CODEX NUTTALL

FACSIMILE OF AN

ANCIENT MEXICAN CODEX

BELONGING TO LORD ZOUCHE OF HARYNWORTH

ENGLAND

WITH AN INTRODUCTION BT ZELIA NUTTALL

PEABODY MUSEUM OF AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY AND ETHNOLOGY

PjarbarH JKntbfrsttg
CAMBRIDGE, MASSACHUSETTS

1902
 Sinttasttg Pr£g0:
John Wilson & Son, Cambridge, U.S.A.

THE GETTY CENTER

LIBRARY
 CONTENTS
pArE
Editorial Note ..
..
How the Codex was brought to light..

Description of the Codex. 6

Directions for reading the Codex.

..
Explanatory Notes. g

Resemblance of the Codex to the Vienna Codex.

Date of the Sister-codices.

Language of the Sister-codices.

Observations on the Year-signs in the Codex.

Observations on the Day-signs in the Codex..

History of the Conqueror named Eight-Deer, also Tiger's Claw.2Q

Lord Eight-Ehecatl.

History of the Lady Three-Flint..

Review of the Contents of the Codex..

 NOTE.

Ms an acknowledgment of Mrs. Zelia Nuttall's indefatigable researches, one of

the results of which has been the discovery of the long lost manuscript here
published in facsimile, and in recognition of her high attainments in Mexican
Archaeology, the Peabody Museum of American Archaeology and Ethnology has
given to this ancient Mexican book the name of Codex Nuttall.

To the subscribers to the Fund for the Encouragement of Mexican and Central
American Research, the Museum is indebted for the means of publishing this valuable

Codex.
F. W. PUTNAM,
Curator of the Museum.
Harvard University,
December, 1901.
 HOW THE CODEX WAS BROUGHT TO LIGHT

I T was during an informal reception at Casa Villari in Florence, some years ago, that I
first learned of the existence of the Ancient Mexican Codex, the facsimile of which
I now have the pleasure of presenting to the literary and scientific world.
With his characteristic kindliness and interest in all historical research, an inquiry as
to the progress of my work in the Florentine libraries was addressed me by my host, Pasquale
Villari, Senator and Ex-Minister of Public Instruction, Professor and Historian, whose works
on Savonarola and Machiavelli are universally known.
The subject of old manuscripts was one of paramount interest to us both. We were
soon deep in a discussion of the marvellous wealth of Florentine libraries, in one of which, the
Mediceo-Laurentian Library, the original manuscript of the most valuable work in existence
on Ancient Mexico, by Friar Bernardino de Sahagun, was preserved. In another, the Biblioteca
Nazionale Centrale, I had just discovered an important Hispano-Mexican manuscript.
At this juncture, Senator Villari communicated some facts to me which aroused my
keenest interest and made an indelible impression upon my memory.1 He told me that, more
than thirty years previously, he had spent some time examining and studying historical docu¬
ments preserved in the Library of the Monastery of San Marco, around which cluster so many
memories of Fra Angelico and Fra Savonarola. It was by chance that, about this time,
Signor Villari first became acquainted with an ancient Mexican Codex. One of the friars of
San Marco brought it to a salon frequented by Florentine litterati and scholars, in order to
obtain an opinion about it. He asked Pasquale Villari, the future historian, whether he could
understand and explain the curious manuscript. The friar stated that neither he nor the other

1 At my request, Professor Villari has since sent me a written Museum, considering it of great importance, as it constitutes the
account, from which I quote, verbatim, the above facts concerning only forthcoming documentary evidence and proof that the Codex
the Codex. I have deposited his communication at the Peabody once belonged to the San Marco Library.
I
monks could make anything out of it. They had already sent it to be examined by a member
of the institution known as the Propaganda Fide in Rome. His reply had been “that the
document was probably intended for the amusement of children, but was so foolish that it
could only bore them.”
With the eye of a connoisseur, Signor Villari saw at a glance that the despised manu¬
script was of great value and interest, being an Ancient Mexican Codex, with occasional words
inserted, as if to explain the hieroglyphics. Subsequently, whilst studying in the old library,
Signor Villari would now and then pause at the case where the curious document was kept, to
look wonderingly at its pages, covered with figures and unknown signs. He examined it with
interest and attention, and begged the friar, its custodian, to guard it with the utmost care.
Later, a disturbed political period supervened and the monastic orders were suppressed
throughout Italy. The library of San Marco became the property of the state and was
thrown open to the public. On revisiting the library Signor Villari made inquiries about the
Mexican manuscript, but in vain, for it had vanished. He subsequently learned that it had
been sold to a wealthy Englishman residing in Florence. On applying to the latter for
permission to see the manuscript again, Signor Villari was informed that it was no longer
in his possession, and had been given to a friend in England. “ So there the matter
ended,” said my host, with an expression of deep regret that Florence should have thus
lost so rare a treasure, and one which had doubtlessly been preserved within its walls during
centuries.
In response to my eager questioning Senator Villari, who had not seen it for over thirty
years, and was not a specialist in Mexicana, described the manuscript to me, in detail, with an
accuracy and distinctness which revealed his marvellous powers of observation and memory.
He suggested, and we discussed, the possibility that the lost Codex might now be preserved
in some museum, or even have been published. His mention of explanatory notes, written in
Spanish characters, convinced me that it could not have been one of the few well-known
Ancient Mexican Codices, for I knew of only one manuscript, painted on skin, which exhibits
such notes; namely, the Becker Codex, now in the Imperial Ethnographical Museum at
2
Vienna, which was brought from Mexico by the late Philip Becker of Darmstadt.1 This
manuscript, which has explanations in the Zapotec language, written in Spanish characters,
consists of twenty-six pages only, whereas Senator Villari described a much more voluminous
Codex.
At the time when the above memorable interview took place, I was on the eve of my
departure from Florence. During my absence, which lasted a year, I studied the antecedents
of all known Ancient Mexican Codices, ascertained that not one of them could possibly be
identical with that which had once been the property of the San Marco Library and
became more and more deeply convinced that the Codex, as described, must have been
an original and one of incalculable importance, on account of explanatory notes inscribed
upon its pages.
On communicating all this to Senator Villari when I returned to Florence, I ex¬
pressed my eagerness to ascertain if the Codex still existed, and, if so, to rescue it from the
oblivion to which it had been consigned for over thirty years.
The more we discussed the mode of instituting such a search, the more we realized its
difficulties, owing to the existence of certain obvious complications.
In addition to the information already given, Senator Villari was able to furnish me with
an all-important clue. In possession of this I soon began a search which, in course of time,
proved successful, owing to the fact that my written applications for information were
responded to with utmost courtesy and good-will.
I learned that, about thirty years ago, the Codex was presented as a gift to the Hon.
Robert Curzon, 14th Baron Zouche, the well-known author of “Ancient Monasteries of the
East,” who had brought together in his library at Parham, County of Sussex, a most interest¬
ing and valuable collection of rare manuscripts “ to illustrate the history of the art of writing.”
The catalogue of this collection, limited to an edition of fifty copies, and published in London

1 A copy of this manuscript was published in facsimile in Geneva to the interesting fact that this manuscript is the missing portion of
in 1892, by Monsieur Henri de Saussure, under the name of “ Le the Codex Colombino, which was published, in 1892, by the Junta
nianuscrit du Cacique.” Dr. Seler of Berlin has drawn attention Colombina of Mexico.

3
in 1849, describes and illustrates the “Materials for Writing, Early Writing on Tablets,
Stones, rolled and other manuscripts, Books and Oriental manuscripts, in the library of the
Hon. Robert Curzon.” It was in these surroundings that, during one-third of a century, the
Codex remained undisturbed and so lost to view that not even a rumor of its existence
reached the outer world. It is undoubtedly to this circumstance that the Codex owes the
freshness and brilliancy of its coloring and the fact that it is in a more perfect state of preser¬
vation than any other known manuscript of its kind. At the death of the Hon. Robert
Curzon, in 1873, the Codex became the property of his son, Robert Nathaniel Cecil George
Curzon, Baron Zouche of Harynworth, the present and 15th Lord Zouche, from whom,
through the kind mediatorship of Sir Edward Maunde Thompson, K. C. B., the distinguished
Director of the British Museum, I obtained permission, not only to study, but also to publish
the valuable document, in order to place it within the reach of my fellow-students.
It was in June, 1898, at the British Museum, that the long sought for Codex was finally
laid into my hands, for inspection, by its custodian, Sir Edward Maunde Thompson. As I
eagerly scanned its pages, I found that, whereas the explanatory notes did not fulfil my hopes
and expectations, the Codex itself far surpassed them. I soon realized that it was the most
superb example of an Ancient Mexican historical manuscript I had ever seen, which, in
wealth of detail and interest even excelled its sister, the Vienna Codex. For reasons which
are explained on page 11, I was naturally much impressed at finding that the first year date
recorded in the Codex was I Acatl, accompanied by the sign 1 cipactli. In order to afford me
the desired opportunity of studying it during my stay in Oxford, the Codex was subsequently
transferred, temporarily, to the Bodleian Library and deposited there for my particular use. It
was within the venerable walls of the most beautiful of old libraries, that I had the pleasure of
showing the newly found treasure to Mr. Charles P. Bowditch of Boston, a member of the Faculty
of the Peabody Museum of American Archaeology and Ethnology. With characteristic enthu¬
siasm and generosity, Mr. Bowditch volunteered to provide the necessary funds for publishing
the Codex, in facsimile, through the Peabody Museum, Harvard University, while I offered
to assume the responsibility and work of carrying out the publication. Soon afterward, at the
4
Bodleian Library, I held the consultations which were necessary before undertaking so difficult
and costly a work as its reproduction in facsimile. This has been admirably carried out by
the firm of Messrs. Gilb* Whitehead and Co., of New Eltharn, Kent, S. E.
It is with pleasure that I seize this occasion to express my appreciation of the interest
and unsparing pains bestowed upon the work by the head of the firm as well as by the excep¬
tionally skilled artists in their employ. Owing to various difficulties, partly arising from
the fact that the Codex could not be removed from the British Museum building, the
work was much retarded, and, instead of being finished by Nov. i, 1899, as first antici¬
pated, was not completed until April, 1901. One main reason for the delay was the fact that
photography could not be utilized, and the entire Codex had to be traced by the hand of an
artist, whose accurate and admirable drawing is unsurpassed.
An expression of grateful acknowledgment is due to Sir Edward Maunde Thompson,
K.C.B., and to Mr. George Warner, the Keeper of the Manuscript Department of the British
Museum, not only for the untiring interest taken in the work, but also for their kind super¬
vision and correction of proofs during my absence from England.
Students of Mexican archaeology will ever feel themselves to be under a great obliga¬
tion to Lord Zouche for generously authorizing the present publication.

5
HHMHMR

DESCRIPTION OF THE CODEX

L IKE the nine other Mexican Codices in existence, of the original. The stiff parchment covers which protect
the facsimile have been designed by me in strict accord¬
which constitute the finest remaining specimens of
native pictography,1 the present one is painted on pre¬ ance with native methods.
Although no traces now exist to prove that the original
pared deer-skin, the strips of which are glued together, at
intervals, and form a long, folded band. The surfaces of Codex was once provided with outer covers, we know that

both sides of the skin are covered with a thick layer of such were employed by the Ancient Mexicans. The

a white substance which presents a smooth, slightly glazed outer folds of the Laud Codex, preserved at the Bodleian

surface. On this the artist first drew the outlines of his Library, are covered with stiff pieces of deerskin, the

figures in black, and subsequently filled these in with color. originally hairy coating of which appears to have been
A careful study of the original reveals that the artist pre¬ destroyed by moths.
pared small quantities of each color at a time, and that he The Vatican Codex (3773) is protected by thin, pol¬

did not always succeed in obtaining exactly the same shade ished wooden boards, one of which is plain, while the

twice. The scheme of color on the obverse is, more¬ other exhibits traces of incrustations. Senor Troncoso

over, different from that on the reverse, which presents a has rightly pointed out that the cover on which an inlaid
greater profusion of detail. The paints employed were so disc of green stone still exists, is attached to the first page
fine and skilfully prepared, that for nearly four centuries of the Codex, and therefore designates its beginning.
they have preserved, undimmed, their exquisite beauty Experience in handling a folded native book, particu¬
and delicacy. According to Bustamante the native artists larly one which, like the present Codex, is painted on
purposely withheld from their Conquerors the secret of both sides, with signs in reverse positions, teaches not
the knowledge they had attained, through centuries of only the importance of designating the beginning of a
experience, of manufacturing beautiful and lasting colors Codex, but also the necessity of some external sign
from vegetable and mineral substances. which indicates the position of the figures on the first
The present publication reproduces the exact dimensions page.

