponding active
N1"I~~'~-'::J-l~ NllV1"I 'i (8' \ITrEPE~EI,
LXX OIOIO"E1) vii. 23
verb has point aspect, and correspondingly linear tense forms, if
it has linear aspect. The same applies to the hi6qte!.
.~~ point: "alter", (idiomati- linear: "be markedly differ- In the following synopsis, qtil forms will be considered to be
cally)! "contravene, 6:6ETfjcrcrl": ent, sIVa! OIO:<pOpOV TrEp1crcrwS": participles or statives according to the usual classification.
6.41 Qtil-hi6qrel of point verbs; cf. the synoptic table §6.21 for
"lttl N:J'~ 1"1~~' (LXX ij 6ETllcrav, 8' I NTlJ'n-':J-l~ il'llV~ N'il' (8' OIO:<POpOV the point character of the corresponding qtal (or sometimes
iji\i\olwuav) iii. 28 mplcrcrws) vii. 7 qattil) stems:
I Like il~T?i "contravene" in biblical and post-biblical Jewish usage (cf. 'fN (IIIae " N): il1'1"I' i1!~ Nl'1"IN' (E~EKaV~) iii. 22
J. J. Rabinowitz in Eretz-Yisrael, III, 134; in the same sense KCXTCXAAOO"O"EIV in 11l: l:JN 1"I1tl1"lNjil ii. 34, 45
a fourth-century B.C. inscription, aMo~cxl l.Wach. I. I. 50.
'73 (IlIae " N): '7.,t NT1 ii. 19, 30
'tn (IIIae ., N): (?) il'T~' i1!t1 ' i ~37 iii. 19
'1~: ".,'" NlVlN ('l:J)-l~' iv. 30, V. 21
::lil' : ::I'il' vii. 4, 6, 12, 14, 22

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ON THE USE OF THE TENSES IN THE ARAMAIC OF DANIEL ON THE USE OF THE TENSES IN THE ARAMAIC OF DANIEL

l'1~::I: ,:n~::I iii. 2I 6.42 Qti! of linear verbs; cf. table §6.22:
Nl;l?J: N?Jn '71?J;lil '3li::lm ]'iN::I iii. 19 ,.,::1: ,.,i\l) ' i l'iIi1'N ,'.,::1 (EVAOY11TOs)
Nl?J (IIIae " N): l;li?T;l N~I? N~I? v. 25 iii. 28
i::l:l7: ml1lD' ,l;l'l ill1'::I' i::l:l7l1' l'?Jiil iii. 29 ,Mi: iI.,'l1' iI"ni ••• 111i1-'i vii. 19
.,::11'1: iI.,'::Irl N'ilrl iIl?J' ii. 42
l'?J\I)l1' ,l;l'l71::l'l1::1' 1'i::l:l7l1l1 j'?Jiil ii. 5
:l7i': ,'-N'iI' :I7'i' iii. 18
il'1:17: l'i'l1Y l'::I'l1'N 1i1 1:17::1 ii. I 5
N"\I): N'11V iI?J:17 N.,'iIl' (8' !-lET' aVTOV
O"~: ,11'::Il;l?J 110'''~
(LXX GVVTET\.l11Tal, ~o-rIV) ii. 22
8' 0I1JP11Ta!) v. 28
n1'1~: 'n'l1~ l'''~O' ::IJ:l' Nl'i (stative sup- 6.43 The following paradigm may consequently be set up for
plying narrative tense?) vii. 10 the simple stem passive, presented here for the roots "1, 1:1'\1), .,U,
In'1'1~ in ill;l1n'l1~ 1"::1' iI 1'1 '::I , ,:17 is ,.,::1 (cf. the paradigm §6.I):
nominal vi. I I
Linear Point
l;l~p: .,:::tN\I)':l "~p N'l;l"::1 iT::I v. 30 Future-volitive "!J'"!~ Nm'? 1:I~T;l;, "P,\!:, '7~J;l;
N111'n l1"~P 'i i:17 vii. I I Present T"!~ 1:1'~ 'O'~, iI?~ 'l}'1;t
N.,p: ,.,Pl1' 'N'li 1:17::1 v. 12 Narrative (Illae ., N only) iI~~
Subordinative "!J'"!~ N~t'! (also narrative?) I:I~ or "!~\!ij '7~
yn.,: ';"l;ly ~:::t1J1\!ij 'i iii. 28
'?J., (IIIae " N): 1'?J" ... 'i i:17 vii. 9
N.,'l l'l1N-N'l, ,'?J." ill. 2I

N.,'l-l·t1l' Nl'?J" iTl1'l1 1'.,::11 iii. 24

N.,'l l'l1N-N11' N?J.,l1' iii. 6, II,
vi. 8, 13
OlD.,: 0'\1)" 'i v. 25, vi. I I
0'\1)" iIli N::Il1::11 v. 24
O'lD : O:l7~ 0'\1) ('?Jip-l?J) 'l?J iii. 29, iv. 3,
vi. 27
N::Il 1:1£)-':17 rl1;l~ iTin l::lN rl;~'v'
vi. 18
l1~lDrl' "'1 l'::I'rl::l ii. 5
p::llD: P~T;l~J:l N' l.,nN 1:1:17, iT111::1,IJ, ii. 44
n::llD: rln::lrl\l)iT v. II

nl;llD: Ni'-'i NOD n"\I) 'mIJip-1IJ v. 24,

etc.

202 20 3