14HHRJ87 Nagan

The International Law of Torture:
From Universal Proscription to

Effective Application and Enforcement
Winston P. Nagan*
Lucie Atkins**
Man has the capacity to push aside from his mind unpleasant
problems.
-Sean MacBride (1977)'
In extreme situations when human lives and dignity are at stake,

neutrality is a sin. It helps the killers, not the victims.
-Elie Wiesel 2
I. INTRODUCTION: THE NATURE AND SCOPE OF THE PROBLEM
This Article presents a comprehensive review of world torture and the ef-
forts to eradicate it through both official and unofficial strategies of inter-
vention, with special emphasis on the legal strategies. This Article recog-
nizes the complexity of these strategies as they form a vast number of initia-
tives emerging from various elements of the international community. Part
II of the Article touches on matters of definition and legal history. This en-
ables the examination of the inherent characteristics of torture as they im-
pact issues of governance, social control, and principles of basic respect and
human dignity. Part III examines the efforts to universally proscribe torture
in international law. It provides an overview of critical provisions of the
United Nations Convention Against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or
Degrading Treatment or Punishment. Part IV describes and critically evalu-
* Sam T. Dell Research Scholar, Professor of Law, Director, Institute for Human Rights, Peace and De-
velopment, Levin College of Law, University of Florida, Fellow of the World Academy of Art and Sci-
ence. The author would like to thank Judith M. Nagan for critically evaluating the Article.
** Research Associate, Institute for Human Rights, Peace and Development, Levin College of Law,
University of Florida; SJ.D. Candidate, Central European University.
1. ALEX P SCHMID, PROJECT INTERDISCIPLINAIR ONDERZOEK NAAR OORZAKEN VAN MENSEN-
RECHTENSCHENDIGEN (P.I.O.O.M.) RESEARCH ON GROSS HuMAN RIGHTS VIOLATIONS (1989).
2. Id. Mr. Wiesel is a survivor of the Holocaust and a Nobel Prize winner.
HarvardHuman RightsJournal / Vol. 14
ates United Nations-sponsored mechanisms created for the purpose of eradi-

cating torture. Part V examines United States policy and the impact of do-
mestic concerns on Congress's attempts to ratify international treaties. Part
VI describes the decentralized character of the international system and un-
derlines the importance of regional and municipal law initiatives to facilitate
the objective of ending torture. This Part extensively reviews United States,
European, and Israeli practice and case law. Part VII touches on the impor-
tance of civil society initiatives that complement litigation, legislation, ad-
ministrative action, and United Nations initiatives in working toward a re-
gime of complete abolition. It discusses a number of strategic initiatives
available in the attempt to effectively abolish torture.
There is a universal consensus in the international community that tor-
ture and other forms of cruel, inhuman, or degrading punishment or treat-
ment cannot be reconciled with a global order fundamentally committed to
basic respect and human dignity. Torture attacks the essential physical and
psychological integrity of a human being. It is, therefore, not surprising that
torture is prohibited by international, regional, and national law. However,
the practice of state craft proves that there exists an operational code that
3
accepts and sometimes, advertently or inadvertently, supports the torturer.
It may go further and seek to immunize the torturer from any sense of re-
4
sponsibility for torture-conditioned conduct.
The empirical evidence that supports this charge indicates that the inter-
national community is far from reaching its goal of complete eradication of
torture. 5 For example, Amnesty International's Annual Report of 1999 pro-
vides the following statistics relating to torture and ill-treatment: in the
sub-Saharan African region, some thirty-three countries provide evidence of
torture or ill-treatment by state operatives, and twenty countries are impli-
cated in deaths attributable to torture, ill-treatment, or negligence through
inhuman and degrading prison conditions. 6 In the Middle East and North
Africa, at least eighteen countries reveal evidence of torture or ill-treatment,
and at least eight countries show evidence of deaths resulting from torture,
3. See, e.g., TR. Gurr The PoliticalOrigins of State Violence and Terror: A Theoretical Analysis, reprintedin
M. STOHL & GEORGE A. LOPEZ, GOVERNMENT VIOLENCE AND REPRESSION: AN AGENDA FOR Rn-
SEARCH, (M. Stohl & George A. Lopez eds., 1986); M. STOHL & GEORGE A. LoPEz, THE STATE AS ThR-
RORIST: THE DYNAMICS OF GOVERNMENTAL VIOLENCE AND REPRESSION (1984); A.P. SCHMID ET AL.,
POLITICAL TERRORISM: A NEw GUIDE TO ACTORS, AUTHORS, CONCEPTS, DATA BASES, THEORIES AND
LITERATURE 58-59 (1988); David Claridge, Know Thine Enemy: UnderstandingState Terrorism, P.LO.O.m.
NEWSLETTER, Winter 199912000. For the leading study on the politics of torture, see ALEX P. SCHMID,
THE POLITICS OF PAIN: TORTURERS AND THEIR MASTERS (1985).
4. See generally Wayne C. Booth, Individualsand the Mystery of the Social Self, or Does Amnesty Have a Lcg
to Stand On?, reprintedin FREEDOM AND INTERPRETATION: THE OXFORD AMNESTY LECTURES 1992 at
69-101 (BarbaraJohnson ed., 1993) (presenting the most penetrating and insightful analysis of individ-
ual identity, social identity, universal obligation, and the issue of torture),
5. E.g., NIGEL S. RODLEY, THE TREATMENT OF PRISONERS UNDER INTERNATIONAL LAW (1987);
AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL, TORTURE INTHE EIGHTIES (1984); SCHMID, supra note 1.
6. AFRICA 1999: HIGHLIGHTS OF AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL REPORT 1999 COVERING EVENTS FROM
JANUARY TO DECEMBER 1998, at http:llwww.amnesty.orglailib/aireport/ar99/afr.htm (1999).
2001 I The InternationalLaw of Torture
ill-treatment, or inhuman and degrading prison conditions.7 In Europe,

there were reports of people tortured or ill-treated by state operatives in
some thirty-one countries; death in custody is confirmed or suspected in at
least six countries.8 In the Americas, twenty-one countries practice torture
or ill-treatment, and deaths attributable to torture or inhuman and degrad-
ing prison conditions occurred in at least six countries. 9 In the Asia-Pacific
region, at least twenty-two countries report torture or various forms of ill-
treatment by state operatives; deaths from ill-treatment or torture are indi-
cated in at least eleven countries. 10 Statistics on torture show that during
1998, no less than 125 countries reportedly tortured people. Furthermore,
torture or ill-treatment, lack of medical care, and cruel, inhuman, or de-
grading prison conditions resulted in deaths in fifty-one countries.1 These
statistics are quite shocking considering that torture and ill-treatment are
most often committed by governmental officials, who knew or should have
known that the law prohibited their acts of torture or ill-treatment. Even
more disquieting is the knowledge that the practice of torture is often
among the least transparent aspects of governmental policy and practice.
2
Amnesty International's numbers may simply reflect the tip of the iceberg.'
In order to uncover completely and begin to attack the problem of torture
it is important that the issue became a higher priority within the interna-
tional community. It is no longer a matter of developing international in-
struments of universal prescriptive force. The international community must
now give the existing laws proscribing torture full procedural efficacy. The
international community needs to develop effective strategies to give practi-
7. MIDDLE EAST & NORTH AFRICA 1999: HIGHLIGHTS OF AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL REPORT 1999
COVERING EVENTS FROM JANUARY TO DECEMBER 1998, at http:/lwww.amnesty.org/ailib/aireportlar99/
mde.htm (1999).
8. EUROPE 1999: HIGHLIGHTS OF AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL REPORT 1999 COVERING EVENTS
FROM JANUARY TO DECEMBER 1998, at http:llwww.amnesty.org/ailib/ireportlar99/eur.htm (1999).
9. AMERICAS 1999: HIGHLIGHTS OF AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL REPORT 1999 COVERING EVENTS
FROM JANUARY TO DECEMBER 1998, at http://www.amnesty.org/ailiblaireportlar99/amr.htm (1999).
10. ASIA PACIFIC 1999: HIGHLIGHTS OF AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL REPORT 1999 COVERING
EVENTS FROM JANUARY TO DECEMBER 1998, at http:llwW.aMnesty.org/ailib/aireport/ar99/asa.htm
(1999).
11. FACTS AND FIGURES ABOUT AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL AND ITS WORK FOR HUMAN RIGHTS, at
http:l/www.web.amnesty.org/web/aboutai.nsf (last visited on Dec. 2, 2000).
12. See generally UN COMMITTEE AGAINST TORTURE MUST CONDEMN INCREASING INSTITUTIONAL-
IZED CRUELTY IN USA, Amnesty International Public Document, Al Index AMR 51/68/2000 News
service Nr. 84, at http:llwww.web.amnesty.org/ai.nsf/index/AMR510682000 (Sept. 5, 2000) (establish-
ing that "[s]ince the United States ratified the Convention Against Torture [infra note 441, in October
1994, its increasingly punitive approach towards offenders has continued to lead to practices which facili-
tate torture or other forms of ill-treatment prohibited under international law .... The spiraling prison
and jail population ... and the resulting pressures on incarceration facilities have contributed to wide-
spread ill-treatment of men, women and children in custody. Police brutality is rife in many areas, and it
is disproportionately directed at racial and ethnic minorities." This suggests that even such countries as
the United States (a country with a relatively "clean record" as to gross human rights violations) are still
confronted by the problem of torture.).
cal, operational effect to an obligation erga omnes13 to eliminate torture from

the operations and practices of governance at all levels.14
The relationship between torture and governance is complicated. In addi-
tion to inflicting individual suffering, the practice of torture undermines the
very foundations and principles of the current world order. Torture is com-
pletely antithetical to the notion of good governance and the democratic
ideal. 15 The minimum criteria for achieving good governance include the
elements of accountability, transparency, responsibility, and the consent of
the governed.' 6 The standards which guide the practices of official torture,
however, involve an obfuscation of accountability, a strenuous cloak of se-
crecy to prevent any level of transparency, a denial of any sense of responsi-
bility for torture, and a complete disregard for the will of the people. In this
sense, the practice of torture undermines the very foundations and principles
of the current world order.
As torture is conduct that cannot be officially sanctioned by law, it is also
conduct that seeks, operationally, to trump law. In this sense, torture chal-
lenges the very idea of law itself. Furthermore, the practice of torture, which
denies transparency, accountability, and responsibility, often triggers en-
hanced levels of deprivation, such as disappearances, extrajudicial killings,
and genocide. Because these forms of deprivation immeasurably enhance the
stakes involved in social conflict and increase the difficulty of implementing
strategies of peaceful conflict resolution, the practice of torture attacks the
7
idea of peace itself.'
Thus, apart from the prospect of numerous deprivations directed at the
victims of torture, torture has broader consequences for world order. It at-
tacks the authority and legitimacy of the state, provokes or intensifies social
conflict, undermines the idea of peace, and, in its tacit claim to unlimited
social control, challenges the idea of the rule of law itself.
13. See generally Case Concerning Barcelona Traction, Light and Power Co. (Belgium v. Spain) 1972
I.CJ 3, 32 (Feb. 5) (establishing that sufficient legal basis exists to reach the conclusion that all crimes
against humanity function erga omnes, the International Court ofJustice recognized, "[t]he prohibition in
international law of acts, such as those alleged in this case, is an obligation erga omnes which all states
have a legal interest in ensuring is implemented.").
14. See M. CHERIF BASSIOUNI, CRIMES AGAINST HUMANITY IN INTERNATIONAL CRIMINAL LAW 489
(1992) (stating that torture is an act violating international law and represents an infringement of an i
cogens norm, which is defined as a norm whose importance rises to a level that is acknowledged to be
superior to and overriding of any other principle).
15. Thomas M. Franck, The Emerging Right To DemocraticGovernance, 86 AM. J. INT'L. L. 46, 46 (1992)
(quoting the former U.S. Secretary of State, James A. Baker III, who said, "legitimacy in 1991 flows not
from the barrel of a gun but from the will of the people.").
16. Universal Declaration of Human Rights, adoptedDec. 10, 1948, G.A. Res. 217A (Ill), U.N. Doc.
A/810, at 71 (1948) [hereinafter Universal Declaration of Human Rights] (stipulating that it is "[t]he
will of the people (that] shall be the basis of the authority of government.").
17. See Philip Alston, Peace as a Human Right, 11 BULL. PEACE PROPOSALS J. 126, 319-30 (1981), re-
printedin RICHARD PIERRE CLAUDE & BURNS H. WESTON, HUMAN RIGHTS IN THE WORLD COMMIU-
NITY: ISSUES AND ACTION 198-207 (1992).
2001 / The InternationalLaw of Torture
II. DEFINING TORTURE

