The Concept of Ubudiyya PDF

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The C on cep t o f ‘Ubudiyyah
in th e T h eology o f Ibn Taym iyyah:
th e R elation sh ip b etw een F aith , Love and A ction s
in th e P erfectio n o f W orship
by
J a m e s Pavlin
A d issertatio n su b m itte d in p artial fulfillm ent
of th e req u irem en ts for the degree of
Doctor of Philosophy
D epartm ent of M iddle E astern S tu d ies

New York U niversity
May, 1998
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout permission.
UMI N u m b er : 9831751
Copyright 1998 by
Pavlin, James David
All rights reserved.
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© Ja m es Pavlin
All Rights R eserved, 1998
To th e M em ory of
My P aren ts
111
A cknow ledgem ents
It is w ell-know n by th o se who have reach ed this sta g e of their

form al ed u catio n th a t it is im possible to acknow ledge all th e people
who have h elp ed th e m alo n g th e way. To th o s e m a n y u n n a m e d
frien d s a n d co lleag u es I sa y th a n k you. O f th o se w h o m I sh all
m ention, I w a n t to s ta r t by th an k in g m y advisor. Prof. Alfred Ivry of
New York U niversity, who accepted th e difficult ta s k of d irecting my
re se a rc h a fte r m y first ad v iso r w as obliged to w ith d raw from th e
position. Prof. Ivry’s in sig h tfu l suggestions a n d p a tie n t co n cern to
see th is p ro je c t to co m p letio n w ere im p o rta n t fa c to rs for its
su c c e ss. T he d e p a rtu re o f m y form er ad v iso r. Prof. M ichael G.
C arter, now a t th e U niversity of Oslo, as d isappointing a s it w as a t
the tim e, th u s proved to be a blessing in disguise. And alth o u g h the
final outcom e is q u ite different from w h a t I h a d s ta rte d w ith Prof.
C arter, m y d e b t of g ra titu d e to him for g u id in g me th ro u g h th e
su b tleties of A rabic g ram m a r can never be tru ly ex p ressed . I can
only d isso lv e h im of a n y blam e for m y s h o rtc o m in g s a s a
gram m arian . I also w a n t to th a n k Prof. Philip K ennedy a n d Prof.
S u sa n S p ecto rsk y for read in g th ro u g h m y first drafts a n d helping
me fine tu n e som e very u n articu lated passag es. I am gratefiil to Prof.
Peter Chelkow ski, w ho tried so h ard to get m e to le a m P ersian , for
his good council over th e years. And I have a special th a n k s for Prof.
B ern ard Haykel, w ho agreed to sit on th e defence com m ittee a t a
la st m in u te re q u e st. I n eed also to acknow ledge th e tre m e n d o u s
help I received in u n d e rs ta n d in g M am lu k e c u ltu re fro m Prof.
iv
L eonor F ern an d es. I w ish also to th a n k Prof. M ona M ich ael for
help in g m e get sta rted in th e s tu d y of A rabic. Finally, a la s t-b u t-n o t-
le a s t d e b t of g ra titu d e to th e m a n y g re a t sc h o lars w ith w h o m I
stu d ied a t New York U niversity, p artic u larly Prof. R obert M cC hesney
a n d Prof. Max K ortepeter.
Related to m y p a rtic u la r in te re s t in Ibn Taym iyyah's R isa la t al-
‘U b u d iy y a h , two people d e se rv e sp e c ia l m en tio n . T h e f ir s t is
A b dallah M ekkaoui, w ith w hom I b eg a n th e process of re a d in g a n d
tra n s la tin g the text. The o th e r is O m ar Tresize, w ith w hom I s p e n t
co u n tle ss h o u rs read in g a n d d isc u ssin g th e text, as well a s m a n y
o th e r concerns of th e h e a rt a n d m in d .
As for the ever p re s e n t n e e d s of daily life th a t a r e o ften
neglected by "career" s tu d e n ts , I w a n t to th a n k m y s is te rs, D iane
a n d E laine, my b ro th er, T h o m as, a n d th e ir respective fam ilies, for
alw ays being there w hen I h a d m y h a n d o u t for a ssista n c e . A nd th e
la s t w ords of th a n k s go to m y d e a r wife, Umm Zakariya, an d m y two
b e a u tif u l c h ild re n , S afiy a and Z a k a riy a , fo r p ro v id in g th e
u n q u estio n in g love one n eed s to keep all th in g s in perspective.
M ay Allah bless all who have helped m e to reac h th is po int.
Preface
I w as firs t in tro d u ced to the w o rk s of Ibn Taym iyyah in 1984,

a y e a r after m y e n try into Islam th ro u g h m y initial c o n ta c ts w ith a
S u fi o rd e r. As a se lf-p ro c la im e d s e e k e r of th e tru th , my
a c q u ain tan ce w ith Sufism seem ed to be one more ste p on a jo u rn e y
w hose goal I h a d vaguely conceptualized a s "finding God." A lm ost
fifteen y ears a fte r beginning th a t p h a s e o f m y journey, I find m yself
co m p letin g a n acad em ic d is s e rta tio n , th e pro cess of w h ic h h a s
given me s u rp risin g in sig h ts into "Sufism" an d "Orthodoxy” in Islam .
I c a n n o t claim to have resolved com pletely for myself th e p arad o x es
of sp irit w hich re s u lt from a com m itm ent to obey religious law an d a
d esire to experience a p erso n al re la tio n sh ip w ith God. H ence, th is
d is s e rta tio n r e p r e s e n ts m y own a tte m p ts to a p p ro a c h G od by
u n d e rs ta n d in g revelation th ro u g h re a s o n a n d achieving sp iritu a lity
th ro u g h discipline. And if th e m ystical u n io n sought by m a n y Sufis
h a s b een confirm ed for m e to be a d elu sio n , their y earn in g for God
rem a in s in sp iratio n al. Likewise, if th e u s e of th e rational faculties by
th e p h ilo so p h ers h a s b een confirm ed for m e to be severely lim ited
in seeking o u t sp iritu a l tru th , th e ir sk e p ticism in analy zin g tru th ,
even revealed tru th , rem a in s sobering. T h u s, if I d are to call m yself
a k in d red s p irit w ith Ibn Taym iyyah, it is b ecau se I see in h im a
ratio n al m ind seeking a spiritual n e a rn e ss to God.
Table of C o n ten ts
D edication .................................................................................................... iii
A ck n o w led g em en ts ............................................................................. iv
P reface .................................................................................................... vi
A bstract .................................................................................................... x
In tro d u c tio n ........................................................................................ 1
C h ap ter 1: A B iographical Sketch o f Ibn Taymiyyah .................... 13

P art A: G eneral Biographical D a ta on Ibn Taymiyyah
a n d h is Fam ily .................................................................. 14
P art B: Review of Ibn Taym iyyah's Conflicts and Trials ..... 21
P a rt C: A Personal Profile of fb n Taym iyyah .................... 43
C h ap ter 2: S o u rces an d M ethodology ........................................... 55

P art A: T he Q u ra n .................................................................. 58
1 H erm en eu tics .................................................................. 58
2 C lassifying the Exegetes ........................................... 70
P art B: T he P rophet and his C om panions ............................. 82
P art C: T he Arabic Language ...................................................... 93
C h ap ter 3: Theology ...............................................................................109

P art A: T he Creed of Ibn T aym iyyah .................................I l l
1 T he Principles of th e C reed of th e AhL al-Sunnoh .. I l l
2 T he Proofs for God’s N am es a n d A ttributes ............ 113
3 G od’s Wifi ....................................................................114
4 H u m an Volition ........................................................ 117
5 G od’s Face an d H ands ............................................ 122
6 G od’s H earing an d S eeing ............................................ 124
7 T ra n sce n d en c e ........................................................ 126
8 G od’s Speech ....................................................................131
P art B: T he ‘A q ld a h an d Ibn Taym iyyah’s View of W orship 134
1 Ibn Taym iyyah's C ritique of K alam ...................... 136
2 Ib n Taym iyyah’s C ritique of Sufism ......................147
C h ap ter 4: P relim inary Com m ents to th e T ranslation ....................177
C hapter 5: T he T ran slatio n of al-‘U b u d iyya h (Part 1 of 4) 185
1 The D efinition of W orship ........................................................ 185
2 A D escription of W orshippers ............................................ 187
3 The C om ponent P arts of W orship ................................. 192
4 Love C om pletes th e C oncept of W orship ......................194
vii
5 The C lassification of Em otions .............................................197
6 Predestination a n d th e C lassification of H um anity ..........2 0 0
7 Predestination a n d Religious Obligations ......................205
8 Predestination, Free Will an d th e H adith of
Adam an d M oses ................................................................... 210
9 A ntinom ianism a n d th e U nity of Being .................................21 7
10 W itnessing D eterm inism a s a n Excuse for
D isobedience ................................................................... 219
11 The Delicate B alan ce of P redestination an d Free Will ...226
12 Desires are R esponsible for th e Claims of
W itnessing Q adar ........................................................229
13 Tasting F aith as O pposed to Loving One's Own D esires 232
14 D escription o f th e G roups th a t E rr Concerning Q a d a r 235
15 The Two P rinciples of Perfect W orship ......................2 39
16 A G ram m atical Analysis of th e Com m ands to W orship 242
17 Sum m arizing th e D escription of Perfect W orship ........ 247
C h ap ter 6: The T ran slatio n of a l-‘U budiyyah (Part 2 of 4) 253

1 The Slavery of a H eart ........................................................253
2 The M eaning o f Reliance on God ............................................2 5 7
3 Patience an d R en o u n cem en t ............................................261
4 Freedom an d P assio n ate Love ............................................2 6 6
5 The Will to A ct Leads to T asting F aith .................................268
6 Perfecting F a ith a n d Love ........................................................273
7 Love an d H ate for th e Sake of God .................................2 77
C h a p ter 7: The T ra n sla tio n of al-'U budiyyah. (Part 3 of 4) 281
1 The In teractio n of Love, W orship a n d Reliance ..........281
2 Arrogance a n d Polytheism In h ib it th e Will to W orship ....2 8 4
3 A braham as th e Model for C om bating Polytheism ..........2 9 0
4 Intim ate Love a n d Intim ate F rie n d s h ip .................................295
5 Tasting the S w eetness of F aith ............................................3 0 0
6 Love in B alance w ith Hope a n d F ear .................................3 0 4
7 Love is U nited w ith O bedience ............................................ 307
8 The C riteria of Love ................................................................... 311
9 How to A pproach God T hrough Love .................................315
10 Hidden Polytheism a n d D e s ir e s ............................................ 319
11 The Two W ays: A braham 's a n d P haraoh's ......................3 24
C h ap ter 8: The T ran slatio n of a l-‘U b u d iyya h (Part 4 of 4) 328
1 The F a n a ’ of th e P rophets an d S ain ts .................................3 28
2 The Fana.’ of W itnessing ........................................................329
3 The Struggle to Rem ain C onscious in Worship ............3 3 3
4 The F a n a ’ of E x isten ce ......................................................337
5 The M eaning o f Farq a n d J a m ‘ ............................................341
6 The G ram m ar o f D ikr ......................................................345
7 Meaningful S tate m e n ts in th e A rabic Language .......... 351
8 The S u m m atio n of C orrect W orship .................................3 60
viii
C onclusion 3 66
Bibliography ........................................................................................... 369
A: Q uranic M aterials .................................................................... 3 69
B: Works by Ibn Taymiyyah ........................................................ 3 7 0
C: T ranslations of Ibn T aym iyyah's W orks 372
D: Prim ary S ources .................................................................... 372
E: T ran slatio n s of Prim ary S ou rces .............................................3 7 4
F: Secondary Sources .................................................................... 3 7 6
ix
A bstract of th e D issertation
The C oncept of ‘U budiyyah in th e Theology of Ibn Taymiyyah:
th e Relationship b etw een Faith, Love and A ctions
in the P erfection of W orship
b y J a m e s Pavlin
A d issertatio n su b m itte d in p artial fulfillment of th e

req u irem en ts for th e degree of D octor of Philosophy
D ep a rtm en t of Middle E a s te rn S tudies, New York U niversity
May, 1998
Adviser: Prof. Alfred Ivry
Taql-l-D Ih Ahmad ib n Taym iyyah (d. 728/1328) w as a H anbali

theologian a n d dogm atic follower of th e A h l al-Had.it (the people of
the P ro p h et's traditions). S eeking to reform M uslim society b e se t by
various tu rm o ils, he m ain tain ed th e need for M uslims to purify their
beliefs a n d actions. This in v ariab ly m e a n t for him th a t a M uslim 's
w orship m u s t be in conform ity w ith th a t of the P ro p h e t a n d his
C om panions a s ta u g h t by th e R ighteous P redecessors (a l-sa la f al-
salih). W ithin th is context, h e arg u es th a t a M uslim 's w orship m u st
stem from s tr ic t m o n o th eism (ta w h id ), w hich is b a s e d on God's
a b so lu te d istin c tio n from H is crea tio n , com bined w ith p ietism ,
w hich grow s o u t of the love a n d fear of God. In his essa y entitled
R isalat al-'U budiyyah (An E s s a y on Worship), th e tran slatio n of which
is th e b a s is of th is dissertation, Ibn Taym iyyah develops th is "salafi'
co n cep t of w o rsh ip b a se d o n w h a t h e refers to a s th e "pure"
m ethodology of th e earliest M uslim s, w hich includes th e Q u ran , the
S u n n a h , th e p ractice of th e s a l a f a n d th e Arabic la n g u ag e. He
d escrib es th e w ay of th e R ighteous P red ecesso rs a s a "m ediating
position" (inasat) betw een w h a t he sees as th e ex trem e opinions of
o th e r M u slim g ro u p s, w hom he a tta c k s in a c o n s is te n t a n d
m ethodic m a n n e r by referring all controversies b a c k to th e Q u ran
a n d S u n n a h as in te rp re te d by th e A h l al-Had.lt. Ib n Taym iyyah
singles o u t th ree g ro u p s for having p articu larly d e v ia n t beliefs: th e
speculative theologians (m utakallim un), w hose theology relies on the
ra tio n a l sc ien c es to in te rp re t th e Q u ra n a n d th e S u n n a h , th e
p h ilo s o p h e r s ( fa la s i f ah), who h av e e la b o ra te d m e ta p h y sic a l
c o n s tru c ts b ased on philosophical d o ctrin es of A n cien t G reek an d
Hellenic th in k ers, an d th e m ystical Sufis, who m a in ta in beliefs ab o u t
God b a se d on p an th eism an d m onism (w a h d a t al-wujud).
Ib n Taym iyyah u se s h is theology of w orship to revive a "salafL
spiritualism " in w hich h e integrates th e concepts of faith, love an d
actions, into a unified theology for perfecting m a n 's relation to God.
By fo c u sin g on h is beliefs in th e u n iq u e n e s s of God an d th e
in te rp retatio n of His nam es an d attrib u tes w ith o u t questioning (bi-la
kayj) th e n a tu re of th e ir existence in His essence, I sh a ll argue th a t
Ibn T aym iyyah d en o u n ces h is opponents for h av in g deviated from
the belief a n d p ractices of th e Prophet an d h is C om panions b u t is
willing to a d a p t som e of th e term s a n d arg u m e n ts th e y u se to h is
own body of beliefs. In particular, I sh all describe how he responds
to th e m ystical notion of th e annihilation of self [fa n a ’) by bringing it
into th e realm of H a n b a li pietism as p racticed by "orthodox" Sufis
su c h as ‘Abd-Allah al-A nsari al-Harawi a n d ‘Abd al-Q adir al-Jilam .
xi
Introduction
Taqi-l-D in A hm ad ib n T aym iyyah (6 6 1 /1 2 6 3 -7 2 8 /1 3 2 8 ) is

one of th e m ost controversial sch o lars of Islam , a m an w ho u p to the
p re se n t h a s inspired deep love in h is followers an d b itte r h a tre d in
h is opp o n en ts. A H a n b a li th eo lo g ian an d dogm atic follower of the
A h l al-Had.it, Ibn T aym iyyah re a c h e s ac ro ss th e c e n tu rie s th ro u g h
h is call to reform M uslim society in acco rd an ce w ith th e id ea of th e
p ristin e Islam ic com m unity of M edina a t th e tim e of th e P rophet
a n d h is C om panions. B u t m ore th a n b ein g a social o r political
reform er, his efforts to revive M uslim society is only a co n sequence
of th e g reater goal of h is theology. F or Ibn Taym iyyah, so cial and
political reform c a n only re s u lt from a com m unity of believers who
a re sin cerely w orshipping God. T h u s, before everything else, Ibn
Taym iyyah seeks to purify th e belief an d actions of each w orshipper.
His theological w ritings in d icate th a t h e sa w no o th e r w ay for the
M u slim s to go th a n to follow th e te a c h in g s of th e R ig h teo u s
P redecessors (al-salaf al-salih).
In order to clarify h is views on w orship, it is th e aim of th is
d issertatio n to p rese n t a n a n n o ta te d tra n sla tio n of Ibn T aym iyyah’s
R is a la t a l-'U b u d iy y a h [An E p istle on W orship). T his R is a la h is
p re se n te d a s Ibn T aym iyyah's exegesis of th e Q u ra n ic S u ra al-
B a q arah 2 :2 1.1 Its significance is th a t it rep rese n ts a n en cap su latio n
th ro u g h o u t this work, the Quranic Suras will be identified by the name o f the
Sura and its number followed by a colon and the verse number.
of Ibn T aym iyyah's views o n m ethodological a n d theological issu es in
Islam . In a l-'U b u d iy y a h , h e d isc u sse s w h a t h e se e s a s th e m ajo r
com ponents of Islamic relig io u s belief a n d p ractice , explaining how
each of th e s e asp ects of Islam in te rre la te s in a p ro cess leading to
the perfection of w orship. T his co ncept of w o rsh ip c a n be described
as Ibn T aym iyyah's "organic" view of relig io n ,2 for h e weaves h is
beliefs on p red estin atio n a n d free will, faith a n d disbelief, obedience
to Islam ic Law,3 an d the n a tu re a n d role of love, fear a n d patience in
re la tio n to G od, into a n in te rd e p e n d e n t la ttic e o f th eo lo g ical
concepts, w h ich in tu rn d ic ta te h is overall view of w orship.
However, while b u ild in g h is th eo ry of w o rsh ip b a se d on th e
in te rre la tio n o f th e se c o m p o n e n ts , Ib n T ay m iy y ah is forced to
co n fro n t so m e of th e m o s t h isto ric a lly c o n tro v e rs ia l theological
is s u e s in Islam . N ever s h y in g from s u c h c o n tro v e rs ie s, Ibn
2Laoust (E s s a i , 1939:160) uses the term "organic" to describe Ibn Taymiyyah's

beliefs concerning his concept o f the unity o f the divine essence. Laoust states
that Ibn Taymiyyah substitutes ”une conception organique" for the
philosophers' "conception arithmetique." Makari (1 976:41), follow ing Laoust,
uses the term in the same context, describing Ibn Taymiyyah's view o f the
relationship between the divine essen ce and the divine attributes by stating
that "he substitutes the mathematical conception o f unity with an organic one."
In a slightly expanded use o f the term, Swartz (1973:115) identifies Ibn
Taymiyyah’s concept of holding a mediating position (w a s a t ) between extremes
with his "...notion that divine truth is an organic w hole.” I shall use this term
to describe Ibn Taymiyyah's view o f the relationship between God's essence
and attributes and o f the nature o f divine truth.
3I shall refer to the sharVah as Islamic Law or simply the Law. However, one
should be aware that this is a poor translation o f the concept contained in the
Arabic term. According to W eiss (1992:1-9), there are inherent inadequacies
in the term "law" when it is used as a translation for s h a r V a h . He states that
the shflrVah. is both a legal code as well as a moral code, a dual concept that is
not included in the Western notion o f law.
T ay m iy y ah read ily d is c u s s e s th e g e n e sis an d n a tu r e of th e s e
controversies an d how, in h is view, v ario u s M uslim g ro u p s deviated
from th e p u re revelation em bodied in th e Q u ra n and th e S u n n ah . In
g en eral, h e identifies th re e b asic g ro u p s w hich re p re se n t differing
m o d es of deviation. T he first g ro u p is th e speculative theologians
[m utakallim un) ,4 am ong w hom are th e J a h m iy y a h , th e M utazilites,
a n d th e A sh'ariuuah. T he second group is th e M uslim philosophers,
w ho a d o p te d th e logic a n d p h ilo so p h y of th e A n cie n t G reeks.
Finally, th e re are th e m y stical S ufis,5 who a re the individuals a n d
g ro u p s ad h erin g to an y o f th e varying degrees of belief in the u n ity of
all b ein g in th e Godhead.
In o p p o sitio n to th e s e " d e v ia n t se c ts," Ib n T ay m iyyah
p ro m o te s th e idea of a p u re Islam w h ich w as revealed to th e
P ro p h e t a n d p re se rv e d fo r all tim e. T he first g e n e ra tio n s of
M uslim s, com posed of th e C om panions (sa h a b a h ) an d th e Followers
(ta b i‘u n ), safeguarded th e Q u ra n a n d th e Prophet's teach in g s from
all ty p e s of co rru p tio n . T h ese e a rlie s t M uslim s form th e body of
th r o u g h o u t the dissertation, k a ld m w ill be translated as "speculative

theology" and m u takallim dn as "speculative theologians." This is one o f the
expressions used to translate the term, others being "rational theology" and
"philosophical theology" (Watt, 1985:42). It seem s to be the best term for
distinguishing this form o f theology from that o f the Ahl al-Had.il.
5 I shall refer to Sufism along the lines suggested by Schimmel (1975:5-6). She
distinguishes between a "Mysticism o f Infinity," or "gnostic" Sufism, and a
"Mysticism o f Personality," or "voluntaristic" Sufism. The former is the
mysticism based on the Neoplatonic concepts o f emanation and Absolute Being
as fully developed by mystics such as Ibn ‘Arabi. I shall refer to this as
mystical Sufism. The latter form o f Sufism is based on traditional monotheistic
concepts o f an absolute distinction between the Creator and creature and the
idea o f creatio ex nihilo. These points w ill be discussed in Chapter 3, Part B,
section 2.
believers k n o w n a s th e R ighteous P red ecesso rs [a l-sa la f al-salih).
The te ach in g s of th e s a la f were th e n preserved a n d tra n sm itte d to
later g en eratio n s of M uslim s by th e sch o lars of th e h a d ith , know n as
the A h l al-Had.lt. T hus, for Ibn Taym iyyah, th e e a rlie st generations
of M uslim s a n d all th o se who follow th e ir beliefs a n d p ractices m ake
up th e larg er body of tru e believers, kno w n as th e A h l al-Sunnah wa-
l-J a m a 'a h . F rom th is general division of Islam ic g ro u p s into well
defined s e c ts w ith clearly id e n tifia b le beliefs, Ib n T aym iyyah
proceeds to in te rp re t th e history of beliefs and p ractices in Islam as
a b attle betw een th e "pure com m unity" an d the "deviant sects." This
view of h is to ry a s a b a ttle b etw e en good a n d evil p la ces Ibn
T aym iyyah into th e position of b e in g a "dogm atic h isto ria n "6 who
develops a theology b ased on the co n cep t of a n ecessarily preserved
"true religion." In a l- 'U b u d iy y a h , Ib n T aym iyyah p re s e n ts his
a rg u m e n ts fo r th e c o rre c tn e ss of th e beliefs of th e s a l a f as
rep re se n tin g th a t tru e religion a n d fo r th e legitim acy of h is claim
th a t th e w orship of God can only be perfected w ithin th e boundaries
of the beliefs an d practices of the A h l al-Sunnah.
In o rder to place th e R isalat al-'U budiyyah in its historical and
theo lo g ical co n tex t, I sh a ll p rece d e it w ith th re e in tro d u c to ry
c h a p te rs . C h a p te r 1 will deal w ith sig n ific an t a s p e c ts of Ibn
T aym iyyah's bio g rap h y ; C h a p ter 2 will p re s e n t a review of th e
6I derive this description o f Ibn Taymiyyah as a "dogmatic historian" from

Laoust (E s s a i , 1939:107): "Son histoire est une histoire dogmatique; c ’est celle
d'un theologien et d'un juriste qui juge toujours de la realite en fonction d'une
norme canonique..."
so u rc e s a n d m ethodology h e u s e s in fo rm u la tin g h is theology of
w orship; an d C h a p te r 3 will d escribe h is p o sitio n relev an t to th e
p rev alen t tre n d s of th o u g h t in Islam c o n c e rn in g th e theological
is s u e s raised in a l-'U b u d iy y a h . In the b io g rap h ic al sk e tc h of Ib n
Taym iyyah, th e following is s u e s will be h ig h lig h ted . I sh all begin
w ith some b asic bio g rap h ical d a ta on Ibn T aym iyyah a n d his family.
T h en I sh all review th e tria ls a n d periods of im p riso n m en t w h ich
Ib n T aym iyyah e n d u re d , w ith sp e cia l e m p h a s is o n th e y e a rs
7 0 5 /1 3 0 5 -6 -7 1 2 /1 3 1 2 -3 . T he purp o se of th is d isc u ssio n is to b rin g
to lig h t th e sig n ific an t s o c ia l a n d p o litical c irc u m s ta n c e s t h a t
affected Ibn T aym iyyah's p e rso n a l life. F o r a lth o u g h h e p reach ed
w h a t he believed to be th e e te rn a l m essage of God to hum anity, th e
histo rical circu m stan ces s u rro u n d in g h is life forced him to express
h is beliefs in a m a n n e r re le v a n t to his tim es. T h u s th e M am eluke
society of th e late 7 th /1 3 t h a n d early 8 t h / 1 4 t h ce n tu ries, w hich
w itnessed th e on-going in stitu tio n alizatio n of b o th S u fism 7 and th e
legal schools of th o u g h t, form s th e b ackground for Ibn T aym iyyah's
reform -m inded beliefs. T he fact th a t he s p e n t a large p a rt of h is
a d u lt life eith er on trial o r in p riso n b ec au se of h is religious views
indicates th e profound effect th ey h ad on society. Ibn Taym iyyah sa w
th e political a n d social tu rm o il of th e tim es a s a w arn in g th a t th e
M uslim s h a d drifted from th e p ro p er w o rsh ip of God an d th a t
7 In this dissertation I shall not be dealing directly with the history o f the
institutionalization o f Sufism. On this topic, see Trimingham (1971), The Sufi
Orders in Islam, Oxford: At the Clarendon Press, and Fernandes (1988), The
Evolution o f a Sufi r”vfitution in Mamluk Egypt, Berlin: Klaus Schwarz Verlag.
religious refo rm w as n e e d e d to b rin g th e M uslim s b a c k to th e
beliefs a n d p ractices of th e firs t Islam ic com m unity a t M edina.
C h a p te r 2 deals w ith th e d isc u ssio n of Ibn Taym iyyah's sources
a n d m ethodology. I shall p re s e n t h is ap p ro ach in u sin g th e revealed
tex ts w h ic h a re for him m a n ife s te d in b o th th e Q u ra n a n d th e
S u n n a h . P a rtic u la r a tte n tio n w ill be p laced on h is co n cep t of a n
Islam derived from th e p u re , orth o d o x 8 com m unity em bodied in th e
n o tio n of th e R ighteous P re d e c e ss o rs. Ib n T aym iyyah's theology
ste m s fro m fo u r p rinciple s o u rc e s w h ich form a m ethodological
fram ew ork utilized by th e A h l al-Sunnah. T hese so u rces arran g ed in
th e ir p ro p e r o rd er are 1) th e Q u ra n , 2) th e S u n n a h of th e Prophet,
3) th e s ta te m e n ts an d p ra c tic e s of th e C om panions, a n d 4) th e
o p in io n s o f th e Follow ers. In a d d itio n to th ese p rin cip les, I am
trea tin g th e A rabic lan g u ag e a s Ib n Taym iyyah's "fifth principle" in
ord er to clarify h is u se of A rab ic in h is m ethodology. T h u s Ibn
T ay m iy y ah o u tlin e s th e b o u n d a r ie s in w hich h e believes th e
d iscu ssio n of w orship m u s t ta k e place b a se d on th e m ethodic u se of
th ese five p rin cip les.
In P a r t A of C h ap ter 2, I s h a ll p re se n t h is m ethodology by
focusing o n h is exegesis of th e Q u ra n . It is his co n ten tio n th a t a
M uslim ’s a p p ro a c h to, an d u n d e rs ta n d in g of, revelation is th e b asis
from w h ic h all beliefs flow .9 M ore precisely, I sh a ll d isc u ss h is
8Throughout this dissertation, I shall use the concept "orthodox" in reference

to the beliefs and practices o f the Righteous Predecessors. The idea o f the s a l a f
as the original theological school o f thought in Islam has been identified by
W olfson (1976:3) and by Makdisi (1981:251-262).
9This point has been made by Abu Zahrah (no date:220).
h e rm e n eu tic s, for th is provides th e b e s t m e a n s of observing how Ibn
T ay m iy y ah u tilize s th is m ethodology. W ith in th is d isc u s sio n of
exegesis, I sh a ll also link his role a s in te rp re te r of th e Q u ra n w ith
h is role a s dogm atic h isto rian . Ibn T aym iyyah co n stan tly classifies
in d iv id u a ls a n d g ro u p s according to w h a t h e perceives a s th e ir
affiliation w ith th e A h l al-Sunnah. T hus, as h e d iscu sses th e exegesis
of th e Q u ra n , h e d istin g u ish es betw een th e "correct" exegetes a n d
th e "in co rrect" exegetes, a n d h e e x p la in s th e re a s o n s fo r h is
classificatio n s. T h ro u g h his definition of h erm en eu tics, h e is able to
r e s tr ic t th e r a n k s of those cap ab le of p ro p e rly in te rp re tin g th e
Q u ra n b y in s is tin g th a t an exegete be a s c h o la r of th e h a d ith
(m u h a d d iQ .
A fter e s ta b lis h in g Ibn T aym iyyah's m ethodology in Q u ra n
in te rp re ta tio n , I sh a ll show in P art B of C h a p te r 2 how he ex ten d s
h is m ethodology a n d classification sy stem to a b ro ad er d iscu ssio n of
affiliation w ith th e A hl al-Sunnah w a-l-Jam a‘ah. He portrays M edina
a t th e tim e of th e C om panions a s th e g eo g rap h ical an d s p iritu a l
c e n te r of th e P ro p h e t's religious c o m m u n ity [u m m a h ). T h e n h e
d e sc rib e s v a rio u s types of in n o v atio n s from th e S u n n a h a n d th e
p laces from w h ich th ey sprouted. The m ain fo cu s of th is sectio n is
Ibn T aym iyyah's belief th a t a u n ity exists am o n g st th e s a la f a s to th e
core beliefs a n d principles of Islam. He arg u es th a t th e four Im am s,
to w hom th e fo u r accepted schools of ju ris p ru d e n c e in S u n n i Islam
tra c e th e ir origin, agreed on th e p rin cip les (usul) of Islam w hile
differing on c e rta in p artic u lar ru lin g s (/urn*). It will be sh o w n th a t
th is p o sitio n allow s Ib n T aym iyyah a c e r ta in in te rp re ta tio n a l
flexibility to forge a co n cep t of u n ity in accordance w ith h is own
notion of th e need for th a t unity.
Finally, in P art C, I sh all focus o n Ibn Taym iyyah's u se of the
A rabic language. He in clu d es in h is m ethodology th e id e a th a t the
A rabic language is th e m e an s by w h ich G od's final rev elatio n comes
to hum anity. However, in h is d iscu ssio n of Arabic, Ib n Taym iyyah is
co n fro n ted w ith th e term inology, a rg u m e n ts an d b eliefs of the
m u ta ka llim u n , p h ilo so p h ers a n d S ufis. In resp o n se to th is, I shall
show th a t h e engages in a form of a d a p ta tio n of c e rta in te rm s and
a rg u m e n ts from h is o p p o n en ts w hile m ain tain in g th e bod y of his
beliefs. T h u s, for Ib n T aym iyyah, th e v erse s of th e Q u ra n , the
w ording of th e h ad ith s, a n d th e A rabic language, w hile conform ing
in p rinciple to th e sp e e c h a n d p ra c tic e of th e P ro p h e t a n d the
R ighteous P redecessors, c a n accom m odate a lim ited in flu x of new
in te rp re ta tio n .
In C h ap ter 3, w h ich will be a review of the v a rio u s M uslim
positions concerning th e theological issu e s raised in al-'U budiyyah, I
sh a ll focus in p a rtic u la r on two iss u e s . T hese are th e n a m e s and
a ttrib u te s of God a n d p re d e s tin a tio n a n d free will. T h is choice
reflects Ibn T aym iyyah's b elief t h a t all theological d e b a te s can
ultim ately be red u ced to th e se two p o in ts. He trac es th e origin of
theo lo g ical d e b a te s b a c k to th e ex tre m e id eas re la te d to the
an th ro p o m o rp h izin g of G od's n a m e s a n d a ttrib u te s fta sh b ih ). to
strip p in g all m eaning from G od's n a m e s an d a ttrib u te s (ta'til5, and
to th e e a r l ie s t c o n tr o v e r s ie s c o n c e r n in g fre e w ill and
p red estin atio n . In order to show th a t Ibn Taym iyyah m a in ta in s the
sam e beliefs a s th o se of th e s a l a f co n c ern in g th ese iss u e s , I shall
com pare h is cree d ( ‘aqidah ) w ith t h a t of A hm ad ibn H anbal, who is
for him m ore t h a n j u s t th e eponym of th e H anball m a d h a b . Ibn
Taym iyyah sees h im as em bodying th e s a la fi creed itself, w hich he
in sists is th e creed of all the R ighteous P redecessors, in clu d in g the
ep o n y m s of th e o th e r th ree m a d a h i b . T he m ain p u rp o s e for
ex p lain in g th e cree d will be to em p h a siz e Ibn T aym iyyah's firm
b elief in th e a b s o lu te d istin c tio n b e tw e e n th e C re a to r a n d the
created . T his b elief th e n forms th e b a s is on w hich he develops his
theology of w o rsh ip .
After th e o u tlin e of his creed, I sh a ll analyze how th is creed
affected Ibn T aym iyyah's view of th e n a tu re of worship. S ta rtin g w ith
a su m m atio n of h is critique of sp ecu lativ e theology (k a la m ), I shall
show how Ibn T aym iyyah relates all degrees of deviation to th e idea
th a t th e Q u ra n a n d th e S u n n a h a re in n eed of s u p p o r t from
arg u m en ts b a s e d o n p u re reason. W h eth er related to ju risp ru d e n c e
o r to creed, th e co n cep t th a t th e Q u ra n a n d th e S u n n a h do not
c o n ta in th e n ec essary p rin c ip le s fo r th e ir in te r p r e ta tio n is
extrem ely a b h o rre n t to Ibn Taym iyyah, for th ro u g h h is "organic"
view of rev elatio n h e m ain tain s t h a t it is a self-co n tain ed whole.
W ithin th is context, the rem ainder of th e c h a p te r will focus on how
Ib n T aym iyyah ap p lies h is m ethodology a n d creed to th e v arious
c o m p o n e n ts o f w o rs h ip . In p a r tic u la r , I s h a ll e x p la in Ibn
T aym iyyah's criticism s of the Sufi co n c ep ts of ecstatic ex p ressions
(shatahat). love (m a h a b b a h ) and a n n ih ila tio n [fanaj. Accordingly, he
in te rp re ts th e e x a g g eratio n s of th e m y stic a l S ufis a s b ein g a
d e v ia tio n fro m th e s a l a j i creed b e c a u se of th e ir re lia n c e on
p rin cip les a n d beliefs foreign to th e Islam of th e C o m p an io ns an d
Followers. T h is affects th e ir u n d ersta n d in g of sp iritu a l s ta te s , w hich
h e ex p lain s a s b ein g re a l experiences falsely in te rp re te d by th e
Sufis. T h u s, for exam ple, Ibn Taymiyyah excepts th e id e a of th e fa n a ’
a s a form of perfection of w orship, b u t th is f a n a ’ m u s t o cc u r w ithin
th e b o u n d a rie s of sa la ji beliefs an d interpretations. In th e process of
a d a p tin g new te rm in o lo g y to s a l a f i b eliefs, h e e x te n d s th e
p e rim e te rs o f refo rm to in c lu d e the exigencies o f th e society in
w h ic h h e liv ed . T h is is in fu ll acco rd w ith h is c o n c e p t of
reconciliation, w hich is b a se d on th e Q uranic co n cep t of w a sa t, the
m ed iatin g p o sitio n b etw een extrem es.
T he p re s e n ta tio n of th e a n n o tate d tra n s la tio n w ill cover th e
la s t five c h a p te r s of th e d isse rta tio n . C h a p te r 4 w ill b e a b rief
in tro d u ctio n to th e R isa la t al-'Ubudiyyah, including a n explanation of
m y m ethod u s e d in tra n sla tio n . C hapters 5-8 co rresp o n d to m y four
p a r t division of a l-'U b u d iyya h . P art A of th e tra n s la tio n (C hapter 5)
c o rre sp o n d s to Ib n T ay m iy y ah 's first c h a p te r { fa sI), in w hich he
defines th e to p ic of w o rsh ip , explains th e te rm s re la te d to it, an d
in tro d u ce s th e co n cep ts n eed ed to u n d e rsta n d it properly. P arts B-
D (C hapters 6-8) actu ally com prise Ibn Taym iyyah’s full d iscu ssion of
w orship, w h ic h h e tre a ts a s one chapter. I have, how ever, divided
h is d is c u s sio n in to th e th re e m a in topics on w hich h e elaborates.
P a rt B fo cu ses o n th e is s u e of p red estin atio n (a l-q a d a ’ w a-l-qadar).
P a rt C d ea ls m a in ly w ith th e different a s p e c ts of love for God. In
P a rt D, Ibn T aym iyyah d escrib es w hat h e sees a s th e perfection of
10
w orship, w h ich is the conform ity of th e believer’s will in all m a tte rs
w ith th e will of God. I sh a ll th e n end th e d issertatio n w ith a sh o rt
co n clu sio n .
T ech n ica l D eta ils
T ra n sla tio n s: U nless otherw ise no ted , all tr a n s la tio n s from

A rabic, F ren ch an d G erm an in to E nglish are m y own. T his includes
all Q u ra n ic verses. However, in m ak in g th e tra n s la tio n s of th e
Q u ra n , I relied heavily o n several E n g lish tra n s la tio n s (Arberry,
1955; P ickthall, no date; a n d Y usuf Ali, 1410/1989), th e g lo ssary of
P en rice (1987), and two s h o r t exegetical w orks (Jalalay n , no date;
a n d S h aw k an i. 1406/1985).
T ransliteration: The tra n slite ratio n system is a s follows:

W J gh t r j a 1
y s? f z j b W
a <s q s t
•
* k £J sh J * t
\ vowels 1 J s j £
u m r d h c
a n 0 t L Ml t
I h a z £ d J
•
h /t a L d j
11
W hen a q u o te d so u rce c o n tain s a different tra n slite ra tio n system ,
th a t sy stem w ill be m ain tain ed w ith in th e quote. All tran slite rated
w ords will a p p e a r in italics. A rabic w ords w hich have en tered the
E nglish lan g u ag e will be sp elt according to W ebster's N ew Universal
U nabridged Dictionary, 2nd E dition, New York: Sim on & S chuster,
1979. Som e of th e m ore fre q u en tly ap p e arin g w ords are: caliph,
h ad ith , im am , jin n i (pi. jinn), K aaba, M am eluke, M utazilite, sh aitan ,
sheikh, S h iah /S h iite, S u n n a h /S u n n i and su ra.
D ates: T he Islam ic an d C h ristian ca len d a r d ates will be given

in th e following m an n er: Islam ic d a te /C h ris tia n date. All d ates are
b a s e d on F reem an -G ren v ille (1995), The Islam ic a n d C hristian
C a len d a rs AD 6 2 2 -2 2 2 2 (AH 1-1650): A co m p lete g u id e fo r
converting C hristian a n d Islamic d a te s and d a te s o f festivals, Reading,
UK: G a rn e t P u b lish in g Ltd. In m o st ca ses only th e y ea rs will be
given. However, w h en more a c c u ra te dating is n ecessary th e m onth,
a n d p erh ap s th e date, will be given. If th e Islam ic year strad d les two
C hristian y ears, b o th C h ristian y ea rs will be given, e.g. 7 0 0 /1 3 00-1.
If more th a n te n Islam ic m onths fall in one C h ristian year, th e n only
one y ear will be given, e.g. 6 9 5 /1 2 9 6 . (The y e a r 695 began on 10
November 1295, th u s m ore th a n te n m o n th s fell in 1296.) W hen
b o th d ates a re given in the so u rc e s I am using, I sim ply copied the
d ates a s given. If only one d ate is u se d in th e sources, I calculated
th e second d a te accordingly.
12
C hapter 1: A Biographical S ketch of Ibn Taym iyyah
The p u rp o se of th is c h a p te r is to sk etch som e of th e historical

c irc u m s ta n c e s a n d sig n ific a n t ev en ts w h ich h e lp e d s h a p e Ib n
T ay m iy y ah ’s life. F a r from e s ta b lis h in g a c a u s e and effect
re la tio n s h ip b e tw e e n p a r tic u la r in c id e n ts in h is life a n d h is
d o ctrin al p o sitio n s, I am m erely piecing to g eth er a n overall p ictu re
of th e life of a m a n who still incites s u c h extrem e reac tio n s from
friend an d foe alike. His m o st fervent su p p o rters ra ise h im to a level
beyond th a t w h ich th e g reatest scholars, su c h as A bu H anifah, Malik,
a l - S h a frt a n d Ib n H an b al, h a d reac h ed , w hile h is m o st b itte r
detracto rs h av e declared him a disbeliever. A lthough th e m ajority on
e ith e r side fall s h o r t of th e s e ex trem es, th e ir o p in io n s of Ib n
T aym iyyah te n d tow ard th e en d s ra th e r th a n th e m id d le. This is
ironic in itself, considering h is em phasis on following a "m ediating
position" (w a s a t ) b etw een extrem es. H ence, m y m a in goal is to
p re se n t a bio g rap h ical sk e tch th a t gives relevancy to h is beliefs an d
opinions, especially those related to th e concept of w o rsh ip .
In o rd er to accom plish th is task, I am draw ing m y inform ation
from a few of th e m ajor biographies on Ibn Taym iyyah a n d histories
of th e tim e period. My bibliography for th is c h a p te r is certain ly n o t
exhaustive, b u t it is selective enough for th e p u rp o se I in ten d . More
inform ation h a s been left o u t th a n included, b u t I feel I have p ainted
a b ack g ro u n d sk e tc h w hich in clu d es m ajo r events a n d an ecd o tes
a n d w hich p o in ts o u t Ibn Taymiyyah's virtues an d his fau lts.
13
P art A: G eneral Biographical D ata on Ibn Taymiyyah an d h is Fam ily
A bu-l-‘A bbas T aql-l-D in A h m ad ib n Taym iyyah w as b o m in

H a rr a n in n o rth e rn S y ria o n 10 R a b f al-Awwal 6 6 1 /2 2 J a n u a r y
1 2 6 3 .1 He w as th e oldest so n of S h ih a b al-D in ‘Abd al-H alim ib n
T ay m iy y ah ( 6 2 7 /1 2 3 0 - 6 8 2 /1 2 8 3 -4 )2 a n d th e n ew est m em b er of a
fam o u s an d well resp ected fam ily of H a n b a ll sch o lars. In o rd e r to
s k e tc h th e h is to ry of th e B a n u T ay m iy y ah ,3 a n d th e sc h o la rly
re p u ta tio n of th is family, we m u s t begin w ith the p a te rn a l u n c le of
Ib n Taym iyyah’s grandfather.
F a k h r al-D In M u h am m ad ib n a l-K h ad ir A bi-l-Q asim ib n
M u h am m ad ib n Taym iyyah ( 5 4 2 /1 1 4 7 -8 - 6 2 2 /1225)4 w as one of th e
fo re m o st sc h o la rs a n d a s c e tic s of th e H a n b a li m a d h a b . A fter
co m p letin g h is in itial stu d ie s in H a rra n , h e traveled to B ag h d ad
w h ere h e m a ste re d th e sc ien c es o f exegesis (ta fs ir), h a d ith a n d
ju ris p ru d e n c e [fiqh). D uring th is tim e h e becam e a close follower of
^ h i s date is given by Ibn Rajab (no date:v.2, p.387), Safadi (1974:v.7, p. 16)
and Laoust (E s s a i, 1939:11); Laoust also mentions the 12th as a possible date.
2For the biography o f ‘Abd al-Halim, see Ibn Rajab (no date:v.2, p.310) and
Safadi (1 9 7 4 :v .l8 , p.69).
3 The origin o f the name "Taymiyyah" is reported by Ibn Rajab (no date:v.2,
p .161) and Ibn Khallikan (1961 :v.3, p.97). They tell us that Fakhr al-Din ibn
Taymiyyah (d. 622/1225) said that his father or grandfather went on the
pilgrimage to Mecca and had left his pregnant w ife at home. When he reached
the town o f Tayma’, which lies in the desert o f Tabuk between K h ay bar and
Syria, he saw a little girl who attracted his attention. When he returned home,
he learned that his wife had given birth to a girl. Upon seeing his daughter, she
so reminded him o f the little girl from Tayma’ that he called out "yd
Taymiyyah yd Taymiyyah." The daughter was thus called Taymiyyah, which
then became the family patronymic.
4 For the biography o f Fakhr al-Drn, see Ibn Rajab (no date:v.2, pp. 151-162),
Safadi (1974:v.3, p.37) and Ibn Khallikan (1961:v.3, pp.96-97).
14
th e fam ous H onball sch o lar A bu-l-Faraj ibn al-Jaw zI (d. 597/1200-1).
W hen F a k h r al-D in re tu rn e d to H arra n he w as appointed as prayer
le a d e r [im am ) a n d p re a c h e r ( k h a tib ). As one o f th e p ro m in en t
H a n b a li sc h o lars of h is tim e, h e rem ain ed in c o n ta c t w ith o th e r
le a d in g fig u re s of th e m adhab. In p a rtic u la r, he k e p t u p
c o rresp o n d e n ce w ith th e H a n b a li sc h o la r M uw affaq al-D in ib n
Q udam ah (d. 6 2 0 /1 2 2 3 ) in D am ascu s (Laoust, Essai. 1939:8-9). W ith
h is roots firm ly estab lish ed in H a n b a li trad itio n ism , h e would p a s s
on to his d escen d an ts a corpus of learning based on the orthodoxy of
th e R ighteous P red ecesso rs a s em bodied in th e Q u ran ic exegesis,
h a d ith tra n s m is s io n a n d p ie tistic a ttitu d e a s so c ia te d w ith th is
madhab.
However, b esid es h is sch o larly rep u ta tio n , F a k h r al-Din also
h a d c e rta in affiliatio n s w ith S u fism . A ccording to th e v ario u s
reports, eith er F a k h r al-D in o r h is fath e r w as considered to be one
of th e forty a b d a l of th e S u fi h ie ra rc h y of s a in ts .5 T his m ore
a p p a re n t Sufi affiliation n o tw ith stan d in g , a m u ch m ore significant
role th a t F a k h r al-D in plays is in th e tra n sm issio n of the pietistic
5Laoust (E s s a i, 1939:8) states that Fakhr al-Din was one o f the abda l. However,
Ibn Rajab and Ibn Khallikan state that it was Fakhr al-Din’s father who was one
o f the abddl. Safadi makes no mention o f this Sufi connection. As for the
hierarchy o f Sufi saints, Schimmel (1975:200-202) explains that the highest
spiritual authority is the "pole" (q u tb) or the "help" ( g h a w f 1. He is surrounded
by three "substitutes" (n u q a b d ’), four "pillars" (a w t d d ), seven "pious" saints
(a b r d r ), forty lesser "substitutes" [a b d d l), three hundred "good" saints
(a k h yd r) and four thousand hidden saints. For variations o f this order, see also
de Slane’s comments in Ibn Khallikan (1961:v.3, p.98). As for Ahmad ibn
Taymiyyah, he completely rejects the idea o f a Sufi hierarchy and declares that
all hadiths related to such beliefs are weak or fabricated; see, for example, a l-
Furqdn bayna Awliyd’ al-Rahmdn wa Awliyd’ al-Shavtdn. pp. 13-14.
15
an d ascetic lite ra tu re condem ning desire (h a w a ) an d p a ssio n ishq).
w hich is to be expected of H a n b a li pietists. From th is early stag e in
th e h isto ry of th e B a n u T aym iyyah, th ere em erges a c le a r tre n d
tow ard th e an ti-m y stical asceticism of the H anbalis. A b rief look a t
som e of the issu es related to th e education of F a k h r al-D in will help
d istinguish the type of S ufism in w hich he w as involved.
T h ere a re tw o im p o rta n t co n n ectio n s th a t d eserv e to be
m entioned concerning th is is s u e of asceticism in o rd er to highlight
th e tr a d itio n is t te a c h in g s passed dow n from g e n e ra tio n to
g en eratio n am ong th e B a n u Taym iyyah. In B aghdad, F a k h r al-D in
stu d ied w ith two of th e m o st fam o u s p ietists a n d tra n s m itte rs of
lite ra tu re c e n su rin g d esire a n d p assio n , nam ely, S h u h d a h b in t
A hm ad ib n al-F araj ib n ‘U m ar (d. 5 7 4 /1 178-9)6 a n d Ib n al-Jaw zi.
S h u h d a h w as a s tu d e n t of A bu M uham m ad J a ‘far ib n A hm ad al-
H usayn al-Sarraj al-Q arf (d. 5 0 0 /1 1 0 6 -7 ), who w rote th e M asarV al-
‘U shsha q 7 This fam ous fem ale sch o lar of sixth cen tu ry B aghdad w as
in stru m e n ta l in tra n s m ittin g th e M asari' a l-‘U sh sh aa. w h ich sh e
received directly from al-S arraj. S he th u s plays a p ro m in en t role in
6 For a biography o f Shuhdah bint Ahmad, see Ibn Khallikan ( 1 9 6 l: v .l, p.625).
As for her Sufi connections, he states that she was married to Abu-l-Hasan
‘Alt ibn Muhammad ibn Yahya al-Duraynf, who "built a college for Shafites on
the bank o f the Tigris, at the gate o f al-Ajz, and erected close by it a convent
for Sufis."
7 AI-Sarraj is a key figure in the development o f ideas concerning the topic o f
love and the censure o f desire and passion. According to Giffen (1971:25-27),
al-Sarraj's work plays a major role in the transmission o f love theory within
the Hanbali madhab. He is animportant link between the early ascetic
traditionists and later H a n b a l i scholars, such as Ibn al-Jawzi and Ibn al-
Qayyim. For a detailed account o f the chain o f narrators and the contents o f the
narrations reported by al-Sarraj, see B ell (1971:24-58).
16
Ibn a l-Ja w z fs D a m m al-H awa. In h is c h a p te r en titled "Accounts of
T hose W hom ‘I s h a Killed," h e re la te s a b o u t h a lf of th e sto rie s
directly from S h u h d a h b in t A hm ad.
T h u s th e S ufism of b o th S h u h d a h a n d F a k h r al-D in seem s
m ore likely t h a t w hich S ch im m el (1975:5-6) c a lls "voluntaristic"
Sufism , th a t is, a n asceticism devoid of m ysticism . The tra d itio n ist
e d u c a tio n o f F a k h r al-D in p o in ts in th is d irectio n . T he lin k s
betw een th e c e n s u re of p assio n ate love an d m ystical love is b ro u g h t
out, for exam ple, in th e M asari‘ aL-'U sh sh aa. for al-Sarraj rep o rts on
those w ho w ere "sm itten by m y stical rap tu re" (Giffen, 1971:25-27).
It is also im p o rta n t to keep in m in d Ib n a l-Ja w z fs fierce opposition
to m y stic ism w h ile p ro p a g a tin g p ie ty a n d a sc eticism . G iffen
(1971:76) p o in ts o u t th a t Ibn al-Jaw zi drew heavily from two earlier
works, th e rtila l al-Qulub of al-K h ara’iti8 and th e MasarV al-'U shshaa.
T h ro u g h o u t h is D a m m a l-H a w a , Ib n al-Ja w zi expounds o n th e
"...evils a n d d a n g e rs of p a s s io n a te crav in g s for a n y th in g a n d
unbridled se x u al lu s t in particular." He also sp e a k s of the superiority
of th e in tellect ( ‘aqQ over h a w a a n d of th e n eed to control th e so u l
(ria/s). As a s tu d e n t of Ibn al-Jaw zi, F a k h r al-D in was also m o st
8 Abu Bakr Muhammad ibn Ja'far al-K hara’iti al-Samarri (d. 327/938) wrote
the I'tildl al-Q uldb. By strongly condemning h a w d , he represents an early
orthodox reaction against the idealization o f the notion o f the martyrs o f love
as it appears in writers such as Ibn Dawud al-Zahiri (d. 297/909-10), the
author o f the K itdb al-Zahrah. A l-Kh ara’iti was also the first to base his book
on the standards o f authenticating hadiths as put forth by the hadith scholars
who had com piled the six canonical collections o f traditions; see Giffen
(1 9 7 1 :1 5 -1 6 ).
17
a s s u re d ly fam iliar w ith h is fam o u s w ork Talbis Iblis,9 w hich h as a
len g th y section on the co n d em n atio n of m ystical Sufism . T hus, it is
safe to say th a t F a k h r al-D in's ed u c a tio n a n d tra in in g w as in the
trad itio n al H a n b a li school of p ietism an d a s c e tic is m .10 The legacy of
F a k h r al-D in to h is d e s c e n d e n ts w as th u s a re p u ta tio n as
9The Talbis Iblis was translated by D.S. Margoliouth (1936-1937) and appeared
in various issues o f Islamic Culture in the late 1930s and 1940s. The relevant
sections on ascetics and Sufis can be found in the follow ing issues: July 1936,
v o l.10, pp.339-368 and pp.633-647; April 1937, v o l.11, pp.267-273, pp.393-
403 and pp.529-533. Also, W. Braune (1940:305-313) offers significant
remarks concerning Ibn al-Jawzi's opposition to m ystical Sufism . In
particular, he points out that the H a n b a li s emphasized the destructive effects
o f not taking seriously the concept o f the world as a creative act o f God and that
a person must function within the limits o f a created world (p.313).
10The relationship between the H a n b a lis and the Sufis goes back to a common
origin in the early ascetics o f the second/eighth and third/ninth centuries.
The asceticism o f this period was marked by a stress on "...divine
transcendence and obedience to God's commands." From these beginnings
"...emerged a new mystical tradition w hose adherents still practiced
austerities but stressed divine immanence and communion with God;" see
Melchert (1995:2). Thus it is at the time o f Ibn Hanbal that the ascetic and
mystical trends began to part and develop along the lines o f a transcendence-
based Sufism and an immanence-based Sufism. The conflict between the
pietists and the new ly emerging Sufis is first evidenced by Ahmad's dislike
for some o f the beliefs and practices o f the Sufis al-Muhasibt (d. 243/857) and
Sari al-Saqati (d. 251/865). However, other Sufis such as Abu Hamzah al-
B aghdadi (d. 269/882-3) sat in the circle o f Ibn Hanbal. There are many
ascetic Sufis related to the Hanbali m a d h ab . These include Bishr al-Hafi (d.
227/841), o f whom Ahmad spoke highly, and al-Junayd (d. 297/910); see
Melchert (1995:4-7). Another connection exists in the relation between the
famous H a n b a li scholar al-Barbahari (d. 329/941) and one o f his teachers, the
Sufi Sahl al-Tustarf (d. 283/896) (ibid.). One o f the best known
representatives o f the early H a n b a l i Sufis is ‘Abd-Allah al-Ansari al-Harawi.
Farhadi (1996:11) points out that, like Ibn Hanbal before him, al-Harawi
opposed the rationalism o f the K a ld m , believed in the uncreatedness o f the
Quran, and was persecuted for his beliefs. His Sufism was based on the hadiths
and the Sunnah, to which he actively invited other Sufis. Al-Harawi also exerts
a certain influence on Ibn Taymiyyah (see below Chapter 3, section 2), who
refers to him as sh a y k h al-isldmi see I s tiq a m a h (v .l, pp.94, 107-8, 110 and
186). Finally, this same attitude toward traditionism is found in the famous
H a n b a li Sufi ‘Abd al-Qadir al-Jilani (d. 561/1167), whom Ibn Taymiyyah also
respects; on al-Jilani's traditionism, see Braune (1933:28-46).
18
p reem in en t u p h o ld ers of orthodox Islam as founded on th e co n cep t
of the R ighteous P redecessors.
The n ex t m em ber of th e Taym iyyah family to gain a re p u ta tio n
as a g reat scholar of th e H anbali m adhab w as A hm ad ibn T aym iyyah's
g ran d fath er, Majd al-D in ‘Abd al-S alam ibn Taym iyyah (5 9 0 /1 1 9 4 -
6 5 2 /1 2 5 4 ) .11 A lthough it is rep o rted th a t F a k h r al-D in w rote m an y
b o o k s ,12 it is M ajd al-D in w ho left th e first tangible leg acy of
im p o rtan t w orks in v ario u s fields of th e Islam ic sciences. A ccording
to B ro ck e lm a n n ,13 th e re are six m a n u scrip ts attrib u te d to him : 1)
Kitab Usuli-l-Fiqh (also called al-M usaw w adah J i Usuli-l-Fiqh), 2) Kitab
al-Muharrar (also called al-Muharrar Ji-l-Fiqh), 3) Kitab al-M untaqaJi-l-
A h k a m i-l-S h a r'iy y a h m in K a ld m K h a yri-l-B a riyya h (also called al-
M untaqa m in Ahaditi-l-Ahkam ), 4) Kitab Ji-l-Ahadit al-Mawdu'ah. allati
Y a rw ih a -l-A m m a h w a -l-Q u ssa s ‘ala-l-Turuqat, 5) al-M untaqa m in
Akhbdri-l-M ustafa. a n d 6) al-M akhzan Ji-l-Fiqh.14 These books b y M ajd
11 For the biography o f ‘Abd al-Salam, see Ibn Rajab (no date:v.2 p.249) and
Safadi (1974:v.l8, p.482). According to Ibn Rajab, Majd al-Dtn married his
cousin, Badrah bint Fakhr al-Din. Fakhr al-Din also had two sons, Abu
Muhammad ‘Abd al-Halim (d. 603/1206-7) and Sayf al-Din Abu Muhammad
‘Abd al-G h ani (d. 639/1241-2); see Ibn Rajab (no date:v.2, p.39 and p.222,
r e sp e c tiv e ly ).
12See Ibn Rajab (no date:v.2, p .153).
13Majd al-Din is listed in the G A L , 1:504 and in the Supp., 1:690.
14Other titles attributed to Majd al-Din are: 1) al-Ahkdm al-Kubra, 2) A t r d f
A h d d iii-l-T a fs ir , 3) M u n ta h d - l- G h d vah f t S h a rh i-l-H id d v a h . 4) al-Arjdzah f t
‘Ilm i-l-Q ird ’dt, 5) al-Muntaqd min Ahdditi-l-M ustafd, and 6) a l- M u s a w w a d a h
fi- l-'A r a b iy y a h . Brockelmann’s first title above was an uncompleted book on
which both S h ihab al-Din and Taqi-l-Din continued to work. His third title
above, which is an abridgement o f al-Ahkdm al-Kubrd, was used by al-SJb.awkani
(d. 1250/1834-5) as the basis for his Nayl al-Awtdr. In the K a s h f al-Zundn
(1938:vol.5, p.419), HSjji K halifah attributes a M u harrar to Ahmad ibn
Taymiyyah, which would most likely be the M uharrar o f Majd al-Din. For
further information on Majd al-Din's life and works, see Laoust (E s s a i, 1939:9)
19
al-D In re p re se n t som e of th e m o st im p o rta n t w orks of th e H a n b a li
m a d h a b a n d w ere well appreciated a n d utilized by the stu d e n ts of
th is m adhab (Laoust, Essai, 1939:9).
A h m ad 's father, S h ih ab al-DIn, c o n tin u e d in the trad itio n of
th e B a n u Taym iyyah. While residing in H arran , h e would have two
m ore so n s, Z ayn al-DIn a n d S h a r a f al-D In .15 However, th e B anu
T aym iyyah w ere n o t to sp en d m u ch m o re tim e in th eir an c estra l
ho m elan d . The family was forced to flee H a rra n in 6 6 7 /1 2 6 8 -9 in
ad v an ce of th e invading Mongol arm y. T hey se ttle d in D am ascus
w h ich h a d long been the hom e of a s tro n g H a n b a li tr a d itio n .16
and the introductions to two published books o f Majd al-Din (1369/1950:11-

15) and (no date:3-7).
16Zayn al-Din was bom in 663/1264-5 and died in D_u-1-Qa‘dah 747/February
1347. Although he was a Hanbali scholar, he seem s to have paid more attention
to his business affairs. In his biographical notice on Zayn al-Din, Ibn ‘Imad
(1414/1994:v.6, p. 152) mentions that he was detained with his brother Ahmad
in Alexandria and Damascus out o f love for him and to serve him. Ibn Katir
(1407/1987:v.l4, p.233) also refers to him as a l- s h a y k h and mentions
(ib id :v.l4, p.40) that Zayn al-Din was imprisoned briefly in Egypt along with
Ahmad and his other brother in 705/1305-6. Sharaf al-Din was bom in
Muharram 666/September 1267. He became a w ell respected scholar and
ascetic known for his expertise on the hadith and the biographies o f the salaf.
He died in Jumada-l-Ula 727/April 1327, a year before Taqi-l-Din's death; see
Ibn Rajab (no date:v.2, p.382).
16According to Laoust (1971 :S.V. "Hanabila"), one o f the earliest Hanbali
teachers at Damascus was Abu Salih Muflih (d. 333/941-2), who founded a
mosque. The first m a d rasah was founded by ‘Abd al-Wahhab (d. 536/1141-2),
whose father, Abu-I-Faraj al-Shirazi (d. 486/1093), was instrumental in
spreading H a n b a lis m in Syria and Palestine. Laoust (E ssa i, 1939:12-18) also
mentions that the prestige of the Hanbali m adhab in Damascus was greatly
enhanced when the Banu Qudamah migrated to the city in 551/1156. On the
development o f the Hanbali madhab, see Laoust (1959) "Le Hanbalisme sous le
califat de Baghdad (241/855-656/1258)," Revue des Etudes Islamique, vol.27,
pp.67-128 and (1960) "Le Hanbalisme sous Ies Mamlouks Bahrides (658/1260-
784/1382)," R E l, vol.28, pp. 1-71. For a recent discussion o f the Salihiyyah
quarter o f Damascus, the traditional home o f the H a n b a lis in that city, see
Miura (1995) "The Salihiyya Quarter in the Suburbs o f Damascus: its
20
There S h ih a b al-D In b ecam e th e d irec to r of th e H a n b a li school of
h ad ith , a l-S u k k ariy y ah (Laoust, E ssa i, 1939:10). A lthough a g reat
scholar in h is own right, S h ih ab al-D in w as to be overshadow ed in
the h isto ry of th e H a n b a li m a d h a b b y b o th h is fath er, M ajd al-D in,
and h is son, T aqi-l-D in.17
P a rt B: Review of Ibn Taym iyyah's Conflicts an d Trials
In th is section, I sh a ll explore som e of th e issu e s re la te d to

