Battle of Thermopylae

“300 Spartans” redirects here. For 1962 film, see The the Persian armada—attacked and defeated the invaders
300 Spartans. For 2007 film, see 300 (film). For the at the Battle of Salamis in late 480 BC. Fearful of be-
graphic novel, see 300 (comics). For other battles at ing trapped in Europe, Xerxes withdrew with much of
Thermopylae, see Battle of Thermopylae (disambigua- his army to Asia (losing most to starvation and disease),
tion). leaving Mardonius to attempt to complete the conquest of
Greece. However, the following year saw a Greek army
decisively defeat the Persians at the Battle of Plataea,
The Battle of Thermopylae (/θərˈmɒpᵻliː/ thər-MOP-i-
lee; Greek: Μάχη τῶν Θερμοπυλῶν, Machē tōn Ther- thereby ending the Persian invasion.
mopylōn) was fought between an alliance of Greek city- Both ancient and modern writers have used the Battle of
states, led by King Leonidas of Sparta, and the Persian Thermopylae as an example of the power of a patriotic
Empire of Xerxes I over the course of three days, during army defending its native soil. The performance of the
the second Persian invasion of Greece. It took place si- defenders is also used as an example of the advantages
multaneously with the naval battle at Artemisium, in Au- of training, equipment, and good use of terrain as force
gust or September 480 BC, at the narrow coastal pass of multipliers and has become a symbol of courage against
Thermopylae (“The Hot Gates”). The Persian invasion overwhelming odds.
was a delayed response to the defeat of the first Persian in-
vasion of Greece, which had been ended by the Athenian
victory at the Battle of Marathon in 490 BC. Xerxes had
amassed a huge army and navy, and set out to conquer
1 Sources
all of Greece. The Athenian general Themistocles had
proposed that the allied Greeks block the advance of the Main article: Herodotus
Persian army at the pass of Thermopylae, and simultane-
ously block the Persian navy at the Straits of Artemisium. The primary source for the Greco-Persian Wars is
A Greek force of approximately 7,000 men marched the Greek historian Herodotus. The Sicilian historian
north to block the pass in the middle of 480 BC. The Diodorus Siculus, writing in the 1st century BC in his
Persian army, alleged by the ancient sources to have num- Bibliotheca historica, also provides an account of the
bered over one million, but today considered to have been Greco-Persian wars, partially derived from the earlier
much smaller (various figures are given by scholars, rang- Greek historian Ephorus. This account is fairly consis-
ing between about 100,000 and 150,000),[8][9] arrived at tent with Herodotus’.[10] The Greco-Persian wars are also
the pass in late August or early September. The vastly described in less detail by a number of other ancient his-
outnumbered Greeks held off the Persians for seven days torians including Plutarch, Ctesias of Cnidus, and are re-
(including three of battle) before the rear-guard was anni- ferred to by other authors, as in Aeschylus in The Per-
hilated in one of history’s most famous last stands. Dur- sians.
ing two full days of battle, the small force led by Leonidas
Archaeological evidence, such as the Serpent Column
blocked the only road by which the massive Persian army (now in the Hippodrome of Istanbul), also supports some
could pass. After the second day, a local resident namedof Herodotus’ specific claims.[11] George B. Grundy was
Ephialtes betrayed the Greeks by revealing that a small the first modern historian to do a thorough topograph-
path led behind the Greek lines. Leonidas, aware that ical survey of the narrow pass at Thermopylae, and to
his force was being outflanked, dismissed the bulk of thethe extent that modern accounts of the battle differ from
Greek army and remained to guard their retreat with 300 Herodotus’ they usually follow Grundy’s.[12] For example,
Spartans, 700 Thespians, 400 Thebans, and perhaps a few the military strategist Sir Basil Henry Liddell Hart defers
hundred others, most of whom were killed. to Grundy.[13] Grundy also explored Plataea and wrote a
[14]
At Artemisium, the Greek navy, under the command treatise on that battle.
of the Athenian politician Themistocles, received news On the Battle of Thermopylae itself, two principal
of the defeat. Since the Greek strategy required both sources, Herodotus’ and Simonides' accounts, survive.[15]
Thermopylae and Artemisium to be held, and given their In fact, Herodotus’ account of the battle, in Book VII of
losses, it was decided to withdraw to Salamis. The Per- his Histories, is such an important source that Paul Car-
sians overran Boeotia and then captured the evacuated tledge wrote: “we either write a history of Thermopylae
Athens. The Greek fleet—seeking a decisive victory over with [Herodotus], or not at all”.[16] Also surviving is an

1
2 2 BACKGROUND

epitome of the account of Ctesias’, by the eighth-century This meant that Sparta was also effectively at war with
Byzantine Photias, though this is “almost worse than Persia.[25]
useless”,[17] missing key events in the battle such as the Darius thus put together an amphibious task force under
betrayal of Ephialtes, and the account of Diodorus Sicu- Datis and Artaphernes in 490 BC, which attacked Naxos,
lus' in his Universal History. Diodorus’ account seems to before receiving the submission of the other Cycladic Is-
have been based on that of Ephorus and contains one sig- lands. The task force then moved on Eretria, which it
nificant deviation from Herodotus’ account: a supposed besieged and destroyed.[27] Finally, it moved to attack
night attack against the Persian camp, of which modern Athens, landing at the bay of Marathon, where it was met
scholars have tended to be skeptical.[18][19]
by a heavily outnumbered Athenian army. At the ensu-
ing Battle of Marathon, the Athenians won a remarkable
victory, which resulted in the withdrawal of the Persian
2 Background army to Asia.[28]
Darius, therefore, began raising a huge new army with
Main articles: Greco-Persian Wars and Second Persian which he meant to completely subjugate Greece; how-
invasion of Greece ever, in 486 BC, his Egyptian subjects revolted, indefi-
The Greek city-states of Athens and Eretria had encour- nitely postponing any Greek expedition.[21] Darius then
died whilst preparing to march on Egypt, and the throne
of Persia passed to his son Xerxes I.[29] Xerxes crushed
Odryses
Byzantium Chalcedon

the Egyptian revolt and very quickly restarted the prepa-

Perinthus Astakos

rations for the invasion of Greece.[30] Since this was to

Maronea Doriskos Proconnesus
Abdera
Aenus Cyzicus

Eion Thasos Lampsacus

Sestos

be a full-scale invasion, it required long-term planning,

Samothrace
Epidamnus Pella Therma Stagira Abydos
Imbros
Xerxes Ilium
Methoni Olynthus Canal
PERSIAN
stockpiling, and conscription.[30] Xerxes decided that the
Apollonia Torone Lemnos Antandrus
Aegae Pydna Adramyttium
EMPIRE Potidaea Assus

Lesbos Pergamon

Dodona
Larissa
Hellespont would be bridged to allow his army to cross to
Kasthanaia

