A Manual

of Modern
Kannada

ROBERT J. ZYDENBOS
A Manual of Modern Kannada
A Manual of Modern Kannada

Robert J. Zydenbos
Robert Zydenbos is professor of Indology at the Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität
München (LMU Munich), Germany. His main areas of research and teaching are
Indian philosophy and religions, Kannada, and Sanskrit. He has been working with
Kannada-language materials for over 40 years.

Bibliographic information published by the Deutsche Nationalbibliothek

The Deutsche Nationalbibliothek lists this publication in the Deutsche
Nationalbibliografie; detailed bibliographic data are available on the Internet at
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Creative Commons License CC-BY-ND 4.0.

Published by CrossAsia-eBooks,
Heidelberg University Library 2020.

The electronic open access version of this work is permanently available on the
website of CrossAsia-eBooks:
https://crossasia-books.ub.uni-heidelberg.de/xasia
URN: urn:nbn:de:bsz:16-xabooks-736-9
DOI: https://doi.org/10.11588/xabooks.736

Text © 2020 by Robert J. Zydenbos

Cover illustration: Ferdinand Kittel, A Kannaḍa-English dictionary.
Mangalore, 1894. Universitätsbibliothek Tübingen, shelf mark Ci XIV 80 a.
https://doi.org/10.20345/digitue.12651

ISBN 978-3-946742-82-1 (PDF)

ISBN 978-3-946742-84-5 (Hardcover)
ISBN 978-3-946742-83-8 (Softcover)
 Contents

page

Preface ix
What this book is – What this book is not – The Kannada language
(The linguistic significance of the Kannada language – The literary
significance of the Kannada language – The historical significance of the
Kannada language – The contemporary social significance of the
Kannada language – The oldest Kannada literature – Dialects of
Kannada – Kannada script – The Dravidian languages – Kannada and
Sanskrit) – Some concluding remarks

How to Use This Book xxiii

Preliminary Overview xxix

Pronunciation: the phonemic system of Kannada – vocabulary –
grammar – the most important rule of all for the learner

Lesson 1 1
The nominal (copulative or equative) sentence – the main categories of
words – nouns and pronoun – grammatical gender of nouns and
pronouns – first and second person pronouns – the third person – the
honorific plural – ‘trio words’ – grammatical cases – noun classes –
writing compound words conjointly or separately

Lesson 2 23
A note on punctuation marks – sandhi – how to ask questions – ‘yes’
and ‘no’ – the inclusive suffix ū – expressions of comprehensive
negation – the verb iru (to be) – social ritual

Lesson 3 43
Plural suffixes

Lesson 4 49
Grammatical cases: nominative, genitive
vi A Manual of Modern Kannada

Lesson 5 61
Verb classes – the three tenses of the finite verb – negation

Lesson 6 79
Demonstratives – the accusative case – the imperative (hortative) mood

Lesson 7 87
Grammatical case: dative

Lesson 8 97
Grammatical cases: ablative / instrumental, locative – the use of
postpositions

Lesson 9 111
Finite and non-finite verb forms – defective verbs

Lesson 10 119
Other question markers: -ēnu, -ē, -ō – adjectives and adjectival
expressions

Lesson 11 133
Pronominalization – comparatives and superlatives of adjectival
expressions; ‘very’ and ‘too’

Lesson 12 147
The vocative case – gerund – perfect mode – the adverbializing suffix
-āgi

Lesson 13 159
The present participle – continuous mode – the suffix -isu

Lesson 14 165
The relative participle – interrogatives as relative words

Lesson 15 179
Verbal nouns – the infinitive – the use of the infinitive with defective
verbs – negation – how to express identity in an explicit tense

Lesson 16 195
The quotative verb ಎನು· ennu – expressions with ೊತು³ gottu
 Contents vii

Lesson 17 205
How to indicate possession – the negative mood – the potential mood

Lesson 18 217
Impersonal and ‘passive’ verbal constructions – the conditional – the
concessional – verbal expressions of time – verbal expressions of mode –
verbal expressions of place

Lesson 19 233
ella ‘all’ – the ‘aloof’ personal pronouns ātanu / ītanu and āke / īke –
the reflexive pronoun tānu / tāvu – auxiliary verbs – other defective
verbs and idiomatic usages – possibility

Sandhi 253

Numerals 261
Cardinal numbers – ordinal numbers – numerals and persons –
fractions – inclusive expressions – ‘hundreds of’

Strong or ‘Irregular’ Verbs 271

Colloquialisms 279

The Phonemic System and Script of Kannada 285

Key to the Exercises 301

Bibliography 309

General Vocabulary 313

Technical Note 331

Index 333
 Preface

Sign at Bangalore airport. Note that while the official spelling of ‘Bengaluru’ is used
in the lower right-hand corner, the older, better-known spelling is used in the main
message

What this book is – What this book is not – The Kannada language (The
linguistic significance of the Kannada language – The literary significance
of the Kannada language – The historical significance of the Kannada lan-
guage – The contemporary social significance of the Kannada language –
The oldest Kannada literature – Dialects of Kannada – Kannada script –
The Dravidian languages – Kannada and Sanskrit) – Some concluding re-
marks

What this book is

This book is an introductory learner’s manual of modern written Kan-
nada: a language of the Dravidian family of languages with a literary
history that reaches back at least until the ninth century CE, 1 and the
official language of the modern state of Karnataka in southern India. 2
The book has developed out of materials which the author wrote
for his own use, teaching Kannada in the Ludwig-Maximilians-Univer-
sität München (commonly known as the ‘LMU’, and in the English-
speaking world as the University of Munich), Germany. Experience has
shown that with four hours of teaching per week, the material in this
book can be learnt in three to four months, depending on the aptitude
of the students. Although it was designed for classroom use, it can also
be used for self-study.
x A Manual of Modern Kannada

After studying the contents of this book, the learner should be able
to read modern non-belletristic texts as well as much modern narrative
prose literature with the aid of a dictionary. Some belletristic authors
use bits of regional dialect, and poets, especially, like to use linguistic
archaisms to achieve special effects; the discussion of such features
belongs to an advanced level, and not all of these are mentioned and
explained in this book.

What this book is not

As an introductory manual, this book is not an exhaustive study of
the whole of Kannada grammar. Although it will occasionally refer to
earlier stages in the historical development of the language in order
to explain certain peculiarities, it focusses on the standard modern
written language. 3 Therefore, it does not cover all stages of develop-
ment of the extremely rich Kannada language in detail, nor does it
deal with peculiarities of regional or social spoken dialects in detail
(although occasionally brief remarks about widespread colloquialisms
and widely known features of prominent dialects will be made). Simi-
larly, the reader should not expect this book to explain each and every
detail of idiomatic usage in this old and rich language (although some
common idiomatic expressions are treated here). Neither is it a phrase
book or a manual of conversational Kannada (although a few samples
of conversational language are given).
On the other hand, it should be noted that modern written Kan-
nada is also a spoken language, and differences between this writ-
ten, literary norm and most of the spoken dialects are not great. 4 The
written or literary language is spoken in formal situations and also
in all such situations where the target audience is supra-regional (for
instance, in broadcasting). When one has mastered the written lan-
guage, one can speak it throughout the entire Kannada-speaking region
of India and be understood without making an awkward impression. 5
Nowadays there is a tendency to produce teaching manuals (not only
for Kannada, but also for other Indian languages) that supposedly teach
a generally spoken, colloquial language. These ‘spoken languages’, in
my experience, are usually little more than fictions. 6 The production
of such manuals is not only didactically flawed, but in my opinion
also shows a strangely limited and also disrespectful view of why one
should want to learn an Indian language: as if no serious literature
 Preface xi

has been produced in those languages that is worth reading, or as if

the only function of those languages can be to prattle a bit with peo-
ple who are too uneducated to understand simple everyday statements
(because that is what such manuals teach) in English, which is de facto
the one modern language that is spoken throughout the whole of India.
If a tourist is interested only in communicating light banalities in India,
then some knowledge of broken English is usually enough. 7 One needs
to learn an Indian language in order to understand and to communicate
beyond the level of the merely trivial, and the only sensible course of
action is to begin with the written standard form of the language.
The present book explains Kannada according to its generally ac-
cepted modern written norm, but also includes a chapter on the more
widely spread colloquialisms. The only way to learn how to speak any
Indian language is to spend much time with speakers of the language,
and this means that one will learn the regional and social variety of the
language of those speakers. By learning normative written Kannada,
one gains a deeper understanding of the grammatical structure, which
will enable one, if one so wishes, to later learn any spoken variety of
the language which one may need. The material that is discussed in
this book will give the learner a firm basis for reading any kind of non-
belletristic Kannada prose as well as much belletristic prose and simple
poetry. (The author has begun work on a sequel to the present book,
containing longer passages from more complex texts and explanations
of how to understand and translate them.)

The Kannada language

The linguistic significance of the Kannada language

Kannada belongs to the Dravidian family of languages, almost all of

which are spoken in southern India. 8 Not only is Dravidian one of
the largest families of languages in the world as regards its number of
speakers, but it is of great interest for the study of general linguistics.
Also, the influence of a Dravidian substratum is what has altered the
Indo-European languages of northern India (the so-called Indo-Aryan
languages) in such a way that they are recognized as a separate sub-
family within Indo-European. 9
There is a persistent belief that among all the Dravidian languages,
Tamil is the oldest and most typically Dravidian. This belief is based
xii A Manual of Modern Kannada

on the lexical purism of literary Tamil and the apparent fact that the
oldest extant works of literature in Tamil are the oldest in any Dravid-
ian language. However, the oldest fragments of Kannada literature are
not very much younger, and there is reason to believe that in certain
linguistic respects Kannada is more conservative than Tamil is.

The literary significance of the Kannada language

Because Kannada has been cultivated as a literary language for at least

seventeen centuries, it has had the time to reach a very high level of
standardization, precision and subtlety. Still today, it is one of the lead-
ing literary languages of India. The most prestigious national literary
award, the Jnanpith Award, has until recently been won by more Kan-
nada authors than by authors in any other language, and more often
than by authors who write in a language with a comparable number of
speakers. For its literary and historical richness, Kannada has been rec-
ognized as a ‘classical language’ by the Government of India in 2008.

The historical significance of the Kannada language

Among all the living languages of South Asia, Kannada possesses the
second-oldest literature (after Tamil, a neighbouring Dravidian lan-
guage). The predominant religion of the nobility in the Kannada-speak-
ing part of India was Jainism, and the literature of the first few cen-
turies of Kannada literary history is almost entirely the creation of Jaina
authors. Because most medieval literature in other Indian languages
is mainly the creation of brahminical Hindus, Kannada literature pro-
vides an ‘other voice’ and gives researchers glimpses of life and thought
in other sections of Indian society of the time. From the twelfth cen-
tury CE onwards, Vīraśaiva authors developed an extraordinary liter-
ary productivity, and their work is comparably important for a bal-
anced understanding of medieval Indian religious, social and literary
history. The value of the huge volume and diversity of all this mater-
ial in Kannada has to date remained sadly insufficiently recognized by
researchers outside Karnataka.

The contemporary social significance of the Kannada language

Kannada is the sole official language of the south Indian state of Kar-
nataka, which is one of the economically most dynamic and leading
 Preface xiii

regions of India, particularly the area around the capital city of Ben-
galuru (previously known under the Anglicized name ‘Bangalore’ 10),
the ‘Silicon Valley of India’. According to official statistics, Kannada
ranks as the eighth-largest language in India according to the number of
native speakers; 11 however, because of historical reasons and because
of its official status in Karnataka, it is used also by many millions of
non-native speakers with practically native fluency.

The oldest Kannada literature

At present, the Indian republic has recognized two dozen languages 12

for official purposes, such as in public administration and courts of
law. Among these languages, Kannada is the living language with the
second oldest literature in the Indian subcontinent. Its uninterrupted
literary history spans the period from the 10th century to the present;
although the literary cultivation of the language evidently began sev-
eral centuries earlier, only fragments from older works have remained
preserved. It is customary among historians of Kannada literature to
name the earlier periods in Kannada literary history after the predom-
inant religion to which most authors adhered whose works from those
respective periods have remained extant. The whole of Old Kannada
literature has been written by Jaina authors, and hence some histori-
ans speak of the ‘Jaina period’. This is the period that is commonly
considered the ‘golden age’ of Kannada literature, with authors such
as Pampa, Ranna and Ponna (the so-called ratnatraya or Three Jew-
els), who were to remain models for many generations to come. The
language of this period cannot be read by modern speakers of the lan-
guage without special training, since significant changes in grammar,
particularly morphology, occurred in the course of the 12th century,
which marks the beginning of the Vīraśaiva period with the famous
vacana literature by mystics and religious reformers such as Basava,
Allamaprabhu and Akka Mahādēvi (also known as Mahādēviyakka).
From this point in the history of the language onwards, grammatical
changes have been very few, and much of the vacana literature is still
read today by native speakers without the need of special aids for com-
prehension.
xiv A Manual of Modern Kannada

Dialects of Kannada

During British colonial rule, the Kannada-speaking region of India was

divided over several administrative units: Madras Presidency, Bom-
bay Presidency, and the princely states of Hyderabad and Mysore. In
all these units Kannada was a minority language, except in Mysore,
and hence Mysore naturally became the geographical stronghold of
Kannada-language culture. Kannada literature found patronage at the
Mysore court, and not long after the founding of the first three mod-
ern Indian universities by the British in Madras, Bombay and Calcutta,
the maharaja of Mysore founded the University of Mysore, where Kan-
nada was to receive special attention. 13 It is probably for this reason
that standard literary Kannada is often referred to as ‘Mysore Kannada’,
although the spoken language of the city (like spoken varieties of lan-
guages practically anywhere in the world) does not correspond entirely
to the written norm.
Linguists at the Central Institute of Indian Languages (CIIL) 14 in
Mysore have identified nine regional dialects of the language; but be-
sides these regional variations, there also exist a number of social di-
alects, which again can be subdivided into a still larger number of caste
dialects, all of which differ from each other on the basis of differences
in lexicon, pronunciation and grammar. The differences between all
these dialects are, however, in very many cases so subtle that native
speakers of Kannada are hardly aware of them, and thus from a practi-
cal point of view these classifications, although they have a real basis,
are often of a rather academic nature.
In practice, one can broadly distinguish three regional varieties of
Kannada: southern (with the cities of Mysore, Bangalore and Shimoga
– officially spelt Mysuru, Bengaluru and Shivamogga since 2014, which
more accurately reflects the actual pronunciation of those names – as
important centres), northern (with Dharwad as its most prominent cul-
tural centre), and western or coastal (with Mangalore – now officially
spelt Mangaluru – as the largest urban concentration and Udupi, Mood-
bidre and Dharmasthala as smaller but culturally important centres).
The peculiarity of the coastal region is that by far most inhabi-
tants of the area do not speak Kannada as their mother tongue: most
of them speak Tulu, Konkani or Malayalam, and all learn Kannada as a
second language in school. Many of them are literate only in Kannada,
while speaking a different language in the home. Because it is a con-
sciously acquired language, following a formal norm from outside the
 Preface xv

region, this coastal Kannada (also commonly referred to as ‘Mangalore

Kannada’) is uniform and also in its spoken form is very close to the
literary language. 15
The spoken variety of southern Kannada carries with it the prestige
of being spoken in the large, wealthy urban centres of Mysore and Ban-
galore (the ‘Silicon Valley of India’), and is nowadays spread through
television: Kannada soap operas tend to be set in the affluent social en-
vironment of Bangalore city. On the other hand, the language of these
large urban centres has in recent decades undergone a process of very
fast corruption through an unhealthy influence of English, which is the
‘master language’ of the urban nouveaux riches; especially Bangalore
Kannada is polluted with unnecessary English words and a sometimes
shocking impoverishment of grammatical usage. 16 The area around the
central Karnatakan city of Shimoga has a refined and unpolluted form
of this southern variety of Kannada.
This southern Kannada (also called ‘Mysore Kannada’, after the city
that is still considered the ‘cultural centre of Karnataka’) is sometimes
jocularly referred to as heṃgannaḍa or ‘women’s Kannada’, because of
what is considered a generally gentle accent. By contrast, northern
Kannada is called gaṃgannaḍa or ‘men’s Kannada’: indeed it sounds
rhythmically a bit more gruff, and the short unstressed vowels, espe-
cially the short a and u, tend to be weakened to the kind of neutral
vowel which in linguistics is called a ‘shwa’ (similar to the so-called
‘silent e’ in a French word like le), or to a blunt vowel like the ‘u’ in
an English word like ‘but’, which also gives the northern language a
‘masculine’ kind of snappiness. 17 ‘Dharwad Kannada’, as this language
is also known (but which is certainly not limited to the city of Dhar-
wad and its surroundings) differs markedly from Mysore and Manga-
lore Kannada in its vocabulary, including many more loanwords from
Urdu and Marathi as well as words of indigenous origin that are not in
use elsewhere in Karnataka.
Differences between social dialects are rather fluid and are not so
immediately apparent as, for instance, in neighbouring languages like
Tamil and Tulu. And in any case it is historically wrong to call written
literary Kannada the ‘language of brahmins’, as certain less educated
persons from lower castes do: literary Kannada is largely the creation
of Jainas and Vīraśaivas, much less of brahmins. In certain areas, there
are hardly any differences in speech between the members of different
social groups.
xvi A Manual of Modern Kannada

In this book, the standard literary language is taught. Several

learners’ manuals teach ‘spoken Kannada’ in the mistaken assumption
that most learners first of all wish to speak Kannada and not read it,
and hence a ‘spoken variety’ of the language is ‘more practical’. What
this means in practice is that such manuals teach a regional variety
which may or may not be easily understood in other regions of the
Kannada-speaking area. Literary Kannada is, however, a true stan-
dard that is understood by educated speakers everywhere. It is the
language of all non-belletristic writing and of broadcasting. Although
there are noticeable differences between the written and spoken vari-
eties of the language (as in every language spoken by a larger number
of people), there is no such thing as diglossia in Kannada, such as is
the case with Tamil, an immediately neighbouring language. 18 In Kan-
nada, one can speak exactly the way one writes without making oneself
sound ridiculous (as indeed the averagely highly educated population
of south-western Karnataka does).

Kannada script

Almost every literary language of India has its own script, and Kan-
nada, being the living language of the sub-continent with the second
oldest literature, is no exception. Like almost all the Indian scripts, the
graceful Kannada script is ultimately derived from the ancient Brāhmī
script. This means that the script is not an ‘alphabet’ but an abugida,
syllabic in structure: what appears to the reader as a single ‘letter’ is
actually a syllable, either a vowel or a combination of a consonant and
a vowel. The basic consonant signs represent the combination conso-
nant + the short vowel ‘a’. Combinations of consonants are written
by means of subscript secondary consonantal signs. Other secondary
signs are used to indicate that the vowel in the syllable is not a short
‘a’ but one of several others.
This book contains a separate chapter, towards the end, in which
the Kannada script is discussed in detail.

The Dravidian languages

The Dravidian languages are usually described as being of the aggluti-

native type and similar to, e.g., the Uraltaic languages and Japanese.
Very briefly, the structure of these languages can be described as fol-
lows. Sentences consist of words. Some of these words are simple, i.e.,
 Preface xvii

they are single units in themselves that cannot be further analysed,

but in the case of Kannada such words are relatively very few. Most
words are composite: either they are compound words, consisting of
more than one word that could be used independently and otherwise,
or they consist of basic words of which the meaning is modified by
means of suffixes. These suffixes are not words in their own right, and
as a rule they can only be used as modifiers. More than one suffix can
be appended to the initial root word, that can be considered the main
carrier of meaning of the complete word. In agglutinative languages,
this modifying of meaning by means of suffixes is the main means of
creating syntactic order. There are no prefixes or infixes, nor does, as
a rule, the root word change.
A few examples will help to clarify this principle. The verb root
kare means ‘to call’. This can be used as a non-honorific imperative,
i.e., the form that is used as an order in non-formal circumstances to-
wards persons towards whom one need not show any special respect.
(Thus the sentence Avanannu kare! means “Call him!”) If one wishes
to be more polite, a suffix is added to the verb root, namely iri. (This
is linked to the verb by the semi-vowel y to make the resulting word
easier to pronounce. The resulting sentence Avanannu kareyiri! can be
translated: “Please call him.”) But perhaps the speaker does not wish to
issue an order, and instead wishes to make a simple statement, e.g., that
he called somebody. Kare is a regular verb of the so-called second verb
class (there are two verb classes in Kannada, easily recognizable by the
vowels in which the verb roots end). Such verbs form their past stem
by means of the suffix d. The speaker in our example is speaking about
an action (‘calling’) which he performed himself, therefore another suf-
fix is added to indicate that ‘I’, the grammatical first person singular,
is the agent: this suffix is enu. The resulting word kare-d-enu means “I
called”. Avanannu karedenu means “I called him”. The suffix aru is the
suffix for the third person plural (‘they’), and so the sentence Avanannu
karedaru means “they called him”, and Avanannu karedanu means “he
called him” (the suffix anu indicates the third person singular mascu-
line, ‘he’). Pronouns indicating the agent also exist and can be used in
short sentences such as these, although their omission is not considered
incorrect or unclear, since the personal suffix of the verb suffices to in-
dicate who the agent is (like in Italian, Portuguese or Spanish); Nānu
avanannu karedenu does not really mean anything different than the
earlier Avanannu karedenu (nānu means ‘I’). The word avanannu is an-
other example of how the agglutinative principle works. Avanu means
xviii A Manual of Modern Kannada

‘he’; the suffix annu indicates the grammatical accusative case, which in
most cases means the direct object of the sentence; thus avanannu (the
final u of avanu is elided when the accusative suffix is added) means
‘him’. The word taṃgi means ‘younger sister’; Taṃgiyannu karedenu
means “I called [my] younger sister”; taṃgi karedenu would make no
sense, and also avanu karedenu would be grammatically wrong.

Kannada and Sanskrit

There is a persistent belief among many people in India that Kannada

has developed out of Sanskrit (as also all the other Dravidian languages,
for that matter). This is nothing more than pious superstition. 19 The
many words of Sanskritic origin in Kannada are loanwords, and they
cannot serve as proof of a genetic relationship between Sanskrit and
Kannada, just as Latin and Greek words in German or English do not
prove that German and English are offshoots of Latin or Greek.
However, the Sanskrit language, as the predominant language of
the Indian intelligentsia over a period spanning many centuries, has
strongly influenced the historical development of Kannada (just as,
for instance, Latin has influenced German and English). Therefore the
reader will find many references to Sanskrit in this book. Every conver-
sation and every piece of written Kannada contains Sanskrit loanwords,
and Sanskrit is the main source of material for coining new words. The
truly cultured use of Kannada (and almost all other modern Indian
languages) involves some basic understanding of Sanskrit, and for this
reason the present author hopes to bring out a concise handbook of the
use of Sanskrit in modern languages in the near future.

Some concluding remarks

A new learner’s manual of Kannada for non-Indian learners is not pub-
lished often. The reasons which persons may have for learning a lan-
guage can differ widely, and the present author has tried to satisfy a
variety of interests and wishes. The result, obviously, is a book that
most probably also contains information that is of little interest for a
certain specific individual reader or the other. It contains a bit of in-
formation about earlier historical stages of the language, about general
Dravidian linguistics, about social customs and how these are reflected
in the language, about idioms, about colloquialisms and dialects; but
 Preface xix

all these topics cannot be treated in full detail in a single book. The
author hopes that the book will serve as a solid and useful basis for the
individual studies of each reader, in whatever direction those studies
may lead.
The author wishes to thank his first teachers of Kannada: the late
Prof. Kamil V. Zvelebil (Rijksuniversiteit Utrecht, i.e., Utrecht Univer-
sity) and the late Dr. K. Parameswara Aithal (Ruprecht-Karls-Universi-
tät Heidelberg, i.e., Heidelberg University), who laid the base for his
understanding of the language. Later, during the seventeen years which
he lived there, numerous people in Karnataka helped him improve his
Kannada; the author is particularly grateful for the long and intense
discussions which he had with vidyāvācaspati Bannanje Govindacharya
in Udupi.
Several students in Munich made valuable suggestions towards
the improvement of the book. Special thanks are due to Christoph
Honecker, living in far-away Mysore, who went through the entire
text and meticulously pointed out omissions and typing errors through
e‑mail, and whose questions prompted additional explanations. Fur-
ther helpful remarks were made by doyens of Kannada studies Prof.
T.V. Venkatachalashastry (University of Mysore) and the late Prof. M.M.
Kalburgi (Karnatak University, Dharwad), and valuable last-minute
comments and suggestions were made by Gil Ben-Herut (University of
South Florida). The author hopes that all these persons will look upon
this book favourably and that whatever errors and omissions may have
eluded his attention will be few, and he will be grateful for constructive
criticism and remarks from discerning readers.

Robert Zydenbos
LMU München
August 2020

Notes
1
The earliest completely preserved literary work is from the ninth century.
However, the earliest rock inscription, dated approximately 400 CE, shows
that Kannada was a refined literary language already by that time.
2
For a brief outline of the position and significance of the Kannada language
in the world, see p. xi, “The Kannada language”.
xx A Manual of Modern Kannada

3
However, because Kannada is a highly conservative language, knowledge
of modern written Kannada gives the learner access to roughly 800 years of
literature. The written norm has changed only very little since the twelfth
century CE.
4
One can only broadly generalize about such matters, because very much
depends on a number of variables, such as social background of the speakers,
their level of education and culturedness, regionality, etc.
5
In this respect, Kannada differs strongly from its neighbouring sister-
language Tamil, in which the written normative language differs so much from
commonly spoken forms that it is a classical example of what in linguistics is
termed ‘diglossia’.
6
For instance, the Central Institute of Indian Languages (CIIL) in Mysore, In-
dia’s leading institute of linguistic study, has brought out a series of manuals
that are titled An Intensive Course in . . . (Kannada, Tamil, Bengali, and others).
In my opinion, these books are plainly bad. If one has studied the language of
An Intensive Course in Kannada and then tries to read a Kannada novel, news-
paper or any piece of scholarly writing, one is lost, because that book does
not teach the grammatical forms of the standard written language. The Kan-
nada of that manual is a language that shows some particular features of col-
loquial Kannada as spoken in the large cities of southern Karnataka (Mysore
and Bangalore) but is not really spoken anywhere in that form, and certainly
not written.
7
If a person in the Kannada-speaking part of India cannot understand the
minimalistic English that is used for bargaining in the marketplace or in a taxi
(if at all such manuals reach that level), then that person is likely to be so
uneducated that he only speaks a truly backward rural Kannada dialect, and
no amount of book-learning will make that kind of Kannada understandable
for a foreign learner.
8
For an excellent brief introduction to the Dravidian linguistic family, see
Zvelebil 1990, which is also suited for the seriously interested general reader.
Andronov 2003 and Krishnamurti 2003 go into great comparative linguistic
detail.
9
The Dravidian influence is what unites Indo-Aryan and Dravidian to the pos-
sibly best known example of a Sprachbund or linguistic area.
10
The new spelling ‘Bengaluru’, which more closely reflects the true pronun-
ciation of the name of the city, was proposed by the late, famous Kannada
writer U.R. Ananthamurthy.
11
See the 2011 census report: http://www.censusindia.gov.in/2011Census/
Language-2011/Statement-4.pdf. Between 1971 and 2011, the number of Kan-
nada mother-tongue speakers reportedly doubled (http://www.censusindia
.gov.in/2011Census/Language-2011/Statement-7.pdf).
12
Among these are Sanskrit, the foremost classical language of the Indian sub-
continent, and English, the most influential of the erstwhile colonial languages,
which Indians think of as their ‘window to the world’.
 Preface xxi

13
It should be noted, however, that the oldest department of Kannada studies
is in the University of Madras.
14
The Indian national institute of linguistics.
15
The truly native Kannada of the coastal region, such as one hears in the
area around Kundapura, or the caste dialect of Havyaka brahmins, differs quite
strongly from the written norm.
16
This corrupting influence of English is found in all living Indian languages,
especially in the urban concentrations. The case of Bangalore is perhaps more
extreme due to the city’s international economic significance.
17
To give one example: the word that is written ಎĚಸುತ³ ೆ enisuttade ac-
cording to the written standard, meaning ‘it seems’, can be pronounced
[´ye·ni·sut·te] in Mysore, with an elision of the fourth short vowel, but
[´a·nʌs·tǝ·dʌ] in Dharwad, with an elision of the third short vowel.
18
In Tamil, the written norm was grammatically fixed in the 13th century and
is the basis of the literary language still today, while the spoken language of
course continued developing.
19
This belief also has a political dimension and is held especially by a certain
kind of Indian nationalists who think that the unity of India is endangered if
one admits that Dravidian as a separate language family exists. Linguistically,
however, to claim that Kannada is derived from Sanskrit is as ridiculous as to
claim that Hungarian and Finnish belong to the Indo-European family.
 How to Use This Book

The Vidhana Soudha, seat of Karnataka’s Legislative Assembly,

Bengaluru: the largest legislative building in India

(In this book, notes are given at the end of every chapter.)
Learning a new language (any language) is, to some extent, learn-
ing a new way of thinking. Each of us experiences a variety of sense
impressions, thoughts, feelings, and then we analyse them and code
them according to the rules of a language so that they can be com-
municated through speech or writing. Understanding the speech or
writing of another person is a reversal of this process, according to the
same rules. Each language has originated and developed within a cer-
tain culture, which is a way of experiencing and understanding life. If
one wants to be truly successful in learning a new language, one must
be curious about alternative ways of experiencing and understanding
life and reproducing it in that other language.
Understanding is central to learning any language, and also to this
book. There are many tables in the book, and an index, and a glossary,
all of which make it easy to quickly look up something. But the bulk of
the text is meant to be read through, because it explains: it is meant to
create understanding in the reader for this other way of experiencing
and understanding life that is reflected in the Kannada language.
Cultural differences are reflected in various kinds of differences
between languages: differences in pronunciation, differences in script,
differences in grammar, differences in idiomatic usage, differences in
the social customs in conversational contexts, and others. If you, dear
reader, do not respect and are not interested in cultural differences,
xxiv A Manual of Modern Kannada

then please stop reading this book and go do something else, because
without such respect and interest you will never learn any Indian lan-
guage properly.
First of all, the reader of this book is hereby encouraged to read
the chapter ‘Preliminary remarks’ attentively. Kannada belongs to the
Dravidian family of languages: these languages show certain common
characteristics that may appear quite surprising to learners who until
now have been familiar mainly with languages of the Indo-European
family, to which the great majority of Western languages belong (among
them English). 1 The preliminary chapter gives an overview of what the
learner is to expect in the following lessons, and it also points out what
the aspects of Kannada are to which special attention ought to be given
while learning.
Kannada script is dealt with in detail in a separate chapter. The
learner is advised to learn the script as soon as possible (while realizing
that he 2 cannot learn it in just a day or two; one is advised to keep
returning to the chapter on script until it has been mastered). Although
the lessons explain the grammar and give sample sentences both in
Kannada script and in Latin transliteration, this should not tempt the
learner to be lax in learning the script. Kannada is not only a modern,
living language spoken by many millions of people, but is also a rich
classical literary language with over a thousand years of uninterrupted
literary history, and all its literature is written and printed in that script
(just as, for instance, Greek, Russian, and Japanese are also written in
their own scripts). Exercises will be given in Kannada script only. The
script has a beautiful charm of its own and is a joy to write.
Each lesson begins with the explanation of some structural ele-
ments of the language, along with examples of what can be expressed
by means of those elements. After that, exercises are given, together
with glossaries and, in later lessons, short pieces for practising reading
comprehension. Notes with additional information are given in the
form of endnotes at the end of each chapter, not footnotes, because it
was felt that the sometimes lengthy footnotes at the bottom of pages
could be visually distracting and disturbing to the learners. The length
of the individual chapters is uneven, because it was thought prudent
to keep conceptually related material together in single chapters (for
instance, all the finite verb forms are discussed in lesson 5. This may
appear like very much new material to learn, but this is not really so,
because the underlying principles are only few).
 How to Use This Book xxv

Learning a language from a different language family is an intel-

lectual adventure. While learning the language, one learns a new way
of analysing one’s experiences and coding them into a communicable
form. One also learns to re-think many things that until then seemed
self-evident, natural and universal, while in fact they are not so at all.
As the German poet Goethe said, a person who knows only his mother-
tongue cannot know it well: only through the contrasts which one sees
between one’s own language and other languages, one learns about
the particular possibilities (and lack of other possibilities) of one’s own
language and thereby gets to know it better. The reader is therefore
advised not to skip over the cultural notes that are included in some
of the lessons, which explain the cultural backgrounds of some of the
characteristics of the language.
Most readers of this book will either be English mother-tongue
speakers, or they will have another language of the Indo-European fam-
ily of languages as their maternal language. Kannada, being a member
of the Dravidian family, has certain structural features that do not ex-
ist in Indo-European, and if the learner wants to fully understand the
implications of those structural differences, he will have to think about
language at a very basic level. Therefore, some of the explanations in
the lessons may appear a bit ‘slow’, but this is because teaching expe-
rience has proven that certain basic aspects of the language must be
taught in great detail and must be fully understood if the learner is to
be successful. Unfortunately, education (also higher education) today
is not what it used to be. In earlier generations, one main goal of edu-
cation was to turn people into cultured persons, whereas nowadays the
aim of education increasingly seems to be to turn people into produc-
tion modules that can be plugged into the economy, so that their lives
can be converted into money (either their own or, perhaps more im-
portantly in the view of educational planners, somebody else’s money).
This change is seen most clearly in language teaching. The quality of
language teaching in schools in the Western world has deteriorated
dramatically, and nowadays an author of a language teaching manual
cannot expect the same level of understanding about language in gen-
eral from his readers as was the case a generation ago. Most probably,
many readers of this manual will not have had any previous experi-
ence of learning another language, or they will have learnt a language
that is very comfortably similar to their own. Therefore, this manual
explains several theoretical concepts in linguistics, wherever they are
xxvi A Manual of Modern Kannada

relevant. The learner is urged most strongly not to skip over such pas-
sages, because an understanding of the theory that is explained there
will speed up his learning of Kannada considerably.
Irrespective of which language one learns, or how much knowl-
edge of theoretical linguistics the learner has, there always are features
in a language which defy a quick ‘rational’ or ‘scientific’ explanation.
This is clearly the case, for instance, with idiomatic expressions. Each
language has a character of its own, which has grown in the course of
centuries of cultural history; aspects of this character can be learnt with
time, by occupying oneself regularly and seriously with the language
and absorbing something of its spirit. This may sound a little vague,
‘unscientific’ and mystifying to some readers; but this is the undeni-
able experience of the entire population of the world while learning to
master any language, including (in particular) the mother tongue. The
only way in which the teacher, or the author of a teaching manual, can
be of help is by pointing the way. The learner is the one who learns
and who must go the way.
A few examples of conversational Kannada have been added in
the first lessons, as concrete instances of how the language is put to
everyday use. My experience as a teacher is that most of my students
are interested in learning Kannada because they have a basic interest in
Indian religious studies; therefore short reading pieces of the category
‘religions of Karnataka’ have been included in a few chapters.

Office of the Kannada Sahitya Parishat, Bangalore

The serious learner should not hesitate to purchase a good dictio-

nary. The glossaries of the lessons give the meanings of words that are
used, but the usefulness of reading complete entries for words in a good
 How to Use This Book xxvii

dictionary can hardly be underestimated. The most renowned dictio-

nary is the monumental Kannada-English Dictionary by the German mis-
sionary Ferdinand Kittel, on which many other dictionaries are based,
but this may not be well suited for the beginner on account of its enor-
mous detail and its bulkiness; furthermore, it is over a hundred years
old and deals primarily with the older stages of the literary language.
Very suited is Bucher’s Kannada-English Dictionary by J. Bucher, which
is essentially a strongly condensed version of the Kittel dictionary; but
it appeared in 1923, and since then there have been considerable new
developments in Kannada vocabulary, many of which are found in the
IBH Kannada-Kannada-English Dictionary by G. Venkatasubbiah, L.S. Se-
shagiri Rao and H.K. Ramachandra Murthy, which, strangely enough,
does not contain many older words that are part of common, everyday
vocabulary. A recent larger and highly recommendable one-volume
dictionary is the Kannada Sahitya Parishat Abridged Kannada-English
Dictionary under the chief editorship of M.K. Sridhar. (The Kannaḍa
Sāhitya Pariṣattu or Kannada Literary Council, a non-profit organiza-
tion with headquarters in Bangalore, is the foremost organization for
the nurture of the Kannada language and its literature.) Once one has
acquired a basic vocabulary of one’s own, one can use monolingual
Kannada dictionaries, such as the excellent Kannaḍa ratnakōśa, brought
out under the chief editorship of H.M. Nayak by the Kannada Sahitya
Parishat in a very economical, pocket-size popular edition, of which
several hundred thousand copies are in circulation.

Notes
1
Although the languages of northern India, such as Bengali, Gujarati, Hindi,
the classical Sanskrit a.o. are considered to be Indo-European (together they
xxviii A Manual of Modern Kannada

are the ‘Indo’ of ‘Indo-European’), all of them have been very thoroughly influ-
enced by the Dravidian family in their phonemics and grammar, and to some
extent also in their vocabulary, in the course of many centuries. This is an
ongoing process of mutual influencing of the two great language families of
India that still continues today.
2
For the sake of convenience and better readability, the present author is not
following the fashionable dictates of ‘political correctness’ and is not writing
‘he or she’, ‘s/he’, ‘his or her’, or confusingly alternating ‘he’ and ‘she’. Instead,
I am following the time-honoured custom of referring to the generic, unknown,
anonymous, de-personalized, faceless reader and learner who has no individual
identity as ‘he’. If any reader thinks that I am thereby implying that only male
readers should learn Kannada, then that reader is an idiot, and idiots should
not be learning exotic languages and reading this book in the first place.
 Preliminary Overview

Sign pointing the way to the University of Mysore library,

Manasagangotri campus, Mysore

Pronunciation: the phonemic system of Kannada – vocabulary – grammar

This section contains some general remarks about Kannada, the Dravid-
ian languages, and language learning in general, to aid the reader in a
first orientation before actually learning the language. If the reader al-
ready has some basic knowledge about the Dravidian languages and al-
ready has had experiences learning Indian languages, this section may
be skipped.
Kannada is basically not a very difficult language to learn, but
it is useful to point out a few matters to which the average Western
learner needs to give special attention. These are summed up below
under three headings: pronunciation, vocabulary, and grammar.
This summary will help the learner to gain a brief overview of what
to expect, so that he will better understand the wider significance of
the various elements of the language while learning. The learner is
advised to read the following pages attentively and to pay attention to
these features of the language (esp. those listed under pronunciation
and grammar) throughout the entire learning process.
xxx A Manual of Modern Kannada

Pronunciation: the phonemic system of Kannada

The pronunciation of Kannada is simple, but differs from that of most
Western languages in a few important respects.

Retroflex versus dental consonants

Most of the languages of India distinguish between retroflex and den-

tal consonants. The difference lies in the positioning of the tongue
while these consonants are pronounced. Kannada has a t, d, n and l
that sound roughly like in most Western languages: here the tip of the
tongue either touches the upper front teeth, or touches the rim im-
mediately behind the upper front teeth (hence dental); 1 but Kannada
also has consonants that are usually represented in transliteration by
means of an underdot: ṭ, ḍ, ṇ and ḷ, that are pronounced with the tongue
curled backwards (hence retroflex) so that the tip touches the roof of
the mouth, creating consonants of a different quality. 2
It is of the greatest importance for the learner to realize and re-
member that dentals and retroflexes are not free variations of the same
consonants, but are considered fundamentally different consonants.
If one pronounces a dental instead of a retroflex, or vice versa, there is
a likelihood that a Kannada speaker will not understand, or misunder-
stand, what one is trying to say. Some examples:

ಹುĪ huḷi sour ಹುĩ huli tiger

ಓಡು ōḍu to run ಓದು ōdu to read
ಹĪÁ haḷḷi village ಹĩÀ halli lizard
ಮ ೆ maṇe stool ಮ ೆ mane house
¢ೇಳು hēḷu to say ¢ೇಲು hēlu to shit

Prosody: syllabic quantity

The prosodic or syllabic quantity of syllables (whether they are short

or long) in Kannada is not only audible, but also carries meaning. In
other words: if one pronounces a short syllable long, or a long syllable
short, there is the possibility that one pronounces a non-word or, which
is worse, a different word that one did not intend to pronounce.
 Preliminary Overview xxxi

A syllable is long if (a) it contains a long vowel, indicated in transli-

teration by a macron over the vowel, or (b) it contains a short vowel
that is followed by more than one consonant before the next vowel.
(In modern Kannada, every word ends in a vowel.) In the case of a
doubled consonant, the speaker must linger on the pronunciation of
that consonant. 3 The duration of a long syllable is approximately twice
as long as that of a short syllable.

ಬē baḍi to beat ಬē° baḍḍi interest (on

money)
ಮē maḍi ritually pure ಾē māḍi please do

The two following pairs of words are prosodically similar (a long sylla-
ble followed by a short one), but whereas in the first word of both pairs
the long syllable is long because the vowel is long, in the second word
it is because of the doubled consonant, and this difference is heard in
pronunciation:

¢ಾಲು hālu milk ಹಲುÀ hallu tooth

ೇವ dēva god ೆವÂ devva spirit

Long vowels in Kannada are pure vowels

Native speakers of English must beware that what are commonly called
‘long’ vowels in English are not pure vowels, but diphthongs: the
Kannada long ō is a real and pure long o (approximately twice as long
as the o in the English pot) whereas the English so-called ‘long o’ (as
in the word load) is actually an ‘o-u’, and the Kannada long ē is a pure
long e (approximately twice as long as the e in the English best) and
not like the so-called ‘long a’ in English (which is actually an ‘e-i’, as
in in the word made).

Syllabic stress

In some Western languages, such as English, the stress that is laid on

a syllable in a multisyllabic word can be of importance. (In English,
for instance, the words ‘contest’ and ‘produce’ can be pronounced with
xxxii A Manual of Modern Kannada

a stress on the first syllable, in which case they are nouns, or on the
second, in which case they are verbs.)
In Kannada, there is usually hardly any special stress on a syllable
within a word. In longer words, one often hears a slight stress on the
very first syllable. The learner is advised to practise this slight initial
stress with the help of a native speaker, or by listening to recordings
of spoken Kannada (nowadays one can also find these on YouTube and
elsewhere on the internet), because this slight stress indicates that a
new word is being pronounced in the string of sounds that together
form a sentence. Syllabic quantity (see above) is far more important
than syllabic stress.

Aspirated consonants

Speakers of English, German, and a few other Western languages are

usually unaware that, for instance, the two consonants that are written
p in English paper and German Papier are, for the Indian linguistic con-
sciousness, two different consonants. The first p in the English word,
and the second in the German word, are the first consonants of stressed
syllables and are pronounced aspirated, i.e., with an audible puff of
breath. In Sanskrit, the classical language of South Asia from which
Kannada has borrowed many words into its vocabulary, the distinc-
tion is of crucial importance.
The more highly educated speakers of Kannada distinguish aspi-
rated and non-aspirated consonants in their pronunciation, and the
signs for aspirates and non-aspirates in Kannada script are clearly dif-
ferent; however, the distinction is not essential for the Kannada lan-
guage, and many speakers do not bother to make clear distinctions in
their pronunciation. Aspiration is, nevertheless, a feature that adds
clarity to one’s speech, and the learner is advised to practise it.

Vocabulary
Kannada is officially recognized by the Government of India as a classi-
cal language, and in the course of the many centuries of its history it has
freely borrowed words from other languages into its vocabulary. The
basic vocabulary of Kannada is Dravidian (for instance, the pronouns,
numerals, the names of most parts of the body, the words for family
relationships, and most words for common, everyday objects and ac-
tions), but already the earliest written records in the language show
 Preliminary Overview xxxiii

the influence of northern, Indo-European languages, namely, Prakrit

and, especially, Sanskrit. Most new words that are coined today for
new concepts and new objects are based on words and grammatical
elements that have been borrowed from Sanskrit. This has happened
in all the languages of India, and if one has already learnt Sanskrit or
another language containing many Sanskrit words, one can often use
a Sanskrit word in Kannada and be understood correctly if one does
not know for certain what the Dravidian Kannada word is; sometimes,
synonymous Dravidian and Sanskrit words exist. However, one must
be cautious when using Sanskrit words which one already knows from
other languages, because just like Latin words in Europe, words of San-
skrit origin may mean different things in different modern languages.
For instance, the word ಉಪ ಾ½ಸ upanyāsa means ‘lecture’ in Kannada,
but ‘novel’ in Bengali and Hindi; ಬ ಾ ಾ¤ರ balātkāra means ‘force, co-
ercion’ in Kannada, but ‘assault, rape’ in Bengali and Hindi.
Other languages from which Kannada has borrowed words are Per-
sian, Arabic, Portuguese, Dutch and, especially in most recent times,
English. Whereas the reasons for some borrowings from English are
quite understandable, there is an unfortunate tendency among young
people and would-be fashionable urban folk to pollute their language
with totally unnecessary English words. Especially when these words
are pronounced inaccurately (as often happens), they do not improve
the clarity and quality of communication. Educated Kannada speakers
disapprove of this fashion, and the learner is advised to do the same.

Grammar
The most fascinating part of learning Kannada lies in its grammar.
Among the major Dravidian languages, the grammar of Kannada is
perhaps the most precise, consistent and refined. Each lesson in this
book deals with certain aspects of Kannada grammar in detail, but a
very brief survey of the main striking differences between Dravidian
and Indo-European grammar is given here, as a general help in orien-
tation.

Word order

The basic word order in Kannada is subject-object-verb (SOV). Adver-

bial expressions of time, place and mode generally do not appear at
xxxiv A Manual of Modern Kannada

the end of a sentence. Translated word by word, Kannada sentences

read like ‘you a book borrowed’, ‘yesterday I him saw’, ‘I here am’, ‘you
today with him spoke’, etc.

The absence of articles

Like most languages of the world, Kannada has no words corresponding

to the English ‘the’ and ‘a’. Definiteness or indefiniteness is usually
clear from the context.

The agglutinative nature of the Dravidian languages

The languages of the Dravidian family are of a particular linguistic

type, commonly termed agglutinative. This means that every word
carries a basic meaning, and this meaning is modified by means of
suffixes. 4 Thus the entire verb system is largely a matter of suffixa-
tion, with suffixes that are added to verb roots to indicate tense (past,
present, future), person, etc. A Kannada speaker will immediately
identify a word such as ಕ ೆ ೆನು karedenu as ಕ ೆ kare (‘to call’) + d
(past tense) + enu (first person singular), i.e., call-[past tense]-I =
‘I called’; ¢ೊ ೆ ೆನು hoḍedenu as strike-[past tense]-I ‘I struck’ (from
¢ೊ ೆ hoḍe ‘to strike’); ಬ ೆ ೆನು baredenu as ‘I wrote’ (from ಬ ೆ bare ‘to
write’); ಉĪ ೆನು uḷidenu as ‘I remained’ (from ಉĪ uḷi ‘to remain’), etc.
By using a different final ending (the personal ending), one indicates
that a different person is the agent of the verb: for instance, ಕ ೆದರು
karedaru consists of kare (‘to call’) + d (past tense) + aru (third person
plural), i.e., call-[past tense]-they = ‘they called’; ಬ ೆದರು baredaru
‘they wrote’; ಉĪದರು uḷidaru ‘they remained’, etc.
Similarly, other suffixes indicate the function of a noun or pronoun
in a sentence: for instance, any word ending with the suffix -annu is a
grammatical object, etc.

The use of gerunds in longer sentences

Practically always, a longer sentence in which more than one action is

expressed will contain only one finite verb form (namely, at the end
of the sentence), and all preceding actions will be expressed by means
of gerunds and present participles (these are discussed in lessons 12
and 13). Thus an English sentence such as ‘After leaving the build-
ing, I crossed the street and boarded the bus’ will be translated into
 Preliminary Overview xxxv

Kannada as ಾನು ಕಟ®ಡವನು· Ġಟು® ĠೕĘ ಾđ ಬಸುÅ ಹĖ³ ೆನು nānu

kaṭṭaḍavannu biṭṭu bīdi dāṭi bassu hattidenu ‘I building having-left street
having-crossed bus boarded.’

Grammatical cases

The functions of nouns and pronouns in a sentence are explicitly clari-

fied by means of case suffixes (endings). In Kannada, these case forms
are perfectly unambiguous and clear. There are six different cases; 5
this may sound daunting, but in comparison to the complicated case
systems of Indo-European languages (such as Latin, Greek, Sanskrit
and Russian), mastering the Kannada case system is a triviality: for
instance, any word ending with the suffix annu is an accusative, any
word with the suffix alli is a locative, etc.

The absence of relative clauses

Although Kannada does have a grammatical device that resembles the

Indo-European relative clause, it is comparatively rarely used. Also,
relative pronouns do not exist. Instead, a typically Dravidian verb form
with an adjectival function, known as the relative participle (see les-
son 14) is used. A sentence such as the English ‘the teacher who was
here yesterday is not here today’ will become nenne illi idda adhyāpaka
ivattu illa ‘yesterday here having-been [=relative participle] teacher
today is-not’.

The absence of simple negative words

Indo-European languages have simple words and particles that negate

the significance of the basic word: in English, for instance, ‘nowhere’
means ‘not anywhere’; ‘nobody’ means ‘not any person’; ‘never’ means
‘at no time’, etc. Negation in the modern English verb system is a
bit strangely complicated because of the use of the auxiliary verb to
do (cf. I come – I do not come), whereas in other European languages
the negation is expressed by means of again another simple word: cf.
German ich komme – ich komme nicht, Spanish vengo – no vengo, Russian
я прихожу – я не прихожу, etc.
The Dravidian languages have a totally different way of expressing
negation, which always involves verb forms. Besides tenses and modes
xxxvi A Manual of Modern Kannada

that have their counterparts in Indo-European, there is also a fully con-

jugated negative mood of the verb; furthermore, there are two defec-
tive verbs that always carry a negative meaning. – This method is
perfectly clear and logical, but the Western learner needs a bit of time
in order to become familiar with it. The use of these verb forms is
explained in lessons 2 and 17.

Sandhi, or euphonic combination

All the literary languages of India follow rules of spelling which re-
flect changes in pronunciation when certain speech sounds follow each
other. These phenomena of change are called sandhi. This Sanskrit
word has become the common term in linguistics for these phenomena
of euphonic combination because the rules in Sanskrit are so many and
so complex and were codified by Sanskrit grammarians already in pre-
Christian times; but actually every language has sandhi. For instance,
when in French the words la and école are together written not la école
but l’école, or when in colloquial English he is becomes contracted to
he’s, we have instances of sandhi. 6
In previous centuries, Kannada authors abided by the rules of san-
dhi quite strictly; nowadays, the application of the rules in writing
has become more relaxed, but they are always, largely subconsciously,
applied in speech. In writing one nowadays could read pustakada aṃ-
gaḍi for ‘bookshop’, but in speech it always becomes pustakadaṃgaḍi.
similarly, idu pustaka alla ‘this is not a book’ will always become idu
pustakavalla. It is important for the learner to know the rules of Kan-
nada sandhi. They have been brought together in a separate chapter
towards the end of this book.

The most important rule of all for the learner

The absolutely golden rule for the learner is the following: never
switch off your mind. This of course applies to all learning, but in the
area of human communication it is all the more important. Again and
again the author of this book has experienced that when translating,
students diligently look up words in dictionaries, try to apply gram-
matical rules in what they think are logical ways, and they finally offer
translations that are rather senseless. Students should never forget that
speakers, in any language, usually are not interested in communicating
raving nonsense.
 Preliminary Overview xxxvii

Especially in conversation, many elements of Kannada sentences

can be omitted where in a Western language such as English or Ger-
man this would be considered utterly impossible. Often the grammat-
ical subject of a sentence is not mentioned, if the context makes it
sufficiently clear what the subject is.

The Jayalakshmi Vilas building on the Manasagangotri campus,

housing the University Folklore Museum and a museum of Kannada literature

Notes
1
The corresponding English consonants are, strictly speaking, neither dental
nor retroflex, but alveolar, because the tip of the tongue touches further back
in the oral cavity. This is one aspect of the English accent when most speakers
of English speak, for instance, French or German.
2
In the linguistic consciousness of many Indians, especially when they do
not habitually speak English in a Western environment, the English alveolar
consonants (which are unknown in almost all Indian languages) sound more
like retroflexes than like dentals. For this reason, Indians tend to pronounce
English words in a typically ‘heavy’ or ‘thick’ way (namely, with retroflexes
instead of alveolars, which also affects the quality of vowels that precede these
consonants). English loan words in Indian languages are written as though the
English consonants were retroflex.
3
This is clearly heard in some Western languages too, for instance, the dou-
bled consonants in Italian words such as della, sette and otte.
xxxviii A Manual of Modern Kannada

4
Also other language families are of the agglutinative type: e.g., Uralic
(Finnish, Hungarian a.o.), Altaic (Turkish a.o.). Japanese is another promi-
nent agglutinative language. In the opinion of some scholars of Dravidian, the
structural similarities between Uralic, Altaic and Dravidian suggest that these
language families ultimately are sub-families within one large super-family;
but this theory is controversial.
5
Traditional grammars mention seven; see lesson 8.
6
A Kannada grammarian would, more specifically, call both of them instances
of ೋಪಸಂę lōpasaṃdhi, ‘sandhi of elision’.
 Lesson 1

Chamundi Hill near Mysuru, with the temple of Cāmuṃḍēśvari at its top, has been
declared a ಾÀĮ® ್ ರįತ ವಲಯ plāsṭik rahita valaya or ‘plastic-free zone’

The nominal (copulative or equative) sentence – the main categories of

words – nouns and pronoun – grammatical gender of nouns and pronouns –
first and second person pronouns – the third person – the honorific plural –
‘trio words’ – grammatical cases – noun classes – writing compound words
conjointly or separately

This first lesson is longer than the others, because several fundamental
concepts are explained in detail. The learner is advised to go through
these explanations carefully, because a clear understanding of them
will be enormously helpful in all further lessons. It may be useful for
the learner to return to this lesson and read parts of it again from time
to time.

Model sentences
The model sentences at the beginning of each lesson are illustrative
examples of the grammar and sentence patterns that are explained in
that lesson.

ಇದು ಪYಸ³ಕ. Idu pustaka. This is a book.

ಇವY ಪYಸ³ಕಗಳು. Ivu pustakagaḷu. These are books.
2 A Manual of Modern Kannada

ಅದು ಮರ. Adu mara. That is a tree.

ಅವY ಮರಗಳು. Avu maragaḷu. Those are trees.
ಅದು ಹುಡುಗ. Adu huḍuga. That is a boy.
ಅದು ಮ ೆ. Adu mane. That is a house.
ಅವY ಮ ೆಗಳು. Avu manegaḷu. Those are houses.
ಅದು ಮį ೆ. Adu mahiḷe. That is a lady.
ಾನು ī ಾ½ė . Nānu vidyārthi. I am a [male]
student.
ಾನು ī ಾ½ė Ě. Nānu vidyārthini. I am a [female]
student.
ಅವರು Avaru vidyārthigaḷu. They are students.
ī ಾ½ė ಗಳು.

The nominal (copulative or equative) sentence

The simplest type of sentence in Kannada is structurally very simple in-
deed: it is the kind of sentence in which an identity is expressed. This
kind of sentence can be analysed as follows: in the English sentence

It is a book.

an entity (which here is pointed at by means of the word ‘it’) is iden-

tified as an object of the type which we call ‘book’. The English indef-
inite article ‘a’ indicates that nothing more particular is known about
the book. The verb ‘is’, apart from indicating that this identification is
valid in the present moment, does nothing but bring together the two
elements of which we wish to say that they are identical. This ‘is’ is
a so-called copula (or copulative verb, from Latin copulare ‘to unite, to
couple’).
The Kannada language, like most languages in the world, has no
articles, and when one speaks in the present tense (or if one speaks
about an identity that is permanent and, therefore, is independent of
time), there is no need for a copula either: articles and the copula are
simply not there. 1 This kind of construction exists in many languages
in the world. For instance, in Russian, the sentence ‘It is a book’ would
 Lesson 1 3

be translated as Это книга – literally ‘This, book’. This is exactly what

happens in Kannada as well:

ಇದು ಪYಸ³ಕ. Idu pustaka.

The word ಇದು idu means ‘this’ (or more precisely: ‘this thing’). As
we will see later, there is no neutral word for ‘it’ that does not express
proximity or distance: one must choose between ಇದು idu ‘this [thing]’
and ಅದು adu ‘that [thing]’. In these two words, the initial i indicates
nearness, whereas the initial a indicates distance. Similarly, there is no
word for ‘he’: the speaker must choose between expressions for ಇವನು
ivanu ‘this male person’ and ಅವನು avanu ‘that male person’. In all
such situations, the pronoun for the distant third person (adu, avanu
etc.) is generally considered the more neutral and therefore the more
adequate translation of the English ‘it’ or ‘he’. (A complete overview
of the personal pronouns, including all the possibilities for the third
person, in all the three (in the singular) or two (in the plural) genders,
is found below in this lesson on p. 6ff.)
In the model sentence, ಇದು idu ‘this’ is equated or identified with
the second element in the sentence, ಪYಸ³ಕ pustaka ‘book’ by simply
placing these two elements side by side. 2 More is not needed: A = B,
or: ‘A is a B’, or ‘A is the B’.

ಇದು ಮ ೆ idu mane this [is a] house [‘this thing –

house’]
ಅದು ಕಟ®ಡ adu kaṭṭaḍa that [is a] building [‘that thing –
building’]
ಅದು adu huḍugi that [is a] girl
ಹುಡುĆ
ಅವಳು avaḷu huḍugi she [is a] girl
ಹುಡುĆ

When sentences of the above type are pronounced, there is a slight

pause after idu / adu, to indicate that one segment of the sentence
(namely, the subject) is completed; the following word pustaka begins
on a slightly higher pitch, with a falling intonation. One can also think
of the intonation pattern of the English sentence this is a book and try
to pronounce the same sentence, after removing the two superfluous
words ‘is’ and ‘a’ (superfluous from a Kannada point of view), with the
4 A Manual of Modern Kannada

same intonation of the two remaining words. The result will be very
close to the correct Kannada intonation.
As in English, there are separate plural pronouns to denote the
plural number (cf. ಇದು idu ‘this [thing]’ and ಇವY ivu ‘these [things]’).
The suffix ‑gaḷu is added to neuter nouns, as well as many masculine
nouns, to form the plural. The formation of the plural will be discussed
in detail in a later lesson.

Word categories
The Kannada language has several grammatical categories of words.
Most of the terms that are used for denoting them in the language itself
are taken from traditional Sanskrit grammar. 3 Some of these terms are
similar to those that are familiar from the traditional kind of European
grammar that is based on the Latin model: there are nouns ( ಾಮಪದ
nāmapada, ‘name-word’), verbs (Ą¾ ಾಪದ kriyāpada, ‘action-word’),
adjectives (ī ೇಷಣ viśēṣaṇa, ‘distinction’), adverbs (Ą¾ ಾī ೇಷಣ
kriyāviśēṣaṇa, ‘action-distinction’). There are also words that have no
counterpart in most European languages, such as postpositions (which
are the Dravidian equivalent of European prepositions 4). The article,
as we have already seen, is a category that does not exist in Dravidian
languages such as Kannada.
The meanings of the terminology, and the use of the various cat-
egories of words, will be explained in the lessons that follow. The
traditional Sanskritic terminology is not always really satisfactory, be-
cause Sanskrit is an Indo-European language with grammatical cate-
gories that do not always apply to a Dravidian language; similarly, the
corresponding terms from Latin grammar are not always satisfactory
either. The learner is therefore advised to think of these grammatical
terms as mere labels and to give proper attention to the explanations
that are given in the lessons, because such a label may signify some-
thing that is not entirely the same as what the label may signify in
the description of an Indo-European language. 5 We will also see gram-
matical phenomena that, when they are described in Indo-European
terms, appear rather bizarre, such as a compounding of cases in one
word (e.g., the ablative of a locative, or the genitive of a dative), or
case forms of adverbs (e.g., the genitive of an adverb). Such things
may seem impossible in an Indo-European language, but in Dravidian
they make perfect sense.
 Lesson 1 5

Nouns and pronouns

Grammatical gender of nouns and pronouns

Kannada nouns, and the pronouns for the third person, can have one
of three grammatical genders: masculine, feminine, and neuter. It is
important to know the gender of a noun or pronoun in order to select
the correct corresponding verb form, or to select the correct pronoun
with which to substitute a noun. 6
The gender of nouns in Dravidian is hierarchical, 7 in the sense that
a distinction is made between conscious living beings on the one hand
and everything else on the other. In Kannada, there is furthermore a
distinction between adults and children (the word ಮಗು magu ‘child’
8
being neuter ). Among adult conscious beings, there is no distinction
between masculine and feminine in the plural. This means that the
word ಅವY means ‘they’ in the sense of ‘those objects’ or ‘those chil-
dren’, whereas ಅವರು avaru means ‘they’ in the sense of ‘those adult
conscious beings’ (people, gods, spirits, etc.). This gender classification
is the same in the other languages of the South Dravidian sub-family
of languages (such as Tamil and Malayalam): the three genders are
distinguished in the singular, but in the plural there is a combined
masculine-feminine gender, which is termed the epicene or common
gender.
With only very few notable exceptions, the learner does not need to
consciously learn the grammatical gender along with every new noun,
because almost always the gender is immediately apparent: words that
refer to male beings (such as gaṃḍasu ‘man’, huḍuga ‘boy’, ajja ‘grandfa-
ther’, raita ‘farmer’, sainika ‘soldier’, etc.) are masculine, words that re-
fer to female beings (such as heṃgasu ‘woman’, huḍugi ‘girl’, ajji ‘grand-
mother’, rāṇi ‘queen’, vidyārthini ‘[female] student’, etc.) are feminine.
One noticeable exception is manuṣya ‘man, human being’: just as the
English word ‘man’ can be used as a generic, genderless word for the
human species in general (cf. also a word like ‘mankind’), the origi-
nally Sanskrit manuṣya can be (and in Kannada almost always is) used
in the sense of ‘human’; but because humans are not things, it would
be considered crude to treat manuṣya as a neuter noun, hence the con-
jugated verb form is always masculine. Rarely in the case of the words
for animals that are male or female, the words are sometimes treated
as grammatically masculine and feminine, when the speaker feels emo-
tionally attached to the animal (for instance, a pet). But most curiously
6 A Manual of Modern Kannada

for the Western learner, the names of heavenly bodies are masculine:
ಸೂಯ sūrya Sun, ಚಂದ¾ caṃdra Moon, ಶĚ śani Saturn, ಕುಜ kuja
Mars, etc. The reason for this is that these heavenly bodies are astro-
logically identified with masculine deities.

First and second persons

The pronouns for the first and second person in Kannada are rather
straightforward and are comparable to those which we find in French
and other Romance languages. In the first person, there is one word for
the first person singular (‘I’), one word for the first person plural (‘we’).
In the second person, a distinction is made between singular and plural:
there is one word for the second person singular (like French tu) and
one for the second person plural (French vous). The plural pronoun is
also used as a polite or honorific pronoun when one addresses a single
person respectfully in formal speech. (Modern English has lost this
distinction, ‘you’ being used for both the singular and the plural. 9)

ಾನು nānu I
Ěೕನು nīnu you (sing. / informal)
ಾವY nāvu we
ĚೕವY nīvu you (plur. / formal)

As in English, there is no gender distinction in the first and second per-

sons. When speaking to a single person, it is customary to speak to
that one person politely in the plural ĚೕವY nīvu. This can be compared
to polite, formal usage in numerous European languages (such as the
use of French vous, German Sie, Dutch U, Russian вы, Czech vy, etc.,
when addressing a single person). The singular Ěೕನು nīnu is used when
speaking to somebody to whom one need not be polite (i.e., persons
who are clearly much younger than oneself, close friends and relatives,
servants, and persons to whom one, for whatever reason, does not need
or does not want to show respect). The learner is most strongly ad-
vised to basically address any person in the formal and polite plural
whenever there is any doubt whether the singular is acceptable. It is
much better to be a bit too polite than not polite enough.
 Lesson 1 7

The third person

Every noun that refers to a conscious male person belongs grammati-

cally to the masculine gender (ಪYĩÀಂಗ pulliṃga, with the correspond-
ing pronoun ಅವನು avanu, ‘he’), and every noun that refers to a con-
scious female person is of the feminine gender (Į³âೕĩಂಗ strīliṃga, with
the corresponding pronoun ಅವಳು avaḷu, ‘she’). Every other noun is of
the neuter gender (ನಪYಂಸಕĩಂಗ napuṃsakaliṅga, and can be referred
to by the pronoun ಅದು adu, ‘it’). 10
We shall see that in Kannada (as in most Indian languages) it is
also customary to speak politely about a single person by referring to
that person in the plural (this is grammatically termed the honorific
plural). 11 This means that the pronoun ಅವರು avaru, ‘they’, may refer
to one of five things: (a) more than one male person, (b) more than
one female person, (c) a group of male and female persons, (d) one
male person to whom one refers respectfully, (e) one female person to
whom one refers respectfully. (In practice, the context makes it clear
what is meant.) It cannot refer to more than one neuter thing: in such
a case, ‘they’ is always translated into Kannada by the pronoun ಅವY
avu.

ಅವನು avanu he
ಅವಳು avaḷu she
ಅದು adu it / that
ಅವರು avaru they, those persons; he /
she (honorific)
ಅವY avu they / those (neuter)

As we shall see later, these ‘pronouns’ are not really pronouns like the
corresponding English ‘he’, ‘she’ etc.: they are demonstrative prefixes
to which pronominalization endings 12 have been added. A-vanu ac-
tually means ‘distant male person’, a-vu means ‘distant objects’, etc.
Just as the first element a means ‘distant’, an initial i means ‘near’.
Therefore, there also exists another set of pronouns:
8 A Manual of Modern Kannada

ಇವನು ivanu he
ಇವಳು ivaḷu she
ಇದು idu it / this
ಇವರು ivaru they, these persons; he /
she (honorific)
ಇವY ivu they / these (neuter)

The proximate pronouns are used when the objects to which they refer
are near to the speaker. (Whenever the distantness or proximity of the
object is unclear, irrelevant or unimportant, the distant pronouns are
generally used.)

Cultural note on using the honorific plural

The choice of the singular or plural when addressing or refer-
ring to a person is a serious matter, and the wrong choice may
have unpleasant consequences. It is not rare to hear people who
have been on very friendly terms for decades still speak to each
other in the formal plural. By using the singular instead of the
plural when speaking about a single person, one can easily in-
dicate disrespect or contempt (esp. when the person referred to
is elder or is otherwise seen to be in a hierarchically superior
position, such as a clergyman). One should never forget that
Indian social consciousness is highly hierarchical. This may ap-
pear odd and ‘unmodern’ or ‘old-fashioned’ to certain contem-
porary Westerners, especially in the younger generation, but it
is a social and cultural fact that the learner must accept. This
cultured use of the honorific plural in speech and writing is a
social grace which every student must learn.

The honorific plural

In Kannada, as we have seen above, the pronoun ĚೕವY nīvu ‘you’ for
the second person plural can have one of two different functions:

(1) it can denote a group of persons who are addressed by the speaker,
or
 Lesson 1 9

(2) it can denote one single person, to whom the speaker wishes to
express respect.

This second use of the plural is termed the honorific plural. A par-
allel of this is found in most European languages as well, for instance,
in the double use of the pronoun vous in French or вы in Russian: both
vous and вы have exactly these same two functions. As in such other
languages, in Kannada too the listener or speaker will have to judge on
the basis of the context how to understand and translate nīvu. 13

Ěೕನು nīnu you (singular and non-honorific)

ĚೕವY nīvu you (plural and / or honorific)

Kannada speakers, like the speakers of most other Indian languages,

are very sensitive to the use of the honorific plural, and it is important
that the learner understands it. The singular Ěೕನು nīnu is used when
addressing a single person to whom one need not show any special
respect, such as (a) a young child, (b) a close relative, (c) a very old
and close friend, (d) a person who is ranked lower than oneself in a
social hierarchy (e.g., a servant), and finally (e) when one deliberately
wants to express disrespect. 14 In all other situations, one uses ĚೕವY
nīvu. The learner is best advised to use the honorific plural nīvu (just
as in English one always uses ‘you’) and only gradually learn in what
situations the singular nīnu is more appropriate.
What strikes the average modern Westerner is that this use of an
honorific plural occurs not only in the second person (as in French,
Russian etc.), but also in the third person. 15 This means that when
speaking about an individual, one can express respect by speaking
about that single person as though he or she were more than one per-
son:

ಅವನು ನನ· ಮಗ avanu nanna maga he is my son

ಅವಳು ನನ· ಮಗಳು avaḷu nanna magaḷu she is my daughter
ಅವರು ನನ· avaru nanna he is my teacher
ಗುರುಗಳು gurugaḷu
10 A Manual of Modern Kannada

ಅವರು ನಮ¼ avaru namma he is our priest

ಪY ೋįತರು purōhitaru

In both of the first two above examples, avanu and avaḷu are singular
(‘he’ and ‘she’), because the speaker is speaking about his or her own
son (maga) or daughter (magaḷu), who are of course clearly junior and
toward whom the parent will not be deferential. In the third sentence,
the speaker is referring to his or her teacher, and in India teachers, of
whatever kind, are always highly respected, therefore the teacher is
spoken about as if he or she were ‘plural’, therefore avaru. To speak
about a teacher in the singular as avanu or avaḷu would be an expression
of ingratitude and disrespect, if not contempt. The same applies to the
fourth sentence, about the priest. Please note that also the nouns are
in the plural form (recognizable by the plural endings -gaḷu and (for
masculine nouns ending in a) ‑ru. These endings, together with the
rules that determine which of these endings is to be used with which
nouns, will be discussed in a later lesson).
In theory, there is a bit of ambiguity here: a sentence like avaru
namma purōhitaru could mean either ‘he is our priest’ or ‘they are our
priests’. In practice, however, the context sufficiently clearly shows
how many persons are meant. Rarely, if the speaker or writer wants
to make it absolutely clear that more than one person is meant, plural
pronouns with an additional ‑gaḷu are used: avarugaḷu (and similarly,
in the second person, nīvugaḷu).
In general the choice of the singular or plural, when referring to a
single person, is governed by considerations that are similar to those
for the choice of nīnu or nīvu in the second person.
In the case of words of the neuter gender, the plural suffix always
is ‑gaḷu, but the use of this suffix is not necessary when the context
is sufficiently clear about plurality. For instance, when an attributive
word explicitly indicates more than one item (e.g., a numeral, or a word
such as kelavu ‘some’ or halavu ‘many’), one has the choice to use or
not to use the plural suffix. Thus ಮೂರು ಪYಸ³ಕಗಳು mūru pustakagaḷu
and ಮೂರು ಪYಸ³ಕ mūru pustaka both are correct expressions for ‘three
books’.
 Lesson 1 11

‘Trio words’
In Kannada we regularly find sets of three words of related meaning,
which I have termed ‘trio words’. They play an important role in every-
day conversation and are easy to memorize:

įೕ ೆ hīge in this ಇĩÀ illi here

manner
¢ಾ ೆ hāge in that ಅĩÀ alli there
manner
¢ೇ ೆ hēge in which ಎĩÀ elli where?
manner?

ಈಗ īga now ಇಷು® iṣṭu this

much
ಆಗ āga then ಅಷು® aṣṭu that
much
ಾ ಾಗ yāvāga when? ಎಷು® eṣṭu how
much?

In all these sets of words, we see the i for proximity, the a for distance,
and the e for a question. The initial yā in ಾ ಾಗ yāvāga ‘where’ is
a historical alternative for an initial long ē, as one can also see in the
two forms of the word for ‘why’, ಏ ೆ ēke and ಾ ೆ yāke (this second
form is more colloquial than the first, and it is found less in writing).
Thus ಇĩÀ illi should be understood as meaning ‘in this place’, ಅĩÀ alli
means ‘in that place’, ಎĩÀ elli means ‘in which place’, etc.

Grammatical cases
Following the model of Sanskrit grammar, authors of traditional Kan-
nada grammars mention seven grammatical cases. 16 Case indicates
the grammatical function of a noun or pronoun in a sentence: for in-
stance, whether the word refers to the subject, object, or some other
part of the sentence. The various cases and their functions will be
discussed in due course in the following lessons. The Kannada case
forms are unambiguous and are immediately identifiable (unlike, for
12 A Manual of Modern Kannada

instance, the case forms in classical Indo-European languages such as

Sanskrit and Latin, the Slavonic languages, or the forms of the article
in a language such as German).
As already mentioned, the article as a separate word category does
not exist in Kannada (as in most languages of the world). Usually,
the context will help the translator decide whether the definite article
‘the’ or the indefinite article ‘a’ should be used when translating from
Kannada into English or any similar Western language. 17 Therefore the
word ಮರ mara can be translated as ‘tree’, ‘a tree’, or ‘the tree’, de-
pending on the context.

Noun classes
In Kannada grammar, classes of nouns are distinguished according to
(1) gender and according to the (2) ending of the noun stem.

− Ending a: masculine, feminine (rare) or neuter

− Ending i: masculine, feminine or neuter
− Ending u: masculine, feminine (rare) or neuter
− Ending e: feminine or neuter
− Ending ai (very few): neuter

In modern Kannada, every native word ends in a vowel (recent loan

words, most of them from English, may end in a consonant, but usually
not 18). Examples: ಪYರುಷ puruṣa ‘man’ (masculine), ಮರ mara ‘tree’
(neuter), ī ಾ½ė vidyārthi ‘[male] student’ (masculine), ī ಾ½ė Ě
vidyārthini ‘[female] student’ (feminine), ಗುĨ guri ‘goal’ (neuter), ಗುರು
guru ‘teacher’ (masculine or feminine 19), ಾಲು kālu ‘leg’ (neuter), ಬಂ ೆ
baṃḍe ‘rock’ (neuter), ೈ kai ‘hand’ (neuter). 20
Only one single common word ends in long ī, namely the Sanskrit
loan word Į³âೕ strī ‘woman’. 21 It is inflected like the feminine words
ending in short i. The only common words that end in ai are ೈ kai
‘hand’, along with its derivatives, and ģೖ mai ‘body’.
Rather uncommon are the Sanskrit loan words ending in vocalic ṛ
(in general, the ṛ is a rare sign, that occurs only in Sanskrit loan words),
most of which are agentive nouns. They are inflected like the mascu-
line words ending in a short u that is not elided (like ಗುರು guru). More
commonly, however, the final ṛ of such Sanskrit words becomes āra
when borrowed into Kannada: for instance, ವ ಾ³ರ vaktāra ‘speaker’,
 Lesson 1 13

from Sanskrit vaktṛ. (The original Sanskrit root form in ṛ returns, how-
ever, in derived words, e.g., ವಕ³ೃತÂ vaktṛtva ‘speakerhood’, ‘the quality
of being a speaker’.)
As will be shown in the course of these lessons, the declension of
Kannada nouns and pronouns is delightfully regular and simple, with
nothing at all like the complexities and ambiguities of highly inflected
Indo-European languages like Latin, Sanskrit or Russian. The gram-
matical cases are indicated by suffixes which are the same for all
noun classes, with only two slightly different, but easily recognizable
variant forms for the dative case.