1 The Codices of this category are : VIII. (a) Becker Codex; (b) Colombino Codex.
I. Vatican Codex No. 3773. IX. Vienna Codex.
II. Borgian Codex. The present Codex completes this list as No. X. In order to
III. Bologna (Cospian) Codex. simplify references to the above Codices, some of which have been
IV. Fejervary (Mayer) Codex. recently re-named by Senor Troncoso, it is my intention to cite
V. Laud Codex. them in future by the above numbers, — a method I recommend to
VI. Bodleian Codex. the consideration of my fellow-workers.
VII. Selden Codex.
6

MH
 I have supplied this by having the initial and dominant tionalized rays which, on the Cosmical Tablet popularly
year and day signs of the Codex (I Acatl i Cipactli) known as the Calendar stone of Mexico, for instance,
reproduced in color, on the outer cover, to which the radiate at equal distances from the circle, which signifies
first page is attached. In thus using a calendar sign the whole. The native all-pervading philosophical con¬
I have followed the precedent afforded by the Selden ception of the Cosmos as a “ Four in One,” conveyed by
Manuscript No. 2, preserved at the Bodleian Library, on the four rays attached to the circle, is conspicuously carried
the outer page of which a year-sign is painted. out in the four year-signs of the native Calendar, each of
The cursive native method of designating a year-sign which also symbolizes one of the four elements. The
was to combine one of the four chief calendar signs (in combination of one of the four year-signs and one of the
the present case Acatl — cane) to what somewhat resembles symbolical rays, to a complete circle, clearly expressed the
a monogram composed of an A and an O. The first (like fourth part of the quadruplicate whole.1
an A) is a reproduction of one of the four painted conven¬

DIRECTIONS FOR READING THE CODEX

T HE text of the Codex reads from right to left, there¬ reached, the transition to page 44 on the reverse is effected
fore, when the book lies closed, with the conven¬ by the following manipulation, which those who intend to
tionalized ray of the year-sign pointing upwards, the left study the Codex should not fail to master as soon as pos¬
end of the cover is to be raised and carried over to the sible. Close the book so that the cover with the year-
right, thus disclosing page 1, which begins in the lower sign again lies uppermost and the latter points in the
right-hand corner. On page 3 an ingenious use of red same direction as when the book was first opened. Then
lines begins. They are employed to form divisions and turn the book around, without lifting or opening it, until
cause the text to wind up and down the pages in a narrow the point of the conventionalized ray points downwards.
course which widens, now and then, when a large group of Then again lift the left end of the cover, let it drop to the
personages and some marked event is depicted. On right, and page 44 will be disclosed.
page 11 a red line is carried in zigzag down the entire On looking through the Codex it will be seen that
page and clearly separates one portion of the text from although printed in one, page 19 on the obverse, and
that which follows, beginning with the group formed by a page 76 on the reverse occupy two pages each, which will
man and a woman between twin mountains which are be respectively designated as a and b. On reaching
covered with snow. page 84 it will be realized that, although the text seems to
The next marked division of the text by means of a
1 See The Fundamental Principles of Old and New World Civili¬
continuous line occurs on page 33. When page 43 is zations, Zelia Nuttall, Peabody Museum Papers, Vol. II, p. 251.
have come to a natural end, since it represents a death, comer, with the yellow color he had commenced to use
funeral offerings, and a ceremonial cremation, the Codex on this page. The left upper corner of page 84 is blank,
itself must be regarded as unfinished. The last page is as well as the four following pages, three of which are
only partially colored. It would seem as though the artist’s painted on their other sides.
last touches were those he made in its lower right-hand

THE EXPLANATORY NOTES

S OME European, in a monkish hand-writing, which Page 82.
Page 80.
Ano de 39, next to year-sign 10 Calli.
Ano de . . . (remainder indecipherable)
resembles the Spanish script of the 16th century, has
taken advantage of the blank spaces on page 84 and the next to day-sign 8 tochtli, which thus appears to have
second page beyond it, to make a note of the native been mistaken for a year-sign.
names of the four year-signs of the Mexican Calendar. Page 77. Ano de 52 de la ultima edad; next to day-
The fact that he jotted them down in a wrong order (the sign 11 tochtli, which again appears to have been mistaken
right one being Acatl, Tecpatl, Calli, and Tochtli) seriously for a year-sign.
detracts from the value of his other, extremely meagre Page 53. The word ano and the numerals 33 and 42,
notes, one of which only (on page 76) gives a suggestive wrongly accompanying a day-sign. Then the detached
explanation of a hitherto unknown native sign. It is numerals 42 and 46 equally written next to day-signs.
interesting to find that, with a single exception, his notes
Italian
are confined to the last ten pages of the Codex, which he
seems to have erroneously taken for the first, and are in Page 76. In the same handwriting as the Spanish and
three languages, as follows : — Nahuatl notes, the words anno nono = the ninth year.

Nahuatl or Mexican
An analysis of the above notes seems to prove that
On page 84 and blank page beyond : names of four they were the result of some ineffectual attempt to
year-signs, in wrong order. decipher the Codex by some one who was familiar with
Page 84. Name of month Tlacaxipehualiztli, wrongly both Italian and Spanish and had learned some Nahuatl
spelt tlacaxipectli. names.
Page 76. The names of one unknown and one of The circumstance that he noted the native years in a
known native sign : Tlantepuzillamatl and Nauhollin. wrong sequence, mistook day-signs for year-signs, assumed
Spanish that the Codex was to be read from left to right, and
Page 83. Ano de . . . numeral partly effaced ; next began to study it at the wrong end, sufficiently demon¬
to year-sign 12 Tochtli. strates the regrettable fact that his explanatory notes can

--
mm _
be of no serious value to students. On the other hand their writer was convinced that the Codex was in the
they clearly establish one significant point, namely, that Nahuatl language.

RESEMBLANCE OF THE CODEX TO THAT PRESERVED

IN THE IMPERIAL LIBRARY AT VIENNA
A NY one acquainted with the beautiful Codex preserved quently Clement VII, was the most prominent personage
in the Imperial Library at Vienna cannot but recog¬ at the papal court, being the nephew of Lorenzo the Mag¬
nize that it is the handiwork of the same artist who painted nificent, and the cousin and chief adviser of Pope Leo X.
the present Codex. A close comparative study of the Like other members of the Medici family, Cardinal Giulio
drawing and the texts of both Codices has convinced me was noted as a collector of rarities, and, all things con¬
that, although the pages of the Vienna Codex are of a sidered, there is no reason why King Emmanuel of Portu¬
larger size, the two manuscripts actually complement each gal should not have sent the Codex, before his death,
other. In both Codices the year I Acatl accompanied by in T521, to the most influential member of the princely
the day-sign i Cipactli is conspicuous, and occurs more Medici, who, a couple of years afterwards, became
frequently than any other date. What is more, a number Clement VII. The apparent anachronism appears to be
of remarkable conventional signs and hieroglyphs occur attributable to the careless, though perfectly natural and
in both codices and in these only. They constitute a explicable allusion to Giulio de’ Medici by the papal title
convincing proof that both manuscripts deal with con¬ by which he is known to history.
temporaneous facts and circumstances, besides being the The inscription records that the Codex subsequently
work of the same artist. passed into the hands of another member of the Medici
A research into the past history of these sister-Codices family. The Medicean Archives, which I consulted, fur¬
seems, moreover, to yield indications that shortly after the nish interesting evidence which I intend to publish sepa¬
Conquest both manuscripts were in Florence. The Latin rately, proving not only that constant correspondence
inscription on the Vienna Codex states that “ it had been was kept up by means of ambassadors between the
sent by King Emmanuel of Portugal to Pope Clement VII, courts of Spain, Portugal and Florence, but also that a
and since has been in the possession of the Cardinals special interest in all relating to the New World was
Hippolytus de’ Medici and Capuanus.” In his Vues des taken by several Medicean princes.
Cordilleres, Humboldt has pointed out the apparent an¬ In addition to the valuable Hispano-Mexican manu¬
achronism of the above inscription, noting that King scripts of the Mediceo-Laurentian Library and the Bibli-
Emmanuel of Portugal died in 1521 and that Clement VII oteca Nazionale, which have already been alluded to, the
only ascended the papal chair in 1523. Previously to beautiful mitre of feather mosaic made for a Medicean
his election, however, Cardinal Giulio de’ Medici, subse¬ prelate and preserved to this day in the Pitti Palace,
furnishes convincing evidence of continued relations with by the fact that the only inventory which contains any men¬
Mexico.1 tion of native books is that of the first and choicest gifts
It is well known that, until comparatively recent times, which were sent by Cortes from Vera Cruz on July 10, 1519,
all of the priceless specimens of Ancient Mexican Mosaic and consisted of the presents which had been previously
work, now divided between the Museo Kircheriana, at conveyed to him by Montezuma’s messengers. In this
Rome, and the British Museum, London, were likewise inventory there is the following entry : “ Mas dos libros de
preserved in the Medici palace at Florence.2 Amongst bos que aca tienen los indios." (Besides, two books such
these are inlaid objects which answer to descriptions of as the Indians here have.) 1
gifts and insignia sent by Montezuma to Cortes shortly The closely interwoven chain of documentary evidence
after his landing in Mexico, and by the latter from Vera and living facts which may be summarized as follows, ap¬
Cruz to Charles V, on July io, 1519. They reached pears to lead to an identification of the Vienna and its
Seville on Nov. 5, 1519, exactly four days previous to the sister-Codex with the two native books recorded in the
entry of the Spaniards into the City of Mexico, but were inventory of 1519:
not presented to the young Emperor until the spring of 1. It is obvious that the two books mentioned in the
1520. It is well known that Charles V distributed as inventory of 1519, amongst presents known to have been
gifts, to various sovereigns, some of these first curiosities conveyed to Cortes by Montezuma’s messengers, must
received from the New World. The fact that the name have come from one and the same source, at the same
of the Portuguese sovereign, who died in 1521, is inscribed time, and been, in all probability, the work of the same
upon the Vienna Codex, constitutes a proof that this must scribe.
have been among the presents received by Charles V in 2. In the Vienna and its sister-Codex we have, at the
1520, for it was not until 1522 that a fresh consignment present day, two of the finest examples of Mexican pic¬
of rarities was sent by Cortes. These were, however, tography in existence, which conspicuously bear the same
stolen and lost, and it was only in 1524 that Diego de date (t Acatl = 1519 Jul. Cal.) and are unquestionably the
Soto brought the next notable set of presents from the work of the same artist.
New World to Spain. 3. The two books entered in the inventory of 1519
The evidence furnished by the inscription is corroborated were received, in the spring of 1520, by Charles V, who
is known to have distributed to various sovereigns some
1 This mitre was identified and described, for the first time, by of the other curiosities from the New World.
me in my paper “ On Ancient Mexican Featherwork,” published in
4. The inscription on the Vienna Codex testifies that
the Report of the Madrid Commission, Columbian Historical
Exposition, Madrid, 1892.
prior to 1521, it had passed into the hands of King
2 The small, ancient Mexican, jadeite mask, which now figures in
the famous gem collection in the Uffizi Gallery at Florence, may 1 Coleccion de documentos ineditos para la Historia de Espana,
have been included in the unique group of curiosities. Vol. I, p. 464.

