5 - IRSSH 179 V3N1.131230512 Libre
5 - IRSSH 179 V3N1.131230512 Libre
5 - IRSSH 179 V3N1.131230512 Libre
Abstract
This study investigated the impact of family characteristics and family structure as risk factors
for sexual abuse among urban secondary school pupils in Zimbabwe. It adopted a survey
design as the operational framework for data gathering. Data were collected from three
secondary schools in the Gweru district of Zimbabwe. The sample comprised 268 secondary
pupils (50 % female; mean age=15.42, SD=1.376). Data were gathered by administering the
Child Abuse Screening Tool Children’s Version (ICAST-C). Of the 268 respondents who
completed the questionnaire, 151 reported having been sexually abused in one or more ways
before the age of 18 years, giving an overall prevalence rate of 56.3 %. Overall, the results
show that the most important factors that were found to be consistently associated with child
sexual abuse were parental absence, father’s absence, mother's education, parental domestic
violence and parental substance abuse. Risk of any child sexual abuse was not associated with
the existence of siblings, household size, parental occupation and father’s education. Policies
should focus on supporting single mothers and parents who both work outside of the home to
reduce the likelihood that children are left vulnerable and at risk of being sexually abused.
Keywords: child sexual abuse; family characteristics; family structure; secondary pupils;
Zimbabwe.
1. Introduction
Child sexual abuse (CSA) is an issue of veritable concern worldwide. It is associated with
numerous deleterious consequences such as physical injury, teenage pregnancy, sexually
transmitted infections (including HIV and AIDS), emotional trauma, poor school
performance, rejection by family and society, family disharmony, poor parenting and abusive
behaviour in later life (Casey & Nurius, 2005; Spies, 2006; WHO, 2004; Wurtele, 2009; Zink
et al.,2009). For instance, a study by Stirpe and Stermac (2003) reported that about one-third
of violent and nonviolent offenders were survivors of child sexual abuse. In addition, research
shows that more sexual offenders than nonsexual offenders significantly reported being
survivors of childhood sexual abuse (Leung et al., 2010).
Socioeconomic status, employment, education level, marital relationships, family structure
and substance abuse, have been reported to be associated with the perpetration of CSA (Bahal
et al., 2010; Black, et al., 2001; Elbedour et al., 2006; Finkelhor et al., 2009; Holmes, 2007;
International Review of Social Sciences and Humanities, Vol. 3, No. 1 (2012), 36-50 37
Hunter, 2006; King et al., 2004; Leung et al., 2010; Priebe & Svedin, 2009; Strega et al.,
2008; Yen et al., 2008).
Several studies have confirmed the link between parental level of education and increased risk
of being sexually abused (Chaffin et al., 1996; Elbedour et al., 2006; Finkelhor, 1980; Leung
et al., 2010; Pinheiro, 2006; Yen et al., 2008). For instance, in a study that was conducted in
the US, Chaffin et al. (1996) found that families with lower education levels were more likely
to be significant features of cases encountered in child protection agencies, probably
reflecting their increased likelihood of being detected and disproportionately reported. This
finding is further supported by studies which have reported that mothers of those sexually
abused are less likely to have finished high school (Finkelhor, 1979; Leventhal, 1998). In
another study, Zuravin and DiBlassio (1992) also found that parental low education level was
linked to increased risk for CSA. Although parental level of education seems to be a strong
predictor of CSA, contradictory results have also been reported (Chen et al., 2004, 2006).
However, as Elbedour et al. (2006) argue, parental successful academic experiences may play
a protective role in preventing sexual victimisation. A possible explanation could be that
educated parents are likely to make use of suggested prevention programmes and other
available resources.
