Role of Political Parties
Role of Political Parties
Role of Political Parties
POLICY-MAKING
Structure
15.0 Objectives
15.1 Introduction
15.2 Political Parties : Meaning and Importance
15.3 Political Parties in India
15.4 Political Parties and Policy-Making
15.5 Let Us Sum Up
15.6 Key Words
15.7 References and Further Readings
15.8 Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises
15.0 OBJECTIVES
After studying this unit, you should be able to:
Describe the meaning and importance of political parties;
Discuss the nature of operation of the political parties in a representative system of
government;
Highlight the role of party system in aggregating various interests in the policy-
making process; and
Understand the implication of party structures for policy-making in a democratic
set-up.
15.1 INTRODUCTION -
2) Mention the facts which should be kept in view while appraising the role of
parties in policy-making.
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eventually turned into a political party with the responsibility of governance. During
the freedom movement the task of the party was to accommodate all the discrete
interests in order to mobilise the entlre country against colonialism. It was a subtle.
I coalition of interests. However, as we will eventually see, this historical character of
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the Congress (Indian National Congress) got enormously diluted in the course of its
governance of post-Independence India.
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Formally, the Congress is a mass party with an extensive hierarchical organisation, blahin!:
the Working Committee being the apex executive body. However, almost from the
beginning of post-Independence period, the iron law of 'oligarchy' started operating.
From 1950-51 onward Nehru had complete sway over policy and politics, and set up
an intimate core group the members of which acted as his mediators in intra-party
conflicts at the state level. Later, with the rise of an extremely powerful leader, Indira .
Gandhi, especially from early 1970s, the Congress increasingly developed a hegemonic
tendency. This resulted in an almost total collapse of the local units and the rise o f a
caucus at the summit. The sanction of normal democratic, federal system was
rendered almost inoperative.
The Congress is a middle-range party whose ideological position is spelt out in tcrms
of generalities. The Janata Dal too is a middle-range party. However, the heightened
centralisation of the Congress is missing in the Janata Dal which is a strong advocate
of decentralisation. Actually, the Janata Dal is an extremely loose and disjointed
party with its erstwhile constituent units trying to project their former territories of
influence. It does not seem to have a strong organisational centre. Besides, while in
the Congress industrial and professional classes dominate, the influence of mobilised
rural-agricultural interests seems strong in the Janata Dal.
The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has an extensive organisational base in the States of
the Hindi Heartland, and has lately extended its influence to some non-Hindi areas
such as Karnataka. The BJP, is a cadre-based party and its organisational discipline
lies in its ideological cohesion. It believes in the unity of the country through a n
assertion of the dominant Hindu culture. The BJP is the dominant rightist party. It is
favoura,bly disposed towards a strong national government and a deregulated
e.copoq$. Its traditional social support base comprises the middle class, and the small
traders and businessmen as well as a myriad of mainly city-centred Hindu
I'fundamentalist groups. Lately, of course, a segment of the party's social group
support is drawn from the locally dominant middle castes whose aspiration to
influence national politics and policy is now being mediated through mobilised Hindu
nationalism.
The Communist Party of India (Marxist) is the single most powerful among the leftist
, '
parties. Other leftist parties include the Communist Party of India (CPI),
Revolutionary Socialist Party (RSP) and Forward Bloc. All these have their
ideological roots in the Marxist brand of socialism. Naturally, therefore, these parties
insist that economic development and management should receive priority in public
policy-making. Besides, these parties are advocates of decentralisation and radical .
institutional reforms. However, these parties, taking into consideration the nature of
the rural reality, have, at times, pursued the multiclass strategies, rather than
concentrate solely on the agricultural workers and the poor peasantry.