■HWi
Emmanuel of Portugal, and had in turn been presented sister-Codices not only had a common origin, but also a
by him to Giulio de’ Medici, afterwards Clement VII. somewhat analogous history, both having Florentine
These facts afford strong evidence that the Vienna Codex associations.
was one of the two “ native books ” received by Charles V In conclusion : it is certain that in the Vienna and its
in 1520. sister-Codex we possess two manuscripts of the same
5. The same inscription records that the Vienna Codex authorship, and bearing the same date. Historical evi¬
passed from the possession of Clement VII into that of dence points to the conclusion that they are identical
another ecclesiastical member of the Florentine Medici with the “ two native books ” recorded in the inventory
family. A natural inference is that it must also, at one of 1519.
time, have been in Florence, in which city other rarities, Let us now examine how far the sister-Codices them¬
specified in the inventory of 1519, were stored in the selves yield internal evidence in support of the view that
Medici palace until a short time ago. they date from the time of Montezuma, and are in the
6. The fact that, until recently, the present Codex was Nahuatl language, as assumed by the unknown individual
preserved in Florence, undoubtedly links its history to who annotated one of them.
that of the Vienna Codex. It therefore seems that the

DATE OF THE SISTER-CODICES

S already mentioned, the first year-sign in the present have been brought to light by the investigator who, in
Codex and that which occurs with greater fre¬ 1894, had demonstrated that the day 1 Cipactli, in the
quency than any other in both Codices, is I Acatl, accom¬ year I Acatl, coincided with the date of the vernal
panied by the day 1 Cipactli. It is well known that the equinox, March 12, in the year 1519 Jul. Cal. The re¬
year I Acatl of the Mexican Calendar is the year 1519 of construction I published in 1894 in my Note on the
the Julian Calendar. Consequently the date which is most Ancient Mexican Calendar System (communicated to the
prominent in both Codices is precisely that of the year Tenth International Congress of Americanists, Stockholm)
1519, in which Cortes landed in Vera Cruz, whence, on is reproduced here, without alteration (Table I). It
July 10, he forwarded two native books, with other is based on the important historical dates which were
rarities. recorded by the Spaniards and Mexicans alike in their
To me the day-sign 1 Cipactli, in combination with the respective calendars. Thus Bernal Diaz states that the
year-sign I Acatl, is of particular interest and importance. entry of the Spaniards into the City of Mexico took place
I shall never cease to marvel at the strange concatena¬ on Nov. 8, 1519. Chimalpahin records that this memor¬
tion of circumstances by which a Codex, exhibiting as its able event occurred on the day 8 Ehecatl, the eve of the
initial date the year I Acatl and day 1 Cipactli, should 10th day of the month Quecholli, in the year I Acatl.
1
 TABLE
RECONSTRUCTION
IN WHICH THE MEXICAN YEAR I ACATL BEGINS WITH A DAY CORRESPONDING TO MARCH 12
AND THE YEARS II TECPATL AND III CALLI WITH MARCH 11 JUL. CAL.

A. D. 1519. A. D. 1520. LEAP-YEAR. A. D. 1521. A.D. 1522.

YEAR I ACATL

Months? e > ^ 5 a a

Days: Cipactli 13 7 1 8 2 9 3
Ehecatl 2 9 3 10 4 11 5 12 6 13 7 1 ED 2 .9 3 10 4
Calli 3 10 4 11 5 12 6 13 7 1 8 2 9 3 10 4 11 5 YEAR II TECPATL
Cuetzpalin 4 11 5 12 6 13 7 1 8 2 9 3 10 4 11 5 12 G - _ _ a
> ► X
COATL 6 12 6 13 7 1 8 2 9 3 10 4 11 5 12 G 13 7 - a > > > X X 3 X X X X X X
Hiquiztlt 6 13 7 1 8 2 9 3 10 4 11 5 12 G 13 7 1- 8 2 9 3 10 4 11 5 12 G 13 7 1 S 2 9 3 10 4
Mazatl 1 8 2 9 3 10 4 11 12 G 13 7 1 8 2 9 3 10 4 11 12 G 13 7 1 8 2 9 3 10 4 11
Tochtli 8 2 9 3 10 4 11 5 12 G 13 7 1 S 2 9 3 10 4 11 5 12 6 13 7 1 8 2 9 3 10 4 11 5 12 G YEAR hi CALLI
ATL 9 3 10 4 11 5 12 G 13 T 1 8 2 9 3 10 4 11 5 12 6 13 7 1 8 2 9 3 10 4 11 5 12 G 13 7 - a _
>
> > > X a X X X
ITZCUINTLI 10 4 11 5 12 0 13 7 1 8 2 9 3 10 4 11 5’ 12 G 13 7 1 8 2 9 3 10 4 11 5 12 G 13 7 I 8 - a > X £ £ X
OZ0MATLI 11 5 12 6 13 7 1 8 2 9 3 10 4 11 5 .12 G 13 7 1 8 2 -9 .3 10 4 11 5 12 G 13 7 1 S 2 9 3 10 4 11 5 12 6 13 7 1 8 2 9 3 10 4 ii T)
Malinalli 12 6 13 7 1 8 2 9 3 10 4 11 5 12 G 13 7 1 8 2 9 3 10 4 11 5 12 6 13 7 1 S 2 9 3 10 4 11 5 12 G 13 7 1 8 2 9 3 10 4 11 5 12 6
Acatl 13 7 1 8 2 9 3 10 4 11 5 12 6 13 7 1 8 2 9 3 10 4 11 5 12 G 13 7 1 8 2 9 3 10 4 11 5 12 6 13 7 1 8 2 9 3 10 4 11 5 12 G 13 7
Ocelotl 1 8 2 9 3 10 4 11 5 12 0 13 7 1 8 2 9 3 10 4 11 5 12. G 13 7 1 8 2 9 3 10 4 11 5 12 G 13 7 1 8 2 9 3 10 4 11 5 12 G 13 7 1 8
Quauhtli 2 9 3 10 4 11 5 12 0 13 7 1 8 2 9 3 10 4 11 5 12 G 13 7 1 S 2 9 3 10 4 11 ~) 12 G 13 7 1 8 2 9 3 10 4 11 12 6 13 7 ft 1 8 2 9
COZCAQUAUHTLI 3 10 4 11 5 12 6 13 7 1 8 2 9 3 10 4 11 5 12 G 13 m 1 (HI 2 9 3 10 4 11 5 12 G 13 7 1 S 2 9 3 10 4 11 5 12 G 13 7 1 8 2 9 3 10
Ollin 4 11 5 12 6 13 7 1 8 2 9 3 10 4 11 5 12 G 13 7 1 8 2 9 3 10 4 11 5 12 G 13 7 1 8 2 9 3 10 4 11 5 12 G 13 7 1 8 2 9 3 10 4 11
Tecpatl 10 4 11 5 12 6 13 7 1 8 2 9 3 10 4 11 5 12 G 13 7 1 S 2 9 3 10 4 12 7 1 2 9 3 10 4 11 5 12
5 12 6 13 7 1 8 2 9 3 05 6 13 8
Quiahuitl 6 13 7 1 8 2 9 3 10 4 11 5 12 6 13 7 1 8 2 9 3 10 4 11 5 12 G 13 7 1 8 2 9 3 10 4 11 5 12 6 13 7 1 8 2 9 3 10 4 11 5 12 6 13
XOCHITL 7 1 8 2 9 3 10 4 11 5 12 6 13 7 1 8 2 9 3 10 4 11 5 12 6 13 7 1 8 2 9 3 10 4 11 5 12 G 13 7 1 8 2 9 3 10 4 11 5 12 G 13 7 1
Cipactli 10. 4 11 5 12 6 13 7 1 8 2 9 3 10 4 11 5 12 G 13 7 1 m 2 9 3 10 4 11 5 12 6 13 7 1 8 2
Ehecatl 11 .512 6 13 7 1 8 2 9 3 10 4 11 ft
12 G 13 7 1 8 2 9 3 104 11 5 12 G 13 7 1
8 2 9 3
Calli 12 6 13 7 1 8 2 9 3 10 4 11 5 12 6 13 7 1 8 2 9 3 10 4 115 12 G 13 7 1 •8 2
9 3 10 4
Cuetzpalin 13 7 1 8 2 9 3 10 4 11 5 12 G 13 7 1 8 2 9 3 10 4 11 5 12G 13 7 1 8 2 9 10
3 4 11 5
Coatl 1 8 2 9 3 10 4 11 5 12 6 13 7 1 8 2 9 3 10 4 11 5 12 6 137 m 8 2 9 3 10 4
11 5 12 G
Miquiztli 11 5 12 G 13 7 1 8 2 9 3 10 4 11 5 12 G 13 7
Mazatl 12 G 13 7 1 8 2 10 9 3 4 11 5 12 013 ( 1 S

NOTE Tochtli 13 7 1 8 2 9 '3 10 4 11 5 12 6 13 7 1 8 2 9

THE DAY 8 EHECATL, YEAR I ACATL, CORRESPONDS TO NOV. 9. 1519.
ATL 1 8 2 9 [HJ10 4 11 5 12 6 13 7 1 8 2 9 3 10
7 C0ZCAQUAUHTL1, YEAR II TECPATL, TO MAY 21. 1520.
ITZCUINTLI 2 9 3 10 4 11 5 12 6 13 7 18 2 0 3 10 4 11
OZQMATLI 12
8 COZCAQUAUHTLI, YEAR II TECPATL, TO JUNE 30. 1520.
11 TECPATL, YEAR III CALLI, TO APRIL 28. 1521. Malinalli 13
8 CIPACTLI,.YEAR III CALLI, TO MAY 22. 1521, ACATL 1
3 ATL, YEAR III CALLI, TO MAY 80. 1521. OCELOTL 2
1 COATL, YEAR III CALLI, TO AUGUST 13. 1521. Quauhtli 3
Another date of extreme importance for purposes of re¬ tion-date, 1 Cipactli, I Acatl, in the newly discovered
construction is that of the final surrender of Quauhtemoc, Codex, and the fact that it occurs eight times therein,
the last of the Mexican rulers, which, according to the that I verified how, in the Vienna Codex, the same
Mexicans, took place on the day i Coatl, of the year III date is repeated no less than twenty-one times,— a cir¬
Calli. Spanish chroniclers record the date as Aug. 13, cumstance I had previously overlooked. The follow¬
1521.
ing complete list of the year-dates which occur in the
It was after noting the prominence of the combina¬ Codex and Table III showing how often each year-date

TABLE II

Complete list of the Mexican years, in the order in which they are recorded in the Codex. The years included in the first five columns
occur on the obverse of the Codex; those on column VI on its reverse.

I II III IV V VI

1 Acatl 1 cipactli 9 Calli 2 Tecpatl 11 Calli 9 Calli 2 Acatl

1 Acatl 1 cipactli 2 Acatl 7 Acatl 5 Acatl 8 Calli 6 Acatl
7 Tecpatl 2 Tochtli 4 Tecpatl 8 Acatl 7 Calli 6 Acatl
7 Tecpatl 11 Tochtli ) 7 Tecpatl 11 Acatl 5 Acatl 1 Acatl
3 Acatl 12 Acatl J 10 Acatl 1 Acatl 1 cipactli 8 Calli 5 Acatl \
3 Acatl 4 Calli 3 Tecpatl 8 Acatl 1 Tecpatl 6 Tecpatl
5 Calli 10 Tecpatl 7 Tochtli 5 Acatl 5 Tecpatl 7 Calli
5 Acatl 1 Acatl 1 cipactli 4 Calli 12 Calli 7 Acatl 7 Calli
12 Tecpatl 5 Calli 7 Tochtli 6 Tecpatl) 7 Acatl 8 Tochtli (
5 Calli 12 Tochtli 10 Calli 7 Calli > 6 Tochtli 8 Tochtli /
5 Calli 8 Calli 8 Tecpatl 10 Calli 9 Tecpatl 9 Acatl \
12 Tecpatl 5 Calli 5 Acatl 12 Acatl 6 Tecpatl ) 10 Tecpatl
ro Calli 1 Acatl r cipactli 3 Acatl 3 Acatl 7 Calli i 10 Calli
r2 Tecpatl 12 Tecpatl 3 Acatl 13 Tecpatl 10 Calli 11 Calli /
6 Tochtli 2 Acatl 12 Tecpatl 13 Acatl 12 Acatl 12 Tochtli
13 Tochtli ) 13 Tecpatl 1 Acatl 1 cipactli 7 Tochtli 7. Acatl
1 Acatl 1 cipactli* 13 Tochtli 1 Acatl i cipactli 9 Tecpatl
5 Tecpatl 6 Acatl 7 Tecpatl 2 Calli
9 Tecpatl 12 Calli 1 Acatl 9 Tecpatl

T3
occurs in this as well as in the Vienna Codex, will enable It is scarcely necessary to emphasize how strongly the
the reader to verify the conspicuous frequency, in both prominence of this date, in both Codices, supports the view

Codices, of the date I Acatl, i Cipactli. advanced by Boturini in 1745, and demonstrated by me

TABLE III

Showing the number of times each of the 52 years of the Mexican calendar cycle occurs in the Codex and in the Vienna Codex. The asterisks
designate the years which occur the same number of times in both Codices.1

In In In
In In In
In In Calli Vienna Tochtli Vienna
Acatl Vienna Tecpatl Vienna Codex Codex
Codex Codex Codex Codex
Codex Codex

22 1* I* 1 Calli occurs O 2 1 Tochtli occurs O 7

i Acatl occurs IO 1 Tecpatl occurs
a c;
2 11 11
4 2 a ll
I* 1* 2 a ii
I 2 2 I* I*
3
a 11
3 u ti
3 “ I 0 3 11 a
0 5 3 O I
5* 5*
11 a
4 a it
O 3 4 ii 11
I 2 4 '.1 it
2 O 4 O 3
11 11
5 it 11
6 8 5 11 a
2 9 5 11 it
s 11 5 O I

11 a it it a 11 2
11 ti 6 O 3 6 6
6 3* 3* 6 3 4
ii 11 11 a
7
a u 22 7
11 ti
4 7 5 2 7 3 O
4 s
11 11 it 11
it ll
2 n a 8 2
8 8 8 I 5 8 3 5 5
(( it a 11 a it 11
n I* 2 9 2 O 9 O IO
9 I* 9 4
it 11 a it a a
ll ll 2* 10 8 10 O* 0*
10 I 3 10 2* 5
11 11 ii ti it 11 ti it
11 I* 1* 11 0 I 11 2 O 11 I 2
11 11 11 it
ti it 11 11
12 2 O 12 2 O
12 3* 3* 12 7 3
11 ti a 11
13
a ii
1* I* 13 11 11 2 I 13 O* 0* 13 2 l6

Total 40 Total 29 36 Total 27 38 Total 13 52

35

1 The year-signs which do not occur in the Codex are : Those which do not occur in the Vienna Codex are:
4 Acatl 3 Tochtli 3 Tecpatl 13 Calli
11 Tecpatl 4 Tochtli 4 Calli 7 Tochtli
1 Calli 5 Tochtli 9 Calli 10 Tochtli
3 Calli 9 Tochtli 11 Calli 12 Tochtli
6 Calli 10 Tochtli 12 Calli
1 Tochtli 13 Calli
The two year-signs omitted in both Codices alike are io Tochtli and 13 Calli.