A. Inherent Characteristicsof Torture
The central characteristic of the legal concept of torture is that it is an in-
trinsic part of the narrative of official behavior. The practice of torture is a
powerful institutional expression of state craft, power, and social control.
The official use of torture, even if denied in theory but used in practice,
functionally means that the state (an organ of human association) uses these
powers (as critical components of security) to intimidate or sometimes even
eliminate its enemies, or indeed non-enemies. When torture becomes rou-
tine practice in governance, 18 the state does not represent the moral order of
the community, but instead is the repository of authorized violence and im-
permissible coercion. 19 This is expressed by achieving power through brute
force. However, when power is maintained by practices of torture and ill
treatment, the claim to state legitimacy is illusory, or weakened.
The state also seeks to validate its use of violence and coercion by appeals
to its authority. Even naked power has its limitations in the scheme of social
control. The state elite constantly search for moral and ideological
justifications for their current and continued existence. The use of torture by
the state indicates insecurity in the processes of governance. The state in-
variably appeals to some moral or normative standard in order to validate
recourse to this form of violence and weaken the identification of the state
with naked power or brute force. Thus, the state tries to elevate the morality
of its use of violence by appeals to notions of self-defense, the protection of
security interests at all levels (including national security), the morality of
the survival of the state (as a romantic or moral artifact), or the morality im-
plicit in the construction of a state as a higher order framework of human
20
association.
18. See FAcTS AND FIGURES ABOUT AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL AND ITS WORK FOR HUMAN RIGHTS,
at http://www.web.amnesty.org/web/aboutai.nsf (last visited on Dec. 2, 2000) (noting that other practices
used by the state to intimidate or sometimes even eliminate its enemies or non-enemies are the follow-
ing: (1) extrajudicial executions (in 1998 carried out in forty-seven countries around the world);
(2) disappearances (in 1998 people disappeared or remained disappeared from previous years in thirty-
seven countries); (3) imprisonment of prisoners of conscience (confirmed or possible prisoners in con-
science were in 1998 held in seventy-eight countries); (4) unfair trial (political prisoners received unfair
trails in 1998 in thirty-five countries); (5) detention without charge or trial (in 1998 people were arbi-
trarily arrested and detained or in detention without charge or trial in sixty-six countries); (6) imposition
of death penalty (executions were carried out in thirty-six countries in 1998 while prisoners were under
death sentence in at least seventy-seven countries)).
19. See EH. Bradley, Some Remarks on Punishment, INT'L J. OF ETHICS, Apr. 1894, reprinted in COL-
LETED ESSAYS (1958), cited in H. LAUTERPACHT, .ANINTERNATIONAL BILL OF RIGHTS OF MAN (1945)
(noting that the philosophical justification for state absolutism is often tied to the idealistic school of old
philosophers, "[t]he rights of the individual are not worth serious criticism ....The welfare of the com-
munity is the end and is the ultimate standard. And over its members the right of the moral organism is
absolute. Its duty and its right is to dispose of these members as seems to it best. Its right and its duty is,
in brief, to be a Providence to itself.").
20. See id.
B. HistoricalApproaches TowardPractices of Torture

The law did not always define and prohibit torture. Instead, a historical,
comparative perspective on the nature of social control discloses ubiquitous
evidence of the willingness of those who exercise formal, effective control
over others to use torture as an instrument and implement of official social
control. Indeed, it is tempting to suggest that the torturer holds a psycho-
logical predisposition for the use of torture, possibly rooted in private mo-
tives and pathologies. 2' However, what distinguishes torture is that cultural,
religious, or ideological perspectives of the operative power elite often cov-
ertly sanction it. Thus validated, torture is at least tacitly accepted as in the
interest of the community where it is used. In other words, the predisposi-
tion to torture requires for its efficacy that it be displaced on public enemies
with a religious, cultural, or ideological mechanism of overt or tacit valida-
tion of an alleged community interest (usually public order, security, or law
and order).
In the history of the common law, torture was an institutionalized part of
legal procedure. The procedural methods, by which oaths and proofs could
be established, were invariably linked to the judicial infliction of pain for
the establishment of a "legal" truth. Possibly the most notorious procedure
was the trial by ordeal. 22 In certain situations, where the torturer exhibited a
certain masochistic 23 impulse that could influence operational behavior, the
torturer rationalized the infliction of pain and suffering as a form of moral
cleansing or a moral purgative. It is a tribute to human progress, moral sen-
sibility, and juridical enlightenment that the judiciary, which often shame-
lessly professed its commitment to the ideals of justice and the rule of law,
could reform its procedural methods to conform to ideas of practical reason
and operational moral sensibility. However, before the legal profession itself
is excoriated for historical hypocrisy, it must also be remembered that the
torturer used religious rectitude in the defense or propagation of their re-
ligious ideals and institutions.
Religion and law generated a complex moral paradox. Namely, torture
was often deemed to be indispensable for the discovery of truth. The pain
and suffering, experienced in the practice of torture, was also seen as pro-
4
viding the socially redeeming benefits of moral and spiritual cleansing.2
21. See John J. Baeza & Brent E. Turvey, Sadistic Behavior: A Literature Review, Knowledge Solutions
Library, Electronic Publication, (May 1999) (exploring the close relation that exists between torture and
sadism), at http://www.corpus-delicti.cosadistic_behavior.html.
22. SeeJoHN H. LANGBEIN, TORTURE AND THE LAW OF PROOF: EUROPE AND ENGLAND IN THE AN-
ENT REGIME 3-72 (1977) (providing a comprehensive discussion about Roman-canon statutory system
of proofs, including the description of methods used for "judicial torture" defined as, "the use of physical
coercion by officers of the stare in order to gather evidence for judicial proceedings." Id. at 3).
23. See STEDmAN'S MEDICAL DIcrIONARY, LAwYER's EDITION 837 (5th unabr ed. 1982) (defining
masochism as a "[plassive algolagnia, a form of perversion in which sexual pleasure is heightened in the
person who is beaten and maltreated; the opposite ofsadism").
24. See SCHMID, supra note 1, at 136 (describing the use of torture to achieve goals of ideological pu-
rity within totalitarian regimes).
C. Two Forms of Torture

At this point it should be noted that there are, in fact, two forms of tor-
ture. The first refers to the infliction of extreme pain and suffering by a vic-
timizer who dominates and controls. The pain may have either physical or
psychological elements or a combination of both. The second version con-
cerns the more restrictive legal definition which includes official state sanc-
tion and/or participation. The paradigmatic example of this version involves
police or official security practices invoked for the purpose of obtaining a
confession, or perhaps as a distinctive form of state-sponsored terrorism and
repression. 25 In this latter signification, the torture of a victim with official
sanction sends a social message of intimidation and a message about the
scope, character, and strategies of official social control. This Article con-
cerns itself with this narrower concept of torture.
The 1984 U.N. Convention Against Torture narrowly defines torture
within the confines of the second form. The Convention defines torture as
any act which intentionally inflicts severe mental or physical pain on a vic-
tim for the purpose of obtaining information or a confession or for punishing
the victim for conduct or suspected conduct. Torture may also occur when
the infliction of pain and suffering is motivated by any form of officially
sanctioned discrimination. Another facet of the Convention definition of
torture is that pain or suffering is administered at the instigation, consent,
or acquiescence of a public official or another person acting in an official ca-
pacity.26 Therefore, the Convention Against Torture does not necessarily
prosecute acts that fall under the first version of torture, namely those that
27
are not inflicted with state sanction.
D. Torture in InternationalandRegional Law

Within the second definition of torture, systematic or widespread torture
belongs to a special group of crimes recognized by international law as
"crimes against humanity. '28 The category further includes the practice of
systematic or widespread murder, forced disappearances, deportation and
forcible transfers, arbitrary detention, and persecutions on political or other
25. Convention Against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment,
G.A. Res. 39/46, 39 U.N. GAOR, 39th Sess., Supp. No. 51, at 197, U.N. Doc. A/39146 (1984) (entered
into force June 26, 1987) [hereinafter Convention Against Torture] (specifically excluding from the
definition of torture "pain or suffering arising only from, inherent in or incidental to lawful sanctions."
Id.).
26. Id.
27. See SCHMID, supra note 1, at 25-26 (defining torture to include killings, summary executions,
killing in presumptive armed conflicts, fataltorture, killing by abuse of power in a legal process, killing
by death squad, genocide, detained-disappeared and torture).
28. Agreement for the Prosecution and Punishment of the Major War Criminals of the European Axis
Powers and Charter of the International Military Tribunal, Aug. 8, 1945, 59 Stat. 1544, 82 U.N.T.S.
279 [hereinafter Nuremberg Charter].
grounds. A number of international conventions or instruments recognize

29
these crimes as crimes against humanity.
The effort to eradicate torture works at many levels of international, re-
gional, and national decision-making and often involves both public and
civil society initiatives, working in complementary roles.30 In addition to
the prohibition of torture in contemporary international law and practice,
the capacity to provide a sanctioning response to torture has also been ex-
tended to the institutions of private law. Thus, in certain regional jurisdic-
tions, torture is viewed as not only a criminal wrong, 31 but also as a civil
wrong with a tortious character.3 2 This latter area represents an important
change in the capacity to control and punish torture through the institu-
tions of civil society.
This has led to multiple initiatives driven by international and regional
institutions dealing with human rights law. The most notable initiative is
the emergence of a private law dimension that greatly empowers private
enforcement against public actors who are implicated in the practice of tor-
ture. This development embodies the extension of sanctions against torture
from the public to the private sphere.
29. See eg., id.; S.C. Res. 808, U.N. SCOR, 48th Sess., U.N. Doc. S/RES/808 (1993); S.C. Res. 955,
U.N. SCOR, 49th Sess., U.N. Doc. S/RES/955 (1994); Cf. Report of the Secretary Generalpursuanttopara-
graph 2 of Security Council resolution 808, U.N. Doc. S/25704, (1993) (arguing that crimes against human-
ity do not draw their legality only from international law treaties or other written international instru-
ments, but are also established under international customary law, "the application of the principle nul.
lum,crimen sine lege requires that the international tribunal should apply rules of international humanitar-
ian law which are beyond any doubt part of customary law so that the problem of adherence of some but
not all States to specific conventions does not rise").
30. See generally FACTS AND FIGURES ABOUT AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL AND ITS WORK FOR HUMAN
RIGHTS, at hrtp:l/www.web.annesty.org/web/aboutai.nsf (last visited on Dec. 2, 2000) (stipulating "to-
day an ever-growing human rights constituency is gathering the facts on abuses by governments, taking
action to stop them and strengthening the forces necessary to prevent future violations. More than 1000
domestic and regional organizations are working to protect basic human rights.")
31. See, e.g., Regina v. Battle, Ex Parte Pinochet, 37 I.L.M. 1302 (H.L. 1998); Regina v. Battle, EX
Parte Pinocher, 38 1.L.M. 581 (H.L. 1999); see also Prosecutor v. Kunarac, et al., Amended Complaint of
the Prosecutor of the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia, Case No.: IT-96-23-PT
(2000).
32. See Alien Tort Claims Act, 28 U.S.C. § 1350 (2000); Torture Victim Protection Act of 1991, Pub,
L. No. 102-256, 106 Stat. 73 (1992) (codified at 28 U.S.C. § 1350 (1994)) (allowing actions to be
brought against an individual who, under actual or apparent authority or under color of law of any for-
eign nation, had subjected another individual to either torture or extrajudicial killing); sce also Construe-
tion and Application of Alien Tort Statute (28 U.S.C.A. § 1350) Providingfor FederalJurisdictionOver Alien's
Action for Tort Committed in Violation of Law of Nations or Treaty of the United States, 116 A.L.R. Fed. 387
(1993); Filartiga v. Pena-Irala, 630 E2d 876 (2d Cir. 1980) (providing the paradigmatic use of 28 U.S.C.
§ 1350 involving Joelito Filartiga, a seventeen-year-old boy, who was tortured by Paraguayan authorities
and died under torture, and holding that, "the law of nations clearly prohibits official torture" ).
III. FROM UNIVERSAL PROHIBITION TO UNIVERSAL ERADICATION OF

TORTURE: DEVELOPMENTS OF INTERNATIONAL LAW STANDARDS
A. InitialDevelopment of Relevant InternationalLaw

It is generally recognized today that modern human rights law evolved in
response to the atrocities committed during the Second World War and to
the effort to provide a moral as well as judicial reckoning and understanding
of the legacy of that conflict. The creation of the U.N. Charter in 194533
represented an effort to specifically prescribe certain obligations on states.
These revolutionary obligations related to the matters of aggression, peace
and security, and fundamental human rights that implicitly recognized that
the idea of state and the idea of sovereignty are not unlimited. Further de-
34
velopments, especially the creation of the Universal Declaration of Rights,
created rights for the individual that might be exercised against a sovereign
state, another milestone achievement. The 1949 Geneva Conventions 35 and
related protocols further extended developments in humanitarian law. Fur-
thermore, the growth of regional human rights law reflects a strong and
compelling desire on the part of the international community to ground the
perspectives and operations envisioned in the Universal Declaration of Hu-
man Rights in actual practice. Additionally, modern constitution-making
has tended to draw normative inspiration from the Universal Declaration of
Human Rights. Many human rights provisions have found expression in
36
post-war constitutions.
B. UniversalProhibitionof Torture
One of the most fundamental aspects of human rights law is the universal
proscription of torture. Article 5 of the Universal Declaration of Human
Rights holds that "[nJo one shall be subjected to torture or to cruel, inhu-
man or degrading treatment or punishment." This sentiment is similarly
expressed in Article 7 of the International Covenant on Political and Civil
Rights, 37 Article 3 of the European Convention for the Protection of Human
33. See U.N. CHARTER.