Writing compound words conjointly or separately

Also in the Kannada language one finds many compound words, i.e.,
words that signify single concepts but that consist of more than one
component word. The English language is highly inconsistent con-
cerning the question whether a compound word should be written as
one word (one uninterrupted chain of letters) or with spaces that sep-
arate the components: for instance, it is customary to write ‘wind-
mill’ or ‘windscreen’, without a space between ‘wind’ and ‘screen’;
but one writes ‘wind farm’ and ‘wind energy’ (and not ‘windfarm’ and
‘windenergy’). 22 Fortunately the syntactic structure of English is such
that misunderstandings rarely arise, unlike in a language such as Ger-
man, where Getrennt- und Zusammenschreibung is rightly considered a
matter of serious concern.
It seems that little thought has been given to this issue in contem-
porary India. Indian languages would be better written in the German
manner (along the pattern of ‘windenergy’ instead of ‘wind energy’),
but because Indians nowadays tend to blindly follow English patterns
there is an unfortunate tendency, especially among young people, to
write compound words as though the components are independent
words. This means that when reading any modern Indian language,
also Kannada, the reader must constantly be aware that what looks
like two words may actually together signify one thing. For instance,
the word ಾಸನ śāsana means ‘inscription’ and ¡ಾįತ½ sāhitya means
‘literature’; ‘inscriptional literature’ or ‘fragments of literature as found
in inscriptions’ would best be written ಾಸನ¡ಾįತ½ śāsanasāhitya (and
some authors do so), but one usually reads ಾಸನ ¡ಾįತ½ śāsana sāhitya.
14 A Manual of Modern Kannada

The phrase ಾಸನ ¡ಾįತ½ದĩÀ śāsana sāhityadalli could mean ‘the in-
scription in literature’, but in practice it usually means ‘in inscriptional
literature’.
A very different matter is the joining of words in writing in accor-
dance with sandhi or the rules of euphonic combination. We will re-
turn to this subject in greater detail repeatedly in the following lessons. 23
Sandhi can be compared to writing conventions that are found also in
several European languages, such as French (when, for instance, la and
école are written together as l’école), Italian (when da and il together
form dal, etc.) or English (contractions such as it and is becoming it’s,
etc.). Such writing conventions do not affect meaning, but merely rep-
resent changes in pronunciation.

Exercises
1. Describe what you see around you in the room. E.g.: ಅದು ģೕಜು.
Perhaps these words are useful:
ಕುċ ೆĚÅಲು
Ęೕಪ ೆನು·
ģೕಜು ಕಂಪw½ಟರು
ಟೂ½ಬು ೈಟು Ć ಾಸು
ಾī ಾ ೆ
ಪYಸ³ಕ ೆಲ
ģೕಣಬĖ³ ತ ೆ®
ċತ¾ ಇ ೊ·ಂದು
ĄಟĄ ಇĩÀ
ಾĆಲು ಅĩÀ
ಅ ಾ¼Ĩ

2. What do you see outside? E.g.: ಅದು ಹಸು, ಇದು ಮರ, ಇದು
ಇ ೊ·ಂದು ಮರ. Perhaps these words are useful:
ಹೂ ೇĩ
ಆ ಾಶ ಹĄ¤
¢ೊಲ ಸಗĕ
ಸೂಯ ೊಣ
 Lesson 1 15

ಮ ೆ ಾರು
ಮನುಷ½ ರ¡ೆ³

Read and translate:

೧. ಅದು Įೕ ೆ. ೨. ಅದು ಲುಂĆ. ೩. ಅದು ಪಂ ೆ.೪. ಅದು

ಾ½ಂಟು. ೫. ಅವರು ಾರĖೕಯರು. 24 ೬. ಅವರು ğ ೆನ ್. ೭.
ಅದು įě¸. ೮. ಅದು ತುಂಬ ೊಡ° ಊರು. ೯. ಅವಳು ಹುಡುĆ.
೧೦. ಅವರು ಹುಡುĆಯರು. 25 ೧೧. ಅವರು ¢ೆಂಗಸು. ೧೨. ಅವಳು
ಯುವĖ. ೧೩. ಅವರು ಮುದುĄ. ೧೪. ಅವನು ಾ½ĄÅ ಾಲಕ. ೧೫.
ಅವನು Ĩ ಾÄ ಾಲಕ. ೧೬. ಅವರು Ĩ ಾÄ ಾಲಕರು. 26 ೧೭. ಅದು
ಸೂ ೆ¤ೕಸು. ೧೮. ಅವY ಎರಡು ಸೂ ೆ¤ೕಸು. 27 ೧೯. ಅವY ಮೂರು
ಸೂ ೆ¤ೕಸು. ೨೦. ಅವY ಹಲವY ಸೂ ೆ¤ೕಸು. ೨೧. ಅವY ತುಂಬ
¡ಾ ಾನುಗಳು. ೨೨. ಅದು ೆĚÅಲು. ೨೩. ಅದು ಾಗದ. ೨೪.
ಅದು ģೕಜು. ೨೫. ಅದು ೆಟ®. ೨೬. ಅವY ಹಲವY ೆಟ®ಗಳು. 28
೨೭. ಅದು ಹಸು. ೨೮. ಅವY ಎರಡು ಹಸು. ೨೯. ಅವY ಮೂರು
ಹಸು. ೩೦. ಅವY ಾಲು¤ ಹಸು. ೩೧. ಅವY ಐದು ಹಸು. ೩೨. ಅವY
ಹಲವY ಹಸುಗಳು. ೩೩. ಅದು ಮರ. ೩೪. ಅವY ಹಲವY ಮರಗಳು.
೩೫. ಅದು ಾಡು. ೩೬. ಅದು ಆ ಾಶ. ೩೭. ಅದು śೕಡ. ೩೮.
ಅದು ಸೂಯ . ೩೯. ಅದು ಮ ೆ. ೪೦. ಅದು ಊಟ. ೪೧. ಅದು
¢ಾಲು. ೪೨. ಇದು Ć ಾಸು. ೪೩. ಇದು ģೖ ಾನ. ೪೪. ಇದು
ೆಂĄ. ೪೫. ಇದು ೇವರ ಮ ೆ. ೪೬. ಇದು ಚಮಚ. ೪೭. ಇವY
ಎರಡು ಚಮಚ. ೪೮. ಇದು ಾಕು. ೪೯. ಇವY ಮೂರು ಾಕು.
೫೦. ಇದು ğೕಕು . 29 ೫೧. ಇವY ಾಲು¤ ğೕಕು . ೫೨. ಇದು
ತ ೆ®. ೫೩. ಇದು ಮ ೆ. ೫೪. ಇವY ಮ ೆಗಳು. ೫೫. ಇದು ī ಾನ.
೫೬. ಇದು ī ಾನĚ ಾµಣ. ೫೭. ಇವತು³ ¡ೋಮ ಾರ. ೫೮. ಾ ೆ
ಮಂಗಳ ಾರ. ೫೯. ಇವತು³ ಬುಧ ಾರ. ೬೦. ಇವತು³ ಗುರು ಾರ.
೬೧. ಇವತು³ ಶುಕ¾ ಾರ. ೬೨. ಇವತು³ ಶĚ ಾರ. ೬೩. ಇವತು³
ರī ಾರ. ೬೪. ಇದು ಾಕು ಮತು³ ಚಮಚ. ೬೫. ಇದು ಾಕು
ಮತು³ ಅದು ಚಮಚ. ೬೬. ಅದು ğೕಕು . ೬೭. ಅದು ¢ಾಡು.
16 A Manual of Modern Kannada

೬೮. ಅವನು ¢ಾಡು ಾರ. ೬೯. ಅವಳು ¢ಾಡು ಾĖ . ೭೦. ಅವನು

Ĭವ. ೭೧. ಅವನು īಷು². ೭೨. ಅದು ೇ ಾ¡ಾ´ನ. ೭೩. ಅವY
ೇ ಾ¡ಾ´ನಗಳು.

Vocabulary

ಅದು adu that

ಅ ಾ¼Ĩ almāri closet
ಅĩÀ alli there
ಅವನು avanu he
ಅವರು avaru they (persons)
ಅವಳು avaḷu she
ಅವY avu they (non-persons)
ಆ ಾಶ ākāśa sky
ಇದು idu this
ಇ ೆ ide it is, it exists
ಇ ೊ·ಂದು innoṃdu another
ಇĩ ili mouse, rat
ಇĩÀ illi here
ಇವತು³ ivattu today
ಊಟ ūṭa meal
ಊರು ūru town
ಎರಡು eraḍu two
ಐದು aidu five
ಒಂದು oṃdu one
ಕಂಪw½ಟರು kaṃpyūṭaru computer
ಕಟ®ಡ kaṭṭaḍa building
 Lesson 1 17

ಾಗದ kāgada paper

ಾಡು kāḍu forest
ಾರು kāru car
ಾಲು kālu leg, foot
ĄಟĄ kiṭaki window
ಕುċ kurci chair
ೈ kai hand, arm
Ć ಾಸು gilāsu glass
ಗುĨ guri goal
ಗುರು guru teacher
ಗುರು ಾರ guruvāra Thursday
ಗ¾ಂಥ graṃtha book, volume
ಚಮಚ camaca spoon
ಾಕು cāku knife
ಾ ೆ cāpe mat
ಾī cāvi key
ċತ¾ citra picture
ಾ½ĄÅ ṭyāksi taxi
ಟೂ½ಬು ೈಟು ṭyūbulaiṭu tubelight
ತ ೆ® taṭṭe plate
ತುಂಬ tuṃba very
Ęೕಪ dīpa lamp
ೇವ¡ಾ´ನ dēvasthāna temple
ೊಡ° doḍḍa big, large
ಾಲು¤ nālku four
ಾ ೆ nāḷe tomorrow
ೆಲ nela floor
ೊಣ noṇa fly
18 A Manual of Modern Kannada

ಪಂ ೆ paṃce (traditional men’s dress:

‘dhoti’)
ಪYಸ³ಕ pustaka book
ೆನು· pennu ballpoint pen
ೆĚÅಲು pensilu pencil
ಾ½ಂಟು pyāṃṭu pair of trousers
ğ ೆನ ್ phorenar foreigner
ğೕಕು phōrku fork
ಾĆಲು bāgilu door
ಬುಧ ಾರ budhavāra Wednesday
ೆಂĄ beṃki fire
ೆಟ® beṭṭa hill, mountain
ೇĩ bēli fence
ಾರĖೕಯ bhāratīya Indian
ಮಂಗಳ ಾರ maṃgaḷavāra Tuesday
ಮತು³ mattu and
ಮನುಷ½ manuṣya person
ಮ ೆ mane house
ಮರ mara tree
ಮį ೆ mahiḷe lady
ಮ ೆ maḷe rain
ಾ ೆ māle garland
ಮುದುĄ muduki old woman
ಮೂರು mūru three
ģೕಜು mēju table
ģೕಣಬĖ³ mēṇabatti candle
ģೖ ಾನ maidāna lawn, field
śೕಡ mōḍa cloud
 Lesson 1 19

ಯುವĖ yuvati young woman

ರī ಾರ ravivāra Sunday
ರ¡ೆ³ raste road
Ĩ ಾÄ rikṣā rikshaw
ಲುಂĆ luṃgi (traditional men’s dress:
long loincloth)
ī ಾ½ė vidyārthi [male] student
ī ಾ½ė Ě vidyārthini [female] student
ī ಾನ vimāna airplane
ī ಾನĚ ಾµಣ vimānanildāṇa airport
īಷು² Viṣṇu (name of god)
ಶĚ ಾರ śanivāra Saturday
Ĭವ Śiva (name of god)
ಶುಕ¾ ಾರ śukravāra Friday
ಸಗĕ sagaṇi cow dung
¡ಾ ಾನುಗಳು sāmānugaḷu things, belongings
Įೕ ೆ sīre (traditional ladies’ dress:
‘sari’)
ಸೂ ೆ¤ೕಸು sūṭkēsu suitcase
ಸೂಯ sūrya sun
¡ೋಮ ಾರ sōmavāra Monday
Į³âೕ strī woman
ಹĄ¤ hakki bird
ಹಲವY halavu many
ಹಸು hasu cow
¢ಾಡು hāḍu song
¢ಾಡು ಾರ hāḍugāra singer (male)
¢ಾಡು ಾĖ hāḍugārti singer (female)
20 A Manual of Modern Kannada

¢ಾಲು hālu milk

įě¸ hippi hippie
ಹುಡುಗ huḍuga boy
ಹುಡುĆ huḍugi girl
ಹೂ hū flower
¢ೆಂಗಸು heṃgasu woman
¢ೊಲ hola field
¢ೌದು haudu yes

Notes
1
There is an explicit way to indicate the present-tense actuality of a statement,
using the verb ಆಗು āgu, if this is really required; this will be discussed in lesson
15. This same kind of mechanism is used if one wishes to indicate identity in
the past or future.
2
The linguistic term for this is apposition.
3
The grammatical terminology for all Indian languages is, with rare excep-
tions, derived from the grammatical terminology for Sanskrit, the classical
language, just as such terminology for European languages is, in most cases,
derived from that for Latin.
4
Postpositions are also found in modern Indian languages that are not part
of the Dravidian family of languages but are considered to be Indo-European.
But this is merely one example of how Dravidian has profoundly influenced
the later development of Indo-European in India.
5
The reason for using the traditional terminology in the present book is simply
that until now, it has been used in practically all linguistic literature about
Kannada. Therefore, if the reader has learnt it, he will be able to easily use
other linguistic writings about Kannada as well.
6
The gender distinction is not important for determining the correct form of
adjectives (as it is in most Indo-European languages, such as French, German,
Russian, etc.), because Kannada adjectives, like all attributive words and ex-
pressions, are not inflected.
7
Cf. Bloch 1946: 5-7.
8
If one wishes to specifically distinguish between ‘boy-child’ and ‘girl-child’,
one prefixes gaṃḍu and heṇṇu respectively: thus a ¢ೆಣು²ಮಗು heṇṇumagu is a
child who is a girl. However, there are also etymologically related words for
‘son’ and ‘daughter’: ಮಗ maga and ಮಗಳು magaḷu.
 Lesson 1 21

9
In older and archaic English, one finds the pronoun ‘thou’ for the second
person singular, which nowadays has a quaint, rather ceremonial flavour. The
modern ‘you’ is, historically, plural. Nowadays, to explicitly indicate plurality,
one uses constructions such as ‘all of you’, or, in colloquial and informal North
American English, expressions such as ‘you guys’, ‘you all’, etc.
10
This may seem a matter of course for speakers of English, but it does not
come naturally for the speakers of some of the world’s major languages, e.g.,
German and French, or most of the Indo-European languages of northern India
(Hindi, Gujarati, etc.), where gender in some cases is natural, but more often
is not and is determined by entirely different criteria.
11
For the honorific plural, see p. 8ff. It is very important that one understands
the correct use of plural forms in polite language.
12
The very important but basically very simple grammatical mechanism of
pronominalization of attributive words will be discussed in detail in lesson 11.
13
In contemporary English, this problem does not exist, since the use of the
non-honorific thou practically never occurs in the modern language.
14
The learner is strongly advised not to use the singular in this manner. It
can be considered humiliating by native speakers.
15
The use of the honorific third person occurs not only in Kannada, but also
in other Indian languages.
16
Modern Kannada grammarians have been arguing for the need for a new
description and classification of Kannada cases, because the functions of the
Kannada cases differ to some extent from those of the only roughly correspond-
ing Sanskrit cases: see, for instance, Bhat 2001.
17
There are devices in Kannada that may have similar functions as the definite
and indefinite articles, should a speaker or writer feel the need for them. For
instance, indefiniteness can be expressed by means of oṃdu (non-human) or
obba (human) ‘one’, and definiteness by means of ā ‘that / those’ or ī ‘this /
these’.
18
Most of these words refer to objects or ideas that have been imported to In-
dia in relatively recent times, such as ೆĩīಝ ್ ṭelivijhan and ಕಂಪw½ಟ ್
kaṃpyūṭar. Usually, one hears a trailing u in pronunciation: ṭelivijhanu,
kaṃpyūṭaru, which is considered easier to pronounce. This u also commonly
appears in writing. Such loan words are more in use in colloquial speech than
in formal writing, where one finds neologisms such as ದೂರದಶ ನ dūradarśana
(‘far-seeing’, like German Fernsehen) for ‘television’ and ಗಣಕ gaṇaka (‘counter’,
like German Rechner) for ‘computer’.
19
There is also the explicitly feminine ಗುī gurvi for a female teacher, but
this is rarely used. And in any case, one usually speaks about one’s teacher in
the honorific epicene plural.
20
Those learners who know Sanskrit or a modern Indo-Aryan language should
note that (a) a final long vowel in Sanskrit is always shortened: for instance,
Sanskrit nadī ‘river’, becomes Kannada ನĘ nadi, (b) the grammatical gender
22 A Manual of Modern Kannada

may change, because almost any word that refers to a non-human object is
neuter: thus nadī is feminine in Sanskrit, but Kannada nadi is neuter.
21
strī occurs usually in compound words and in contexts where the more com-
mon Dravidian words ¢ೆಣು² heṇṇu and ¢ೆಂಗಸು heṃgasu would be considered
not elegant enough.
22
Examples taken from The Canadian Oxford Dictionary, 2001 edition.
23
This book also has a separate appendix about sandhi.
24
Plural of ಾĨĖೕಯ bhāratīya ‘Indian’. The formation of plurals will be
discussed in lesson 3.
25
Plural of ಹುಡುĆ huḍugi ‘girl’.
26
Plural of ಾಲಕ cālaka ‘driver’.
27
When a number is explicitly mentioned, a neuter noun to which it refers
need not assume a plural form.
28
The suffix ‑gaḷu is used to form the plural of neuter nouns: ೆಟ® beṭṭa ‘hill’,
ೆಟ®ಗಳು beṭṭagaḷu ‘hills’.
29
A linguistic purist will say ಮುಳುÁಚಮಚ muḷḷucamaca ‘thorn-spoon’, but the
English word is much more commonly used.
 Lesson 2

The sign says that the bus plies between Uttarahaḷḷi and
the Keṃpēgauḍa Bus Stand

A note on punctuation marks – sandhi – how to ask questions – ‘yes’ and

‘no’ – the inclusive suffix ū – expressions of comprehensive negation – the
verb iru (to be) – social ritual

Model sentences

ĚೕವY Nīvu vidyārthiyā? Are you a [male]

ī ಾ½ė ಾ? student?
ĚೕವY Nīvu vidyārthiniyā? Are you a [female]
ī ಾ½ė Ě ಾ? student?
¢ೌದು, ಾನು Haudu, nānu Yes, I am a
ī ಾ½ė Ě. vidyārthini. [female] student.
ಇದು ಮರ ಾ? Idu maravā? Is this a tree?
¢ೌದು, ಇದು ಮರ. Haudu, idu mara. Yes, this is a tree.
ಅದು ಪYಸ³ಕ ಾ? Adu pustakavā? Is that a book?
¢ೌದು, ಪYಸ³ಕ. Haudu, pustaka. Yes, a book.
ಅದೂ ಪYಸ³ಕ ಾ? Adū pustakavā? Is that a book too?
ಅಲÀ, ಅದು Alla, adu No, that is not a
ಪYಸ³ಕವಲÀ. pustakavalla. book.
24 A Manual of Modern Kannada

A note on punctuation marks

Punctuation marks in Indian writing are a relatively recent import from
Europe. Before the colonial period, the only such mark that was in
regular use in Kannada was the ದಂಡ daṃḍa or ‘stick’, a vertical line:
> This mark indicated a pause and could be used either as a European
comma, colon, semi-colon, full stop, question mark, or exclamation
mark. For a longer pause, it could be doubled: >>, at the end of a
longer section in a text. 1
Nowadays all the punctuation marks that are used in modern Eu-
ropean languages are also used in modern Kannada. However, because
there is no old tradition of using these marks, and because no one has
ever considered formulating rules for their use, Kannada writers and
printers (just as writers and printers in other Indian languages) tend to
use them in rather haphazard ways. This randomness is seen especially
in the use of the comma and, still more so, of the hyphen. Only rarely
do printers use a hyphen to indicate that a word at the end of a printed
line continues on the next line. The learner is therefore advised not
to assume that the end of a line also indicates the end of a word, but
to immediately continue reading the next line: if that next line begins
with a non-word, it will be clear that that should be added to the last
word of the preceding line and both should be read together as one
word.

Sandhi

The word ‘sandhi’ is taken from Sanskrit, 2 and its primary meaning
is ‘conjoining’. In linguistics, sandhi signifies certain changes that oc-
cur in pronunciation as well as in writing in the case of (a) certain
combinations of words in a sentence or (b) certain combinations of
word-building elements within a word.
Many Western languages have sandhi as well, albeit in clearly
lesser degrees. We see sandhi in French when the words la and école
occur after each other in a sentence and together are written l’école
(instead of *la école 3). A Kannada grammarian would call this reg-
ular elision of the final a of la before a following vowel lōpasaṃdhi
(‘sandhi of loss’). Whereas French orthography uses an apostrophe to
graphically indicate lōpasaṃdhi in writing, 4 other languages, such as
Portuguese, do not: for instance, de and o (‘of the [masculine]’) in
 Lesson 2 25

Portuguese together become do. There is no graphic indication of lō-

pasaṃdhi in Kannada either.
The rules of sandhi can be described as rules of euphonic com-
bination: rules that govern changes that take place in order to make
pronunciation easier. Because of the importance of sandhi in Kannada
(just as in numerous other Indian languages), a separate appendix is
devoted to it at the end of this book. It is advisable for the reader to
go through this appendix at his earliest convenience, because sandhi
occurs often, and the earlier one knows how to recognize it, the bet-
ter. At the same time it is important to know that although sandhi
is governed by rules, not every speaker or writer of modern Kannada
feels rigidly bound by those rules. Often these rules are not applied,
especially in writing. It is also evident that individual authors are not
always consistent in the application of the rules of sandhi, sometimes
even within one single sentence. In other words: the rules of sandhi in
Kannada writing, which in earlier centuries were quite strictly applied,
today have a rather optional character. Some occurrences of sandhi are
very common, and these will be mentioned in the following lessons.
A few of the rules of Sanskrit sandhi apply within loan words that
have been taken from Sanskrit; otherwise, Kannada knows only three
types of sandhi: lōpasaṃdhi (‘sandhi of loss’: see the French example of
l’école, given above), āgamasaṃdhi (‘sandhi by coming’: this occurs in
French when the combination a + il becomes a-t-il, with a t coming in
between the two vowels to facilitate pronunciation 5), and ādēśasaṃdhi
(‘sandhi by substitution’, which is less common in European languages;
it occurs in Dutch when pot + lepel become pollepel, ‘pot spoon’, the
type of wooden spoon that is used in cooking).
We will see some examples of Kannada sandhi in the course of this
lesson.

How to ask questions

Questions in Kannada are almost always asked in one of two ways: 6

− one uses an interrogative word (such as ‘who’, ‘where’, ‘which’, etc.

in English), or
− one adds an interrogative suffix (also called a question marker)
to a plain sentence.
26 A Manual of Modern Kannada

Possibility 1.

ಅವರು ಾರು? avaru yāru? who is he / she /

are they?
ಅವರು ಎ Â? avaru elli? where is he / she /
are they?
ಅದು ಾವ ಮ ೆ? adu yāva mane? which house is
that?
ಎ Âಂದ? ಅĩÀಂದ! elliṃda? alliṃda! from where? from
there!
ಅದು ಏ ೆ ಇĩÀ ೆ? adu ēke illide [illi why is that here?
ide]?

Possibility 2. In the fourth model sentence at the beginning of this

lesson, the word mara means ‘tree’. The English sentence ‘This is a
tree’, in Kannada, would be Idu mara. To change this statement into a
question, one simply adds the suffix ā to the final word. This creates
a neutral question: the person who asks the question truly does not
know what the answer will be, and he simply wants to know what the
answer is, without any preference for an answer. 7
The learner will notice that in Kannada, nearly all the interrogative
words begin either with yā, e or ē, (the one notable exception is ¢ೇ ೆ
hēge ‘how’). The word ಾರು yāru ‘who’ is grammatically plural (i.e.,
the polite epicene (see below) plural. This means that a Kannadiga will
never ask ‘who is there?’ but always ‘who are there?’). 8
Because the word mara ends in a short a, and because Kannada
does not tolerate gaps in pronunciation between vowels (hiatus), the
semi-vowel v (a so-called hiatus filler) is inserted to connect the final
a of mara and the following question suffix ā, for ease of pronunciation.
(This is an example of āgamasaṃdhi, which was explained above.) Thus
the sentence idu maravā? meaning ‘is this a tree?’ is created. Such a
question is pronounced with a rising intonation on the interrogative
suffix (similar to the rising intonation of the Canadian English ‘eh?’,
or the standard English ‘isn’t it?’).
 Lesson 2 27

idu pustaka this is a book idu pustaka-v-ā? is this a book?

adu kaṣṭa that is difficult adu kaṣṭa-v-ā? is that
difficult?
adu kaṭṭaḍa that is a adu is that a
building kaṭṭaḍa-v-ā? building?
idu patra this is a letter idu patra-v-ā? is this a letter?

If, however, the noun denotes a male person (i.e., if the gender of the
noun is masculine), the connecting consonant after a final short a is not
v, but n. 9 The same applies for two nouns for family relationships that
denote female persons, namely, ಅಮ¼ amma ‘mother’ and ಅಕ¤ akka
‘elder sister’.

ivanu huḍuga he is a boy ivanu huḍuga-n-ā? is he a boy?

If the final vowel of the preceding word is a so-called front vowel (i, ī,
e, or ai), the connecting semi-vowel, which acts as the hiatus filler, is
not v, but y:

idu mane this is a house idu mane-y-ā? is this a house?

idu biḷi this is white idu biḷi-y-ā? is this white?
adu huḍugi that is a girl adu huḍugi-y-ā? is that a girl?
adu kai that is a hand adu kai-y-ā? is that a hand?

If the final vowel of the preceding word is a short u, that u is replaced

(elided: lōpasaṃdhi) by the question suffix: 10

idu kappu this is black idu kapp-ā? is this black?

adu toḍaku that is a problem adu toḍak-ā? is that a
problem?

It may help the beginning learner to re-think these questions in a form

such as “this is black, eh?”, or “that is a problem, isn’t it?” 11
The suffix ā is added to the very last word of a sentence in order
to turn the sentence into a question.
28 A Manual of Modern Kannada

‘Yes’ and ‘no’

In the model sentences, we find two words that have been translated
in English as ‘yes’ and ‘no’:

− ¢ೌದು haudu is the common word expressing agreement, affirma-

tion, or approval (‘yes’),
− ಅಲÀ alla is the word that denies identity (‘no, x is not y, but some-
thing else’). 12 This word is actually a form of a verb, of which only
very few forms are still in use (a so-called defective verb, as is seen
in the last model sentence at the beginning of this lesson).

The word alla for ‘no’ must be distinguished from another, very similar
word, namely,

− ಇಲÀ illa. This too means ‘no’, but it is a fundamentally different

kind of negation: whereas alla negates identity, illa negates pres-
ence or existence (‘no, it is not here’, or ‘no, such a thing does not
exist’).

The learner must understand that there is a basic difference between

these two kinds of negation. The simple sentence ಾನು ಅಲÀ nānu
alla (usually contracted, through regular sandhi, to ಾನಲÀ nānalla 13)
means ‘it is not me’ (but somebody else); ಾನು ಇಲÀ nānu illa ( ಾĚಲÀ
nānilla) means ‘I am not there’ or ‘I do not exist’.
In writing and in print, the words alla and illa, when used as a
verb at the end of a sentence, are usually combined with a preceding
word according to the same rules of sandhi that have been given above
for the interrogative suffix. This spelling convention reflects the actual
pronunciation. (We will see that the same applies to other suffixes as
well.)

ಇದು ಮರವಲÀ idu mara-v-alla this is not a tree

ಅದು ೊಡಕಲÀ adu toḍak-alla that is not a problem
ಅದು ಹುಡುĆಯಲÀ adu huḍugi-y-alla that is not a girl
 Lesson 2 29

ಅĩÀ ಮರīಲÀ alli mara-v-illa there is no tree there

ಅĩÀ ೊಡĄಲÀ alli toḍak-illa there is no problem there
ಅĩÀ ಹುಡುĆĥಲÀ alli huḍugi-y-illa there is no girl there

Another possible word for expressing a different meaning of the English

‘no’ is the ‘no’ that expresses the denial of being wanted or being neces-
sary: ೇಡ bēḍa. The corresponding positive expression (‘is wanted or
needed’) is ೇಕು bēku. These two words, bēku and bēḍa, are extremely
commonly used, occurring in practically each and every conversation
or piece of writing, and therefore the learner must master their usage
well. Both of these words are used as predicates of any kind of subject,
irrespective of gender or number. Their use will be discussed in a later
lesson. 14
Apart from simple negations of existence and identity through the
use of illa and alla, negation in Dravidian languages looks a bit odd
for most learners who are not already familiar with a language from
this family, even if native speakers feel that it comes quite naturally
(simply because they have grown up with it). Instead of saying, for
instance, ‘I will not go to class’, a Kannadiga will actually say some-
thing like ‘my going to class does not exist’. This construction, which
may appear difficult to understand for the average speaker of an Indo-
European language, will be introduced in lesson 5. In order to fully
understand this grammatical construction, the learner must first have
learnt a few other aspects of Kannada grammar, therefore the detailed
and full discussion of negation will be postponed till lesson 15.

The inclusive suffix ū

In the eighth of the model sentences at the beginning of this lesson, the
reader will have noticed that the vowel of the word adu seems to have
been lengthened to adū: actually, the final short u of adu is replaced
in lōpasaṃdhi when ū is added. 15 Like the interrogative marker ā, the
long ū can also be attached to a variety of words. The basic meaning of
this suffix is inclusion or addition. In English it is usually translated
by ‘and’, ‘also’, or ‘too’:
30 A Manual of Modern Kannada

ಅದೂ ಪYಸ³ಕ ಾ? adū pustakavā? is that also a book?

¢ೌದು, ಅದೂ haudu, adū pustaka yes, that too is a book
ಪYಸ³ಕ
ಪYಸ³ಕವw ಇ ೆ ಾ? pustakavū ideyā? 16 is there also a book?
¢ೌದು, ಅದೂ ಇ ೆ haudu, adū ide yes, that too is there
ಇಲÀ, ಅದು ಇಲÀ illa, adu illa no, that is not there

Enumerations: ‘and’
There is a Kannada word that corresponds to the English ‘and’: ಮತು³
mattu. It can be used more or less anywhere where in English one
would use ‘and’.

ಆ ಾಶ ಮತು³ ೆಕು¤ ākāśa mattu bekku The Sky and the

Cat 17

The frequent use of mattu seems to be on the increase in the modern

language, perhaps under the influence of English. The same meaning
could be conveyed by ಆ ಾಶವw ೆಕೂ¤ ākāśavū bekkū.
Often an enumeration is expressed by listing the members of the
enumeration one after the other and ending the list with a comprehen-
sive personal pronoun:

ģೖಸೂರು maisūru maṃgaḷūru Mysore, Mangalore,

ಮಂಗಳೂರು beṃgaḷūru Bangalore,
ೆಂಗಳೂರು śivamogga Shimoga, and
Ĭವśಗ¦ ಾರ ಾಡ dhāravāḍa ivu Dharwad are cities
ಇವY ಕ ಾ ಟಕದ karnāṭakada in (‘of’) Karnataka
ನಗರಗಳು nagaragaḷu

Expressions of comprehensive negation

English and other Western languages have words of comprehensive
negation, such as ‘never’, ‘nothing’, ‘nobody’, ‘nowhere’, etc. Kannada
has no such simple expressions of comprehensive, total negation; in-
stead, the speaker uses an interrogative word (‘when’, ‘what’, ‘who’
etc.), adds the inclusive suffix ū, and negates the combination (‘also
when’, ‘also what’, ‘also who’, etc.) by means of illa ‘is not’.
 Lesson 2 31

ಾ ಾಗಲೂ ಇಲÀ yāvāgalū illa never

ಏನೂ ಇಲÀ ēnū illa nothing
ಾರೂ ಇಲÀ yārū illa nobody
ಎĩÀಯೂ ಇಲÀ elliyū illa 18
nowhere

Literally, these expressions mean ‘also when is not there’, ‘also what is
not there’, etc.

The verb iru (to be)

Probably every living, natural language has exceptions to the rules
of its grammar, such as irregular verbs. Fortunately for the foreign
learner, there are hardly any very serious irregularities in the Kannada
verb system. We will see that the verbs which most older grammar
books call ‘irregular’ rather resemble the so-called ‘strong’ verbs of the
Germanic languages. 19 (A list of Kannada strong verbs is included as
an appendix in this book.)
Kannada verbs have three tenses (past, present, future: just as most
Western languages) and are conjugated according to person (first, sec-
ond, third), number (singular and plural), and, in the third person,
according to gender, as we have already seen in our discussion of the
pronouns in lesson 1: masculine, feminine and neuter (as in English) in
the third person singular, but a combined masculine-feminine (epicene
or common) gender and neuter in the third person plural.
Conjugation implies that the various persons are distinguished by
personal endings. It is extremely important for the learner to mem-
orize these endings perfectly. If one cannot recognize these end-
ings, then the meaning of many sentences cannot be understood.
32 A Manual of Modern Kannada

Personal suffixes for the present tense

person (gender) singular (gender) plural

1 ēne ēve
2 īye / ī 20 īri
3 masc. āne epicene āre
fem. āḷe
neuter ade neuter ave

There is only one single verb in Kannada that is used very often and is
irregular in the present tense (just as the corresponding verbs in many
other languages throughout the world), namely ಇರು iru ‘to be’. The
root of the verb is iru, and the irregularly formed present stem is idd,
after which the personal suffixes given in the table above (except for
the third person neuter, both singular and plural) for the present tense
are added:

Present tense of iru

1 ps. sg. ಇ ೆµೕ ೆ iddēne I am

2 ps. sg. ಇʵೕĦ iddīye you are
3 ps. sg. masc. ಇ ಾµ ೆ iddāne he is
3 ps. sg. fem. ಇ ಾµ ೆ iddāḷe she is
3 ps. sg. nt. ಇ ೆ ide it is
1 ps. pl. ಇ ೆµೕ ೆ iddēve we are
2 ps. pl. ಇʵೕĨ iddīri you are
3 ps. pl. epi. ಇ ಾµ ೆ iddāre they are (epicene)
3 ps. pl. nt. ಇ ೆ ive they are (neuter)

The learner must be aware that the past stem of iru is also idd – this
is an odd irregularity of this one particular verb iru, and not of any
other. Whether a finite form of iru is present or past cannot be seen
by the stem, but only by the endings: present tense suffixes for the
present, past tense suffixes for the past.
 Lesson 2 33

Personal suffixes for the past tense

person (gender) singular (gender) plural

1 enu / e evu
2 i iri
3 masc. anu / a epicene aru
fem. aḷu
neuter itu neuter uvu / avu 21

Past tense of iru

1 ps. sg. ಇ ೆµನು / ಇ ೆµ iddenu / idde 22 I was

2 ps. sg. ಇʵ iddi you were
3 ps. sg. masc. ಇದµನು / ಇದµ iddanu / idda 23
he was
3 ps. sg. fem. ಇದµಳು iddaḷu she was
3 ps. sg. nt. ಇತು³ / ಇʵತು ittu / idditu 24 it was
1 ps. pl. ಇ ೆµವY iddevu we were
2 ps. pl. ಇʵĨ iddiri you were
3 ps. pl. epi. ಇದµರು iddaru they were
3 ps. pl. nt. ಇದುµವY / ಇದµವY idduvu / iddavu they were

The forms of the future tense of iru are perfectly regular and will be
discussed in a later lesson, along with other regular verb forms.

Exercise

Take the following nouns, ask whether ‘that’ is an x, and then affirm
and deny it.
Example:
ಅದು ಪYಸ³ಕ ಾ ? Is that a book?
¢ೌದು, ಅದು ಪYಸ³ಕ. Yes, that is a book.
ಅಲÀ, ಅದು ಪYಸ³ಕವಲÀ. No, that is not a book.
34 A Manual of Modern Kannada

Use the following words:

ಮರ ಾī
ಕುċ ಮನುಷ½
ģೕಜು ರ¡ೆ³
ಹುಡುĆ ಅಕ¤
ಪY ೋįತ ಇĩ
ī ಾ½ė Ě ೊಣ
ಹĄ¤ ī ಾ½ė
ಹಸು ¢ೆಂಗಸು
ಮį ೆ

This newer bus goes to the part of

southern Bangalore called ಬನಶಂಕĨ
Banaśaṃkari

Social ritual
(The idiomatic expressions are explained below.)

ನಮ¡ಾ¤ರ. Namaskāra. a (formula for

greeting)
ನಮ¡ಾ¤ರ. Namaskāra. (standard answer)
¢ೇĆʵೕĨ? Hēgiddīri? b How are you?
c
ೆ ಾ·Ć ೆµೕ ೆ. Cennāgiddēne. I am fine.
ಏನು ಸ ಾ ಾರ? Ēnu samācāra? What is the news?
d
ī ೇಷīಲÀ. Viśēṣavilla. Nothing special
(‘there is no special
thing’).
ಏನೂ ಇಲÀ. Ēnū illa. Nothing (‘what-also
is not’).
ಊಟ ಾĥ ಾ? Ūṭavāyitā? e How are you? [Did
you have your
meal?]
 Lesson 2 35

ಆĥತು. Āyitu. f I am fine. [(The

meal) took place.]
Ěೕವw ೆ ಾ·Ćʵೕ ಾ? Nīvū cennāgiddīrā? Are you fine too?
ಪರ ಾ ಇಲÀ. Paravā illa. All right (‘there is
no worry’).
( ಾನು) ಬರ ಾ? (Nānu) baralā? May I leave?
(‘Shall I come?’)
ಬĚ·. Banni. Yes, you may go
(‘Please come’).
ನಮ¡ಾ¤ರ. Namaskāra. (the same is said
when parting)

Notes on idiomatic expressions found in social ritual

a
The pan-Indian word ನಮ¡ಾ¤ರ namaskāra literally means ‘act of bowing’. It
can always be used, when greeting someone or when taking leave.
b
¢ೇĆʵೕĨ hēgiddīri? = hēge + iddīri, ‘how are you’. In the speech of less
educated city dwellers, the expression hēgiddīrā? can be heard. This is plainly
a grammatical error, because hēge in itself already indicates that a question is
being asked, hence the question suffix -ā is superfluous.
c
ೆ ಾ·Ć ೆµೕ ೆ cennāgiddēne: cennāgi ‘fine’ / ‘nicely’ / ‘beautifully’ + iddēne are
contracted to cennāgiddēne. Similarly cennāgi + iddīri + ā become cennāgid-
dīrā? ‘how are you?’, ‘are you fine?’
d
ī ೇಷīಲÀ viśēṣavilla = viśēṣa + v + illa ‘a special thing is not’.
e
ಊಟ ಾĥ ಾ? ūṭa + v + āyitā: ಊಟ ūṭa means ‘meal’, ಆĥ ಾ āyitā
means ‘did it happen?’, in other words: ‘did the meal take place?’, ‘have you
had your meal?’ This is an alternative, traditional way of inquiring after a
person’s well-being.
f
ಆĥತು āyitu ‘it happened’, ‘it took place’. This is the totally automatic re-
sponse that is given in such exchanges (exactly as when, in English, one un-
thinkingly answers ‘I’m fine’ in response to the question ‘how are you?’, irre-
spective of how one’s condition really is). One should not expect that if one
says ‘no, I did not have my meal’, the interlocutor will offer a meal.

Cultural note on taking leave

When one is already present and wishes to leave, it is considered
wrong to ask ‘may I go?’. Similarly, it is considered highly im-
polite to tell somebody to ‘go’: the use of the simple verb hōgu is
36 A Manual of Modern Kannada

felt to imply a definite, irreversible going, as if one is saying ‘go

away and never come back’. Expressions such as Nānu baralā?
‘Shall I come?’ and Banni ‘Please come’ are elliptic expressions
for Nānu hōgi baralā? ‘Shall I go and then come again?’ and Hōgi
banni ‘Please go and come back’ (more literally: ‘After having
gone, please come back’). The special verb forms barali (a first
person singular hortative) and hōgi (a gerund) will be discussed
in later lessons. The person who leaves will conclude the ex-
change of words with the expression baruttēne ‘I come’ (i.e., ‘I
will be coming’, ‘I will return’, ‘Till next time’).

Conversation

Rāmappa

ನಮ¡ಾ¤ರ, Namaskāra, Greetings, Mr

Gururājarē. Gururaja.
ಗುರು ಾಜ ೇ.
Gururāja

ನಮ¡ಾ¤ರ, Namaskāra, Greetings, Mr

Rāmappanavarē. Rāmappa.
ಾಮಪ¸ನವ ೇ.
Rāmappa

¢ೇĆʵೕĨ? Hēgiddīri? How are you?

Gururāja

ಾನು ೆ ಾ·Ć ೆµೕ ೆ. Nānu cennāgiddēne. I’m fine. And you?

Nīvu?
ĚೕವY?

Rāmappa

ಾನೂ ೆ ಾ·Ć ೆµೕ ೆ. Nānū cennāgiddēne. I’m fine too. Is this

Ivaru nimma your wife?
ಇವರು Ěಮ¼
maneyavarā?
ಮ ೆಯವ ಾ?
 Lesson 2 37

Gururāja

¢ೌದು, ಇವರ Haudu, ivara hesaru Yes, her name is

Sītamma. Sītamma.
¢ೆಸರು Įೕತಮ¼.

Rāmappa

ನಮ¡ಾ¤ರ, Namaskāra, Greetings, Mrs

Sītammanavarē. Sītamma.
Įೕತಮ¼ನವ ೇ.
ಾನು ಬರ ಾ? Nānu baralā? May I take leave?

Gururāja

ಸĨ, ಬĚ·. Sari, banni. All right, good bye.

Rāmappa

ಬರು ೆ³ೕ ೆ, Baruttēne, Till next time, Mrs

Sītammanavarē. Sītamma. Good
Įೕತಮ¼ನವ ೇ.
Namaskāra. bye.
ನಮ¡ಾ¤ರ.

Cultural note on names

Many Kannada names end in appa, ayya and amma. These three
words literally mean ‘father’, ‘lord’ and ‘mother’. The first two
are used in male names, the third in female names. When calling
persons of such names, it is customary to add the polite pronoun
avaru, linked to the name by means of an n, and adding the
vocative suffix ē (vocatives will be discussed in a later lesson).
Thus Sītammanavarē means ‘oh, Mrs Sītamma!’

Exercise
Read and translate the following dialogue:

ಕೃಷ²ಪ¸: ನಮ¡ಾ¤ರ.
ಾಮಯ½: ನಮ¡ಾ¤ರ, ¡ಾÂĢ.
38 A Manual of Modern Kannada

ಕೃಷ²ಪ¸: ĚೕವY ಾಮಯ½ನವ ಾ?

ಾಮಯ½: ¢ೌದು, ಾನು ಾಮಯ½. ¢ೇĆʵೕĨ?
ಕೃಷ²ಪ¸: ೆ ಾ·Ć ೆµೕ ೆ. ĚೕವY?
ಾಮಯ½: ಾನೂ ೆ ಾ·Ć ೆµೕ ೆ.
ಕೃಷ²ಪ¸: ಇವರು Ěಮ¼ ಮ ೆಯವ ಾ?
ಾಮಯ½: ¢ೌದು, ಇವರು ನನ· ಮ ೆಯವರು. ಇವರ ¢ೆಸರು ಲಕÄಮ¼.
ಕೃಷ²ಪ¸: ನಮ¡ಾ¤ರ, Ěಮ¼ ¢ೆಸರು ಲĄÄà ಾ?
ಲಕÄಮ¼: ಅಲÀ, ನನ· ¢ೆಸರು ಲಕÄಮ¼.
ಕೃಷ²ಪ¸: ಓ, ಕÄĢĮ, ಲಕÄಮ¼ನವ ೇ. ¢ೇĆʵೕĨ?
ಲಕÄಮ¼: ತುಂಬ ೆ ಾ·Ć ೆµೕ ೆ. ĚೕವY ¢ೇĆʵೕĨ?
ಕೃಷ²ಪ¸: ೆ ಾ·Ć ೆµೕ ೆ. ಇದು Ěಮ¼ ಮ ೆ ಾ?
ಾಮಯ½: ¢ೌದು, ಇದು ನಮ¼ ಮ ೆ.
ಕೃಷ²ಪ¸: ತುಂಬ ೆ ಾ·Ć ೆ. ಕÄĢĮ, ಅĩÀ ನನ· ಬಸುÅ ಇ ೆ. ಾನು
ಬರ ಾ?
ಾಮಯ½: ಬĚ·. ನಮ¡ಾ¤ರ.
ಕೃಷ²ಪ¸: ನಮ¡ಾ¤ರ. ಬರು ೆ³ೕ ೆ.

Vocabulary

ಇ ೆ ide is
ಇವರ ivara his / her (honorific)
ಇವರು ivaru he / she (honorific)
ಎĩÀ elli where?
ಎĩÀಂದ elliṃda from where?
 Lesson 2 39

ಏ ೆ ēke why?
ಏನು ēnu what?
ಕಪY¸ kappu black
ಕಷ® kaṣṭa difficult
ಕÄĢĮ / kṣamisi / excuse me, sorry (honorific)
ಕÄĢĮĨ kṣamisiri
ೆ ಾ·Ć cennāgi nicely, finely
ೊಡಕು toḍaku problem
ನನ· nanna my
ನಮ¼ namma our
Ěಮ¼ nimma your (honorific)
ಪತ¾ patra letter
ಪರ ಾ paravā worry 25
ಪY ೋįತ purōhita priest
ಬĚ· banni please come
ಬರĩ barali I should come
ಬರು baru to come
ಬಸುÅ bassu bus (vehicle)
ĠĪ biḷi white
ೇಕು bēku is wanted / required / needed
ೇಡ bēḍa is not wanted / not required
ಮ ೆಯವರು maneyavaru spouse
ಾರು yāru who?
ಾವ yāva which?
ಾ ಾಗ yāvāga when?
ರ¡ೆ³ raste road
ī ೇಷ viśēṣa something special
ಸ ಾ ಾರ samācāra news
40 A Manual of Modern Kannada

ಸĨ sari okay, all right, correct

¢ೆಸರು hesaru name
¢ೇ ೆ hēge how?
¢ೌದು haudu yes

Notes
1
The double daṃḍa is still used in Kannada writing and printing where in
Europe it is customary to place a period after a title: Ś¾>> ‘Prof.’, ಾ>> ‘Dr.’,
etc.
2
In the classical Sanskrit language, the rules of sandhi are many and complex.
Because they are so striking in Sanskrit, this Sanskrit term has been adopted by
linguists to describe the phenomenon in general, irrespective of the language
which the linguists describe.
3
It is customary in linguistic writings to use an asterisk (*) to indicate what
would be considered a language error according to the grammatical rules of
that language.
4
In English, lōpasaṃdhi is not nearly so frequent as in French, but is also
indicated by means of apostrophes: cf. he’s for ‘he is’, I’m for ‘I am’, etc.
5
This t is, strictly speaking, not an addition, but the return of a historical t
that was lost when French developed out of its ancestral Latin; however, this t
remained in the collective memory of the speakers of French and returns under
certain circumstances: compare French a-t-il and Latin habet ille. An example
in English is the return of the historically original n at the end of the indefinite
article a before a word beginning with a vocalic sound: therefore we say and
write an example and not *a example.
6
A third way is to pronounce an ‘ordinary’ sentence with a particular rising
intonation: a device that is probably found in each and every language. In
practice, this occurs rarely in colloquial Kannada, is extremely difficult for a
beginning learner, and cannot be learnt from a book. A fourth way is to simply
tag on the expression allavā? (‘is it not so?’) to a statement.
7
There are three more such question suffixes, with slightly different meanings,
that will be discussed in a later lesson. The ā suffix is by far the most commonly
used and indicates a neutral question, i.e., the questioner does not expect any
particular answer.
8
In older literature one finds the singular ಾವನು yāvanu (masculine) and
ಾವಳು yāvaḷu (feminine), but these forms have practically gone out of use
in the modern language. This is understandable: if one does not know the
 Lesson 2 41

identity of a person, one will not know whether that person is male or female,
nor whether the informal (and potentially rude) singular is appropriate or not.
9
The reason for this is that in Old Kannada (i.e., the stage of development of
the language before the twelfth century CE) such words did not end in a but in
an. This historical an returns when a suffix that begins with a vowel is added
to such words.
10
In only very few and specific cases, a final u is not elided. This will be
explained later.
11
Once the learner has become accustomed to this construction, he will realize
that this is much simpler than the European constructions with auxiliary verbs
(such as the English ‘to do’: you have time > do you have time?) or inverted
word order (such as German du hast Zeit > hast du Zeit? etc.).
12
In the colloquial speech of less educated speakers, one can also sometimes
hear illa (a tendency that appears to be much stronger in contemporary Tamil,
a neighbouring Dravidian language, and the distinction also seems to be a bit
blurred in northern Karnataka due to the influence of neighbouring Marathi, an
Indo-European language). However, this is actually a different word (negating
existence rather than identity: see below), and this usage is uneducated and
confusing. The learner is advised to carefully distinguish alla and illa, also
because of the meanings of other words that are derived from both of them.
13
ಾನಲÀ Nānalla (1970) is also the title of a collection of short stories by the
well-known author P. Lankesh (1935-2000).
14
Historically, bēku and bēḍa are defective verb forms.
15
For an explanation and details, see the appendix in this book on sandhi, the
rules of euphonic combination.
16
ide ‘it is (present), it exists’ (see below).
17
ಆ ಾಶ ಮತು³ ೆಕು¤ Ākāśa mattu bekku is the title of a collection of short
stories (2001), as well as of a short story contained in that collection, by the
famous Kannada author U.R. Ananthamurthy (1932-2014).
18
ellū illa is also possible.
19
Such verbs are ‘irregular’ only in the formation of their past stem; in the
present and future tense, they are perfectly regular.
20
These two suffixes are freely exchangeable. It is a matter of personal style
and preference whether one uses one or the other, although the longer one is
more common.
21
The suffix avu is found esp. in the northern part of the Kannada speech area
(northern Karnataka and southern Maharashtra).
22
The shorter form idde occurs esp. in colloquial speech.
23
The shorter form idda occurs esp. in colloquial speech.
24
The shorter form is by far more common than the longer one, which has a
slightly ‘literary’ quality about it.
25
Used only in the fixed idiomatic expression ಪರ ಾ ಇಲÀ paravā illa ‘all right’,
‘there is no reason to worry’.
 Lesson 3

Pensive monkey near the ruins of Hampi

Plural suffixes

Plural suffixes for nouns

The noun classes (see lesson 1, p. 12) differ from each other with regard
to the suffixes for the plural, which is the first suffix that may be
added to a noun stem, before case suffixes (if any are needed).
Almost always, the plural suffix is either ‑(a)ru or ‑gaḷu. A very
small and special third category consists of a few nouns for family re-
lationships which have their plural formed with the suffix (c) ‑ṃdiru.

(a) The plural suffix (-a)ru

The plural suffix ‑(a)ru is used with masculine nouns ending in ‑a. Clas-
sical grammars in Kannada say that the final a of the noun is elided
before the ending is added; 1 but it may be easier for the learner of the
modern language to think of the suffix as ‑ru.

huḍuga – huḍugaru boy – boys

cālaka – cālakaru driver – drivers
44 A Manual of Modern Kannada

raita – raitaru farmer – farmers

rāja – rājaru king – kings
purōhita – purōhitaru priest – priests

The -(a)ru suffix is also used to form the plural of very rare femi-
nine nouns ending in aḷu, such as sēvakaḷu (‘[female] servant’), that
are found in traditional school grammars. Such words are very rare
in actual modern practice, and for creating feminine counterparts to
such masculine Sansksritic nouns, the tendency is rather to use Sanskrit
loanwords with a feminine ending i, e.g., sēvaki instead of sēvakaḷu. But
here too, when one sees or hears the plural sēvakaru, the context must
tell whether male or female persons, or both, are meant.

(b) The plural suffix -aru

The ‑aru suffix is never used with neuter nouns, but only with mascu-
line and feminine nouns (to form an epicene plural, in which a dis-
tinction between masculine and feminine is not expressed – see lesson
1).
The ‑aru suffix is always found with feminine nouns ending in ‑i and
‑e, as well as with two words ending in ‑u, namely the very frequently
used words heṃgasu ‘woman’ and gaṃḍasu ‘man’:

heṃgasu – heṃgasaru woman – women

gaṃḍasu – gaṃḍasaru man – men
huḍugi – huḍugiyaru girl(s)
snēhite – snēhiteyaru (female) friend(s)

(c) The plural suffix -gaḷu

Almost all other nouns form the plural by means of the suffix -gaḷu:

mara – maragaḷu tree(s)

kuri – kurigaḷu sheep (sing. and plur.)
 Lesson 3 45

ūru – ūrugaḷu town(s)

vidyārthi – vidyārthigaḷu (male) student(s) 2

(d) The plural suffix ‑ṃdiru

A special, but small class of nouns are those ending in a that denote
family relationships and form their plurals by means of the curious
suffix ‑ṃdiru:

aṇṇa – aṇṇaṃdiru elder brother(s)

tamma – tammaṃdiru younger brother(s)
akka – akkaṃdiru elder sister(s)
amma – ammaṃdiru mother(s)
appa – appaṃdiru father(s)
ajja – ajjaṃdiru grandfather(s)
gaṃḍa – gaṃḍaṃdiru husband(s)
māva – māvaṃdiru uncle(s)

One interesting exception is the plural of the common word for ‘child’:

magu – makkaḷu child – children

This also applies to the compound heṇṇumagu – heṇṇumakkaḷu ‘wom-

enfolk’.

To summarize (gender – suffix – example):

nouns in a:

masculine (a)ru huḍuga – huḍugaru

neuter gaḷu mara – maragaḷu
46 A Manual of Modern Kannada

nouns in i:

masculine gaḷu vidyārthi – vidyārthigaḷu

feminine aru huḍugi – huḍugiyaru
neuter gaḷu buṭṭi – buṭṭigaḷu

nouns in u:

all genders gaḷu hasu – hasugaḷu

nouns in e:

feminine aru vidhave – vidhaveyaru

neuter gaḷu kere – keregaḷu

Exceptions: gaṃḍasu – gaṃḍasaru, heṃgasu – heṃgasaru, magu – makka-

ḷu, and the terms for relatives that end in a.
Still more succinctly, if we look at this matter from the point of
view not of noun classes, but of endings, we can summarize:

Plural suffixes

− plural in -(a)ru: masculine and feminine nouns ending in -a, femi-

nine nouns ending in -i or -e
− plural in -aṃdiru: the very small class of nouns for family relation-
ships ending in -a
− plural in -gaḷu: everything else, except for gaṃḍasaru, heṃgasaru,
makkaḷu

As already mentioned in lesson 1, the use of the plural suffix ‑gaḷu

with neuter nouns is not always required when the context is suffi-
ciently clear about plurality.

Exercise
Take the following nouns, use them to construct sentences of the type
‘that is an x’, and then turn them into the plural (‘those are x’s’).
Example: ಅದು ಕಟ®ಡ ‘that is a building’ – ಅವY ಕಟ®ಡಗಳು ‘those
are buildings’.
 Lesson 3 47

Use the following words: ಮರ, ಕುċ , ģೕಜು, ಹುಡುĆ, ಪY ೋį-

ತ, ī ಾ½ė Ě, ಹĄ¤, ಹಸು, ಮį ೆ, ಾī, ಮನುಷ½, ಕಣು², Ąī, ೈ, ರ¡ೆ³,
ಅಕ¤, ಇĩ, ೊಣ, ī ಾ½ė , ¢ೆಂಗಸು, Ěಘಂಟು, ಪYಟ, ಬ ೆ®, ċೕಲ,
ೇಶ, ¡ೆ·ೕįತ, ¡ೆ·ೕį ೆ.

Vocabulary

ಅಕ¤ akka elder sister

ಅಣ² aṇṇa elder brother
ಅಪ¸ appa father
ಅಮ¼ amma mother
ಇĩ ili mouse, rat
ಊರು ūru town
ಕಣು² kaṇṇu eye
Ąī kivi ear
ಕುĨ kuri sheep
ಕೂಸು kūsu baby
ೆ ೆ kere tank, water reservoir
ಗಂಡ gaṃḍa husband
ಗಂಡಸು gaṃḍasu man
ċೕಲ cīla bag, purse
ೇಶ dēśa country, land
Ěಘಂಟು nighaṃṭu dictionary
Ěೕರು nīru water
ಪYಟ puṭa page (of book etc.)
ಬುđ® buṭṭi basket
ಮಗ maga son
ಮಗಳು magaḷu daughter
ಮಗು magu child
48 A Manual of Modern Kannada

ಾವ māva uncle
ಾಜ rāja king
ೈತ raita farmer
īಧ ೆ vidhave widow
¡ೆ·ೕįತ snēhita (male) friend
¡ೆ·ೕį ೆ snēhite (female) friend

Notes
1
Cf. Kittel 1903: 52 (§119 c) 1).
2
But: vidyārthini – vidyārthiniyaru ‘female students’ (vidyārthini is feminine!).
 Lesson 4

Palmleaf manuscripts in the library of the National Institute

of Prakrit Studies and Research, Śravaṇabeḷagoḷa (Shravanabelagola)

Grammatical cases: nominative, genitive

Model sentences

ಇದು ಹಸು idu hasu this is a cow

ಇವY ಹಸುīನ ivu hasuvina these are a cow’s
ೊಂಬುಗಳು koṃbugaḷu horns
ಇದು ಬಣ² idu baṇṇa this is a colour
ಇದು ಪYಸ³ಕದ ಬಣ² idu pustakada baṇṇa this is the colour of
the book
ಇದು ¢ೆಸರು idu hesaru this is a name
ಇದು ಅವರ ¢ೆಸರು idu avara hesaru this is their name

Grammatical cases: nominative, genitive

Introductory: the rationale behind grammatical cases

Like many other languages of the world, Kannada has a system of so-
called grammatical cases (from Latin casus), which indicate the func-
tion of nouns and pronouns in a sentence. It is imperative that the
50 A Manual of Modern Kannada

learner understands what grammatical cases are and how important

they are for a proper understanding of Kannada syntax, hence it is nec-
essary to first go through a little bit of theory before the concrete case
forms are discussed.
The function which a noun or pronoun has in a sentence can be
expressed in different ways. A rather simple method is the placement
of a word in a sentence (the word order), which is found in a language
such as English: a speaker of English will immediately be able to tell
from the sentence The soldier kills the civilian who kills and who is killed.
A language such as German, however, allows greater freedom in its
word order: in Der Soldat tötet den Bürger it is the soldier who kills the
civilian, but in Den Soldaten tötet der Bürger it is the civilian who kills the
soldier: for a speaker of German this is immediately clear because of
the different forms of the definite article (der and den) and (in the case
of a noun belonging to this particular type) because of the case ending
-en after Soldat, which marks this word as the grammatical object. This
type of grammatical mechanism is found in classical Indo-European
languages such as Latin (compare the sentences miles civem interficit
and militem civis interficit, corresponding to the sample sentences in
English and German above) and Sanskrit.
Dravidian languages use special markers to indicate the functions
of nouns and pronouns in a sentence. The Dravidian system is rela-
tively very simple (in comparison with, for instance, that of many of the
Indo-European languages) because of the very consistent implementa-
tion of the principle of suffixation, where the meaning of each case
suffix is unambiguous (for instance, the suffix ‑annu always indicates
the accusative case, irrespective of a noun’s or pronoun’s gender or
number 1). Every Dravidian word consists of a semantic core, which is
used either independently or in combination with suffixes that modify
the basic meaning of this core. The phonetic form of the core remains
unchanged. 2 The suffixes have functional meanings and are not used
as independent words. In agreement with this general principle, also
the grammatical cases of nouns and pronouns in Dravidian languages
are indicated by means of specific suffixes.
In these lessons, a grammatical terminology for the various cases
in Kannada will be used that has become customary in descriptions of
the Dravidian languages, although in recent times serious objections to
it have been put forward by leading researchers. Nevertheless, this old
terminology is used here simply because the majority of grammars of
the Dravidian languages written in Western languages (also written by
 Lesson 4 51

Indian authors for Indian readers) have used this terminology; hence it
is good for the learner to be familiar with it, so that he can effectively
use such older materials as well. 3
In the following lessons, the actual functions and usage of the vari-
ous cases will be described in detail, so that the learner will understand
what the traditional terms mean when they are used in the Kannada
context.

Case terminology in Kannada

Traditional Kannada grammarians speak of seven grammatical cases,

which are simply called ‘first case’, ‘second case’ (prathamā vibhakti,
dvitīyā vibhakti) etc., following the Sanskritic model. Because Sanskrit,
the Indian ‘language of the gods’, has seven cases, it was assumed that
this must also be so in Kannada. In reality this is not true. Two of these
‘cases’ are actually derived from what is commonly called the ‘sixth’ or
genitive case, as we shall see.

The nominative case

In modern grammars written in European languages, the ಪ¾ಥ ಾ īಭĄ³

prathamā vibhakti or ‘first case’ is commonly called the nominative, be-
cause to a large extent it functions like an Indo-European nominative. 4
It is the case of the subject or agent of a sentence or phrase.
In modern Kannada, this case has no distinctive suffix or marker.
Especially in the spoken language, the nominative is exactly the same
as the dictionary form of the word. This is the basic form of a noun,
from which the plural forms and all other grammatical cases are de-
rived by means of suffixes.
However, in formal, written language, there are alternative forms
for the nominative that can be used by a writer in order to very explic-
itly indicate that a noun is the subject / agent of a sentence (and not,
for instance, an attribute or part of a compound word 5). Basically these
alternative forms (which one finds in practically all grammars that are
used in schools in Karnataka as the paradigmatically supposedly cor-
rect forms) are historically incorrect (more precisely: hypercorrect 6).
The learner is advised not to use them, because they make an unnec-
essarily heavy, pedantic impression; but he should be aware that they
may be used in writing. These bookish alternative forms are created
by adding a short u to the basic form of the noun, following the usual
rules of sandhi.
52 A Manual of Modern Kannada

ಪYಸ³ಕ ೆ ಾ·Ć ೆ pustaka cennāgide the book is nice

ಪYಸ³ಕವY ೆ ಾ·Ć ೆ pustakavu cennāgide (idem)
ಹುಡುĆ ಬಂದಳು huḍugi baṃdaḷu the girl came
ಹುಡುĆಯು huḍugiyu baṃdaḷu (idem)
ಬಂದಳು

Masculine nouns ending in short a are a special matter:

ಹುಡುಗ ಬಂದ huḍuga baṃda the boy came

ಹುಡುಗನು ಬಂದನು huḍuganu baṃdanu (idem)

The reason for this peculiar n is that in Old Kannada, such masculine
nouns (and the corresponding verb endings) ended in a consonant (n),
but since the twelfth century, Kannada speakers consistently let each
word end in a vowel. This means, in the case of consonantally ending
words, that either (a) a vowel is added (the linguistic term for this is
epenthesis), or (b) the final consonant is elided (the linguistic term for
this is apocope). 7 A traditional Kannada school grammar will give the
nominative of a word such as huḍuga as huḍuganu, with the original n
and an additional u. However, the shorter form huḍuga is by far more
common nowadays, both in written and spoken language. The same
also applies (as shown in the table above) for the conjugated verb form
baṃda / baṃdanu etc. 8
Very few feminine words end in a and have ḷu in the nominative:
sēvakaḷu ‘female servant’ and paṃḍitaḷu ‘lady scholar’ are words that
are mentioned in grammars, as feminine counterparts of sēvaka(nu)
and paṃḍita(nu). More such words can be found in dictionaries, but
in modern spoken and written practice these words hardly ever occur.
(Nowadays the common feminine words are sēvaki and paṃḍite, which
are declined like other feminine nouns ending in i and e.)
In the plural, the nominative of a noun is indicated by the simple
ending ‑ru or ‑gaḷu (see lesson 3) without any further suffixes.

The genitive case

The case that is usually called ‘genitive’ (the ಷĭ¯ೕ īಭĄ³ ṣaṣṭhī vibhakti
or ‘sixth case’) can best be considered a general case of relationship. It
can indicate possession or appurtenance; but the scope of relationships
 Lesson 4 53

that can be expressed by means of the Kannada genitive is greater than

that of the genitive which is found in most Indo-European languages.
The rules by which the genitive is formed are a little more complex
than those for the other grammatical cases, but it is of the greatest
importance that the learner masters them well. (A summarizing table
is given below: see p. 56.)
The suffix for the genitive is -a, which can be joined to a noun or
pronoun in different ways, depending on gender and noun class. The
simplest are the nouns ending in e / i / ai:

ಹುಡುĆಯ ċೕಲ huḍugiya cīla a girl’s bag

ೆ ೆಯ Ěೕರು kereya nīru water of (from) the
tank 9

A word in the genitive case is a word that reveals a certain detail

about what is denoted by a following word, in other words: it is an
attribute. In the example huḍugiya cīla above, the first word, in the
genitive case (huḍugi‑ya) indicates that what is expressed by the second
word (cīla, ‘bag’) is the possession of the first: ‘of-girl bag’. This word
in the genitive (huḍugiya) is an attribute or attributive word. In the
phrase huḍugiya cīla the main focus is on the cīla ‘bag’; secondarily, it is
mentioned that this bag belongs to a huḍugi ‘girl’, which is a description
of that particular bag. Such attributes or descriptions always precede
what is described.
This is an illustration of a very important grammatical principle in
the language: in Kannada any attributive word or phrase (i.e., any one
which gives additional information about another) always precedes the
word about which it gives information. 10 (Other examples of such at-
tributive words are adjectives, numerals, and the relative participle,
which will be discussed in a later lesson.) This is similar to the genitive
case in English, e.g., my father’s house, where father’s says something
about the house (is an attribute, namely: whose house it is). 11 What
is not possible in Kannada is to have a word order that resembles the
house of my father, because the phrase ‘of my father’ is an attribute to
‘house’ and therefore must precede it.
With such nouns such as the above (huḍugi, kere), which end in a
so-called palatal or front vowel (e, i or ai), the suffix is added to the
word by means of the usual sandhi consonant y.
With nouns ending in a, the situation is slightly more complex. The
suffix is linked to masculine nouns by means of the historical n 12:
54 A Manual of Modern Kannada

ಹುಡುಗನ ಆđ ೆ huḍugana āṭike a boy’s toy

In the epicene plural, the a causes the final u of the (a)ru suffix to be
elided:

ಹುಡುಗರ ಆđ ೆಗಳು huḍugara āṭikegaḷu boys’ toys

¢ೆಂಗಸರ ಬ ೆ®ಗಳು heṃgasara baṭṭegaḷu women’s clothes
ಜನರ ಆĦ¤ janara āyke the choice of the
people

The same occurs with the personal pronouns:

ಅವಳ ೈ avaḷa kai her hand

ಅವನ ಾಲು avana kālu his leg
ಅವರ ಕಣು²ಗಳು avara kaṇṇugaḷu their eyes

But note the irregular form of the third person singular neuter:

ಅದರ ಪĨ ಾಣ adara parimāṇa its size

There exist two forms of the pronoun for the third person plural neuter:
a short form avu and a long form avugaḷu (which is, actually, a double
plural). The genitive is based on the long form:

ಅವYಗಳ ಸಂ ೆ½ avugaḷa saṃkhye their (neuter)

number

All plurals follow the same pattern, substituting a for the final u:

ೇಶಗಳ ಜನಸಂ ೆ½ dēśagaḷa the population of

janasaṃkhye countries
ಮನುಷ½ರ manuṣyara the experiences of
ಅನುಭವಗಳು anubhavagaḷu people

Special attention must be given to the genitive of neuter nouns in the

singular that end in a and u, because of the use of an intermediary
suffix which indigenous grammarians call āgama ‘augment’ (and which
has also been called ‘inflectional increment’ by contemporary linguists
writing in English). 13 When a neuter noun ends in a, the genitive suffix
is joined to the noun by means of d:
 Lesson 4 55

ಮರದ ೊಂ ೆಗಳು marada koṃbegaḷu the branches of a

tree
ಪYಸ³ಕದ ಪYಟಗಳು pustakada puṭagaḷu pages of a book

With nouns ending in u, the genitive suffix a is not added directly to

the noun, but by means of an intermediary suffix in:

ಾēನ ಮರಗಳು kāḍina maragaḷu trees of the forest

(from kāḍu ‘forest’)
ಕೂĮನ ಬ ೆ®ಗಳು kūsina baṭṭegaḷu a baby’s clothes
(from kūsu ‘baby’)

However, the learner must note that there are a few instances where
the final u is not elided, namely, when

a. the noun is a Sanskrit loanword ending in u (e.g., ಗುರು guru

‘teacher’, Ěಘಂಟು nighaṃṭu ‘dictionary’, č ಾ ಸು jijñāsu ‘one
who is eager to learn’, etc.), 14
b. the word consists of two short syllables (e.g., ಹಸು hasu ‘cow’).

This second rule does not apply, however, to the pronouns ending in
du and vu (such as adu and avu) as well as to pronominalizations that
use those endings (to be discussed in a later lesson).
The number of such words where the final u is not elided is quite
small. In such cases, the in‑a for the genitive is joined to the noun by
means of the sandhi consonant v:

ಹಸುīನ hasu-v-in-a a cow’s horns

ೊಂಬುಗಳು koṃbugaḷu
56 A Manual of Modern Kannada

To put everything together:

Singular:

a-nouns:
neuter: d-a marada
masculine: n-a huḍugana
feminine: ḷ-a paṃḍitaḷa

e-/i-/ai/nouns:
(always y-a) neuter: y-a kereya
buṭṭiya
kaiya
feminine: y-a huḍugiya
vidhaveya
masculine: y-a vidyārthiya

u-nouns:
in-a kāḍina
(or vin-a) hasuvina
Sanskrit loan words nighaṃṭuvina

Plural:

always a maragaḷa
manuṣyara
huḍugiyara

Genitives of pronouns

The declension of the pronouns does not entirely follow the pattern
of the nouns, though there are clear similarities in the third person
singular (masculine and feminine) and plural. The learner should note
the special intermediary suffix ‑ar in the third person singular neuter:
 Lesson 4 57

Person Nominative Genitive

1 sg. ಾನು nānu ನನ· nanna
2 sg. Ěೕನು nīnu Ěನ· ninna
3 sg. masc. ಅವನು avanu ಅವನ avana
3 sg. fem. ಅವಳು avaḷu ಅವಳ avaḷa
3 sg. neu. ಅದು adu ಅದರ adara
1 pl. ಾವY nāvu ನಮ¼ namma
2 pl. ĚೕವY nīvu Ěಮ¼ nimma
3 pl. epic. ಅವರು avaru ಅವರ avara
3 pl. neu. ಅವY(ಗಳು) avu(gaḷu) ಅವYಗಳ avugaḷa

Exercise
Read and translate:

೧. ಇದು ನನ· ಮ ೆಯ ಾĆಲು.

೨. ಅದು ಹಸುīನ ೊಂಬು.

೩. ೊಂĠನ ತುĘ ಚೂಪಲÀ.

೪. ನನ· ಪYಸ³ಕ ಅĩÀ ಇ ೆ.

೫. ಪYಸ³ಕದ ಬಣ² ೆಂಪY.

೬. Ěಮ¼ ಪYಸ³ಕಗಳ ಬಣ² ಹಳĘ.

೭. ಅವYಗಳ ಬಣ² ೆಂಪಲÀ.

೮. ೆಂಪY ೇ ೆ, ಹಳĘ ೇ ೆ.

೯. ಅವರ ಪYಸ³ಕ ಕಪY¸.

58 A Manual of Modern Kannada

೧೦. ಹĮರು ಬಣ²ದ ಪYಸ³ಕಗಳು ಇ ೆ ಾ?

೧೧. Ěಮ¼ ಬುđ®ಯ ಬಣ² ೆ ಾ·ĆಲÀ.

೧೨. ನನ· ¢ೆಂಡĖಯ Įೕ ೆಯ ಬಣ² ೆಂಪY.

೧೩. ನನ· ¡ೆ·ೕįತನ ಅಂಗē ಬ ೆ®ಯ ಅಂಗē.

Vocabulary

ಅಂಗē aṃgaḍi store, shop

ಅನುಭವ anubhava experience
ಆđ ೆ āṭike toy
ಆĦ¤ āyke choice
ೆಂಪY keṃpu red
ೊಂಬು koṃbu horn
ೊಂ ೆ koṃbe branch
ಚೂಪY cūpu sharp
ಜನ jana person, people
ಜನಸಂ ೆ½ janasaṃkhye population
č ಾ ಸು jijñāsu eager to learn
ತುĘ tudi tip
ಪಂē ೆ paṃḍite learned woman
ಪĨ ಾಣ parimāṇa size
ಬ ೆ® baṭṭe cloth
ಬಣ² baṇṇa colour
ೇ ೆ bēre different
ಸಂ ೆ½ saṃkhye number
 Lesson 4 59

ಹĮರು hasiru green

ಹಳĘ haḷadi yellow
¢ೆಂಡĖ heṃḍati wife

Notes
1
Compare this to the potentially confusing state of affairs in a language such
as Latin, where, for instance, the word mensae means nothing outside a given
context: it could be a nominative plural, ‘tables’, a genitive singular, ‘of the
table’, or a dative singular, ‘to the table’. Only the context (a sentence, or at
least a phrase) tells us what is meant by the word mensae.
2
Only in a few extremely rare cases does one find such a modification, such
as a lengthening of the vowel in kēḍu ‘loss, ruin’, derived from the verb root
keḍu ‘to be spoilt’.
3
The basic problem with this older terminology is that it was used by Christ-
ian missionaries from the West who assumed that the classical European, Latin-
based terminology could be used for an accurate description of Dravidian gram-
mar. In India, indigenous Kannada grammarians in earlier centuries made a
similar mistake by assuming that the traditional grammar of Sanskrit (which,
like Latin, is also an Indo-European language), could serve as a model for de-
scribing the grammar of any language.
4
Some researchers have argued that this case could better be called an ‘erga-
tive’; but this Dravidian case does not in all respects seem to behave like erga-
tives in other language families. A term such as ‘agentive’ would be more
fitting.
5
Unfortunately, there are no fixed rules in the modern language for deter-
mining whether compound words should be written as continuous wholes or
as separate elements. Although in earlier times words were written without
separating spaces between them (as seems to have been the practice in all clas-
sical literary languages of the world), the modern tendency is to follow the
example of English, where groups of separately written words actually func-
tion as compound words. See lesson 1, ‘Writing compound words conjointly
or separately’, p 13.
6
“In Middle Kannada, the euphonic addition of /u/ to words ending in con-
sonants seems to have confirmed the notion that /u/ must be a nominative
case suffix. This erroneous notion is still persisting (in literary language, of
course) to such an extent that the ungrammatical monstrosity of affixing /u/
as a nominative case ending to roots ending in /i/, /u/ and /e/ [. . .] would be
shocking to the grammatical sense of a linguist.” Seetharamaiah 1966: 10.
60 A Manual of Modern Kannada

7
This is what happened in English when the original indefinite article an
(which is still used under certain circumstances, e.g., when the following word
begins with a vowel, as in an apple) became shortened to a.
8
The short forms also occur, but much less frequently, in the case of the pro-
noun avanu / ivanu and the derived pronominalized adjectives and verb forms,
which will be discussed later in lesson 11.
9
A kere or ‘tank’ is an artificial pond or water reservoir, as is found in or just
outside any village. In larger towns, there will be several tanks.
10
This is just one illustration of how the Dravidian languages are examples of
what in linguistics are termed extremely ‘left-branching’ languages.
11
This may seem normal to speakers of English, in which no other word order
is possible (*house my father’s is ungrammatical), but other languages have
other possible word orders: cf. expressions such as horror vacui and gloria
mundi in Latin, where the attribute in the genitive case follows the word to
which it is an attribute.
12
The historical for reason for this is that such nouns (as has been mentioned
above) originally ended not in a, but in n in Old Kannada.
13
Seetharamaiah 1966: 8.
14
Many, esp. less educated, speakers do not know this grammatical rule.
 Lesson 5

Caṃdragiri (Chandragiri), the smaller of the two hills of Śravaṇabeḷagoḷa

(Shravanabelagola), with numerous thousand-year-old Jaina temples

Verb classes – the three tenses of the finite verb – negation

Verb classes
Each verb in Kannada belongs to one of two verb classes, which are
easily distinguished by the final vowel of the verb root (each verb root
ends in a vowel 1). This final vowel is either u (first class) or i or e (sec-
ond class). One single verb root that is rarely used, ī (‘to give, grant’),
consists of one syllable and belongs to neither category, but behaves
like the roots in i / e. 2 In this book, we will follow the established cus-
tom of taking the verb ಾಡು māḍu ‘to make, do’ as the paradigmatic
verb of the first class, and ಕ ೆ kare ‘to call’ as illustrative of the second.
Exactly the same personal suffixes are used with both classes of
verbs, and also the markers of tense are the same. The two classes
differ in only two respects: (a) how the tense markers are joined to the
root, and (b) how the gerund (sometimes called ‘verbal participle’) 3 is
formed.
62 A Manual of Modern Kannada

Finite verb forms

The structure of finite verb forms

A finite verb form is one that is fully conjugated (a ಪwಣ Ą¾ ಾಪದ

pūrṇakriyāpada, ‘full verb’), i.e., it generally consists of three compo-
nents: root, tense marker, and personal suffix. 4
Kannada has three tenses in the indicative mood (¡ಾ ಾನ½īę sā-
mānyavidhi or ‘ordinary mood’): past, present, and future (ವತ ಾನ-
ಾಲ, ಭೂತ ಾಲ, ಭīಷ½ ಾ¤ಲ vartamānakāla, bhūtakāla, bhaviṣyatkāla).
Besides these three tenses, there are also two types of conjugation that
are not called ‘tenses’ because they do not involve a clear indication of
time, and they are usually termed ‘modes’ or ‘moods’: the potential
and the negative. These will be discussed in later lessons.
In comparison with many other languages (esp. of the Indo-Europe-
an family), the Kannada verb system shows relatively few irregulari-
ties. Four common verbs (ಆಗು āgu ‘to become’ and ¢ೋಗು hōgu ‘to
go’ are similar in their few irregularities, just as ಬರು baru ‘to come’
and ತರು taru ‘to bring’ show similarities) show only a few irregular-
ities. There is only one Kannada verb that can rightly be called ir-
regular, viz., the verb iru ‘to be’, which has already been discussed:
it is irregular only in the present tense. 5 Other verbs that are usually
termed ‘irregular’ can better be compared with the so-called ‘strong
verbs’ in the Germanic languages (and therefore they will be called
‘strong’ throughout this book): the only ‘irregularity’ is the formation
of the past stem. But just as in the case of the Germanic languages, 6
certain patterns in the ‘irregularness’ can be discerned. None of these
strong verbs belongs to the first verb class.
A list of these strong verbs is given separately in this book, as an
appendix. The strong past stems are memorized most easily by memo-
rizing the so-called gerund, a non-finite verb form that will be discussed
in a later lesson.