Pherae Skiathos
Mytilene

Phocaea
Pitane

Sardis
Smyrna

Europe, and that a canal should be dug across the isthmus

480 Skyros 498
Korkyra Pharsalus Clazomenae
Cape Artemision
Kassope Ambracia Thermopylae
Chios
Colophon Tralles
480 Chalcis

of Mount Athos (rounding which headland, a Persian fleet

Anactorium Ephesus
Eretria Mycale
Delphi Thebes 479
Marathon Karystos Samos
Leucas Miletus
Naupactus 490 Andros
Plataea 479 Ikaros Mylasa

had been destroyed in 492 BC).[31] These were both feats

Calydon Lade
ACHA Megara Athens Tinos 494
Patras EA Mykonos
Cephallenia 480
Phlius Corinth Salamis Keos
Syros Halicarnassus Physcus
Kythnos Delos

of exceptional ambition, which would have been beyond

Kos Cnidus
Zakynthos Elis Argos Naxos
Serifos Paros
Amorgos
The Greek World during Olympia Sifnos
Tegea
the Persian Wars (500–479 BC)

any other contemporary state.[31] By early 480 BC, the

Sparta Ios Astipalea Lindos
Messene
Ionian revolt Rhodes
Melos Anafe
Main battle Methoni Thera
Greek opponents of Persia
Greek neutral states
Persian empire
Persian vassal states
preparations were complete, and the army which Xerxes
Cythera
Karpathos

Ionian rebels (498 BC)

Mardonius (492 BC)
Artaphernes/Datis (490 BC)
had mustered at Sardis marched towards Europe, cross-
Xerxes/Mardonius (480 BC)
0 50 100 km
ing the Hellespont on two pontoon bridges.[32] According
to Herodotus, Xerxes army was so large that, upon ar-
A map of almost all the parts of the Greek world that partook in riving at the banks of the Echeidorus River, his soldiers
the Persian Wars. proceeded to drink it dry. In the face of such imposing
numbers, many Greek cities capitulated to the Persian de-
aged the unsuccessful Ionian Revolt against the Persian mand for a tribute of earth and water.[33]
Empire of Darius I in 499–494 BC. The Persian Empire
The Athenians had also been preparing for war with the
was still relatively young and prone to revolts amongst its
Persians since the mid-480s BC, and in 482 BC the deci-
subject peoples.[20][21] Darius, moreover, was a usurper
sion was taken, under the guidance of the Athenian politi-
and had spent considerable time extinguishing revolts
cian Themistocles, to build a massive fleet of triremes that
against his rule.[20]
would be essential for the Greeks to fight the Persians.[34]
The Ionian revolt threatened the integrity of his empire, However, the Athenians lacked the manpower to fight
and Darius thus vowed to punish those involved, espe- on both land and sea; therefore, combating the Persians
cially the Athenians, “since he was sure that [the Ionians] would require an alliance of Greek city-states. In 481
would not go unpunished for their rebellion”.[22] Darius BC, Xerxes sent ambassadors around Greece requesting
also saw the opportunity to expand his empire into the “earth and water” but very deliberately omitting Athens
fractious world of Ancient Greece.[23] A preliminary ex- and Sparta.[35] Support thus began to coalesce around
pedition under Mardonius in 492 BC, to secure the land these two leading states. A congress of city-states met
approaches to Greece, re-conquered Thrace and forced at Corinth in late autumn of 481 BC,[36] and a confed-
Macedon to become a client kingdom of Persia’s.[24] erate alliance of Greek city-states was formed. It had
Darius sent emissaries to all the Greek city-states in 491 the power to send envoys to request assistance and dis-
BC asking for a gift of "earth and water" as tokens of patch troops from the member states to defensive points,
their submission to him.[25] Having had a demonstration after joint consultation. This was remarkable for the dis-
of his power the previous year, the majority of Greek jointed Greek world, especially since many of the city-
cities duly obliged. In Athens, however, the ambassadors states [37] in attendance were still technically at war with each
were put on trial and then executed by throwing them in a other.
pit; in Sparta, they were simply thrown down a well.[25][26]
 3

The “congress” met again in the spring of 480 BC. A Persian approach eventually reached Greece in August
Thessalian delegation suggested that the Greeks could thanks to a Greek spy.[42] At this time of year the Spar-
muster in the narrow Vale of Tempe, on the borders tans, de facto military leaders of the alliance, were cele-
of Thessaly, and thereby block Xerxes’ advance.[38] A brating the festival of Carneia. During the Carneia, mil-
force of 10,000 hoplites was dispatched to the Vale of itary activity was forbidden by Spartan law; the Spar-
Tempe, through which they believed the Persian army tans had arrived too late at the Battle of Marathon be-
would have to pass. However, once there, being warned cause of this requirement.[43] It was also the time of the
by Alexander I of Macedon that the vale could be by- Olympic Games, and therefore the Olympic truce, and
passed through Sarantoporo Pass and that Xerxes’ army thus it would have been doubly sacrilegious for the whole
was overwhelming, the Greeks retreated.[39] Shortly af- Spartan army to march to war.[43][44] On this occasion,
terwards, they received the news that Xerxes had crossed the ephors decided the urgency was sufficiently great to
the Hellespont.[38] justify an advance expedition to block the pass, under one
of its kings, Leonidas I. Leonidas took with him the 300
Themistocles, therefore, suggested a second strategy to
the Greeks: the route to southern Greece (Boeotia, At- men of the royal bodyguard, the Hippeis.[45] This expe-
tica, and the Peloponnesus) would require Xerxes’ army dition was to try to gather as many other Greek soldiers
to travel through the very narrow pass of Thermopylae, along the way as possible and to await the arrival of the
which could easily be blocked by the Greek hoplites, de- main Spartan army.[44]
spite the overwhelming numbers of Persians.[40] Further- The legend of Thermopylae, as told by Herodotus, has
more, to prevent the Persians from bypassing Thermopy- it that the Spartans had consulted the Oracle at Delphi
lae by sea, the Athenian and allied navies could block earlier in the year. The Oracle is said to have made the
the straits of Artemisium. Congress adopted this dual- following prophecy:
pronged strategy.[40] However, the Peloponnesian cities
made fall-back plans to defend the Isthmus of Corinth, O ye men who dwell in the streets of broad
should it come to that, whilst the women and children of Lacedaemon!
Athens had been evacuated en masse to the Peloponnesian Honor the festival of the Carneia!! Otherwise,
city of Troezen.[41] Either your glorious town shall be sacked by
the children of Perseus,
Or, in exchange, must all through the whole
3 Prelude Laconian country

Mourn for the loss of a king, descendant of

great Heracles.[46]

Herodotus tells us that Leonidas, in line with the

prophecy, was convinced he was going to certain death
since his forces were not adequate for a victory, and so
he selected only Spartans with living sons.[45]
The Spartan force was reinforced en route to Thermopy-
lae by contingents from various cities and numbered more
than 7,000 by the time it arrived at the pass.[47] Leonidas
chose to camp at, and defend, the “middle gate”, the
narrowest part of the pass of Thermopylae, where the
Phocians had built a defensive wall some time before.[48]
News also reached Leonidas, from the nearby city of
Trachis, that there was a mountain track which could be
used to outflank the pass of Thermopylae. Leonidas sta-
tioned 1,000 Phocians on the heights to prevent such a
manoeuvre.[49]
Finally, in mid-August, the Persian army was sighted
across the Malian Gulf approaching Thermopylae.[50]
With the Persian army’s arrival at Thermopylae the
Greeks held a council of war.[51] Some Peloponnesians
Map showing Greek and Persian advances to Thermopylae and suggested withdrawal to the Isthmus of Corinth and
Artemisium. blocking the passage to Peloponnesus.[51] The Phocians
and Locrians, whose states were located nearby, became
The Persian army seems to have made slow progress indignant and advised defending Thermopylae and send-
through Thrace and Macedon. News of the imminent ing for more help. Leonidas calmed the panic and agreed
4 4 OPPOSING FORCES