Ibn T aym iyyah's conflicts w ith th e M am eluke a u th o ritie s a n d th e
religious lead ersh ip of h is day. The p u rp o se of th is is to h ig h lig h t a
few im p o rta n t facto rs su rro u n d in g h is trials th a t occurred b etw een
6 9 8 /1 2 9 8 - 9 and 7 0 9 /1 3 1 0 - 1 . T h ese y e a rs w itn e s s e d th e
developm ent of m a n y of h is ideas, w h ich h e w ould elab o rate later,
after re tu rn in g to D a m a sc u s in 7 1 2 /1 3 1 2 -3 . T h is p e rio d th u s
re p re se n ts h is tra n s itio n from th e role o f a y o u n g le c tu re r an d
scholar in a m a d ra sa h to one of social activist a n d reform er. Forced
by h is to ric a l e v e n ts a n d th e s tr e n g th of h is co n v ictio n s, Ibn
T aym iyyah w ould leave m u c h m o re th a n a legacy of sc h o la rly
w ritings a s d id h is fo re fa th ers. In s te a d , h e w ould be view ed by
h isto ry a s a s h a rp critic of religious beliefs, so cial c u s to m s a n d
formation, structure and transformation in the Ayyubid and Mamluk periods,"

Bulletin d'Etudes Orientales, vol.47, pp. 129-169. Similarly, many H a n b a l i
scholars had traveled to Egypt prior to the 7th/13th century. Leiser
(1981:155-181) has documented the activities o f many o f these scholars.
17Laoust (E ssai, 1939:11), quoting aI-D.ahabi, states that Shihab al-Dtn's
"...luster would pale between the moon, who was his father, and the sun, who
would become his son.”
21
p o litical p o licies w h ic h d ev iated from th e Islam th a t h e felt
reflected th e Islam of th e C om p an io n s. His id eas of a p u re Islam
were confronted b y a m u ltitu d e of com plex historical circum stances
th a t w orked b o th in h is favor an d a g a in st him . W ithin th e context of
Mongol in v asio n s a n d M am eluke c o u rt intrigue, on th e one hand,
an d th e p o p u larity of m ystical S ufism an d the in stitutionalism of the
fo u r sc h o o ls of ju r is p r u d e n c e ,18 o n th e o th e r, Ibn Taym iyyah
challenged h is fellow M uslim s to refo rm society along th e lines of
th e orthodoxy of th e R ighteous P redecessors. T hrough h is activities
a n d w ritings, h e w ould em erge a s a v ital p lay er in sh a p in g both
M am eluke a n d Islam ic h isto ry . T h is com pels u s to gain a better
u n d ersta n d in g of th e m a n an d h is beliefs.
P ro b ab ly th e e a rlie s t co n tro v e rsy in w h ich Ibn Taym iyyah
becam e a ta rg e t of a tta c k w as p ro m p ted by a lecture he gave a t the
Um ayyad M osque in D am ascu s in 6 9 0 /1 2 9 1.19 We know only that
18The institutionalization o f the m a i d h i b in Damascus in the three centuries

prior to Ibn Taymiyyah is outlined by J.E. Gilbert (1980) in her article
"Institutionalization o f Muslim Scholarship and the Professionalization o f the
‘U lam a’ in Medieval Damascus," Studia Islamica, vol.52, pp.105-134. In her
conclusion (p. 131) she states: "The rulers o f late eleventh, twelfth, and
thirteenth-century Damascus, who generally failed to achieve political or
administrative continuity, took advantage o f the opportunity to help shape
social institutions. These rulers and their households institutionalized
international scholarship and professionalized the ‘ulama’ in Damascus and
then sought to bureaucratize, hierarchize, and further dominate the ‘ulama’ b y
making areas once in the hands o f scholars dependent on government." For an
overall view o f the role o f the ‘u la m d ’ under the Mamelukes, see Laoust {Essai,
1 9 3 9 :4 1 -4 2 ).
19Up to this time, Ibn Taymiyyah seems to have followed the standard training
o f the ‘u la m d ’ class. According to Murad (1968:74), Ibn Taymiyyah "was
licensed to give f a t d w d by a S h a fi‘i mufti, Sharaf al-Din al-Maqdisi (d. 694),
before he was twenty years o f age." Ibn Kafir (14 0 7 /1 9 8 7 :v .l3 , p.361) mentions
the licensing under al-M aqdisfs funeral notice o f 694/1295 without
22
"some o pponents" tried to stop h im from speaking o n th e a ttrib u te s
of God. T he in c id e n t cam e to a q u ic k en d after th e S h a fi'i chief
judge S h ih ab al-D in al-Khuwav (d. 6 9 3 /1 2 9 4 ) su p p o rted h is position
(M urad, 1968:75). This isolated e v e n t w as, however, a p o rte n t of
things to com e.
The n e x t occurrence came in 6 9 3 /1 2 9 4 an d cre a te d a m u ch
m ore v o latile situ a tio n . It involved a c c u sa tio n s t h a t a C h ristia n
secretary to a n influential emir of th e fam ily of ‘All h a d in su lted th e
P ro p h et.20 Ib n Taymiyyah and the S h a fi'i sheikh of th e D ar al-H adit,
Zayn al-D in al-Fariqi, led a crowd to th e viceregal p alace dem anding
th e C h ristia n 's execution.21 A lthough a ssu ra n c e s w ere given by th e
indicating that it was given in that year; Laoust (1942:118), translating Ibn
Katir, concludes that the licensing took place in 694. However, a point that
gives weight to Murad's opinion is that Ibn Taymiyyah had already given his
first public sermon in Muharram 683/March 1285 when he was only twenty-
two years old, which was shortly after the death o f his father. It was attended
by the most prominent scholars o f Damascus such as the H a n b a li sheikh Zayn
al-Din ibn al-Munajja, the Shafi'i chief judge Baha’ al-Din ibn al-Zaki and the
SJLa.fi'i sheikh Taj al-Din al-Fazarf. The lecture was received with enthusiastic
acclaim and established Ibn Taymiyyah's reputation as a precise and powerful
defender o f the orthodox tradition. See Ibn Kaiir (1 4 0 7 /1 9 8 7 :v .l3 , p.320),
Laoust (1942:117) and Nadwi (1977:25). (Note: Laoust's biography (1942) of
Ibn Taymiyyah gives the date o f his first lecture as 682 instead o f 683. I have
noticed that many o f the dates in that article are incorrect, and the reader is
advised to check the dates in that article carefully.)
20There is som e confusion concerning this incident and the people involved in
it. Ibn Katir (140 7 /1 9 8 7 :v .l3 , p.355) reports that the Christian's name is
‘Assaf and the emir is Ibn Ahmad ibn Hajji, which is what Laoust (1942:118)
likewise reports. However, Murad (1968:75) states that the emir's name is
‘Assaf ibn Ahmad ibn Hajji and that the Christian's name is not known. He
bases this on one other source and on the fact that Ibn Katir (ibid:360) later
reports that the emir ‘Assaf ibn Ahmad ibn Hajji, who had freed the Christian,
was killed.
21 It is the general opinion o f most Muslim jurisprudents that anyone, even
non-Muslims, should be executed for insulting the Prophet; see, for example,
al-Tarabulusi (1393/1973), Mu'in al-Hukk&m, p .192. Also, Ibn Taymiyyah
discusses this matter in detail in his book al-S&rim al-Masl&l ‘a id S h a tim i- l-
23
governor, ‘Izz al-D in A ybak al-H am aw i, th a t th e m a tte r w ould be
h a n d le d according to Islam ic Law, no a c tio n w as ta k e n a fte r th e
em ir h a d com plained to th e governor of a tta c k s ag ain st h im s e lf a n d
h is hom e. T here followed a w eek of s c a tte re d violence th a t w as
b lam ed on Ibn Taym iyyah an d al-Fariqi, who w ere th e n im prisoned
a n d beaten . M eanwhile, th e governor so u g h t th e su lta n 's advice an d
o b ta in ed a legal ru lin g from som e o f th e S h a fi'i ju d g e s th a t th e
C h ris tia n w ould b e safe u p o n h is c o n v e rsio n to Islam (M urad,
1968:76). This b ro u g h t th e incident to a n e n d b ecau se th e leaders
of th e four schools of ju risp ru d en c e could n o t arrive a t a u n an im o u s
d ecisio n .
O ne m ore in c id e n t o ccu rred b efo re th e period of M ongol
in v asio n s th a t in d ic a te s th e com plexities of th e relatio n s betw een
th e ‘ulam a.’, in clu d in g Ib n Taymiyyah, a n d th e ruling elite. In th is
c a se , d u rin g a n in te rre g n u m b e tw e e n p e rm a n e n tly a p p o in te d
governors of D am ascus, Ibn Taym iyyah's close relationship w ith th e
in te rim governor, J a g h a n .22 d istu rb e d h is o p p o n en ts en o u g h th a t
th e y in itiated a se rie s of actions a g a in s t h im . In R a b r al-Awwal
6 9 8 /D ec em b e r 1297, a group of ju r is ts a c c u se d Ibn T aym iyyah of
RasCLl, which he wrote in response to this incident. Ibn Katir (1 4 0 7 /1 9 8 7 :v .I3 ,

p.355) gives the title as al-Sdrim al-Masl&l ‘aid Sdbbi-l-Rasul.
22Jaghan was the temporary governor in Damascus after Sayf al-Din Qibjaq
defected to the Mongols. Jaghan had supported the emir Lajin in his bid to
become sultan in 696/1296-7, and both he and Lajin's governor in Egypt,
Mankutamur, plotted against Qibjaq. However, after Lajin's brief reign, which
ended with his murder in Rabi‘ al-£ani 698/January 1299, al-Nasir Muhammad
returned to the sultanate for the second time. He replaced Jaghan. who suffered
only a short imprisonment, with Aqush al-Afram, who also became a supporter
o f Ibn Taymiyyah. For Jaghan's biography, see Laoust (E ssai, 1939:114); for the
general history o f the reign o f Lajin, see Irwin (1986:90-100).
24
an th ro p o m o rp h ism b ecau se of s ta te m e n ts h e m ade in h is recently-
w ritten creed, al-'A qidah a l-H a m a w iyya h al-Kubra . 23 They in sisted
th a t he a p p e a r before th e H a n a fi ch ief ju d g e J a la l al-Din al-QazwInl
(d. 7 3 9 /1 3 3 8 -9 ). Ibn T aym iyyah re sp o n d e d to a n in v ita tio n to
a p p e a r before th e H a n a fi chief ju d g e b y say in g th a t in itiatin g a n
inv estig atio n into p o in ts of creed is n o t w ith in th e ju risd ic tio n of a
q a d i. W orded in s u c h a w ay a s to in d ic ate th a t J a la l al-D in w as
in c o m p e te n t to ju d g e s u c h m a tte r s , Ib n T aym iyyah's re sp o n se
c a u s e d th e H a n a f i ch ief ju d g e to p u b lic ly d eclare t h a t th e
H a m a w iy y a h creed w as heretical. In o rd er to sto p the im pending
s tre e t d e m o n stra tio n s by s u p p o rte rs of b o th sh eik h s, J a g h a n h ad
th e a n n o u n c e r of J a la l al-D in’s d ecision b eaten . Ibn Taym iyyah th e n
m et w ith th e S h a fi'i chief judge Im am al-D in al-Qazwmi, th e b ro th e r
of J a la l al-D in, to d iscu ss th e H a m a w iy ya h . After a daylong m eeting,
th e S h a fi'i ch ief ju d g ed declared t h a t th e H a m a w iy y a h w as so u n d .
T he affair e n d e d w h en Im am a l-D in sa id th a t w hoever sla n d e rs
S h eik h Ib n T aym iyyah would becom e h is enem y, an d J a la l al-D in
added th a t th e y would p u n ish w hoever sp eak s badly of the sh eik h .24
D u rin g th e years 6 9 9 /1 2 9 9 -1 3 0 0 -7 0 4 /1 3 0 4 -5 , D am ascus an d
all of S yria w ere u n d e r a co n tin u al th r e a t of a tta c k by th e Mongols
u n d e r th e le a d e rsh ip of th e I lk h a n G h a z a n (d. 7 0 4 /1 3 0 4 -5 ), a
d e s c e n d a n t of G en g h is K han th r o u g h h is g ra n d so n , H u lag u
23Laoust ( E s s a i, 1939:115) states that Ibn Taymiyyah's opponents fabricated

statements concerning his beliefs as explained in the H a m a w iy y a h .
24The details o f this event are reported by Ibn Katir (1 4 0 7 /I9 8 7 :v .l4 , p.5),
Ibn Hajar, D u r a r (no date:v.l, p.155), Laoust (E ssai, 1939:111-117) and Murad
(1 9 6 8 :7 7 -7 8 ).
25
(G rousset, 1970:378). Since Ibn Taym iyyah's atten tio n , a s well a s
th a t of a lm o st everyone, w as tu rn ed tow ard th e Mongol th rea t, th ere
is little to re p o rt in th e w ay of h is conflicts w ith th e au th o rities. It is
clear, h o w ev er, t h a t h e w as very m u c h involved in d efen d in g
D am a scu s a n d in n eg o tiatin g w ith th e M ongols. A b rie f review of
som e of h is m ajo r ac tio n s will suffice to show th a t h is defence of
Islam w as in actio n a s well a s in word, an d th a t h e did n o t h esitate
to jeo p ard ize h is life to defend Islam an d the M uslims. In the first of
G hazan's in c u rsio n s into Syria (Rabr al-Awwal 6 9 9 /D ecem b er 1299),
th e E g y p tian forces u n d e r S u lta n al-N asir M uham m ad w ere badly
d e f e a te d .25 D a m a sc u s w as left to defend itself, an d a delegation
w hich in c lu d ed Ibn Taym iyyah m et w ith G h azan to sue for peace in
R a b r a l-T a n l 6 9 9 /J a n u a r y 1300. W hen th ey w ere b ro u g h t before
G h azan. Ib n Taym iyyah boldly chastised th e Mongol k h a n who h ad
recently ac ce p ted Islam . His bravery greatly im pressed G haz a n who
g ra n te d a m n e s ty to th e city (L aoust, 1 9 4 2 :1 2 1 -1 2 5 : Nadwi,
1977:30-31). D am ascu s w as placed for a very s h o rt tim e u n d e r th e
m ilitary governorship of th e Mongol generals, Sayf al-D in Qibjaq an d
Q u tlu g h sh ah . However, by Jum ada-l-U la 6 9 9 /F eb ru ary 1300, G hazan
25According to Irwin (1986:100), the Mameluke army was caught o ff guard by

the winter invasion. After a forced march, which was interrupted by a revolt o f
the Mongol mercenaries, the W dfidiyyah, the Mamelukes met the Mongol army
at W adi-l-K hazindar north o f Homs. Besides the defeat itself, two other factors
would come to play a role in Ibn Taymiyyah's life. One was that the leader o f
the Mongol army was Sayf al-Din Qibjaq, who had been the Mameluke governor
o f Damascus in 698/1298-9. His defection to the Mongols would later be used
against Ibn Taymiyyah in a conspiracy charge. Also, the retreating Mameluke
army was harassed by the various Shia sects o f the Kasrawan region o f Lebanon,
against whom Ibn Taymiyyah would later call for a jih d d .
26
re tu rn e d to P ersia a n d th e M am elukes quickly reo cc u p ied S yria
(G rousset, 1970:382)
After th e M am elukes reestab lish ed th e ir co n tro l in Syria, th e
governor of D am ascus, J a m a l al-D in A qush al-Afram, led a successful
expedition ag a in st the in h a b ita n ts o f K asraw an w ho h a d aided th e
M ongols a n d attack ed th e re tre a tin g Egyptian a n d S y rian arm ies.
Ibn Taym iyyah preached on th e m erits of this jih d d a g a in st the S hia
se c ts by indicating th e co rru p tio n s of th e ir in te n tio n s a n d beliefs.
He also accom panied th e arm y on th is cam paign w h ich lasted from
Shaw w al u n til Du-1-Qa‘d a h 6 9 9 /Ju ly -A u g u st 1300.26 However, the
ju b ila tio n of th is victory did n o t la s t long, for a se c o n d Mongol
inv asio n o ccurred from S afar to Ju m a d a-l-U la 7 0 0 /O c to b e r 1300-
F eb ru ary 1301. During th is invasion, Ibn Taymiyyah w en t to Egypt to
d e m a n d th a t th e s u lta n , w ho w as re lu c ta n t to g e t involved in
a n o th e r w ar w ith the Mongols, send troops to Syria. B u t by the time
th e s u lta n conceded to Ibn T aym iyyah's dem ands, th e Mongols had
alread y retreated from S yria.27
2(>According to Ibn Kai.tr (1407/1987:v. 14, p. 13), Ibn Taymiyyah met with the
leaders o f the Shias of Kasrawan, demanded their repentance, explained the
correct beliefs o f Islam to them, and forced them to return any booty they had
taken from the retreating armies. See also Laoust (1942:125) and Nadwi
(1 9 7 7 :3 3 ).
2 7 For the details o f Ibn Taymiyyah's activities during this incursion, see
Laoust (1942:126-127) and Nadwi (1977:34). This was a second winter
campaign by the Ilkhan Ghazan in an attempt to recoup his position in northern
Syria. However, the Mongols were forced to retreat because o f heavy rains that
year. Also, Ibn Taymiyyah's efforts appear to have been somewhat superfluous,
for neither Ghazan nor the Mameluke Sultan al-Nasir Muhammad were
interested in fighting. By the spring o f 700/1301, they agreed to exchange
em bassies and establish peaceful commerce; see Irwin (1986:101).
27
In s p ite of h is efforts to defend D am ascus, th e re w ere a few
a tte m p ts to co n d e m n Ib n T ay m iy y ah . A ctu ally , h is g row ing
p o p u la rity w ith all levels o f so c ie ty w ere c o u n te re d by an
atm o sp h ere of rising hostility to w ard h im b y his enem ies. T his m o st
likely e n c o u ra g e d some of th e m to m ove a g a in st him . O ne su c h
incident o cc u rred in Ju m a d a-l-U la 7 0 2 /D ecem b er 1302 w h en som e
of h is e n e m ie s forged a le tte r im p lica tin g him in a c o n s p ira c y
a g a in s t th e g o v ern o r of D a m a s c u s and a c c u s in g h im of
c o rre s p o n d in g w ith th e M ongols. T h e le tte r s ta te d t h a t Ibn
T aym iyyah, th e H a n a fi ju d g e S h a m s al-D in al-H ariri, th e S h a fi'i
sh e ik h Ib n al-Z am lakani, K am a! al-D in ib n al-‘A tta r a n d several
em irs w ere p lo ttin g to o v erth ro w al-A fram an d b rin g b a c k th e
deposed e m ir Qibjaq. The tr u t h w as discovered, how ever, a n d th e
guilty p e rs o n s , two m e n d ica n ts {faqir),2& al-Ya‘fu ri a n d A hm ad al-
G hanarf, a n d a scribe, al-Taj al-M unadill, were severely p u n ish e d
(Laoust, 1 9 4 2 :1 2 9 -1 3 0 ; M urad, 1968:80). A ccording to Ib n K atir
(1 4 0 7 /1 9 8 7 :v .l4 , p.23), th is ev e n t o ccu rred shortly after th e d e a th
of th e S h a fi'i ch ief ju dg e of E gypt, Ib n D aqiq al-‘Id. T his c a u se d a
period of u n c e rta in ty as th e religious lead ersh ip in E gypt a n d Syria
un d erw en t chan g es. The chief ju d g e of D am ascus, Ib n J a m a ‘ah , w as
called to C airo to serve as th e n ew S h a fi'i chief ju d g e .29 He w as
28The use o f the term f a q ir refers to members o f a Sufi order and should not be
taken in its literal meaning. As yet, I have not been able to find any
biographical information on these co-conspirators.
29Ibn Daqiq al-‘Id was a famous traditionist with whom Ibn Taymiyyah had
studied; see Ibn Kaiir (1407/1987:v.l4, p.29). As for Ibn Jama‘ah, he was
respectful toward Ibn Taymiyyah but not outwardly supportive o f him (Laoust,
1 9 4 2 :1 2 9 ).
28
accom panied b y th e governor, al-Afram . M eanwhile, in D am ascu s,
Ibn S asarf,30 w ho strongly opposed Ibn Taymiyyah, w as appointed to
replace Ibn J a m a 'a h . This ch an g e in th e religious lead ersh ip began a
series of ap p o in tm e n ts to h ig h office by people an tag o n istic tow ard
Ibn Taym iyyah.31
Any efforts to co ndem n Ib n T aym iyyah were d isru p te d by a
th ir d in v a s io n o f th e M ongols, w h ic h o c c u rre d in R a m a d a n
702/A pril 1303. It w as a t th e B attle of S h aq h ab on th e p lain of M aij,
n e a r D a m a sc u s, th a t th e co m b in ed arm ie s of S y ria a n d E gypt
d e c isiv e ly d e fe a te d G h a z a n 's a rm y headed b y h is g e n e ra l
Q u tlu g h s h a h . th u s ending a n y fu rth e r in c u rsio n s in to M am eluke
te rrito ry (Irwin, 1986:101; G ro u sset, 1970:382). Before p erso n ally
accom panying th e arm y to b attle , Ibn Taym iyyah issu ed a n im portant
ru lin g [fatw a) th a t, alth o u g h G h azan h a d converted to Islam , it w as
30 This is Najm al-Din ibn Sasari (or Sasra, d. 723/1323). According to Jackson
(1994:46), he belonged to one o f the powerful families o f Damascus and was
inclined toward A s A 'a r i beliefs. Although he had bitter arguments with Ibn
Taymiyyah, the latter supported him after his resignation as ch ief judge
following the events o f the third Damascus council, which I shall describe
s h o r tly .
31A1-Bazzar (1396/1976:85-87) com piled a list o f Ibn Taymiyyah's main
opponents. The more prominent figures o f the twelve people listed are: al-
Jashangir (d. 709/1309-10), a Mameluke emir who usurped the sultanate in
709; Safi-l-Din al-Hindi (d. 715/1315), a leading S h d fi'i sheikh o f Damascus;
Taqi-l-Din al-Subki (d. 756/1355), a S h a fi'i chief judge o f Damascus; Taqi-1-
Din ibn al-Ikhna’i (d. 732/1331-2), a Mdliki chief judge o f Cairo; Sadr al-Din
ibn al-Murahhil (d. 716/1316), a S h d fi'i mufti o f Damascus; Ahmad ibn
Muhammad al-Iskandari (d. 709/1309-10), a leading Sufi sheikh o f Cairo; Nasr
al-Manbiji (d. 719/1319), a leading Sufi sheikh o f Cairo who followed the
teachings o f Ibn ‘Arabi and who was the spiritual guide o f al-Jashangir. and
Zayn al-Din ibn Makhluq (d. 718/1318), a M d lik i chief judge o f Egypt and a
close friend o f al-Manbiji. There are many others, o f course, some o f whom will
be mentioned below in this chapter. For further information on som e o f Ibn
Taymiyyah's opponents in Damascus, see Jackson (1994:43-48).
29
stall a d u ty to fight him becau se h e w as acting sim ilar to th e Khawdrii
by o p p re ssin g a n d abu sin g M u slim s.32 His efforts in b ringing ab o u t
th is g re a t victory an d his p ro m in e n t role in defending D am ascu s had
b ro u g h t Ib n Taym iyyah the ren ew ed love an d re sp e c t of th e people
an d m a n y of th e ru lin g a n d relig io u s elite th ro u g h o u t E gypt and
Syria. B u t a t th e sam e time, it only fu rth e r increased th e h o stility of
h is en em ies tow ard him . T h u s it w as after the M ongol th r e a t had
p a s s e d t h a t h is m o st c ritical co n tro v ersies w ith th e a u th o ritie s
o c c u rre d .
In th e y ear before his trials began, Ibn Taym iyyah h a d supplied
h is en e m ie s w ith several re a s o n s to convince th e m th a t h e w as
becom ing too influential. He h a d in c re ase d his polem ical activities
ag a in st th e ad h e re n ts of m ystical S ufism by sto p p in g m a n y o f their
public d isp lay s33 an d by w riting a g a in st th e m onism of Ibn ‘A rab! [d.
6 3 8 /1 2 4 0 - 1).34 However, h is in flu en ce w ith governm ent au th o rities
32The details are given by Ibn Katir (1407/1987:v.l4, p.25). This is one
example o f the way Ibn Taymiyyah uses particular groups known historically
to the Muslims as heretics to crystallize his arguments on a certain issue. It
reflects his belief that all religious controversies are related to the deviations
and schism s that occurred in the first two centuries of Islam. For the effects of
this ruling on Muslim thinking in m odem times, see Sivan (1990:94-107). On
the history o f the K h a w d rii. see Levi Della Vida (1978: S.V. "K h ari^lj ites").
33Ibn Katir (1407/1987:v.l4, p.36) reports various actions taken by Ibn
Taymiyyah against the innovations and antinomian activities o f certain Sufi
sheikhs. For example, he forced a certain sheikh Mujahid Ibrahim al-Qattan,
who was accused o f using hashish, to remove an enormous turban, cut his hair,
nails and moustache, and to conform to the sh a rV a h in all his public affairs;
see also Laoust (1942:133).
34It was at this time that Ibn Taymiyyah wrote an important letter to Nasr al-
Manbiji about the errors o f Ibn ‘Arabi's monism. The letter appears in the
M ajmd‘a t al-Rasd’il wa-l-Masd'il, v .l, pp.161-183, and in the M ajm u ‘ Fatdwd,
vol.2, pp.452-479. The date o f 704 is based on a manuscript listed in the
Fihrist al-M akht&tdt (Cairo: Matba‘at Dar al-Kutub, 1382/1962, v.2, p.249).
30
w as g reatly en h an ced in D.u-1-Hijjah 7 0 4 /J u n e 1305, w h en he had
accom panied the governor al-Afram o n a second expedition ag ain st
th e S h ia of K asraw an, w hich resu lted in th eir com plete capitulation.
C o n cern in g th e new ly reco n q u ered a re a s, Ib n T aym iyyah began
req u estin g th a t th e s u lta n a n d the governor follow Islam ic Law more
closely in m atters ran g in g from the subdivisions of th e provinces to
th e a p p o in tm e n t of th e m u ’a d d in (Laoust, E ssa i, 1939 :1 2 4 -125).
T his level of influence proved too m u c h for his o p p o n en ts to bear.
It is p e rh a p s b e s t to look a t th e ev en ts of 7 0 5 /1 3 0 5 - 6 -
7 0 9 /1 3 0 9 -1 0 as a whole, th a t is, as a connected series of trials. The
a p p a re n t cause of th e s e e v e n ts began in J u m a d a - l- U la
7 0 5 /N o v em b er 1305, w h en a g ro u p of m ystics ifu q a r a ’) of the
R ifa 'iy y a h order cam e to th e governor, al-Afram, d em an d in g th a t Ibn
Taym iyyah stop h is a tta c k s against th em . This led to a d eb ate a t the
viceregal palace w h ere he d enounced th e ir beliefs a n d p ra c tic e s.35
T heir leading sh eik h s, al-S alih and al-M unaybi\ claim ed th a t it was
m erely a m a tte r of legal opinion b e c a u se they w ere S h a fi'i an d Ibn
Taym iyyah w as a Hanbali. O n hearing th is argum ent, Ibn Taymiyyah
Although he does denounce certain aspects o f Ibn ‘Arabi’s beliefs, his harshest
attacks in this letter are directed at some o f the followers o f Ibn ‘Arabi such
as al-Tilimsam (d. 690/1291) and Ibn Sab'tn (d. 669/1270-1). According to
Murad (1968:83), Ibn Taymiyyah wrote the letter after his first reading o f Ibn
‘Arabi's Fusils al-Hikam in 703/1303-4. Murad also states that Ibn Taymiyyah
wrote a refutation of Ibn ‘Arab! around this time entitled al-Nus&s 'ald-l-
F u sds.
350 n this occasion, Ibn Taymiyyah challenged their claims o f sainthood based
on their performance o f miraculous deeds such as fire walking. Knowing that
they coat their skin with oil, he demanded that they bathe and then perform
the fire walking. The m ystics, o f course, refused this offer. See Ibn Kaiir
(1 4 0 7 /1 9 8 7 :v .l4 , p .38).
31
g o t a leading S h a fi’i scholar, Ibn al-Z am lak an i, to d en o u n c e th e m
also. The governor ru led in Ibn T aym iyyah's favor a n d th e m ystics
h a d to cu rtail th e ir activities (Laoust, 1942:135; M u rad , 1968:81-
8 2 ).
Shortly th ereafter, in Rajab 7 0 5 /J a n u a ry 1306, Ibn Taymiyyah
w as called before a council of ju d g e s from th e fo u r schools of
ju ris p ru d e n c e in D am ascu s to a n s w e r q u e s tio n s co n cern in g his
c re e d . A p p aren tly , th is w as in itia te d from C airo b y h is m ain
o p p o n en ts, N asr al-M anbiji (d. 7 1 8 /1 3 1 8 -9 ) a n d Ib n M a k h lu f (d.
7 1 9 /1 3 1 9 ), who h a d th e su p p o rt of th e C om m ander-in-C hief of th e
E gyptian army, B ay b ars al-Ja sh an g ir. The in terp o sitio n of th ese two
m e n in D am ascen e affairs seem s to have b e e n p ro m p ted b y the
le tte r Ib n T aym iyyah wrote to al-M anbiji in 7 0 4 /1 3 0 4 -5 a n d by
c e rta in points of h is creed (Murad, 1968:83). T he le tte r of 704 w as
p a r t of Ibn T aym iyyah's d o c trin a l a tta c k s th a t h e h a d recen tly
in itiated ag ain st th e m onism of Ibn ‘Arabi, of w hom al-M anbiji w as
a n ad h eren t. As for Ibn Taym iyyah's creed, h is w ork know n as al-
‘A q id a t al-W asiliyyah, becam e th e focal p o in t of th e trials (Swartz,
19 7 3:99; J a c k s o n , 1994:49-51). T he ‘A q id a h is a s h o rt tre a tise
o u tlin in g th e fu n d a m e n ta ls of th e s a la fi creed . He w rote it in
6 9 8 /1 2 9 8 -9 in re sp o n se to q u estio n s posed b y som e ju d g e s of th e
city of W asit; th e d etails of th e creed will b e d isc u ss e d below in
C h a p te r 3. At th is first council, Ibn Taym iyyah defended th e ‘A q idah
b y arguing th a t w h a t he said concerning th e a ttrib u te s of God were
32
in fact th e beliefs of th e s a la f a n d n o t ju s t of Ibn H an b al.36 U nable to
r e s p o n d to h is claim s, th e ju d g e s su g g ested t h a t h e w rite h is
a n s w e rs dow n a n d p re s e n t th e m a t a se co n d c o u n c il (M urad,
1 9 6 8 :8 5 ).
T he first council w as followed by two o th ers, w ith th e ev entual
ou tco m e th a t th ere w as re lu c ta n t agreem ent am ong th e ju d g e s th a t
Ib n T aym iyyah's creed w as o rth o d o x .37 As for th e se c o n d trial, th e
re p o rts a re very conflicting a n d differ to th e e x te n t t h a t som e
v e rsio n s claim th a t Ibn T aym iyyah converted to A s h 'a r is m w hile
o th e rs s ta te th a t h e w as carried off victoriously from th e co u n cil.38
T he co n fu sio n m o st likely p ro m p ted the th ird co u n cil w h ic h seem s
to have b een m ore decisive b u t n o less confrontational. F o r exam ple,
3 6 According to Murad (1968:84), Ibn Taymiyyah used this creed at the first
Damascus council to prove that his beliefs had not changed over the years. He
was prompted to do this because a forged creed was in fact sent to Baybars al-
Jash a n g tr.
3 7 During these trials, the governor, al-Afram, was not always present in the
city. On these occasions, the S h d fi'i ch ief judge Ibn Sasari interrogated some o f
Ibn Taymiyyah's supporters and had them imprisoned, including the S h d f i ' i
sheikh and traditionist Jamal al-Din al-M izzi (d. 741/1340-1). Eventually, al-
Afram had them released and ordered a stop to doctrinal discussions; see
Laoust (1942:137).
38The second council revolved around a lengthy discussion between Ibn
Taymiyyah and SafT-l-Din al-Hindi, who was not at the first trial. Within the
context o f proving that all the great scholars of the past eventually came to
accept the s a la f i creed as formulated by Ibn Hanbal, which denounces t a ’w il,
tahrif, ta'til, takyif and tamt.il (these terms are defined in Chapter 3), Ibn
Taymiyyah produced a copy o f Ibn ‘Asakir’s Tabyirt Ka&ibi-l-M uftari fi-m d
N usiba ild-l-lm dm Abi-l-Hasan al-A sh ‘a ri to prove that al-A sh'ari accepted
the beliefs o f Ibn Hanbal; see Jackson (1994:51-53). Ibn Taym iyyah’s
agreement with many points in the T a b y in might well account for the confusion
which resulted after the second council. As for the extremes to which people
went after the second council, see Murad (1968:126 n l8 ). Murad (ibid:88-89)
also states that there was much disorder on the streets o f Damascus and that
som e o f Ibn Taymiyyah's supporters were imprisoned. All this was going on
w hile al-Afram was again out o f the city on a hunting trip.
33
th e S h a fi’i sh e ik h S a d r al-D in ib n al-M u rah h il (d. 7 1 6 /1 3 1 6 -7 )
relu ctan tly ad m itted th a t Ibn Taym iyyah w as co rrect in s ta tin g th a t
al-ShafiT believed th a t th e Q u ra n is the literal w ord of God (k a ld m
lafzi} a n d th a t w hoever rejects th is is a disbeliever. T h is c a u se d a n
u p ro ar am ong som e of th e S h a fi’i sheikhs b ecau se it im plied th a t th e
fam ous S h d fi’i sc h o la r a l-Ju w a y n l (d. 4 7 8 /1 0 8 5 ) w as a disbeliever,
for he h a d m a in ta in e d th a t th e Q u ra n is a n e x p re ssio n of th e
m eaning of G od's e sse n tia l know ledge (ka ld m nafsH.39 However, in
sp ite of som e d isse n tin g o pinions, the m a tte r of Ib n T aym iyyah's
creed w as se ttle d by d efau lt. His arg u m en ts th a t h is beliefs w ere
those of th e R ighteous P red ecesso rs of Islam (a l-sa la f al-salih) a n d
n o t j u s t th o se of Ibn H an b al w ere n eith er w hole-heartedly accepted
no r clearly refuted. H is enem ies could prove n o th in g a g a in s t h im a t
th is tim e, a n d so h e w as freed for th e tim e being. T h is s ta tu s
changed quickly w h en h e w as called to Cairo in R a m a d a n of th e
sam e y ea r on th e in sisten c e of Ib n M akhluf, th e M d liki ch ief ju d g e
(Murad, 1968:91).
At th e first co u n cil in C airo (R am adan 7 0 5 /A p ril 1306), Ibn
Taym iyyah w as k ep t from sp eak in g except to give d irect an sw ers to
specific q u e s tio n s .40 P o in tin g o u t th a t Ib n M a k h lu f w as b o th h is
39According to Murad (1968:90), the S h dfi ' i sheikh Ibn al-Zamlakam

vigorously objected to this implication and sought the support o f Ibn Sasari.
However, he refused to take a stance and, realizing he could not support the
m a d h a b 's position, immediately resigned his post as chief judge; see also
Laoust (1942:138). It is at this time that Ibn Taymiyyah came to the support o f
Ibn Sasari.
40The specific charges were related to "...Ibn Taymiyyah's belief that God is
really above the throne, and that He speaks by letter and sound, and that he
can be pointed at in a physical sense..." (Murad, 1968:92).
34
accu ser a n d ju d g e, h e refused to an sw er a n y q u estio n s. O n h e a rin g
this, Ibn M a k h lu f becam e fu rio u s an d h a d h im im prisoned for the
first tim e (Nadwi, 1977:43). He w ould rem ain u n d e r a rre s t for ab o u t
a y ear a n d a half. D uring th is tim e, th e S h a fi'i ch ief ju d g e Ibn
Ja m a 'a h m ad e public w h at h e viewed as a n official S h a fi'i doctrine,
in w hich everyone h a d to acquiesce. P a rt of th is sta tem en t w as th a t
th e creed o f Ib n T aym iyyah w a s officially co n d em n ed a n d th a t
everyone, p a rtic u la rly the H a n b a lis, h a d to d en o u n ce him a n d h is
creed. T h is d ec re e w as effective in E g y p t a n d S yria (M urad,
1 9 6 8 :9 2 -9 3 ).
It w as a y ear later, in Shaw w al 7 0 6 /A p ril 1307, th a t a second
council w as called b y the efforts of th e governor of Egypt, S allar,
who w anted to have Ibn Taym iyyah freed.41 Ibn Taym iyyah w as n o t
a t th is co u n cil w h en it w as decided th a t h e co uld be freed if he
denounced h is own creed. Six offers w ere m ade to him to com e an d
discuss th e m atter, b u t he refu sed to a tte n d so long as they in sisted
on th is c o n d itio n (Ibn K a tir, 1 4 0 7 / 1 9 8 7 :v . 14, p .44). S a lla r
persisted in h is efforts, and finally a th ird council w as called in S afar
707/A u g u st 1307, in w hich Ibn Taym iyyah m e t w ith th e S h a fi'i chief
ju d g e Ibn Jam a* ah .42 After a len g th y c o n v e rsatio n betw een th em ,
41 In the brutal struggles between various Mameluke emirs, as each attempted

to claim the sultanate for himself, there were frequent, and at times confusing,
shifts in allegiances. However, it seems clear that Sallar was engaged in a long
power struggle with al-Jashangir. Thus, although Sallar fulfilled his religious
duties as a Muslim, it is not clear that his motives for supporting Ibn
Taymiyyah were purely for religious reasons. See Irwin (1986:85-95).
4 2 A couple o f months before this meeting, in D.u-1-Hijjah 706/June 1307,
Sallar arranged a meeting between Ibn M akhluf and Ibn Taymiyyah's two
brothers who were imprisoned with him at that time. According to the reports,
35
Ib n T aym iyyah stu c k to h is original d em an d s a n d refu sed to leave
th e p ris o n (Ibn K a tir, 1 4 0 7 /1 9 8 7 :v. 14, p .4 7 ). T h u s S a lla r's
in terv en tio n on beh alf of Ibn Taymiyyah ended w ith o u t su ccess.
H ow ever, a s e c o n d effort to free h im tu r n e d o u t m ore
su ccessfu l. In R abr al-Awwal 7 0 7 /S ep te m b e r 1307, th e S y rian Em ir
H u s a m al-D In M u h a n n a ib n ‘Is a (d. 7 3 5 /1 3 3 5 ) 43 s e c u re d th e
s u lt a n 's p e rm issio n to h ave Ib n T ay m iy y ah re le a s e d (L aoust,
1942:141; M urad, 1968:96). However, h is release w as im m ediately
follow ed up b y th r e e m ore c o u n c ils . T h e se w ere b a s ic a lly
d isc u ssio n s betw een th e governor a n d v ario u s sc h o lars w ith o u t the
p a rtic ip a tio n of th e ju d g e s , w ho felt th e s e ta lk s w ere u se le ss
b e c a u s e th e s u lta n h a d alread y re le a se d Ibn T aym iyyah. At the
second council, for exam ple, th e ju d g e s actu ally s e n t ex cu ses for not
com ing, som e statin g th a t they w ere sick. A fter th e th ird co u ncil in
R a b r a l-T a n l/O c to b e r, Ibn T aym iyyah w as free to le c tu re once
ag ain .44
B u t th is freedom w ould n o t la s t long. In S h aw w al 7 0 7 /A p ril
1308, a group of Sufis led b y the ch ief sh e ik h of K h a n q a h S a ‘Id al-
their arguments were more convincing than Ibn M akhlufs but to no avail
(Laoust, 1942:141; Murad, 1968:95).
4 3 Ibn Katir (1407/1987:v.l4, p.47) refers to him as a king o f the Arabs (m a l ik
a l - ‘a r a b ). In his obituary notice (ibid: 182), Ibn Kaiir reports that HusSm al-
Din had a great love for Ibn Taymiyyah, who was honored amongst the tribes o f
Syria. See also Irwin (1986:81), who indicates that Muhanna ibn ‘Isa had his
own difficulties with the ongoing power struggles between the Mamelukes,
having been treacherously imprisoned in 692/1293.
44 It seems that Ibn Taymiyyah had given consent to an interdiction against
public speaking. However, on Friday, 30 Rabl‘ al-Awwal, he was pressed to give
a talk after the Jum‘ah prayer. He answered the request by "...speaking until
the evening on the meaning o f ‘ibdda and isti'dna" (Murad, 1968:97). This most
likely had led to the third council on 6 Rabi‘ a l-I a n i.
36
S u ‘a d a \ K arim al-D in al-A m u li (d. 7 1 0 /1 3 1 0 -1 1 ), a n d th e Sufi
sh e ik h Ibn ‘A ta’-Allah a l-Isk a n d a ri (d. 7 0 9 /1 3 0 9 -1 0 ), d e m o n strate d
a t th e Cairo citad el a g a in s t Ib n T ay m iy y ah 's d e n o u n c e m e n ts of
v a rio u s form s of p a n th e ism (literally, ittihacfl, especially th a t of Ibn
‘A rabi. This led to a n e w tria l a g a in h e a d e d b y B a d r al-D in ibn
J a m a ‘ah. A lthough n o th in g could be proved ag ain st him ,45 n u m ero u s
co m p lain ts ev en tu ally forced th e a u th o ritie s to do so m e th in g w ith
Ib n T aym iyyah. w ho w a s given th e offer to go to A lex an d ria, to
D am ascu s or to p riso n . W hen n o ju d g e w as willing to is s u e a n order
a g a in s t him , how ever, h e v o lu n te e re d to re tu rn to p ris o n for th e
b en efit of all {m a sla h a h ) .46 He w as d e ta in e d for a s h o r t tim e an d
th e n rele ase d o n th e r e q u e s t of v a rio u s s h e ik h s . D u rin g th is
deten tio n , as w ith th e p rev io u s ones, Ib n Taym iyyah w a s p erm itted
to have a serv an t a s well as visitors. He also continued lectu rin g and
45The main complaint against him was that he claimed that seeking aid
( is tig h d ta h ) and intercession (ta w a s s u l ) could not be sought from the Prophet,
for he, as with anyone who has died, cannot benefit the living. The Prophet's
intercession will only occur, says Ibn Taymiyyah, on the Day o f Resurrection.
Although his arguments could not be denied, Ibn Jama‘ah reprimanded him for
sounding disrespectful to the Prophet (Laoust, 1942:143). In 711/1311-2, Ibn
Taymiyyah wrote a letter on the topic o f the Prophet's intercession, which he
later incorporated into his book Q d 'id a h ft-l-T a w a ssu l w a-l-W asilah (pp.313-
3 5 8 ).
45 Ibn Taymiyyah originally chose to return to Damascus and had set out for
Syria when Ibn Makhluq called him back to stand trial; see Ibn Kafir
(1 4 0 7 /l9 8 7 :v .l4 , p.48) and Murad (1968:99). A ll this occurred on 18 S h a w w a l
707. Note: Murad (ibid:99-101 and 130 n31) contends that Ibn Taymiyyah was
detained continuously from Shaww al 707 to Safar 709, including his transfer to
Alexandria, and that Ibn Kafir is wrong in stating that he was released in 707
and only sent to Alexandria when al-Jashaneir came to power. His claim will
need further investigation, for it is not reported elsewhere, as far as I know;
see Laoust (1971:952) who maintains the events as depicted by Ibn Katir. I
shall report the events according to Ibn Kafir's version.
37
w riting from h is cell. T his w as one re a s o n w hy h is enem ies felt it
b etter to h av e h im o u t of Cairo alto g eth er. This w as accom plished
w hen political tu rm o il b ro u g h t h is adversary. B aybars al-Ja sh an g ir,
to th e su lta n a te in Shaw w al 70 8 /A p ril 1309.
Ibn T aym iyyah’s A lexandrian exile coincided w ith th e sh o rt
reign of a l- J a s h a n g ir . who s u p p o rte d N asr al-M an b iji an d Ibn
M a k h luf. B u t in sp ite of h is o p p o sitio n to Ib n Taym iyyah, al-
J a s h a n g ir still s o u g h t h is approval, alo n g w ith th a t of th e o th e r
‘u la m a ’, for th e legitim acy of h is reig n . However, Ib n Taym iyyah's
reply w as th a t "his days are num bered, h is leadership is finished and
his rule is d raw ing to a close."47 B e ca u se of th is a n d h is continued
attack s ag a in st th e m onism of Ibn A rab i, h e w as s e n t to A lexandria
in Safar 7 0 9 /A u g u st 1309. He w as d etain ed a t th e s u lta n 's palace in
a room w ith one w indow overlooking th e s e a an d one opened to the
city, th e h o p e b e in g th a t so m e o n e th e re w o u ld ex p ed ite his
d em ise.48 S u ch h o p es on the p a rt of h is enem ies notw ithstanding,
th e eight m o n th s h e s p e n t th ere w ere actu ally very productive, for
he w as able to m e e t w ith visitors a n d to w rite n u m e ro u s letters and
essays. He h eld v a rio u s m eetings w ith lead in g M a lik i and Z a h iri
sch o lars a n d w ith Sufi followers of Ib n ‘A rabi a n d Ibn S ab ‘in (d.
6 6 9 /1 2 7 0 - 1),49 som e of w hom h e w as able to gain a s su p p o rters. In
47See Ibn Kaiir (14 0 7 /1 9 8 7 :v .l4 , p.52), Laoust (1942:144) and Irwin
(1 9 8 6 :9 6 ).
48 Ibn Kafir (1 4 0 7 /1 9 8 7 :v .l4 , p.52) states that Ibn Taymiyyah's friends and
family were extremely anxious about his stay in Alexandria because he had no
close supporters there, and the various Sufi groups were very popular; see also
(Laoust, 1942:145).
49For a brief biography o f Ibn Sab'in, see Faure (1971: S.V. "Ibn Sab'in").
38
th e m e a n tim e , ev en ts were p ro g re ssin g to w ard th e dow nfall of
B a y b a rs a l- J a s h a n g ir and N asr al-M anbijx. A l-N asir M uham m ad
reg ain ed co n tro l of D am ascus in S h a ‘b a n 7 0 9 /J a n u a r y 1310 a n d
re tu rn e d victoriously to Cairo in Shawwal /M a rc h of th a t year. On
re tu rn in g to power, al-Nasir invited Ibn Taym iyyah to th e royal co u rt
an d tre a te d h im a s a honored g u e s t.50 A b rief period in w hich he
enjoyed th e favor of th e su ltan m e an t th a t he w as no longer in direct
c o n fro n ta tio n w ith th e a u th o ritie s b u t n o t th a t h e w as free of
op p o sitio n .
Ibn T aym iyyah rem ained in Cairo for a few years du rin g w hich
tim e h e co n tin u ed teaching. B u t tro u b le an d controversy were never
far b e h in d , a n d th e re were sev eral in c id e n ts in w h ich he w as
a c c o s te d and b e a te n by a n g ry m o b s (Nadwi, 1977:49). O ne
p a rtic u la r in c id e n t in Rajab 7 1 1 /D ec em b e r 1311 alm o st caused a
riot a s Ibn T aym iyyah’s sup p o rters cam e to h is rescue. The fact th a t
he forgave h is a tta c k e rs and th a t h e ordered no revenge be ta k e n
a g a in s t th e m b ro u g h t the turm oil to a n end. F inally in S h aw w al
7 1 2 /F e b r u a r y 1313, Ibn T aym iyyah le ft E g y p t, r e tu r n in g to
D am ascu s o n 1 D u-l-Q a‘d a h /2 M arch. He rem ain ed th e re u ntil his
d ea th in Du-1-Qa‘d a h 7 2 8 /S ep tem b er 1328.
D u rin g th e s e final y e a rs in D a m a sc u s , Ib n T aym iyyah
co n c e rn e d h im se lf m ostly w ith te a c h in g a n d w ritin g . However,
50Ibn Taymiyyah's good treatment by al-Nasir Muhammad was most likely in

return for his resistance to al-Jashaneir. If al-Nasir had hoped to gain Ibn
Taymiyyah as a loyal supporter, his hopes were soon disappointed. Ibn
Taymiyyah acted as an advisor to al-Nasir for some time, but refused to
sanction any action that he felt contradicted Islamic Law and did not hesitate
to chastise the sultan on a number o f occasions; see Murad (1968:101-102).
39
th e re were two m ore ep iso d es of b itte r conflict w ith h is o p p o n en ts
th a t led to h is im p riso n m en t on b o th occasions. T he first in c id en t
concerned h is ru lin g a g a in s t th e o ath of divorce [hilf bi-l-talaq). Once
ag ain a m ajo r problem aro se b e c a u se Ibn T aym iyyah differed from
th e contem porary th in k in g of th e fo u r schools of ju ris p ru d e n c e on
th is issu e .51 He refused to accep t th a t a m a n could divorce h is wife
b ased on a n o a th u n re la te d to th e m arriage situ atio n . In w h a t h a d
becom e a com m on p ractice, a m a n w ould declare th a t if h e did a
certain action or failed to do som ething, he w ould divorce h is wife.
For Ibn T aym iyyah, th is w as n o th in g le ss th a n w ag erin g o n e's
m a rriag e in p u r s u it of a p a r tic u la r g oal.52 In flu e n ce d b y Ibn
T aym iyyah's op p o n en ts, S u lta n al-N asir ordered h im to sto p giving
fa ta w a on th is topic. As is to be expected, h is beliefs on th is m a tte r
outw eighed all co n seq u en c es, a n d so he refu sed to re m a in quiet.
T hree councils w ere convened over a two y ear period to d isc u ss h is
5 A lth ou gh his contemporaries accepted the validity o f the oath o f divorce,

according to Ibn Taymiyyah, there is a difference o f opinion on this matter.
Abu Hanifah ruled that a divorce based on an oath should not take place, but
Ibn Hanbal said it should. Also, some S h d f i'i and Mdliki scholars said it should
take place. See Makari (1976:109).
5 2 Ibn Taymiyyah's legal reasoning related to hilf bi-l-taldq can be summarized
as follows: 1) a pronouncement o f divorce must be intentional and
unconditional; 2) a divorce oath does not have divorce as the ultimate end and
so is ineffectual; 3) although the divorce oath is not valid, atonement for
breaking the oath is required. For a com plete discussion concerning Ibn
Taymiyyah's position concerning hilf bi-l-taldq as w ell as for his opponents
counterarguments, see Makari (1976:107-112) and Abu Zahrah (no date:414-
4 3 6 ).
40
p o sitio n . F in ally , a t th e th ir d co u n c il th e g o v ern o r, T an k iz ,53
ordered Ibn T aym iyyah’s a r r e s t for h is p e rsis te n t disobedience. He
w as im prisoned for six m o n th s betw een Rajab 7 2 0 /A u g u st 1320 and
M u h arram 7 2 1 /F e b ru a ry 1 3 2 1.54
The seco n d in c id e n t w as rela ted to Ibn T aym iyyah's views on
th e visitatio n of graves (z iy a r a h ).55 The populace of S yria and Egypt
w ere in tu rm o il w h en so m e of h is enem ies c irc u la te d a ru lin g he
h a d w ritten seventeen y e a rs earlier strictly p ro h ib itin g th e visitation
o f graves for th e p u rp o se of w o rsh ip . In th is case, th e opposition
w as led by th e MalUci ch ief ju d g e M uham m ad ib n Abi B ak r al-Ikhna’i
(d. 7 3 2 /1 3 3 1 -2 ), w ho h a d b e e n th e protege of Ib n T aym iyyah's
fo rm er o p p o n e n t in E g y p t, N asr al-M anbiji (d. 7 1 8 /1 3 1 8 ). Al-
53 Sayf al-Din Tankiz al-Husami was the powerful, almost semi-independent,

governor o f Syria from 712/1312-3 until 740/1339-40. However, he remained
quite loyal to Sultan al-Nasir Muhammad. He established a period o f calm in
Syria that witnessed various reconstruction projects. He kept a neutral stance
toward Ibn Taymiyyah, occasionally intervening on his behalf. But his main
concern was keeping order. When the sultan fell ill in 740, he feared that
Tankiz would revolt, and so he had him tortured and killed; see Irwin
(1986:121). A l-N asir died in 7 4 1 /1 3 4 0 -1 .
5 4 According to Laoust (E s s a i , 1939:144-145), the first council took place on 1
Jumada-I-Ula 718/2 July 1318, the second on 29 Ramadan 719/14 November
1319, and the last on 12 Rajab 720/19 August 1320. He was released by order
o f the sultan on the 10th o f Muharram, the day of ‘A shura’.
5 5 The details o f Ibn Taymiyyah's rulings on the visitation o f graves and the act
o f supplicating to the dead are presented by Memon (1976:263-297). To
summarize, he allows Muslims to visit graves as a reminder o f death and to
supplicate to God on behalf o f the dead. But he forbids Muslims to make
pilgrimages to graves with the intent that the deceased can intercede for the
living or grant favors for the living or that supplications at the graves o f
prophets and saints are more likely to be answered. All such acts that Ibn
Taymiyyah forbade were in com m on practice during his time and had received
the approval o f many ‘u la m d ’ . For a comparison o f Ibn Taymiyyah's views with
those o f al-G hazali. who permits pilgrimages to graves but with similar
restrictions as mentioned by Ibn Taymiyyah, see Taylor (1989:120-137).
4 1
Ik h n a ’I h a d becom e one of S u lta n al-N asir's close a d v iso rs an d
pressed for a stro n g resp o n se a g a in st th e H anbali sh e ik h . A lthough
Ibn T aym iyyah a c c u se d a l-Ik h n a ’i of in ten tio n ally s p re a d in g lies
ab o u t h is opinion on th is m atter, th e public d istu rb a n ces forced the
su lta n to o rd er Ib n Taym iyyah's im prisonm ent in S h a ‘b a n 7 2 6 /J u ly
1326. He obligingly en tered th e citadel, w hich w ould becom e h is
final abode u n til h is death.
D uring th is la s t im p riso n m en t there w as a g reat o u tp o u rin g of
su p p o rt for Ibn Taym iyyah. S cholars from B aghdad a n d o th e r cities
outside th e M am eluke em pire h a d petitioned th e s u lta n to release
h im (Nadw i, 1 9 7 7 :5 6 ). B u t th e s itu a tio n w o rs e n e d as Ibn
T ay m iy y ah 's e n e m ie s b e c a m e in c re a s in g ly f r u s tr a te d b y h is
relen tless a tta c k s w ritten from h is com fortable cell in th e citadel.
By Ju m a d a -l-A k h ira h 72 8 /A p ril 1328 th e s u lta n w as p e rsu a d e d to
forbid h im from h av in g a n y books or w riting m aterials: th is action
was carried o u t in S haw w al/A ugust.56 By Du-1-Qa‘dah, Ibn Taymiyyah
had fallen ill, an d on th e 2 0 th of th e m o n th (27 Septem ber) th e 65
y ear old H a n b a l i s c h o la r d e p a rte d from th is life. A fter th e
an n o u n c em e n ts w ere m ade from th e m in a re ts th a t Ib n Taym iyyah
h ad died, th e g a te s of th e city w ere opened to acco m m o d ate th e
crow ds com ing in to p a rtic ip a te in th e fu n eral. In sp ite of th e
56This move was instigated by the M d lik i chief judge al-Ikhna’i, who had in the
meantime become the target o f a harsh refutation from Ibn Taymiyyah
concerning the visitation o f graves. As for the material that was taken from
him, Ibn Kaifr (1407/1987:v.l4, p. 140) reports that 60 volumes and 14
packages o f notes were confiscated and brought to the ‘Adiliyyah library. The
works were reviewed by various sheikhs and judges, who divided them amongst
th em selv es.
42
c o n tro v e rsie s s u rro u n d in g h is fin al im p riso n m e n t, th e fu n e ra l
procession of th is beloved sh eik h tu rn e d o u t to be one of th e largest
ever in D am ascu s.57
P art C: A Personal Profile of Ibn Taymiyyah
T he p u rp o se of th is sectio n is to give th e read er a b ro a d e r

view of Ib n T aym iyyah's p e rso n a lity a n d to place h is h u m a n
stre n g th s a n d frailties w ithin th e co n tex t of h is beliefs a n d actions.
B ehind th e clash of convictions co n cern in g dogm a and th e role of
social a n d religious in stitu tio n s, th e re lies th e d ram a of conflicting
individual ch aracteristics an d tem p eram en ts. In th is section, I sh all
su g g e st som e possible influences th a t Ibn Taym iyyah's p erso n ality
h ad on h is trials and tribulations. It m ight well b e th a t the cau ses of
Ibn T aym iyyah's trials, periods of d eten tio n an d h is overall conflicts
w ith th e political an d religious a u th o ritie s of h is tim e will never be
fully satisfactorily explained. The com plex issu e s associated w ith the
in teractio n betw een a highly m otivated a n d creative individual a n d a
conservative society in te n t on defending th e s ta tu s quo are b u t one
factor needed to be understood in explaining Ibn Taymiyyah’s role in
M am eluke society. The added facto r of religious sensibilities, th e
fact th a t M am eluke society existed w ith in th e im m ediacy of th e
religious world of Islam, raises th e in te n sity of th is conflict betw een
57Descriptions o f the events surrounding Ibn Taymiyyah's funeral are given by

Ibn Katir (1407/1987:v.l4, p p .141-146), Laoust (E s s a i, 1939:147-150), ibid.
(1942:159), and Nadwi (1977:59-60).
43
th e in d iv id u al a n d so ciety b e c a u se a lm o st every issu e of d e b a te
becam e a m a tte r rela ted to tru e belief a n d e te rn a l salvation. W ithin
th is co m p lex of c o m p etin g Islam ic w o rld view s, Ibn T aym iyyah
p u sh e d h is p o in t of view to th e extrem e.
S ince H en ri L ao u st's m o n u m e n ta l s tu d y of Ibn T aym iyyah’s
social a n d p olitical d o ctrin es, sch o lars of Ib n Taym iyyah, of w hom
th e re a re too few, have s o u g h t to u n d e rs ta n d th e dynam ics of h is
d o c trin e s w ith in th e so c ia l s e ttin g o f th e tim e s .58 M oreover,
L a o u st’s w o rk o n th e H a n b a li m a d h a b in g en eral h a s a d d e d
significantly to o u r u n d e rsta n d in g of th e role of th e tra d itio n ists in
th e h is to ry a n d d ev e lo p m e n t of Islam ic th o u g h t. T his h a s led
a n o th e r sch o lar, G. M akdisi, a s tu d e n t of L aoust, to sta te th a t it is
th e H a n b a lis w h o a re "...in th e v a n g u a rd of th e tra d itio n a lis t
m ovem ent." T his m ovem ent, h e claim s, is challenging u s to re th in k
"...o u r id e a of M uslim orthodoxy," w h ich h e defines a s "...S u n n i
orthodoxy, re p re s e n te d sin ce th e th ir d /n in th ce n tu ry b y th e four
schools of S u n n i law ...."59 T he p a rtic u la r views of these sc h o lars of
5 8Laoust's Essai sur les Doctrines sociales et politique de Taki-d-Din Ahmad

b. Taimiya, which appeared in 1939, overturned many o f the opinions about Ibn
Taymiyyah held at that time. He also set the agenda for future studies on the
H a n b a li scholar. Makari’s study entitled The Social Factor in Ibn Taymiyyah's
E th ic s , for example, follow s Laoust by focusing on Ibn Taymiyyah's ability to
reconcile diverse opinions in his attempt to retrieve the spirit o f unity and
harmony that he saw in the community o f the Companions. As for the matter o f
his conflicts with the religious and political authorities, D. Little (1973) in
his article "The Historical and Historiographical Significance of the Detention
o f Ibn Taymiyya," International Journal o f Middle East Studies, vol.4, no.3
(July), p p.311-27, has made many valuable observations.
59These quotes are from Makdisi (1981:264). In his critique o f certain
Orientalist attitudes toward the H a n b a l i s , Makdisi, in his article "Hanbalite
Islam" (in Studies on Islam, trans. by Merlin Swartz, New York: Oxford
University Press), identifies five Orientalists, Patton, Juynboll, Schreiner,
44
the H anbali m a d h a b n otw ithstanding, th e re is still a n e e d to correct
a lingering negative im age of th e H a n b a lis a n d of Ib n Taym iyyah,
and, m o re im p o rta n tly , to proceed w ith m ore fo cu sed re se a rc h on
th e c o n tr ib u tio n s of tr a d itio n is ts like Ib n T ay m iy y ah to th e
developm ent o f Islam ic th o u g h t.
T he p ro b lem s facing th e sch o lars w illing to e m b a rk on th is
p a th a re no le s s d a u n tin g th a n w hen L ao u st w as w o rk in g on his
th e sis m ore th a n a h a lf c e n tu ry ago. T his only h ig h lig h ts th e need
for m ore se rio u s s tu d ie s o n Ibn Taymiyyah. F or exam ple, th e lack of
a c le a re r view of th e chronology of h is w ritin g s is still h in d e rin g
attem p ts a t b e tte r u n d e rsta n d in g the developm ent of h is th in k in g .60
Only w h en th is in itial ta s k begins to move to w ard com pletion, can
we b eg in to a n a ly z e m ore clearly how p o litical a n d so cial iss u e s
affected Ibn T aym iyyah's th in k in g and vice versa. Also, th e re are still
som e p a ra d o x e s c o n c e rn in g Ib n T aym iyyah's tria ls th a t re m a in
unresolved. M ost n o tab ly , for example, is th a t a lth o u g h theological
Macdonald, and Goldziher, as the leading scholars o f the H a n b a lis . Of these

five, he states that two o f them, Goldziher and Macdonald, contributed the most
in establishing an a n ti-H a n b a li bias in Orientalism, for both o f them "...went to
some lengths to discredit this school" (1981:220). Their bias, he states, was in
favor o f a "quasi-romantic" notion that the great fifth/eleventh century scholar
al-G hazali and the Seljuk vizier Nizam al-Mulk established Ash.‘a rism as the
new state-sponsored orthodoxy (p.222). They formulated this notion, in part,
because o f their reliance on pro-A sA 'a ri sources such as al-Subki (d.
771/1370). Makdisi places this bias in a framework o f nineteenth century
Orientalism, which, he states, was "...the great enemy o f Hanbalite studies"
(p.219). One proof o f this, he says, is that Brockelmann in his Geschichte der
arabischen Literatur (G A L , 1:181 and Supp., 1:308) considers the H a n b a lis as
"...one o f the 'insignificant' (unbedeutend) schools" (p.219).
60Laoust (1942:150) remarks that it would be very interesting to establish a
rigorous chronology o f Ibn Taymiyyah’s works, for although his doctrines were
formed very early on, they were not lacking in development and increased
n u an ces.
45
d eb a tes w ere always in th e forefront d u rin g the tria ls a n d were of
deep im p o rtan ce, th e ir a c tu a l significance on th e fin al outcom e of
th e tria ls c a n be q u estio n ed on th e g ro u n d s th a t Ib n Taym iyyah
could have avoided m u c h con tro v ersy b y adm itting t h a t h is beliefs
w ere th o se of Ibn H anbal, a n d th u s of th e H anbali m a d h a b . T hus it
r e m a in s open to in te r p r e ta tio n w h e th e r it w a s th e beliefs
th e m selv es th a t w ere th e re a l is s u e o r the m a in te n a n c e of the
a u th o rity of th e m adahib. I am inclined to th in k th a t th e la tte r issue
w as m ore im p o rtan t for h is o p p o n en ts b ecause som e of h is g reatest
controversies revolved aro u n d h is in sisten ce th a t h is creed {‘aqidah)
w as th e creed of the R ighteous P redecessors. This in siste n c e aimed
a t u n d e rm in in g th e p erm issib ility of divergent beliefs th a t were
sa n ctio n e d u n d e r th e n am e of th e a u th o rity of th e m a d a h ib . His
c o n sta n t a tta c k s ag ain st an y deviation from his in te rp retatio n of the
creed of th e s a l a f th re a te n e d to u p s e t th e s ta tu s quo of th e four
sch o o ls o f ju ris p ru d e n c e .61 It is extrem ely im p o rtan t, however, to
clarify th a t h is attack s were in fact a g a in st the in stitu tio n alizatio n of
th e legal sch o o ls a n d n o t a g a in s t th e legitim acy o f th e schools
61 This point has been made by Murad (1968:85-86). Concerning Ibn