14
 .

in 1894, that the Ancient Mexicans associated the begin¬ Cipactli, as transmitted by Sahagun and Duran. The
ning of their solar year with the vernal equinox.1 The fact latter (Historia, Vol. I, pp. 321, 333) relates that the
that, in the calendar cycle current at the time of the Con¬ Mexican rulers were always “ crowned ” on a Cipactli
quest, the day Cipactli coincided with the vernal equinox day, which was the first of the month. This combina¬
and ruled the year and all its “ months ” once every four tion could only occur, every four years, in a cycle con¬
years, may explain, in part, the importance of the sign stituted like that shown in my reconstruction, Table I.

LANGUAGE OF THE SISTER-CODICES

r I 'HE Nahuatl names inscribed in the Codex, in monk- composed of the identical phonetic elements which are
ish script, record their writers’ conviction that it was found combined in the Nahuatl local names contained
in the language of Montezuma. Quite apart from this, in the Mendoza and other Codices, which unquestionably
however, the sister-Codices furnish the most convincing came from the ancient capital of Mexico. A few
proofs that they are both in Nahuatl, and a product of the examples, such as the following, selected at random from
art school which developed a highly conventionalized form a large number recorded in my note-books, will suffice
of pictography, and was situated in the City of Mexico. to verify this statement.
Any one can verify this assertion by comparing the draw¬ On plates 9 and 10 of his Atlas, as Nos. 88, 90, and 5 7,
ing of the conventionalized calendar signs sculptured on the distinguished Mexican historian, Orozco y Berra,
the Calendar Stone of Mexico and those painted in the records the conventional signs which represent an obsidian
sister-Codices. The mere fact that the forms of the mirror, a spindle, and the native tennis-court, and respect¬
sculptured and painted signs are identical suffices to prove ively express the Nahuatl words: tezcatl, malacatl, tlachtli.
that the writer of the Codex employed the Calendar of the On page 39 of the Codex which was painted in the City
Nahuatl-speaking central government, whose seat was in of Mexico by order of the Viceroy Mendoza and bears his
the ancient capital. name, we find two of the above signs combined to form a
As far back as 1887, on studying the Vienna Codex, local name. The town, designated in the Spanish text as
I ascertained that a number of its hieroglyphs were tlach-malacac, for instance, is recorded by a native draw¬
ing composed of the tennis-court — tlachtli and the spindle
1 In his Idea de una nueva Historia General de la America
Septentrional, on p. 137, Boturini states :“.... the native sages = malacatl. In the Vienna Codex, on pages 13 and 22,
. . . combined the commencement of the civil year with the vernal there are two instances of the combination, in a single
equinox, which was the principal and dominating period of the sign, of the tlachtli, the malacatl, and the tezcatl.
year. . . .” In his chapter on the “Natural year” (p. 57)
In the present Codex there are numerous examples of
Boturini points out that the appearance of verdure, coinciding
with the period of the vernal equinox, caused this date to appear the employment of the above signs singly, in combination
as the natural beginning of the primitive year. with each other or with other signs.
*5
 See, for instance, in sign-groups expressing local names, identical icpatl sign occurs in groups expressing local or
the tlachtli on pp. 8, 12, 44, 45, and 74; the tezcatl on personal names.
p. 45 ; the malacatl, inserted in mountains on pp. 11 and 48. A complete presentation of the signs and combinations
Another conventionalized sign which occurs in the of signs which occur in the last-cited three Codices and in
Mendoza Codex expresses the word icpac. It represents recognized Nahuatl Codices alike, must necessarily be
wound cotton thread = icpatl and resembles a spider’s postponed and will be published later.
The foregoing material will suffice, for the present, to
web.
In the Vienna and the Becker-Colombino Codices, and show that the view that the Codex is in the Nahuatl
on pp. 6, 7, 12, 23, 31, and 38 of the present Codex, the language rests on a solid foundation of facts.

OBSERVATIONS ON THE YEAR-SIGNS IN THE CODEX

A N examination of Table II teaches that, with five in both Codices. Assuming, as most probable, that the
years recorded in the Codex belong to the cycle preced¬
exceptions, the years are recorded without regard
for their chronological order. The exceptions, which are ing the year I Acatl = A. d. 1519, we find that the earliest
designated by brackets, are of particular value because they date recorded is II Tecpatl = a. d. 1468, which appears
furnish additional proof of the correctness of the method once, on page 13. The same date occurs once only in
of reading the Codex from right to left. The two years : the Vienna Codex.
VI Tecpatl followed by VII Calli and equivalent to the The time covered by the dates inscribed in the Codex
years 1472 and 1473, Jul. Cal., are recorded three times, may thus be said to extend from 1468 to 1519; a period
twice by themselves and once in the broken series of fifty-one years.
(V Acatl to XII Tochtli, i. e. 1471-1478 Jul. Cal.) on References to twelve intermediate years being omitted,1
the reverse of the Codex. (See pp. 26, 42 and 44 it follows that forty calendar years only are enumerated,
to 84.) many of these being, however, repeated a number of
Table III demonstrates the interesting fact that twelve times. When such repetitions occur a difference in the
of the fifty-two calendar years which constitute the native colors of the accompanying numerals is generally observ¬
cycle do not occur in the Codex. A similar omission of able. This employment of the four colors in combina¬
nine calendar years is noticeable in the Vienna Codex. tion with each of the four year-signs is remarkable and
The years X Tochtli and XIII Calli do not appear in must be significant, because each of the latter was par-
either Codex.
1 The years which do not appear in the Codex are, according
Another curious correspondence between the Codices, to the Jul. Cal., 1469, 1470, 1482, 1483. 1485, I49°> !493> 1S02’ W
designated by asterisks on Table III, consists of the repe¬ 1506, 1510, and 1516. Their native names are given in foot-note 1,
tition of ten calendar years the same number of times page 14.
16

.
ticularly associated with one element, one cardinal point tion, or division connected, in some way or other, with
and a single color. the dates recorded.
Owing to the all-pervading quadruplicate division of the My investigations lead me, indeed, to strongly suspect
cosmos and of the state, it is evident that cursive refer¬ that, as the application of the quadruplicate division to
ences could be made to each celestial or terrestrial quarter time was but one feature of the all-pervading system, the
by means of their respective colors. elemental signs themselves, with variations or modifica¬
It is therefore reasonable to suppose that the colors of tions, may have also been used to designate the four celes¬
the numerals convey an indication of the quarter, direc¬ tial or terrestrial quarters.

OBSERVATIONS ON THE DAY-SIGNS IN THE CODEX

T HE same differentiation in the coloring of the nu¬
merals is observable in those which accompany the
a valuable indication of the order in which the Codex is
to be read, is furnished by a group, consisting of eight
day-signs. consecutive days, beginning, on page 68, with :
Table IV exhibits the number of times that each day- 4 Ehecatl; bottom of page, in compartment 2, fol¬
sign is repeated in the Codex. The thirteen numerals in lowed by
the first column connect with the twenty day-signs, the 5 Calli; on conventionalized mountain, in upper half
names of which, in their usual order of succession, are of compartment 3.
printed at the top of their respective columns. 6 Cuetzpalin; on mountain, lower half of compart¬
It is recalled here that the Mexican day-cycle of 260 ment 3.
days was formed by each of the twenty days being re¬ 7 Coatl; on mountain lower half, compartment 4.
peated thirteen times, each time in combination with a 8 Miquiztli; on mountain, upper half, compartment 4.
different numeral. The result was that each of the 260 9 Mazatl; p. 69, upper half, compartment 1.
days had its specific appellation. 10 Tochtli; lower half, compartment 1.
The table shows that twenty-nine days of the cycle do 11 Atl; upper half, compartment 2.
not appear in the Codex at all. Another remarkable series consists of eleven day-signs
On the other hand, a number of the days are repeated which follow each other in right order, with progressive
ten or more times, as indicated on Table IV by under¬ numeration.
lining. The series begins in the centre of page 72 with the
The same remarkable lack of sequence or chronological days 13 Mazatl, followed by 1 Tochtli, 2 Atl, 3 Izcuintli,
order noted in the case of the year-signs also extends to 4 Ozomatli. The day 5 Malinalli, which should follow, is
the day-signs. A noteworthy exception, which furnishes omitted here, but 6 Acatl, the next in order, occurs, fob
lowed by the omission of 7 Ocelotl. The next day, 8 a series of conventionalized sign-groups expressing the
Quauhtli, is inscribed in the upper right-hand comer names of localities.
of page 73, followed by 9 Cozcaquauhtli, 10 Oliin, 11 In this connection it is interesting to note that, to this
Tecpatl and 12 Quiahuitl, in correct order of succession. day, there exist in Mexico towns named after the Ancient
It will be seen that the signs of the above days accompany Mexican calendar days and numerals, such as Macuil-

TABLE IV

Showing the number of times that each day-sign is repeated in the Codex.1

Cuetzpalin = Lizard

Ozomatli = Monkey
Cipactli = Alligator

Miquiztli = Death
Xochitl = Flower
Quauhtli = Eagle

Quiahuitl = Rain

Tochtli = Rabbit
Cozcaquauhtli =

Ehecatl = Wind

Coatl = Serpent

Malinalli = Tree
Tecpatl = Flint
Ocelotl = Tiger
h/j

Ollin = Motion

Mazatl = Deer
0

Calli = House
Acatl = Cane

Atl = Water
Q

Vulture
jl

Moss
C
3

1. 2 2 8 3 2 3 11 3 19 4 4 6 2 2 4 7
2 ..... . 4 3 3 s 4 2 2 6 3 2 2
3 3 2 7 s 5 4
3. 3 I 2 4 19 2 4 4 2 I 2
4 S 3 3 2 2 . .
4. 2
9 2 I s 4 4 2 7 4 4 3 7 5 s 6 I 4 3
5. 4 s 2 5 I 4 2 2 I 2 I 2
9 3 s 4 s
6. 8 2
3 2 I 2 I 2 3 4 4 5 3 9 s I 2
7. 7 2 s I 7 I 9 21 3 s I s II 4 I 2 2 2 s s
8. I s 2 7 2 I 2 2 l6 I 2 4 3 29 3 3 I I I
9. 1 2 3 2 TO I 2 8 6 ji6 9 2 6 5 4 I 7 6
10. 13 3 3 I 1 3 3 TO 6 6 3 s 3 2 I 4 2 I 2 6
11. 3 I 2 2 I 2 8 I I I 4 2 2 r 7 I I I
12 ..... . 6 2 4 I I 2 3 I 7 9 2 s I 2 2 3 3 2 3
13. 2 I 4 2 2 3 2 I I 2 2 I 6 4 3