to defend Thermopylae.[51] According to Plutarch, when 4.2 Greek army

one of the soldiers complained that, “Because of the ar-
rows of the barbarians it is impossible to see the sun”, According to Herodotus[47][62] and Diodorus Siculus,[63]
Leonidas replied, “Won't it be nice, then, if we shall have the Greek army included the following forces:
shade in which to fight them?"[52] Herodotus reports a Notes:
similar comment, but attributes it to Dienekes.[53]
Xerxes sent a Persian emissary to negotiate with • The number of Peloponnesians
Leonidas. The Greeks were offered their freedom, the ti-
tle “Friends of the Persian People”, and the opportunity to Diodorus suggests that there were 1,000
re-settle on land better than that they possessed.[54] When Lacedemonians and 3,000 other Pelopon-
Leonidas refused these terms, the ambassador carried a nesians, totalling 4,000. Herodotus agrees
written message by Xerxes, asking him to “Hand over with this figure in one passage, quoting an
your arms”. Leonidas’ famous response was for the Per- inscription by Simonides saying there were
sians to “Come and take them” (Μολὼν λαβέ).[55] With 4,000 Peloponnesians.[65] However, elsewhere,
the Persian embassy returning empty-handed, battle be- in the passage summarized by the above ta-
came inevitable. Xerxes delayed for four days, waiting ble, Herodotus tallies 3,100 Peloponnesians at
for the Greeks to disperse, before sending troops to at- Thermopylae before the battle.[47] Herodotus
tack them.[56] also reports that at Xerxes’ public showing of
the dead, “helots were also there for them to
see”,[66] but he does not say how many or in
what capacity they served. Thus, the differ-
4 Opposing forces ence between his two figures can be squared
by supposing (without proof) that there were
900 helots (three per Spartan) present at the
4.1 Persian army battle.[64] If helots were present at the bat-
tle, there is no reason to doubt that they
For a full discussion of the size of the Persian invasion served in their traditional role as armed re-
force, see Second Persian invasion of Greece § Size of tainers to individual Spartans. Alternatively,
the Persian forces. Herodotus’ “missing” 900 troops might have
been Perioeci, and could therefore correspond
to Diodorus’ 1,000 Lacedemonians.[64]
The number of troops which Xerxes mustered for the sec-
ond invasion of Greece has been the subject of endless
dispute, most notably between ancient sources, which re- • The number of Lacedemonians
port very large numbers, and modern scholars, who sur-
mise much smaller figures. Herodotus claimed that there Further confusing the issue is Diodorus’ am-
were, in total, 2.6 million military personnel, accompa- biguity about whether his count of 1,000
nied by an equivalent number of support personnel.[57] Lacedemonians included the 300 Spartans. At
The poet Simonides, who was a near-contemporary, talks one point he says: “Leonidas, when he re-
of four million; Ctesias gave 800,000 as the total number ceived the appointment, announced that only
of the army that was assembled by Xerxes.[58] one thousand men should follow him on
the campaign”.[63] However, he then says:
Modern scholars tend to reject the figures given by
“There were, then, of the Lacedaemonians
Herodotus and other ancient sources as unrealistic and
one thousand, and with them three hundred
as resultant from miscalculations or exaggerations on the
Spartiates”.[63] It is, therefore, impossible to be
part of the victors.[59] Modern scholarly estimates are
clearer on this point.
generally in the range 70,000–300,000.[60]b[›] These esti-
mates usually come from studying the logistical capabil-
ities of the Persians in that era, the sustainability of their Pausanias' account agrees with that of Herodotus (whom
respective bases of operations, and the overall manpower he probably read) except that he gives the number of
constraints affecting them. Whatever the real numbers Locrians, which Herodotus declined to estimate. Resid-
were, however, it is clear that Xerxes was anxious to ing in the direct path of the Persian advance, they gave all
ensure a successful expedition by mustering an over- the fighting men they had - according to Pausanias 6,000
whelming numerical superiority by land and by sea.[61] men - which added to Herodotus’ 5,200 would have given
The number of Persian troops present at Thermopylae is a force of 11,200.[67]
therefore as uncertain as the number for the total inva- Many modern historians, who usually consider Herodotus
sion force. For instance, it is unclear whether the whole more reliable,[68] add the 1,000 Lacedaemonians and the
Persian army marched as far as Thermopylae, or whether 900 helots to Herodotus’ 5,200 to obtain 7,100 or about
Xerxes left garrisons in Macedon and Thessaly. 7,000 men as a standard number, neglecting Diodorus’
5.1 Topography of the battlefield 5

Melians and Pausanias’ Locrians.[69][70] However, this is problem of supplying such a large army meant they could
only one approach, and many other combinations are not remain in the same place for very long.[72] The Per-
plausible. Furthermore, the numbers changed later on sians, therefore, had to retreat or advance, and advancing
in the battle when most of the army retreated and only required forcing the pass of Thermopylae.[72]
approximately 3,000 men remained (300 Spartans, 700 Tactically, the pass at Thermopylae was ideally suited to
Thespians, 400 Thebans, possibly up to 900 helots, and the Greek style of warfare.[71] A hoplite phalanx could
1,000 Phocians stationed above the pass, less the casual- block the narrow pass with ease, with no risk of being
ties sustained in the previous days).[68] outflanked by cavalry. Moreover, in the pass, the pha-
lanx would have been very difficult to assault for the more
lightly armed Persian infantry.[71] The major weak point
5 Strategic and tactical considera- for the Greeks was the mountain track which led across
tions the highland parallel to Thermopylae, that could allow
their position to be outflanked. Although probably un-
suitable for cavalry, this path could easily be traversed
by the Persian infantry (many of whom were versed in
mountain warfare).[73] Leonidas was made aware of this
path by local people from Trachis, and he positioned a
210.000 detachment of Phocian troops there in order to block this
route.[74]

5.1 Topography of the battlefield

Map of Thermopylae area with modern shoreline and recon-

structed shoreline of 480 BC.

It is often claimed that at the time, the pass of Thermopy-

lae consisted of a track along the shore of the Malian
Gulf so narrow that only one chariot could pass through
at a time.[48] In fact, as noted below, the pass was 100
metres wide, probably wider than the Greeks could have
held against the Persian hordes. Herodotus reports that
the Phocians had improved the defenses of the pass by
A flow map of the battle.
channelling the stream from the hot springs to create a
marsh, and it was a causeway across this marsh which
From a strategic point of view, by defending Thermopy- was only wide enough for a single chariot to traverse. In
lae, the Greeks were making the best possible use of their a later passage, describing a Gaulish attempt to force the
forces.[71] As long as they could prevent further a Persian pass, Herodotus describes how the Gauls who fell into the
advance into Greece, they had no need to seek a decisive marsh disappeared and were drowned.
battle and could, thus, remain on the defensive. More- It is also said that on the southern side of the track stood
over, by defending two constricted passages (Thermopy- cliffs that overlooked the pass. However, a glance at any
lae and Artemisium), the Greeks’ inferior numbers be- photograph of the pass shows there are no cliffs, only
came less of a factor.[71] Conversely, for the Persians the steep slopes covered in thorny bushes and trees. Although
6 6 BATTLE