34. See Universal Declaration of Human Rights, supra note 15, art. 19.
35. See Geneva Convention for the Amelioration of the Conditions of the Wounded and Sick in Armed
Forces in the Field, openedfor signatureAug. 12, 1949, 6 U.S.T. 3114, 75 U.N.T.S. 31; Geneva Conven-
tion for the Amelioration of the Condition of Wounded, Sick and Shipwrecked Members of Armed Forces
at Sea, openedfor signatureAug. 12, 1949, 6 U.S.T. 3217, 75 U.N.T.S. 85; Geneva Convention Relative to
the Treatment of Prisoners of War, openedfor signatureAug. 12, 1949, 6 U.S.T 3316, 75 U.N.T.S. 135;
Geneva Convention Relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War, 6 U.S.T. 3516, 75
U.N.T.S. 287.
36. See, eg., UGANDA CONST., reprinted in 18 CONSTITUTIONS OF THE COUNTRIES oF THE WORLD
(Gisbert H. Franz ed., 1997).
37. See International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, openedfor signatureDec. 16, 1966, G.A.
Res. 2200A (XX), U.N. GAOR, 21st Sess., Supp. No. 16, U.N. Doc. A/6316 (1966), 999 U.N.T.S.
171, art. 7 [hereinafter International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights) (stipulating that "fin
particular, no one shall be subjected without his free consent to medical or scientific experimentation").
HarvardHuman RightsJournal / Vol 14
Rights and Fundamental Freedoms, 38 Article 5 of the African Charter on

Human and Peoples' Rights, 39 Article 5 of the American Convention on
Human Rights, 40 and Article 99 of the 1949 Geneva Convention dealing
with the protection of the prisoners of war.4 1 Notwithstanding rhetorical
agreements on the prohibition of torture and related practices, there remains
a strong desire within state governance to have recourse to the use of vio-
lence.
Despite the clear consensus in favor of outlawing torture, the perennial
problem facing the international community is the weakness of these pre-
scriptions in practice. The desire of the international community to enforce
compliance with human rights expectations through centralized, bureau-
cratic United Nations agencies has limited efficacy in seeking to control and
eliminate torture on a world-wide basis.
Indeed, one of the important developments relevant to the elimination of
torture emerged in 1961 with the creation of a nongovernmental organiza-
tion, Amnesty International. 42 Amnesty International's focus on individual
participation for individual victims was an important innovation in the de-
velopment of human rights law generally and, more particularly, in the de-
velopment of a grassroots-based global initiative to support and complement
the work of the United Nations. 43 Amnesty International's early monitoring
of torture on a worldwide basis provided the form of interest articulation,
pressure, and support for governmental initiatives (especially in Sweden and
Denmark) that enabled the adoption of the Declaration on Protection of All
Persons from Being Subjected to Torture and other Cruel, Inhumane or De-
grading Punishment by the General Assembly in 197544 and later, in 1984,
38. See European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms, opencd
for signatureApr. 11, 1950, 213 U.N.T.S. 222, art. 3 [hereinafter European Convention for the Protection
of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms] (prohibiting torture by stating that, "[nJo one shall be
subjected to torture or to inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment").
39. See African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights, openedfor signatureJune 27, 1981, O.A.U.
Doc. CAB/LEG/67/3 rev. 5, 21 I.L.M. 58, art. 5 (1982) [hereinafter African Charter on Human and
People's Rights] (extending the protection to the maximum when it sets out that "[a]ll forms of exploita-
tion and degradation of man, particularly ... torture, cruel, inhuman or degrading punishment and
treatment shall be prohibited").
40. See American Convention on Human Rights, Nov. 22, 1969, 1144 U.N.T.S. 123, art. 5(2) (stipu-
lating in Article 5 (2) that "[n]o one shall be subjected to torture or to cruel, inhuman or degrading
punishment or treatment. All persons deprived of their liberty shall be treated with respect for the inher-
ent dignity ofthe human person").
41. See Geneva Convention Relative to the Treatment of Prisoners of War, openedfor signatureAug. 12,
1949, 6 U.S.T. 3316, 75 U.N.T.S. 135 (stating that, "[n]o moral or physical coercion may be exerted on
a prisoner of war in order to induce him to admit himself guilty of the act of which he is accused").
42. See FACTS AND FIGURES ABOUT AMNEsTY INTERNATIONAL AND ITS WORK FOR HUMAN RIGHTS,
at http://www.web.amnesty.org/webI aboutai.nsf (last visited on Dec. 2, 2000) (providing a comprehen-
sive description of the origins and ongoing work ofAmnesty International).
43. id.
44. See Declaration on the Protection of All Persons from Being Subjected to Torture and Other Cruel,
Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment, G.A. Res. 34/52, U.N. GAOR, 39th Sess., Supp. No.
34, U.N. Doc. A110034 (1975) [hereinafter Declaration Against Torture) (declaring that certain "excep-
tional circumstances such as a state of war or a threat of war, internal political instability or any other
the Convention Against Torture and Other Cruel Inhumane or Degrading

Treatment or Punishment. 45 The Convention Against Torture itself is sup-
plemented by several other U.N. General Assembly initiatives promulgated
in part as a result of pressure from global civil society.4 6 These developments
included the drafting of the Body of Principles for the Protection of All Per-
sons Under Any Form of Detention or Imprisonment, 47 the Code of Conduct
for Law Enforcement Officials, 48 and the Principles of Medical Ethics. 49 In
1985, the U.N. Commission on Human Rights established the office of the
Special Rapporteur on Torture. The treaty-making process and the enforce-
ment mechanisms created by the United Nations are in itself an extremely
important part of the efforts to universally eradicate torture.
Despite its far-reaching progress in giving some efficacy to the prescrip-
tive force of international laws that seek to eradicate torture, the United Na-
tions faces certain inherent institutional limitations. This has led to interna-
tional organizations mobilizing their resources to aid the international cam-
paign against torture. In the mid-1990s, for example, Amnesty Interna-
tional held an international conference to refocus international concern on
torture, lobbied for action against torture at the U.N. World Conference on
Racism, and launched a campaign to universally eradicate torture to com-
plement the efforts of the United Nations. 50 This illustrates the need for
international organization in the campaign to eradicate torture.
C. Convention Against Torture1

The most important U.N. treaty for controlling, regulating, and prohib-
iting torture and related practices is the Convention Against Torture and
Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. The draft-
ing of the Convention Against Torture was commenced by the U.N. Coin-
public emergency may not be invoked as a justification of torture or other cruel, inhuman or degrading
treatment or punishment").
45. See Convention Against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punish-
ment, G.A. Res. 39/46, U.N. GAOR, 39th Sess., Supp. No. 51, at 197, U.N. Doc. A/39/51 (1984)
[hereinafter Convention Against Torture].
46. SeeG.A. Res. 3218, U.N. GAOR, 29th Sess., Supp. No. 31, at 82, U.N. Doc. A19631 (1974) (ex-
emplifying the enactment of a resolution resulting from sustained pressure by national and international
non-governmental organizations).
47. See Body of Principles for the Protection of All Persons Under Any Form of Detention or Impris-
onment, G.A. Res. 43/173, U.N. GAOR, 43rd Sess., Supp. No. 49, U.N. Doc. A/43/49 (1988).
48. Code of Conduct for Law Enforcement Officials, G.A. Res. 34/169, U.N. GAOR, 34th Sess.,
Supp. No. 46, at 185, U.N. Doc. A/34/46 (1979).
49. Principles of Medical Ethics Relevant to the Role of Health Personnel, Particularly Physicians, in
the Protection of Prisoners and Detainees Against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading
Treatment or Punishment, G.A. Res. 37/194, U.N. GAOR, 37th Sess., Supp. No. 51, at 210, U.N. Doc.
A137/51 (1982).
50. Amnesty International, http://www.stoptorrure.org (last visited on Dec. 2, 2000) (describing the
campaign against torture that was launched in October 2000 in more than sixty countries).
51. For a detailed overview of the Convention Against Torture, see Convention Against Torture, 1990:
Hearings before the U.S. Senate Foreign Relations Comm., 101-2nd Cong. (1990) (statement of Winston P.
Nagan, Board Chairman, Amnesty International USA).
mission on Human Rights in 1978, and the document was adopted by the
General Assembly in 1984.52 In its final form, the Convention Against Tor-
ture was based substantially, but not exclusively, on the Declaration Against
Torture. The Convention Against Torture stipulates explicitly in Article 2
that countries under the Convention are obliged to "take effective legisla-
tive, administrative, judicial and other measures to prevent acts of torture."
This particular provision formally established the specific legal obligation of
the state to prevent torture.
No government had previously asserted such an extensive list of reserva-
tions, declarations, and understandings as that proposed by the U.S. State
Department's letter of December 19, 1989. Among the more disquieting
reservations were the proposed declaration that the provisions of Article 1
through Sixteen of the Convention not be self-executing; the proposed fed-
eral-state reservation seeking to limit the implementation of the Convention
"to the extent that the Federal Government exercises legislative and judicial
jurisdiction over the matters covered therein"; and the proposed under-
standing of the definition of torture in Article 1.
The United States also expressed concern regarding Article 2's wide juris-
dictional reach strengthening the capacity of state action to prohibit torture.
Furthermore, Article 7(1) of the Convention Against Torture imposes upon
every state that is a party to this Convention a solemn duty to extradite any-
one found in its jurisdiction whom is alleged to have committed torture or
to "submit the case to its competent authorities for the purpose of prosecu-
tion." The practical weakness of this approach is that states may be reluctant
to prosecute nationals of another state, especially government officials, be-
cause of the fear of reciprocal actions against their own citizens, hence the
U.S. reservations.
As important as the United Nations' appeals to state responsibility may
be, practice has shown that a great deal more needs to be done to constrain
the behavior of state officials bent on committing acts of torture. For exam-
ple, one of the most interesting methods of seeking to police and prevent
torture is the "urgent action" technique developed by Amnesty Interna-
tional.53 Urgent action is launched on behalf of prisoners and others who are
in immediate danger of serious human rights violations, such as torture or
extrajudicial execution. The Urgent Action Network is made up of more
than 80,000 volunteers in more than eighty-five countries. First, the Am-
nesty International Secretariat in London issues the urgent action to the na-
tional sections, who then distribute it to the members of the Urgent Action
network in the relevant country or territory. The members are asked to send
appeals by the fastest means possible to the people, organizations, and insti-
52. For the underlying mandate for the drafting of the Convention Against Torture, see G.A. Res.
32/62, U.N. GAOR, 32d Sess., Supp. No. 45, U.N. Doc. A/32/355 (1977).
53. FACTS AND FIGURES ABOUT AmNESTY INTERNATIONAL AND ITS WORK FOR HUmN RIGHTS, at
http://www.web.amnesty.org/web/ aboutai.nsf(last visited on Dec. 2, 2000).
tutions indicated. The number of appeals varies in each case. A case can gen-
erate anywhere between three and 5000 appeals.
Urgent action is a tool of enforcement that is not limited by the con-
straints of diplomatic protocol, nor does it require political action from bu-
reaucrats within the United Nations, who may be torn between their obliga-
tions to seek states' financial and political support and their desires to expose
the states' wrongdoings. The urgent action method of intervention identifies
the victim, the range of potential victimizers in the chain of command, the
venue where torture occurs, and the nature of the torture practice under
scrutiny. The urgent action technique is especially effective due to its meth-
ods of electronic distribution and global, cross-cultural mobilization of
opinion. The technique also identifies officials in the chain of responsibility,
bringing transparency to otherwise anonymous processes.
Further Articles highlight the importance of state compliance in the ef-
fective application of the Convention Against Torture. Article 2 limits the
processes that provide for the easy justification of torture through variously
formulated national security imperatives. Article 2 specifically holds that
torture cannot be validated by the claim to exceptional circumstances as in,
for example, "war or a threat of war, internal political instability or any
other public emergency." Article 2 follows the principle of the Nuremberg
Charter that an order from a superior officer or public authority cannot serve
54
as a legal defense.
Article 4 of the Convention Against Torture makes clear that the crime of
torture is of a "grave nature." States must therefore regard it as within the
category of crimes for which the defendant may be extradited under Article
8. Articles 5 through 7 of the Convention Against Torture incorporate the
well-established principle of state-conditioned universal jurisdiction: the
state is obliged to either institute criminal proceedings against the torturer
or to extradite the person to another state to stand trial there. The principles
of jurisdiction based on nationality or territoriality do not constrain these
precepts.
The Convention's emphasis on preventing torture is also extremely impor-
tant. Torture cannot be undone once it is committed, and a sanctioning pol-
icy in which the punishment is somehow proportionate to the crime is very
problematic in cases of torture, mass murder, and genocide. Therefore, an
extremely important strategy of global torture law enforcement is to empha-
size the prevention of torture. Article 10 of the Convention Against Torture
requires states to educate their "law enforcement personnel, civil or military,
medical personnel, public officials, and other persons who may be involved
in the custody, interrogation or treatment of any individual subjected to any
form of arrest, detention or imprisonment" about the prohibition against
torture. Resolution 1999/32 of the U.N. Commission on Human Rights
54. Nuremberg Charter, supra note 28.

