Blunt 2005
Blunt 2005
Blunt 2005
505- 515
culture as a way of life; culture as meaning; relationships that lie at the heart of human
culture as doing; and, informing all of these life' (Blunt and Varley, 2004: 3). Cultural
themes, culture as power. The editors identify geographers have begun to tell engaging and
'dwelling' as one of a series of 'styles' for complex stories about home and domesticity
thinking spatially about culture. In contrast to that are at once material and imaginative, and
early phenomenological work on authentic are conceptually informed but substantively
human experiences of place, current ideas grounded. Both home and culture- and their
about 'dwelling consider "'inhuman" thinking unsettled interplay- are intrinsically spatial
about place, informed by developments in and political, and have inspired a wide range
the sociology of science, actor network of geographical research in recent years.
and non-representational theory' (Anderson The three parts of this report review recent
et a., 2003: 7; for a study of the ways in cultural geographical research on home and
which ideas about place can inform housing situate this thematic focus in relation to
research, see Easthope, 2004). broader debates about materiality, embodi-
Reflecting both human and 'inhuman ideas ment, transnationality and the nonhuman
about place and landscape, the edited volume world. 'Residence' (section II) considers
Patterned ground (Harrison et a., 2004) domestic architecture and design alongside
consists of numerous short entries on a won- material cultures of home; 'Dwelling' (section
derfully eclectic range of subjects - from bees III) turns to the lived experiences, social
and post offices to caves and meanders - that relations and emotional geographies of
are shaped by the entanglements of nature home; and, finally, 'Cohabitation (section IV)
and culture. In his piece on 'home', Yi-Fu introduces the domestic entanglements of
Tuan writes that 'Home is a place that offers nature and culture.
security, familiarity and nurture' (Tuan, 2004:
164). In a longer survey ofvarious 'landscapes II Residence
of home', James Duncan and David Lambert Recent cultural geographical research on
(2003) describe the complexities and ambi- the home reflects a concern not only with
guities of home in relation to emotional rematerializing geography (see, for example,
geographies, gender and sexuality, housing special issues of Geoforum (2004) on
and identity, transnational homes and com- material geographies and Social and Cultural
munities, and home and empire. They con- Geography (2003) on 'culture matters'), but
clude: As perhaps the most emotive of also with the interdisciplinary literature on
geographical concepts, inextricable from that material cultures (including Miller, 2001).
of self, family, nation, sense of place, and Within geography and housing studies, recent
sense of responsibility towards those who work on the material geographies of home
share one's place in the world, home is a includes studies of residential segregation,
concept that demands thorough exploration residential mobility and location, gentrifica-
by cultural geographers' (2003: 395). tion, and household demographic change.
The home is a material and an affective Cultural geographical research on the materi-
space, shaped by everyday practices, lived alities of residence has focused on two
experiences, social relations, memories and additional themes: domestic architecture and
emotions. As Ann Varley and I wrote in the design; and the material cultures of objects
introduction to the special issue of Cultural and their use, display and meanings within the
Geographies, the meanings and lived experi- home (for a different approach to studying
ences of home are diverse: As a space of the materiality of home, which draws on
belonging and alienation, intimacy and vio- science studies and explores the importance
lence, desire and fear, the home is invested of nonhuman agency, see Hitchings, 2004,
with meanings, emotions, experiences and and section IV below).
Alson Blunt 507
In a rich range of historical and contempo- suits an absence of family; that suburban
rary research, cultural geographers have homes, unlike high-rise residences in the inner
explored the ways in which domestic city, remain the place for families; and that
architecture and design are inscribed with women living alone are seen to require partic-
meanings, values and beliefs that both reflect ular protection in the form of secure housing
and reproduce ideas about gender, class, sex- (for recent books on suburban residence, see
uality, family and nation. An important theme Chow, 2003; Hayden, 2003; Duncan and
within this work has been the connections Duncan, 2004b).