no obstacle to individuals, such terrain would not be pass-

able by an army and its baggage train.
On the north side of the roadway was the Malian Gulf,
into which the land shelved gently. When the Gauls at-
tempted to force the pass, the shallowness of the water
gave the Greek fleet great difficulty getting close enough
to the fighting to bombard the Gauls with ship-borne mis-
sile weapons.
Along the path itself was a series of three constrictions, or
“gates” (pylai), and at the center gate a short wall that had Greek phalanx formation based on sources from the Perseus
been erected by the Phocians, in the previous century, to Project
aid in their defense against Thessalian invasions.[48] The
name “Hot Gates” comes from the hot springs that were
located there.[75] the defenders prisoner and bring them before him.[56][81]
The Persians soon launched a frontal assault, in waves
The terrain of the battlefield was nothing that Xerxes and of around 10,000 men, on the Greek position.[56] The
his forces were accustomed to. Although coming from a Greeks fought in front of the Phocian wall, at the nar-
mountainous country, the Persians were not prepared for rowest part of the pass, which enabled them to use as
the real nature of the country they had invaded. The pure few soldiers as possible.[82][83] Details of the tactics are
ruggedness of this area is caused by torrential downpours scant; Diodorus says, “the men stood shoulder to shoul-
for four months of the year, combined with an intense der”, and the Greeks were “superior in valor and in the
summer season of scorching heat that cracks the ground. great size of their shields.”[84] This probably describes
Vegetation is scarce and consists of low, thorny shrubs. the standard Greek phalanx, in which the men formed a
The hillsides along the pass are covered in thick brush, wall of overlapping shields and layered spear points pro-
with some plants reaching 10 feet (3.0 m) high. With the truding out from the sides of the shields, which would
sea on one side and steep, impassable hills on the other, have been highly effective as long as it spanned the width
King Leonidas and his men chose the perfect topograph- of the pass.[85] The weaker shields, and shorter spears
ical position to battle the Persian invaders.[76] and swords of the Persians prevented them from effec-
[84][86]
Today, the pass is not near the sea, but is several kilome- tively engaging the Greek hoplites. Herodotus says
tres inland because of sedimentation in the Malian Gulf. that the units for each city were kept together; units
The old track appears at the foot of the hills around the were rotated in and out of the battle to prevent fatigue,
plain, flanked by a modern road. Recent core samples which implies the Greeks had more men than necessary
[87]
indicate that the pass was only 100 metres (330 ft) wide, to block the pass. The Greeks killed so many Medes
and the waters came up to the gates: “Little do the visitors that Xerxes is said to have stood up three times from the
realize that the battle took place across the road from the seat from which he was watching the battle.[88] According
monument.”[77] The pass still is a natural defensive posi- to Ctesias, the first wave was “cut to ribbons”, with only
[58]
tion to modern armies, and British Commonwealth forces two or three Spartans killed in return.
in World War II made a defense in 1941 against the Nazi According to Herodotus and Diodorus, the king, having
invasion metres from the original battlefield. taken the measure of the enemy, threw his best troops
into a second assault the same day, the Immortals, an
• Maps of the region:[78][79] elite corps of 10,000 men.[84][86] However, the Immor-
tals fared no better than the Medes, and failed to make
• Image of the battlefield, from the east[80] any headway against the Greeks.[86] The Spartans appar-
ently used a tactic of feigning retreat, and then turning and
killing the enemy troops when they ran after them.[86]
6 Battle

6.1 First day 6.2 Second day

On the fifth day after the Persian arrival at Thermopy- On the second day, Xerxes again sent in the infantry to
lae and the first day of the battle, Xerxes finally re- attack the pass, “supposing that their enemies, being so
solved to attack the Greeks. First, he ordered 5,000 few, were now disabled by wounds and could no longer
archers to fire a barrage of arrows, but they were in- resist.”[88] However, the Persians had no more success
effective; they fired from at least 100 yards away, ac- on the second day than on the first.[88] Xerxes at last
cording to modern day scholars, and the Greeks’ bronze stopped the assault and withdrew to his camp, “totally
shields and helmets deflected the missiles. After that, perplexed”.[58]
Xerxes sent a force of 10,000 Medes and Cissians to take Later that day, however, as the Persian king was ponder-
6.3 Third day 7

ing what to do next, he received a windfall; a Trachinian Cymaean by birth, warned the Greeks.[96] Some of the
named Ephialtes informed him of the mountain path Greeks argued for withdrawal, but Leonidas resolved to
around Thermopylae and offered to guide the Persian stay at the pass with the Spartans.[95] Upon discovering
army.[89] Ephialtes was motivated by the desire for a that his army had been encircled, Leonidas told his allies
reward.[89] For this act, the name “Ephialtes” received a that they could leave if they wanted to. While many of
lasting stigma; it came to mean “nightmare” in the Greek the Greeks took him up on his offer and fled, around two
language and to symbolize the archetypal traitor in Greek thousand soldiers stayed behind to fight and die. Knowing
culture.[90] that the end was near, the Greeks marched into the open
field and met the Persians head-on. Many of the Greek
Herodotus reports that Xerxes sent his commander
Hydarnes that evening, with the men under his command, contingents then either chose to withdraw (without or-
ders) or were ordered to leave by Leonidas (Herodotus
the Immortals, to encircle the Greeks via the path. How-
ever, he does not say who those men were.[91] The Im- admits that there is some doubt about which actually
happened).[95][97] The contingent of 700 Thespians, led
mortals had been bloodied on the first day, so it is possi-
ble that Hydarnes may have been given overall command by their general Demophilus, refused to leave and com-
of an enhanced force including what was left of the Im- mitted themselves to the fight.[98] Also present were the
mortals; according to Diodorus, Hydarnes had a force of 400 Thebans and probably the helots who had accompa-
20,000 for the mission.[92] The path led from east of the nied the Spartans.[94]
Persian camp along the ridge of Mt. Anopaea behind the Leonidas’ actions have been the subject of much discus-
cliffs that flanked the pass. It branched, with one path sion. It is commonly stated that the Spartans were obey-
leading to Phocis and the other down to the Malian Gulf ing the laws of Sparta by not retreating, but it seems it
at Alpenus, the first town of Locris.[49] was actually the failure to retreat from Thermopylae that
gave rise to the notion that Spartans never retreated.[99]
It is also possible that, recalling the words of the Oracle,
6.3 Third day Leonidas was committed to sacrifice his life in order to
save Sparta. However, since the prophecy was specific to
him, this seems a poor reason to commit 1,500 other men
to a fight to the death.[99]
The most likely theory is that Leonidas chose to form
a rearguard so that the other Greek contingents could
get away.[99][100] If all the troops had retreated, the open
ground beyond the pass would have allowed the Persian
cavalry to run the Greeks down. If they had all remained
at the pass, they would have been encircled and would
eventually have all been killed.[94] By covering the re-
treat and continuing to block the pass, Leonidas could
save more than 3,000 men, who would be able to fight
again.[100]
Leonidas at Thermopylae, by Jacques-Louis David, 1814. This The Thebans have also been the subject of some discus-
is a juxtaposition of various historical and legendary elements sion. Herodotus suggests they were brought to the bat-
from the Battle of Thermopylae. tle as hostages to ensure the good behavior of Thebes.[45]
However, as Plutarch long ago pointed out, if they were
At daybreak on the third day, the Phocians guard- hostages, why not send them away with the rest of the
ing the path above Thermopylae became aware of Greeks?[99] The likelihood is that these were the The-
the outflanking Persian column by the rustling of oak ban “loyalists”, who unlike the majority of their fellow
leaves. Herodotus says they jumped up and were greatly citizens, objected to Persian domination.[99] They thus
amazed.[93] Hydarnes was perhaps just as amazed to see probably came to Thermopylae of their own free will and
them hastily arming themselves as they were to see him stayed to the end because they could not return to Thebes
and his forces.[94] He feared they were Spartans but was if the Persians conquered Boeotia.[94] The Thespians, re-
informed by Ephialtes that they were not.[93] The Pho- solved as they were not to submit to Xerxes, faced the
cians retreated to a nearby hill to make their stand (assum- destruction of their city if the Persians took Boeotia.[99]
ing the Persians had come to attack them).[93] However,
However, this alone does not explain the fact that they re-
not wishing to be delayed, the Persians merely shot a vol-
mained; the remainder of Thespiae was successfully evac-
ley of arrows at them, before bypassing them to continue
uated before the Persians arrived there.[99] It seems that
with their encirclement of the main Greek force.[93]
the Thespians volunteered to remain as a simple act of
Learning from a runner that the Phocians had not held self-sacrifice, all the more amazing since their contingent
the path, Leonidas called a council of war at dawn.[95] represented every single hoplite the city could muster.[101]
According to Diodorus, a Persian called Tyrrhastiadas, a
8 7 AFTERMATH