The present tense (vartamānakāla)

The marker of the present tense is utt, a suffix which is added to the
root of the verb that is conjugated. 7 When the present tense marker is
added to a verb root of the first verb class (i.e., a root ending in u), the
final u of the root is elided (e.g., māḍu + utt > māḍutt); when added
 Lesson 5 63

to a verb root of the second verb class (i.e., a root ending in i or e), the
root and the tense marker are joined by means of a connecting y (e.g.,
kare + y + utt > kareyutt). Finally, a personal suffix is added: 8

Personal suffixes for the present tense

person (gender) singular (gender) plural

1 ēne ēve
2 īye / ī 9 īri
3 masculine āne epicene āre
feminine āḷe
neuter ade neuter ave

Therefore, the word māḍuttēne (māḍu [root ‘to do’]+ utt [present tense]+
ēne [1st pers. sg.]) means ‘I do’, māḍuttīri means ‘you (plural) do’, etc.
In the spoken language of some areas, notably the large cities of
southern Karnataka, one often hears other, alternative personal suf-
fixes: īni and īvi in the first person singular and plural respectively, and
īya for the second person singular. These are seen in writing only when
a creative writer wishes to reproduce colloquial language in dialogues
etc. Similarly, in northern Karnataka one may hear āve for the third
person neuter plural.
Thanks to the personal suffixes, these finite verb forms in them-
selves unambiguously convey who or what is the subject or agent of
the action or process that is expressed by the verb: in māḍuttēne the
person who ‘does’ is always ‘I’, and cannot be anybody or anything
else. Nevertheless, especially in longer sentences, it is customary to
use the corresponding pronoun (e.g., nānu māḍuttēne, nīvu māḍuttīri),
although in colloquial speech and in poetry the pronoun is often omit-
ted. Therefore it is extremely important that the learner memorizes
these suffixes perfectly.
The paradigm for a verb of the first class, māḍu:

1 ps. sg. ಾಡು ೆ³ೕ ೆ māḍuttēne I do

2 ps. sg. ಾಡುĖ³ೕĦ māḍuttīye you do
3 ps. sg. masc. ಾಡು ಾ³ ೆ māḍuttāne he does
64 A Manual of Modern Kannada

3 ps. sg. fem. ಾಡು ಾ³ ೆ māḍuttāḷe she does

3 ps. sg. nt. ಾಡುತ³ ೆ māḍuttade it does

1 ps. pl. ಾಡು ೆ³ೕ ೆ māḍuttēve we do

2 ps. pl. ಾಡುĖ³ೕĨ māḍuttīri you do
3 ps. pl. epi. ಾಡು ಾ³ ೆ māḍuttāre they do
3 ps. pl. nt. ಾಡುತ³ ೆ māḍuttave they do

The paradigm for a verb of the second class, kare:

1 ps. sg. ಕ ೆಯು ೆ³ೕ ೆ kareyuttēne I call

2 ps. sg. ಕ ೆಯುĖ³ೕĦ kareyuttīye you call
3 ps. sg. masc. ಕ ೆಯು ಾ³ ೆ kareyuttāne he calls
3 ps. sg. fem. ಕ ೆಯು ಾ³ ೆ kareyuttāḷe she calls
3 ps. sg. nt. ಕ ೆಯುತ³ ೆ kareyuttade it calls

1 ps. pl. ಕ ೆಯು ೆ³ೕ ೆ kareyuttēve we call

2 ps. pl. ಕ ೆಯುĖ³ೕĨ kareyuttīri you call
3 ps. pl. epi. ಕ ೆಯು ಾ³ ೆ kareyuttāre they call
3 ps. pl. nt. ಕ ೆಯುತ³ ೆ kareyuttave they call

Analogous to these two paradigmatic verbs, forms such as the fol-

lowing are created: ಓದು ೆ³ೕ ೆ ōduttēne ‘I read’ (from ōdu ‘to read’),
¢ೋಗು ಾ³ ೆ hōguttāre ‘they go’ (from hōgu ‘to go’), čĆಯುತ³ ೆ jigiyut-
tade ‘it jumps’ (from jigi ‘to jump’), ¢ೊ ೆಯು ಾ³ ೆ hoḍeyuttāḷe ‘she hits’
(from hoḍe ‘to hit’), etc. etc.
In certain forms of spoken Kannada, one should not be surprised
to hear contracted verb forms such as karētīni or tiḷītīvi for kareyuttēne
and tiḷiyuttēve.
The present tense is used when (a) there is mention of actions or
processes that are currently taking place, or (b) will take place in the
immediate future:
 Lesson 5 65

ಅವನು avanu yāvāgalū he always reads

ಾ ಾಗಲೂ ōduttāne
ಓದು ಾ³ ೆ
ಅವನು ಾ ೆ avanu nāḷe he will come
ಬರು ಾ³ ೆ baruttāne tomorrow 10

The future tense (bhaviṣyatkāla)

The marker of the future tense is uv, which is added to the end of the
verb root of the verb that is conjugated. 11 This future tense marker is
added directly to a verb root of the first verb class (i.e., a root ending
in u, e.g., māḍu + v > māḍuv, with elision of the final u of the root,
just as in the present tense); when added to a verb root of the second
verb class (i.e., a root ending in i or e 12), the root and the tense marker
are regularly joined by means of a connecting y (e.g., kare + y +uv >
kareyuv). 13 Finally, just as has already been seen with the present tense,
a personal suffix is added. It is important to note that the suffixes for
the future and past tenses resemble those of the present, but are not
the same:

Personal suffixes for the future tense

person (gender) singular (gender) plural

1 enu / e evu
2 e / i 14 iri
3 masculine anu / a epicene aru
feminine aḷu
neuter udu / adu 15 neuter uvu / avu 16

In colloquial speech, the ending of the 1st person singular usually is ‑e,
and that of the 3rd person singular masculine is ‑a. These forms, which
are generally considered ಆಡು ಾĖನ ರೂಪಗಳು āḍumātina rūpagaḷu or
‘colloquial forms’ are increasingly used also in written Kannada. In
more formal speech and writing the longer forms ( ಾ¾ಂėಕ ರೂಪಗಳು
grāṃthika rūpagaḷu ‘literary forms’) are still preferred. 17 However, this
has not always been the case. The short forms frequently occur in
poetry, and one finds them already in the twelfth century CE. 18 – The
learner is advised to be familiar with both these short and long
66 A Manual of Modern Kannada

forms, because in practice both are used comparably frequently, just

as a reader or speaker of modern English must know that we’ll, isn’t,
won’t, he’s, I’m, wouldn’t, aren’t etc. mean the same as we will, is not,
will not, he is, I am, would not, are not etc.
When combined with the future stems, the following fully conju-
gated forms are made:

First class:

Singular
1 ps. ಾದು ೆನು / māḍuvenu / māḍuve I will do
ಾಡು ೆ
2 ps. ಾಡು ೆ / māḍuve / māḍuvi you will do
ಾಡುī
3 ps. mas. ಾಡುವನು / māḍuvanu / māḍuva he will do
ಾಡುವ
3 ps. fem. ಾಡುವಳು māḍuvaḷu she will do
3 ps. nt. ಾಡುವYದು / māḍuvudu / māḍuvadu it will do
ಾಡುವದು

Plural
1 ps. ಾಡು ೆವY māḍuvevu we will do
2 ps. ಾಡುīĨ māḍuviri you will do
3 ps. epi. ಾಡುವರು māḍuvaru they will do
3 ps. nt. ಾಡುವYವY / māḍuvuvu / māḍuvavu they will do
ಾಡುವವY

Second class:

Singular
1 ps. ಕ ೆಯು ೆನು / kareyuvenu / I will call
ಕ ೆಯು ೆ kareyuve
 Lesson 5 67

2 ps. ಕ ೆಯು ೆ / kareyuve / kareyuvi you will call

ಕ ೆಯುī
3 ps. mas. ಕ ೆಯುವನು / kareyuvanu / he will call
ಕ ೆಯುವ kareyuva
3 ps. fem. ಕ ೆಯುವಳು kareyuvaḷu she will call
3 ps. nt. ಕ ೆಯುವYದು kareyuvudu / it will call
kareyuvadu

Plural
1 ps. ಕ ೆಯು ೆವY kareyuvevu we will call
2 ps. ಕ ೆಯುīĨ kareyuviri you will call
3 ps. epi. ಕ ೆಯುವರು kareyuvaru they will call
3 ps. nt. ಕ ೆಯುವYವY / kareyuvuvu / they will call
ಕ ೆಯುವವY kareyuvavu

Analogous to these two paradigmatic verbs, forms such as the follow-

ing are created: ಓದು ೆನು ōduvenu I will read (from ōdu to read),
¢ೋಗುವರು hōguvaru they will go (from hōgu to go), čĆಯುವYದು
jigiyuvudu it will jump (from jigi to jump), ¢ೊ ೆಯುವಳು hoḍeyuvaḷu
she will hit (from hoḍe to hit), etc. etc.
The future tense is generally used when there is mention of actions
or processes that (a) regularly or habitually take place, or (b) will take
place in the future.
It should be noted here that there is no strictly standardized rule
that determines whether a present or a future tense ought to be used;
rather, there are regional tendencies toward the use of the present tense
(in southern Karnataka) or the future tense (in northern Karnataka) as a
kind of generic non-past tense, especially in literary usage. 19 Therefore,
the two sentences

ಅವನು ಾ ಾಗಲೂ avanu yāvāgalū he always reads

ಓದು ಾ³ ೆ ōduttāne
68 A Manual of Modern Kannada

ಅವನು ಾ ಾಗಲೂ avanu yāvāgalū he will always read

ಓದುವನು ōduvanu

mean practically the same, and it is largely a matter of stylistic prefer-

ence whether one uses the one or the other. In coastal Karnataka there
is a stronger tendency to differentiate between the use of the present
and future tenses. 20

The past tense (bhūtakāla)

The past tense of most verbs is formed regularly, by means of a simple

tense marker (as in the future tense). However, there are also verbs
that usually are termed ‘irregular’, but it would be more appropriate
to term them ‘strong’ (see below). First, the past tense of regular verbs
will be discussed here.
The distinctive suffix for the past tense is d. This is added directly
to a root of the second class to form the past stem (kare + d > kared). 21
With roots of the first class, the final u of the root is first changed to i
(māḍu > māḍi; māḍi + d > māḍid). The personal suffixes are the same
as for the future tense (see p. 65), with only one notable difference:
the suffix for the 3rd person singular is not udu, but itu, and this suffix
is added directly to the root (the final vowel of a root of the second
class is not elided, but a euphonic y is inserted), and not to the past
stem, in the following manner: māḍu + itu > māḍitu ‘it did’; kare + y
+ itu > kareyitu ‘it called’.

First class:

Singular
1 ps. ಾē ೆನು / māḍidenu / māḍide I did
ಾē ೆ
2 ps. ಾē ೆ / ಾēĘ māḍide / māḍidi you did
3 ps. mas. ಾēದ / māḍida / māḍidanu he did
ಾēದನು
3 ps. fem. ಾēದಳು māḍidaḷu she did
 Lesson 5 69

3 ps. nt. ಾēತು māḍitu (!) it did

Plural
1 ps. ಾē ೆವY māḍidevu we did
2 ps. ಾēĘĨ māḍidiri you did
3 ps. epi. ಾēದರು māḍidaru they did
3 ps. nt. ಾēದುವY / māḍiduvu / māḍidavu they did
ಾēದವY

Second class:

Singular
1 ps. ಕ ೆ ೆನು / ಕ ೆ ೆ karedenu / karede I called
2 ps. ಕ ೆ ೆ / ಕ ೆĘ karede / karedi you called
3 ps. mas. ಕ ೆದನು / ಕ ೆದ karedanu / kareda he called
3 ps. fem. ಕ ೆದಳು karedaḷu she called
3 ps. nt. ಕ ೆĥತು kareyitu (!) it called

Plural
1 ps. ಕ ೆ ೆವY karedevu we called
2 ps. ಕ ೆĘĨ karediri you called
3 ps. epi. ಕ ೆದರು karedaru they called
3 ps. nt. ಕ ೆದುವY / ಕ ೆದವY kareduvu / karedavu they called

The past tense simply indicates an action or process that took place at
some time in the past. As we shall see later, there are also compound
forms that express a past continuous mood and a perfect mood; but
many speakers do not strictly distinguish between significances of these
forms. 22
In various regional spoken varieties of Kannada, one can come
across a multitude of contractions in rapid speech, e.g., nōḍdlu (for
nōḍidaḷu), nōḍdru (nōḍidaru), nōḍdvi (ṇōḍidevu), etc. etc. 23 However,
the learner is advised to learn the standard, literary forms, which are
70 A Manual of Modern Kannada

understood by every educated speaker and are the norm of the written
language.

Strong or ‘irregular’ verbs

With the so-called ‘irregular’ or ‘strong’ verbs, one should learn the past
stem of the verb in addition to the verb root. The present and future
tenses of all these other verbs are formed regularly. The verb baru ‘to
come’ is an example of a strong verb, because it forms its past tense
stem not as *barid (which one might expect, in analogy to māḍu), but
as baṃd. Another instance of a much-used strong verb is koḍu ‘to give’,
which has as its past stem not *koḍid, but koṭṭ.
With this information, the learner can create all the finite conju-
gated forms, according to the rules that have already been explained.
Examples of verb forms of baru ‘to come’ and koḍu ‘to give’ in the
present and future tenses:

baru + utt + ēne baruttēne I come

baru + utt + īri baruttīri you come
baru + v+ enu baruvenu I will come
baru + v+ iri baruviri you will come
koḍu + utt + ēne koḍuttēne I give
koḍu + utt + īri koḍuttīri you give
koḍu + v+ enu koḍuvenu I will give
koḍu + v+ iri koḍuviri you will give

but in the past tense:

baṃd + enu baṃdenu I came

baṃd + iri baṃdiri you came
koṭṭ+ enu koṭṭenu I gave
koṭṭ + iri koṭṭiri you gave

The term ‘irregular’, which is normally used in older Kannada gram-

mars, suggests a complexity that is not really there. It would be better
to refer to these verbs rather as ‘strong’, as is traditionally done in
 Lesson 5 71

Germanic grammar, because the ‘irregularness’ of the so-called irreg-

ular verbs shows clearly regular patterns, just as is the case with the
so-called strong verbs in Germanic languages. Take, for instance, the
English word pairs to write – wrote, to strive – strove, to ride – rode, to
drive – drove, or to find – found, to bind – bound; or, in German, scheinen
– schien, bleiben – blieb, schreiben – schrieb, or schmeißen – schmiss, beißen
– biss, gleiten – glitt; or Dutch krijgen – kreeg, blijven – bleef. In all these
pairs of infinitives and past tense forms, we see clearly distinguishable,
regular patterns. Similarly, in Kannada such regular correspondences
can be recognized as well, such as in these pairs of present-tense and
past-tense forms for the first person singular: koḍuttēne – koṭṭenu ‘I give
/ gave’, iḍuttēne – iṭṭenu ‘I put / put’, biḍuttēne – biṭṭenu ‘I leave / left’,
kaliyuttēne – kalitenu ‘I learn / learnt’, ariyuttēne – aritenu ‘I know /
knew’, bayyuttēne – baydenu ‘I schold / scolded’, koyyuttēne – koydenu
‘I pluck / plucked’.
Just as in the case of the Germanic ‘strong’ verbs, the irregularities
follow certain patterns, and the irregularities concern only the past
tense and such forms that are derived from the past stem (the past
relative participle, gerund, conditional and concessive. These will be
discussed in later lessons).
Therefore, if one knows the past stems of the ‘strong / irreg-
ular’ verbs, one can correctly build all the possible derived forms
of those verbs, with only five common exceptions: baru ‘to come’
and taru ‘to bring’ (mentioned earlier), iru ‘to be’ (already mentioned
in an earlier lesson), hōgu ‘to go’ and āgu ‘to become / happen’. Here
hōgu and āgu together form one mini-category and show exactly the
same irregularities. Please note, in particular, the very frequently used
third person singular neuter:

¢ೋ ೆನು hōdenu I went ಆ ೆನು ādenu I became

¢ೋĘ hōdi you went ಆĘ ādi you became
¢ೋದನು hōdanu he went ಆದನು ādanu he became
¢ೋದಳು hōdaḷu she went ಆದಳು ādaḷu she became
¤ೋ ತು hōyitu it went ಆ ತು āyitu it became
¢ೋ ೆವY hōdevu we went ಆ ೆವY ādevu we became
72 A Manual of Modern Kannada

¢ೋĘĨ hōdiri you went ಆĘĨ ādiri you became

¢ೋದರು hōdaru they went ಆದರು ādaru they became
¢ೋದುವY hōduvu / they went ಆದುವY āduvu / they became
/ ¢ೋದವY hōdavu (neuter) / ಆದವY ādavu (neuter)

Baru and taru are irregular in that they have special forms in the past
tense for the third person singular neuter: ಬಂತು baṃtu ‘it came’ and
ತಂತು taṃtu ‘it brought’. However, the original, longer forms ಬಂĘತು
baṃditu and ತಂĘತು taṃditu are also used. 24
The past stems of strong verbs will be indicated in these lessons as
they occur.

Negation
Like other Dravidian languages, Kannada does not have simple nega-
tive words (like English never, nowhere, nobody, nothing, not), just as
there is no simple word for ‘no’. We have already seen words that are
the Kannada equivalents of ‘no’, namely, ಇಲÀ illa, ಅಲÀ alla and ೇಡ
bēḍa: the defective verbs that negate existence (or presence), identity,
and desirability or necessity. When someone asks ಗ ೇಶ ಇ ಾµ ಾ ?
Gaṇēśa iddānā? ‘is Gaṇēśa [here]?’ and we answer ಇಲÀ illa, we are
actually saying ‘[he] is not [here]’, using a verb form. Instead of using
adverbs, pronouns etc. that contain a negative meaning, negation in
Kannada is always expressed through the verb system.
In a language such as English, verbal negation is simply expressed
through the word ‘not’: he is here – he is not here; I am reading – I am not
reading. ‘Not’ is an adverb that signifies that what is expressed by the
verb form (in this case ‘is’) is precisely not so. Because such negation
words do not exist in Kannada, a different device is used to express
negation, by means of the verbal noun: instead of saying ‘I do not
go’, one in effect says something that means ‘my going is not’ or ‘my
going does not exist’. This mechanism may seem awkward to speak-
ers of Indo-European languages, but it has its own logic, and Kannada
speakers find it perfectly natural.
Verbal nouns in English resemble the present participle, such as
‘reading’ in the sentence ‘reading is good for you’. In practice it is
immediately clear whether an English ‘ing’ word is a present participle
or a verbal noun, because of its position in the sentence. Something
similar is the case in Kannada. Kannada has more than one verbal noun
 Lesson 5 73

for each verb: a verbal noun for the non-past (‘reading now’ or ‘reading
in the future’), a verbal noun for the past (‘reading in the past’), and a
negative verbal noun (‘not-reading’), and these verbal nouns resemble
the conjugated forms of the third person singular neuter. 25 Thus the
word ಾಡುವYದು māḍuvudu could mean ‘it will do’ or ‘[the act of]
doing’ or ‘that which does’ or ‘that which is being done’; but just as in
the case of the ‘ing’ words in English, the function of the ‘udu’ words
in Kannada is quickly seen by the position in the sentence. When the
action or process that is expressed in the verbal noun is negated by
means of illa, the final u of the verbal noun is elided and the two words
are written together. The logical subject (the agent) is always in the
nominative case. 26

ಅವರು ĠೕಳುವYĘಲÀ avaru bīḷuvudilla they will not fall

ಅದು ಬರುವYĘಲÀ adu baruvudilla it will not come
ಾನು Ě ೆµ nānu nidde I will not sleep
ಾಡುವYĘಲÀ māḍuvudilla

ಅವನು Ě ೆµ avanu nidde he will not sleep

ಾಡುವYĘಲÀ māḍuvudilla

ĚೕವY Ě ೆµ nīvu nidde you will not sleep

ಾಡುವYĘಲÀ māḍuvudilla

It is important to note that there is no distinction in the written lan-

guage between negation in the present and negation in the future, 27
Therefore, out of context, the above examples could also mean ‘they
do not fall’, ‘it does not come’, etc. (There is, however, a present nega-
tive in the modern colloquial language, which seems not yet generally
acceptable as part of standard written Kannada. Also there is a nega-
tive of the present continuous mood. These will be discussed in lesson
15, p. 186.)
Negation in the past tense is slightly more complicated and is better
explained in detail in a lesson 15, after other verb forms have been
discussed. 28
74 A Manual of Modern Kannada

The Cāmuṃḍarāya Basadi, one of the

temples atop Caṃdragiri in Śravaṇabeḷagoḷa

Exercise
Read and translate the following short sentences:

೧. ಾನು ¢ೋಗು ೆ³ೕ ೆ.

೨. ಾನು ¢ೋಗುವYĘಲÀ.

೩. ಅವರು ಕ ೆಯು ಾ³ ೆ.

೪. ಾವY ಓದು ೆ³ೕ ೆ.

೫. ĚೕವY ನಗುĖ³ೕĨ.

೬. ಾವY ನಗುವYĘಲÀ.

೭. ಅವನು ಕ ೆದನು.

೮. ಅವರು ಕ ೆಯುವರು.
 Lesson 5 75

೯. ĚೕವY ಕ ೆಯುĖ³ೕĨ.

೧೦. ĚೕವY ĠೕಳುĖ³ೕĨ.

೧೧. ĚೕವY ಕ ೆĘĨ.

೧೨. ಾವY čĆ ೆವY.

೧೩. ĚೕವY čĆಯುವYĘಲÀ.

೧೪. ಅದು čĆಯುತ³ ೆ.

೧೫. ಅವಳು čĆಯುವಳು.

೧೬. ಾನು čĆಯು ೆ³ೕ ೆ.

೧೭. ಅವನು ¢ೊ ೆದನು.

೧೮. ಅವಳು ¢ೊ ೆಯುವಳು.

೧೯. ಾವY ¢ೊ ೆಯುವYĘಲÀ.

Vocabulary

ಆಗು āgu to become, occur

ಓದು ōdu to read
čĆ jigi to jump
ಕ ೆ kare to call
ತರು taru to bring
ĖĪ tiḷi to understand
76 A Manual of Modern Kannada

ನಗು nagu to laugh

ಾ ೆ nāḷe tomorrow
Ě ೆµ nidde sleep
Ě ೆµ ಾಡು nidde māḍu to sleep
Ġೕಳು bīḷu to fall
ಾಡು māḍu to do, make
ಾ ಾಗಲೂ yāvāgalū always
¢ೊ ೆ hoḍe to hit, strike
¢ೋಗು hōgu to go

Notes
1
This is the case in modern Kannada (cf. Kittel 1903: 23 (§48)). In Old
Kannada, verb roots could also end in a consonant, and this historical fact
explains the so-called ‘irregular’ or ‘strong’ verbs (see the special appendix
on irregular verbs). Roughly from the twelfth century CE onwards, Kannada
words had to end in a vowel; this is a development that is similar to what
happened when modern Italian developed out of Latin.
2
Historically speaking, there were other monosyllabic verb roots (also such
that ended in a consonant) in the classical language (kā, sā, kāṇ, jōl etc.), but
in the modern language these roots have been extended by another syllable
(kāyu, sāyu, kāṇu, jōlu etc.), Venkatachalasastry 2007: 116, 118-9.
3
The formation and use of the gerund will be discussed in a later lesson.
4
ಒಂದು ಪwಣ Ą¾ ಾಪದ ಾತು (ಮೂಲ / ¡ಾęತ ) + ಾಲ ಾಚಕ ಪ¾ತ½ಯ
(ವತ ಾನ / ಭೂತ / ಭīಷ½ ್ ) + ಆ ಾ½ತ ಪ¾ತ½ಯ (ĩಂಗ ವಚನ Ě ೇ ಶಕ ಾದ
ಪYರುಷ ಅಥ ಾ ಸವ ಾಮಪ¾ತ½ಯ ) ಎಂಬ ರಚ ೆĥಂದ Įದ¶ ಾಗುತ³ ೆ (“a full
verb is completed by the composition of a root (original or composite), +
a tense marker (present / past / future) + a personal suffix (a personal or
pronominal suffix that indicates gender and number)”, Venkatachalasastry
2007: 124. The exception to this rule is the negative mood (discussed in a
later lesson), which instead of a tense marker has no marker at all.
5
The formation of the stem of the past stem is often called ‘irregular’, but it
would be better to call it ‘strong’.
6
This similarity is of course not based on linguistic relationship, since Kan-
nada is a Dravidian language, and this makes the phenomenon all the more
interesting from the point of view of general linguistics.
 Lesson 5 77

7
Traditional grammars in Kannada (e.g., Venkatachalasastry 2007: 124) say
that the present tense marker is utta, and that the final a is elided before the
following personal suffix. Although this view has its own logic, it is more
convenient for the foreign learner to think that the tense marker is utt. In the
spoken language in some regions, this utt may be shortened to ut. Cf. also
Venkatachalasastry 2007: 124.
8
These are, of course, exactly the same as those already mentioned in lesson
2, but the table is repeated here for the readers’ convenience.
9
These two suffixes are freely exchangeable. It is a matter of personal style
and preference whether one uses one or the other, although the longer one
appears more common.
10
Compare this with German er kommt morgen / Dutch hij komt morgen, or the
English he’s coming tomorrow (note the continuous mode in English, however).
11
Traditional grammars say that the suffix is va, and that the final a is elided
before the personal ending. Cf. what has been said earlier concerning the
suffix for the present tense.
12
And also the very rarely used verb ī ‘to give, grant, bestow’.
13
Alternatively, the v can be added directly to the root: kare + v > karev, but
this is considered a bit old-fashioned and is used mainly for literary purposes.
14
Because there is an increasing tendency to use the shorter endings ‑e (1
ps. sg.) and ‑a (3 ps. sg. masc.) also in writing, there is also an increasing
tendency to use ‑i for the 2 ps. sg., in order to maintain a contrast between the
first and second person singular.
15
The suffix ‑adu is found esp. in the northern part of the Kannada speech
area. It is a regional stylistic preference and is just as correct as ‑udu, which
is the more commonly found suffix, esp. in southern Karnataka. It is a wide-
spread belief that the suffix ‑udu is, historically, a now obsolete pronoun, ‘it’,
which deictically occupied an intermediate position between idu and adu. His-
torically interested readers should, however, see the remarks in the footnote
about pronominalization with the ‑du suffix in lesson 11.
16
Analogous to the suffix for the third person singular neuter, speakers and
authors in northern Karnataka prefer to use the suffix avu.
17
The historical reason for these two forms is that in classical Kannada these
suffixes were ‑en and ‑an, respectively. From the 12th century onwards, these
suffixes were either lengthened to ‑enu and ‑anu to avoid the consonantal end-
ings (a phenomenon known in linguistics as epenthesis), or shortened to ‑e and
‑a (which is known as apocope). This can be compared to the English indefinite
article a, which is the shortened form of the original an (which is nowadays
only used before a word that begins with a vocalic sound).
18
When the famous religious personality and author Basava (12th century) in
one of his best known short compositions writes ಾ ೇನ ಾಡು ೆ ಬಡವನ ಾ½
nānēna māḍuve baḍavanayyā ‘what shall I do, a poor man, oh lord’, he is using
such shorter, ‘colloquial’ forms for the accusative case (ēna for ēnannu) and for
the 1st person singular future.
78 A Manual of Modern Kannada

19
Therefore, if one reads a piece in Kannada in which the 3rd ps. sg. suffix
adu instead of udu, the question marker ēnu instead of ā, and the future instead
of the present tense is used, with or without certain regional lexical peculiar-
ities, the reader can be quite sure that the text is from northern Karnataka or
southern Maharashtra.
20
The linguistic situation in coastal Karnataka is a complex and highly in-
teresting one. Many, if not most people in that region are not Kannada
mother-tongue speakers but have a different home language (Tulu, Malay-
alam, Konkani); furthermore, the dialects of spoken Kannada in that region
(Havyaka, Kundapura Kannada, etc.) deviate considerably from the modern
literary norm. In this complex linguistic environment, Kannada is the language
in common (esp. written) use. Tulu is used colloquially in southwestern Kar-
nataka, but is not standardized and is hardly used for written purposes. To
some extent, Kannada in coastal Karnataka can be compared to standard Ger-
man in Switzerland. Kannada is consciously learnt in school rather than at
home, and this explains why the written Kannada from that region is very pre-
cise and cultivated; for that same reason, it is sometimes unfairly considered
‘stiff’ and ‘lifeless’ by Kannada speakers from other parts of the speech area.
21
Traditional grammars say that the suffix is da, and that the final a is elided
before the personal ending. Cf. what has been said earlier concerning the
suffix for the present and future tenses.
22
In the case of the perfect mode too, speakers in coastal Karnataka tend to be
more particular and precise. Probably this partly has to do with the existence
of a perfect mode in another Dravidian language, Tulu, which is widely spoken
in that area.
23
Venkatachalasastry 2007: 131 lists such possibilities as arising from
ಆಡು ಾĖನ Ĭೕ ೊ¾ೕ ಾªರ ೆ āḍumātina śīghrōcchāraṇe ‘the fast pronunciation
in colloquial speech’.
24
Compare these with the two forms ittu and idditu for ‘it was’, mentioned in
lesson 2.
25
In a later lesson it will be shown that these ‘verbal nouns’ are actually
pronominalized relative participles. For the moment, the learner need not
know the details of the formation and use of relative participles, or of pronom-
inalization: these will be explained in due course.
26
The reason for this will become clear in the lesson where the relative par-
ticiples are discussed. Speakers of Indo-European languages must not make the
mistake of literally saying ‘my going is not’: one says ‘I-going is not’, ‘he-going
is not’, etc.
27
Again, the reason lies in that the verbal noun is a pronominalized relative
participle: a present relative participle does not exist, and there is only a dis-
tinction between past and non-past (i.e., past on the one hand, and present and
future combined on the other).
28
See p. 188ff.
 Lesson 6
Demonstratives – the accusative case – the imperative (hortative) mood

Demonstratives
In Kannada, the demonstrative words (which are pure attributes and
cannot be used as independent nouns or pronouns) 1 are extremely sim-
ple to use. The word for proximity (‘this’, ‘these’) is ಈ ī, and the word
for distance (‘that’, ‘those’) is ಆ ā. The corresponding interrogative
(‘which?’) is ಾವ yāva. All three of these words are indeclinable:
none of them ever changes, irrespective of the gender, number or gram-
matical case of the following word to which it refers:

ಆ ಮರ ā mara that tree

ಆ ಮರಗಳು ā maragaḷu those trees
ಆ ಹುಡುĆ ā huḍugi that girl
ಆ ಹುಡುĆಯರು ā huḍugiyaru those girls
ಈ ಹುಡುĆ ī huḍugi this girl
ಈ ಹುಡುĆಯರು ī huḍugiyaru these girls
ಾವ ಹುಡುĆಯರು? yāva huḍugiyaru? which girls?

The accusative case

The accusative is the case of the direct object of a sentence. In a sen-
tence with a transitive verb (i.e., a verb that can have a direct object),
the object can be explicitly and unambiguously indicated by means
of a suffix: ‑annu. This suffix (commonly called the suffix for the ac-
cusative case, or in Kannada, with a term borrowed from Sanskrit gram-
mar, ĘÂĖೕ ಾ īಭĄ³ dvitīyā vibhakti, ‘second case’) is used to indicate
any grammatical direct object, irrespective of gender, number, or noun
class. This same suffix is also used with pronouns.
The usual rules of sandhi are observed when the accusative case
suffix is added to nouns and pronouns. When used with a noun or
pronoun in the plural, it is added (this applies to all case suffixes) after
the plural suffix.
80 A Manual of Modern Kannada

ಅವನು ಆ ಹುಡುಗನನು· avanu ā he hits that boy

¢ೊ ೆಯು ಾ³ ೆ huḍuganannu
hoḍeyuttāne

The learner should note here the order of the parts of a transitive sen-
tence in Kannada (as in other Dravidian languages): subject-object-
verb. 2 The learner must grow accustomed to this type of sentence struc-
ture when actively using the language, and must expect this structure
when reading or hearing it. Thus a Kannada speaker does not say ‘I
saw the trees’ but ‘I the trees saw’; not ‘he read that book’ but ‘he that
book read’, etc. etc.
With words that indicate persons, the accusative case suffix is al-
ways required to show that this word indicates the object of the sen-
tence. With an object that is neuter, there are two possibilities: either
(1) the ‑annu suffix is added, or (2) nothing is added at all. The differ-
ence in usage is rather subtle and not always clear. There is a tendency
to use the ‑annu suffix when the neuter object is a specific object (for
instance, one which has been spoken about earlier). This specificness
and definiteness can be expressed in English by means of the definite
article ‘the’; Kannada has no such article, but the English article may be
used effectively when translating this explicit accusative into English:

ಾನು ಮರವನು· nānu maravannu I saw the tree (a

ೋē ೆನು nōḍidenu particular tree)

It must be stressed, however, that this difference is a tendency in the

speech and writing of most persons and cannot be called a hard and fast
rule. 3 Note that this omission of the accusative suffix can occur only
if the object is neuter, not with grammatically masculine or feminine
objects: in these latter cases, the use of the suffix is compulsory. If one
wishes to explicit say ‘I saw a boy’ (an unspecified boy), one must use a
different grammatical device. The most common such device is the use
of the numeral obba ‘one (person)’: nānu obba huḍuganannu nōḍidenu.

Accusatives of pronouns

As with the genitive, the accusative shows a few peculiarities.

 Lesson 6 81

Person Nominative Accusative

1 sg. ಾನು nānu ನನ·ನು· nannannu
2 sg. Ěೕನು nīnu Ěನ·ನು· ninnannu
3 sg. masc. ಅವನು avanu ಅವನನು· avanannu
3 sg. fem. ಅವಳು avaḷu ಅವಳನು· avaḷannu
3 sg. neu. ಅದು adu ಅದನು· adannu
1 pl. ಾವY nāvu ನಮ¼ನು· nammannu
2 pl. ĚೕವY nīvu Ěಮ¼ನು· nimmannu
3 pl. epic. ಅವರು avaru ಅವರನು· avarannu
3 pl. neu. ಅವY(ಗಳು) avu(gaḷu) ಅವನು· / avannu /
ಅವYಗಳನು· avugaḷannu

The imperative (hortative) mood

The imperative is the verb form that is used to give orders. There are
two forms in Kannada: singular and plural. The plural is also often
used honorifically.
The form of the imperative singular is simply identical with the
verb root: ಾಡು! māḍu! ‘do!’, ಓದು! ōdu! ‘read!’, ಕ ೆ! kare! ‘call!’,
¢ೋಗು! hōgu! ‘go!’
The plural is formed by adding the suffix ‑iri to the root. With
verbs of the first class, the final u is elided: ಾēĨ! māḍiri! ‘[please]
do!’, ಓĘĨ! ōdiri! ‘read!’, ¢ೋĆĨ! hōgiri! ‘go!’ However, this form
is less common in colloquial usage in central and southern Karnataka,
where the suffix is shortened to ‑i. The forms ಾē! māḍi! ‘do!’, ಓĘ!
ōdi! ‘read!’, ¢ೋĆ! hōgi! ‘go!’ are perfectly equivalent to the longer
forms. It is a matter of personal stylistic preference whether one uses
the long or the short form.
With verbs of the second class, of which the roots end in i or e, the
suffix ‑iri is joined to the root by means of a connecting y: ಕ ೆĥĨ!
kareyiri! ‘call!’, ಬēĥĨ! baḍiyiri! ‘strike!’, ಕĩĥĨ! kaliyiri! ‘learn!’,
ನ ೆĥĨ! naḍeyiri! ‘walk!’ (There is no colloquial short form, unlike
with the verbs of the first class.)
There are only two verbs in frequent use that have irregularly
formed imperatives: ಬರು baru‘to come’ and ತರು taru ‘to bring’, 4 which
are irregular in exactly the same way. In the second person singular,
82 A Manual of Modern Kannada

the imperatives are ಾ bā ‘come!’ and ಾ tā ‘bring!’, and in the plural

they are ಬĚ· banni 5 and ತĚ· tanni.
Besides these forms for the second person singular and plural, there
are other forms for the other persons (see the table below) which by
some authors are also termed ‘imperative’, but which could perhaps
better be called hortative, since they are not used as direct orders, but
rather to urge someone to do something (this ‘someone’ can also be the
first person, ‘I’ or ‘we’, or the third person, a ‘he’, ‘she’ or ‘they’). 6 For
the sake of unambiguity and clarity, a pronoun can be used to indicate
the subject. Thus the form ಾ ೋಣ māḍōṇa is best translated as
‘let us do’ or ‘we ought to do’, and [ಅವನು] ಾಡĩ [avanu] māḍali
as ‘let him do’ or ‘he should do’. One often hears that the first person
singular is used, together with the question suffix ā, in suggestions:
[ ಾನು] ಬರ ಾ? [nānu] baralā? ‘shall / should I come?’, ಾಡ ಾ?
māḍalā? ‘shall I do it?’
Traditional grammars list these hortative forms in paradigms to-
gether with the imperatives for the second person:

First class:

1 ps. sg. māḍali let me do

2 ps. sg. māḍu do
3 ps. sg. māḍali let him / her / it do

1 ps. pl. māḍōṇa / māḍuva let us do

2 ps. pl. māḍiri / māḍi do
3 ps. pl. māḍali let them do

Note that in the third person, genders are not distinguished; and also,
that the first person singular and the third persons singular and plural
are identical in form. Therefore, the context must reveal which person
is meant, unless a subject is explicitly indicated by a noun or pronoun.
Of the two possible forms for the 1st person plural, the first one
(with the typical ending ‑ōṇa) is the more commonly used; the second
form, in ‑uva, is typical of coastal Karnataka. 7
 Lesson 6 83

Second class:

1 ps. sg. kareyali let me call

2 ps. sg. kare call
3 ps. sg. kareyali let him / her / it call

1 ps. pl. kareyōṇa / kareyuva let us call

2 ps. pl. kareyiri call
3 ps. pl. kareyali let them call

One of the most commonly used hortative forms is ಆಗĩ āgali, from the
verb ಆಗು āgu ‘to become / happen / occur’. It is used very frequently
in conversation and means ‘[so] be it’, ‘let it be [so]’, ‘all right’.

‘Please be quiet’ – niśśabdavāgiri, in

the polite plural imperative

Exercise
Read and translate the following sentences:

೧. ಆ ಪYಸ³ಕವನು· ಓĘĨ!

೨. ನನ·ನು· ೋē!

೩. ಓēĨ!

೪. ಾĥಯನು· ¢ೊ ೆĥĨ!

೫. ಅದನು· ತĚ·!

೬. ಅವನನು· ಕ ೆĥĨ!

೭. ಾನು ಕ ೆಯ ಾ?
84 A Manual of Modern Kannada

೮. ಪತ¾ವನು· ಬ ೆŤೕಣ.

೯. ಅವರು ಪತ¾ವನು· ಬ ೆಯĩ.

೧೦. ¢ೋ ೋಣ.

೧೧. ಅವನು ¢ೋಗĩ.

೧೨. ಇದನು· ಓĘ!

೧೩. Ěಮ¼ ¢ೆಸರನು· ಬ ೆĥĨ!

Vocabulary

ಓಡು ōḍu to run

ತರು taru to bring
ಾĥ nāyi dog
ೋಡು nōḍu to watch, look at
ಪತ¾ patra letter
ಬರು baru to come
ಬ ೆ bare to write

Notes
1
Some authors refer to these words as ‘deictics’. This is not done in this book,
because the term ‘deictic’ usually includes other categories of words as well
besides the purely demonstrative.
2
In linguistics such languages are often referred to as ‘SOV languages’
(‘subject-object-verb languages’).
3
Also Venkatachalasastry 2007: 122 states ಾಮಪದಗಳು ನಪYಂಸಕĩಂಗದ ಾ-
Ćದµ ೆ, ĘÂ.ī.ಪ¾ತ½ಯ ಐċªಕ (“when nouns are neuter, the accusative suffix is
optional”), without any further indications of when or why the suffix is used
with neuter nouns.
 Lesson 6 85

4
taru for ‘to bring’ is slightly old-fashioned and literary: in the modern lan-
guage, the compound verb tegedukoṃḍu baru (colloquially further shortened to
tagoṃḍu baru) is far more common. (Compound verbs are discussed in lesson
19.)
5
In northern Karnataka, one can also hear and read barri.
6
The indigenous term for this mood is īಧ½ಥ īę vidhyarthavidhi, ಆ ೆ ,
ಾ¾ಥ ೆ, ಇ ೆª, ¢ಾ ೈ ೆ śದ ಾದುವನು· ಸೂċಸುವ ಅಥ (“[the mood that
has] the meaning of indicating an order, request, desire, wish, etc.”), Venkata-
chalasastry 2007: 123.
7
Historically these two forms have the same origin: the Old Kannada form
for ‘let us go’ was Śೕಗುವಂ pōguvaṃ, which later became both ¢ೋಗುವಣ
hōguvaṇa > ¢ೋ ೋಣ hōgōṇa as well as ¢ೋಗುವ hōguva. Cf. Venkatacha-
lasastry 2007: 147.
 Lesson 7

The Oriental Research Institute (ORI) of the University of Mysore,

home of the second largest collection of Sanskrit manuscripts in India

Grammatical case: dative

The dative case

Functions of the dative case

The ಚತುėೕ īಭĄ³ caturthī vibhakti or ‘fourth case’ (commonly called

the dative in modern grammars) is a case with more than one function.
(1) It is useful to think of the dative, first of all, as the case that indi-
cates the destination or the end of a movement, in a very broad sense.
The characteristic ending is ‑(i)ge with most nouns and pronouns, with
an alloform (alternative form) ‑kke for neuter nouns ending in a as well
as for the neuter pronouns adu / idu and avu / ivu. (See the table of
pronominal forms on p. 90.)
The dative can often be translated by the English ‘to’ (unless the
English word order suffices, as in the second example below):
88 A Manual of Modern Kannada

ಅವನು ಹುಡುಗĚ ೆ avanu huḍuganige he gave a book to

ಪYಸ³ಕ ೊಟ®ನು pustaka koṭṭanu the boy
ಅವನು ಹುಡುĆ ೆ avanu huḍugige he gave the girl a
ಪYಸ³ಕ ೊಟ®ನು pustaka koṭṭanu book

In these sentences, the act of giving means that an object (here: a book)
moves from the giver to the receiver. The receiver is in the dative.
Similarly, the dative is the case of destinations:

ೆ ೆ· ಅವನು nenne avanu yesterday he went

ģೖಸೂĨ ೆ Maisūrige hōdanu to Mysore
¢ೋದನು

Here the city Maisūru (‘Mysore’ in Anglified spelling; nowadays offi-

cially spelt ‘Mysuru’) is the destination of the subject’s travel, therefore
it is in the dative. 1
This ‘end of a movement’ or ‘destination’ should be taken in a very
broad sense. When one person speaks to another, the speaker’s words
are intended to reach the listener, i.e., again there is a movement (of
words) that have the listener as their destination:

ಅವನು ಆ avanu ā huḍuganige he told this matter

ಹುಡುಗĚ ೆ ಈ ī viṣayavannu to that boy
īಷಯವನು· hēḷidanu
¢ೇĪದನು

Usually, the indirect object (in the dative) is placed before the direct
object (in the accusative) in the sentence; but because these parts of
the sentence are clearly indicated by the case endings, there is some
degree of freedom in the order of these parts, if the speaker / writer
wishes to emphasize a part of the sentence by a less usual word order.
Therefore a Kannada speaker will not say ‘he told this matter to that
boy’ but ‘he to that boy this matter told’, etc. One could also say ‘to
that boy he this matter told’ to emphasize the receiver of the message;
or ‘he this matter to that boy told’ to emphasize the object, or ‘this
matter he to that boy told’ to emphasize the object still more. But the
standard order of the parts of the sentence is subject – indirect object
– direct object – verb.
(2) Also, the dative may indicate a purpose or reason:
 Lesson 7 89

ಅವನು ಊಟ ೆ¤ avanu ūṭakke he went home for

ಮ ೆ ೆ ¢ೋದನು manege hōdanu lunch / dinner

Here we have a sentence with two datives: manege ‘to [his] house’ tells
us the destination of his going, and ūṭakke tells us for what purpose he
went, namely, his ūṭa ‘meal’. 2

Formation of the dative

The dative is formed by adding the suffix ‑ge to: (a) masculine and
feminine nouns and pronouns, (b) to neuter nouns ending in i or e, (c)
to plurals.
Please note that the dative of masculine nouns in ‑a is always
formed on the basis of the historically original ‘long’ nominative in
‑nu, never the short one.
If the nominative ends in u (e.g., at the end of every plural ending),
a short i is substituted for that u (see the last four examples in the
following table):

huḍugi huḍugige (girl)

buṭṭi buṭṭige (basket)
kere kerege (tank)
huḍuga(nu) huḍuganige (boy)
huḍugaru huḍugarige (boys)
huḍugiyaru huḍugiyarige (girls)
maragaḷu maragaḷige (trees)

However, the final u is not elided if the word consists of two short
syllables (as we have already seen with the genitive, e.g., ಹಸು hasu
‘cow’ or ಕರು karu ‘calf’: here the datives become ಹಸುī ೆ hasuvige and
ಕರುī ೆ karuvige).
With neuter nouns ending in a and with the pronouns for the third
person neuter (both singular and plural), the suffix is not ‑ge, but ‑kke:
90 A Manual of Modern Kannada

mara marakke (tree)

pustaka pustakakke (book)

This same suffix ‑kke is used with the pronouns for the third person
neuter, of the type adu and avu (note that in these pronouns, the u is
changed to a):

adu adakke it (remote)

avu avakke they (remote)

The alternative long form for the plural, avugaḷu, of course forms the
dative in the regular manner of all plurals in gaḷu:

avugaḷu avugaḷige

Datives of pronouns

Please note that in a few forms, the typical doubling of the nasal con-
sonant (as in the genitive and accusative) does not take place in the
dative:

Person Nomina- Dative

tive
1 sg. ಾನು nānu ನನ ೆ nanage
2 sg. Ěೕನು nīnu Ěನ ೆ ninage
3 sg. masc. ಅವನು avanu ಅವĚ ೆ avanige
3 sg. fem. ಅವಳು avaḷu ಅವĪ ೆ avaḷige
3 sg. neu. ಅದು adu ಅದ ೆ¤ adakke
1 pl. ಾವY nāvu ನಮ ೆ namage
2 pl. ĚೕವY nīvu Ěಮ ೆ nimage
3 pl. epic. ಅವರು avaru ಅವĨ ೆ avarige
3 pl. neu. ಅವYಗಳು avu(gaḷu) ಅವ ೆ¤ avakke /
avugaḷige

Following the pattern of ಅವರು avaru, the dative of ಾರು yāru ‘who’
is ಾĨ ೆ yārige ‘[to] whom’.
Examples: 3
 Lesson 7 91

ಅವನು ನನ ೆ ಪYಸ³ಕ avanu nanage he gave me a book

ೊಟ®ನು pustaka koṭṭanu
ಾನು Ěಮ ೆ ಪYಸ³ಕ nānu nimage I gave you a book
ೊ ೆ®ನು pustaka koṭṭenu
ಾನು ಅವĨ ೆ ಪYಸ³ಕ nānu avarige I gave them a book
ೊ ೆ®ನು pustaka koṭṭenu

Picture of Sarasvati, the

goddess of learning, in the
reading room of the ORI,
Mysore

The dative with bēku, bēḍa, sāku, sāladu

An extremely frequent use of the dative is found in constructions where
something is required or desired. The desired thing becomes the
grammatical subject of the sentence, and the predicate is ೇಕು bēku
‘is required / needed / wished / desired’; the person who requires or
desires (sometimes referred to in linguistic literature as the logical sub-
ject) is put in the dative:

ನನ ೆ ಆ ಪYಸ³ಕ nanage ā pustaka I want / need that

ೇಕು bēku book
92 A Manual of Modern Kannada

Ěಮ ೆ ಆ ಪYಸ³ಕಗಳು nimage ā you want / need

ೇಕು pustakagaḷu bēku those books

The above sentences mean, more literally translated: ‘to me that book
is a desired thing’, and ‘to you those books are a desired thing’. The
grammatical subject can be anything (singular, plural, neuter, femi-
nine, masculine): the predicate is always ೇಕು bēku:

ĚೕವY ನಮ ೆ ೇಕು nīvu namage bēku we want / need

you

The negative form of ೇಕು bēku is ೇಡ bēḍa:

ನನ ೆ ಆ ಪYಸ³ಕ nanage ā pustaka I do not want /

ೇಡ bēḍa need that book
Ěಮ ೆ ಆ ಪYಸ³ಕಗಳು nimage ā you do not want /
ೇಡ pustakagaḷu bēḍa need those books

Bēku can mean ‘is wanted’, ‘is required’, ‘is needed’, ‘is desired’ (and
bēḍa can mean all those things negatively). In other words, bēku and
bēḍa do not indicate whether the requirement is prompted by an exter-
nal necessity or by an inner wish. ನನ ೆ Ěೕರು ೇಕು nanage nīru bēku
can have any meaning ranging from ‘I need water’ (because otherwise
my health will fail me due to dehydration) to ‘I would like some water’
(because my mouth is dry and I will able to speak more easily if I have
had a sip of water, or because I wish to wash away a bad taste from
my mouth). Usually the context will make it clear to the listener or
reader what is meant. Kannada has words that are more precise (such
as ಬಯಸು bayasu ‘to desire’, ಇċªಸು icchisu ‘to wish’, ಅವಶ½ avaśya
‘necessary’, etc.), but usually bēku / bēḍa is sufficiently clear.
Two other defective verbs with which sentences of a similar syn-
tactic structure are created are ¡ಾಕು sāku ‘is / are enough / sufficient’
and its negative form ¡ಾಲದು sāladu ‘is / are not enough / sufficient’:

ನನ ೆ ಇಷು® ಅನ· nanage iṣṭu anna this much rice is

¡ಾಕು sāku enough for me
 Lesson 7 93

ಅಷು® ಹಣ Ěಮ ೆ aṣṭu haṇa nimage is that much money

¡ಾಲ ಾ? sāladā? not enough for
you?

Exercise
Read and translate the following sentences:

೧. ಅವರು ನನ ೆ ಹಣ ೊಟ®ರು.

೨. ಇವರು ನಮ ೆ ಊಟ ೊಟ®ರು.

೩. ĚೕವY ಅವĨ ೆ ಪತ¾ ೊđ®Ĩ.

೪. ನನ ೆ ಹಣ ೊē!

೫. ಅವರು ನಮ ೆ ಕ ೆ ¢ೇĪದರು.

೬. ಾವY Ěಮ ೆ ಕ ೆ ¢ೇಳು ೆವY.

೭. ĚೕವY ನಮ ೆ ಕ ೆ ¢ೇಳುĖ³ೕ ಾ?

೮. ಾನು Ěಮ ೆ ಅದನು· ¢ೇಳು ೆ³ೕ ೆ.

೯. ನನ ೆ ಮ ೆ ೊಟ®ರು.

೧೦. ಾĨ ೆ ಕ ೆ ¢ೇĪದರು?

೧೧. ಾರು Ěಮ ೆ ಹಣು² ೊಟ®ರು?

೧೨. ಅವರು ನನ ೆ ತುಂಬ ೊಂದ ೆ ಾēದರು.

೧೩. ĚೕವY ಈ ೆಲಸ ಎĩÀ ಾēĘĨ?

೧೪. ಆ ಪYಸ³ಕ ಎĩÀ ೆ? 4

94 A Manual of Modern Kannada

೧೫. ಅದನು· ನನ ೆ ೊಡುĖ³ೕ ಾ?

೧೬. ನನ ೆ ಸತ½ ¢ೇಳುĖ³ೕ ಾ?

Vocabulary

ಅನ· anna rice (cooked)

ಊಟ ūṭa (cooked) meal
ಕ ೆ kathe story
ೆಲಸ kelasa work
ೊಡು koḍu to give
ೊಂದ ೆ toṃdare trouble
ೆ ೆ· nenne yesterday
īಷಯ viṣaya matter, thing, topic
ಸತ½ satya truth
¡ಾಕು sāku it is enough
¡ಾಲದು sāladu it is not enough
ಹಣ haṇa money
ಹಣು² haṇṇu fruit
¢ೇಳು hēḷu to say
¢ೋಗು hōgu to go

Notes
1
Colloquially one may hear a geographic destination spoken about in the root
form, without the ending for the dative, such as ‘avanu Maisūru hōdanu’.
2
In a later chapter we will also see the important function of the dative of
verbal nouns for indicating purpose or reason: ‘for doing x’.
3
In the following examples, koṭṭ- is the verb stem for the past tense of the
strong verb koḍu ‘to give’ (not *koḍid-, as one would ordinarily expect). The
 Lesson 7 95

formation of the past tense stems of strong verbs is discussed in lesson 5, p. 70,
and in the separate appendix.
4
The commonly contracted form of ಎĩÀ ಇ ೆ, with elision of the final i of ಎĩÀ
elli.
 Lesson 8
Grammatical cases: ablative / instrumental, locative – the use of postposi-
tions

The ablative / instrumental case

The so-called ತೃĖೕ ಾ īಭĄ³ tṛtīyā vibhakti or ‘third case’ has been
described by Western grammarians as an ablative, an instrumental, or
both. 1 Just like the locative (which will discussed further below in this
lesson), it obviously is a ‘case’ that is built on top of the genitive. The
characteristic suffix is iṃda, which is added to the genitive with elision
of the final a of the genitive.
It has been customary in Kannada grammars written by most West-
ern authors to call this case the ‘instrumental’, following the indige-
nous model of grammar, 2 which again follows the Sanskritic model. 3
It would be best to use an entirely new word to denote this case, such
as ‘originative’, but for the sake of greater compatibility with the ter-
minology of earlier writings about Kannada grammar, I will refer to it
as the ‘ablative’.
The ablative has a number of functions: one can best summarize
these by thinking of the ablative as the case that indicates the origin or
starting point of something, for instance, the beginning of a move-
ment. Therefore it can often be translated by the English preposition
‘from’:

ಅವನು ģೖಸೂĨĚಂದ avanu Maisūriniṃda he came from

ಬಂದನು baṃdanu Mysore

The beginning can also be one of a process or a condition in time, and

can be translated as ‘from’ or ‘since’:

ಅವನು ಇವĖ³Ěಂದ avanu ivattiniṃda illi he will be here from

ಇĩÀ ಇರುವನು iruvanu today 4 onwards
ಅವನು ಆ ಾಲĘಂದ avanu ā kāladiṃda he was there since
ಅĩÀ ಇದµನು alli iddanu that time

The ablative can also indicate the beginning of a process, that is to say:
a cause. This can be translated by ‘on account of’, ‘due to’, ‘because
98 A Manual of Modern Kannada

of’, etc. Causes and reasons are very commonly expressed by means of
verbal nouns in the ablative (it will be discussed in a later lesson how
verbal nouns are formed and used 5). One such ablative of a verbal
noun that is used so often that many speakers do not think of it as
such, is the word ಆದµĨಂದ āddariṃda (which is a slightly contracted
form of ಆದುದĨಂದ ādudariṃda ‘because of having become’), which is
the common expression in modern Kannada for ‘therefore’.
Finally, this case can also indicate the material starting point of
something, namely, the instrument or the material that is used for
creating something.

ಅವರು ಇದನು· avaru idannu they wrote this by

ೈĥಂದ ಬ ೆದರು kaiyiṃda baredaru hand
ಅವರು Ąīĥಂದ avaru kiviyiṃda they will listen with
ೇಳುವರು kēḷuvaru their ear[s]
ಅವರು ಇದನು· avaru idannu they built this from
ಕĩÀĚಂದ ಕđ®Įದರು kalliniṃda kaṭṭidaru stone

Sometimes one has the option of using the locative (see the next sec-
tion) for indicating an instrument: the sentence

ಅವರು ಇದನು· avaru idannu kaiyalli they wrote this by

ೈಯĩÀ ಬ ೆದರು baredaru hand

means exactly the same as the sentence with the ablative kaiyiṃda. 6
It should be noted that when the inclusive suffix ū is added to the
ablative suffix (meaning ‘also from’ etc.), the suffix is connected to the
case ending by means of the consonant l: ģೖಸೂĨĚಂದಲೂ Maisūriniṃ-
dalū ‘also from Mysore’. 7

The locative case

Traditional Kannada grammars mention a locative case (ಸಪ³Ģೕ īಭĄ³
saptamī vibhakti), following the Sanskrit model of grammar. In real-
ity, however, this so-called locative (which would better be called an
adessive, as in Finnish grammar) is the combination of the genitive and
the word alli ‘there’. 8 Therefore, the locative of x could, very literally,
be thought of as meaning ‘there of the x’.
Before alli, the final -a of the genitive is elided. A few examples of
locatives:
 Lesson 8 99

mara (tree) mara + da maradalli

[genitive]+ alli
manuṣya (man) manuṣya + na + alli manuṣyanalli
avaru (they) avara [genitive] + avaralli
alli

This combination of genitive and alli has a quite general meaning of

location, and it can be translated by a variety of English prepositions:
‘in’, ‘on’, ‘beside’, ‘near’, ‘among’, etc., according to context:

ಮರದĩÀ ಹĄ¤ ಇ ೆ maradalli hakki ide a bird is in the tree

ಅವನು ಮ ೆಯĩÀ avanu maneyalli he is at home
ಇ ಾµ ೆ iddāne
ಅದು ಆ ಪYಸ³ಕಗಳĩÀ adu ā pustakagaḷalli it is among those
ಇ ೆ ide books
ಒಬº īೕರ ಆ obba vīra ā there is no hero
ಮನುಷ½ರĩÀ ಇಲÀ manuṣyaralli illa among those people

ಅದರĩÀ Ěೕರು ಇ ೆ adaralli nīru ide there is water in it

If one wishes to express a more precise spatial relationship, one must

use the genitive together with a postposition (see the following sec-
tion) such as mēle ‘on top of’, keḷage ‘under, below’, horage ‘outside’, or
oḷage ‘within, inside’:

ಮರದ ģೕ ೆ ಹĄ¤ marada mēle hakki a bird is on top of

ಇ ೆ ide the tree
ಮರದ ೆಳ ೆ ಹĄ¤ marada keḷage hakki a bird is under the
ಇ ೆ ide tree
ಅವನು ಮ ೆŤಳ ೆ avanu maneyoḷage 9 he is inside the
ಇ ಾµ ೆ iddāne house
ಅವನು ಮ ೆಯ avanu maneya he is outside the
¢ೊರ ೆ ಇ ಾµ ೆ horage iddāne house
100 A Manual of Modern Kannada

ಅದ ೊಳ ೆ Ěೕರು adaroḷage nīru ide there is water inside

ಇ ೆ it

The use of postpositions

One peculiarity that is found in most of the modern languages of In-
dia are postpositions. In nearly all the modern languages of Europe,
prepositions are used as a means of indicating the function of a noun
or pronoun in a sentence; but because the corresponding Indian words
do not precede the words to which they refer but follow them, they are
not called prepositions, but postpositions. 10

ಅವನು ಮರದ ೆಳ ೆ avanu marada keḷage he is under the tree

ಇ ಾµ ೆ iddāne
ಪYಸ³ಕ ģೕčನ ģೕ ೆ pustaka mējina mēle the book is on the
ಇ ೆ ide table

In these model sentences, the English ‘under’ and ‘on’ state something
about a spatial relationship to the objects denoted by the words that fol-
low. The corresponding Kannada words, ೆಳ ೆ keḷage and ģೕ ೆ mēle,
refer to the words that precede them. Almost always, the words to
which the postpositions refer are in the genitive case: this is easily
understandable as soon as one realizes that postpositions are usually
derived from nouns (in the above examples from ‘lower side’ and ‘up-
per side’). Mējina mēle literally means ‘at the upper side of the table’.

postposition original basic noun 11

ģೕ ೆ mēle on ģೕಲು mēlu top side
ೆಳ ೆ keḷage under ೆಳಗು keḷagu lower
side
ಒಳ ೆ oḷage within ಒಳಗು oḷagu inside
ಪಕ¤ pakka 12
beside ಪಕ¤ 13 pakka side
ಹĖ³ರ hattira 14 near, close ಹĖ³ರ hattira proximity
to
 Lesson 8 101

ಬ ೆ¦ bagge 15 about ಬ ೆ bage thought

ಮ ೆ½ madhye 16
between ಮಧ½ madhya middle
ಮುಂ ೆ muṃde before ಮುಂದು muṃdu front side
įಂ ೆ hiṃde behind, įಂದು hiṃdu rear side
ago
¢ೊರ ೆ horage outside ¢ೊರಗು horagu outer side

Most grammarians explain the short e at the end of most of these post-
positions as a locative marker. Thus the phrase ģčನ ģೕ ೆ mējina
mēle can be thought of as meaning ‘at the top side of the table’, ಮರದ
ೆಳ ೆ marada keḷage is ‘at the lower end of the tree’, etc.
What may surprise the learner is that these postpositions, unlike
European prepositions, can be inflected by having case endings added
to them. This is, again, because most postpositions are basically nouns:

ಅವನು avanu he comes from

ಮ ೆŤಳĆĚಂದ maneyoḷaginiṃda within the house
ಬರು ಾ³ ೆ baruttāne

literally means ‘he house-[of]-inside-[from] comes’. Also the dative

and especially genitive forms of postpositions are used often:

ಅವನು ಮ ೆŤಳ ೆ¤ avanu maneyoḷakke he enters the house

¢ೋಗು ಾ³ ೆ hōguttāne
ಮರದ ģೕĩನ ಹĄ¤ marada mēlina the bird on top of
hakki the tree
ಮ ೆಯ ಪಕ¤ದ ಮರ maneya pakkada the tree next to the
mara house
ನನ· ಬ ೆĆನ ಕ ೆ nanna bagegina 17 a story about me
kathe

Oḷakke is the dative of oḷa ‘inside’, an older synonym of oḷagu that nowa-
days is no longer used. (Similarly horakke is the dative of the older
word hora ‘outside’.) However, nowadays one will often hear and read
oḷage and horage in such sentences with exactly the same meaning.
The genitives of the postpositions in the last three examples in the
last table may seem difficult to understand for the average speaker
102 A Manual of Modern Kannada

of most European languages, since ಮ ೆಯ ಪಕ¤ ಮರ maneya pakka

mara could also be literally translated as ‘the tree next to the house’.
However, for a Kannada speaker the genitive in ಮ ೆಯ ಪಕ¤ದ ಮರ
maneya pakkada mara explicitly binds mara with the preceding maneya
pakka as ‘the [particular] tree [that is situated] next to the house’.
More literally, these examples can be thought to mean ‘he goes to
the inside of the house’, ‘the bird of the topside of the tree’, ‘the tree
of [i.e., that is standing at] the side of the house’, and (hardly literally
translatable into English) ‘a story of that which concerns me’ (i.e., ‘a
story about me’).
The one common postposition that governs not the genitive, but
the dative, is ಓಸ¤ರ -ōskara (and its variant ಓಸುಗ -ōsuga), ‘for [the
sake of]’, 18 before which the e of the dative is elided:

ಅವನು avanu ūṭakkōskara he comes for the

ಊಟ ೊ¤ೕಸ¤ರ baruttāne meal
ಬರು ಾ³ ೆ
ಪYಸ³ಕ ನನ ೋಸ¤ರ pustaka nanagōskara the book is for me
ಇ ೆ ide
ಅವನು avanu nimagōskara he came for you
Ěಮ ೋಸ¤ರ ಬಂದ baṃda

ūṭa + kke [dative ending] + -ōskara > ūṭakkōskara ‘for the meal’; nan-
age [dative of nānu] + -ōskara > nanagōskara ‘for me’; nimage [dative
of nīvu] + -ōskara > nimagōskara ‘for you’. Whenever something in
print looks like one long word that ends in -ōskara, one can be sure
that this -ōskara is preceded by a word in the dative case.
Alternatively, one also finds the very common combination dative
+ ‑āgi with the same meaning (ūṭakkāgi, nimagāgi, etc.). 19
 Lesson 8 103

Conversation
(Notes immediately follow the text.)

Rāmayya
ಓ ಬĚ·, ಒಳ ೆ ಬĚ·, Ō banni, oḷage banni, Oh, come in, com in,
ಗ ೇಶ ೇ. Gaṇēśarē. Mr Ganesha.
¢ೇĆʵೕĨ? ಏನು Hēgiddīri? Ēnu How are you? What
ಸ ಾ ಾರ? samācāra? is new?
Gaṇēśa
ನಮ¡ಾ¤ರ, Namaskāra, Greetings, Mr
ಾಮಯ½ನವ ೇ. Rāmayyanavarē. Rāmayya. I’m fine.
ಾನು ೆ ಾ·Ć ೆµೕ ೆ. Nānu cennāgiddēne. No problems. There’s
ೊಂದ ೆ ಇಲÀ. Toṃdare illa. no special news.
ī ೇಷ ಾದ Viśēṣavāda
ಸ ಾ ಾರīಲÀ. samācāravilla.
ಸುಮ¼ ೆ ಬಂ ೆ. Summane baṃde. I came just like this.
ĚೕವYಗಳು ¢ೇĆʵೕĨ? Nīvugaḷu a hēgiddīri? How are all of you?
Rāmayya
ಾವw ೆ ಾ·Ć ೆµೕ ೆ. Nāvū cennāgiddēve. Ō We’re fine. Oh, wife,
ಓ ಇವ ೇ, ಸÂಲ¸ ಾ ivaḷē, b svalpa bā illi. come over here for a
ಇĩÀ. second.
Sītamma
ಒ¢ೋ, ನಮ¡ಾ¤ರ, Ohō, namaskāra Oho, greetings, Mr
ಗ ೇಶ ೇ. ತುಂಬ Gaṇēśarē. Tuṃba Gaṇēśa. Many days
Ęವಸ ಾĥತು. divasavāyitu. c have passed. How
¢ೇĆʵೕĨ? Hēgiddīri? are you?
Gaṇēśa
ೆ ಾ·Ć ೆµೕ ೆ, ಅಮ¼. Cennāgiddēne, amma. I’m fine, madam.
Sītamma
ĚೕವY ಏನು Nīvu ēnu tagoḷḷuttīri? What will you have?
ತ ೊಳುÁĖ³ೕĨ? ಾನು Nānu cahā māḍuttēne. I’ll make some tea.
ಚ¢ಾ ಾಡು ೆ³ೕ ೆ.
104 A Manual of Modern Kannada

Gaṇēśa
ಚ¢ಾ ೇಡ, ಅಮ¼. Cahā bēḍa, amma. No tea, madam. Just
d
ಈಗ ೇ ಾನು Īgalē nānu kuḍidenu. now I drank some.
ಕುē ೆನು.
Sītamma
ಅಲÀ, ಸÂಲ¸ ತ ೊĪÁ. Alla, svalpa tagoḷḷi. No, have a little bit.
Gaṇēśa
Ěಜ ಾĆ ೇಡಮ¼. Nijavāgi bēḍamma. Really, no, madam.
Sītamma
ನಮ¼ ಮ ೆಯĩÀ ಾವY Namma maneyalli We give tea (and /
ಎಲÀĨಗೂ ಚ¢ಾ, ಾě nāvu ellarigū e cahā, or) coffee to everyone
ೊಡು ೆ³ೕ ೆ. Ěಮಗೂ kāpi koḍuttēve. in our house. I am
ೊಡು ೆ³ೕ ೆ. Nimagū koḍuttēne. giving it to you also.
Gaṇēśa
ಆĥತು ಅಮ¼, Āyitu f amma, All right, madam, I
ತ ೊಳುÁ ೆ³ೕ ೆ. tagoḷḷuttēne. will have some.

Grammatical and idiomatic notes to the conversation

a
Because nīvu can be either plural or honorific, one can use the pleonastic
‘double plural’ nīvugaḷu to make it very clear that more than one person is
meant. Compare the expression āp log in Urdu / Hindi, or colloquial North
American English ‘you all’, ‘you guys’, ‘you folks’.
b
Ivaḷē is the vocative of ಇವಳು ivaḷu ‘she’, 3rd person singular feminine, indi-
cating closeness and intimacy.
c
Tuṃba divasavāyitu, literally ‘many day happened’. This is the standard idiom
for ‘a long time has passed’.
d
This is how īga ‘now’ is emphasized by means of the emphatic marker ‑ē. The
original form of this word, in medieval times, was īgaḍu / īgaḷu. Obviously the
collective memory of the speech community remembers that the word origi-
nally was different, but not exactly how.
e
Although ellarige already means ‘to everyone’, one usually hears and reads
ellarigū with the inclusive suffix ū, as if to emphasize the all-inclusiveness.
f
Āyitu can have this idiomatic meaning ‘okay’, ‘all right’, ‘agreed’. Please note
that the primary meaning of āyitu is ‘it became / happened’; secondarily it can
mean ‘it is completed / it is done’.
 Lesson 8 105

Exercises

Exercise 1

Read and translate the following sentences:

೧. ಮ ೆĥಂದ ಾನು ಹಣು² ತರು ೆ³ೕ ೆ.

೨. ಈಗ ಇವರು ಊĨĚಂದ ಬಂದರು.

೩. ಇದನು· ಾನು ನಗರĘಂದ ತಂ ೆನು.

೪. ಅಂಗēĥಂದ ತುಂಬ ಒ ೆÁಯ ಪ ಾಥ ಗಳನು· ತಂದರು.

೫. ೇ ೆ ೇಶĘಂದ ನಮ¼ ನಗರ ೆ¤ ಬಂದರು.

೬. ಆ ಕ ೆĥಂದ ತುಂಬ ಜನ ಬರು ಾ³ ೆ.

೭. ಅವರು ಇದನು· ೆĚÅĩĚಂದ ಬ ೆದರು.

೮. ಅವರು ಈ ೆಲಸವನು· ಕಷ®Ęಂದ ಾēದರು.

೯. ಇವರು ನಮ ೋಸ¤ರ ಅē ೆ ಾēದರು.

೧೦. ಾĆĩನ įಂ ೆ ೋ ೆ ಇ ೆ.

೧೧. ಬುđ®Ťಳ ೆ ಹಣು² ಇ ೆ.

೧೨. ಮ ೆŤಳ ೆ ಅವರು ಇ ಾµ ೆ.

೧೩. ģೕčನ ģೕ ೆ ಹĕ² ೆ (ಹಣು² ಇ ೆ).

೧೪. ģೕčನ ೆಳ ೆ ಾĥ ಇ ೆ.

೧೫. ಮ ೆಯ įಂ ೆ ಮರī ೆ (ಮರ ಇ ೆ).

೧೬. ಮ ೆಯ ಮುಂ ೆ ಮರīಲÀ.

೧೭. ಮರಗಳĩÀ ಹĄ¤ಗಳು ಇ ೆ.

106 A Manual of Modern Kannada

೧೮. ಮ ೆಯ ģೕಲೂ ಹĄ¤ಗĪ ೆ.

೧೯. ಮ ೆಯ įಂ ೆ ಹĄ¤ಗĪಲÀ.

೨೦. ೋ ೆಯĩÀ ಹĄ¤ಗಳನು· ೋಡು ೆ³ೕ ೆ.

೨೧. ģೕčನ ģೕ ೆ Ěೕರು ಇಡು ಾ³ ೆ.

೨೨. ಗ ೇಶ ಎĩÀ ಾµ ೆ?

೨೩. ಅವನು ಮ ೆŤಳ ೆ ಇ ಾµ ೆ.

Exercise 2

Ask a fellow learner about the location of various objects and persons
in the room, and let him answer.

Religions of Karnataka

ಾಘ ೇಂದÀ£ಾÄ

Rāghavēṃdrasvāmi of Mantrālaya (left) and his samādhi (right)

ċತ¾ದĩÀ ಾಘ ೇಂದ¾¡ಾÂĢ a ಇ ಾµ ೆ. ಉತ³ರ ಕ ಾ ಟಕ ಮತು³

ಉತ³ರ ಆಂಧ¾ಪ¾ ೇಶಗಳ b ಗēಪ¾ ೇಶದĩÀ ಒಂದು ಊರು ಇ ೆ,
 Lesson 8 107

ಅದರ ¢ೆಸರು ಮಂ ಾ¾ಲಯ. ಅĩÀ ೊಡ° ೇವ¡ಾ´ನ ಇ ೆ.

ಅದು ೈಷ²ವ ೇವ¡ಾ´ನ. ೆಲವY ಶತ ಾನಗಳ įಂ ೆ ಅĩÀ
ಾಘ ೇಂದ¾¡ಾÂĢ ಾĪದರು. ಈಗ ಅವರ ಸ ಾę ಅĩÀ ೆ.
ತುಂಬ ಜನ ದಶ ನ ೊ¤ೕಸ¤ರ ಮಂ ಾ¾ಲಯ ೆ¤ ಬರು ಾ³ ೆ.
ಈಗಲೂ ಾಘ ೇಂದ¾¡ಾÂĢ ಭಕ³Ĩ ೋಸ¤ರ ಪ ಾಡಗಳನು·
ಾಡು ಾ³ ೆ.
Notes to the article
a
Pious people will put the names of such holy persons in the plural: Rāghavēṃ-
drasvāmigaḷu, although the word svāmi ‘lord’, that is added to the actual name
when speaking about certain religious leaders, already is respectful.
b
The one genitive ending refers to both preceding areas: Uttara Karnāṭaka and
Uttara Āṃdhrapradēśa.