There are several regional parties in India. These include the Telugu Desam in
Andhra Pradesh, the AIADMK and the DMK in Tamil Nadu, the Akali Dal in
Punjab and the Asom Gana Parishad in Assam. These parties made a good
impression on the political process in 1989 elections, but have since declined
considerably; with the exception of the AIADMK. These parties reflect strong
decentralising tendencies in India's party system. They concentrate on the local issues,
and have formulated demands for the federalisation of the Indian politicai system and
for the greater autonomy for state governments. In other words, the parties seek to
regionalise the public policy issues. Many of the parties represent the aspirations and
demands of the locally dominant castes such as Jat Sikhs in Punjab o r Kammas in
Andhra or Vokkaligas in Karnataka or the newly mobilised politically aspiring
Backward Communities such as Kapus in Andhra. However, the support of the castes
for the parties does not remain stable.
These parties vary in t x m s of their influence upon public policy-making . The
regional party/parties which are close to the national government, seem to exercise
,more influence. For in India's federal system, the national government has
considerable policy authority; by comparison, the state governments have little power.
ln i:;: existing configuration of political forces the AIADMK, which is in power in
Tamil Nadu, is close to policy centres in New Delhi, as the Narasimha Rao
government is dependent upon the AIADMK's support in the Lok Sabha for its
continuance in power. But the Telugu Desam in Andhra Pradesh and the Akali Dal in
Punjab, which are not in power at the state level, and a t the same time, are in the 17
Public Policy-'Making:
Wajor Determinant\
national opposition, find it difficult to influence the public policy-making. Thus, the
strength of the regional parties to affect the public policies depends upon the extent of
their rapport with the party/parties in power at the national level.
India's political party system thus comprises several elements. There are few national
parties worth the name, and only two parties, the Congress and the Janata, have
exercised power at the national level, the latter, however, being in power only for two
short spells in 1977 and 1989. The Congress is more aggregative in its role
performance than the Janata, although the industrial and professional classes seem to
be more conspicuous than other interest groups in influencing the Congress party's
political decisions. The Janata Dal is more oriented towards the interests of the rural-
agricultural sections, especially of the backward castes. Hence, it has developed a
certaidrigid posture which has denied th'e party a wider manoeuverability to
accommodate and aggregate the various interests of India's complex society.
The BJP is seeking a comprehensive role in political decision-making by aggregating
the interests of the various groups. However, since, the party's ideology is turned to
strengthening the unity of the country through an assertion of the dominant Hindu
culture, the aggregative function is being performed within the boundary of the
majority community. In its attempt to mobilise Hindu nationalism the BJP is trying
to consolidate the various sections of the majority community. In particular, the party
is trying to move from the earlier segmented Brahmanical Hindu.identity to broaden
the Hindu community across castes and regions. The overall outcome is a certain rise
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of Hindutva community as a conscious interest group.
For other political parties like the CPI(M) the aggregative role is minimum. This is
mainly because the class ideology of the party, has an inbuilt bias for the toiling
masses. However, the reality of India's electoral politics does not allow the party to
pursue consistently its class ideology.
For it to acquire national status there is a need for a certain aggregative function
%however,limited, which the party perform. Nevertheless, the party like the essentially
regional parties, is seeking to mobilise the region as a perceived interest group
through constant centre-baiting and by asserting the regional claims in public
policy-making.
Thus the parties in India perform a certain aggregative function just as in the USA.
However, this function is not as neatly done by the Indian parties as by their
American counterparts, there are marked differences in the ideological stances,
organisational structures in the manner of operation of the Indian parties. Moreover,
some of the organised interest groups have their limited territorial bases. For instance,
the landless agricultural labourer and the poor peasantry are mobilised in the political
process, and so in the public policy-making, only in some states, such as Kerala and
West Bengal. They d o h o t constitute organised groups nationally. Hence, in most of
the states and at the national level, these sections are virtually outside the mainstream
political party system and thus, outside the public policy role.
the ex-officio chairman, lacked popular base and was not assigned any important role.
Since the idea was endorsed by the people, the first task of the Janata government was
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