This seems to have been a particularly Thespian trait – on off and the body crucified. Herodotus observes this was
at least two other occasions in later history, a Thespian very uncommon for the Persians, as they traditionally
force would commit itself to a fight to the death.[99] treated “valiant warriors” with great honour (the exam-
At dawn, Xerxes made libations, pausing to allow the ple of Pytheas, captured off Skiathos before the Battle of
[103][109]
Immortals sufficient time to descend the mountain, and Artemisium, strengthens this suggestion). How-
then began his advance. [83]
A Persian force of 10,000 ever, Xerxes was known for his rage. Legend has it that
men, comprising light infantry and cavalry, charged at the he had the very water of the Hellespont whipped because
[32]
front of the Greek formation. The Greeks this time sal- it would not obey him.
lied forth from the wall to meet the Persians in the wider After the Persians’ departure, the Greeks collected their
part of the pass, in an attempt to slaughter as many Per- dead and buried them on the hill. After the Persian in-
sians as they could.[83] They fought with spears, until ev- vasion was repulsed, a stone lion was erected at Ther-
ery spear was shattered, and then switched to xiphē (short mopylae to commemorate Leonidas.[110] A full 40 years
swords).[102] In this struggle, Herodotus states that two of after the battle, Leonidas’ bones were returned to Sparta,
Xerxes’ brothers fell: Abrocomes and Hyperanthes.[102] where he was buried again with full honors; funeral games
Leonidas also died in the assault, shot down by Per- were held every year in his memory.[102][111]
sian archers, and the two sides fought over his body; With Thermopylae now opened to the Persian army, the
the Greeks took possession.[102] As the Immortals ap- continuation of the blockade at Artemisium by the Greek
proached, the Greeks withdrew and took a stand on a fleet became irrelevant. The simultaneous naval Battle of
hill behind the wall.[103] The Thebans “moved away from Artemisium had been a tactical stalemate, and the Greek
their companions, and with hands upraised, advanced to- navy was able to retreat in good order to the Saronic Gulf,
ward the barbarians...” (Rawlinson translation), but a few where they helped to ferry the remaining Athenian citi-
were slain before their surrender was accepted.[103] The zens to the island of Salamis.[100]
king later had the Theban prisoners branded with the
royal mark.[104] Of the remaining defenders, Herodotus Following Thermopylae, the Persian army proceeded to
says: sack and burn Plataea and Thespiae, the Boeotian cities
that had not submitted, before it marched on the now
“Here they defended themselves to the last, evacuated city of Athens.[112] Meanwhile, the Greeks
those who still had swords using them, and the (for the most part Peloponnesians) preparing to de-
others resisting with their hands and teeth.”[103] fend the Isthmus of Corinth, demolished the single road
that led through it and built a wall across it.[113] As at
Tearing down part of the wall, Xerxes ordered the hill sur- Thermopylae, making this an effective strategy required
rounded, and the Persians rained down arrows until every the Greek navy to stage a simultaneous blockade, bar-
last Greek was dead.[103] In 1939, archaeologist Spyridon ring the passage of the Persian navy across the Saronic
Marinatos, excavating at Thermopylae, found large num- Gulf, so that troops could not be landed directly on the
bers of Persian bronze arrowheads on Kolonos Hill, which Peloponnese.[114] However, instead of a mere blockade,
changed the identification of the hill on which the Greeks Themistocles persuaded the Greeks to seek a decisive vic-
were thought to have died from a smaller one nearer the tory against the Persian fleet. Luring the Persian navy into
wall.[105] the Straits of Salamis, the Greek fleet was able to destroy
much of the Persian fleet in the Battle of Salamis, which
The pass at Thermopylae was thus opened to the Per-
essentially ended the threat to the Peloponnese.[115]
sian army, according to Herodotus, at the cost to the
Persians of up to 20,000 fatalities.[106] The Greek rear-
Fearing the Greeks might attack the bridges across the
guard, meanwhile, was annihilated, with a probable lossHellespont and trap his army in Europe, Xerxes now re-
of 2,000 men, including those killed on the first two treated with much of the Persian army back to Asia,[116]
days of battle.[107] Herodotus says, at one point 4,000though nearly all of them died of starvation and disease
Greeks died, but assuming the Phocians guarding the on the return voyage.[117] He left a handpicked force, un-
der Mardonius, to complete the conquest the following
track were not killed during the battle (as Herodotus im-
year.[118] However, under pressure from the Athenians,
plies), this would be almost every Greek soldier present
(by Herodotus’ own estimates), and this number is prob-the Peloponnesians eventually agreed to try to force Mar-
ably too high.[108] donius to battle, and they marched on Attica.[119] Mar-
donius retreated to Boeotia to lure the Greeks into open
terrain, and the two sides eventually met near the city of
7 Aftermath Plataea.[119] At the Battle of Plataea, the Greek army won
a decisive victory, destroying much of the Persian army
and ending the invasion of Greece.[119] Meanwhile, at the
Main article: Second Persian invasion of Greece
near-simultaneous naval Battle of Mycale, they also de-
stroyed much of the remaining Persian fleet, thereby re-
When the Persians recovered Leonidas’ body, Xerxes, in ducing the threat of further invasions.[120]
a rage against Leonidas, ordered that the head be cut
 9