Taymiyyah's emphasis on the s a la f t doctrine and his belief that it must be the
basis for Muslim society, Curtis (1989:17-20) identifies Ibn Taymiyyah as the
one who spearheaded an eighth/fourteenth century sa.la.fi m ovem ent that
opposed the A s h ‘ari-Shd.fi1i religious bureaucracy o f the Mameluke state. The
conflict was actually between the traditionists and the A s A 'a r i rationalists, for
there were many Sh&fi'i traditionists who supported Ibn Taymiyyah and
carried on with his teachings. Curtis brings this point out very clearly in his
analysis o f the exegetical work o f the great S h a fi'i scholar and student o f Ibn
Taymiyyah, Abu-l-Fida’ Isma’il ibn Kaiir (d. 774/1372-3).
46
th e m selv es.62 His a tta c k s were a g a in st th e com placency tow ards, or
th e o u trig h t co o p eratio n with, in n o v a tio n s an d false p ractice s b y
relig io u s lead ers w ho w ere a ttra c te d to th e prestig e a n d w ealth
asso cia ted w ith social custom s s u c h as th e cu lt of s a in ts .63 This in
fact becom es a key iss u e in the life of Ibn Taymiyyah, for it m u s t be
rem em b ered th a t h is doctrinal s ta n c e on various p o in ts of creed
w ere n ev er s u c c e s s fu lly c h a lle n g e d . H is d e fe n se of c e rta in
theological beliefs a s th e only a c ce p tab le beliefs for all M uslim s
g reatly d istu rb ed m a n y of the ‘u la m a ’ w ho defended th e religious
fou n d atio n s u p o n w hich M ameluke society w as based. He challenged
th e political a n d relig io u s pow ers a n d refu sed to sacrifice h is
co n cep ts of p ro p er Islam ic beliefs a n d p ractices in o rd er to appease
th e defenders of th e s ta tu s quo.
W ith in th e c o n te x t of th e s e d e b a te s over cree d , Ibn
Taym iyyah's own p erso n ality m u st b e viewed as an ad ditional factor
th a t h a d fu rth er aggravated the ‘u la m a ’ who m ost strongly em braced
th e religious c o n se rv a tism of th e tim e s.64 M otivated by h is own
6 2 Based on Ibn Taymiyyah's own writings, it is clear that he considered

him self a follower o f Ibn Hanbal and a jurisprudent o f the Hanbali m adhab.
However, he maintains that although it is permissible for the common man
C d m m i) to follow one m a d h a b (taqlid), it is a necessity for those capable o f it to
seek the truth even if it lies outside one's juridical affiliation. I shall discuss
this point further in Chapter 2, section 2. For a detailed review o f Ibn
Taym iyyah’s juridical beliefs, see Makari (1976:85-112), and for a lengthier
discussion o f his views on fiqh, usdl al-fiqh and ijtih d d , see Abu Zahrah (no
d a te :3 5 0 -5 0 8 ).
63The dangers o f leadership positions, social status and wealth, are important
themes appearing in Ibn Taymiyyah's theology o f worship. He view s these
issues as means that lead to the enslavement o f a soul to created beings; see
below Chapter 5, section 3.
6 4 Makari (1976:14-19) states that intellectual and theological thought had
becom e stagnant in spite o f the great quantity o f works produced during this
47
beliefs a n d th e c irc u m sta n c e s of th e ag e in w h ich h e lived, Ibn
Taym iyyah felt compelled to defend th e Islam of th e s a lo f in th e face
of a tta c k s from invading arm ies an d from c o rru p t beliefs th a t h e saw
creeping in to th e th in k in g of all M uslim s, th e sch o lars a s well a s the
m asses. As H allaq (1993:xii) h a s p o in ted o u t, Ib n T aym iyyah w as
co m m itted to p ro tectin g "...th e S u n n i W e lta n sc h a u u n g t h a t w as
dictated b y th e letter of th e Q u ra n a n d th e S u n n a of th e Prophet."
This a w a re n e ss of a u n iq u e a n d im p o rta n t m issio n to p reserv e a
p u re Isla m h a s been p a r t of th e a ttitu d e of th e tra d itio n ists going
b ac k to th e firs t c e n tu ry of th e H ijrah .65 F aced w ith th e v ario u s
in n o v atio n s of theological, p h ilosophical a n d m ystical sp ecu latio n s
on th e in te rp re ta tio n of th e Q u ra n a n d S u n n a h , Ibn T aym iyyah
utilizes th e orth o d o x tra d itio n of th e "H ad ith folk" a s h is m ain
period. A lso, the social passivism o f the Sufi orders added to a general
lethargy in matters o f public affairs. These two points particularly inspired
Ibn Taymiyyah to call for religious reforms.
65 Fuck (1981:106) states that the early traditionists did not see themselves in
"a missionary capacity" to spread traditionism into the new frontiers o f the
expanding empire. Their task was "...that o f combatting 'innovation' (Jbid'a)
opposed to the sunna."
48
w eap o n a g a in s t d ev iatio n a n d h e re s y .66 T h u s H allaq (1993:1)
c o rre c tly id e n tifie s a k ey fa c to r in flu e n c in g Ib n T ay m iy y ah 's
w ritings, nam ely, th a t h is u n iq u e m ission is to "dissuade M uslim s
from th e h e re tic a l beliefs of th e Sufis, p h ilo so p h e rs, sp ecu lativ e
th eo lo g ian s, th e ShTis, a n d a sco re of o th e r gro u p s." F or Ib n
Taym iyyah, th is u n iq u e m issio n w as n o th in g le ss th a n a divinely-
in sp ired m issio n in w hich he felt compelled to engage. This p o in t is
m ad e c le a re r u p o n in sp e ctio n of a le tte r h e w ro te to h is m o th e r
w hile he w as in Egypt.67
In h is biography of Ibn Taym iyyah, Abu Z a h ra h (no date:63-64)
s ta te s th a t afte r th e Em ir M u h a n n a ibn ‘Isa se c u re d h is release from
d eten tio n in R a b f al-Awwal 7 0 7 /S e p te m b e r 1307, Ibn T aym iyyah
w rote a le tte r to h is m o th er in D am ascus s ta tin g h is reaso n s for
6 6 Hodgson (1974:385-395) uses the term "Hadith folk" as a direct translation

o f the Arabic ahl al-hadit■ These are the people who hold that the narrations
"...about the Prophet formed the c h ie f source o f religious authority" (p.386).
Besides distinguishing them from the rationalists, the Shiites and the Sufis,
Hodgson states that they also opposed "traditionalism." Here he is using the
term tradition in its lexical meaning o f a long-established custom or practice.
He associates traditionalism with local traditions that were often incorporated
into the development o f Islamic Law. The hadiths in many cases contradicted
these local traditions (pp.252-256). As for the term "traditionist," I am using
it in reference to those who study the hadith in order to abstract beliefs and
practices from the Sunnah. This concept o f "traditionism” is closely related to
the idea o f orthodoxy in the sense that it stems from the statements and
activities o f the Righteous Predecessors. The development o f a traditionist and
orthodox school o f thought that eventually crystallized in the teachings and
actions o f Ahmad ibn Hanbal has been documented by Fiick (1981:99-108). I
shall elaborate on this point in Chapter 2.
67I became aware o f the issue o f Ibn Taymiyyah's motivation in connection with
his letter to his mother when reading Hallaq (1993:1), who alludes to Ibn
Taymiyyah's desire to seek a double reward in the hereafter by "...exposing the
heresies o f those whom he believed to be the enemies o f Islam...."
49
staying in C airo.68 In this le tte r h e sta tes th a t conditions n ecessitate
h is stay , fo r if he were to leave, th e affairs of th e w orld an d th e
religion w o u ld deteriorate. H e em phasizes th a t it is n o t by choice
th a t h e sta y s, for he would r a th e r be w ith h e r a n d h is friends a n d
su p p o rters in D am ascus. Also, he states th a t h is in ten tio n is to sta y a
sh o rt w hile, b u t he m u st su p p licate God a b o u t th is, for He know s
a n d d eterm in es all things. He stre sse s th a t it is n o t worldly m atters
th a t keep th e m separated, b u t th e affairs of th e religion. F or he fears
a d u al h a rm w ould come a b o u t if he neglects h is religious duties. In
co m m enting on th is letter, A b u Z ah rah s ta te s th a t in following th e
P rophet a n d th e Righteous P redecessors, Ibn Taym iyyah felt a need
to te a c h a n d explain th e tr u th ab o u t Islam to th e M uslim s an d to
p ro tect th e m from deviations. T his w ould aid in preventing the first
h arm , w h ic h is th a t th e M uslim s w ould p e rs is t in following false
beliefs. As fo r th e second h a rm , A bu Z a h ra h re la te s it to Ibn
Taym iyyah's position as a sch o lar by statin g th a t h e h ad to prove th a t
th e a c c u s a tio n s ag a in st h im w ere u n fo u n d ed . The seco n d h a rm
w ould befall him personally, for a s a scholar h e w ould have failed in
h is d u tie s a n d w ould be a c c o u n ta b le for th is on th e Day of
R e su rre ctio n .
6 8 According to Ibn Katir (1407/1987:v.l4, p.81), Ibn Taymiyyah's mother, Sitt

al-Mun‘im bint ‘Abd al-Rahman ibn ‘All ibn ‘Abdus al-Harraniyyah, died in
Shawwal 716/Decem ber 1316. This means that Ibn Taymiyyah was with his
mother in Damascus during the last years o f her life. Her death left him with
only his two brothers, for one curious aspect o f his life is that he did not
marry or have concubines. Thus he had no family o f his own. On the issue o f
Ibn Taymiyyah's celibacy, which is forbidden according to orthodox tradition,
the biographical sources have little to say; see Little (1975:105).
50
It is probable th a t Ib n Taym iyyah w as concerned w ith clearing
his n am e an d protecting h is re p u ta tio n a s well a s being concerned
ab o u t h is fate in the hereafter. However, th e re are various asp ects of
h is p e rs o n a l life th a t m u s t be to ta k e n in to co n sid eratio n in
determ ining j u s t w h a t th a t rep u ta tio n w as. It is well attested to by
friends a n d enem ies alik e th a t Ibn T aym iyyah lived a n extrem ely
pious a n d a u s te re life.69 It is know n th a t h e lived a life of poverty
and im m ediately gave aw ay any m oney h e received.70 Also, he never
accepted an y gifts from th e su ltan , th e em irs, or an y w ealthy p atrons
(Laoust, E s s a i, 1939:115). E x cep t for h is teach in g p o sitio n s a t
various m adaris, he also never accepted a n y official appointm ent or
g o v ern m en t p o sitio n s u c h as ju d g e (qadi) or g u a rd ia n of public
m o rals (m u h ta s ib ). In g en eral, Ib n T aym iyyah rem ained o utside
relig io u s a n d s ta te b u r e a u c ra tic circles. T h is p o in t obviously
fru stra ted som e of his op p o n en ts who saw him as the p e st th a t flies
a b o u t an n o y in g everyone. T his m ig h t w ell explain Safi-1-Din al-
H in d fs co m m en t a t th e council of 6 9 8 /1 2 9 8 -9 : "I consider you, O
Ibn Taym iyyah, as n o th in g b u t a sparrow , w h en I w ant to catch you
a t one place, you fly off to another."71 If th is w as the attitu d e of his
69 Many o f the descriptions o f Ibn Taymiyyah's lifestyle are reported by al-

Bazzar (1396/1976:37-52). He discusses Ibn Taymiyyah’s acts o f worship, his
austere practices, his complete disinterest in even the simplest comforts o f
this life, his life o f poverty, and his manner o f dressing. A less detailed
review o f some o f these aspects o f Ibn Taymiyyah's personal life are reported
by Laoust (Essai, 1939:115).
70Eventually, his brothers took over the management o f his financial affairs;
see Little (1975:105). Laoust (E ssa i, 1939:115) reports that he never engaged
in any commercial or business transactions.
71See the editors note in al-Bazzar (1396/1976:85 n3).
51
o p p o n e n ts in 6 9 8 , o n e c a n only im agine ho w th e y felt as his
influence on society in creased in th e years leading u p to th e trials of
705.
Ib n T aym iyyah's a ttitu d e co n cern in g th e c o rre c tn e s s of his
beliefs an d th e n eed to p ro p ag ate th e m obviously d id n o t fare well
w ith m an y of th e religious elite of his day. However, th e re is another
a s p e c t of h is p e rs o n a lity th a t co m p o u n d ed th e c o n tro v e rsies
r e s u ltin g from th e d o c trin a l d e b a te s . W hen tie d in w ith th e
intricacies of h is a tta c k s a g a in st th e beliefs an d p ra c tic e s perm itted
b y m a n y religious sch o lars, Ib n Taym iyyah's own aggressive attitu d e
se e m s to have e x a ce rb a ted th e situ a tio n . The is s u e of a m utual,
p e rs o n a l en m ity b e tw e e n Ib n T aym iyyah an d h is o p p o n e n ts is
re fe rre d to b y m a n y c o n te m p o ra ry h is to ria n s a n d b io g rap h e rs
(Little, 1973:323). As for Ib n Taym iyyah him self, even h is closest
su p p o rte rs a n d s tu d e n ts fau lted him on h is a n g e r a n d vanity. For
exam ple, al-D ah a b l criticized h is pride an d v an ity w hile Ibn Rajab
r e p o r ts th a t h is a n g e r tu rn e d him in to a "rag in g lion" (Little,
1975:105). O ne ca n only g u e ss how different th e s itu a tio n m ight
have b een if h e w as le ss extrem e, especially w h e n h is opponents,
s u c h a s Ibn M akhluf, a tte s te d to h is piety an d v irtu e . Yet, as Little
(1975:112) p o in ts o u t, it w as m o st likely th is e x tre m e n e ss of
a ttitu d e th a t m a d e h im s u c h a vital figure in h is tim e a s well as
to d a y .
The a n g e r a n d fru s tra tio n of m an y of th e relig io u s leaders
to w ard Ibn T aym iyyah could be explained as ste m m in g from their
in ab ility to prove him w rong on d o ctrin al issu es a n d from a simple
52
dislik e of the m a n him self. T h u s h is o p p o n e n ts often re so rte d to
a c c u s a tio n s b a s e d o n th e id e a th a t he w as u p se ttin g n o t o n ly th e
tra d itio n a l religious sc h o la rsh ip of th e m a d a h ib b u t also affairs of
sta te . T his w ould explain som e of th e ch arg es leveled ag ain st h im :72
1) h e w a s a th r e a t to th e g o v ern m e n t a lo n g th e lin es o f th e
s ix th /tw e lfth c e n tu ry N o rth A frican re b e l Ib n T u m a rt a n d th e
M u w a h h id u n ,73 2) he co rru p ted th e m in d s of m an y em irs in Syria,
a n d 3) h e collaborated w ith th e Mongols a n d la te r w ith g ro u p s of
M am elu k es to u n s e a t th e s u lta n 's re p re se n ta tiv e in D a m a sc u s.
A lth o u g h S u lta n al-N asir M u h am m ad did n o t seem to have ta k e n
th e se charges too seriously, m a n y of the ru lin g elite did. In an y case,
it w as Ib n T aym iyyah's p ro p e n s ity to d is r u p t th e social o rd er,
reg ard le ss of w h eth e r h e co uld ju stify h is beliefs or not, th a t drove
th e s ta te au th o rities to move a g a in st him.
T h ro u g h o u t th e la tte r h a lf of h is life, Ibn T aym iyyah w as
c o n fro n te d by o p p o n e n ts fro m a wide ra n g e of social c la s s e s .
Likewise, his su p p o rte rs cam e from m an y o f th e sam e seg m en ts of
society. His calls for a reform of society acco rd in g to the beliefs a n d
p ra c tic e s of th e s a l a f re p re s e n t h is re a c tio n to a society t h a t h e
b eliev ed w as b ein g p u s h e d f u r th e r fro m t h a t ideal. F o r Ib n
Taym iyyah, Islam m ean t only one thing: th e p ro p er w orship of God
ac c o rd in g to th e e a rlie st co m m u n ity of M u slim s. A h a rm o n io u s
society, h e felt, could only flo u rish from a b a s is in th a t id e a of
7 2 r am summarizing these points based on the observations o f Little

(1 9 7 3 : 3 2 2 ) .
73Laoust (E s s a i, 1939:128) indicates that this charge was brought before al-
Jashangir by Ibn Makhluf and al-Manbiji.
53
w orship. W ith th is in m ind, I sh a ll now d isc u ss th e sources a n d
m ethodology Ib n Taym iyyah u s e s in fo rm u latin g h is theology of
w orship.
54
C hapter 2: T he Major A spects of Ibn Taym iyyah's M ethodology
The p u rp o se of th is c h a p te r is to identify th e m ajor so u rc e s

w h ich form th e b a s is of Ib n T aym iyyah's religious views a n d to
ex p lain how h e u se s th e se so u rces in fo rm u latin g h is beliefs. In
re a d in g th ro u g h Ibn T aym iyyah's w ritings, one soon realizes th a t
th e re are five elem en ts th a t form th e fo u n d a tio n of his religious
th o u g h t. T h ese are th e Q u ra n , the S u n n a h of the P ro p h et, th e
p ra c tic e a n d s ta te m e n ts of th e C om panions, th e opinions of th e
F ollow ers a n d th e A rabic lan g u ag e. U sin g th e se so u rc e s, Ibn
Taym iyyah expounds a n u n d erstan d in g of Islam w hich is for h im the
only u n d e rsta n d in g identifiable w ith the beliefs a n d practices of the
P rophet. A lthough th ere is nothing unique in u sin g these so u rce s as
th e b a s is o f M u slim th e o lo g y ,1 th e p a r tic u la r m e th o d o lo g y
a b s tra c te d from th e se so u rces, w hich he claim s is in ac co rd an c e
w ith th e m ethodology of th e salaf, places h is discourse on theology
w ith in a clearly defined h isto rical tren d a n d d istin g u ish es it from
th e disco u rse of o th e r M uslim groups. In attem p tin g to define the
"legitim ate" b o u n d a rie s of theological d isc o u rs e , Ibn T aym iyyah
u tilize s a tra d itio n is t ap p ro a c h to th e se so u rc e s. He follows th e
m ethodology of th e A h l al-H adit, in general, an d of the H a n b a li
m a d h a b , in p a rtic u la r. However, he n o t only ad h e re s to th is
tr a d itio n is t m e th o d o lo g y of th e s a l a f b u t s ta n d s o u t a s its
Taymiyyah is well aware that every Muslim group claims to be follow ing
the Sunnah and that each group views the others as engaging in innovations. See
his comments in al-lstiq& m ah, v .l, p .13.
55
preem in en t sp o k e sm a n a t the b eg in n in g of the 8 t h /1 4 t h c e n tu ry .2
His a rg u m e n ts su p p o rtin g h is in te rp re ta tio n of th e revealed texts,
w hich for h im m e a n s both the Q u ra n a n d a u th e n tic h a d ith s, are
b ased on th is o rth o d o x tradition, an d , a s h e rep eated ly p o in ts out,
re p re se n t th e m ethodology an d beliefs of th e four Im am s a n d o th er
g reat scholars of early Islam.
For Ibn T aym iyyah, th e faith , know ledge an d p ractice derived
from th ese five so u rc e s co n stitu te th e beginning a n d e n d of Islam .
H is p o sitio n is t h a t M uslim s, in g en e ra l, an d th e s c h o la rs, in
p artic u lar, m u s t utilize the m ethodology of th e s a l a f in m a tte rs of
creed an d p ractice. As we saw in C h a p te r 1, this sta n c e placed him
in opposition to th o se ju risp ru d e n ts of th e four m adahib who so u g h t
to codify th e Law b a se d on th e d ialectical arg u m en ts of u su l al-fiqh
a s borrow ed fro m th e kaldm , a n d to th e A s h 'a r i th e o lo g ia n s who
s o u g h t to p ro m o te k a la m a r g u m e n ts c o n c e rn in g ‘a q i d a h .3
2Curtis (1989:18 and 259 n l l l ) identifies a "salafi movement" that

crystallized around Ibn Taymiyyah at the beginning o f the 8th/14th century
and ended unofficially with the death o f Ibn Taymiyyah’s student, the great
SJL&fi't traditionist A bu-l-Fida’ ibn Katir (d. 774/1373).
3Besides his conflicts with the A sA 'ari theologians and the f u q a h a ’ o f the three
other m a djlh ib, Laoust (E ssai, 1939:76-80) points out that Ibn Taymiyyah
criticizes earlier H a n b a l i scholars who deviated from Ahmad ibn Hanbal's
insistence on relying solely on the revealed texts. Ibn Taymiyyah considers
anyone who accepts speculative theology and logic as being equal, or superior,
to revelation to have deviated from Ahmad's position. Also, those H a n b a l i
scholars involved with the kaldm or with objectionable Sufi practices were
censured for these particular faults. His criticism in these matters is directed
at certain scholars o f the Hanbali madfiab such as Ibn ‘Aqll (d. 513/1119-20)
for his use o f the k a ld m and Muwaffaq al-Din ibn Qudamah (d. 620/1223) for
his compliance with the Sufi cult o f saints. It must be noted, however, that his
criticism is lim ited to only those points that he finds objectionable in the
writings o f these scholars, for he had studied and continued to utilize the
works o f these and other H anbalis.
56
Moreover, Ib n T aym iyyah's w ritings on legal a n d theological issu es
a re b a s e d on th e p rinciple th a t rev elatio n a n d m ethodology are
n e c e ss a rily a n d in tric a te ly lin k e d to g e th er.4 His prem ise is th a t
w ithin rev elatio n itse lf is to be fo u n d th e m e a n s to u n d e rsta n d ,
in te rp ret a n d p ractice th a t revelation; th u s, no sources or m ethods
outside th e to tality of Islam ic revelation are perm itted to be utilized
to in te r p r e t a n d p ra c tic e t h a t re v e la tio n . A ccording to Ibn
Taymiyyah, th e Q u ra n is m anifested in th e statem en ts an d actions of
th e P rophet, a n d it is h is S u n n a h th a t is scru p u lo u sly followed by
th e C o m p an io n s (sa h a b a h ). T h eir m an ifestatio n of Islam ultim ately
r e p re s e n ts th e h ig h e st a tta in a b le religious s ta te for w hich an y
M uslim c o u ld hope. T h u s th e C om panions an d , according to Ibn
T aym iyyah, th e Follow ers becom e th e m odel b y w hich all o th er
groups a re ju d g ed .
In e x p la in in g Ibn T ay m iy y ah 's p o sitio n relative to th e se
sou rces a n d th e m ethodology a b s tra c te d from them , I sh all divide
4This is Ibn Taymiyyah’s guiding principle in reference to all aspects o f the

Islamic sciences. Thus he uses the concept o f "kaldm" in a broader sense to
describe any principles and m ethodologies falling outside his "salafi
principles." The division o f Islamic knowledge into the two categories o f
"legal" (fiqh ) and "theological” ( k a ld m , in a restricted sense) occurred
gradually during the end o f the first century and the beginning o f the second
century o f the H ijr a h . W olfson (1976:1-5) identifies this division as part of
the development o f k a ld m in its pre-Mutazilite stage. Briefly stated, after the
death o f the Prophet the Muslims began discussing matters related to law and
practice. At that time some scholars started using analogy (q iy d s ) to help solve
novel problems that arose. As the early community began differing over the
concepts o f faith and the nature o f God, some o f the Muslims started using
analogy to answer these problems. Thus ka ldm , which in general strives to
arrive at a solution through reasoning, came to be solely associated with issues
o f faith and belief, in contradistinction to f iq h , which is the discussion o f
practical legal issues. As we shall see below, pp. 135-137, Ibn Taymiyyah uses
ka ld m in its broader meaning when he describes its influence on fiqh .
57
th is c h a p te r into th ree p a rts. P art A will deal w ith h is ap p ro a c h to
u n d e rs ta n d in g th e first m entioned so u rce, th e Q u ra n , w h ich will
include a d iscu ssio n of h is h erm en eu tics. P art B will focus on the
seco n d , th ir d a n d fo u rth so u rce s by d escrib in g th e ro le of the
C o m p an io n s a n d th e Follow ers a s th e tra n s m itte rs o f th e tru e
beliefs a n d p ractices of th e Prophet. T heir role a s u n q u estio n ab le
a u th o r itie s , a c c o rd in g to Ib n T aym iyyah, p r e s u p p o s e s th e ir
tru stw o rth in e s s in practicin g as well a s tra n sm ittin g th e Prophet's
S u n n a h . T he la s t sectio n of th is ch a p ter. P art C, will d etail the
m a n n er in w hich he u se s th e fifth source, the Arabic language, as a
fu rth e r m e a n s of defining th e scope of theological d isco u rse.
P art A: The Q u ran
1 H erm en eu tics
F o r Ib n T aym iyyah, in ac c o rd a n c e w ith th e u n a n im o u s

agreem ent of M uslims, th e Q u ran is th e actu al word o f God th a t was
revealed d irectly to th e P rophet by w ay of the arch an g el G abriel. It
w as w ritte n dow n d u rin g h is lifetim e a n d h a s b e e n tra n sm itte d
w ith o u t c o rru p tio n an d in its totality by a n u n in te rru p te d ch a in of
r e c ite r s .5 As G od's final revelation, th e Q uran, a s view ed by Ibn
5Laoust (E s s a i, 1939:231) presents this view in connection with his discussion

o f Ibn Taymiyyah's use o f the Quran as a source for legal opinions. For a recent
discussion on the fidelity o f the text o f the Quran, see Brockett (1988:31-45).
On page 44 he indicates the existence o f a preserved Quran text since the time
o f Muhammad in both an oral and a written tradition: "There must have been a
parallel written transmission limiting variation in the oral transmission to the
58
Taymiyyah, m u s t n ecessarily c o n ta in th e com plete body of religious
know ledge n ec essary for a M uslim . It provides h im w ith p ractica l
g u id a n ce to c a rry o u t h is w o rld ly n ee d s in ac co rd an c e w ith a
sp iritu a l guidance th a t elevates a n d perfects his soul for its re tu rn
to its Lord. However, Ib n T aym iyyah clarifies th is u n d e rsta n d in g of
th e Q u ran by explaining th a t the Q u ra n m u st be placed in a p roper
p e rsp e c tiv e re la tiv e to th e S u n n a h of th e P ro p h e t a n d th e
s ta te m e n ts of th e e a rlie s t M uslim s. His view is m ad e cle a r by
looking a t his d iscu ssio n of exegesis (tafsir).6
graphic form, side by side with a parallel oral transmission preserving the
written transmission from corruption. The transmission o f the Qur’an after the
death o f Muhammad was essentially static, rather than organic."
6 Although the term ta fsir is identifiable with "exegesis," in the following
discussion I shall actually be describing Ibn Taymiyyah's methodology o f
ta fsir, or hermeneutics. This distinction between exegesis and hermeneutics is
defined by McAuliffe (1988:47) in her discussion o f these terms in relation to
Christian theology: "The practice o f interpretation was equated with what we
would now term ’exegesis', while the term 'hermeneutics' was used to denote
the aims and criteria o f that practice. In conventional theological usage, then,
hermeneutics was the enterprise which identified the principles and methods
prerequisite to the interpretation o f texts." Thus, more specifically, I shall
look at Ibn Taymiyyah's us&l al-tafsir.
59
In h is e s s a y M uqa d d im a h f i Usuli-l-Tafsir,7 Ib n T aym iyyah
explains th a t th e first thing a M uslim scholar m u s t k n o w in o rd er to
u n d e r s ta n d th e Q u ra n p ro p erly is th a t th e P ro p h e t e x p lain e d
(b a y y a n a ) its m e a n in g fully a n d com pletely (p.331). T h is is Ibn
T aym iyyah's fu n d a m e n ta l position relative to th e p rin c ip le s of th e
Islam ic sciences, w h eth e r tafsir, fiq h o r kalam.* As p ro o f of th is he
m en tio n s th a t th e P rophet's m issio n is defined in th e v erse "...in
o rd er to explain to people w h a t h a s b een s e n t dow n to them " (al-
N ahl 16:44). He fu rth e r explains t h a t th e C om panions u s e d to le a rn
te n verses from th e Prophet b u t w ould n o t le arn m o re u n til th e y
also learned w h a t th e verses co n tain e d as to know ledge a n d actio n
7 Curtis (1989), in his dissertation on Ibn Katir's introduction to his Tafsir al-
Qurdn al-Karim, has shown that Ibn Kaiir (d. 774/1373) not only used Ibn
Taymiyyah's Muqaddimah f i Usuli-l-Tafsir in his own discussion o f
hermeneutics, but that Ibn Taymiyyah had written his work sp ecifically for
Ibn Katir (see especially Chaps. V and VI). However, Ibn Kattr does not mention
Ibn Taymiyyah as the source o f the usdl section because, as Curtis points out
(pp. 17-20), the opposition o f the "official" 'ulamd' to the deceased H a n b a li
scholar remained quite strong. The fact that Ibn Katir did not credit Ibn
Taymiyyah for the exposition on hermeneutics could explain why M cAuliffe
(1988:55) mentions only that Ibn Katir was influenced by Ibn Taymiyyah
without detailing the depths o f that influence. Thus, although she is correct in
identifying the clear links between al-Tabari (d. 310/923) and Ibn Katir
concerning hermeneutics, she overlooks the fact that Ibn Taymiyyah
established that link through his formulation o f usdl al-tafsir. This point w ill
be discussed further in this section. For an opposing point o f v iew concerning
Ibn Katir's position relative to prior tafsir works, see Calder (1 9 9 3 :1 0 1 -1 4 0 ),
who argues that Ibn Katir, and thus Ibn Taymiyyah by implication, deviated
significantly from a tafsir tradition started by al-Tabari.
8Laoust (C o n tr ib u tio n , 1939:55 n2) comments that Ibn Taymiyyah uses this
formula to incorporate into his doctrines the views expressed in dogmatic
theology (k a ld m ), jurisprudence (fiqh, furl2‘), the literalism o f the Z d h ir iy y a h ,
and the esotericism o f the B d tin iyya h . For Laoust, this represents Ibn
Taymiyyah's syncretistic approach to the divergent views in Islam. However,
this formula is also historically the b elief o f the traditionists.
60
[al-'ilm w a-l-‘am al).9 T h is b rief p rese n tatio n of evidence10 lin k s Ibn
T ay m iy y ah 's m e th o d o lo g y to a fu n d a m e n ta l p rin c ip le o f th e
tr a d itio n is ts ’ h e r m e n e u tic s , n a m e ly , th a t th e P ro p h e t fu lly
explained th e Q u ran . T h is con cep t is u sed by Ibn Taym iyyah, a s it
w as u sed by al-T abari (d. 3 1 0 /9 2 3 ) before him , to refute th e claim s
of th e ahl al-ra’y th a t h u m a n reaso n is needed to explain th e Q u ran .
T h ese "people of opinion" hold th e view th a t th e P rophet explained
very little of th e Q u ra n a n d th u s developed a form of exegesis th a t
becam e know n as tafsir bi-l-ra’y. They are opposed by th o se sch o lars
w ho m a in ta in th a t th e P ro p h e t's ex eg etical ro le w as all-
enco m p assin g . The m a in role of th e exegete th e n is to re la te th e
a u th e n tic s ta te m e n ts a s s o c ia te d w ith e a ch v erse. T h u s th e ir
m ethod of exegesis b ecam e know n a s tafsir bi-l-ma’tu r.11 T h u s, Ibn
Taym iyyah's asso ciatio n w ith tafsir bi-l-ma’tur becom es th e first step
in h is process of defining th e b o u n d aries of exegesis.
9 This narration is reported by al-Tabari (1373/1954:voI.l, p.35) in his

discussion o f hermeneutics. It is the statement o f the ta b i 'i Abu ‘Abd al-
RahmSn al-Sulami (d. 72/691-2). Dahabi (139 6 /I9 7 6 :v .l, p.49 n3) points out
that this al-Sulami should not be confused with the famous 4th/10th century
Sufi with the same name. The Sufi al-Sulami (d. 412/1021-2) is also quoted by
Ibn Taymiyyah, who criticizes him for the many errors he makes in his
exegesis of the Quran entitled H aqd’iq al-Tafsir; see the M u q a d d im a h :3 6 2 .
10As Curtis (1989:222, 250) points out, the lack o f details and explanations in
Ibn Taymiyyah’s M u q a d d im a h is most likely related to the fact that it is
written for a like-minded scholar. Thus his usual style o f presenting extensive
evidences from the Quran and hadiths to prove his point is not utilized here.
1 ^ h e development o f the concept o f the Prophet's exegetical role from al-
Tabari to Ibn Kaiir is traced by M cAuliffe (1988:48-62), who, as already
mentioned, incorrectly attributes its final form to Ibn Kaiir, and by Speight
(1988:63-68), who also overlooks Ibn Taymiyyah’s influence. D ah ab i
(1396/1976:v.l, pp.49-51) presents the arguments o f the two groups as to
whether the Prophet explained all, or just a little, o f the Quran.
6 1
A fter in d ic a tin g t h a t th e P ro p h e t w a s th e p re e m in e n t
exegete, Ib n Taym iyyah clarifies th e m o s t co rrect (a s a h h ) w ay to
proceed w ith a n exegesis of th e Q u ra n . Of th e fo u r step s th a t he
m e n tio n s, th e firs t two ste p s forge th e in itial lin k betw een th e
Q u ra n a n d th e S u n n a h a n d fu rth e r serv e to define th e r a n k s of
th o se ca p ab le of perform ing ta fsir. S te p s th ree a n d four reinforce
th e lim itatio n h e estab lish es w ith s te p s one a n d tw o .12 The first
step, he says, is to "explain the Q u ran b y th e Q uran," for w hat is n o t
m e n tio n e d in one spot w ill be e x p la in e d in a n o th e r
{M uqaddim ah:363). He says little else o n th is p o in t b ecau se it is n o t
a co n tro v ersial issu e. One lim itatio n p re su p p o se d h ere is th a t a n
exegete sh o u ld have m em orized m o st of th e Q u ra n if not all o f it,
w hich in itself is a m inor factor co n sidering th a t th e m em orization
of th e Q u ra n w as a com mon asp ect of a sc h o la r’s training. However,
a n o th e r a s s u m p tio n he holds in co n n ectio n w ith th e ta fsir of th e
Q u ra n by th e Q u ran is th a t an exegete m u s t also kn o w the "causes of
revelation" [asbab al-nuzuD and the science of "abrogation" fal-nasikh
wa-1-mansQ.kh).13 These sciences relate to b o th th e Q u ra n an d th e
h a d ith s a n d are n ecessary for a n exegete to know so th a t he gives
12Relative to methodology (minh&j), in general, and concerning tafsir, in

particular, Curtis (1989:247) has shown that Ibn Taymiyyah faithfully follow s
Ahmad ibn Hanbal’s minhaj as to sources and order o f precedence.
^ O n the use o f the hadith to determine the causes o f revelation for the
purpose o f ta fsir, see Speight (1988:68-72). One significant point that he
brings to light is that tafsir is not limited to the genre o f ta f s ir -works only.
The books o f the great muhaddii&n contain important contributions for the
understanding o f the development of Quranic exegesis. See, for example, the
"Kitab al-Tafsir" in the Sahih o f al-Bukhari. On Imam a l-S h a fiT s theory o f
abrogation in relation to the Quran, see Khadduri (1987:123-130), and to the
hadith, see (ibid: 195-202).
62
th e p ro p e r p referen ce to v ario u s evidences re la te d to one issu e .
T h is a s s u m p tio n p o in ts to Ibn T ay m iy y ah 's in te n tio n to lin k
exegesis to the scien ces of h ad ith . a point m ore fully b ro u g h t o u t in
h is seco n d ste p .14
Ib n T aym iyyah's seco n d step goes m u c h f u rth e r in defining
th e sk ills needed b y a n exegete. He s ta te s th a t if th e first ste p is
n o t sufficient to p ro d u ce a n answ er, th e n a M uslim exegete m u s t
look to th e S u n n a h o f th e Prophet, for th a t is th e co m m en tato r
fsharihah) and clarifier (m u w addihah) of th e Q u ra n . He su p p o rts th is
view b y first quoting th e verse "...We did n o t se n d th e book dow n to
you except th a t y o u explain to them ab o u t w hich th e y differed, for it
is a guid an ce a n d a m ercy to people who believe" (al-N ahl 16:64).
He th e n m entions a h a d ith in w hich th e P ro p h e t sa id th a t h e w as
given th e Q u ra n a n d its sim ilitu d e .15 F or Ib n T aym iyyah, th e
sim ilitu d e is th e S u n n a h , w hich, w hen com bined w ith th e Q u ran ,
c o n s titu te s the id e a of rev elatio n (w a h y ) in its en tirety . T his, he
14For the references to the terms and techniques o f the hadith scholars, I am
relying on M.A. Salih's book, Lamah&t f i Us&li-l-Hadii, Beirut and Damascus:
al-Maktab al-Islami, 1405/1985. A lso, the vast differences o f opinion between
the M uslim position concerning hadith studies and the general Orientalist view
represented by Goldziher and Schacht notwithstanding, I am relying on the
research o f M.M. Azami (1978), Studies in Early Hadith Literature,
Indianapolis: American Trust Publications, as the basis for my acceptance o f
the Muslim point o f view. I am also taking this position because it is well
beyond the scope o f this dissertation to enter into this highly debated topic.
Furthermore, as far as Ibn Taymiyyah is concerned, the hadiths as
authenticated by the m u h a ddii& n represent the actual statements o f the
Prophet and his Companions.
15See M u qaddim ah :363. This is the opening statement o f a lengthier hadith
which reads "a-ld inni dtitu-l-quran wa mitlahu ma'ahu...." For the full hadith,
see Tibrizi (1405/1985:v .l, p.57) and the translation by Robson (1 9 7 5 :v .l,
P-43).
63
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout permission.
s a y s, is th e o p in io n o f a l-S h a f i l (d. 2 0 4 /8 1 9 - 2 0 ) a n d o th e r
s c h o la rs ,16 This second ste p p resu p p o ses th a t a n exegete m u s t also
b e a n expert on th e h a d ith s (m iihaddti) in o rd er to b e able to know
th e a u th e n tic h a d ith s from th e w eak o r fa b ric a te d o n e s .17 Ibn
Taym iyyah fa rth e r em p h asizes a n exegete's n eed to be skilled in the
sciences of h a d ith w ith h is th ird step.
W hen a n exegete is n o t able to find th e a n sw e r h e is looking
for in the Q u ran an d th e S u n n a h , Ibn Taym iyyah say s th a t a s a third
ste p h e m u st tu r n to th e sta te m e n ts of th e C o m p an io n s. T hey are
th e b e s t inform ed M uslim s concerning exegesis, for th e y w itnessed
th e Q uran, w ere d istin g u ish e d by their sp iritu a l s ta te s (afiwal). and
h a d a co m plete u n d e r s ta n d in g of Isla m in te r m s of c o rre c t
knowledge an d rig h teo u s deeds {M uqaddim ah:364). He m en tio n s in
p a rtic u la r th a t M uslim s sh o u ld follow th e s ta te m e n ts of th e four
Rightly-G uided C alip h s a n d th e m ost know ledgeable C om panions
s u c h a s ‘Abd-Allah ib n M as‘u d (d. 3 2 /6 5 2 -3 ), w ho k n ew w h en each
verse w as revealed a n d w ith w hom it w as co ncerned. Ibn Taym iyyah
th e n m akes special m en tio n of ‘Abd-Allah ib n ‘A bbas (d. 6 8 /6 8 7 -8 ),
16 0 n al-ShafiT s views concerning the relationship between the Quran and the
Sunnah and on the need to obey the Prophet, see Khadduri (1987:109-122). In
commenting on Sura al-Baqarah 2:146, in reference to the Prophet's teaching
"the Book and Wisdom" ([al-kitab wa-l-hikmah), al-Shafi*t says that "...it is not
permissible for Wisdom to be called here [anything] save the sunna o f the
Apostle o f God" (ibid:111).
17A m uh add.it is actually the one holding the middle rank in the three-tiered
classification o f the scholars o f the hadith. The low est rank is that o f the
m u s n id , and the highest rank is that o f the h&fiz. There is a fourth category
known as amir al-mu’minin fi-l-hadtt, which has been given to only a few
scholars over the centuries such as Ibn Hanbal (d. 241/855-6) and al-Bukhart
(d. 256/870). See M. A. Salih (1405/1985:103-109).
64
fo r w hom th e P ro p h e t h a d s u p p lic a te d to G od to give h im
" u n d e rs ta n d in g in re lig io n and k n o w led g e of in te r p r e ta tio n
{ta’wH!)."18 It is obvious th a t th is th ird ste p fu rth er em p h asizes Ibn
Taym iyyah's in sisten ce th a t a n exegete m u s t either be a m u h a d d it or
a t le a st rely on th e m w h en presenting a tafsir of th e Q u ra n . In order
to know the au th e n tic sta tem en ts of th e sahabah, one is req u ired to
have th e sam e skills n eed ed to know th e a u th en tic h a d ith s of th e
P ro p h e t. W ith th is s te p a n d th e follow ing f o u rth s te p , Ibn
Taym iyyah clearly in te n d s to p u t the p ro p o n en ts of ta fsir bi-l-ra’y on
th e defensive in th e m eth o d o lo g ical a n d ideological stru g g le
con cern in g exegesis.
Ibn Taym iyyah's fo u rth step refers to w hat he sees a s th e la st
g en eratio n al group h av in g so u n d know ledge of th e Q u ra n , th a t is,
th e Follow ers of th e C o m p an io n s (t a b i 'u n ). In p a r tic u la r , h e
m en tio n s Followers s u c h a s M ujahid ib n J a b r (d. 1 0 2 /7 2 0 -1 ), who
stu d ie d w ith Ibn ‘A bbas, a n d ‘Ikrim ah (d. 1 0 7 /725-6). w ho w as a
clien t of Ibn ‘A bbas. He also m e n tio n s ‘A ta’ ib n Abi R a b a h (d.
1 14/732-3), S a id ib n J u b a y r (d. 9 5 /7 1 3 -4 ), al-H asan al-B a sri (d.
110/728-9), S a id ib n al-M usayyab (d. 9 2 /7 1 0 -1 or 9 4 /7 1 2 -3 ), Abu-
18See M u q a d d im a h :365. Some other authorities o f tafsir transmission according

to Ibn Taymiyyah are the Companions Ubayy ibn Ka‘b (d. 22/643), Ibn ‘Umar
(d. 74/693-4), Jabir ibn ‘Abd-Allah (d. 78/697-8), Abu S a id al-K hudn (d.
74/693-4), and Abu Hurayrah (d. 59/678-9). Al-BukharT reports two hadiths
about Ibn ‘Abbas's knowledge o f the Quran. In one the Prophet said
"allahumma ‘allimhu-l-hikmah," and in the other "allahumma ‘allim hu-l-
kitdb." See Ibn Hajar (Fath al-Bdri, no date:v.7, p. 100). In another hadith, al-
Bukharf reports that the Prophet said, "Learn (i s t a q r i ’U) the Quran from four
people: ‘Abd-Allah ibn Mas‘ud, Salim, the client o f Abu Huâyfah, Ubayy ibn
Ka‘b, and Mu‘ad ibn Jabal." See Ibn Hajar (ibid: 101). These authorities and
others are also reported by al-Suyuti (a l- I tq d n , no date:v.2, p. 187).
65
l-‘Aliyyah (d. 1 0 6 /7 2 4 -5 o r 9 3 /7 1 1 -2 ), al-R ab r ib n A nas, Q atad ah
ib n D i'am ah (d. 117/735), a l-D a h h a k ib n M uzahim (d. 102/720-1)
a n d M asruq ib n al-Ajda‘ (d. 6 3 /6 8 2 -3 ).19 However, Ib n Taym iyyah
does n o t regard th e ta b i'tin a s a n in d ep en d en t so u rc e for Q uranic
exegesis, for th e ir s ta te m e n ts m u s t be u n d ersto o d in co n tex t with
th e prior th ree step s. Now, w ith th e integration of h is fo u rth step
in to th e firs t th re e s te p s , th e fu ll effects of Ib n T aym iyyah's
h e rm e n e u tic s com es to lig h t a s h e resolves in te r n a l conflicts
re su ltin g from th is in te g ra tio n .20 As he explains aw ay ap p a re n t
contradictions, an im p o rta n t ste p in u n d erstan d in g Ib n Taymiyyah's
co n cep t of h erm en eu tics com es to light. His fo u rth ste p expands
th e scope of allow able exegesis w hile fu rth e r lim iting th e ra n k s of
th e exegetes. And alth o u g h in th e M u q a d d im a h h e is w riting to a
sy m p ath etic au d ien ce, h e m u s t still carefully define th e ru les of
ta fsir by draw ing a clear d istin ctio n betw een so u n d know ledge and
p erso n a l opinion.
W hen faced w ith th e fact th a t th e Followers so m etim es use
different term s th a n th e C o m p an io n s to explain th e m ean in g of a
verse, Ibn Taymiyyah m u s t reconcile a n obvious co n trad ictio n to his
19See M u q a d d im a h :368-370. Ibn ‘Atiyyah (1413/1993:41-42) has a

comparable but less extensive list.
20Throughout this chapter, I shall present various ways by which Ibn
Taymiyyah resolves conflicting statements from earlier scholars. On this topic,
in general, Curtis (1989:82) summarizes Ibn Katir's procedure for resolving
such conflicts: "When source materials disagree, it is the duty o f the exegete to
relate (a) all the information, (b) evaluate its authenticity and tenableness,
and (c) point out its benefits and consequences." For Ibn Kaiir, these three
points refer to the sciences o f the hadith, particularly asb&b al-nuz&l and al-
n&sikh wa-l-mansdkh. An exegete needs to know these sciences, rather than
relying on r a ’y, in order to justify why one statement is preferred over another.
66
belief in faith fu lly following th e s ta te m e n ts of th e P ro p h e t and h is
C o m p an io n s. He does th is b y firs t d ism issin g th o s e w ho re p o rt
these a p p a re n t discrepancies a s real co n trad ictio n s b y saying th a t
th ey are p eople w ith o u t know ledge, i.e. of the h a d ith sciences. He
th e n b e g in s th is process o f reco n cilin g different term inology by
clarifying t h a t "some of them [the Followers] explained a m a tte r by
its connotative m eaning or by w h a t is s im ilar to it. O th ers stipulated
a m a tte r b y its denotative m eaning."21 T his sta tem en t h a s a two fold
affect on Ib n Taym iyyah’s exegesis. It allows for lim ited variations of
ex p lan atio n [‘ibarah) on the p a r t of th e td b i’un a n d estab lish es th eir
opinions a s a form of evidence (hujjah) in form ulating tafsir. T hus in
th e M u q a d d im a h he is com pelled to explain h is u s e of th e tafsir-
sta te m e n ts of th e tabV un in lig h t of S h u ‘b a h ibn al-H ajjaj's claim
th a t th e o p in io n s of th e ta b V u n are n o t to be u se d a s evidence in
ju r is p r u d e n c e , th erefo re h o w c a n th e y be u se d a s evidence in
ex e g esis.22 His an sw er seeks to ju stify h is position w hile defining
the m e an in g a n d u se of p erso n al opinion, w hich will th e n form the
guidelines for th e exegete.
Ib n T ay m iy y ah re stric ts th e u s e of th e s ta te m e n ts of th e
ta b i 'u n b y sa y in g th a t th e ir o p in io n s m u s t co n fo rm to th e
u n d e rs ta n d in g of a verse as elab o rate d in step s one to th ree. This
21See M u q a d d im a h : 369, which reads: fa-inna min-hum man yu'abbiru ‘an al-
shay ’ bi-ldzimihi aw nazirihi wa min-hum man yanussu ‘ald-l-sh a y ’ b i - ‘aynihi.
Curtis (1989:102) translates this passage as "Some o f them may express
something by its intrinsic nature or by comparison to something else; some
may describe an entity precisely."
22Shu‘bah ibn al-Hajjaj (d. 160/776-7) was a prominent student o f many o f the
tabi'dn such as Qatadah and Hammad ibn Abi Sulayman; see Azami (1978:165).
67
m e an s th a t an exegete m ay n o t estab lish one o f th e ir opinions a s a n
evidence (h u jja h) over a n o th e r in th e case o f differences. B u t th e
s ta te m e n ts of th e tabV un, he explains, can be u se d a s a n evidence
w h en th ey agree o n a n issu e. T h u s Ibn T aym iyyah w idens th e circle
of so u n d know ledge i ‘ilm) by in clu d in g u n a n im o u s opinions of th e
ta b V u n w ith the o th e r so u rces, w hich are th e Q u ra n , th e S u n n ah ,
th e sta te m e n ts of th e C om panions, a n d th e A rab ic language. His
assu m p tio n again is th a t in order to accu rately a s s e s s th e validity of
th e sta tem en ts of th e ta b V u n a n exegete m u s t b e a fully com petent
m u h a d d it. O therw ise, h e m u st a t le a st rely on th e ju d g e m e n ts of th e
h a d ith sch o lars c o n c ern in g th e a u th e n tic a tio n of tra d itio n s. W ith
th is proviso of a know ledge of th e h a d ith sc ie n c e s reite ra ted , he
c a n now delim it know ledge a n d opinion. If a n exegesis of a verse of
th e Q u ra n is n ot b a s e d on th e ‘ilm of th e tra d itio n is ts , it falls into
th e category of "m ere opinion," w hich Ibn T aym iyyah sa y s is strictly
fo rb id d e n .23 As evidence for th is, Ibn T aym iyyah q u o te s a h ad ith in
w h ic h th e P ro p h et s ta te s th a t w hoever ta lk s a b o u t th e Q u ra n
w ith o u t so u n d know ledge will ta k e h is place in th e hellfire. He also
m en tio n s several h a d ith s ind icatin g th a t if a n exegete w ere to give
th e c o rre c t e x p la n a tio n of a v erse, re a c h in g th is e x p la n a tio n
23He states: fa-amma ta fsir al-qurdn bi-m ujarradi-l-ra’y fa-h a rd m

(M u qa ddim ah :31 0). Curtis (1989:82) defines r a 'y as including "...personal
opinion, intuition, observation, or any reasoning devoid o f substantiation by
approved sources..."
68
w ith o u t re c o u rse to s o u n d know ledge, h e w ill still be in th e
h e llfire .24
The h e rm e n e u tic s involved in h is fo u rth ste p allow s Ib n
Taym iyyah to successfully lim it th e ran k s of those who are genuinely
cap ab le of doing ta fsir by in sistin g th a t th e exegete be a m u h a d d it
A t th e sam e tim e, he allows for a n arrow door to ijtihdd, w hich m u s t
conform to th e ''salafi principles" as o u tlined above, in exegesis b y
citin g th e u se of p erso n a l o p in io n as stric tly carried o u t by th e
Follow ers. By defining th e s e fo u r s te p s of u s u l al-ta fsir, Ib n
T aym iyyah ac co m p lish es h is goal of c a s tin g d o u b t on o th e r
h e rm e n e u tic a l a p p ro a c h e s to th e Q u ra n , if n o t m ak in g th e m
com pletely insignificant. W ith th e se p rinciples of ta fsir in h and, he
24Ibn Taymiyyah presents examples o f some Companions who did not interpret
a verse or even a single word because they did not know o f an authentic
statement of the Prophet. Abu Bakr did not comment on the word a b b an in Sura
‘Abasa 80:31 because he did not know what it meant {M u q a d d im a h :372).
Likewise, Ibn ‘Abbas refused to interpret the meaning o f "a day whose measure
is a thousand years” (al-Sajdah 32:5) or "a day whose measure is fifty thousand
years” (al-Ma‘arij 70:4), his reason being that the knowledge o f these two
verses is with God and he would not say a thing about the Quran without
knowledge (p.373).
The hadiths that Ibn Taymiyyah mentions are discussed by Speight
(1988:66) in connection with the objections o f the hadith scholars to the
spread o f tafsir by use o f personal opinion. He points out the use o f these
hadiths by the hadith scholars to establish a distinction between ‘ilm and r a ’y.
Curtis (1989:82-84) discusses them in connection with Ibn Kaiir's similar
position against the use o f ra’y when it is not based on sound ijtih d d , which can
only be derived from the Quran, hadiths and statements o f the Companions. In
an explanation which m isses this point, Calder (1993:131-133) discusses the
same hadiths as presented by al-Qurtubi (d. 671/1272-3) and Ibn ‘Atiyyah (d.
546/1151). He attempts to show that their understanding o f these hadiths
differed significantly from that o f Ibn Taymiyyah and Ibn Kattr. However,
Calder clearly misrepresents the view s o f the latter two by indicating they
even rejected opinions based on sound ijtihdd. He also does not deal with the
fact that Ibn Taymiyyah holds the ta fsirs o f both al-Qurtubi and Ibn ‘Atiyyah
in high esteem. This point will be discussed below in Section 2.
69
c a n now ju d g e th e a u th e n tic ity of various exegeses. In th e process
of doing th is, h e also m oves into th e role o f dogm atic h isto ria n as
h e classifies in d iv id u als a n d g ro u p s acco rd in g to h is n o tio n of
Islam ic sects.
2 Classifying th e Exegetes
The fo u r ste p s of Ibn T aym iyyah's h erm e n eu tic s—th e Q u ran ,

th e h a d ith s of th e P rophet, th e sta tem en ts of th e C om panions and
th e opinions of th e Follow ers—form th e b a s is of h is th in k in g in all
fields of th e Islam ic scien c es. C u rtis (1989:248-259) h a s sh o w n
th a t th ese are th e p rinciples of th e H anball m a d h a b in m a tte rs of
‘a q ld a h a n d fiq h as well a s ta fsir. Lam otte (1994:4-5) p re se n ts a n
arg u m en t th a t th ese four principles are the b a s is of Ibn Taym iyyah's
epistem ology, for th e y re p re s e n t a m ovem ent from th e ab so lu te
certain ty of the Q u ra n to a le sser sta te of c e rta in ty to be found in
th e opinions of th e Follow ers. A lthough th e d etails of th e w ay in
w hich Ibn Taym iyyah applies th e se principles to th e various Islam ic
sc ie n c e s is e x tre m ely in te re s tin g , I s h a ll h a v e to lim it m y
d iscu ssio n to h is u se of th e m in th e classification of various M uslim
g ro u p s. I s h a ll show th a t a d h e re n c e to th e s e p rin cip les is th e
criterio n Ibn T aym iyyah u s e s to ju d g e th e "authenticity" o f th e
beliefs of know n h isto rical se c ts a n d of individual scholars. In th is
section I sh all focus on th e exegetes (m ifa s s ir u n ). T hen in P art B of
th is ch ap ter, I sh all ex p an d th e topic of classification to include a
d iscu ssio n of h is ju d g e m en ts of who belongs to th e A h l a l-S u nnah
70
w a -l-Ja m a ‘ah. The ultim ate p u rp o se of th is d isc u ssio n is to identify
for th e re a d e r th e criteria u sed b y Ibn Taym iyyah in th e R isa la i al-
‘U budiyyah to classify th e ran k s of w orshippers.
Ib n T aym iyyah begins h is d isc u ssio n in th e M u q a d d im a h Ji
U su li-l-T a fsir (pp.347-350) on th e v ario u s ra n k s o f ex eg etes by
sta tin g th a t th e m o st know ledgeable M uslim s on th is topic are the
sc h o lars of M ecca w ho were th e com panions of Ibn ‘A b b as.25 After
reconfirm ing th e p reem in en t position of Ibn ‘A bbas a s a n exegete,
Ibn T aym iyyah id en tifies th e n e x t tie r of exegetes a s b ein g the
sch o lars of Kufa, w ho w ere th e com panions of Ibn M as‘u d , a n d the
sch o lars of M edina, especially th o se associated w ith Zayd ib n Aslam
(d. 1 3 6 /7 5 3 -4 ), th e clien t of Ib n ‘U m ar.26 Up to th e tim e of the
F ollow ers, Ib n T aym iyyah is ab le to n e a tly a rra n g e th e ta fs ir
sp e cia lists a ro u n d th e fam ous C om panions. However, th e ta s k of
c la ssific a tio n b eco m es m ore co m p licated a fte r th e tim e of the
Followers. As we have seen above in Section 1, for Ib n Taym iyyah
exegesis b eco m es in tric a te ly lin k e d to th e s c ie n c e s of h a d ith
25The geographical aspect o f classifying the exegetes seems to be a particular

point on which Ibn Taymiyyah focuses. As yet, I have not com e across an
earlier discussion which draws such attention to locations. This is a
continuous issue with Ibn Taymiyyah who elaborates on it in his discussion
about affiliations with the Ahl al-Sunnah; see below pp.80-82. However, Ibn
Taymiyyah's geographical classifications are used by some later scholars.
Suyuti (I tq d n , no date:v.2, p.190) quotes directly from Ibn Taymiyyah’s
M u q a d d im a h on this issue, and he even credits Ibn Taymiyyah for this! See also
Dahabi (1 3 9 6 /1 9 7 6 :v .l, p.101).
26Ibn Taymiyyah's list o f reliable transmitters from the Followers is rather
lengthy, for it includes many o f the well-known figures o f that time. Besides
the scholars already mentioned here and above in Section 1, there are Abu
Salih al-Samman (d. 101/719-20), ‘Abd al-Rahman ibn Hurmuz al-A ‘raj (d.
117/735), Sulayman ibn Yasar (d. 107/725-6), Muhammad ibn S in n (d.
110/728-9) and al-Aswad ibn Yazfd al-N akha‘i (d. 75/694-5).
71
c riticism (u su l al-h.ad.lQ a fte r th e tim e o f th e tabVun. B a sed o n th is
h a d ith connection, he ex p lain s th a t two g ro u p s of exegetes b eg a n to
d e v ia te fro m th e tr a d itio n is t m e th o d o lo g y in ta fs ir , th e b e s t
p ra c tio n e r of w hich is a l-T a b a ri.27 B u t before elab o ratin g on the
"deviant exegetes," it is n e c e ssa ry to p o in t o u t two issu es regarding
Ibn T aym iyyah's loyalty to al-T abari's m ethodology.
A s m e n tio n e d ab o v e in S ectio n 1, McAuliffe (1988) a n d
S p e ig h t (1988) have a rg u e d for th e c o n tin u ity of h e rm e n e u tic s
b etw e en al-T ab ari a n d Ib n K atlr (d. 7 7 4 /1 3 7 3 ) w ith o u t cred itin g
Ibn T ay m iy y ah for th e a rtic u la tio n of th e p rin cip les of ta fs ir bi-l-
m a ’tu r . C u rtis (1989), o n th e o th e r h a n d , h a s show n t h a t Ibn
T ay m iy y ah is indeed th e a rc h ite c t of th e "s a la fi p rin cip les" of
exegesis a n d th a t Ibn K atlr is h is d irec t heir. I sh all ad d h e re th a t
Ibn T aym iyyah's high e s tim a tio n of al-T ab ari h elps to h ig h lig h t two
im p o r ta n t a s p e c ts of h is ow n a p p ro a c h to m ethodology in th e
Islam ic scien ces. The firs t p o in t is h is d isd a in for the u s e of r a ’y
w h ich is n o t g ro u n d ed in th e o rd ered p rin cip les of th e " s a la fi
m e th o d o lo g y ." The s e c o n d p o in t is t h a t a d h e re n c e to th is
m ethodology su p ersed es a n y loyalty to a n estab lish ed m adhab.
C o n cern in g th e firs t po in t, b o th al-T ab ari an d Ibn T aym iyyah
m u st b e se e n a s conservative h a d ith sc h o lars who were ap p alled by
w h at th e y considered th e sp re a d of p e rso n a l opinion in th e m a tte r
of t a f s i r a s well a s in o th e r Islam ic sc ien c es; a l-T a b a ri w as
27This is Muhammad ibn Jarir al-Tabari (d. 310/923), and his exegesis is
known as JdmV al-Baydrt ‘art Ta’w il Ay al-Qurdn (1373/1954) Cairo: Maktabah
wa Matba'at Mustafa al-Babi al-Halabi. For a brief description o f this scholar
and his exegesis, see Ayoub (I 9 8 4 :v .l, p.3).
72
re sp o n d in g to the M u tazilites an d Ibn T aym iyyah prim arily to th e
A s h ’a riyya h . Building o n th e juridical a rg u m e n ts of al-S hafi‘I. w hich
e s ta b lis h th e role of th e S u n n a h as em bodied in th e h ad ith s a s
n e c e ssa rily explaining th e Q u ran . al-T ab ari in c o rp o ra te s the idea
th a t th e P ro p h et a s a n exegete explained everything in the Q u ran .
In d isc u ssin g som e s ta te m e n ts n arrate d from th e C om panions a n d
Followers, w hich in d icate th a t they did n o t ta lk a b o u t th e Q uran, h e
clarifies th a t th ey did n o t sp e a k ab o u t a v erse u n le ss th ey knew a n
a u th e n tic s ta te m e n t fro m th e P ro p h e t.28 Ib n T aym iyyah. in
opposing th e arg u m en ts of th e A sh'ari theologians th a t th e Q uran is
in n eed of logic in o rd e r to b e u n d ersto o d ,29 a d v a n c e s al-T abari's
claim t h a t th e P ro p h e t ex p lain ed th e e n tire Q u ra n . Also b o th
sc h o la rs m e et the ch allen g e to trad itio n ism po sed b y the u se of
p erso n a l opinion by arg u in g for the need to rely on th e statem en ts
of th e tabVun in explaining th e Q uran.
As for th e seco n d p o in t, Ibn T aym iyyah's allegiance to th e
exegesis of al-T abari p laced him in opposition to m a n y of his fellow
28 In order to strengthen his claim , al-Tabari (1373/1954:39) argues that the

hadith o f ‘A 'ishah. in which she says that the Prophet did not explain the
Quran except for certain verses taught to him by Gabriel, is a weak hadith. It
therefore cannot be used as an evidence because one o f its narrators, Ja'far ibn
Muhammad al-Zubayri, is not known to the scholars o f hadith. See also
Syafruddin (1994:108). H owever, Ibn ‘Atiyyah (d. 546/1151-2), whom Ibn
Taymiyyah also holds in high esteem, accepts the hadith o f ‘A 'ishah but
explains it in relation to the hadith in which the Prophet states that whoever
uses r a ’y to discuss the Quran has erred, even if his answer is correct. His
conclusion is similar to that o f al-Tabari, i.e., that the hadith o f ‘A'ishah is not
an evidence, but for a different reason; see Ibn ‘Atiyyah (1413/1993:41).
29This point will be discussed in Chapter 3.
73
H anballs w ho did n ot ca re m u c h for al-T abari.30 T h u s, ad h erin g to
w h at h e believed to be religious tr u th w as m ore im p o rtan t to Ibn
Taym iyyah th a n adhering to th e opinions of h is m a d h a b affiliation.
A ccording to A bu Z ah rah (no date:3 5 8 -3 6 1 ), Ib n Taym iyyah h eld
th a t it is n o t perm issible for a "stu d e n t of th e tru th " (talib al-haqq)
to p refer th e ru lin g of h is own m a d h a b w h en h e know s th a t th e
tru th lies elsew here. On a m ore practical b asis, however, he divided
M uslim s in to th re e g ro u p s c o n c ern in g th e is s u e of following a
m a d h a b . T he first g ro u p is m a d e up of th o s e w ho "know th e
d e ta ile d ev id en ces" (a l-a d illa t a l-ta fs iliy y a h ) n ee d ed to ju d g e
p a rtic u la r iss u e s. For th is group, following th e tr u th in stead of a
m a d h a b is obligatory. The seco n d group is m ad e u p of those w ho
are "in cap ab le of ex tra ctin g ru lin g s for them selves" [laysa la-hu
qudrah ‘ala-l-istinbat) b e c a u se th e y do n o t know all ju d g em en ts (al-
a h ka m ) re la te d to a p a rtic u la r is s u e or all th e sciences needed to
m ake ju d g e m en ts, su c h a s th e science of abrogation (al-nasikh wa-l-
m a n su k h ). T his group in c lu d es th e m ajority of M uslim s, who m u s t
refer to m ore know ledgeable people an d follow th e ir opinions. T he
M uslim s in th is group c a n differ from th e ir m a d h a b w hen th e y
30Laoust (E s s a i , 1939:73 n2) indicates that Ibn Taymiyyah differed from the
majority o f H a n b a li s by his high estimation o f al-Tabari. Related to this issue,
Melchert (1995:14-15) discusses the conflicts between the H a n b a lis and al-
Tabari in connection with the activities o f Abu Bakr ibn Abi Dawud al-
Sijistani, the son o f the famous traditionist who compiled one o f the six
canonical hadith collections. On one particular occasion, for example, Abu
Bakr led a group o f H a n b a lis in blockading al-Tabari in his house and
preventing people from studying hadiths with him. Although there are no
definitive reasons for the overall antagonism, it must have been a serious
situation, for the H a n b a lis and the followers o f al-Tabari were in conflict with
each other for a number o f years after his death.
74
becom e convinced by th e arg u m en ts of a p a rtic u la r case. The th ird
group is m ade u p of th o se who go from m a d h a b to m a d h a b looking
fo r a n o p in io n s u ita b le to th e ir d e s ire s. T h is is, of c o u rse ,
forbidden, an d th e s e people are sin n ers.
R e tu rn in g to th e iss u e of th e two g ro u p s of exegetes w ho
deviate from ta fsir bi-l-ma'tur, Ibn Taym iyyah identifies one group as
th o se w ho are w ea k in th e h ad ith sciences a n d w ho do not rely o n
th e h a d ith s c h o la r s , d riftin g aw ay th e re fo re from a u th e n tic
tr a n s m is s io n s (n a q l). T he second g ro u p is th o s e who p la c e
d e d u c tio n (istid la l!) b a s e d on h u m a n re a so n {ra’y) over a u th e n tic
tran sm issio n s. As exam ples of the first group, h e m entions th a t al-
T a ‘la b i31 w as a good a n d religious m a n , b u t b lin d ly reco rd ed
everything he fo u n d in th e books of tafsir, w h e th e r it w as au th entic,
w eak o r fab ricated {M uqaddim ah:354). Likewise, h e sta te s th a t al-
W ahidi32 is far from being a safe tra n sm itte r a n d far from following
th e s a l a f O n th e o th e r h an d , acco rd in g to Ib n Taym iyyah, al-
B a g h aw i33 h a s p ro d u c e d a n abridged exegesis of al-T a‘la b fs w ork
31 This is Ahmad ibn Ibrahim aI-Ta‘labi (d. 383/993). His exegesis is known as
al-Ka&hf wa-l-Baydn ‘an Tafsiri-l-Qurdn. See Brockelmann (1987:S.V.
"Tha'labi").
32This is Abu-l-Hasan ‘A ll ibn Ahmad al-Wahidi (d. 468/1076), and his
exegesis is known as Asbdb Nuzdli-l-Qurdn. See Ayoub (1 9 8 4 :v .l, p.4).
33This is Hasan ibn Mas‘ud al-Baghawi (d. 510/1116), and his exegesis is
known as Ma'dlim al-Tanzil. He is a well-known traditionist who compiled the
Shark al-Sunnah and the M asdbih al-Sunnah, the latter o f which was revised in
737/1337 by W ali-l-D in Muhammad al-Tibrizi under the more famous title
M ish k d t al-Masdbih, (1405/1985), Beirut and Damascus: al-Maktab al-Islami.
For a biography o f al-Baghaw i and al-Tibrizi, see the translation o f the latter
work by Robson (1 9 7 5 :v .l, pp.xii-xiv), who gives al-Baghaw i’s name as Husayn
and an alternative date o f death as 516.
75
w h ic h is s a fe g u a rd e d from, fa b ric a te d h a d ith s a n d in n o v a ted
o p in io n s b e c a u s e al-B ag h a w i w as a s c h o la r of u su l al-hadit. T his
ra n k in g in d icates th a t th e erro r of th e firs t group in th e eyes of Ibn
T aym iyyah is prim arily th e ir w eak n ess a s m u h a d d itu n a n d n ot any
p a rtic u la r erro r in th e ir ‘aqidah.
The second group of exegetes w hom Ibn Taym iyyah criticizes
is com posed of th o se who h av e a n erro r in th e ir ‘aqidah. T hus th ey
in te rp re t th e Q u ra n acco rd in g to th e ir ow n reaso n in g w hich is n o t
b a s e d on a u th e n tic tra n sm is sio n . In th is co n n ectio n h e refers to
Isla m ic g ro u p s s u c h a s th e J a h m i y y a h , th e M u tazilites, th e
Q a d a r iy y a h a n d th e M urji’a h . 34 T hese g ro u p s, h e say s, e rr in th e
m a tte r of "evidence" a n d "in d icated m e a n in g s" (al-dalil w a-l-
m a d lu l), t h a t is, th e y e ith e r d is re g a rd th e s o u n d know ledge
co n tain ed in th e h a d ith or th e y apply it in a m a n n e r co ntradicting
th a t of th e m u h a d d i t u n . 35 T h u s th e y hold beliefs th a t are in
34 In reference to Quranic exegesis, Ibn Taymiyyah also mentions the Shiites