Vocabulary

ಅಂಗē aṃgaḍi store, shop

ಅē ೆ aḍige cooking
ಆĥತು āyitu all right, okay
ಇಡು iḍu to place, put
ಈಗ īga now
ಈಗಲೂ īgalū also now
ಉತ³ರ uttara north
ಕ ೆ kaḍe side, direction
ಾě kāpi coffee
ೋ ೆ kōṇe room, chamber
ಗē gaḍi border
ಗēಪ¾ ೇಶ gaḍipradēśa border area
108 A Manual of Modern Kannada

ಚ¢ಾ cahā tea

ತ ೊಳುÁ tagoḷḷu to take
ತುಂಬ tuṃba very, much, many
ದಶ ನ darśana seeing, sight
ೇವ¡ಾ´ನ dēvasthāna temple
ಾĥ nāyi dog
Ěಜ nija real, true
Ěಜ ಾĆ nijavāgi really, truly
Ěೕರು nīru water
ಪ ಾಥ padārtha thing
ಪ ಾಡ pavāḍa miracle
ಪ¾ ೇಶ pradēśa region, area
ಾĆಲು bāgilu door
ಾಳು bāḷu to live
ಭಕ³ bhakta devotee, follower
ģೕಜು mēju table
ī ೇಷ ಾದ viśēṣavāda special
ೈಷ²ವ vaiṣṇava Vaiṣṇava
ಶತ ಾನ śatamāna century (100 years)
ಸ ಾę samādhi tomb
ಸುಮ¼ ೆ summane just like that; quietly
ಸÂಲ¸ svalpa a bit, a little
ಹĄ¤ hakki bird
ಹಣು² haṇṇu fruit

Notes
1
Here too, it is clear that the Sanskritic model of grammar has led older gram-
marians to believe that also in Kannada, there should be an instrumental and
 Lesson 8 109

an ablative, though I know of no examples of different case markers. Cf. Kit-

tel 1903: 41-42 (§109, 5). Kushalappa Gowda 1991: 34 considers the two
cases, instrumental and ablative, to be different, but with a ‘homophonous’
case marker.
2
The tṛtīyā is seen as the case in Kannada that supposedly corresponds to
the tṛtīyā case in Sanskrit, which is an instrumental. Sanskrit has are separate
instrumental and ablative cases.
3
Generations of Kannada grammarians have blindly followed the grammatical
model of Sanskrit, ignoring the realities of the Kannada language which they
were describing. The so-called ‘fifth case’ (paṃcamī vibhakti) is nothing but
a grammatical fiction, as I have discussed in presentations for the Zentrum
historische Sprachwissenschaften at the University of Munich, Nov. 24, 2017,
and the 17th World Sanskrit Conference, Vancouver, July 12th, 2018. In fact,
however, there are no such separate cases in Kannada, but only one, which
assumes the functions of what in Sanskrit are the instrumental and the ablative.
4
ivattu ‘today’. Etymologically this interesting word is derived from the Old
Kannada ī poḻtu ‘this sun’ (= ‘this day’).
5
See lesson 15, p. 179.
6
In fact, this use of the locative ೈಯĩÀ kaiyalli for ‘by the hand [of]’ seems
idiomatically preferred to the ablative.
7
See the appendix on sandhi for further details.
8
Although this is the historical origin of the case, there is some justification
in calling it an independent case today. In several spoken dialects, the com-
bination of genitive and alli has become unrecognizable, and speakers are not
consciously aware of the origin of these forms: thus maneyalli ‘in the house’
can become spoken manēli; kārinalli ‘in the car’ kārli, etc. In Old Kannada, the
‘suffix’ for the ‘locative’ was actually a postposition oḷ (maradoḷ ‘in the tree’,
etc.), which is the source of the modern postposition oḷage ‘within’.
9
The final a of the genitive is elided before the initial o of oḷage ‘inside’.
10
This characteristic of the Dravidian languages has spread throughout India,
also to those languages that are nominally Indo-European. It is worth noting
that the phenomenon of postpositions is not entirely unknown in European
languages: cf. German zufolge and zuwider in ihm zufolge ist es gut or es ist ihm
zuwider, which are structurally very similar to Kannada postpositions. Post-
positions in Dutch, however, show a functional differentiation in comparison
with their corresponding prepositions, cf. ik ben in de stad (‘I am in the city’,
location) vs. ik ga de stad in (‘I go into the city’, movement).
11
These nouns are mentioned here as a historical explanation. Most of them
are no longer in active use as independent nouns.
12
The locative form pakkadalli also occurs.
13
Occasionally one also finds ಹತ³ರ hattara.
14
The locative form hattiradalli also occurs.
110 A Manual of Modern Kannada

15
This is the nowadays usual contracted form of bagege, which one also finds
in literature. The alternative, older form bagye (from bageye) is less common
nowadays.
16
Here too, the locative madhyadalli is also found.
17
Here one would have expected a word like bageya, as the genitive of bage.
What obviously has happened is that the word bagge no longer was thought of
as a dative of bage but as a noun in its own right, after which the genitive suffix
‑ina was added.
18
In Old Kannada, there was a noun ōsuga / ōsugara /ōskara which meant
‘cause, reason, sake’. In the modern language its only use is as a postposition.
19
As shall be explained in a later lesson, ‑āgi is a verb form (more precisely:
a gerund) that functions as an adverbializing suffix. See lesson 12, p. 152.
 Lesson 9

A broad pēpar dōse (‘paper dōse’) on a plate

with four cups of sauces: a popular kind of fast food

Finite and non-finite verb forms – defective verbs

Finite and non-finite verb forms

Verbs can assume two different categories of forms: finite and non-
finite.
(1) In many, if not most languages, every complete sentence re-
quires at least one finite verb form. 1 For instance, in the sentence I see
the tree the word ‘see’ is a finite verb form: 2 it expresses the action that
is reported in the sentence, and no other verbal expression is required:
this sentence is complete in itself. In many languages, finite verb forms
are conjugated and include information about, for instance, the tense
of the verb and the person. The finite verb form can also, however,
be defective (see below), meaning that not all theoretically possible
conjugated forms exist.
(2) Non-finite verb forms 3 are such forms that express actions or
processes but in themselves are not sufficient for creating a complete
sentence. Participles are perhaps the best known example: these are
verb forms that function as adjectives. For instance, in that sleeping girl
the word sleeping is a verb form, used attributively, which expresses
that the girl is asleep; but it is not a finished sentence. It could become
a complete sentence if more information is added, e.g., that sleeping girl
is my daughter. Here is is a finite verb form, and the sentence is, so to
say, ‘finished’.
112 A Manual of Modern Kannada

Examples of non-finite verb forms in Kannada are the gerund, the

present participle, the relative participle, the conditional, and the con-
cessional, all of which will be discussed in later lessons.

Defective verbs
In many languages, finite verb forms are conjugated, i.e., they are in-
flected by means of suffixes, or prefixes, or other means (or combina-
tions of these) that convey additional information (such as tense and
person). As we have seen, Kannada has two classes of verbs, that differ
slightly from each other by the way in which they are conjugated. But
besides these two classes of verbs that are fully conjugated, there are
also the so-called defective verbs. These are very simple in their use
and are among the verbs that are used most in the language. Defective
verbs are such verbs of which not all the theoretically possible conju-
gated forms are in actual use. In several cases it is not immediately
apparent what the exact etymology of a defective verb form is.
Like in other Dravidian languages, the number of so-called defec-
tive verbs in Kannada is rather large in comparison to modern Euro-
pean languages. 4 It is very important to know them, because most of
them are in highly frequent everyday use. Some of the most frequent
verbal expressions in Kannada use defective verbs. What is character-
istic about these verbs is that (a) there is only one single form that is
used for all persons, and (b) this form does not unambiguously indicate
grammatical tense. 5
Two of the most common defective verb forms have already been
shown in lesson 1: illa and alla, by means of which, respectively, (a)
the existence or presence, or (b) the identity of something is negated.
Compare the following five sentences:

ಅದು ಮರ adu mara that is a tree

ಅವY ಮರಗಳು avu maragaḷu those are trees
ಾನು ೈತ ( ೈತನು) nānu raita (raitanu) I am a farmer
ಾವY ೈತರು nāvu raitaru we are farmers
ĚೕವY ೈತರು nīvu raitaru you are farmers

and the following, in which alla is used irrespective of what the subject
is:
 Lesson 9 113

ಅದು ಮರವಲÀ adu maravalla that is not a tree

ಅವY ಮರಗಳಲÀ avu maragaḷalla those are not trees
ಾನು ೈತನಲÀ nānu raitanalla I am not a farmer
ಾವY ೈತರಲÀ nāvu raitaralla we are not farmers
ĚೕವY ೈತರಲÀ nīvu raitaralla you are not farmers

In the first sentence, two expressions are juxtaposed (adu ‘that’ and
mara ‘tree’) and the word alla ‘is not’ is added to indicate non-identity
(mara + v + alla > maravalla). Almost always, the final alla or illa
of a sentence is written is written together with the preceding word,
following the principles of sandhi that have been introduced in lesson
2 and discussed in the separate appendix to this book.

The unchangeability of defective verbs

We see this same unchangeability in the case of the word illa ‘is not’,
when the existence or the presence of something or someone is ne-
gated. See the following sentences, that contain a finite verb form at
the end:

ಮರ ಅĩÀ ಇ ೆ mara alli ide 6 a tree is there

ಮರಗಳು ಅĩÀ ಇ ೆ maragaḷu alli ive 7
trees are there
ಾನು ಅĩÀ ಇ ೆµೕ ೆ nānu alli iddēne 8 I am there

(Note the typically Dravidian word order: literally, ‘tree there is’, ‘trees
there are’, ‘I there am’. In any normal sentence, the verb in its finite
form is at the end of the sentence.) Compare them with the following:

ಮರ ಅĩÀ ಇಲÀ mara alli illa 9 a tree is not there

ಮರಗಳು ಅĩÀ ಇಲÀ maragaḷu alli illa trees are not there
ಾನು ಅĩÀ ಇಲÀ nānu alli illa I am not there

The word alli means ‘there’. In the first set of three sentences, we see
fully conjugated finite verb forms: ide ‘it is’, ive ‘they (n.) are’, iddēne ‘I
am’. In the second set of sentences we see that irrespective of number
or person, the form that negates existence (or in this case: presence –
which means existence in a particular place) is the unchangeable illa.
114 A Manual of Modern Kannada

Two other extremely useful words that actually are defective verb
forms have already briefly been discussed in lesson 7: ೇಕು bēku ‘is
wanted / needed’ and its negative, ೇಡ bēḍa ‘is not wanted / not
needed’. 10 In sentences that express the necessity or desirability of a
thing or of a person, a Western learner must re-think the syntax. Be-
cause such sentences occur extremely often (in practically every single
conversation and every piece of writing), it is crucial that the learner
familiarizes himself with this syntax. The person who wants or needs
the thing in question is put in the dative case, and whatever is wanted
or needed is the grammatical subject of the sentence and therefore ap-
pears in the nominative case. 11 Thus a sentence such as ‘we need a
book’ becomes a sentence which reads like ‘to us a book is needed’:

ನಮ ೆ ಪYಸ³ಕ ೇಕು namage pustaka we need a book

bēku
ನಮ ೆ ಪYಸ³ಕಗಳು namage pustakagaḷu we need books
ೇಕು bēku
ನಮ ೆ ೈತರು ೇಕು namage raitaru bēku we need farmers

ನಮ ೆ ಪYಸ³ಕ ೇಡ namage pustaka we do not need a

bēḍa book
ನಮ ೆ ಪYಸ³ಕಗಳು namage pustakagaḷu we do not need
ೇಡ bēḍa books
ನಮ ೆ ೈತರು ೇಡ namage raitaru bēḍa we do not need
farmers

Namage means ‘to us’; the words pustaka and raitaru are already known,
and bēku means ‘is / are / am needed / wanted’. Here too, the words
bēku and bēḍa are used irrespective of the number and the grammatical
gender of the word to which they refer.
A few other defective verbs are used only as auxiliary verbs to-
gether with infinitives of other verbs. This will be discussed in a later
lesson.

Cultural / semantic note about bēku and bēḍa

It is interesting to note that semantically, the word bēku (like
the negative bēḍa) expresses a need, but it does not indicate
 Lesson 9 115

what kind of need it is. The need may be forced by outer cir-
cumstances (‘is required’, ‘is necessary’) or be prompted by a
personal wish (‘is wished’, ‘is desired’). In other words: the
question whether the need is an inner or an outer need is not
considered of such great importance that different words or ex-
pressions are used to indicate the distinction. Usually, the con-
text in which these words are used will suffice to make clear the
kind of requirement. There are also ways to make it more ex-
plicit whether the need is an inner or outer one, if one feels that
this is necessary (which will be discussed later); but in everyday
use, these two words bēku and bēḍa are extremely common and
are considered sufficiently unambiguous.
Indirect constructions of the type namage pustaka bēku are
found in many languages of South Asia. (In Urdu / Hindi, this
sentence would be translated as hameṃ kitāb cāhiye, which is a
perfect parallel: hameṃ ‘to us’, kitāb ‘book’, cāhiye ‘is wanted’.
This seems to be an obvious example of Dravidian influence on
the Indo-European languages of northern India.)
In a later lesson we will see a number of other expressions in
Kannada in which the grammatical subject of a sentence would
be translated in English as the object, and the Kannada indirect
object as the English grammatical subject. This is commonly
found in expressions for inner, mental processes: for thinking,
feeling, assuming, hoping, etc.

Exercise
Read and translate the following sentences:

೧. Ěಮ ೆ ಚ¢ಾ ೇ ಾ?

೨. ನನ ೆ ೇಡ.

೩. ಅವĨ ೆ ಏನು ೇಕು?

೪. ಅವĨ ೆ ಾě ೇಕು.

೫. ಾě ಇಲÀ.
116 A Manual of Modern Kannada

೬. ೇ ೆ ಏĚ ೆ? ( ೇ ೆ ಏನು ಇ ೆ?)

೭. ¢ಾಲೂ ಮč« ೆಯೂ ಇ ೆ.

೮. ಊಟ ೇಡ ಾ?

೯. ನನ ೆ ಊಟವw ೇಕು.

೧೦. ģೕčನ ģೕ ೆ ತ ೆ® ಇ ೆ.

೧೧. ಅದು ತ ೆ®ಯಲÀ, ಾ ೆಯ ಎ ೆ.

೧೨. ಅದು ೇ ೆ ĨೕĖಯ ತ ೆ®.

೧೩. ನನ ೆ ಎ ೆ ೇಡ, ತ ೆ® ೊē.

Vocabulary

ಎ ೆ ele leaf

ಾě kāpi coffee

ೊಡು koḍu to give

ಚ¢ಾ cahā tea

ತ ೆ® taṭṭe plate

ಾ ೆ bāḷe banana tree

ೇ ೆ bēre other, something else

ಮč« ೆ majjige buttermilk 12

ĨೕĖ rīti style, kind

¢ಾಲು hālu milk

 Lesson 9 117

Notes
1
An exception are those languages which (like Kannada) have nominal sen-
tences that are based on purely appositional constructions (see lesson 1).
2
A ಪwಣ Ą¾ ಾಪದ pūrṇakriyāpada, Venkatachalasastry 2007: 124.
3
¡ಾ ೇಕÄĄ¾ ಾರೂಪಗಳು sāpēkṣakriyārūpagaḷu or ‘dependent verb forms’, Ven-
katachalasastry 2007: 157ff.
4
Although not many defective verbs are known in modern European lan-
guages, some do exist. Cf. e.g. the use of the verb falloir (il faut) in French, or
ножно in Russian.
5
If the speaker wishes to explicitly and clearly indicate the time in which a re-
ported action takes / took place, he will use other devices, as will be explained
in a later lesson.
6
Or, more commonly, alli + ide > allide: lōpasaṃdhi with elision of the final
short i.
7
Or alli + ive > allive: lōpasaṃdhi with elision of the final short i.
8
Or alli + iddēne > alliddēne: lōpasaṃdhi.
9
Or mara allilla, etc.
10
These forms are derived from the verb bēḍu ‘to request, to require’, which is
still used as a normal, fully conjugated verb as well: e.g., nānu sahāya bēḍuttēne
‘I request help’.
11
In other words: what for the average Western learner is the ‘logical object’
becomes the grammatical subject.
12
This drink is actually made in a different manner, compared to Western
buttermilk, but because of its similar taste and consistency it is usually called
thus in India.
 Lesson 10
Other question markers: -ēnu, -ē, -ō – adjectives and adjectival expressions

Other question markers

In an earlier lesson it was explained how a statement can be turned
into a question simply by adding the question marker -ā to the end of
the sentence (idu mara ‘this is a tree’; idu maravā? ‘is this a tree?’). This
type of question is a purely neutral question, i.e., the person who asks
the question simply wants to know what the answer is, and he has no
preconceived notion of what the answer probably will be.
There are, however, also other such markers for creating ques-
tions. Especially in northern Karnataka, one often hears the marker
-ēnu, which is used just like -ā. Ēnu, as we have seen, is actually an
independent word, meaning ‘what’ (ēnadu / ēnu adu? ‘what is that?’).
As such it is a perfectly common Kannada word, used by all Kannada
speakers every day; but as a question marker, -ēnu has a distinctly re-
gional, northern flavour. (The learner should know that it exists; but
if one is not from northern Karnataka oneself, it may sound a bit af-
fected if one uses it, and therefore one is advised to use the standard
-ā. Another such marker with a regional central Karnatakan dialectical
flavour is the short -e, which is less common.)
Two other question markers are in common use throughout the
entire speech area (-ē and -ō). What distinguishes them from -ā and -ēnu
is that they do not produce neutral questions. The marker -ē usually 1
expresses the assumption on the part of the questioner that the answer
will be affirmative; and -ō indicates doubt and the expectation that the
answer will be negative:

ಅದು ಮರ ಾ? adu maravā? Is that a tree?

ಅದು ಮರ ೇ? adu maravē? That surely is a

tree, isn’t it?

ಅದು ಮರŜೕ? adu maravō? That is not a tree,

is it?

The suffix -ō, as a suffix of doubt, is also used to express alternative

possibilities. The marker is added to each of the options:
120 A Manual of Modern Kannada

ಇವ ೊ³ೕ ಾ ೆŤೕ ivattō nāḷeyō he will come today

ಬರು ಾ³ ೆ baruttāre 2 or tomorrow

Ěಮ ೆ ಏನು ೇಕು, nimage ēnu bēku, what would you

đೕŤೕ ṭīyō kāpiyō? 3 like: tea or coffee?
ಾěŤೕ?

This usage, too, is based on the function of the -ō marker as a marker

of uncertainty, just as the English ‘or’ expresses uncertainty or inde-
terminacy. In the first of these examples, a doubt is expressed about
when ‘he’ will come: it may be today, but maybe not: it is also possible
that ‘he’ will come tomorrow. In the second example, there is a doubt
about what ‘you’ wishes to have: whether it is tea or coffee, and here
again, the doubt is expressed by the -ō marker.
What has been said about the use of the suffixes -ā, -ē, -ō is ac-
cording to the classical rules, so to say. However, one should beware
that there are certain regional varieties of Kannada where -ē and -ō
do not always agree with the above-mentioned rules concerning the
implied attitude of the questioner. Particularly in spoken varieties of
the language in central Karnataka, the suffix -ē (and also the shortened
version -e) may simply have the same neutral meaning as the regular
question suffix -ā.

Adjectives and adjectival constructions

The following section is a bit problematic, because among all the vari-
ous classes of words in Kannada, the use of adjectives and other words
and constructions that have adjectival functions is perhaps the most cu-
rious for the average Western learner. It may also appear odd that the
entire question of the existence of adjectives, or of how many adjectives
there are, is not exactly a simple one. Among linguists of Dravidian,
there have been some who doubted whether adjectives in Dravidian
exist at all. 4 Kittel mentions the traditional category of guṇavācaka‑s
as ‘thirty-three so-called adjectives’ or ‘thirty-three attributive nouns’, 5
and this terminology already indicates that adjectives in Kannada are
a linguistically problematic matter. But even if one accepts the exis-
tence of adjectives as a separate class of words, one must accept that
the number of simple, underived Dravidian adjectives, also in Kannada,
is remarkably small, and that nearly all of them refer to colour, age,
and size. 6
 Lesson 10 121

Apart from this very limited number of adjectives that nowadays

are in frequent use (this small number, depending on the Dravidian
language in question, is roughly half a dozen), there is a very large
number of other words that have, so to say, an adjectival or attribu-
tive function. Grammatically, all these attributive words behave in an
identical way: they never change their form, irrespective of the gender,
number or grammatical case of the noun to which they refer. 7
To efficiently explain the peculiarities of adjectives in Kannada,
it is necessary to introduce a bit of linguistic theory. An adjective is a
word that ‘is to be added’ (the term ‘adjective’ is derived from the Latin
verb adicere, ‘to add’): it expresses a quality of something else that is
indicated by means of a noun, as lucky in a lucky man (or, more rarely,
a pronoun, as in lucky you). In Indo-European languages, adjectives
can also be used independently (or substantively), that is to say: that
which is qualified by them remains implicit and the adjective stands
by itself, as in the sentence The fortunate will come again (where the
expression the fortunate, more completely and explicitly, means ‘those
persons who are fortunate’).
Furthermore, an Indo-European adjective can either be used at-
tributively, i.e., it can be added to a substantive (i.e., to a noun or a
pronoun) as an additional attribute that is not of essential importance
for the sentence, or it can be used predicatively, i.e., the main purpose
of the sentence is to communicate that a certain object is characterized
by the quality that is expressed by the adjective. An instance of attribu-
tive use of an adjective is found in the sentence The red pencil is lying
on the table, where we could easily leave out the adjective ‘red’ and
still have a meaningful and grammatically correct sentence (The pencil
is lying on the table), or we could substitute the adjective ‘red’ by one of
many other adjectives (‘green’, ‘old’, etc.). Redness is mentioned here,
more or less in passing, as an attribute of the pencil. An instance of
predicative use is found in The pencil is red, where the only purpose of
the sentence is to state the redness of the pencil: if we were to leave
out the adjective, we would have The pencil is, which communicates a
totally different message.
It is important for the learner to know that, except for a small
number of exceptions, Kannada adjectives can only be used attribu-
tively. For predicative or substantive use, they must be pronomi-
nalized: this is a simple adding of suffixes, which will be discussed in
lesson 11, p. 133.
122 A Manual of Modern Kannada

Among the exceptions that in the modern language can commonly

be used attributively or substantively or predicatively are the colours
keṃpu ‘red’, kappu ‘black’, biḷi ‘white’, nīli ‘blue’, hasiru ‘green’, haḷadi
‘yellow’.

ಅದು ೆಂಪY ಬಸುÅ adu keṃpu bassu 8 that is a red bus

ಆ ಬಸುÅ ೆಂಪY ā bassu keṃpu that bus is red

However, one can also hear and read ಅದು ಕಂಪYಬಣ²ದ ಬಸುÅ adu keṃpu-
baṇṇada bassu (‘that is a bus of red colour’) and ಅದು ೆಂ ಾದ ಬಸುÅ adu
keṃpāda bassu.
With nearly all other adjectives (for instance, those which indicate
size), the predicative use is not allowed:

ಅವನು ċಕ¤ ಹುಡುಗ avanu cikka huḍuga he is a small boy

*ಆ ಹುಡುಗ ċಕ¤ *ā huḍuga cikka (for ‘that boy is

small’ is wrong:
predicative use is
not allowed) 9

Notice that in the following examples, the word cikka ‘small’ never
changes its form. Attributively used adjectives are unchangeable: there
is only one form, irrespective of gender, number, or grammatical case
of the noun to which it refers.

ಅವಳು ċಕ¤ avaḷu cikka huḍugi she is a small girl

ಹುಡುĆ
ಅದು ċಕ¤ ಮ ೆ adu cikka mane that is a small
house

ಅವರು ċಕ¤ avaru cikka they are small boys

ಹುಡುಗರು huḍugaru

ಅವಳು ಆ ċಕ¤ avaḷu ā cikka she looked at those

ಹುಡುಗರನು· huḍugarannu small boys
ೋēದಳು nōḍidaḷu
 Lesson 10 123

Most ‘adjectives’ are actually verb forms or inflected forms of nouns

that are used where most Indo-European languages have real adjec-
tives. For instance, the common Kannada word for ‘bad’, keṭṭa, is ac-
tually a particular type of participle, 10 derived from the verb keḍu ‘to
be spoilt, ruined; to rot’. If one says

ಅದು ೆಟ® ಪYಸ³ಕ adu keṭṭa pustaka that is a bad book

then one is actually saying (from an etymological and grammatical

point of view) ‘that is a book that has been ruined’. 11
Many English adjectives have no simple corresponding adjectives
in Kannada, but can be reproduced by what actually are adjectival
constructions consisting of a noun and the participle āda, which ap-
proximately means ‘which / who has become’. Here one sees, once
again, how Indo-European grammatical categories are not always fit
Dravidian grammar. For instance, in the sentence

ಅದು ಸುಂದರ ಾದ adu suṃdaravāda that is beautiful

ಸಂĆೕತ saṃgīta music

the English adjective ‘beautiful’ is translated as suṃdaravāda, which is

actually the Sanskrit loan word suṃdara (which in Sanskrit is a ‘real’
Indo-European adjective, but is not thus used in Kannada) plus the ad-
jectivizing relative participle āda ‘which has become’; thus the sentence
adu suṃdaravāda saṃgīta, when one tries to translate it extremely liter-
ally, means ‘that is music that has become something beautiful’. This
happens with most of the Sanskrit adjectives that have been borrowed
into Kannada.

ಅದು ĄÀಷ® ಾದ adu kliṣṭa-v-āda that is a

īಷಯ viṣaya complicated matter

ಅದು ಕಷ® ಾದ ಪ¾ ೆ· adu kaṣṭa-v-āda that is a difficult

praśne question

ಆ ಪ¾ ೆ· ಕಷ® ā praśne kaṣṭa that question is

difficult
124 A Manual of Modern Kannada

Now the reader will have understood better why adjectives are a prob-
lem for Dravidian linguistics, and why the monolingual Kannada-Kan-
nada dictionary Kannaḍa ratnakōśa lists the word kaṣṭa as a noun, while
the Kannada-English IBH Kannada-Kannada-English Dictionary says that
it can be a noun (‘difficulty’) or an adjective (‘difficult’). If one thinks of
the loan word kaṣṭa as a noun (‘a difficult thing, something difficult’),
as the Ratnakōśa does, then ā praśne kaṣṭa is a simple nominal sentence,
of the type that has been discussed in lesson 1, and adu kaṣṭavāda praśne
means ‘that is a question that has become something difficult’. But if
one considers it an adjective, as the IBH Dictionary does, then why must
-āda be added? The compilers of the dictionary have obviously tried
to indicate that the word kaṣṭa appears in Kannada where in English
we naturally find the adjective ‘difficult’. 12
Similarly, there is, strictly speaking, no Kannada word for ‘heavy’.
There are words for ‘weight’ (the Dravidian ತೂಕ tūka and the San-
skritic ಾರ bhāra). When one says ಆ ಕುċ ಾರ ā kurci bhāra for
‘that chair is heavy’, one is actually saying ‘that chair is weight’. For
‘a heavy chair’ one says ಾರ ಾದ ಕುċ bhāravāda kurci, literally ‘a
chair that has become weight’. The Western learner can best think of
-āda as a kind of adjective-building suffix that is added to nouns.
Furthermore, the question of whether an adjective can be used
predicatively or not, or whether a word, in order to be used attribu-
tively, needs to be adjectivized by means of -āda or not, is often an
idiomatic matter, based on custom within the speech community. In
some rare cases, a word can be used attributively, or predicatively, or
need a suffix to make it attributive. The best example is the old Kan-
nada word ೇ ೆ bēre, which can mean ‘other, different’, or ‘something
else’:

ಅದು ೇ ೆ ಪYಸ³ಕ adu bēre pustaka that is a different

book

ಆ ಪYಸ³ಕ ೇ ೆ ā pustaka bēre that book is a

different one

However, especially in older texts, one also finds ಅದು ೇ ೆಯ ಪYಸ³ಕ

adu bēreya pustaka, which very literally would mean ‘that is a book of
something different’, with bēre in the genitive in order to turn it into
an attributive word.
 Lesson 10 125

The learner should basically assume that except for numerals, basic
colours, and a very small number of words like cikka ‘small’ and doḍḍa
‘big’, whatever is an adjective in English becomes an adjectival con-
struction in Kannada: a verb form, the genitive of a noun, or a noun
that is adjectivized by means of -āda. At the same time, the learner
should learn from actual practice where idiomatic usage offers excep-
tions to this rule. There also seems to be some tolerance for purely
personal preferences. Sometimes adjectives that have been borrowed
from Sanskrit are used like real attributive adjectives; and sometimes
exactly those same words are adjectivized by means of -āda.
Often a noun in the genitive case fulfils the function of an attribu-
tive word, more or less as in English: instead of ‘rural people’ one can
speak of ‘people of a village’, ಹĪÁಯ ಜನ haḷḷiya jana. Colloquially,
two nouns can also be juxtaposed to form a kind of quasi-compound,
and thus one may also hear ಹĪÁ ಜನ haḷḷi jana.
The interesting question of the Dravidian equivalents of compara-
tives and superlatives will be discussed in lesson 11.

Reduplications of adjectives

When an adjective is doubled, it can mean one of two things, depending

on the context: (a) an intensifying of the meaning that is contained in
the adjective, (b) distributive or referring to several things (of course
only possible if the noun to which the adjective refers is a plural).

ಅĩÀ ೇ ೆ ೇ ೆ alli bēre bēre jana different kinds of

ಜನ ಬರು ಾ³ ೆ baruttāre people come there

ಮ ೆಯ ಮುಂ ೆ maneya muṃde in front of the

ೊಡ° ೊಡ° ಾರು doḍḍa doḍḍa kāru house there is a
ಇ ೆ ide very big car

Exercises

Exercise 1

Read and translate the following sentences:

೧. ಅದು ಸುಂದರ ಾದ ಬಣ².

126 A Manual of Modern Kannada

೨. ಅದು ನನ ೆ ಇಷ®.
೩. Ěಮ ೆ ಇಷ® ಾದ ಹಣು²ಗಳು ಇ ೆ ಾ?
೪. ಆ ೆಟ® ಪYಸ³ಕ ನನ ೆ ಇಷ®ವಲÀ.
೫. ಇವರು ಕಷ® ಾದ ಪ¾ ೆ·ಗಳನು· ೇಳು ಾ³ ೆ.
೬. ೆಟ® ಪYಸ³ಕಗಳು Ěಮ ೆ ಇಷ® ಾ?
೭. ನನ ೆ ಉಪಯುಕ³ ಾದ ಪ ಾಥ ಗಳು ಇಷ®.
೮. Ěಮ¼ ċೕಲ ಕŚ¸ೕ ೆಂŚೕ?
೯. Ěಮ¼ ċೕಲ ĚೕĩĦೕ?
೧೦. ಆ ೋ ೆಯĩÀ ಾರ ಾದ ಕುċ ಗĪ ೆ.
೧೧. ಈ ಮನುಷ½ ಮುಖ½ ಾದ ೆಲಸ ಾಡು ಾ³ ೆ.
೧೨. ĠೕĘಯĩÀ ċಕ¤ ಹĄ¤ಗಳು ಆಡುತ³ ೆ.
೧೩. ಈ ಕುċ ಾರŜೕ?
೧೪. ೆಂಪY ಹೂಗಳು ಅವĪ ೆ ಇಷ®.
೧೫. ನನ· ģೕčನ ģೕ ೆ ತುಂಬ ಾರ ಾದ ಪYಸ³ಕ ಇ ೆ.
೧೬. ಅವರು ಸುಂದರ ಾದ ಾĨನĩÀ ಬರುವರು.
೧೭. ಆ ೊಡ° ಮ ೆಯĩÀ ĄÀಷ® ಾದ ೆಲಸಗಳನು· ಾಡು ಾ³ ೆ.
೧೮. ನನ· ತಂĆಯ ಮ ೆ ದೂರ ಾದ ಊĨನĩÀ ೆ.
೧೯. ಏ ೆ ಅಷು® ಅಸಹ½ ಾದ ಗದµಲ ಾಡುĖ³ೕĨ?

Exercise 2

Translate into Kannada:

1. That person is disgusting.
2. His beautiful house is over there.
3. There are no yellow flowers here.
4. He brought heavy tables.
 Lesson 10 127

5. That chair is not heavy.

6. This is a good book.
7. That isn’t your book, is it?
8. Why is the green chair standing 13 there?
9. My bag is lying on his chair.
10. His home town is far away.
11. There are good books in the store.

Religions of Karnataka

ಾಹುಬ

The Bāhubali statue at Śravaṇabeḷagoḷa

ಶ¾ವಣ ೆಳ ೊಳ ೈನಧಮ ದ ಒಂದು ೆÄೕತ¾. ಅĩÀ ಎರಡು

ೆಟ®ಗಳು ಇ ೆ, ಅವYಗಳĩÀ ಒಂದು ‘īಂಧ½ĆĨ’ ಅಥ ಾ ‘ ೊಡ°
ೆಟ®’. ಆ ೊಡ° ೆಟ®ದ ģೕ ೆ ಾಹುಬĩಸÂĢಯ ೊಡ°
128 A Manual of Modern Kannada

ಮೂĖ ಇ ೆ. ಇēಯ ಜಗĖ³ನĩÀ ೇ ೆ ಾವ ಾಗದಲೂÀ

ಅಂಥ ೊಡ° ಮೂĖ ಇಲÀ. ೈನರ ಅġ ಾ¾ಯದĩÀ ನಮ¼
ಯುಗದĩÀ śದಲು ಾಹುಬĩ ಸಂ¡ಾರĘಂದ śೕಕÄ ¢ೊಂ-
Ęದನು. ಆದµĨಂದ ಇವನು ತುಂಬ ಪw ಾಹ . ಇವನು śದ-
ಲ ೆಯ Ėೕಥ ಂಕರರ ಮಗ. ಭರತ ಇವನ ಅಣ². ಭರತ ಚಕ¾ವĖ
ಆĆದµನು, ಆದµĨಂದ ೈನರ ಪ¾ ಾರ ಈ ೇಶದ ¢ೆಸರು ‘ ಾರತ’.

Vocabulary

ಅಥ ಾ athavā or
ಅġ ಾ¾ಯ abhiprāya opinion
ಅಷು® aṣṭu that much
ಅಸಹ½ asahya intolerable, disgusting
ಅĆದµನು āgiddanu he was (copula) 14
ಆಡು āḍu to play
ಇēಯ iḍiya entire
ಇಷ® iṣṭa liked, appreciated
ಉಪಯುಕ³ upayukta useful
ಊರು ūru place, town, ‘native place’
ಎರಡು eraḍu two
ಏ ೆ ēke why?
ಾರು kāru car
ೆಟ® keṭṭa bad
ೇಳು kēḷu to ask, to hear
ĄÀಷ® kliṣṭa complicated
 Lesson 10 129

ೆÄೕತ¾ kṣētra place of pilgrimage

ಗದµಲ gaddala noise
ಚಕ¾ವĖ cakravarti emperor
ċಕ¤ cikka small
ಜಗತು³ jagattu world
ಾಗ jāga place, space
ತಂĆ taṃgi younger sister
Ėೕಥ ಂಕರ tīrthaṃkara (holiest person in Jainism)
ದೂರ dūra distance
ೇಶ dēśa country, land
Ěೕĩ nīli blue
ಪw ಾಹ pūjārha worthy of worship
ಪ¾ ಾರ prakāra according to
ಪ¾ ೆ· praśne question
ĠೕĘ bīdi street
ೆಟ® beṭṭa hill, mountain
ಾರ bhāra weight
ಾರತ bhārata India
ಮಗ maga son
ಮನುಷ½ manuṣya human, person
ಮುಖ½ mukhya important
ಮೂĖ mūrti icon, statue
śದಲ ೆಯ modalaneya first
śದಲು modalu (adverb) first, in the
beginning
śೕಕÄ mōkṣa (religious) liberation
ಯುಗ yuga era
130 A Manual of Modern Kannada

ಸಂĆೕತ saṃgīta music

ಸಂ¡ಾರ saṃsāra ‘the worldly system of
things’ 15
Įದ¶ಪYರುಷ siddhapuruṣa (in Jainism) religiously
liberated person
ಸುಂದರ suṃdara beautiful
ಹೂ hū flower
¢ೊಂದು hoṃdu to acquire, achieve

Notes
1
See the remark at the end of this section.
2
ivattu today, nāḷe tomorrow, baruttāre he / she (honorific) comes / they come.
The present tense is often used to indicate the near future, like in a German
sentence such as er kommt morgen / Dutch hij komt morgen.
3
There is also an older word for tea, cahā, but the English ṭī is gradually
supplanting it, especially in southern Karnataka. The word kāpi is a good il-
lustration of what can happen when a foreign loan word contains an ‘f’, which
is not part of the native Kannada phonemic system. Note that the loan words
‘coffee’ and ‘copy’ become homonyms in Kannada.
4
“The question of whether adjectives are to be recognized as a separate class
of words in Kannada (and Dravidian in general) is a controversial one. Some
scholars treat adjectives as a subclass of nouns, while others posit a separate
category”, Sridhar 1990: 248 (§2.1.4). Among the most prominent linguists
who tended to deny or denied the existence of Dravidian adjectives are Jules
Bloch and M.S. Andronov. See Zvelebil 1990: 27.
5
Kittel 1903: 242, 244 (§273).
6
It would exceed the limitations of an introductory manual of Kannada to
deal with the complex question of Dravidian adjectives in detail. Interested
readers are advised to read chapter XIV, ‘On adjectives’, in Kittel 1903: 242-
251 (§273-277).
7
For speakers of English, this may seem a natural matter that needs no further
explanation or attention; however, this is nothing more than a happy coinci-
dence. In the overwhelming majority of the languages of the Indo-European
family of languages, to which English belongs, adjectives are declined, i.e., as-
sume different forms according to the case, gender and number of the nouns
to which they refer. See the French word rouge ‘red’ in un livre rouge but des
 Lesson 10 131

livres rouges, or the corresponding German rot in rotes Buch but rote Bücher ‘red
book / red books’, etc. etc.
8
‘Bus’: another example of how an English word is borrowed and ‘Kannadized’
by adding a short u at the end.
9
In linguistic writings, an asterisk (*) means that a certain construction is not
allowed by the rules of the language.
10
This type of participle, which will be explained in a later lesson, is com-
monly called a ‘relative participle’, because it is used in syntactic constructions
that are the equivalent of relative clauses in Indo-European languages such as
English.
11
It should be stressed here that this explanation of a grammatical construc-
tion should not be seen as a description of what occurs in the consciousness of a
Kannada speaker, for whom keṭṭa simply means just the same as the word ‘bad’
for an English speaker, and grammatically it behaves exactly like an adjective
such as cikka.
12
T.V. Venkatachalasastry suggested (in a private conversation, Mysore, Feb-
ruary 2005) that when such Sanskrit adjectives are borrowed into Kannada,
they are treated as nouns, and when used attributively, they form a quasi-
compound with the following noun to which they refer.
13
Simply say ‘is’ for ‘is standing’.
14
This form āgiddanu (āgi + iddanu), literally meaning ‘he had become’, can
be used as a copula ‘he was’, indicating identity in the past. See lesson 15.
15
Saṃsāra in Indian thought can best be understood as ‘the worldly system
of things in general’, including, characteristically, the rebirth of living beings
after each death until one achieves liberation. In some languages, including
Kannada, the word is also used in the meaning of ‘family’ or ‘household’.
 Lesson 11
Pronominalization – comparatives and superlatives of adjectival expres-
sions; ‘very’ and ‘too’

Pronominalization
In lesson 1, when the pronouns of Kannada were discussed, it was said
that the pronouns of the third person (he, she, it, they) are not simple,
primitive pronouns but actually combinations of demonstrative pre-
fixes (for either distance or proximity: a or i) 1 and pronominalization
suffixes: suffixes which, when added to an attributive word, form a
substantive expression. 2
The term attributive word here stands for any word or word form
that can be used attributively, such as an adjective, a participle, the
genitive of a noun or of a pronoun, or (very importantly: to be ex-
plained in lesson 14) the so-called relative participles or verbal adjec-
tives. As explained in lesson 1, the adu ‘it’ consists of a [distant] + du
[thing], in other words: adu means ‘distant thing’ (‘that’). Similarly, idu
means ‘proximate thing’ (‘this’). In order to understand the principle of
pronominalization, it is helpful to think of the other third-person pro-
nouns in a similar way: that avanu means ‘distant male person’ (‘he’),
ivaḷu means ‘proximate female person’ (‘she’), etc.
The full set of pronominalization suffixes in modern Kannada is:

vanu male person varu more than one

person
vaḷu female
person
du thing vu more than one thing

These suffixes can be used with other attributive words, exactly as with
a and i, with the same effect:
134 A Manual of Modern Kannada

doḍḍa + vanu ೊಡ°ವನು doḍḍavanu (a big male person)

cikka + varu ċಕ¤ವರು cikkavaru (small persons)
keṭṭa + du ೆಟ®ದು keṭṭadu (a bad thing)

Pronominalization is the device that is used for translating Indo-

European sentences in which an adjective is used predicatively.
To translate the sentences such as Those boys are small or That girl is
big, one must re-think them as ‘Those boys are small persons’ and ‘That
girl is a big female person’:

ಆ ಹುಡುಗರು ċಕ¤ವರು ā huḍugaru cikkavaru Those boys are

small
ಆ ಹುಡುĆ ೊಡ°ವಳು ā huḍugi doḍḍavaḷu That girl is big

Pronominalization is a very productive grammatical device: it is used

by every Kannada speaker and writer very many times every day. There-
fore the learner must learn to recognize and understand it well.
Once the powerful mechanism of pronominalization is understood,
the learner will also be able to appreciate other, more complex appli-
cations of the mechanism. It is possible (although in practice this does
not occur often) to stack pronominalization suffixes to build longer
words. For instance, the common expression ನಮ¼ವರು nammavaru
consists of namma ‘our’ and the pronominalization suffix for the third
person plural: it means ‘the people who are ours’ (i.e., our friends,
our relatives, our compatriots, our coreligionists, members of the same
caste, our sympathizers, etc. etc.). This pronominalized genitive of
nāvu ‘we’ can again be inflected, for instance, in the genitive: ನಮ¼ವರ
nammavara means ‘of the people who are ours’.

ನಮ¼ವರ ಮ ೆ nammavara mane our friends’ (relatives’, etc.)

house

A user of the language can even go a step further, if he wants to: a house
is, of course, a thing, which can be referred to as an adu ‘it’. Taking
nammavara, which is an attributive word (as we have discussed above),
we can create, by means of pronominalization, the word ನಮ¼ವರದು
nammavaradu (namma [genitive of nāvu]+ vara [genitive of the 3rd
person pl.]+ du [3rd person sg. neuter]), ‘that which belongs to the
 Lesson 11 135

persons who are ours’. And of course, such words can again be de-
clined:

ನಮ¼ವರದನು· nammavaradannu we saw the thing that belongs

ೋē ೆವY nōḍidevu to our friends
ಅವರದ ೆ¤ avaradakke we went to his (his thing, his
¢ೋ ೆವY hōdevu house, etc.)

In the following sentence, we see two pronominalized words:

ನನ·ದು nannadu oḷḷeyadu mine is good ( = ‘my

ಒ ೆÁಯದು thing is a good thing’)

In this last sentence, nannadu is nanna ‘my’ (genitive of nānu) + du, or

‘my thing’. This nannadu is the subject of this nominal sentence, and
this ‘thing that is mine’ is identified as oḷḷeyadu, which is the adjective
oḷḷeya ‘good’ + du. The adjective oḷḷeya must be pronominalized here,
because it is used predicatively (because we must say ‘the thing that is
mine is a good thing’).
In the preceding example, oḷḷeya is, of course, an adjective. Pronomi-
nalization can also be done with complex adjectives ending in -āda:

ಅದು ಾರ ಾದುದು adu bhāravādudu that one is heavy

The one thing to notice here is that when such an adjective is pronom-
inalized, the final ‑a (here: of bhāravāda) is usually turned into an ‑u.
But this is not necessarily so: the form bhāravādadu is equally correct,
but is considered to have something of a regional flavour to it (northern
Karnataka). 3
Reduction of dudu to ddu. Also quite commonly, especially in the
spoken language and in the kind of writing that tries to represent collo-
quial usage, the penultimate short vowel is elided: hence one can also
find words such as ಾರ ಾದುµ bhāravāddu, ‘a heavy one’, ಸುಂದರ ಾದುµ
suṃdaravāddu ‘a beautiful one’ instead of bhāravādudu, suṃdaravādudu,
etc.
One word that is used extremely often in everyday conversation,
ಆದµĨಂದ āddariṃda, is the ablative case of the third personal singular
neuter pronominalization of the past relative participle (relative par-
ticiples or ‘verbal adjectives’ are to be discussed in detail in lesson 14)
136 A Manual of Modern Kannada

of the verb ಆಗು āgu ‘to become / happen / occur’. Literally, this word
means ‘because of what has happened’ (ādu-dariṃda, from ādudu ‘what
has happened’: āda + du). At the beginning of a sentence or clause
this word is almost always more idiomatically, and better, translated
as ‘therefore’.
Incorrect doubling. In the speech (and writing) of some Kannaḍi-
gas one can also hear and read the doubled ddu where there is no et-
ymological or grammatical reason for doing so: for instance, ċಕ¤ದುµ
cikkaddu where one would expect ċಕ¤ದು cikkadu. Strictly speaking,
this is grammatically incorrect; but in some regions this doubling has
become so common that it is no longer considered an error. 4
Idiomatic pronominalizations. Some words that have simple or
completely differently derived equivalents in English are pronominal-
ized genitives of nouns:

ೆಲಸದವಳು kelasadavaḷu housemaid

(‘of-the-work she’)
ಮ ೆಯವರು maneyavaru spouse (‘of-the-house
person’)
ಪಕ¤ದ ಮ ೆಯವರು pakkada neighbour (‘person of
maneyavaru the house of the
side’)

In these examples, we see attributive words, namely, the genitives of

kelasa ‘work’ and mane ‘house’ (kelasada and maneya, respectively)
with pronominalization suffixes added to them. Grammatically, the
resulting new words are used just like pronouns.

Cultural note about expressions for ‘spouse’

In a traditional society like India’s, as in most parts of the world,
marriage and family life play an extremely important role. Wed-
dings are seen as crucial turning points in the lives of the persons
who are involved, and they are ceremonies of intense societal
importance, often lasting for days, bringing together hundreds
of relatives and friends over large distances. Perhaps more than
anywhere else in the world, in India the family is the corner-
stone of society: a source of stability, identity, and support, of
 Lesson 11 137

which many people in the modern Western world could be jeal-

ous. Lovers of Indian movies will be familiar with weddings as
focal points in screenplays.
Given this central position of the family and of wedlock in
social life, it is not surprising that Kannada has a differentiated
vocabulary for the terms ‘husband’ and ‘wife’. The original Dra-
vidian words are gaṃḍa for ‘husband’ and heṃḍati for ‘wife’. But
since most of Indian (and Karnatakan) society is quite patriar-
chal, the word gaṃḍa is considered by many to be insufficiently
respectful. When a woman speaks about avaru, ‘he’ in the re-
spectful honorific plural, the context may indicate that she is
speaking about her husband. For being more explicit, Sanskrit
loan words are used, such as pati ‘lord’ and (in very traditional
settings) yajamāna ‘master’ (of course always in the honorific
plural: yajamānaru). When there is mention of another wom-
an’s husband, one may hear the highly respectful expression
patidēvaru ‘god who is the lord’; nowadays, especially in urban
settings, this expression may be thought to have a somewhat
ironical ring to it. Although heṃḍati is certainly not considered
a disrespectful word, some Kannada speakers prefer to speak of
their wives using the more ceremonious Sanskrit loan word patni
‘mistress’ 5 or, more emphatically, dharmapatni ‘mistress in the
cosmic order’. A more neutral, and very common expression is
maneyavaru ‘person of the house’ (again: always in the respect-
ful plural), which can be used either for ‘husband’ or ‘wife’: hus-
band and wife together form the basis of the mane, which is not
merely ‘house’ but also the social unit that is intimately related
to the house. 6
In the big cities of southern Karnataka, feminism, like many
things Western, has made inroads in recent decades, and many
younger women want to avoid all the traditional expressions
for ‘husband’ altogether. Along with ‘Western’ ideas comes the
‘Western’ (i.e., English, because the entire Western world is pop-
ularly thought to be English-speaking) word ಹಸºಂಡು hasbaṃḍu.
Similarly, there are men who have a waifu / waiphu.
138 A Manual of Modern Kannada

Comparatives and superlatives of adjectival expres-

sions; ‘very’ and ‘too’
The modern languages of India lack forms of the adjective which most
Western learners of these languages expect to find: comparatives and
superlatives. The classical Indo-European languages of India (Sanskrit
and the Middle Indic languages: the various kinds of Prakrit) have com-
paratives and superlatives, and a few such words have been borrowed
into modern Indian languages (e.g., the Sanskrit śrēṣṭha ‘best’), but
these are only very few. Dravidian seems never to have had compara-
tives and superlatives, and it appears certain that the loss of these in the
later stages of development of the Indo-European languages of north-
ern India is due to influence of the Dravidian substratum.
Comparison of qualities between two objects is achieved in a differ-
ent way in Kannada (and in Dravidian in general). Comparison means
that one quality that is common to two objects is singled out and is
found to a greater extent in one of the objects that are being com-
pared. When in English we say ‘John is taller than Paul’, what we are
communicating is the same as ‘in comparison with Paul, John is tall’.
This is exactly what is said in Kannada. For ‘in comparison with’ or
‘compared to’, the language uses a special postposition, ‑iṃta, which
unlike the great majority of postpositions is added not to the genitive
but to the dative case (like ōskara / ōsuga), with elision of the final e of
the dative. Thus this compound suffix of comparion becomes ‑(i)giṃta
or ‑kkiṃta, and we get sentences like:

ಾಮĚĆಂತ ಗ ೇಶ Rāmanigiṃta Ganēśa is taller than

ೊಡ°ವನು Gaṇēśa Rāma (‘compared to
doḍḍavanu Rāma, Gaṇēśa is a big
male person’)
ಈ ಕುċ Ćಂತ ಅದು ī kurcigiṃta adu that chair is heavier
ಾರ bhāra than this one (‘in
comparison with this
chair, that [one] is
weight’)
 Lesson 11 139

ಾರ ಾಡ ಎĩÀ ೆ? Dhāravāḍa ellide? Where is Dharwad?

ಅದĄ¤ಂತ Adakkiṃta Bangalore is closer
ೆಂಗಳೂರು ಹĖ³ರ Beṃgaḷūru hattira than that (‘in
comparison with
that, Bangalore is
nearness’)

There is a bit of flexibility in the word order here: one can also say
ಗ ೇಶ ಾಮĚĆಂತ ೊಡ°ವನು Gaṇēśa Rāmanigiṃta doḍḍavanu.
Very few adjectives are semantically comparative, i.e., by their
meaning they imply that two or more things are compared. Examples
are ಾĮ vāsi and ೇಸು lēsu, both of which mean ‘better’.
A similar device is used for expressing the superlative. When we
say, for instance, ‘Russia is the largest country’, we mean ‘in compar-
ison with all [other] countries, Russia is big’. The Kannada word for
‘all’ is ella. The use of this word has a few pecularities, which are
discussed in a later lesson. For the moment, the learner should know
that there is a form of ella for persons (ಎಲÀರು ellaru, which is declined
regularly, just like any human-denoting noun in a, such as manuṣyaru,
huḍugaru, etc.) and another form for things (ಎಲÀ ella) which is slightly
irregular in its declination (see lesson 19) but largely is like adu, and
its comparative form is ಎಲÀದĄ¤ಂತ elladakkiṃta (‘in comparison to all
/ everything’). With these words we can create sentences such as the
following:

ಈ ಕುċ ī kurci this chair is the

ಎಲÀದĄ¤ಂತ elladakkiṃta biggest
ೊಡ°ದು doḍḍadu

ಾಮ ಎಲÀĨĆಂತ Rāma ellarigiṃta Rāma is the biggest /

ೊಡ°ವನು doḍḍavanu tallest

Literally, these sentences mean ‘this chair, is comparison with all [other
chairs], is a big one’, and ‘Rāma, compared to all, is a big fellow’.
To express that a certain quality is present to a high degree (‘very’),
modern Kannada uses mainly two words: ತುಂಬ tuṃba and ಬಹಳ ba-
haḷa:
140 A Manual of Modern Kannada

ಇದು ತುಂಬ ಕಷ® idu tuṃba kaṣṭa this is very difficult

ಇದು ಬಹಳ ಕಷ® idu bahaḷa kaṣṭa (the same)

Two other words, ¢ೆಚು© heccu and ಾĮ³ jāsti (both of which literally
mean ‘excess’) are used as similar qualifiers before an adjectival ex-
pression, in two different meanings: (a) ‘extremely, exceptionally’, (b)
‘too’. When in English we say that something is ‘too big’ (as in German
zu groß, Dutch te groot, French trop grand, etc.), what we are actually
saying is that we have a notion of a maximum size for the thing under
discussion, and that the size of that thing exceeds that maximum in a
way that is inappropriate or undesirable. For instance, if I wish to buy
a shirt, and I try on a shirt in a garment store and find that it is so big
that I cannot wear it without feeling uncomfortable or looking ridicu-
lous (in other words: the shirt is unsuitable), then I will say ‘the shirt
is too big’. In Kannada, I can say ಆ ಅಂĆ ಾĮ³ ೊಡ°ದು ā aṃgi jāsti
doḍḍadu. However, if somebody speaks about a new movie and says
ಅĩÀ ಾĮ³ ಜನ ಬರು ಾ³ ೆ alli jāsti jana baruttāre, this does not necessar-
ily mean that ‘too many people’ come to see it, but probably ‘a huge
number of people’. In other words, the use of jāsti (or heccu) may or
may not mean that a certain tolerable measure is exceeded.
Occasionally one comes across the use of the Sanskrit verbal prefix
ಅĖ ati (also adverbialized to ಅĖ ಾĆ atiyāgi) to express the afore-
mentioned notion of excessiveness. For instance, if it is said ಅವನು
ತನ· ಮಕ¤ಳನು· ಅĖ ಾĆ ಬಯµ avanu tanna makkaḷannu atiyāgi bayda,
this could be translated as ‘he scolded his children excessively’ or ‘he
scolded his children too much’. 7 But also, a bookstore in Bengaluru
prides itself on being ಾರತದ ಅĖ ೊಡ° ಪYಸ³ಕದಂಗē Bhāratada ati-
doḍḍa pustakadaṃgaḍi, as it prints on its shopping bags, which obvi-
ously should mean ‘India’s largest bookstore’ (and not ‘India’s exces-
sively large bookstore’ or ‘India’s bookstore that is too large’). 8

From the sign on the front of the largest bookstore in Bangalore:

‘India’s biggest store for Kannada and English books’
 Lesson 11 141

Equatives: ‘as much as’

As for comparisons in which two things are said to be comparable or
equal, the word ಅಷು® aṣṭu ‘that much’ is used. Thus, if we wish to say
‘Rāma is as tall (=big) as Surēśa’, we must reformulate the sentence to
something like ‘Surēśa is that much tall as Rāma’, or ‘as big as Rāma
is, Surēśa is that much big’:

ಸು ೇಶ ಾಮನಷು® ೊಡ°ವನು Surēśa Rāmanaṣṭu

(=Rāmana-aṣṭu) doḍḍavanu
ಾಮ ಎಷು® ೊಡ°ವ ೋ Rāma eṣṭu doḍḍavanō Surēśa
ಸು ೇಶ ಅಷು® ೊಡ°ವನು aṣṭu doḍḍavanu (how big is
Rāma? Surēśa is so big)

The second possibility in the above table illustrates one way in which
Indo-European relative clauses can be imitated in Dravidian, namely,
by using a question word (here: eṣṭu ‘how much’) together with the suf-
fix for doubtful questions ‑ō, and the correlative (here: aṣṭu ‘that much’)
in the main sentence. In effect, what one does is to ask a rhetorical
question and then immediately answer it oneself. Far more common,
however, is the use of relative participles (the ‘verbal adjectives’ that
are discussed in lesson 14).
In practice one often reads and hears the aṣṭu combined with the
emphatic particle ē: Surēśa Rāmanaṣṭē doḍḍavanu ‘Surēśa is just as tall
as Rāma’, Rāma eṣṭu doḍḍavanō Surēśa aṣṭē doḍḍavanu, etc.
This aṣṭu often is also combined with relative participles and rela-
tive syntactic constructions:

ಅವಳು ಎಷು® ೆಲಸ avaḷu eṣṭu kelasa I will not do as

ಾē ಾµ ೋ ಾನು māḍiddāḷō nānu much work as she
(ಅಷು®) (aṣṭu) māḍuvudilla has done
ಾಡುವYĘಲÀ

i.e., ‘how much work did she do? I will not do (so much)’. 9
142 A Manual of Modern Kannada

Religions of Karnataka

ಉಡು ಕೃಷ´

Temple car in front of the Śrī Kṛṣṇa Maṭha, Car Street, Uḍupi

ಕೃಷ² īಷು²īನ ಅವ ಾರ. ಇēಯ ಕ ಾ ಟಕದĩÀ ಇವನ ಭಕ³ರು ಇ ಾµ ೆ.

ಉಡುěಯĩÀ ಇವನ ೆÄೕತ¾ ಇ ೆ. ಉಡುě ನಗರದ ಮಧ½ದĩÀ a ರಥĠೕĘ
ಇ ೆ, ಅĩÀ ೆಲವY ಮಠಗಳು b ಇ ೆ. ಕೃಷ²ಮಠದĩÀ ಇವನ ಮೂĖ ಇ ೆ,
ಅĩÀ Ęವ¡ಾ ಕೃಷ²Ě ೆ ಪw ೆ ಾಡು ಾ³ ೆ. ಮೂĖ ಯ ೈಯĩÀ ೋಲು
ಇ ೆ, ಅದು ಉಡುě ಕೃಷ²ನ ī ೇಷ ಾದ ಗುರುತು.
ಮಹತÂದ ċಂತಕ ಾದ ಮ ಾÂ ಾಯ ರು ಹĘಮೂರ ೆಯ ಶತ ಾನ-
ದĩÀ ಕೃಷ²ನ ಈ ಮೂĖ ಯನು· ಸಮುದ¾ĖೕರĘಂದ ಉಡುě ೆ ತಂದರು. ಆ
ಾಲĘಂದ ೇ ೈಷ²ವಧಮ ದ ಮ ಾÂ ಾಯ ರ ಸಂಪ¾ ಾಯ ೆ¤ ಉಡುě
ತುಂಬ ಮುಖ½ ಾದ ಊರು. Ęವ¡ಾ ೇಶ-ī ೇಶಗĪಂದ c ಭಕ³ರು ದಶ ನ-
ೊ¤ೕಸ¤ರ ಬರು ಾ³ ೆ.
 Lesson 11 143

Notes to the text:

a
ಉಡುě ನಗರದ ಮಧ½ದĩÀ ‘In the middle of Uḍupi town’ = in the middle of
the city of Uḍupi.
b
ಮಠಗಳು. A maṭha is a monastery-like institution, always including at least
one temple and often a library, a school, and a guest house for pilgrims. The
head of such an institution, the maṭhādhipati (who is usually referred to as
the svāmi, ‘lord’), is comparable not only to an abbot in Western Christian
monasteries but also to a bishop, and access to a maṭha is open to all followers
(also lay followers) of the religious community to which it belongs.
c
ೇಶ-ī ೇಶಗĪಂದ ‘From the country and the foreign countries’: from India
and abroad.

Cultural note about darśana

The Sanskrit word darśana (derived from the verb root
dṛś ‘to see’) literally means ‘seeing’, but in the course of
time acquired more than one secondary meaning. Nowa-
days the most common meaning of the word is an act of
seeing an object or person that is thought to be imbued
with some kind of special power or charisma that has a
blessing effect upon the person who sees. – In fact, this
is not basically different from the experiential intensity
that is also felt by Westerners when they see a famous
person or an object of great historical or religious sig-
nificance; but already many centuries ago, India, with its
traditionally great interest in psychology, conceptualized
the phenomenon and has a word for it.

Vocabulary

ಅವ ಾರ avatāra incarnation of a god

ಇēಯ iḍiya entire
ಊರು ūru town, village, city
ೆಲವY kelavu some
ೋಲು kōlu stick
144 A Manual of Modern Kannada

ೆÄೕತ¾ kṣētra holy place of pilgrimage

ಗುರುತು gurutu mark, characteristic
ċಂತಕ ciṃtaka thinker
ಾĮ³ jāsti excess; excessively
ತಂದರು taṃdaru he (hon.) brought
ತನ· tanna his / her / its own
Ėೕರ tīra coast
ದಶ ನ darśana ritual viewing of an object
of reverence
ೇಶ dēśa land, country
Ęವ¡ಾ divasā every day
ಪw ೆ pūje ritual of worship
ಭಕ³ bhakta devotee
ಮಠ maṭha monastery
ಮಧ½ madhya middle
ಮ ಾÂ ಾಯ Madhvācārya (name)
ಮುಖ½ mukhya something important
ರಥĠೕĘ rathabīdi Temple Street
ī ೇಶ vidēśa foreign country
ೈಷ²ವ vaiṣṇava devotee of Viṣṇu
ī ೇಷ viśēṣa something special
ಶತ ಾನ śatamāna century
ಸಂಪ¾ ಾಯ saṃpradāya tradition
ಸಮುದ¾ samudra sea, ocean
ಹĖ³ರ hattira near; nearness
ಹĘಮೂರ ೆಯ hadimūraneya thirteenth
¢ೆಚು© heccu excess; excessively
 Lesson 11 145

Notes
1
This a and i should be thought of as shortened forms of the demonstrative
adjectives ā ‘that, those’ and ī ‘this, these’.
2
In some modern writings on Dravidian linguistics, one finds the term sub-
stantivization for the same phenomenon. I prefer the term ‘pronominaliza-
tion’, because grammatically these new, derived words behave like pronouns
rather than nouns (cf. the 3rd ps. neuter singular genitive in dara, the 3rd
person neuter plural nominative in vu, etc.).
3
The common explanation which one finds among Kannada grammarians for
the short u before the suffix du is that in Old Kannada there was a pronoun udu,
expressing an intermediate distance of the thing in question to the speaker (be-
sides the proximate idu and the distant adu; these intermediate Dravidian pro-
nouns are discussed in Krishnamurti 2003: 256, §6.4.2.2). Here the question
could be asked why the corresponding intermediate Old Kannada pronouns
uvanu, uvaḷu, uvaru are not the basis for pronominalized relative participles
(which would produce, for instance, *māḍuvuvanu for ‘he who makes’, etc.).
The present author rather believes that the preference for ‑udu rather than ‑adu
among the majority of Kannada speakers today is rather a matter of vowel har-
mony, where the short a between two syllables containing a u (which occurs
in the vast majority of cases) also becomes a u.
4
The reason for this doubling is probably a suprasegmental matter, namely,
sentence rhythm.
5
Of course ‘mistress’ here should be understood in the original sense (the fem-
inine counterpart of ‘master’), and not in the nowadays usual, ironical one. For
‘mistress’ in the ironical sense, Kannada uses the Sanskrit loan word ೆ¾ೕಯĮ
prēyasi ‘more beloved woman’.
6
Cf. European usages such as the English ‘the house of Windsor’ or the Ger-
man ,das Haus Wittelsbach‘. The word mane can also be used elliptically in
reference to persons or objects that are related to the family. For instance, one
could speak about a boy named Kṛṣṇa who is a member of the family (e.g., a
brother or cousin), saying namma maneya Kṛṣṇa ‘the Kṛṣṇa of our house’.
7
This use of ಅĖ ati seems to be a rather modern innovation that serves to
remedy what is felt to be a lack in the traditional language. It is true that in
Sanskrit this prefix carries a meaning of undesirable or intolerable excessive-
ness, as is found in words such as ಅĖಕ¾ಮಣ atikramaṇa ‘attack’ (‘excessive
stride’) or ಅ ಾ½ ಾರ atyācāra ‘rape’ (‘undesirable and excessive conduct’), but
I have not come across this separate adverbial use in older literature.
8
The distinctions between ‘too’, ‘very’ and ‘most’ are European ones, which
Indians generally find difficult to make, as one also frequently hears in ‘Indian
English’ sentences like ‘there were too many people there’, when the speaker
actually wants to communicate ‘there were very many people there’.
9
Far more common is the use of a relative participle: this verb form is dis-
cussed in lesson 14. Sentences of this type are like ಅವನು ¢ಾēದಷು® ಾನು
146 A Manual of Modern Kannada

¢ಾಡು ೆನು avanu hāḍidaṣṭu nānu hāḍuvenu ‘I will sing as much as he sang (‘he
sang-that-much I will sing’).
 Lesson 12
The vocative case – gerund – perfect mode – the adverbializing suffix -āgi

The vocative case

Sanskrit has a vocative case (saṃbōdhanā vibhakti), therefore many
Kannada grammarians wish to see one in Kannada too. The function of
this case is generally fulfilled in Kannada by the suffix ē, which is added
to a noun or pronoun in agreement with the usual rules of sandhi.
The vocative is the case of addressing or calling. If at all one
wishes to explicitly translate this into English, a particle such as oh!
or less politely hey! can be used. In the case of nouns ending in a (as
a rule referring to male persons), an alternative (and quite common)
vocative is made by lengthening the final vowel.

ಸು ೇಶ ೇ! ಎĩÀ Surēśarē! Elli Surēśa! Where are

¢ೋಗುĖ³ೕĨ? hōguttīri? you going?
ೇವ ೇ ಾ ಾಡು! Dēvarē kāpāḍu! 1 God, protect (us)!
ಗ ೇ ಾ! ಏನು Gaṇēśā! Ēnu Gaṇēśa! What are
ಾಡುĖ³ೕ? māḍuttī? you doing?

The gerund
Kannada possesses, like other Dravidian languages, a special nonfinite
verb form that in some respects resembles the English gerund and in
certain other respects (which will be discussed later) a past participle.
This form (which for the sake of convenience we will call ‘gerund’;
other modern grammarians call it ‘verbal participle’, ‘past verbal par-
ticiple’ 2 or ‘absolutive’) 3 is used very frequently, and the learner must
learn to recognize it and become familiar with its use. Its function
is to report one of several actions or processes in a lengthy sen-
tence that reports a sequence of actions or processes. The use of
the gerund in Kannada, as an indicator of sequentiality, is similar to
that of the perfect adverbial participle (совершенное деепричастие)
in Russian. Only the final verb is fully inflected; all the preceding are
indicated by means of gerunds. 4
148 A Manual of Modern Kannada

In a modern European language like English, one can construct

complex sentences such as “I left the house, walked to the bus, got on
the bus, went downtown, got off, and walked to the office”, using a
number of fully conjugated, finite verb forms (left, walked, got, went,
got, walked) for creating a composite message in one long sentence.
In a Dravidian language like Kannada, such a sentence is not possible;
instead of linking many messages by means of comma’s and ‘and’, one
uses gerunds.
The Kannada gerund does not indicate any particulars about the
subject, i.e., it says nothing about the gender, number, or person of the
subject. It only indicates that a certain action or process took place and
was followed by another.

ಾನು ಮ ೆ ೆ ¢ೋĆ nānu manege hōgi I went home and

ಮಲĆ ೆನು malagidenu went to sleep (or:
after going home, I
went to sleep)
(literally: I
house-to
having-gone lay
down)
ಅವರು ಆ avaru ā they heard the
ಸಂĆೕತವನು· ೇĪ saṃgītavannu kēḷi music and were
ಸಂ ೋಷ ಪಟ®ರು saṃtōṣa paṭṭaru happy (or: after
hearing that music,
they were happy)
(literally: they that
music having-heard
joy underwent)

It is important that the learner understands the use of the gerund. Not
a single bit of adult conversation is spoken, nor is a single column of
newspaper text printed, without the use of gerunds.
The learner may now understand what the ordinary Kannada sen-
tence structure would be if one wishes to translate a complex English
sentence like the one given above. “I left the house, walked to the bus,
got on the bus, went downtown, got off, and walked to the office” be-
comes ಾನು ಮ ೆಯನು· Ġಟು® ಬĮÅ ೆ ನ ೆದು ಬĮÅನĩÀ ಹĖ³ ನಗರ ೆ¤ ¢ೋĆ
ಬĮÅĚಂದ ಇĪದು ಕ ೆ©ೕĨ ೆ ನ ೆ ೆನು nānu maneyannu biṭṭu bassige naḍedu
 Lesson 12 149

bassinalli hatti nagarakke hōgi bassiniṃda iḷidu kaccērige naḍedenu. By

curious coincidence, English is perhaps the only Western language in
which this kind of construction can be imitated rather well without
sounding completely idiotic, even if it sounds rather artificial: “I, hav-
ing left the house, having walked to the bus, having got on the bus,
having gone to the city, having got off the bus, walked to the office.”
In Kannada, this is the ordinary way of constructing such a message.
Usually, the grammatical subject of the gerunds is the same as the
grammatical subject of the finite verb that ends the sentence; in other
words, all the actions are performed by the same agent. However, this
need not always be the case. In two situations, the subject of the gerund
and of the finite verb may be different:
(a) when there is a causal relationship, as in ಹಣ ¢ೋĆ ಬಡವ ಾದ-
ನು haṇa hōgi baḍavanādanu ‘after his money was gone (lit.: ‘his money
having gone’), he became poor’, 5 or ಮ ೆ ಬಂದು ¢ೊ ೆ ¢ೆċ©ತು maḷe
baṃdu hoḷe heccitu ‘after the rain came (i.e., because of the rain), the
(level of the) river rose’. 6
(b) when a period of time has passed, as in ಅವನು ¢ೋĆ ಐದು
Ęವಸ ಆĥತು avanu hōgi aidu divasa āyitu ‘after he went (lit. ‘he having
gone’) five days passed’ 7 (i.e., it has been five days since he went).

Regular formation of the gerund

To form or recognize the gerund correctly, one must know the past stem
of the verb. 8 Verbs of the first class lose the final d of the past stem (or,
alternatively, one can say that the final u of the root is replaced by a
short i), whereas verbs of the second class add a short u (i.e., a du is
added to the root).

1st verb class

root past stem gerund

māḍu māḍid- māḍi to do, to make
kēḷu kēḷid- kēḷi to hear, ask
hāru hārid- hāri to jump, fly
hattu hattid- hatti to ascend, climb

Note that the gerund of the first class looks exactly like the shorter
form of the imperative plural. In practice, confusion never arises: an
150 A Manual of Modern Kannada

imperative is the last word of a sentence, whereas a gerund never is

(except in rare cases in poetry or highly emotional speech).
2nd verb class

root past stem gerund

kare kared- karedu to call
iḷi iḷid- iḷidu to descend
hoḍe hoḍed- hoḍedu to strike, hit
naḍe naḍed- naḍedu to walk

Formation of the gerund of strong verbs

Also in the case of the strong verbs, 9 the gerund is (almost always, with
only two exceptions) based on the past stem of the verb, after which a
short u is added:

root past stem gerund

koḍu koṭṭ- koṭṭu to give
ari arit- aritu to know
koḷḷu koṃḍ- koṃḍu to take, buy
baru baṃd- baṃdu to come
bīḷu bidd- biddu to fall
kadi kadd- kaddu to steal
horaḍu horaṭ- horaṭu to set out, start

Two verbs are somewhat irregular in that their gerund is not derived
from their strong past stems, but from their roots:

root past stem gerund

hōgu hōd- hōgi to go
āgu ād- āgi to become

The formation of the gerund on the basis of the past stem reveals its
basic meaning: an action took place in the past, but the message that
is expressed by means of the sentence is not yet completely finished.
 Lesson 12 151

The perfect mode

The use of the various grammatical devices for indicating actions and
processes in the past is not quite as exactly stipulated as in most of the
modern European languages. The simple past tense (also called ‘imper-
fect’ or ‘preterite’ by some grammarians) in Kannada can, according to
the context, be translated by an English imperfect, perfect, past per-
fect, or any of these in the continuous mode. Nowadays the majority
of native speakers, esp. the less educated, do not distinguish concep-
tually between all these forms and treat them simply as different ways
to express the past; if at all distinctions are made, a ‘perfect’ is used
to indicate a past that is more remote than an ‘imperfect’, and a ‘past
perfect’ represents a still more remote past. However, there are situa-
tions in which the Kannada speaker / writer wishes to be more precise
about the time or mode of a past action or process. 10
One construction is often used with a meaning that approximates
that of the English perfect: one takes the gerund of a verb and adds
the present tense of iru, which here functions as an auxiliary verb. The
final vowel of the gerund, whether u or i, is elided, and the gerund and
the form of iru are written together. Thus, e.g., māḍi (having made /
done) and iddēne (I am) together become māḍiddēne ‘I have done’, hōgi
(having gone) and iddēne together form hōgiddēne ‘I have gone’, karedu
‘having called’ and iddēne together become karediddēne. Note that the
auxiliary verb for this ‘perfect’ is always iru ‘to be’, never ‘to have’. 11

ಾನು ಅದನು· nānu adannu I did that

ಾē ೆನು māḍidenu
ಾನು ಅದನು· nānu adannu I have done that
ಾē ೆµೕ ೆ māḍiddēne (lit.: I that
having-done am)
ಾನು ¢ೋ ೆನು nānu hōdenu I went
ಾನು ¢ೋĆ ೆµೕ ೆ nānu hōgiddēne I have gone (lit.: I
having-gone am)

Like the English perfect, this construction signifies that an action or

process took place in the past and was completed. 12
It is similarly possible to combine a gerund with a different conju-
gated form of iru: a past or future tense, with corresponding meanings:
that at a certain point in the past, the action or process had already
152 A Manual of Modern Kannada

taken place, or that there will be a time in the future when the action
or process will have taken place.

ಾನು ಪYಸ³ಕವನು· nānu pustakavannu I have read the

ಓĘ ೆµೕ ೆ ōdiddēne book

ಾನು ಪYಸ³ಕವನು· nānu pustakavannu I had read the book

ಓĘ ೆµನು ōdiddenu

ಾನು ಪYಸ³ಕವನು· nānu pustakavannu I will have read the

ಓĘರು ೆನು ōdiruvenu book

Note that the audible and visual difference between ōdidenu ‘I read’
(simple past tense) and ōdiddenu ‘I had read’ is merely the doubling
of the second d, which means that the preceding syllable is prosodi-
cally long. The past perfect does not occur often, but it is important to
distinguish it from the simple past.

The adverbializing suffix -āgi

In earlier lessons we have already noticed the suffix -āgi, that can be
added quite freely to nouns and pronominalized adjectives and other
attributive words to create words that behave functionally as European
adverbs, according to the usual rules of sandhi:

ಆ ಮರ ೊಡ° ಾĆ ā mara doḍḍadāgi that tree has grown

ೆ ೆĘ ೆ beḷedide tall

After what has been said about gerunds in this lesson, one can now
recognize -āgi as the gerund of the verb āgu ‘to become’. Literally, this
sentence means: “that tree, a large thing having become, has grown”.
Although -āgi actually is a gerund, one peculiar aspect of its use
must be noted. Ordinarily, the gerund has the same subject as the sen-
tence as a whole. With -āgi in this particular function as adverbializing
suffix, this need not be so. For instance:
 Lesson 12 153

ಅವನು ಈ avanu ī kelasavannu he has done this

ೆಲಸವನು· ೆಟ® ಾĆ keṭṭadāgi māḍiddāne work badly
ಾē ಾµ ೆ

Literally: “he this work, a bad thing having become, has made.” Obvi-
ously, the ‘he’ has not become a bad thing; it is the work that he was
doing, that has become bad; in other words, he did the work badly.
This use of -āgi is extremely frequent – so much so that the gram-
matical origin of -āgi as the gerund of āgu is consciously hardly realized
by Kannada speakers. In practice, there is no single way in which an
adverbial construction with -āgi can best be translated. Any translator
must keep in mind that practically everything in a Kannada sentence
that is marked by -āgi has an adverbial function.
When -āgi is added to any of the many loanwords from Sanskrit
which, in the original language, are adjectives, these words become
adverbs in Kannada. There is no need for first pronominalizing them:

ಅವನು ತುಂಬ avanu tuṃba he spoke very

ಕೂ¾ರ ಾĆ krūravāgi cruelly
ಾತ ಾēದನು mātanāḍidanu
ಅವಳು ಅದನು· avaḷu adannu tuṃba she has done that
ತುಂಬ ಸುಂದರ ಾĆ suṃdaravāgi very beautifully
ಾē ಾµ ೆ māḍiddāḷe

In the above examples, krūra ‘cruel’, suṃdara ‘beautiful’ are Sanskrit

adjectives.
When used with nouns that denote persons, it is often appropriate
to translate -āgi with ‘as’:

ಅವಳು avaḷu lēkhakiyāgi ā she participated in

ೇಖĄ ಾĆ ಆ sammēḷanadalli that conference as
ಸģ¼ೕಳನದĩÀ bhāgavahisidaḷu a writer
ಾಗವįĮದಳು
154 A Manual of Modern Kannada

ಅವನು avanu purōhitanāgi he worked in a

ಪY ೋįತ ಾĆ dēvasthānadalli temple as a priest
ೇವ¡ಾ´ನದĩÀ ೆಲಸ kelasa māḍidanu
ಾēದನು

Literally, the two above sentences mean “she, writer having become, in
that conference participated” and “he, priest having become, in temple
work did”.
When used with nouns that denote conditions, the meaning is that
that condition has come about:

ಅವರು ಸು¡ಾ³Ć avaru sustāgi they came tired

ಬಂದರು baṃdaru

The word sustu means ‘fatigue, tiredness’. Here the ‘they’ (avaru) came
(baṃdaru) after tiredness (sustu) had arisen (āgi), in other words: they
were tired when they came.
Often -āgi is added to a dative with the meaning ‘for [the sake of]’,
‘for the benefit of’. This combination has the same meaning as dative
+ ōskara.