bolstered this mandate, calling upon the United Nations High Commis-
sioner for Human Rights to provide, at the request of governments, advisory
services to these governments. 55 These advisors would guide states with re-
spect to their obligations to ensure education and training of law enforce-
ment and other personnel, as well as technical assistance in the development,
production, and distribution of appropriate teaching materials.
Amnesty International adopted a Twelve-Point Program for the Preven-
tion of Torture in October 1983 that recognizes the same obligation. The
ninth point of this Twelve-Point Program stipulates: "It should be made
clear during the training of all officials involved in the custody, interrogation
or treatment of prisoners that torture is a criminal act. They should be in-
' 56
structed that they are obliged to disobey any order to torture.
Education is a long-term goal, and the effective prevention of torture
must be grafted onto the core expectations of law enforcement in the field,
where officials directly interrogate those in their custody. Toward that end,
Article 11 of the Convention Against Torture requires states to "keep under
systematic review interrogation rules, instructions, methods and practices, as
well as arrangements for the custody and treatment of persons subjected to
any form of arrest, detention or imprisonment." 7 Article 11 professionalizes
the practices of interrogation and mandates the creation of a record of actual
practices, thereby enhancing not only education, but transparency and ac-
countability as well.
Article 12 of the Convention Against Torture requires the parties to the
Convention to "promptly and impartially" investigate allegations of torture.
Moreover, the state must investigate the prospect of torture practices within
its jurisdiction if "there [are] reasonable grounds to believe that an act of
torture has been committed." In this case, the Twelve-Point Program of
Amnesty International might represent even a broader obligation by re-
quiring that "[g]overnments should ensure that all [i.e., not only those with
reasonable ground for investigation] complaints and reports of torture are
impartially and effectively investigated." Furthermore, Amnesty would in-
sist that "[tlhe methods of findings of such investigations.., be made pub-
lic."58
Another important aspect of the Convention Against Torture relates to
the security and safety of those who are willing to come forward and com-
plain, or those who might serve as credible witnesses to establish that tor-
ture has happened. Article 13 imposes upon a state party the obligation to
55. U.N.C.H.R. Res. 32, U.N. ESCOR, 56th Sess., 55th Mrg., U.N. Doc. EICN.41RES/1999132
(1999).
56. AM,ESTY INTERNATIONAL, TWELVE-POINT PROGRAM FOR THE PREVENTION OF TORTURE,
available at Recommendations for the protection and promotion of human rights at
http:lwww.web.amnesty.org/web/aboutai.nsf (last visited Dec. 2, 2000) [hereinafter TWELVE-POINT
PROGRAM FOR THE PREVENTION OF TORTURE].
57. Convention Against Torture, su/pra note 25, art. 11.
58. TWFELVE-POINT PROGRAM FOR THE PREVENTION OF TORTURE, supra note 56.
ensure that any individual who alleges they have been subjected to torture
has the right to complain to state authorities. The obvious impulse of official
reaction to complainants and witnesses is to harass them, intimidate them,
or in other ways threaten them with ill-treatment. In order to secure a viable
rule of law as the basis for the prohibition of torture, a central procedural
value is acknowledged. If the individual cannot complain, then there is
nothing to prevent and nothing to punish. Additionally, the sheer difficulty
of protecting witnesses and complainants from officials charged with respon-
sibility for the torture-based victimization strikes at the heart of the entire
process of law enforcement under the rule of law. Since torture strikes at the
core legitimacy of the state, the individual might well appreciate the reluc-
tance of states to establish enhanced methods for protection of victims of
torture and the witnesses. It may be that Article 13, and the capacity to give
it sum and substance, provides the testing ground for the effectiveness of the
Convention Against Torture itself.
At first blush, Articles 12 and 13 may seem to call for a fox to investigate
the chicken coop. However, these provisions assume that states are complex
structures and that governance is often a matter of the exercise of multiple,
concurrent and sequential powers; one branch of a state can police another
branch of the state and hold it accountable for breaking the rules. This in-
sight compels the appraisers of the Convention Against Torture to examine a
state not as an undivided homogeneous entity, but as a cluster of coextensive
and competing interests. Due to this decentralized and divided structure,
political parties and advocacy groups may be able to structure enough pres-
sure to compel officials to act, even when the officials would be otherwise
reluctant to do so.
Article 13 must also be read in the light of Article 15, which extends the
legal protection of fundamental procedural values. Specifically, Article 15
states that evidence extracted by torture cannot be used in proceedings
against the victim of torture or anyone implicated by the victim, with the
exception of the torturer himself.59 States have historically relied on tainted
evidence to establish legal versions of the "truth" in order to justify the
punishment of their enemies. Surprisingly, this tainted and coerced evidence
is still ubiquitous in the procedures of many states. To the extent that
tainted evidence is admissible, it undermines the capacity for law enforce-
ment and provides disincentives for governmental officials to engage in
proper investigative work. To the extent that judges admit tainted evidence,
they create a crisis of confidence in the legal system itself because the legal
"truths" generated are not credible predicates for the administration of jus-
59. Convention Against Torture, supra note 25, art. 15. Article Fifteen of the Convention Against Tor-
ture does not allow a statement extracted under torture to be used "against a person accused of torture as
evidence that the statement was made." Id. Similarly, the sixth point of the Twelve-Point Program of
Amnesty International stipulates that "[g]overnments should ensure that confessions or other evidence
obtained under torture may never be invoked in legal proceedings." 'ThELVE-POINT PROGRAM FOR THE
PREVENTION OF TORTURE, supra note 56.
HarvardHuman RightsJoumal / Vol. 14
tice. The erosion of the due process values in Articles 13 and 15 of the Con-
vention Against Torture represents the most serious assault on the founda-
tion of the rule of law. For example, the well-developed South African legal
system, with its independent judiciary, nevertheless had judges routinely
admitting evidence based on abusive police practices or torture. 60 Similarly,
Russia's notorious "show-trials," which began in 1936 under the rule of Sta-
lin, represented some of the high points in the use of torture and confessions
61
in legal proceedings.
Article 14 of the Convention Against Torture addresses the question of
reparations. It advocates an "enforceable right to fair and adequate compen-
sation." The term "compensation" is defined as "the means for as full a reha-
bilitation as possible." While it is true that compensation for torture may
have some intrinsically therapeutic effects (as well as cover the costs of medi-
cal and psychological interventions where they exist), compensation cannot
address the most significant consequence of torture for the victims, which is
the assault on the essence of the victims' identity, respect, and dignity. The
process of torture often involves isolating the victim, removing the victim's
clothing, assaulting the victim's sexual organs, depriving the victim of sleep,
inflicting psychological and physical pain that usually ensures the loss of
bowel and kidney movements, and, in the case of women, rape with an
indefinite time-frame. The horrors of torture are such that, in spite of reha-
bilitation efforts, the victim will never be the same. This does not mean that
seeking to rehabilitate torture victims is not mandated by the deepest sense
of humane identification.
In addition to those aspects of the Convention Against Torture that ad-
dress matters of cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment or punishment, the
Convention also establishes institutions and procedures to effect implemen-
tation of its goals. It establishes a Committee Against Torture (Article 17)
and outlines the Committee's functioning (Article 18). The Committee
Against Torture is empowered to examine reports from state parties to the
Convention and to inquire into allegations of systematic practices of torture
(Articles 19 and 20). The Committee Against Torture is also empowered to
accept complaints from states alleging a particular state's noncompliance
with the Convention (Article 21). However, this power might only be exer-
cised with the explicit consent of the state alleged to be in non-compliance.
Under Article 22, the Committee Against Torture may receive complaints
from individuals against the state and is to report annually to state parties
and to the U.N. General Assembly.
60. See,e.g., NATIONAL ASSOCIATION OF DEbiocRATIc LAwYERS, THE ROLE OF LAWYERS AND THII
LEGAL SYSTEM IN THE GROSS HUMAN RIGHTS VIOLATIONS OF APARTHEID (1998) (submission to the
South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission).
61. ALFRED ERICH SENN, READINGS IN RUSSIAN POLITICAL AND DIPLOATIC HISTORY, VOLUME
II-THE SOVIET PERIOD 160-61 (1966).
IV. THE U.N.-SPONSORED MECHANISMS DEDICATED TO THE

ERADICATION OF TORTURE
Three of the most important U.N.-sponsored mechanisms dedicated to the
eradication of torture are: (1) the Committee Against Torture, which was
established pursuant to Article 17 of the Convention Against Torture, (2)
the U.N. Special Rapporteur on Torture, created pursuant to the U.N. Com-
mission on Human Rights' Resolution 1985/33, and (3) the U.N. Volun-
tary Fund for Victims of Torture, set up pursuant to U.N. General Assembly
Resolution 36/151 of December 16, 1981. Related initiatives of importance
emerged from the First U.N. Congress on the Prevention of Crime and the
Treatment of Offenders in 1955, that, among other things, adopted the
62
Standard Minimal Rules for the Treatment of Prisoners.
A. Committee Against Torture