Ca l- r d f id a h ), philosophers, and Karmathians (a l- q a r a m i ta h ) but view s them as
separate groups outside Sunni Islam. He says they are astray and interpret the
Quran in astonishing ways. He then lists various interpretations o f verses
attributed to the Shiites. For exam ple, he states that the Shiites interpret Sura
al-Masad 111:1 "Perish the two hands o f Abu Lahab” as referring to Abu Bakr
and ‘Umar. He also states that any such interpretations referring to people are
fabricated, even if they support a Sunni position. Thus, for example, he equally
rejects the interpretation o f Sura al-Ttn 95:1-4 in which it is said that a l- tin
refers to Abu Bakr, a l- z a y td n refers to ‘Umar, w a turi sinin refers to ‘Uim an
and wa hdd.d-1-baladi-l-amin refers to ‘All. See M u q a d d im a h : 3 5 9 - 3 6 0 .
3^See M uqaddim ah :356. In the context in which Ibn Taymiyyah is speaking
here, the term d a lil refers to the statements o f the Prophet and the Companions
and the term m a d l u l refers to the traditionists* interpretations derived from
these statements. The basis for this understanding comes from Ibn
Taymiyyah's definition o f ‘ilm given in his opening remarks o f the
M u q a d d im a h (p.329). He says that knowledge is either a trustworthy
transmission from an infallible source or a statement drawn from known
evidence. Everything else is either a spurious report which must be rejected or
76
op p o sitio n to th e tr u th w h ich th e e a rlie st g en eratio n s of sc h o la rs
followed. By following th e ir own school of th o u g h t (m a d h a b ) a n d
th e ir ow n opinions, th e y in te rp re t v erse s w ith o u t so u n d evidence
o r b y distorting th e m ean in g s of words. In p articular, Ibn Taym iyyah
fo cu se s on th e M utazilites a s th e b e s t exam ple of the dev iation of
th e people of op in io n . In connection w ith M utazilite exegesis, he
m e n tio n s th e w o rk s of ‘A bd al-R ah m a n ib n K aysan al-A sam m ,
Ib ra h im ibn Ism a‘11 ib n A liyyah (d. 2 1 8 /8 3 3 ), Abu ‘All a l-J u b b a ’i (d.
3 0 3 /9 1 5 ) , al-Q ad i ‘Abd a l-J a b b a r ib n A hm ad a l-H a m a d a n i (d.
4 1 5 /1 0 2 5 ), ‘All ib n ‘Isa al-R um m ani (d. 3 8 4 /9 9 5 ), an d A bu-l-Q asim
al-Z am a k h s h a rf (d. 5 3 9 /1 1 4 4 ).
T h e M u tazilites, sa y s Ib n T aym iyyah, are know n for five
p rin cip les (al-usuL al-kham sah). th eir exp lan atio n of w hich becom es
th e c a u s e of th e ir d e v ia tio n .36 T h e se are th e ir c o n c e p ts of
"o n en ess" [taw hid), "justice" adl), "the p o sitio n betw een th e two
p o s itio n s " (a l-m a n z ila h b a y n a -l-m a n z ila ta y n ), "ex ecu tin g th e
p u n is h m e n t" (in f a d a l- w a ‘id), a n d "co m m an d in g good a n d
fo rb id d in g evil" (al-arnr bi-l-m a‘r u f w a-l-nahy ‘a n al-m unkar). From
th e s e five p rin cip les. Ib n Taym iyyah d is c u s s e s th e c o n c e p ts of
"oneness," "justice" a n d "executing th e p u n ish m en t" in rela tio n to
an ambiguous statement about which one does not know whether it is spurious
or has been proven false.
3 6 Ibn Taymiyyah's arguments against the Mutazilites are from
M u q a d d im a h : 357-358. The M utazilites figure prominently in Ibn Taymiyyah's
thinking, for they represent an extreme case o f the dangers o f using personal
opinion in explaining revelation. In this section, I shall present a general
overview o f their more significant theological positions as they relate to the
exegesis o f the Quran. In the R isd la t al-'U bddiyyah, he presents a more
detailed refutation o f their beliefs concerning free will and predestination; see
Chapter 5, section 11.
77
th e exegesis of th e Q u ra n .37 As for th e M utazilite co n cep t of taw hid,
Ibn Taymiyyah say s th a t this is the "oneness" of th e J a h m iyya h , for it
is a denial of all G od’s attrib u tes. He says th a t th ey claim th a t God
does n o t see, th a t th e Q u ran is crea ted an d n o t above [faw qa) the
creatio n , an d th a t knowledge, pow er, life, hearing, seeing, speech,
will an d o th er a ttrib u te s are n o t estab lish ed in G od's essen ce.38 Ibn
T aym iyyah th e n ex p lain s th a t th e ir principle of ‘a d l ste m s from
th e ir d e n ia l t h a t G od c re a te s a ll th in g s . In p a r tic u la r , th e
M utazilites do n o t believe th a t God creates th e a c tio n s of people,
n e ith e r th e ir good deeds n o r th e ir b a d .39 The co n seq u en ce of th is
doctrine is th e advocacy of the ab so lu te free will of a p erso n to obey
o r d iso b e y God, w ho th e n is obliged to re w a rd o r p u n is h
accordingly. Ibn T aym iyyah relates th is doctrine to th e principle of
37These five principles o f Mutazilite thought are discussed by Watt (1985:46-

55). The two points that Ibn Taymiyyah does not discuss are "the position
between the two positions" and "commanding good and forbidding evil." The
former refers to the Mutazilite concept that grave sinners are neither believers
nor disbelievers, but w ill nonetheless be in the hellfire. The latter refers to
the concept o f maintaining justice and opposing injustice by word and by
action if one is able to do it.
38See M u qa dd im ah '.Z S l. Watt (1985:49) states that the Mutazilites considered
the idea o f attributes as "...introducing an element o f multiplicity into the
unity o f God’s nature or essence (nafs, dhat)..." He says, for example, that
according to Mutazilite belief, God does not know "...by any hypostatic
Knowledge." This is diametrically opposed to Ibn Taymiyyah's organic concept
o f ta w h id in which God’s attributes describe His eternal essence; this will be
discussed in more detail in Chapter 3.
39See M u q a d d im a h .’358. In connection with this issue o f free w ill and justice,
Ibn Taymiyyah also mentions that this is the belief o f the Twelver Shiites as
represented by Shavkh al-Mufld (d. 413/1022) and Abu Ja‘far al-Tust (d.
460/1067). These two Shiite scholars represent the ascendency o f the
rationalist trend in Shiite thinking centered in Baghdad as opposed to the
traditionalist school o f Qom. On this aspect in the development o f Shiite
thought, see Madelung (1988:82-83) and Arjomand (1984:28). For a review of
Shiite hermeneutics and exegesis, see Ayoub (1988:177-198).
78
infad. a l-w a ‘id, w h ich He explains in asso ciatio n w ith th e d o ctrin es
of th e Khawarii. T h u s th e M utazilites accep t the notion th a t God will
n o t allow in te rc essio n o n b eh alf of grave sin n ers a n d th a t He will
n o t rem ove th e m from the hellfire.40 Ibn Taym iyyah re je c ts th e se
beliefs b ec au se th e y a re in o p p o sitio n to th e beliefs o f th e A h l al-
S u n n a h w a-l-Jam a'ah.41 In his classificatio n system , th e M utazilites,
a s p ro p o n en ts of ta fsir bi-l-ra’y, a re asso ciated w ith th o s e exegetes
w ho hold erro n eo u s doctrines th a t h av e no basis in th e beliefs an d
p ra c tic e s of th e C o m p an io n s a n d th e Follow ers. He se e s th e ir
b e lie fs a s b e in g m e re o p in io n , w h ic h in tu r n d is to r ts th e ir
in te rp re ta tio n of c e rta in verses a n d h a d ith s . The s a l a f a n d th e
M utazilites, or J a h m iy y a h , re p re se n t for Ibn Taymiyyah th e origin of
co rrect an d in co rrect tafsir, respectively, b ased on ‘aqidah.
As exam ples of exegetes w h o h ave a co rrect a n d in c o rre c t
creed, Ibn Taym iyyah m entions th e so u n d n e ss of th e exegesis of Ibn
‘A tiyyah,42 who follows the S u n n a h , a s opposed to th e false exegesis
4 ®See M u q add im a h :3 58. According to Watt (1985:52) this is a minor principle

o f Mutazilite thought after the concepts o f "oneness" and "justice." He refers to
it as the doctrine o f "the promise and the threat" (a l- w a ‘d w a - l - w a ‘id) and
mentions that the Mutazilites remained clo se to the K h a w d r ii on this point in
opposition to the M u r j i’ah.
41 It is a well-known position o f the Ahl al-Sunnah that all Muslims, even grave
sinners, will eventually be taken out o f the hellfire. See, for exam ple, Tibrizi
(1 4 05/1985:v.l, p.14), who relates a hadith from al-Bukhan and Muslim that
even the fornicator and thief will eventually enter Paradise if they die on the
b elief o f ta w h id (and the translation in Robson, 1975:v.l, p .l l) . On the many
hadiths about the Prophet's intercession, see Ibn Hajar (Fath al-B&ri, no
d a terv .ll, pp.414-444). Ibn Taymiyyah deals extensively with this topic in
"Qa‘idah fi-l-Tawassul wa-l-Wasilah" in MajmiV Fatdwd, v.12, p p .142-368.
4 2 This is ‘Abd al-Haqq ibn Abi Bakr G h alib ibn ‘Abd al-Malik al-Muharibi al-
G h amati ibn ‘Atiyyah (d. 546/1151), and his Quran exegesis is known as K i t d b
al-JdmV al-Muharrar al-Sahih al-Wajiz f i Tafsir al-Qurdn a l- ‘A ziz
79
of a l-Z a m a k h s h a ri. w ho in te rp re ts th e Q u ra n according to th e
in n o v a tio n s of h is M utazilite p rin c ip le s. Likewise, th e sp eculative
th e o lo g ia n s (a h l al-kalam ), w ho are clo ser to th e s a l a f th a n th e
M utazilites, v a ry in th e ir in te rp re ta tio n s according to w h eth er th e y
follow th e s ta te m e n ts of th e C o m p a n io n s a n d Followers or th e
prin cip les (usuQ o f th e ir school o f th o u g h t.43 T hus, according to Ibn
T aym iyyah, th e m ethodology a n d c o n c lu sio n s of th e C om panions
a n d th e F o llo w ers fu n ctio n a s th e so le c rite ria in ju d g in g th e
s o u n d n e s s of a n y exegesis, w h ic h u ltim a te ly d e te rm in e s th e
so u n d n e ss of theological doctrines. The sa h a b a h and the tabVun are
th e m o st k n o w led g eab le M uslim s co n c ern in g th e m ean in g of th e
Q u ra n (M u q a d d im a h : 3 6 2 ). T h u s w h o ev e r differs from th e ir
s ta te m e n ts h a s e rre d "in th e m a tte r o f evidence a n d in d ic ated
m e an in g s" a n d h a s m en tio n ed s o m e th in g b y w ay of "ra tio n a l
co n fu sio n " [sh u b h a h ‘a q liyya h ) o r b y w ay of m is u n d e rsta n d in g
a u th e n tic a lly tra n s m itte d te x ts (s h u b h a h s a m 'iy y a h ) 44 Finally,
a lth o u g h it is a n in freq u en t o ccu rren ce, one o th er possibility th a t
Ibn T aym iyyah m e n tio n s in relatio n to ta fs ir is to err in the m a tte r
of "evidence" (dalil) b u t still h av e th e c o rre c t "indicated m eaning"
(m a d lu l). T h is re fe rs to the h a d ith a b o u t th e p u n ish m e n t of a n
exegete w ho gives th e correct ta fs ir b u t w ith o u t having reco u rse to
so u n d know ledge. W ithout elab o ratin g on th is point, he sta te s th a t
(1413/1993) Beirut: Dar al-Kutub al-Tlm iyyah. See also Brockelmann, G A L

1:412, S u pp. 1:732.
43See M u q a d d im a h :3 6 l. The details o f Ibn Taymiyyah's arguments against the
m utakallim & n will be dealt with in Chapter 3.
44Cf. G h azali's statements on the confusion and "false r a ’y" o f the Mutazilites
in McCarthy (1980:327).
80
th is is w h a t o ccu rs to som e of th e Sufis su c h a s Abu ‘Abd al-R ahm an
al-Sulam i (d. 4 1 2 /1 0 2 1 -2 ) in his H a q a ’iq al-Tafsir.
In su m m ary , Ib n Taymiyyah sees four different possibilities in
th e m a tte r of th e exegesis of th e Q u ra n . O ne of th e m follows
correct h e rm e n e u tic s an d the o th e r th ree are deviations from the
first. The firs t possibility m eans t h a t th e exegete follows th e "salafi
principles" a s e la b o ra te d by th e m u h a d d itu n . He will have the
co rrect "evidence" th a t leads to th e p ro p er "indicated m eanings."
In o th e r w o rd s, th is exegete w ill arriv e a t th e a u th o rita tiv e
in terp retatio n b ased on au thoritative statem en ts of th e C om panions
a n d th e Follow ers. The second possibility refers to the exegete who
does n o t k n o w th e sciences of h a d ith or ignores them . T h is type of
exegesis is th e rep o rtin g of all n a rra tio n s w ithout discrim ination,
a n d th is exegete n ecessarily m ixes tr u th a n d falsehood. The third
p o ssib ility is th e exegesis of "ahl al-ra’y." T his m e a n s th a t the
exegete b eg in s from a b a sis of in c o rre c t ‘a q id a h an d th u s places
personal o p in io n above au th en tic tran sm issio n s. He u s e s incorrect
"evidence" a n d a rriv e s a t in c o rre c t "in d icated m e an in g s." Ibn
Taym iyyah’s fo u rth possibility, w hich o ccu rs less frequently th a n the
firs t th re e , is w h e n th e exegete u s e s in c o rrec t "evidence” b u t
arrives a t a so u n d interpretation. A lthough th e in terp retatio n might
be correct in its conclusions, a d a n g e r exists b ecau se h e confuses
people by sp rea d in g w eak or fabricated n arratio n s from th e Prophet
an d his C om panions. T hus, on a v erse by verse basis, a n exegete can
be judged a s to th e "soundness" of h is statem en ts.
8 1
P art B: The P ro p h et an d his C om panions
It b eco m es c le a r fro m th e p rev io u s d is c u s s io n of Ibn

T aym iyyah's u n d e rs ta n d in g of th e exegesis of th e Q u ra n th a t he
re lie s com pletely on th e h a d ith s of th e P ro p h e t a n d on th e
sta te m e n ts an d p ractices o f th e ea rliest generations of M uslim s for
th e developm ent of h is exegesis. This rep rese n ts w h a t h e sees as
th e so u n d exegesis, w h ich is b a se d on ''sa la fi prin cip les" an d is
accordingly restricted to th e sch o lars who rely on th e sciences of
th e h ad ith . Ibn T aym iyyah th e n allows for th ese sc h o lars to m ake
u s e of a very lim ited form of ijtih d d , sim ilar to t h a t w h ich w as
practiced by th e tabVun (as described above pp.67-69). By applying
th e s e sam e "salafi principles" to ‘a q id a h , Ibn T aym iyyah is able to
develop h is entire theology b a s e d on two trad itio n ally fu n d am ental
co n cep ts: th e existence of a "clear revelation" a n d th e u n altered
tra n sm issio n of th a t rev elatio n w ithin th e M uslim com m unity. The
Q u ra n an d the S u n n a h re p re s e n t th e totality an d com pleteness of
Islam , an d th e R ighteous P red ecesso rs rep rese n t th e safeguarding
of th e ir tran sm issio n to fu tu re gen eratio n s. In p a rtic u la r, it is the
C om panions who are deem ed responsible for receiving Islam from
th e Prophet, m anifesting it on a p erso n al and co m m unal level, and
p a ssin g it on to th e n ex t generation. T hus, for Ibn Taym iyyah, those
M uslim s who adhere to th e s e a sp ects (understood a s th e Islam of
th e P ro p h e t an d h is C om panions) becom e th e tr u e s t a n d m ost
p erfect m em bers of th e P ro p h e t’s religious co m m u n ity (u m m a h ).
T hese people m ake u p th e g ro u p know n as the A hl a l-S u n n a h wa-l-
82
J a m a 'a h . and th e ir view s fo rm th e fo u n d a tio n of Isla m ic
o rth o d o x y .45 The core of h is id eas co n cern in g th e existen ce of an
orth o d o x c o m m u n ity revolves a ro u n d h is u n d e rs ta n d in g of th e
h a d ith s describ in g th e th re e e a rliest gen eratio n s of M uslim s.
Ib n T a y m iy y a h bases h is concept of th e R ig h te o u s
P red ecesso rs o n v a rio u s a u th e n tic h a d ith s in w hich th e P ro p h e t
said th a t h is g en eratio n w as th e best, th e n th e following generation,
a n d th e n th e following g en e ra tio n .46 These th re e g e n e ra tio n s are
referred to a s th e C om p an io n s (s a h a b a h ), th e Followers [tabVun)
a n d th e Follow ers of th e Follow ers [td b i‘u-l-tabVin). A lth o u g h n o t
m entioned by Ibn T aym iyyah in th is context, fu rth e r ju stifica tio n for
identifying a n orthodox co m m u n ity is found in th e h a d ith a b o u t th e
u m m a h of M uham m ad dividing into 73 sects, all of w hich are in th e
hellfire ex cep t "the sav ed sect" [al-fLrqat a l-n a jiya h ). T here is a
difference of opinion a m o n g st th e m u h a d d itu n as to w hich g ro u p s
45Laoust (.E s s a i, 1939:204) also stresses Ibn Taymiyyah's complete dependence

on the s a la f C'les pieux Anciens") for the development o f every aspect o f his
beliefs and doctrines. He also points out (pp.220-225) that for Ibn Taymiyyah
the Ahl al-Sunnah w a-l-Jam d‘ah, known also as the Ahl al-Sunnah or Ahl al-
H a d i t , is the moderate group that mediates between the diverse opinions o f the
Muslims. Ibn Taymiyyah maintains that just as Islam takes the correct position
between the two religions o f the Ahl al-K itab, so the Ahl al-Sunnah takes the
correct position on every issue within Islam. See also Swartz (1973:115) for
Ibn Taymiyyah's comments on this issue in the W d sitiy ya h .
4 6 Ibn Taymiyyah has a detailed discussion o f these hadiths in his book
entitled Sihhat Us&l Madhab Ahli-l-Madinah (p.27-30). He says there are two
variations in the Sahih collections o f al-Bukhari and Muslim. One version
mentions the first three generations and the other version mentions the first
four generations. In the version mentioning four generations, the narrators
express some doubt as to whether the Prophet said three or four generations.
Thus in discussing the best generations, Ibn Taymiyyah refers to the first
three while accepting that the fourth generation might well be included in the
Prophet's statem ent.
83
c o n stitu te th e o th e r 72 se c ts an d w h e th e r a n y o r all of th e m will
rem a in etern ally in the hellfire or eventually be saved. However, th e
one "saved sect" is associated w ith th e m ore com m on term A hl al-
Sunnah w a -l-J a m a 'a h , or "the People o f th e S u n n a h a n d th e
C ongregation."47 As w ith th e exegetes, Ib n Taym iyyah also classifies
on a la rg e r sc a le th e v ario u s M uslim g ro u p s according to th e ir
ad h eren ce to th e S u n n a h of th e Prophet.
In h is book Sihhat UsuL M adhab Ahli-l-M admah, Ibn Taymiyyah
id en tifies th e g ro u p s h e believes to b e m o st pro tectiv e of th e
S u n n a h a n d th e places from w h ich in n o v a tio n s began. Differing
slightly from h is classifications of th e exegetes,48 he states th a t the
people of M edina hold th e h ig h e st r a n k in th e m a tte r of following
th e P ro p h et's teachings. He say s th a t th e b ehavior (m a d h a b ) of the
people of M edina is more a u th e n tic th a n th a t of all o th er tow ns.49
F or Ibn Taym iyyah, M edina is th e geographical a n d sp iritu al center
of M u h am m ad 's religious com m unity. He th u s feels free to c o n tra st
M edina to o th e r places in w hich M uslim s se ttle d b u t from w hich
a ro se v a rio u s ty p e s of in n o v atio n s (S ih h a t:34). T hese p laces are
4 7 Ibn Taymiyyah clearly associates al-firqat al-n a jiyah with the Ahl al-
S u n n a h ; see Swartz (1973:104 n l). For a fuller discussion o f the hadith of the
73 sects, see Baghdadi's al-Farq bayn a-l-F iraq (1408/1987:4-11) and the
translation by K.C. Seelye (1966:21-24).
48 See my comments on Ibn Taymiyyah's geographical classification system
above pp.71-2. For the exegetes he places the people o f Mecca at the highest
rank.
4 9 See S ih h a t:3 \. Related to this issue, Ibn Taymiyyah says that this does not
mean that the consensus (ijm d ‘) o f the people o f Medina is a proof (h u jjah ) that
all other Muslims must follow. I shall discuss his view s on this topic in more
detail below .
84
Kufa, B a s ra a n d S yria (a l-sh a m >.so His ac cu sa tio n is th a t from the
p laces w here th e C o m p an io n s an d Followers h a d se ttle d v ario u s
ty p es of in n o v a tio n s d iv erted som e people from follow ing th e se
know ledgeable sc h o lars. Curiously, alth o u g h he in c lu d es M ecca in
h is lis t of th e places of knowledgeable people, h e does n o t d isc u ss
eith er th e v irtu es o r th e innovations associated w ith it. As for th e
o th e r regions, Kufa, h e say s, is the origin of th e S h iites (ta sh a u u u 1)
a n d th e M u r ji’a h . B a s r a is th e place of origin for in n o v atio n s
con cern in g p re d e stin a tio n (qadar) as related to th e M utazilites. It is
also th e place of origin for innovated a c ts of w o rsh ip [al-nask al-
f a s i d ) . 51 As for Syria, it is th e place of origin for th e rise of th e
h a tre d of ‘All (a l-n a sb } a n d of fatalism (al-qadar) .52 In ad d itio n to
th e se th re e places, Ibn Taym iyyah m entions th a t th e J a h m iy y a h
50 On this issue o f Medina as the geographical "center" for the practice o f the
Sunnah, see Schacht (1959:8-9, 21-35, 172) and Azami (1985:36-69).
5 l This refers to a false piety and corrupt asceticism. In his book a l-S d fiy y a h
w a - l- F u q a r a ’ (p. 13), Ibn Taymiyyah clearly associates Basra with the rise o f
Sufism and all extreme forms o f worship and devotion. He claims that some o f
the Muslims in Basra began making independent judgements (ijtih d d)
concerning acts o f worship, which is absolutely forbidden according to the
Quran and the Sunnah.
52ibn Taymiyyah is referring here to the concept o f God's determining all
events, including a person's acts, which was used by the Umayyads to
legitimate their claims to the caliphate. This concept o f predestination is the
way q a d a r was originally used. After the Mutazilites, whose origins he locates
in Basra, began to argue that God does not create the acts o f human beings, and
does not even know them until they occur, the term "qadar" was applied to
those Muslims who held such a view. Thus they became known as the
Q a d a r iy y a h . Those who continued to support the concept o f predestination to
the total exclusion o f any choice on the part o f the individual became known as
the J a b r iy y a h . See Watt (1985:25-31). As will be explained in Chapter 3, Ibn
Taymiyyah believes that the mediating position o f the Ahl al-Sunnah rejects
both o f these extreme positions.
85
first ap p eared in th e region of K horasan.53 In com m enting on th e se
regions an d th e innovations associated w ith them , he explains th a t
th e in n o v atio n s becom e w orse th e fu rth e r one goes from M edina.
Also, th ese in novations first began to a p p e a r in th e last years of th e
tim e of th e C om panions, th a t is, d u rin g th e la st years of Ibn ‘U m ar,
Ibn ‘A bbas an d J a b ir.54
The classification of th ese "regions of innovations" in relatio n
to th e p u rity o f M edina is th e g eo g rap h ical c o u n te rp a rt o f th e
exegetical innovations in relation to th e p u re salafL h e rm e n e u tic s.
This rep rese n ts a fu n d am en tal asp ect of Ib n Taym iyyah’s "dogm atic
history" in w hich th e p u re com m unity is besieged by deviant sects.
He th e n co n tin u es to build on his theory of a physical an d sp iritu a l
"center" of Islam by describ in g the v ario u s levels of ad h eren ce to
th e S u n n ah . F or th is purpose, he argues th a t th e so u n d n ess of th e
b eliefs of th e C o m p an io n s, an d of th e p eople of M ed in a in
p a rtic u la r, is th e view of th e four Im am s, who affirm ed th e
su p erio rity of th e first th ree generations of M uslim s.
5 3 According to Ibn Taymiyyah (Sihhat:35), the J a h m iy y a h first appeared in the

last years o f the generation o f the Followers, after the death o f the Caliph
‘Umar ibn ‘Abd al-‘A ziz and during the caliphate o f Hisham ibn ‘Abd al-Malik.
The originator o f this group was Jahm ibn Safwan, but the more famous
propagator o f his ideas was Ja‘d ibn Dirham. He sees them being responsible
for the ideas related to ta 'til or "stripping" God o f all His names and
attributes. To highlight the enormity o f this deviation from the understanding
o f the sala f, he relates the story o f how Khalid ibn ‘Abd-Allah al-Qasrf, the
governor o f Iraq, sacrificed (d a b b a h a ) Ja‘d on the ‘id al-adhd because he
claimed that God did not take Abraham as an intimate friend (kha lih and that
He did not speak directly to Moses. The same story is related by Baghdad?
( 1 4 0 8 /1 9 8 7 : 2 6 2 ) .
5 4 Baghdad? (1408/1987:15) says that these three Companions, as well as others
such as Abu Hurayrah and Anas ibn Malik, refused to greet or to pray the
funeral prayer over those known to hold the beliefs o f the Q a d a riy y a h .
86
In th e S ih h a t UsuL M ad h a b A hli-l-M adinah, Ib n T aym iyyah
d isc u sse s the position of th e four Im am s, A bu H anifah (d. 150/767),
M alik (d. 179/795-6), al-£hafi‘i (d. 2 0 4 /8 1 9 -2 0 ) a n d Ib n H an bal (d.
2 4 1 /8 5 5 - 6 ), c o n c e rn in g th e S u n n a h of th e P ro p h e t a n d the
p ractice of the C om panions in relation to th e issu e of th e consensus
of th e people of M edina. His lengthy d isc u ssio n c a n n o t be fully
re p e a te d here, b u t I s h a ll p re se n t h is m a in p o in ts in o rd er to
h ig h lig h t h is view t h a t th e sc h o la rs of th e A h l a l-S u n n a h ,
p artic u larly those of th e earlier cen tu ries a s opposed to th o se of his
ow n tim e period, w ere in full agreem ent co n cern in g p rin cip les of
belief [‘aqidah) a n d m ethodology (m in h q j). T hey m a in ta in e d this
a g re e m e n t co n c e rn in g p rin c ip le s even th o u g h th e y differed on
ru lin g s related to specific c a se s [fu ru“). H is claim th a t th e re is an
ag ree m en t am ongst th e fo u r Im am s on m ethodological principles is
very u se fu l to Ibn T aym iyyah's overall view of th e s a l a f b ec au se it
allows him to focus on th e id ea of u n ity w ith o u t being too distracted
by p a rtic u la r differences. T h u s it is relatively easy for h im to argue
th a t th e re are four levels of au th o rity co n cern in g th e c o n s e n su s of
th e people of M edina [S ih h a t.36).
Ib n T aym iyyah's firs t level is th e a c c e p ta n c e o f cu sto m ary
p ra c tic e s of th e P ro p h e t a s related by th e people of M edina. As
exam ples of this h e c ite s th e size of dry m e a su re s ( s a ‘ w a mudd)
a n d th e fact th a t z a k a h is n o t collected on vegetables (khadraw at) or
endow ed p ro p erty (a h b a s ). T here is com plete ag ree m en t on this,
say s Ibn Taymiyyah, acco rd in g to the four Im am s. T his is actu ally a
generalized view b ased on h is assertio n th a t th e four Im am s agreed
87
o n th e principles of fiq h . His e m p h a sis on principles is m ad e clear
b y th e special care h e ta k e s to sh o w th a t A bu Hanifah did n o t prefer
a n a lo g y (q iy a s ) over a u th e n tic h a d ith s , th u s en a b lin g h im to
m a in ta in h is claim of ag reem en t. As p roof of this, h e s ta te s th a t
w h e n A bu Y u su f (d. 1 8 2 /7 9 8 ), th e p re e m in e n t s tu d e n t of A bu
H anifah, m et w ith M alik a n d h e a rd h a d ith s from h im , h e ch anged
m a n y of h is opinions w h ich h e h a d h eld in accordance w ith th e
teach in g s of A bu H anifah.55 Abu Y u su f is th e n quoted as saying th a t if
h is m a s te r h a d h e a rd w h a t h e h a d h ea rd , h e would have ch anged
h is opinion also.56
Ib n T aym iyyah's seco n d level of a u th o rity of th e p eople of
M e d in a refers to th e ir a c tio n s b efo re th e d e a th of ‘U t m a n
[ S ih h a t: 42). T he le a d in g role o f M ed in a in p ro p a g a tin g th e
P ro p h e t's S u n n a h is b a s e d on h is belief th a t the R ightly-G uided
C aliphs w ould n o t have allowed false p ractices or beliefs to sp read
am o n g the M uslim s. In h o ld in g th is opinion, Ibn T aym iyyah is
following the classical S u n n i th e o ry of th e early calip h ate a s first
5 5 According to al-Sayyid Sabiq in his F iq h u -l-S u n n a h (see the translation by

Khokhar et al. (1412/1991:23), Abu Hanifah maintained that zakdh is due on
"...every type o f produce o f the land including vegetables..." He continues by
saying that Abu Yusuf and Muhammad al-Shavbani (d. 189/805) differed from
their teacher, for they maintained that produce that "...does not last a whole
year, such as...cucumbers and watermelons..” have no zakdh due on them.
56See Sihhat:37. In connection with formulating opinions in opposition to
authentic hadiths, Ibn Taymiyyah says there are about twenty valid excuses
for doing this. He refers the reader to his book Raf' al-Maldm 'an al-A ’immati-
l-A ‘Idm for a full discussion o f this point. In the S ih h a t he mentions a few
points, such as that a scholar does not know o f a particular hadith, that he
knows o f the hadith only through a weak chain o f narrators, that he does not
believe the hadith is an evidence in judging a particular case, that he thinks
another hadith is a stronger evidence in judging a case, or that he thinks that
the hadith has been abrogated.
88
fo rm u late d b y p reem in en t ta b i'u n s u c h a s al-H asan al-B asrt (d.
1 1 0 /7 2 8 -9 ) a n d Ibn Sirfn (d. 1 1 0 /7 2 8 -9 ). The th eo ry s ta te s , in
brief, t h a t th e ijm a ' of th e C om panions, a n d th e ijtihad. of th e
forem ost am ong them , ta k es precedence over all la te r opinions p u t
forth b y o th e r scholars. T h is lofty opinion of the R ightly-G uided
C aliphs fu n ctio n s for Ibn T aym iyyah as a p illar of h is S u n n i world
view. C onsequently, it is a critical factor in his efforts to u n d erm in e
the S h iite theories of the Im am ate.57 However, his polem ics a g a in st
th e S h iite s forces him to do a h isto ric a l b a lan cin g a c t in h is
tre a tm e n t of ‘All (d. 4 0 /6 6 0 -1 ), w hose caliphate c rea tes problem s
for Ib n T aym iyyah's th e o ry of th e c o n se n su s of th e people of
M edina. In th e Sihhat, he is ab le to side step the issu e by pointing
out th a t ‘Ali is n o t included in th e second level of au th o rity b ecau se
the s e a t of h is caliphate w as in Kufa n o t M edina. T his m a n n e r of
deferring ju d g e m e n t seem s to b e typical of th e way Ibn Taym iyyah
deals w ith th is extrem ely sen sitiv e issu e. In forging a "m ediating
position" co n cern in g th e fo u rth caliph, he m u st defend ‘Ali from
c e rta in S u n n i o p in io n s, in w h ic h ‘Ali is ju d g e d to b e a n
inco m p eten t a n d u n ju s t caliph, an d from Shiite claim s th a t he w as
d en ied h is p ro p h etic ally a p p o in te d rig h t to th e c a lip h a te b y
ap o statizin g C om panions.58 In doing this, Ibn Taymiyyah com m ends
‘Ali for th e w ay h e h an d led th e turm oil [fitn a h) of h is ca lip h a te
while u s in g th a t fitn a h to s e p a ra te ‘Ali from the first th ree caliphs
57See Laoust (E s s a i, 1939:205-206).

58The details o f Ibn Taymiyyah's view s on ‘Alt are presented by Laoust (E ssa i,
1939:213-218) as part o f the chapter entitled "les Salaf."
89
for the p u rp o se of m aintaining th e au th o rity of the people of M edina
a t the seco n d level.
At th e th ird level of auth o rity , w hich refers to th e tim e afte r
‘U tm an, Ib n T aym iyyah adm its t h a t th e a g re e m e n t on p rin cip les
am ongst th e A h l al-Sunnah begins to falter. A difference of opinion
o c c u rs c o n c e rn in g w h e th e r a ju ris p ru d e n t m u s t give th e
p re p o n d e ra n c e of evidence to th e h a d ith s tra n s m itte d from th e
people of M edina an d to their fiq h ru lin g s b a se d on analogy [qiyas]
w hen altern ativ e in d icato rs ex ist for resolving a c a se [Sihhat:A3).
Ibn Taym iyyah s ta te s th a t at th is p o in t th e fo u r Im am s differ a s to
th e u s e of th e h a d ith s an d op in io n s of th e people of M edina a s
elem ents in th e principles of ju risp ru d e n c e (u su l al-fiqh). He say s
t h a t M alik a n d a l-S h a fi‘i a c c e p t giving p re p o n d e ra n c e to th e
evidence tra n sm itte d by the people of M edina w h ereas Abu H anifah
does n o t. T he H a n b a lls are divided on th is point, h e says. T he
m ajority claim th a t A hm ad p referred giving p rep o n d eran ce to th e
sta te m e n ts of th e people of M edina while A bu Ya‘la (d. 4 5 8 /1 0 6 6 )
a n d Ibn ‘Aqil (d. 513/1119-20) said th a t no p rep o n d eran ce sh o u ld
be given to them .
T he final level of au th o rity refers to th e ac tio n s of the people
of M edina from la te r tim es (S ih h a t'A A ). Ib n T aym iyyah is n o t
specific a s to w h ich tim e period h e is referring, b u t I assu m e he
m eans a fte r th e tim e of th e C om panions. In a n y case, he states th a t
th ere is ag a in a n u n an im o u s opinion am o n g st th e fo u r Im am s, b u t
th is tim e th e agreem ent is th a t th e se la te r actio n s a re no longer to
90
b e ta k e n a s co n stitu tin g legal p ro o f (hujjah s h a r ‘iy y a h ).59 T h u s, in
Ibn Taym iyyah's u n d e rsta n d in g of th e early M uslim com m unity, th e
A h l a l-S u n n a h o f th e first th re e centuries, i.e., u p to a n d including
th e four Im am s, form ed a co h e re n t group w ith com m on beliefs an d
o n ly m in o r d iffe re n c e s in m eth o d o lo g y . T h ese d iffe re n c e s
n o tw ith s ta n d in g , he p o r tr a y s th e Ahl a l- S u n n a h a s th e
rep rese n tativ es o f a "pure" Islam stan d in g a g a in st em erging se cts
su c h as th e Khawarti. Shiah, M uiji’ah, Ja h m iyya h a n d M utazilites. In
order to indicate th e im plications of Ibn Taym iyyah's view of th e A h l
al-Sunnah, I sh a ll p rese n t som e of h is opinions w hich correspond to
th e S u n n a h as laid down by th e Com panions a n d th e Followers b u t
oppose th e accep ted practices of th e M uslims of h is day.
D is c u s s in g Ib n T ay m iy y ah 's re le n tle ss c a m p a ig n a g a in s t
in n o v a tio n s in th e beliefs a n d p ractice s of th e M u slim s is a
form idable ta s k w h ich c a n o n ly b e h in te d a t h e re . M any of h is
opinions on th e topic of in n ovation are contained in h is w ork K itab
Iqtida’ al-Sirdti-l-M ustaqim li-M ukhalafat A shabi-l-Jahun, w hich h a s
b een tra n sla te d b y M. U. M em on (1976) w ith th e title Ib n T aim iya’s
S tru g g le a g a in s t P opular R eligion. In ten d in g to fo cu s on Ibn
T aym iyyah's in siste n c e on following th e w ay of th e sa la f, I sh all
m ention a few p o in ts b rought o u t in th is book. A ccording to M emon
59 Ibn Taymiyyah makes a special note in reference to Imam Malik's opinion by

stating that this is what is reported by the most reliable followers o f Malik
such as al-Fadil ‘Abd al-Wahhab (d. 422/1031) He goes on to say that the
followers o f Malik in North Africa (ahl al-m aghrib) hold the opposite opinion,
but they have no authentic evidence for this and are simply people o f blind
imitation (ahl al-taqlid). He does not mention, however, whose opinion they are
follow in g.
9 1
(1976:24), "...th e te s t of all p ractice a n d ideal is, according to Ibn
Taim iya, its com patibility w ith Islam o f th e K oran, th e S u n n a , a n d
th e c o n d u c t of th e Salaf." In regards to festivals, for exam ple, th is
m e a n s th a t p ractices b y M uslim s c a n becom e un-Islam ic. For Ibn
Taym iyyah, th e re are th ree elem ents involved in the definition of a
festival: tim e (w a q t, za m d n ), location (m a k a n ) an d rites ( a ‘mdZ). To
d e v ia te o r in n o v a te o n a n y of th e s e p o in ts c o n s titu te s an
u n a c c e p ta b le or sinful a c t (Memon, 1976:11). One exam ple of th is
is t h a t th e P ro p h e t a n d h is C o m p an io n s n ev er p ra c tic e d o r
re c o m m e n d e d a c ts su ch as c o n g re g a tio n a l s u p e re ro g a to ry
p ra y e rs .60 T his, h e says, is v enerating a tim e period n o t m entioned
in th e s h a r V a h a n d specifying th e m a n n e r in w hich it m u s t be
prayed.
Likew ise, th e s a la f n ev er celeb rated th e P rophet's b irth d a y
(M em on, 1 9 7 6 :1 3 ). T h is, sa y s Ib n T ay m iyyah, is elev atin g a
m em orable d ay to th e level of a festival w ith accom panying rites an d
p ra c tic e s. A d h erin g to th e w ay of th e s a l a f also in c lu d e s n o t
v e n e ra tin g p laces th a t a re n o t hallow ed by th e Law, s u c h a s th e
alleged to m b s of p ro p h ets a n d s a in ts .61 F irs t of all, th is m ak es no
60Memon (1976:12) mentions two prayers in particular, the salat a l-rag h a’ ib

offered in Rajab and the prayers o f m id-Sha‘ban. Ibn al-Jawzi (1403/1983:123-
130) discusses the various fabricated hadiths related to offering special
prayers in these two months.
61A very concise review o f Ibn Taymiyyah's opinions on the visitation o f
graves (z iy d r a h ) is given by Taylor (1989:126-132). It is a good example o f how
Ibn Taymiyyah bases his arguments on evidence from the Quran, Sunnah and
the practice o f the sala f. In brief, his opinion is that visiting a local graveyard
in order to supplicate God on behalf o f the dead is permissible. However, to
journey (s a f a r ) to a particular grave in order to supplicate or pray there,
thinking that one's prayer is more likely to be accepted because o f the alleged
92
sen se, he says, for often th e ex act location of a tom b is n o t know n.
E ven w hen it is know n, th e re is n o th in g in th e Law or in th e
practice of th e C om panions to in d icate a benefit from carrying o u t
devotions a t th e grave of a p ro p h et or saint. In fact, th e behavior of
th e C om panions in d ic a te s th e ex a ct opposite (Memon, 197 6:14-
17). As for visiting th e P rophet’s grave, both A hm ad ibn H anbal a n d
M alik sta te th a t only sa lu ta tio n s m ay be given a n d th a t w h en one
h a s a p e rso n a l p ray er to m ak e, h e m u st n o t face th e tom b b u t
sh o u ld tu rn a n d face th e K aaba. T hese few exam ples m u st suffice to
sh o w how Ib n T aym iyyah u s e d th e p ractice of th e R ig h teo u s
P red ecesso rs a s a litm u s te s t for everything a M uslim sh o u ld do.
Also, he claim s th a t no c o n se n su s o r ruling c a n ever o v ertu rn th e
sta te m e n ts a n d h a b its of th e C om panions a n d Followers. O n th is
point, Ibn Taym iyyah refers to a sta tem en t by Im am Malik who said:
"L ater Islam c a n ap prove o n ly w h a t early Islam did approve"
(Memon, 1976:19). For Ibn Taym iyyah, approving w h a t early Islam
approved includes th e p ro p er u se of th e Arabic language, to w h ich I
sh all now tu rn .
P art C: T he Arabic Language
In a d d itio n to th e fo u r m ethodological p rin cip les a r o u n d

w h ich Ibn T aym iyyah b u ild s h is exegesis an d h is definition of th e
piety o f the deceased, is strictly forbidden. In fact, he says that the

Companions not only never prayed at the Prophet's grave, but went out o f their
way to stop any such activities by others.
93
A h l al-Sunnah, h e considers th e correct u s e of the A rabic language
a s a fifth in d isp e n sa b le tool for in te rp r e tin g th e Isla m of th e
P ro p h e t a n d th e C om panions. By ta k in g s u c h a sta n ce , h e aligns
h im se lf sq u arely w ith th e classical g ram m a rian s, of w hom al-K halil
ib n A h m ad (d. 1 7 5 /7 9 1 ) a n d S Ib aw ay h (d. 1 8 8 /8 0 4 ) a re h is
a u th o ritativ e references in th e R isalat al- ‘U budiyyah.62 A lthough Ibn
T aym iyyah did n o t write a single w ork specifically o n gram m ar, j u s t
a s h e did n o t w rite a com plete ta fs ir , h is views o n th e A rabic
lan g u ag e can be assem bled from various d isc u ssio n s th ro u g h o u t his
w orks, especially those dealing w ith the Q u ra n . In al-‘U budiyyah, he
tw ice refers to specific asp ects of A rabic in relatio n to w orship.63 In
b o th c a se s h e is u sin g A rabic as a m e a n s to define th e p ro p er
b o u n d a rie s of w orship in accordance w ith th e language of th e Q u ran
a n d th e h ad ith s. T his use of Arabic p re su p p o se s the a u th o rity of th e
firs t fo u r p rin cip les an d in d icates th a t th e lan g u ag e itse lf is a n
e sta b lish e d a s p e c t of revelation. T h u s it is n o t h ard to im agine th a t
Ib n Taym iyyah w ould have fully accepted th e notion th a t "language
c o n tro l is 'w orship' control."64 In reference to tafsir, it seem s safe
to sa y th a t h is u se of Arabic is m ean t to serv e the sam e p u rp o se as
h is u se of th e four prior principles, nam ely, to restrict th e ra n k s of
6 Ôn the early history o f the grammatical tradition in Islam, see Bernards
(1997), Changing Traditions: Al-Mubarrad's Refutation o f Sibawayh and the
Subsequent Reception o f the Kitab (Leiden and N ew York: E J. Brill).
6 3 See the translation below, Chapter 5, section 16, and Chapter 8, sections 6-7.
Ibn Taymiyyah refers to Sibawayh as his authority on the definition o f a
meaningful sentence in Arabic in the two latter sections.
64This is my paraphrase of the title o f Carter’s article (1983) "Language
Control as People Control in Medieval Islam: the Aims o f the Grammarians in
their Cultural context" a l-A b h a th , vol.31, pp.6 5-83.
94
th e exegetes a n d to lim it th e range of flexibility for ijtih a d an d ra ’y.
In o rd er to facilitate th e p re se n ta tio n of Ibn T aym iyyah's views on
th e Arabic language, I sh a ll focus o n two m a in issu es. T he first is his
overall view of A rabic in reference to its origin a n d special role as
th e m ean s by w h ich God revealed H is final revelation. The second
iss u e deals w ith h is u n d ersta n d in g a n d u sag e of a few k ey linguistic
te rm s a n d g ram m atical points w h ich are essen tial to h is theology.
F or Ibn Taym iyyah, h u m a n sp eech is a created a c t sim ilar to
th e crea tio n of a p e rs o n 's d eed s. In th e m a tte r of recitin g th e
Q u ran , th ere is no com parison b etw een G od's speech, w hich is one
of His etern al a ttrib u te s , an d th e u tte ra n c e s a p erso n m akes a t th e
tim e of re c ita tio n .65 God in sp ires (a lh a m a ) h u m a n b ein g s w ith
lan g u ag e an d u n d e rsta n d in g j u s t a s He in sp ires an im als w ith th eir
6 5 In his book a l - K a y la n iy y a h (pp.324-326), Ibn Taymiyyah presents several

reports related from Ahmad ibn Hanbal that there is total agreement amongst
the Ahl al-Sunnah that the actions and speech o f human beings are created
(makhJiiLq) and not eternal (q a d im ). Ibn Taymiyyah’s arguments in this context
are directed against a group which Ibn Hanbal had referred to as the L a fziyya h ,
who claimed that a person's recitation o f the Quran is not created ( gh ay r u
makhJ&q). Thus, according to Ibn Taymiyyah, the L a fz iy y a h deny that the
recitation o f Quran is created human speech. This is a different description o f
the L a fziyyah than that given by van Ess (1982:S.V. "Ibn Kullab"), who says
that Ibn Hanbal attacked the L a fziyyah as "...people who believed in the
createdness o f the pronunciation (lafz), i.e. the recitation o f the Kur’an.” As
yet, I have not found much information about this particular group, which
makes it difficult to resolve these two contradictory statements. Thus
assuming both statements o f Ibn Hanbal about the L a fz iy y a h are accurate, he
might have used the term in reference to two different groups. However, it
could be that both statements are directed against a group holding beliefs
similar to those espoused by Ibn Kullab who held that the eternal speech of
God is, in van Ess’s words, a "reproduction (h i k d y a ) in historical reality,
especially in a Holy Scripture...." This complicates the issue, for Ibn Kullab
talks about both the eternal speech o f God and about "khalq a l-K u r’&n." I shall
discuss Ibn Hanbal's and Ibn Taymiyyah's beliefs concerning God's speech in
95
ow n fo rm of la n g u a g e and u n d e r s ta n d in g .66 T h u s , for Ibn
T aym iyyah, God is th e "Positor" of language, for all h u m a n languages
are w ith Him eternally.67 As for th e issue of a w ritten language, Ibn
T aym iyyah sta te s th a t th e re w as no writing u n til th e tim e of the
P ro p h e t Idris, as is re p o rte d by m any of th e sa la f. T he fa m ily of
A dam could neither re a d n o r w rite. God ta u g h t A dam th e n am es of
all th in g s b y speaking to him w ith ordered speech (k a ld m manzum ).
A lth o u g h th e re are several th eo ries purporting to explain th e origin
of th e A rabic script, Ibn Taym iyyah says th a t th ere are no au th en tic
re p o rts from th e P ro p h e t in d icatin g how th e sc rip t o rig in ated .68
He p la c e s th ese stories in th e sam e category a s th e sto rie s about
th e exegesis of the m e an in g of th e letters ap p earin g before certain
S u r a s , t h a t is, th e y a r e b a s e le s s . W hat is im p o rta n t for Ibn
T aym iyyah, however, is th a t Arabic is the language ch o sen by God to
be th e vehicle for His final revelation.
Ib n Taymiyyah co n sid ers th e proper u n d e rsta n d in g a n d u se of
A rabic to be vital for M uslim s. Specifically, know ing th e A rabic of
6 6 In his Kitab al-lm&n (pp.82-83), Ibn Taymiyyah refers to verses such as al-
Naml 27:16 and 18 to show that God gave birds and ants speech (m a n tiq ). He
says that God does the same for humans as is indicated in verses al-Rahman
55:1-4 and Fussilat 41:21.
67The term "Positor" is used by Gully (1995:33) in relation to his discussion
o f the Muslim theory o f language ( ‘i/m al-w ad‘). He places Ibn Taymiyyah with
the Z d h ir is and the H a n b a lis who "...assert the ultimate belief in the divine
origin o f language..." As for all languages being with God, Ibn Taymiyyah states
in his K . al-Imdn (p.86) in reference to Turkish, Hebrew and Arabic that they
are all the speech o f God (al-jamV kaldmu-lldh).
6 8 Ibn Taymiyyah deals with the issue o f writing and the Arabic script in his
essay M a s’alat al-Ahruf allati Anzala-lldhu ‘aid Adam (pp.56-59). He
mentions, for example, the stories related to the creation o f the Arabic script
by the Bedouins known as Abu Jad, Hawwaz and Huttx. Cf. the reports given by
Ibn al-Nadim in the F ih rist (see the translation by Dodge, 1970: v .l, pp.6-9).
96
th e Q u ra n , a n d the w ay in w hich th e P rophet a n d h is C om panions
u s e d it, will help save th e M uslim s from th e hellfire. T his is
co n tra ry to th e Arabic of the pre-Islam ic period, w h ich b y itself, he
says, will lead to the hellfire. In en couraging th e M uslim s to study
A rabic, w h ich h e sees as a collective d u ty [fard kifa ya h ),69 h e says
th a t w h en th e people of the Arabic language (ahl al- ‘arabiyyah) tu rn
aw ay from its foundation (asQ they are a t the level of th e pre-Islam ic
po ets, th e com panions of th e Seven O des, who a re wood for the
fire.70 W ith s u c h a statem ent, Ibn Taym iyyah is clearly saying that,
a s w ith every issu e related to Islam, th e role of th e P ro p h et an d the
C o m p a n io n s in u sin g A rabic a n d d efin in g th e b o u n d a rie s of
disco u rse is of u tm o st im portance. It is n o t enough to know Arabic,
a M uslim m u s t know the Arabic of th e salaf.
O ne c le a r exam ple of how Ib n T aym iyyah sid e s w ith th e
sta te m e n ts of th e sahabah and tabVun, a s opposed to th e statem ents
of som e of th e later lexicographers, is in regards to th e definition of
th e w ord s a m a d in S u ra a l-I k h la s 112:2. A cco rd in g to Ibn
T aym iyyah in h is Tafsir Surati-l-Ikhlas (pp.3-4), th e s a h a b a h , the
ta b i'u n a n d th e lexicographers give two basic m ean in g s for sam ad:
"a being w ith no interior" [la ja w fa la-hu)71 an d "the lord on whom
all dep en d in tim es of need" (a l-sa y y id a lla d i y u s m a d u ilayhi Ji-l-
h a w a ’ij). He continues by saying th a t th e first m ean in g is u se d by
69 According to Carter (1983:80), this is the view expressed by Fakhr al-Dm