Thermopylae is arguably the most famous battle in Eu- not from its effect on the outcome of the war but for
ropean ancient history, repeatedly referenced in ancient, the inspirational example it set.[127][130] Thermopylae is
recent, and contemporary culture. In Western culture famous because of the heroism of the doomed rear-
at least, it is the Greeks who are lauded for their per- guard, who, despite facing certain death, remained at
formance in battle.[121] However, within the context of the pass.[121] Ever since, the events of Thermopylae have
the Persian invasion, Thermopylae was undoubtedly a de- been the source of effusive praise from many sources:
feat for the Greeks.[122] It seems clear that the Greek "...the fairest sister-victories which the Sun has ever seen,
strategy was to hold off the Persians at Thermopylae and yet they would never dare to compare their combined
Artemisium;[71] whatever they may have intended, it was glory with the glorious defeat of King Leonidas and his
presumably not their desire to surrender all of Boeo- men.”[131] A second reason is the example it set of free
tia and Attica to the Persians.[71] The Greek position at men, fighting for their country and their freedom:
Thermopylae, despite being massively outnumbered, was
nearly impregnable.[100] If the position had been held for
So almost immediately, contemporary
even a little longer, the Persians might have had to re-
Greeks saw Thermopylae as a critical moral
treat for lack of food and water.[72] Thus, despite the
and culture lesson. In universal terms, a small,
heavy losses, forcing the pass was strategically a Per-
free people had willingly outfought huge num-
sian victory,[100] but the successful retreat of the bulk of
bers of imperial subjects who advanced un-
the Greek troops was in its own sense a victory as well.
der the lash. More specifically, the West-
The battle itself had showed what a few free men, will-
ern idea that soldiers themselves decide where,
ing to do anything for victory against the invaders, could
how, and against whom they will fight was con-
accomplish, and the defeat at Thermopylae had turned
trasted against the Eastern notion of despotism
Leonidas and the men under his command into martyrs.
and monarchy—freedom proving the stronger
That boosted the morale of all Greek soldiers in the sec-
idea as the more courageous fighting of the
ond Persian invasion.[100]
Greeks at Thermopylae, and their later victo-
It is sometimes stated that Thermopylae was a Pyrrhic ries at Salamis and Plataea attested.[132]
victory for the Persians[123][124] (i.e., one in which the
victor is as damaged by the battle as the defeated party).
However, there is no suggestion by Herodotus that the While this paradigm of “free men” outfighting “slaves”
effect on the Persian forces was that. The idea ignores can be seen as a rather sweeping over-generalization
the fact that the Persians would, in the aftermath of (there are many counter-examples), it is nevertheless true
Thermopylae, conquer the majority of Greece,[125] and that many commentators have used Thermopylae to illus-
the fact that they were still fighting in Greece a year trate this point.[71]
later.[126] Alternatively, the argument is sometimes ad- Militarily, although the battle was actually not decisive
vanced that the last stand at Thermopylae was a success- in the context of the Persian invasion, Thermopylae is of
ful delaying action that gave the Greek navy time to pre- some significance on the basis of the first two days of
pare for the Battle of Salamis.c[›] However, compared to fighting. The performance of the defenders is used as an
the probable time (about one month) between Thermopy- example of the advantages of training, equipment, and
lae and Salamis, the time bought was negligible.[127] Fur- good use of terrain as force multipliers.[133]
thermore, this idea also neglects the fact that a Greek
navy was fighting at Artemisium during the Battle of
Thermopylae, incurring losses in the process.[128] George
Cawkwell suggests that the gap between Thermopylae
8 Legacy
and Salamis was caused by Xerxes’ systematically reduc-
ing Greek opposition in Phocis and Boeotia, and not as 8.1 Monuments
a result of the Battle of Thermopylae; thus, as a delay-
ing action, Thermopylae was insignificant compared to There are several monuments around the battlefield of
Xerxes’ own procrastination.[125] Far from labeling Ther- Thermopylae.
mopylae as a Pyrrhic victory, modern academic treatises
on the Greco-Persian Wars tend to emphasise the success
of Xerxes in breaching the formidable Greek position and 8.1.1 Epitaph of Simonides
the subsequent conquest of the majority of Greece. For
instance, Cawkwell states: “he was successful on both
A well-known epigram, usually attributed to Simonides,
land and sea, and the Great Invasion began with a bril-
was engraved as an epitaph on a commemorative stone
liant success. ... Xerxes had every reason to congratulate
placed on top of the burial mound of the Spartans at Ther-
himself”,[129] while Lazenby describes the Greek defeat
mopylae. It is also the hill on which the last of them
as “disastrous”.[122] died.[65] The original stone has not survived, but in 1955,
The fame of Thermopylae is thus principally derived the epitaph was engraved on a new stone. The text from
Herodotus is:[65]
10 8 LEGACY

John Ruskin expressed the importance of this ideal to

Western civilization as follows:

Also obedience in its highest form is not

obedience to a constant and compulsory law,
but a persuaded or voluntary yielded obedience
to an issued command .... His name who leads
the armies of Heaven is “Faithful and True”...
and all deeds which are done in alliance with
these armies ... are essentially deeds of faith,
which therefore ... is at once the source and the
substance of all known deed, rightly so called ...
Epitaph with Simonides' epigram as set forth in the last word of the noblest group
of words ever, so far as I know, uttered by sim-
ple man concerning his practice, being the final
Ὦ ξεῖν', ἀγγέλλειν Λακεδαιμονίοις ὅτι τῇδε testimony of the leaders of a great practical na-
κείμεθα, τοῖς κείνων ῥήμασι πειθόμενοι. tion ... [the epitaph in Greek][150]

Ō ksein', angellein Lakedaimoniois hoti tēide

8.1.2 Leonidas monument
keimetha, tois keinōn rhēmasi peithomenoi.
Additionally, there is a modern monument at the site,
Oh stranger, tell the Lacedaemonians that called the “Leonidas Monument”, in honor of the Spar-
we lie here, trusting their words.[134] tan king. It features a bronze statue of Leonidas. A sign,
under the statue, reads simply: "Μολὼν λαβέ" (“Come
The alternative ancient reading πειθόμενοι νομίμοις for and take them!"—as in answer to Xerxes’ demand that
ῥήμασι πειθόμενοι substitutes “laws” or “orders” for the Greeks give up their weapons). The metope below
“words.” In other words, the “orders” are not personal but depicts battle scenes. The two marble statues on the left
refer to official and binding phrases (the Ancient Greek and the right of the monument represent, respectively, the
term can also refer to a formal speech).[135] river Eurotas and Mount Taygetos, famous landmarks of
Sparta.[151]
The form of this ancient Greek poetry is an elegiac cou-
plet, commonly used for epitaphs. Some English render-
ings are given in the table below. It is also an example of 8.1.3 Thespian monument
Laconian brevity, a spartan style of verse that allows for
varying interpretations of the meaning of the poem.[134] In 1997, a second monument was officially unveiled by
Ioannis Ziogas points out that the usual English transla- the Greek government, dedicated to the 700 Thespians
tions are far from the only interpretation possible, and in- who fought with the Spartans. The monument is made
dicate much about the romantic tendencies of the trans- of marble and features a bronze statue depicting the god
lators. Eros, to whom the ancient Thespians accorded particular
It was well known in ancient Greece that all the Spar- religious veneration. Under the statue, a sign reads: “In
tans who had been sent to Thermopylae had been killed memory of the seven hundred Thespians.”
there (with the exception of Aristodemus and Pantites), A plate below the statue explains its symbolism:
and the epitaph exploits the conceit that there was no-
body left to bring the news of their deeds back to Sparta. • The headless male figure symbolizes the anonymous
Greek epitaphs often appealed to the passing reader (al- sacrifice of the 700 Thespians to their country.
ways called 'stranger') for sympathy, but the epitaph for
the dead Spartans at Thermopylae took this convention • The outstretched chest symbolizes the struggle, the
much further than usual, asking the reader to make a per- gallantry, the strength, the bravery and the courage.
sonal journey to Sparta to break the news that the Spartan
expeditionary force had been wiped out. The stranger is • The open wing symbolizes the victory, the glory, the
also asked to stress that the Spartans died 'fulfilling their soul, the spirit and the freedom.
orders’.
• The broken wing symbolizes the voluntary sacrifice
The first line of the epigram was used as the title of the and death.
short story "Stranger, Bear Word to the Spartans We…"
by German Nobel Prize laureate Heinrich Böll. A vari- • The naked body symbolizes Eros, the most impor-
ant of the epigram is inscribed on the Polish Cemetery at tant god of the ancient Thespians, a god of creation,
Monte Cassino. beauty and life.
8.3 In popular culture 11