Ěಮ¼ ಸರĘ ಾĆ ಾĥĨ – ‘Please wait here for your turn’ (saradi-ge-āgi).
On a floor in Bangalore Airport

Exercise
Read and translate the following sentences:
೧. ಗ ೇಶ ೇ! ಮ ೆ ೆ ¢ೋĆʵೕ ಾ?
೨. ಅವರು ಸು¡ಾ³Ć ಮಲĆದರು.
೩. ಆ ಹುಡುĆ ¡ೊಗ¡ಾĆ ¢ಾēದಳು.
೪. ಆ ಹುಡುಗ ಒರ ಾĆ ಾತ ಾēದ.
೫. ಅವನು ನನ·ನು· ೆಟ® ಾĆ ಬಯುµ ¢ೊರಟು ¢ೋದ. 13
೬. ಅದನು· ೋē ಖುĬ ಾĆ ನಕ¤ಳು.
 Lesson 12 155

೭. ಈ ಾಠವನು· ಓĘ ಪ¾ ೆ·ಗಳನು· ೇĪ.

೮. ಪಕ¤ದ ಮ ೆಯವರು 14 ೆ ೆ· ಊĨ ೆ ¢ೋĆ ಮುಂĘನ Ėಂಗಳು
ಾಪಸು ಬರುವರು.
೯. ಅವರು Ěಜ ಾĆ ¢ಾ ೆ ¢ೇĪದ ಾ? 15
೧೦. Ėೕವ¾ ಾĆ ಪ¾ಯತ· ಾē ಈ ಾಕ½ಗಳನು· ಓĘ.
೧೧. ದಯīಟು® ಸÂಲ¸ ೇಗ ¢ೇĪ.
೧೨. ೋ ಾĆ ಾತ ಾಡು ಾ³ ೆ.
೧೩. ಇĩÀ ಇĩ ಇĪಯುತ³ ೆ.

Vocabulary

ಆĜಸು āphisu office

ಇĪ iḷi to descend, go down
ಒರಟು oraṭu coarseness
ಕĘ kadi to steal
ಾ ಾಡು kāpāḍu to protect, guard
ೊಳುÁ koḷḷu to buy
ಕೂ¾ರ krūra cruel
ಖುĬ khuśi joy
ೆ ಾ·Ć cennāgi nicely, finely
ೋರು jōru force, forcefulness
Ėಂಗಳು tiṃgaḷu month
Ėೕವ¾ tīvra severe, intense
ದಯīಟು® dayaviṭṭu please
ನ ್¤ nakk- (past stem of nagu)
ನಗು nagu to laugh
ನ ೆ naḍe to walk; to happen
156 A Manual of Modern Kannada

ಪ ್® paṭṭ- (past stem of paḍu)

ಪಡು paḍu to suffer, experience,
undergo
ಾಠ pāṭha lesson
ಪ¾ಯತ· prayatna attempt
ಬ ್µ bayd- (past stem of bayyu)
ಬಯು½ bayyu to abuse, scold
ೆ ೆ beḷe to grow
ೇಗ / bēga / soon, fast, quickly
ೇಗ ೆ bēgane
ಾಗವįಸು bhāgavahisu to participate
ಮಲಗು malagu to lie down, sleep
ಾತ ಾಡು mātanāḍu to speak
ಮುಂĘನ muṃdina next
Ťೕಚ ೆ yōcane thought
ೇಖĄ lēkhaki writer (f.)
ಾಕ½ vākya sentence
ಾಪಸು vāpasu back, returned
ಶಬµ śabda word
ಸಂ ೋಷ saṃtōṣa joy
ಸģ¼ೕಳನ sammēḷana conference
ಸುಸು³ sustu tiredness, fatigue
¡ೊಗಸು sogasu grace, elegance, beauty
ಸ¸ಷ® spaṣṭa clear
ಹತು³ hattu to climb; to begin
¢ಾಡು hāḍu to sing
¢ಾರು hāru to fly, jump
 Lesson 12 157

¢ೊರ ್ horaṭ- (past stem of horaḍu)

¢ೊರಡು horaḍu to set out, leave for

Notes
1
One curious feature of Kannada is that the word for ‘god’, dēva, is always
used in the plural (dēvaru), also when referring to a single god, which is what
one would expect out of respect towards the god; but in the case of a single god,
although the noun is plural, the verb is in the singular. Hence it is possible,
and correct, to say ೇವರು ಇ ಾµ ೆ dēvaru iddāne ‘God exists’.
2
Cf. Kittel 1903: 93 (§154).
3
In Kannada ಭೂತನೂ½ನ bhūtanyūna, ‘past deficient’, Venkatachalasastry
2007: 158.
4
This type of construction is another example of Dravidian influence on the
Indo-European languages of South Asia. It is found already in Sanskrit, and the
various modern Indo-European languages of northern India have similar verb
forms.
5
Cf. Kittel 1903: 419 (§361, 1).
6
Cf. Spencer 1950: 112.
7
Cf. Kittel 1903: 420 (§361, 2).
8
Also other verb forms are derived from the past stem, such as the conditional
and the concessive, which will be discussed in a later lesson. Whenever a
verb is strong (or what earlier grammarians called ‘irregular’), this means that
the past stem is formed in a manner that one would not likely suspect, and
therefore also the gerund, conditional and concessive are formed differently.
9
See lesson 5 and the appendix at the end of the book.
10
It is matter of debate whether this grammatical form, which here has been
called ‘perfect’, should be considered a tense or a mode. What follows in the
rest of this section is a description of the usage as one commonly finds in coastal
Karnataka, where the ‘perfect’ has the modal implication of completion. Fur-
ther east, the perfect is used less frequently, and where it is used, the comple-
tive significance is often missing, and it is simply used as a kind of alternative
past tense.
11
Speakers of German, Dutch, French and similar languages must note that
there is only one auxiliary verb, and not one for transitive and another for
intransitive verbs, as in ich bin gegangen / ik ben gegaan / je suis allé versus ich
habe gelesen / ik heb gelezen / j’ai lu. In Kannada, transitivity lies not in the
auxiliary, but in the main verb.
12
I.e., this is usually the case. Although the perfect mode can already be found
in Old Kannada texts, many authors and speakers today are not so precise in
158 A Manual of Modern Kannada

distinguishing between the simple past and the perfect as modes, or feel that
the perfect signifies a more distant past than what is expressed by the simple
past.
13
Lit. ‘having set out, he went’ is the common idiomatic expression for ‘he
went away’.
14
Pakkada maneyavaru ‘the person of the house of the side (pakka)’ means
‘neighbour’.
15
Idiomatically, ¢ಾ ೆ ¢ೇಳು hāge hēḷu and ¢ಾ ೆ ಾಡು hāge māḍu, besides
literally meaning ‘to say in that manner’ and ‘to do in that manner’, can also
(and usually do) mean ‘to say that’ and ‘to do that’.
 Lesson 13

Typical Hoysaḷa-style
sculpture of a girl
braiding her hair,
Haḷēbīḍu

The present participle – continuous mode – the suffix -isu

The present participle

The gerund, as has been explained above, indicates an action or process
that has preceded other actions and processes, in other words: succes-
sion. Another participle indicates simultaneity, and it is formed in a
manner similar to what we have seen in the case of the gerund. The use
of the present participle in Kannada, as an indicator of simultaneity, is
similar to that of the imperfect adverbial participle (несовершенное
деепричастие) in Russian. While the gerund can be thought of as a
verb form of the past tense without a personal suffix, this other partici-
ple, which is usually called the present participle, 1 resembles a present
tense with a short a instead of the personal suffix: 2
160 A Manual of Modern Kannada

first class
māḍu to make, do māḍutta making, doing
second class
kare to call kareyutta calling

ಅವನು Ťೕಚ ೆ avanu yōcane māḍutta he went home

ಾಡುತ³ ಮ ೆ ೆ manege hōdanu immersed in thought
¢ೋದನು (lit.: he thought
making home-to went)

This participial use of the present participle does not occur as often as
its use together with a form of iru, namely –

The continuous mood

The combination of the present participle and a form of the verb iru
produces a mood that is strikingly similar to the English continuous
mood or progressive aspect. It indicates the ongoing actuality of an
action or process.
A conjugated form of iru is added to a present participle, and in
the process usually the final a of the participle is elided.

ಾನು ಪYಸ³ಕವನು· nānu pustakavannu I am reading the

ಓದುĖ³ ೆµೕ ೆ ōduttiddēne book

ಾನು ಪYಸ³ಕವನು· nānu pustakavannu I was reading the

ಓದುĖ³ ೆµನು ōduttiddenu book

ಾನು ಪYಸ³ಕವನು· nānu pustakavannu I will be reading

ಓದುĖ³ರು ೆನು ōduttiruvenu the book

However, there are a few alternatives: for ‘I am reading’ one can find
ōduttiddēne, ōdutta iddēne, or ōduttā iddēne, or, particularly in northern
Karnataka, ōduttaliddēne, with a euphonic l inserted. The first form
(with the elided final a of the participle) is the one most commonly
found. 3
 Lesson 13 161

The suffix -isu

The suffix -isu is a highly productive verb-building suffix with two main
functions: causative and denominative.
A causative verb form signifies that the subject of the verb does
not perform the action but causes another agent to act. In English,
causativeness is usually indicated by means of an additional verb, such
as ‘to make’ or ‘to let’: compare the sentences I do this and I let him do
this, or I wrote a letter and I made him write a letter.
Denominative verbs are verbs that are derived from nouns.

Causatives

When the suffix isu added to a simple Kannada verb (usually eliding
the final vowel), a new verb is created that carries a meaning that is
transitive (if the simple verb is intransitive) or causative (if the simple
verb is transitive). 4 The new, derived verb, ending in u, is conjugated
just like other regular verbs of the first verb class:

ಾನು ಆ ೆಲಸ nānu ā kelasa I did the work

ಾē ೆನು māḍidenu
ಾನು ಆ ೆಲಸ nānu ā kelasa I had the work
ಾēĮ ೆನು māḍisidenu done (by someone
else)
ಅದು ಮುĆಯುತ³ ೆ adu mugiyuttade that is coming to
an end, is being
finished
ಾನು ಅದನು· nānu adannu I’ll finish that
ಮುĆಸು ೆ³ೕ ೆ mugisuttēne

Mugi means ‘to come to an end, be finished’ (intransitive); mugi + isu

> mugisu ‘to cause to come to an end, to cause to be finished’ = ‘to
end, to finish’ (transitive).
Sometimes Kannada words in isu require entirely different English
translations than their literal translation would suggest:
162 A Manual of Modern Kannada

ಇĩÀ ಒಂದು ತಪY¸ illi oṃdu tappu a mistake is visible

ೋರುತ³ ೆ tōruttade here
ಾನು Ěಮ¼ ತಪ¸ನು· nānu nimma I’ll show your
ೋĨಸು ೆ³ೕ ೆ tappannu tōrisuttēne mistake

Tōrisu ‘to cause to be visible’ means ‘to show’.

Denominatives

The other function of isu is to derive verbs from nouns (usually Sanskrit
loanwords, but also words that are have been borrowed from other
languages, such as Persian and English, in highly colloquial style). If
the original Sanskrit noun ends in a, ā, ana or anā (this ā or anā having
become e or ane in Kannada) this entire Sanskrit noun-building suffix
is elided.

bhāva feeling bhāvisu to feel

kṣame forgiveness kṣamisu to forgive
gamana attention gamisu to notice
yōcane thought yōcisu to think

Exercise
Read and translate the following sentences:
೧. ಅವರು īċತ¾ ಾದ ಕ ೆಗಳನು· ಬ ೆದು ಪ¾ಕಟ ಾēĮದರು.
೨. ಾನು įೕ ೆ ಾಡುವYĘಲÀ, ಅದು ತುಂಬ ೆಟ®ದು; ಾನು įೕ ೆ
ಾēಸುವYದೂ ಇಲÀ.
೩. ģೕಷ®ರು ಆ ೇ ೆ ಹುಡುಗರನು· ಕ ೆĥĮದರು.
೪. ಈ ಕ ೆಯನು· ¢ೇ ೆ ಅ ೈ ಸುĖ³ೕĨ?
೫. ದಯīಟು® ಕÄĢĮĨ.
೬. ಅದನು· ಪ¾ಯĖ·ಸು ೆ³ೕ ೆ.
 Lesson 13 163

Vocabulary

ಅಥ artha meaning
ಅ ೈ ಸು / arthaisu / to explain
ಅಥ īಸು arthavisu
ಅಷು® aṣṭu that much
ಆದ ೆ ādare but
ಕ ೆ kathe story
ಕ ೆĥಸು kareyisu to cause to call
ಕÄģ kṣame forgiveness
ದಯ daya mercy
ದಯīಟು® dayaviṭṭu please
ಪ¾ಕಟ prakaṭa published, public
ಪ¾ಯತ· prayatna attempt, try, effort
ೇಗ bēga fast, soon
ģೕಷ®ರು mēṣṭaru (school) teacher (‘master’)
īċತ¾ vicitra strange, odd
¢ೋಟಲು hōṭalu restaurant

Notes
1
In Kannada ವತ ಾನನೂ½ನ vartamānanyūna or ‘present deficient’, Venka-
tachalasastry 2007: 158.
2
Alternatively, one also often hears and reads a long ā: māḍuttā, kareyuttā etc.
3
This continuous mode is not found often, and rarely in older literature. Per-
haps it is also due to this rareness that these four different forms exist side by
side.
4
In both these cases we see a shift in the focus of the verb. An intransitive
verb usually indicates a process that takes place in the subject (as in ‘I walk’,
or ‘I sleep’); a transitive verb indicates that through the agency of the subject a
process takes place elsewhere (in the grammatical object), such as transforma-
tion, creation or destruction (as in ‘I slice the bread’, ‘I write a letter’, ‘I read
164 A Manual of Modern Kannada

a book’ – where the unknown book becomes a known book). In the case of
causative verbs, agency itself is transferred from the grammatical subject to an
object.

Hoysala-style reliefs on the outside

of a temple at Haḷēbīḍu
 Lesson 14

Sign at Bangalore airport in English,

Kannada and Hindi: the Kannada text
communicates ‘to-drink-non-past water’

The relative participle – interrogatives as relative words

The relative participle

The following section is rather lengthy, because it deals with a gram-
matical mechanism in the Dravidian languages that is unknown in
Indo-European and therefore is less easy for most Western learners of
Kannada to understand at first sight. It is, however, a very important
mechanism, both because of its frequent use and because it demon-
strates an important inner structure of the languages of this family.
One category of words that is used in everyday speech in the Indo-
European languages is the relative pronoun, like the word ‘whom’ in a
sentence such as “there goes the man whom I saw”. Similarly, relative
adverbs (such as ‘where’ in “he found the book where he had left it”,
or ‘when’ in “I saw him when he entered the room”) also exist. Such
words are used for expressing further specifications about that which
is denoted by a noun or pronoun, or about the time, place or modality
of a situation or action that is expressed in a sentence. The part of a
sentence that contains such a relative word is called the relative clause
of the sentence.
In Dravidian, such relative words do not exist, and therefore rel-
ative clauses and sentences that contain relative clauses, which are
perfectly ordinary in everyday use in English and other Indo-European
languages, cannot exist either. 1 Dravidian uses an entirely different
mechanism, one that is highly efficient and very logical, but which
can cause the learner some difficulties in the beginning because of its
unfamiliarity. Because every statement implies a verb, 2 it is theoret-
ically possible to express all such further specifications by means of
verb forms; and this is exactly what happens in Dravidian.
166 A Manual of Modern Kannada

To understand the use of these verb forms (which are commonly

called relative participles; occasionally linguists also speak of verbal
adjectives), it is useful to first consider a somewhat similar verbal
construction in English. The sentence

There goes the man whom I saw.

could be rephrased as

The man seen by me goes there.

Although this second sentence sounds rather artificial in modern

English, it is understandable. 3 In Kannada, the corresponding sentence
would be

ಾನು ೋēದ ಮನುಷ½ ಅĩÀ ¢ೋಗು ಾ³ ೆ.

Nānu nōḍida manuṣya alli hōguttāne.

Word by word, the Kannada sentence runs “I seen man there goes”.
What has happened here? The most remarkable part of this sen-
tence is the third word, nōḍida. The past stem of the verb nōḍu ‘to see’
is nōḍid, after which, as we have seen in lesson 3, personal endings are
added to create finite forms: nōḍid + enu gives nōḍidenu ‘I saw’, etc.
If, instead of a personal suffix, one adds a short a, a relative partici-
ple is created. This participle can be considered a type of attributive
word, like an adjective. 4 It carries the meaning that is expressed by the
verb root from which it is derived, and it also carries an indication of
time. (There is also a relative participle for the non-past, i.e., present
or future, to be discussed later in this lesson, as well as a negative rela-
tive participle, to be discussed in a later lesson.) Thus the word nōḍida
indicates that what is expressed by the word that follows it is in some
way specified by the act of seeing, and that this seeing took place in
the past.
Secondly, the word nānu in the model sentence deserves attention.
This is of course ‘I’, in the nominative case. In the parallel sentence
in an Indo-European language, the agent of the action (seeing) is not
expressed by the nominative, but by means of a preposition (‘seen by
me’ ,von mir gesehen‘, etc.), because the past participle that is used in
these Indo-European languages is a past passive participle. Although
the Dravidian languages have grammatical devices by which the Indo-
European passive mood can to some extent be imitated, the passive
 Lesson 14 167

participle does not exist. The verb form nōḍida is active, and therefore
the agent of the verb is put in the case that is customary for indicating
the agent in any sentence, namely, the nominative.
The surprising result of the application of these syntactic rules is
that the sentence Nānu nenne nōḍida manuṣya alli hōguttāne contains
two nominatives: one expressing the agent of the verb nōḍu and an-
other one expressing the agent of the verb hōgu.
The feature of the Dravidian relative participle that is initially con-
fusing to the learner is that the phrase nōḍida manuṣya by itself does
not indicate whether the ‘man’ is the subject, object, or anything else
of the ‘seeing’. This is illustrated by the model sentence in a slightly,
but importantly, modified form:

ನನ·ನು· ೋēದ ಮನುಷ½ ಅĩÀ ¢ೋಗು ಾ³ ೆ.

Nannannu nōḍida manuṣya alli hōguttāne.

Here the original nānu ‘I’ (nominative), has been replaced by nan-
nannu ‘me’ (accusative). This sentence too is grammatically perfectly
acceptable, but it means something different. The ‘me’ is obviously the
object of an action, and this action must be the ‘seeing’. Since nannannu
cannot be the agent, it is understood that the next noun or pronoun fol-
lowing the participle must be the agent; hence this modified sentence
means: “The man who saw me goes there.”
However, we can make the sentence still more complicated:

ನನ·ನು· ೋēದ ಮನುಷ½ನನು· ಅĩÀ ೋēದರು.

Nannannu nōḍida manuṣyanannu alli nōḍidaru.

Here again, the ‘me’ must be the object of the ‘seeing’, therefore the
‘man’ must be the agent; but ‘man’ here is also in the accusative case.
This means that manuṣyanannu too must be the object of a verb, and
this second verb appears at the end of the sentence: nōḍidaru ‘they saw’.
(Here the subject is indicated by the personal ending.) This sentence
means: “There they saw the man who saw me.” (literally: ‘me seen
man there saw-they’). 5
Other case forms are also possible:

ನನ·ನು· ೋēದ ಮನುಷ½Ě ೆ ಪYಸ³ಕ ೊ ೆ®ನು.

nannannu nōḍida manuṣyanige pustaka koṭṭenu.
(Me seen man-to book gave-I.)
168 A Manual of Modern Kannada

This means: “I gave a book to the man who saw me.”

From the above examples it should be clear that a relative partici-
ple such as nōḍida expresses nothing more than ‘seeing’ (nōḍu) + ‘past’
(nōḍid) + ‘related to’ (nōḍida). It is helpful for the beginning learner
to think of the final a as a connecting suffix, similar to the marker of
the genitive case. 6
Sometimes, when translating into a Western language, one must
actively and imaginatively think along with the Kannada speaker /
writer to create appropriate translations of Kannada sentences. 7 One
‘problem’ for students who come from an Indo-European language is
that the Dravidian relative participle is neither active nor passive, nor
does it contain any information about person, gender, number or case
of the words to which it relates in the sentence: it only communicates
that some action or process took or takes place with regard to some-
thing or someone else at a certain time. Any further information is
contained in the word order and in the grammatical case endings of
other words: not in the relative participle. The sentence

ನನ ೆ ೋĨĮದ ಹಣು² ೆ ಾ·Ć ೆ.

Nanage tōrisida haṇṇu cennāgide.

means: “The fruit that was shown to me is tasty (good).” Here it is

obvious that nanage ‘to me’, being a dative, cannot be the agent of the
act of tōrisu ‘to show’, which is a transitive verb, and the haṇṇu ‘fruit’
surely did not show itself; tōrisida means that the following haṇṇu is
somehow specified by the act of showing in the past. The broader
context in which the sentence was used would communicate who or
what had shown the fruit. Here the subject is not explicitly stated,
and the relative participle is most easily translated as a phrase in the
passive mood.
Examples with past relative participles derived from other verbs:

ಾನು ಾēದ ೆಲಸ nānu māḍida kelasa the work which I

did (‘I-done work’)
ಅĩÀ ಾēದ ೆಲಸ alli māḍida kelasa the work that was
done there (‘there
done work’)
 Lesson 14 169

ಅವನು ¢ೇĪದ ಾಗ avanu hēḷida jāga the place about

which he spoke
(‘he-said place’)
ನನ ೆ ¢ೇĪದ ಾಗ nanage hēḷida jāga the place about
which I was told
(‘me-to said place’)
ಅವನು ಬಂದ ನಗರ avanu baṃda the city to which
nagara he came
ಅವನು ಾಸ avanu vāsa māḍida the city where he
ಾēದ ನಗರ nagara lived
ಅವಳು ಬ ೆದ ಪತ¾ avaḷu bareda patra the letter which she
wrote
ಅವĪ ೆ ಬ ೆದ ಪತ¾ avaḷige bareda patra the letter that was
written to her
ಾನು ಅವĪ ೆ ಬ ೆದ nānu avaḷige bareda the letter that I had
ಪತ¾ patra written to her

English ‘translations’ can reveal problems in linguistic comprehension: ಈಡು-

ಾĥ ಒ ೆಯುವ ಸ´ಳ means ‘sacrificial-coconut to-break-non-past place’.
At the Chamundi Temple, atop Chamundi Hill, Mysore 8

Curiously, there are no separate relative participles for the two

other tenses, but only combined ‘non-past’ participles that refer
either to the present or to the future. 9 These participles are formed
from the future stem, again with an a instead of a personal ending.
170 A Manual of Modern Kannada

ಾನು ಾಡುವ nānu māḍuva kelasa the work which I

ೆಲಸ (will) do
ಅĩÀ ಾಡುವ ೆಲಸ alli māḍuva kelasa the work that is
being / will be
done there
ಅವನು ¢ೇಳುವ avanu hēḷuva jāga the place about
ಾಗ which he speaks
ನನ ೆ ¢ೇಳುವ ಾಗ nanage hēḷuva jāga the place about
which I am being
told
ಅವನು ಬರುವ ನಗರ avanu baruva the city to which
nagara he comes
ಅವನು ಾಸ avanu vāsa māḍuva the city where he
ಾಡುವ ನಗರ nagara lives
ಅವಳು ಬ ೆಯುವ avaḷu bareyuva the letter which she
ಪತ¾ patra writes
ಅವĪ ೆ ಬ ೆಯುವ avaḷige bareyuva the letter that is
ಪತ¾ patra being written to
her

The adjectivizing suffix -āda, which we learnt about in an earlier chap-

ter, is actually the relative participle (past tense) of the verb āgu ‘to be-
come’. Therefore, an expression such as oraṭāda mātu ‘a coarse word’
literally means ‘a word that became a coarse thing’; nijavāda kathe ‘a
true story’ is literally ‘a story that became a true thing’.
Relative participles can also be pronominalized:

ಾನು ಓĘದ nānu ōdida patra the letter which I read

ಪತ¾
ಾನು ಓĘದುದು nānu ōdidudu 10 the thing which I read
ಈ ೆಲಸ ī kelasa he who did this work
ಾēದವನು māḍidavanu

Such pronominalizations of relative participles are very common, and it

is important that the learner understands the mechanism behind them.
 Lesson 14 171

ನ ೆಯುವ naḍeyuva huḍuga a boy who is walking / a

ಹುಡುಗ walking boy
ಅರĪದ ಹೂ araḷida hū a blossomed flower / a
flower that has bloomed

When in lesson 1 the pronouns were discussed, it was shown that the
pronouns for the third person are actually pronominalization endings
that are preceded by demonstrative prefixes for ‘distance’ or ‘proximi-
ty’ as possible attributes of the person that are expressed in the ending
(a male ‑vanu, a female ‑vaḷu, etc.). But all kinds of attributes are imag-
inable. We have already come cross pronominalized genitives of nouns
and adjectival expressions (such as kelasada-vaḷu and cikka-vanu). Rel-
ative participles, too, are attributes, and they can be pronominalized.
Just as it is possible to speak of ‘he’ (‘that male person’) as ಅವನು a-vanu
‘distant-male-person’, it is possible to, for instance, speak of ‘he who
wrote’ as ಬ ೆದವನು bare-d-a-vanu (‘writing-[past tense]-male-person’),
or ‘she who walked’ as ನ ೆದವಳು naḍe-d-a-vaḷu (‘walking-[past tense]-
female-person’). In this example, instead of the simple prefixed a ‘dis-
tant’, we have something more complex, namely, a relative participle
based on the verb root ಬ ೆ bare ‘to write’, plus the marker -d- for the
past tense (which creates a stem for the past tense) and the suffix -a-
which indicates a connection between this past stem and that which
follows (in these examples the masculine suffix -vanu or the feminine
suffix -vaḷu). This type of word is a pronominalized relative partici-
ple, because the resulting word behaves grammatically like a pronoun.
In the above two phrases, the two relative participles naḍeyuva
and araḷida are attributive words: they provide additional information
about the nouns that follow (‘boy’, ‘flower’). Pronominalization suf-
fixes can be added to them:

naḍeyuva ‑vanu naḍeyuvavanu

(walking) (male person) he who walks
araḷida ‑du araḷidudu 11
(blossomed) (thing) the one that
blossomed

A word such as naḍeyuvavanu can be inflected, exactly like the corre-

sponding pronouns (avanu etc.). In the following table we see examples
172 A Manual of Modern Kannada

of two such pronominalized relative participles in the accusative case,

recognizable by the distinctive case suffix ‑annu:

ನ ೆಯುವ naḍeyuva I call the boy who is

ಹುಡುಗನನು· huḍuganannu walking
ಕ ೆಯು ೆ³ೕ ೆ kareyuttēne
ನ ೆಯುವವನನು· naḍeyuvavanannu I call the one who is
ಕ ೆಯು ೆ³ೕ ೆ kareyuttēne walking
(walking-[male]-person
I call)
ಅರĪದ ಹೂವನು· araḷida hūvannu I saw the flower that
ೋē ೆನು nōḍidenu blossomed
ಅರĪದುದನು· araḷidudannu I saw the one that
ೋē ೆನು nōḍidenu blossomed
(blossomed-thing I saw)

We can also use these pronominalized relative participles to say some-

thing about (for instance) a boy who came home and saw the flower
that blossomed (‘the one who came home saw the one that had blos-
somed’ becomes ‘home-to come-male-person [nominative] blossomed-
thing [accusative] saw [3rd person singular masculine]’):

ಮ ೆ ೆ ಬಂದವನು manege baṃdavanu

ಅರĪದುದನು· ೋēದನು araḷidudannu nōḍidanu

A sentence such as this last one could be literally translated as ‘the man
who came home saw the thing that had blossomed’, or, depending on
the context of the sentence, ‘when he came home he saw what had blos-
somed’. (We will see a more usual method of indicating time in lesson
18.) This same second sense could also be communicated by ಮ ೆ ೆ
ಬಂದು ಅರĪದುದನು· ೋēದನು manege baṃdu araḷidudannu nōḍidanu,
simply using a gerund.
A relative participle can also be combined with aṣṭu to create an
expression that means ‘as much as’ or ‘to the limit that the action X is
done’:
 Lesson 14 173

ಅವನು ¢ಾēದಷು® avanu hāḍidaṣṭu I will sing as much as he

ಾನು ¢ಾಡು ೆನು nānu hāḍuvenu sang (‘he sang-that-
much I will sing’)

Similarly, a relative participle can be combined with āga ‘then’ to create

expressions of time (¢ಾē ಾಗ hāḍidāga ‘when [someone] had sung’,
¢ೋಗು ಾಗ hōguvāga ‘when [someone / something] goes’, etc.) or
with hāge or aṃte to create expressions of manner (¢ಾēದ¢ಾ ೆ hāḍi-
dahāge ‘as [someone] had sung’, ¢ೋಗುವಂ ೆ hōguvaṃte ‘as [someone
/ something] goes’, etc.). See also below, lesson 18.

Interrogatives as relative words

What was described above (attributive constructions with the so-called
relative participle) is the typically Dravidian equivalent of Indo-Europe-
an relative clauses. There is, however, another method in which one
can express similar attributes without using a relative participle. This
second method is generally considered a bit unnatural and clumsy, and
its use is limited mainly to formal written language and literary usage. 12
What in effect happens in such sentences is that the speaker asks a
rhetorical question using an interrogative (a question word), ends the
question with the suffix ‑ō, and then immediately answers the question
himself:

ಾನು ೆ ೆ· ಾವ nānu nenne yāva the man whom I

ಮನುಷ½ನನು· manuṣyanannu saw yesterday goes
ೋē ೆ ೋ nōḍidenō avanu alli there
ಅವನು ಅĩÀ hōguttāne
¢ೋಗು ಾ³ ೆ
ಾವ ಮನುಷ½ ೆ ೆ· yāva manuṣya nenne I gave a book to the
ನನ·ನು· nannannu nōḍidanō man who saw me
ೋēದ ೋ ಾನು nānu avanige yesterday
ಅವĚ ೆ ಪYಸ³ಕ pustaka koṭṭenu
ೊ ೆ®ನು

Literally, what is said in these two sentences is “which man did I see
yesterday? He goes there”, and “which man saw me yesterday? I gave
him a book”.
174 A Manual of Modern Kannada

The one advantage of this somewhat stilted construction is that

anything in the composite message can be precisely relativized by point-
ing to it by means of a question word:

ಾವY įಂ ೆ ಎĩÀ nāvu hiṃde elli bhēṭi I will see her where
ೇđ ಆ ೆŜೕ ādevō nānu alli we met before
ಾನು ಅĩÀ ಅವಳನು· avaḷannu nōḍuvenu
ೋಡು ೆನು

Or more literally: “where did we meet before? I will see her there”.
Such quasi-questions can also be used in equative sentences:

ಅವಳು ಎಷು® ೆಲಸ avaḷu eṣṭu kelasa I will not do so

ಾē ಾµ ೋ ಾನು māḍiddāḷō nānu much work as she
(ಅಷು®) (aṣṭu) māḍuvudilla has done (‘how
ಾಡುವYĘಲÀ much work has she
done? I will not do
so much’)

Curiously enough, although this construction is considered clumsy and

artificial and is rarely used, whether in conversation or in writing, a
shortened form is often used colloquially to express doubt about some-
thing:

ಅವನು ಾ ಾಗ avanu yāvāga [I] don’t know

ಬರು ಾ³ ೋ baruttānō gottilla when he’ll come 13
ೊĖ³ಲÀ
ನಗ ೇ ೋ nagabēkō aḷabēkō I don’t know
ಅಳ ೇ ೋ ೊĖ³ಲÀ gottilla whether I should
laugh or cry

More literally: “When will he come? It is not known”, and “Should

one laugh? Should one cry? It is not known”.

Cultural note
When less sophisticated speakers of Kannada, typically in rural
areas, tell stories, they will often interrupt the flow of their story
 Lesson 14 175

to ask questions that help to clarify details of the story. The sto-
ryteller may say something like ಆ ģೕ ೆ ಾನು ಾī ೆ ¢ೋ ೆ.
ಎĩÀ? ಆ ಾīಯ ಪಕ¤ದĩÀ ಸುಬºಣ²ನ ಮ ೆ ಇ ೆ, ಅಲÀ ಾ? ಅĩÀ
¢ೋ ೆ. ಅĩÀ ಚಂದು¾ Įಕ¤. ಾರು ಚಂದು¾? ಅಂಗēಯವನು.
ಅವನು Įಕ¤ Ā mēle nānu bāvige hōde. Elli? Ā bāviya pakkadalli
Subbaṇṇana mane ide, allavā? Alli hōde. Alli Caṃdru sikka. Yāru
Caṃdru? Aṃgaḍiyavanu. Avanu sikka (“Then I went to the well.
Where? Next to that well is Subbaṇṇa’s house, isn’t it? I went
there. There I met Caṃdru. Who is Caṃdru? The shopkeeper.
I met him”). This is much more long-winded than ಆ ģೕ ೆ
ಾನು ಸುಬºಣ²ನ ಮ ೆಯ ಪಕ¤ದĩÀರುವ ಾī ೆ ¢ೋ ಾಗ ಅĩÀ
ಅಂಗēಯವ ಾದ ಚಂದು¾ Įಕ¤ Ā mēle nānu Subbaṇṇana maneya
pakkadalliruva bāvige hōdāga alli Caṃdru sikka “Then, after I had
gone to the well next to Subbaṇṇa’s house, I met Caṃdru there”.
But simple people tend to tell their stories in the aforementioned
halting manner, avoiding the usage of more than one relative
participle in more complex sentences (here iruva and hōda). Of-
ten writers will imitate this style in their novels and stories to
evoke a rural setting.

Exercise
Read and translate the following sentences:
೧. ಾವY ಾತ ಾēದ īಷಯ ಮುಖ½ ಾĆ ೆ.
೨. ĚೕವY ಾಗವįĮದ ಸģ¼ೕಳನ ೆ¤ ತುಂಬ ಜನ ಬಂದರು.
೩. ಾವY ೇಳುವ ಸಂĆೕತ ೆ ಾ·Ć ೆ.
೪. ĚೕವY ಬ ೆಯುವ ಪತ¾ ಾĨ ೋಸ¤ರ ಇ ೆ?
೫. ಅ ಾ½ಪಕರು ¢ೇĪದ ಾಠ ತುಂಬ ĄÀಷ®.
೬. ನನ· ಮಗು ೆ ೆದ ಊರು ಸುಂದರ ಾĆ ೆ.
೭. ಪY ೋįತರು ಮಲĆದ ಾಗದĩÀ ತುಂಬ ೆರಳು ಇ ೆ.
೮. ಾ ೆ ĚೕವY ಸುʵ ಓದುವ ಪĖ¾ ೆಯĩÀ ಾನು Ěಜ ಾĆ ¢ೇĪದ
ಾತುಗಳು ಇರುವYĘಲÀ.
೯. ಅವರು ¢ೇĪದ ¢ಾ ೆ ಇĩÀ ಒ ೆÁಯ ಹಣು²ಗಳು Įಗುತ³ ೆ.
೧೦. ಾನು ೇĪದ ಪ¾ ೆ· ೆ ಉತ³ರ ಬಂĘ ೆ.
೧೧. ತುಂಬ ¢ೆģ¼ĥಂದ ಾēದ ೆಲಸದ ಬ ೆ¦ ¢ೇĪದ.
176 A Manual of Modern Kannada

೧೨. ĚೕವY ¢ೇĪದುµ ೆ ಾ·Ć ೆ.

೧೩. ನಮ¼ ತಮ¼ ¢ೇĪದµĨಂದ ನನ ೆ ೋಪ ಬಂತು. 14
೧೪. ಗ¾ಂ ಾಲಯ ೆ¤ ¢ೋದವನು ನನ· ತಮ¼.
೧೫. ಾನು ಗ¾ಂಥ ಾಲಕ, ಗ¾ಂ ಾಲಯ ೆ¤ ಬರುವವĨ ೆ ಾನು ಸ¢ಾಯ
ಾಡು ೆ³ೕ ೆ.

Vocabulary

ಅ ಾ½ಪಕ adhyāpaka teacher

ಅರಳು araḷu to bloom, blossom
ೋಪ kōpa anger
ಗ¾ಂಥ ಾಲಕ graṃthapālaka librarian
ಗ¾ಂ ಾಲಯ graṃthālaya library
ಾಗ jāga spot, place
ತಮ¼ tamma younger brother
ೆರಳು neraḷu shade, shadow
ಪĖ¾ ೆ patrike magazine
ಾಠ pāṭha lesson
ಪY ೋįತ purōhita priest
ಾತ ಾಡು mātanāḍu to speak
ಾತು mātu word, utterance
ಾಸ vāsa living, dwelling
ಸ¢ಾಯ sahāya help
Įಗು sigu to be obtained, to be
met
ಸುʵ suddi news, message
¢ೆģ¼ hemme pride
 Lesson 14 177

Notes
1
A kind of quasi-relative clauses can, however, be constructed in what should
be considered a Dravidian imitation of an Indo-European relative construction.
This will be discussed later in this lesson.
2
This is also the case in nominal sentences, as we shall see further below.
3
In some other European languages, like German, the corresponding Der
gestern von mir gesehene Mann geht dort sounds considerably less artificial. This
kind of construction is far more common in German, Dutch and several other
languages, and in its word order resembles the Dravidian construction some-
what, although of course the grammatical case of the agent is different, and
(very importantly) a relative participle is not passive.
4
One could also consider naming this verb form a ‘verbal adjective’ or ‘verbal
attribute’, which are more precise terms, because strictly speaking there is no
‘relativeness’ in this form; but the term ‘relative participle’ has already become
rather established.
5
This ‘literal’ English reproduction of the Kannada sentence is confusing be-
cause English has no accusative case endings. The Kannada sentence is clear
to a native speaker.
6
In explanations of verb conjugations as given in indigenous Kannada gram-
mars, the past stem of a verb like nōḍu is given as nōḍida, i.e., like the relative
participle, and the final a is elided before the initial vowel of the personal
ending.
7
This is of course the foremost golden rule of all good translating: never
switch off your mind, but think along with the author. But in the case
of relative participles, the obvious truth of this rule becomes still clearer than
usual.
8
The Indian translator evidently did not understand the use of Indo-European
participles.
9
This is one indication that the present tense in Kannada is a relatively late
development in the history of the language.
10
Note that the form ōdidadu is considered equally correct. Just as in the case
of words like yāvudu / yāvadu, this form has a regional (northern) flavour. In
quick speech, one often hears the shortened form ōdiddu, which nowadays is
also found in writing.
11
Cf. the previous note: the form araḷidadu is considered equally correct, and
one also finds the shortened form araḷiddu, which nowadays is also found in
writing.
12
Sridhar quotes an unpublished doctoral thesis submitted in 1970, in which
Kannada and Konkani syntactic structures are compared in support of the view
that this second method has been borrowed from Indo-Aryan (i.e., the sub-
family of the Indo-European languages in northern India). See Sridhar 1990:
47 (§1.1.2.3).
13
See lesson 16 for an explanation of this extremely common expression
ೊĖ³ಲÀ gottilla ‘knowledge is not’.
178 A Manual of Modern Kannada

14
ಬಂತು baṃtu is the irregularly shortened form of ಬಂĘತು baṃditu ‘it came’.
It occurs far more frequently than the original, longer form.
 Lesson 15
Verbal nouns – the infinitive – the use of the infinitive with defective verbs
– negation – how to express identity in an explicit tense

Verbal nouns
The verbal noun can be thought of as a noun that denotes the action
that is expressed by a verb. In English, it has a form similar to the
present participle or gerund: the word eating may be a present par-
ticiple, and it may also be a verbal noun: eating is necessary for one’s
health. I.e., the word eating by itself is ambiguous, and its function
must be understood from the context in which it is used. In German,
the verbal noun resembles the infinitive, and a similar ambiguity oc-
curs: in ich will essen, the word essen is an infinitive; in Essen ist nötig
für die Gesundheit, it is a verbal noun.
In Kannada, there are basically two ways of building verbal nouns.
(1) The first and less common way is by means of a noun-building
suffix. This suffix is either -ke or -ge, with or without a prefixed i or vi
that joins the suffix to the verb root:

(hōgu) ¢ೋಗುī ೆ hōguvike going

(iru) ಇರುī ೆ iruvike 1 being,
existing
(bāḷu) ಾĪ ೆ bāḷike living
(ēḷu) ಏĪ ೆ, ಏ ೆ¦ ēḷige, ēḷge rising

It is largely a matter of convention which suffix is used for the for-

mation of which noun: therefore the learner must learn these nouns
separately. These verbal nouns are inflected just as any other neuter
noun ending in e.
(2) The other way of building verbal nouns looks a bit more com-
plicated; however, it is far more common and is perfectly regular. One
takes the relative participle and adds the suffix -du; the final short
vowel before this suffix can remain an a or, more commonly, becomes
u: 2
180 A Manual of Modern Kannada

verb root rel. partic. verbal noun

māḍu māḍuva māḍuvudu / making, doing
māḍuvadu
hōgu hōguva hōguvudu / going
hōguvadu
iḷi iḷiyuva iḷiyuvudu / iḷiyuvadu descending

The learner will surely have recognized that these resulting forms māḍu-
vudu etc. resemble a finite verb form, namely the third person singular
neuter future tense, as well as a pronominalized relative participle. A
word such as māḍuvudu can be one of these three (a third person sin-
gular neuter future, or a pronominalized relative participle, or a verbal
noun). At first sight this may appear confusing to the learner, but in
practice it is not so – just as in English a word ending in -ing, as we saw
above, can be of more than one possible type of word, but in practice
it is immediately clear. In Kannada too, just like in English, there usu-
ally is no confusion, on account of the word order and context. The
following three model sentences will demonstrate this.

ಅದು ೆಲಸ adu kelasa māḍuvudu that will work /

ಾಡುವYದು function
ಅವನು ಾಡುವYದು avanu māḍuvudu what he does is not
ೆ ಾ·ĆಲÀ cennāgilla nice
ಾಡುವYದು māḍuvudu oḷḷeyadu doing is good
ಒ ೆÁಯದು

In the first of these model sentences, māḍuvudu is a finite verb form

(‘it will do’; the combination kelasa māḍu means ‘to do work’, i.e., ‘to
work’).
In the second model sentence, we have a pronominalized relative
participle: māḍuva + du, ‘that which does’ or ‘that which is being done’
(depending on whether an agent precedes this word or not). See also
the following illustrative sentence:
 Lesson 15 181

ಅವಳು ಬ ೆಯುವYದು Avaḷu bareyuvudu What she is writing

ಸಣ²ಕ ೆ saṇṇakate. is a short story.

In the third model sentence, we have what corresponds to a verbal

noun in most European languages (which, however, is a conceptional
distinction that is not made in Kannada): 3 something is predicated here
about the māḍuvudu, the doing (namely, that it is good). Here we may
imagine, for example, the following piece of dialogue:

speaker A: ಾನು ಆ ೆಲಸ Nānu ā kelasa I’ll do that

ಾಡು ೆನು. māḍuvenu. work. Or I
ಆಥ ಾ Athavā will not. 4 I do
Ġಡು ೆನು. biḍuvenu. not know.
ನನ ೆ ೊĖ³ಲÀ. Nanage
gottilla.
speaker B: ಾಡುವYದು Māḍuvudu Doing [the
ಒ ೆÁಯದು. oḷḷeyadu. work] is good
[i.e., is
preferable].

There are two important reasons for preferring verbal nouns of this
type over the older ones with the suffix -ke / -ge. The first reason is
the regularity of the formation of this second type of verbal nouns.
The second, very attractive reason for using them is that they express
time, depending on the relative participle from which they are formed.
Māḍuvudu expresses an action taking place either in the present or in
the future, māḍuva being the non-past relative participle; māḍidudu 5 is
a doing that took place in the past.
Being a noun, the verbal noun is declinable, just like any other
noun. The verbal nouns in -du are inflected just like the pronouns adu
and idu: ಾಡುವYದĨಂದ māḍuvudariṃda (ablative) ‘because of doing’,
ಬರುವYದ ೆ¤ baruvudakke (dative) ‘for coming’. The dative of the verbal
noun is a very frequently used case form. Since the dative is the case
of goal or purpose, the dative of the verbal noun can be used in much
the same way as an infinitive (see below).
182 A Manual of Modern Kannada

ಾನು ಕನ·ಡ ಕĩಯುವYದ ೆ¤ nānu kannaḍa

ಬಂĘ ೆµೕ ೆ kaliyuvudakke baṃdiddēne
ಆ ಪYಸ³ಕವನು· ೊಳುÁವYದ ೆ¤ ā pustakavannu
ಹಣ ತಂĘ ೆµೕ ೆ koḷḷuvudakke haṇa
taṃdiddēne

Literally, these sentences say “I Kannada learning-for having-come am-

I” and “that book buying-for money having-brought am-I”. This use
of the dative of a verbal noun for indicating purpose is so extremely
common that one hears various contracted forms in the spoken lan-
guage: instead of the literary form kaliyuvudakke one can also hear
kaliyōdakke, kaliyūdakke, kaliyukke.

The infinitive
Modern Kannada grammars are somewhat confusing in their treatment
of the infinitive 6 and speak of three different forms of it: one ending in
a, another in alu, and a third in alikke. Historically, they are all derived
from one single form (ending in al). As we have seen in other cases, an
Old Kannada word ending in a consonant in later Kannada either loses
this final consonant, or a vowel (in this case u) is added.
The suffixes are added directly to the verb root. In the case of verbs
of the first class, the final short u is elided; in the case of verbs of the
second, a euphonic y is inserted.

ಾಡ māḍa ಾಡಲು māḍalu ಾಡĩ ೆ¤ māḍa- to make, do

likke
ಾ ೆಯ kareya ಕ ೆಯಲು kareyalu ಕ ೆಯĩ ೆ¤ kareya- to call
likke

Use of the infinitive

The primary significance of the infinitive is that an action or process

is not yet completed. Its most frequent use is to indicate a purpose,
intention or wish (compare the following two sentences with the ones
given earlier):
 Lesson 15 183

ಾನು ಕನ·ಡ nānu kannaḍa I have come to

ಕĩಯಲು kaliyalu baṃdiddēne learn Kannada
ಬಂĘ ೆµೕ ೆ
ಆ ಪYಸ³ಕವನು· ā pustakavannu I have brought
ೊಳÁಲು ಹಣ koḷḷalu haṇa money to buy that
ತಂĘ ೆµೕ ೆ taṃdiddēne book

One could also perfectly well say:

ಾನು ಕನ·ಡ ಕĩಯĩ ೆ¤ nānu kannaḍa kaliyalikke

ಬಂĘ ೆµೕ ೆ baṃdiddēne
ಆ ಪYಸ³ಕವನು· ೊಳÁĩ ೆ¤ ಹಣ ā pustakavannu koḷḷalikke haṇa
ತಂĘ ೆµೕ ೆ taṃdiddēne

This third form of the infinitive, ending in alikke, is historically to be

understood as an infinitive with a dative ending. 7 The dative is, among
other things, the case of destination, indicating a goal (of movement,
for instance) or purpose. The same meaning of the two above model
sentences can also be conveyed (and, in the colloquial language, usu-
ally is thus conveyed) by means of the dative of a verbal noun (see
below).
The first type of infinitive (ending in a) is used together with modal
verbs, the most frequent of which are defective (such as ೇಕು bēku and
ಬಹುದು bahudu).

The infinitive with defective verbs

We have already discussed the defective verb ೇಕು bēku, which indi-
cates a wish or a necessity and is constructed with the agent in the
dative:

ನನ ೆ Ěೕರು ೇಕು nanage nīru bēku I need / want water

[lit.: ‘to-me water
is-needed’
184 A Manual of Modern Kannada

ಆ ೆಲಸ ಾಡĩ ೆ¤ ā kelasa māḍalikke [one] needs time to

ಸಮಯ ೇಕು samaya bēku do that work [lit.:
that work doing-for
time is-needed’]

Bēku is derived from the verb ೇಡು bēḍu ‘to request’, which is still
used in formal and literary language (Ěಮ¼ ಆĬೕ ಾ ದವನು· ೇಡು ೆ³ೕ ೆ
nimma āśīrvādavannu bēḍuttēne ‘I request your blessing’).
The negative form is ೇಡ bēḍa ‘is / are not needed / not wished’:

Ěಮ ೆ Ěೕರು nimage nīru bēkā? Do you want some

ೇ ಾ? ೇಡ. bēḍa. water? No. 8

When bēku is used with an infinitive, the meaning is that the act or
process that is expressed in the infinitive is needed or wished. The
infinitive and bēku are written together as one word. The agent of the
act, or who / what is to undergo the process, is in the nominative case:

ಾನು ಮ ೆ ೆ nānu manege I want to / must go

¢ೋಗ ೇಕು. hōgabēku home [I home-to to
go is-needed]
ಾನು ಅವರನು· nānu avarannu I want to / must
ೋಡ ೇಕು. nōḍabēku see them [I them
to-see is-needed]
ಮ ೆ ೆ ¢ೋĆ ೇಗ manege hōgi bēga [I] must go home
ಮಲಗ ೇಕು. malagabēku and go to bed soon
[lit.: home-to
having-gone
quickly to-lie-down
is-needed]

One would expect the negative form bēḍa to be used in a similar man-
ner, but this is not the case. The combination infinitive + bēḍa always
carries a prohibitive meaning and is addressed to a person:
 Lesson 15 185

ಅĩÀ ೆ ¢ೋಗ ೇಡ! allige hōgabēḍa! don’t go there!

[lit.: there-to to-go
is-not-desired]
¢ಾ ೆ ಾಡ ೇಡ! hāge māḍabēḍa! do not do that!
[lit.: thus to-do
is-not-desired]

There is also a polite plural (and honorific) form bēḍi, which is consid-
ered a bit old-fashioned by some speakers:

ದಯīಟು® ¢ಾ ೆ dayaviṭṭu hāge please do not do

ಾಡ ೇē māḍabēḍi that [lit.: pity
having-placed thus
to-do
is-not-desired]

Road sign in Bangalore with the polite

prohibitory ೇē

If one wishes to say that one does not want to do something, the com-
bination verbal noun + bēku is used:

ಾನು ಆ ಕಲಸವನು· nānu ā kelasavannu I do not want to do

ಾಡುವYದು ೇಡ māḍuvudu bēḍa that work [lit.: I
that work doing
is-not-desired]

However, a sentence like avanu illige baruvudu bēḍa is ambiguous: there

is mention of a ‘he’ who is to come ‘here’, but without a context it is not
clear why all this is ‘bēḍa’. It may be that ‘he’ does not wish to come,
or that the speaker, or some other person(s) does not / do not want
him to come. (The ambiguity can be avoided by explicitly mentioning
the person who does not wish this: avanu illige baruvudu nanage bēḍa,
186 A Manual of Modern Kannada

literally ‘he hither coming to-me is-not-desired’ means ‘I do not want

him to come here’.)
The same type of grammatical construction occurs with other de-
fective verbs:

ಬಹುದು bahudu may ಾರದು bāradu may not

ಕೂಡದು kūḍadu may not

ಬಹುದು bahudu and ಾರದು bāradu, by coincidence, are just as am-

biguous as the English ‘may’ and ‘may not’: they can indicate possi-
bility / likelihood or whether a certain act is permitted. In practice,
the context will show what the speaker or writer intended. ಕೂಡದು
kūḍadu unambiguously means a prohibition.

ಾನೂ nānū barabahudā? May I come too?

ಬರಬಹು ಾ? [lit.: I-also to-come
is-permitted-
(question)?]
ನನ ೆ ೊĖ³ಲÀ, nanage gottilla, I don’t know, but
ಆದ ೆ ಅವರೂ ādare avarū they too may come
ಬರಬಹುದು barabahudu
ಾನು ¢ಾ ೆ nānu hāge I am not allowed to
ಾಡ ಾರದು māḍabāradu do that
ಇĩÀ ಗĩೕಜು illi galīju no littering 9 [lit.:
ಾಡಕೂಡದು māḍakūḍadu here filth to-make
is-not-permitted]

Negation
We have already seen how simple negations of existence, presence, and
identity are expressed by means of the defective verbs illa and alla,
which are either present or categorical, ‘timeless’ negations. If, how-
ever, one wishes to negate existence or presence, or identity, specif-
ically in the past or future, or if one wishes to negate actions, other
constructions are required.

Non-past negation of actions

In negation, the distinction between the present and the future tense
does not exist: there is only a distinction between past and non-past (as
 Lesson 15 187

in the case of relative participles). This type of negation is expressed by

means of a verbal noun in du (expressing the action) + illa ‘is not’. This
illa, this non-being, refers to the action, and not to the agent; the agent
is expressed by means of a pronoun or noun, and the verbal noun does
not change, just as the illa of course does not change either. Before the
initial i of illa, the final u of the verbal noun is elided (māḍuvudu + illa
> māḍuvudilla, etc.):

ಾನು ಾಡುವYĘಲÀ nānu māḍuvudilla I do not do / will

not do
ಾವY ಾಡುವYĘಲÀ nāvu māḍuvudilla we do not do / will
not do
ಅವರು avaru māḍuvudilla they do not do /
ಾಡುವYĘಲÀ will not do

ಾನು nānu bareyuvudilla I do not write / will

ಬ ೆಯುವYĘಲÀ not write
ಾವY nāvu bareyuvudilla we do not write /
ಬ ೆಯುವYĘಲÀ will not write
ಅವರು avaru bareyuvudilla they do not write /
ಬ ೆಯುವYĘಲÀ will not write

An object, or other parts of the sentence, are generally placed between

the subject and the verbal noun.

ಾನು ಪತ¾ವನು· nānu patravannu bare- I will not write

ಬ ೆಯುವYĘಲÀ yuvudilla the letter
ಅವರು ಪYಸ³ಕವನು· avaru pustakavannu ba- they will not write
ಬ ೆಯುವYĘಲÀ reyuvudilla the book
ಾವY ಾ ೆ ಪತ¾ವನು· nāvu nāḷe patravannu we will not write
ಬ ೆಯುವYĘಲÀ ba- the letter
reyuvudilla tomorrow

There is a separate negative form for the present continuous mood,

which is created by using the present participle together with illa. Var-
ious possible sandhis exist. For instance, to say ‘I am not writing’, one
can use:
188 A Manual of Modern Kannada

ಾನು ಬ ೆಯುĖ³ಲÀ nānu bareyuttilla

ಾನು ಬ ೆಯುತ³ ಇಲÀ nānu bareyutta illa
ಾನು ಬ ೆಯು ಾ³ ಇಲÀ nānu bareyuttā illa
ಾನು ಬ ೆಯುತ³ĩಲÀ nānu bareyuttalilla

The first possibility is by far the most common; the second and third
are used when a speaker wishes to emphasize the momentary actuality,
and the fourth possibility is found mainly in the northern part of the
Kannada linguistic area.
Also here, the verbal forms say nothing about the agent and are
invariable:

ಾನು ಬ ೆಯುĖ³ಲÀ nānu bareyuttilla

ĚೕವY ಬ ೆಯುĖ³ಲÀ nīvu bareyuttilla
ಅವರು ಬ ೆಯುĖ³ಲÀ avaru bareyuttilla

In the southern part of the Kannada-speaking area one can hear, as a

recent development in the colloquial language, a new form for present
negation: one takes the verb root and adds alla. Thus one may hear
people say things like nānu baralla for ‘I’m not coming’, adu āgalla ‘that
isn’t possible’ (lit. ‘that is not happening’), avanu bareyalla ‘he does not
write’, etc.

Past negation

The common manner to negate an action in the past 10 is the remarkable

construction of infinitive in alu + illa (with elision of the final u of the
infinitive: bareyalu + illa > bareyalilla):

ಾನು ಬ ೆಯĩಲÀ nānu bareyalilla I did not write

ĚೕವY ಬ ೆಯĩಲÀ nīvu bareyalilla you did not write
ಅವರು ಬ ೆಯĩಲÀ avaru bareyalilla they did not write
 Lesson 15 189

ಾನು ಪತ¾ವನು· nānu patravannu I did not write the

ಬ ೆಯĩಲÀ bareyalilla letter
ಅವರು ಪYಸ³ಕವನು· avaru pustakavannu they did not write
ಬ ೆಯĩಲÀ bareyalilla the book
ಾವY ೆ ೆ· ಪತ¾ವನು· nāvu nāḷe patravannu we did not write the
ಬ ೆಯĩಲÀ bareyalilla letter yesterday

Negation in the perfect mood

To negate an action in the perfect mood, one uses the gerund plus illa.
With verbs of the first class, the final i of the gerund is elided, and with
verbs of the second class, the final u is elided:

ಾನು ಆ ೆಲಸ nānu ā kelasa māḍilla I have not done the

ಾēಲÀ work
ಅವರು ಪYಸ³ಕವನು· avaru pustakavannu they have not written
ಬ ೆĘಲÀ baredilla the book
ಾವY ೆ ೆ· ಪತ¾ವನು· nāvu nenne we have not written
ಬ ೆĘಲÀ patravannu baredilla the letter yesterday

Negation and affirmation of identity explicitly in the three tenses

As we have already seen in the first lesson, there is no copula in Kan-

nada: to express the identity of two things, one simply places them both
in the nominative case in a sentence, the subject usually at the very be-
ginning and that with which the subject is identified at the end, without
a verb (as in ಾನು ī ಾ½ė nānu vidyārthi ‘I am a student’). To express
non-identity, the invariable defective verb form ಅಲÀ alla is used (as in
ಾನು ī ಾ½ė ಯಲÀ nānu vidyārthiyalla ‘I am not a student’). While
it is understood that this statement signifies that ‘I’ and ‘student’ are
not identical in the present, it suggests a certain durability, perhaps
permanence, of that non-identity (‘I have never been a student, and
perhaps I never will be one’).
If one wishes to say that ‘I’ am not a ‘student’ at this very moment
(but that ‘I’ may have been a student in the past, or may become one
later), one uses a different construction, namely: the combination of
190 A Manual of Modern Kannada

the adverbializing gerund āgi together with illa: ಾನು ī ಾ½ė ಾ-

ĆಲÀ nānu vidyārthiyāgilla (literally: ‘I student having-become am-not’).
Grammatically this is a perfect 11 (‘I have not become a student’), and it
may actually have that meaning; but idiomatically, given an appropri-
ate context, it can also denote non-identity in the present. (‘at present
I am not a student’).
Non-identity in the past is expressed by means of āgi + iralilla:

ಾನು nānu vidyārthiyāgiral- I was not a student

ī ಾ½ė ಾĆರĩಲÀ illa (‘I had not become a
student’)

Non-identity in the future is expressed by means of āgi + iruvudilla:

ಾನು nānu vidyārthiyāgiru- I will not be a

ī ಾ½ė ಾĆರĩಲÀ vudilla student (‘I will not
have become a
student’)

In a parallel manner, the combination of āgi with a finite form of iru is

used to express identity with specific regard to past, present or future:

ಾನು nānu vidyārthiyāgiddenu I was a student

ī ಾ½ė ಾĆ ೆµನು
ಾನು nānu vidyārthiyāgiddēne I am a student
ī ಾ½ė ಾĆ ೆµೕ ೆ
ಾನು nānu I will be a student
ī ಾ½ė ಾĆರು ೆನು vidyārthiyāgiruvenu

More literally, these three sentences could be translated as ‘I had be-

come a student’ / ‘I was as a student’, ‘I have become a student’ / ‘I am
as a student’, and ‘I will have become a student’ / ‘I will be as a student’.
Yet this is the way in which the English sentences ‘I was a student’ etc.
are translated into Kannada while retaining the three different tenses.
In a similar way, one can use āgi + iru to create predicates together
with Sanskrit adjectives. The two sentences
 Lesson 15 191

ಇದು ಕಷ® idu kaṣṭa

ಇದು ಕಷ® ಾĆ ೆ idu kaṣṭavāgide

are both correct and both can be translated as ‘this is difficult’. (The
only difference is that because there is no indication of tense in the first
sentence, that sentence suggests that ‘this’ is difficult not only now, but
in general and always.)
In exactly the same way, using bēku + āgi + iru, one can express
that something was required in the past or will be so in the future:

ಆ ಪYಸ³ಕ ನನ ೆ ā pustaka nanage I need that book

ೇ ಾĆ ೆ bēkāgide
ಆ ಪYಸ³ಕ ನನ ೆ ā pustaka nanage I needed that book
ೇ ಾĆತು³ bēkāgittu
ಆ ಪYಸ³ಕ ನನ ೆ ā pustaka nanage I will need that book
ೇ ಾĆರುವYದು bēkāgiruvudu

Because the verb āgu is semantically dynamic (indicating change: ‘to

become’), one can also say:

ಆ ಪYಸ³ಕ ನನ ೆ ā pustaka nanage I will need that book

ೇ ಾಗುತ³ ೆ bēkāguttade

It is useful to think of such a sentence as meaning ‘that book becomes

a required thing for me’.

Exercise
Read and translate the following sentences:
೧. ಅĩÀ ¢ೋಗ ೇಡ.
೨. ಾನು ಊಟ ಾಡ ೇಕು.
೩. ಈಗ ಅವರು ಬರ ೇಕು.
೪. ಾವY ಸÂಲ¸ ¢ಾಲು ಕುēಯ ೇಕು.
೫. ಾಂಸ Ėನು·ವYದು ನನ ೆ ೇಡ.
೬. ಇĩÀ ¢ೆಂಡ ಕುēಯಕೂಡದು.
೭. ¢ಾ ೆ ¢ೇಳ ಾರದು.
192 A Manual of Modern Kannada

೮. ¢ೆಂಡ ಕುēಯಲು ೋವ ೆ¤ ¢ೋಗು ಾ³ ೆ.

೯. ಾಂಸ Ėನು·ವYದು ಆ ೋಗ½ ೆ¤ ೆಟ®ದು.
೧೦. Ěಮ¼ ಕ ೆಯನು· ೇಳುವYದ ೆ¤ ನನ ೆ ತುಂಬ ಆ¡ೆ ಇ ೆ.
೧೧. ಾನು ೋ ಾĆ ಾತ ಾಡುವYĘಲÀ.
೧೨. ಅವರು ಅĩÀ ಬರುವYĘಲÀ.
೧೩. ಅವರು ಅĩÀ ಬಂĘಲÀ.
೧೪. ĚೕವY ಅĩÀ ಬರĩಲÀ ಾ?
೧೫. ನನ·ನು· ಕÄĢĮ.
೧೬. ಾನು ಅದನು· ೋಡĩಲÀ, ಆದ ೆ ಅವರು ೋēದರು.
೧೭. ನನ· ಮ ೆಯವರು ಅಷು® ಒ ೆÁಯ ಪYಸ³ಕಗಳನು· ಓĘಲÀ.
೧೮. ಇವರು ĢĩಟĨ ¢ೋಟĩ ೆ ¢ೋĆ ಊಟ ಾಡĩಲÀ.
೧೯. ಅವರ ಮ ೆಯĩÀ ೋ ೆಯ ģೕ ೆ ಇರುವ ċತ¾ ತುಂಬ ಸುಂದರ-
ಾĆ ೆ.

Vocabulary

ಆ ೋಗ½ ārōgya health

ಆ¡ೆ āse desire, wish
ೋ ೆ gōḍe wall
ೋವ gōva Goa
ೋರು jōru force
Ėನು· tinnu eat
ಾಂಸ māṃsa meat
ĢĩಟĨ miliṭari military
ĢĩಟĨ miliṭari non-vegetarian
¢ೋಟಲು hōṭalu restaurant 12
ಸÂಲ¸ svalpa a bit
¢ೆಂಡ heṃḍa alcoholic beverage
 Lesson 15 193

¢ೋಟಲು hōṭalu restaurant

Notes
1
Alternative but rare forms irike and irvike exist in the older language.
2
Exactly as is the case with the 3rd person neuter singular future and the
pronominalized relative participle: in northern Karnataka, the forms in adu
are common; most Kannada speakers, however, prefer the forms in udu. See
the footnote in lesson 11 concerning pronominalized relative particples.
3
Actually, the distinction between a verbal noun and a pronominalized rela-
tive participle is one that is made from the point of view of a European learner.
For a Kannada speaker, they are one and the same, namely, a ‘thing that has
to do with [verb x]’. This ‘thing’ can be the action expressed by the verb, or
something to which the action applies.
4
Literally ‘I will leave [it]’.
5
One also hears and reads the shortened form māḍiddu (a form that is ex-
tremely common) and in the north, of course, māḍidadu.
6
Called ಾ ಾಥ ನೂ½ನ bhāvārthanyūna, Venkatachalasastry 2007: 159.
7
This sounds bizarre, as we are dealing here with verb forms, and verbs are
not normally considered to have case endings. The learner must bear in mind
that the use of Indo-European grammatical terminology is often problematic in
the description of Dravidian languages, and a linguistic phenomenon in Dra-
vidian that is thus labelled with an Indo-European term may not always behave
in ways which one would expect from similarly labelled Indo-European phe-
nomena.
8
Translated literally like this, the answer appears a bit gruff and inconsiderate.
This is, however, not necessarily the case; the intonation will determine the
gruffness of the reply.
9
This text can often be seen on signs in public places.
10
For the sake of completeness: there is also another possible, but very un-
common method, namely: to use the verbal noun for the past + illa: ಾನು
ಬ ೆದುĘಲÀ nānu baredudilla ‘I did not write’.
11
See lesson 12.
12
Note the semantic shift: although hōṭalu is an English loanword, it does not
mean ‘hotel’.
 Lesson 16
The quotative verb ಎನು· ennu – expressions with ೊತು³ gottu

The quotative verb ennu

It often occurs that a speaker or author does not make statements of
his own (direct speech), but reports the statements of others, such as
in a sentence like ‘he says that he will come’. Here there is mention
of a ‘he’, a third person, and it is reported that ‘he’ says that ‘he’ will
come. This is an example of indirect or reported speech.
In reported speech, English, like the other modern Indo-European
languages of Western Europe, first expresses what is done with the
speech contents (to say, to ask, to think, to wonder, to shout, etc. etc.);
this is followed by a marker that indicates that the reported speech
begins there (French que, German dass, Dutch dat, English that); 1 fi-
nally, after the marker, the reported speech follows (hij zegt, dat hij
komt; er sagt, dass er kommt; il dit qu’il vienne; he says that he will come).
In these European languages, there is no marker to indicate when the
reported speech is completed. In Kannada, the situation is the exact
opposite: there is only a marker to indicate the completion of the re-
ported speech, and not the beginning. (Here it may be useful to think
that a Kannadiga says something like ‘I will come – thus he said’.)
The Dravidian structure is radically different, but it has its own in-
ner coherence and logic: (1) the reported speech is stated first; (2) then
comes a marker that indicates that the reported speech is completed;
(3) finally there is a verbal expression that says what is done with the
contents of the reported speech (whether it is thought / presumed /
said / written / asked / etc.). The marker that indicates the end of the
reported speech is a special verb form, namely, a form of the strong
verb ಎನು· ennu. 2
This verb ennu is syntactically highly important, and it is semanti-
cally very interesting. Kannada dictionaries generally give ‘to say’ as
its primary meaning, but the semantic field of the verb is much greater
(see below). The most important forms of this verb are not the fully
conjugated, finite forms, but the non-past relative participle and, espe-
cially, the gerund.
The main use of ಎಂದು eṃdu, the gerund of ಎನು· ennu, can be
thought of as a kind of audible quotation mark that closes a quote
196 A Manual of Modern Kannada

from direct speech. But, as already indicated above, this gerund does
not only mean ‘having said’: eṃdu indicates the end of any contents
of the mind that are reported: a thought, a feeling, a fear, a wish, a
hope – any of these can be stated and then concluded with ಎಂದು eṃdu.
In colloquial speech, the alternative form ಅಂತ aṃta is common, 3 and
this is therefore often found in dialogue passages in modern fiction.

ಾ ೆ ಬರು ೆ³ೕ ೆ “nāḷe baruttēne” “I’ll come

ಎಂದು ¢ೇĪದನು eṃdu hēḷidanu tomorrow,” he said
ಇದು ೆ ಾ·Ć ೆ “idu cennāgide” “this is nice,” I
ಎಂದು eṃdu yōcisidenu thought
ŤೕċĮ ೆನು
ಅವರು ಬರುವYĘಲÀ avaru baruvudilla she feared that he
ಎಂದು ¢ೆದĨದಳು eṃdu hedaridaḷu would not come

For the sake of clarity, the reported speech has been placed between
quotation marks in two of the above examples. Syntactically there is
no difference in Kannada between the equivalents of “‘I’ll come tomor-
row,’ he said” and “he said that he’ll come tomorrow”. Kannada has
only this one construction: first the reported speech, then a form of
ennu, then a statement of what is done with the reported speech.
The verb ennu can be thought to mean not only an audible saying,
but also an inner saying (such as in ‘he said to himself’). When this verb
is used in a finite verb form (ennuttēne ‘I say’, etc.), ennu means ‘to say’.
The important non-finite form eṃdu ‘having said’ (the gerund) merely
indicates the end of some sort of mental content, be this a thought,
a feeling, an intuition, or whatever else that can appear to the mind.
This is found in sentences such as the following:

ಅವರು ಬರುವYĘಲÀ avaru baruvudilla she feared that he

ಎಂದು ¢ೆದĨದಳು eṃdu hedaridaḷu would not come
ಇದು ೆ ಾ·Ć ೆ idu cennāgide eṃdu I thought this is
ಎಂದು yōcisidenu nice
ŤೕċĮ ೆನು
ಇದು ಬಹಳ ಕಷ® idu bahaḷa kaṣṭa he wrote that this is
ಎಂದು ಬ ೆದರು eṃdu baredaru very difficult
 Lesson 16 197

ಹಣ ಎĩÀ ೆ ಎಂದು haṇa ellide 4 eṃdu he asked where the

ೇĪದರು kēḷidaru money is

In almost all such sentences, eṃdu can be translated by ‘that’.

Eṃdu and sandhi. In writing, it is extremely common to see eṃdu
connected with the preceding word according to the regular rules of
sandhi, either lōpasaṃdhi or ādēśasaṃdhi, depending on the preceding
word:

ಅವರು avaru she feared that he

ಬರುವYĘಲÀ ೆಂದು baruvudillaveṃdu would not come
¢ೆದĨದಳು hedaridaḷu
ಇದು ಬಹಳ idu bahaḷa he wrote that this is
ಕಷ® ೆಂದು ಬ ೆದರು kaṣṭaveṃdu very difficult
baredaru
¢ೋಗ ೇ ೆಂದು hōgabēkeṃdu he said that [we /
¢ೇĪದರು hēḷidaru he / somebody]
have / has to go

Originally, the thought content that precedes eṃdu was given exactly
as if it were direct speech; however, apparently under the corrupting
influence of English, the syntax of reported-speech sentences in some
modern writings does not always follow this rule, and the reader must
always beware of the context: avanu baruttāne eṃdu hēḷidanu and nānu
baruttēne eṃdu hēḷidanu may, in contemporary language, in effect mean
the same – the second sentence has the original Kannada syntax (“I will
come,” he said), whereas the first one is an imitation of the English ‘he
said that he will come’. 5
Because ennu is a fully conjugatable verb, we can also create the
relative participles ಎನು·ವ ennuva (non-past; there exists also the his-
torically older but very often heard form ಎಂಬ eṃba) and ಎಂದ eṃda
(past):

ಅವರು ಲಂಡ ್ avaru Laṃḍan eṃba they went to a

ಎಂಬ ಊĨ ೆ ūrige hōdaru place named
¢ೋದರು ‘London’
198 A Manual of Modern Kannada

The relative participle can, of course, be pronominalized, which leads

to words such as ಎಂಬುದು eṃbudu (and its equivalent ಎನು·ವYದು ennu-
vudu). This meaning of this interesting word can be described as ‘that
which has to do with what has been reported just now’ or ‘that which is
expressed in the preceding statement’. There is no easy translation for
eṃbudu, and a translator needs to find a free but adequate equivalent
in the target language, such as in the following:

ಹುಡುĆಯರು ¢ೆಚು© huḍugiyaru heccu I do not like the

ಓದ ಾರದು ōdabāradu eṃbudu idea that girls
ಎಂಬುದು ನನ ೆ nanage iṣṭavalla should not read
ಇಷ®ವಲÀ much

Here the entire clause that precedes eṃbudu (namely, huḍugiyaru heccu
ōdabāradu) is a ‘thing’ (something that could be indicated by adu, ‘that’)
that is the mental contents or notion, or a thing that can be said (a
eṃba-du) that is not (alla) pleasing (iṣṭa) to me (nanage).
It is also possible to combine a relative participle of ennu with the
postposition mēle ‘after’, creating the meaning ‘after [x] was said’: 6

ಇದು ೆ ಾ·ĆಲÀ ೆಂದ idu cennāgillaveṃda after 7 having said

ģೕ ೆ ಾನು mēle nānu hōdenu that this is not nice,
¢ೋ ೆನು I went

aṃte ‘they say’ / ‘it is said’

One special form of ennu that is found especially in colloquial use is
ಅಂ ೆ aṃte, which is a contraction of ಅನು·ತ³ ೆ annuttade, which again
is an alloform (alternative form) of ಎನು·ತ³ ೆ ennuttade ‘it says’. It in-
dicates a vague, generalized form of reported speech, and it is best
translated into English as ‘it is said that’, ‘they say that’, ‘reportedly’,
‘supposedly’ etc. Often it is tagged on to the immediately preceding
word and connected to it in writing according to the usual rules of
sandhi.
 Lesson 16 199

ಅವನು ಾಡĩಲÀ avanu māḍalilla they say he didn’t

ಅಂ ೆ aṃte do it
ģೖಸೂರು maisūru Mysore is reported
ಸುಂದರ ಾದ suṃdaravāda ūraṃte to be a beautiful
ಊರಂ ೆ town

The reader must be careful not to mistake this word for the homonym
ಅಂ ೆ aṃte which means ‘thus’ or ‘so’ (an exact synonym of ¢ಾ ೆ hāge).
In practice this does not happen, because (a) the quotative aṃte is al-
ways the very last word in a sentence and the adverbial aṃte usually
is not, (b) usually the adverbial aṃte is grammatically connected with
the immediately preceding word, which is either a noun or pronoun in
the genitive case or a relative participle.

Expressions with gottu

The word ೊತು³ gottu basically means ‘knowledge’; 8 but in practice

it is often better to think of it as meaning ‘something that is known’.
There is a Kannada verb for ‘to know’ (ari), but in everyday practice
this is rather rarely used. It is far more common to speak of an object
(inanimate or animate, non-human or human, singular or plural) as a
‘gottu’ (always singular) ‘to’ somebody. As with so many other expres-
sions for mental processes, the logical subject is in the dative. Thus
one does not say ‘I know that’, but ‘that to me [is a] known [thing]’:
ಅದು ನನ ೆ ೊತು³ adu nanage gottu.
Occasionally one can also hear and read ಅದು ನನ ೆ ೊĖ³ ೆ adu
nanage gottide, the ಇ ೆ ide emphasizing the presentness of this knowl-
edge (likewise, ಅದು ನನ ೆ ೊĖ³ತು³ adu nanage gottittu means ‘I knew
that’). However, when gottu is used together with the verb āgu (in
other words: ‘to become knowledge’), the meaning is ‘to understand’:
ಅದು ನನ ೆ ೊ ಾ³Ć ೆ adu nanage gottāgide ‘to me that has become
knowledge’ = ‘I have understood that’. 9

Exercise
Read and translate the following sentences:
೧. ಇವತು³ ಅವರು ಬರುವ ೆಂದು ಾನು ೇĪ ೆµೕ ೆ.
೨. ಅದು ೇಡ ೆಂದು ¢ೇĪದರು.
200 A Manual of Modern Kannada

೩. ನನಗೂ Ěಮಗೂ ಅದು ೇಡ ೆಂದು ŤೕċĮ ೆನು.