al-Razi (d. 606/1209-10) and implied by earlier grammarians such as al-
Zajjaji (d. 337/948-9) and Ibn al-Anbari (d. 577/1181-2).
70S ee "al-Furqan bayna-l-Haqq wa-l-Batil" (1386/1966:207).
71He also reports that some o f the s a la f said that sa m a d means "laysa la-hu
a h s h d ’ : see Tafsir Sdrati-l-Ikhlds (p.7).
97
m o st of the salaf, a n d a group of lexicographers, in reference to this
S u ra . The seco n d m eaning is u s e d by m o st of th e lexicographers
a n d a group of th e sa la f.72 Elis list of th e s a la f w ho favored th e first
d e fin itio n in c lu d e s m any o f th e fa m ilia r n a m e s fro m th e
Com panions a n d Followers, su c h a s Ibn Mas‘ud, Ib n ‘A bbas, al-H asan
al-B asrf, M ujahid, S a id ibn J u b a y r, ‘Ikrim ah, al-D ah h a k , Q atad ah
a n d S a id ibn al-M usayyab. W ith th is evidence, Ib n T aym iyyah u ses
th e concept of la ja w fa la-hu as th e basis for his ta fsir of th is S ura, in
w h ich he also clarifies th a t th e two definitions co m p lem en t each
o t h e r . 73 By re fe rrin g to th e s e s ta te m e n ts o f th e R ig h teo u s
P redecessors a b o u t th e definition of sa m a d , Ibn T aym iyyah is using
th e "salafi principles" to define th e acceptable b o u n d a rie s in w hich
th e Arabic language is to be u se d in th e d iscu ssio n of th is term . He
applies th e sam e m ethodology w h en he d isc u sse s o th e r a sp ects of
Arabic.
The role of A rabic g ram m a r in Ibn T aym iyyah’s m ethodology
conform s to h is u se of the s a la fi principles. T h u s h e in sis ts th a t
c e rta in lin g u istic te rm s s u c h a s "literal m ean in g " [h a q iq a h ),
"figurative sp eech " (m a ja z ), "unqualified" (m u tla q ), "qualified"
7^See Ibn Manzur, Lisan a l- ‘Arab, S.V. "s m d ." He states that Id jaw fa la-hu is
not allowed to be used in reference to God.
73 Ibn Taymiyyah reports most o f the hadiths to support his claim from the
ta fs ir o f Ibn Abf Hatim. As a comparison, al-Bukharf mentions only the hadiths
which give the meaning o f s a m a d as al-sayyid alladi yusmadu ilayhi fi-l-
h a w d ’ij; see Ibn Hajar, Fath al-B&ri (no date:v. 8, pp.739-740). On Ibn
Taymiyyah's exegesis o f this Sura, see also the comments by Syafruddin
(1 9 9 4 :8 8 -9 7 ).
98
(m u q a y y a d ), "general" (‘am m ) a n d "specific" fk h a s s ) .74 m u s t b e
u n d e rs to o d in acco rd an ce w ith th e g ra m m a r a n d u sa g e of th e
e a rlie s t g e n e ra tio n s of M u slim s. N ev erth eless, Ib n T aym iyyah
allows for th e u se of the tech n ical term inology of th e gra m m a r ia n s,
as he do es w ith th e technical term inology u se d in th e o th e r Islam ic
s c ie n c e s , ev e n th o u g h it d ev elo p ed a f te r th e tim e of th e
C om panions a n d Followers. T his accep tan ce m a n ife sts itself in th e
eru d ite m a n n e r in w hich h e w as able to d is c u s s every asp e c t of
th o u g h t in th e Islam ic w orld of h is tim e in th e lan g u ag e of th e
sp ecialists, w h e th e r ju ris p ru d e n ts , p h ilo so p h ers o r S u fis.75 B ased
on th e b ro a d ran g e of his stu d ie s, it seem s th a t h e accepted th e u se
of te ch n ic al term inology b u t th e n so u g h t to re stric t, a n d a t tim es
red efin e, th o s e te rm s w ith in th e b o u n d a rie s o f th e " s a l a f i
p rin c ip le s." T h is p o in t w ill b e m a d e c le a re r in th e follow ing
discu ssio n o n som e im p o rtan t gram m atical term s, a s well as in th e
d isc u ssio n of theology in C h a p te r 3, a n d in h is tre a tm e n t of Sufi
term s in al-'U budiyyah in C h a p te r 8.
O ne of th e m o st p ro m in e n t is s u e s of A rabic g ram m a r w ith
w hich Ib n T aym iyyah deals is th a t of literal a n d figurative m eanings.
Follow ing th e tra d itio n a l H a n b a li p o sitio n t h a t th e Q u ra n a n d
74For the translation o f these and other grammatical terms, I am following the
translations used by Gully (1995) in his Grammar and Semantics in Medieval
A r a b ic , Surrey: Curzon Press. Alternative translations for m u tla q and
m u q a y y a d are "absolute" and "conditional," respectively, which are used by
Izutsu (1 9 6 7 :7 1 ).
75Makari (1976:26) mentions that even Ibn Taymiyyah's opponents acquiesced
in his superior skills as a debater and in mastering all sciences.
99
h a d ith s c o n ta in a lm o st n o figurative (m a j a z ) m e a n in g s,76 Ibn
T aym iyyah clearly sta te s in h is Kttab al-Im an (pp.79-81) th a t th is
division of expressions in to a haqiqah-m ajaz dichotom y first occurs
in th e sp e e c h of th e sc h o la rs after the th ird c e n tu ry of th e H ijrah.
F u r th e r m o r e , th is d ic h o to m y is m e re ly a " te rm in o lo g ic a l
convention" (istilah hadif), for th e term s a re n o t u se d by either th e
early Im am s, su ch as Malik, al-Awzat, Abu H an ifah a n d al-S hafit. or
by th e e a rly g ra m m a ria n s, s u c h as A b u ‘A m r ib n a l-A la ’ (d.
1 5 4 /7 7 0 ), a l-K h alil ib n A h m ad (d. 1 7 5 /7 9 1 ), a n d Sibaw ayh (d.
1 8 8 / 8 0 4 ) . 77 The first p e rs o n to u se th e te rm m a ja z , say s Ibn
Taymiyyah, w as Abu ‘U b ay d ah Ma‘m ar ibn a l-M u ta n n a (d. 2 0 9 /8 2 4 -
5), who did n o t use it as a c o u n te rp a rt to h a q lq a h . R ather, he u se d
it in referen ce to explaining one verse by u s e of an o th er.78 It w as
the M utazilites and o th e r m utakallim un, h e say s, who started u sin g
m a ja z a s a tech n ical te rm in order to e x p la in th e ir in n o v ated
76G hazalt (1983:16-17) informs us that Ibn Hanbal allowed for a non-literal
interpretation o f only three hadiths and that the AsJL'aris are the closest to the
H a n b a lis in avoiding m ajdz interpretations. See also McCarthy (1980:155-156).
7 7 The expression "terminological convention" is taken from Heinrichs
(1984:115), who summarizes the same passage from Ibn Taymiyyah's K. al-
Imdn. Ibn Taymiyyah also refers to this dichotomy as being min 'awarid al-
alfaz. Concerning Ibn Hanbal, Ibn Taymiyyah says that he does use the
expression min m ajdzi-l-lughah in reference to certain statements in the
Quran. However, he says that according to the earliest followers o f Ahmad, this
means what is allowable in the Arabic language (min-md yajuz fi-l-lughah 1.
The vast majority o f the H a n b a lis agree that there is no m a j d z in the Quran or
the hadiths, except for what is mentioned in the above note. See K. al-Imdn,
p.81, and Heinrichs (1984:116).
78Gully (1995:40) makes the same reference to Abu ‘Ubaydah's use o f the term
m a jd z. He says that his use o f the term might "...constitute a 'prefiguration' o f
its later acceptance as Figurative speech." On Abu ‘Ubaydah’s use o f the term
m a jd z , se e Heinrichs (1984:117-130).
100
beliefs. This ex p lan atio n c o rre sp o n d s w ell w ith Ibn T aym iyyah's
"dogmatic" view of history, for it allows h im to m a in ta in th e idea of
th e "purity" of th e early s a l a f in o p p o sitio n to th e innovative
p ractice s of deviant se cts.79
As for th e u se of a w ord for o th er th a n th a t for w hich it w as
originally posited, Ibn Taym iyyah says th a t th is occurs only by way of
a n "associative indication" (qarmah). His u s e of th is term , although
still a "term inological convention," in d ic ates h is preference for the
la n g u ag e of th e legal sc h o la rs over th a t of th e rh e to ric ia n s.80 His
theological a n d legal affiliations influence b o th h is choice of term s
an d h is use of language. T h u s for Ibn Taym iyyah a n allowable qarmah
o ccu rs w hen one u se s th e w ords "lion" o r "donkey” in reference to a
brav e o r stu p id m an, respectively. In s u c h cases, h e say s, first a
7 9 Heinrichs (1984:117) associates Ibn Taymiyyah's account o f the history of

the h a q iq a h -m a jd z dichotomy with his "s a la fi view-point," and suggests that
his use o f istildh hddil to describe this dichotomy is very close to the meaning
o f b id 'a h . On the issue o f whether language is merely the result o f human
convention, Gully (1995:33) states that Ibn Taymiyyah "...believed that the
conventionalist view o f language had been invented to justify the concept o f
figurative (extended) usage {majdz)." See also the comments by Gully (1995),
especially pp.40-41 and p.69 n21. In a related issue, Hallaq (1993:xvii) points
out that Ibn Taymiyyah argues that to claim a distinction between essence and
accident is merely based on convention (w a d ‘) which "...is nothing but the
result o f what a group o f people invents {ta k h ta r i‘) and agrees to use or accepts
as a norm."
80In tracing the development o f the use o f the terms h a q tq a h and m a jd z,
Heinrichs (1984:114) narrows down the discussions in the later Middle Ages
to the use o f the terms by legal scholars in usdl al-fiqh works and
rhetoricians in ‘ilm al-baydn works. The discussions include the differences in
the way that the b a yd rtiyyd n and the u s d liy y d n use the term q a r in a h , which
helps to explain Ibn Taymiyyah's position. The b a y d n iy y d n see the q a rin a h as
an integral part o f the m a jd z and use it in ways that are irrelevant to the
u s d liy y d n , who limit the q a r in a h to being only a condition for the soundness o f
majdz.
101
w ord h a s b e e n p o site d for a specific m eaning, for w h ic h it is
com m only u se d . T h e n th e u s e of th e w ord is carried o v er to
an o th er m ean in g for w h ich it w as n o t originally posited. F o r th is
reason, h e says, it is w ell-know n th a t every figure of sp eech m u s t
necessarily have a lite ra l m eaning, b u t every literal m ean in g does
n o t necessarily have a figurative u se [Iman:81). T hus, w hen a w ord
ap p ears alone, one firs t th in k s of its literal m eaning. O nly w hen
th e re is a n "associative indication" does one th in k of its figurative
m e an in g (Im a n :8 7). T h u s Ib n T aym iyyah is lim iting th e u s e of
qarinah to th e n arro w est applications of definition an d g ram m ar. A
few exam ples will suffice to show h is point.
One su c h case of referring to a word in th e Q u ra n a s m a ja z
occurs w ith th e word "taste" {dawq). Ib n Taymiyyah says {Iman:98-
100) th a t som e people sa y th a t ta s te c a n only refer to th e p hysical
sen satio n in th e m o u th . T h u s th ey sa y th a t w hen God says th a t th e
unbelievers will ta ste H is p u n ish m en t, a s in al-Q am ar 54:37 a n d 39,
it m u st be a figure of speech . Ibn Taym iyyah refu tes th is b y saying
th a t this is a "qualified" (m u q a y y a d ) definition, for ta ste in d ic ates
a n y type of physical se n satio n (yadullu ‘aid jinsi-l-ihsas). In su p p o rt of
h is definition, he m en tio n s th a t al-Khalil ibn A hm ad defines d a w q as
"finding th e savor of a thing" [wujud ta ‘m i-l-shavr). He th e n say s th a t
th e various u se s of th e w ord d a w q in th e Q u ra n in d ic a te th is
b ro ad er m eaning of sav o rin g an y th in g th ro u g h th e sen ses. B esides
referring to "tastin g p u n ish m en t" (3:106, 32:21, 65:9), th e Q u ra n
refers to believers w ho will "not ta s te d eath except th e first death"
(al-Dtkhan 44:56) an d to disbelievers w ho will "not ta ste coolness or
102
an y d rin k except boiling w a te r a n d paralyzing cold" (al-Naba* 78:24-
25). T his definition of d aw q, w hich, Ibn T aym iyyah asserts, in cludes
all physical se n sa tio n , is a n im p o rta n t p a rt of h is views on faith a n d
w o rsh ip , for h e believes t h a t th e se a s p e c ts of religion c a n b e
experienced in th is life. In a l- ‘U b u d iyy a h , fo r exam ple, h e refers
th re e tim e s to a h a d ith in w h ich th e P ro p h e t m e n tio n s th o se
believers w ho will "find th e sw eetn ess of fa ith ” (w a ja d a halaw ata-l-
im an). In one in stan ce , he in te rp re ts "finding” (w u ju d ) as "tasting"
(yaduq).81 However, th is definition of d a w q clearly goes ag ain st th e
accepted u sa g e of th e word a s rep o rted by th e la te r g en erations of
le x ic o g ra p h e rs .82 B u t for Ib n Taym iyyah, it is m ore im p o rta n t to
derive definitions from th e Q u ra n , the h a d ith s a n d th e sta te m e n ts
of th e salaf. T h u s in deriving h is definition of d a w q , he also refers to
a n o th e r h a d ith in w hich th e P ro p h et m e n tio n s th o se M uslim s w ho
will "taste th e sa v o r of faith" [daqa ta'm a-l-unari) , 83 th e u sa g e of
w hich clearly resem b les th e definition of d a w q given above by al-
K h alil. T h u s h e is able to d ra w a n analogy b etw e en "tasting” a n d
"finding" b a s e d on th e u sag e of th e w ords "tasting" a n d "finding" in
th e Q u ra n a n d th e h a d ith s. F o r Ibn T aym iyyah, th e re is th e n no
reaso n to a ssu m e th a t a figurative m eaning for d a w q is necessary. By
8 *The hadith on "finding the sweetness o f faith" appears in the translation

below in Chapter 5, section 13, Chapter 6, section 5, and Chapter 7, section 5.
It is in the second appearance o f the hadith that Ibn Taymiyyah associates
"finding" with "tasting."
82See Ibn Manzur (Lis&n al-'Arab, S.V. "dwq"), who uses al-Dukhan 44:48-49
"Then pour on his head the torment o f boiling water. Taste! (sLuq)..." to argue
that the use o f "taste" is m a jd z.
8Îbn Taymiyyah refers to this hadith in a l - ' U b d d i y y a h , Chapter 5, section 13,
along with the hadith on "finding the sweetness o f faith."
103
in c lu d in g all p h y sic al se n se s in th e m e an in g of "taste," h e c a n
m a in ta in th e ex p erien tial c h a ra c te r of th e w ord an d avoid reco u rse
to a m a jd z m e a n in g t h a t is n o t s u p p o rte d by a n "asso ciative
indication."
The previous exam ple refers to w h a t Ibn Taym iyyah sees a s a
m isu se of m a jd z b e c a u se of a "qualified” definition u se d b y certain
sch o lars. A n o th er exam ple of a m is u se of m ajdz, acco rd in g to Ibn
Taym iyyah, involves a m is u n d e rsta n d in g of Arabic g ram m a r. This
ex am p le o c c u rs w ith th e w ord "village" in S u ra Y u s u f 12:82
(fmdn: 101-102). A lthough it sta te s "ask th e village," Ib n Taym iyyah
say s th a t th is is n o t a figurative u s e of th e w ord village. It is sim ply
th e elision of th e full genitive c o n stru c tio n w hich sh o u ld read "ask
th e people of th e village."84 T h u s reg ard in g a n y claim s th a t th ere
a re exam ples o f figurative speech in th e Q uran, Ibn Taym iyyah u se s
sim ila r lexical o r gram m atical ex p lan atio n s to refute s u c h notions.
He therefore conform s w ith Ibn H a n b a l's claim th a t th e re are no
exam ples of m a jd z in th e Q u ra n . His views on o th e r a s p e c ts of
A rabic g ram m ar follow a sim ilar lin e of argum entation, for h e u se s
th e c o n c e p ts "g en eral" and "sp ecific," and "q u alified " and
"unqualified," w ith in th e fram ew ork of his ''salafi principles."
Ibn T aym iyyah's u n d e rs ta n d in g of th e term s "general" a n d
"specific" are clarified in his ex p lan atio n of th e concepts of islam ,
im a n and ihsan. In h is Kitab al-Im an (p. 11), he sta tes th a t b ased on
8 4 Cf. a similar argument concerning this verse in Gully (1995:41).
104
th e w ell-know n h a d ith of G ab riel,85 th e s e th ree te rm s m u s t be
u n d e r s to o d in th e c o n te x t o f "g e n eral" and "specific." As
co n n o tativ e term s, ih s a n is in -itself m ore general th a n im an, an d
im a n is in-itself m ore general th a n islam . However, as to th e people
d e n o te d b y th ese te rm s th e reverse is tru e . T h a t is, ih sa n is m ore
specific th a n im an, a n d im an is m ore specific th a n islam. T h u s he is
ab le to claim th a t every m u h sin is n ec essarily a m u ’min, an d every
m u ’m in is necessarily a muslim ; b u t every m uslim is n o t necessarily a
m u ’min, an d every m u ’m in is not n ec essarily a m uhsin. T hrough this
u s e of "general" a n d "specific" m eanings, h e is able to conclude th a t
w h en a term su c h a s im an is used in a n ab so lu te sense {mujarrad), it
co n n o tes all th e ch a ra cte ristic s d en o ted b y th e term isla m b u t n o t
b y th e term ihsan.*6 A ccording to Ib n Taymiyyah, th e concepts of
"general" an d "specific" m u s t be k e p t in m ind w henever one is
try in g to u n d e rs ta n d th e Q u ran a n d th e h ad ith s. However, th ese
te rm s m u s t a lso b e u s e d in c o n n e c tio n w ith th e c o n c e p ts
"unqualified" an d "qualified."
Ib n T aym iyyah elab o rates o n th e co n cep ts of "unqualified"
(m u tla q ) an d "qualified" (m u q a y y a d ) s ta te m e n ts in relatio n to h is
th e o ry of co ordinating VatJ) a "specific" term to a "general" one.87 A
very p recise ex p lan atio n of Ibn T aym iyyah's ideas concerning th is
m a tte r is given b y Iz u tsu (1965:71). He explains Ibn Taym iyyah's
85For the hadith as reported by al-Bukhari. see Ibn Hajar (Fath al-B&rt, no
d aterv.l, p .114).
85See K. al-Im&n: 15; and see Izutsu's (1965:59-60) discussion.
87Ibn Taymiyyah discusses the implications o f ‘a tf in relation to the exegesis
o f various verses o f the Quran in al-'U b& diyyah . See below, Chapter 5, section
16.
105
th e o ry b y giving th e exam ple of te rm A c o n n o tin g five b asic
elem ents, a, b, c, d a n d e. W hen th e word is u se d in a n "unqualified"
m an n er, it m u s t include all five elem ents. B u t w ords are often used
in a "qualified" m a n n e r in w hich one or m ore of th e b a sic elem ents
are m entioned w ith th e connotative term . T h u s th e re m ight occur a
s ta te m e n t s u c h a s [A a n d a a n d d]. T h is h a p p e n s , sa y s Ibn
T aym iyyah [Iman: 142-151), w ith th e u s e o f "good" (m a'ruf] and
"evil" (m u n k a r) a s connotative term s. In S u ra s al-ATaf 7 :1 5 6 an d A1
‘Im ra n 3 :1 1 0 , m a 'r u f co n n o tes every type o f good ( k h aur) and
m u n k a r c o n n o tes every type of evil fsharr). However, in al-N isa’
4 :1 1 4 , G od m e n tio n s th a t th e re is no v a lu e to p e o p le ’s
c o n v e rs a tio n s u n le s s th e y "...c o m m an d th e giving of c h a rity
[sadaqah), m a 'r u f a n d reconciling [islah] betw een people." Likewise,
in al-‘A n k ab u t 29:45, God m entions th a t p ray er p rev en ts "...blatant
s in s [ f a h s h a ’) a n d m u n k a r ." In th e f irs t c a se , c h a rity and
reco n ciliatio n are p a r t of m a 'ru f. T hus m a 'r u f is th e connotative
te rm A a n d s a d a q a h a n d isla h are the elem e n ts a a n d b. In the
second case, b la ta n t sin s are p a r t of m u n ka r. T h u s m u n k a r is the
co n n o tativ e te rm A a n d f a h s h a ’ is th e e lem e n t a. T he specific
elem ents a re m entioned along w ith th e co n n o tativ e te rm s to focus
th e believers a tte n tio n on th e p a rtic u la r ben efit o r h a rm of a given
action. Ibn Taym iyyah goes on to explain th a t th e co o rd in atio n of
"specific" te rm s to "general" te rm s o ccu rs for d iffe re n t reaso n s
depending o n th e issu e involved.
Som e o th e r exam ples are a s follows. As for a c ts of w orship,
w hen ‘ib a d a h is used in a n "unqualified" w ay [m utlaq0*1], it connotes
106
co n cep ts s u c h as relian ce on God, seeking aid from Him, a n d doing
everything He a n d H is M essenger h av e com m anded. B u t in a verse
s u c h a s a l-F a tih a h 1:5, "se ek in g aid" is ex p licitly a s so c ia te d
(yu q ra n u ) w ith w orship, o r a s in H ud 11:113, "reliance" is explicitly
a sso c ia te d w ith it. T h is h ig h lig h ts th e im portance o f seek in g aid
only from God a n d relying only on Him. Likewise, in al-H adld 56:7,
G o d ’s s ta te m e n t "...th e y believe in A llah a n d His M essenger..."
c o n n o te s t h a t th e y believe in all of th e ea rlie r s c r ip tu r e s an d
p ro p h e ts. T h is is m a d e c le a r w h e n God a s so c ia te s th e ea rlie r
sc rip tu re s a n d p ro p h e ts w ith belief in Him a s in a l-B aq arah 2:255.
T h u s it c a n b e se e n th a t Ibn T aym iyyah's u se of A rabic g ra m m ar
conform s to h is m eth o d o lo g y of in te rp re tin g "the Q u ra n b y th e
Q uran." By ad d in g th e A rabic lan g u ag e to th e "salafi principles," he
is ab le to d ra w th e b o u n d a r ie s of exegetical a n d th eo lo g ical
d isco u rse, w ith in w h ich th e "true" scholar, th a t is, th e m u h a d d it,
c a n operate.
In sum m ary, Ib n Taym iyyah h a s developed his theology based
on a v ery p re c is e u n d e r s ta n d in g and u se of s o u r c e s and
m ethodology. T he Q u ra n , th e S u n n a h an d th e p ra c tic e s of th e
R ig h teo u s P re d ece sso rs c o n s titu te b o th so u rce an d m ethodology.
Ib n T aym iyyah a c c e p ts th is to th e p o in t th a t a n y d is c o u rs e
concerning religion m u s t com e from th e se sources an d be u se d in a
m a n n e r co n siste n t w ith th a t of th e sa la f. Even th e A rabic language
is u tilize d b y h im a s a clearly d efin ed tool for u n d e r s ta n d in g
revelation. To sp e a k o n religion b y u s in g w ords o u t of co n tex t w ith
th e sp eech of th e s a la f, o r to u s e n ew term inology in a w ay th a t
107
opposes th e ir c le a r sta te m e n ts , lead s to u n a c c e p ta b le innovation.
W ith th is in m in d , I sh all now tu r n to the d isc u ssio n of th e m ajor
theological p o in ts relative to th e R isalat al-'Ubudiyyah.
108
C hapter 3: Theology
In th e previous ch ap ter, I have sh o w n th a t Ibn T aym iyyah

aligned h im self w ith the A h l oL-Had.lt in h is approach to th e Q u ra n
a n d th e S u n n a h and in h is m ethodology for u n d e rsta n d in g th e se
rev ealed so u rce s. I have also in d ic a te d in m y d isc u ssio n of h is
exegesis a n d h is concept of th e A h l a l-S u n n a h th a t th is "salafiV
m ethodology h a d a trem en d o u s influ en ce o n h is u n d e rsta n d in g of
h isto ry , th e developm ent of ju ris p ru d e n c e , a n d the em ergence of
"deviations" in creed i'a q id a h ). In th is c h a p te r, I sh a ll fu rth e r
develop th e co n n ectio n b etw een Ib n T aym iyyah's u se of ’’s a la fi
prin cip les" a n d h is theology, w ith p a rtic u la r reference to m a tte rs
re la te d to h is concept of w orship a s p re se n te d in the R isd la t al-
'U b u d iyya h . In order to accom plish th is, I sh a ll focus on two m ain
th e m e s w hich exemplify th is connection.
P a rt A of th is ch ap ter will be a review of th e m ost im p o rta n t
issu e s of creed, w hich Ibn Taym iyyah tra c e s b ack to the Q uran, th e
S u n n a h a n d the beliefs of th e C om panions. The m eans by w hich he
e s ta b lis h e s h is "orthodoxy" u ltim ately goes th ro u g h the eponym of
h is m adhab, nam ely, Ahm ad ibn H anbal (d. 241/855-6). T h u s I shall
p re s e n t a com parison of Ibn H anbal's creed w ith Ibn Taym iyyah's to
sh o w th a t th e la tte r w as qu ite faith fu l to th e earlier th eo lo gian’s
po sitio n . U sing th e creed a s elab o rated in P a rt A, I sh all show in
P a rt B of th is c h a p te r how Ib n T aym iyyah u s e s th is creed to
fo rm u late h is description of w orship in a l- ‘U b u d iyya h . The m a in
th e m e of th is section will be to explain th e m a n n er in w hich Ibn
109
T a y m iy y a h e la b o r a te d a "m e d ia tin g p o sitio n " b e tw e e n th e
m u ta ka llim u n a n d th e m ystical Sufis concerning th e n a tu re of God
a n d th e w o rsh ip o f Him . In o rd er to fo rm u late th is m ed iatin g
position, Ibn T aym iyyah h a d to reconcile th e sim p ler s ta te m e n ts of
th e s a l a f w ith th e so p h istic a te d arg u m e n ts w h ich h a d developed
w ithin k a la m a n d m ystical Sufism . I sh all show th a t h is pro cess of
re co n c ilia tio n p ro c e e d s from two p re m isse s. He a rg u e s t h a t a
M uslim m u s t ac c e p t a s a m a tte r of faith th e n e c e ss ity of th e sa la fi
p rin cip les a n d beliefs. His second p rem iss is th a t th e theological
positions of h is o p p o n en ts are u n ten ab le b ecau se th e y conflict w ith
th is "orthodox" c re e d a n d u ltim ately lead to se lf-c o n tra d ic to ry
beliefs. This ex p lan atio n of Ibn Taym iyyah's theology of w orship will
th u s serv e a s a m e a n s to p lace a l- 'U b u d iy y a h . in its p ro p e r
p ersp e ctiv e .
A lthough Ib n T aym iyyah w rote several w o rk s w h ich c a n be
described a s creeds, I sh a ll focus on one in p a rtic u la r. In h is creed
of 6 9 8 /1 2 9 8 -9 , k now n a s a l-A q id a t a l-W a sitiyya h ,1 Ibn Taym iyyah
claim s th a t th e p o in ts h e describes are in fact th e beliefs of A h l al-
S u n n a h w a -l-J a m a ‘ah, also referred to as al-firqat al-nqjiyah. The
m ajor p o rtio n of th e creed, a n d th e points th a t c o n c e rn u s directly,
are related to th e iss u e s of G od's nam es an d a ttrib u te s a n d to how
God in te ra c ts w ith H is creation.
iFor quotations from the W d sitiy y a h , I am using Swartz (1973), "A seventh-
century (A.H.) Sunni creed: The ‘Aqida Wasitiya o f Ibn Taymiya," H u m a n o r ia
Isla m ic a , v o l.l, pp.91-131.
110
P art A: The C reed of Ibn Taymiyyah
1 The Principles of th e C reed of th e A hl al-Sunnah
Ib n H an b al2 s ta te s th a t h is creed is based on th e belief th a t

God is o n e w ith no a d d itio n s, p a r ts o r divisions. He is one from
every asp e c t, a n d th e re is n o th in g o th e r th a n He th a t is one.
However, God is to be d escrib ed exactly a s obligated b y a u th e n tic
tra n s m is s io n ( s a m l a n d c o n s e n s u s ,3 a n d th is form s th e evidence
w h ic h confirm s H im in H is ex isten ce. As proof of th is g e n e ra l
p rin cip le, Ibn H an b al refers to S u ra a l-S h u ra 42:11 w h ich s ta te s
"th e re is n o th in g like u n to Him , He is th e All-Hearing, th e All-
Seeing." F or him , th is verse confirm s th a t God an d His M essenger
h av e describ ed Him w ith specific a ttrib u te s and th a t th e re are no
a lte ra tio n s of m ean in g s, a n th ro p o m o rp h ism , or ad d itio n s to, a n d
d e tra c tio n s from, G od's a ttrib u te s {al-‘Aqidah-A2). T h u s A hm ad4
s a y s th a t th e one w ho s a y s t h a t God w as n o t d escrib ed w ith
a ttrib u te s u n til th o se who d escrib e Him b egan describing Him w ith
th e m h a s left th e religion. To s a y s u c h a thing, h e d eclares, is
ta n ta m o u n t to denying G od's e te rn a l o n en ess because it is as if one
say s th a t God w as n o t one u n til o th ers began describing Him a s one,
2The specific points o f Ahmad ibn Hanbal’s creed are taken from a l- 'A q id a h
li-l-Imdm Ahmad ibn Hanbal bi-Riwayat A bi Bakr al-K h a lla l (1408/1988), ed.
by al-Shavkh ‘Abd al-‘Aziz ‘Izz al-Dtn al-Shirawan. Damascus: Dar
Qutaybiyyah. (Hereafter: a l - ‘A q id a h .)
3 According to Ibn Hanbal (d. 241/855-6), consensus (ijm a ‘) refers to the
consensus o f the Companions; see a l - ‘A q id a h : \2 3 .
4 My use o f the name Ahmad in this section will refer only to Ibn Hanbal.
111
a n d th is is false.5 T h u s, according to A hm ad, God's a ttrib u te s are
e te rn a l (qadim ). In re sp o n se to th e q u estio n w h eth er th e one being
d escrib ed w ith a ttrib u te s is one e te rn a l being an d a n a ttrib u te is
a n o th e r etern al being, A hm ad sa y s th a t th e q u estio n its e lf is a
m istak e , for is it n o t allow able to se p a ra te th e T rue O ne [al-haqq)
from His a ttrib u tes {al- ‘A qidah: 112). He th u s confirms th e concept
of th e oneness of God's n am es a n d attrib u te s, for to a ttrib u te a self,
a n d essen ce or a will to God is no different th a n attrib u tin g a h an d
o r a face to Him.6
Ib n Taymiyyah re s ta te s Ibn H an b al's principles b y confirm ing
th a t faith concerning G od's n am es a n d attrib u tes m u s t be b a se d on
a c ce p tin g "what God h a s ascrib ed to him self in th e S c rip tu re as
well a s w h a t his M essenger ascribed to him."7 He fu rth e r s ta te s th a t
th is m e a n s th a t a M uslim m u s t ap p ro ach th e nam es a n d a ttrib u te s
of God w ithout alterin g th e m ean in g s of th e texts (tahrij), w ith o u t
strip p in g God of His a ttrib u te s [ta'tU), w ith o u t questioning ho w the
a ttr ib u te s exist in G od's e ssen c e [ta kyif), an d w ith o u t m ak in g
an alo g ies to an y p a rt of crea tio n (tamtiQ. The m a n n er in w h ich a
M uslim accepts th e n a m e s a n d a ttrib u te s of God, d e c la re s Ibn
Taym iyyah, is b ased o n th e belief th a t God u ses b o th neg atio n an d
affirm ation in reference to Himself. J u s t a s th e asse rtio n of G od's
5See a l - ‘A qidah:\02. The text reads: ...man qdla inna-lldha ‘azza wa jalla lam
yakun m awsdfan hattd wasafahu-1-wdsifQ.n fa-huwa bi-d.dlika khdrij ‘an al-din
wa baydn d.dlika an yalzimahu an Id yakuna wdhidan hattd wahhadahu-l-
micwahhidun wa ddlika fdsid.
6The concept of tawhid a l-a sm d ’ wa-l-sifdt is a pillar o f the s a la f t creed; see al-
SHi (1 4 1 7 /1 9 9 5 :2 1 9 -2 2 8 ).
7See Swartz (1973:105).
112
o n en ess is b a s e d on a negation, "there is no deity," followed by a n
affirm ation, "except Allah," so too does God em ploy th is m ethod in
th e verses in w hich He d escrib es Himself. Ibn T aym iyyah refers to
th e above m entioned verse of S u ra a l-S h u ra 42:11, w hich he uses in
relation to G od's a ttrib u te s to show th a t a M uslim m u s t accept the
a ttrib u tes as th ey are described in th e Q u ra n and th e h ad ith s. T hus
for Ibn T aym iyyah, a s for Ib n H a n b a l before h im , th is verse
re p re se n ts th e m ediating p o sitio n w h ich th e A hl a l-S u n n a h follows
betw een th e extrem es of strip p in g God of His a ttrib u te s (ta'tiQ and
an th ro p o m o rp h ism (tashbih).
2 The Proofs for G od's N am es an d A ttributes
Ibn H an b al a n d Ibn T aym iyyah refer to m an y v erses w hich

th e y believe confirm th e ir u n d e rs ta n d in g of G od’s n am es an d
a ttrib u te s . T h ese v erse s confirm G o d 's a ttrib u te s s u c h as His
infinite knowledge, om nipotence, love, w rath , face, h a n d s , hearing,
seeing, tran scen d en ce an d divinity, His exaltedness above creation,
an d His speech. Ibn H anbal begins h is d iscussion in h is ‘A qidah by
referring to th e a ttrib u te s of om nipotence, living a n d knowledge.
He confirm s th a t God is powerful (qadir), living (h a y y ), an d knowing
(‘alim ) based on G od's verses in th e Q u ra n w hich d escrib e Him as
su c h . For exam ple, God says th a t "He is th e living, th e re is no deity
o th e r th a n He” (Ghafir 40:65), "Allah h a s power over all things" (al-
K ah f 18:45), a n d "Allah know s all things" (al-Ahzab 33:40) (a l-
‘A qidah: 102). O n th e issu e of God know ing w ith knowledge, Ahmad
113
s ta te s th a t G od a ttrib u te s know ledge (‘ilm) to Himself. G od says in
th e Q uran, for exam ple, "they en com pass n o th in g of His knowledge”
(al-B aq arah 2:255) a n d "if th ey do n o t a n sw e r y o u r p ray er, th e n
k n o w th a t it is revealed only in th e know ledge of Allah" (Hud
11:14). G od's knowledge, A hm ad say s, as w ith His o th e r attrib u tes,
is different from a n y created know ledge. T h u s it does n o t change,
is n o t prone to forgetfulness, an d is n o t situ ate d in a place su ch as a
h e a rt (al- ‘A qidah: 105).
Ibn Taym iyyah confirms th ese a ttrib u te s in th e W a sitiyya h and
p re se n ts o th e r v erse s su c h a s "p u t y o u r confidence in th e Living
O ne who does n o t die" (al-Furqan 25:58), "no fem ale b e a rs (a child)
o r b rin g s (it) fo rth except by His know ledge" (Fatir 35:11), and "if
A llah h ad so w illed they w ould n o t have fo u g h t one an o th er, b u t
A llah does w h a t h e wills" (al-B aq arah 2:253) (Sw artz, 1973:107-
108). However, a fte r confirm ing th a t God ex ists e te rn a lly w ith all
His n am es a n d a ttrib u te s , b o th th eo lo g ian s found it n ec essary to
explain to som e ex ten t w h at they b o th claim ed to be beyond h u m a n
co m p reh en sio n . In th e face of beliefs th a t deviated from th ose of
th e A h l al-Hadit, Ibn H anbal an d Ibn Taym iyyah so u g h t to describe
th e m a n n er in w h ich God's a ttrib u te s exist in His essen ce.
3 God's Will
O n th e is s u e of God's will, Ib n H an b al a n d Ib n Taym iyyah

d istin g u is h b e tw e e n His volition (ir a d a h ) a n d H is creative will
(m a s h i’a h I. In h is ‘A q id a h , Ibn H an b a l confirm s t h a t God never
114
c e a se s to be a w ilier (m u rid ) a n d th a t H is volition (ir a d a h ) is a n
a ttrib u te in His essence. Volition, he say s, is a n a ttrib u te of praise
b e c a u s e a n essen c e (dat) th a t does n o t will does n o t k n o w th a t it
ex ists, w h ich is a defect. It is know n, sa y s A hm ad, th a t G od wills
b e c a u s e He say s in th e Q u ra n "but His co m m an d , w hen He wills
(a ra d a ) a thing, is th a t He says to it ’Be’ a n d it is" (Ya’Sin 36:82) (al-
A q id a h : 106). T his volition is, for A hm ad, re la te d to, b u t n o t th e
sa m e as, God's creative will (mashVah). w h ich is directly asso ciated
w ith His om nipotence. Ibn H anbal sta te s th a t if God so w ills ( s h a l.
He could sto p a p e rso n from com m itting a n a c t th a t He d islikes.
Also, if He so wills. He could g a th e r all c re a tio n to g eth er on one
belief. F or h is proof, h e refers to w h at God say s in the Q u ran : "If We
h a d so w illed (law s h i'n a ), We could h av e given every so u l its
g u id a n ce..." (al-S ajd ah 32:13) an d "...if A llah h a d so w illed (la w
s h a ’a -lla h I. He could have g ath ered th e m all o n g u id an ce..." (al-
A n 'am 6:35). In o th e r w ords, God ca n will ( s h a ’) into ex isten c e
w h ate v er He w an ts, a n d it is th ro u g h His volition (iradah) th a t He
ch o o ses a ce rta in th in g a t a c e rtain tim e. T h u s, for A hm ad, G od's
w ill c a n n o t b e d efeated or co n q u ered , a n d th e re is no fa u lt or
w e a k n e ss in it. Also, w hen God w ithholds a th in g from som eone, it
is n o t o u t of greed or stin g in e ss (biMH. for th is is a defective
a ttrib u te . God is so em inently gracious (m u ta fa d d il5 th a t He bestow s
h is fav o rs a s He w ills, b a s e d on H is p e rfe c t know ledge (a l-
‘A q id a h : 114-115).
115
In th e W a sitiy y a h , Ibn Taymiyyah d isc u sse s God's will in th e
c o n te x t o f d e te r m in is m ( q a d a r ) . 8 He se e s two a s p e c ts of
determ inism , each of w hich contains two p o in ts. The first a s p e c t of
d eterm in ism refers to G od’s etern al foreknow ledge, w h ich itself
consists of two points. T he first point is th a t God knows in advance
w h a t His c re a tu re s will do, w h eth er th e y will be obedient o r not,
a n d w h eth e r th e y will be b lessed w ith good fortune or su ffer ill-
fortune. All of th is h a s been recorded in th e "Guarded Tablet" (la w h
m ahfuz). T he second p o in t of God’s ete rn a l foreknowledge is th a t it
en co m p asses th e u n iv ersal (jum lah) a n d th e p articu lar [tafsil). Ibn
T aym iyyah’s second asp e c t of d eterm inism refers to God’s creative
will, w hich h e specifies a s His "effective will" fm a sh V a h nq fidah).
T he first p o in t h e m ak es is th e belief th a t w h a t God wills, will be,
a n d w h at He does n o t will, will n ot be. T he second point refers to
God’s volition [iradah). Ibn Taymiyyah also m ain tain s th a t God u ses
His volition to b rin g a c e rtain th in g into existence at a p a rtic u la r
tim e .9 The problem w hich logically follows from a belief in G od’s
8For the purpose o f this translation, I have chosen to use "determinism" for
q a d a r and "predestination" for q a d d ’ in order to reflect a basic lexical
distinction in meanings. Lane (Lex icon , S.V. "qdr") distinguishes between
q a d d ’ and q a d a r by referring to the former term as a general and the latter
term as a particular decree, predestination, fate or destiny. Gardet (1978:S.V .
"al-Kada* wa ’1-Kadar”) explains the difference as being the "eternal Decree"
[ q a d d ’) and the "Decree given existence in time" [q ada r). Elsewhere, however,
Gardet and Anawati (1970:37) use "predetermination" for q a d d ’ and "decret"
for qa d a r. Watt (1985:25-31) uses both "predetermination" and "determinism"
interchangeably for q a d a r .
9The discussion o f God’s will in the W dsitiyyah can be found in Swartz
(1973:121-122). For a general review o f Ibn Taymiyyah’s beliefs concerning
God’s will, see Laoust (E s s a i, 1939:165). He states that Ibn Taymiyyah
distinguishes between "...la vo!ont6 crdatrice au sens large (m a sh i’a) et la
volont6 normative (ir d d a )." In the Risdlat a l - ’Ubddiyyah, Ibn Taymiyyah also
116
absolute will to determ in e all things is th e q u estio n of h u m a n will,
w hich for each theologian m ean s a p e rso n ’s ability to cho o se either
faith an d obedience or disbelief a n d disobedience.
4 H um an Volition
God’s om nipotence a n d creative will, according to Ib n H anbal,

do n o t conflict w ith th e ap p licatio n of His ju stic e co n c ern in g the
rew ard a n d p u n is h m e n t of a w o rsh ip p er. A p erso n 's a c tio n s are
created b y God, y e t e a c h individual is resp o n sib le for perform ing
h is a c tio n s u n d e r th e p ro m ise o f rew ard a n d th e th r e a t of
p u n ish m e n t. A close look a t h is a rg u m e n ts show s t h a t A hm ad
m ain tain s th is position w ith o u t attem p tin g to explain th e n a tu re of
th e r e la tio n s h ip b e tw e e n G od's w ill and hum an v o litio n .
U n en cu m b ered by A s h ‘a ri a rg u m e n ts related to th e "acquisition"
(ka sb ) of a p erso n ’s deeds, to w hich Ibn Taymiyyah w ould la te r have
to respond, Ibn H anbal needed only to craft a stro n g a rg u m e n t to
counter th e claim s of th e Ja b riyy a h a n d th e Q adariyyah. By deriving
h is a rg u m e n ts from w h a t a p p e a rs in th e rev ealed te x ts , his
conclusion is th a t alth o u g h God’s will is absolute, a M uslim m u st
still believe th a t he h a s a volition th e exercise of w h ich will be
judged by God.
In h is discu ssio n o n h u m a n volition, Ibn H anbal b eg in s w ith a
refu tatio n of th e Q a d a r iy y a h , w hose beliefs he d ism isse s w ith a
associates God’s volition with the concept o f religious law, to which a Muslim
must voluntarily conform; see below Chapter 5, sections 6-8.
117
s h o rt a rg u m e n t. T his refu tatio n , how ever, places h im in a m ore
difficult p o sitio n relative to h is arg u m en ts ag ain st the fatalism of th e
J a b r iy y a h . To prove th a t God creates th e actions and con d itio ns for
h is c re a tu re s, A hm ad refers to v erses s u c h a s "the C re a to r of all
things" (al-An‘a m 6:102), "We m ade co m p assio n a n d m ercy in th e
h e a rts of th o se who followed him" (al-H adid 57:27), a n d "it m ay be
th a t God will m ak e frien d sh ip betw een y o u an d those w ith w hom
y o u have enm ity" (al-M u m tah an ah 60:7) (a l-‘A qidah: 113). T hese
v erse s, h e sa y s, sh o w th a t it is n o t allow able to sp ecify G od's
creative o m nipotence for ce rta in th in g s b u t n o t for o th e rs, for th is
w ould m e a n t h a t He is th e deity for c e rta in th in g s b u t n o t for
o th e rs. In o th e r w ords, th e concept of a n absolute free will, w hich
m ak es m an th e creato r of h is actions, m e a n s th a t God w ould n o t be
th e crea to r of th e se ac tio n s a n d th u s w ould n o t be th e d eity over
them . B u t w h ereas th e se v erses prove for him th a t God c rea tes th e
in n e r an d o u te r conditions of a p erso n ’s experiences, A hm ad is n o t
re a d y to a c c e p t a n y c o n c e p t of fa ta lis m w hich d e n ie s h u m a n
volition, a n d th u s resp o n sib ility , b e c a u s e th e se v e rse s m u s t be
reconciled w ith th e fact th a t God also refers to m a n 's cap ab ility
(istita'ah) to perform a n action.
More p recisely p u t, th e Q u ra n s p e a k s in term s o f m a n n o t
having capability. A hm ad refers to v erses w hich state th a t a p erso n 's
lack of capability m ean s th e n o n p erfo rm an ce of an action: "see how
th e y give p a ra b le s to you, b u t th ey go astra y , n o t capable of finding a
w a y (al-F u rq an 25:9), "th at is the in te rp re ta tio n of w h a t y o u were
u n a b le to b e p a tie n t about" (al-Kahf 18:82), an d "you will n o t be
118
cap ab le of d ealin g ju s tly w ith w om en, even if y o u w ere to desire
this" (al-Nisa 4:129), This in c ap ac ity to act, h e sa y s, in d icates th a t
c reated beings a re im p o ten t ( ‘ajz) a n d have no p o w er over things
except th ro u g h a capability th a t God gives th em . T h u s he believes
th a t capability is given for ea ch actio n [at-‘A qidah: 114), a belief th a t
suggests a sim ilarity to th a t of th e M utazilite co n cep t of istita'ah, b u t
w ith a n im p o rta n t d istin c tio n .10 A hm ad's co n cep t of is tita ’a h still
su b je c ts th e in d iv id u al to G od's will, for it is G od w ho g ra n ts or
w ithholds th e istita'ah.
In o rd er to stre n g th e n h is arg u m e n t a g a in s t th e fatalism of
th e Jabriyyah, Ib n H anbal m u s t refer to the co n cep t of G od’s justice.
He m ain tain s th a t rew ard an d p u n ish m e n t are p a r t of G od's justice,
w h ich ca n n o t be com prehended by th e ratio n al facu lties (TtquZ) [al-
‘Aqidah: 116). He u s e s th is co n cep t of the inability of created beings
to u n d e rsta n d th e n a tu re of God a s th e basis for h is claim th a t God's
ju s tic e [‘adD d o es n o t allow for u s to describe H im w ith injustice
(ja w r ), for He is above su c h th in g s . T his p o in t in d ic a te s th a t Ibn
H an b al u ltim ately relies on th e fo rm u la "bi-la k a y f in reference to
th e issu e of G od's will an d h u m a n volition. His a u th o rity in this
m a tte r com es from a n a rra tio n from ‘All ibn Abi T alib (d.40/660-1).
A hm ad re p o rts t h a t ‘All w as a s k e d a b o u t th e a c tio n s of created
b ein g s for w h ich th e y deserve G od's rew ard o r p u n is h m e n t. ‘All
an sw ered by saying, "Actions a re a c ts from th e w o rsh ip p e rs and
10The Mutazilite b elief in man's receiving istita 'a h is connected with their
b elief that "...God has no will in men's actions and men’s actions are not
created by God" (W olfson, 1976:622-623). This point, as w e have seen, is
rejected by Ibn Hanbal.
119
creations from God, an d do n o t a s k anyone ab o u t th is afte r having
asked me" {al-‘A qidah: 113).
In fo rm u la tin g h is d is c u s s io n on h u m a n v o litio n , Ib n
Taym iyyah a d d s to Ibn H a n b a l’s arg u m e n ts by em p h asizin g th e
m oral n a tu r e of free will. He confirm s th a t th e re is evidence for
h u m a n volition an d responsibility a s well as for G od's om nipotence
in the Q u ra n a n d the h a d ith s. God creates all th in g s, h e says, b u t
h u m a n volition is required for m oral behavior, for God "has called
u p o n m a n k in d to re n d e r v o lu n ta ry obedience to h im a n d h is
m e ssen g ers, a n d d isco u rag ed disobedience" (Sw artz, 1973:122).
Also, in w h a t m u s t be seen a s h is reaction to antinom ian Sufism , Ibn
T aym iyyah s tre s s e s th e re la tio n sh ip betw een love for God a n d
obedience to Him by observance of th e shari'ah. God, he says, loves
th e pious a n d righteous b u t does n o t love unbelievers an d th o se who
a re co rru p t. T h u s God re w a rd s th e believers a n d p u n is h e s th e
disbelievers w ith o u t ever being u n ju s t.11 B u t as w ith Ibn H anbal, Ibn
Taymiyyah ultim ately believes th a t a M uslim m u st accep t as a m atter
o f faith th a t G od's om nipotence an d h u m a n volition are b o th active
qualities affecting the h u m a n condition. T hus he s ta te s th a t ”[m]en
a re actors in th e genuine se n se of th a t term ; how ever, God is th e
creato r of th e ir actions."12 His position is th a t a p erso n is a n active
^ T h e role o f moral arguments in Ibn Taymiyyah’s theology w ill be further

developed in this chapter, Part B, section 2. For Ibn Taymiyyah’s discussion o f
human volition in relation to those whom God loves, see the translation o f a l-
‘ Ub&diyyah, Chapter 5, sections 13, and Chapter 7, sections 8-9.
12See Swartz (1973:123). Ibn Taymiyyah discusses determinism {q a d a r) and
free will in relation to the Mutazilites and the J a b r iy y a h in a l - ‘U b u d iyya h : see
Chapter 5, sections 11-12.
120
ag en t w ho will be held resp o n sib le before God, even th o u g h He is
th e C re a to r of each p erso n 's a c ts . T his m u st b e accepted "bi-la
k a y f,” for created beings sim ply c a n n o t com prehend th e m a n n er in
w hich G od's om nipotence an d ju s tic e are m an ifested in creation.
T hus, Ibn Taym iyyah rejects th e A s h ‘ari concept of th e acquisition
of one's actio n s {kasb, iktisab) b e c a u se it is an atte m p t to explain th e
n a tu re of th is m anifestation.
L ao u st (E ssai, 1939:165-7) is correct in p o in tin g o u t th a t Ibn
T aym iyyah o p p o ses th e c o n c ep t of k a s b a s fo rm u late d by th e
speculative theologians, p articu larly al-Ash‘ari (d. 3 2 3 /9 3 5 ). For Ibn
Taym iyyah, th is concept is "pointless an d futile."13 In particular, he
rejects th e A s h 'a r i distinction b etw een God's creatio n fkhalq) of an
ac t a n d m a n 's acquisition (kasb) of it, claiming th a t it am ounts to a
denial of m a n 's pow er over h is a c ts . For Ibn T aym iyyah, to claim
th a t a p e rso n m erely "acquires" a n a c t comes too close to the idea
of fatalism . He in sists th a t m an m u s t be a "true a g e n t (/d'iZ)."14 B u t
instead of sim ply relying on bi-la ka yf, it seem s a s if Ibn Taymiyyah
allowed h im self to get draw n fu rth e r into th is theological debate. In
resp o n se to th e A sh 'a ri theory of k a s b , he form ulates a description
of h u m a n a c ts in term s of cau ses (a sb a b ) an d potentialities [quwa),
bo th of w h ich a re created by God. In a n exam ple ta k e n from al-
‘UbHdiyyah, h e sta tes th a t h u n g e r is th e cause for a person to eat,
an d th ro u g h h is volition, w hich is th e potentiality in him , he th e n
13See Gardet (1978:S.V. "Kasb").

14See Madjid (1984:144-145). For a recent analysis o f the problems associated
with the concept o f acquisition, see Burrell (1993:79-83).
121
a c ts o n th is cau se b y a c tu a lly e a tin g .15 Yet, th e ca u se a n d th e
p o te n tia lity are created b y God. Therefore, h e says, a p erso n only
realizes h is ac ts th ro u g h a "p rep o n d e ran t facto r (m u ra jjih )" o r a
"p articu larizer [m u k h a s s is )" w hich is th e divine volition [iradah). In
o th e r w ords, "God creates th e a c t th a t m a n chooses consciously."16
T his theory, of cou rse, does n o t "solve" th e p a ra d o x of G od's will
a n d h u m a n volition, for it still leaves m a n to ta lly d e p e n d e n t on
G od's will in order to perform a n action. B u t th is, I believe, is Ibn
T aym iyyah’s intention. T h ro u g h h is theory, h e is sim ply try in g to
m a in ta in th a t God’s om nipotence a n d His ju s tic e a re com patible in
His essen ce, b u t unknow able to h u m a n u n d e rsta n d in g . B u t th e n ,
th is is Ib n Taym iyyah’s position concerning all of G od's nam es a n d
a ttrib u te s.
5 God's Face an d H ands
In d ealin g w ith specific a ttrib u te s of God, b o th sc h o la rs

include a discu ssio n of those attrib u tes w hich have cau sed the m o st
c o n tro v e rsy in te rm s of ta 'til an d ta s h b ih . F o r Ib n H anbal, th e
confirm ation of God’s a ttrib u tes as they a p p e a r in th e Q u ran an d th e
a u th e n tic h a d ith s, a s d eterm in ed by th e A h l al-H adit, ex ten d s to
15See Chapter 5, section 10. On the necessity o f man having a will, see Chapter
7, section 2, and on God as the creator o f all causes, see section 3.
16See Madjid (1984:143-144). The idea that man "chooses" the act must be
qualified, for the choice is not independent o f God's will. This explanation is
Ibn Taymiyyah's way o f maintaining a mediating position between the absolute
free w ill o f the Q a d a r iy y a h and the fatalism o f the J a b r iy y a h , which in his time
manifested itself in the passive tawakkul o f the Sufis.
122
every d escrip tio n He gives of Himself. He accep ts th e fact th a t God
h a s a face b a se d on th e v erse "everything will p e ris h except His
face" (al-Q asas 28:88). A lthough relying on th e doctrine of bi-la k a y f
co n cern in g God’s a ttrib u te s , A hm ad offers som e ex p lan atio n s about
th is a ttrib u te of God. He sa y s th a t God's face is n o t a bod y (/ism) and
is n o t like an y formed s h a p e s (al-suw ar a l-m u sa w w a ra h ) or defined
p a rtic u la rs [al-a'yan a l-m u k h a tta ta h ). It is a n ev erlastin g face th a t
h a s a reality (h a q iq a h ) b efittin g God an d is n o t to be in terpreted
m e ta p h o ric a lly or allegorically (d u n a -l-m q jd z). T h u s he say s th a t
w hoever alters th e m ean in g of face h as disbelieved (alhada, kafara),
a n d w hoever tra n sfe rs th e m ean in g of it to th e m e a n in g of "self'
{nafs) h a s also disbelieved (a lh a d a ) [al- 'Aqidah: 103). Likewise, Ibn
H an b a l confirm s the ex isten ce of God's h a n d s in a sim ilar fashion.
He sa y s th a t His two h a n d s a re a n attrib u te in His essen ce [jxdatihi).
They a re n o t lim bs, ex ten sio n s, or com pound bodies. Also, h e says
th a t one can n o t m ake a n y sta te m e n ts ab o u t th em th a t are n o t in the
Q u ra n a n d a u th e n tic h a d ith s . F or exam ple, no an alo g ies m ay be
draw n {la yuqos) su c h a s t h a t God h as a n elbow or u p p e r arm . But,
for exam ple, th e M uslim s k n o w from an a u th e n tic h a d ith th a t the
M essen g er sa id th a t G od’s two h a n d s a re b o th rig h t h a n d s (a l-
‘A qidah: 104).
B y reference to v e rs e s in th e Q u ra n , Ib n T aym iyyah also
confirm s th a t God h a s a face a n d h an d s. F o r exam ple, h e m entions
v erses s u c h a s "the face of th e Lord of m ight a n d glory will remain"
(al-R a h m an 55:27), "everything will p e rish ex cep t H is face" (al-
Q a sa s 28:88), "w hat p re v e n ts you from p ro s tra tin g before w h at I
123
have c re a te d w ith My O w n h an d s" (Sad 38:75), a n d "b u t A llah's
h a n d s are sp re a d wide o pen in bounty" (al-Ma’id a h 5:64) (Swartz,
1973:109). Ib n Taym iyyah also m en tio n s som e a u th e n tic h ad ith s
referring to G od's laughing a n d His leg (ryI). T hese a ttrib u te s, he
says, as well a s an y others m entioned in the Q u ran a n d th e hadiths,
m u st be accepted w ithout tahrif, ta'til, takyif, a n d tamtE. This is the
m ean s by w h ich Ibn T aym iyyah defen d s the "m ediating position"
(m asat) of th e A h l al-Sunnah concerning th e a ttrib u te s of God. He
considers it a s th e only safe position betw een th e extrem es of those
w ho deny G o d 's a ttrib u te s and th o s e w ho en g a g e in
an th ro p o m o rp h ism .
6 God's H earing an d Seeing
As p a r t of h is cre e d on th e a ttrib u te s of God, A hm ad

rep eated ly co n firm s th a t th e re a re a ttrib u te s th a t c a n only be
know n th ro u g h revelation. The knowledge of them is n o t obtainable
through in tellectu al inquiry. God's h earin g and seeing are ju s t su ch
attrib u tes. He points o u t th a t God says in the Q u ran th a t "He is All-
H earing a n d All-Seeing" (al-S h u ra 42:11). According to Ibn Hanbal.
s u c h v erse s a re easily a c ce p ted b y th e believers b e c a u se God
inform s th e M uslim s a b o u t H im self only th ro u g h th a t in w hich
ratio n al m in d s (‘uqHl) c a n believe. And a rational m in d know s th a t
attrib u tes s u c h a s hearing a n d seeing ca n n o t be co m pared w ith any
type of p ercep tio n th a t exists in creation. F u rth erm o re, he says, a
M uslim m u s t confirm th a t God h e a rs w ith h earin g a n d sees w ith
124
sig h t j u s t a s He knows w ith know ledge [al-‘A q id a h : 102-103). Ibn
H an b a l th e n m en tio n s t h a t all o f God's a ttr ib u te s are specific
a ttrib u te s th a t ca n n o t s h a re th e sam e m e a n in g . He rejects, for
exam ple, th e claim of those w ho sa y th a t the a ttrib u te "All'Hearing"
actu ally m ean s "All-Knowing" b ec au se God says in th e Q uran "and if
they decide on divorce, th e n A llah is All-Hearing, All-Knowing" (al-
B a q a ra h 2:227). A hm ad’s a rg u m e n t is th a t G od u s e s b o th term s
to g e th e r in one verse, th e re fo re th e term s m u s t carry se p a ra te
m ean in g s [al- ‘A q id a h : 102-103).
C o n c e rn in g G od’s a ttr ib u te s of h e a rin g a n d seeing, Ibn
Taym iyyah p re se n ts n u m ero u s v erses in the W a s itiy y a h to confirm
th e s e a ttrib u te s (Swartz, 1973:109). For ex am p le, he refers to
"p atien tly w ait on your L ord's decree for y o u in d e ed are in O ur
sight" (al-Tur 52:48), "Allah h a s h e a rd th e sa y in g of th e one who
d isp u tes w ith you concerning h e r h u sb an d a n d com plains to Allah;
ind eed , A llah h e a rs th e d is c u s s io n betw een you" (al-M ujadalah
58:1), a n d "Lo, I am w ith you, I h e a r an d I see" (Ta’HS.’ 20:46).
Elsew here, h e m entions the verse "He is w ith y o u w herever you are,
for A llah sees w h a t you do" (al-H adld 57:4) (Sw artz, 1973:117). B ut
th is v erse b rin g s w ith it a n ew s e t of p ro b lem s a n d lead s Ibn
Taym iyyah into a more detailed discu ssio n of th e relation betw een
God’s essen ce a n d a ttrib u te s a n d His creation. T his d iscu ssion is
p ro m p ted b y G od's sta te m e n t "He is with y o u w h erev er you are,"
w hich can be u se d to ju stify th e concept of G od’s im m anence in the
world if it is n o t understood according to the ''salqfi!' principles. Ibn
Taym iyyah sta te s th a t this v erse does not m ean th a t God is "diffused
125
th r o u g h o u t (m u k h ta lit) h is c re a tio n ."17 To believe otherw ise, he
say s, is c o n tra d ic tin g w h a t the s a l a f h av e confirm ed a b o u t th e
m a n n e r in w hich God m anifests H im self to creation.
7 T ra n s c e n d e n c e
G od's tra n sc e n d e n c e is one o f th e p illars of th e creed of th e

A h l al-Sunnah an d is vigorously defended by th e scholars of th e A h l
al-H adit.li O n th is issu e, A hm ad s ta te s th a t God in His essence an d
H is a ttrib u te s is com pletely different th a n His creation. He declares
t h a t G od kn o w s e v e ry th in g a n d c o n tro ls all th in g s w ith o u t
in te r m ix in g fm u k h d l a t a h ) w ith th e m or in te r p e n e tr a tin g
(m u w a l a j a h ) w ith th e m . He f u r th e r re je c ts an y c o n c e p t of
im m anence by sta tin g th a t God is exalted (‘afi) above all th in g s an d
d e ta c h e d (m u n fa r id ) from them . He s u p p o rts h is belief in G od's
"aboveness" [fa w q iy y a h ) by referring to v erses su c h as "He is th e
C o n q u ero r above H is w o rsh ip p ers" (al-An‘am 6:18, 61), "to Him
good w ords ascend, a n d He raises u p th e p io u s deed" (Fatir 35:10),
a n d "they fe a r th e ir Lord above th e m a n d do w h a t th e y a re
com m anded" (al-N ahl 16:50) [al-‘A q id a h : 108-109). B u t of all th e
l 7 See Swartz (1973:117). Ibn Taymiyyah unyieldingly defends the idea o f

God's complete distinction from His creation, which forms the basis o f his
attacks against the idea o f w ah dat al-wuj&d; see below Part B, section 2. In a l-
‘U b& diyyah, Ibn Taymiyyah refers to God's distinction from creation in various
contexts. The most clearly developed arguments are in Chapter 5, section 10.
Â ccording to Ibn Hajar in Path al-Bari (no d ate:vol.l3, pp.344-346), al-
Bukhari added the last "Kitab" to his S a h ih , entitled "Kitab al-Tawhid," in
order to defend the creed o f the Ahl al-Sunnah against the ta ' til o f the
Mutazilites and the ta sh b ih o f the anthropomorphists.
126
v erse s in d ic a tin g G od's tran scen d en ce, th e m ost convincing proof
for Ib n H anbal a re th o se v erses indicating th a t God is rise n above
His th ro n e.
In d isc u s sin g God’s "rising above th e throne" [ista w a 'ala-l-
‘arsh). w hich ap p e ars, for example, in S u ra Y unus 10:3, Ibn H anbal
sa y s th a t "rising" m ean s "transcendence" (‘uluw) a n d "ascendency"
[irtifa1). However, a s w ith all God's attrib u tes. He h a s never ceased
b ein g lofty [‘alt), w hich h a s b een one of His eternal a ttrib u te s even
before th e c re a tio n of th e th ro n e. A hm ad explains t h a t th e throne
h o ld s a sp ecial p o sitio n over all creatio n and t h a t God p raises
H im self by b ein g above th e th ro n e. Furtherm ore, it is n o t allowable
to s a y th a t th e "rising above th e throne" occurs b y w ay of touching
(m u m a s s a h ) o r en c o u n terin g (m ulaqah). God undergoes no change
o r alteratio n , a n d no b o u n d arie s (hudud) have ever confined Him,
n e ith e r before th e creatio n of th e throne n o r after it. T h u s Ahm ad
rejects th e id e a th a t God is in any p artic u lar place b y His essence
(bi-datihi3, for a place is necessarily lim ited [al- ‘A q id a h : 107-108).
N evertheless, God is a u n iq u e entity who h a s described Himself as
being a n individual "self' or "soul" [nafs).
For Ibn H an b al, th e issu e of G od's com plete tra n sc e n d e n c e
m u s t b e u n d e rsto o d in te rm s of the affirm ation of th e a ttrib u te of
"self’ [nafs) a n d th e denial of an y form of body (/ism). A hm ad states
th a t God h a s a n a fs th a t is unlike the n afs in bodies. G od’s n a fs is an
e te rn a l a ttrib u te in His essence. He su p p o rts this view w ith verses
s u c h as "God w a rn s you of His ’self" (Al ‘Im ran 3:28, 30) a n d "your
Lord h a s w ritte n m ercy u p o n His ’s e lf ” (al-An‘a m 6:12). Also, to
127
prove th e distinction betw een G od’s "self* an d th e self of o th e rs,
A hm ad refers to J e s u s 's sta te m e n t in th e verse 'You know w h a t is in
m y 'self b u t I do n o t know w h a t is in Your ’self" (al-Ma’idah 5:116).
He th e n sta te s th a t Ibn ‘A bbas explains th a t "my se lf' m e a n s th e
"created self' (al-nafs al-m akhluaah) a n d 'Y our self' m ean s Y o u r
divine self' (n a fs u k a -l-m a la k u tiy y a h ) (al- ‘A qidah: 110). As for th e
concept of God having or being a body (jism), Ahm ad rejects th e u se
of th is te rm in relation to God b ec au se it does n o t a p p e a r in th e
law ful te x ts fsh a rV a h ). A ccording to th e Law a n d th e A rabic
language, he says, the term "body” is u sed for everything p o ssessin g
e x te n sio n , accid en ts, th ic k n e s s , a n d im age (su ra h ), a n d b ein g
com pound and formed. God is fa r rem oved from s u c h th in g s a n d is
o u tsid e th e m eaning of "corporeality" (jismiyyah). T hus, he says, it is
n o t allowable th a t God be nam ed jism .
Ibn Taymiyyah uph o ld s G od's tran scen d en ce in a very sim ilar
m a n n er. In the W a sitiy y a h , h e p re se n ts verses d escrib in g G od's
risin g above the throne to confirm His "aboveness." For exam ple, he
refers to "the Infinitely M erciful h a s rise n above th e T hrone"
(Ta’H a’ 20:5) and "your Lord is A llah who created th e h eavens an d
th e e a rth in six days an d th e n ro se above th e throne" [Yunus 10:3).
Ibn Taym iyyah also confirm s G od's "aboveness" by v erses s u c h as
F a tir 3 5 :1 0 m e n tio n e d ab o v e (Sw artz, 1 9 7 3 :1 1 0 ). F u r th e r
confirm ation of God's tra n sc e n d e n c e is found in v ario u s a u th e n tic
h a d ith s, as determ ined by th e A h l al-Hadit, in w hich God a n d His
M essenger attrib u te to H im self th e m otions of a sc e n t a n d d escen t.
Ibn Taym iyyah p rese n ts th e h a d ith of God’s d escen t (nuzutj to th e
128
low est h eav en in th e la s t th ird of th e n ig h t to prove th is p o in t
(Sw artz, 1973:112). F o r Ib n T aym iyyah, how ever, th e re is no
co n trad ictio n in believing th a t God is tran sc en d e n t y e t n ear, above
th e th ro n e y et d escending a n d ascending. "Every facet of w h a t God
h a s said regarding h im self,” h e sta te s , "corresponds to h is reality
a n d h a s no need of b ein g altered ....It is necessary to ad d , however,
th a t w h at th e Q uran a n d th e Surm a affirm regarding G od's proxim ity
to (q u rb ), a n d p re s e n c e w ith ( m a ‘ly a ), m a n k in d in no w ay
c o n tra d ic ts th e ir e m p h a s is o n h is tra n sc e n d e n c e ( ‘u lu w ) a n d
o th e rn e ss (fa w q lya ), for h is q u alities can be co m pared to n o th in g
th a t exists. He is tra n s c e n d e n t (‘ally) in his n e a rn e ss (d u n ilw ) a n d
n e a r (qarlb) in his tra n sc e n d e n c e (‘uluw )."19
In a n o th e r im p o r ta n t is s u e re la te d to G o d 's e s s e n c e ,
tran scen d en ce an d self, b o th Ib n H anbal and Ibn Taym iyyah u phold
th e belief in th e beatific vision. In h is creed, Ibn H an b al confirm s
t h a t God will be perceived b y th e in h a b ita n ts of P a ra d ise . T he
beatific vision m ean s a c tu a lly seeing th e face of God a n d n o t j u s t
aw aiting th e effects of H is m ercy a n d com passion. A hm ad confirm s
th is m eaning by applying th e very methodology th a t I described in
C h a p ter 2 a s th e "salaJV' p rin cip les. He first refers to th e verse
^ S e e Swartz (1973:117). In his book al-Istiq d m a h (p.70), written about ten

years after the W dsitiyyah , he confirms God's movement (h a r a k a h ) in relation to
the attributes o f motion and states that it is confirmed by the A hl al-Sunnah
wa-l-Had.iL but is denied by groups o f jurisprudents and the m u ta k a llim d n . He
adds that "...it is well-known amongst the companions o f Ahmad that they do
not interpret (t a ’w il) the attributes in the genus o f movement such as arrival
CmajV or itydn), descent (nuzul or h u bdt), and nearness (dunilw or tadalli)"
(p .7 6 ).
129
"faces th a t d ay will be glowing, tow ards th e ir Lord looking".20 He
th e n say s th a t if God did n ot m e an "vision w ith th e eye" (a l-nazar bi-
l - ‘a y n ). He w ould n o t have a sso c ia te d it w ith a d ire c tio n (m d
q a ra n a h u bi-l-w qjh). By th is u s e of Arabic g ram m a r, Ib n H anbal
rejects th e m e an in g of "waiting" o r "anticipating (intizar) to explain
n a zira h in th is verse b ecause th e u se of the p rep o sitio n ila excludes
th e p o ssib ility of th e id ea o f w aitin g o r a n tic ip a tin g . He th e n
em ploys th e h erm e n eu tic s of "explaining th e Q u ra n b y th e Q uran"
b y co m p arin g th is verse to o th e r v erses w h ich u s e a form of th e
ro o t " n a z a r a " w ith o u t th e p re p o sitio n "ila." in th e m e a n in g of
"waiting" o r "anticipating."21 To fu rth e r s u p p o rt h is in te rp re ta tio n ,
Ib n H an b al s ta te s th a t the b eatific vision is con firm ed by m a n y
h a d ith s re la te d to th e v erse s t h a t m en tio n se ein g G od in th e
hereafter. It is j u s t su c h h a d ith s th a t Ibn Taym iyyah u s e s to confirm
th e beatific vision. He a s s e rts th a t "the faithful will se e God w ith
th e ir very eyes on th e d ay of resu rre ctio n j u s t a s th e y se e th e s u n
w h en th e sk y is clear, or th e m oon w hen it is fu ll....L ater th e y will
20See Sura al-Qiyamah 75:22-23 which reads: wujuhun yaw m a.'iSn nddirah ila
rabbihd n dzirah . Ibn Hanbal's discussion is in a l - ‘A q id a h : 111.
21 He uses Suras Y a’Sin 36:49 (md yanzurdna illd say hat0 n wdhidatan) and al-
Naml 27:35 (...fa -n a z ir a tun bi-ma yarji'u-l-mursalun).
130
see h im ag ain w hen th ey e n te r p a ra d is e in acco rd an ce w ith G od's
W ill. "22
8 G od's S peech
O ne final issue of th e p o in ts of ‘a q id a h th a t is critical for b oth

theologians is God's speech (k a la m ). As is to be expected, according
to Ib n H an b al God's sp eech (kalam ) is a n a ttrib u te in His essen ce.
He p o in ts to the fact th a t God p ra is e s H im self w ith sp e e c h in
o pp o sitio n to false deities th a t a re d u m b an d sp eech less. A hm ad
sa y s th a t God faults th o se w ho w o rsh ip idols th a t ca n n o t sp e a k
w h en He say s "did th ey n o t see t h a t it did n o t sp e ak to th e m nor
guide th em to any way; th ey chose it a n d becam e w rong-doers" (al-
A n'am 6:148). As for th e issu e of th e Q u ra n itself, A hm ad refers to
th e exegesis of Ibn Mas‘u d an d Ib n ‘A bbas concerning the v erse "an
A rabic Q u ra n containing no cro o k ed n ess, p erh ap s th ey will becom e
p io u s" (al-Z um ar 39:28), w h ich th e y sa id m e a n s th a t it is n o t
created . According to Ibn H anbal, th e Q u ra n can n o t be described as
a n "explanation" (‘ibarah) of G od's sp e e c h or a "reproduction"
(hikayah) of it, which is clearly m e a n t a s a refutation of the th e o ry of
22This quote is from the translation o f the W d s itiy y a h by Swartz (1973:118).