The monument to the Thespians is placed beside the one so numerous as “to block out the sun”, he retorted, un-
to the Spartans. concerned: “So much the better...then we shall fight our
battle in the shade.”[156]
After the battle, Xerxes was curious as to what the Greeks
had been trying to do (presumably because they had had
so few men) and had some Arcadian deserters interro-
gated in his presence. The answer was: all the other men
were participating in the Olympic Games. When Xerxes
asked what the prize was for the winner, the answer was:
• A plate, below the statue “an olive-wreath”. Upon hearing this, Tigranes, a Persian
general, said: “Good heavens, Mardonius, what kind of
men are these that you have pitted against us? It is not for
riches that they contend but for honor!" (Godley transla-
8.2 Associated legends
tion) or otherwise, “Ye Gods, Mardonius, what men have
you brought us to fight against? Men that fight not for
Herodotus’ colorful account of the battle has provided
gold, but for glory.”[157]
history with many apocryphal incidents and conversa-
tions away from the main historical events. These ac-
counts are obviously not verifiable, but they form an inte- 8.3 In popular culture
gral part of the legend of the battle and often demonstrate
the laconic speech (and wit) of the Spartans to good ef- Main article: Battle of Thermopylae in popular culture
fect.
For instance, Plutarch recounts, in his Sayings of Spartan The Battle of Thermopylae has remained a cultural icon
Women, upon his departure, Leonidas’ wife Gorgo asked of western civilization ever since it was fought. The battle
what she should do if he did not return, to which Leonidas is revisited in countless adages and works of popular cul-
replied, “Marry a good man and have good children.”[152] ture, such as in films (e.g., The 300 Spartans (1962) and
It is reported that, upon arriving at Thermopylae, the Per- 300 (2007), based on the events during and close to the
sians sent a mounted scout to reconnoiter. The Greeks time of the battle), in literature, in song, in television pro-
allowed him to come up to the camp, observe them, and grams, and in video games. The battle is also discussed
depart. Xerxes found the scout’s reports of the size of in many articles and books on the theory and practice of
the Greek force, and that the Spartans were indulging in warfare.
calisthenics and combing their long hair, laughable. Seek- Main article: Sparta in popular culture
ing the counsel of Demaratus, an exiled Spartan king in
his retinue, Xerxes was told the Spartans were preparing
for battle, and it was their custom to adorn their hair when Prior to the battle, the Hellenes remembered the Dorians,
they were about to risk their lives. Demaratus called them an ethnic distinction which applied to the Spartans, as
“the bravest men in Greece” and warned the Great King the conquerors and displacers of the Ionians in the
they intended to dispute the pass. He emphasized that he Peloponnesus. After the battle, Spartan culture became
had tried to warn Xerxes earlier in the campaign, but the an inspiration and object of emulation, a phenomenon
king had refused to believe him. He added that if Xerxes known as Laconophilia.
ever managed to subdue the Spartans, “there is no other
nation in all the world which will venture to lift a hand in
their defense.”[153] 9 See also
Herodotus also describes Leonidas’ reception of a Per-
sian embassy. The ambassador told Leonidas that Xerxes • Aristodemus of Sparta
would offer him the kingship of all Greece if he joined • Battle of Tirad Pass
with Xerxes. Leonidas answered: “If you had any knowl-
edge of the noble things of life, you would refrain from • Battle of Saragarhi
coveting others’ possessions; but for me to die for Greece
is better than to be the sole ruler over the people of my • Spartan Army
race.”[154] Then the ambassador asked him more force- • Gates of Fire
fully to surrender their arms. To this Leonidas gave his
famous answer: Μολὼν λαβέ (pronounced Greek pronun- • Battle of Traigh Ghruinneart, where a dwarf betrays
ciation: [moˈlɔːn laˈbe]) “Come and get them.”[155] the forces that rejected his service
Such Laconic bravery doubtlessly helped to maintain • Battle of Longewala
morale. Herodotus writes that when Dienekes, a Spar-
tan soldier, was informed that Persian arrows would be • Great Siege of Malta
12 11 REFERENCES

• List of last stands [11] Note to Herodotus IX, 81

[12] The Great Persian War and its Preliminaries; A Study of the
Analogous: Evidence, Literary and Topographical, George B. Grundy,
John Murray, Albemarle Street, London, 1901.
• Battle of the Persian Gate a.k.a. the “Persian Ther-
mopylae” [13] Chapter II, Strategy, Second Revised Edition, Frederick
A. Praeger, New York, 1967
• Battle of Wizna a.k.a. the “Polish Thermopylae” in
[14] The Topography of the Battle of Plataea: The City of
Polish culture
Plataea, the Field of Leuctra, G.B.Grundy
• Siege of the Alamo, a.k.a. “the Texan Thermopy- [15] Cartledge, Paul (2007). Thermopylae : the battle that
lae” in US culture changed the world (1. pbk. ed.). London: Pan. p. 215.
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• Three Hundred Aragvians - a similar last stand by a
similar number, in Georgia [16] Cartledge, Paul (2007). Thermopylae : the battle that
changed the world (1. pbk. ed.). London: Pan. p. 224.
• Battle of Tel Hai in Zionist history ISBN 9780330419185.

[17] Cartledge, Paul (2007). Thermopylae : the battle that

10 Notes changed the world (1. pbk. ed.). London: Pan. p. 231.
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^ a: Although some authors state the result was a Pyrrhic [18] Bradford, Ernle (2004). Thermopylae : the battle for the
victory for Persia,[123][124] the majority of authors do not West (1st Da Capo Press pbk. ed.). New York: Da Capo
apply this label to the result: see above. Press. p. 137. ISBN 9780306813603.
^ b: A huge number of estimates have been made since [19] Cartledge, Paul (2007). Thermopylae : the battle that
the 19th century, ranging from 15,000 to acceptance of changed the world (1. pbk. ed.). London: Pan. p. 146.
Herodotus’ 1,800,000. No real consensus exists; even ISBN 9780330419185.
the most recent estimates by academics vary between
70,000 and 300,000. As Holland puts it, “in short...we [20] Holland, p. 47–55
will never know.”[60]
[21] Holland, p. 203
^ c: “The Battle of Thermopylae was a Pyrrhic victory
for [the Persians] but it offered Athens invaluable time [22] Herodotus V, 105
to prepare for the decisive naval battle of Salamis one
month later.”[158] [23] Holland, 171–178

[24] Herodotus VI, 44

[25] Holland, pp. 178–179

11 References [26] Herodotus VII, 133

[1] Bradford, p.162 [27] Herodotus VI, 101

[2] Greswell, p. 374 [28] Herodotus VI, 113

[3] Herodotus VIII, 24 [29] Holland, pp. 206–206

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[31] Holland, pp. 213–214
[5] Histories
[32] “VII, 35”. Perseus.tufts.edu. Retrieved 26 November
[6] Herodotus VIII, 25 2014.