೪. ಇĩÀ 10 ಬರುವYದು ಸುಲಭŜೕ ಕಷ®Ŝೕ ಎಂದು ೇĪĘ ಾ?
೫. ಅಲÀ, ಬರುವYದು ¡ಾಧ½Ŝೕ ಎಂದು ೇĪ ೆ.
೬. ಆ ೆಲಸವನು· ¢ಾ ೆ ಾಡುವYದು ಕಷ® ೆಂದು ¢ೇĪದರು.
೭. ĚೕವY ಓĘದ ಪYಸ³ಕ ತುಂಬ ಒ ೆÁಯ ೆಂದು ೇĪ ೆµೕ ೆ.
೮. ಇದು ೇ ೋ ೇಡŜೕ ಎಂದು ನನ ೆ ೊĖ³ಲÀ.
‘೯. ¢ೌದು, ಾನು ಾಡು ೆ³ೕ ೆ’ ಎಂದ ģೕ ೆ ಅವನು ಏನೂ ಾēಲÀ.
೧೦. ಅವನು ಅದನು· ಾēಲÀ ಎಂಬುದ ೆ¤ ಾರಣīಲÀ.

Religions of Karnataka

ಲౖÆణ

Picture of Lakṣmi with a small

altar in a private clinic, Mysore

ಲĄÄà īಷು²īನ ಪĖ·. ಇವಳು ¡ೌ ಾಗ½ ೊಡು ಾ³ ೆ. ಆ ೋಗ½ ಮತು³

ಸಂಪತು³ಗಳ ೇī 11 ಇವಳು.
ī ೇಷ ಾĆ ೈಷ²ವರು ಲĄÄàಯನು· ಪwčಸು ಾ³ ೆ. ತುಂಬ ಭĄ³ĥರುವ 12
ೈಷ²ವರ ಮ ೆಯ įತ³ĩನĩÀ ತುಳĮಕ ೆ® ಇ ೆ: ಇದರĩÀ ತುಳĮಯ Ćಡ
ೆ ೆಯುತ³ ೆ. ೆĪ ೆ¦ ಮ ೆಯ ಒಡĖ ಇದರ ಪ¾ದĄÄ ೆ ಾಡುವಳು. ತುಳĮ
 Lesson 16 201

ಎಂದ ೆ ಲĄÄàಯ Ćಡ, ಪīತ¾ ಾದ Ćಡ. ಅದರ ಎ ೆಗĪ ೆ ī ೇಷ ಾದ ಶĄ³

ಇ ೆ, 13 ಔಷę ಾĆ ಬಳಸು ಾ³ ೆ. 14
ೈಷ²ವರು ಾತ¾ ಲĄÄà ೆ ಪw ೆ ಾಡು ಾ³ ೆ ಎಂದಲÀ. 15 ಹಲವY ಅಂಗē-
ಗಳĩÀ ಅವಳ ċತ¾ ೋ ೆಯ ģೕ ೆ ಾĕಸುತ³ ೆ, ಅಂಗēಯವರು ಲĄÄàಯ
Ęನ ಾದ ಶುಕ¾ ಾರದĩÀ 16 ಅವĪ ೆ ċಕ¤ ಪw ೆ ಾಡುವರು.

Vocabulary

ಅಂಗēಯವರು aṃgaḍiyavaru shopkeeper

ಇವತು³ ivattu today
ಎಂದ ೆ eṃdare i.e., that is to say
ಎ ೆ ele leaf
ಒಡĖ oḍati mistress, owner
ಔಷę auṣadhi medicine
ಕ ೆ® kaṭṭe mount
ಾĕಸು kāṇisu to be seen
ಾರಣ kāraṇa cause, reason
Ćಡ giḍa plant
ೊತು³ gottu knowledge, known thing
ೋ ೆ gōḍe wall
ತುಳĮ tuḷasi Indian basil
ೇī dēvi goddess
ಪĖ· patni wife
ಪīತ¾ pavitra pure, holy
ಪwčಸು pūjisu to worship
ಪ¾ದĄÄ ೆ pradakṣiṇe circumambulation
ಬಹಳ bahaḷa much, many, very
ಬಳಸು baḷasu to use
ೆĪ ೆ¦ beḷigge in the morning
202 A Manual of Modern Kannada

ೆ ೆ beḷe to grow
ಭĄ³ bhakti devotion
ಮತು³ mattu and
ಾತ¾ mātra only
ೈಷ²ವ vaiṣṇava (devotee) of Viṣṇu 17
ಶĄ³ śakti energy, power
ಶುಕ¾ ಾರ śukravāra energy, power
ಸಂಪತು³ saṃpattu wealth
¡ಾಧ½ sādhya possible
ಸುಲಭ sulabha easy
¡ೌ ಾಗ½ saubhāgya well-being
ಹಲವY halavu many
įತ³ಲು hittalu back yard
¢ೆಚು© heccu much, a lot, very
¢ೆದರು hedaru to fear

Notes
1
Especially in colloquial English, this marker can be omitted if this does not
impair the clarity of the statement: ‘he says he will come’ is a correct sentence
in English, whereas in most other modern European languages the marker (que,
dat, etc.) cannot be omitted.
2
We see an almost perfect parallel in the use of the particle iti in Sanskrit
(which is yet another example of how ‘Indo-European’ / ‘Indo-Aryan’ in In-
dia, already from its earliest historical beginnings, was strongly influenced by
Dravidian).
3
This is derived from the colloquial alternative form of the same verb, annu,
namely, a contracted present participle: annutta > aṃta. In coastal Karnataka,
one can also hear (and read) the variant eṃta.
4
elli + ide > ellide, with elision of the final i of elli. This occurs very commonly
when elli is followed by a form of iru ‘to be’. See lōpasaṃdhi in the appendix
on sandhi.
5
Sediyapu Krishna Bhatta mentioned this in an unfinished article that was
first published in 1992 (“Padabhēdagaḷu”, Bhatta 2002: 226-232): he notes
 Lesson 16 203

that English has pratyakṣakathana (direct speech) and parōkṣakathana (indirect

speech), whereas namma dēśada bhāṣegaḷalli ī eraḍu rītiya kathanakramagaḷil-
lade kēvala pratyakṣakathanavu mātra ide “in the languages of our country these
two types of speech do not exist, only direct speech exists”. Nevertheless, iṃgliṣ
bhāṣāniyamagaḷannē kannaḍakkū anvayisi nānā vākyarūpagaḷannu kannaḍada sa-
hajaniyamagaḷige viruddhavāgiyū nirmisuvudannu kāṇuttēve “we see that various
sentence forms are constructed by applying the rules of the English language
also to Kannada, although this violates the natural rules of Kannada”.
6
Of course other such combinations of relative participles of ennu with post-
positions are possible, e.g., ennuva muṃce ‘before saying’.
7
Although the primary meaning of mēle is a spacial one (‘on’), it can also have
a temporal meaning (‘after’). Cf. the old-fashionedly English ‘upon having
said. . .’ or the German darauf, which can mean both ‘on that’ or ‘after that’.
8
It is derived from ಗುರುತು gurutu ‘sign, mark’.
9
The expression ೊ ಾ³ĥ ಾ? gottāyitā? ( ೊತು³ + ಆĥತು ‘did knowledge
arise?’, ‘has knowledge occurred’?) is often heard in somewhat more quarrel-
some language and carries a similar message as the English ‘did you get it?’,
the Italo-American capisce?, the German hast du es kapiert?, etc.
10
Very careful speakers and authors will say ಇĩÀ ೆ ಬರುವYದು illige baruvudu,
which would correspond to the more highly literary English ‘coming hither’
(German: hierher kommen). Ordinarily, just as in English, a Kannadiga will say
illi baruvudu ‘coming here’.
11
Here ārōgya and saṃpattu are to be read together, as a pair: ‘health and
prosperity’, and Lakṣmi is the goddess of both.
12
bhakti + y + iruva, ‘devotion-being’, i.e., ‘in [whom] there is devotion’ =
‘devoted, pious’. Verbal expressions corresponding to the English ‘to have’, ‘to
possess’ etc. will be discussed in a later lesson.
13
‘to the leaves. . . is’ = ‘the leaves have’.
14
baḷasuttāre ‘they use’ can be used impersonally, just as in English (‘people
use’, ‘it is used’).
15
eṃdalla = eṃdu alla, ‘it is not so that’, or ‘this is not to say that’.
16
śukravāradalli ‘on Friday[s]’. Lakṣmiya dina-v-āda śukravāra ‘Lakṣmi’s day
having-become Friday-in’ = ‘on Friday[s], the day of Lakṣmi’. Indian astrology
assigns the days of the week not only to heavenly bodies, but also to various
deities: Monday is the day of Śiva, etc.
17
vaiṣṇava is actually the Sanskrit adjective that is derived from the name
Viṣṇu, hence it more generally means ‘related to Viṣṇu’, ‘Viṣṇuite’. Cf. śaiva
‘related to [god] Śiva’ and jaina ‘related to the Jinas’ (the jina‑s or ‘victori-
ous ones’ are the most holy persons in Jainism, who have overcome all their
karma).
 Lesson 17

Statue of Śiva at Murdeshwar,

the second largest statue of Śiva in the world

How to indicate possession – the negative mood – the potential mood

How to indicate possession

Nearly all European languages have a simple verb that indicates pos-
session: in English it is to have, in French avoir, in German haben, in
Dutch hebben, etc. This verb indicates that a person is the possessor of
an object (e.g., ‘I have a book’), or that something is a part of some-
thing else (e.g., ‘this book has ten chapters’). Neither the duration nor
the exact nature of the appurtenance is indicated by these semantically
rather vague verbs: possession may be assumed to be permanent and
constituent (e.g., ‘I have a nose’) or temporary and accidental (e.g., ‘I
have money’).
In Kannada, as in other Dravidian languages, the situation is more
differentiated; there is no verb corresponding to the English ‘to have’,
and completely different mechanisms are used for indicating possession
and appurtenance. There are three different common ways in Kannada
to express possession, depending on the kind of possession: (1) when
206 A Manual of Modern Kannada

the possession is considered permanent and essential, e.g., when speak-

ing about body parts, family relationships, or characteristic traits; (2)
when the possession is considered impermanent or accidental and non-
essential or ephemeral, e.g., when speaking about material possessions;
(3) when the possession is considered to be very temporary.
(1) The first type of possession (permanent and essential) is ex-
pressed by means of the dative together with a form of the verb iru ‘to
be’. For instance, the construction ನನ ೆ . . . ಇ ೆ nanage . . . ide for ‘I
have. . .’ literally means ‘to me is. . .’: 1

ನನ ೆ ಮೂಗು ಇ ೆ nanage mūgu ide I have a nose

Ěಮ ೆ ಬುʶ ಇ ೆ nimage buddhi ide you have intelligence
[ = you are intelligent]
ನನ ೆ ಮೂರು ಜನ nanage mūru jana I have three younger
ತಮ¼ಂĘರು ಇ ಾµ ೆ tammaṃdiru iddāre brothers

(2) Possession of material goods other than body parts is not considered
essential and permanent, and here Kannada uses the genitive with a
form of the verb iru:

ನನ· ಮ ೆ ಇ ೆ nanna mane ide I have a house [lit.

‘my house is’]

One also may find a variation of this construction, using a pronominal-

ized genitive:

ನನ· ೊಂದು (ನನ·ದು nannadoṃdu (nanna- I have a house [lit.

ಒಂದು) ಮ ೆ ಇ ೆ du oṃdu) mane ide ‘mine a house is’]

(3) When the object that is possessed is considered to be very tempo-

rary, the possessor is not indicated by the genitive case, but by one of
a number of possible expressions of proximity, for instance:

Ěಮ¼ĩÀ ತುಂಬ nimmalli tuṃba you have many books

ಪYಸ³ಕಗಳು ಇ ೆ pustakagaḷu ive [lit. ‘where you are,
many books are’]
 Lesson 17 207

ಅವನ ಹĖ³ರ ಹಣ avana hattira haṇa he has money [lit.

ಇ ೆ ide ‘near to him money is’]

The second example (ಅವನ ಹĖ³ರ ಹಣ ಇ ೆ ) suggests that at this very

moment, ‘he’ happens to have some money, and that this situation will
not last for very long (for instance, because he wants to spend it on
something, or because he will go home and change his clothes and the
money will be in the pocket of his other trousers).
Other such expressions of proximity include ಬĪ ‘near’ and ೈಯĩÀ
‘in the hand [of]’, both of which are also construed with the genitive
case of the possessing person.
It is important to distinguish these different types of relationships
between possessor and possessed, because the choice of the wrong con-
struction may lead to misleading or somewhat ridiculous results. ಅವನ
ಹĖ³ರ ಮೂಗು ಇ ೆ avana hattira mūgu ide suggests that ‘he’ is holding
a severed nose in his hand (e.g., he may be a hunter and have cut off
the nose of an animal), and ಅವĚ ೆ ಮ ೆ ಇ ೆ avanige mane ide suggests
that ‘he’ was born with a house, just as people are born with limbs of
their bodies, and that this house will remain with him for the rest of
his life.
This distinction between permanence and temporariness is no long-
er strictly indicated when the relationship between possessor and pos-
sessed is expressed attributively, i.e., by means of the relative participle
iruva:

ಹಣīರುವ ಸಂ¡ೆ´ haṇaviruva saṃsthe an institution that has

money
ಬುʶĥರುವ buddhiyiruva vidyārthi a student with intelligence
ī ಾ½ė

As the above examples show, ಇರುವ iruva is joined to the preceding

word according to the usual rules of sandhi. Literally, these phrases
mean ‘an institution where there is money’ and ‘a student in whom
there is intelligence’. (Idiomatically, one would prefer to translate
them adjectivally, as ‘a rich institution’ and ‘a bright student’.) Of
course such expressions can also be pronominalized: buddhiyiruvavanu
208 A Manual of Modern Kannada

‘a fellow in whom there is / who has intelligence’, i.e., ‘an intelligent

fellow’.

Forms of the defective verb uḷ

Instead of ಇರುವ iruva, one often finds (mainly in the written language)
the relative participle ಉಳÁ uḷḷa, which is derived from the defective
verb uḷ ‘to be’.

ಹಣವYಳÁ ಸಂ¡ೆ´ haṇavuḷḷa saṃsthe an institution that has

money
ಬುʶಯುಳÁ buddhiyuḷḷa vidyārthi a student with intelligence
ī ಾ½ė

(Interestingly, uḷḷa is sometimes found to be used with the accusative

case, as if uḷ were a transitive verb meaning ‘to have’. 2)
A pronominalized form of uḷḷa is found as the first word of one of
the most famous of all Kannada poems, the twelfth-century vacana 820
of Basava: ಉಳÁವರು Ĭ ಾಲಯ ಾಡುವರು uḷḷavaru śivālaya māḍuvaru
[...], which has been translated as “The rich will make temples for Śi-
va”: 3 uḷḷavaru here means ‘those with whom there is’, i.e., we have here
a euphemistic expression for the rich, ‘with whom there is wealth’. 4
The only other form of this defective verb that is still in use is the
third person singular neuter ಉಂಟು uṃṭu ‘it is’. Regionally (in coastal
Karnataka) however, one occasionally hears uṃṭu used as a general
equivalent for the present tense of iru in all persons and genders in
both singular and plural. 5
Uṃṭu is also used in combination with the verbs āgu and māḍu.
The resulting ಉಂ ಾಗು uṃṭāgu and ಉಂಟು ಾಡು uṃṭumāḍu (which
means exactly the same as ಉಂ ಾĆಸು uṃṭāgisu) respectively mean ‘to
originate, arise, be created’ and ‘to create’.

The negative mood

Besides the past, present and future tenses, Dravidian has negative verb
forms. We have already come across two defective negative verb forms
(illa and alla). English possesses other negative words, like ‘never’,
‘nowhere’, ‘nothing’, etc. Such words do not exist in Kannada; instead,
 Lesson 17 209

as we have already seen, short phrases containing negative verb forms

are used.
In standard modern Kannada, an action is negated not by using
a conjugated finite verb form, but by means of a verbal noun, an in-
finitive, or a gerund (as we have seen) together with the defective illa.
But there exist, however, fully inflected finite negative verb forms with
personal endings. These forms are made by directly adding personal
endings to the verb root to create the forms of the negative mood or
Ě ೇ ಾಥ īę niṣēdhārthavidhi: 6

(first class)
singular plural
ಾ ೆನು māḍenu ಾ ೆವY māḍevu
ಾē māḍi ಾēĨ māḍiri
ಾಡನು māḍanu ಾಡರು māḍaru
ಾಡಳು māḍaḷu
ಾಡದು māḍadu ಾಡವY māḍavu

(second class)
singular plural
ಕ ೆĦನು kareyenu ಕ ೆĦವY kareyevu
ಕ ೆĦ kareyi ಕ ೆĥĨ kareyiri
ಕ ೆಯನು kareyanu ಕ ೆಯರು kareyaru
ಕ ೆಯಳು kareyaḷu
ಕ ೆಯದು kareyadu ಕ ೆಯವY kareyavu

In modern usage, these forms are generally considered rather old-fash-

ioned and hardly occur. The main reason for this is that they do not
indicate time: they are absolute negations, negating the occurrence of
an action or process categorically, without reference to a specific point
in time. A sentence such as ā kelasavannu māḍenu “I do not do that
work” would signify “I have never done such a thing, I am not doing
it now, and I will never do it.” Usually, a speaker will wish to make a
negation with regard to a specific setting in time, and therefore there
are only few occasions where these forms of the negative mood would
be of use today.
210 A Manual of Modern Kannada

Another obvious reason why these forms are rarely used nowadays
is their ambiguity. Forms like kareyiri and māḍi look exactly like the
imperatives.
Two non-finite negative forms, however, are used frequently: one
is the negative gerund, which is formed by adding the suffix -ade to
the verb root. The other is the negative relative participle, formed
by adding -ada to the verb root.

ಅವನು ೆಲಸ Avanu kelasa māḍa- He went home

ಾಡ ೆ ಮ ೆ ೆ de manege hōdanu. without having
¢ೋದನು. done the work.
ಅದು ಾನು ಾಡದ Adu nānu māḍada That is work that I
ೆಲಸ. kelasa. will never do / do
not do.

The negative verbal noun, derived from the negative relative partici-
ple, is extremely rare in the modern language, because of the great simi-
larity in pronunciation, especially in quick speech, to the past tense ver-
bal noun (compare, for instance, māḍadudu [negative] and māḍidudu
[past]). Instead, the combination of the negative gerund plus the ver-
bal noun of iru ‘to be’ is commonly preferred, the final e of the negative
gerund being elided: hōgade + iruvudu > hōgadiruvudu ‘not going’, etc.
The negative relative participle illada is also used when one wishes
to communicate non-possession. Compare the following phrases with
the ones given earlier in this lesson:

ಹಣīಲÀದ ಸಂ¡ೆ´ haṇavillada saṃsthe an institution without

money
ಬುʶĥಲÀದ buddhiyillada vidyārthi a stupid student
ī ಾ½ė

Literally, these phrases mean ‘an institution where there is no money’

and ‘a student in whom there is no intelligence’. Of course such ex-
pressions can also be pronominalized: buddhiyilladavanu ‘a fellow who
has no intelligence’, ‘a dunce’.
 Lesson 17 211

The potential mood

The last type of finite verb forms constitutes what is usually termed
the potential mood (in Kannada: ಸಂ ಾವ ಾರೂಪīę saṃbhāvanārū-
pavidhi). These forms indicate not actual reality, but possibility or
potentiality. Because it does not refer to reality anyway, the potential
mood has no tense forms.
Nowadays many consider this mood a bit old-fashioned, and it has
largely been replaced by the construction infinitive + ಬಹುದು bahudu
(as has been discussed in an earlier lesson). Its use is found mainly
in the more highly literate and cultured sections of Kannada-speaking
society.
The potential is formed by adding specially modified personal end-
ings (they resemble the endings of the past tense, but with a lengthened
first vowel) to the gerund of the verb; the one exception is the third
person singular neuter. With verbs of the first class, there are alterna-
tive, similar forms in most persons.

Personal suffixes for the potential mood

person (gender) singular (gender) plural

1 ēnu ēvu
2 ī īri
3 masc. ānu epicene āru
fem. āḷu
neuter ītu neuter āvu

First class (‘I may make’, etc.)

singular
1st ps. ಾēĦೕನು / ಾ ೆ½ೕನು māḍiyēnu / māḍyēnu /
/ ಾ ೇನು māḍēnu

2nd ps. ಾēೕ māḍī

3rd ps. ಾē ಾನು / ಾ ಾ½ನು māḍiyānu / māḍyānu /
masc. / ಾ ಾನು māḍānu
212 A Manual of Modern Kannada

ಾē ಾಳು / ಾ ಾ½ಳು māḍiyāḷu / māḍyāḷu / māḍāḷu

/ ಾ ಾಳು
3rd ps. ಾēೕತು māḍītu
neuter

plural
1st ps. ಾēĦೕವY / ಾ ೆ½ೕವY māḍiyēvu / māḍyēvu /
/ ಾ ೇವY māḍēvu

2nd ps. ಾēೕĨ māḍīri

3rd ps. ಾē ಾರು / ಾ ಾ½ರು māḍiyāru / māḍyāru /
epic. / ಾ ಾರು māḍāru

3rd ps. ಾē ಾವY / ಾ ಾ½ವY māḍiyāvu / māḍyāvu /

neuter / ಾ ಾವY māḍāvu

Second class (‘I may call’, etc.)

singular plural
1st ps. ಕ ೆ ೇನು karedēnu 1st ps. ಕ ೆ ೇವY karedēvu
2nd ps. ಕ ೆĘೕ karedī 2nd ps. ಕ ೆĘೕĨ karedīri
3rd ps. ಕ ೆ ಾನು karedānu 3rd ps. ಕ ೆ ಾರು karedāru
masc. epic.
3rd ps. ಕ ೆ ಾಳು karedāḷu
fem.
3rd ps. ಕ ೆĥೕತು kareyītu 3rd ps. ಕ ೆ ಾವY karedāvu
nt. nt.
 Lesson 17 213

Religions of Karnataka

ಬಸವಣ´

ಕ ಾ ಟಕದĩÀ ಹಲವY ೇ ೆ ೇ ೆ ಾĢ ಕ ಪರಂಪ ೆಗಳ ಅನು ಾĥ-

ಗಳು ಇ ಾµ ೆ. ಈ ಪರಂಪ ೆಗಳĩÀ ೆಲವY ಾ¾ċೕನ ಾĆ ೆ, ಇವYಗಳ ಅನು-
ಾĥಗಳು ಎಷು® ಶತ ಾನಗĪಂದ ಕ ಾ ಟಕದĩÀದµ ೆಂದು ಾĨಗೂ ಸĨ-
ಾĆ ೊĖ³ಲÀ. ೇ ೆ ೆಲವY ಪರಂಪ ೆಗಳು ಕ ಾ ಟಕದ ¢ೊರĆĚಂದ
ಬಂದುವY. ೆಲŜģ¼ ಕ ಾ ಟಕದ ೆÀೕ ¢ೊಸ ಾĢ ಕ ೆಳವĕ ೆಗಳು
ಸಂಭīĮದುವY.
ಹ ೆ·ರಡ ೆಯ ಶತ ಾನದĩÀ ಉತ³ರ ಕ ಾ ಟಕದĩÀ ಬಸವ ಎಂಬ ಅನು-
ಾī ಬದುĄದರು. ಇವರು ¡ಾಂಪ¾ ಾĥಕ ೈವ ಕುಟುಂಬದĩÀ ಹುđ®ದವರು,
ಆದ ೆ ¡ಾಂಪ¾ ಾĥಕ ಾĢ ಕ čೕವನದ ಬ ೆ¦ ಅವರು ಅತೃಪ³ ಾದರು. ī-
ೇಷ ಾĆ ಾನವರ ಗುಂಪY ಾĨ ೆĥಂದ ಉಂ ಾದ ವ½Ą³ಗಳ ಅಸ ಾನ ೆಯ
ಬ ೆ¦ ಅತೃě³ ೊಂಡರು. ಇವರ ಮನĮÅ ೆ ಇēಯ ಪ¾ಪಂಚ Ĭವಮಯ, ಆದ ೆ
ಹಲವY ಮಂĘ ೆ ಇದು ೊĖ³ಲÀ. ೆಲವರು Ĭವನನು· ಅನುಭīಸ ೇ ೆಂದು
ೈĖಕ ಾĆ ಬದುಕು ಾ³ ೆ. ೈಯĄ³ಕ ¡ಾಧ ೆĦೕ ಅನು ಾವ ೆ¤ ಮುಖ½ ೆಂದು
ಇವĨ ೆ ೊ ಾ³ĥತು: ಒಬº ಮನುಷ½ ಏನು ಾಡು ಾ³ ೋ ಅದು ಮುಖ½,
ಆ ಮನುಷ½ನ ¡ಾ ಾčಕ į ೆ· ೆ, ಾĖ ಇ ಾ½Ę ಮುಖ½ವಲÀ ೆಂದು ನಂĠ
ಇವರು ‘ವಚನಗಳು’ ಎಂಬ ċಕ¤ ¡ಾįತ½ಕೃĖಗಳĩÀ ಬ ೆದರು. ಹಲವರು ಇವ-
ರನು· ě¾ೕĖĥಂದ ‘ಬಸವಣ²’ ೆಂದು ಕ ೆಯು ಾ³ ೆ.

Statue of the great bull Nandi, Śiva’s vehicle (at Chamundi Hill, Mysore):
one of the largest bull statues in the world
214 A Manual of Modern Kannada

Vocabulary

ಅತೃಪ³ atṛpta dissatisfied

ಅತೃě³ atṛpti dissatisfaction
ಅನುಭīಸು anubhavisu to experience
ಅನು ಾವ anubhāva religious experience
ಅನು ಾī anubhāvi mystic
ಅನು ಾĥ anuyāyi follower
ಅಸ ಾನ ೆ asamānate inequality
ಇēಯ iḍiya entire
ಇ ಾ½Ę ityādi etc.
ಕುಟುಂಬ kuṭuṃba family
ೆಲವರು kelavaru some persons
ೆಲವY kelavu some (things)
ೆಲŜģ¼ kelavomme sometimes
ಗುಂಪY guṃpu group
ಗುಂಪY ಾĨ ೆ guṃpugārike group consciousness, ‘groupism’
ಾĖ jāti caste
čೕವನ jīvana life
ತೃಪ³ tṛpta satisfied
ತೃě³ tṛpti satisfaction
ಾĢ ಕ dhārmika religious
ನಂಬು naṃbu to believe
ೈĖಕ naitika moral
ಪರಂಪ ೆ paraṃpare tradition
ಪ¾ಪಂಚ prapaṃca world
ಾ¾ċೕನ prācīna ancient
ě¾ೕĖ prīti love
 Lesson 17 215

ಬದುಕು baduku to live

ಬಸವ Basava (name)
ಬಸವಣ² Basavaṇṇa (name, ‘elder brother B.’)
ೆಳವĕ ೆ beḷavaṇige development
ೇ ೆ bēre different
ಮಂĘ maṃdi person
ಮನಸುÅ manassu mind
ಮನುಷ½ manuṣya human, person
ಾನವ mānava human, person
ಮುಖ½ mukhya something important
ವಚನ vacana (name of a literary form,
‘utterance’)
ī ೇಷ viśēṣa something special
ೈಯĄ³ಕ vaiyaktika something personal
ವ½Ą³ vyakti person, individual
ಶತ ಾನ śatamāna century
Ĭವ Śiva (name of god)
Ĭವಮಯ śivamaya made of god
ೈವ śaiva pertaining to Śiva
ಸ ಾನ samāna equal
ಸ ಾನ ೆ samānate equality
ಸಂಭīಸು saṃbhavisu to arise, originate
ಸĨ sari correct, right
¡ಾಂಪ¾ ಾĥಕ sāṃpradāyika orthodox, traditional
¡ಾಧ ೆ sādhane religious discipline / practice
¡ಾ ಾčಕ sāmājika social
¡ಾįತ½ಕೃĖ sāhityakṛti literary work
ಹಲವರು halavaru many persons
216 A Manual of Modern Kannada

ಹಲವY halavu many

įಂ ೆ hiṃde behind
į ೆ· ೆ hinnele background
¢ೊಸ hosa new

Notes
1
This construction closely resembles, for instance, the Latin construction mihi
est and the Russian у меня есть, both of which mean ‘to me is’.
2
A few examples are quoted from older literature by Kittel in his dictionary,
in the lemma uḷ.
3
As in the famous anthology of translations by A.K. Ramanujan, Speaking of
Śiva (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1973).
4
Cf. an English expression like ‘a man of means’, signifying financial means.
5
In other words, it is used grammatically like the defective illa and alla.
6
Venkatachalasastry 2007: 158-9.
 Lesson 18
Impersonal and ‘passive’ verbal constructions – the conditional – the con-
cessional – verbal expressions of time – verbal expressions of mode – verbal
expressions of place

Impersonal and passive verbal constructions

Kannada has two constructions that can be used as equivalents of the
modern Indo-European passive mode: one resembles the passive rather
well, while it is better to consider the other an impersonal construction.
Western linguists use the term ‘passive’ for the Kannada construc-
tion in which the historical short form of the infinitive of a verb (not
in -alu, but in -al) is followed by a form of the auxiliary verb paḍu ‘to
experience, to undergo’. 1

ಆ ೆಲಸ ā kelasa that work is being

ಾಡಲ¸ಡುತ³ ೆ māḍalpaḍuttade done

This type of construction, although commonly understood, is consid-

ered rather artificial, and it is not used often. 2
If one wishes to indicate who or what the agent of the action is,
this can be added using the ablative / instrumental case:

ಇದು ಅವĚಂದ idu avaniṃda this is being done

ಾಡಲ¸ಡುತ³ ೆ māḍalpaḍuttade by him

(In practice, this is rarely done, because the main reason for using a
passive construction is to focus on the logical object.)
A more common construction to achieve the same result (namely,
to indicate that a transitive action takes place, without indicating the
agent of the action) also uses the infinitive in -alu, together with a
form of the verb āgu in an unspecified third person singular neuter.
(The final u of the infinitive ending is elided before the following long
ā.) The object of verb remains the object (i.e., nouns and pronouns
indicating humans must be in the accusative case, and neuter nouns
and pronouns facultatively so), and it does not become the grammatical
subject, as is the case in the previously mentioned construction with
paḍu.
218 A Manual of Modern Kannada

ಆ ೆಲಸ ā kelasa that work is being

ಾಡ ಾಗುತ³ ೆ māḍalāguttade done
ಆ ೆಲಸ ā kelasa māḍalāyitu that work was done
ಾಡ ಾĥತು
ಆ ೆಲಸ ā kelasa māḍalāgide that work has been
ಾಡ ಾĆ ೆ done
ಆ ಪYಸ³ಕಗಳನು· ā pustakagaḷannu those books have
ಓದ ಾĆ ೆ ōdalāgide been read

Also this construction is not often used, although clearly more fre-
quently than the one with paḍu.

The conditional
In the major modern European languages, a condition is indicated by
means of a special word, such as the English ‘if’ in a sentence such as
if he comes, I too will come, German ‘falls’ in falls er kommt, komme ich
auch, etc. The Dravidian languages do not have such a single word
that indicates conditionality: they have a special verb form for this. 3
In Kannada, this form is based on the past tense stem, to which the
distinctive suffix -are is added: avanu baṃdare nānū baruttēne (‘if he
comes, I too will come’).

ĚೕವY ಅĩÀ ¢ೋದ ೆ nīvu alli hōdare if you go there, you will
ಅವರನು· avarannu nōḍuviri see them [lit.: there
ೋಡುīĨ if-gone you them
will-see]
¢ಾ ೆ ಾēದ ೆ hāge māḍidare tuṃba if one does that, one
ತುಂಬ ಾಭ lābha siguttade obtains great profit [lit.:
Įಗುತ³ ೆ thus if-done much
profit is-obtained]
 Lesson 18 219

ಅಮ¼ ಕ ೆದ ೆ Ěೕನು amma karedare nīnu if mother calls, you

ತಕÄಣ ¢ೋಗ ೇಕು takṣaṇa hōgabēku must go at once [lit.:
mother if-called you
immediately to-go
is-desired]

The above examples show that the formation of the conditional is per-
fectly regular: always the past stem + are (baṃd-are; hōd-are; māḍid-
are; kared-are).
Like the gerund and the relative participle, the conditional is a
non-finite verb form and does not indicate person, gender or number.
Without an explicit subject, the conditional can also express generality,
such as in a famous line from a song by the popular Kannada film actor
Rājkumār 4 in the movie Ākasmika: ಹುđ®ದ ೆ ಕನ·ಡ ಾಡĩÀ ಹುಟ® ೇಕು
huṭṭidare kannaḍa nāḍalli 5 huṭṭabēku ‘if one is born, one should be born
in the Kannada land’ (i.e., if at all one must be born, then one ought to
be born in the beautiful land of Karnataka).
Also a (past) perfect conditional is possible, indicating a condition
that has, or should have been, fulfilled in the past. This form consists,
like other perfect forms, of a gerund (usually) and a form of the verb
iru ‘to be’ (in this case: the conditional), and it is used particularly (in
an unexpectedly idiomatic way) to express an unreal situation, 6 i.e., a
hypothetical situation that has not arisen, in which case the unreal con-
sequence (i.e., the consequence which would have been expected, but
which of course did not arise, because the condition was not fulfilled)
is expressed in the past continuous mode: 7

ಅವರು ¢ಾ ೆ avaru hāge if he had done this,

ಾēದµ ೆ ಾನೂ māḍiddare nānū I too would have
ಬರುĖ³ ೆµನು baruttiddenu come
ಅವರು avaru muṃcitavāgi if he had said this
ಮುಂċತ ಾĆ hēḷiddare idu beforehand, this
¢ೇĪದµ ೆ ಇದು āguttiralilla 8 would not have
ಆಗುĖ³ರĩಲÀ happened
220 A Manual of Modern Kannada

Idiomatic translation of two frequent conditionals

Two words that are obviously conditionals, and that are in very fre-
quent everyday use, are usually better not translated as conditionals
into English.
One extremely often used word in everyday conversation, ಆದ ೆ
ādare, is the conditional form of the verb ಆಗು āgu ‘to become / hap-
pen / occur’. Literally, this word means ‘if [something] happens’ or ‘if
[something] is’. Hardly any Kannada speaker is consciously aware of
this, but if the word occurs at the beginning of a sentence or phrase, it
can usually best be translated in English as ‘but’.
A common combination is ¢ಾ ಾದ ೆ hāgādare ‘if [that] becomes
so’ or ‘if that is so’ (hāge+ādare), which is best translated as ‘in that
case’ or ‘if so’.
Another very frequently used conditional word is ಎಂದ ೆ eṃdare,
which is derived from the quotative verb ennu. Literally, it means ‘if
[one] says’, but its function is often better represented by the English
translation ‘that is to say’, ‘i.e.’, ‘in other words’:

ಅವನು ನನ· ೆಂಟ, avanu nanna neṃṭa, he is my relative,

ಎಂದ ೆ ನನ· ಾವನ eṃdare nanna māva- that is to say, my
ಮಗ na maga cousin [uncle’s son]
ಆ ೆಲಸ ತುಂಬ ಕಷ®, ā kelasa tuṃba that work is very
ಎಂದ ೆ ಾನು kaṣṭa, eṃdare nānu difficult, in other
ಾಡುವYĘಲÀ māḍuvudilla words: I will not
do it

Eṃdare is often used to introduce explanations and can often be trans-

lated as ‘because’:

ಾನು ೇಗ ಮ ೆ ೆ nānu bēga manege I must go home soon,

¢ೋಗ ೇಕು, hōgabēku, eṃdare because it is getting
ಎಂದ ೆ caḷiyāguttade cold
ಚĪ ಾಗುತ³ ೆ
 Lesson 18 221

ಅವರು ಏ ೆ ಬರĩಲÀ avaru ēke baralilla he did not come

ಎಂದ ೆ ಅವĨ ೆ eṃdare avarige because he was not well
ಹು ಾĨರĩಲÀ huṣāriralilla (lit. ‘if one says “why
did he not come”, [then
the answer is] there
was no health to him’)

Often eṃdare serves as an emphatic kind of copula, ‘is / are / am’,

especially where a situation is explained in detail:

Įೕ ೆ ಎಂದ ೆ ಅವರ Sīte eṃdare avara Sīte is his wife

ಪĖ· patni

Hence a highly idiomatic expression like the following will become

clear: ೆಂ ೆ ಾĥ ಎಂದ ೆ ಅವĨ ೆ ಾ¾ಣ beṃḍekāyi eṃdare avarige prāṇa
‘okra 9 are his favourite food’ (lit.: “if one says ‘okra’, him-to life-force”;
prāṇa in ancient – and current – Indian thought is the basic life-force
in every living being, comparable to the Chinese qi).
ಎಂದ ೆ also occurs frequently in combination with the interroga-
tive ಏ ೆ ēke ‘why’: ಏ ೆಂದ ೆ ēkeṃdare (ēke+eṃdare) literally means ‘if
[one] says “why”’, but is best translated to English by means of the
simple ‘because’.
Both ಆದ ೆ and ಎಂದ ೆ are very commonly written joined to the
preceding word:

ಅವರು Ěಮ¼ avaru nimma taṃdeya- if he is your father,

ತಂ ೆಯವ ಾದ ೆ varādare 10 nīvū doḍḍa then you too must
Ěೕವw ಅವರ ¢ಾ ೆ paṃḍitarāgirabēku 11 have become a great
ೊಡ° scholar
ಪಂēತ ಾĆರ ೇಕು

Another function of the conditional is found in less careful and less

exact usage, namely, as an indication of time:

ಅವನು ಬಂದ ೆ avanu baṃdare when he came, the

ೆಲಸ ಮುĆĥತು kelasa mugiyitu work was completed

This usage is, of course, potentially confusing and ought to be avoided;

but it is good for the learner to know that less careful users of the lan-
guage in practice do use the conditional in this manner. 12 The correct
222 A Manual of Modern Kannada

and unambiguous manner to express the time at which an event takes

place or has taken place will be discussed below. 13

The concessive
If the inclusive suffix -ū is added to a conditional, a verb form is created
that indicates a concession:

ಅವನು ಬಂದರೂ avanu baṃdarū even if he comes, I

ಾನೂ ಬರು ೆ³ೕ ೆ nānū baruttēne too will come

The formation of the concessive is quite simple: adding -ū to a condi-

tional means ‘also if’, ‘although’, or ‘even if’. Some modern Kannada
grammars mention the concessive as a separate verb form (for which
reason it is also mentioned here), but traditional grammars written in
Kannada do not.
For individual reasons of relatively rare stylistic preference, some
authors choose the older form ending in ‑āgyū (= āgi + ū): ಅವನು
ಬಂ ಾಗೂ½ ಾನೂ ಬರು ೆ³ೕ ೆ avanu baṃdāgyū nānū baruttēne. Occasion-
ally one also finds the gerund with an added ‑ū.

Interrogatives with ‑ō and ‑ādarū

Interrogative words (ēnu, yāru, elli, yāva) acquire special meanings
when they are combined with the concessive ādarū or the doubt suffix
‑ō.
When the suffix ‑ō is added, the interrogative word loses its in-
terrogative meaning and indicates indefiniteness: yāru + ō > yārō
‘somebody’; ēnu + ō > ēnō ‘something’, etc.

ಾ ೋ ಬಂದರು yārō baṃdaru somebody came

ಾರ ೊ·ೕ yārannō nōḍidenu I saw someone
ೋē ೆನು
ಅದು ಎĩÀŤೕ adu elliyō ide it is somewhere
ಇ ೆ

A similar but semantically different change takes place when ādarū (the
concessive of āgu) is added: this changes the interrogative into a word
that indicates indifference: yāru + ādarū > yārādarū ‘anybody’, elli
+ ādarū > elliyādarū ‘anywhere’, etc.
 Lesson 18 223

ಾ ಾದರೂ yārādarū anyone may come

ಬರಬಹುದು barabahudu
ಎĩÀ ಾದರೂ elliyādarū kūtukoḷḷi please sit down
ಕೂತು ೊĪÁ anywhere
ಏ ಾದರೂ ¢ೇĪ ēnādarū hēḷi please say anything

Verbal expressions of mode

A relative participle can be joined with the adverb aṃte or hāge ‘thus,
in that manner’, resulting in a verbal expression of mode. Before aṃte
the final short a of the participle is elided.

ಅವನು ಾēದಂ ೆ avanu māḍidaṃte I will not do [it] in the

ಾನು ಾಡುವYĘಲÀ nānu māḍuvudilla manner in which he did
[it] [lit.: he
done-manner I-doing
is-not]
ಅವನು ಾēದ¢ಾ ೆ avanu māḍidahāge (the same as above)
ಾನು ಾಡುವYĘಲÀ nānu māḍuvudilla

The combination of a non-past relative participle + aṃte or hāge can

have another idiomatic meaning, namely, a causative one. Especially
the combination of relative participle + hāge / aṃte + māḍu is a com-
mon way to express a causative, as in the second sample sentence be-
low:

ಅವನು ಬರುವ¢ಾ ೆ avanu baruvahāge I have told him to

¢ೇĪ ೆµೕ ೆ hēḷiddēne come [he
coming-thus
having-said I am]
ಾನು ¢ಾ ೆ nānu hāge hēḷuvaṃte they made me say
¢ೇಳುವಂ ೆ māḍidaru that [I so
ಾēದರು saying-thus they
made]
224 A Manual of Modern Kannada

Verbal expressions of time

When we indicate time, we are talking about a point in time in refer-
ence to a main event. The way to do this in Kannada is to use a relative
participle and to add the word āga ‘then, that time’. The final vowel of
the relative participle is elided. As with other constructions containing
a relative participle, there is no explicit indication of the grammatical
subject of that participle. For example:

baruva + āga > baruvāga when [the subject]

will come
baṃda + āga > baṃdāga after [the subject]
has come

ಅವನು ಬರು ಾಗ avanu baruvāga I will not be there

ಾನು ಇರುವYĘಲÀ nānu iruvudilla when he comes
ಅವನು ಬಂ ಾಗ avanu baṃdāga nānu I was not there when
ಾನು ಇರĩಲÀ iralilla he came
ಾನು ಇಲÀ ಾಗ nānu illadāga she came when I
ಅವಳು ಬಂದಳು avaḷu baṃdaḷu was 14 not there

Verbal expressions of place

As we have seen above, verbal expressions of time are created by join-
ing a relative participle to the word āga ‘then’. The same can be done
with the word alli ‘there’ to create verbal expressions of place: e.g., iru-
valli (< iruva + alli), ‘where something / somebody is’; hōdalli ‘where
someone / something went’, etc.

ಾವY ಾ ೆ nāvu nāḷe hōguvalli there are many

¢ೋಗುವĩÀ ತುಂಬ tuṃba jana iddāre people where we will
ಜನ ಇ ಾµ ೆ be going tomorrow
ಅವರು ¢ೋದ ವಷ avaru hōda varṣa vāsa where he lived last
ಾಸ ಾēದĩÀ ಈಗ māḍidalli īga ēnū illa year, there is nothing
ಏನೂ ಇಲÀ now
 Lesson 18 225

ಆ ಬಸುÅ ĚಂĖರುವĩÀ ā bassu niṃtiruvalli 15 let us turn to the

ಬಲಕ ೆ ೆ balakaḍege 16 hōgōṇa right where that bus
¢ೋ ೋಣ is standing

Alternatively, such sentences could be constructed as nāvu nāḷe hōguva

jāgadalli tuṃba jana iddāre ‘there are many people at the place where
we will be going tomorrow’, etc.
In very literary usage, the combination of relative participle + alli
may be used as an alternative for the conditional.

Exercise
Read and translate the following sentences:

೧. ĬಕÄಕರು ಅವರ ೆಲಸ ಸĨ ಾĆ ಾēದರೂ ೆಲŜģ¼ ಾಠವನು·

ಸĨ ಾĆ ಕĩಯ ಾಗುವYĘಲÀ.
೨. ಾವY ಊಟ ೆ¤ ಬಂ ಾಗ ಏನೂ ಉĪĘರĩಲÀ. 17
೩. ಅವರು ಆ ೆಲಸವನು· ಾēದ¢ಾ ೆ ಾನು ಾಡುವYĘಲÀ.
೪. ¢ಾ ೆ ೋēದ ೆ ಇದು Ěಜ ಾĆ ಕಷ®ವಲÀ.
೫. ಆ ಾರು ಬಲಕ ೆ ೆ ¢ೋದĩÀ ನನ· ಮ ೆ ಇ ೆ.
೬. ĚೕವY ಬ ೆದ ೆ ಅವĨ ೆ ಬಹಳ ಸಂ ೋಷ ಾಗುತ³ ೆ.
೭. ಾĮ³ ಾĜ ಕುēದ ೆ Ě ೆµ ಬರುವYĘಲÀ.
೮. ಾĮ³ ಾĜ ಕುēದರೂ ಾನು ೆ ಾ·Ć Ě ೆµ ಾē ೆ.
೯. ಾಡ ೇ ಾದ ೆಲಸ ೇಗ ಮುĆĮದ ೆ ಾವY ĮĚಮ ೆ¤ ¢ೋಗಬಹುದು.
೧೦. Ěಮ ೆ ೇ ಾದ ೆ ĚೕವY ¢ೋಗಬಹುದು; ಾನು ಬರುವYĘಲÀ, ಏ ೆಂದ ೆ
ನನ ೆ ಬಹಳ ತ ೆ ೋವY ಇ ೆ.
226 A Manual of Modern Kannada

Religions of Karnataka

ಮಂಜು ಾಥ

Main entrance of the Maṃjunātha Temple, Dharmasthaḷa

ಕ ಾ ಟಕದ ಕ ಾವĪಯĩÀ, ದĄÄಣ ಕನ·ಡ č ೆÀಯĩÀ, ಧಮ ಸ´ಳ ಎಂಬ

ಮುಖ½ ಾದ ೆÄೕತ¾ī ೆ. ಇĩÀ ೆಲವY ೇವ¡ಾ´ನಗĪ ೆ, ಆದ ೆ ಎಲÀದĄ¤ಂತ
ೊಡ°ದು ಮತು³ ಮುಖ½ ಾದುದು ಮಂಜು ಾಥ¡ಾÂĢಯದು. ಮಂಜು ಾಥ-
¡ಾÂĢಯ ದಶ ನ ೊ¤ೕಸ¤ರ Ęವ¡ಾ ¡ಾī ಾರು ಜನರು ಇēಯ ಕ ಾ ಟಕ-
Ęಂದಲೂ ಕ ಾ ಟಕದ ¢ೊರĆĚಂದಲೂ ಬರು ಾ³ ೆ. ಊĨನ ¢ೆಸರು śದ-
ಲು ‘ಕುಡುಮ’ ಎಂĘತು³. ಹĘ ಾರ ೆಯ ಶತ ಾನದĩÀ ೈಷ²ವ ಯĖ ಾದ
ಾĘ ಾಜ¡ಾÂĢ ಇĩÀ ಬಂದು ಈĆನ ¢ೆಸರನು· ಊĨ ೆ ೊಟ®ರು.
ಧಮ ಸ´ಳದĩÀ ಾರತ ೇಶದ ಾĢ ಕ ಸįಷು² ೆ ಸ¸ಷ® ಾĆ ಾĕಸುತ³-
ೆ. ಧ ಾ ę ಾĨಗಳು 18 ೈನರು, ಪ¾ ಾನ ಪY ೋįತರು ಉಡುěĥಂದ
ಬಂದ ೈಷ²ವರು, ಮಂಜು ಾಥ¡ಾÂĢ Ĭವನ ಒಂದು ರೂಪ. ೇ ೆ ೇ ೆ
ಧಮ ಗಳ ಅನು ಾĥಗಳು ಭಕ³ ಾĆ ಧಮ ಸ´ಳ ೆ¤ ಬರು ಾ³ ೆ. ೆಲವY ಶತ-
ಾನಗಳ įಂ ೆ, ಈĆನ ಧ ಾ ę ಾĨಗಳ ಪwವ ಜರ ಹĖ³ರ ಾಲು¤ ೇವ-
ೆಗಳು ಬಂದು ೆÄೕತ¾ದ ģೕ ೆ ರಕÄ ೆ ಇರುವYದ ಾ¤Ć ಎಲÀ ಮಂĘ ಾĖ¾ಕ-
Ĩಗೂ ೆÄೕತ¾ದĩÀ ಊಟ Įಗ ೇ ೆಂದು ¢ೇĪದರು. ಊಟ ೊಡುವ ಈ ರೂĔ
ಇವĖ³ನ ವ ೆಗೂ ಮುಂದುವĨĘ ೆ. ನಮ¼ ಾಲದĩÀ ಧಮ ಸ´ಳದĩÀ Ęವ¡ಾ
 Lesson 18 227

ಸು ಾರು ಹತು³ ¡ಾīರ ಜನĨ ೆ ಊಟ ೊಡ ಾಗುತ³ ೆ, Ĭವನ Ęವಸ ಾದ

¡ೋಮ ಾರಗಳĩÀ ಈ ಸಂ ೆ½ ಇಪ¸ ೆ³ೖದು ¡ಾīರ ಆಗಬಹುದು.
ಮಂಜು ಾಥ ೇವ¡ಾ´ನದĩÀ ಮಂಜು ಾಥ¡ಾÂĢಯ ĩಂಗ ಾತ¾ವಲÀ,
ೇ ೆ ೇವ ೆಗಳೂ ಇ ೆ. ಊĨನ ೇ ೆ ಕ ೆಯĩÀ ಸುಂದರ ಾದ ೈನ ೇವ-
¡ಾ´ನī ೆ. ೇ ೆ ಕ ೆ ċಕ¤ ಗುಡ°ದĩÀ ಶ¾ವಣ ೆಳ ೊಳದĩÀನ ¢ಾ ೆ ಾಹುಬ-
ĩ¡ಾÂĢಯ ಮ¢ಾಮೂĖ ಇ ೆ. ೊಡ° ಗ¾ಂ ಾಲಯವw ಸಂಗ¾¢ಾಲಯವw
ċĄ ಾÅಲಯವw ಇ ೆ. ಅ ೇಕ ಕ ಾತ¼ಕ ¢ಾಗೂ ಾĢ ಕ ಾಯ ಕ¾ಮಗಳು
ಧಮ ಸ´ಳದĩÀ ನ ೆಯುತ³ ೆ, ಆದµĨಂದ ಇದು ಕ ಾ ಟಕದ ಒಂದು ಮುಖ½-
ಾದ ¡ಾಂಸ¤ೃĖಕ ೇಂದ¾ ಾĆ ೆ.

The Maṃjunātha Temple, Dharmasthaḷa, by evening

Vocabulary

ಅನು ಾĥ anuyāyi follower

ಅ ೇಕ anēka many
ಆಗ āga then, that time
ಇಪ¸ ೆ³ೖದು ippataidu twenty-five
228 A Manual of Modern Kannada

ಇವĖ³ನ ivattina today’s, of today

ಈĆನ īgina of now, present
ಉĪ uḷi to remain
ಏ ೆಂದ ೆ ēkeṃdare because
ಒģ¼ omme once
ಕ ಾವĪ karāvaḷi coast
ಕ ಾತ¼ಕ kaḷatmaka artistic
ಕĩ kali to learn
ಾĕಸು kāṇisu to appear, seem
ಾĜ kāphi coffee
ಾರು kāru car
ಾಯ ಕ¾ಮ kāryakrama program
ಕುಡುಮ kuḍuma (placename)
ೆಲŜģ¼ kelavomme sometimes
ೇಂದ¾ kēṃdra centre
ಗುಡ° guḍḍa hill, hillock
ಗ¾ಂ ಾಲಯ graṃthālaya library
ಚĪ caḷi cold
ċĄ ಾÅಲಯ cikitsālaya clinic
ಾĮ³ jāsti too much, excessively
č ೆÀ jille district
ೊ ೆ ೆ jotege together with
ತಂ ೆ taṃde father
ತಕÄಣ takṣaṇa immediately
ತ ೆ tale head
ತ ೆ ೋವY talenōvu headache
Ęವ¡ಾ divasā daily (adverb)
ೇವ ೆ dēvate divinity
 Lesson 18 229

ಧಮ ಸ´ಳ Dharmasthaḷa (placename)

ಧ ಾ ę ಾĨ dharmādhikāri (religious title and
function)
ಾĢ ಕ dhārmika religious
Ěಜ nija real, true
Ě ೆµ / Ě ೆ¾ nidde / nidre sleep
ೆಂಟ neṃṭa (blood-) relative
ೋವY nōvu pain
ಪಂēತ paṃḍita scholar
ಪwವ ಜ pūrvaja ancestor
ಪ¾ ಾನ pradhāna main, chief
ಾ¾ಣ prāṇa life, life force
ಬಲಕ ೆ balakaḍe right (side)
ಬಹಳ bahaḷa much, very
ೆಂ ೆ ಾĥ beṃḍekāyi okra, ‘ladies’ fingers’
ಮಂಜು ಾಥ Maṃjunātha (name)
ಮ¢ಾಮೂĖ mahāmūrti great image
ಾತ¾ mātra only
ಮುಂċತ ಾĆ muṃcitavāgi beforehand, earlier
ಮುಂದುವĨ muṃduvari to continue
ಮುĆ mugi to end (intr.)
ಮುĆಸು mugisu to end, finish (trans.)
ಯĖ yati wandering ascetic
ಾĖ¾ಕ yātrika pilgrim
ರಕÄ ೆ rakṣaṇe protection
ರೂĔ rūḍhi custom, usage
ರೂಪ rūpa form, shape
ಾಭ lābha profit, advantage
230 A Manual of Modern Kannada

ĩಂಗ liṃga ‘sign’, a particular

depiction of Śiva
ವ ೆಗೂ varegū until
ವಷ varṣa year
ಾĘ ಾಜ Vādirāja (name)
ಾಸ vāsa dwelling, living
ಶತ ಾನ śatamāna century (100 years)
ĬಕÄಕ śikṣaka teacher
ಸಂ ೆ½ saṃkhye number
ಸಂಗ¾¢ಾಲಯ saṃgrahālaya museum
ಸಂ ೋಷ saṃtōṣa joy
ಸįಷು² ೆ sahiṣṇute tolerance
¡ಾಂಸ¤ೃĖಕ sāṃskṛtika cultural
¡ಾīರ sāvira thousand
¡ಾī ಾರು sāvirāru thousands
ĮĚಮ sinima movie theatre
ಸು ಾರು sumāru approximately
¡ೋಮ ಾರ sōmavāra Monday
ಸ¸ಷ® spaṣṭa clear
ಹĘ ಾರ ೆಯ hadināraneya sixteenth
¢ಾ ಾದ ೆ hāgādare in that case, if that is so
¢ಾಗೂ hāgū and, also
ಹು ಾರು huṣāru health

Notes
1
This form of the infinitive in -al, which remains also in combination with the
following p, shows that this construction is rather archaic.
2
It is so rarely used that I once heard a professional linguist in a seminar,
who was a native speaker of Kannada, assume that it is a late imitation of
 Lesson 18 231

the English passive. This is obviously wrong, since its use can be found al-
ready in tenth-century Kannada literature and also in the neighbouring Tamil
language. Similarly, D.N. Shankar Bhat writes: “Such sentences are just trans-
lations from English (or Sanskrit)” (Bhat 2001: 125, §7.5: ಅಂತಹ ಾಕ½ಗಳು
ಇಂĆÀ ್ (ಇಲÀ ೇ ಸಂಸ¤ೃತ) ಾಕ½ಗಳ ಾ ಾಂತರಗಳು ಾತ¾). Such historically
unfounded utterances show how very rarely this construction is used.
3
The Kannada term for the conditional verb form is ಪ ಾÄಥ ನೂ½ನ pakṣārtha-
nyūna: Venkatachalasastry 2007: 159.
4
Rajkumar (1929-2006), immediately recognizable by his prominent pointed
nose, was by far the most popular actor in the Kannada-language film industry
during most of his life. He won several awards, including an honorary doctor-
ate from the University of Mysore in 1976. Amitabh Bachchan, the best known
‘Bollywood’ movie actor, is on record as having said: “If an actor like Dr. Raj-
kumar were there in Bollywood, we would have been nowhere” (Nilacharal
Magazine, March 10th, 2010).
5
The shortened form nāḍalli (for nāḍinalli) can occur in verse for metrical
reasons.
6
In European grammars this is often described by the Latin term irrealis.
7
This construction of the unreal is also often seen, however, with a simple
conditional: avaru hāge māḍidare nānū baruttiddenu, etc.
8
āgutta + iralu + illa = āguttiralilla ‘was not becoming’, the negative form of
the present tense in the continuous mode.
9
The green vegetable known in the Western as ‘okra’ is often poetically called
‘lady’s fingers’ in India, on account of its tapered shape, and this name is what
one commonly finds on the menus of restaurants.
10
taṃde + y + avaru + ādare = taṃdeyavarādare, “if [X] is the [respected]
father”. Compare the use of avaru after names as a polite form of address
(lesson 2), or a German expression like Herr Vater.
11
paṃḍitaru + āgi + ira + bēku = paṃḍitarāgirabēku
12
This confusion of conditionality and temporality is found also in other lan-
guages; for instance, in colloquial German one can often hear the word wenn
as a substitute for falls.
13
See p. 224 in this lesson.
14
illadāga, begin in the negative mode, does not indicate tense; that the sen-
tence should be translated with ‘I was not’ is to be inferred from the tense of
the final verb, baṃdaḷu.
15
niṃtu + iruva + alli
16
‘to the right side’. Here one could also say balakke (or, in the big cities, the
awful but common raiṭu), but the text is idiomatically considered more explicit
and clear.
17
uḷidu + iralu + illa: a past perfect.
18
The dharmādhikāri or ‘religiously authoritative person’ is the person who
holds the highest authority in a religious centre.
 Lesson 19

Wood carving work being carried out at the Jaina maṭha at Humcha

ella ‘all’ – the ‘aloof’ personal pronouns ātanu / ītanu and āke / īke – the
reflexive pronoun tānu / tāvu – auxiliary verbs – other defective verbs and
idiomatic usages – possibility

ella ‘all’
The word ಎಲÀ ella is peculiar in that it can be used either as an attribute
or substantively:

ಎಲÀ ಹಣು²ಗಳು ella haṇṇugaḷu all the fruits

ಹಣು²ಗ ೆಲÀವY haṇṇugaḷellavu (the same)

As an attribute, the word is ಎಲÀ ella (or, alternatively, ಎ ಾÀ ellā).

Substantively, in the sense of ‘all things’, it is a neuter and has the
form ಎಲÀ ella or ಎಲÀವY ellavu or ಎಲÀವw ellavū in the nominative case,
which suggests that it would be declined like the pronoun ಅವY avu;
however, in the oblique cases it is declined like adu (see the table be-
low). In the sense of ‘all persons’, it is epicene and has the form ಎಲÀರು
ellaru in the nominative, like the pronoun ಅವರು avaru.
Because ‘all’ indicates quantity, like a numeral, one often sees maṃ-
di or jana (both maṃdi and jana mean ‘person’) 1 after it before the noun
to which it refers; however, it is not deemed necessary:
234 A Manual of Modern Kannada

ಎಲÀ [ಮಂĘ] ella [maṃdi] vidhy- all the students

ī ಾ½ė ಗಳು ārthigaḷu

ī ಾ½ė ಗ ೆಲÀರು vidyārthigaḷellaru (the same)

As these examples show, the substantively used ella meaning ‘all things’
or ‘everything’ is ಎಲÀವY ellavu, ‘all persons’ is ಎಲÀರು ellaru. They are
declined as follows:

ಎಲÀ(ವY ) ella(vu) everything (nominative)

ಎಲÀ(ವನು·) ella(vannu) everything (accusative)
ಎಲÀದĨಂದ elladariṃda from (ablative)
everything
ಎಲÀದ ೆ¤ elladakke to everything (dative)
ಎಲÀದರ elladara of everything (genitive)
ಎಲÀದರĩÀ elladaralli in everything (locative)

The form ellaru / ellarū for persons is quite regular:

ಎಲÀರು / ಎಲÀರೂ ellaru / ellarū (nominative)

ಎಲÀರನು· / ellarannu / (accusative)
ಎಲÀರನೂ· ellarannū
ಎಲÀĨಂದ / ellariṃda / (ablative)
ಎಲÀĨಂದಲೂ ellariṃdalū
ಎಲÀĨ ೆ / ಎಲÀĨಗೂ ellarige / ellarigū (dative)
ಎಲÀರ ellara (genitive)
ಎಲÀರĩÀ / ellaralli / ellarallū (locative)
ಎಲÀರಲೂÀ

It should be noted that the forms of ella with the inclusive suffix ū are
quite usual. Strictly speaking, this is superfluous, since ‘all’ semanti-
cally already includes everything. This ū should be considered nothing
more than an emphasizing of the all-inclusive character of ella.
When ella follows the word to which it refers (as in vidyārthigaḷel-
larū), any case endings are added to the form of ella:
 Lesson 19 235

ī ಾ½ė ಗ ೆಲÀರನೂ· vidyārthigaḷellarannū I saw all the

ೋē ೆನು nōḍidenu students

or ella is added after the case ending:

ಅವನು ಹಣು²ಗಳ ೆ·ಲÀ avanu haṇṇugaḷannella he ate all

Ėಂದ tiṃda the fruits

but one can also let ella precede the word to which it refers:

ಅವನು ಎಲÀ avanu ella he ate all

ಹಣು²ಗಳನು· Ėಂದ haṇṇugaḷannu tiṃda the fruits

Very similar to the use of ella is the use of two other non-numeral quan-
tifiers: ೆಲ kela ‘some’ and ಹಲ hala ‘many’. Here too, one comes across
different usages. The use of kela and hala in their uninflected forms ap-
pears a bit old-fashioned, and is found in an occasional fixed expression
such as ೆಲ ಾಲ kelakāla ‘some time’. ೆಲವರು kelavaru ‘some [persons]’
and ಹಲವರು halavaru ‘many [persons]’ are common, and they are de-
clined exactly like avaru. However, when used attributively, one very
commonly finds the expressions ೆಲವY ಮಂĘ kelavu maṃdi and ಹಲವY
ಮಂĘ halavu maṃdi, as for instance ೆಲವY ಮಂĘ ī ಾ½ė ಗಳು kelavu
maṃdi vidyārthigaḷu ‘a few / some students’, ಹಲವY ಮಂĘ īೕಕÄಕರು
halavu maṃdi vīkṣakaru ‘many viewers’. Case endings are added to the
noun: ೆಲವY ಮಂĘ ī ಾ½ė ಗಳನು· ೋē ೆµೕ ೆ kelavu maṃdi vidyārthi-
gaḷannu nōḍiddēne ‘I have seen a few students’.

The ‘aloof’ personal pronouns ātanu / ītanu and āke /

īke
Already in lesson 1 it was discussed that for ‘he’ and ‘she’ one can use
either the singular ಅವನು avanu / ಇವನು ivanu (‘he’, distant and proxi-
mate) and ಅವಳು avaḷu / ಇವಳು ivaḷu (‘she’, distant and proximate), or
ಅವರು / ಇವರು (the epicene plural, distant and proximate) when one
wishes to show respect.
There is also another option, which is less commonly used but is
commonly known: ಆತನು ātanu / ಈತನು ītanu (‘he’, distant and prox-
imate) and ಆ ೆ āke / ಈ ೆ īke (‘she’, distant and proximate). These
masculine pronouns are also used in their short forms ಆತ āta and ಈತ
236 A Manual of Modern Kannada

īta and are declined just like a masculine noun ending in ‑a. ಆ ೆ āke
and ಈ ೆ īke are declined like feminine nouns ending in ‑e.
These pronouns are used when a speaker or writer does not know
whether respect should be expressed or not, or prefers to express aloof-
ness rather than to express respect, disrespect or familiarity. (In prac-
tice, this ostensibly detached avoiding of showing one’s attitude to-
wards the person about whom one speaks or writes often suggests a
deep disrespect or disgust on the part of the speaker or writer with
regard to that person. 2 This is especially clear in conversation, when
somebody is spoken about with a slow and very emphatic āta or āke.)
The verb is usually in the third person singular (correspondingly mas-
culine or feminine), but sometimes one finds the verb in the third per-
son plural.

The reflexive pronoun tānu / tāvu

Apart from the pronouns for the first, second and third person singular
and plural, Kannada has a reflexive pronoun, like other Dravidian lan-
guages. Its use resembles that of the English words that end in ‘‑self’
(himself, herself, itself, themselves), German selbst, and Dutch zelf, the
difference being that Kannada ಾನು tānu (and its plural form ಾವY
tāvu) is fully declined, following the pattern of nānu and nāvu. Its use
is not so very frequent, but it is a part of the standard Kannada vocab-
ulary. ಾನು tānu is used for all genders in the singular. The genitive
ತನ· tanna (singular) / ತಮ¼ tamma (plural) can be translated as ‘his /
her / its own’ (singular) / ‘their own’ (plural).

ಾನು ೆ¾ೕಷ¯ ೆಂದು tānu śrēṣṭhaneṃdu he thinks that

ĖĪದು ೊಂē ಾµ ೆ tiḷidukoṃḍiddāne he [himself] is
the best
ಅವಳು ತನ· ಪYಸ³ಕವನು· avaḷu tanna she has
ಮ ೆĖ ಾµ ೆ pustakavannu forgotten her
maretiddāḷe [own] book

ಾ ೇ tānē, with the emphatic suffix ‑ē, is often used for a still greater
emphasis than a plain ‑ē:
 Lesson 19 237

ಅವನು ಾ ೇ ಈ ೆಲಸ avanu tānē ī kelasa he did this work

ಾēದ māḍida himself

ಾ ೇ tānē is also often heard as a general emphasizing particle: 3

ಅವನು ಈಗ ಾ ೇ avanu īga tānē he came just

ಬಂದ baṃda now

The plural ಾವY tāvu is sometimes, usually under ceremonious or sol-

emn circumstances, used as a highly polite pronoun for the second
person, still more courteous than ĚೕವY nīvu. It is used when speaking
with high-ranking religious dignitaries, in formal speech with members
of the high nobility, etc., and can be compared with English usages such
as ‘your eminence’ and ‘your highness’.

ತಮ ೆ ಏನು ೇಕು, tamage ēnu bēku, what does your

¡ಾÂĢ? svāmi? eminence wish,
lord?
ಾವY ¢ೇĪದ ೆ ¡ಾಕು tāvu hēḷidare sāku it is enough if
your highness
says so

Auxiliary verbs
The use of auxiliary verbs is known in many languages. Some of these
verbs have a modal function, i.e., their use indicates that an action or
process is not actual, but possible, intended, etc. (cf. ‘can’ in English I
can do that; ‘dürfen’ in German wir dürfen dorthin gehen, etc.). Auxiliary
verbs are also used in many languages to indicate tense (cf. the auxil-
iary ‘will’ in English I will go, where Kannada has the simple conjugated
form hōguvenu) or mood (cf. the auxiliary ‘may’ in English I may come,
where Kannada has the simple conjugated form baṃdēnu).
Kannada has a number of verbs that can be used as auxiliary verbs
in combination with non-finite forms of other verbs (usually the gerund
or the present participle), with a variety of typical meanings.

The reflexive koḷḷu

Perhaps the most frequently used auxiliary verb is ೊಳುÁ koḷḷu. In mod-
ern Kannada, this verb means ‘to buy, purchase’, which is a historically
238 A Manual of Modern Kannada

relatively late narrowing down of the original meaning (from ‘to take’
to ‘to take in return for payment’). 4 In combination with a preceding
gerund of another verb, koḷḷu acquires a reflexive meaning, somewhat
like the medial mood in ancient Greek or the ātmanēpada in Sanskrit:
the agent ‘takes’, so to say, the result of the action that is expressed
in the preceding gerund. Usually this combination is written together,
but occasionally one also sees a space between the gerund and the aux-
iliary koḷḷu.

ಾನು ಇದನು· nānu idannu I write this [for my own

ಬ ೆದು ೊಳುÁ ೆ³ೕ ೆ baredukoḷḷuttēne use, lit. ‘having written, I
take’]
ಬ ೆದು ೊĪÁ baredukoḷḷi please note down [‘having
written, please take’, i.e.,
write this down so that
you need not remember]

A number of idiomatically fixed expressions contain the auxiliary koḷḷu,

which in English translation are often best left untranslated, or trans-
lated by means of entirely different verbs than the original Kannada
suggests:

ಇದನು· idannu did you understand

ĖĪದು ೊಂē- tiḷidukoṃḍiddīyā? this? [‘having
ʵೕ ಾ? understood this, did
you take?’]
ಅದನು· adannu I have taken that
ೆ ೆದು ೊಂē ೆµೕ ೆ tegedukoṃḍiddēne
ಅದನು· adannu tegedukoṃḍu I have brought that
ೆ ೆದು ೊಂಡು baṃdiddēne
ಬಂĘ ೆµೕ ೆ
ಅದನು· adannu tegedukoṃḍu he took it away
ೆ ೆದು ೊಂಡು hōdanu
¢ೋದನು
 Lesson 19 239

ಅವರನು· avarannu did you invite them?

ಕ ೆದು ೊಂēʵೕ ಾ? karedukoṃḍiddīrā? [‘having called them,
did you take?’]

The verb ೆ ೆ tege by itself already means ‘to take’, but in contempo-
rary usage has acquired the meaning ‘to take out, remove’; ‘to take’
in the sense of ‘to take possession of, to appropriate’ is nowadays usu-
ally expressed by means of the combined tegedukoḷḷu. The combination
ೆ ೆದು ೊಂಡು ಬರು tegedukoṃḍu baru (literally, ‘to come, after having
taken’) is the equivalent of English ‘to bring’, and in modern usage
seems to have replaced the simple ತರು taru. Similarly, ೆ ೆದು ೊಂಡು
¢ೋಗು tegedukoṃḍu hōgu (literally, ‘to go, after having taken’) is the
equivalent of English ‘to take [away]’.
ಕ ೆ kare means ‘to call’, but ಕ ೆದು ೊಳುÁ karedukoḷḷu does not mean
‘to take, after having called’ but ‘to invite’ or ‘to call over’. 5
It is extremely important to note that tegedukoṃḍu hōgu for ‘to take’
and tegedukoṃḍu baru for ‘to bring’ can only be used when the object
is not human; in the case of human objects that are brought (e.g.,
‘I brought my friend’) one must use ಕ ೆದು ೊಂಡು ಬರು karedukoṃḍu
baru (ನನ· ¡ೆ·ೕįತರನು· ಕ ೆದು ೊಂಡು ಬಂ ೆನು nanna snēhitarannu kare-
dukoṃḍu baṃdenu). Similarly, ‘to take a person (somewhere)’ must be
expressed by ಕ ೆದು ೊಂಡು ¢ೋಗು karedukoṃḍu hōgu.
ĖĪ tiḷi by itself originally meant ‘to understand’ but nowadays is
almost always constructed together with the auxiliary koḷḷu as ĖĪದು-
ೊಳುÁ tiḷidukoḷḷu, which may seem a bit superfluous. The reason may
be that in recent usage, tiḷi is more commonly constructed in an in-
direct manner (e.g., ಅದು ನನ ೆ ĖĪಯುತ³ ೆ adu nanage tiḷiyuttade for
‘I understand that’, instead of ಾನು ಅದನು· ĖĪಯು ೆ³ೕ ೆ nānu adannu
tiḷiyuttēne): the use of the auxiliary koḷḷu provides immediate syntacti-
cal clarity.

Shortened gerunds with koṃḍu

The combinations ೆ ೆದು ೊಂಡು tegedukoṃḍu, ĖĪದು ೊಂಡು tiḷidukoṃ-

ḍu, ಬ ೆದು ೊಂಡು baredukoṃḍu, ಕ ೆದು ೊಂಡು karedukoṃḍu and also
ಮಲĆ ೊಂಡು malagikoṃḍu (from ಮಲಗು malagu ‘to lie down, to go to
sleep’) are so extremely common that shortened forms are heard in the
spoken language: ತ ೊಂಡು tagoṃḍu, Ėಳ ೊಂಡು tiḷakoṃḍu (and also
Ėಳ ೊಂಡು tiḷagoṃḍu) ಬರ ೊಂಡು barakoṃḍu, ಕರ ೊಂಡು karakoṃḍu
240 A Manual of Modern Kannada

and ಮಲ ೊಂಡು malakoṃḍu. These common contractions are also

found increasingly in writing (also in kinds of writing other than fiction
and biography, where the authors try to represent spoken language).

ತ ೊಂಡು ಾ tagoṃḍu bā bring (it)

ಇವರನು· ಕರ ೊಂಡು ivarannu karakoṃḍu I have brought
ಬಂĘ ೆµೕ ೆ baṃdiddēne them along

The singular second person imperative of koḷḷu, when used as an auxili-

ary verb, often becomes shortened to a mere ೊ ko, which colloquially
in combinations can blend with the preceding word:

ತ ೊ! tago! 6 take [it]!

ಸÂಲ¸ ಮಲ ೊ! svalpa malako! 7
sleep for a while!

The contributive koḍu

Just as koḷḷu indicates that an action is undertaken for the own benefit
of the agent, ೊಡು koḍu ‘to give’, when used as an auxiliary, means
that the action is undertaken for the benefit of a person other than the
agent. Just as in the case of koḷḷu, there is usually no space in writing
or printing between koḍu and the preceding gerund.

ಾನು ಇದನು· nānu idannu I write this [for

ಬ ೆದು ೊಡು ೆ³ೕ ೆ baredukoḍuttēne somebody else’s use,
lit. ‘having written, I
give’]
ಬ ೆದು ೊē baredukoḍi please write it down
for me [‘having
written, please give’]

One noteworthy idiomatic combination is ¢ೇĪ ೊಡು hēḷikoḍu ‘to teach’

(‘having said, to give’).

The perfective biḍu

The combination of a gerund with Ġಡು biḍu ‘to let, to leave’ indicates
that the action in the verb of the gerund has been, or will be, completed.
The underlying idea is that after performing the action in the first verb
(in the gerund), the agent parts with the object:
 Lesson 19 241

ಆ ಪYಸ³ಕವನು· ā pustakavannu I finished reading

ಓĘĠ ೆ®ನು ōdibiṭṭenu that book
ಆ ೆಲಸ ā kelasa māḍibiḍu! get that work done!
ಾēĠಡು!
ಅದನು· adannu they will finish
ಬ ೆದುĠಡು ಾ³ ೆ baredubiḍuttāre writing that
ಮ ೆತುĠē! maretubiḍi! please forget it!

The combination Ġಟು®Ġಡು biṭṭubiḍu ‘to leave after having left’ looks
odd, but means a definite relinquishing of something:

ಅದನು· Ġಟು®Ġē! adannu biṭṭubiḍi! please get rid of

that!

Special attention should be given to the idiomatic combination hōgibiḍu:

an expression such as ¢ೋದ ಾರ ಅವರ ಅಜ« ¢ೋĆĠಟ®ರು hōda vāra
avara ajja hōgibiṭṭaru does not simply mean ‘last week his grandfather
went away’, but ‘last week his grandfather passed away’. Death is the
most definite form of going away. 8

The permissive biḍu

When Ġಡು biḍu follows the infinitive (ending in alu) 9 of a verb, it

means ‘to permit, allow’. As in the previously mentioned use of biḍu as
an auxiliary, here too the underlying idea is that the agent parts with
the object; however, the action in the non-finite verb form has not yet
taken place (which is what a gerund would express) but is still to take
place in the future (therefore the infinitive):

ತಂ ೆ ಮಗನನು· taṃde maganannu the father allows

ಓದಲು Ġಡು ಾ³ ೆ ōdalu biḍuttāre his son to read

The alternative biḍu

Again a different use of Ġಡು biḍu is found in sentences where the

optional possibility of an action is expressed:
242 A Manual of Modern Kannada

¢ಾ ೆ hāge māḍabahudu, one can do that, or

ಾಡಬಹುದು, biḍabahudu not
Ġಡಬಹುದು

One can think of such expressions as ‘you can do that, or leave it’.