Elsewhere in the W dsitiyya h (p. 114), Ibn Taymiyyah presents a hadith from
the two S ahihs o f al-Bukhan and Muslim which states "[On the day o f
judgement] you will see your Lord as clearly as you see the moon when it is
full, and you will not need to crowd together in order to see him...." Al-
Bukharf has collected many o f the hadiths about the beatific vision under the
chapter on Sura 75:22-23 in the "Kitab al-Tawhld” o f his Sahih; see Ibn Hajar,
Fath al-Bdri (no date:v.l3, pp.419-434).
131
Ibn Kullab (d. 2 4 1 /8 5 5 ).23 T hus, h e say s, th a t w hen God say s in the
Q u ra n th a t He spoke to M oses (al-N isa’ 4:174), a M uslim m u s t
follow th e belief of th e C o m p a n io n s a n d th e ir Follow ers w ho
believed in G od's sp eech w ith o u t m e n tio n in g a n y th in g a b o u t it
being revealed as ‘ibarah or h ik a y a h {al- ‘A qidah: 106-107).
In C h a p te r 2, we have a lre a d y d isc u sse d Ibn T aym iyyah's
views concerning th e Q u ra n a s th e etern al sp eech of God a n d the
A rabic language a s th e crea ted sp e e c h of h u m a n s . T h u s I sh a ll
briefly review his position on th e sp e ech of God as p resen ted in the
W d sitiyya h . Ibn Taym iyyah confirm s th ro u g h n u m ero u s v erse s th a t
God a ttrib u te s sp eech to Himself. In h is p rese n tatio n of th e v erses
h e is affirm ing th a t God sp eak s a n d th a t th e Q u ra n is th e w ord of
God. Som e of th e verses h e refers to a re "who is more tru e th a n
A llah in d isco u rse (hadlf)" (al-N isa’ 4:87), "who is more tru e th a n
A llah in speech (qiQ" (al-Nisa’ 4:122), "w hen M oses arrived a t th e
tim e appointed by Us, h is Lord sp o k e to him (ka lla m a h u )" (al-A’ra f
7:143), a n d "recite w h a t w as rev ealed to you of th e Book of y o u r
Lord, no one c a n ch an g e H is w ord" (al-K ahf 18:27) (Sw artz,
1973:111). Ibn Taymiyyah goes on to confirm th a t "the Q u ran is th e
2 3 i am using o f the term "reproduction" for h ik d ya h as it is used by van Ess

(1982:S.V . "Ibn Kullab"). In discussing the controversies over the M utazilite
doctrine o f the createdness o f the Quran, van Ess explains that Ibn Kullab
presented the idea o f "a distinction between the speech o f God (kaldm All&h)
and its realization." Accordingly, the Quran becomes "the 'trace' (r a s m ) o f
God's speech [and] its reproduction (h i k d y a ) in historical reality." A lso, the
term "reproduction" coincides well with Ibn Manzur's definition in Lisdn al-
‘A r a b (no date: S.V. "hky"): hakaytu fu ldn an wa hdkaytuhu fa'altu mitla fi'lih i
aw qultu miti-a qawlihi sawd’an lam ujawizhu wa hakaytu ‘an-hu-l-hadit
h ik d ya tan .
132
w ord of God, revealed b u t u n created , h av in g its origin in him a n d
t h a t th is Q u ra n is th e v ery sam e o n e w h ich he rev ealed to
M uham m ad." He also sta te s specifically th a t "it is n ot perm issible to
c h a ra c te riz e th is w ord a s a re p ro d u c tio n (h ik a y a ) of th e original
w ord of God, or a n ex p lanation (‘ibara) of it" (Swartz, 1973:118). In
b o th re c ita tio n an d tran sc rip tio n , says Ib n Taymiyyah, th e Q u ra n
n ev er c e a se s to be th e W ord of God, "for a sta te m e n t can only be
a ttrib u te d to th e one who originally u tte re d it." The Q u ra n is "the
w ord of God in resp ect b o th of its letters (huruj] and of its m ean in g
( m a 'd n i). T h e w ord of God does n o t c o n s is t of le tte rs w ith o u t
m eaning, o r m ean in g w ith o u t letters" (ibid.).
133
P a rt B: The ‘Aqidah a n d Ibn Taym iyyah's view o f w orship
B a se d o n th e fu n d a m e n ta l creed o u tlin e d ab o v e, Ibn

T aym iyyah literally s p e n t th e re s t of h is life defending th e se beliefs
a s G od's tr u th revealed to th e Prophet. Any th o u g h ts o r concepts
th a t h e felt infringed u p o n th e se basic beliefs b ecam e th e ta rg e t of
h is a tta c k s. A lthough it is clear th a t Ibn T aym iyyah k n ew exactly
w h a t b eliefs h e n e e d e d to defend, th e m a n n e r in w h ich he
p re se n te d h is a rg u m e n ts developed over the c o u rse of h is lifetime.
As m en tio n ed above (C h a p te r 1, P a rt C), Ibn T ay m iy y ah 's m ost
productive years as a n a u th o r occurred in D am ascu s after returning
from E gypt in 7 1 2 /1 3 1 2 -3 . T hus, his m ost so p h isticated argum ents
w ere finally laid o u t d u rin g th e la st fifteen y ears of h is life. In the
se c tio n th a t follows, I s h a ll p rese n t Ibn T aym iyyah's arg u m en ts
a g a in s t th e claim s of th o s e w hom he felt w ere d ev iatin g from the
o rth o d o x y w hich h e u n d e rs to o d as deriving from th e R ighteous
P red ecesso rs in re la tio n to th e tim e period of h is y e a rs in Egypt.
F o r th is p urpose, I s h a ll focus on one of h is m a jo r w orks of th a t
p e rio d , a l- I s tiq a m a h , w h ic h re p re s e n ts a m a jo r lin k in the
developm ent of h is a rg u m e n ts .24 Also, p resen tin g th e a rg u m e n ts in
2 4 Considered by his students to be one of his most important works (see Ibn
‘Abd al-Had? [1975:291), Ibn Taymiyyah probably wrote the I stiq d m a h while in
Egypt between the years 705/1304-5 and 709/1309-10; see the comments by
Muhammad Rash ad Salim in his introduction to a l- ls tiq d m a h (1409/1988-9:5).
Ibn Taymiyyah's arguments in the Istiq d m a h ^re an important link for his more
detailed work on the reconciliation between pure reason and revelation in his
D a r ’ Ta'drud al-'Aql wa-l-Naql, which he wrote in Damascus between
713/1313-4 and 717/1317-8. On the dating o f this work, see also the
comments by M.R. Salim in his introduction (1399/1979:7-10).
134
th e Istiq a m a h will clarify m a n y of th e points raised in th e R isd la t al-
‘U budiyyah. A lthough a p recise chronological relatio n sh ip betw een
th e two works can n o t be e stab lish ed w ith certainly a t th is tim e, the
id eatio n al relationship betw een th e m will become quite clear. Also,
in o rd er to clarify certain p o in ts, I sh a ll refer to som e of h is w orks
from th e later D am ascus period.
In th e Is tiq d m a h , Ib n T ay m iy y ah begins b y s tre s s in g th e
obligation to follow th e Q u ra n a n d th e S u n n ah in m a tte rs of belief
U‘tiqax£\, action Carnal] an d a c ts of w orship (‘ibadah). As clarified in
C h a p te r 2, his position is th a t th e Q u ra n and th e S u n n a h co n tain
th e principles on w hich th e religion is based an d th a t th e re is no
n eed to utilize other system s o f th in k in g su ch as k a la m a n d G reek
logic.25 Reliance on th ese o u tsid e so u rces, he claim s, is responsible
for deviation in ju risp ru d en ce a n d beliefs. Ibn Taym iyyah s ta te s th a t
in n o v a te d o p in io n s c o n c e r n in g th e p r in c ip le s ( u s u l) of
ju ris p ru d e n c e or th e p ra c tic a l ru lin g s (fu ru ‘) are a re s u lt of th e
in flu en ce of the k a la m on u s u l al-Jiqh. The innovated opin ions in
m a tte rs of worship are related to a form of Sufism w hich ad o pted a
sim ila r u s e of th e k a l d m (I s tiq a .m a h , v .l, p .3). A lth o u g h Ibn
25Ibn Taymiyyah’s continual claim is that any religious question must be

referred back to the Quran, the authentic Sunnah o f the Prophet and the
opinions o f the Companions. This is clearly stated, for example, in his
response concerning the turuq o f the Sufis: "It is for the Muslim to know that
the best word is the Word o f Allah, and the best guidance is the guidance o f
Muhammad, and the best o f the centuries is the one in which he was sent to
them, and the most preferable o f the paths (turu q) and the ways (subul) to
Allah is that which was with him and his Companions." See al-SQfiyyah w a-l-
F u q a r d ’ , p.20. Elsewhere he states that the Quran and the Sunnah contain the
fundamentals o f religion including proofs, signs, and arguments; see Laoust
CC o n tr ib u tio n , 1939:72).
135
Taym iyyah does n o t d isc u ss th e ka la m in th e R isalat a l-‘U budiyyah,
h e does m ak e c e rtain g en eralizatio n s a b o u t th e m u ta k a llim u n in
reference to free will a n d p red estin atio n . His d isc u ssio n s on q a d a r
are. however, a n im p o rta n t ste p p in g sto n e in h is d evelopm ent of
id e a s co n cern in g love a n d w o rsh ip . T h u s I s h a ll p r e s e n t an
overview of Ibn Taym iyyah's th o u g h ts on ka la m in o rd er to provide
sufficient b ackground inform ation for h is generalizations.26
1 Ibn T av m iw ah 's C ritique of Kalam
In th e opening pages of h is book al-Istiqam ah, Ib n Taym iyyah

refu tes th e m utakallim un w ho th in k th a t th e Q uran an d th e S u n n ah
do n o t alone suffice to a rtic u la te th e principles of religion or th a t
th e p rin cip les of religion b e n e fit from q iya s ‘aqli a n d dalll ‘a q lt
T his does n o t m ean, however, th a t Ibn Taymiyyah is an ti-ratio n al,
for h e seeks only to keep th e in tellect su b su m ed u n d e r w h a t he
se e s a s th e g re a te r re lig io u s tr u th s of rev e la tio n .27 He th u s
p a rtic u larly objects to sta te m e n ts s u c h as "q iy a s is n e c e ssa ry for
26For Ibn Taymiyyah's remarks concerning predestination and the view s o f the
m u ta ka llim u n in a l- 'U b u d iy y a h , see below, Chapter 6, sections 11-14.
27Ibn Taymiyyah holds a dual view o f the intellect i'aql). Attempting to
maintain a mediating position between extremes, he rejects the superior
position given to the intellect by the philosophers and speculative theologians,
on the one hand, while advocating the necessity to preserve the intellect and
faculties o f discernment in opposition to the Sufi claim o f a mystical
annihilation o f the self, on the other. The intellect, or reason, for him, is to be
used in the service o f revelation. Thus, in his discussions on kal&m and
f a l s a f a h , I find it better to translate terms related to the intellect as "rational,
non-religious” concepts as suggested by Hallaq (1993:liii), who refers to d a li l
‘aqli as "a rational, non-religious argument."
136
m o st o f th e s h a r i'a h b e c a u s e th e re is limited te x tu a l evidence for
legal ju d g e m e n ts [al-ahkam a l-sh a r'iv u a h I."28 Ib n T aym iyyah first
m ak es a g en eral objection to th e excessive use of q iya s b y claim ing
th a t every sc h o lar is u ltim a te ly com pelled to r e tu r n to th e Q u ra n
a n d th e S u n n a h . This is a p p a re n t, he says, b e c a u se every group
claim s to b e b ased on th e S u n n a h while accusing o th e r g ro u p s of
p ra c tic in g in n o v a tio n s. B u t even th e gro u p s m o s t a p p a re n tly
following innovations, he sa y s, s u c h a s the Khawarii a n d th e R aw qfid,
do n o t fall in to s u c h claim s a b o u t q iy a s. To fu rth e r p u s h h is point,
Ibn T aym iyyah sta te s th a t Im am a l-S h afil (d. 2 0 4 /8 1 9 -2 0 ) d id n o t
re so rt to k a la m an d w as in fact one of the ju q a h a ’ a l-h a d it w h o
follow ed th e m ed iatin g p o s itio n of th e A h l a l-S u n n a h .29 M ore
specifically, h e offers th re e p o in ts of refu tatio n a g a in s t th e claim
th a t th e sharV ah is in need o f q iya s ‘aqlL
Ib n T ay m iy y ah ’s f i r s t p o in t is th a t th e re v e a le d te x ts
n e c e s s a rily in d ic a te th e s o lu tio n s to new c a s e s w h ic h do n o t
o rig in ate in th e tex ts th e m se lv e s. His second p o in t is t h a t if a
s c h o la r m isse s th is first p o in t, he will proceed in d ec id in g new
ca ses b a s e d on "corrupt" p rin cip les as used in th e k a la m , w h ich
often le ad to decisions t h a t oppose th e Law a s u n d e rsto o d b y th e
A h l al-Had.lt. His th ird p o in t re s u lts from h is o b serv atio n o f th e
Ibn Taymiyyah attributes this statement to the Sh&fi'i scholar A bu-l-M a‘ali
al-Juwayni (d. 478/1085) (I s t i q d m a h z v . l , p.6). He also quotes a similar
statement from al-G h azali (d. 505/1111-2); see Madjid (1984:116).
29See I s tiq d m a h i v .l , p. 13. Ibn Taymiyyah claims that al-Shafi*i held the
opinion that those who use kal&m should be beaten. He also claims that some
m u ta k a llim u n , such as Fakhr al-D in al-Razl (d. 606/1210), repented on their
deathbeds for having engaged in kal&m. See Madjid (1984:124-125).
1 37
p ra c tic a l a s p e c ts of th e first two points, for h e say s th a t w hoever
a tte m p ts to give h u n d re d s of ru lin g s in the course of a d a y will find
th a t ru lin g acco rd in g to the revealed texts (nusus) will b e n e fit th e
M uslim s m u c h m ore th a n relying o n opinion (ra'y). His p ro o f for
th is th ir d p o in t is th a t the ru lin g s of the "people of opinion" from
Kufa a re of less valu e to the M uslim s in spite of th e large n u m b e r of
K ufian sc h o la rs.30 The direct cau se of this over-reliance on q iyas, in
h is opinion, is th a t th e sound m ethodology an d rulings o f th e early
sc h o la rs, s u c h a s M alik (d. 1 7 9 /7 9 5 -6 ), al-ShafiT, Ibn H an b al, Ibn
al-M u b a ra k (d. 1 8 1 /7 9 7 -8 ), H am m ad ibn Zayd (d.1 7 9 /7 9 5 -6 ) a n d
al-AwzaT (d. 1 5 7 /7 7 4 ), were m ixed w ith innovative p rin cip les a n d
beliefs so t h a t w h a t th e e a rlie r sc h o la rs co n d em n ed b ec a m e
30See I s tiq d m a h iv .l, pp.9-13. In al-Sdfiyyah wa-l-Fuqara' (p.22), Ibn

Taymiyyah distinguishes between a Kufian school o f jurisprudence and a
Basrian school o f worship. He says that just as certain scholars gathered in
Kufa to exercise independent judgment (ijtih d d ) concerning legal matters, so
too did certain scholars practice ijtih d d in Basra concerning issues o f piety
and asceticism . Although practicing ij ti h d d concerning a particular issue is
not wrong in jurisprudence, it is forbidden in worship. He also warns that
caution must be exercised, for any scholar can make a mistake, and that some
later followers o f a sheikh might elevate him above the Prophet and his
Companions. The particular problem o f ijtih d d in worship is mentioned in a l-
'U b d d iy y a h ; see below, Chapter 7, section 3.
138
accep ted as p a r t of th e S u n n a h by la te r sc h o lars.31 T he underlying
c a u se for the p rev alen t u se of th e k a la m by sc h o lars of th e later
g e n e ra tio n s, how ever, is th e s p re a d o f m isc o n c e p tio n s a b o u t
p ro p h eth o o d .
F or Ibn Taym iyyah, th e m isu n d e rsta n d in g of prophecy stem s
from th e philo so p h ers' claim th a t p ro p h e ts, alth o u g h know ing "the
e ssen c e of u n iv e rsa l theological scien ce (al-‘u lu m al-ilahiyyah al-
k u lliy ya h )," sp o k e to th e m asses in sym bolic la n g u ag e (Madjid,
1984:114). He o b je cts to th e ir c h a ra c te riz a tio n of pro p h ecy as
being based on th e faculty of im agination (takhauuuD . b y which the
p ro p h e ts c o m m u n ic a te p h ilo so p h ica l tr u th s receiv ed from th e
Active Intellect to th e m a sse s allegorically. A lth o u g h recognizing
th e su b tle d istin ctio n s betw een th e p h ilo so p h ers them selves, su ch
a s betw een al-F arab i (d. 339/9 5 0 -1 ) a n d Ibn S ln a (d. 429/1037-8),
h e condem ns th e ir claim th a t d ie literal m ean in g of th e Q u ran is
m erely a m etaphorical device to explain reality to th o se incapable of
u n d ersta n d in g philosophy. Ibn Taym iyyah th e n tra c e s th e influence
of th is general co n cep t of the allegorical n a tu re of prophecy to the
31 Ibn Taymiyyah gives three examples o f this in the Istiq&m ah ( v .l, p .14-16).
The first is that Malik defended the belief in God's rising above the throne, His
speech and the beatific vision against the beliefs o f the J a h m iy y a h . However,
some later M dlik i scholars came to accept the denial o f these beliefs. The
second example is that al-ShafiT denounced the people o f kal&m, but some o f
the later adherents o f the S h a fi'i m adh ab cam e to embrace the principles o f the
kal&m. The third example is that the beliefs o f Ibn Hanbal concerning the
createdness o f a worshipper's attributes as opposed to the uncreatedness o f
God's attributes were reversed by some o f his later followers on two issues.
Some H a n b a lis, says Ibn Taymiyyah, came to believe that a worshipper's
recitation o f the Quran is uncreated and that God’s attributes o f movement are
to be rejected.
139
sp ecu lativ e th e o lo g ia n s, w ho a re m isled in to th in k in g t h a t th e
P ro p h et did n o t ex p lain all a s p e c ts of th e religion in d e ta il. He
m entions in p a rtic u la r how al-G hazali (d. 5 0 5 /1 1 1 1 -2 ) allow s for a
w ide range of in te rp re ta tio n from th e literalism of th e H anbalva to
th e laxity of th e p h ilo so p h ers.32 T h u s he says th a t th e m u ta ka llim u n
s e e k proofs fo r th e relig io n from a b a s e o f k n o w led g e n o t
o rig in atin g in th e rev ealed te x ts b ec au se th e y believe t h a t all
n ecessary proofs are n o t co n tain ed w ithin th e tex ts th em selv es. F or
Ib n Taym iyyah, th is m e an s th a t th ey no longer have a claim to
certain ty .
The n ex t p h a s e of Ib n Taym iyyah's a rg u m e n ts a g a in s t th e
k a la m in th e Is tiq a m a h co n cern s th e relation betw een religion an d
knowledge. His p o in t is th a t th e revealed texts offer th e only so u n d
knowledge on w h ich one c a n rely for deducing th e p rin cip les of law
a n d belief. R eso rtin g to th e ka la m is for Ibn Taym iyyah th e sam e as
a rg u in g a b o u t relig io n w ith o u t revealed know ledge, w h ic h is
forbidden. Not relying on revealed knowledge, h e says, m e a n s th a t
one is arguing b a s e d on d o u b ts, by which he m ean s th e so u rc e s of
know ledge of th e logicians s u c h a s "conclusions b a s e d o n p u re
32A brief presentation o f Ibn Taymiyyah's critique o f the philosophers and

speculative theologians is in Laoust (E s s a i, 1939:179-186, and C o n tr ib u tio n s ,
1939:55-58). Ibn Taymiyyah's beliefs on prophecy are laid out in his Kitdb al-
N u b u w w d t and his critique o f philosophical-mystical cosm ologies is in his
K itdb Bughyat al-M urtdd. Al-Farabi's and Ibn Sfna's theories o f prophecy are
described by Fakhry (1983:142-145). For Ibn Slna’s view s on prophecy, see
his "Ft Iibati-1-Nubuwwat" in T is ‘ R asd’il fi-l-Hikmat w a -l-T a bi'iyya t (Cairo,
1326/1908:120-132), and the translation by Marmura in M edieval P o litic a l
Philosophy: A Sourcebook (New York, 1963:112-121). Al-Ghazalt's five grades
o f allowable interpretation are presented in his Faysal al-Tafriqah (1983:8-
11), and see the translation by McCarthy (1980:150-152).
140
re a s o n " ( m a 'q u l d t ) , " d e m o n s tra tiv e p ro o fs" (b a r a h i n ) a n d
"syllogism s" (a q y is a h ). Ibn Taym iyyah o b je cts to relying o n th e se
ty p e s of a rg u m e n ts, w h ich are d raw n fro m th e p u re ly r a tio n a l
sciences, b ec au se th o se who u se su c h devices claim th a t rev elation
does n o t provide evidences w hich can e ith e r validate o r in v alid ate
th e proofs d raw n from p u re reason. F or Ib n Taymiyyah, th is m e a n s
th a t re v e la tio n m u s t ta k e a n in ferio r p o s itio n to p u re r e a s o n
(Hallaq, 1993:122). A n o th er consequence o f n o t relying on revealed
know ledge is th a t one m ight en d up relying on p ersonal feelings, by
w h ich h e m e a n s tra d itio n a l Sufi "sources" of know ledge s u c h a s
"unveilings" fm u k a s h a fa t). "ecstatic ex p erien ces" {m a w a jld ) a n d
"m y stical ta stin g s" (a d io a q ). A lthough th e S u fis claim t h a t th e
know ledge th e y receive in th e s e s ta te s is m o re c e rtain th a n th a t
o b tain ed th ro u g h dialectics, Ibn Taym iyyah d ism isses th e se claim s
a s b e in g m erely false in te rp re ta tio n s .33 U ltim ately, w h e th e r in
reference to th e proofs of th e logicians or th e Sufis, he a rg u e s th a t
th ey are u se d w ithout au th o rity from th e Q u ra n an d the S u n n a h . Ibn
T aym iyyah lead s u p to th is co n clu sio n b y p re se n tin g n u m e ro u s
v erse s of th e Q u ra n th a t co n d em n a rg u in g a b o u t God w ith o u t
a u th o rity s e n t down b y Him. He s ta te s t h a t know ledge Vilm) c a n
33This point w ill be detailed in section 2 below. For a general description o f

the Sufi states leading to mystical knowledge, see N icholson (1975:59) and
Schim m el (1975 :1 7 8 -1 9 2 ).
141
only come from revealed texts a n d th a t th o se w ho arg u e from o th er
sources do so w ith o u t au th o rity (sultan) from G od.34
Ibn T ay m iy y ah th e n p re s e n ts h is ow n "proofs" th a t th e
principles of th e k a la m do n o t lead to ce rtain ty . He first says th a t
th e m u ta k a llim u n differ c o n c ern in g s ta te m e n ts a n d ac tio n s in
reg ard to b o th p rin cip les an d ca se law. T h ey also differ in th e ir
ju d g em en ts a b o u t fund am en tal iss u e s of belief s u c h a s th e sta tu s of
various M uslim sects, th e m odes of arg u m e n tatio n u se d in declaring
other M uslim s to be disbelievers (takjvr), a n d th e perm issibility for
th e c u rs in g of. a n d th e m u tu a l h a tre d b etw e en , M uslim s.35 To
d isag ree o n fu n d a m e n ta l is s u e s is an im p o r ta n t p o in t for Ibn
T aym iyyah b e c a u s e differences of opin io n a re a c le a r sign of
deviation from G od's p ath . He in d icates th is in th e Istiq a m a h (v.l.
p .25) by referrin g to th e verse "do n o t be like th o s e who divided
into sects a n d differed w ith each o th e r after th e c le a r signs came to
them , th ey will have a trem en d o u s p u n ish m e n t" (A1 ‘Im ran 3:105).
After arg u in g th a t d isag reem en t o n p rin cip les is a deviation from
w h at th e P ro p h et b ro u g h t by w ay of th e Q u ra n a n d th e S unnah. Ibn
34Some o f the verses he refers to are: "those who argue (yu jadil& n ) concerning
the verses o f Allah without authority that came to them” (G h afir 40:35), "have
We revealed any authority that speaks about what they associate (with Him)"
(al-Rum 30:35), and "do you have a clear authority; then bring forth your book,
if you are truthful" (al-Saffat 37:156-157). Ibn Taym iyyah further develops
this concept o f authority in argumentation in his work D a r ’ Ta'drud a l- ‘Aql
w a -l-N a q l, written about six years after the Istiq&m ah; see D a r '
(1 3 9 9 /I9 7 9 :v .l, p.57, v.5, p.207).
35See ls tiq d m a h iv .1 , p.24. Ibn Taymiyyah often raises the point that the groups
whom he opposes are not in agreement on even the principles to be applied in
forming judgements. In Hallaq (1993:xlv, 122), for exam ple, Ibn Taymiyyah
observes that the philosophers constantly attack each other's theories.
142
Taym iyyah b rin g s u p a m oral a rg u m e n t ag a in st M uslims who ta k e a
rigid stan ce in th e m a tte r of differences of opinion.
In w h a t m ay well be a referen ce to h is own difficulties w ith
h is fellow sch o lars an d w ith th e a u th o rities, Ibn Taym iyyah arg u es
for a m ore to le ra n t attitu d e on th e p a r t of M uslim s in th eir relations
w ith th o se who hold opposing opinions. This is necessary, h e says,
in o rd er to avoid leveling a c c u s a tio n s of d isb elief a g a in s t o th e r
M u slim s.36 T h u s h e sta te s th a t two of th e m o st im p o rtan t re a so n s
for d isa g re em e n ts on p rin cip les a re in ju stic e a n d tra n s g re s s io n
fb a a h u ). People are prone to err a n d to forget, he says, a n d so God
d o es n o t m ak e u n d u e re s tric tio n s (h a r a j) on th e M u slim s in
religion. T h u s if th e re is a difference am ong M uslim s, s a y s Ibn
Taym iyyah, an d b o th groups strive to resolve th e problem [ijtihdd),
on e b ein g rig h t a n d one being w rong, th e n th is is a forgivable
difference. B u t only injustice lead s to turm oil, ta kjir or a c c u sa tio n s
of sinful deviation (tafsiq) [Istiqamahiv. 1, p.31).
In th e Istiq a m a h , Ibn T aym iyyah conclu d es his a rg u m e n ts
a g a in st th e m utakallim un by statin g th a t kalam is dangerous b ec au se
it m ak es ju risp ru d e n c e a m a tte r o f opinion (z u n u n ) and n o t th a t of
th e s o u n d relig io u s scien ces ( ‘ultxm ).37 T his o ccu rs, h e sa y s,
3 6 It has been noted that Ibn Taymiyyah actually held a tolerant position
toward many o f his opponents regarding accusations o f takfir and ta fs iq , in
spite o f his harsh criticisms o f them. See Goldziher (1910:200) and Makdisi
(1981:252-253). On this point he is paralleling al-G h azali's views as
presented in his F aysal al-Tafriqah bayna-l-Isldm wa-l-Zandaqah (Casablanca:
Dar al-Nasr al-Magh ribiyvah. 1983); see also the translation by McCarthy
(1 9 8 0 :1 4 5 -1 7 4 ).
3 7 In relation to this b elief concerning jurisprudence, Ibn Taymiyyah is
referring to A&h.‘a r t scholars such as Abu Bakr al-Baqillani (d. 304/916), al-
143
b ecau se the m u ta ka llim u n claim th a t Islam ic ju risp ru d e n c e is based
on th e ju d g e m e n ts of sin g u larly tra n s m itte d h a d ith s Ikh a b a r al-
wdhid), analogy tqiyas), generalizations (‘um um ) a n d literal m eanings
Cz a w a h ir ), w h ic h th e y hold to be in ferio r to th e m e th o d s of th e
log ician s. O f th e s e fo u r p rin cip les, th e u s e of th e sin g u la rly
tra n sm itte d h a d ith s in ftq h is clearly th e m o st controversial. Ibn
Taym iyyah's defense of th e ir u se as so u n d evidences can be traced
b ac k to the arg u m e n ts of a l-S h afil a n d Ibn Q u tay b ah (d. 2 7 6 /8 8 9 -
90). S ch ac h t (1959:41) p o in ts o u t th a t al-S h afi‘i referred to th o se
who rejected th e h a d ith s alto g eth er a s th e A h l al-K alam or th e
M u tazilites.38 As th e m u ta ka llim u n cam e to find it m ore difficult to
re je c t th e h a d ith s o u trig h t, a d istin ctio n developed b etw een th e
extrem ists, w ho rejected all h ad ith s, a n d a m o d erate group of th e
A h l al-Kalam , w ho rejected only th e k h a b a r a l-w d h id h a d ith s .
Eventually, even som e of th e m utakallim un of th e la te r generations,
s u c h as al-A m idi (d. 6 3 1 /1 2 3 3 -4 ), cam e to accep t th e u s e of th e
sin g u larly tra n s m itte d h a d ith s w ith c e rta in re s tric tio n s .39 B u t for
Ibn Taym iyyah, th e au th en ticity of the kh a b a r al-w ahid h ad ith s, as
Juwayni (d. 478 /1 0 8 5 ), al-G h azall. Fakhr al-Din al-Razi (d. 606/1209), andal-
Amidi (d. 631/1233-4); see Istiqdm ah-.v.l, p.49-51.
3 8 For a more detailed discussion o f the role o f hadith in the development of
fiq h , see also Azami (1985:72-95).
39For al-Amidi's discussion o f the khabar al-w ah id, see W eiss (1992:291-
328). According to al-Amidi, "Ahmad ibn Hanbal, 'certain Zahiris’ and 'certain
hadith specialists'" are among those who maintain that the kh a ba r al-wdhid,
"yields the knowledge that it [the report] istrue” (ibid:294). According to
Weiss (ibid:306), al-Amidi did not base the authority o f the k h a b a r al-wdhid
directly on revelation, i.e. at the level o f the Quran and Sunnah, but on the
i j m d ‘ o f the community, which itself is derived from divine revelation. Thus the
khflbar al-wdhid did not yield certainty but only probability, which, for al-
Amidi, is acceptable in making legal judgements.
144
d eterm in ed by th e A h l al-Hadit, is u n d en iab le . T h u s th e y becom e
p a r t of h is a rg u m e n t th a t analogy in Islam ic ju ris p ru d e n c e leads to
c e rta in ty in p a r tic u la r cases, for one p ro c e e d s from th e sound
evidences of rev elatio n , w hich in clu d e all a u th e n tic h a d ith s . His
p a r tic u la r a rg u m e n t o n th is is s u e is th a t th e sy llo g ism of the
logicians is n o t a m ore form idable m e an s of a rriv in g a t certain ty
th a n analogy as u s e d b y th e Juqaha' of th e A hl al-Had.it.-40 Finally, Ibn
Taym iyyah refu tes th e claim of th e mutakallimCLTi b y ag a in referring
to ju d g em en ts in a c tu a l cases. He say s th a t th e n u m b e r of jiqh issues
w h ich have b e e n clearly d eterm in ed by referen ce to th e revealed
te x ts a n d ijm a‘ fa r exceed th o se w h ich h a v e b e e n reso lv ed by
in d iv id u a l o p in io n ( ijtih dd ) o r h av e r e s u lte d in d ifferen ces of
opinions [Istiqamahiv. 1, p p .59-60).
In su m m ary , Ib n T aym iyyah's critiq u e o f th e kalam stem s
from h is unw avering acceptance of th e "salaji principles" a s detailed
in C h a p ter 2. A t th e core of th ese principles lies th e belief th a t the
P ro p h e t ex p lain e d th e e n tire relig io n of Is la m , its o p e ra tin g
p rin c ip le s (u sul ) a n d its g en eral beliefs. F ro m th is p o in t, Ibn
T aym iyyah a s s e rts th a t only revealed know ledge le a d s to certainty
an d th a t the m e th o d s of th e logicians are u n n e c e s s a ry for a Muslim
40lbn Taymiyyah states elsewhere that "those who draw a distinction between
analogy and the categorical syllogism attempt to show that analogy leads to
probability when it is formed o f a particular subject-matter" (Hallaq,
1993:127-128). Ibn Taym iyyah contends that a subject-matter w hich leads to
certainty will do so through both analogy and the categorical syllogism . Thus,
he does not deny the "validity o f the deductive process" when the two
premisses o f the syllogism are "conceived and structured in a proper way."
However, he does attack the validity o f the syllogism in deducing conclusions
in metaphysics by denying the existence o f universals outside the mind. See
Madjid (1 9 8 4 :1 9 0 -1 9 1 ).
145
s c h o la r. However, th e r e a l d a n g e r of th e k a l a m lies in its
a p p lic a tio n in th e a re a s o f belief a n d w o rsh ip . C oncerning th e se
issu es, it leads to beliefs a b o u t God w hich differ from the creed of
th e A h l al-Sunnah and to a c ts of w orship n o t p racticed by the salaf.
B u t befo re we move on to th is issu e, one fin al p o in t needs to be
a d d re s s e d in order to sh o w th e c o n tin u ity o f Ib n T aym iyyah's
th in k in g w hen it comes to classifying groups a n d individuals.
A s w ith the exegetes a n d th e relation of v ario u s groups to th e
Ahl a l- S u n n a h , Ib n T a y m iy y a h c la s s ifie s th e s p e c u la tiv e
th e o lo g ia n s .41 In this ca se, h e sees a stro n g er deviation the n e a re r
th e y a r e to th e p h ilo so p h e rs, w h ich also c o rre sp o n d s to b ein g
fu rth e r in tim e from th e e a rlie s t gen eratio n s o f M uslim s. T h u s h e
places Ib n Kullab (d. 2 4 1 /8 5 5 ) clo sest to th e sa la f. He is followed
by al-A sh ‘a ri (d. 3 2 3 /9 3 5 ), w ho in tu r n is followed by al-B aqillam
(d. 4 0 3 /1 0 1 3 ). A l-Juw ayni (d. 4 7 8 /1 0 8 5 -6 ) goes even fu rth er in h is
deviations stem m ing from th e kalam . Finally, al-R azi (d. 6 0 6 /1 2 1 0 )
an d al-A m idi (d. 6 3 1 /1 2 3 3 ) a re placed n e a re st to th e philosophers.
B u t in k eep in g w ith h is "tolerant" a ttitu d e , Ib n Taym iyyah still
refers to th e m u ta k a llim u n a s people of "on en ess" [taw hid al-
r u b u b iy y a h ), who falte re d o n c e rta in a s p e c ts of u n d e rs ta n d in g
"divinity" (uluhiyyah) in relatio n to God’s nam es a n d attrib u tes. They
are, in a n y case, b e tte r th a n th e p h ilo so p h ers for n o t accepting
"p h ilo so p h ica l cosm ologies." B u t so a s n o t to leave a n y th in g
u n classified , Ibn T aym iyyah also s ta te s th a t th e philosophers from
41For the discussion in this paragraph, see Madjid (1984:147-149).
146
th e People of th e Book and th e M uslim s a re b e tte r th a n the p ag a n
p h ilo so p h e rs.
2 Ibn T avm iw ah's Critique of th e Sufis
A fter h is in itia l com m ents on th e e rro rs of k a la m , Ib n

T aym iyyah d ed icates a large portion of th e Istiq a m a h to a criticism
o f m ystical Sufism , w hich he also sees a s b ein g influenced by th e
prin cip les of speculative theology. His criticism s concerning issu e s
o f creed focus in p articu lar on the R isalat al-Q ushayriyyah, w hich he
c la im s c o n ta in s w ea k a n d fa b ric a te d s ta te m e n ts c o n c e rn in g
co n tro v ersial is s u e s of belief. U sing th e Is tiq a m a h as a m eans of
f u rth e r d etailin g Ib n T aym iyyah's s ta te m e n ts in th e R isa la t al-
‘U budiyyah, I sh all p resen t w h at h e sees a s th e m ajor issu es related
to th e perfection of w orship.42
Ibn Taym iyyah's major criticism of th e R isa la t al-Q ushayriyyah
is th a t a l-Q u s h a v ri (d. 4 6 5 /1 0 7 2 -3 ) follow s th e beliefs of th e
m uta ka llim u n , in particular, th e K ullabiyyah a n d th e A sh 'a riyya h .43
T h is e s ta b lis h e s for him a n im p o rta n t lin k b etw een k a la m a n d
S u fism . To s u p p o r t his co n ten tio n , h e also m e n tio n s th a t al-
Q u s h a v rf received h is knowledge of th e k a la m from Ibn F u rak (d.
4 2 The order o f issues as developed in the Risdlat a l - ‘UbCLdiyyah differ only

slightly from that o f the Istiq&mah, mainly because o f the more extensive
treatment o f ideas in the latter work. The presentation o f ideas in this chapter
w ill follow the arrangement o f topics found in the Istiq&m ah. I shall make
reference to the corresponding discussions in a l-'U b & d iy y a h .
4 3 See Istiq & m ah iv.l, pp.82-85.
147
4 0 6 /1 0 1 5 ) a n d A bu Is h a q al-Isfaraym l (d. 4 1 8 /1 0 2 7 ).44 However,
says Ibn Taym iyyah, th e g re a t Sufi sheik h s w ere th o se w ho agreed
w ith w h a t th e s a la f ta u g h t. According to h is "salafV s ta n d a rd s for
classifying people an d g ro u p s, Ibn Taym iyyah develops a h ie ra rc h y
for th e Sufis. The b e s t S u fis in h is opinion w ere al-F udayl ib n ‘Iyad
(d. 187/803), Abu S u lay m an al-D arani (d. 2 1 5 /8 3 0 ), Y usuf ib n A sbat
(d. 1 9 9 /8 1 4 -5 o r 1 9 6 /8 1 1 -2 ), H u d ay fah a l-M a r‘ish i, M a‘r u f al-
K ark h i (d. 2 0 0 /8 1 5 -6 ), a l-J u n a y d ibn M u h am m ad (d. 2 9 7 /9 1 0 or
2 9 8 /9 1 1 ) a n d S a h l ib n ‘A bd-A llah a l-T u s ta ri (d. 2 8 3 /8 9 6 or
2 7 3 /8 8 6 -7 ) (Is tiq a m a h :v .l, p p .82-83). They co ndem ned k a la m and
opposed th e K u lla b iy y a h a n d th e A s h 'a r iu u a h (v .l, p p .83-89).
A ccording to Ibn T aym iyyah, th e s ta te m e n ts of th e se S u fis are
collected in th e m o st reliab le books of the S ufis s u c h as th e w orks
of al-K alabadi (d. 3 8 0 /9 9 0 o r 3 8 4 /9 9 4 ), M u 'am m ar ibn Ziyad al-
A sfah an i (d. 4 1 8 /1 0 2 7 ) a n d A bu ‘Abd a l-R a h m a n al-S u la m i (d.
4 1 2 /1 0 2 1 ).45
In o p p o sitio n to th e s e "orthodox” S u fis, Ib n T ay m iyyah
m entions the Sufis who su c cu m b e d to an ec sta tic experience (wajd)
an d th u s lost sig h t of th e tru th . This is w h a t o ccu rred to al-H allaj
4 4 Ibn Furak and al-Isfaraymi studied along with al-Baqillani under Abu-l-
Hasan al-Bahilt in Baghdad. Afterwards, Ibn Furak and al-Isfaraymi went to
Nishapur to establish the A s h ‘a r t theology. It was there, according to Watt
(1971:S.V. "Ibn Furak"), that Ibn Furak secured "the adoption o f the A sh 'a rite
theology by a group o f mystics," which included al-Oushavrf (d. 465/1072-3).
4 5 Ibn Taymiyyah's list o f orthodox Sufis in al-'U bddiyyah appears near the
end o f the essay; see Chapter 8, section 3. Of the three authors mentioned here,
Ibn Taymiyyah states that Kalahari, the author o f a l-T a ‘a r ru f li-Madhab Ahli-
l-T a s a w w u f, is "the best, the most correct, and the closest to the m a d h a b o f the
salaf." See Istiq d m a h :v.l, p .83.
148
(d. 3 1 0 /9 2 2 - 3 ) a n d A bu B a k r a l- S h ib li (d. 3 3 4 /9 4 4 - 5 ). Ib n
T aym iyyah say s t h a t th e y tried to d ifferen tiate betw een th e c re a to r
a n d th e c re a tio n , b u t a fte r b e in g o v ercom e by a n e c s ta tic
experience, th e y w ere never able to d ifferen tiate betw een tr u t h an d
false h o o d . T h u s , h e sa y s, it is n o t allow able to a c c e p t th e ir
s ta te m e n ts w ith o u t reference to th e s o u n d views of th e rig h te o u s
s h e ik h s (I s tiq a m a h , v .l , p. 115). T h is le ad s Ibn T aym iyyah to a
le n g th y d is c u s s io n of som e of th e s ta te m e n ts a ttrib u te d to al-
H a lla j46 a n d o f a l-G h a z a li's c o m m e n ts o n e c sta tic e x p re s sio n s
(shatahat).
Ib n T a y m iy y a h q u o te s c e r ta in p o rtio n s of a l- G h a z a lf s
d is c u s s io n in th e I h y a ’ ‘U lum a l-D in c o n c e rn in g e c s ta tic
e x p re s s io n s.47 A fter m en tio n in g th a t a l-G h azali identifies tw o types
46it is beyond the scope o f this dissertation to review Ibn Taymiyyah's

detailed analysis o f the many statements attributed to al-Hallaj (d. 310/922-
3). In the Istiqdmah ( v .l , pp. 115-141), he scrutinizes each statement according
to its chain o f narrators (isrta d ) and the contents o f the narration. In general,
Ibn Taymiyyah tends to give al-Hallaj the benefit o f the doubt; that is, when
the is n d d is weak or m issing he says one cannot attribute the statement to al-
Hallaj and when it is a corrupt statement known to be from him, Ibn Taymiyyah
says that it stems from the influence o f the ecstatic experience. Any
sympathies notwithstanding, Ibn Taymiyyah's overall opinion is that al-Hallaj
was an unrepentant sinner who deserved to be executed for heresy (z a n d a q a h ).
If he did repent, it is a matter between him and God; see Massignon (1982:v.2,
pp.46-48). However, in the Istiqamah (v .l, p.116), he does have this to say
about al-Hallaj: "The best o f what is said about him by his supporters is that
he was ’a righteous man on a correct path but was overcome by an ecstatic
experience and state so that he spoke confusedly because he did not know what
he was saying.' The speech o f the intoxicant is set aside and not transmitted,
for the one executed is a martyr and the executioner is a fighter (m u j d h i d ) in
the cause o f Allah..." The assumption, o f course, is that the executed one is a
martyr i f his repentance is sincere.
47Ibn Taym iyyah presents only al-G hazali's initial criticisms about the s h a th
in the I s t i q d m a h i v .l , pp.119-121. A l-G haz a lfs full discussion of the sh ath in
the Ihyd’ 'UlQm al-Din (1316/1898-9, 4 vols.) can be found in v .l, pp.31-32.
149
o f e c s ta tic ex p ressio n s in n o v ated b y som e Sufis, h e q u o tes: "The
first type are protracted claim s ab o u t p assio n ate love ( ‘ishq) for God
a n d a b o u t a lover’s u n io n (w isal!) th a t frees him from a c ts of external
obediences (al-a‘m al al-zahirah). T his eventually re s u lts in claims of
u n io n w ith God (ittihad3, of lifting th e veil betw een G od a n d m an, of
w itn e ssin g a vision of th e divine, a n d of oral ex p ressio n s ab o u t the
ex p erien ce..,. By m ak in g th e s e claim s, th e y im itate al-H allaj, who
w a s cru cified b e c a u se h e b lu rte d o u t w ords of th is ty p e .” Ibn
T aym iyyah skips over al-G hazali's sh o rt discussion a b o u t som e of the
s h a t a h a t a ttrib u te d to A bu Yazid al-B istam i (d. 2 6 1 /8 7 5 ) and
c o n tin u e s quoting from a l-G h azali's second type o f s h a th . "[This]
c o n s is ts of in c o m p re h e n sib le s ta te m e n ts w hich a r e outw ardly
im p re s siv e b u t c o n ta in ap p a llin g ex p la n a tio n s ( ‘ibcurat h a ’ilah).
T h ere is n o th in g u sefu l b eh in d s u c h statem en ts. T his type of sh a th
is e ith e r incom prehensible to th e sp e a k e r himself, w ho produces it
o u t of m a d n e ss a n d d e ra n g e m e n t b e c a u se th ere is a p au city of
m ean in g s in the speech w h ich h a s reach ed h is ears, a n d th is is the
m o s t com m on type, or it is u n d e rs ta n d a b le to h im , b u t he is
in cap ab le of m aking it u n d ersto o d a n d citing it w ith ex planations to
in d ic a te w h a t is in h is m ind." After th e se quotes, Ib n Taymiyyah
e x p re s s e s h is ag reem en t w ith al-G h az ali b y say in g th a t ecstatic
e x p re s s io n s c o n ta in falsity , am b ig u ity , d isto rte d a n d u se le ss
Ibn Taymiyyah does not mention the term sh ath in a l-'U b u d iy y a h . However, his
discussion o f exaggerated claims o f love (man inbasata f t da'wd-l-mahabbah)
corresponds to the discussion o f ecstatic expressions; see below , Chapter 6,
section s 6-8.
1 50
sta te m e n ts, an d tru th . B u t th e b e s t a n d su re st w ay to follow th is
tru th , h e says, is to avoid th e w ay of al-Hallaj.
Ib n Taym iyyah's w arn in g s echo th e position of th e orthodox
co m m u n ity co n cern in g th e s h a ta h a t. A brief d is c u ss io n of the
im plications of th ese ex p ressio n s m u s t suffice to clarify th is point.
T he ecstatic expressions of th e S ufis are intricately linked to w hat
th e y claim is th e ex p erien ce o f th e an n ih ila tio n of self {fana
D uring th e fa n a ’, according to S ufi doctrine, "a tran sfig u rin g occurs
w h ich gives one a n in te rm itte n t divine investiture, th u s consenting
forever to a dialogue of love b etw een God an d man," th a t is, between
"Thee a n d me" (M assignon, 1987:S.V. "Shath"). W h at th e n occurs is
th e "divinely inspired u tte ra n c e w hich th is su p e rn a tu ra l com m otion
e x tra c ts from th e subject" (ibid.). From Ibn T aym iyyah's p o in t of
view, it is easy to ju d g e th e sta te m e n ts them selves to b e heretical.
In fact, Sufis su c h as al-H allaj a n d ‘Ayn al-Q udat al-H am ad an i (d.
5 2 5 /1 1 3 1 ) actu ally realized th e n eed of th e ir own ex ecu tio n s.48 I
sh a ll p re se n t some of th e m a jo r ecstatic expressions to indicate the
d an g er th ey posed for the o rth o d o x com m unity.
A bu Yazid al-B istam i (d. 2 6 1 /8 7 5 ) is rep o rted to h av e said:
"My 'I a m ’ is not 'I am ,' b ec au se I am He, an d I am 'h e is He' (h u w a
h u w a )." Also a ttrib u ted to h im is th e statem en t: "...I sa w Him in
48This is reported by Ernst (1985:79). Nicholson (1975:132) records an

anecdote from Jalal al-Din al-Rumi's M a s n a v i in which he writes that Abu
Yazid al-Bistami, after being told o f what he said in an ecstatic state, ordered
his followers to stab him if ever he said such offences again. However, when
they obeyed his command and tried to stab him during his next ecstatic state,
the knife blows were deflected from him, and he remained unharmed.
151
every state, to s u c h a degree th a t it w as a s if I were He."49 Sim ilarly.
al-H allaj is q u o ted a s saying: "My s p irit mixes w ith Y our sp irit, in
n ea rn e ss a n d in distance, so th a t I am You, ju s t a s You are I" (Ernst,
1985:27). Finally, th e re is th e well know n sta te m e n t of al-H allaj,
w h ich is also a ttrib u te d to al-B istam i, "I am th e T ru th ” (ana-l-haqq)
(ibid:44). T h ese e x p re s s io n s c o n ta in a com plete d e n ia l of th e
orthodox belief in th e d istin c tio n b etw een C reato r a n d crea ted . In
essen c e, all t h a t is h eld a s n o rm a l o r p ro p er by th e o rth o d o x
theologians is tu rn e d in sid e o u t a n d u p sid e dow n by th e m ystical
S u fis .50 The m a in problem arisin g from these ecstatic ex p ressio n s
is th e h eretical co n te n t w h ich th ey co n tain as viewed b y th o se who
have n o t experienced th e s ta te of e c sta sy a n d in to x icatio n of th e
Sufis. The sh a ta h a t are alleged to be expressions of a sp iritu a l sta te
"in w hich th e sp e a k e r is God, testify in g to His ow n u n ity o n th e
tongue of His lover" (ibid:48). B u t in analyzing s u c h expressions, th e
elem en t of "intoxication" could n o t b e explained in a "sober" sta te:
th u s it b ecam e u n a v o id a b le " ...th a t a literal u n d e r s ta n d in g of
e c s ta tic ex p ressio n s w ould le ad to heresy..." (ibid:49). T h is w as
realized by la te r Sufis who w arn ed a g a in st u tterin g com m ents a b o u t
o n e ’s e x p e rie n c e s . A l-H u jw iri (d. 4 6 4 /1 0 7 1 ) w a rn e d th a t
"...expression only p ro d u ces a n u n re a l notion an d leads th e s tu d e n t
m ortally a s t r a y (ibid:50). ‘Ayn a l-Q u d a t explained th e problem as
49These two quotes are from Ernst (1985:26). Schimmel (1975:47-50)

discusses the impact o f al-Bistam rs s h a t a h a t . which she calls "theopathic
locutions," on the development o f Sufism.
50This is the view o f Rahman (1966:146).
152
"...th e lover a n d th e beloved are one In divine reality, b u t se p arate
o n th e level of d iscu rsiv e th o u g h t."51 T h ese la s t two sta te m e n ts
e x p re ss th e id ea th a t if th e experience is ineffable, th e n th e m ystic
s h o u ld re m a in silen t. T h ese ty p es o f w a rn in g s do n o t d en y th e
ex p erien ce, b u t c a u tio n th a t th e m o m e n t th e m ystic sp eak s, his
s ta te m e n ts e n te r into th e dom ain of s c ru tin y a n d investigation. In
o th e r w o rd s, w h a t h e claim s to be re a lity is o p en for o th e rs to
an a ly ze .52
Ib n T aym iyyah obviously felt co m p elled to in v estig ate th e
e c s ta tic e x p ressio n s w ith th e in te n tio n of sh o w in g th a t w h a t th e
m y stica l Sufis claim to be reality is in op p o sitio n to the Q u ra n and
th e S u n n a h . T h e h e re tic a l a s p e c t o f e c s ta tic ex p ressio n s, h e
c o n te n d s, is th e concept of th e elim ination of th e ego in a sta te in
w h ic h th e m y stic believes h e a tta in s to a self-id en tity w ith God.53
B a se d o n th e acceptance of th e creed of th e s a l a f th a t God in no way
in te rm ix e s w ith His creation, Ibn T aym iyyah h a s no choice b u t to
5 1 This quote is also from Ernst (1985:74). Schimmel (1975:64) refers to the
sin o f the mystic as being "a lover's greatest sin: to divulge the secret o f his
love."
5 2 This sentiment is also mentioned by the Anatolian Sufi, Jalal al-Din al-Rumi
(d. 672/1273), who is quoted as saying: "When you say, ’words are o f no
account,’ you negate your own assertion through your words. If words are o f no
account, why do we hear you say that words are o f no account? After all, you
are saying this in words." This quote is from Katz (1992:3), who summarizes
the problem o f mystical language in this way: "Mystics do not say what they
mean and do not mean what they say.”
5 3 M emon (1976:29-34) presents various comments o f Ibn Taymiyyah
concerning statements from al-Hallaj, Ibn SabTn (d. 669/1270-1) and al-
T ilim sant (d. 690/1291). I have summarized Ibn Taymiyyah's arguments in
th is paragraph.
153
condem n ecstatic ex p ressio n s as stem m ing from a false belief.54 He
th u s a s so c ia te s th e exaggerated claim s of som e S u fis w ith th e
co n cep t of th e m y stical a n n ih ila tio n of self. However, before he
en ters into h is d iscu ssio n of th e f a n a ’, h e m u st deal w ith two m ajor
is s u e s w h ic h h e believes a re critical for avoiding d ev iatio n in
religious experiences. O ne p o in t is th e p ro p er u n d e rsta n d in g of the
distin ctio n God m ak es betw een good an d evil, w hich Ibn Taym iyyah
rela tes to th e co n cep ts of p red estin atio n an d free will. T he o th e r
po in t is th e p ro p er u n d e rsta n d in g of th e role of love in relatio n to
w orship a n d obedience. B esides h is theological convictions a b o u t
th e n a tu re of God, h is arg u m en ts concerning th e se p o in ts are also
based on a m oral issue.
54In the I s tiq d m a h , Ibn Taymiyyah criticizes some specific statements that
oppose the well-known beliefs o f the Ahl al-Sunnah. One o f these statements
concerns the testimony o f faith (s h a h d d a h 1. It focuses on Ibn Taymiyyah's
belief that both testimonies must be uttered in order for someone to become a
Muslim. The criticism stems from a claim by al-Oushayrf that al-Shibli (d.
334/944-5), after saying the call to pray, said: "If only You had ordered me not
to mention another with You" (v.2, p. 15). (See also Schimmel, 1975:79.) The
obvious implication is that the statement "Muhammad is the Messenger o f God"
in the testimony o f faith somehow detracts from the concept o f God's oneness.
Ibn Taymiyyah rejects this on the basis that testifying only to "there is no
deity but God" does not make one a Muslim because rejecting Muhammad as
Messenger is a rejection o f God's revelation and sh a rVah (v.2, p.20). Ibn
Taymiyyah also refutes a claim o f al-Oushavri that Abu Sulayman al-Darani
said that contentment (r i d d ) is not to ask God for paradise and not to seek
refuge with Him from the hellfire (v.2, p.65). According to Ibn Taymiyyah, the
righteous Sufi sheikhs agreed with the s a la f concerning contentment, which
means to accept the calamities o f this life with patience (v.2, pp.65-95). To
prove that seeking paradise is part o f the religion, he presents evidence from
the Quran and the Sunnah for the reality o f the beatific vision in the hereafter
(v.2, pp.96-100). A final point he makes on this topic is that God loves and is
loved based on what He revealed in the Quran and the Sunnah o f Muhammad.
Those whom He loves are described in many verses and hadiths as to their
beliefs, statements and actions (v.2, pp. 100-104).
154
Ib n T aym iyyah o b je c ts to th e co n cep t of m y stic a l u n io n
b e c a u se th e Sufi falls into u n b elief by ab andoning God's Law while
b ein g so absorbed in th e th o u g h t of th e beloved th a t he lo ses his
c o n sc io u sn e ss.55 The loss of co n scio u sn ess m eans th a t th e lover no
longer know s how to ap p ro ac h th e beloved. For Ibn Taym iyyah. this
m e a n s th e Sufi no longer know s how to follow th e S u n n a h .56 This
a c t o f disbelief, according to Ib n Taymiyyah, is in d icated by Sufis
who reject the au th o rity of th e Q u ra n an d th e S u n n ah , th in k in g th a t
th e re is som e g re a te r t r u t h o r reality th a n th e s e two revealed
so u rces. This false assu m p tio n , say s Ibn Taymiyyah, is th e b asis on
w hich Sufis su ch as Abu Ya‘q u b al-M aghribl said: "Being is One, and
th a t is God. I d o n 't see th e O ne, I d o n 't see God;" an d "the Koran
a n d S u n n a speak ab o u t D uality of Being, while Being is One, w ithout
dualism " (Memon, 1976:33). Also, al-Tilim sanl (d. 6 9 0 /1 2 9 1 ) said:
"The K oran, all of it, is p o ly th eism fs h irk), w ith no elem en t of
m o n o th e is m (a t- T a u h id ) w h atso ev er; a t- T a u h id is b u t in our
u tte ra n c e s ...T h e K oran, a t b e s t, le a d s to P a ra d ise , b u t o u r
u tte ra n c e s to God Himself."57 S u c h sta tem en ts in d icate th a t tru th ,
550 n the issue o f moral decay in a l - ‘U b d d iyya h , see below Chapter 5, section 9.
560 n the issue o f losing consciousness in a l-'U b d d iy y a h , see below, Chapter 8,
section 3. In his al-Sufiyyah w a -l-F u q a ra ’ (p.14), Ibn Taymiyyah mentions
that som e famous scholars fainted from hearing the recitation o f the Quran. For
example, he relates a story from Ahmad b. Hanbal that a certain Yahya ibn
Sa‘id fainted upon hearing a recitation o f the Quran. But Ahmad noted that
Yahya was a most reasonable man and if anyone was able to resist fainting, it
would be he. The point Ibn Taymiyyah is emphasizing is that a Muslim must
resist losing consciousness.
57This quote is from Memon (1976:33). See also Nicholson (1975:93). Based on
such statements, Ibn Taymiyyah directs his most vicious attacks against the
Sufis who continually expressed these views in a sober state o f mind. He did
not consider them to be ecstatic expressions, rather, they were carefully
155
o r som e a s p e c t of it, lies o u tsid e o r b ey o n d th e Q u ra n and th e
S u n n a h . From h is view of th e all-e n co m p a ssin g n a tu re of God's
revelation, it is e a sy to u n d e rsta n d Ib n T aym iyyah's o u trag e over
th e se types of claim s.
Ib n T ay m iy y ah c o n tin u e s w ith h is m o ra l a rg u m e n ts by
in sistin g on th e n ec essary distinction betw een good a n d evil and on
th e n ecessity of rep en tan ce for ac ts of d isobedience.58 His position
co n cern in g good a n d evil revolves a ro u n d th e fa c t th a t God h a s
m ad e a clear d istin ctio n betw een good a n d evil d eed s a n d betw een
th o se who obey Him a n d those who disobey Him. T his distinction is
p e rm a n e n t a n d c a n n o t be breach ed b y th e a tta in m e n t of sp iritual
sta te s . This is th e c ru x of his m oral a rg u m e n t w h ich h e u s e s as a
form of "reductio a d ab su rd u m "59 to sh o w th a t a n y th in g o th er th a n
th e belief in th e d istin ctio n betw een th e C re a to r a n d th e created
le a d s to a d en ial of th e clear s ta te m e n ts of th e Q u ra n an d the
S u n n a h , an d th u s to m oral decay. As Ib n Taym iyyah po in ts o u t in al-
thought out beliefs. According to Ibn Taymiyyah, Sufis such as Ibn Sab‘in, al-
Sadr al-Rumx al-Qunawx (d. 672/1273-4), al-Balyanx (d. 686/1287) and al-
Tilimsanx are the worst offenders o f the orthodox beliefs. Ibn ‘Arab? (d.
638/1240-1) is associated with the others as denying the distinction between
the Creator and the created but is placed by Ibn Taymiyyah in a rank closer to
the beliefs o f Islam because he maintained the need to follow the Quran and the
Sunnah. See Risdlah ild Nasr al-Manbiji, pp.469-474.
5 8 Ibn Taymiyyah's lengthy discussion o f the distinction between good and evil
deeds appears in the I s t iq d m a h , v.2., pp. 168-198. This is followed by his
discussion o f the need for commanding good and forbidding evil, I stiq dm a h , v.2,
pp. 198-311. A similar but less detailed discussion o f these two topics appears
in al-'Ub& diyyah', see below. Chapter 5, sections 8-11. In this paragraph, I
shall present Ibn Taymiyyah's major concerns on this topic in relation to his
definition o f proper worship.
5 9 BeIl (1979:64) uses this expression to explain Ibn Taymiyyah's arguments
in support o f a "moral purpose o f creation."
156
‘U b u d iy y a h ,60 it is th e p o ly th e ists a n d innovators w h o a tte m p t to
evade G od's com m ands a n d o b scu re w h at He h a s d efin ed a s good or
evil. T h u s th e d is tin c tio n b e tw e e n good a n d evil, sa y s Ibn
Taym iyyah, also in d icates th e im portance of co m m an d in g good and
forbidding evil. In reference to th is topic, Ibn T aym iyyah begins a
lengthy d isc u ssio n on co m m an d in g good an d fo rb id d in g evil in the
Istiq a m a h (v.2, pp.216-311). His em phasis on th is to p ic is a direct
reflection of h is polem ics a g a in s t th e antinom ian Sufi g ro u p s which
w ere in ex isten ce in th e 7 t h /1 3 t h a n d 8 th /1 4 th c e n tu rie s . These
extrem e a n tin o m ia n te n d e n c ie s in Sufism w ere Ib n T aym iyyah's
"p ro o f co n cern in g th e d a n g e rs re su ltin g from d ev iatio n s in creed
a n d practice.
E ven a s h o r t review o f th e h isto ry of th e a n tin o m ia n Sufi
groups prio r to a n d d u rin g th e tim e of Ibn Taym iyyah is n o t feasible
w ithin th e scope of th is d issertatio n . However, I feel it is n ecessary
to identify som e o f th e m ajo r g ro u p s w hich m o st clearly rep rese n t
an tin o m ian ism a n d w ith w h ich Ib n Taymiyyah h ad d ire c t co ntact.61
It is th e s e a n tin o m ia n g ro u p s w ho are th e liv in g ex am ple of
ev ery th in g th a t th e H a n b a ll th eo lo g ian sees w ro n g in m ystical
Sufism.
Ibn T aym iyyah w as involved in co n fro n tatio n s w ith fanatical
g ro u p s w h ich p ractice d extrem e form s of u n co n v e n tio n a l behavior
60See below, Chapter 5, sections 12-14.