1 The 13 numerals in the first column connect with the 20 day-signs, the names of which, in their order of succession, are printed at the tops of their
respective columns. Thus the number 2 printed at the top of the Acatl column, indicates that the day 1 Acatl occurs twice in the Codex. The
Mexican day-cycle consisted of 13x20 = 260 days, each of the 20 days being repeated 13 times, each time with a different numeral.
xochitl = 5 Flower, Chicomexochitl = 7 Flower, “ Cuatro of such strange appellations as “nine deer,” “ two monkey,”
Venados ” = 4 Deer (Chiapas) ; Chiconquiaco = 7 Rain these being . . . the days of the year. . . .” 2
(Hidalgo) ; Ometochco = 2 Rabbit, Nauhcalpan = 4 Dr. Brinton states that, amongst the Cakchiquels, each
House (Mexico) ; Chiconquauhtla =: 7 Eagle? (Puebla) ; individual bore through life the name of the day of his
Chicomocelo = 7 Ocelot], Chiconcuac = 7 Rain or Eagle? birth. The Mexican ceremonial system of re-naming
(Morelos). children and adults appears, however, to indicate that
A striking feature of the present Codex, and one which each assignment to a class, involving a change of occupa¬
opens fresh lines of research, is the prevalent association tion, was accompanied by a corresponding change of name
of individuals with day-symbols. or title.
In a limited number of cases the personages depicted The number of the divisions of the Mexican common¬
are also accompanied by a composite sign which ex¬ wealth was identical with that of the 20 day-symbols and
presses a name or title in picture-writing. the avowed purpose of the calendar was the regulation of
Remarkable illustrations of the latter method are to be all communal life.
found on pp. 6 and 7 and between pp. 54 and 68. There exists historical evidence showing that, in An¬
It is noteworthy that, whereas many persons figure in cient Mexico, individuals bore day-names as appellations.
association with day-signs only, or with both day-signs The existence of localities bearing the day-names of an
and individual names, there is a lack of instances in which, . obsolete Calendar system, appears to be a survival of
as in manuscripts painted after the Conquest, persons are ancient conditions.
designated by individual name signs only. The numerous instances of individuals and localities
The association of day-symbols with individuals in the associated with day-signs, contained in the present Codex,
Codex strongly corroborates my view that the twenty constitute a mass of fresh evidence which tends towards
symbols were not merely names of years and days, but also establishing the conclusion that, at one time, a numerical
designated the gentes or subdivisions of the Mexican com¬ classification prevailed throughout Ancient Mexico, and
monwealth.1 It would therefore appear that the Mexican that each gens, its chieftain and its place of residence,
mode of designating individuals was similar to that of the were associated with one of the twenty day-symbols, a
Cakchiquels, of whom the late Daniel G. Brinton wrote : number, and a date, according to an all-pervading system
“ . . . each person bore two names ; the first, his individual or scheme. Whether this conclusion be accepted or not,
name, the second that of his . . . family or lineage. . . .” the unexplained fact remains that the present Codex
There is a frequent recurrence in the Cakchiquel annals exhibits:
1. Day-signs combined with year-signs, which constitute
exact dates according to the native calendar;
1 See The Fundamental Principles of Old and New World Civil¬
izations, Peabody Museum Papers, Vol. II, 1901, pp. 253 and 242,
where the method of changing the names of children is discussed. Annals of the Cakchiquels, Philadelphia, 1885, Preface, p. 32.
 2. Day-signs combined with sign-groups expressing The present Codex acquaints us with series of events in
names of localities; the lives of several personages, and shows us the great
3. Day-signs associated with individuals, sometimes variety of costume and insignia they adopted as they rose
alone, sometimes accompanied by a sign-group, expressing in rank or performed ceremonial rites.
an additional personal name or title. It was only after a prolonged course of close study that
While reflection shows what a wealth of meaning could I detected the existence of threads of individual history
have been conveyed by means of the day and year signs in the Codex and was able to follow them through the
and the elemental colors, it should also be borne in mind intricacies of the winding and crowded text on its obverse.
that the costume and insignia and mode of painting the When I reached the reverse my work became compara¬
face and body clearly revealed not only the age, rank, tively easy, owing to the fact that the pictures on this side
gens, and residence of each individual, but also his are larger in size and fewer in number, and that the text
occupation for the time being. presents a single line of narrative.1
As different garments, insignia, and colors were worn The limits of the present introduction impose the
during each of the twenty festivals of the year and on necessity of describing the contents of the Codex in as
ceremonial occasions, it is obvious that an Ancient Mexi¬ brief and clear a manner as possible. I shall therefore
can could discern even the period of time associated with first introduce the reader to the most easy and instructive
the actions of the persons figured in the Codex. portion of the Codex and give him an opportunity of
Once recognized, the importance of personal decoration, familiarizing himself with its peculiarities by merely point¬
as a means of conveying rank, age, gens, sub-gens, and the ing out the main personages, etc., as they appear and re¬
performance of some action or ritual pertaining to com¬ appear on the painted pages. It is fortunate that the
munal and religious life, explains not only the extreme following narrative, which can be easily followed, con¬
care with which the native artists painted each detail of stitutes at the same time the most important portion of
costume, but also the historical records that “ Montezuma the Codex.
wore a different costume every day.”

THE HISTORY OF THE CONQUEROR NAMED EIGHT-DEER,

ALSO TIGER’S CLAW
T HE consecutive history of the above personage and corner of page 44, engaged in sacrificing a native dog,
of his closest companion, Twelve-Ollin, also Tiger’s after having performed the same rite on a deer.
. Head, begins on page 44 and occupies the entire reverse
1 A similar marked difference in the proportion of the drawings
of the Codex. Both are represented in the upper left on the obverse and reverse also exists in the Vienna Codex.
 Above the head of one figure the day-sign Eight-Deer him with his chin painted red and a peculiar beard, stand¬
is figured, in connection with the representation of an ing on one end of a tlachtli or tennis-court, and perform¬
animal’s claw issuing from a blue disk. Reference to two ing some ceremonial rite. In this case his right hand is
images of ocelots which occur on page 46, reveals that concealed in a tiger’s foot, — an interesting detail, because
the claw is that of an ocelot or native tiger. we know that one native ruler is said to have addressed
The second personage, engaged in plunging the knife his son, who had distinguished himself by bravery, by the
into the victim’s heart, is designated by the severed and title “ Tiger’s Arm.” In this and all of his subsequent
bleeding head of an ocelot in combination with the day- pictures Eight-Deer is represented with a red chin and
sign Twelve-Ollin. mouth, and a beard. The image of a temple, in column
Prior to page 44, the above individuals figure on page 4 °f Page 45, is followed by representations of two chiefs
26 and on pages 42 and 43, in company with others whose bringing tribute. At the top of column 1, page 46, is a
history appears to be linked to theirs. person designated as Nine-Ehecatl, dressed in the garb
Postponing a description of the representations on of Quetzalcoatl.
pages 26 and 43, let us return to page 44, where the After him are the names of seven towns or localities in
consecutive history appears to begin. At the top of picture-writing, each represented as pierced by an arrow,
column 2 Eight-Deer figures as seated, wearing an eagle’s the symbol of conquest or of taking possession. Page 47
head-dress. The fact that his body is painted black shows exhibits six persons offering tribute, and six names of
that he was a member of the priesthood. Further down, localities.
in column 2, Eight-Deer is represented in the act of The names of eighteen other places cover pages 48
burning incense before a four-branched Capulin or wild and 49, in the left upper corner of which Eight-Deer,
cherry tree, on which rests the cosmical symbol which, in Tiger’s Claw, appears, in military accoutrement, brandish¬
pictography, expressed the word teotl = god or divine. ing his atlatl or spear-thrower. Facing towards him, on
The cosmical tree grows from a conventionalized mountain, page 50, is a priest bringing a sacrificial bird, and another
through a serpent’s head. The simplicity of Eight-Deer’s bearing a lighted torch and issuing from a temple similar
personal appearance whilst performing the rite of incense- to that on page 44, exhibiting the symbol of death and
burning and of aiding in the sacrifice of the dog, indicates surmounted by a row of skulls and hearts.
that, at this period, he was a member of the priesthood and Above this appears another temple, apparently the same
a neophyte, who apparently adopted the title Tiger’s Claw as that figured on page 45. Eight-Deer advances towards
only after performing the above sacred rite. it, carrying a deer. The dead body of another deer lies
The next picture of Eight-Deer represents him seated in front of him. Two hieroglyphs follow, the second ex¬
in a mountain cave, wearing an ocelot skin, and conferring pressing Ocelotepec = Ocelot mountain. Above this our
with a man who assumes an attitude of respect and wears a hero appears again, performing some rite in an extraor¬
red beard. The pictures of Eight-Deer beneath, represent dinary garb, resembling that of the seated, sleeping, or
MM ■ MMH - MMpMWHMHa
- «g**?S^8S

dead individual in front of the Temple of Death on mounted by a flint knife and four tassels, above a red
page 44. scalloped disc displaying five white circles. This staff
At the bottom of column 51, Eight-Deer and his com¬ and a pointed arrow stand on the curious mat, which
panion Twelve-Ollin are found together again, both armed frequently figures in connection with ceremonial rites.
with spears and spear-throwers. The names of four towns The above temple, seen in profile, with the same staff
follow. On a fifth hieroglyph Eight-Deer is seated. On and arrow group, recurs on page 68.
page 52, column 1, he is again represented in the same Further representations of the planted staff, which is also
position, which denotes rulership. In column 2, armed met with in the Bodleian Codex (for instance, on page 6),
with a lance, spear, and shields, and wearing a red tunic, occurs on pages 15 (associated with another kind of cere¬
Eight-Deer is receiving the homage of a man, designated monial staff and the apparatus for fire-making), 17, 18,
as Four-Ocelot, who is burning incense and holding a 19, and 22 (in front of temples), and 47, where it appears
sacrificial bird aloft. to be used for the phonetic value of its name ; or possibly,
Beneath this is a remarkable group representing Eight- as a symbol of the god Macuilxochitl, Five-Flower.
Deer, divested of military insignia, undergoing the rite of The present Codex contains many representations of
having his nostril pierced by a priest, in order to enable men, invariably belonging to the priestly caste, who carry
him to assume the mark of chieftainship, the yaca-xiuitl the singular staff described above. (See pages 1, 2, 13,
or “ nose-turquoise,” which we find him wearing in all 14, 15, 18, 19, 21, 23, 24, 31, 37, 39, 68.)
subsequent pictures.1 On page 53, column 1, his tur¬ The evident importance of the staff-symbol, its frequent
quoise ornament is a contrast to the yacameztli or “ nose- association with an arrow, and the number of instances in
crescent” worn by the chief Four-Ocelot, with whom he which both appear to be associated with active prepara¬
is again conferring peaceably. At the bottom of column tion for warfare, suggest that, like the challenge-staffs
4 he is pictured as having again resumed his war accoutre¬ described in the drama of Rabinal-Achi, which were
ment. Traces of an effaced hieroglyph are visible under planted at the border of an enemy’s territory as a declara¬
this figure, and reveal that in this, as in other instances, tion of war, and the arrow held downwards, which con¬
the artist committed and rectified an error. stituted the Mexican declaration of hostilities, the above
The group in the upper half of column 4 is of particular staff and the arrow may have been carried and planted as
interest. It represents a temple, with a square altar stand¬ symbols of defiance, victory, or established conquest.
ing at the summit of the flight of steps, and a fringed Immediately following the group consisting of the staff
drapery suspended across the temple door. Alongside is and arrow planted in front of the temple (on page 53),
a symbolic group consisting of a ceremonial staff, sur- we find (on page 54) the familiar figures of Twelve-Ollin,
Tiger’s Head, and Eight-Deer seated and entering into an