[7] Herodotus VIII, 24 [33] Cox, Jeremy (2016). ""They Died the Spartan’s Death"".
Thermopylae, theAlamo, and the Mirrors of Classical
[8] Sacks, Kenneth (2003). Understanding Emerson: “The Analogy, Advances in the History of Rhetoric.
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[35] Herodotus VII, 32
[9] Cassin-Scott, Jack (1977). The Greek and Persian Wars
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[10] Diodorus XI, 28–34, [37] Holland, p. 226

 13

[38] Holland, pp. 248–249 [73] Holland, p 288

[39] Herodotus VII, 173 [74] Holland, pp. 262–264

[40] Holland, pp. 255–257 [75] Herodotus VIII, 201

[41] Herodotus VIII, 40 [76] Bradford, Ernle (1980). The Battle For The West: Ther-
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[42] Holland, pp. 255–256 68–69. ISBN 0-07-007062-8.
[43] Herodotus VII, 206 [77] Dore, pp. 285–286
[44] Holland, pp. 258–259. [78] “Map of Thermopylae”. Archive.org. Archived from
[45] Herodotus VII, 205 the original (JPG) on 30 September 2007. Retrieved 26
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[46] Rawlinson translation of Herodotus VII, 242
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[48] Herodotus VII, 176 [80]

[49] Herodotus VII, 217 [81] Diodorus Siculus XI, 6

[50] Holland, pp. 269–270 [82] Herodotus VII, 208
[51] Herodotus VII, 207 [83] Herodotus VII, 223
[52] Plutarch, Apophthegmata Laconica, section “Leonidas, [84] Diodorus Siculus XI, 7
son of Anaxandridas”, saying 6, Vol. III of the Loeb Clas-
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[53] “Herodotus Book 7: Polymnia, 226”. Sacred-texts.com. [86] Herodotus VII, 211
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[87] Herodotus VII, 204
[54] Holland, pp. 270–271
[88] Herodotus VII, 212
[55] Plutarch, Apophthegmata Laconica, section “Leonidas,
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[56] Herodotus VII, 210 [90] Tegopoulos, entry for Εφιάλτης

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[65] Herodotus VII, 228 [99] Lazenby, pp. 144–145

[66] Herodotus VIII, 25 [100] Holland, p. 294

[67] Pausanias X, 20 [101] Lazenby, pp. 259–260

[68] Green, p. 140 [102] Herodotus VII, 224

[69] Bradford, p. 106 [103] Herodotus VII, 225

[70] Bury, pp. 271–282 [104] Herodotus VII 233

[71] Lazenby, pp. 248–253 [105] Crawford, p. 302

[72] Holland, pp. 285–287 [106] Herodotus VIII, 24

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[110] Herodotus VII, 238 [143] Robinson, p. 65

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Sparta pages. Archived from the original on 20 Oc-
tober 2007. Retrieved 20 October 2007. • Pressfield, Steven (1998). Gates of Fire: An Epic
Novel of the Battle of Thermopylae. Doubleday.
• Green, Peter (1996). The Greco-Persian Wars. ISBN 1407066595.
University of California Press. ISBN 0-520-20313-
5. • Robinson, C.E. (2007). Hellas – A Short History of
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native Version, University of Texas Press, (2006). p.
59 ISBN 0-292-71277-4 • Ruskin, John (1894). “Part VIII: Of Ideas of Rela-
tion – I. of Invention Formal: Chapter I: The Law of
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Polymnia”. Greek Texts. George Rawlinson (trans.).
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• Herodotus (2003). The Histories. Aubrey de Sélin-
• Tegopoulos, G.; A. Phytrakis (1988). Elliniko Lex-
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ico (Greek Dictionary). Athens: Armonia.
• Holland, Tom (2006). Persian Fire: The First World
Empire and the Battle for the West. New York: Dou- • Tung, Douglas S.; Tung, Teresa K. (2010). 36
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• Lazenby, JF. The Defence of Greece 490–479 BC.
Aris & Phillips Ltd., 1993 (ISBN 0-85668-591-7)

• Lemprière, John (1862). A classical dictionary.

13 Further reading
• Macan, Reginald Walter. “Herodotus: The Sev- • Campbell, George (1889). The History of
enth, Eighth & Ninth Books with Introduction and Herodotus: Translated into English: Vol. II. London:
Commentary: Commentary on Herodotus, Histo- MacMillan and Co., Limited.
ries, book 7, chapter 228”. The Perseus Digital Li-
brary (Tufts University). pp. section 8. Retrieved • Grundy, George (1901). The Great Persian War and
18 October 2007. its preliminaries; A Study of the Evidence, Literary
and Topographical. London: John Murray, Albe-
• Marozzi, Justin (2008). The Way of Herodotus: marle Street.
Travels with the Man Who Invented History. Da
Capo Press. ISBN 0-306-81621-0. • Cartledge, Paul (2006). Thermopylae: The Battle
That Changed the World. Woodstock, New York:
• Merivale, J.K. (1833). From the Greek Anthology by The Overlook Press. ISBN 1-58567-566-0.
the Late Rev. Robert Bland, and Others: A New Edi-
tion: Comprising the Fragments of Early Lyric Po- • Matthews, Rupert (2006). The Battle of Thermopy-
etry, With Specimens of All the Poets Included in Me- lae: A Campaign in Context. Stroud, Gloucester-
leager’s Garland. Longman, Rees, Orme, Brown, shire, UK: Tempus Publishing. ISBN 1-86227-325-
Green, and Longman; and John Murray. 1.
16 14 EXTERNAL LINKS

• Fehling, D. Herodotus and His “Sources": Citation,

Invention, and Narrative Art. Translated by J.G.
Howie. Arca Classical and Medieval Texts, Papers,
and Monographs, 21. Leeds: Francis Cairns, 1989
• Kraft, John C.; Rapp, George; Szemler, George
J.; Tziavos, Christos; Kase, Edward W. (July
1987). “The pass at Thermopylae, Greece” (PDF).
Journal of Field Archaeology. 14 (2): 181–98.
doi:10.2307/530139. ISSN 0093-4690.

• Finley, Moses (1972). “Introduction”. Thucydides –

History of the Peloponnesian War (translated by Rex
Warner). Penguin. ISBN 0-14-044039-9.
• Barkworth, Peter R. (1993). “The Organization of
Xerxes’ Army” (PDF). Iranica Antiqua. XXVII:
149–167. doi:10.2143/ia.27.0.2002126. Retrieved
18 October 2007.

• Morris, Ian Macgregor (2000). “To Make a New

Thermopylae: Hellenism, Greek Liberation, and the
Battle of Thermopylae”. Greece & Rome. 47 (2):
211–230. doi:10.1093/gr/47.2.211.

• Sacks, Kenneth S. (1976). “Herodotus and

the Dating of the Battle of Thermopylae”.
The Classical Quarterly. 26 (2): 232–248.
doi:10.1017/S0009838800033127. JSTOR
638269.
• Ιστορία του Ελληνικού Έθνους = History of the
Greek nation volume Β', Athens 1971

14 External links
• EDSITEment Lesson Plan: 300 Spartans at the Bat-
tle of Thermopylae: Herodotus’ Real History (from
the National Endowment for the Humanities)

• Lendering, Jona (1996–2007). “Herodotus’ twenty-

second logos: Thermopylae”. Livius articles on an-
cient history. Archived from the original on 11 Oc-
tober 2007. Retrieved 19 October 2007.
• The Five Great Battles of Antiquity by David L.
Smith, Symposion Lectures, 30 June 2006.
• Modern monument at siu.edu

• Spartan burial mound at coloradocollege.edu

Coordinates: 38°47′47.8″N 22°32′12.2″E /

38.796611°N 22.536722°E
 17

15 Text and image sources, contributors, and licenses

15.1 Text
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