and disjunctures between idealized designs Other research on idealized designs and
and the embodied practices of everyday embodied domesticity has focused on partic-
domestic life. The disjunctures between ular spaces within the home, notably the
design and dwelling are most apparent in kitchen. In his work on British domestic
relation to disability. A special issue of modernities, for example, Mark Llewellyn
Housing Studies on 'Housing quality, disability (2004a) discusses the kitchen designs of the
and domesticity' (2004) shows that 'For housing consultant Elizabeth Denby and the
many disabled people, the physical design of Modern architect Jane Drew, and the ways in
dwellings is not well suited to their needs for which they applied modernist principles of
access into, and ease of movement about and scientific efficiency in an attempt to rational-
use of, domestic spaces. Rather most domes- ize the gendered spaces of domestic work
tic design is premised on the production of (see also Freeman, 2004; Hand and Shove,
dwelling spaces to facilitate use by people 2004; van Caudenberg and Heynen, 2004).
without bodily impairment' (Imrie, 2004a: Yet 'the experience of the kitchen was some-
685). Not only has domestic design rarely what different from the theory' (Llewellyn,
focused on bodily impairment, but neither 2004a: 55). In his study of Kensal House in
have housing studies nor cultural studies of London, Llewellyn (2004b) explores lived
home. As Rob Imrie argues, 'a person's experiences alongside the'envisioned spaces'
feelings about, and experiences of, the home ofthe first housing estate inspired by Modern
cannot be dissociated from their corporeality architecture to be built in Britain. Opened in
or the organic matter and material ofthe body' 1936, Kensal House was designed as an
(Imrie, 2004b: 745; see also Imrie, 2005). 'urban village, whereby 'modern urban living
Other research has focused on the home, [would] have the connectedness and sense of
housing, health and home-based care (see, for community offered by village life' (Llewellyn,
example, Milligan, 2003; Smith et at, 2004; 2004b: 233; see also Bayliss, 2003, on council
Easterlow and Smith, 2004; Robson, 2004). cottage estates and a sense of community in
In a different context, Ruth Fincher (2004) interwar London). Elizabeth Denby was
also explores the ways in which domestic employed as housing consultant, and the
architecture and design are shaped by, and kitchens at Kensal House were designed
reproduce, particular inclusions and exclu- according to her Modernist principles:
sions. Drawing on interviews with high-rise 'Modern architects argued that the kitchen
housing developers in Melbourne, Fincher should be a machine for cooking in, but this
argues that 'interpretations of gender are small, modern, and efficient space, the heroic
entwined in developers views of the appro- ideal of the architects, completely overlooked
priate life-course stage of the residents of working-class social practice' (Llewellyn,
inner-city high-rise buildings' (2004: 327). 2004b: 240).
Four key themes run throughout the develop- The gendered space of the kitchen is also
ers narratives: the emergence in the antipodes an important focus of work by Justine Lloyd
of a 'European 'lifestyle' of high-rise resi- and Lesley Johnson (Lloyd and Johnson,
dence for the affluent; that living in a high-rise 2004; Johnson and Lloyd, 2004) on the
508 Culturalgeography
postwar home and the Australian housewife explains, 'Vastu symbolically and functionally
from 1940 to 1960 (for another study of the connects the body of the individual with the
figure ofthe housewife in relation to the fam- spaces of the home and with a cosmological
ily and nation, but this time in postwar Italy, context' (2004: 36). Renate Dohmen (2004)
see Tasca, 2004). They argue that 'The object also explores the relationships between
of new technologies for cooking and cleaning design and embodied practice in India by
was to eliminate labour, yet they did not nec- focusing on the twice-daily production of
essarily eliminate the figure of the housewife 'kolams', or threshold designs, by women in
herself' (Lloyd and Johnson, 2004: 270). Tamil Nadu. She studies the acts of design
Lloyd and Johnson point to a contradiction in through a performative reading of the rela-
postwar 'female domestic subjectivity: 'On tionships between the home and the world,
the one hand, both state and market dis- and argues that the designs create a space of
courses suggested that women could sweep belonging not only for individual women and
away the elements of traditional, particularly their families, but also for the community at
prewar, home designs that bound them to the large. As she writes, 'the designs, while referr-
home. On the other, popular magazines also ing to the private sphere of the domestic, are
placed a great deal of emphasis on the look of executed in the public sphere of the road,
things and on looking itself, further inscribing making the individual performative act of
women's identity within domestic space' drawing a collective affair. ... the presence of
(2004: 251). Janet Floyd (2004) also focuses the designs clearly signal "home," "woman"
on kitchens, but reads a range of more and "wellbeing" to the wider community'
contemporary 'kitchen texts and contexts' (Dohmen, 2004: 22).