A review of socio-demographic risk factors of CSA based on a retrospective community
study in the USA (Black, et al., 2001) revealed that parental occupational status was
moderately related to having a child who was sexually abused. In the same vein,
unemployment has been reported as a risk factor for sexual abuse (Townsend & Dawes,
2004). One prospective study suggested that children who had experienced CSA often grew
up with parents who were unemployed (Horwitz et al., 2001). Unemployment may affect risk
factors through the stress of reduced material resources, a sense of powerlessness in the
unemployed parent, or through increased parent-child contact (Belsky, 1980). In the same
vein, maternal employment brings significant stresses into the parent-child relationship and
has implications in terms of childcare arrangements, but may also act as a protective factor
through a range of social-psychological benefits (Sidebotham & Heron, 2006). In a study that
was conducted among female high school students in Israel, higher occupational status of the
father was associated with higher likelihood of sexual abuse (Elbedour et al., 2006). Such a
finding is as important as it is puzzling. However, it is not clear whether the findings indicate
that daughters of fathers with high occupational status actually experience higher rates of
sexual abuse or whether they are more likely to report such abuse, for example, because they
are more liberated and perhaps empowered and therefore, are less likely to fear the
consequences of self-disclosure such as family dishonour .
Extant studies have reported an association between parental absence and history of CSA. For
instance, being raised without one’s father, or living apart from one’s mother for a significant
part of one’s childhood, have been associated with CSA (Cole, 1995; Collings, 1991;
Finkelhor, 1980, 1984). Living with one biological parent has been found to be related to
sexual abuse, consistent with other studies (Holmes & Slap, 1998). In a study that was
conducted in South Africa (Jewkes, Levin, Mbananga, & Bradshaw, 2002) adolescents who
were not living with a biological father reported an increased risk of teenage pregnancy. This
finding suggests that parental figures can play an important role by providing greater control
and restrictions on youth risk behaviour, which may lead to a lesser likelihood of incest and
increased protection from potential perpetrators (Jewkes et al., 2002). In the literature, there is
substantial agreement concerning family structure in that not living with both biological
parents places a child at high risk of CSA (Bahal et al., 2010; Fergusson et al., 1997;
Fergusson & Mullen, 1999; Holmes & Slap, 1998; Madu, 2002). Nevertheless, Ricket and
colleagues (2004) found no association between CSA and living together with both, one, or
no parent. However, evidence contrary to Ricket and colleagues’ (2004) finding seems to be
overwhelming. For example, several studies have shown children to be at higher risk of CSA
when they live in single-parent (Berger, 2004; Dubowitz, 1999; Lauritsen, 2003) or
reconstituted families (Turner, Finkelhor, & Ormstad, 2007). In the same vein, several studies
have reported that children living with divorced or single parents or stepfamilies were at two
to three times higher risk of CSA (Bahal et al., 2010; Black, et al., 2001; Brown et al., 1998;
Pesanayi Gwirayi 38
Sidebotham & Heron, 2006). In addition, youth in stepfamilies have been reported to be at
risk, relative to other family structures, of sexual assault and parental assault, with a variety of
other predictors controlled (Finkelhor & Asdigian, 1996). In reconstituted families, the
stepfather appears to double the risk for CSA for girls (Brown et al., 1998). The behaviour of
stepfathers in this context may be attributed to a lack of emotional attachment to the girl child
whom they may not see as their biological offspring.
Several studies that were conducted in Zimbabwe have also reported a link between parental
absence and CSA (Chiroro et al., 2006; Dzikira, 2007; Feist-Price et al., 2002). For instance,
Dzikira (2007) reported that children whose parents were cross-borders were more likely to
report having been sexually abused than those whose parents were present most of the time.
In another study, Chiroro et al. (2006) reported that girls who were brought up by their
brothers-in-law were at risk of being sexually abused by them. This suggests that the cultural
practice whereby the brother-in-law plays with his young sisters-in–law, (as a way of
preparing her for marriage) touching their body parts especially breasts, still exists in some
sections of the Zimbabwean society.
Several studies have linked parental substance abuse to CSA (Berger & Waldfogel, 2000;
Finkelhor, 1979; Horwitz et al., 2001; Hunter, 2006; Walsh et al., 2003; Velleman et al.,
2008; Velleman & Reuber, 2007). One prospective study suggested that children who had
experienced CSA often grew up in families where parents used drugs or alcohol (Horwitz et
al., 2001). In addition, a retrospective study that was conducted in Canada (Walsh et al.,
2003), reported that respondents with sexual abuse increased by twofold among those
reporting parental substance abuse histories. Yen et al. (2008) argue that an adult who is
abusing substances sometimes does not make rational choices in life. Research shows that in
cases where the substance abuser is a parent, chemical dependence is likely to lead to
parenting styles that are detrimental to children (Berger, 2005; Hampton, Senatore, & Gullota,
1998). This suggests that parents who abuse substances may face tremendous obstacles in
providing the safe home environment and warm care-giving that have been identified as
buffers against CSA. This implies that, parental substance abuse may create an environment
that is favourable for the perpetration of CSA by incapacitating parents from giving the
necessary monitoring and supervision.