The major function of the Committee Against Torture is to monitor the
implementation of the Convention. This body, consisting of ten experts who
are nationals of the state parties, is elected through a secret ballot. The
Committee carries out its task through the procedures in Articles 19, 20,
and 21 of the Convention Against Torture. According to Article 19, the par-
ties to the Convention submit to the Committee, by way of the U.N. Secre-
tary-General, reports on the measures they have taken under the Conven-
tion. These reports are then subject to the Committee's revision and com-
ments, and information from them can be included in the Committee's an-
nual report. 63 Furthermore, if a state's report or other source discloses infor-
mation which contains well-founded allegations that a state party systemati-
cally practices torture, the Committee has the power under Article 20 to
invite that state party to examine the allegation and to provide explanations
regarding the allegation.6 The investigation may include a visit to the insti-
tutions allegedly practicing torture. 6 The Committee communicates the
62. U.N. Standard Minimum Rules for the Treatment of Prisoners, approved July 31, 1957, E.S.C.
Res. 663(c), U.N. ESCOR, 24th Sess., Supp. No. 1, at 11, U.N. Doc. E/3048 (1957), amended May 13,
1977, E.S.C. Res. 2076, U.N. ESCOR, 62nd Sess., Supp. No. 1, at 35, U.N. Doc. E15988 (1977).
63. The representatives of the states concerned are invited "to attend the meeting when their reports
are considered." Representatives are allowed and expected to answer any additional questions which may
be put to them by the Committee and to "clarify, if needed, certain aspects of the reports already submit-
ted." After such clarification, the Committee (according to Article 19, para. 3) may make general com-
ments on the report as well as indicate whether it appears to it that some obligations of the state con-
cerned have not been discharged. These comments are then transmitted to the state concerned which may
reply to them. UNITED NATIONS HIGH COMMISSIONER FOR HuMAN RIGHTS, FACT SHEET No. 17, THE
COMMITTEE AGAINST TORTURE, at http://www.unhchr.ch/html/menu6/2/fsl7.htm (2000).
64. The procedure set out in Article 20 of the Convention Against Torture is confidential and pursues
the cooperation of the state. The only exception to the confidentiality rule is if, after all the proceedings
regarding an investigation under Article 20 have been completed, the Committee decides to include a
summary account of the results into its annual report. In this case the work of the Committee is made
public. Otherwise, all the work and documents relating to its functions under Article 20 are confidential.
65. UNITED NATIONS HIGH COMMISSIONER FOR HuMAN RIGHTS, FACT SHEET NO. 17, THE COM-
MITrEE AGAINST TORTURE, at http://www.unhchr.chihtml/menu6/2/fslT7.htm (2000). This is an excep-
outcomes of the investigation to the state party concerned, along with the
comments and suggestions of the Committee Against Torture. However, the
competence conferred upon the Committee by Article 20 is optional; the
state party may, at the time of ratifying or acceding to the Convention
66
Against Torture, declare that it does not recognize this competence.
The Committee usually holds two regular sessions each year but a special
session may be convened at the request of a majority of its ten members or of
a state party to the Convention Against Torture. 67 All proceedings of the
Committee are confidential and the Committee invites the concerned state
party to cooperate with the Committee at all stages of the proceedings. Also,
in order to be able to include a summary account of the investigation
findings in its annual report, the Committee is required to consult the state
party concerned. The expenses incurred in connection with all of the Com-
mittee's activities are borne by the state parties to the Convention Against
Torture. 68 The Committee itself adopts its procedural rules.
Article 22 of the Convention Against Torture gives individuals 69 the right
to complain directly to the Committee Against Torture. The accused state
party must recognize the competence of the Committee to consider com-
plaints filed by the individuals, and as of January 1, 2000, only forty out of
119 states have made such a declaration.70 Another limitation on the filing
of individual complaints is that, according to the Committee's rules of pro-
cedure, a communication can not be admitted if it is anonymous. 71 This is
mitigated, however, by the rule that all individual complaints are examined
tion to the standard procedure that involves either inviting representatives of the concerned state to
participate in the examination and submit observations, or requesting additional information from those
representatives and others. The Committee may also designate a confidential inquiry, with which repre-
sentatives of the state concerned are invited to cooperate.
66. Id. In this case, the Committee Against Torture may not exercise the powers conferred upon it by
Article 20 for so long as the state concerned maintains its reservation.
67. Sessions of the Committee Against Torture, United Nations High Commissioner for Human
Rights, at hrtp:llwww.unhchr.chlhtmllmenu2/6/car/cats.htm (last visited Dec. 2, 2000).
68. UNITED NATIONS HIGH COMMISSIONER FOR HuMAN RIGHTS, FACT SHEET No. 4, METHODS OF
COMBATING TORTURE, at http://www.unhchr.ch.html/menu6/2/fs4.htm (2000). Although the state
parties share these expenses in proportion to their contribution to the budget of the United Nations, no
single state's share may cover more than twenty-five percent of the Committee's expenses,
69. See infra note 65. Private individuals claiming to be victims of a violation of the Convention
Against Torture by a state that has accepted the competence of the Committee under Article 22, as well
as their relatives or representatives, are entitled to submit communications to the Committee.
70. Press Release, United Nations Committee Against Torture, Panel Scheduled to Consider Reports
from Poland, Portugal, China, Paraguay, Armenia, El Salvador, the United States, the Netherlands and
Slovenia (Apr. 28, 2000), available at http:llwww.unhchr.ch/huricane/huricane.nsf/newsroom. Although
119 states have ratified or acceded to the Convention, only the following forty states have recognized the
competence of the Committee under Articles 21 and 22: Algeria, Argentina, Australia, Austria, Canada,
Croatia, Cyprus, Czech Republic, Denmark, Ecuador, Finland, France, Greece, Hungary, Iceland, Italy,
Liechtenstein, Luxembourg, Malta, Monaco, Netherlands, New Zealand, Norway, Poland, Portugal,
Russian Federation, Senegal, Slovak Republic, Slovenia, South Africa, Spain, Sweden, Switzerland, Togo,
Tunisia, Turkey, Uruguay, Venezuela and Yugoslavia. In addition, the United Kingdom and the United
States have recognized the competence of the Committee under Article Twenty-One only (competence of
the Committee over the claims filed by states but not over those filed by individuals).
71. See infra note 65.
by the Committee in closed meetings. Once the Committee Against Torture

decides that a communication is admissible, it informs the author of the
communication, transmits its decision to the state concerned, and then pro-
ceeds to consider the merits. The state that has allegedly violated the Con-
vention is then under the obligation to submit to the Committee explana-
tions or statements clarifying the case and describing any remedial measures
taken.
Individual communication about the fact or imminence of torture pre-
sumably creates an emergency situation in which immediate action is re-
quired. Since the Committee Against Torture does not operate as a standing
committee with a structure of executive directors and staff who can respond
to complaints and reports continuously, it may be that the Committee's
methods in individual cases create only the illusion that it has the capacity
to act under pressure. The six month deadline for a state's response to the
individual's communication represents a further weakness of the Commit-
tee's procedure. This delay creates the opportunity for the disappearance or
extra-judicial execution of a victim, who might have the capacity to talk and
expose what has happened; dead torture victims tell no tales. Thus, while
the structures created by the United Nations provide symbolic importance,
an important element of legitimacy, as well as a degree of efficacy to the
campaign against torture, institutional imperfections indicate that the
United Nations' structures do not exhaust the possible methods of providing
global accountability for torture.
The lack of institutional clout of the Committee Against Torture is a re-
sult of budgetary constraints, political constraints, and other factors that
limit the effort to eradicate torture. These limitations are reflected in the
following: (1) the enforcement mechanism which relies heavily on official
state cooperation is highly problematic, (2) budgets are limited and the
figures indicated for torture rehabilitation work are almost derisory, and (3)
the Committee's capacity to deal with individual complaints for over a dec-
ade has not altered the ubiquity of torture world-wide, indicating that the
72
individual complaint mechanism is little more than a symbolic gesture.
Perhaps we would be better off without it, since it cannot be viewed as a
serious response to a serious problem.
The most important aspect of torture, apart from victimizing the victim,
is that it is an exercise of power and, from a legal point of view, an exercise
72. Cf. STATISTICAL SURVEY OF INDIVIDUAL COMPLAINTS DEALT WITH BY THE COMMITTEE
AGAINST TORTURE UNDER THE PROCEDURE GOVERNED BY ARTICLE TWENTY-TWO OF THE CONVEN-
TION AGAINST TORTURE AND OTHER CRUEL, INHUMAN OR DEGRADING TREATMENT OR PUNISHMENT,
at htp://www.unhchr.ch/html/menu2/8/stat3.htm (updated Oct. 12, 2000). Since 1987, the United
Nations Committee has received 154 individual complaints from the forty-one signatory countries.
Thirty-three cases were deemed inadmissible, forty have been discontinued, and one suspended. This
leaves three admitted cases and thirty-nine in pre-admissible stage. In contrast, Amnesty International
initiated 425 new actions and pursued further appeal for 272 existing actions for the Urgent Action
Network, which extends over ninety-four countries and territories. Of the 425 new actions, 131 were
issued on behalf of victims of torture or related practices.
of official power. Because torture is so ubiquitous, especially in states that

are often undemocratic and unwilling to honor the rule of law, the state it-
self will have difficulty discussing or negotiating the systematic use of tor-
ture by its operatives without having to engage in a discourse about its own
bases of authority and legitimacy.
The critical question is whether the methods used by the Committee
Against Torture correspond to social realities or whether they blindly accept
the word of the accused state. Estimates indicate that the Committee's
methods are simply not effective in counteracting the problems of power
and authority generated by those who routinely practice torture.
The Committee's critical weakness is the futility generated by the combi-
nation of its structures and procedures. Its structure comprises a group of
experts thoroughly vetted by state parties themselves, presenting a conflict
of interest for those whose impartiality is most vital to the process. While
the bureaucratic culture required by the Committee's links with the United
Nations brings with it such assets as professionalism, broad discretion, and
widespread respect, this bureaucracy also has disadvantages. For example,
overbearing state dominance threatens the Committee's capacity for practical
implementation of a higher level of independent-minded action.
The problem of confidentiality presents another procedural difficulty for
the Committee. Confidential diplomatic dialogue between bureaucrats and
the accused state's authorities simply may not address the urgency of the
problem from the victim's point of view or the practical problem that the
more culpable the state party, the more that state will want to obstruct any
investigation. 73 This list of impediments is by no means exhaustive, but it
does demonstrate that, despite the symbolic importance of the Committee
Against Torture, serious structural and procedural limitations compromise
its efficacy.
B. The Special Rapporteur on Torture

Another attempt to combat torture produced the U.N. Special Rappor-
teur, a position established to complement the Committee Against Torture.
The U.N. Commission on Human Rights appointed a Special Rapporteur to
seek credible information on torture and to respond without delay. While
the Committee examines specific allegations of torture, the Rapporteur
74
monitors torture in general.
73. The Committee's treatment of the confidentiality factor may be contrasted with the urgent action
technique developed by Amnesty International to which we have earlier referred, Unconstrained by
institutional limitations of an international bureaucracy sustained largely by states, Human Rights In-
ternational Nongovernmental Organizations (INGOs) are often able to generate international public
accountability. Therefore, this freedom renders INGOs more impartial and perhaps better positioned to
respond to accusations of torture. Seesupra note 50.
74. Civil and PoliticalRights, Including Question of-Torture and Detention: Report of Special Rapporteu, Sir
Nigel S. Rodley, Submitted Pursuantto Commission on Human Rights Resolution 1998/38, U.N. Commission
on Human Rights, 55th Sess., Provisional Agenda Item 11(a), U.N. Doc. E/CN.4/1999/61 (1999).
The Rapporteur may ask the government of an individual state party to

provide information on its legislative and administrative measures to pre-
vent torture, and to remedy its consequences. Furthermore, the Special Rap-
porteur can examine questions of torture in states which are parties to the
Convention, all U.N. member states, and even all states with U.N. observer
status. Finally, in an effort to protect the right to physical and mental integ-
rity, the Rapporteur may bring accusations of torture to the attention of the
government concerned, consult with government representatives, and make
75
on-site consultative visits.
Like those of the Committee Against Torture, the formation and proposed
functions of the U.N. Special Rapporteur were an optimistic gesture to
combat torture, but the Rapporteur also shares the Committee's inefficacy.
In addition to the burden of a staggering workload, lack of funding poses a
major problem for the Special Rapporteur. The United States has increased
funding, but the Special Rapporteur still receives only marginal financial
support. 76 Other states should follow suit to fully empower the Rapporteur
in eradicating torture.
C. The U.N. Voluntary Fundfor Victims of Torture

In 1981, the United Nations established another well-intentioned yet in-
effective measure to combat torture: the Voluntary Fund for Victims of Tor-
ture. While critics argue that establishing the Fund implies a passive accep-
tance of torture, the complete eradication of torture continues to be one of
the priorities of the United Nations. The Fund, administered by the U.N.
Secretary General based on the advice of the Board of Trustees, was set up as
a means of humanitarian, legal, and financial aid to persons who have been
tortured and to their families. 77 Thus, the formation of this mechanism
reflects both a genuine commitment to remedy past occurrences of torture
and an honest admission that the United Nations cannot yet meet its goal of
preventing all future instances of torture.
The Fund's main problem is that it depends entirely on voluntary contri-
butions from governments, 78 private organizations, institutions, and indi-
viduals, rather than on regular financing through the United Nations'
budget. 79 The subsidies the Fund does receive are used to finance rehabilita-
tion projects to provide victims and their families with medical treatment,
75. Id.
76. See Torture Victims Relief Act of 1998 § 4-6, 22 U.S.C. § 2152 (1998); Torture Victims Relief
Authorization Act of 1999 § 2-4, Pub. L. No. 106-87, 113 Stat. 1301 (1999).
77. U.N.C.H.R. Res. 32, U.N. ESCOR, 56th Sess., 55th Mtg., U.N. Doc. EICN.41RESI1999132
(1999).
78. SeeTorture Victim Relief Act of 1998 § 4-6, 22 U.S.C. § 2152 (2000); Torture Victim Relief
Authorization Act of 1999 § 2-4, Pub. L. No. 106-87, § 4, 113 Stat. 1301 (1999).
79. Within its first five years of operation (between 1983 and 1988) the Fund accepted 131 subsidies
totaling $3.6 million. U.N. HIGH COMMISSIONER FOR HumAN RIGHTS, FACr SHEET No. 4, available at
http://www.unhchr.chlhtmllmenu6/2/fs4.hrm (last visited Mar. 2, 2001).
physiotherapy, psychiatric, and psychological care. Funds are also used to

support projects focused on training specialists, usually from the medical
profession, in special techniques needed to treat the victims of torture. The
Voluntary Fund parallels the other U.N. mechanisms: if properly imple-
mented, it could make real progress toward the goal of ending torture; but,
in its current state, it has very little practical effect.
V. TORTURE AND THE UNITED STATES POLICY