1 A representation of the performance of the same rite occurs in

agreement or pact with the first of a long list of one hun¬
the Becker Codex, p. XV. dred and twelve chieftains, all of which face towards him,
 and apparently participate in the contract entered into by ing a nose-crescent and designated as Nine-Serpent, occu¬
their leader.
pies the centre of the page, followed by the execution of
In the whole range of the native pictography which has a formal contract between Eight-Deer and Four-Ocelot,
escaped destruction, there are no more interesting and in¬ in which the first evidently insists upon “ two ” of some¬
structive pages than those which now follow. They bring thing. A priest carrying two bowls comes next, followed
vividly before us a council of Ancient Mexican chieftains, by a series consisting of forty-six local names and by
each designated by name and displaying a bewildering the picture of a chieftain, designated as Nine-Water, who
variety of tribal or individual costume, coiffure, body stands on the hieroglyph of a locality. Page 75 is filled
painting, and insignia, each detail of which has been most by the remarkable representation of three chieftains, in
carefully executed by the artist. The roll-call of one boats, crossing a body of water in which an alligator, a ser¬
hundred and twelve chieftains ends as it began, by the pent, a fish, a sea-snail, a small bivalve, and a univalvular
picture of the same temple, in front of which the arrow shell are depicted. A high mountain rises from the water,
and the staff, symbolizing a five-fold division, are planted. and a column resting on the edge of the water and reach¬
A remarkable series follows, consisting of five chieftains, ing to the starry heaven, represented in the usual conven¬
each standing on the hieroglyph of a town or locality. tionalized manner, conveys the idea of a central pillar,
The lords Eight-Deer and Twelve-Ollin are the first por¬ supporting the sky. The leader, in a white boat, is
trayed. Both are in military accoutrement and carry designated as Nine-Water, and appears to be identical
lances. The next three chieftains evidently belong to with the chieftain of the same name on the preceding
the priestly caste, and carry ceremonial staffs over their page. The first occupant of the second boat, designated
left shoulders. This singular group, which seems to indi¬ as Eleven-Death, curiously resembles our hero Eight-
cate the establishment of five centres of government, is Deer in appearance and dress.
followed by a strange representation of a fight between an A careful comparison of the picture of the warrior be¬
ocelot and an eagle, the symbols of the two principal hind him, designated as Nine-Serpent, with that of the
warrior-casts, respectively called the ocelots and the eagles. chieftain designated as Eight-Serpent, who met Eight-
A human sacrifice is likewise represented, as well as the Deer in single combat on page 70, leads to the conclu¬
immolated body of a dog, the heart of which has been sion that both are identical, and that in the latter case the
seized by a descending figure. The rest of page 69 is extra numeral is missing or has been effaced.
filled by eight local names. Page 70 opens with a pic¬ On page 76 six localities are figured with the symbol
ture of Eight-Deer bearing his lance, and being met by of conquest sticking into them. The interesting cosmical
a priest bearing a lighted torch, and a second holding sign, encircled by eight trees, is designated in writing
a sacrificial bird. Behind these figures are three local as “ Nauh Ollin.” At the bottom of the column, Eight-
names, the first of which likewise occurs on page 58. A Deer reappears, and seems to have killed a chieftain
single combat between Eight-Deer and an adversary wear¬ named Nine-Flower on the mountain, which recurs on
23
page 79, in both cases accompanied by the sign Nine allies Twelve-Ollin and Four-Ocelot next appear, in combat
Malinalli. with two remarkable masked combatants. The emblems
Above the latter our hero stands in the attitude of a vic¬ of warfare, the shield and darts, occur twice on page 78.
tor, holding the forelock of a weeping warrior, designated Two warriors on bended knee offer objects, one of which
as Two-Flower. The latter displays, on his jacket, a glyph, appears to be a gold bell of a well-known type. Finally,
which, were it not for a fifth ball, might be pronounced close to a temple, we see Eight-Deer and a priest designated
identical with the familiar hieroglyph of the town of as Seven-Dog kindling the sacred fire, a ceremony usually
Chaleo, which is to be seen on the thatched roofs of tem¬ performed at the commencement of the fifty-two year cycle
ples, on pages 15, 18, and 19. only. On page 79, under the mountain associated with
The attitudes of the victor and his prisoner recalls the the sign Nine Malinalli, sits a chieftain, accompanied by
bas-relief groups which surround the monument known the signs Eleven Malinalli, and One Death. Above is an
as the “ Stone of Tizoc.” extremely interesting group, the counterpart of which is
Thirteen chiefs follow, carrying the pantli or banner found in the Becker Codex, page IV. Eight-Deer and
which was employed to designate the numeral 20 or to his ally Four-Ocelot kneel on the summit of a structure.
denote that its bearer was a merchant or ambassador on Both hold one hand aloft in a peculiar attitude, and point
a peaceable mission. Some of these wear animal masks. with the other to a hollow at the summit of a flight of steps.
The majority display a peculiar transverse nose-ornament It seems as though blood were trickling from the bowl-like
passed through the septum, some exhibiting a pendent hollow down the steps, and that the blue band with stars
turquoise at one side. It is interesting to note that in beneath the structure associated it with “ heaven.”
this campaign, Eight-Deer adopted and subsequently wore The next group represents a seated chieftain conferring
this transverse nose-ornament, in addition to the nose- a blue ribbon, to which three gold bells are attached, to
turquoise conferred upon him at an earlier portion of his Eight-Deer, who points at the neck ornament and bows his
career.1 On page 7 7, after four local names, the destruction head. Above him is Four-Ocelot, who on this and the
of a great temple is depicted, this signifying a complete next page exhibits a red striped body-painting, other ex¬
victory. The familiar figures of Eight-Deer and his faithful amples of which may be seen on pages 4 and 21.
The main group on page 80 consists of three warriors,
1 Friar Duran’s Historia contains a description of the investiture
in as many boats, proceeding in the same direction, with
of Tizoc as ruler of Mexico in which it is said that “ after crowning
him, the lord of Tetzcoco pierced the septum of his nose and passed uplifted spear-throwers. The surface of the water on which
a green emerald through it, of the thickness of a quill.” (See Vol. they navigate exhibits great curling waves covered with
I, p. 413, also p. 329.) We learn that the Huaxtecans used to foam, and in its depths a large shell and a fish are depicted.
wear nose-ornaments from the fact that when they were conquered
The third chieftain is designated as Nine-Ollin. His
by the Mexicans the latter passed cords through the holes which the
Huaxtecans had through their noses and thus led them captive.
companions are recognizable as Four-Ocelot and Eight-
(Duran, Vol. I, p. 343.) Deer.
24
 The group of the three chieftains in boats brings to one’s one is but a larger form of that at the bottom of column i,
mind a passage in the beautiful metrical poem in the page 71. The counterpart of the second is in column 2,
Nahuatl language which the late Dr. Brinton translated as page 72. It represents a mountain from the summit of
follows : “ There were Tochin, with many boats, the noble which smoke is rising, while steam issues from an opening
Acolmiztlan, the noble Calocih, Yohuallatonoc, and Cuetz- lower down. The next page (81) records two deaths:
paltzin and Iztac-coyotl, bold leaders from Tlaxcalla, and that of Nine-Ollin, the occupant of the third boat on the
Coatzintecuhtli and Huitlalotzin, famed as flowers on the preceding page, and of Eleven-Death, the occupant of the
field of battle.” 1 second boat on page 75, who was evidently sacrificed, as a
There seems to me to be no doubt that the Ancient prisoner of war, in a temple. Elaborate funeral rites were
Mexican reader of the present Codex recited in beautiful evidently held in honor of Nine-Ollin, whose mummied
language, and metrical verse, composed by himself or form, in a decorated scaffolding, is represented at the top of
acquired by oral transmission, the history of the native the page. The familiar personage Twelve-Ollin, in priestly
heroes whose deeds are pictured, accompanied by hiero¬ array, is setting fire to the funeral pyre with a lighted torch.
glyphs recording the names of persons or of localities Opposite to him a priest named One-Water presents the
only. By this time those who have followed my outline sacrificial bird. A group of funeral offerings follows, and
sketch of the history of Eight-Deer will have realized that five persons advance, respectively carrying a sacrificial bird
the Codex does not contain what might be termed a and a bag or vessel in the form of a tiger’s foot; a vessel
consecutive, written text, but merely consists of pictorial containing a fermented drink with flowers ; a ceremonial,
representation of events, accompanied by such hieroglyphic fringed garment; a blue bowl containing “ the drink of life,”
names which were necessary in order to preserve them or pulque ; and a garland. The hieroglyph of a locality {cf.
exactly and fix them in the memories of the native bards, page 74, column 2) follows at the top of page 82, above
who would constantly derive inspiration from the painted our hero Eight-Deer, who, like his companion Twelve-Ollin,
pages. Returning to our examination of page 8d, we next appears to have superintended the honors conferred upon
recognize Eight-Deer seated in the conventionalized repre¬ Nine-Ollin. The effigy of the latter exhibiting a blue
sentation of the tlachtli or native tennis-court, which was mask, an elaborate head-dress, and a ceremonial garment,
also employed for ceremonial purposes. is depicted at the bottom of the page, and answers to
Although the shield and darts, the symbols of warfare, descriptions given, by various writers, of the funeral effigies
lie in front of Eight-Deer and his vis-a-vis seated in the which were made of a log of wood, in the hollow of which
tennis-court, it is obvious that an amicable treaty and the cremated remains were preserved.
exchange of gifts is taking place. The two hieroglyphs In front of this effigy, which was erected on a structure
which follow are particularly interesting because they occur made of ocotl, or pine wood, memorial services were held at
elsewhere in relative proximity to each other. The lower certain dates during four years, at the end of which time

1 Ancient Nahuatl Poems, XV.

the effigy and cremated remains were again burnt and then

25
buried. On page 82 the memorial rite of presenting gar¬ possibly that which entered the victim’s heart, and the
lands and the drink of life to the effigy is represented. The other showing the cremation of the skull and bones of
personage offering the blue bowl and stirring its contents is the victim. Although these ceremonies form the natural
remarkable by the singular richness of his costume. The conclusion to the episode depicted, the Codex is, as I
final cremation of the skull and bones of the dead lord fig¬ have stated before, unfinished, its last page being only
ures beneath two hieroglyphs of localities and the year- partly colored.
date Ten Calli, or a. d. 1489. Let us now examine page 26, on which the first repre¬
On page 83, we see Eight-Deer continuing his victori¬ sentations of Eight-Deer and of his comrade Twelve-Ollin,
ous career and holding a prisoner named Four-Wind. occur. The fact that one of his two pictures on this page
The dates of two consecutive years, Eleven Calli and represents him without and the other with a beard and
Twelve Tochtli (1477 and 1478) are inscribed on this nose-turquoise, reveals that references were made to two
page, as well as two local hieroglyphs. The so-called periods of his life in the text which was probably recited
gladiatorial combat which took place at the annual festival by the poet. This view is corroborated by the circum¬
Tlacaxipehualiztli is likewise represented by the weeping stance that in column 3 Eight-Deer figures for the only
prisoner attached by a cord to the hollow centre of a time in association with a woman named Twelve-Serpent,
circular stone, who is being attacked by two warriors who wears the serpent insignia of a Cihuacoatl, is seated
wearing ocelot masks. One of the latter is designated as opposite to him in a tecpan, or house of government, and
Eight-Deer, who apparently officiated in this ceremony. offers him a drinking vessel. The date Thirteen-Serpent
On page 84 the same prisoner, clothed in the insignia is placed between them. At the top of column x, in
of Xipetotec, is seen attached to a peculiar form of another tecpan, a woman named Nine-Eagle is seated on
scaffolding. His heart is pierced by a spear, apparently the stool of chieftainship opposite to a chieftain named
thrown by the personage who wears a death’s mask, and Five-Cipactli. The tecpan depicted at the bottom of the
is depicted at the bottom of the preceding page. The page is occupied solely by a chieftainess named Eleven-
note in European script also connects this sacrifice with Water.
the festival Tlacaxipehualiztli. It is interesting to note It is a remarkable fact that, of the twelve individuals
here that, according to the Codex Telleriano-Remensis, represented on page 26, nine are repeated together, in a
page 24, this mode of killing the victim was adopted for group, on pages 42 and 43, as well as the year-dates Six
the first time by Montezuma, in 1506. The present Tecpatl = 1472, Seven Calli = 1473, and Ten Calli = 1489,
Codex apparently yields testimony that this rite was per¬ in the same sequence.
formed in the year Twelve Tochtli (1478), after a victory As pages 42 and 43 immediately precede the consecutive
gained by Eight-Deer. The book closes with two groups, history of Eight Deer’s life, which begins on page 44 of
one representing the immolation of a bird and the burn¬ the reverse, and the persons enumerated on these as well
ing of certain ceremonial offerings and of an arrow, as on page 26 are intimately associated with him at differ-
ent periods of his career, it would seem as though a re¬ sition, customs, costume, and face-painting of the women
hearsal of the dramatis personae of the history of conquest of Ancient Mexico. What is more, it fully corrobo¬
about to be recited began on page 42. rates the documentary records concerning the existence
It is a remarkable feature of the present Codex that, of gyneocracies and actually pictures chieftainesses en¬
whereas two women only are pictured on its reverse, its gaged in warfare, or parleying and entering into negotia¬
first forty-four pages contain no less than one hundred tions with war-chiefs, or else sharing with men, on terms
and seventy-six representations of women, nearly all of of equality, such functions as those of high-priest or head-
whom appear to pertain to the ruling class and to be fill¬ chief.1
ing responsible positions, on an equality with men. There Returning to page 1 of the Codex I shall now enumerate,
is no native manuscript in existence which affords so much as an aid in its examination, the persons of prominence on
valuable material as the present one for the study of the po¬ this and the following pages.