Strong family relationships may act as a buffer against the perpetration of CSA. Several
studies suggest that sexual abuse often takes place in non-nurturing environmental and
familial contexts (Brown et al., 1999; Meyerson, Long, Miranda, & Marx, 2002) such as poor
parent-child relationships and family stress (Brown et al., 1998; Yen et al. 2008). In a study
that was conducted by Alexander (1992), it was noted that insecure interpersonal attachment
in a family, such as between a daughter and a father who seems to reject her, may increase the
risk of CSA in that family. This finding has far reaching implications on intra-familial sexual
abuse in that, on one hand adult perpetrators who are not strongly attached to their children
may have poor control of their impulses toward them. On the other hand, non-offending
parents who are not attached to their children may not notice that the child is being sexually
abused. As a result, children may be more willing to submit to sexual abuse if it seems a way
to build attachments they otherwise lack (Yuen, 2007). For instance, children may end up
seeking advice from their peers, sugar daddies or mummies, who are likely to mislead and
expose them to sexual abuse. Holt et al’s. (2008) review that was conducted within an 11-year
framework (1995-2006) established that children and adolescents living with domestic
violence are at increased risk of experiencing sexual abuse and behavioural problems and of
increased exposure to the presence of other adversities in their lives. As Finkelhor et al.
(2009) further argue, in families characterised by considerable chaos and lack of interpersonal
attachment, multiple, ongoing problems and/or conflicts, children may be poorly supervised
and subjected to a considerable amount of dislocation that exposes them to victimisation in
different contexts. Related to the foregoing observations is that children without secure
parental relationships may also be less likely to disclose sexual abuse experiences to their
parents or other adults, thereby perpetuating the problem.
International Review of Social Sciences and Humanities, Vol. 3, No. 1 (2012), 36-50 39
2. Method
2.2 Participants
The sample comprised 268 pupils attending Gweru district day secondary schools (50 %
female; mean age=15.42, SD=1.376). The identification of these participants was based on
three premises. First, local literature shows that secondary school pupils are vulnerable to
sexual abuse (Makoni, 2006; Masvingise, 2009; Thompson, 2009). Second, as adolescents,
secondary school pupils are a high risk population group as they are more likely to be
sexually active. Third, these pupils were preferred because they were believed to be mature
enough to have the language to express their perspectives in English.
2.4 Measures
The Child Abuse Screening Tool Children’s Version (ICAST-C) (Zolotor et al., 2009), which
is a new, multi-national and multi-cultural child abuse and research tool, was adopted.
CSA
Respondents were asked to indicate their frequency of experiencing the nine forms of sexual
abuse (contact and noncontact) on a four point scale ranging from “many times” to “not in the
past year but this has happened”. If respondents answered “no” to all nine statements, they
Pesanayi Gwirayi 40
were coded 0 (no sexual abuse); if they answered “yes” to any of the nine statements, they
were coded as 1 (sexually abused), consistent with previous studies (Gault-Sherman et al.,
2009; Raviv et al., 2010; Tyler, Johnson & Brownridge, 2008).
Predictors of CSA
Parental education Respondents were asked to provide information about their parents’ (both
father and mother) level of education. Responses were coded as 0 (primary), 1 (secondary), 2
(college), 3 (university) and 4 (this does not apply to me I don’t have a father (mother).
Parental occupation Respondents were also asked to provide information about their parents’
(both father and mother) occupation. Responses were coded as 0 (unemployed), 1 (working
full time), 2 (working part time), 3 (doing own business) and 4 (does not apply to me, I don’t
have a father (mother).