such as television cookery programmes, Research on various forms ofvisual culture
recipe books and performance art to explore has been particularly important in work on
embodied domestic practices. She argues that material cultures within the home. Alongside
the kitchen is a site of work and imagination, other work on art and the home (including
and is a potent site for the negotiation of Painter, 2002), geographers have explored the
gender, class and national identities, which are spatiality of domestic visual culture. For
often articulated through spatial narratives of example, in her research on 'the everyday
upstairs and downstairs, inside and outside. viewing of family photographs by a particular
The domestic geographies of inside and group of mothers', Gillian Rose argues that
outside, and the relationships between design family photographs signal both presence and
and embodied practice, have been studied in absence, and stretch domestic space 'through
other contexts too. Inga Bryden (2004), for a relation with people, places and times that are
example, focuses on the architectural and not in the home at the moment of looking, or
spiritual significance of the traditional court- at least if they are, they no longer appear
yard house, or 'haveli', in Jaipur in northern as they did in the photo' (2003: 15). Divya
India. Drawing on oral history interviews on Tolia-Kelly (2004a; 2004b) has also studied
the haveli as a gendered and inhabited domes- the domestic display and use of family photo-
tic space, Bryden shows how the Hindu graphs, alongside images of landscape, reli-
architectural principle of Vastu Vidya informs gious iconography, and particular home
the everyday lives of families within a possessions, in the homes of South Asian
particular residence. Vastu Vidya defines the women living in London. Drawing on inter-
dimensions and orientation of the house and views, tours of the home, and discussions
the direction of household activities, and a about particularly significant objects and
haveli is designed on a nine-square grid that images, Tolia- Kelly shows that geographies of
dictates internal divisions and the proportion home extend far beyond the household,
of open and covered spaces. As Bryden charting routes and connections between the
Alson Blunt 509
past and the present and across diasporic (2004: 145), and prompted bitter debates
space (see also Dwyer, 2002, for more on about who could claim residence not only in
British Asian geographies ofhome). As Tolia- the neighbourhood ofShaughnessy but also in
Kelly argues, 'These visual cultures operate the Canadian nation.
beyond the mode of the visual, incorporating
embodied memories of past landscapes and III Dwelling
relationships with pre-migratory lives in Another important area of research on the
colonial territories' (2004b: 685). cultural geographies of home has explored
Similarly exploring the material geogra- the lived experiences, social relations and
phies ofhome both within but also far beyond emotional significance ofdomestic life. While
the domestic sphere, other researchers have the home can be a place of safety and sec-
studied the intersections of production and urity, it can also be a place of fear and danger,
consumption (including Patchell, 2002; Leslie as shown most clearly by research on domes-
and Reimer, 2003; Reimer and Leslie, 2004), tic violence (including Warrington, 2001;
and the contested spaces of home, neigh- Meth, 2003). In a paper on homelessness,
bourhood, family and nation (Mitchell, 2004). space and domestic violence in South Africa,
Deborah Leslie and Suzanne Reimer, for Paula Meth argues that ideas about home
example, have studied the retailing, marketing often remain implicit in research on domestic
and consumption of household furniture in violence, and require further interrogation.