THE LORD EIGHT-EHECATL

T HIS personage is invariably represented with a helmet
which simulates an eagle’s head, and a face painted
figures on a mountain, with both of his followers.
priests advance towards him. One of these (Two-Rain)
Six

yellow, red, and black. He figures first on the bottom wears the insignia of the rain god, and another (Five-
of page 1, in the act of issuing from a cosmical symbol. Flower) blows a conch-shell. While the day-sign Eight-
Behind him stands a priest named Twelve-Cipactli, who Ehecatl figures in the middle of page 3 and in column 1,
carries a staff in his hand, and a bundle of staffs on his page 4, it is only in column 1, page 5, that it appears again
back. in combination with the bird-man. The latter apparently
Eight-Ehecatl’s next picture shows him on a symbol of figures in front of the temple at the bottom of the page,
water with one foot concealed in a central sign. Followed and in column 2, where the descending rain-god pours
by Eleven-Xochitl, who carries a staff, he receives the water over his seated figure. We next see him, in festive
homage of four individuals who advance towards him, re¬ array, seated opposite to a woman of equal rank. A dec¬
spectively carrying a lighted torch, a sacrificial bird, and orated bowl stands between them, and behind Eight-
ceremonial garments. At the top of the page he figures Ehecatl is a temple on a mountain combined with an
again on the summit of a mountain, on which a monkey Ozomatli or monkey.
and other signs are painted. He is followed by Twelve-
Cipactli, bearing a ceremonial staff, and is receiving the 1 For documentary evidence concerning the existence of gyne¬
ocracies in Ancient Mexico, see pages 194 and 60, The Fundamental
homage of four priests, the foremost of which, evidently a
Principles of Old and New World Civilizations. In a monograph,
neophyte, is designated as One-Acatl and carries a bundle in course of preparation, I shall present a study of Women in
of wood. On page 2 Eight-Ehecatl, with eagle insignia, Ancient Mexico, with special reference to the present Codex.
 The next and final picture of Eight-Ehecatl represents The female captive, Nine-Ozomatli, apparently recurs
him with a hollow sunken mouth, the conventional method on page 4, column 3, receiving the homage of a man hold¬
employed to denote old age. He is seated in a temple ing a banner, and designated as Ten-Death. She next
on the “ monkey-mountain ” with which he has been asso¬ appears in elaborate garb, wearing the symbol of death,
ciated throughout. The six elaborately costumed and a skull, as a helmet, and accompanied by two composite
painted women behind him are particularly noteworthy, glyphs, one partly formed by a skull, the other by a bird
and exhibit different seated postures, probably indicative combined with a spindle. She figures again with the
of age, tribe, or rank. same costume and glyphs on page 10 at the top of
The interest of this portion of the text centres on page 3, column 2.
where an animated warfare takes place, in which women The limits of the present introduction forbid my enter¬
take a prominent part. In column 1, a woman stand¬ ing into a discussion of other interesting portions of the
ing on a mountain is armed with shield and darts and text, which, beginning on page 1, appears to end with the
holds an atlatl or spear-thrower. Beneath her a female continuous line on page 11.
warrior, named Nine-Ozomatli, is being seized by her The figures on the remainder of page 11 and on pages
victor, whose body is painted with diagonal stripes of 12 and 13 differ in size from the preceding ones, and the
color, — a tribal fashion which is frequently represented in text now introduces us to a different set of persons and
this and the Vienna Codex. At the bottom of column 2 names. The continuous line on page 33 appears to mark
a woman leads a striped captive by a cord bound around the end of the text, which begins on page n.
his arm.1 A remarkable consecutive history, upon the representa¬
The seizure of two striped prisoners by warriors in Mexi¬ tion of which the artist expended his utmost skill and
can costume is depicted above, and at the top of column 2 labor, is comprised between pages 11 and 22.
the sacrifice of a striped captive is represented, in com¬ A few bare indications will suffice, for the present, to
bination with the hieroglyphic names of two localities. guide and aid the reader.

THE HISTORY OF THE LADY THREE-FLINT

T HE meeting of the lady Three-Flint and the lord The line of footsteps traced by Five-Flower issues
Five-Flower, in the year Seven Acatl (a. d. 1499) from a symbol between bands representing the starry
is depicted in the upper right-hand corner of page 14. heaven, thus suggesting that he was of divine or celestial
1 The following extract from the Annals of the Cakchiquels, the very mat of Chucuybatzin. Truly it was a terrible revolt
describing the destruction of the Tukuches, is interesting in this which the chiefs made of old. The chiefs of the battle afterwards
connection : “ There were four women who had armed themselves set up the images of these women before the buildings of the
with lances and bows and taken part in the battle fully equal to Zotzils and the Xahils, whence these women had gone forth ”
four young men. The arrows launched by these heroines struck <P- I57>-
descent. Above both figures hangs a woman’s triangular is painted. She offers burning incense, and now wears the
shoulder cape, displaying a shell, the emblem of maternity, triangular cape with a shell. The lord Five-Flower stands
on a brown field. Page 14 also exhibits one group of above, in the act of making a blood-sacrifice, by passing a
four persons and four groups of two persons each. Par¬ pointed bone through the back of his ear. At the top of
ticular attention is drawn to the two purple-faced staff- page 16, between two hills on each of which a priest is
bearers at the bottom of the page, to the right, and to seated, a smoking temazcalli or sweat-house is next seen.
the two old bearded priests carrying sacrificial bowls. Below this group the lady Five-Flint gives birth to a child,
These four individuals recur on page 15, accompanying on the day Three Flint and the year Three Flint. The
Five-Flower, who bears a blue ceremonial staff and an serpent insignia and the shell cape figure in this group,
incense-bag, and the lady Three-Flint, who follows, holding in front of which a red triangular cape, with a white border,
an animal’s foot surmounted by feathers. The triangular is painted. Surrounded by four priests the lady, whose
cape, with a painted shell, figures next to her day-sign serpent insignia floats behind her, next disappears, head
name.1 foremost, in an opening at the side of a mountain, in the
Her next picture represents her in water on which centre of which there is a bath-house, containing the sym¬
flowers are floating. The lower part of her body is bols for salt, water, and a shell. A stream of water
hidden. She wears a serpent head-dress, and the body of containing fish, shells, and a lobster or prawn, issues from
a feathered serpent floats behind her. 2 She holds a the base of the mountain and joins the picture of a large
branch in one hand and a smoking incense burner in the tank, in which the nude figure of the lady Three-Flint is
other. An old seated priestess, named One-Eagle, holds painted under a large shell and a symbolical figure. It is
a round vase containing a young maize shoot, and appears well known that native women always resorted to the tem¬
to be officiating in the sacred rite. azcalli after delivery to perform the rite of purification.
We next find the lady Five-Flint, higher up, on the same The priestess, One-Eagle, and three priests assist at the
page. She stands in front of a serpent temple, on the ceremony. At the top, in the middle of the page, the lady
pointed roof of which the hieroglyph of the town of Chaleo and Five-Flower again appear, receiving the homage of
1 The triangular Quechquemitl (lit. shoulder-cape) appears to two priests, behind whom the instruments for lighting the
have been an important and significant article of feminine dress. It sacred fire are represented between the two ceremonial
may be seen worn by women of highest rank on pages 3, 5 (in this case staffs of familiar form.
it appears to be made of ocelot skin, cf. page 29, 31, and 32), 17, 19,
In the upper right-hand corner of page 17 we next see
20, 23, 24, 27, 28, 29, 31, and 32. Triangular capes of identical
design are represented as worn by a woman and also as figured next the lady Three-Flint wearing an animal helmet and the
to her day-name, on pages 27, 28, and 29. red cape with a white border, which was conferred upon
2 Other representations of women wearing the insignia of the her in the preceding page. The two rain-priests, who also
Cihuacoatl or “ Female Serpent,” may be seen on pages 22, 26, and
figure in the centre of page 14, meet her with a lighted
32. At the time of Montezuma this female title was borne by his
male coadjutor. torch and a sacrificial bird. The group below represents
29
her kneeling, and the lord Five-Flower in rich attire seated nia, in the act of performing the same rite observed by the
behind her. They appear to have sacrificed a dog and a lady Three-Flint on page 15, in the presence of the priestess
bird before the two old priests, who also figured in the One-Eagle. Three priests carry offerings, and Twelve-

preceding pages. Wind presents a smoking incense burner to a curious com¬

Under this scene the lady is again visible, in water, offer¬ posite symbol, which figures also on pages 15, 17, and 19,
ing incense to a priest under whom a shell is painted and and apparently in connection with the serpent temples. A
before whom is a jar with the emblem of the rain-god. serpent temple with a flat roof and the Chaleo glyph (cf.
These, as well as the priest behind her, are the same as those Vienna Codex, page 48) and ceremonial staffs complete
who attend the purification rite on the preceding page. page 18.
At the bottom of column 2, page 17, on a plain between two. Page 19 is double, and constitutes the most elaborate
hills, we see officiating priests and a flat pyramid temple, on portion of the Codex. The first section contains a curious
the summit of which is a lighted pyre surmounted by a representation of the blue sky, studded with stars, from
vessel holding the sacred young maize shoot. Above this three divisions of which three figures descend. In the open
group is a diminutive representation of the serpent temple space above, pointing at a miniature house and the fire¬
depicted on page 15, and two ceremonial staffs are planted making instruments, we see the lord Twelve-Wind, recog¬
in front of it. A priest blowing a conch-shell trumpet and nizable by the smoke symbol under his eye. He is seated
two others with offerings are also there. At the top of the between two serpent men and the signs Four and Eleven
page, in a tecpan or house of government, we see the lord Cipactli, which recur in an analogous open space above
Five-Flower and the lady Three-Flint seated opposite to three descending figures on page 21.1
each other. The priests and priestess in column 1, page As on page 18, a cord hangs from the imaginary centre
18, appear to belong to the preceding page. of heaven, and on it the lord Twelve-Wind descends and
A fresh episode in which a priest and a lady, both desig¬ appears for a second time, walking on its lower end. In
nated as Three-Flint, figure in connection with the lord both cases his eye is painted with puffs of smoke, and he
Twelve-Wind, begins in the second section of page 18. carries the same miniature house on his back.
A priest designated as Three-Flint and another named A priest designated as Three-Flint also descends from
Twelve-Wind, who carries a miniature house on his back, heaven under a symbolical receptacle containing water and
and is characterized by conventionalized puffs of smoke a shell.
under his eye, descend on a cord which hangs from the The larger section of page 19 is occupied by a great
supposed centre of the sky. In the open space above this green mountain, which forms the background for a number
is the familiar cosmical symbol and a man’s and a woman’s of pictures of persons engaged in the performance of an
head, with the day-signs Four House and Five Serpent, extremely elaborate ceremonial.
which recur in a similar position on page 21. 1 Cf. Vienna Codex, pages 45 and 48 ; Borgian Codex, page 21;
Below these, in water, is a man wearing the serpent insig¬ and Selden Roll, pages 1 and 2.