The irretrievable hōgu

¢ೋಗು hōgu literally means ‘to go’, but in many expressions carries
with it the connotation ‘to be lost, be irretrievable’. We find this, for
instance, in temporal expressions such as ¢ೋದ ಾರ hōda vāra ‘last
week’ (i.e., the week that has gone by), ¢ೋದ ವಷ hōda varṣa ‘last
year’, ¢ೋದ ಸಲ hōda sala ‘last time’, ‘on the previous occasion’, etc.
In all such expressions of time, ¢ೋದ hōda means exactly the same as
ಕ ೆದ kaḷeda (from ಕ ೆ kaḷe ‘to pass, be spent’, but also transitively: ‘to
spend [time]’): ಕ ೆದ ಾರ kaḷeda vāra ‘last week’, etc. Related to this
is the simple idiomatic expression ¢ೋĥತು! hōyitu! ‘it’s over’, ‘it’s
finished’, ‘it’s gone’, ‘you can forget all about that’. (The combination
hōgibiḍu for ‘to pass away, die’ has already been mentioned above.)
This same suggestion of irretrievability and loss is found in com-
binations with gerunds. When hōgu is thus used as an auxiliary verb,
there optionally may or may not be a space left in writing between the
form of hōgu and the preceding gerund.

ಅದು ಕ ೆದು adu kaḷedu hōyitu that was lost

¢ೋĥತು
ಅವನು ಓē ¢ೋದ avanu ōḍi hōda he ran away (i.e.,
he ran in such a
manner that he
disappeared)
ಆ ĄಟĄ ಒ ೆದು ā kiṭaki oḍedu that window is
¢ೋĆ ೆ hōgide thoroughly broken

Two examples from linguistic literature in Kannada:

ಸಂę ೆ īಷಯ ಾಗುವ ಸಂದಭ ಗಳĩÀ ಸÂರದ ಮುಂ ೆ ಸÂರ ಬಂದ ೆ
ಪwವ ಸÂರ Ġಟು®¢ೋಗುತ³ ೆ. saṃdhige viṣayavāguva saṃdarbhagaḷalli
svarada muṃde svara baṃdare pūrvasvara biṭṭuhōguttade. When in cases
where sandhi applies a vowel appears [‘comes’] before a vowel, the
preceding vowel disappears [‘leaves thoroughly’]. 10
 Lesson 19 243

ಈ ಪYಸ³ಕದ śದಲ ೆಯ ಮುದ¾ಣದ ಪ¾Ėಗ ೆಲÀ ಒಂ ೇ ವಷ ದĩÀ

ĖೕĨ¢ೋದುವY. Ī pustakada modalaneya mudraṇada pratigaḷella oṃdē
varṣadalli tīrihōduvu. All the copies of the first printing of this book
were sold out [‘having ended, were gone’] in just one year. 11

koḷḷu and paḍu together with nouns as verbal compo-

nents
The verbs ೊಳುÁ koḷḷu ‘to take, assume’ and ಪಡು paḍu ‘to undergo,
suffer, experience’ are often used together with nouns to create com-
pound expressions where in English the verb ‘to be’ or a simple verb
would be used.
In such constructions, the initial unvoiced k of the verb koḷḷu usu-
ally becomes a voiced g. 12

ಸಂ ೋಚಪಡ ೇಡ saṃkōcapaḍabēḍa don’t be shy [‘do

not suffer shyness’]
ಇದು ೆ ಾ·Ć idu cennāgi this develops nicely
ī ಾಸ ೊಳುÁತ³ ೆ vikāsagoḷḷuttade [‘this nicely takes
development’]

From a modern text on Kannada grammar: ಹಣದ + ಆ¡ೆ, ಅĩÀ +

ಒಂದು, ೇ ೆ + ಒಬº ಇವY ಸಂę ಾĆ ಕ¾ಮ ಾĆ ಹಣ ಾ¡ೆ, ಅ ೊÀಂದು,
ೇ ೊಬº ಎಂದು ಆಗು ಾಗ ಪwವ ಪ ಾಂತ½ ಸÂರಗ ಾದ ಉ, ಅ, ಇ, ಎ
ೋಪ ೋಂē ೆ. haṇada + āse, alli + oṃdu, bēre + obba ivu saṃ-
dhiyāgi kramavāgi haṇadāse, alloṃdu, bērobba eṃdu āguvāga pūrvapa-
dāṃtya svaragaḷāda u, a, i, e lōpagoṃḍive. “When haṇada + āse, alli +
oṃdu, and bēre + obba become haṇadāse, alloṃdu, and bērobba through
sandhi, the vowels u, a, i, e at the end of the preceding words 13 have
been elided [‘have taken elision’].” 14
Also the derived causative forms of koḷḷu and paḍu (koḷisu, which
becomes goḷisu, just as koḷḷu becomes goḷḷu, and paḍisu) are used:

ಅವನು ಎಲÀರನು· avanu ellarannu he embarrasses

ಸಂ ೋಚಪēಸು ಾ³ ೆ saṃkōcapaḍisuttāne everybody [‘causes
all to suffer
shyness’]
244 A Manual of Modern Kannada

Other defective verbs and idiomatic usages

There are a few more defective verbs that are found mainly in literary
use, though they may also appear in refined conversation.

ballu

The verb ಬಲುÀ ballu ‘to know, be able’ 15 is peculiar in that it is used
only in the present tense and that its conjugated forms look just like
the negative mood:

ಅವನನು· ೆ ಾ·Ć avanannu cennāgi I know him well

ಬ ೆÀ (ಬ ೆÀನು ) balle (ballenu)
ಾ ೆಯ ಬ ೆ ೆ bhāṣeya bagege what do you know
Ěೕ ೇನು ಬĩÀĨ? nīvēnu balliri? about language? 16
ಅದನು· ಾಡಬ ೆÀ adannu māḍaballe I can do that

The relative participle is ಬಲÀ balla:

ಅದನು· ಾಡಬಲÀ adannu māḍaballa people who know

ಜನರು ಇĩÀ janaru illi how to do it will
ಬರುವYĘಲÀ baruvudilla not come here

haudu

We have already seen the word ¢ೌದು haudu used in the meaning ‘yes’.
Historically, it is a contraction: ಆಗುವYದು > ಅಹುದು > ¢ೌದು. A re-
mainder of the original meaning (āgu) is found in the following curious
idiomatic construction:

ಅವನು ನನ· avanu nanna he is also my friend

¡ೆ·ೕįತನೂ ¢ೌದು snēhitanū haudu

In this context there has already been mention of the person ‘ಅವನು ’,
who, in addition to whatever else has already been said about him, is
also ‘my friend’.
 Lesson 19 245

āgali

ಆಗĩ āgali ‘let it be (so)’ is an imperative third person singular of āgu

‘to be, become’. It can be used to express agreement or permission (like
the English expressions ‘okay’ or ‘all right’):

ಾ ೆ ಆ ಪĖ¾ ೆಗಳನು· nāḷe ā shall I bring those

ತರ ಾ? ಆಗĩ, patrikegaḷannu magazines
ತĚ· taralā? āgali, tanni tomorrow? okay,
please bring them

It is often used in the meaning ‘or’, when the speaker is indifferent to

whether one situation or another arises:

ಗುರು ಾರ ಾಗĩ guruvāravāgali please come on

ಶುಕ¾ ಾರ ಾಗĩ śukravāravāgali Thursday or Friday
ಬĚ· banni

Such utterances should be understood as ‘let it be Thursday, let it be

Friday (it does not matter which one of these days it is), please come’.

āyitu

ಆĥತು āyitu literally means ‘it became’ or ‘it happened / occurred’.

There are, however, two idiomatic, related uses of the word. One such
use means ‘it is over / done / finished’. (‘ಆ ೆಲಸವನು· ಾēʵೕ ಾ? ā
kelasavannu māḍiddīrā?’ ‘ಆĥತು. āyitu.’ ‘Did you do that work?’ ‘Yes,
it’s done.’)
Another common use of ಆĥತು āyitu is as the equivalent of the
colloquial English ‘okay / all right’ as an expression of agreement or ap-
proval: here it should be understood as meaning ‘[think of the matter
as if] it has [already] occurred’. (‘ĚೕವY ಇದನು· ನನ ೋಸ¤ರ ಾಡ ೇಕು
nīvu idannu nanagōskara māḍabēku.’ ‘I want you to do this for me.’
‘ಆĥತು āyitu.’‘All right.’)

sigu / sikku

Another verb that demands a good deal of re-thinking for the Western
learner is the highly frequently used Įಗು sigu ‘to be obtained, got /
to be met’. It is a strong verb (past stem Į ್¤ sikk‑, gerund sikku).
246 A Manual of Modern Kannada

The difficulty for the foreign learner is that (as is the case with most
verbs that denote inner, psychic processes) the conscious subject that
obtains something or meets someone is not the grammatical agent of
the sentence, but an indirect object, and that which is obtained, or the
person who is met, is the grammatical subject. In Kannada one does
not say ‘I got it’ or ‘I met him’, but something like ‘it was got to me’
and ‘he was met to me’: 17

ಅದು ನನ ೆ ĮĄ¤ತು adu nanage sikkitu I got it

ಅದು ನನ ೆ ĮĄ¤ ೆ adu nanage sikkide I have got it
ಅವನು ನನ ೆ Įಕ¤ avanu nanage sikka I met him

The relative participles are Įಗುವ siguva and Įಕ¤ sikka: ನನ ೆ Įಗುವ
ಹಣ nanage siguva haṇa ‘the money which I will get’, ನನ ೆ Įಕ¤ ಹಣ
nanage sikka haṇa ‘the money which I got’.
Sometimes one finds a variant of this verb: Įಕು¤ sikku, which is
conjugated just like any regular verb of the first class: ಅವನು ನನ ೆ
ĮĄ¤ದ avanu nanage sikkida ‘I met him’.

tagu

The primary meaning of the verb ತಗು tagu is ‘to join, fit, suit’. Like Įಗು
sigu, it is a strong verb (past stem ತ ್¤‑ takk‑). In contemporary usage
the form which is met with most often is the past relative participle
ತಕ¤ takka, which can be translated as ‘suitable, proper’. Of course this
relative participle can be pronominalized:

įೕ ೆ ಾಡುವYದು hīge māḍuvudu it is proper to do

ತಕ¤ದು takkadu that [‘so-doing is a
proper thing’]

Very often, however, one finds the combination of a verb in the short
infinitive (in ‑a) together with ತಕ¤ takka, and this means nothing more
than the non-past relative participle of the first verb. Hence the two
phrases
 Lesson 19 247

ಅĩÀ ಇರತಕ¤ ಜನರು alli iratakka janaru the people who will
be there
ಅĩÀ ಇರುವ ಜನರು alli iruva janaru the people who will
be there

mean exactly the same. The difference is merely a stylistic one, the
phrase with takka sounding more literary.

baru

A common idiomatic meaning of ಬರು baru ‘to come’ is ‘to know, to

have mastered’, e.g., when there is mention of a learned skill, such
as a game, knowing a language, or knowing how to play a musical
instrument.

Ěಮ ೆ ಇಂĆÀಷು nimage Iṃgliṣu do you know

ಬರುತ³ ೆ ಾ? baruttadeyā? English? [‘does
English come to
you?’]
ನನ ೆ ೊಳಲು nanage koḷalu I know how to play
ಬರುತ³ ೆ baruttade the flute [‘the flute
comes to me’]

Esp. when baruttade is used in this idiomatic sense, its pronunciation is

shortened in rapid colloquial speech to barutte, and as a question (‘are
you able to X?’) the full baruttadeyā? becomes baruttā? (as in Ěಮ ೆ
ಕನ·ಡ ಬರು ಾ³? nimage kannaḍa baruttā? ‘do you speak Kannada?’).

baru as an auxiliary verb

The verb ಬರು baru ‘to come’ can also fulfil the function of an auxiliary
verb, in combination with either a gerund or a present participle, as in
the following sentence:
ĩಂ ಾಯತ ಮತು³ īೕರ ೈವ ಪದಗಳು ಾ¾ċೕನ¡ಾįತ½ದĩÀ ಪ ಾ -
ಯ ೆಂಬಂ ೆ ಬಳ ೆ ಾಗುತ³ ಬಂĘ ೆ. Liṃgāyata mattu Vīraśaiva padagaḷu
prācīnasāhityadalli paryāyaveṃbaṃte baḷakeyāgutta baṃdive. ‘The words
“Lingāyata” and “Vīraśaiva” have been used as though they were syn-
onyms since ancient literature.’
248 A Manual of Modern Kannada

In this sentence 18 Liṃgāyata mattu Vīraśaiva padagaḷu (‘The words

“Lingāyata” and “Vīraśaiva”’) is the subject, hence the finite verb at
the end is in the plural (ive ‘they are’). Those two words, as paryāya
(alternatives, synonyms), are used (baḷakeyāgutta = baḷake āgutta, ‘be-
coming usage’) in ancient literature (prācīnasāhityadalli) and baṃdive
‘have come’. The combination of a present participle and a form of
baru signifies that what is expressed by the verb of the participle is an
ongoing process: in this sentence, we are told that already in ancient
literature those two words liṃgāyata and vīraśaiva were used as though
they were (eṃbaṃte) synonyms, but not only in ancient literature: up
to the present day. The verb ¢ೋಗು hōgu ‘to go’ can be used in a
similar way.
In certain contexts, baru as an auxiliary verb after a gerund may
also convey a meaning that is similar to an Indo-European passive. In
the same paragraph as the previous example, we find the following
sentence:
įೕĆದೂµ ಇವY ಾĖÂಕ ಾĆ ġನ·ಪದಗ ೆಂಬ, ಈ ಾರಣĘಂ ಾĆ ġನ·-
ಸಂಪ¾ ಾಯ ಸೂಚಕ ಪದಗ ೆಂಬ ಅġ ಾ¾ಯ ಅ ಾಗ ೇĪಬರುತ³ĩ ೆ. Hī-
giddū ivu tātvikavāgi bhinnapadagaḷeṃba, ī kāraṇadiṃdāgi bhinnasaṃpra-
dāya sūcaka padagaḷeṃba abhiprāya āgāga kēḷibaruttalide. ‘Although it
is so, now and then the opinion is heard that they are fundamentally
different words and for this reason are words indicating different tra-
ditions.’
Here the continuous kēḷibaruttalide (kēḷi + barutta[l] + ide) indi-
cates that the opinion (abhiprāya) is heard not just once, but repeatedly.

ಅಂಥ aṃtha after relative participles

ಅಂಥ aṃtha (or the older, original version of the word: ಅಂತಹ aṃtaha)
‘such [as that]’ is often found added to a relative participle without
any significant change of meaning: thus ಅĩÀ ಇರುವಂಥ ಜನರು alla
iruvaṃtha janaru could be literally translated as ‘such people as are to
be there’, but in English this sounds rather stilted, and it is not wrong
to translate ‘the people who will be there’ / ‘the people who are there’.
Some public speakers enjoy adding aṃtha to the combination of
infinitive with takka, again with no real change of meaning:ಅĩÀ ಇರತ-
ಕ¤ಂಥ ಜನರು alli iratakkaṃtha janaru. 19
 Lesson 19 249

Possibility
Apart from the construction infinitive + bahudu (discussed in lesson
15) and the potential mood (discussed in lesson 17), there are also
others ways to express possibility.
(1) One way to express this is by means of the Sanskrit loanword
¡ಾಧ½ sādhya ‘possible’. The matter that is possible is the logical subject
of the sentence, and sādhya is the predicate. The subject is often a
verbal noun:

¢ಾ ೆ ಬ ೆಯುವYದು hāge bareyuvudu it is possible to

¡ಾಧ½ sādhya write that

Somewhat irregularly, 20 many authors superfluously add ಇ ೆ ide:

¢ಾ ೆ ಬ ೆಯುವYದು hāge bareyuvudu it is possible to

¡ಾಧ½ī ೆ sādhyavide write that

However, one also finds sādhya used together with the infinitive:

¢ಾ ೆ ಬ ೆಯಲು hāge bareyalu it is possible to

¡ಾಧ½ sādhya write that

The negative is formed either by using ಅ¡ಾಧ½ asādhya ‘impossible’:

¢ಾ ೆ ಬ ೆಯಲು hāge bareyalu it is not possible to

ಅ¡ಾಧ½ asādhya write that

which can, not surprisingly, lead to the elision of the final ‑u of the
preceding infinitive:

¢ಾ ೆ ಬ ೆಯಲ¡ಾಧ½ hāge bareyalasādhya it is not possible to

write that

or one uses the verbal noun:

250 A Manual of Modern Kannada

¢ಾ ೆ ಬ ೆಯುವYದು hāge bareyuvudu it is not possible to

ಅ¡ಾಧ½ asādhya write that

and, parallel to the above-mentioned use ¡ಾಧ½ī ೆ, one often encoun-

ters ¡ಾಧ½īಲÀ sādhyavilla:

¢ಾ ೆ ಬ ೆಯಲು hāge bareyalu it is not possible to

¡ಾಧ½īಲÀ sādhyavilla write that

¢ಾ ೆ ಬ ೆಯುವYದು hāge bareyuvudu it is not possible to

¡ಾಧ½īಲÀ sādhyavilla write that

A somewhat old-fashioned equivalent of sādhya is ಶಕ½ śakya.

(2) Another way to express possibility is to use ಆಗು āgu as an aux-
iliary verb. The simple expression ಆಗುತ³ ೆ āguttade (‘it happens’, ‘it
occurs’, or ‘it becomes’) is often used in the sense of ‘it is possible’.
Similarly, the expression ಆಗುವYĘಲÀ āguvudilla can mean ‘it is not pos-
sible’. Thus the sentence ಇದು ಾಡ ಾಗುತ³ ೆ idu māḍalāguttade can
be translated ‘it is being done’ or ‘it is possible to do it’. As so often,
one must pay close attention to the context.
(3) Another way of expressing possibility (in the sense of someone
being capable of performing an action) is the use of the verb ballu,
mentioned above in this lesson.

Notes
1
It should be noted that when used with numerical qualifiers, maṃdi is per-
fectly neutral; however, when one speaks about a specific person as a ‘maṃdi’,
the word is not neutral but idiomatically acquires a distancing, somewhat de-
valuing meaning (cf. the word ‘individual’ when in English one says ‘that Mr.
Smith is an individual whom I have met before’). The neutral word for ‘person’
is vyakti.
2
To give one typical example: in an illustrated comic book about the life of
Adolf Hitler (Aḍālph Hiṭlar. Wilco Picture Library. Bangalore: Sapna Book
House, 2011. 16 pp.) the protagonist is consistently referred to as āta.
3
This usage explains why some Indians, when speaking English, use ‘itself’ as
an emphasizing word where a native speaker of English would not do so (e.g.,
‘he came now itself’).
 Lesson 19 251

4
In the neighbouring Tamil language, koḷ still means ‘to take’.
5
However, the simple kare, without the auxiliary koḷḷu, can already be used
in the meaning of ‘to invite’.
6
From ೆ ೆದು ೊಳುÁ tegedukoḷḷu.
7
From ಮಲĆ ೊಳುÁ malagikoḷḷu.
8
The simple verb ¡ಾಯು sāyu ‘to die’ is used for non-humans (animals etc.)
and for persons for whom the speaker feels no personal attachment (as in news-
paper reports about catastrophes) or about whom the speaker wishes to express
no respect. More respectful is the expression ĖೕĨ ೊಳುÁ tīrikoḷḷu, literally ‘to
end for oneself’. Another, elegant expression for the occurrence of the end of a
person’s life is ಾಲ ಾಗು kālavāgu ‘to become time’, and one can speak about
a deceased or ‘late’ person as Ęವಂಗತ ಾದ divaṃgatarāda (divaṃgataru-āda)
‘who has gone to heaven’ or ಸÂಗ ಸ´ ಾದ svargastharāda ‘who has become situ-
ated in heaven’, and among Liṃgāyatas or Vīraśaivas one finds the expression
ĩಂ ೈಕ½ ಾದ liṃgaikyarāda ‘who has become one with the Liṃga’.
9
Kittel 1903: 342 (§316) gives examples of this use of biḍu with the shorter
infinitive in -a (such as ನನ·ನು· ¢ೋಗ Ġಡು! nannannu hōga biḍu! ‘let me go!’),
but this seems to be rare in the contemporary written language.
10
Sentence taken from Venkatachalasastry 2007: 41.
11
Sentence taken from Bhat 2001: 6.
12
This is a frequently occurring example of ādēśasaṃdhi (see the chapter on
sandhi).
13
pūrvapadāṃtya svaragaḷāda u, a, i, e – ‘u, a, i, e that are preceding-word-end
[pūrva-pada-aṃtya] vowels’: a good example of how lengthy Sanskrit com-
pounds are frequently used in scholarly writing.
14
Sentence taken from Venkatachalasastry 2007: 41-42.
15
Compare this with the French verb savoir, which also carries the dual mean-
ing of ‘to know’ and ‘to be able to, to know how to’, as in je sais parler français
‘I can speak French’, ‘I know how to speak French’.
16
This is the title of a collection of informative essays about linguistics for
laypeople, written by the linguist ē. ಎ ್. ಶಂಕರ ಭ ್, ಾ ೆಯ ಬ ೆ ೆ Ěೕ-
ೇನು ಬĩÀĨ? (D.N. Shankara Bhat, Bhasheya bagege nīvēnu balliri? Mysore:
Bhashaprakashana, 3rd ed. 2002).
17
This is a pan-Indian grammatical construction: e.g., the Urdu / Hindi mujhe
milā hai is a rather exact equivalent of the Kannada nanage sikkide.
18
The opening sentence from the essay īೕರ ೈವಪದ: ಐĖ¢ಾĮಕ ೆಳವĕ ೆ
‘The Word “Vīraśaiva”: Historical Development’, by the late Prof. M.M.
Kalburgi (ಎಂ. ಎಂ. ಕಲಬುĆ . ಾಗ ಸಂಪYಟ ೪. M.M. Kalaburgi. Mārga.
Volume 4. Bangalore: Sapna, 2010 (3rd ed.), pp. 203-210.)
19
When I once heard a well-known public speaker in Mysore use this construc-
tion repeatedly in an improvised speech, I asked a highly educated mother-
tongue speaker what exactly the speaker meant and how this usage differs
from the simple relative participle. He answered: “it just sounds grand. At the
252 A Manual of Modern Kannada

same time, because it takes time to pronounce the extra syllables that convey
no meaning, he wins some time to think about what to say next.”
20
iru is of course the existential verb, not the copula; nevertheless, it is quite
common to see such a construction. The sentence seems to mean ‘writing that
exists as something possible’.
 Sandhi

Hoysaḷa-style sculpture of
Gaṇēśa, lord of obstacles,
Haḷēbīḍu (Halebid)

Introductory theoretical remarks

The written word is a graphic representation of the spoken word; this
graphic representation does not reflect all the possible, sometimes very
subtle, differences in pronunciation that occur in actual speech. A per-
son can be recognized by peculiarities of purely personal pronunciation
that cannot be written (this is how one can recognize a person’s voice
on the telephone, for instance). In the speech of every person, the oc-
currence of sequences of certain speech sounds can lead to changes in
those sounds or in those sequences of sounds, which makes the pro-
nunciation of the sentences in which they occur easier.
Some of these changes are so commonly accepted within the speech
community that they are reflected in writing. This happens, for in-
stance, when the English sequence I am becomes I’m. The apostrophe
is a conventional sign in English spelling to indicate that one of several
possible euphonic combinations (in this particular case: elision) has
occurred. This can occur in practically all languages that are written in
a script that reflects pronunciation, whether that script is an alphabet,
as is the case with English, or an abugida, as with Kannada and almost
all the other languages of India.
254 A Manual of Modern Kannada

In Sanskrit, the foremost classical language of India, this phenom-

enon is so prominent that the Sanskrit word for it, sandhi, has been
adopted also by Western linguists to denote the phenomenon of eu-
phonic combination in any language. In several languages, euphonic
combination has been codified in the form of grammatical rules. For
instance, in French, nobody writes ‘the school’ as *la école. When the
word école is preceded by the definite article la, the final vowel of the
article is elided (and replaced in writing by an apostrophe, the spelling
convention which English also adopted): l’école. This simple kind of
sandhi is called, in Kannada grammatical terminology, lōpasaṃdhi or
‘sandhi [characterized by] loss’. In some languages there is no such
indication as an apostrophe, as in the case of Portuguese, where, for
instance, the word sequences de and o, or de and a (‘of the’, mascu-
line and feminine singular respectively) melt together to do and da.
Similarly, there are no special elision markers in Indian scripts. 1
In Kannada there are two sets of sandhi rules: (a) indigenous Kan-
nada rules, (b) rules that apply to loanwords from Sanskrit. The rules
of Sanskrit sandhi, which apply only to compound words that are bor-
rowed from Sanskrit and to neologisms that are based on Sanskrit el-
ements, are complicated and many, and they are best learnt from a
book on Sanskrit grammar. In Kannada they are relevant only for
understanding why certain changes occur within Sanskrit compound
words (e.g., why manas and vṛtti together form manōvṛtti, aṃtaḥ and
rāṣṭrīya become aṃtārāṣṭrīya ‘international’ 2, graṃtha and ālaya be-
come graṃthālaya ‘library’, etc.), but the beginning learner need not
know all the underlying rules of Sanskrit sandhi, just as a learner of
English need not understand the corresponding Latin rules of euphonic
combination that modify the common prefix in the English words con-
duct, comfort and corrupt.
In modern Kannada, the rules of sandhi are not consistently ap-
plied but are rather considered to be something optional. 3 This makes
the occurrence of sandhi quite unpredictable and largely a matter of
regional and personal preference. All the forms of sandhi that are de-
scribed below occur frequently in writing (and still more so in speech),
therefore the learner must be aware of the phenomenon and know the
rules, so that he can recognize the forms of the words that may become
partly hidden because of sandhi. 4
 Sandhi 255

Kannada sandhi
There are three kinds of Kannada sandhi: lōpasaṃdhi, āgamasaṃdhi and
ādēśasaṃdhi.

Lōpasaṃdhi

‘Sandhi by loss’, or elision, occurs when the short final vowel of a word
is elided due to the following word beginning with a vowel. This hap-
pens particularly often when that short final vowel is u, but it also
commonly occurs with e or i, and it may also occur with a final a when
this is not considered an essential part of the word (for instance, when
it is the vowel of the genitive suffix – see below).
This type of sandhi is extremely common, and especially in the
combinations āgi + a form of the verb ‘to be’ (either a form of iru, or
the negativeilla as well as alla) and alli / illi (alli also as the ending of
the locative case) + a form of ‘to be’, one sees practically nothing else
in writing.

avaru + ū avarū they too

avaru + ā avarā they?
hōguvudu + illa hōguvudilla will not go
cennāgi + illa cennāgilla is not nice
nānu + alla nānalla not me
nīvu + allade nīvallade besides you
māḍalu + illa māḍalilla did not do
hāge + illa hāgilla not so
illi + ide illide it is here

Lōpasaṃdhi is also seen where the final a of the genitive is elided before
a following vowel:

haṇada āse haṇadāse hankering after

money
256 A Manual of Modern Kannada

adhikārada āse adhikāradāse hankering after

authority
pustakada aṃgaḍi pustakadaṃgaḍi bookshop (‘shop of
book’)

The same occurs in the formation of the locative case (which is actually
a genitive + alli) and with the postposition oḷage:

maneya + alli maneyalli in the house

maneya + oḷage maneyoḷage inside the house

It should be noted that in the modern language, particularly in prose,

this type of sandhi is considered optional, not compulsory when the two
successive words are felt to be two distinct, independent words in their
own right: for instance, haṇada āse and haṇadāse are both permissible,
but the former is nowadays seen more often. (However, see the above
note about the forms of iru, āgu, illa and alla at the end of sentences.)
The final e of the dative also disappears before a following vowel:

manege + ā manegā home? / to the house?

yārige + ō yārigō to someone
nanage + ū nanagū also to me

It is not possible for any dictionary or grammar to include all the possi-
ble combinations that may occur through such applications of sandhi.
However, the agglutinative structure of the Dravidian languages makes
it easy to detect such occurrences. If, for instance, one does not recog-
nize the expression pustakadaṃgaḍi, one simply takes a dictionary and
looks for words that begin with the same sequence of letters. When one
has found pustaka ‘book’ and realizes that this, of course, is a neuter
noun that is declined after the pattern of mara etc., then one realizes
that the genitive of pustaka is pustakada, and the d in the middle of the
compound word is explained. Then one looks for the next member of
the compound, aṃgaḍi, and one understands what the compound word
means.
Lopasaṃdhi is extremely common before forms of the verbs iru
and āgu towards the end of sentences and clauses: alli tuṃba janarid-
dāre (alli tuṃba janaru iddāre), bīdiyalli hasugaḷive (bīdiyalli hasugaḷu
 Sandhi 257

ive), hasividdare cennāgilla (hasivu iddare cennāgi illa), etc., and always
occurs when the extremely frequently used gerund āgi is followed by
a form of iru: cennāgide (cennāgi ide), cennāgiddēne (cennāgi iddēne),
suṃdaravāgide (suṃdaravāgi ide), etc.

Āgamasaṃdhi

‘Sandhi by coming’ (i.e., by arrival of an additional consonant) occurs

when a connecting consonant is inserted between two vowels. Usually,
if the preceding vowel is i, e or ai, the connecting consonant will be y;
otherwise, it will be v.

mara + alla maravalla is not a tree

gōdi + illa gōdiyilla there is no wheat
illi + ū illiyū also here
huḍugi + ū huḍugiyū also a girl
vidyārthi + ā vidyārthiyā? a student?
pustaka + ā pustakavā? a book?

In some cases, a different historical consonant, which has been lost in

a later stage of development of the language, may reappear (compare,
for instance, the French aime-t-il?, where an original Latin t,which dis-
appeared from the third person singular in French, has somehow been
preserved subconsciously in the collective memory of the speech com-
munity and returns before a following vowel). This occurs in Kannada
when, for instance, an l appears when one of the suffixes ā, ū or ē is
added to a word in the ablative case, or to the time-indicating adverbs
īga / āga / yāvāga. Similarly, an n is always added after a masculine
word ending in a before the case endings, because originally, in Old
Kannada, such words did not end in a, but in an.

manuṣya + ige manuṣyanige to a man

huḍuga + a huḍugana of a boy
adu huḍuga + alla adu huḍuganalla that is not a boy
258 A Manual of Modern Kannada

alliṃda + ē alliṃdalē from there

(emphasized)
elliṃda + ādarū elliṃdalādarū from anywhere
elliṃda + ō elliṃdalō from somewhere
īga + ū īgalū also now
yāvāga + ū yāvagalū always
yāvāga + ādarū yāvagalādarū any time
yāvāga + ō yāvagalō some time
īga + ā īgalā now?

Sometimes we see that more than one type of sandhi is acceptable:

for instance, when a locative ending in alli is followed by one of the
enclitics ā, ē, ō, ū:

maneyalliyū also in the house (āgamasaṃdhi)

maneyallū also in the house (lōpasaṃdhi)

Āgamasaṃdhi is extremely common before forms of the verbs iru and

āgu towards the end of sentences and clauses: avara hattira haṇavide
(avara hattira haṇa ide), adu kaṣṭavāguttade (adu kaṣṭa āguttade), kaṣṭavā-
dare bēḍa (kaṣṭa ādare bēḍa), etc.
A special kind of āgamasaṃdhi is found after the case ending for the
ablative case and after the adverbs of time īga, āga and yāvāga: when
any of the suffixes ā, ē, ō, ū is added, the consonant l is inserted between
the inflected word and the suffix, resulting in combinations such as
adariṃdalē, īgalū, yāvāgalō etc. This is the return of a historical final
consonant that was lost in the period after the twelfth century, when
the language no longer tolerated words that ended in a consonant. 5

Ādēśasaṃdhi

‘Sandhi by substitution’ occurs when the second of two words that

combine begins with an unvoiced plosive consonant (k, p, t). This
consonant is changed to the voiced consonant of the same varga (g,
b, d). Most of the words in which this type of sandhi occurs are old
compounds.
 Sandhi 259

maḷe + kāla maḷegāla monsoon, rainy

season
suḍu + kāḍu suḍugāḍu cremation ground
(‘burning area’)
heṇṇu + kūsu heṃgūsu baby girl (‘female
baby’)
beṭṭa + tāvare beṭṭadāvare mountain lotus
nil[lu] + tāṇa nildāṇa station (‘standing
place’)
kaṇṇu + pani kaṃbani tears (‘eye water’)

Notes
1
The one exception is the so-called avagraha that is used in writing Sanskrit
and indicates an elided initial short a, but its use, however common nowadays,
is not compulsory.
2
This is one of the most frequently misspelled words, not only in Kannada,
but in all languages across India. Often one finds wrong spellings such as
aṃtarrāṣṭrīya and aṃtararāṣṭrīya.
3
Cf. Kittel 1903: 170 (§213): “It occurs in the ancient, medieval and modern
dialect, especially in poetry. The colloquial dialect and modern prose writings
often disregard it.”
4
Similarly, when learning English, a learner must learn that it’s means the
same as it is, won’t the same as will not, etc. etc.
5
This is comparable with the return of a historical t in French in the case of
inversion of subject and verb: il a, but a-t-il?
 Numerals

Licence plate of an automobile

with Kannada and European
numerals

Cardinal numbers – ordinal numbers – numerals and persons – fractions –

inclusive expressions – ‘hundreds of’

Cardinal numbers
In comparison to the numerals in the modern Indo-European languages
of north India, those in the Dravidian languages are comfortingly sys-
tematic and therefore relatively easy to learn.
The numerical system shows traces of what originally appears to
have been not a decimal, but an octal system, with original names for
the numbers one through eight, a word for ‘ten’, and a word for ‘nine’
that etymologically translates as ‘one less than ten’. There are words
for hundred and thousand, but then the parallel to the European system
stops. There is no word for ‘million’ or ‘billion’; instead, there is a word
for a unit of one hundred thousand, lakṣa (what in Indianized English
is commonly called ‘lakh’), and a word for a unit of ten millions, kōṭi
(what in Indianized English is called ‘crore’). 1

ಒಂದು oṃdu one

ಎರಡು eraḍu two
ಮೂರು mūru three
ಾಲು¤ nālku four
ಐದು aidu five
262 A Manual of Modern Kannada

ಆರು āru six

ಏಳು ēḷu seven
ಎಂಟು eṃṭu eight
ಒಂಬತು³ oṃbattu nine
ಹತು³ hattu ten

All these numerals are nouns meaning ‘[number] (of things)’ and can
be declined following to the pattern of adu:

ಒಂದು oṃdu one (nominative /

accusative)
ಒಂದನು· oṃdannu one (specific
accusative)
ಒಂದĨಂದ oṃdariṃda from one
ಒಂದ ೆ¤ oṃdakke to one
ಒಂದರ oṃdara of one
ಒಂದರĩÀ oṃdaralli in one

ಎರಡನು· eraḍannu two (specific

accusative)
ಮೂರ ೆ¤ mūrakke to three
ಾಲ¤ರ nālkara of four
ಐದĨಂದ aidariṃda from five
ಆರĩÀ āraralli in six

Often, though, these inflected forms of the numerals must be translated

in special idiomatic manners:

ಅĩÀ ೆಲವY ಮರಗಳು alli kelavu maragaḷu There are a few trees
ಇ ೆ. ಐದರĩÀ ive. aidaralli over there. Fruits can
ಹಣು²ಗಳು haṇṇugaḷu be seen in five of
ಾĕಸುತ³ ೆ. kāṇisuttave. them.
 Numerals 263

ಾಲ¤Ĩಂದ ಹಣು²ಗಳು nālkariṃda haṇṇugaḷu Fruits have fallen

Ġʵ ೆ. biddive. from four of them.

Expressions such as the above are rather rare in modern practice. These
inflected forms are mostly used in arithmetical expressions: 2

ಅದĨಂದ ಒಂದನು· ಕ ೆ adariṃda oṃdu kaḷe deduct one from that

ಆರ ೆ¤ ಎರಡನು· ārakke eraḍannu add two to six
ಕೂēಸು kūḍisu
ಮೂರನು· ಾಲ¤Ĩಂದ mūrannu nālkariṃda multiply three by
ಗುĕಸು guṇisu four
ನೂರನು· ಇಪ¸ತ³Ĩಂದ nūrannu ippattariṃda divide one hundred
ಾĆಸು bhāgisu by twenty

The numerals eleven to nineteen demand some attention. Note that

when ‘one’ or ‘two’ is added to ‘ten’ of a multiple of ten, hattu be-
comes hann(u), and that when ‘three’ to ‘eight’ is added, hattu becomes
hadi(n):

ಹ ೊ·ಂದು hannoṃdu eleven

ಹ ೆ·ರಡು hanneraḍu twelve
ಹĘಮೂರು hadimūru thirteen
ಹĘ ಾಲು¤ hadinālku fourteen
ಹĘ ೈದು hadinaidu fifteen
ಹĘ ಾರು hadināru sixteen
ಹĘ ೇಳು hadinēḷu seventeen
ಹĘ ೆಂಟು hadineṃṭu eighteen
ಹ ೊ³ಂಬತು³ hattoṃbattu nineteen

After that, the higher numerals are as follows: 3

ಇಪ¸ತು³ ippattu twenty

ಇಪ¸ ೊ³ಂದು ippattoṃdu twenty-one
264 A Manual of Modern Kannada

ಇಪ¸ ೆ³ರಡು ippatteraḍu twenty-two

ಇಪ¸ತ³ಮೂರು ippattamūru 4
twenty-three
ಇಪ¸ತ³ ಾಲು¤ ippattanālku twenty-four
ಇಪ¸ ೆ³ೖದು ippattaidu twenty-five
ಇಪ¸ ಾ³ರು ippattāru twenty-six
ಇಪ¸ ೆ³ೕಳು ippattēḷu twenty-seven
ಇಪ¸ ೆ³ಂಟು ippatteṃṭu twenty-eight
ಇಪ¸ ೊ³ಂಬತು³ ippattoṃbattu twenty-nine

ಮೂವತು³ mūvattu 5 thirty

ಾಲÂತು³ nālvattu 6
forty
ಐವತು³ aivattu fifty
ಅರವತು³ aravattu sixty
ಎಪ¸ತು³ eppattu seventy
ಎಂಬತು³ eṃbattu eighty
ೊಂಬತು³ toṃbattu ninety
ನೂರು nūru hundred

ಇನೂ·ರು innūru 200

ಮುಮೂ¼ರು munnūru 300
ಾನೂರು nānūru 400
ಐನೂರು ainūru 500
ಆರುನೂರು ārunūru 600
ಏಳುನೂರು ēḷunūru 700
ಎಂಟುನೂರು eṃṭunūru 800
ಒಂ ೈನೂರು oṃbainūru 900
¡ಾīರ sāvira 1000

When smaller numbers are added to higher units (hundreds, thousands,

etc.), the connection between the higher and lower elements in the
numeral is indicated by the genitive case:
 Numerals 265

ನೂರ ನಲÂ ೊ³ಂದು nūra nalvattoṃdu 141

¡ಾīರದ ಒಂ ೈನೂರ sāvirada oṃbainūra 1995
ೊಂಬ ೆ³ೖದು toṃbattaidu

The Indian digits 7 also have distinctive Kannada forms. In recent times
they have regained popularity and are used almost as frequently as the
modern, European equivalents:

೧ ೨ ೩ ೪ ೫ ೬ ೭ ೮ ೯ ೦
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 0

Ordinal numbers
Ordinals are made by adding the suffix ‑aneya to a cardinal number:

ಒಂದು oṃdu one ಒಂದ ೆಯ oṃdaneya first

ಐದು aidu five ಐದ ೆಯ aidaneya fifth
ನೂರು nūru one hundred ನೂರ ೆಯ nūraneya one-hundredth

An alternative word for ‘first’ is śದಲ ೆಯ modalaneya, derived from

śದಲು modalu ‘beginning’.
Occasionally, especially when in modern narrative literature the
author tries to reproduce colloquial language, one may find the short-
ened forms in anē or ane: oṃdanē / oṃdane, ippattanē / ippattane, etc.
The ordinal numbers, being attributive words, can be pronominal-
ized by means of the usual suffixes:

ಒಂದ ೆಯದು oṃdaneyadu the first one

ಹತ³ ೆಯವನು hattaneyavanu the tenth man

These new words can of course be declined, like any pronoun or pro-
nominalized word:
266 A Manual of Modern Kannada

ಐದ ೆಯದರĩÀ aidaneyadaralli in the fifth one

ಹತ³ ೆಯವĚ ೆ hattaneyavanige to the tenth man
ಅĩÀ ಏಳು ċೕಲಗಳು alli ēḷu cīlagaḷu ive. There are seven bags
ಇ ೆ. ಾಲ¤ ೆಯದರĩÀ nālkaneyadaralli over there. The
¡ೇಬುಗಳು ಇ ೆ. sēbugaḷu ive. fourth one contains
apples [lit.: in the
fourth one there are
apples].
ಎಷು® ಮಂĘ ಒಳ ೆ eṣṭu maṃdi oḷage See how many people
ಬರು ಾ³ ೆ ಎಂದು baruttāre eṃdu nōḍiri. come in. When the
ೋēĨ. nūraneyavaru one-hundredth person
ನೂರ ೆಯವರು baṃdāga uḷidavarannu has come, send the
ಬಂ ಾಗ ಉĪದವರನು· bēre kaḍege kaḷuhisiri. remaining persons
ೇ ೆ ಕ ೆ ೆ ಕಳುįĮĨ. somewhere else.

Numerals and persons

When things are counted and their number is indicated by a numeral,
the numeral is simply placed before the noun to which it refers, and
all necessary suffixes are added to the following noun.

ಾಲು¤ ಪYಸ³ಕಗಳು nālku pustakagaḷu four books

ģರವĕ ೆ ಮೂರು meravaṇige mūru The procession went
ĠೕĘಗಳĩÀ ¡ಾĆತು. bīdigaḷalli sāgitu. through three streets.

Colloquially, the plural suffix -gaḷu may be omitted when referring to

things.

ಆ ಾಲು¤ ಪYಸ³ಕ ā nālku pustaka bēku. [I] need those four

ೇಕು. books.

In most cases, however, the plain numerals are not used with nouns
that refer to persons. In such cases, a classifier, i.e., an additional
word meaning ‘person’ is usually placed in between the numeral and
the noun. This additional word can be jana or maṃdi.
 Numerals 267

ಅĩÀ ಐದು ಮಂĘ alli aidu maṃdi Four students are

ī ಾ½ė ಗಳು vidyārthigaḷu standing there.
ĚಂĖ ಾµ ೆ. niṃtiddāre.

ಹತು³ ಜನ Ć ಾĄಗĪ ೆ hattu jana girākigaḷige He has sold fruits to

ಹಣು² ಾĨ ಾµ ೆ. haṇṇu māriddāne. ten customers.

Alternatively, up to the count of five, one can use pronominalized short

forms of numerals.

ಒಬºನು obbanu one [male] person

ಒಬºಳು obbaḷu one [female]
person
ಒಬºರು obbaru one person
[politely, or
neutral]
ಇಬºರು ibbaru two persons
ಮೂವರು mūvaru three persons
ಾಲÂರು nālvaru four persons
ಐವರು aivaru five persons

With numbers of persons larger than two, constructions like mūru jana
‘three [persons]’ are preferred.

Fractions
The common word for ‘half’ is a loanword from Sanskrit: ಅಧ ardha.
At a fruit seller’s stall one typically asks, for instance, ಒಂದಧ ೇč
Ąತ³ ೆಹಣು² ೊē oṃdardha kēji kittaḷehaṇṇu koḍi ‘please give [me] a
half kilogram [‘k.g.’] of oranges’. In larger numbers with a half (two
and a half, three and a half, etc.), the Dravidian ಅ ೆ are is used to
build a compound, and a final u of the preceding numeral is never
elided: ಎರಡುವ ೆ eraḍuvare ‘two and a half’, ಐದುವ ೆ aiduvare ‘five
and a half’, etc.
The word for ‘quarter’ is ಾಲು kālu. For smaller fractions a number
and the Sanskrit word ಾಗ bhāga ‘part’ is used (eṃṭaneya bhāga ‘one
eighth’, etc.). 8
268 A Manual of Modern Kannada

The common word for ‘percent’ is ೇಕ ಾ śēkaḍā: ೇಕ ಾ ಹತು³

śēkaḍā hattu ‘10%’.

Inclusive expressions: ‘all [x] of them’

To stress that a statement applies to all of the items that have been
indicated by means of a numeral, the inclusive suffix ū is added to the
numeral or to the pronominalized numeral.

ಇಬºರೂ ಬರಬಹುದು. ibbarū barabahudu. Both of them may

come.
ಇಬºĨಗೂ ¢ೇĪ ೆನು. ibbarigū hēḷidenu I told both of them.
ಸಂಗ¾¢ಾಲಯದĩÀ saṃgrahālayadalli I have seen three
ಮೂರು ċತ¾ಗಳನು· mūru citragaḷannu pictures in the
ೋē ೆµೕ ೆ. ಮೂರೂ nōḍiddēne. mūrū museum. All three of
ೆ ಾ·Ć ೆ. cennāgive. them are nice.

‘Hundreds of’, ‘thousands of’

When one wishes to say something about an indefinitely large number
of several dozens (‘tens’), several hundreds, several thousands of some-
thing, one uses the idiomatic expressions ಹ ಾ³ರು hattāru, ನೂ ಾರು
nūrāru, ¡ಾī ಾರು savirāru:

ģೕčನ ģೕ ೆ mējina mēle hattāru there were dozens of

ಹ ಾ³ರು ಪYಸ³ಕಗಳು pustakagaḷu iddavu books on the table
ಇದµವY
ĠೕĘಯĩÀ ನೂ ಾರು bīdiyalli nūrāru jana there were hundreds
ಜನ ಇದµರು iddaru of people in the street
ಅವನು ¡ಾī ಾರು avanu sāvirāru rūpāyi he spent thousands of
ರೂ ಾĥ ಖಚು kharcu māḍida rupees
ಾēದ
 Numerals 269

Notes
1
The word ‘lakh’ is derived from the originally Sanskrit lakṣa through the
Middle Indian (Prakrit) form lakkha, which in later stages of development in
north India turned to lākha. ‘Crore’ is from the Hindustani kaṛora, of unclear
derivation. These numerals are found in Sanskrit (as the Kannada words, which
are Sanskrit loanwords, indicate) and all across India.
2
These examples have been taken from Kushalappa Gowda 1991: 167.
3
The multiples of ten are combinations of shortened forms of units and the
word for ‘ten’. The ir in ippattu etc. is, historically, a shortened form of eraḍu
(cf. the word for ‘two’ in cognate languages like Tamil: iraṇṭu). Two alterna-
tives exist for ‘thirty’: muvvattu and mūvattu, and for nalvattu ‘forty’ one also
finds nālvattu.
4
One can also hear and read ippattumūru, ippattunālku, and for ‘forty-four’ the
alternatives are nalavattanālku, nālvattunālku, nalvatnālku etc. Cf. also Kittel
1903: 252 (§278).
5
muvvattu is also heard and read.
6
nalavattu and nālvattu are also heard and read.
7
The so-called ‘Arabic numerals’ of the Western world are, of course, not
Arabic but Indian in origin.
8
The older expressions arekālu for ‘one eighth’ (‘half of a quarter’) and vīse
‘one sixteenth’ (cf. Spencer 1950: 385) are nowadays practically no longer in
use.
 Strong or ‘Irregular’ Verbs

The great statue of Narasiṃha at Hampi

There is only one verb in the Kannada language that can be called
‘irregular’ in that some of the inflected forms do not follow a pattern
that is shared with any other verb, and this one verb is iru ‘to be’ in the
present and past tense (this has been discussed in lesson 2).
As has already been mentioned in lesson 5, the ‘irregularness’ of
an irregular verb concerns those verb forms that are derived from the
past tense stem. These are (a) the past tense, (b) the gerund (see lesson
12), (c) the past relative participle (lesson 6), (d) the conditional (and
its derivative, the concessional: lesson 18), and (e) the potential mood
(lesson 17). If one knows the stem for the past tense, one can derive
all these forms regularly.
The ‘irregularness’ can, to some extent, be compared to the irreg-
ularness of the so-called ‘strong verbs’ in the Germanic languages: for
instance, when one compares the English verb forms sweep – swept –
swept and keep – kept – kept, one notices that also among such ‘irregu-
lar’ verbs, some regular patterns emerge. Exactly the same is the case
in Kannada. For instance, there are verbs of which the root ends in i or
e but of which the past stem is formed not by means of the suffix du,
as one ordinarily would expect, but tu:
272 A Manual of Modern Kannada

ಅĨ ari to know ಅĨ ೆನು aritenu I knew

ಕĩ kali to learn ಕĩ ೆನು kalitenu I learnt
ಮ ೆ mare to forget ಮ ೆ ೆನು maretenu I forgot

The gerunds of these verbs are aritu, kalitu, maretu; the past relative
participles are arita, kalita, mareta; the conditionals are aritare, kalitare,
maretare; and the first person singular in the potential mood for these
verbs (‘I may know’, etc.) is aritēnu, kalitēnu, maretēnu. Apart from the
usual d being a t, the modifications that lead to these different verb
forms are the same as for the regular verbs of the i/e class (verbs like
the paradigmatic kare).
Another category of irregular verbs lose the final u of the root and
add the thematic d immediately after the remaining consonant:

ಎನು· ennu to say ಎಂ ೆನು eṃdenu I said

Ėನು· tinnu to eat Ėಂ ೆನು tiṃdenu I ate
ಬಯು½ bayyu to abuse / ಬĦµನು baydenu I abused /
revile reviled

These are roots which originally, in Old Kannada, ended in a consonant

(en, tin, bay, etc.).The gerunds are eṃdu, tiṃdu, baydu; the past relative
participles are eṃda, tiṃda, bayda; the conditionals are eṃdare, tiṃdare,
baydare; and the first person singular in the potential mood for these
verbs (‘I may say’, etc.) is eṃdēnu, tiṃdēnu, baydēnu.
Other roots originally ended in a consonant but drop this consonant
before the following suffix:

ಾಯು kāyu to wait ಾ ೆನು kādenu I waited

ಕುĪರು kuḷiru to sit down ಕುĪ ೆನು kuḷitenu I sat down
¡ೋಲು sōlu to lose / be ¡ೋ ೆನು sōtenu I lost / was
defeated defeated
Įೕನು sīnu to sneeze Įೕ ೆನು sītenu I sneezed

It should be noticed here that in the case of some of these verbs, more
than one possible past stem can be made. E.g., besides the form kādenu
one also finds kāydenu, and besides sītenu the form sīṃdenu also exists. 1
 Strong or ‘Irregular’ Verbs 273

The following lists of strong verbs are not meant to be exhaustive,

but gives examples of types of ‘irregularness’. 2
Two verbs are doubly irregular:

Class I:

ಆಗು āgu to become

ಆĆ āgi (gerund) ಆ ೆನು ādenu I became
¢ೋಗು hōgu to go
¢ೋĆ hōgi (gerund) ¢ೋ ೆನು hōdenu I went

In the case of the two above verbs, the gerund is formed regularly, as
though they were ordinary u-class verbs, but the past stem is after the
pattern of kāyu etc. 3
Once this form is known, the finite forms for the past tense, and
the past relative participle and the conditional can be formed as usual,
by adding the appropriate endings:

kalitu having learnt kalitenu I learnt kalitare if (one) learns

maretu having maretenu I forgot maretare if (one)
forgotten forgets

(etc.)
In the following tables, only the roots and the forms of the gerund
are given.

Class II: gerund ending in tu

ಅĨ ari to know ಅĨತು aritu

ಎ¡ೆ ese to throw ಎ¡ೆತು esetu
ಕĩ kali to learn ಕĩತು kalitu
ಕುĨ kuri to aim ಕುĨತು kuritu
ಕುĮ kusi to sink down / ಕುĮತು kusitu
collapse
ೊ ೆ koḷe to rot ೊ ೆತು koḷetu
274 A Manual of Modern Kannada

ಚĪ caḷi to be tired ಚĪತು caḷitu

ೊ ೆ dore to be obtained ೊ ೆತು doretu
ೆ¡ೆ bese to solder ೆ¡ೆತು besetu
ಮ ೆ mare to forget ಮ ೆತು maretu
ಮ¡ೆ mase to whet ಮ¡ೆತು masetu
ś ೆ moḷe to sprout ś ೆತು moḷetu
ಹುĮ husi to speak falsehood ಹುĮತು husitu
/ lie

Class IIIa: originally consonantal roots, gerund ending in du or tu

ಎನು· ennu to say ಎಂದು eṃdu

Ėನು· tinnu to eat Ėಂದು tiṃdu
ಆಯು āyu to choose ಆಯುµ āydu
ಒಯು½ oyyu to carry off ಒಯುµ oydu
ಾಯು kāyu to wait / grow hot ಾಯುµ kāydu
ೊಯು½ koyyu to reap, pluck ೊಯುµ koydu
ೆಯು½ geyyu to make ೆಯುµ geydu
ೇಯು tēyu to grind ೆಯುµ teydu
ೊಯು½ toyyu to become wet ೊಯುµ toydu
ಬಯು½ bayyu to revile ಬಯುµ baydu
ಾಯು māyu to be hidden ಾಯುµ māydu
ģೕಯು mēyu to graze ģೕಯುµ mēydu
ಸುಯು½ suyyu to sigh ಸುಯುµ suydu
¢ಾಯು hāyu to cross over ¢ಾಯುµ hāydu
ಕವಲು kavalu to become ಕವಲು³ kavaltu
branched
ċಗುರು ciguru to sprout ċಗುತು cigurtu
ೆವರು bevaru to perspire ೆವತು bevartu

Alternative forms for some of the verbs in this class are ādu, kādu, gēdu,
mādu, mēdu, hādu, ciguri, bevari.
 Strong or ‘Irregular’ Verbs 275

Class IIIb: with elision of the original final consonant

ಕುĪರು kuḷiru to sit down ಕುĪತು kuḷitu

ಾರು nāru to stink ಾತು nātu
¡ೋಲು sōlu to be defeated ¡ೋತು sōtu
¢ೇಲು hēlu to pass excrement 4 ¢ೇತು hētu

Class IIIc: the original final consonant of the root is changed

ಇರು iru to be ಇದುµ iddu

ೆರು teru to pay ೆತು³ tettu
ೇಸರು bēsaru to be bored ೇಸತು³ bēsattu
¢ೆರು heru to give birth ¢ೆತು³ hettu
¢ೊರು horu to bear a burden ¢ೊತು³ hottu
ತರು taru to bring ತಂದು taṃdu
ಬರು baru to come ಬಂದು baṃdu
ೊಲುÀ kollu to kill ೊಂದು koṃdu
ೆಲುÀ gellu to win, overcome ೆದುµ geddu
ĚಲುÀ nillu to stand Ěಂತು niṃtu
ಅಳು aḷu to weep ಅತು³ attu
ಉಳು uḷu to plough ಉತು³ uttu
ಏಳು ēḷu to rise ಎದುµ eddu
ಕಳು kaḷu to steal ಕದುµ kaddu
Ąೕಳು kīḷu to pluck, pick Ąತು³ kittu
Ġೕಳು bīḷu to fall Ġದುµ biddu

(Note the shortening of the vowel in the case of the two last-mentioned
verbs.)
In this class, the verbs baru and taru are partly irregular: the 2nd
person singular imperative is ಾ bā ‘come!’ and ಾ tā ‘bring!’, and
in the 3rd person singular neuter imperfect, besides the more regular
ಬಂĘತು baṃditu ‘it came’, the shortened form ಬಂತು baṃtu is more
common.
276 A Manual of Modern Kannada

Class IV: originally monosyllabic verbs with long vowels

ೋಯು nōyu to be in pain ೊಂದು noṃdu

ೇಯು bēyu be burnt ೆಂದು beṃdu
Ģೕಯು mīyu to bathe Ģಂದು miṃdu
ಈ ī to give 5 ಇತು³ ittu
¡ಾಯು sāyu to die 6
ಸತು³ sattu

Class V: verb roots ending in retroflex consonants that change the fol-
lowing consonant of the ending

ಅಡು aḍu to cook ಅಟು® aṭṭu

ಇಡು iḍu to place, put ಇಟು® iṭṭu
ಉಡು uḍu to dress ಉಟು® uṭṭu
ೆಡು keḍu to be spoilt ೆಟು® keṭṭu
ೊಡು koḍu to give ೊಟು® koṭṭu
ೊಡು toḍu to dress ೊಟು® toṭṭu
ೆಡು neḍu to plant ೆಟು® neṭṭu
ಪಡು paḍu to experience ಪಟು® paṭṭu
Ġಡು biḍu to leave Ġಟು® biṭṭu
ಸುಡು suḍu to burn ಸುಟು® suṭṭu
¢ೊರಡು horaḍu to set out ¢ೊರಟು horaṭu
ಉಣು² uṇṇu to eat ಉಂಡು uṃḍu
ಾಣು kāṇu to see ಕಂಡು kaṃḍu
ೊಳುÁ koḷḷu to take, obtain ೊಂಡು koṃḍu

Class VI: verbs ending in a guttural, to which the beginning consonant

of the ending is assimilated

ನಗು nagu to laugh ನಕು¤ nakku

Įಗು sigu to be found 7 Įಕು¤ sikku
 Strong or ‘Irregular’ Verbs 277

¢ೊಗು hogu to enter ¢ೊಕು¤ hokku

Alternative abbreviated forms:

ಒ ೆ ode to kick ಒ ೆದು, odedu,

ಒದುµ oddu
ಕĘ kadi to steal ಕĘದು, kadidu,
ಕದುµ kaddu
¢ೊ ೆ hode to put on (dress) ¢ೊ ೆದು, hodedu,
¢ೊದುµ hoddu

A few common verbs have special alternative abbreviated forms of the

gerund when used in combination with the auxiliary verb koḷḷu:

ಎ ೆ eḷe to pull ಎಳ ೊಳುÁ eḷakoḷḷu

ಕ ೆ kare to call ಕರ ೊಳುÁ karakoḷḷu
ĖĪ tiḷi to understand Ėಳ ೊಳುÁ tiḷakoḷḷu
ಮಲಗು malagu to lie down ಮಲ ೊಳುÁmalakoḷḷu
ೆ ೆ tege to take ತ ೊಳುÁ, tagoḷḷu,
ತ ೊ¤ಳುÁ takkoḷḷu

Especially these forms of kare and tege are colloquially in very frequent
use (the full forms karedukoṃḍu and tegedukoṃḍu being more literary),
when used together with baru ‘to come’ or hōgu ‘to go’. The combina-
tion karedukoṃḍu baru / karakoṃḍu baru (lit. ‘having-called-for-oneself
to come’) means ‘to bring’ when referring to persons, whereas the com-
bination tegedukoṃḍu baru / tagoṃḍu baru also means ‘to bring’, but
only when referring to non-human objects:

ಾನು ಅವರನು· nānu avarannu I’ll bring them (along

ಕರ ೊಂಡು ಬರು ೆ³ೕ ೆ karakoṃḍu baruttēne with me)
ಾನು ಆ ಪYಸ³ಕಗಳನು· nānu ā pustakagaḷannu I’ll bring those books
ತ ೊಂಡು ಬರು ೆ³ೕ ೆ tagoṃḍu baruttēne

Similarly, the combinations with hōgu mean ‘to take (away)’:

278 A Manual of Modern Kannada

ಾನು ಅವರನು· nānu avarannu I’ll take them

ಕರ ೊಂಡಉ ಮ ೆ ೆ karakoṃḍu manege (persons) to my home
¢ೋಗು ೆ³ೕ ೆ hōguttēne
ಾನು ಆ ಪYಸ³ಕಗಳನು· nānu ā pustakagaḷannu I’ll take those books
ತ ೊಂಡು ಮ ೆ ೆ tagoṃḍu manege home
¢ೋಗು ೆ³ೕ ೆ hōguttēne

Notes
1
Again, this can be compared to English, where a verb such as ‘to learn’ has
two alternative past forms: learnt and learned.
2
The following division in classes of strong verbs has been adopted from
Spencer 1950.
3
In the neighbouring language Tamil, one finds these verbs have two alterna-
tive root forms: ā and pō, besides āku and pōku. Presumably a similar situation
existed in the earliest stages of Kannada.
4
This verb is considered indelicate or vulgar, rather like the English ‘to shit’,
and the learner should not normally use it; but it is useful in teaching, to
illustrate the importance of the distinction between the dental and retroflex
lateral consonants, cf. the contrast with the everyday verb hēḷu ‘to say’.
5
This verb is used somewhat ceremoniously. The verb ordinarily used for ‘to
give’ is koḍu.
6
Used for non-humans and for humans whom the speaker does not particu-
larly respect. There are a few different, more delicate expressions that are the
equivalent of the English ‘to pass away’, ‘to be no more’ etc.
7
The root also occurs as sikku, with gerund sikki, as a regular u-class verb.
 Colloquialisms

Downtown Bangalore: Brigade Road,

the main shopping street for clothing and electronics

This manual is basically one of modern literary Kannada, follow-

ing the modern written standard of the language. But like every living
language, also Kannada is dynamic, and even though it is basically a
highly conservative language, 1 written Kannada shows a certain ten-
sion between the written standard and influences from spoken vari-
eties.
Many modern teaching manuals of Kannada that are being pro-
duced in India nowadays profess to teach a ‘practical’ kind of language
that is spoken – but the simple fact is that there is no standard spoken,
colloquial Kannada: it simply does not exist. Just as is the case with
practically every other larger language in the world, colloquial lan-
guage is characterized by regional as well as social peculiarities. This
means that every colloquial variety of language is limited in geographic
and social spread. There are, however, a few general tendencies that
can be encountered in spoken forms of Kannada.
Nowadays many authors enjoy mixing elements from local or so-
cial varieties of Kannada into their writing to create literary effects,
liveliness and couleur locale, just as authors in other literary languages
around the world do. 2 Some of these colloquialisms are rather wide-
spread and so well known that they may also enter into writing that is
not belletristic. It is useful for the learner to be aware of some of the
most common colloquialisms.
280 A Manual of Modern Kannada

The features which will be discussed in this chapter can be catego-

rized as follows:

− case endings
− verb endings
− contracted verb forms
− ‘aṃta’
− Anglicisms

Case endings
As with most other colloquialisms, the changes that may occur in case
endings are typically contractions, particularly in the locative and ac-
cusative.
In the dative of pronouns the second vowel is often elided: naṃge
(nanage), avrige (avarige), niṃge (ninage), namge (namage), nimge (nim-
age), avnige (avanige), avḷige (avaḷige).
In certain regions, one often hears the accusative suffix ‑annu be-
come ‑anna or even ‑na or ‑a: naṃge ā pustakavanna koḍu ‘give me that
book’. (It should be noted, however, that these alternative endings can
be found already in classical literature. 3)
As we have seen, the locative is actually a genitive followed by ‑alli
(thus maneyalli ‘in the house’ can be analysed as ‘there of the house’).
Words that end in e or i or ai will often have this vowel lengthened in
pronunciation, and the a of the locative suffix will be elided: thus one
can hear manēli or even maneli for written maneyalli, bīdīli for bīdiyalli,
and the contraction kaili for kaiyalli (also used as an instrumental post-
position: nānu adannu avana kaili māḍisidenu ‘I had him do that’) is
very common.
The genitive of nouns ending in u usually consists of an incremen-
tal in followed by the actually genitive suffix a, as in bīrina or kārina
(from bīru ‘closet’ and kāru ‘car’). Some speakers omit the increment
or, still more commonly, elide the initial i: bīrna, kārna. By extension
the locatives bīrinalli or kārinalli can become contracted to bīrnalli /
bīralli / bīrli and kārnalli / kāralli / kārli.

Verb endings
Especially in urban southern Karnataka, it is quite common to hear the
vowel quality of the endings for the first personal singular and plural
 Colloquialisms 281

changed: ēne, ēve, evu often become īni, īvi, ivi. Examples: baruttīni
(baruttēne), hōdivi (hōdevu), māḍidivi / māḍidvi (māḍidevu).
The short endings in the past and future tense for the first person
singular (e) and third person masculine singular (a) are generally pre-
ferred to the long endings (enu, anu) in the spoken language.Therefore
one usually hears baṃde (baṃdenu), māḍida (māḍidanu), etc. (Actu-
ally these are not modern colloquialisms, because they were already
in literary use in the twelfth century.) The same happens with the less
common pronouns for the third person singular masculine īta (ītanu)
and āta (ātanu).
It is very common to hear the endings of conditionals and conces-
sionals shortened through elision of the initial a of the endings: māḍidre
(māḍidare), karedrū (karedarū), etc.

Contracted verb forms

Very common is the contraction of the two syllables uvu inside verbal
nouns to a single long vowel: māḍuvudu thus can become māḍōdu or
māḍūdu, for iruvudu one can hear and read irōdu or irūdu, etc. Fur-
ther elisions of short vowels can lead to further contractions of en-
tire words, as especially is the case with the ablative forms of verbal
nouns: e.g., iruvudariṃda may be contracted to something that sounds
like irōdriṃda, etc. In central Karnataka, the dative of a verbal noun
(typically used to indicate purpose, like an infinitive) is similarly con-
tracted: māḍuvudakke can become māḍuke. The place of such a curious
word, which cannot be found in any dictionary, within the complete
sentence will generally clearly enough indicate what kind of contrac-
tion has occurred.
Something similar has happened with the ablative of the pronom-
inalized past relative participle of the verb āgu: ādudariṃda literally
means ‘because of having taking place’ but is also the common equiv-
alent of the English ‘therefore, hence’. This word is in such frequent
use that very often one finds it shortened to āddariṃda, with the short
vowel of the second syllable elided; this is in fact so common that it
has found its way into standard written language.
The present tense marker utt can also become less visible in con-
tractions where the u is elided: māḍtīni (māḍuttēne), bartāne (barut-
tāne), karētīvi (kareyuttēve), etc.
In rapid speech, the expressions illavā? and allavā? at the ends of
sentences may become shortened to ilvā? alvā?
282 A Manual of Modern Kannada

It is not realistic to expect in an introductory teaching manual such

as the present one a detailed description of all the possible elisions and
contractions in spoken Kannada (or in any other spoken language). Too
much depends on a variety of factors, including the purely personal
idiosyncrasies of speakers.

‘aṃta’
One very common and very wide-spread colloquialism is the use of
ಅಂತ aṃta instead of ಎಂದು eṃdu as a quotative marker; it is used in
exactly the same way. It seems that this word is a contraction of an
original present participle ಅನು·ತ³ annutta, which is derived from the
verb root annu, an alloform of the usual ennu. It may be, as some schol-
ars in Karnataka have assured me, that this is the result of Telugu influ-
ence, which would explain why this colloquialism is more frequently
encountered in the eastern part of the Kannada speech area than in the
western, where occasionally one hears ಎಂತ eṃta.

Anglicisms
The spoken language of especially the big urban centres in southern
Karnataka, Mysore and Bangalore, has been flooded with English words
(also totally unnecessary ones) in recent decades. When instead of say-
ing ಾನು ನನ· ೆಲಸದĩÀ ಹಲವY ಪYಸ³ಕಗಳನು· ಬಳಸು ೆ³ೕ ೆ nānu nanna ke-
lasadalli halavu pustakagaḷannu baḷasuttēne (or ಅ ೇಕ ಗ¾ಂಥಗಳನು· ಉಪ-
ŤೕĆಸು ೆ³ೕ ೆ anēka graṃthagaḷannu upayōgisuttēne) someone says ಾನು
ನನ· ವĄ ನĩÀ ತುಂಬ ಬುಕುÅ ಯೂಜು ಾಡು ೆ³ೕ ೆ nānu nanna varkinalli
tuṃba buksu yūju māḍuttēne, this is clearly a sign of linguistic deca-
dence, and the speaker either is trying to put up a show of misplaced
‘modernity’ or ‘cosmopolitanism’ or, more probably, that person is only
semi-cultured and has never properly learnt the Kannada language.
Such pollution of Kannada with totally unnecessary English words does
not improve the clarity of communication (esp. when the meaning of
the borrowed words is altered too 4), yet it is fashionable in certain
sections of Kannada-speaking society.
All such Anglicisms are lexical. Most of them can immediately be
identified in writing 5 by a few curious features that hardly ever oc-
cur in Kannada words: (a) consonantal endings of words, marked with
a virāma, (b) initial retroflex consonants and the general tendency to
 Colloquialisms 283

replace English alveolar plosives (t, d) by retroflexes (ṭ, ḍ), (c) the fre-
quent use of yā to represent the English long vowel [æ:] (the vowel
that is found in ‘man’, ‘at’, etc.), as in ಾ½ಂಟು pyāṃṭu ‘a pair of pants’.
It must also be noted, however, that English words that end in a conso-
nant are often ‘Kannadized’ by adding a final short u (such as buksu and
yūju in the previous paragraph). Examples: a word such as ಕಂಪw½ಟ ್
kaṃpyūṭar is immediately suspect because it ends in a consonant and
contains a ṭ; also ೆĩīಝ ್ ṭelivijhan immediately stands out as an
alien word, with its final consonant, the initial ṭ and the very rare as-
pirated jh.
Because a few English phonemes are alien to the Kannada sound
system and the two languages are rhythmically very different, many
English words are habitually mispronounced in Karnataka, and these
mispronunciations are reflected in writing. Thus the word ಾě kāpi
may mean ‘copy’ or ‘coffee’. English f becomes p or ph, English z be-
comes j.
A curious feature of this uncultured language is the use of English
verbs: the English verb root is followed by ಾಡು māḍu. Hence one
can hear ಯೂಜು ಾಡು yūju māḍu ‘to use’, ೇ ್ ಾಡು kēr māḍu ‘to
care, to be bothered by’, ಾě ಾಡು kāpi māḍu ‘to copy’, etc.

Notes
1
There are very few modern languages of which the native speakers can im-
mediately understand poetry that was written in their language 900 years ago,
as is the case with a great deal of the vacana literature in Kannada.
2
For a while it was fashionable to write long dialogues, or even entire books,
in regional and social dialects, as did Caduraṃga (Chaduranga, pseudonym
of M. Subrahmanyaraje Urs, who used a rural dialect west of Mysore), Mirji
Aṇṇārāya (Mirji Annaraya, who used a dialect from the Dharwad area in north-
ern Karnataka) and Dēvanūra Mahādēva (who wrote a novelette mainly in the
language of Dalits south of Mysore). It seems that this fashion is on the wane,
simply because the potential number of readers who can truly relish such writ-
ing is limited to those who are familiar with the dialect.
3
The original suffix for the accusative was ‑an / ‑aṃ, which was either short-
ened or extended in later stages of the language through apocope or epenthesis.
4
For instance, the word hōṭalu does not mean ‘hotel’ in Kannada, but ’restau-
rant’; a maiku is not a mike / microphone, but a public announcement system,
etc.
284 A Manual of Modern Kannada

5
In spoken Kannada, borrowed English words can easily lead to incompre-
hensibility because their pronunciation is usually distorted.
 The Phonemic System
and Script of Kannada

A modern stone inscription from the year 2000 made in a 1000-year-

old style near the statue of the Jaina saint Bāhubali at Venur, recording
details of the renovation of the site 1

Like all the other indigenously created Indian scripts (with the excep-
tion of those that are derived from the Perso-Arabic system), also Kan-
nada script is syllabic: what appears to be a single ‘letter’ or sign usu-
ally does not represent a single sound, but a syllable. The basic forms
in the script either represent the initial vowel of a word or the com-
bination of a consonant and a vowel, namely, the so-called ‘inherent’
vowel (which is a short a). By means of additional signs, the vowel of
286 A Manual of Modern Kannada

a syllable can be altered, or a single consonant can be turned into a

compound consonant.
This means that the Kannada script system differs considerably
from what is used in European languages. A learner who is not yet
familiar with such a script (the type of script that is not termed ‘al-
phabet’ but abugida) may need a little time to grow familiar with its
principles but will soon realize its basic simplicity and will appreciate
its logical structure. Essentially, Kannada words are pronounced ex-
actly as they are written. There are no odd spelling conventions like
the ‘th’, ‘sh’ and ‘ch’ in English, or the ‘sch’ in German, where the pro-
nunciation has little to do with the sounds that are represented by ‘t’,
‘s’, ‘h’ and ‘c’. Also the dictionary order of the signs in Kannada script
is highly rational and very quickly learnt.
Kannada has borrowed many words from Sanskrit since earliest
times, and along with those words came some influence of the Indo-
European languages, namely, the use of aspirated consonants. Also the
special, not often used sign called visarga, and the modern use of the
anusvāra, are a result of Sanskritic influence.

The vowels
Kannada distinguishes the five short vowels a, i, u, e and o (in this
alphabetical or dictionary order), as well as the long versions of these
same vowels, which are pronounced by simply prolonging the short
ones to approximately twice the length. In Latin transliteration the
long vowels are indicated by means of a macron, as ā, ī, ū, ē and ō. 2
There are two diphthongs, indicated as ai and au.
A historical peculiarity is the so-called ‘vocalic r’, which occurs
only in Sanskrit loan words. In the original Sanskrit, it was pronounced
like the er in the Dutch word vader or in the Scottish pronunciation of
the English father: a trilled r that has the quality of a vowel. In the Mid-
dle Indian dialects (Prakrit), this original pronunciation was replaced
by a combination of a consonantal r and a faint short vowel, either
an i or a u, producing ‘ri’ or ‘ru’ which, strictly speaking, is of course
no longer a vowel. Most Kannada speakers pronounce the ‘vocalic r’
(which is represented as ṛ) as ru, or as a combination that resembles
the re in the French pronunciation of a word like premier.
In the Kannada ‘alphabet’ these vowels appear first, in this order:
 The Phonemic System and Script of Kannada 287

a ā i ī u ū ṛ3 e ē ai o ō au
ಅ ಆ ಇ ಈ ಉ ಊ ಋ ಎ ಏ ಐ ಒ ಓ ಔ

The pronunciation of the Kannada vowels is, except for that of the
‘vocalic ṛ’, quite like what the letters in transliteration suggest in the
majority of Western languages that are written in Latin script.

a like in German Mann, Dutch kan, French chat

e like in German Mensch, English bet, men
i like in German ich, Dutch vlieg, French chic
o like in German flott, Dutch hond, French botte
u like in German und, Italian tu, the ou in French vous,
the oe in Dutch toen
ai a diphthong, like the ei in German Schein or the
so-called ‘long i’ in English like
au a diphthong, like in German Frau, the ou in Dutch kou,
more closed than the ow in English now

The long ā, ē, ī, ō, ū are real long vowels: 4 they have the same quality
as the short vowels but sound approximately twice as long as the short
ones.