Britain and Canada in the 1990s, and argue She concentrates on assumptions about the
that there has been 'a return to the aesthetics home as a formal material space, the home as
of modernism' (2003: 293). Situating their private, and the domicile as home, and argues
research in relation to broader debates about that 'Nuanced ideas about the home as differ-
the modernist suppression of both domestic- entiated, political, and marginalizing ... need
ity and femininity, Leslie and Reimer trace the closer attention within the domestic violence
multifaceted and ambiguous nature of such a literature and that 'the variable materiality of
'return'. Elsewhere, redressing the under- the home needs to be addressed more fully'
theorization of home consumption within (2003: 326).
wider debates about identity and consump- Other research on the lived experiences of
tion, Reimer and Leslie explore its role 'in dwelling has explored the politics ofdomestic-
identity construction within both individual ity, intimacy and privacy, the intersections of
households as well as different household home, identity and belonging, and the transna-
groups' (2004: 187). In her study of'monster tional geographies of home. Moving beyond
houses' built in an 6lite Vancouver suburb - the separation of public and private spheres,
Shaughnessy Heights - by a wealthy group of research on these themes has investigated the
migrants from Hong Kong since the 1980s, mobile geographies of dwelling and the political
Katharyne Mitchell (2004) traces competing significance of the home. In this section I dis-
narratives about citizenship and democracy cuss two areas of work that have addressed
that are materialized through this new form of these themes: postcolonial geographies of
domestic architecture and debates about home, nation and empire; and transnational
zoning regulations (for more on geography, geographies ofmigration, home and work.
law and property, see Varley, 2000; 2002; Postcolonial geographical work on home,
Blomley, 2003; 2004a). As Mitchell explains, nation and empire has explored the material
'The newly constructed houses contrasted and imaginative spaces of home, and the con-
vividly - in form, structure, scale, aesthetic tested politics of identity and belonging,
and urban sensibility - with the historicist within metropolitan, indigenous, imperial,
styles of the existing residential architecture settler and diasporic homes. Across a range of
in its picturesque suburban streetscapes' disciplines and contexts, recent research has
510 Culturalgeography
focused on the symbolic and material impor- the anti-imperial nationalist struggle in Delhi
tance ofthe home in shaping and reproducing from 1930 to 1947, highlighting 'the ways in
the ideologies, everyday practices and mater- which women achieved agency in a national-
ial cultures of imperial power, nationalist ist movement that, while encouraging female
resistance and diasporic resettlement. Rather participation, attempted to spatially delimit
than view the home as a private space that this activity to the home' (2003: 7). As Legg
remains separate and distinct from public pol- shows, 'women helped to politicize the home
itics, this research has shown that the home and assert their agency in a space often
itself is intensely political, both in its internal read as one of silence and subjection' (2003:
intimacies and through its interfaces with the 23) by, for example, organizing their homes as
wider world. Both within and beyond geogra- unofficial political headquarters, and wearing
phy, recent research has explored the ways in homespun cloth, or 'khadi', which was part
which the symbolic and material importance of Gandhi's campaign to replace cheap
of the home in fashioning both nation and European imports with Indian-made goods.
empire has been embodied by women, partic- The mobile and politicized geographies of
ularly as wives and mothers. dwelling have also been important themes in
Three examples of work on the cultural research on migration, home and work.