Parental presence A dichotomous variable was used to measure parental presence as follows:
Do you live with your parents? Mother Yes/No Father Yes/No
Parental substance abuse Has one of your parents used drugs and/or alcohol and then
behaved in a way that frightened you? Yes/No
Domestic violence Have you seen adults in your home shouting and yelling at each other in a
way that frightened you?
Have you seen adults in your home hit, kick, slap, punch each other or hurt each other
physically in other ways? Responses to both questions were coded as 0 (never), 1 (sometimes)
and 2 (many times).
Household size How many rooms are there in your present house?
Number of siblings In total, how many brothers and sisters you have including yourself?
interval does not extend below 1.0, then the OR is statistically significant (equivalent to
p<.05). A correlation matrix was also used to analyse the association between CSA and risk
factors.
3. Results
Table 1 Ordinal Logistic Regression Models for Sexual Abuse Separated by Gender
______________________________________________________________________
Father’s education
Mother’s education
Pesanayi Gwirayi 42
Mothers’ occupation
Father’s occupation
______________________________________________________________________
International Review of Social Sciences and Humanities, Vol. 3, No. 1 (2012), 36-50 43
______________________________________________________________________
Father’s education
Mother’s education
Mothers’ occupation
______________________________________________________________________
Pesanayi Gwirayi 44
Table 2 (Continued). Ordinal Logistic Regression Models for Sexual Abuse Separated by
Respondents’ Level of Education
______________________________________________________________________
Father’s occupation
______________________________________________________________________
Pearson correlation coefficients, means and standard deviations of the variables of interest are
presented in Table 3. From Table 3, it can be observed that respondents, who reported
parental domestic violence were more likely to be exposed to sexual abuse than those who
scored less on parental domestic violence. Household size and number of siblings were not
correlated with sexual abuse.
Table 3 Means, Standard Deviations, and Correlation Coefficients among the Variables
Included in the Analyses.
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8
______________________________________________________________________
International Review of Social Sciences and Humanities, Vol. 3, No. 1 (2012), 36-50 45
1 Family interaction
Standard deviation 2.33 2.82 1.66 1.00 1.83 3.57 3.98 1.38
______________________________________________________________________
Correlation coefficients are calculated based on pair wise deletion of the missing cases.
4. Discussion
The principal objective of this study was to determine the prevalence of CSA in connection to
family characteristics. An overall prevalence rate of 56.3 % was reported. This rate is way
above those that have been found in developed as well as other African countries. However, it
is comparable to rates that have been reported in African countries such as Nigeria 55 %
(Olley, 2008) and South Africa 54.2 % (Madu & Peltzer, 2000).
The presence of both parents as a buffer against the perpetration of CSA is unequivocal from
the research findings of this study. It was established that, the odds of experiencing sexual
abuse were higher among Form 2 respondents who did not stay with both parents than those
with both parents. This finding could be attributed to the age of the survivors relative to their
Form 4 counterparts. In this regard, the finding from this study is consistent with numerous
earlier studies (Bahal et al., 2010; Dzikira, 2007; King et al., 2004; Leung et al., 2010, Madu,
2002; UNICEF, 2010) which reported that not living with both biological parents places a
child at high risk of CSA.
Consistent with research (Jewkes et al., 2002; Strega et al., 2009), this study established that,
Form 2 respondents who did not stay with their fathers had greater odds of experiencing
sexual abuse compared to those who stayed with their fathers. While this finding is consistent
with available research in Zimbabwe, concerning the vulnerability of children in this age
group (Khan, 1995; Rudd, 2004), it also buttresses the protective role of fathers against CSA.
As Jewkes et al. (2002) earlier reported in a South African study, parental figures especially
fathers can play an important role by providing greater control and restrictions on youth risk
behaviour, which may lead to a lesser likelihood of incest and increased protection from
potential perpetrators.
While one-parent homes may confer risk by increasing total parental absence (Holmes, 2007),
the situation may be aggravated by parental employment. Parents may be temporarily
available due to employment outside the home (Leung et al., 2010; Townsend & Dawes,
2004). Consistent with this finding, this study established that, some survivors of CSA were
living on their own because their parents were either away on work-related business, were
Pesanayi Gwirayi 46
cross-border traders, or had migrated to the Diaspora, leaving them on their own. Due to lack
of parental guidance, supervision, and protection, some children ended up being exposed to
sexual abuse. By and large, this study confirms existing literature in reporting family structure
as a risk factor for the perpetration of sexual abuse.