3°
 The flat-roofed temple depicted on page 18 is repeated sisting of seven priests and a priestess proceeds along the
here, and crowns a pyramidal structure situated on the flat summit of the mountain. Next to the tecpan stand
mountain. A woman stands in front of it under the sign two staff-bearers, facing each other.
One Death. A small symbolical vessel, containing water The scene thus depicted recalls the following passage
and a flint knife, is on the steps of the temple. The jar, from the Annals of the Cakchiquels : “ Immediately they
decorated with the emblem of the rain-god, which figures gave him, as their chief, the signs of royalty. They seated
in the water ritual on page 17, rests at the base of the him on the seat and royal throne. They washed him in
temple stairs. A path, with painted footsteps upon it, the bath, the painted vessel. They clothed him with the
issues from the base of the temple, and on it advances robe, the girdle, and green ornaments. He received the
a procession headed by a priest bearing a lighted torch, colors, the yellow stone, the paint, the red earth, and
followed by another blowing a conch-shell trumpet. The thus he obtained the signs of royalty from the other
principal figure in the procession is, however, a priest, families and tribes, as said our ancestors, oh, my chil¬
who carries a woman on his back by means of a red and dren ” (page in). Page 20 commences with the pic¬
white burden-strap which passes around his forehead. It ture of the lord Twelve-Wind and the lady Three-Flint,
was thus that, in Ancient Mexico, a bride was conveyed to both occuping seats of honor, their equality of rank being
the house of the bridegroom, usually by a stalwart matron. thus indicated.
A priest carrying a ceremonial garment advances towards The lady wears the serpent head-dress denoting her
this singular group, which is also faced by two seated rank of Cihuacoatl or Woman-Serpent. The greater part
priests holding offerings. of the page' is taken up with representations of tribal
The whole procession wends towards an arch, painted plants and of a combat in which the strange people
with variegated diagonal bands of color. Under this painted with diagonal stripes appear to be the aggressive
kneel the lord Twelve-Wind and the lady Three-Flint, party. One of them, designated as Eight-Ollin, lies pros¬
while streams of water are poured upon them from above trate, and is taken prisoner by Nine-Wind, who wears a
by two priestesses holding painted bowls. The high Tecpatl helmet. A striped warrior also makes a prisoner
priestess One-Eagle again presides over this rite, hold¬ designated Four-House, who was evidently put to death,
ing between her hands a curious curved symbol, resem¬ as his mummy appears immediately beneath him. The
bling the hieroglyph of the town of Colhuacan. sign of the first prisoner, Eight-Ollin, is painted under
Directly above the two priestesses is a tecpan, in the the second mummy. The old priests Ten-Malinalli and
doorway of which, partly concealed by a colored drapery, Ten-Rain, whom we have seen together on previous occa¬
the lord and lady are visible.1 A solemn procession con- sions (pages 14, 15, and 17, etc.), appear close to the
mummied dead. A composite sign of speech, issuing
1 Cf. similar representations in the Vatican Codex I and the
Borgian Codex. These are discussed in The Fundamental Prin¬ from Ten-Rain’s mouth, indicates that he sang, on this
ciples, etc., on page 55. occasion, the song of Seven-Flower. On page 21 he
31
 ■ ■■**■ • % &&&<&. •■ • ■*■*!>*■

. . _

performs a ritual dance, carrying a prisoner’s head by its beautiful language and flowery verse, and was recited from
hair. On this page the sign Four Cipactli is prominent memory by the native bards on festive occasions.
(cf. page 19, section i), and the lord Twelve-Wind ap¬ A fresh theme, also dated One Acatl, One Cipactli, the
pears again in priestly garb, bearing a miniature house on native New Year’s Day, seems to begin on page 22, and
his back. He is escorted by Three-Flint, who, as on to recount the story of another Woman-Serpent named
pages 18 and 19, section 1, is under the guise of a priest. One-Serpent. She is represented as kneeling by flowing
These two personages recur on page 22 for the last time, water, and as seated on a flat pyramid temple on the sum¬
in which case it is Three-Flint who carries the miniature mit of a mountain opposite to a similar structure on which
house. Here ends all record of the sign Three-Flint, a chieftain rests. Deep water containing shells, in what
which repeatedly occurs between pages 14 and 18, in appears to be a tank or reservoir, lies between the two
association with a woman whose history is linked to that pyramids, and the pictures may possibly record the build¬
of the lord Five-Flower. On pages 18 and 19, section 1, ing of some ancient water-works.
it is a priest who is designated as Three-Flint, and is asso¬ Page 22 and those which follow, contain numerous
ciated with the lord Twelve-Wind. On pages 19 and 20, representations of male and female chiefs, standing or
Three-Flint becomes a woman again, and undergoes a seated opposite to each other, sometimes installed in
ceremonial rite with Twelve-Wind. On pages 21 and 22, tecpans and engaged in amicable negotiations. Terms
there are two instances where the sign Three-Flint of perfect equality appear to exist between the sexes. An
designates the priest again. exceptional instance is that of a woman who, on page 24,
Whether, in the case of the male and female individuals is represented as kneeling in the tecpan, whereas the man
named Three-Flint, we have to deal with distinct per¬ to whom she is speaking is seated. The arrow sticking in
sonalities or the story of a disguise or metamorphosis, the corner of the building above her indicates conquest,
such as the native sorcerers were supposed to be able to and her attitude may show that she was a supplicant and
accomplish, it is impossible to surmise. At the same time belonged to a conquered tribe. Two other exceptional
it is evident that the text presents a history which is full representations of kneeling women and seated men occur
of dramatic and romantic possibilities. It reveals that on page 41.
the lady Three-Flint attained the rank of Cihuacoatl, Throughout the Codex the attitudes of the hands and
and became the consort of two lords, and that her mar¬ fingers appear to be extremely expressive, and it is regret¬
riage, lying-in, and installation as Woman-Serpent were table that our ignorance of Ancient Mexican sign language
attended by the most solemn and elaborate ceremonials, debars us from interpreting the gestures which, in many
in which priests and priestesses officiated. cases, appear to express numerals and forms of agree¬
It may safely be assumed that this inspiring history, the ment.
outlines of which were painted in picture and picture¬ Page 25 contains particularly interesting pictures of a
writing with so much skill and care, was also clothed in man named Two-Water and a woman Ten-Cipactli, who
32
 WBBS&i

also appear to have been interested in water. They first rain-god. Special attention is called to the singular red
stand on the opposite banks of a sheet of water in lively and white head-dress worn by the two men and one of the
discussion. Subsequently they may be seen seated in women who stand in front of the temple on page 33. Two
opposite temples with water-vessels in front of them. other examples of the same remarkable head-dress occur
In the centre of page 25, seated in a tecpan with a on pages 34 and 35.
chieftain, we see a woman, who also figures at the top of The sign Seven Rain, associated with the personage in
page 24 and is designated as One-Vulture. In both the temple on page 33, occurs on page 14, where two priests,
cases her skirt displays the face of the rain-god, Tlaloc. respectively designated as Seven-Rain and One-Rain, stand
On page 26, as already stated, there is a summary of all of on a twin mountain. These persons recur together on
the persons who are represented again on pages 42 and 43 page 36, accompanied by Four and Seven-Serpent. The
and then figure in the consecutive history which occupies same group is repeated on page 37, where it advances along
the entire reverse of the Codex. a path. Four and Seven-Serpent are figured twice on the
On page 33 that part of the text which apparently begins same page. One and Seven-Rain appear once on page
on page 22 comes to a close, the page being divided by a 38 and twice on page 39, where their story ends, appar¬
continuous line. The next history is dated year One ently with their arrival at a triple mountain. An interest¬
Tecpatl, day One Tecpatl, and begins with the picture of ing group of four men and four women occupies page 40.
a personage designated as Seven-Rain, who stands in a On page 41 there are six men and two tecpans, each con¬
temple holding a staff surmounted by a hand with an taining a seated man and a kneeling woman. Page 42
uplifted finger. Three Yope symbols are on the roof of the introduces us again to the set of characters depicted on
temple, and the person in it wears the emblem of Xipe, page 26, amongst whom is the lord Eight-Deer, whose his¬
the flayed skin of a human victim and the mask of the tory fills the reverse of the Codex.

REVIEW OF THE CONTENTS OF THE CODEX

T HE foregoing indications and description of the
main features of the text will have shown that the
to furnish material for the chants or songs, such as were
improvised or committed to memory by the native bards
latter is mainly pictorial, and that ikonomatic writing is who were famed for their choice and beautiful language
employed only for the registration of personal and local and flowing verse. 1
names. It is also evident that the text consists of several 1 Although beings of celestial descent are sometimes figured, it is
parts of unequal lengths, which deal with different people obvious that the text deals with real persons and is mainly historical.
Priests are represented wearing, as was customary, the insignia of
and episodes. The greater part of the reverse of the
some of the chief divinities, such as the rain-god, Tlaloc (pages 21,
Codex consists of the simple enumeration of chieftains
22, 25, 26, 30, 34, 36-39), or of Quetzalcoatl (pages 38, 47, 66), yet
and conquered localities. Other parts of the text appear the text is certainly not of a religious nature.

33
 Tlatelolco was subdued and destroyed by the Mexicans
It is, of course, impossible to present, within the limit
who also conquered the Matlaltzincos.
of an introduction, the result of my attempts to identify
The aggressive policy of Tizoc and Ahuizotl is well
the local and personal names contained in the Codex by
known_the latter extended his conquests as far south as
carefully comparing them with all of those printed in other
Tehuantepec, and imposed heavy tributes upon the coast
native manuscripts or mentioned in historical documents.
tribes. The titles of some of the leaders of this memor¬
Postponing the publication of my investigations in these
able campaign are recorded, but not their names. Friar
lines, which are as yet far from being finished, I shall
Duran tells us that the Mexican historical records are so
merely state that I shall publish at intervals, and in the same
incomplete that it was even a matter of doubt whether
form as the present introduction, short papers embodying
the Tetzcocan ruler Neza-Ualpilli had ever led his forces
the results of my observations and analysis of the contents
in person, notwithstanding the fact that a picture ex¬
of this and the Vienna and other Codices. In conclu¬
isted which represented him fully equipped and holding
sion, I will now refer to certain passages of Friar Diego
a prisoner by the forelock. A scroll beneath displayed
Duran’s Historia, because they convey valuable information
this inscription: “ Here, in the war of Huexotzinco,
concerning the conditions existing in Mexico about the
Nezahualpilli took this captain prisoner” (Vol. II,
period dealt with in the Codex, i. e. 1468—1519. The friar
p. 398). The native historian Ixtlilxochitl also relates
relates that, just as mediaeval Spanish literature abounds
that at this period (a. d. 1500), “the Mexican warriors
with descriptions of the military exploits of its national
were so eager to subjugate lands and people that they
heroes, such as the Cid and Count Fernan Gonzales, so Mex¬
considered themselves as idle and cowardly if they were
ican history, of the time of Montezuma I, rehearsed and
not engaged in some campaign or conquest ” (Chap.
described the great, valiant warriors who, with excessive
exertion and difficulties, had conquered, subjugated, and LXV.).
Speaking of the conquest of the Huaxteca, in which the
exacted tribute from a number of towns, cities, and prov¬
warriors Xochiquetzalli and Acapioltzin distinguished them¬
inces, thereby increasing the wealth and power of Mexico
selves, the native historian states, that besides relating in
and causing its name to be feared and reverenced. (Vol.
their songs the conquests and adventures of the leader,
II, p. 208).
The dominion of Mexico was, indeed, considerably ex¬ the poets of that time praised not only his heroic deeds

tended during the reign of Montezuma I, which, according but also those of his brothers.
to Duran, began in 1440. The Chaleos and Cuetlaxtecas Under the reign of Montezuma II, various wars of

were conquered, and just before his death, which, according conquest were also waged, but the names and titles of

to various writers, occurred in 1469 or 1471, he was lead¬ their successful leaders have not been handed down to us.

ing a campaign against the province of Tlatlauhquitepec. It may yet be possible to positively identify Eight-Deer

Under his successor, Axayacatzin, who died in 1481, re¬ and other heroes whose exploits are commemorated in the

bellion and warfare were general. After a hard struggle present Codex, and to precisely localize the events which

34

BBitsassmsm *■« - wsm '■ -V.. ..ftV

are pictured therein. Even if attempts to do this should evolution of native writing. In this the simple pictorial
not prove to be entirely successful, we know, at the present presentation of events is made to convey a wealth of in¬
time, quite enough to realize that, during the period dealt formation to the initiated, by means of such accessories as
with in the Codex, Mexican history could well have fur¬ details of costume, symbolical signs and colors, and in¬
nished inspiration for songs of conquest and adventure. dividual positions, while the names of persons and locali¬
While the Codex thus causes us to keenly realize how ties were definitely and permanently recorded by rebus
little we know concerning the history and literature of signs.
Ancient Mexico and the names of its national heroes, it It is obvious that a full and complete interpretation of
supplies us with a wealth of fresh knowledge, especially this composite text and its rehearsal in flowing sentences
concerning the dress, ceremonial observances, and posi¬ could only have been made by a skilled scribe or impro-
tion of women. It also furnishes testimony of incalculable visatore, or one who had memorized the verses pertaining
importance to all interested in the history of the develop¬ to the pictorial text.
ment of the art of writing, for it definitely proves that, even A fresh poignancy is added to a regret, universally
in such a high order of historical document as this, the felt, when it is realized that amongst the countless native
native scribes did not attempt to write out sentences by books which served as fuel for the bonfire which was
means of the ikonomatic method, but employed this lighted, by order of the Bishop Zumarraga, in the square
merely for the recording of personal and local names. of Tetzcoco, there were doubtlessly many as beautiful as
The Codex constitutes, therefore, a most interesting this, the last addition to the brief list of Codices known to
and instructive demonstration of a transition stage in the be in existence at the present time.

35
u-BZvm
X-L-k
iVJivvtS
 ionn
i _
1 llLU ;
. —„
i in hi
 1

1m l r

UJLWii'iiu

ooc§°
iTrmnyiiHjti) I
* Jr+
[KltlUVU
S311M OOCOQ
m2
 m •/
Inf
KTy % • v'

]uf
HM —
/ 1

L—
L