geographies of home for women in India Research on the migration of predominantly
illustrate this point. In her research on the female domestic workers and the implications
repatriation of British women who had lived of migration for home and family life show
for many years in India before and at that the cultural geographies of home are
Independence, Georgina Gowans contrasts shaped by political and economic processes,
their imaginative geographies of home with and that domestic spaces are inextricably
the difficulties of resettlement, particularly at bound to global inequalities. Geraldine Pratt's
a time of rationing, economic hardship and work on Filipina domestic workers in Canada
decolonization (Gowans, 2001; 2002; 2003). interweaves a critical engagement with
My work on Anglo-Indian women in the 50 poststructuralist feminist theory with detailed
years before and after Independence explores empirical work in collaboration with the
the spatial politics of home on domestic, Philippine Women Centre in Vancouver
national and diasporic scales for a distinct (2004; see also Pratt, 2003/4, which is part of
community of mixed descent. Domestic a special issue of BC Studies on domestic
spaces, embodied by Anglo-Indian women spaces, and Silvey, 2004a and 2004b, on
and by memories of an imperial forefather, Indonesian domestic workers in Saudi
were shaped by, and also helped to shape, Arabia). Pratt shows that the migration of
wider political discourses about home, iden- Filipina domestic workers is racialized as well
tity and nationality. The mixed descent of as gendered, whereby 'Filipinas are discur-
Anglo-Indians was both manifested and sively constructed as housekeepers, with infe-
erased by their dual identification with Britain rior intellects and educations relative to
as fatherland and India as motherland (Blunt, European nannies' (2004: 56), and are paid
2002). These ideas about home and nation- significantly less than their European counter-
ality were reproduced and resisted on a parts as a result. Pratt also describes the
domestic scale, and were mobilized in an difficulties of 'home-making' for Filipina
attempt to establish an independent home- domestic workers who, as part of the Live-in
land in the 1930s (Blunt, 2003a; see also Caregiver programme, reside with their
Blunt, 2003b; 2005 for more on the migration employers. In a different context, Rosie Cox
ofAnglo- Indians to Britain and Australia after and Rekha Narula (2003; see also Williams
Independence). Finally, Stephen Legg (2003) and Bali2, 2004) analyse the 'home rules'
has examined the importance of the home in that constrain au pairs living with families in
Alison Blunt 511
Britain. Although the agreement between a the system by claiming for themselves the
group of European countries specifies that au very terrain - "home" - that was previously
pairs should be treated as part of the family, used to control them' (2004: 177).
various rules about the use ofrooms, whether
guests are permitted and eating practices IV Cohabitation
shape a range of'quasi-familial relations' (Cox In this final section, I turn to geographical
and Narula, 2003: 333). As Cox and Narula work on the home that has traced the entan-
explain, 'Like relationships within " real fami- glements of nature and culture. My title is
lies, false kin relations in au pair employing inspired by Steve Hinchliffes account of the
households are not equal and rules that con- politics of inhabitation, in which he writes
trol space and behaviour within the home are that 'Inhabiting is a more than human affair.
an important way in which power relations Equally, inhabitation is not simply a matter of
are expressed and reinforced' (2003: 343). adding in non-humans' (2003: 207; see also
Other research has investigated the Whatmore, 2002). In this section, I consider
transnational geographies ofhome and family human and nonhuman cohabitation in rela-
life for domestic and other migrant workers. tion to the philosophy and ethics ofdomestic-
This is a prominent theme in papers by Asis et ation and within the space of the private
at. (2004) and by Mack (2004) in a special garden.
issue of the Singapore Journal of Tropical In a paper on the ethics of the domesti-
Geography on the migration of southeast cated environment, Roger King writes that
Asian women. Drawing on interviews in the 'Environmental ethics must continue . . . to
Philippines and Singapore, Asis et al. study find ways to loosen the hold of the wild-
'how migrant women and their family mem- domesticated dualism and to embrace study
bers define and negotiate family ideals, gender ofthe human-made artificial world, as well as
identities and family relationships, given the wild nature' (2003: -7). King argues that 'an
family's transnational configuration' (2004: ethics of the domesticated environment is an
199). They explore the ways in which family essential part ofenvironmental ethics', and 'is
ties are recast and relocated for domestic internal to the development of ecological
workers, whereby 'The Filipino transmigra- responsibility' (2003: 13). As Peder Anker
tion experience has "unbounded" the family (2003) notes, the term 'ecology' has its
in several ways - by making it necessary to etymological roots in the term 'oikos' or
maintain family ties astride borders and across house. Anker argues that 'oikos is not merely
space, by expanding "family" to include kin a vague metaphor for ecology, but that built
many times removed, or by regarding non-kin households provide a key to understanding
as "family" based on "family-like" relation- the household of nature' (2003: 131). He
ships (2004: 212). Focusing on ideas of home describes the homes and households of three
and family, Jennifer Mack has studied the philosophers whose work has been highly
ways in which young Indonesian female influential in environmental ethics and his-
factory workers on Batam Island, an export- tory: the American philosopher Henry David
processing zone close to Singapore, form Thoreau, the American ecologist Aldo
their own notions of family to create 'certain Leopold and the Norwegian deep ecologist
freedoms [and] opportunities for micro- Arne Ness. As Anker writes, 'their views
resistance'. Doing so, 'Their homes become on the household of nature stand in direct
spaces of release from both parental family relationship with their respective homes. The
and transnational structures as well as their language they used to describe nature is
own expectations' (2004: 174) whereby thus understood in the context of the archi-
'female factory workers [on Batam Island] tectural language of their respective cabins'
have resisted total domination from within (2003: 131).