This study established that parental occupation is not a risk factor of sexual abuse. While this
finding is consistent with some studies (Chen et al., 2004, 2006) it is contrary to others (Black
et al., 2001; Elbedour et al., 2006; Horwitz et al., 2001; Holmes & Slap, 1998; Townsend &
Dawes, 2004; Velleman et al., 2008). In contemporary Zimbabwe, unemployment has reached
phenomenal proportions. Specifically, in Gweru where the study was conducted, the
economic meltdown has led to massive retrenchments in big companies. It is rather puzzling
that this has not compounded children’s vulnerability given that they have been reported to
supplement meagre family resources by engaging in sexual activities.
This study established startling findings on mother’s education as a risk factor for CSA. The
odds of experiencing sexual abuse were greater among male respondents whose mothers had
achieved secondary education compared to those whose mothers had minimal education. This
finding contradicts previous studies that have reported that mothers of those sexually abused
are less likely to have finished high school (Finkelhor, 1979; Leventhal, 1998), and that little
parental education predisposes children to sexual abuse (Bahal et al., 2010; Leung et al.,
2008; Olley, 2008; Yen et al., 2008). Unfortunately, there are no studies from Zimbabwe to
either confirm or refute this finding. One possible explanation could be that, mothers with
secondary education had better employment opportunities compared with those with no
education or with primary education alone. In this regard, their working outside the family
could have exposed their children to sexual abuse through lack of maternal protection and
supervision, thereby diminishing maternal availability. It could not be confirmed whether
male respondents exposed themselves to CSA by being more adventurous in the absence of
parental monitoring and supervision. This finding is important in that it showed that, even
mother's higher level of education can also indirectly predict children's exposure to sexual
abuse.
In this study, it emerged that there was a statistically significant relationship between
reporting presence of parental domestic violence and exposure to CSA. This finding is
consistent with several previous studies (Finkelhor et al., 2009; Holt et al., 2008). For
instance, a review that was conducted by Holt et al. (2008) reported that children and
adolescents living with domestic violence are at increased risk of experiencing sexual abuse.
The foregoing view is further corroborated by Finkelhor et al. (2009) who established that in
families characterised by parental domestic violence, children may be poorly supervised and
subjected to a considerable amount of dislocation that exposes them to sexual abuse.
The deleterious effects of parental substance abuse on children's lives can be hardly disputed.
It emerged in this study that, parental substance abuse increased the odds of male adolescents
experiencing sexual abuse by almost three times. Although this finding is consistent with
research in confirming an association between parental substance abuse and CSA (Hunter,
2006; Velleman et al., 2008; Velleman & Templeton, 2007; Yen et al., 2008), few studies
have reported the influence of gender in their investigations (Walsh et al., 2003). Not
surprisingly, there are no known studies that were conducted in Zimbabwe, against which the
finding from this study can be compared. It therefore remains difficult to explain why male
respondents were at a greater risk of experiencing sexual abuse in the presence of parental
substance abuse. In this study, it could not be confirmed whether boys more than girls were
more likely to be mischievous by engaging in risky sexual behaviour in their unsafe home
environments, devoid of parental monitoring and supervision, in the wake of parental
substance abuse. Also, what could have compounded the complication in this study was that
no distinction was made between parental, paternal and maternal substance abuse.
International Review of Social Sciences and Humanities, Vol. 3, No. 1 (2012), 36-50 47
Conclusion
This study established a high prevalence rate of CSA which was associated with a wide range
of family characteristics, and mediated by respondent's gender and level of education.
Overall, the results show that the most important factors that were found to be consistently
associated with CSA were parental absence, father’s absence, mother's education, parental
domestic violence and parental alcoholism. Risk of any CSA was not associated with the
existence of siblings, household size, parental occupation and father’s education. Policies
should focus on supporting single mothers and parents who both work outside of the home to
reduce the likelihood that children are left vulnerable and at risk of being sexually abused.
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