A. CongressionalJointResolution Regarding Opposition of the United States to the
Practiceof Torture by Foreign Governments80
The United States began its formal domestic effort to eradicate torture
when Congress adopted the Joint Resolution Regarding Opposition of the
United States to the Practice of Torture by Foreign Governments in 1984.
The Joint Resolution affirmed "a continuing policy of the United States
government to oppose the practice of torture by foreign governments
through public and private diplomacy ... [and to oppose] acts of torture
wherever they occur, without regard to ideological or regional considerations
"81
Furthermore, the Joint Resolution decreed that the United States gov-
ernment must work with both governments and NGOs to combat the prac-
tice of torture worldwide.8 2 Section 2(a) of the Joint Resolution urged the
executive branch to engage more fully in this enterprise through: asking the
Permanent Representative of the United States to the United Nations to
continue to raise the issue of torture in that forum, asking the President to
be actively involved in the prescription of the Convention Against Torture,
and asking the U.S. Secretary of State to issue formal instructions to the
chief of every U.S. mission abroad. This last provision is the most important
and most assertive aspect of this section of the Joint Resolution, for it de-
mands that the Secretary of State indicate exactly what U.S. policy is with
respect to torture and gives instructions that the chiefs of mission examine
the allegations of torture in that state. Finally, this section instructs the Sec-
retary of State to "express concern in individual cases of torture brought to
the attention of a United States diplomatic mission including, whenever
feasible, sending United States observers to trials when there is a reason to
believe that torture has been used against the accused."8 3 These far-reaching
requests that the executive branch investigate, publicize, intervene, and ob-
serve allegations of torture within a foreign sovereign state send a political
80. Joint Resolution Regarding the Implementation of the Public Policy of the United States Gov-
ernment in Opposition to the Practice of Torture by any Foreign Government, H.R.J. Res. 605, 98th
Cong., 98 Star. 1721 (1984) (codified in 22 U.S.C. § 2656 (2000)).
81. Id.
82. See id.
83. Id. § 2(b)(4).
signal that such conduct is well within the bounds of diplomatic responsi-
bility and the mandate of international law.
As progressive as the ultimate goals of the Joint Resolution may be, the
document itself is alarmingly weak. The language of the Joint Resolution is
formulated in terms of requests, so the President need not feel bound by the
Joint Resolution. Furthermore, the most drastic measure suggested is the
expression of concern, hardly an aggressive leap toward the goal of eradicat-
ing torture.
Like the United Nations measures, the U.S. Joint Resolution serves
mostly as a symbol. It promotes principles by giving them weight and pres-
tige in the executive branch to enable full U.S. support to diplomats who
intervene. In this indirect capacity, the Joint Resolution could be an effec-
tive tool in working to end torture world-wide, particularly if the United
States could persuade other countries to follow suit.
B. Convention Against Torture: Ratificationby the United States

The United States has recently ratified the Convention Against Torture,
but the campaign to accomplish this took nearly twenty years. The United
States' long refusal to ratify the Convention Against Torture is indicative of
its general unwillingness to subscribe to the treaty-based regime concerned
with international human rights. 84 Although the United States may have
been a lead player in the development of the International Bill of Rights,
right-wing interests in the U.S. Senate view any surrender of U.S. sover-
eignty, even to international instruments of human rights law, with consid-
erable suspicion.
C. Torture Victim ProtectionAct of 1991

The holding of a case 85 decided under the Alien Tort Claims Act8 6 spurred
Congress to pass the Torture Victim Protection Act of 1991. 8 7 This legisla-
tion was aimed at mitigating the effects of torture. Under the Act, a torturer
acting under actual or apparent authority or color of law may be liable in a
civil action for damages to the victim. Several limitations restrict the eligi-
bility of claims under this Act: the claimant must exhaust all domestic
remedies (in the original state) before invoking the Act; and claims are sub-
ject to a ten-year statute of limitations.88
84. For an overview of the political impediments to U.S. ratification of the human rights treaties,
with particular reference to the campaign to ratify the Convention Against Torture, see Winston P. Na-
gan, The Politics of Ratification: The Potentialfor United States Adoption and Enforcement of the Convention
Against Torture, The Covenants on Civil and PoliticalRights and Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, 20 GA.
INTL & COMP. L. 311, 311 (1990).
85. Filartiga v. Pena-Irala, 630 E2d 876 (2d Cir. 1980).
86. Alien Tort Claims Act, 28 U.S.C. § 1350 (2000).
87. Torture Victim Protection Act of 1991, Pub. L. No. 102-256, 106 Star. 73 (1992) (codified at 28
U.S.C. § 1350 (2000)). This Act also establishes civil liability for an extra-judicial killing. See i
88. See id.
The Act uses the definition of torture established by the Convention

Against Torture, a definition that addresses physical and mental suffering.
The latter includes the actual infliction, or even threatened infliction, of se-
vere pain, suffering, or mind-altering procedures. Alternatively, other proce-
dures calculated to disrupt profoundly the senses or the personality, threats
of imminent death, and threats to do any of these actions to someone else are
also included in this definition. 89 Courts have interpreted the Torture Victim
Protection Act to expand rather than limit the Alien Tort Claim Act. 90 Fur-
thermore, courts have ruled that claims under these two acts are not barred
by the Foreign Sovereign Immunities Act. 91
In addition to the 1991 Act, the Torture Victim Relief Act of 199892 and
Torture Victim Relief Reauthorization Act of 199993 have appropriated
more funding to further the campaign against torture and facilitate the re-
habilitation of the victims. Though it does not necessarily counteract U.S.
reluctance to join international legislation against torture, this domestic
legislation does demonstrate some U.S. effort to provide legal remedies for
torture victims.
D. Executive Order 13,107: Implementation of Human Rights Treaties

One example of an initiative from the executive branch came on Decem-
ber 10, 1998. In commemoration of the 50th anniversary of the adoption of
the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, President Clinton issued an
executive order 94 on the implementation of human rights treaties. 95 The
Executive Order reiterates the commitment of the "policy and practice of
the Government of the United States ...to the protection and promotion of
human rights and fundamental freedoms," 96 working to protect human
rights bilaterally and through international as well as regional organizations.
A concrete facet of this commitment requires that the head of each agency
appoint a contact officer for the overall coordination and implementation of
97
this Executive Order.
89. See id.

90. See Cabiri v. Assasie-Gyimah, 921 E Supp. 1189, 1191 (S.D.N.Y. 1996).
91. See id. at 1198.
92. Torture Victim Relief Act of 1998, 22 U.S.C. § 2152 (2000).
93. Torture Victim Relief Authorization Act of 1999, Pub. L. No. 106-87, 113 Stat. 1301 (1999) (to
be codified at 22 U.S.C. § 2151).
94. Exec. Order 13,107, 63 Fed. Reg. 68,991 (Dec. 15, 1998), reprintedin 38 I.L.M. 493 (1999).
[hereinafter Executive Order]
95. The preamble of the Executive Order names three human rights treaties in particular: the Interna-
tional Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, the Convention Against Torture, the International Con-
vention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination, Mar. 7, 1966, 660 U.N.T.S. 195,
reprinted in 5 I.L.M. 352 (1966). However, it also recognizes that the Executive Order shall apply to
"other relevant treaties concerned with protection and promotion of human rights to which the United
States is now or may become a party in the future." Executive Order, supra note 94, at 68,991.
96. Executive Order, supranote 94, § 1(a).
97. Id. § 2(a).
Unfortunately, the Executive Order assigns an ambiguous role to the

courts in the enforcement of the Order. Ironically, it appears to exempt the
U.S. government from the very accountability it seeks to impose on other
governments: according to sub-section 6 (a) "[n]othing in this order shall
create any right or benefit, substantive or procedural, enforceable by any
party against the United States, its agencies or instrumentalities, its officers
98
or employees, or any other person."
The Executive Order also creates the Interagency Working Group on
Human Rights Treaties, 99 that links the Department of State, the Depart-
ment of Justice, the Department of Defense, the Joint Chiefs of Staff, and
such "other agencies as the chair deems appropriate" under a chair who is
the Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs. 100 This suggests
a realistic recognition of the fact that grave human rights violations, par-
ticularly those that implicate torture practices, are matters that often come
vested with security-sensitive implications.
The scope of the term "national security affairs" and the terms "Depart-
ment of Defense," "Joint Chiefs of Staff," and "other agencies" are also
somewhat ambiguous, for they may or may not include the intelligence
agencies of the Department of State, the Department of Defense, or the Cen-
tral Intelligence Agency. This question is significant for the implementation
of the Executive Order because bringing grave human rights violations to
light often requires cooperation from intelligence interventions. This creates
a dual role for intelligence agencies and a potential conflict of interest: the
intelligence operatives must supply data about particular governmental enti-
ties while they themselves are involved in gross human rights violations.
Still, intelligence operatives probably know more about the status of human
rights violations in other countries than do general diplomatic bureaucrats.
The future of the paradigm of ostensible conflict between national secu-
rity interests on the one hand, and human rights interests on the other, pres-
ents another element of the intelligence-agency ambiguity in the Executive
Order. "National security interests" are often a synonym for the survival in-
terest of the state, and these interests are often used to justify transgressions
of human rights violations deemed vital to the survival of the state. States
often make exaggerated claims about threats to their survival in order to
justify efforts to destroy their supposed enemies. Therefore, the culture of
national security tends to have an uneasy coexistence with the culture of
human rights. However, the systematic use of torture is itself a condition
that delegitimizes the state and thus exacerbates its national security prob-
lems. Whether the arsenal of intelligence capabilities will be an asset or a
liability in the effort to eradicate torture is still uncertain.
98. Id. § 6(a).

99. Id. §4.
100. Id. § 4(b).
E. Torture Within the United States

Ironically, the United States, which claims to promote human rights
throughout the world, has been the subject of torture allegations at home. 10
This calls into question the United States' view of its human rights treaty
obligations, particularly given the United States' ratification of the Conven-
tion Against Torture. In May 2000, Amnesty International submitted a brief
to the United Nations Committee against torture, stating that the United
States is simply not doing enough to secure compliance with the mandate of
the Convention and noting the lack of effective oversight entities to monitor
prison conditions and police departments. Amnesty further pointed out that
United States' reservations, declarations, and understandings have tended to
water down United States compliance with the Treaty. Perhaps the most
important omission in Unites States' policy is that torture is not a distinct
crime under federal law. Clearly, a great deal more must be done by the fed-
eral authorities to ensure that the United States complies with its interna-
tional obligations.
VI. LITIGATION STRATEGIES To ERADICATE TORTURE
As important as the U.N. mechanisms are for facilitating the process of

eradicating torture on a global basis, courts play an equally important role
in defending the rule of law. In the age of globalism, law offers a more ag-
gressive role for domestic courts in making and applying international law.
Where U.N. mechanisms have been symbolic in establishing the principles
of international law against torture, the legal system, through domestic
courts, regional courts, ad hoc tribunals, and the International Criminal
Court, must apply these principles firmly and consistently. This Part will
review the decisions of diverse courts in the campaign to eradicate torture.
A. United States Case Law