512 Culturalgeography
Maria Kaika (2004) is also concerned with garden and how these processes informed the
the relationships between nature and the human conceptions of these gardens' (2003:
home. Through a focus on water, she investi- 102). This is part of a larger research project
gates 'the material versus the ideologically on 'the changing material agencies and
constructed boundaries between "the natu- entities that find their ways into the domestic
ral" and "the domestic" space, and examines gardens of London', which has focused on
the ways in which nature became 'scripted as four specific contexts: 'the London garden
"'the other" to the private space of the bour- centre, the garden designer's studio, the
geois home in western societies' (2004: 266). designed garden and the experienced
Kaika argues that 'the dwelling places of gardener's garden' (Hitchings and Jones,
modernity are hosts of the uncanny in their 2004: 8). As this work shows, human and
very structure' (2004: 281), as shown by the nonhuman agency shapes the space of the
simultaneous need and denial of socionatural domestic garden, providing important and
processes within the home. During moments challenging insights for studying various
of crisis, she argues, the networks, pipes and cohabitations at home and beyond.
other material manifestations of the connec-
tions between 'natural and 'domestic' space V Conclusion
surface as 'the domestic uncanny' (2004: The editors ofthe new journal Home Cultures
266). According to Kaika, 'Exploring the state, as part of the journal's aims and scope,
uncanny materiality of'the other in the form that: 'Whether as a concept or a physical
ofthe invisible metabolized nature or technol- place, "home" is a highly fluid and contested
ogy networks points at the social construc- site of human existence that reflects and
tion of the separation between the natural reifies identities and values. The rich diversity
and the social, the private and the public' ofwork by cultural geographers on residence,
(2004: 283). dwelling and cohabitation not only attests
Other research on the domestic entangle- to the importance of the home as a site of
ments of nature and culture has concentrated geographical analysis, but has also begun to
on the space of the garden, the embodied trace the complex entanglements of nature
practices of gardening, and horticultural and culture, and of human and nonhuman
agency. Recent research on gardens and agency, in shaping the domestic sphere.
gardening has been rich and wide-ranging,
including publications on the garden in art Acknowledgements
(Postle et aL, 2004); landscape and transcul- I would like to thank Robyn Dowling and Ann
turation in Japanese gardens in Edwardian Varley for their help as I prepared this report.
Britain (Tachibana et aL, 2004); the relation-
ships between property, boundaries and Note
public and private gardening (Blomley, 2004a; 1. For a bibliography on domestic space, visit
2004b); and the meanings that people attach www. sfu. cal space! Domesticindex.htm,
to gardens and to gardening (Brook, 2003; which is an 'interdisciplinary research site on
Bhatti and Church, 2004). In addition to houses, homes and gardens' based at the
these studies, other work on gardens and Department of Humanities, Simon Fraser
gardening has been inspired by actor-network University, BC, Canada.
theory. In his paper on 'People, plants and
performance', for example, Russell Hitchings References
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