61For a history o f the antinomian Sufi groups, see Karamustafa (1994), G o d 's
Unruly Friends: Dervish groups in the Islamic Later Middle Period, 1200-
1 5 5 0 , Salt Lake City: University o f Utah Press. Ibn Taymiyyah discusses
antinomianism in a l- ' U b d d i y y a h , see below Chapter 5, sections 7-9.
157
ranging from a com plete disregard for Islam ic Law to body piercing,
fire w alking a n d o th e r sim ilar practices. The R ifa 'iy y a h in p a rtic u la r
w ere fa m o u s fo r th e s e la tte r p ra c tic e s (B osw orth, 1995:S.V .
"Rifa'iyya"). M em on (1976:57-66) details som e o f th e actio n s Ibn
Taymiyyah took a g a in s t th em a n d explains th a t h e w as incensed by
th e ir claim s to b e ab le to perform m iracles b e c a u s e of th e ir
overwhelm ing love for a n d closeness to God. Two o th e r Sufi groups
th a t engaged in u n co n v en tio n al behavior were th e Q a la n d a riy y a h
an d th e M a la m a tiy y a h .62 T he prem iss of th e ir beliefs is th a t in
order to focus all th e ir a tte n tio n on God th e y m u s t in ten tio n ally
d raw p u b lic c e n s u re on th em selv es. T hey ac co m p lish th is by
ren o u n cin g ev erything in th is world, including th e Law an d social
norm s, w h ich allow s th e m to fulfill w h at th ey believe is th e tru e
m eaning of w o rsh ip p in g only God. A lthough th e se two groups have
com m on origins in th e th ir d /n in th century, an d a t tim es have been
viewed a s in d istin g u ish a b le from each other, th e ir ap p ro ac h es to
re n u n c ia tio n a re different. T he Q a la n d a r iy y a h seek to deviate
publicly from th e Law by th e nonperform ance of religious ritu a ls
and th e p e rfo rm a n c e of w e ll-k n o w n p r o h ib itio n s . The
M ala m a tiyya h , on th e o th er h a n d , perform ed th e obligations of the
Law in o rd er to h id e th e ir tru e sp iritu al sta te . B u t they w ould a t
tim es in ten tio n ally com m it blam ew orthy acts so th a t people w ould
62See Yazici (1978:S.V. "Kalandariyya"). and de Jong and Algar (1991:S.V.

"Malamatiyya"). For a more detailed discussion o f these groups, see also
Martin (1984:258-283). Memon (1976:57-60) also mentions some o f Ibn
Taymiyyah's confrontations with the Q a la n d a riyya h .
158
c e n su re th e m and s h u n th e m .63 F o r Ib n T aym iyyah, th e s e
deviations ste m not only from c o rru p t beliefs b u t from m isguided
love.
T h erefo re, Ibn T aym iyyah in c o rp o ra te s h is th e o ry of th e
rela tio n sh ip betw een th e love for G od a n d G od's on en ess (ta w hid)
in to h is m o ra l an d th eo lo g ical a rg u m e n ts for th e d istin c tio n
betw een God an d creation, an d b etw een good an d evil. T his theory
in c lu d es th e id ea th a t th e love for God m u s t evoke a desire in th e
w o rsh ip p er to follow th e P rophet. As evidence for th is he refers to
th e verse of the Q uran: "Say: If you love (tuhibbun) Allah th e n follow
m e, A llah will love you (y u h b ib k u m ) a n d forgive you y o u r sins" (A1
‘Im ran 3:31). Ibn Taymiyyah explains th a t th e m eaning of th is verse
is th a t God h a s m ade th e love of th e w orshiper for Him a ca u se for
follow ing th e Prophet, w hich in t u r n b rin g s God’s love to His
w o rs h ip e r.64 As for th e connection b etw een a w orshipper's love for
God a n d th e concept of ta w h id , Ib n Taym iyyah contends th a t th is
love o c c u rs betw een two se p a ra te b ein g s w ith no p o ssib ility of
e x isten tial or ontological u n io n b etw een them . He believes th is is
confirm ed by th e opening S u ra of th e Q u ra n . A ccording to a n
a u th e n tic h a d ith , God h a s divided S u ra al-F atih ah into two p a rts.
T he first p a r t is the p raises of th e w o rsh ip er for his Lord an d th e
63These intentional acts o f disobedience are defended by the supporters o f the

M a ld m a t i form o f Sufism. Al-Hujwiri (d. 464/1071) traces the belief o f drawing
blame on oneself back to the Prophet, who takes on the role o f the "proto-type
o f the malamati” (Martin, 1984:258). For the exact quote in al-Hujwiri, see
N icholson (1976:62).
64For the use o f this verse in al-Istiq& m ah, see v .l, pp.261, 265. Ibn
Taymiyyah makes the same point in his Risdlah ild Nasr al-Manbiji, p.453.
159
seco n d p a r t is th e seeking of guidance by th e w o rsh ip er.65 B ased on
th is, Ibn Taym iyyah arg u es th a t all activities of a w orshiper, s u c h as
obedience, hum ility, love a n d hope, m u s t be d irected to God. For
th is reaso n , h e sa y s, a believer w orships God a n d seek s aid from
Him b y co n tin u ally say in g "It is You alone we w o rsh ip a n d from You
alone we se ek help" (al-F atih ah 1:4). Ibn T aym iyyah’s arg u m e n t is
th a t th e love w h ich th e Q u ra n and th e S u n n a h evoke distin g uishes
itse lf from th e love stem m in g from polytheism . T h u s he concludes
th a t th e re is a "polytheistic" love, in w hich th e id en tity of th e lovers
u n ite, w h ich is rela ted to polytheism in th e m a tte r of belief. S uch
beliefs com prom ise taw hid..66 He elab o rates th is p o in t th ro u g h his
d iscu ssio n of in tim ate love fkhullah).
Ibn T aym iyyah sees th e fulfillm ent of w o rsh ip a n d love in the
realization th a t God, in His essence, m u st be th e focus of one's love.
The p ro cess of loving God is a m ovem ent th a t p arallels th e process
of w orshiping God alon e a n d w ithout asso ciatin g p a rtn e rs w ith Him.
He ex p lain s th is a s a p ro cess of m oving from a n u n q u alified love
(m a h a b b a h m utlaqah) to a n exclusive, in tim ate love fk h u lla h I. Ibn
Taym iyyah d escrib es th is intim ate love in a l-'U b u d iy ya h : "Intim acy
fk h u lla h ) is th e perfection of the love (m a h a b b a h ) req u ired from a
w o rsh ip er a n d th e p erfectio n of w orship for A llah; a n d from the
Lord, glorified b e He, it is th e p erfection of lo rd sh ip tow ard His
w o rsh ip ers w hom He loves an d who love H im .... T h is h ig h e st level
65See his Risdlah ild N asr al-Manbiji, p.455. For the hadith, see Ibn Kaifr
(1 4 0 2 /1 9 8 1 :v .l, p .15).
66Risdlah ild Nasr al-Manbiji, p.456.
160
of perfection o ccu rred to A b ra h am a n d Mu h am m ad, th e b le ssin g
a n d peace of Allah be u p o n th em . F or th is reason, he (M uham m ad)
did n o t have a n in tim ate frien d from th e people of th e earth , for
in tim a c y ca n n o t b e a r p a rtn e rsh ip ...." 67 Ib n Taym iyyah's conclusion
is th a t for a M uslim love, w o rsh ip , a n d ta w h id form a n organic
w hole, w hatever o ccu rs to o n e will n ec essarily affect th e o th e rs.
T h u s th e realizatio n of fa ith relies on th e exclusive n a tu re o f a
M uslim 's love a n d w orship for th e one deity. Ibn Taym iyyah arg u es
th a t intim acy is exclusive a n d does n o t allow for a sh a re to be given
to a n o th e r beloved. Intim acy is a specific asp ect of love, for it is a
c o m p lete or p e rfe c t love. T h e lo v er w o u ld be p e rm e a te d b y
in tim acy to th e p o in t th a t w h a t h e loves w ould be loved for itself
a n d n o t for an y o th e r th in g . T h u s th e P ro p h et loved (a h a b b ) o th e r
people b u t khullah w as m e a n t for God. In th is way, th e intim acy for
God m u s t be for His essen ce a n d n o t for anything else. T hus, for a
w orshiper, love m u s t be for G od a n d for His sake. Ibn Taym iyyah
stre s s e s th is p o in t in no u n c e rta in te rm s. In order to w orship God
one m u s t love Him, for love a n d w orship are necessarily connected,
a n d intim acy is th e perfection of th is process.
T his link betw een love, w o rsh ip a n d ta w h id is also reflected
in th e language of su p p licatio n s.68 A ccording to Ibn Taymiyyah, th e
6 7 For the full discussion on intimate love, see below, Chapter 7, sections 4-5.
68The wording o f supplications is a very important issue for Ibn Taymiyyah.
The prayers that are in the Quran or that were taught by the Prophet indicate
for him the correct relationship between God and a worshipper. In a l-
‘U b d d iy y a h , Chapter 8, sections 6-7, he presents some linguistic arguments for
the distinction between the Creator and the creation. See also Risdlah ild Nasr
a l-M a n b iji, p.456.
161
sharV ah cam e to estab lish the proper guidelines for w orship an d th e
p ro p e r co n c ep ts of ta w h id . The P rophet ta u g h t th e believers to
rem em ber God w ith s u c h statem en ts as "Allah is great," "Glory b e to
Allah" an d "All p raise is for Allah." Likewise, he ta u g h t th e believers
to supplicate Him w ith statem en ts su ch as "O Lord, I have w ronged
myself, forgive me." T hese statem ents, according to Ibn Taymiyyah,
a re based on th e d istin ctio n betw een th e C reato r a n d His creation.
If a M uslim ’s c o n c ep t of love a n d ta w h id d o es aw ay w ith th is
d istin ctio n , th e n h e is being led astray . T his is th e b a sis of Ibn
Taym iyyah's criticism of those who claim th a t th e ir love for God h a s
d o n e away w ith all distinctions. For him , th is is a m isguided love
w h ich sta n d s in opposition to th e perfection of love.
In th e R isa la t al-'U budiyyah, Ibn Taym iyyah explains w h a t h e
se e s as th e erro n eo u s sta tem en ts concerning love in th e following
way: ”[S]ome sh e ik h s sa y th a t 'love is a fire th a t b u m s everything in
a h e a rt except a desire for the beloved.' They m e a n th a t Allah wills
th e existence of th e whole universe, and th u s th e y im agine th a t th e
p erfectio n of love is th a t a w o rsh ip p er s h o u ld love ev ery thing
including disbelief, depravity, an d rebellion. B u t it is im possible for
som eone to love everything th a t exists. O n th e co n trary , a p erso n
lov es w h a t s u its h im a n d b en e fits h im a n d h a te s w h a t is
in co m p atib le to him a n d h arm s him . However, from th is e rro r
[dalat\ they ta k e ad v an tag e of following th eir p a s sio n s [a h w a ’), for
th e y love w h a t th e y desire, s u c h a s im ages, le ad ersh ip , excess
w ealth an d m isleading innovations. All the while, th e y m ain tain th a t
th e se are p a rt of love of Allah, b u t love of Allah in clu d es the h atre d
162
o f w h a t He a n d H is M essenger h a te and th e striving of His people
w ith soul a n d w ealth."69
Ibn Taym iyyah asso ciates erro n eo u s n o tio n s a b o u t love w ith
th e m ystical Sufis who see only G od's creative will a n d neglect His
religious d ecrees. The co n fu sio n of th e m y stics, h e co n ten d s, is
th a t they fail to app reh en d a distinction betw een God’s will an d the
th in g willed. T hey see th e ex isten ce of th e u n iv erse as being th e
sa m e as th e ex isten ce of God. B u t for Ib n T aym iyyah, only by
following th e legislation of God a s p ertain in g to b o th p ractices and
beliefs could one tru ly be co n sid ered a lover a n d w o rsh ip p er of
Him. Ibn Taym iyyah explains th a t God clearly m akes a distinction
betw een good a n d evil a n d b etw een obedience a n d disobedience
a n d th a t th e believer m u s t likew ise m ain tain th is distinction.70
The loss of consciousness, th e ecstatic expressions th a t resu lt
from it, a n d erro n eo u s id eas a b o u t love a re , for ib n Taym iyyah,
directly related to the experience of the J a n a ’ o r an n ih ilatio n of self.
T he m ystical f a n a ’ "culm inates in th e belief th a t contem plation of
G od's p u re essen ce, s trip p e d of all a ttrib u te s , c o n s titu te s th e
h ig h e st degree of w itnessing [sh u h u d )" (Memon, 1976:33). For al-
Hallaj (d. 3 1 0 /9 2 2 ), the Sufi goal is the f a n a ’ of h u m a n ity (n a su t)
into th e divinity (lahut). He sees th e reality of th e World of Being in
69This quote is from al-'U b& diyyah , see below, Chapter 7, section 8.
7 0 Ibn Taymiyyah deals extensively with the issue o f love in al-'U b& d iyyah ,
and so the details o f this topic are presented in the translation. The relevant
sections on love are in Chapter 5, section 13, Chapter 6, sections 5-7, and
Chapter 7, sections 4-9.
163
te rm s of "two different n a tu re s , one of w hich a s p ire s to a tta in th e
other" (Memon, 1976:28).
In b o th th e I s tiq a m a h an d a l- ‘U b u d iy y a h , Ib n T aym iyyah
d isc u sse s th e issu e of a n n ih ila tio n by p resen tin g h is explanation of
th re e ty p e s of f a n a ’. He d escrib es th em in te rm s of a praisew orthy
type, a defective type, a n d a co n d e m n ab le ty p e .71 W ith th is
co n cep tio n of th e f a n a ’, Ib n T aym iyyah su b tly diverges from th e
tra d itio n a l m a n n e r of d e sc rib in g th e f a n a ’ in S ufi literatu re. T his
provides u s w ith a good exam ple of how Ibn Taym iyyah attem p ts to
red efin e S ufi term in o lo g y in lin e w ith h is s a la f i beliefs. A b rie f
review of th e sta n d a rd S u fi d isc u ssio n s on th e f a n a ’ will help to
hig h lig h t Ibn Taym iyyah's reform ulations.
Q u s h a y r f d escrib es th e f a n a ’ a s a p ro g ressiv e th re e -sta g e
d ev elo p m en t tow ard w h a t h e se es a s a m ore p ro fo u n d s p iritu a l
e x p e rie n c e .72 T he co n c e p t of th ree sta g es of developm ent w ith in
th e sta tio n s (m aqam at) of th e Sufis is a com m on en ough them e th a t
o c c u rs th ro u g h o u t th e lite r a tu r e on S u fism . T h is m o st likely
ex p lain s Ib n T aym iyyah's a d o p tio n of th re e ty p e s of f a n a ’, even
th o u g h h e a lte rs th e s c h e m a tiz a tio n of th e ex p erien ce. T h u s
Q u s h a v r i. following tr a d itio n a l Sufi co n c ep ts, ta lk s a b o u t th e
71In a l- ' U b d d i y y a h , Ibn Taymiyyah discusses the three types o f f a n d ’ in

Chapter 8, sections 1-4. His discussion on this topic in the Istiq&mah is in
vol.2, pp. 142-148. The only other similar descriptions o f the three types o f
f a n d ’ that I know o f appear in his Ibtdl Wahdati-l-W ujdd (1976:82-84) and his
R is d la t al-Tadm uriyyah (1 3 8 7 /1967-8:69-70). Ibn Taym iyyah apparently
maintained this belief in three types o f fa n d ' throughout his life, for he makes
reference to them in one o f the last books he wrote before died; see a l-F u rq d n
b a yn a -l-H aq q w a-l-B dtil (1403/1983:218).
7 2 See Q uskayn (1 3 82/1962:61-63), and Gramlich (1989:121-123).
164
a n n ih ila tio n o f th e b la m ew o rth y s e lf a n d a ttr ib u te s o f th e
w o rsh ip p er b y h is su b sistin g in th e a ttrib u te s of th e tru th , i.e. in
th e universal, etern ally tru e attrib u tes of God. He th e n m entions th e
an n ih ilatio n o f th e a ttrib u te s of th e tr u th by w itn essin g th e tru th ,
i.e . th e e s s e n tia l o n e n e ss of God. F inally, h e refers to th e
a n n ih ila tio n of th e w itn essin g of th e a n n ih ila tio n by p e rish in g
(istihlak) in th e existence (wujud) of th e tru th , i.e. a union w ith God.
A n o th er v a ria tio n of th is th ree -stag e h ie ra rc h y is th a t o f al-
H araw i (d. 4 8 1 /1 0 8 9 ). Al-Harawi is im p o rta n t b ecau se th is fellow
H anbali h a d s u c h a clear influence on b o th Ibn Taym iyyah a n d Ibn
al-Q ay y im , a lth o u g h th e y d id not accept h is s ta te m e n ts
u n c o n d itio n a lly .73 In h is M anazil al-Sa’irin, al-H araw i d isc u sse s th e
th re e stages o f th e f a n a ’. He refers to th e first stage as "the f a n a ’ of
cognition in th e th in g cognized." i.e. a n an n ih ilatio n of a su b je c t in
a n object. T h e se co n d stag e is "the f a n a ’ of th e w itn e ssin g of
se e k in g b e c a u s e th e th in g th o u g h t is elim in a ted ," i.e. th e
an n ih ila tio n of th e object. His th ird stag e is also "the f a n a ’ of th e
f a n a ’." A lthough al-H araw i does n o t indicate th a t th e th ird sta g e is
eq u a te d w ith a n a n n ih ila tio n of ex isten ce in to th e one divine
existence, Ib n al-Q ayyim no n eth eless rejects th is stage as a n erro r
in al-H araw i's explanation of the f a n a ’. He sta te s th a t this u se of the
f a n a ’ is a sso cia ted w ith th e people of u n io n w ith th e divine (a h l al-
7 3 ‘Abd-Allah al-Ansarf al-Harawi wrote the Mandzil a l-S d ’irtn (1962); for the
section on the f a n d ’ , see the Arabic text, p. 104, and the French translation,
p. 129. This work forms the basis of Ibn al-Qayyim’s M addrij al-Sdlikin (no
date, 3 vols.) in which he also quotes extensively from Ibn Taymiyyah. His
commentary on al-Harawi's discussion o f the f a n d ’ is found in v.3, pp.385-400.
165
ittihad). It ste m s from th e ir m isin terp retatio n of th e fa n a .’, w hich,
h e says, is m erely th e a n n ih ila tio n of a th in g in a w o rsh ip p er's
in te lle ctu a l a n d m e n tal "existence." The a h l al-ittihad, how ever,
in te rp re t it a s a n a n n ih ila tio n of a w o rsh ip p er's existence in th e
existence of God. This th ird stag e of the Sufi c o n c ep t of th e f a n a ’
th u s becom es a point of d e p a rtu re for Ib n T aym iyyah an d Ibn al-
Q ayyim . T h is reje ctio n of th e tra d itio n a l S u fi c o n c ep tio n of
an n ih ila tio n is reflected in Ibn Taym iyyah’s refo rm u latio n of th e
experience of th e fa n a ’.
In stead of th ree progressive stages ending in th e f a n a ’ of th e
f a n a ’, or th e istihlak, Ib n Taym iyyah categorizes th e experience of
an n ih ila tio n according to h is own notion of p erfect w orship. The
p r a is e w o rth y f a n a ’ b ec o m es for him t h a t o f th e p ro p h e ts,
m essen g ers a n d sa in ts. It is a n an n ih ilatio n of th e will for o th er
th a n God, n o t a n an n ih ilatio n of it in an ab so lu te sen se.74 The one
w ho a tta in s to th is level h a s b ro u g h t h im s e lf into co m plete
co n fo rm ity w ith G od’s w ill w hile re m a in in g c o n sc io u s and
m a in ta in in g a d isc e rn m e n t b etw een God a n d H is creation, i.e. a
74Ibn Taymiyyah's description o f the f a n d ’ is more closely related to that o f

K alahari, who also refers to three stages o f the f a n a ’, for Kalabadi does not talk
about a f a n d ’ of the f a n d ’ , or about the f a n d ’ of existence, as is indicated by
Qushayrf's reference to istih ld k . See Kalaba&i (1389/1969:147-157), and
Arberry's translation (1977:120-132). Thus when Ibn Taymiyyah speaks o f the
"annihilation o f the will for other than God," he is reflecting Kalabadi's
thinking on this topic. Kalahari's first stage is "a state in which all passions
pass away." He then mentions a f a n d ’ from "the very consciousness o f discord
(with God)." (The quotes are taken from Arberry.) Kalahari's annihilation o f
"passions" and "discord" is Ibn Taymiyyah's annihilation o f "the will for other
than God."
166
discern m en t, b u t n o t a desire, for o th e r th a n God.75 T he defective
type of fa n a ’ falls s h o rt of th e perfection of the first type, b u t is still
s u ita b le for th e rig h te o u s. At th is level, th e se ek er lo se s his
w itn essin g fsh u h u d \ for o th er th a n God, i.e. h is aw areness of God's
creation, by co n cen tratin g only on G od. As Ibn Taym iyyah explains
in a l-’U b u d iyya h , th is is a sta te sim ila r to th a t of M oses’ m other
w h e n sh e b ecam e devoid ffariah) o f all th o u g h ts ex cep t for h er
s o n .76 The danger of th e defective f a n a ’ is th a t a seeker of th e tru th
c a n becom e confused by h is experiences, believing th a t h is loss of
w itn essin g for o th e r th a n God b rin g s him into a selfsam e identity
w ith God. This lead s to th e condem nable fa n a ', w hich is th e level of
th o se who follow P h arao h , th a t is, th e y believe them selves to be a
g o d . 77 At th is level, th e se ek er is co m p letely m isled b y h is
experiences an d believes th a t God in His essen ce an d ex istence is
th e only existence, th e seek er being in clu d ed in it. The m ultiplicity
of p articu lars are m erely a n extension of God's being, w ith no reality
o u tsid e God's existence. For Ibn Taym iyyah, "this is the f a n a ’ of the
7 5 Ibn Taymiyyah’s b elief in attaining to "complete conformity with God's will"

is comparable to K a la h a r i's last stage o f the f a n d ’, which is described as "being
absent from human qualities in (undertaking) the fearful burden o f the divine
qualities." As part o f his own particular notion o f f a n d ’ , Ibn Taymiyyah seems
to include Kalahari's three stages in his first stage, although I have not read
anything to indicate that he did this intentionally. In fact, Ibn Taymiyyah is
less concerned with what constitutes the praiseworthy fa n d ’ per se than with
what leads to the blameworthy type.
76 See below Chapter 8, section 2.
7 7 On the role o f Pharaoh as leader o f those who believe they are part o f the
godhead, see below, Chapter 6, section 11.
167
unb eliev ers, for it m ak es th e existence o f th in g s to be th e selfsam e
ex isten ce as th e T rue One."78
In co m parison w ith th e trad itio n al Sufi d escrip tio n s of f a n a ’,
th e p u rp o se of Ib n Taym iyyah's reform ulation is clear. H e is seeking
to d iscred it th e role of falling u n co n scio u s d uring th e f a n a ’, w hich
h e s e e s as th e o u tw ard m a n ife sta tio n o f th e p u rp o rte d m ystical
u n io n w ith God, b y em phasizing the so b e r qualities of w o rship as
dep icted in H a n b a li pietism . In line w ith th e teachings o f al-Ju n ay d ,
w hom Ibn Taym iyyah resp e cts as a n "orthodox" Sufi, so b rie ty m u st
w in o u t o ver in to x ic a tio n .79 T h u s th e firs t stag e o f th e Sufi
experience, w h ich typically refers to th e a n n ih ila tio n o f p a ssio n s
a n d desires, is elevated by Ibn Taymiyyah to a com plete an n ih ilatio n
of a w o rsh ip p er’s will for o th e r th a n w h a t God wills. It is a sta te of
co n scio u sn ess a n d to tal subm ission. T he second stage d escrib ed by
th e S ufis rela tes to eith er a n an n ih ilatio n of w itnessing o r a loss of
co n sc io u sn e ss co n cern in g o n e’s a ttrib u te s . It is a t th is sta g e th a t
Ib n T aym iyyah w a rn s a b o u t th e d a n g e rs of th e a n n ih ila tio n of
w itn e ss in g [ s h u h u d ), w hich is for him a less perfect s ta te w hich
co u ld lead to a p e rm a n en tly w eakened in tellect an d d isc ern m en t.
78This quote is from a l-I s tiq d m a h , v.2, p.142: hicwa fana'u-l-k&firin w a huwa
j a ‘l w uiudi-l-ashvd’ huwa ‘ayn wujudi-l-haqq.
79The sobriety and orthodoxy o f al-Junayd is the picture commonly portrayed
in the accounts o f him, and Ibn Taymiyyah accepts this view. However, David L.
Martin (1984) challenges this view; see his al-Fana' and al-Baqa' in the work of
Abu al-Qasim al-Junayd al-Baghdadi (unpublished Ph.D. dissertation.
University o f California). On p.2 he writes: "Nonetheless, the 'safe' orthodoxy
o f al-Junayd is perhaps more attributable to ignorance o f al-Junayd's
comprehensive theosophy than to his actual 'orthodoxy,' which we shall see is,
at base, heterodox." Nonetheless, it is also important to note that al-Junayd
held to the belief in three levels o f f a n d ’; see Martin (1984:48-49).
168
T his co n d itio n p rep ares th e w ay for a w o rsh ip p er to fall into th e
d ecep tio n s asso ciated w ith th e th ird stage of f a n a ’. T h u s w h a t is
p raised b y th e m ystical Sufis as istihlak, or th e f a n a ’ of the f a n a ’, is
for Ibn Taym iyyah nothing m ore th a n a m eans o f su ccu m b in g to the
falsities o f th e notion of a n u n io n w ith th e d iv in e (ittih a d ). The
im p o r ta n c e w h ich Ib n T ay m iy y ah p la c e s on th e ro le of
co n sc io u sn e ss in w orship cu lm in ates in h is th e o ry concerning the
Sufi te rm b a q a ’ (subsistence).80
A lthough Ibn Taymiyyah does n o t m ention th e Sufi term ba q a ’
in a l - ‘U b u d iy y a h , h e does have a sh o rt d is c u s s io n of th e Sufi
co n c ep ts of fa r q a n d j a m ’, w hich are directly re la te d to th e f a n a ’
a n d th e b a q a ’.sl Also, h is theory of b a q a ’ can be derived from one of
h is la te r w o rk s and from sta te m e n ts m ade by h is stu d e n t, Ibn al-
Qayyim, on th is topic. In Sufi d escriptions, th e j a m ‘ is asso ciated
w ith th e f a n a ’, and th e fa r q w ith th e b a q a ’. As th e Sufi p erish es
from him self, he concentrates on th e Divine Reality. Likewise, as he
se p a ra te s from th is experience, h e su b sists, a lb e it tran sfo rm ed, in
8 0 In the texts o f Oushavri. Kalahari and Harawf, baqa.’ is discussed either in

the same chapter o f f a n d ’ or in the chapter immediately follow ing it. The term
itself is directly related to the f a n d ’ and has been described as a
’’...’persistence’ or 'subsistence' in God..." after the f a n d ’ (Schimmel,
1975:143). Martin (1984:passim) also uses "subsistence" for b a q d ’ . Nicholson
(1975:61) defines it as "continuance" or "abiding."
81For the descriptions o f f a r q and j a m ’, see Oushavri (1 3 8 2 /1 9 6 2 :2 0 8 -2 1 0 ),
Gramlich (1989:121-125), K alahari (1389/1969:57-58), Arberry (1977:114-
117), Harawi (1966:Arabic 109, French 135). F arq is translated as "Trennung”
by Gramlich, as "separation" by Arberry, and as "dispersion" by de
Beaurecueil, who is translating Harawi*s use o f tafriqah instead o f f a r q . J a m a '
is translated as "Vereinigung," "concentration," and "concentration,"
r e s p e c tiv e ly .
169
h is form er s ta te .82 For Ibn T aym iyyah, a s is to be ex p ected, the
need to m a in ta in a know ledge of th e d istin ctio n b etw een C reator
a n d c re a te d form the b a s is for h is id e a s of s u b s is te n c e . The
assu m p tio n draw n from h is d isc u ssio n s is th a t the f a n a ’ a n d the
b a q a ’ o c c u r sim u ltan eo u sly , w h ich is a n o th e r reflectio n of al-
Ju n a y d 's th eo ry (Martin, 1984:145-157). Ibn Taymiyyah s ta te s in al-
Furqan bayna-l-H aqq w a -l-B a til (p.218) th a t th e c o rre c t f a n a ’ is
co n jo in ed w ith th e b a q a ’. T h is ta k e s p lace w ith in w h a t he
u n d e rs ta n d s as th e fulfillm ent of th e testim o n y of faith . It is the
realization of th e sh a h a d a h , of th e belief th a t there is no deity b u t
God. This p o in t is confirmed by th e w ay Ibn Taym iyyah concludes
h is d iscu ssio n of correct w itn essin g in al-’U budiyyah. He sta te s th a t
it is th e n eg atio n in the h e a r t for th e divinity of everything other
th a n God an d , sim ultaneously, th e confirm ation in the h e a rt for the
divinity of th e T ru th [uluhiyyat al-haqq). Ibn al-Qayyim explains fa n a ’
in sim ilar te rm s w ithin th is m e a n in g of ta w h id . He sa y s it is a
confirm ation of th e divinity of God a n d a negation of th e divinity of
everything else. He th en s ta te s th a t th e negation is th e f a n a ’ and
th e co n firm atio n is the b a q a \ 83 F o r Ibn Taym iyyah a n d Ibn al-
Qayyim, th e perfection of w o rsh ip becom es th e p erfectio n of the
f a n a ’-b a q a ’ experience, th a t is, th e an n ih ilatio n of th e w o rsh iper’s
will an d d esire s so th a t h e s u b s is ts in conform ity w ith G od's will
w hile n e v e r lo sin g know ledge of G od's d istin c tio n fro m His
82This process is described by Schim m el (1975:143-144).

8 3Ibn al-Qayyim, M addrij al-Sdlikin (no date:v.3, p.504): fa-l-nafy huwa-l-
fand' w a-l-itbdt huwa-l-baqd’.
170
creation. As m entioned above, it is a p a th of com plete sobriety and
yet com plete subm ission.
A t th e h e a rt of th e fa n a .’, according to Ibn Taymiyyah, lies the
conflict b etw een intoxication (su/cr)84 an d sobriety (sa h w ) in relation
to religious experiences. Losing co n scio u sn ess, or intoxication, he
says, is n o t praisew o rth y , for it m e a n s th e p re se n c e of delight
fla d d a h ) a n d th e a b s e n c e of d is tin c tio n (t a m y i z ). T h is is
blam ew orthy b ec au se God p ra ise s knowledge ilm), intellect (‘aqQ.
an d u n d e r s ta n d in g {fiqh) w hile c e n su rin g th e ab sen ce of th e se
q u a litie s .85 T h u s regarding sobriety a n d intoxication, th e guiding
principle for Ibn T aym iyyah is ad h e re n ce to th e Q u ra n a n d the
S u n n a h a s literally understood. In th is m atter, th e b e st p a th is th a t
of th e p ro p h e ts an d s a in ts who m a in ta in ed so b riety in w orship.
T hen th e n e x t s ta te in su p erio rity is th a t of th e C om panions, who
strove to rem ain sober while w orshipping God in th e b e s t m an n er.
84The concept o f intoxication for Ibn Taymiyyah is related to a Muslim's

mental and spiritual state. Anything that interferes with the normal, healthy
functioning o f the mind is considered an intoxicant. He considers passions and
ambitions as w ell as insanity (ja n tn ) to be in the category o f sukr; see a l-
Istiq d m a h , v.2, pp.147-148. In al-S&fiyyah w a-l-Fuqard’ (p.16), he defines
sukr and f a n d ' as being anything that diminishes or impairs the intellect
against the will o f the individual. Here he uses the analogy o f imbibing in
alcohol and hashish. Although a person intentionally takes these intoxicants,
he is acting against his own will toward remaining healthy. Thus, for Ibn
Taymiyyah, engaging in any ritual that leads to a state o f intoxication is
forb id d en .
8 5 Ibn Taymiyyah bases this on the numerous verses in the Quran that mention
the superiority o f ‘ilm, ‘aql and fiq h . For example, he quotes the following:
"Say: Are those who know the same as those who do not know?” (al-Zumar 39:9),
"they have hearts with which they do not understand, they have eyes with
which they do not see, and they have ears with which they do not hear, they are
like the cattle" (al-A ‘raf 7:179), "then know that there is no deity except
Allah" (Muhammad 47:19), and "Say: My Lord, increase me in knowledge"
(Ta’Ha’ 20:114). See a l-lstiq d m a h , v.2, pp. 157-159.
171
Ibn Taym iyyah also classifies th e ty p e of people w ho fall into
som e sta te of u n c o n sc io u sn e ss. The b la m e le ss ones, h e sa y s, are
th o se who are afflicted n a tu ra lly and c a n n o t resist. The n e x t group
a re th o se w ho are afflicted b u t are ab le to re sis t, th e re s is ta n c e
itself being a good d eed even if one slip s into a tem p o rary loss of
consciousness. Finally, th e b e s t is th e o n e who is afflicted b u t does
n o t lose h is co n scio u sn ess. As for th o se w ho seek th e s u k r o r f a n a ’,
th e y are a c tu a lly b ein g p u n ish e d , w h e re a s th o se who r e s is t a n d
re ta in co nsciousness a re closest to the co n d itio n of th e P ro p h e t an d
h is C o m p an io n s.86 As p ro o f of this, h e re la te s th e h a d ith o f how
M uham m ad w as ra ise d to heaven, ex p erien ced w h a t no m a n c a n
im agine, y e t re m a in e d co n scio u s, w h e re a s M oses h a d fa lle n
u n co n scio u s w h en God spo k e to him a n d revealed H im self to th e
m o u n tain . A lthough M oses's position is lofty, th e P rophet's p o sitio n
is superior.87 T h u s b y redefining the f a n a ’, Ibn Taym iyyah h a s ta k e n
a Sufi term a n d d escrib ed it w ithin th e b o u n d a rie s of H a n b a li
p ietism .
One u n d erly in g th e m e b ehind Ibn T aym iyyah's d isc u ssio n of
w orship in a l-’U budiyyah, as we have alre ad y seen, is a rejection of
th e co n cep ts of "un io n w ith th e divine" (ittih a d ), " in c a rn a tio n "
[huluJ) an d "the u n ity o f being" (w a h d a t a l-w ujud). A lth o u g h he
m ak es som e d irect referen ces to th e se co n c ep ts in a l-'U b u d iy ya h ,
h e does n o t offer a d etailed form ulation of th e se d o ctrin es w ith a
86See al-Sufiyyah w a -l-F u qard’ , p .18.

87This example is given in al-S dfiyyah -wa-l-Fuqard.', p .18, and is referred to
in a l- 'U b d d iy y a h , see below, Chapter 8, section 3.
172
s u b s e q u e n t re fu ta tio n .88 N o n eth eless, th e im plications of th e se
d o c trin e s are p resen t w ith in th e text. T h u s som e general com m i t s
o n Ib n Taymiyyah's u n d e rsta n d of th e u n ity of being are in order.
W hen d iscu ssin g th e con cep t of u n io n w ith th e divine, Ibn
T ay m iy y ah u se s th e te rm s ittih a d a n d h u lu l while referrin g to
w a h d a t al-w ujud a s a p a rtic u la r a s p e c t of th e more g en eral topic.
A lth o u g h h e does perceive su b tle differences betw een th e v ario u s
a s p e c ts of th ese beliefs, h e u se s th e te rm s in terch an g eab ly w hen
n o t d isc u ssin g the concepts in detail. Also, h e refers to th e m ystics
a s a g ro u p by using th e te rm s ahl al-ittihad o r ahl al-w ahdah. T h u s
h e g e n e ra lly defines th e p rin c ip le s of th e m y stics a s b ein g
"in c arn atio n an d u n io n a n d w hatever com es n e a r to th a t, a s in th e
s ta te m e n t of th e u n ity of being, as th o se who say th a t existence is
one a n d th a t th e n ec essary existence of the creator is th e possible
e x is te n c e of the c re a te d ." 89 T his d e fin itio n su m m a riz e s Ibn
T aym iyyah's belief th a t th e A vicennian co n cep t of wqjib al-w ujud,
a n d th e M utazilite concept of ta'txl, lie a t th e b asis of th e philosophy
of th e m y stical Sufis. He se e s a clo se connection b etw e en th e
p h ilo so p h ers' description of God, on th e one hand, an d th a t of th e
S u fis, on th e other. As M ichel (1983:11) explains. Ibn Taym iyyah
8 8 For his criticisms of w ah d at al-wujUd, see Ibn Taymiyyah's essay entitled

"Ibtal Wahdati-l-Wujud" in M a jm d 'at al-Rasd’il wa-l-M asd’il, v o l.l, pp.61-120.
89This statement is from the I b td l (p.66): al-huldl wa-l-ittihdd wa md
yuqdribu (Ldlika ka-l-qawl bi-wahdati-l-wuj&d ka-lladjna yaqdldna inna-l-
wu ju d w d h id fa-l-wujudu-l-wdjib li-l-khdliq huwa-l-wujudu-l-mumkin li-l-
m a k h ld q . Ibn Taymiyyah associates this general statement with the well-known
m ystics such as Ibn ‘Arabi, al-Sadr al-Rumi al-Qunawi, Ibn Sab‘m, Ibn al-
Farid (d. 633/1235-6), al-Tilim sSnf and al-Balyani.
173
know s t h a t th e p h ilo so p h ers view G od a s th e "First P rinciple from
w h ich a ll e x iste n c e flows w hose o n ly activ ity is e te rn a l self
contem plation...." From th is belief, h e asso ciates th e co n cep t of the
One A b so lu te R eality devoid of all positive a ttrib u te s w ith the
philosophical m ysticism as professed b y th e Sufis. In p artic u lar, he
sees a clo se relatio n sh ip betw een Ibn S in a's definition of God and
Ibn ‘A rabi’s. Ibn Taym iyyah draw s th is conclusion from Ib n ‘A rabi's
conception of God a s th e absolute existence. On th is p o in t, Hallaq
(1993:xxii) s ta te s th a t in following Ib n S ina. Ibn ‘A rab! conceives
God a s th e "ab so lu te existence (a l-w u ju d al-m utlaq)... [w hich is]
existence in itself, unconditioned a n d unaffected by an y th in g (la bi-
sh a rt s h a y ’)." From th is concept of a n A bsolute B eing devoid of
a ttrib u te s. Ibn A ra b i develops a m etap h y sical system in w hich the
"Perfect M an" becom es a m irror of th e Divine Names, w h ich are for
h im d is tin c t from th e A bsolute B eing y et flowing o u t of it.90
Likewise, for Ibn ‘Arabi, all creation, in clu d in g m an, is d istin c t from
th e A b so lu te Being y et flowing o u t of it. For Ibn Taym iyyah, who
9®The concept o f the "Perfect Man" is a common Sufi notion which Ibn ‘Arabi
incorporates into his philosophical mysticism. For the Sufis, the Prophet is the
model o f the Perfect Man, who "...is necessary to God as the medium through
which He is known and manifested" (Schimmel, 1975:272). In relation to the
Divine Names, the Perfect Man "...is he who has realized in him self all the
possibilities o f being... (ibid:273). As for Ibn ‘Arabi's concept o f the Divine
Names, Chittick (1989:25) explains that he view s them as "a kind o f ba.rza.kh.
between Oneness and manyness. There is but a single Being, yet the names
represent a multiplicity o f the faces that Being assumes in relation to the
created things. The Essence Itself, or Being considered without the names, is
what Ibn a l-‘Arabi sometimes calls the Unity o f the One (ah adiyyat al-ahad) in
contrast to Being considered as possessor o f the names, which is the Unity of
Manyness (a h ad iyyat al-kathra). God as such, taking both perspectives into
account, is the 'One/Many' (al-w&hid al-kathir)."
174
b eliev es in G od’s co m p lete d is tin c tio n from c re a tio n , s u c h a
philosophical m ysticism c a n n o t be tolerated. He could only view it
a s deviating from th e s a la fi co n cep t of God's n a tu re b a s e d o n bi-la
kayf.
The belief in th e d istin c tio n betw een th e C rea to r a n d th e
created (al-tam yiz bauna-l-khalia wa-l-makhlua). a s m entioned a t th e
beginning of th is ch ap ter, is th e u ltim ate tr u th acco rd in g to Ibn
Taym iyyah. Also, th e in te rre la tio n betw een G od’s essen c e, n a m e s
an d attrib u tes, forming a holistic or "organic" o neness a s opposed to
th e philosophers' m ath em atical oneness, is an equally v ital a s p e c t of
th a t tr u th .91 T h u s an y belief b ased on a denial of God’s d istin ctio n
from creation, an d on a d en ial of His a ttrib u te s in th e m a n n e r of
ta 'til, according to Ibn T aym iyyah, is related to a b elief in th e
e te rn ity of th e u n iv e rse th r o u g h e m a n a tio n from G od. Ib n
Taym iyyah's refu tatio n of a n y form of u n ity of being is b a s e d on th e
fact th a t the holders of s u c h beliefs do n o t affirm "to th e C rea to r a n
ex isten ce d issim ila r to th e e x isten c e of th e c r e a tu r e ” (M ichel,
1983:3). For Ibn Taym iyyah, m ain tain in g this "dissim ilar" n a tu re of
God m e an s th a t a M uslim m u s t m a in ta in His u n iq u e n e ss w ith o u t
dem eaning Him through th e concepts of w a h d a t al-wujud, ittihad or
huluL B u t th is is exactly w h a t Ibn ‘A rabi is doing w hen h e p rofesses
th a t God is b o th th e Real (al-haqq) a n d th e creation (al-khala).92 In
91 For the explanation o f my use o f the term "organic, see above, Introduction,
p .l n l.
92Fakhry (1983:252) says the follow ing about Ibn ‘Arabi's conception o f the
Real and the creation: "The two, however—the one and the many, the first and
the last, the eternal and the temporal, the necessary and the contingent— are
essentially one and the same reality."
175
th e en d , of course, Ibn T aym iyyah su p p o rts h is position co n cern in g
G o d 's difference from c re a tio n b y relying on th e tra d itio n of th is
b elief a m o n g st the s a la f. A nd it is th is belief w h ich is p a s s e d on
th r o u g h th e A h l al-Had.it, w ho a re Ib n T ay m iy y ah 's p rim a ry
affililiation a n d sources o f ju stificatio n .
176
C hapter 4: Prelim inary C om m ents to th e Translation
The n ex t four ch ap ters co n stitu te th e an n o tated tran slatio n of

Ib n T ay m iy y ah 's R is a la t a l-‘U b u d iy y a h . As m en tio n ed in m y
Introduction, th e essay is considered a n exegesis of S u ra al-B aqarah
2:21. In th is connection, Ibn ‘Abd al-H ad i (1975:43) refers to al-
‘U b u d iyy a h a s a "principle s ta te m e n t co n cern in g the d isco u rse on
th is verse a n d a m ost significant s ta te m e n t on predestination." The
u s e of v erse 2:21 as th e b a s is of Ib n T aym iyyah's d isco u rse on
w orship is very fitting. It is considered b y S u n n i exegetes to be a n
im p o rta n t sta te m e n t indicating G od's O n en e ss, th e creation of all
th in g s o u t of n othingness, an d th e obligation of people to w orship
only th e one tru e G od.1 As al-K isa l (d. 1 8 9 /8 0 4 ) points out, th is
verse is th e only one in the Q u ra n in w h ich th e p h rase "yd ayyuha-l-
nas" is followed by the com m and "u'budxi ra b b a ku m ."2 Ibn ‘Atiyyah
(1 4 1 3 /1 9 9 3 :v .l, p. 105) p o in ts o u t th e significance of th is w ording
w h en h e s ta te s th a t th is verse calls o n people to "single o u t th e ir
Lord" (w a h h id u h u ) and to "specify Him for w orship" [kh a ssu h u bi-l-
‘ibadah). He goes on to say th a t th e u se of ra b b a ku m refers to G od's
a ttrib u te a s "Creator," w hich th e p a g a n A rabs confirmed, b u t th ey
th e n d id n o t re sp o n d to H im w ith ex c lu siv e w o rsh ip . T h is
p artic u lar them e is used by Ibn Taym iyyah in al-'U budiyyah (C hapter
5, section 12) to condem n those w ho follow innovations (b id a 0. Ibn
1These are the main issues referred to in the standard Sunni exegeses o f this
verse; see Ibn Katir (1 402/198l: v .l, pp.3 8-40).
2The passage from al-Kisa’t is taken from Wansbrough (1977:213).
177
‘Atiyyah continues by saying t h a t verse 2:21 is a call to th e "n atu ral
disposition" [fitrah) of h u m a n s , for b y w orshipping God th e y will
s ta y on th e f i t r a h a n d b ec o m e p io u s (m u tta q ln ).3 A fu rth e r
significance of th is verse for s a la fi exegetes su c h a s Ibn T aym iyyah
is th a t it is preceded by a d escrip tio n of believers, disbelievers and
h y p o crite s in th e first tw e n ty v e rse s of al-B a q a ra h . T h u s Ibn
T aym iyyah, w ith h is p e n c h a n t for classifying all g ro u p s a n d
individuals, h a s a sta rtin g p o in t from revelation for h is division of
h u m a n ity into a hierarchy b a s e d on th e issu e of w orship.4
In preparing this tra n s la tio n of R isd la t al-'U budiyyah, I chose
to follow th e te x t of a p u b lis h e d ed itio n from a l-M a tb a ‘a t al-
Salafiyyah (Cairo, 1 3 8 7 /1 9 6 7 ). T his will be referred to a s E dition 1
in th e footnotes to th e tra n sla tio n . T here are four o th e r p u b lish ed
editions of the text, w hich I u s e d in com parison w ith th e Salafiyyah
edition. Listed chronologically acco rd in g to p u b licatio n d ate, they
are: E dition 2: "R isalat al-‘U b u d iy y ah fi T afslr Q aw lihi T a‘a la ya
Ayyuha-l-Nas U‘b u d u R abbakum " in M qjm u‘ R a sa ’il. (1 3 2 3 /1 9 0 5) ed.
b y al-Sayyid M uham m ad B ad r al-D in A bu Firas al-Na‘sa m al-H alabi.
Cairo: al-M atba‘a t al-H u say n iy y at al-M isriyyah, pp.2-44. E d itio n 3:
a l-‘U budiyyah. (1367/1947) ed. b y M uham m ad Hamid al-Fiql. Cairo:
M atba‘a t al-S unnati-l-M uham m adiyyah. Edition 4: "al-‘U budiyyah fi-
1-Islam" in Majmu' F ataw a S h a y k h al-Islam A hm ad Ibn T a ym iyyah,
^For Ibn Taymiyyah's views on the f itr a h , see Hallaq (1991) "Ibn Taymiyyah on
the Existence o f God," Acta O rien talia, v.52, pp.49-69.
4 For a full discussion o f this three-way division o f humanity in relation to the
historical development o f the concept o f faith, see Izutsu (1965). He discusses
Ibn Taymiyyah's theory o f faith in detail on pp.50-56.
178
37 vols. (1 3 8 6 /1 9 6 6 ) Riyad: M atba‘a t a l-H u k u m a h (vol. 10, Kitab
‘Ilm i-l-Suluk, pp. 149-237). E dition 5: a l-‘U b u d iyya h . (1 3 9 9 /1 9 7 9 )
in tro d u ctio n by ‘Abd al-R ahm an al-B ani. B eirut: al-M aktab al-Islami.
T h e b a s is for choosing th e S alafiyyah edition w as som ew hat
a rb itra ry , for in th e process of co m p arin g th e tex ts, I found only
m in o r d iffe re n c e s in w ording. W ith o u t h a v in g a c c e s s to a n y
m a n u sc rip ts, w h ich I sh a ll d isc u ss sh o rtly , th e m a in c rite ria for
following th e S alafiyyah edition w as a c tu a lly th e lack of editorial
featu res. Since n o n e of th e p u b lish ed te x ts are critical editions, I
preferred n o t to be influenced by th e p u n c tu a tio n a n d p a ra g ra p h
divisions found in th e o th er edited v ersio n s. The Salafiyyah edition
h a s few p a ra g ra p h b re a k s an d only v ery sp o ra d ic p u n c tu a tio n
m arks. However, th e Q u ran verses are all identified a s to S u ra and
verse n u m ber, w h ich w as an ap p reciab le help. Also, again w ithout
kn o w in g th e e x a c t re a s o n b e c a u s e o f th e u n a v a ila b ility of
m a n u sc rip ts, th e Q u ra n verses a n d th e h a d ith s in th e Salafiyyah
edition a re in m a n y cases more com pletely w ritten o u t th a n in the
other v ersio n s. T h u s, lacking a n y solid c rite ria for chosing a base
tex t for th e tra n s la tio n , I preferred w o rk in g w ith th e Salafiyyah
edition.
As I alread y m entioned, th ere a re som e m in o r differences in
th e w ording of th e texts. For the m o st p a rt, th e se differences have
been n o te d in th e footnotes. I do, how ever, overlook w h a t I feel are
in sig n ific a n t differences in relatio n to a tra n s la tio n m ad e from
p u b lish ed versions of a text, for I am n o t p rep arin g a critical edition
from m a n u sc rip ts. T hese overlooked v a ria tio n s include th e p h rase s
179
In g lo rificatio n of God a n d th e h o n o rific s m e n tio n e d a fte r th e
P ro p h et a n d th e C om panions. F o r exam ple. I do n o t in d icate if a
"subhdna-llah!' or a "saRd-Uahu ‘alayhi w a sallaxrt' is added or m issing
from th e b a s e te x t in co m parison w ith th e o th e r te x ts. Also. I do
n o t in d icate v a ria tio n s in th e u s e of th e p lu ra l of " r a s u l” w hen
a n o th e r te x t h a s th e sin g u lar, or vice v e rsa , for I believe these
differences d o n o t a id in u n d e r s ta n d in g th e s e n te n c e . Also, I
overlook som e in sta n c e s in w hich th e re is a v a ria tio n in th e use of
th e perfect a n d im perfect ten ses, or a v aria tio n in th e u s e of a verb
a n d a v e rb a l-n o u n . Again, th e re a s o n b e in g t h a t th e re is no
significant ch a n g e in th e m eaning of th e se n ten c e.
W hen in d ic a tin g th e te x tu a l differences in th e footnotes, m y
p rim ary in te n tio n sim ply is to let th e re a d e r k n o w th a t th e re is a
difference fro m th e S alafiy y ah ed itio n . T h e n , if th e different
w ording a lte rs th e m ean in g of th e se n te n c e , I give a n alternative
tra n sla tio n . O ccasionally, I choose e ith e r to in s e r t a n ad d itional
word or p h ra s e fo u n d in a com parison tex t o r to replace th e version
in th e S alafiyyah edition for th a t cf th e co m p ariso n tex t. In either
case, the in se rtio n or replacem ent will be b etw een b ra c k e ts, and an
explanation fo r th e alternative version will b e given. Also, if I have
in s e rte d a n im p lie d w ord o r p h r a s e in o rd e r to m a k e th e
tra n s la tio n m o re explicit, I h av e p la ced th is in s e rtio n betw een
p a re n th e se s. O n e la s t p o in t in reference to th e v a ria tio n s in th e
p u b lish ed e d itio n s n eed s to be m ad e co n cern in g th e te x t edited by
M u h am m ad H am id al-Fiqi. His ed itio n c o n ta in s n u m e ro u s , and
som etim es le n g th y , in se rtio n s th a t do n o t a p p e a r in a n y of th e
180
o th e r p u b lis h e d ed itio n s. A lth o u g h I m ake re fe re n c e to th e s e
in sertio n s, I o ften do n o t tra n s la te o r com m ent o n th e m b e c a u se
th ey do n o t specifically e n h a n c e th e u n d e rsta n d in g of th e te x t in
any significant way.
As for a n y e x ta n t m a n u sc rip ts, th e only reference I have come
across is from al-Fiqi's edition. At th e end of th e te x t h e sta te s th a t
th e m a n u sc rip t h e u se d w as copied b y M uham m ad ib n ‘Abd-Allah
ibn ‘Abd al-M uhsin in th e y e a r 9 4 7 /1 5 4 0 , th u s 2 1 2 y ea rs after th e
d ea th of Ibn Taym iyyah. A lthough B rockelm ann (Supp., 11:120) lists
a l- ‘U b u d iyy a h , h is referen ce is to th e earliest p u b lis h e d edition
w hich is found in th e Mqjmu.‘ R a s a ’il edited by al-Sayyid M uham m ad
al-H alabi (my E dition 2). U nfortunately, al-H alabl d o es n o t m ention
th e so u rce he u s e d for th e p u b licatio n of th e text. Two o th er b rief
sta tem en ts a ttrib u tin g al-‘U b u d iyya h to Ibn Taym iyyah are found in
Ibn ‘Abd al-H ad l's al-'U qud a l-D urriyyah (1975:43) a n d Ib n al-
Q ayyim 's A sm a ’ M u ’aLlafat Ib n T a ym iyya h (1 3 7 2 /1 9 5 3 :1 0 ). N either
of th ese give a n y details a b o u t th e work. T hus we h av e v irtually no
inform ation a b o u t th e h isto ric a l circ u m sta n ces s u rro u n d in g th e
text, for there is also n o th in g in th e te x t itself to in d icate a possible
d ate for a l-‘U b u d iyya h or for w hom it w as w ritten. My g u ess a t this
point, a s I m en tio n ed above in C h a p ter 3, P a rt B, is th a t it m o st
likely w as w ritte n d u rin g h is y e a rs in E gypt o r v ery sh o rtly
th e re after.
The division of th e tra n s la tio n into four p a rts is b a se d on th e
layout of th e w o rk itself a n d on a need to b re a k u p th e te x t into
m anageable se ctio n s. All of th e p u b lish ed ed itio n s h av e th e te x t
181
divided into two sectio n s, a n in tro d u cto ry section (about one th ird
of th e en tire text) a n d a m ore detailed d isc u ssio n se p a ra te d from
th e in tro d u ctio n w ith th e title F a sl (chapter). I assu m e th a t th is is
Ibn T aym iyyah's original layout. I have fu rth e r divided ea ch of th e
fo u r p a r ts o f th e tr a n s la tio n in to s h o r te r s u b s e c tio n s th a t
encom pass one p a rtic u la r th em e o r argum ent. E ach su b se ctio n will
be in tro d u c e d b y a s h o r t co m m en tary . T he c o m m e n ta ry a n d
following tra n sla tio n will be n u m b ered 1A, IB, 2A, 2B, etc.
P a rt 1 is divided into 17 su b se ctio n s, w hich is b y far th e
lo n g e st of th e fo u r p a r ts . I c o n s id e r th is Ib n T a y m iy y a h ’s
in tro d u cto ry c h a p te r b e c a u se all of the topics to u c h ed on in th is
p a rt are d ealt w ith in m ore d etail in the rem aining th ree p a rts, th a t
is, Ibn T aym iyyah's seco n d c h a p te r. The p u rp o se o f P a rt 1 is to
bring o u t all of th e issu e s th a t Ibn Taym iyyah considers v ital for a
p ro p er u n d e rs ta n d in g of w o rsh ip . In th e p ro cess of ex p lain in g
w orship in light of th e Q u ra n a n d th e S u n n a h according to orthodox
in te r p r e ta tio n ,5 Ib n T aym iyyah m en tio n s p a rtic u la r g ro u p s an d
individuals w ho, in h is opinion, have eith er followed orthodoxy or
have erred. However, polem ical refu tatio n is n o t th e m a in p u rp o se
of al-'XJbudiyyah. In th is tex t th e refutation of p artic u lar g ro u p s falls
to th e b a c k g ro u n d (b u t definitely n o t o u t of sight), a n d a m ore
positive ela b o ra tio n of beliefs com es to th e forefront. It w ould be
b est to co n sid er a l-‘U budiyyah a s a balance betw een a n explanation
of sa la fi beliefs a n d polem ical a tta c k s. The key factor w h ich holds
5For the meaning and usage o f the term "orthodox," see Chapter 2.
182
th e w o rk to g e th e r is Ib n T ay m iy y ah ’s c o n c e rn to h e lp each
w o rsh ip p er actualize w h a t h e sees a s th e beliefs a n d p ra c tic e s of
th e P rophet an d his C om panions. However, for him , th is invariably
in c lu d e s th e notion of defen d in g Islam from d ev ian t id e as, even
th o u g h a point by p o in t refu tatio n of p a rtic u la r groups o r individuals
is p reclu d ed from th is tex t. T h u s, polem ics n o tw ith stan d in g , my
a p p ro a c h in co m m en tin g o n th is w o rk w ill focus o n how Ibn
Taym iyyah u se s th e Q u ran , th e h a d ith s, a n d th e Arabic lan g u age to
developm ent arg u m e n ts in su p p o rt of h is in te rp re ta tio n of S un n i
Islam .
Before p rese n tin g th e tra n s la tio n , it is a p p ro p ria te h ere to
d is c u s s som e of th e b a s ic m e an in g s re la te d to th e c o n c e p ts of
w orship [‘ubudiyyah), w orshipping (‘ib a d a h ) a n d w o rsh ip p er (‘abd),
a n d to ex plain th e E n g lish te rm s I h av e u s e d in th e tra n sla tio n .
A ccording to th e Lisdn al-'Arab,6 a n ‘a b d refers to any h u m a n being,
w h eth er freem an or slave, for everyone is a se rv a n t who is owned by
h is C reator. As we s h a ll see, th is is a b a s ic definition th a t Ibn
Taym iyyah n o t only accepts b u t u ses a s th e b a s is for his h ie ra rc h y of
w o rsh ip p ers. The te rm h a s a m ore specific m eaning, how ever, in
th e se n se of a p erso n ow ned by som eone else (m a m lu k ).7 B u t Ibn
M anzur relates a h a d ith from A bu H u ray rah sta tin g th a t th e Prophet
said n o t to call your slave ‘abd. T hus, th e m ean in g derived from this
6 Ibn Manzur has a very lengthy discussion o f the words derived from the root
" ‘bd." I shall summarize only the main points related to the concept o f worship;
see Lisdn al- ‘Arab, S.V. "*b d ."
7 This is the only context in which the term '"abd" is discussed by Brunschvig
(1960: S.V. ”‘abd") in the Encyclopaedia o f Islam.
183
h a d ith is th a t ‘a b d , w ith th e p lu ra ls ‘a b id or ‘ibad,s is to b e used
o n ly in referen ce to serv in g a n d w o rsh ip p in g God. T h u s I shall
tr a n s la te ‘a b d a s w o rsh ip p er a n d in d ic a te u n d e r th e a p p ro p ria te
c irc u m s ta n c e s w h en I tr a n s l a te it a s slave. As fo r th e te rm
‘u b u d iy y a h , Ibn M an zu r s a y s t h a t th e origin of its m e a n in g is
su b je c tio n an d self-ab asem en t (tadallutl. I consider th is a s a sta te or
co n d itio n of a p erso n a n d sh a ll tr a n s la te it a s "worship" or a "state
of w orship." As for ‘ibadah, Ibn M a n zu r say s th a t its basic m eaning is
o b ed ien ce. T h u s I sh a ll tr a n s la te it a s "worshipping" o r "a cts of
w o rsh ip ." W ith th is in m in d , I p r e s e n t th e tr a n s la tio n of al-
‘U budiyyah.
8 In the context o f worshipping God, the term ‘a b d has two plurals, ‘ib d d and
‘a b id . When the term is used in the context o f obeying false deities, other
forms o f the plural are used. Ibn Manzur refers to Sura al-Ma’idah 5:60, which
reads w a man ‘abada-l-taghdta. in order to present various plurals by offering
alternative readings such as: ‘a b u d a - l- td g h d ti . ‘dbidd-l-tdghuti. ‘ubuda-l-
t d g h d ti. and *u b b d d a -l-td g h d ti. Ibn Taymiyyah seems to hold strictly to this
cla ssifica tio n o f plurals.
184
C h ap ter 5: The T ran slatio n o f al-'U budiyyah (Part 1 of 4)
The D efinition of W orship
1A In th is opening section, Ibn Taym iyyah p re se n ts u s w ith w hat

w ill b e th e fram ew ork a n d c o n te n t of h is essa y o n w orship. The
q u e stio n s posed to Ibn Taym iyyah concerning th e issu e of worship
d irec ts o u r atten tio n to th e to ta lity of th e term a n d to w hether or
n o t th e re is an y s ta te o r co n d itio n qualitatively su p e rio r to it. Ibn
Taym iyyah's opening resp o n se explains th a t w orship is th e nam e for
every saying an d action th a t God loves a n d approves of, th a t is, the
te rm in c lu d e s th e a p p ro p ria te g u id e lin e s for e v a lu a tin g every
ex tern al a n d in tern al p h en o m en o n of h u m a n experience.
IB In the Name of Allah, the Infinitely Merciful, the Mercy-Giving1
The Sheikh, Imam, Scholar, and Guide-post, Abu-1-'Abbas Ahmad

ibn 'A bd al-Halim ibn Taymiyyah, a reviver of the Sunnah and a destroyer
of innovation (bid'ah), may Allah be pleased with him and make him
^ h e usual translations o f the b a s m a la h include "the Beneficent, the Merciful"