Perhaps the two greatest advancements in United States case law ap-
proaches to the claims of torture victims have been evidentiary. The two fac-
ets of this change are the admissibility of confessions in criminal cases, and
the assertions that, in civil cases, universal jurisdiction must apply.
101. See AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL, UNITED STATES OF AMERICA RIGHTS FOR ALL, at http:l/www.
rightsforallusa.org/info/reporc/index.hrm (last visited on Dec. 2, 2000). In this report, Amnesty Interna-
tional outlines several human rights concerns regarding police practices throughout the United States.
This extensive list included: beatings, excessive force, and unjustified shootings by police officers; physi-
cal and mental abuse of prisoners and detainees by prison guards, including use of electro-shock equip-
ment and cruel use of restraints; sexual abuse of female prisoners by male guards; prisoners held in cruel
conditions in isolation units; ill-treatment of children in custody; failure to protect prisoners from abuses
by staff or other inmates; inadequate medical or mental health care and overcrowded and dangerous
conditions; racist treatment of ethnic or racial minorities by police or prison guards; ill-treatment of
asylum-seekers held in detention; and cruel conditions on death row and in the application of the death
penalty.
United States case law represents a development in both criminal and

civil torture law. The area most relevant to torture concerns questions of
police interrogation methods and the legal boundaries of generating evi-
dence and confessions. The general evidentiary rule, founded in English
common law, required that statements be voluntary in order to be admissi-
ble. The courts would not accept statements "obtained by fear of prejudice
or hope of advantage, exercised or held out by a person in authority, or by
oppression. ' 10 2 This principle gained a due process constitutional imprima-
tur in Brown v. Miss.10 3 in 1936. Fifteen years later, Williams v. United
States' 04 established the illegality of brutal tactics by police to coerce confes-
sions from a defendant. The totality of the circumstances test for determin-
ing whether confessions are voluntary provides unclear. criteria for finding
the line between permissible and impermissible conduct. To determine such
distinctions, United States' courts could look to the Torture Convention for
supplemental prescriptive guidance in defining minimum standards.
Three cases reveal the development of torture in United States civil law.
Filartigav. Pena-Irala'0 5 is the leading case in expanding the role of domes-
tic courts in the application of human rights law in general and in the law
relating to the prohibition of torture, in particular. This case emerged prior
to the United States' ratification of the Convention Against Torture. Filar-
tiga determined that, based on the Alien Tort Claims Act10 6, torture consti-
tutes a civil wrong simply because it violates customary international law. It
expanded the scope of the legal remedies to include private litigants as
plaintiffs, providing an important vehicle through which a torturer could be
subject to legal proceedings.
In Kadid v. Karad!i7, 107 another U.S. appellate court held that mass rape,
coerced prostitution, and other forms of physical violence directed at Croa-
tian women by the Bosnian Serb military constituted torture as defined in
the Convention Against Torture. 10 8 One important aspect of this case was
that the level of "state action" required for "official" torture entailed
" 10 9 not ac-
tual authority but merely the "semblance of official authority.
Finally in Ortiz v. Gramajo,110 the District Court of Massachusetts held
that the kidnapping, beating, and rape of a nun constituted torture."' In
102. JUDGES' RULES AND ADMINISTRATIVE DIRECTIONS TO THE POLICE, Home Office circular No.
31/1964, Princ. (e), quoted in AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL, TORTURE IN THE EIGHTIES 51 (1984)). The
Judges' Rules are in the form of advice to police officers on what will and will not be allowed as evidence
in a trial.
103. Brown v. Mississippi, 297 U.S. 278 (1936).
104. Williams v. United States, 341 U.S. 97 (1951).
105. Filartiga v. Pena-Irala, 630 E2d 876 (2d Cir. 1980). The case is more thoroughly discussed supra
note 32.
106. Alien Tort Claims Act, 28 U.S.C. § 1350 (2000).
107. Kadi6 v. Karad.i6, 70 E3d 232 (2d. Cir. 1995).
108. Seeid. at 244.
109. Id.
110. Ortiz v. Gramajo, 886 E Supp. 162 (D.Mass. 1995)
111. See id. at 178. This case did not use the Alien Tort Claims Act as the two previous cases did, but
order to qualify as an official act, the torture need not occur while the defen-
dant has direct custody over the victim; rather the torture need only the
"consent or acquiescence of a public official."112
B. European Case Law

A series of cases before the European Court of Human Rights provides a
survey of the Court's application of its provision against torture. In 1967,
the governments of Denmark, Norway, Sweden, and the Netherlands
brought before the Commission 1 3 allegations that the Greek government
had committed acts that amounted to significant violations of Article 3 of
the Convention. 114 Article 3 provides that "[n]o one shall be subjected to
torture or inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment." 115 An essential
feature of Article 3 is that it is non-derogable: in no circumstance can tor-
ture or cruel and inhuman treatment be excused or tolerated for any reason.
Based on hearings and investigations by the Sub-Commission, the
Court 1 6 concluded that Greek security officials had inflicted torture and ill-
treatment on several individuals in their custody, particularly through the
application of "falanga" or severe beating of all parts of the body. The Com-
mission found that the purpose of the torture had been "the extraction of
information including confessions concerning the political activities and
associations of the victims and other persons considered to be subversive." 117
The Greek government had directly and indirectly prevented the Commis-
sion from completing its investigation of several cases. 118 Upon these
findings and based on the Greek government's denunciation of both the re-
port and the European Convention of Human Rights, the Commission
forced Greece out of the Council of Europe for human rights violations, iso-
lating Greece from the international community. 119
In 1976, the Commission ruled on allegations of torture and other forms
of inhuman treatment in the conflict in Northern Ireland. 120 The British
instead applied the Torture Victim Protection Act. Nonetheless, that definition is identical to the one
provided in the Convention Against Torture.
112. Id. at. 178, n.15.
113. The European Commission of Human Rights (the Commission) is an investigative body which
refers cases to the European Court of Human Rights, a regional court whose decisions are binding on its
member states. Both are governed by the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and
Fundamental Freedoms (the Convention).
114. See Report of the European Commission ofHuman Rights on the "Greek Case," 1969 Y.B. Eur. Cony. On
H.R. 1, 5 (1969) [hereinafter Report on Greek Case].
115. European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms, supra
note 38, art. 3.
116. See Resolution DH (70) 1 of the Committee of Ministers of the Council of Europe, 1969 YB.
Eur. Conv. on H.R. (Eur. Comm'n of H.R.) 511, at 3
117. Report on Greek Case,supra note 114, at 504.
118. See id.
119. See Resolution DH (70) 1 of the Committee of Ministers of the Council of Europe, 1969 YB.
Eur. Cony. on H.R. (Eur. Comm'n of H.R.) 511, at 3
120. See Ireland v. United Kingdom, 1976 YB. Eur. Conv. on H.R. (Eur. Comm'n on H.R.) 512.
authorities had developed practices of detention and interrogation which

included: (1) forcing detainees or prisoners to stand for long hours;
(2) placing black hoods over their heads; (3) holding detainees or prisoners
prior to interrogation in a room with a continuing, loud, hissing noise;
121
(4) depriving them of sleep; and (5) depriving them of food and drink.
The Commission found that this constituted not only inhuman and de-
grading treatment but actual torture within the meaning of Article 3. Ac-
cording to the Commission, the
combined application of methods which prevent the use of the

senses, especially the eyes and the ears, directly affects the person-
ality physically and mentally. The will to resist or to give in can-
not, under such conditions, be formed with any degree of inde-
pendence. Those most firmly resistant might give in at an early
stage when subjected to this122
sophisticated method to break down
or even eliminate the will.
After the Commission filed its report, the Irish government referred the
case to the European Court of Human Rights. 123 The Court, however, did
not accept the Commission's qualification of Article 3 violations in the in-
stant case. Rather, the Court distinguished between torture on the one hand
and inhuman or degrading treatment on the other, noting that torture con-
stitutes an "aggravatedand deliberate form of cruel, inhuman or degrading
treatment or punishment.' 1 24 (emphasis added) The Court ruled that the use
of the five techniques breached Article 3 because these practices constituted
cruel, inhuman and degrading treatment. It refused, however, to characterize
125
them as torture.
The Court also applied the "aggravated and deliberate" distinction in
later cases. 126 In Tyrer v. United Kingdom, a fifteen-year-old British student
assaulted a schoolmate and was sentenced to three strokes of a birch rod.
This punishment entailed removing his trousers and underwear and then
bending him over a table in order for the strokes to be administered. Ac-
cording to the Court, this form of corporal punishment was a direct viola-
tion of Article 3.127
In Soering v. United Kingdom, 128 the Court considered whether a convicted
murderer subjected to extradition might experience torture upon extradition
to the United States. The Court did not suggest that the death penalty itself
121. See id.

122. Id. § 2.
123. Ireland v. United Kingdom, 25 Bur.Cc. H.R. (set. A) at 5 (1978).
124. Id. at 67.
125. Id.
126. Tyrer v. United Kingdom, 26 Bur.Ct.H.R. (set. A) (1978).
127. Id. at 17.
128. Soering v. United Kingdom, 11 Bur.Ct. H.R. (ser. A) (1988) reprintedin 11 Bur.H.R. Rep. 439
(1989).
might violate Article 3, but rather distinguished between the death penalty
and death row.129 The Court concluded that the death row phenomenon
would be a breach of Article 3, but did not express any opinion as to
130
whether putting someone on death row was itself torture.
In 1996, the Court found torture per se for the first time in the case of
Aksoy v. Turkey. 131 Mr. Aksoy was arrested and held in custody by Turkish
security forces. Upon his release, he was admitted to a hospital and diag-
nosed with bilateral radial paralysis, or paralysis of both arms caused by
damage to nerves in the upper arms. The Turkish public prosecutor decided
that "there were no grounds to institute criminal proceedings against [Mr.
Aksoyl." The Turkish authorities have not been called to responsibility
132
in
criminal or civil proceedings for the alleged ill-treatment of Mr. Aksoy.
Mr. Askoy alleged that he had been subjected to extremely serious forms
of ill-treatment. This included being locked up with two other detainees in
a cell measuring approximately 1.5 x 3 meters, with only one bed, and only
two meals a day. Interrogated about whether he knew a man called Metin,
his torturers stated, "If you don't know him now, you will know him under
torture." On the second day, he was stripped naked, his hands were tied be-
hind his back, and he was strung up by his arms in a so-called Palestinian
hanging. While he was hanging, electrodes were connected to his genitals,
and water was thrown over him, causing electrocution. He was blindfolded
for the duration of this ordeal (about thirty-five minutes). During the next
two days he was repeatedly beaten without being suspended. This continued
for four days. 133 Not surprisingly, the Turkish authorities denied these alle-
134
gations.
Both the Commission and the Court accepted Mr. Aksoy's version of the
facts. The Commission noted that: "there was no evidence that [Mr. Aksoy]
had suffered any disability prior to his arrest, nor any evidence of any unto-
ward incident [since] his release from police custody." While the bilateral
radial paralysis could have been caused in other ways, it was consistent with
the form of torture known as Palestinian hanging; and, most importantly,
the Turkish authorities offered no alternative explanation for Mr. Aksoy's
129. Protocol No. 6 was adopted to amend the Convention, abolishing the death penalty in the Con-
tracting States. However, the United Kingdom was not a party of the Protocol No. 6 at the time the
Soering case was decided, and thus the risk of subjection to the death penalty itself was not the determin-
ing factor in this case. See id. at 448, 460.
130. The ECHR recognized that the U.S. has a well-developed judicial system where fundamental
rights are protected. A narrow majority (6-5) of the Commission therefore concluded that extraditing Mr.
Soering to the U.S. would not constitute treatment contrary to Article Three of the Convention. The
Court, however, decided unanimously that it would. Id. at 425-61,463--64,478.
131. Aksoy v. Turkey, 6 Eur. Ct. H.R. 2260 (1996).
132. Ma[at 2266-67.
133. See id. at 2265-66.
134. According to the Turkish government authorities, however, no torture occurred. Mr. Aksoy's cus-
tody, they claimed, ended after he signed a statement denying any involvement with PKK and he made
no complaint about having been tortured. See id. at 2266.
injuries. 1 5 Governmental officials claimed that "it was inconceivable that

[Mr. Aksoyl could have been ill-treated," 136 but the Commission found this
argument unconvincing. The officials' outright rejection of the allegation
without any further consideration or investigation damaged their credibil-
ity.137
Furthermore, the Commission sent a delegation which had heard the ear-
lier evidence to Turkey on two separate occasions, 138 and the delegation con-
cluded that Mr. Aksoy had been tortured. 139 The Court accepted the facts as
established by the Commission, and articulated an important shift in the
140
burden of proof in torture cases:
[W:here an individuals is taken into police custody in good health

but is found to be injured at the time of release, it is incumbent on
the State to provide a plausible explanation as to the causing of the
injury, failing which a clear issue arises under Article 3 of the Con-
14
vention. '
Finally, the Court's opinion in the Askoy case underscored the importance
of Article 3 and offered guidelines for evaluating potential violations:
Article 3 ...enshrines one of the fundamental values of demo-

cratic society. ... the Convention prohibits in absolute terms tor-
ture or inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment. Unlike
most of the substantive clauses of the Convention... [it] makes no
provision for exceptions and no derogation.., even in the event of
a public emergency threatening the life of the nation ....In order
to determine whether any particular form of ill-treatment should
be qualified as torture, the Court must have regard to the distinc-
tion drawn in Article 3 between this notion and that of inhuman
or degrading treatment ....[This is] to attach only to deliberate
142
inhuman treatment causing very serious and cruel suffering.
A more recent torture case was Selmouni v. France.143 The Court found that
the French police had beaten, sodomized, and threatened Mr. Selmouni
while he was in their custody. The Court rejected the French government's
135. Id. at 2268.