The consonants
Like in all the other Indian scripts that are derived from the common
ancestral Brāhmī script, the Kannada script system has five varga-s or
‘groups’ of consonants, which are alphabetically listed after the vowels,
in groups of five each, i.e., four plosives or occlusives and the corre-
sponding homorganic nasal (i.e., the nasal that is pronounced with the
tongue in a similar position). These groups are termed kaṃṭha, tālavya,
mūrdhanya, dāṃta and auṣṭhya, or guttural, palatal, retroflex, dental
and labial, according to the articulatory point where the tongue inter-
rupts (in the case of plosives) or channels (in the case of nasals) the
flow of breath while speaking: the throat, the palate, the hard palate
in the middle of the mouth, the teeth, and the lips.
The plosives are either unvoiced or voiced, and unaspirated or aspi-
rated. In the case of voiced consonants, the vocal cords vibrate during
288 A Manual of Modern Kannada

pronunciation (e.g., English or German d, b, g), and not so with un-

voiced consonants (e.g., English or German t, p, k). Aspirated conso-
nants are followed, in careful pronunciation, by a clear puff of breath,
which sounds like a soft ‘h’. In English and in most regional varieties
of German one hears a clear aspiration when a stressed syllable begins
with a plosive: compare the two ‘p’s in the English word paper or the
German Papier. In Kannada, as also in other Indian languages, all plo-
sives can be aspirated, and this may demand a bit of practice of the
average Western learner. However, in Kannada one can comfort one-
self in the knowledge that also many native speakers (namely the less
educated) do not aspirate, or actually aspirate the wrong consonants
(in what is termed ‘hypercorrection’), without their speech becoming
incomprehensible.
The so-called palatal consonants are actually double consonants,
but in the Indian linguistic consciousness they are treated as single let-
ters. They are combinations of a plosive + a palatal sibilant, compara-
ble to English ch (as in ‘such’) and German tsch (unvoiced) and English
j or dge (as in ‘budge’) or German dsch (voiced), and these again can
be aspirated or not. In usual scholarly transliteration these letters are
represented as c and j (unaspirated) and ch and jh (aspirated, as in the
English words ‘check’ and ‘jump’); the homorganic nasal is ñ. The gut-
tural (or velar) consonants, which are articulated in the throat, are k
and g (aspirated kh and gh), with homorganic nasal ṅ.
The dental consonants, which are articulated against the front teeth,
are simple, because they are very similar to German consonants: t,
th, d, dh and n. The retroflexes are more difficult, because they have
no equivalents in German or English. Here the tip of the tongue is
bent back (retro-flex), so that it touches the palate in the middle of the
mouth. This results in sounds that seem oddly ‘thick’ and ‘heavy’ to
most European ears; they are heard in the speech of Indians when they
speak European languages, because to most Indians the German and,
especially, English ‘t’ or ‘d’ does not sound dental, but retroflex. 5 In
scholarly transliteration these retroflex consonants are written like the
corresponding dentals, but with a subscript dot to distinguish them: ṭ,
ṭh etc. The labials, i.e., the sounds that are articulated with the lips,
sound just like the corresponding European consonants: p, ph (not ‘f’!)
etc.
After the plosives and nasals, the semi-vowels follow in the Kan-
nada abugida, which are represented in Latin transliteration as y, r, l, v;
then follows the varga of the sibilants:, ś, ṣ and s (palatal, retroflex and
 The Phonemic System and Script of Kannada 289

dental), then the aspirant h, and finally the retroflex ḷ, which stands at
the end for no other reason than that it does not occur in the classical
alphabetical order of Sanskrit, after which the Kannada order has been
modelled. 6
Thus the complete ‘alphabetical’ or dictionary order in Kannada is:
a, ā, i, ī, u, ū, ṛ, e, ē, ai, o, ō, au; k, kh, g, gh, ṅ; c, ch, j, jh, ñ; ṭ, ṭh, ḍ, ḍh,
ṇ; t, th, d, dh, n; p, ph, b, bh, m; y, r, l, v; ś, ṣ, s; h, ḷ. 7

The signs
Every sign in Kannada script represents either an initial vowel or the
combination of ‘consonant + short a’. When one wants to write the
same consonant in combination with another vowel, then one must
modify the sign; these modifications are on the whole quite regular.
Thus the sign ಕ means ka, ಗ means ga, ನ means na. The upper right
portion of these signs (À) is called the talekaṭṭu, which literally means
‘head-bind’. When this portion is replaced by a downward curl, ಾ, this
means that the short a of the syllable is replaced by a long ā, and thus
we get the signs ಾ kā, ಾ gā, ಾ nā. When one wants to write only a
consonant (e.g., at the end of a word), a different curl (the virāma: see
below) is added, e.g., ್ k.
A few examples of words: ಮರ mara ‘tree, wood’ is very simple,
consisting of two basic signs for ma + ra. ಾಗದ kāgada ‘paper’, con-
sists of k + ‘long a’ + ga + da. ಾನು nānu ‘I’ is n + ‘long ā’ + n +
u (the hook at the right, the koṃbu or ‘horn’, signifies that the syllable
contains a short u. ಬೂĘ būdi ‘ash’ is b + ‘long u’ + d + i, where
(as is usual with the short i) the sign for short i takes the place of the
talekaṭṭu.
The virāma (ï) is mainly used (except in Sanskrit manuscripts) for
writing new loanwords from English and other foreign languages. The
structure of modern Kannada is such that final syllables end in a vowel
and preceding syllables that end in a consonant are written by means
of conjunct consonants (see the following section).

Conjunct consonants
The most complicated aspect of the Kannada script is the writing of
the so-called saṃyuktākṣara-s or conjunct consonants. Graphically the
first consonant in such a combination is written in normal size, and
290 A Manual of Modern Kannada

any following consonants appear much smaller, below and slightly to

the right of the first consonant, in forms that are called ottakṣara or
‘compressed letters’. Most ottakṣara-s are easily recognizable, smaller
versions of the big letters, but some of them can deviate strongly. In
a word such as ಒಬº obba ‘a (human)’, it is immediately clear that the
ottakṣara is a b, just like the big letter; but in ಅ ೆ³ atte ‘mother-in-law’
this is not so clear, and in ಅಯ½ ayya ‘lord’ not at all. When one is
unprepared, a strange-looking word such as Į³âೕ strī ‘woman’ or ಲĄÄà
Lakṣmi (name of a goddess; also a common personal name for women)
can look frightening. Therefore, while learning the script, one must
pay special attention to these few peculiar ottakṣara‑s.

Anusvāra
The sign ಂ, the anusvāra, which in Sanskrit indicated the nasalization
of a vowel, is customarily transliterated by an ‘m’ with an underdot:
ṃ. Nowadays it is used in print as well as in handwriting for the ho-
morganic nasal, i.e., a nasal that is pronounced with the speech organs
in the same positions as for the following plosive consonant. In other
words, its pronunciation depends on what follows it in writing. For
instance, t is a dental plosive, therefore a word like ಅಂ ೆ aṃte (mean-
ing ‘it is said that’) is pronounced ‘ante’, because the anusvāra signifies
the nasal from the same varga or category of consonants (the dental
category, in this case) as the following t. In ೊಂಬು koṃbu (meaning
‘horn’) the anusvāra signifies a bilabial m, because it is followed by the
bilabial plosive b, and the word is pronounced ‘kombu’, etc. When it
precedes a sibilant (ś, ṣ or s), it is pronounced as a bilabial nasal (‘m’).
There is no unanimity about the place of this sign in the alphabeti-
cal order: sometimes it is treated as the final sign; sometimes it stands
in the place of the homorganic nasal which it represents; sometimes it
is treated as the very first consonant, before k. In this manual it will
treated as representative of the homorganic nasal, and as the theoret-
ically very first consonant before a sibilant (this is also the accepted
practice in most modern dictionaries that appear in India).

Visarga
This sign (ಃ) appears only in certain Sanskrit loanwords. In Sanskrit it
originally meant (depending on the phonetic environment) a variable
 The Phonemic System and Script of Kannada 291

aspirant or sibilant. In south India it later became a peculiar, h-like

aspirant, after which the preceding vowel is gently echoed. A word
such as ಪYನಃ punaḥ ‘again’ is pronounced almost like ‘punaha’ (and
often it is thus written by less educated persons: ಪYನಹ ). It is usually
found at the end of Sanskrit adverbs: ಪYನಃ, ಸದ½ಃ, ಾ¾ಯಶಃ punaḥ,
sadyaḥ, prāyaśaḥ. There is no general agreement among dictionaries
where the position of the visarga in the dictionary order is; usually it is
treated as the very first consonant, before k.

Advice on learning the script

When learning any new script, it is important to know the graphem-
ically relevant distinctions (i.e., in which respects the various signs
differ from each other in such a way that they are recognized as differ-
ent signs). In the chart that is given below, it will become clear that
one such graphemic difference is that certain consonant signs begin, in
the lower left corner, with a small wave (e.g., ನ, ಸ, which stand for
na and sa) and others with a round shape (ವ, ಪ, which stand for va
and pa). Another important distinction is that the horizontal bar at the
top of the sign can be connected to the lower part (as in ವ, ನ ) or be
separate (this separateness is usually, and in print practically always,
emphasized by a small dot or circle, as in ಪ, ಸ ).
In principle, every sign is written left to right and from below up.
The learner will understand by simply observing the shapes that this is
no hard and fast rule, and that it does not apply to shapes such as ಬ,
ಲ, ಹ (where first the small ‘infinity sign’ is drawn), ಇ, ರ, etc.
The student should carefully study, more than once, the chart that
is given below with all the combinations of consonant signs with sec-
ondary vowel signs and note those combinations that one perhaps would
not expect.

Secondary vowel signs

The secondary signs for vowels are given in the table below. Most
of them are attached in a very regular manner to the consonant signs
(but beware of the combination consonant + i. Also beware of slight
irregularities and surprises in pu, pū, po, pō, phu, phū, pho, phō, mo, mō,
vu, vū, vo, vō).
292 A Manual of Modern Kannada

ā i ī u ū ṛ e ē ai o ō au
ಾ ಿ ೀ ು ೂ ೃ ೆ ೇ ೈ ೊ ೋ ೌ

Some of these signs are composite, for instance, the signs for long ō or
long ī. The sign for o is a combination of e and ū, and together with
the dīrgha, a sign that merely indicates length (as with the long i and
e), a long ō is indicated.
The vowels i and e are both indicated by a small curl; here it is
essential to know that if the curl appears as an extension of the basic
consonant form, it signifies i (as in ನ Ě na ni, ರ Ĩ ra ri, ಬ Ġ ba bi,
ಲ ĩ la li, ಸ Į sa si, ಗ Ć ga gi, etc.), but if a horizontal bar (however
short it may be) is drawn and the curl appears at the end of that bar,
the curl signifies e (as in ನ ೆ na ne, ರ ೆ ra re, ಬ ೆ ba be, ಲ ೆ la le,
ಸ ¡ೆ sa se, ಗ ೆ ga ge, etc.).
One customarily finds the following table of the Kannada script
(combinations of single consonants and vowels) in all Kannada learn-
ing manuals. Some purely theoretical combinations, such as the combi-
nations ಞ ñ or ಙ ṅ with vowels, have not been included here, because
they never occur in practice. 8

a ā i ī u ū ṛ e ē ai o ō au
k ಕ ಾ Ą Ąೕ ಕು ಕೂ ಕೃ ೆ ೇ ೈ ೊ ೋ ೌ
kh ಖ ಾ ą ąೕ ಖು ಖೂ ಖೃ ೆ ೇ ೈ ೊ ೋ ೌ
g ಗ ಾ Ć Ćೕ ಗು ಗೂ ಗೃ ೆ ೇ ೈ ೊ ೋ ೌ
gh ಘ ಾ Ĉ Ĉೕ ಘು ಘೂ ಘೃ ೆ ೇ ೈ ೊ ೋ ೌ
c ಚ ಾ ċ ċೕ ಚು ಚೂ ಚೃ ೆ ೇ ೈ ೊ ೋ ೌ
ch ಛ ಾ Č Čೕ ಛು ಛೂ ಛೃ ೆ ೇ ೈ ೊ ೋ ೌ
j ಜ ಾ č čೕ ಜು ಜೂ ಜೃ ೆ ೇ ೈ ೊ ೋ ೌ
jh ಝ ಾ Ď Ďೕ ಝು ಝೂ ಝೃď ďೕ ďೖ š šೕ ೌ
ṭ ಟ ಾ đ đೕ ಟು ಟೂ ಟೃ ೆ ೇ ೈ ೊ ೋ ೌ
ṭh ಠ ಾ Ē Ēೕ ಠು ಠೂ ಠೃ ೆ ೇ ೈ ೊ ೋ ೌ
ḍ ಡ ಾ ē ēೕ ಡು ಡೂ ಡೃ ೆ ೇ ೈ ೊ ೋ ೌ
ḍh ಢ ಾ Ĕ Ĕೕ ಢು ಢೂ ಢೃ ೆ ೇ ೈ ೊ ೋ ೌ
 The Phonemic System and Script of Kannada 293

ṇ ಣ ಾ ĕ ĕೕ ಣು ಣೂ ಣೃ ೆ ೇ ೈ ೊ ೋ ೌ
t ತ ಾ Ė Ėೕ ತು ತೂ ತೃ ೆ ೇ ೈ ೊ ೋ ೌ
th ಥ ಾ ė ėೕ ಥು ಥೂ ಥೃ ೆ ೇ ೈ ೊ ೋ ೌ
d ದ ಾ Ę Ęೕ ದು ದೂ ದೃ ೆ ೇ ೈ ೊ ೋ ೌ
dh ಧ ಾ ę ęೕ ಧು ಧೂ ಧೃ ೆ ೇ ೈ ೊ ೋ ೌ
n ನ ಾ Ě Ěೕ ನು ನೂ ನೃ ೆ ೇ ೈ ೊ ೋ ೌ
p ಪ ಾ ě ěೕ ಪY ಪw ಪೃ ೆ ೇ ೈ Ś Śೕ ೌ
ph ಫ ಾ Ĝ Ĝೕ ಫY ಫw ಫೃ ೆ ೇ ೈ ğ ğೕ ೌ
b ಬ ಾ Ġ Ġೕ ಬು ಬೂ ಬೃ ೆ ೇ ೈ ೊ ೋ ೌ
bh ಭ ಾ ġ ġೕ ಭು ಭೂ ಭೃ ೆ ೇ ೈ ೊ ೋ ೌ
m ಮ ಾ Ģ Ģೕ ಮು ಮೂ ಮೃ ģ ģೕ ģೖ ś śೕ ೌ
y ಯ ಾ ĥ ĥೕ ಯು ಯೂ ಯೃ Ħ Ħೕ Ħೖ Ť Ťೕ ೌ
r ರ ಾ Ĩ Ĩೕ ರು ರೂ ರೃ ೆ ೇ ೈ ೊ ೋ ೌ
l ಲ ಾ ĩ ĩೕ ಲು ಲೂ ಲೃ ೆ ೇ ೈ ೊ ೋ ೌ
v ವ ಾ ī īೕ ವY ವw ವೃ ೆ ೇ ೈ Ŝ Ŝೕ ೌ
ś ಶ ಾ Ĭ Ĭೕ ಶು ಶೂ ಶೃ ೆ ೇ ೈ ೊ ೋ ೌ
ṣ ಷ ಾ ĭ ĭೕ ಷು ಷೂ ಷೃ ೆ ೇ ೈ ೊ ೋ ೌ
s ಸ ¡ಾ Į Įೕ ಸು ಸೂ ಸೃ ¡ೆ ¡ೇ ¡ೈ ¡ೊ ¡ೋ ¡ೌ
h ಹ ¢ಾ į įೕ ಹು ಹೂ ಹೃ ¢ೆ ¢ೇ ¢ೈ ¢ೊ ¢ೋ ¢ೌ
ḷ ಳ ಾ Ī Īೕ ಳು ಳೂ ಳೃ ೆ ೇ ೈ ೊ ೋ ೌ

Ottakṣara‑s (secondary consonantal signs)

Ì k Í kh Î g Ï gh Ð ṅ

Ñ c Ò ch Ó j Ô jh Õ ñ

Ö ṭ × ṭh Ø ḍ Ù ḍh Ú ṇ

Û t Ü th Ý d Þ dh ß n
294 A Manual of Modern Kannada

à p á ph â b ã bh ä m

å y æ r è l é v

ê ś ë ṣ ì s

í h î ḷ

Examples of the use of ottakṣara‑s:

ಅಕ¤ akka elder sister

ಉತ¥ನ utkhanana excavation
ಹಗ¦ hagga rope
¢ೆಚು© heccu much
ģÀೕಚª mlēccha barbarian,
foreigner
ಅಜ« ajja grandfather
ಾನ jñāna knowledge
ೆಟ® beṭṭa hill, mountain
ದಡ° daḍḍa dunce
ಅಣ² aṇṇa elder brother
ಅಪ¸ appa father
ೊಬುº kobbu fat
ಉದ»ವ udbhava origin
ಅಮ¼ amma mother
ಅಯ½ ayya lord
ಪ¾ ಾವ prabhāva influence
ĄÀಷ® kliṣṭa complex
ತತÂ tatva principle
ಉತÅವ utsava feast
ಕಳÁ kaḷḷa thief
 The Phonemic System and Script of Kannada 295

Beginners have some difficulties with the sign ð, which is called ೇಫ
rēpha and means that an r is pronounced before the consonant after
whose sign it is written. For example: ಕಮ karma ‘trace of an earlier
deed, e.g., a deed committed in a previous life’. The same word can also
be written PÀgÀä. It is to some extent a matter of personal taste, whether
one writes karma (and similar words) in the first or the second manner,
although the second possibility tends to occur more in the northern
part of the Kannada speech area (northern Karnataka and southern
Maharashtra). A clear majority of Kannada users prefers the rēpha.
For the sake of completeness, it should also be mentioned that two
more consonants exist that are found only in Old Kannada and older
Middle Kannada texts: the ‘old r’ ಱ ṟ (an alveolar r) and the ‘old l’ ೞ ḻ
(a retroflex vibrant or fricative: the final consonant of tamiḻ, the name
of the neighbouring Dravidian language, which in modern Kannada is
called ತĢಳು tamiḷu). From the twelfth century onwards, these two
consonants were gradually replaced by r and ḷ.
Another sign that has practically disappeared from modern use is
the ò for a final n. (This should not be mistaken for the rēpha.) Be-
cause all Kannada words end in a vowel since the twelfth century, and
because one can write an n that is not followed by a vowel as ್, the
ancient sign ò is hardly seen any more.
With the help of the following examples, the learner will be able
to understand how to write Kannada script.
296 A Manual of Modern Kannada

It may be helpful for the learner to see one and the same sentence
in different typefaces, so that one develops an awareness of what is
essential in the graphs and what is not:
 The Phonemic System and Script of Kannada 297

ಈ ĄÀಷ® ಾದ ಾಕ½ įೕ ೆ ಾĕಸುತ³ ೆ.

ಈ ౖÂಷ° ಾದ ಾಕ¿ ೕ ೆ ಾ ಸುತµ ೆ.

ಈ ಷ ದ ಕ ೕ ಸುತ .

ಈ ಷ ದ ಕ ಸುತ .

ಈ ಷ ದ ಕ ೕ ಸುತ .

Reading exercise
(Try to read the following sentences, checking your attempts with the
help of the Latin transliteration, without thinking about the grammar
for the time being.)

ಮರದ ೆಳ ೆ ಏĚ ೆ? Marada keḷage ēnide? What lies under the

tree?
ಅವರು ೇಗ Avaru bēga malagidaru. He went to sleep
ಮಲĆದರು. early.
ಊಟ ೆ ಾ·Ć ೆ. ūṭa cennāgide. The meal tasted good.
ಮ ೆಯ ಹĖ³ರ ೆ ೆ Maneya hattira kere There is a water tank
ಇ ೆ. ide. near the house.
ೇವರ ದಯĘಂದ Dēvara dayadiṃda By God’s grace good
ನಮ ೆ ಒ ೆÁಯದು namage oḷḷeyadu things happen to us.
ಆಗುತ³ ೆ. āguttade.
ತುಂಬ ಜನ ಇĩÀ Tuṃba jana illi Many people are
ĚಂĖ ಾµ ೆ. niṃtiddāre. standing here.
ನನ· ೆಲಸ ¢ೇĆ ೆ? Nanna kelasa hēgide? How is my work?
298 A Manual of Modern Kannada

ಬಹಳ ಅಪರೂಪ ಾĆ Bahaḷa aparūpavāgi They come here

ಬರು ಾ³ ೆ. baruttāre. rarely.
ಆ ೆಲಸ ā kelasa māḍuvavaru Those who do this
ಾಡುವವರು yāvāgalū work always become
ಾ ಾಗಲೂ yaśasviyāguttāre. successful.
ಯಶĮÂ ಾಗು ಾ³ ೆ.
ಕನ·ಡ ಒಂದು ಹ ೆಯ, Kannaḍa oṃdu haḷeya, Kannada is an old,
ಸುಂದರ ಾದ ಾ ೆ; suṃdaravāda bhāṣe; beautiful language; if
ĚೕವY ಕĩತ ೆ ಅದನು· nīvu kalitare adannu you learn it, you will
ತುಂಬ ģಚು©īĨ. tuṃba meccuviri. like it a lot.

Vocabulary (in Kannada order)

ಅದನು· adannu that (accusative case)

ಅಪರೂಪ ಾĆ aparūpavāgi rarely
ಅವರು avaru they (plural, human)
ಊಟ ūṭa meal
ಏನು ēnu what
ಒಂದು oṃdu one, a
ಒ ೆÁಯದು oḷḷeyadu good thing
ಕĩತ ೆ kalitare if [one] learns
ೆ ೆ kere tank, water reservoir
ೆಲಸ kelasa work
ೆಳ ೆ keḷage under
ೆ ಾ·Ć ೆ cennāgide is good
ಜನ jana people
ತುಂಬ tuṃba many
ದಯ daya grace, mercy
ೇವ dēva god
ನನ· nanna my
 The Phonemic System and Script of Kannada 299

ನಮ ೆ namage us (dative case)

ĚಂĖ ಾµ ೆ niṃtiddāre they stand
ĚೕವY nīvu you (plural / honorific)
ಬರು ಾ³ ೆ baruttāre they come
ಬಹಳ bahaḷa many
ೇಗ bēga fast, soon
ಾ ೆ bhāṣe language
ಮ ೆ mane house
ಮರ mara tree, wood
ಮಲಗು malagu to go to sleep, lie down
ಾಡು māḍu to do, make
ģಚು©īĨ meccuviri you will like
ಯಶĮÂ yaśasvi glorious, successful
ಾ ಾಗಲೂ yāvāgalū always
ಸುಂದರ ಾದ suṃdaravāda beautiful
ಹĖ³ರ hattira close
ಹ ೆಯ haḷeya old
¢ೇ ೆ hēge how

Notes
1
The symbols at the top of the inscription identify the site as a Jaina reli-
gious site, with the hand in abhayamudre (Sanskrit abhayamudrā) bestowing
fearlessness under the svastika that symbolizes the four categories of life forms
that through the ratnatraya or three jewels of Jaina doctrine can pass to sid-
dhaśile (Sanskrit siddhaśilā) or the abode of the eternally liberated souls. The
site should remain blessed as long as the sun and moon continue to exist.
2
A minority of authors who write about Indian languages seem to take San-
skrit as a starting point and prefer to treat any e and o as a long vowel (as they
are in Sanskrit and in most modern north Indian languages) and do not use
a macron to indicate when an e or o is long, but a breve to indicate that the
vowel is short: ĕ, ŏ.
300 A Manual of Modern Kannada

3
Kannada script also has signs for the Sanskritic long ṝ and the vocalic ḷ, but
these are used only for writing Sanskrit texts in Kannada script and are never
found in Kannada texts.
4
I.e, they are not like the so-called ‘long vowels’ in English, that differ from
the short vowels mainly in quality (or actually are diphthongs, like the ‘long i’
in a word like ‘mind’).
5
Actually these English consonants are neither dental nor retroflex, but alve-
olar; but most Indians (like most Westerners) do not realize that.
6
The same goes for two consonants that are no longer in use since the 12th
century, the ṟ and ḻ. In dictionaries one finds them either at the very end of
the alphabetical order, or they are treated as forms of r and l.
7
In some dictionaries one finds the combination kṣ as the very last ‘letter’.
This is an old, irrational and nowadays not usual convention.
8
Kannada script also has a sign for the Sanskritic long vocalic ṝ and the vo-
calic ḷ, but these are used only for writing Sanskrit and do not occur in Kannada
texts. Typically, these signs are usually not included in modern Kannada com-
puter fonts. It may be noted that many of the signs in this table are more of
theoretical value than of practical use: words with the consonants ಘ, ಝ, ಢ
are very rare. In decades of reading Kannada, the present author has never
come across many of the combinations in this table: most of the combinations
in the ṛ column and in the kh, gh, ch, jh, ḍh, ṭh, ṇ, ph, ṣ and ḷ rows.
 Key to the Exercises

Lesson 1

1. That is a sari. 2. That is a lungi. 3. That is a dhoti. 4. That is a

pair of pants. 5. They are Indians. 6. He / she 1 is a foreigner. 7. That
is a hippie. 8. That is a very large town. 9. She is a girl. 10. They
are girls. 11. She 2 is a woman. 12. She is a young woman. 13. She
is an old woman. 14. He is a taxi driver. 15. He is a riksha driver.
16. They are riksha drivers. 17. That is a suitcase. 18. Those are two
suitcases. 19. Those are three suitcases. 20. Those are many suitcases.
21. Those are many things. 22. That is a pencil. 23. That is paper. 24.
That is a table. 25. that is a hill. 26. Those are many hills. 27. That is
a cow. 28. Those are two cows. 29. Those are three cows. 30. Those
are four cows. 31. Those are five cows. 32. Those are many cows. 33.
That is a tree. 34. Those are many trees. 35. That is a forest. 36. That
is the sky. 37. That is a cloud. 38. That is the sun. 39. That is rain.
40. That is a meal. 41. That is milk. 42. This is a glass. 43. This is a
field. 44. This is fire. 45. This is a house shrine. 3 46. This is a spoon.
47. These are two spoons. 48. This is a knife. 49. these are three
knives. 50. This is a fork. 51. These are four forks. 52. This is a plate.
53. This is a house. 54. These are houses. 55. This is an airplane. 56.
This is an airport. 57. Today is Monday. 58. Tomorrow is Tuesday.
59. Today is Wednesday. 60. Today is Thursday. 61. Today is Friday.
62. Today is Saturday. 63. Today is Sunday. 64. This is a knife and a
spoon. 65. This is a knife and that is a spoon. 66. That is a fork. 67.
That is a song. 68. he is a singer. 69. She is a singer. 70. He is Śiva.
71. He is Viṣṇu. 72. That is a temple. 73. Those are temples.

Lesson 2

Kṛṣṇappa: Greetings.
Rāmayya: Greetings, sir.
Kṛṣṇappa: Are you Mr Rāmayya?
Rāmayya: Yes, I am Rāmayya. how are you?
Kṛṣṇappa: I am fine. And you?
Rāmayya: I’m fine too.
Kṛṣṇappa: Is this your wife?
Rāmayya: Yes, she is my wife. Her name is Lakṣamma.
302 A Manual of Modern Kannada

Kṛṣṇappa: Greetings, is your name Lakṣmi?

Lakṣamma: No, my name is Lakṣamma.
Kṛṣṇappa: Oh, please excuse me, Mrs Lakṣamma. How are you?
Lakṣamma: I’m very fine. How are you?
Kṛṣṇappa: I am fine. Is this your house?
Rāmayya: Yes, this is our house.
Kṛṣṇappa: Very nice. Please excuse me, there is my bus. May I take
leave?. 4
Rāmayya: Yes, by all means. 5 Goodbye.
Kṛṣṇappa: Goodbye. Till next time.

Lesson 3

ಅದು ಮರ, ಅವY ಮರಗಳು; ಅದು ಕುċ , ಅವY ಕುċ ಗಳು; ಅದು ģೕಜು,
ಅವY ģೕಜುಗಳು; ಅದು (ಅವಳು) 6 ಹುಡುĆ, ಅವY (ಅವರು) ಹುಡುĆಯರು;
ಅವನು ಪY ೋįತ, 7 ಅವರು ಪY ೋįತರು; ಅದು (ಅವಳು) ī ಾ½ė Ě,
ಅವY (ಅವರು) ī ಾ½ė Ěಯರು; ಅದು ಹĄ¤, ಅವY ಹĄ¤ಗಳು; ಅದು ಹಸು,
ಅವY ಹಸುಗಳು; ಅವರು ಮį ೆ, ಅವರು ಮį ೆಯರು; ಅದು ಾī, ಅವY
ಾīಗಳು; ಅವನು ಮನುಷ½, 8 ಅವರು ಮನುಷ½ರು; ಅದು ಕಣು², ಅವY ಕಣು²-
ಗಳು; ಅದು Ąī, ಅವY Ąīಗಳು; ಅದು ೈ, ಅವY ೈಗಳು; ಅದು ರ¡ೆ³, ಅವY
ರ¡ೆ³ಗಳು; ಅವರು ಅಕ¤, ಅವರು ಅಕ¤ಂĘರು; ಅದು ಇĩ, ಅವY ಇĩಗಳು;
ಅದು ೊಣ, ಅವY ೊಣಗಳು; ಅದು (ಅವನು) ī ಾ½ė , ಅವY (ಅವರು)
ī ಾ½ė ಗಳು; ಅದು (ಅವಳು) ¢ೆಂಗಸು, ಅವY (ಅವರು) ¢ೆಂಗಸರು; ಅದು
Ěಘಂಟು, ಅವY Ěಘಂಟುಗಳು; ಅದು ಪYಟ, ಅವY ಪYಟಗಳು; ಅದು ಬ ೆ®,
ಅವY ಬ ೆ®ಗಳು; ಅದು ċೕಲ, ಅವY ċೕಲಗಳು; ಅದು ೇಶ, ಅವY ೇಶಗಳು;
ಅವನು ¡ೆ·ೕįತ, ಅವರು ¡ೆ·ೕįತರು; ಅವಳು ¡ೆ·ೕį ೆ, ಅವರು ¡ೆ·ೕį ೆಯರು.

Lesson 4

1. This is the door of my house. 2. That is the horn of a cow. 3. The

tip of the horn is not sharp. 4. My book is there. 5. The colour of the
book is red. 6. The colour of your books is yellow. 7. Their colour is
not red. 8. Red and yellow are different. 9 9. Their book is black. 10.
Are there [any] green-coloured books? 11. The colour of your basket
is not nice. 12. The colour of my wife’s sīre is red. 13. My friends’s
shop is a textile shop.
 Key to the Exercises 303

Lesson 5

1. I go. 2. I am not going. 3. They call. 4. We read. 5. You laugh.

6. We do not laugh. 7. He called. 8. They will call. 9. You call. 10.
You fall. 11. You called. 12. We jumped. 13. You do not jump. 14. It
(that) jumps. 15. She will jump. 16. I jump. 17. He struck. 18. She
will strike. 19. We will not strike.

Lesson 6

1. Read that book! 2. Look at me! 3. Run! 4. Hit the dog! 5. Bring
that! 6. Call him! 7. Shall I call? 8. Let’s write a letter. 9. They
should write a letter. 10. Let’s go. 11. He should go. 12. Read this!
13. Write your name!

Lesson 7

1. They 10 gave me money. 2. They gave us a meal. 3. You gave them

a letter. 4. Give me money! 5. They told us a story. 6. We will tell
you a story. 7. Will you tell us a story? 11 8. I will tell it to you. 12 9.
They gave me a house. 10. To whom did they tell the story? 11. Who
gave you the fruit? 12. They caused (lit. ‘gave’) me great trouble. 13.
Where did you do this work? 14. Where is that book? 15. Will you
give it to me? 16. Will you tell me the truth?

Lesson 8

1. I bring fruit from the house. 2. Now they came from the town. 3.
This I brought from the city. 4. They brought very good things from
the shop. 5. They came to our city from another country. 6. Many
people come from that direction. 7. They wrote this with a pencil. 8.
They did this work with difficulty. 9. They cooked for us. 10. Behind
the door there is a room. 11. In the basket lies (is) fruit. 12. They are
inside the house. 13. There is fruit on the table. 14. There is a dog
under the table. 15. There is a tree behind the house. 16. There is no
tree in front of the house. 17. There are birds in the trees. 18. There
are birds also on top of the house. 19. There are no birds behind the
house. 20. I see birds in the room. 21. They place water on the table.
22. Where is Gaṇēśa? 23. He is inside the house.
304 A Manual of Modern Kannada

Lesson 9

1. Would you like some tea? 2. No, I don’t [want any]. 3. What do
they want? 4. They would like some coffee. 5. There is no coffee.
6. What else is there? 13 7. There’s milk and buttermilk. 8. Don’t you
want (need) any meal? 9. I also want (need) a meal. 10. On the table
there is a plate. 11. That is no plate, that’s a banana leaf. 12. That is
a different kind of plate. 13. I don’t want a leaf, I want a plate.

Lesson 10

Exercise 1
1. That is a beautiful colour. 2. I like that. 3. Are there any colours
that you like? 4. I don’t like that bad book. 5. They ask difficult
questions. 6. Do you like bad books? 7. I like useful things. 8. Is
your bag black or red? 9. Your bag is blue, isn’t it? 10. In that room
there are heavy chairs. 11. This man does important work. 12. In the
street, little birds play. 13. This chair isn’t heavy, is it? 14. She likes
red flowers. 15. On my table there is a very heavy book. 16. They will
come in a beautiful car. 17. They do complicated bits of work in that
big house. 18. My sister’s house is in a distant town. 19. Why do you
make such disgusting noise?
Exercise 2
೧. ಈ ಮನುಷ½ ಅಸಹ½. ೨. ಅವನ 14 ಸುಂದರ ಾದ ಮ ೆ ಅĩÀ ೆ. ೩. ಇĩÀ
ಹಳĘ ಹೂಗĪಲÀ. ೪. ಅವನು ಾರ ಾದ ģೕಜುಗಳನು· ತಂದ. ೫. ಆ
ಕುċ ಾರವಲÀ. ೬. ಇದು ಒ ೆÁಯ ಪYಸ³ಕ. ೭. ಅದು Ěಮ¼ ಪYಸ³ಕŜೕ?
೮. ಅĩÀ ಏ ೆ ಹĮ ಾದ ಕುċ ಇ ೆ? ೯. ನನ· ċೕಲ ಅವನ ಕುċ ಯ ģೕ ೆ
ಇ ೆ. ೧೦. ಅಂಗēಯĩÀ ಒ ೆÁಯ ಪYಸ³ಕಗಳು ಇ ೆ.

Lesson 12

1. Gaṇēśa! Have you gone home? 2. He was tired and went to sleep.
3. That girl sang elegantly. 4. That boy spoke coarsely. 5. He scolded
me badly and went away. 6. She saw that and laughed happily. 7.
Read this lesson and ask questions. 8. The neighbours went on travel
yesterday and will return next month. 9. Did he really say so? 10. Try
hard and read these sentences. 11. Please speak a bit quickly. 12. He
speaks loudly. 13. Here a mouse descends. 15
 Key to the Exercises 305

Lesson 13

1. He wrote strange stories and had them published. 16 2. I will not

do so, that is very bad; I will also not make [anybody] do so. 3. The
teacher sent for 17 those other boys. 4. How do you explain this story?
5. Please excuse [me]. 6. I will try that.

Lesson 14

1. The matter about which we spoke is important. 2. Many people

came to the conference in which you participated. 3. The music we
are listening to is nice. 4. For whom is the letter that you are writing?
5. The lesson which the teacher taught is very complicated. 6. The
town where my child grew up is beautiful. 7. There is much shade in
the spot where the priest lay down to rest. 8. Tomorrow, the words
which I really spoke will not be in the paper in which you read the
news. 9. As they said, good fruits are found here. 10. I got no answer
to the question I asked. 11. He told about the work he had done
with great pride (or: ‘with great pride he spoke about the work he had
done’ 18). 12. What you said is nice. 13. I became angry because of
what my [younger] brother said. 14. The one who went to the library
is my [younger] brother. 15. I am a librarian, I help those who come
to the library.

Lesson 15

1. Don’t go there. 2. I want to eat (have a meal). 3. Now they must

come. 4. We want to drink a bit of milk. 5. I don’t want to eat meat.
6. Liquor is forbidden here. 7. Don’t say that. 8. They go to Goa to
drink liquor. 9. Eating meat is bad for [one’s] health. 10. I have a
great desire to listen to your story. 11. I will not speak loudly. 12.
They will not come there. 13. They have not come there. 14. Didn’t
you come there? 15. Excuse me. 16. I did not see it, but they did. 17.
My wife (or: husband) has not read so many good books. 19 18. They
went to a non-vegetarian restaurant and did not have a meal. 19. The
picture that is on the wall in their house is beautiful.

Lesson 16

1. I have heard that they will come today. 2. They said that they do
not want that. 3. I thought that neither you nor I need that. 4. Did
306 A Manual of Modern Kannada

you ask whether it is easy or difficult to come here? 5. No, I asked

whether it is easy to come. 6. They said that it is difficult to do the
work in that way. 7. I have heard that the book which you read is very
good. 8. I do not know whether I need this or not. 9. After he said
‘yes, I’ll do that’, he has done nothing. 10. There is no reason why he
did not do that.

Lesson 18

1. If you come today, we can go to Mysore together. 2. Although the

teachers do their work well, sometimes the lesson is not learnt properly.
3. When we came for the meal, nothing had remained. 4. I will not do
that work in the manner in which they have done it. 5. If you look at
it that way, this is really not difficult. 6. My house is where that car
turned to the right. 7. If you write, they will be very happy. 8. If you
drink too much coffee, you will not sleep. 9. Although I drank coffee,
I slept well. 10. If you finish the work soon which you must do, you
may go to the movies. 11. If you want to, you can go; I will not come,
because I have a severe headache.

Notes
1
Gender is not indicated in the polite, honorific plural.
2
Honorific plural.
3
A small room, or a corner of a room, reserved for religious rituals of the
family, common in many Hindu and Jaina households.
4
This is of course a free, idiomatic translation. Literally: ‘Shall I come?’
5
Also this is a free and idiomatic translation, fitting the situation. Literally:
‘Please come.’
6
Here one can either say ಅದು adu or ಅವಳು avaḷu, with a different intention,
just as in English one can say ‘that is a girl’ or ‘she is a girl’. In the first case
one indicates an unknown object and identifies it as ‘girl’, in the second case
one has already identified the object as a person and then further identifies her
as a ‘girl’.
7
Normally one would always respectfully speak about a priest (who is a so-
cially respected person) in the plural: ಅವರು ಪY ೋįತರು avaru purōhitaru
could then either mean ‘he is a priest’ or ‘they are priests’, depending on the
context. Only if there is no reason for expressed respect (e.g., if a parent
is speaking about a son who has become a priest, or someone speaks about
 Key to the Exercises 307

a close, old friend from childhood who has become a priest) one would say
ಅವನು ಪY ೋįತ avanu purōhita.
8
As in English, the semantics of ಮನುಷ½ manuṣya ‘man’ are ambiguous: it
could mean ‘male person’ or ‘human’. One could also say about a woman
ಅವಳು ಾನುಷ½ avaḷu manuṣya ‘she is a human being’, although manuṣya is
declined as a masculine noun.
9
Literally ‘red is different, yellow is different’. This is how in Kannada one
says that two things differ. Cf. ಅವY ೇ ೆ ೇ ೆ avu bēre bēre ‘they are different’
(lit. ‘they different different’).
10
As in several following sentences, ಅವರು avaru here is out of context and
therefore ambiguous: this sentence could also mean ‘he gave me money’ or
‘she gave me money’ in the honorific plural.
11
Strictly speaking, the verb is in the present tense, but it indicates an imme-
diate future. Cf. what is said in other Western languages: German „Erzählen
Sie uns eine Geschichte?“, Dutch „Vertelt u ons een verhaal?”, French «Est-ce
que vous nous racontez une histoire?», etc.
12
See the preceding note.
13
Literally, ‘different what is?’
14
Or, of course, ಅವರ avara, if one wishes to speak respectfully about ‘him’.
(The same applies to sentences 4 and 9.)
15
This has nothing specific to do with the material that is taught in this lesson,
but it is a nice tongue twister.
16
‘To publish’ is ಪ¾ಕđಸು prakaṭisu or ಪ¾ಕಟ ಾಡು prakaṭa māḍu; ಪ¾ಕಟ ಾēಸು
prakaṭa māḍisu is the causative, ‘to have / let somebody publish’.
17
ಕ ೆĥĮದರು kareyisidaru literally ‘he made [somebody] call’.
18
This ambiguity is also found in the English ‘he spoke about the work which
he had done with great pride’. It can be somewhat avoided by adding a pro-
noun for the subject: ಅವನು ತುಂಬ ¢ೆģ¼ĥಂದ [. . .] ¢ೇĪದ avanu tuṃba
hemmeyiṃda hēḷida; would suggest that he spoke with great pride; ತುಂಬ
¢ೆಮ¼ĥಂದ ಅವನು ಾēದ ೆಲಸದ ಬ ೆ¦ ¢ೇĪದ avanu māḍida kelasada bagge
hēḷida would probably mean that he had done the work with great pride.
19
The ಅಷು® aṣṭu in this sentence can also be read as an intensifier of the
following adjective: ‘books that are so good’.
 Bibliography

In the case of names of authors of Kannada-language publications, the

names are first given in the Latinized form in which they appear, as is
customary in India, on the back side of the title page; a transliteration
of the Kannada spelling is then added in square brackets. The reader
will notice that some authors are not always consistent in the Latinized
spelling of their names.

Grammar
Aithala, K. Damodara [Ke. Dāmōdara Aitāḷa] (1999) Navakarnāṭaka
vyākaraṇa kaigannaḍi. Bangalore: Navakarnataka. [6th ed.; 1st ed.
1993.]
Andronov, M.S. (1982) The Kannada Language. Moscow: “Nauka” Pub-
lishing House.
Giri Gowda, N. [Nī. Girigauḍa] (2006) Kannaḍa vyākaraṇa paricaya.
Mysore: D.V.K. Murthy. 9th ed. (1st ed. 1975)
Giridhar, P.P. (1992) A Case Grammar of Kannada. Mysore: Central
Institute of Indian Languages.
Kittel, F. (1903) A Grammar of the Kannada Language. Mangalore: Basel
Mission Book and Tract Depository. [Photomechanical reprint. New
Delhi: Asian Educational Services, 1982.]
Kushalappa Gowda, K. (1991) A Course in Modern Kannada. Madras:
University of Madras.
Mallappa, G. [Ji. Mallappa] (1956) Śabdādarśa veṃba hosagannaḍa
vyākaraṇavu. Mysore: Department of Public Instruction.
Murthy, K.R.K. [Ke.Ār.Ke. Mūrti] (n.d.) Kannaḍa bāla vyākaraṇa. Ban-
galore: Vahini Prakashana.
Narasimhia, A.N. [E. En. Narasiṃhayya] (2008) Kannaḍa prathama
vyākaraṇa. Revised by T.V. Venkatachalasastry. Bangalore: Vasantha
Prakashana. [Revised ed.; 1st ed. 1938.]
Ranganatha Sharma, N. [En. Raṃganātha Śarmā] (2000) Hosagannaḍa
vyākaraṇa. Bangalore: Kannada Sahitya Parishat. [6th ed.; 1st ed.
1977.]
310 A Manual of Modern Kannada

Rao, P.M. [Paṃje Maṃgēśa Rāv] (1998) Kannaḍa mūla vyākaraṇa. Ban-
galore: Orient Longman. [Reprint.]
Spencer, H. (1950) A Kannada Grammar with Graduated Exercises. My-
sore: Wesley Press. (Revised edition. 1st ed. 1915)
Sridhar, S.N. (1990) Kannada. London: Routledge.
Venkatachala Shastry, T.V., Ganesh, K.R., Ashwathanarayana, G. [Ṭi.
Vi. Veṃkaṭācalaśāstrī, Ke.Ār. Gaṇēś, Ji. Aśvatthanārāyaṇa] (2001)
Hosagannaḍa vyākaraṇa – chaṃdassu – vyāvahārika kannaḍa. Banga-
lore: Kannada Sahitya Parishat. 2nd ed.
Venkatachalasastry, T.V. [Ṭi.Vi. Veṃkaṭācalaśāstrī] (2007) Pariṣkṛta
hosagannaḍa vyākaraṇa. Bangalore: B.M. Sri Smaraka Pratisthana.

Linguistic history
Anantharamu, K. [Ke. Anaṃtarāmu] (2010) Kannaḍa vyākaraṇagaḷu.
Mysore: Karnataka State Open University.
Bhat, D.N. Shankar [Ḍi.En. Śaṃkara Bhaṭ] (1995) Kannaḍa bhāṣeya
kalpita caritre. Hampi: Kannada University.
Bhat, D.N.S. [Ḍi.En. Śaṃkara Bhaṭ] (2001) Kannaḍakke bēku kannaḍad-
dē vyākaraṇa. Mysore: Bhāṣāprakāśana. [2nd, revised ed.; 1st ed.
2000.]
Bhat, D.N. Shankara [Ḍi.En. Śaṃkara Baṭ] (2009) Kannaḍa nuḍi naḍedu
baṃda dāri. Hegggodu: Bāśā prakāśana. [2nd, revised ed.; 1st ed.
2007.]
Joshi, S. [Śaṃ. Bā. Jōśi] (1999) Kaṃnuḍiya huṭṭu. Bangalore: Kannada
Sahitya Parishat. [Reprint]
Narasimhacharya, R. (1934) History of Kannada Language. Mysore,
1934. [Photomechanical reprint. New Delhi: Asian Educational Ser-
vices, 1990.]
Ramachandra Rao, B. [Bi. Rāmacaṃdra Rāv] (1998) Kannaḍa bhāṣeya
itihāsa. Mysore: D.V.K. Murthy.
Seetharamaiah, M.V. [Eṃ.Vi. Sītārāmayya] (1966) “The Case System
of Kannada.” In Kannada Studies 4 (vol. 2, no. 2, July 1966), pp. 6‑15.
Seetharamaiah, M.V. [Eṃ.Vi. Sītārāmayya] (1998) Prācīna kannaḍa
vyākaraṇagaḷu. Mysore: University of Mysore. [2nd ed.; 1st ed. 1979.]
 Bibliography 311

Dictionaries
Bucher, J. (1923) Bucher’s Kannada-English Dictionary. Chiefly based on
the labours of Dr. F. Kittel. Second Edition, Revised and Enlarged by
Prof. Christanuja Watsa. Mangalore. [Photomechanical reprint: New
Delhi, Asian Educational Services, 1983.]
Kittel, F. (1894) Kittel’s Kannada-English Dictionary in 4 Volumes. Re-
vised and enlarged by M. Mariyappa Bhat. Madras: University of
Madras, 1968-1971. [The original 1894 version has been photome-
chanically reprinted several times.]
Nayak, H.M. (chief editor) (1977) Kannaḍa ratnakōśa. Bangalore: Kan-
nada Sahitya Parishat. [Several reprints.]
Sridhar, M.K. (chief editor) (2004) Kannaḍa sāhitya pariṣattu saṃkṣipta
kannaḍa-iṃgliṣ nighaṃṭu / Kannada Sahitya Parishat Abridged Kannada-
English Dictionary. Bangalore: Kannada Sahitya Parishat.
Venkatasubbiah, G., L.S. Seshagiri Rao, H.K. Ramachandra Murthy
(2012) IBH Kannada-Kannada-English Dictionary. Bangalore: IBH Pra-
kashana. [Several reprints.]

Dravidian linguistics
Andronov, Michail S. (2003) A Comparative Grammar of the Dravidian
Languages. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz.
Bloch, Jules (1946) Structure grammaticale des langues dravidiennes. Pa-
ris: Adrien-Maisonneuve.
Krishnamurti, Bhadriraju (2003) The Dravidian Languages. Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press.
Zvelebil, Kamil V. (1990) Dravidian Linguistics. An Introduction. Pondi-
cherry: Pondicherry Institute of Linguistics and Culture.
 General Vocabulary

(This vocabulary contains all the words that are contained in the vocabu-
laries of the individual lessons.)

ಅಕ¤ akka elder sister

ಅಂಗē aṃgaḍi store, shop
ಅಂಗēಯವರು aṃgaḍiyavaru shopkeeper
ಅĆ·ಮಂಡಲ agnimaṃḍala circle of fire
ಅ ಾನ ajñāna ignorance
ಅē ೆ aḍige cooking
ಅಣ² aṇṇa elder brother
ಅಥ ಾ athavā or
ಅದು adu that
ಅ ಾ½ಪಕ adhyāpaka teacher
ಅನ· anna rice (cooked)
ಅಪಸ¼ರ apasmara (name of a demon)
ಅಪ¸ appa father
ಅġ ಾ¾ಯ abhiprāya opinion
ಅಮ¼ amma mother
ಅರಳು araḷu to bloom, blossom
ಅಥ artha meaning
ಅ ಾ¼Ĩ almāri closet
ಅĩÀ alli there
ಅವ ಾರ avatāra incarnation of a god
ಅವನು avanu he
ಅವರು avaru they (persons)
ಅವಳು avaḷu she
ಅವY avu they (non-persons)
314 A Manual of Modern Kannada

ಅಷು® aṣṭu that much

ಅಸಹ½ asahya intolerable, disgusting
ಆ ಾಶ ākāśa sky
ಆಗ āga then, that time
ಆಗು āgu to become, occur
ಆಡು āḍu to play
ಆದ ೆ ādare but
ಆĜಸು āphisu office
ಆĥತು āyitu all right, okay
ಆ ೋಗ½ ārōgya health
ಆ¡ೆ āse desire, wish
ಇēಯ iḍiya entire
ಇಡು iḍu to place, put
ಇ ಾ½Ę ityādi etc.
ಇದು idu this
ಇ ೆ ide it is, it exists
ಇ ೊ·ಂದು innoṃdu another
ಇĩ ili mouse, rat
ಇĩÀ illi here
ಇವತು³ ivattu today
ಇವರ ivara his / her (honorific)
ಇವರು ivaru he / she (honorific)
ಇಷ® iṣṭa liked, appreciated
ಇĪ iḷi to descend, go down
ಈಗ īga now
ಈಗಲೂ īgalū also now
ಉಂ ಾಗು uṃṭāgu to arise, originate
ಉಂಟು ಾಡು uṃṭumāḍu to create
 General Vocabulary 315

ಉತ³ರ uttara north

ಉಪಯುಕ³ upayukta useful
ಉĪ uḷi to remain
ಊಟ ūṭa (cooked) meal
ಊರು ūru place, village, town, ‘native
place’, city
ಎಂದ ೆ eṃdare i.e., that is to say
ಎರಡು eraḍu two
ಎ ೆ ele leaf
ಎĩÀ elli where?
ಎĩÀಂದ elliṃda from where?
ಏ ೆ ēke why?
ಏ ೆಂದ ೆ ēkeṃdare because
ಏನು ēnu what?
ಐದು aidu five
ಒಡĖ oḍati mistress, owner
ಒಂದು oṃdu one
ಒģ¼ omme once
ಒರಟು oraṭu coarseness
ಓಡು ōḍu to run
ಓದು ōdu to read
ಔಷę auṣadhi medicine
ಕಟ®ಡ kaṭṭaḍa building
ಕ ೆ® kaṭṭe mount
ಕ ೆ kaḍe side, direction
ಕಣು² kaṇṇu eye
ಕ ೆ kathe story
ಕĘ kadi to steal
ಕಪY¸ kappu black
316 A Manual of Modern Kannada

ಕಂಪw½ಟರು kaṃpyūṭaru computer

ಕ ೆ kare to call
ಕĩ kali to learn
ಕಷ® kaṣṭa difficult
ಾಗದ kāgada paper
ಾಡು kāḍu forest
ಾĕಸು kāṇisu to be seen, appear
ಾ ಾಡು kāpāḍu to protect, guard
ಾě kāpi coffee
ಾĜ kāphi coffee
ಾರಣ kāraṇa cause, reason
ಾರು kāru car
ಾಲು kālu leg, foot
ĄಟĄ kiṭaki window
Ąī kivi ear
ಕುಟುಂಬ kuṭuṃba family
ಕುĨ kuri sheep
ಕುċ kurci chair
ಕೂಸು kūsu baby
ೆಟ® keṭṭa bad
ೆ ೆ kere tank, water reservoir
ೆಲವY kelavu some
ೆಲŜģ¼ kelavomme sometimes
ೆಲಸ kelasa work
ೇಳು kēḷu to ask, to hear
ೈ kai hand, arm
ೈಯĩÀ kaiyalli ‘in the hand’, with, near
ೊಡು koḍu to give
 General Vocabulary 317

ೊರ ೆ korate defect, shortcoming

ೊಳುÁ koḷḷu to buy
ೋ ೆ kōṇe room, chamber
ೋಪ kōpa anger
ೋಲು kōlu stick
ಕೂ¾ರ krūra cruel
ĄÀಷ® kliṣṭa complicated
ಕÄĢĮ / ಕÄĢĮĨ kṣamisi / kṣamisiri excuse me, sorry
ಕÄģ kṣame forgiveness
ೆÄೕತ¾ kṣētra place of pilgrimage
ಖುĬ khuśi joy
ಗಂ ಾಧರ gaṃgādhara ‘bearer of the Ganges’, Śiva
ಗಂಡ gaṃḍa husband
ಗಂಡಸು gaṃḍasu man
ಗē gaḍi border
ಗēಪ¾ ೇಶ gaḍipradēśa border area
ಗದµಲ gaddala noise
Ćಡ giḍa plant
Ć ಾಸು gilāsu glass
ಗುĨ guri goal
ಗುರು guru teacher
ಗುರುತು gurutu mark, characteristic
ಗುರು ಾರ guruvāra Thursday
ೊತು³ gottu knowledge
ೋ ೆ gōḍe wall
ೋವ gōva Goa
ಗ¾ಂಥ graṃtha book, volume
ಗ¾ಂಥ ಾಲಕ graṃthapālaka librarian
ಗ¾ಂ ಾಲಯ graṃthālaya library
318 A Manual of Modern Kannada

ಚಕ¾ವĖ cakravarti emperor

ಚಂದ¾ ೇಖರ caṃdraśēkhara ‘who has the moon on his
crest’, Śiva
ಚಮಚ camaca spoon
ಚ¢ಾ cahā tea
ಚĪ caḷi cold
ಾಕು cāku knife
ಾ ೆ cāpe mat
ಾī cāvi key
ċಕ¤ cikka small
ċಂತಕ ciṃtaka thinker
ċತ¾ citra picture
ċೕಲ cīla bag, purse
ೆ ಾ·Ć cennāgi nicely, finely
ಜಗತು³ jagattu world
ಾಗ jāga place, space, spot
ಾĮ³ jāsti too much, excessively
čĆ jigi to jump
ೊ ೆ ೆ jotege together with
ೋರು jōru force, forcefulness
ಾನ jñāna knowledge
ಾ½ĄÅ ṭyāksi taxi
ಟೂ½ಬು ೈಟು ṭyūbulaiṭu tubelight
ತಕÄಣ takṣaṇa immediately
ತಂĆ taṃgi younger sister
ತ ೊಳುÁ tagoḷḷu to take
ತ ೆ® taṭṭe plate
ತಂ ್ taṃd- past stem of taru
ತಂ ೆ taṃde father
 General Vocabulary 319

ತಮ¼ tamma younger brother

ತರು taru to bring
ತ ೆ tale head
ತ ೆ ೋವY talenōvu headache
ಾಂಡವ tāṃḍava (name of Śiva’s dance)
Ėಂಗಳು tiṃgaḷu month
Ėನು· tinnu eat
Ėೕರ tīra coast
Ėೕಥ ಂಕರ tīrthaṃkara (holiest person in Jainism)
Ėೕವ¾ tīvra severe, intense
ತುಂಬ tuṃba very, much, many
ತುಳĮ tuḷasi Indian basil
ೊಡಕು toḍaku problem
ೊಂದ ೆ toṃdare trouble
ದಯīಟು® dayaviṭṭu please
ದಶ ನ darśana seeing, sight, ritual viewing of
an object of reverence
Ęವ¡ಾ divasā every day
Ęೕಪ dīpa lamp
ದೂರ dūra distance
ೇವ¡ಾ´ನ dēvasthāna temple
ೇī dēvi goddess
ೇಶ dēśa country, land
ೇಶ dēśa-vidēśagaḷiṃda from within the country as
-ī ೇಶಗĪಂದ well as from abroad
ೊಡ° doḍḍa big, large
ನ ್¤ nakk- (past stem of nagu)
ನಗು nagu to laugh
ನಂಜುಂಡ naṃjuṃḍa ‘who drank poison’
320 A Manual of Modern Kannada

ನ ೆ naḍe to walk, to happen

ನನ· nanna my
ನಮ¼ namma our
ಾĥ nāyi dog
ಾಲು¤ nālku four
ಾಶ nāśa destruction, ruin
ಾ ೆ nāḷe tomorrow
Ěಘಂಟು nighaṃṭu dictionary
Ěಜ nija real, true
Ěಜ ಾĆ nijavāgi really, truly
Ěಂ ್ niṃt- (past stem of nillu)
Ě ೆµ / Ě ೆ¾ nidde / nidre sleep
Ěಮ¼ nimma your (honorific)
Ěೕರು nīru water
Ěೕĩ nīli blue
ನೃತ½ nṛtya dance
ೆಂಟ neṃṭa (blood-) relative
ೆ ೆ· nenne yesterday
ೆರಳು neraḷu shade, shadow
ೆಲ nela floor
ೊಣ noṇa fly
ೋಡು nōḍu to watch, look at
ೋವY nōvu pain
ಪಂ ೆ paṃce (traditional men’s dress:
‘dhoti’)
ಪ ್® paṭṭ- (past stem of paḍu)
ಪಂēತ paṃḍita scholar
ಪಡು paḍu to suffer, experience, undergo
ಪĖ· patni wife
 General Vocabulary 321

ಪತ¾ patra letter

ಪĖ¾ ೆ patrike magazine
ಪ ಾಥ padārtha thing
ಪರ ಾ paravā worry
ಪವ ತ parvata mountain
ಪ ಾಡ pavāḍa miracle
ಪīತ¾ pavitra pure, holy
ಾಠ pāṭha lesson
ಪYಟ puṭa page (of book etc.)
ಪY ೋįತ purōhita priest
ಪYಸ³ಕ pustaka book
ಪw ಾಹ pūjārha worthy of worship
ಪwčಸು pūjisu to worship
ಪw ೆ pūje ritual of worship
ೆನು· pennu ballpoint pen
ೆĚÅಲು pensilu pencil
ಾ½ಂಟು pyāṃṭu pair of trousers
ಪ¾ಕಟ prakaṭa published, public
ಪ¾ದĄÄ ೆ pradakṣiṇe circumambulation
ಪ¾ ೇಶ pradēśa region, area
ಪ¾ಯತ· prayatna attempt
ಪ¾ ೆ· praśne question
ಾ¾ಣ prāṇa life, life force
ğ ೆನ ್ phorenar foreigner
ğೕಕು phōrku fork
ಬĚ· banni please come
ಬ ್µ bayd- (past stem of bayyu)
ಬಯು½ bayyu to abuse, scold
322 A Manual of Modern Kannada

ಬರĩ barali I should come

ಬರು baru to come
ಬ ೆ bare to write
ಬಲಕ ೆ balakaḍe right (side)
ಬಸುÅ bassu bus (vehicle)
ಬಹಳ bahaḷa much, many, very
ಬಳಸು baḷasu to use
ಬĪ baḷi near
ಾĆಲು bāgilu door
ಾಳು bāḷu to live
ಾ ೆ bāḷe banana tree
ĠĪ biḷi white
ĠೕĘ bīdi street
Ġೕಳು bīḷu to fall
ಬುđ® buṭṭi basket
ಬುʶ buddhi intelligence
ಬುಧ ಾರ budhavāra Wednesday
ೆಂĄ beṃki fire
ೆಟ® beṭṭa hill, mountain
ೆಂ ೆ ಾĥ beṃḍekāyi okra, ‘ladies’ fingers’
ೆಳಕು beḷaku light
ೆĪ ೆ¦ beḷigge in the morning
ೆ ೆ beḷe to grow
ೇಕು bēku is wanted / required / needed
ೇಗ / ೇಗ ೆ bēga / bēgane soon, fast, quickly
ೇಡ bēḍa is not wanted / not required
ೇ ೆ bēre other, something else
ೇĩ bēli fence
ಭಕ³ bhakta devotee, follower
 General Vocabulary 323

ಭĄ³ bhakti devotion

ಭಸ¼ bhasma ash
ಾಗವįಸು bhāgavahisu to participate
ಾರ bhāra weight
ಾರĖೕಯ bhāratīya Indian
ಮಗ maga son
ಮಂಗಳ ಾರ maṃgaḷavāra Tuesday
ಮಗಳು magaḷu daughter
ಮಗು magu child
ಮč« ೆ majjige buttermilk
ಮಠ maṭha monastery
ಮತು³ mattu and
ಮಧ½ madhya middle
ಮ ಾÂ ಾಯ Madhvācārya (name of a philosopher)
ಮನುಷ½ manuṣya human, person
ಮ ೆ mane house
ಮ ೆಯವರು maneyavaru spouse
ಮರ mara tree
ಮಲಗು malagu to lie down, sleep
ಮĩÀ ಾಜು ನ mallikārjuna ‘white like jasmine’
ಮಹತÂ mahatva greatness, importance
ಮį ೆ mahiḷe lady
ಮ ೆ maḷe rain
ಾಡು māḍu to do, make
ಾತ ಾಡು mātanāḍu to speak
ಾತು mātu word, utterance
ಾತ¾ mātra only
ಾ ೆ māle garland
324 A Manual of Modern Kannada

ಾವ māva uncle
ಾಂಸ māṃsa meat
ĢĩಟĨ miliṭari military
ĢĩಟĨ miliṭari hōṭalu non-vegetarian restaurant
¢ೋಟಲು
ಮುಖ½ mukhya something important
ಮುĆ mugi to end (intr.)
ಮುĆಸು mugisu to end, finish (trans.)
ಮುಂċತ ಾĆ muṃcitavāgi beforehand, earlier
ಮುಂĘನ muṃdina next
ಮುದುĄ muduki old woman
ಮೂಗು mūgu nose
ಮೂರು mūru three
ಮೂĖ mūrti icon, statue
ģೕಜು mēju table
ģೕಣಬĖ³ mēṇabatti candle
ģೖ ಾನ maidāna lawn, field
śದಲ ೆಯ modalaneya first
śದಲು modalu firstly, in the beginning
śೕಡ mōḍa cloud
ಾರು yāru who?
ಾವ yāva which?
ಾ ಾಗ yāvāga when?
ಾ ಾಗಲೂ yāvāgalū always
ಯುಗ yuga era
ಯುವĖ yuvati young woman
Ťೕಚ ೆ yōcane thought
ರಥĠೕĘ rathabīdi Temple Street
ರī ಾರ ravivāra Sunday
 General Vocabulary 325

ರ¡ೆ³ raste road

ಾಕÄಸ rākṣasa demon
ಾಜ rāja king
Ĩ ಾÄ rikṣā rikshaw
ĨೕĖ rīti style, kind
ರೂಪ rūpa form
ೇ ೆ rēkhē stripe, line
ೈತ raita farmer
ಾಭ lābha profit, advantage
ಲುಂĆ luṃgi (traditional men’s dress: long
loincloth)
ೇಖĄ lēkhaki writer (feminine)
ವಷ varṣa year
ಾಕ½ vākya sentence
ಾಪಸು vāpasu back, returned
ಾಸ vāsa living, dwelling
ಾಸಸ´ಳ vāsasthaḷa place of residence
īċತ¾ vicitra strange, odd
ī ೇಶ vidēśa foreign country
ī ಾ½ė vidyārthi [male] student
ī ಾ½ė Ě vidyārthini [female] student
īಧ ೆ vidhave widow
īಭೂĖ vibhūti holy ash as used by the
devotees of Śiva
ī ಾನ vimāna airplane
ī ಾನĚ ಾµಣ vimānanildāṇa airport
ī ೇಷ viśēṣa something special
ī ೇಷ ಾದ viśēṣavāda special
īಷಯ viṣaya matter, thing, topic
326 A Manual of Modern Kannada

ೈಷ²ವ vaiṣṇava devotee of Viṣṇu, Viṣṇuite

ೈಷ²ವಧಮ vaiṣṇavadharma Viṣṇuism
ಶĄ³ śakti energy, power
ಶತ ಾನ śatamāna century (100 years)
ಶĚ ಾರ śanivāra Saturday
ಶಬµ śabda word
ĬಕÄಕ śikṣaka teacher
Ĭವ Śiva (name of god)
Ĭವಭಕ³ śivabhakta devotee of Śiva
ಶುಕ¾ ಾರ śukravāra Friday
ಸಂ ೇತ saṃkēta symbol
ಸಗĕ sagaṇi cow dung
ಸಂĆೕತ saṃgīta music
ಸಂ ೋಷ saṃtōṣa joy
ಸಂ ೋಷ saṃtōṣa joy
ಸತ½ satya truth
ಸಂಪತು³ saṃpattu wealth
ಸಂಪ¾ ಾಯ saṃpradāya tradition
ಸ ಾ ಾರ samācāra news
ಸ ಾę samādhi tomb
ಸಮುದ¾ samudra sea, ocean
ಸģ¼ೕಳನ sammēḷana conference
ಸĨ sari okay, all right, correct
ಸಂ¡ೆ´ saṃsthe institute
ಸ¢ಾಯ sahāya help
¡ಾಕು sāku it is enough
¡ಾಂ ೇĖಕ sāṃkētika symbolic
¡ಾಧ½ sādhya possible
 General Vocabulary 327

¡ಾ ಾನುಗಳು sāmānugaḷu things, belongings

¡ಾ ಾನ½ sāmānya ordinary
¡ಾಲದು sāladu it is not enough
Įಗು sigu to be obtained, to be met
Įದ¶ಪYರುಷ siddhapuruṣa religiously liberated person
ĮĚಮ sinima movie theatre
Įೕ ೆ sīre (traditional ladies’ dress:
‘sari’)
ಸುಟು® suṭṭu (gerund of suḍu)
ಸುಂದರ suṃdara beautiful
ಸುʵ suddi news, message
ಸುಮ¼ ೆ summane just like that, quietly
ಸುಲಭ sulabha easy
ಸುಸು³ sustu tiredness, fatigue
ಸೂ ೆ¤ೕಸು sūṭkēsu suitcase
ಸೂಯ sūrya sun
¡ೊಗಸು sogasu grace, elegance, beauty
¡ೋಮ ಾರ sōmavāra Monday
¡ೋಮ ೇಖರ sōmaśēkhara ‘who has the moon on his
crest’, Śiva
¡ೌ ಾಗ½ saubhāgya well-being
Į³âೕ strī woman
¡ೆ·ೕįತ snēhita friend (male)
¡ೆ·ೕį ೆ snēhite friend (female)
ಸ¸ಷ® spaṣṭa clear
ಸÂ ಾವ svabhāva nature, character
ಸÂಲ¸ svalpa a bit, a little
ಹĄ¤ hakki bird
328 A Manual of Modern Kannada

ಹಚು© haccu to smear, apply

ಹಣ haṇa money
ಹ ೆ haṇe forehead
ಹಣು² haṇṇu fruit
ಹĖ³ರ hattira near
ಹತು³ hattu to climb; to begin
ಹĘಮೂರ ೆಯ hadimūraneya thirteenth
ಹಲವY halavu many
ಹಸು hasu cow
¢ಾ ಾದ ೆ hāgādare in that case, if that is so
¢ಾಡು hāḍu song; to sing
¢ಾಡು ಾರ hāḍugāra singer (male)
¢ಾಡು ಾĖ hāḍugārti singer (female)
¢ಾರು hāru to fly, jump
¢ಾಲು hālu milk
įತ³ಲು hittalu back yard
įě¸ hippi hippie
ಹುಡುಗ huḍuga boy
ಹುಡುĆ huḍugi girl
ಹು ಾರು huṣāru healthiness
ಹೂ hū flower
¢ೆಂಗಸು heṃgasu woman
¢ೆಚು© heccu much, a lot, very
¢ೆಂಡ heṃḍa alcoholic beverage
¢ೆದರು hedaru to fear
¢ೆģ¼ hemme pride
¢ೆಸರು hesaru name
¢ೇ ೆ hēge how?
 General Vocabulary 329

¢ೇಳು hēḷu to say

¢ೊ ೆ hoḍe to hit, strike
¢ೊರ ್ horaṭ- (past stem of horaḍu)
¢ೊರಡು horaḍu to set out, leave for
¢ೊಲ hola field
¢ೋಗು hōgu to go
¢ೋಟಲು hōṭalu restaurant
¢ೌದು haudu yes
 Technical Note
This section contains some technical information for those readers who are
interested in knowing how this book was typeset.
Although Karnataka is the main centre of the booming Indian information
technology industry, modern computer typesetting in Kannada is still not a
simple affair. The quality of the standard Kannada fonts and keyboard layouts
in all common operating systems for personal computers (be they Linux, Mac
or Windows™ machines), 1 is not altogether perfect, and it is difficult to achieve
a satisfactory matching of Kannada and Latin typefaces. To be as autonomous
as possible, and in view of financial limitations, the author experimented with
several possibilities and finally created this book with software that is free of
cost.
The original draft of the book was made using the open-source word proc-
essor LibreOffice 2 with Charis SIL 3 as the Latin font and Kedage 4 as the main
font for Kannada. The final version of this book was made using the ConTeXt
typesetting system 5, an international open-source project started by Pragma
ADE in the Netherlands, with the XeTeX typesetting engine as the ‘back end’.
(The author believes that ConTeXt is the future of TeX, on which it is based. He
wishes to thank the online ConTeXt users community, esp. Hans Hagen, Wolf-
gang Schuster and Pablo Rodriguez, for valuable suggestions towards solving
technical problems that occurred along the way.)
The original LibreOffice files in ODT format were converted to ConTeXt
format using the Pandoc document converter, 6 and the corrections of the tables
and other bits of fine-tuning were done by means of small programs in the
Python language which the author wrote for the purpose of the book.
All this gratis software can be used on Linux, Mac and Windows™ systems.
Image copyright: all illustrations are © R.J. Zydenbos, except for the two
photographs in lesson 8, which are courtesy of SRS Mutt, Mantralaya.

Notes
1
Information (in German) on how to type Kannada on these systems can be
found on my personal website.
2
https://www.libreoffice.org
3
https://software.sil.org/charis/
4
http://brahmi.sourceforge.net/downloads.html
5
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/ConTeXt
6
https://pandoc.org
 Index

a attribute 53
ablative 97 attributive 120–2, 124, 125
abugida xvi, 253, 286 word 53, 124f, 133, 136
accusative 79 aṣṭu 11
of pronouns 80 ātanu 235
ādare 220 auṣṭhya 287
āddariṃda / ādudariṃda 135 auxiliary verbs 237
ādēśasaṃdhi 25, 197, 258 āyitu 104, 245
adjectival construction 120
adjective 4, 120 b
āga 11 bagge 101
āgali 245 bagye 110
āgamasaṃdhi 25, 257 bahudu 249
agentive 59 ballu 244
āgi 152 Bangalore xv, xx, 282
āgu 258 Bangalore Kannada xv
with iru 258 baru 247
agglutinative language xvi, xxxviii Basava xiii, 208
Aithal, K. Parameswara xix bēḍa 29, 92, 114
āke 235 bēḍi 185
Akka Mahādēvi xiii bēku 29, 91f, 114, 183, 191
alla 28 Bengaluru xiii, xiv
Allamaprabhu xiii Bhat, D.N.S. 21, 231, 251
alli 11 Bhatta, Sediyapu Krishna 202
alveolar 283 bhaviṣyatkāla 62
aṃta 282 bhūtakāla 62
aṃte 198, 223 biḍu 240f
hāge 199 Bloch, J. 20, 130
aṃtha 248 Brāhmī 287
Ananthamurthy, U.R. xx, 41
Andronov, M.S. xx c
Anglicisms 282 case terminology 51
Annaraya, Mirji 283 causative 161, 223
anusvāra 286, 290 Chaduranga 283
article xxxiv, 12 Christian missionaries 59
aspiration 288 CIIL xiv, xx
ātmanēpada 238 colloquial 11
334 A Manual of Modern Kannada

common gender 5, 31 ennu 195ff

compound words 13 ennuvudu 198
concessional 271 epicene gender 5, 31, 44
concessive 222 ergative 59
conditional 218, 271f eṣṭu 11
as indication of time 221
conjunct consonants 289 f
consonant finite verb forms 111
aspirated xxxii future tense 65
doubled xxxi
copula 2 g
gaṃgannaḍa xv
d gender 5, 7, 12
dāṃta 287 genitive 52, 280
dative 87, 280 pronominalized 171
of pronouns 90 gerund xxxiv, 147, 159, 271
defective verb 112 abbreviated forms 277
demonstrative 79 gottu 199
denominative 161, 162 Govindacharya, Bannanje xix
dental xxx, 287f grammatical cases 11, 49
Dharmasthala xiv guttural 287, 288
Dharwad xiv, 283
Dharwad Kannada xv h
dialects x hāge 11, 223
dictionaries 311 hala 235
diglossia xx hattira 100
Dravidian ix, xi, xviii, xx, xxiv, xxix, haudu 28, 244
xxxii-xxxv, 50 Havyaka xxi
heavenly bodies 6
e hēge 11
ēke 11 heṃgannaḍa xv
ella 233 hīge 11
elli 11 hiatus filler 26
eṃba 197 hōgu 242
eṃbudu 198 honorific 6, 7, 8, 9, 185
eṃda 197 hortative 81
eṃdare 220
eṃdu 195f, 282 i
eṃdu 195ff īga 11
and sandhi 197 emphasized 104
eṃta 282 īke 235
 Index 335

illa 28 kriyāviśēṣaṇa 4
illi 11 Kundapura xxi
imperative 81
impersonal construction 217 l
inclusive suffix 29 labial 287
indefiniteness 222 lakṣa 261
indifference 222 linguistic area xx
indirect speech 195 locative 97f, 280
Indo-Aryan xv, xx lōpasaṃdhi 24f, 197, 255
Indo-European 4, 50
infinitive 182 m
instrumental 97 Madras xxi
interrogative Mahadeva, Devanura 283
as relative word 173 Mahādēviyakka xiii
with ‐ō and ‐ādarū 222 Malayalam xiv
interrogative suffix 25, 26 maṃdi 233
interrogative word 25 Mangalore xiv
irregular verbs 31, 70 Mangalore Kannada xi
iru 32 Mangaluru x
iṣṭu 11 manuṣya 5
ītanu 235 Moodbidre xiv
mūrdhanya 287
j Mysore xiv-xv, xix-xx, 282f
Jaina xiii Mysore Kannada xiv, xv
Jainism xii Mysuru xiv
Jnanpith Award xii
n
k nasal 287
Kalburgi, M.M. xix, 251 homorganic 287f, 290
kaṃṭha 287 nasalization 290
Karnataka ix, xii negation 29, 72, 186
kela 235 comprehensive 30
Kittel, Ferdinand xxvii, 48, 76, 120, non-past 186
130, 157, 216, 251, 259, 269 of identity in three tenses 189
koḍu 240 past 188
koḷḷu 237, 243 perfect 189
koṃbu 289 negative mood 208
Konkani xiv nominal sentence 2
kōṭi 261 nominative 51
Krishnamurti, Bh. xx non-finite verb forms 111
kriyāpada 4 noun 4, 5
336 A Manual of Modern Kannada

noun classes 12 q
numbers question marker 25, 119
cardinal 261 questions 25
ordinal 265
r
o Ranna xiii
Old Kannada 272 ratnatraya xiii
ōskara 102 reflexive 237
ottakṣara 290, 293, 294 relative participle xxxv, 135, 141,
165ff, 198, 223f
p and alli 224
paḍu 243 negative 210
palatal 287f pronominalized 171
Pampa xiii reported speech 195
passive 217 retroflex xxx, 287, 288
past tense 68, 271 rēpha 295
perfect 151
personal pronouns 5f s
distant 8, 235 sāku 92
proximate 8 sāladu 92
plosive 287, 290 sāmānyavidhi 62
aspirated 287 sandhi xxxvi, 14, 24, 253ff
unaspirated 287 Sanskrit xviii, xx, xxxiii, 286, 290
unvoiced 287 grammar 59
voiced 287 Sanskritic terminology 4
plural 10 saptamī vibhakti 98
neuter nouns 10 sādhya 249
plural suffix 43, 266 Seetharamaiah, M.V. 59, 60, 310
Ponna xiii semi-vowels 288
possession 205 Shimoga xv
possibility 249, 250 Shivamogga xiv
postpositions 100 sigu 245
potential mood 211, 249, 271 sikku 245
predicative 121, 134 Spencer, H. 157, 269, 278
present participle 159 Sprachbund xx
present tense 62 Sridhar, S.N. 130, 177
prohibitive 184 strī 12
pronominalization 7, 133, 170f strong verbs 31, 70, 271ff
pronunciation xxx syllabic stress xxxi
prosody xxx
punctuation marks 24
 Index 337

t 251, 309f
tagu 246 verb 4
takka 246, 248 verbal adjective 135, 141, 166
tālavya 287 verbal expressions
talekaṭṭu 289 of mode 223
Tamil xi-xii, xx of place 224
tānu 236 of time 224
Telugu 282 verbal noun 179
trio words 11 verb forms
tṛtīyā vibhakti 97 contracted 281
Tulu xiv virāma 289
Vīraśaiva xii-xiii
u visarga 286, 290
Udupi xiv vocative 147
uḷ 208
uḷḷa 208 w
uṃṭu 208 word order xxxiii

v y
vacana xiii, 208, 283 yāke 11
vartamānakāla 62 yāvāga 11
velar 288
Venkatachalashastry, T.V. xix, 76ff, z
84f, 117, 131, 157, 193, 216, 231, Zvelebil, Kamil V. xix-xx, 130
Kannada (also known as Canarese) is one among the few
great living Indian literary languages that have received
the status of ‘classical language’ from the Government
of India on account of their historical importance and lit-
erary richness. It is spoken by roughly 65 million people
and is the sole official language of the south Indian state
of Karnataka. This manual was especially written for the
teaching of this Dravidian language in an academic set-
ting, but is also suitable for private self-learning.

ISBN 978-3-946742-83-8

9 783946 742838