136. Id.
137. See id.
138. See id. at 2272.
139. Id. at 2271. Between the filing and acceptance of the application, Mr. Aksoy was shot and killed.
According to his representatives (his father pursued the case after Mr. Aksoy's death), Mr. Aksoy had been
threatened with death and pressed to withdraw his application to the ECHR. The Turkish authorities, on
the other hand, maintained that Mr. Aksoy's death was connected to an internal dispute among PKK
factions and charged another PKK member with Askoy's murder. Id.
140. Seeid. at 2278.
141. Id.
142. Id. at 2279.
143. Selmouni v. France, 1109 Eur. Ct. H.R. (1999).
HarvardHuman RightsJomwal / Vol 14
argument that Mr. Selmouni was ineligible because he did not exhaust do-
mestic remedies. 144 It noted that the medical certificates and reports suffi-
ciently convinced the Commission of the credibility of the applicant's allega-
tions concerning the large number of blows he received, as well as their in-
tensity.145 The Court, therefore, declared Mr. Selmouni's application admis-
sible and found violations of Article 6, Section 1, as well as Article 3.146
47
The Court then applied the guiding principles established in the Tomasi
and the Ribitsch148 cases. 14 9 Through these examples the Court noted that
torture is "deliberate in human treatment causing very serious and cruel
suffering"; 150 a condition distinguishable from inhuman and degrading
treatment. The Court further noted that the distinction between torture and
inhuman and degrading treatment was also reflected in the Convention
Against Torture' 51 and decided to apply the guiding principle and the se-
verity requirement to the instant case. This meant they acknowledged that
the acts of violence and other types of abuse, namely psychological and sex-
ual abuse, experienced by Mr. Selmouni were of such intensity that they
could cause substantial pain, 152 and could also be classified as "heinous and
humiliating for anyone, irrespective of their condition." 1"3 Considering that
all parts of Mr. Selmouni's body were abused, the abuse was repeated and
sustained for a number of days, and all of this was substantiated by medical
reports, the Court's final determination was that "the physical and mental
violence, considered as a whole, committed against the applicant's person
caused 'severe' pain and suffering and was particularly serious and cruel.
Such conduct must be regarded as acts of torture for the purposes of Article
3 of the Convention.' ' 154 However, the European Court of Human Rights
refrained from committing to a particular set of criteria for the severity re-
quirement, or creating a list of acts which would always be considered tor-
ture, or characterizing the evidence necessary to prove either. Thus, the out-
15
come of an individual case remains unpredictable.
144. See European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms, supra
note 38, Protocol No. 11, Art. 35, § 1.
145. See id.
146. See Selmouni v. France, 1109 Eur. Ct. H.R. (1999), Annex.
147. Tomasi v. France, 241 Eur. Ct. H.R. (ser. A) (1992).
148. Ribitsch v. Austria, 336 Eur. Cr. H.R. (ser. A) (1995).
149. The guiding principle is described by the Court as follows: "[W]here an individual is taken into
police custody in good health but is found to be injured at the time of release, it is incumbent on the
State to provide a plausible explanation of how those injuries were caused, failing which a clear issue
arises under Article 3 of the Convention." Selmouni v. France, 1109 Eur. Ct.H.R. (1999), para. 87.
150. Id., para. 63.
151. The Court noted that "fr]he United Nations Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, In-
human or Degrading treatment or Punishment ...also makes such a distinction, as can be seen from
Articles 1 and 16." Id., para. 97.
152. See id.,para. 102.
153. Id,para. 103.
154. Ia.,
para. 105.
155. Compare the outcome ofSelmouni v.Francewith a more recent case, Alabmut Ka)a v.Turkey, 1416
Eur. Ct. H.R. (2000).
C. IsraeliSupreme CourtJudgment: The Legality of Interrogation

The history of conflict between Israel and the Palestinians has included
wars, high intensity internal conflicts, and terrorism. The Israeli government
issued "directives regulating interrogation methods" 1 6 that authorize its
General Security Service (GSS) to engage in torture when interrogating in-
dividuals suspected of endangering security. In 1999, an Israeli Supreme
Court condemned these practices:
Terrorist acts and the general disruption of order are [the GSS']
means of choice ....They carry out terrorist attacks in which
scores are murdered in public areas, public transportation, city
squares and centers, theaters
157
and coffee shops ....They act out of
cruelty and without mercy.
Furthermore:
On the one hand, it is our duty to ensure that human dignity be

protected; that it is not harmed at the hands of those who abuse it,
and to do all that we can to restrain police investigators from
fulfilling the object of their interrogation through prohibited and
criminal means; on the other hand, it is (also) our duty to fight the
increasingly growing crime rate which destroys the positive aspects
of our country, and to prevent the disruption of public peace to the
caprices of violent criminals that were beaten by police investiga-
8
15
tors.
This declaration raises the issue of whether any moral and juridical mo-
tives can justify torture. The Court considered the permissibility of interro-
gations which elicit confessions and the disclosure of evidence which might
prevent a substantial tragedy. Still, the Court made "no exceptions to the
159
prohibitions against torture and found no room for balancing."'
In this case the Supreme Court stated that interrogation methods must be
"inherently accessory to the very essence of an interrogation and ...both
fair and reasonable."'160 If the interrogator exceeds their authority, they bear
criminal responsibility for their actions subject to the necessity defense.
Thus, though the Israeli Court made an important advance in giving the
prohibition of torture near absolute standing under Israeli law, it remains to
156. Judgment Concerning the Legality of the GeneralSecurity Services

InterrogationMethods, Supreme Court
of Israel, 38 I.L.M. 1471 (1999). The methods of interrogation used by the GSS included physical prac-
tices such as shaking the suspect-a method that could cause brain damage, spinal cord injury, loss of
consciousness, loss of control over excretory functions, etc.
157. Seeid. at 1472.
158. Id. at 1481.
159. Id at 1482.
160. Id. at 1488.
be seen whether the necessity defense minimizes the absolute character of

16
this prohibition. ,
VII. THE STRATEGIC IMPORTANCE OF CIVIL SOCIETY FOR ERADICATION

OF TORTURE
Strategies must include several actors. Governments must be at the fore-

front of such efforts as they play the central role in rogue states as the ag-
gressor, the perpetrator, if not the facilitator of torture. However, another
crucial actor is the international non-governmental organization, critical in
putting torture and other human rights issues on the agenda of the interna-
tional community.
The activism of international non-governmental organizations (INGOs)
has helped create the necessary legal framework for realizing the ideal of
completely eradicating torture. Still, these organizations are only one com-
ponent of a global civil society network. Members of civil society must rec-
ognize their own potential victimhood and contribute to efforts to prohibit
torture.
Global civil society encompasses a vast variety of organizations, all of
which have been affected by the communications revolution, particularly the
Internet. The advancement in worldwide communication has broad implica-
tions for human rights advocacy, agitation, networking, and solidarity, for
they can enable unprecedented levels of cohesion in the global civil society.
Furthermore, they can facilitate campaigns of public awareness and collabo-
ration among INGOS to help realize and complement more formal efforts
for eradicating torture worldwide.
Power itself is fluid in the modern global context, and, if beneficent civil
society does not fill the void, those committed to the future of human in-
dignity undoubtedly will. More must be done to solicit participation from
key institutions of global civil society, such as professional, academic, and
scientific associations, as well as those individuals in the academic and sci-
entific fields. INGOs can launch appeals to those individuals in the legal,
law enforcement, and medical professions, challenging them to enact their
ethical and moral ideals to contribute to international efforts to combat tor-
ture. Since victims are often tortured for their political views, political par-
ties and parliamentarians must mobilize their support for these persecuted
individuals.
Understanding and connection among the institutions of civil society
would be an indispensable strategic initiative for providing public support
and pressure to the important work of eradicating torture.
161. See Azanian Peoples Org. v. President of the Republic of S. Aft., CCT 17196; see also Winston P
Nagan, Conflict Resolution and Democratic Transformation: Confronting the Shameful Past-Preeribinga Ht-
mane Future, S. AFR. I.J. (forthcoming 2001) (manuscript at 27-28, on file with author).
One area which remains a challenge is the development of strategies for

universalizing the enforcement and application of international law pro-
scribing torture.
Making torture a civil as well as a criminal wrong and subjecting tortur-
ers to universal civil jurisdiction will be two essential steps toward this goal.
Furthermore, universal recognition of both civil and criminal decisions will
increase the effectiveness of these remedies.
Other strategies for enhancing enforcement of laws against torture include
encouraging prosecutors to fulfil their obligation to prosecute torture cases;
tightening extradition standards so that torturers will not escape responsi-
bility; and pressuring diplomats to confront foreign leaders in countries
which violate anti-torture laws. The Special Rapporteur is committed to
carry out a comprehensive assessment of the social processes of torture 162 and
163
the monitoring of human rights violations will aid such a strategy.
Uniting the efforts of INGOs, professional organizations, and other insti-
tutions will be an integral element of a worldwide plan to end torture.
162. Se INTERIM REPORT OF THE SPECIAL RAPPORTEUR OF THE COMMISSION ON HUMAN RIGHTS
ON THE QUESTION OF TORTURE AND OTHER CRUEL, INHUMAN OR DEGRADING TREATMENT OR PUN-
ISHMENT, UN General Assembly, 55th Session, Item 116(a) of the provisional agenda, HUMAN RIGHTS
QUESTIONS: IMPLEMENTATION OF HUMAN RIGHTS INSTRUMENTS, A/55/290. (Aug. 2000).
163. See PATRICK BALL, WHO DID WHAT To WHOM? PLANNING AND IMPLEMENTING A LARGE
SCALE HUMAN RIGHTS DATA PROJECT (1996). Study done under the auspices of the American Associa-
tion For The Advancement of Science. On the conceptual and practical challenges of this, see SCHMID &
JONGMAN, MONITORING HUMAN RIGHTS VIOLATIONS (1991) (P.I.O.O.M.)

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The International Law of Torture:

From Universal Proscription to

In extreme situations when human lives and dignity are at stake,

I. INTRODUCTION: THE NATURE AND SCOPE OF THE PROBLEM

ates United Nations-sponsored mechanisms created for the purpose of eradi-

ill-treatment, or inhuman and degrading prison conditions.7 In Europe,

cal, operational effect to an obligation erga omnes13 to eliminate torture from

II. DEFINING TORTURE

B. HistoricalApproaches TowardPractices of Torture

C. Two Forms of Torture

D. Torture in InternationalandRegional Law

grounds. A number of international conventions or instruments recognize

III. FROM UNIVERSAL PROHIBITION TO UNIVERSAL ERADICATION OF

A. InitialDevelopment of Relevant InternationalLaw

33. See U.N. CHARTER.

Rights and Fundamental Freedoms, 38 Article 5 of the African Charter on

the Convention Against Torture and Other Cruel Inhumane or Degrading

C. Convention Against Torture1

54. Nuremberg Charter, supra note 28.

IV. THE U.N.-SPONSORED MECHANISMS DEDICATED TO THE

A. Committee Against Torture

by the Committee in closed meetings. Once the Committee Against Torture

of official power. Because torture is so ubiquitous, especially in states that

B. The Special Rapporteur on Torture

The Rapporteur may ask the government of an individual state party to

C. The U.N. Voluntary Fundfor Victims of Torture

physiotherapy, psychiatric, and psychological care. Funds are also used to

V. TORTURE AND THE UNITED STATES POLICY

B. Convention Against Torture: Ratificationby the United States

C. Torture Victim ProtectionAct of 1991

The Act uses the definition of torture established by the Convention

D. Executive Order 13,107: Implementation of Human Rights Treaties

89. See id.

Unfortunately, the Executive Order assigns an ambiguous role to the

98. Id. § 6(a).

E. Torture Within the United States

VI. LITIGATION STRATEGIES To ERADICATE TORTURE

As important as the U.N. mechanisms are for facilitating the process of

A. United States Case Law

United States case law represents a development in both criminal and

B. European Case Law

authorities had developed practices of detention and interrogation which

combined application of methods which prevent the use of the

121. See id.

injuries. 1 5 Governmental officials claimed that "it was inconceivable that

[W:here an individuals is taken into police custody in good health

Article 3 ...enshrines one of the fundamental values of demo-

135. Id. at 2268.

C. IsraeliSupreme CourtJudgment: The Legality of Interrogation

On the one hand, it is our duty to ensure that human dignity be

156. Judgment Concerning the Legality of the GeneralSecurity Services

be seen whether the necessity defense minimizes the absolute character of

VII. THE STRATEGIC IMPORTANCE OF CIVIL SOCIETY FOR ERADICATION

Strategies must include several actors. Governments must be at the fore-

One area which remains a challenge is the development of strategies for

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