(Pickthall, no date), "the Gracious, the Merciful" (Yusuf A li, 1410/1989), and
"the Compassionate, the Merciful" (Arberry, 1955). Burrell and Daher
(1992:52) have chosen "the Infinitely Good, the Merciful" in an attempt to
reflect the specific nature o f the name al-Rahman in its restricted use for God
just as Allah is used only for God. A lso, al-Rahman refers to God’s mercy
before creation and al-Rahim refers to His mercy directed at creation. Thus I
have chosen "the Infinitely Merciful" as the translation o f al-Rahman and "the
Mercy-Giving" for al-Rahim, which w ill be used throughout the text.
185
contented,2 w as asked the following about this verse of Allah, the Mighty
and Sublime:
O people! worship your Lord...3 [al-Baqarah 2:21]
W hat is w orshipping, and w hat are its branches? Is the whole of the
religion (din) included in it, or not? W hat is the reality of worship? Is it the
highest attainable station (a'la maqamat) in this world and in the hereafter,
or is there any station above it? Please expound on this.
Ibn Taymiyyah, may Allah be pleased with him, replied: All praise
is for Allah, the Lord of the Worlds! "Worshipping" is a term that
comprises every apparent and hidden saying and deed which Allah loves
and approves of such as: prayer (salah); legislated almsgiving (zakah);
fasting (siyam); pilgrimage (hajj); truthfulness in speech; trustworthiness;
honoring parents; maintaining kind relationships with relatives; fulfilling
pledges; enjoining good and forbidding evil; striving against disbelievers
and hypocrites; beneficence to neighbors, orphans, the poor, wayfarers, and
slaves and animals;4 supplication; remembrance (dikr) of Allah; recitation
of the Quran; and all similar acts.5 Likewise, the following actions are acts
2The texts have various honorifics describing Ibn Taymiyyah, which need not
be listed here.
3For the purpose o f this translation, the use o f three dots (...) in Quran quotes
w ill indicate that an incomplete verse is being quoted or that whole verses are
omitted from lengthier passages. The Salafiyyah edition does not always
indicate that parts o f verses are quoted. However, some lengthy Quran quotes
are broken up with the phrases ild qawlihi (to His verse) and ild -l-d y a h (to the
verse) or with the phrase ild dkhir i- l- s d r a h (to the end o f the Sura).
4 LiteraIly: w a-l-m am ldk min al-ddamiyyin wa-l-bahd’ im (human and animal
possessions). Editions 3 and 4 insert wa ibn al-sabil before "slaves and
anim als."
5 The actions mentioned in this sentence generally refer to the outer acts o f
worship while the points mentioned in the following sentence refer to inner
186
of worship for Allah: love of Allah and His Messenger, apprehension
before Allah, turning repentantly to Him, sincerity of religion for Him,
patience w ith His judgement, thankfulness for His bounties, contentment
w ith His decree, reliance on Him, hope for His m ercy, fear of His
punishm ent and all similar states. In fact, worshipping Allah is for Him
the most beloved and pleasing purpose for which He created the creation
as He, the Exalted One, says:
And I created jinn and hum ankind only that they should worship Me
(alone).6 [al-Dariyat 51:56]
A D escription of W orshippers
2A H aving in tro d u c e d th e c o n c e p t th a t w o rsh ip governs all

p h a se s of a M uslim 's life, from th e o u ter (zahir) to th e in n e r (batin),
Ibn Taym iyyah p rese n ts exam ples from th e Q u ran to sh o w th a t the
p ro p h e ts, angels an d p io u s people a re described a s w orshippers.
F o r Ibn T aym iyyah, th e s e v e rse s in d ic ate t h a t w o rsh ip in its
linguistic a n d Q uranic u s a g e n ecessarily leads to th e con cep t th a t
th e whole religion, a n d th erefo re th e only acceptable explanation of
a M uslim 's rela tio n to G od, is in c lu d ed in th e te rm w orship.
states o f worship. Ibn Taymiyyah ultimately does not see a distinction between
acts o f worship and states o f worship (al-zdh ir wa-l-bdtin), for both aspects
are inherently united in his concept o f the perfection o f worship.
6The use o f this verse in his opening statements indicates that Ibn Taymiyyah
view s worship as the ultimate purpose o f creation. There are two main points
that Sunni exegetes raise concerning this verse. The first is that God created
humans and jinn with the purpose o f ordering them to worship Him, not out o f
any need that He has for them. The second point is that the test o f their
worship is whether they do it w illingly or unwillingly. W ithin this framework,
Ibn Taymiyyah is implying that people are not coerced by God to worship only
Him. See Ibn Katfr (1402/1981:v.3, p.387).
187
Keeping in m ind h is polem ics ag a in st various groups, Ibn Taym iyyah
is bu ild in g a rg u m e n ts b y w h ich h e will show th a t th e d isco u rse of
th e s p e c u la tiv e th e o lo g ia n s , p h ilo s o p h e rs, and S u fi m y s tic s
concerning th e n a tu re of God a n d th e universe is n o t in accord w ith
th e m a n n e r of sp eech of th e R ighteous Predecessors.
2B He (Allah) sent all the messengers with this beloved purpose as

Noah said to his people:
...Worship Allah! The only deity for you is He... [al-A'raf 7:59]
Similarly H ud, Salih, Shu'ayb and other prophets said this to their people
as He, the Exalted One, says:
We have certainly sent to every nation a messenger (with this

command): W orship Allah and avoid all false deities. Then Allah
guided some of them, while others deserved to be led astray... [al-Nahl
1636]
We did not send any messenger before you (Muhammad) but that We
revealed to him: There is no deity except I, therefore worship Me
alone. [al-Anbiya' 21:25]
This (religion of Islam) is certainly your religion, a single religion, and

I am your Lord, therefore worship Me alone. [al-Anbiya' 21:92]
O messengers! eat good, allowable foods and do righteous deeds, for I

am well-acquainted with all that you do; and this (religion of Islam) is
certainly your religion, a single religion, and I am your Lord, therefore
act piously out of fear of Me. [al-Mu'minun 23:51-52]
Allah has made worshipping imperative on His messengers until death,

as He says:
188
W orship your Lord until the certainty (of death) comes to you.7 [al-
Hijr 15:99]
By this special characteristic of worshipping, Allah describes His angels and

prophets as He says:
Everything in the heavens and on earth belongs to Him. Those

(angels) w ho are in His very presence are not too proud to worship
Him and do not weary (of worship). They exalt Him night and day,
never slackening to do so. [al-Anbiya7 21:19-20]
Surely those (angels) who are in the very presence of your Lord are
not too p ro u d to w orship Him; they celebrate His praises, and
prostrate before Him. [al-A7raf 7:206]
Allah disgraces those who are disdainful of worshipping as in His verse:
...Those w ho are too proud to worship Me will surely enter hell in

humiliation. [Ghafir (al-Mu7min) 40:60]
Allah also describes the best of His creation with worship for Him as He,
the Exalted One, says:
The pious worshippers shall surely drink from a cup containing a

mixture from kafur, a fountain from which the worshippers of Allah
will drink, making it flow in unstinted abundance. [al-Lnsan (al-Dahr)
76:5-6]
The w orshippers of the Infinitely Merciful are those who walk on

earth w ith reverence, and when ignorant ones address them, they say:
Peace! [al-Furqan 25:63]
When Satan said:
7 Ibn Taymiyyah is giving the standard Sunni interpretation o f the word y a q t n

in this verse as meaning death (m a w t ). He discusses this point in more detail
below (section 11) in his refutation o f some Sufi interpretations o f yaqtn as
meaning the attainment o f certainty in knowing the truth and thus also
obtaining a waiver from performing religious obligations. For a further review
o f the Sunni exegesis o f this verse based on other verses and hadiths, see Ibn
Katfr (1 4 0 2/1981:v.2, p.320).
189
...O my Lord! because You sent me astray, I w ill surely make
(disobedience) appear pleasing to them on earth,8 and I will lead them
all astray—except Your purified worshippers am ong them [al-Hijr
15:39-40]
Allah replied:
You do not have any pow er over My w orshippers, only over the
erring ones who follow you. [al-Hijr 15:42]
Also, in describing the angels w ith worship He says:
They say: The Infinitely Merciful has taken a son (from the angels).
Glorified be He! They are only honored w orshippers.9 They do not
speak prior to Him, and they act by His command. He knows what is
before them and w hat is behind them, and they cannot intercede
except for him w ith w hom He is pleased; an d they tremble
apprehensively in awe of Him. [al-Anbiya' 21:26-28]
They say: The Infinitely Merciful has taken a son. Indeed you have
brought forth a terrible thing by which the heavens are almost torn
apart and the earth is split asunder and the m ountains fall in utter
ruin—that you ascribe a son to the Infinitely Merciful. But it is not
suitable for the Infinitely Merciful that He takes a son. Everything in
the heavens and on earth comes to the Infinitely Merciful as a
hum bled servant. He has taken them all into account and has
numbered them accurately. Each of them will come alone to Him on
the Day of Resurrection. [Maryam 19:88-95]
Concerning the Messiah, about whom there are claims of divinity and the
sonship10 of the deity, Allah says:
8For the translation o f this part o f the verse, see: Penrice (1987:64).
9The Sunni interpretation o f the verse is that the attribute o f worship ascribed
to the angels negates the attribute o f sonship, see Ibn Kafir (1402/1981:v.2,
p.505). In his more detailed discussion below (section 10) directed at the
Christians, Ibn Taymiyyah indicates that their claims o f loving God, and hence
worshipping Him, are also negated when God says that He w ill punish them. The
underlying premisses are that sonship is incompatible with deity and that the
lovers and worshippers o f God w ill receive His mercy and forgiveness.
10Editions 2 and 4 have al-n u b u w w a h instead of a l-b u n u w w a h .
190
He (Jesus) was only a w orshipper to w hom We granted O ur favor (of
prophethood), and We m ade him a paradigm for the Children of
Israel. fal-Zukhruf 43:59]
For this reason the Prophet, the blessing and peace of Allah be upon
him, said in an authentic hadith: "Do not flatter me as the Christians have
flattered Jesus, the son of Mary, for I am only a worshipper ('abd); therefore
say: the worshipper of Allah and His Messenger ('abd-allah wa rasuluh)."11
Allah also describes him being in a state of worship during his most
perfect state; He says concerning the Night Journey:
Glorified be the One who took His w orshipper (Muhammad) for a

journey by night from the Sacred Mosque (of Mecca) to the Farthest
Mosque (in Jerusalem), the vicinity of which We have blessed so that
We might show him O ur signs. He (Allah) is surely the All-Hearer,
the All-Seer. [al-Isra' (Bani Isra'il) 17:1]
He says concerning the conveyance of revelation:
Thus He (Allah) revealed to His servant (Gabriel) w hat he then

revealed (to M uhammad).12 [al-Najm 53:10]
Also, concerning the act of inviting to Islam, He says:
When the w orshipper of Allah (Muhammad) stood up, calling to

Him, they (the jinn) crowded around him .13 [al-Jinn 72:19]
^ B u k h a ri, anbiya’ 48; Darimi, raqaq 68; Ahmad, 1:23, 24, 47, 55, 60. All
references to the hadiths, unless otherwise noted, are taken directly from
W ensinck’s C o n c o r d a n c e (1988). Although I cross-referenced each hadith by
searching various key words, I cannot guarantee that every listing is given.
12The referents o f the pronouns are not specified. This interpretation is taken
from Jaldlayn:691. An equally acceptable interpretation could be: Thus he
(Gabriel) revealed to His worshiper (Muhammad) what He (Allah) had revealed,
see: Shawkani:700 and Ibn Kaiir (1402/198 l:v .3 , p.398).
13Two interpretations are given for this verse: 1) some jinn gathered around
Muhammad to hear the recitation, 2) some jinn and people jostled the Prophet
to try to stop him; see Shawkani:772 and Ibn Katir (1402/1981 :v.3, p.559).
191
Regarding the challenge to those who doubt the mission of the Prophet,
He says:
If you are in doubt concerning what We have sent dow n to O ur

w orshipper (Muhammad), then produce a Sura like this one... [al-
Baqarah 2:23]
The C om ponent P arts of W orship
3A T his sam p lin g of v erses is u se d by Ib n Taym iyyah to in d ic ate

th a t th e p referred s ta tu s of h u m a n beings, in fact of all creatio n ,
before God is one of a w orshipper. His ta s k in th is n ex t section is to
define th e k ey term s th a t he considers e sse n tia l to u n d e rs ta n d th e
c o n c e p t of w o rsh ip a s p re s e n te d in th e Q u ra n a n d a u th e n tic
h a d ith s . H is p u rp o se is to e sta b lish th e b o u n d a rie s in w h ich h is
d isc u ssio n o f religion a n d w o rsh ip will ta k e place. By referrin g to
th e w ell-know n h a d ith of G abriel, he id en tifies p erfect d evotion
(ih sd n ) a s th e h ig h est level in th e stages of w orshipping G od.14 This
is p reced ed b y th e low er sta g e of faith (im d n ), w hich is its e lf
preced ed by th e lowest, or e n try level, stag e of su b m issio n (isla m ).
W ith in th is c o n te x t, Ib n T aym iyyah s e e s relig io n (din) a s a
c o m p re h e n siv e te rm t h a t in c lu d e s th e th re e levels of p e rfe c t
devotion, fa ith a n d su b m issio n a s well a s su b jectio n (k h u d u ‘) an d
14Ibn Manzur (Lisdn al-'Arab, S.V. "h s n ") defines the term ihsdn within the
context o f this hadith as ikh ld s. He then states that "ihsdn is a condition for the
soundness o f both faith and submission because one can express a statement
and perform an action without sincerity (ikhlds.). Thus he is not a perfect
devotee even though his faith is correct." On the issue o f ih sdn as a theological
concept in relation to isld m and im d n , Izutsu (1965:58-59) states that ih s d n
was never "elaborated theoretically by the theologians."
192
h u m ility {dulD. By referrin g to the in te rre la te d m eanings of ihsdn,
im d n , isldm , k h u d d * a n d d u ll Ibn Taym iyyah is u sin g th e se term s
w ith in th e context of h is linguistic th e o ry (see above C h a p te r 2,
P a rt C) to b u ild his a rg u m e n t th a t religion a n d w orship a s defined
in th e Q u ra n a n d th e S u n n a h r e p r e s e n t th e m o s t p erfect
experience in a M uslim 's relation to God.
3B Therefore, the whole of the religion is included in worshipping. It

has been confirmed in the Sahih15 that w hen Gabriel came to the Prophet
in the guise of a bedouin to ask him about isldm, imdn and ihsdn,16 he said:
"Islam is that you testify that there is no deity but Allah and that
Muhammad is the Messenger of Allah, and that you establish prayer, pay
the legislated almsgiving, observe the fast of Ramadan, and perform the
pilgrimage to the Kaaba if you are able to bear the journey." Gabriel then
said: "What is faith (imdn)?" He replied: "That you believe in Allah, His
angels, His books, His messengers, the resurrection after death, and that
you believe in determinism (qadar), for good and evil." Gabriel then said:
"What is perfect devotion (ihsdn)?” He replied: "That you worship Allah as
if you see Him, for though you do not see Him, He surely sees you." He
(Muhammad) remarked at the end of this hadith: "This was Gabriel. He
came to instruct you about your religion." Thus, he made all of this part of
the religion.
The w ord "religion" necessarily includes (yatadam m anu) the
meaning of subjection and humility. It is said: "I subjugated him (dintuhu)
l 5 Bukhart, iman 37, tafsir surah 31:bab 2.

^ E d ition 4 has only isldm .
193
and he became subjugated (fa-dana)," that is, I humbled him (adlaltuhu)
and he became humble (dalla); and it is said: "We obey Allah (nadinu-lldh)
and subm it to Him (nadinu li-llah)," that is, we worship Allah, we obey
Him and subject ourselves to Him. Therefore, the religion of Allah is
worshipping Him, obeying Him and subjecting oneself to Him.17
Love Com pletes th e C oncept of Worship
4A Up to th is point, Ib n T aym iyyah h a s defined religion a s a

p ro c e ss of sp iritu a l d ev elo p m en t p ro g ressin g th ro u g h th e th re e
s ta g e s o f su b m iss io n , f a ith and p e rfe c t devotion. He th e n
in c o rp o ra te s in to th e s e s ta g e s th e co n cep ts of s u b ju g a tio n ,
obedience an d hum ility. T h u s, religion, according to Ibn Taym iyyah,
is syn o n y m o u s w ith w orshipping, w hich h e also explains a s h aving
th e ro o t m ean in g of hum ility. However, th is description of religion
an d w o rsh ip is still incom plete, for it is m issing th e asp ect of love
(m a h a b b a h ). W ithout a fo u n d atio n of love, says Ibn Taymiyyah. th e
com bination of subjugation, obedience an d hum ility does n o t re a c h
the s ta tu s of w orship, an d th u s a M uslim 's religion is defective. He
17The translation o f the terra d in and its derivatives in this paragraph depends
on the various levels o f meaning to which Ibn Taymiyyah is referring. In a
general sense, a l-d in means a l- is ld m , that is, the concept o f religion as a way o f
life. Within the context of his definition o f worship, Ibn Taymiyyah is using
the term din in its well-known meaning o f (Lull and ta'abbud', see Ibn Manzur's
Lisdn a l - ‘Arab: S.V. "dyn." The specific understanding o f his explanation o f
religion revolves around his use o f three basic terms to express the foundation
o f worship: din, in the sense o f subjugation and obedience, dull, in the sense of
humility, and khudi2 *. in the sense o f subjection. For the definitions o f these
terms, see also Lane's Lexicon, S.V. "khd‘". "dyn" and "dll. "
194
sees th e fulfillm ent of w orship in th e realization th a t God, in His
essence, m u s t be th e object of o n e's love.18
B u t love is n o t a s in g u la r co n cep t for Ib n T aym iyyah, who
d iscu sses it in te rm s of w h at h e sees a s the five b asic levels of love.
In ex p lain in g h is th e o ry for th e s e levels of love, h e b o rro w s a
sc h em a tic view o f love fo u n d in th e w ritings on p ro fa n e love.
However, Ibn T aym iyyah does n o t a p p e a r to have ever developed his
ow n theory of love beyond th e g en eral term s u se d in th is g e n re .19
T he im p o rta n t p o in t of th is se c tio n is th a t h e m a k e s love a n
e s se n tia l a s p e c t of w o rsh ip . H ow ever, a n o th e r p o in t w h ic h he
brin g s up, a n d w h ich he will develop in later sections, is th a t love
c a n also be c o rru p t, for it is n o t p u rely good in-itself. He th u s
qualifies th is e s s e n tia l re la tio n sh ip betw een love a n d w o rsh ip by
em phasizing th a t love alone w ith o u t obedience a n d s u b m issio n is
n o t w orship.
18BeIl (1979:48) points out that the erroneous concept that Ibn Taymiyyah
only emphasized the love o f the law and not the love o f God has been
perpetuated by Laoust, Anawati and Gardet. As will become apparent in this
text, Ibn Taymiyyah clearly stresses the utter necessity o f loving God for
H im self (li-d&tihi).
19See Giffen (1971:83-96) for the terms used in the works on profane love. Ibn
Taymiyyah presents a slightly more detailed discussion concerning various
concepts o f love in relation to states o f psychological and emotional
dependence in Chapter 6, sections 1 and 4. In contrast to Ibn Taymiyyah, Ibn
al-Qayyim (1402/1982) wrote extensively on the terms and concepts related to
love theory in his book R aw dat al-Muhibbtn. On pp.23-55, Ibn al-Qayyim
discusses over sixty terms related to the category o f love. For a detailed
discussion o f Ibn Taymiyyah’s beliefs on love theory within the context o f the
H a n b a li thinking on this topic, see Bell (1979:54-89).
195
4B W orshipping in its original meaning is also humility. It is said that
a beaten path (tariq mu'abbad) is the path that has been trodden by the
trampling of feet. But the w orshipping that is com m anded necessarily
includes the m eaning of hum ility and love {hubb), for it necessarily
includes extreme humility before Allah with extreme love for Him. The
final level of love is enslavem ent by love (tatayyum ),20 an d its initial
level is attachm ent ('alaqah) because the heart is first attached to the
beloved. (After attachm ent comes) deep affection (sababah) because the
inclination of the heart is tow ard the beloved. This is followed by ardent
desire (ghardm). w hich is an unavoidable love in the heart. Then comes
passionate love ('ishq), and finally enslavement by love.21 Thus it is said
that "the loving servant of Allah" (taym-allah) means "the w orshipper of
Allah" ('abd-allah) because the enslaved lover is the one who yields
completely to his beloved.
One who submits to a person with hatred is not w orshipping him.
Also, if he were to love something without submitting to it, he would not
be a worshipper of it; this is like a man who loves his son and friend. For
this reason n eith er love nor subm ission alone are sufficient in
worshipping Allah. Rather, it is obligatory that Allah is more beloved for a
worshipper than everything else and that He is greater for him than all
things. Furtherm ore, nothing deserves love and com plete hum ility22
2®Lane defines ta y m as enslavement because o f love and as a vehement love that

deprives one o f reason; see his L ex ico n , S.V. "tym."
21 This same schematic view o f love is found in al-Tuhfat a l - ‘lrd q iy ya h fi-l-
A'm dl a l-Q a lbiyyah (pp.70-71). In a l- 'U b d d iy y a h , the term 'is h q is discussed
in particular in Chapter 6, section 4. Ibn Taymiyyah also has a lengthy
discussion o f ‘ish q in Amrad al-Qul&b wa Shifd’uha (pp. 1 3 1 -1 3 2 ).
22Edition 5 has al-UlMdiV instead o f al-iull.
196
except Allah. For if one's love for something is for other than the sake of
Allah, then his love is corrupt; and if one's reverence of something is
w ithout the command of Allah, then his reverence is false. The Exalted
One says:
Say: If your fathers, your sons, your brothers, your wives, your
kindred, the wealth that you have gained, the commerce in which
you fear a decline, and the dwellings in which you delight are dearer
to you than Allah and His Messenger, and striving hard in His Cause,
then w ait until Allah brings about His command (of punishment).
Allah does not guide rebellious people. [al-Tawbah 9:24]
T he C lassification of Em otions
5A Ib n Taymiyyah h a s described the basic sp iritu a l s ta te s related

to w o rsh ip in te rm s of th e th re e qualitatively a sc e n d in g levels
th ro u g h w hich a w o rsh ip p er progresses. The p assag e from isld m to
ih sd n req u ires the a ttrib u te s of subjugation, hum ility, obedience and
love. B u t these attrib u te s are n o t a t a w orshipper's disposal to u se as
h e sees fit. In th is section, Ibn Taymiyyah explains th e m a n n e r in
w h ich th e s e term s re la te to one an o th er an d how th ey a re to be
directed tow ard God a n d His M essenger. He also in tro d u ce s o th er
em otional sta te s of a w o rsh ip p er su ch as c o n ten tm en t (r id a ') a n d
fear (khawf ). w hich a re related to the p rim ary a ttrib u te s alread y
m en tio n ed . He divides th e te rm s into two categories: th o se sta te s
w h ich are for God alone, s u c h a s the w orship of a th in g for itself,
reliance, sufficiency a n d fear, a n d those w hich a re for God a n d His
M essen g er together, s u c h a s love, obedience, a n d c o n te n tm e n t
w ith ju d g em en ts. In th is section, Ibn Taym iyyah begins to clarify
197
th e d ifferen ce b e tw e e n love a n d w o rsh ip , th e la t t e r being
exclusively for God,
5B Thus, generic love (fins al-mahabbah)23 is for A llah and His

Messenger. Likewise, obedience is for Allah and His Messenger, and the act
of pleasing (irdd') another is for Allah and His Messenger:
...But it is more fitting that they please Allah and H is Messenger, if

they are believers. [al-Tawbah 9:62]
Also, the distribution of provisions (ita.') is for Allah and His Messenger:
If only they had been content with w hat Allah and His Messenger
gave them... [al-Tawbah 9:59]
However, worshipping and what is related to it, such as reliance and

fear, m ust be only for Allah as the Exalted One says:
Say: O People of the Scripture (Jews and Christians)! come to a proper

agreement between us and you—that we worship none b u t Allah, and
that we associate nothing in worship with Him, and that none of us
shall take others as lords besides Allah. Then if they tu rn away, say:
Bear witness that we are Muslims. [A1 'Imran 3:64]
But if only they had been pleased with what Allah and His Messenger
gave them and had said: Allah suffices for us; A llah and His
Messenger will give us of His bounty; we are surely directing our
wishes toward Allah alone. [al-Tawbah 9:59]
Thus the distribution of provisions is the right of A llah and His

Messenger as He says:
This refers to the general feelings o f love that someone has for another. In
Chapter 6, sections 4 and 5, Ibn Taymiyyah describes the important
distinction between love (from the root hbb) and intimate friendship (from the
root kh.ll), which he sees as a qualitatively superior kind o f love.
198
...Whatever the Messenger gives you, take it, and whatever he forbids
you, avoid it; and act piously out of fear of Allah. Allah is certainly
severe in punishment. [al-Hashr 59:7]
As for sufficiency, which is being adequate (kdft) for any purpose, it is Allah
alone (who suffices) as the Exalted One says:
(The believers are) those to w hom people said: M en are surely
gathering against you, so fear them. But this increased them in faith
and they said: Allah suffices for us, and how perfect a protector He is.
[A1 'Imran 3:173]
O Prophet! Allah suffices for you and for any believers who follow
you. [al-Anfal 8:64]
That is, Allah suffices for you (Muhammad) and He suffices for those
[M uslim s]24 who follow you. Whoever thinks that the m eaning is "the
sufficer for you (Muhammad) is Allah and the believers together" is surely
making a tremendous error. We have explained this elsewhere.25 Also,
the Exalted One says:
24This insertion is from Edition 3. It explicitly states the intention o f Ibn

Taymiyyah's exegesis o f this verse (see n25).
25 The only other reference to this verse that I have been able to find is in
"Qa‘idah ff-l-Tawassul wa-l-Wasilah" in Majm&‘ Fatdwd, v o l.l, p.306, which
also does not go into details. However, it is clear that in the present context
Ibn Taymiyyah is interpreting al-Anfal 8:64 within the limits o f his dogmatic
stance concerning the concept o f sufficiency, which he categorizes as one o f
duties that are only for God. Thus he rejects the notion that the believers
suffice for Muhammad. A fuller explanation o f this stance is given by Ibn al-
Qayyim in Zdd a l-M a ‘dd, v o l.l, pp.35-36, in which he gives four interpretations
o f the verse based on the usages o f the conjunction wa in the phrase h a s b u k a -
lldhu wa man ittaba ‘aka. Three o f them, he states, are acceptable: 1) if w a links
m an to the ka in a genitive construction, 2) if w a has the meaning o f m a ‘a and
m a n is in the accusative case, as in the statement: hasbuka wa zaydan dirhamun,
and 3) if man is the subject o f a nominal sentence (m u b ta d a ’) and is predicated
by reconstruction (t a q d i r ) with fa-h asbu h u m alldhu. The fourth possibility is
rejected, says Ibn al-Qayyim, because the meaning is pure error: if m a n is in
the nominative case and linked to the noun a lld h . In support o f this
interpretation, Ibn Kai.fr (1402/198 l:v .2 , p. 117) also states that this is the
position o f Ibn Abf Hatim, who reports it from the Follower al-Shu‘bf (d. 104
199
Is not A llah sufficient for His w orshipper?... [al-Zumar 39:36]
P redestination an d th e C lassification of H um anity
6A A fte r d e sc rib in g th e r e la tio n s h ip b e tw e e n religion and

w orship w ith th e com ponent psychological a n d em otional aspects,
Ibn T aym iyyah shifts his focus to th e concept of predestination. His
d isc u ssio n of G od's creative will (m a sh ta h ). w hich is introduced for
th e first tim e, form s the b ack g ro u n d for h is classification of h u m an
bein g s. H e categorizes h u m a n b e in g s in relatio n to "slavery" and
w orship a s follows: the first division of h u m a n ity is com prised of
th o se w ho know they are slaves a n d th o se who are ignorant of this;
th e se c o n d division, stem m in g fro m th o se w ho know th e y are
slaves, is co m p rised of th o se w ho refu se to w orship an d th o se who
accep t it; a n d th e th ird division, stem m in g from th o se who accept
th e ir s ta tu s of w orshipper, is co m p rised of those w ho w orship with
d iso b ed ien ce a n d those who w o rsh ip purely. Ibn Taym iyyah uses
th is sim p le categorization, w h ich is clearly related to the Q uranic
division o f h u m a n ity into believers, disbelievers a n d hypocrites, to
esta b lish arch e ty p al groups th a t will function a s h is basic points of
reference in determ ining th e "orthodoxy" of v ario u s historical and
co n tem p o rary g roups of M uslim s.
or 107/722-3 or 725-6). However, other exegetes accept the interpretation that

is rejected by Ibn Taymiyyah. Tabari (1373/1904:v.6, p.48-49) and Fakhr al-
Din al-Razi (no date:v.l5, pp.191-192) explain that one can say that the
believers are sufficient for Muhammad so long as it is understood that they are
a means by which God grants victory to him. This interpretation is also
mentioned in Jal& layn:244 and S h a w k a n i:2 3 6 .
200
T he c o n c e p t of p red estin atio n , a s d is c u s se d in C h a p te r 3,
n e c e ssita te s Ibn Taym iyyah to d iscuss fate a n d free will. He begins
th is d isc u ssio n by sta tin g th a t God wills all th in g s a n d th a t no one
c a n step o u tsid e of His will (m a sh i’ah). However, h e conceives of
G od's c re a tiv e w ill a s fu n c tio n in g in c o n ju n c tio n w ith H is
legislation. G od’s all-encom passing creative will, he sta te s , applies
to a n e x iste n tia l re a lity (al-haqiqah a l-k a w n iy y a h ),26 th a t is, all
ex isten t beings are affected by it. B ut for Ibn Taym iyyah, th is reality
does n o t form th e b a s is on w hich a Muslim m u st p a tte rn h is life. He
explains t h a t disbelievers a n d hypocrites, w ho a re led a s tra y by
S a ta n , tr e a t th e ex isten tial reality as th e only tr u th . T h u s th ey
derive th e ir beliefs a n d p ractices from a d isto rte d view of G od’s
rev e la tio n , w h ich , Ib n T aym iyyah in s is ts , in c lu d e s b o th an
existential reality a n d legislative decrees.
6B The clarification of this is that the term slave ('abd) refers to the
subjugated one whom Allah subjugates, humbles, controls, and disposes.
26The term h a q iq a h in a theological and philosophical context has been

translated as "truth," "reality" and "essence.” A few examples must suffice to
show the various uses o f this term. In reference to Ibn Taymiyyah's empirical
view o f particulars in the external world, Hallaq (1993:xxii) states that
individuals exist "...in the context o f a reality (h a q i q a h ) that is different from
other realities." Elsewhere (p.87), concerning Ibn Taymiyyah's discussion o f
the conditional hypothetical syllogism , Hallaq refers to the essence (h a q iq a h )
o f an inference remaining unchanged. Nasr (1996:29) discusses h a q iq a h in
terms o f an inner truth that lies at the heart o f the Quran, in opposition to its
external dimension which is related to Islamic law. Chittick (1989:37)
translates haqiqah as reality in reference to Ibn ‘Arabi's conception o f "...the
Divine Essence considered in respect o f a particular relationship which It
assumes with the creatures." The haqiqah is the descriptive term for this
relationship. A s for my purposes, I shall translate h a q iq a h as "reality" unless
otherwise noted.
201
In this respect all created beings are actually slaves of Allah, the pious and
the im pudent, the believers and the unbelievers, the inhabitants of
heaven and the inhabitants of hell, for He is the Lord of them all and their
Owner. They cannot escape from His creative will (m ashi'ah), His
determ inism ,27 and His perfect words which no man, pious or sinner, can
transgress. Whatever He wills is, even though they did not will that; and
whatever they will is not, if He has not willed it, as the Exalted One says:
Do they seek other than the religion of Allah while all that is in the
heavens and on earth have su b m itted to Him, w illingly or
unwillingly? And to Him all shall be returned. [A1 'Imran 3:83]
He, glorified be He, is the Lord of the W orlds, their Creator, the
Provider of their sustenance, the One bestowing life to them and the One
causing them to die, the Controller of their hearts and the Disposer of their
affairs. He is the only Lord they have; they have no owner nor creator28
other than He. (This is true) whether they acknowledge it or deny it, and
w hether they know it or are ignorant of it. But the faithful believers
am ong them know29 it and acknowledge it.30 This is contrary to the one
who is ignorant of it or who disavows it while being arrogant tow ards his
Lord. He neither confirms (his status as slave) nor submits to Him,
although he knows that Allah is his Lord and his Creator. For cognizing
27Editions 3 and 4 have q u d ra tih i instead o f q a d a r ih i.

28Edition 3 inserts li-kulli s h a y ’ ln wa mudabbiruhu wa musakhkhiru.hu.
29Editions 2, 3 and 4 have ‘alimtI instead o f ‘arafd.
30Edition 3 has dm an d instead o f i ’ta ra fd , and then inserts wa shakaru.hu bi-
‘ubddiyyati-l-dlihiyyah ra g h a b an wa rahaban.
202
the truth while arrogantly disdaining to accept it, and even disavowing it,
is a great torment to man as the Exalted One says:31
They disavowed them (Allah's signs) unjustly and arrogantly, though

their souls were convinced by them. Then see what was the end of
those who acted corruptly. [al-Naml 27:14]
Those to whom We gave the Scripture (Jews and C hristians)

recognize him (Muhammad) as they recognize their sons. But a group
of them knowingly conceal the truth. [al-Baqarah 2:146]
...But they do not deny you (Muhammad), rather the transgressors

disavow the signs of Allah. [al-An'am 6:33]
Therefore, if a slave cognizes32 that Allah is his Lord and his
Creator and that he is poor w ithout Him and in need of Him, then he
cognizes that his worship is directly related to the lordship of Allah. Such a
slave asks for things from his Lord, beseeches Him and relies o n Him.
Nevertheless, he still m ight obey His command or he might disobey it,
and he still might worship Him while worshipping Satan and idols. This
type of worship does not distinguish between the people of paradise and
the people of hell. With this type of worship a man does not become a
believer as Allah, the Exalted One, says:
Most (people) only believe in Allah as polytheists. [Yusuf 12:106]
31 In this paragraph, knowledge is being contrasted with ignorance and

cognizance is being contrasted with denial. The terms being used are
translated as follows: ‘alima = to know, ‘arafa = to cognize, i'tarafa = to
acknowledge, ma'rifah = cognizance, ankara = to deny, jahada = to disavow, and
j a h a l a = to be ignorant of. These translations will be maintained throughout the
text. In his classification o f human beings and his description o f the
developm ent o f a worshipper, Ibn Taymiyyah indicates a constant tension
between ignorance and knowledge and between cognizance and denial.
Intricately linked to this is the concept o f arrogance. Thus, as a Muslim
progresses toward perfection in worship, he must overcome obstacles such as
arrogance, denial and disobedience.
32Editions 3, 4 and 5 have i'ta ra fa instead o f 'arafa.
203
Indeed, the pagan Arabs used to confirm that Allah was their Creator and
Provider while worshipping other than Him. Allah says:
Certainly, if you ask them: Who created the heavens and the earth?
They will say: Allah (has created them)... [al-Zumar 39:38]
Say: To whom belongs the earth and whatever is on it, if you know?
They will say: To Allah! Say: Will you then not be admonished? Say:
Who is the Lord of the seven heavens, and the Lord of the Great
Throne? They will say: Allah! Say: Will you then not fear Allah? Say:
In whose H and is the sovereignty of everything and He protects all
while against Him there is no protector, if you know? They will say:
Allah! Say: How th en are you deceived (about the truth)? [ai-
M u'm inun 23:84-89]
Most of those who speak about reality, and bear witness to it, bear
w itness to only this reality—the existential reality (al-haqiqat al-
kazuniyyah)—in which the believer and the disbeliever, the upright and
the im pudent, participate. They share in the witnessing of it and the
cognizance of it. Even Iblis (Satan) and the people of hell are cognizant of
this reality:
(Iblis) said: My Lord! Give me respite then till the day they (the dead)
are resurrected. [Sad 38:79]
He said: O my Lord! because You sent me astray, I will surely make

(disobedience) appear pleasing to them on earth, and I will lead them
all astray. [al-Hijr 15:39]
He said: I swear by Your might (O Allah) that I will lead them all
astray. [Sad 38:82]
He said: Do You (O Allah) see this one whom You have honored
above me? If You give me respite until the Day of Resurrection, I will
surely bring his posterity under my authority,33 all b u t a few! [al-Isra'
(Bani Isra'il) 17:62]
33For the translation o f la-ahtanikanna &u.rriyyatahu., see Penrice (1987:39).
204
There are many similar statem ents in which Iblis confirms that Allah is
his Lord and his Creator and the Creator of all others. Similarly, the people
of the hellfire will say:
...Our Lord! our misfortune overwhelmed us, and we were an erring
people. [al-Mu'minun 23:106]
Allah says:
If you could see when they (the disbelievers) will be detained in front
of their Lord! He will say: Is not this (resurrection an d the taking of
accounts) the truth? They will confirm: Yes, by our Lord!... [al-An'am
6:30]
P redestination a n d Religious O bligations
7A In th e previous s e c tio n Ib n Taym iyyah e x p lain e d th a t th e

s ta tu s of slavery to God is th e n a tu ra l condition of h u m a n beings. He
d raw s th is co n clu sio n fro m th e concept of a n u n iv e rs a l reality
w h ich affects all c re a te d b ein g s. Ib n Taym iyyah d e sc rib e s th is
reality as an existential reality related to p redestination. However, a
M u slim ’s m oral, e th ic a l a n d relig io u s life m u s t co n fo rm to a
legislated tr u th w hich h e a sso c ia te s w ith the "religious reality" (al-
haqlqat al-dm iyyah). F or Ib n Taym iyyah, th e ex iste n tia l reality is
su b su m ed u n d er God’s L ordship an d is only p a rt of th e m eaning of
th e declaration of t a w h i d 34 To focus on the ex isten tial reality and
34For Ibn Taymiyyah, the concept o f ta w h id (oneness) consists o f two aspects

which he refers to as verbal oneness (tawhid qawlt) and active oneness (ta w h id
‘amalt); see "Qa‘idah fT-I-TawassuI wa-l-Wasflah" in Majmd' F atdw d, v o l.l,
p.367. In this translation, I shall distinguish between these two different
aspects o f ta w h id only when necessitated by the context o f particular passages.
In such cases, the concept o f "verbal oneness" will be rendered as the
205
raise it above th e religious law is for him a trem en d o u s d isto rtio n
an d falsehood. He re la te s th is d isto rtio n of th e religious re a lity to
th e b elief of S a ta n a n d th o s e d e stin e d for th e h e llfire . Ibn
Taym iyyah hig h lig h ts h is case for th e su p rem acy of th e religious
re a lity by m e n tio n in g th a t a l- K h a d i r 3s w as n o t fre ed of
"declaration o f ta w h i d ," and the concept o f "active oneness" w ill be rendered as

the "application o f ta w h i d ."
35Khadir (or Khidrt is the name o f the servant ( ‘ab d ) whom Moses accompanied
as mentioned in Sura al-Kahf 18:60-82. Although unnamed in the Quran, the
Prophet spoke o f him at length as reported in authentic hadiths, giving his
name along with other details o f his encounter with Moses. A full discussion o f
him would be much too lengthy to go into here, especially if one attempts to
abstract the authentic reports from the numerous fabricated stories. For a
review o f the general information concerning Khadir. see Wensinck (1978, S.V.
"al-.Kh.adir"). Also, Ibn Hajar has a lengthy discussion o f the authenticity o f
the reports related to Khadir in Fath al-B dri (Kitab al-Tafsir), (no date:v.8,
pp.409-425). For our purposes, som e important issues concerning his status
need to be discussed. Ibn Taymiyyah mentions Khadir because he figures very
prominently in the belief system o f many Sufi mystics as the example o f a man
who attained "cognizance" (m a 'rifa h ). (See Schimmel, 1975:passim.) He becomes
the basis and justification for their claims o f mystic knowledge. In this
context, the statements o f Ibn Hajar concerning Khadir's status and the level o f
his knowledge will go a long way in explaining the s a la fi view o f him. In the
F ath (Kitab al-TIm), v .l, pp.217-220, Ibn Hajar discusses the sa la fi view o f
Khadir while refuting many o f the Sufi claims concerning him. In summary, he
states: 1) K hadir was a prophet but not a messenger, and only the people o f
falsehood (ahl al-bdtil) call him God's saint (w a li), 2) Khadir did not have
complete knowledge o f the Unseen (gh a y b ). for prophets only receive limited
knowledge, 3) human intelligence is deficient and incapable o f comprehending
the secrets o f Lordship (a s r d r al-rubdbiyyah), and 4) it is an act o f disbelief
to claim secret knowledge by making statements such as: A) there is a path o f
knowledge that necessitates the abandonment o f the Law (shari'ah). B) the
judgements o f the Law are for the masses, but God's saints have no need for
revealed texts, for they can judge according to their hearts and minds
(kh a w d t i r ) because their purification and renunciation brings them divine
knowledge (al-'uldm al-ildhiyyah) and divine truths (al-haqd’iq al-
ra bbdn iyyah ), and C) one should not take knowledge from the dead (i.e. from
transmitted sources), but take it directly from the Living One who never dies.
These points and others that Ibn Hajar discusses reflect Ibn Taymiyyah's
stance concerning K hadir.
206
resp o n sib ility for obeying G od's laws. W ith th is p o in t Ibn T aym iyyah
is in d icatin g th a t obedience alw ays h a s b e e n a n d alw ays will b e a
n e c e s s a ry p a r t of w orship a n d draw ing n e a r to God. This p o sitio n
r e p re s e n ts Ibn Taym iyyah's opposition to th e ex tre m ist Sufis s u c h
a s th e R ifa 'iy y a h , the Q a la n d a riy y a h a n d th e M a la m a tiy y a h , w ho
believe in v ario u s degrees th a t sin a n d d isobedience are a s p e c ts of
w o rs h ip .36
T h e d istin c tio n b etw een th e "e x iste n tia l reality" a n d th e
"relig io u s reality " are p a r t of Ib n T a y m iy y a h 's b e lie f in th e
d is tin c tio n b e tw e e n G o d ’s c re a tiv e w ill a n d H is le g is la te d
c o m m a n d s a n d p ro h ib itio n s. T h u s h e d eem s it n e c e s s a ry for a
M uslim to tu r n h is h e a rt w ith love a n d obedience to God. W ith o u t
th is d istin c tio n , a w o rsh ip p er will "deify" th e e x iste n tia l reality ,
w h ic h in c lu d e s disobedience a n d disbelief, b y tu r n in g h is h e a r t
w ith love a n d exaltation tow ard a n object in creation. This seem s to
b e th e only viable u n d ersta n d in g of Ibn T aym iyyah's sta te m e n t th a t
"a deity is th a t w hich a h e a rt deifies...." T he obvious circu larity of
th is sta te m e n t is explained b y Ibn T aym iyyah's descrip tio n of ta w h id
a s moving from being a m ere slave to being a n ‘a b d in the se n se of a
w o rsh ip p e r. T h u s he asso c ia te s w o rsh ip w ith th e u n d e rs ta n d in g
a n d p ractice of ta w h id b ased on th e re q u ire m e n ts th a t he se es a s
b ein g in h e re n t in the idea of God a s th e only tru e deity. The m ore
com pletely a w orshipper em braces th e religious reality, he say s, th e
m ore fully he en ters into th e only type of w orship th a t God loves.
36See Chapter 3, Part B, section 2, for a discussion o f these antinomian Sufi

grou p s.
207
7B Thus, whoever lim its himself to this existential reality and the
witnessing of it and does not perform the religious reality (al-haqiqah al-
diniyyah) that he is commanded to do—which includes worshipping Him
as related to His divinity and obeying His command and the command of
His messengers—will be in the same category as Iblis and the people of the
hellfire. Moreover, if he thinks that he is one of Allah's spedal elite and
one of the possessors of cognizance and realization,37 those who believe
that the legislated commands and prohibitions have been w aived for
them, then he is one of the most evil unbelievers and an apostate.
Whoever thinks that al-Khadir and others had the legislated commands
waived for them because of witnessing the divine will (iradah) and things
of this sort is saying something more evil than the statements of the
disbelievers in Allah and His messengers. He will remain (a disbeliever)
until he enters into the second type of meaning of 'abd, that is, a slave who
is a worshipper. Then he will be a worshipper of Allah, not worshipping
anything other than Him; he will be obeying His command and the
command of His messengers, acting loyal to the believing, pious saints of
37Literally: ah I a l-m a ‘rifah wa-l-tahqiq. This is a clear reference to the w ell-

known Sufi concepts o f gnosis and realization. As I explained above (p. 186
n32), I will translate m a 'r if a h as cognizance. In the classical Sufi
understanding, as explained by Chittick (1989:148-149), m a 'rifa h is a "gnostic
science" which is at a higher level than 'ilm. He also states that the term can be
rendered as "true knowledge" or "to recognize." My use o f "realization" for
tah q iq is based on its use by Ernst (1985:59) and Beaurecueil (1962:132), who
uses the French "realisation." The Sufi concept o f realization, for which
Chittick (1989:166-168) prefers "verification,” is a "station o f the great
gnostics, those who have verified the truth o f their knowledge through
unveiling and direct vision."
208
Allah and having enmity for the enemies of Allah.38 This worshipping is
related to the divinity of Allah. For this reason the declaration of tazvhid is
"there is no deity except Allah." This stands in contrast to the one who
confirms Allah's Lordship but does not worship Him or worships another
deity alongside Him. For a deity is that which a heart deifies with perfect
love, glorification, exaltation, respectfulness, fear, hope, and the like.39
This worshipping is w hat Allah loves and approves of, and by which He
describes His chosen w orshippers, and w ith w hich He sent His
messengers. As for the other meaning of slave, regardless of whether one
admits that status or denies it, it is a meaning which refers to both the
believer and the disbeliever.
By differentiating between these two types of 'abd one can recognize
the difference between the religious realities, on the one hand, and the
existential realities, on the other. The religious realities include
worshipping Allah, His religion, and His legislated commands. Allah
loves these realities and approves of them, and He grants His protection to
the people of these realities and honors them accordingly.40 The
existential realities are those in which the believer and disbeliever, the
upright and im pudent, participate. W hoever is satisfied w ith the
existential realities w ithout following the religious realities is one of the
3 8 Editions 3 inserts al-k&firin wa-l-f&siqin.

3 9 Ibn Taymiyyah's statement reads: fa-l-ildh alla&i y u ’allihuhu-l-qalb. As he
explains below in Chapter 6, section 1, a heart must worship something, that
is, it must direct its love, hope and fear toward something. Thus, according to
Ibn Taymiyyah, false deities are created by people when they direct their
worship toward a thing that is in itself unworthy o f that worship, for only God
is truly worthy o f worship.
4 0 Editions 3, 4, and 5 have yukrimuhum bi-jannatihi instead o f b i-h a sa b ih i.
209
followers of the cursed Iblis and one of the rejectors of the Lord of the
W orlds. Also, whoever is satisfied with them (the religious realities) in
certain matters but not in others, or in a certain situation or circumstance
but not in another, will have a diminished faith and friendship to Allah
in accordance w ith the diminishment of the religious realities. This is a
serious situation in w hich m any erring persons have been mistaken.
M any seekers of the truth have been confused by this to the point that
even great scholars associated41 w ith realization, tawhid, and cognition
('ir/flw),42 have slipped because of it. No one can count their number except
Allah, who knows the concealed and revealed matters.
P redestination. Free Will an d th e H adith of A dam and M oses
8A T he co n cep ts of a n ex isten tial reality an d a religious reality

n e c e ss ita te Ibn T aym iyyah to begin h is d isc u ssio n of th e is s u e of
p re d e stin a tio n in rela tio n to free will. B ased on h is d isc u ssio n of
th e h a d ith a b o u t th e conversation betw een A dam an d Moses, w h ich
o c c u rs in th is sectio n , it a p p e a rs th a t Ib n Taym iyyah a s so c ia te s
p re d e s tin a tio n w ith th e ex isten tial reality a n d free will w ith th e
relig io u s reality. However, h e m u s t resolve a p arad o x th a t ste m s
from h is belief th a t a M uslim ’s choice is n o n e th e le ss s u b s u m e d
u n d e r God’s will. E x p ressed in a m a n n e r u n d e rs ta n d a b le to th e
41 Editions 3 and 4 have a l - m u d d a ‘in instead o f a l-m u n ta sib in .

4 2 I have chosen to use the meaning o f "to cognize" for words derived from the
root ‘rf. The word ‘irfan is usually translated as gnosis, which in Sufi
terminology means "a form o f knowledge which can be achieved only through
spiritual practice, not by book learning or study with a teacher" (Chittick,
1 9 8 9 :1 4 9 ).
210
m o d e rn m ind, w ith its focus on "the in d iv id u al," one can s a y th a t
Ib n T aym iyyah reje cts th e concept of h u m a n freedom as a b s o lu te
"autonom y" b u t allow s som e "room" for h u m a n freedom "...in th e
face of a creato r of all."43 T hus, the first p o in t h e m akes is th a t God
h a s a b s o lu te pow er over all things. Ib n T aym iyyah confirm s th is
d o ctrin e th ro u g h a s ta te m e n t from ‘Abd a l-Q ad ir al-Jilan l44 w h ich
clarifies th a t religious reality is to be u s e d to co m b at e x iste n tia l
reality. In o th er w ords, th e "room" of h u m a n freedom is to fig h t th e
q a d a r of th e ex isten tial reality by the q a d a r of th e religious reality.
Ib n Taym iyyah ex p lain s th a t th e proper a ttitu d e a n d p ractice of a
M uslim in relation to p red estin atio n is to obey God a t all tim es. The
"choice" of th e w o rsh ip p e r m u s t be to favor th e religious re a lity
over th e ex isten tial reality . T h u s, he s ta te s th a t th o se w ho e rr
c o n c e rn in g p re d e s tin a tio n focus on th e e x is te n tia l re a lity a n d
ignore th e religious reality.
Ib n Taym iyyah fu rth e r develops h is th e o ry of free will w ith in
th e c o n te x t of p re d e s tin a tio n by e x p la in in g th e re la tio n s h ip
betw een sin, rep en tan ce an d th e co n seq u en ces of sin . He p re s e n ts
th e h a d ith of Adam a n d M oses to clarify th is relatio n sh ip . He u s e s
th is h a d ith a n d th e v e rse s quoted a t th e e n d of th is s e c tio n to
in d ic a te th a t G od’s a b s o lu te power to d e te rm in e all th in g s still
allow s for a lim ited free will w hich n e c e ssita te s th e legal an d m o ral
4 3 i am borrowing this analogy from Burrell (1993:75), who does not use it in
reference to Ibn Taymiyyah.
4 4 ‘Abd al-QSdir al-Jilani was bom about 470/1077 and died in 561/1166. He
was a leading H a n b a li scholar who followed the Sufi path. For a review o f the
biographical material about al-Jilani, see M argoliouth (1907:267-310).
211
resp o n sib ilities of th e w o rsh ip p er v is-a-v is th e Law. T his is th e
b a s is of h is m o ral argum ents in u n d e rsta n d in g fate an d free will. Ibn
T aym iyyah co n firm s th e do ctrin e of free will a n d th e id e a of a
religious reality by explaining th e obligation of a sin n e r to rep en t
a n d by pointing o u t th a t God m ak es clear a distinction betw een th e
pio u s people a n d th e sinners.
8B Sheikh 'A bd al-Qadir, may Allah have mercy on him, had pointed
to this matter as is reported from him: "Many people, when they reach the
subject of predestination (al-qada.' wa-l-qadar), hold back, b ut not I. A
window has been opened to it for me. I fight the determinations of the
truth by the truth for the truth. A m an is the one who fights determinism,
not the one who conforms to it."45
45The last two sentences o f this quote read: fa-n dza'tu aqdara-l-haqq bi-l-
haqq li-l-haqq wa-l-rajul man yukunu m undzi‘an li-l-qadar Id man yakdnu
m u w d f iq an li-l-qadar. As yet, I have not been able to find this quote reported
from ‘Abd al-Qadir. There is a similar statement in Kalahari (1 388/1969:116)
which reads: al-taw ddu' qabulu-l-haqq min al-haqq li-l-haqq-, see also
Arberry (1977:88). In his review of Ibn Taymiyyah's Shark Futdhi-l-G h a v b .
which is a commentary on ‘Abd al-Qadir’s famous work, Michel (1981:6-7)
indicates that ‘Abd al-Qadir teaches an antivoluntarist view of religion. That
is, he speaks "...of annihilation of the w ill and surrendering to the
predetermined decrees o f God rather than to His command to active
obedience..." This statement, however, does not do justice to ‘Abd al-Qadir's
insistence on obedience to Islamic law. As Braune (1933:38-40) points out,
‘Abd al-Qadir maintained the traditional H a n b a l i position in regards to
religious duties. Braune also states that ‘Abd al-Qadir intentionally stressed
obedience to the s h a r V a h in opposition to the widespread antinomian beliefs of
many Sufis. Thus, Ibn Taymiyyah's view that it is impossible to cease willing
at any state and that patience and resignation must be balanced with an active
embrace o f commanding good and forbidding evil coincides with the position of
earlier H a n b a li Sufis such as ‘Abd al-Qadir.
212
W hat the sheikh, may Allah have mercy on him, has mentioned is
that which Allah and His Messenger have commanded. But many people
have erred concerning it. Those w ho err m ight w itness acts of
disobedience and sins that have been determ ined for one of them or that
have been determined for others, even if it is disbelief. They witness that
this is occurring through the will (mashi'ah) of Allah, His predestination
and determ inism , entering into the judgm ent of His lordship and the
requirem ent of His will. They think that subm itting to this sin,
conforming to it and being pleased w ith it, etc., is a religion, a path, and an
act of worship. Thus they resemble the polytheists who said:46
...If A llah had willed, neither w e nor our fathers w ould have
associated partners w ith Him, and we w ould not have forbidden
anything... [al-An'am 6:148]
...Shall we feed those whom, if Allah so willed, He could feed?... [Ya'

Sin 36:47]
...If the Infinitely Merciful had willed, we would not have worshiped
them (the angels)... fal-Zukhruf 43:20]
If they w ere truly rightly guided, they w ould know that determinism
commands us to be content and patient, despite its being the cause of
calamities that afflict us, such as poverty, sickness, and fear. The Exalted
One says:
Calamities occur only with Allah's permission, and He guides aright

the heart of whoever believes in Allah... [al-Taghabun 64:11]
4 6 In his usual style o f presenting verses o f the Quran or hadiths to support his
opinions, Ibn Taymiyyah is using these verses to equate the statements o f those
who resign themselves to sin with the statements o f the polytheists. After he
indicates the analogy o f statements and meanings, he then claims that these
people are condemned in the same way that the polytheists are.
213
Concerning this, some of the righteous predecessors said: "It is the man
who has been afflicted with a calamity, but knowing it is from Allah, he is
therefore content and at peace with it." The Exalted One says:
No calamity occurs on earth or in yourselves b u t that it is recorded in

a book before We bring it forth into existence. That is easy for Allah.
(He informs you of) this in order that you do not grieve over matters
that pass you by, nor rejoice over matters that come to you... [al-Hadid
57:22-23]
It is reported in the two Sahihs47 that the Prophet, the blessing and
peace of Allah be upon him, said: "Adam and Moses had an argument.
Moses said: 'You are Adam w hom Allah created w ith His hand, into
whom He breathed by His spirit, to whom He made the angels prostrate,
and to whom He taught the names of everything, so w hy have you
expelled us and yourself from paradise?' Adam replied to him: 'You are
Moses whom Allah favored w ith His message and His w ords, have you
not found that it had been determined for me before I was created?' Moses
said: 'Yes, indeed.’" He (Muhammad) said: "So Adam got the better of
Moses in the argument."
Adam, peace be upon him, did not prove his argum ent against
Moses by means of determ inism , thinking th at a sinner can use
determ inism as an argument. N either a M uslim nor any intelligent
person ('aqil) would say that. If it were an excuse, it w ould be an excuse for
Iblis as well as for Noah's people, H ud's people, and every disbeliever.
Also, Moses did not blame Adam, peace be upon him, for the sin itself, for
4 7 BukJiarf, anbiya’ 31, tawhid 37; Muslim, qadar 13, 15.
214
A llah accepted the repentance of Adam,48 favored him and guided him.
But he blamed him for the calamity which afflicted them because of the
mistake. For this reason he said to Adam: "Why have you expelled us and
yourself from paradise?" Adam replied that this had been written before
he was created. Thus an action and the calam ity resulting from it are
determined, and one is obliged to submit to determ ined calamities. This is
a com pletion of contentm ent w ith Allah as Lord. But as for sins, the
w orshipper should n o t be sinful; but if he does sin, he should ask
forgiveness from Allah, repent all his faults and be patient w ith calamities
as the Exalted One says:
A nd so be patient (Muhammad), for the promise of Allah is surely

true, and ask forgiveness for your sin... [Ghafir (al-Mu'min) 40:55]
...But if you remain patient and pious, their cunning w ill not harm
you at all... [A1 'Im ran 3:120]
...And so remain patient and pious, for these are surely aspects of fixed
determination. [A1 'Im ran 3:186]
Also, Joseph said:

...As for the one who acts piously and is patient, then surely Allah
does not neglect the reward of those who do good. [Yusuf 12:90]
As for the sins of the w orshippers, it is obligatory that a w orshipper

command right conduct and forbid evil in accordance w ith his ability. He
m ust strive in the cause of Allah against disbelievers and hypocrites, give
allegiance to Allah's closest friends and have enm ity for Allah's enemies,
and love and hate for Allah, the Exalted One, as the Exalted One says:
48Editions 3 and. 4 have fa-inna ddama qad t&ba ild rabbihi instead o f f a - in n a
ddama tdba-llahu 'alayhi.
215
O you who believe! do not take my enemies and your enemies as
allies, offering them friendship while they disbelieve in the truth that
has come to you and drive o ut the Messenger and yourselves (from
Mecca) because you believe in Allah, your Lord—if you have come
forth to strive in My way and to seek My good pleasure. You secretly
offer them friendship while I am fully aware of what you conceal and
w hat you reveal; any of you who does that has gone far astray from
the right path. If they gain an advantage over you, they w ould behave
as enemies toward you, striking out at you, cursing you w ith evil, and
desiring that you should also become disbelievers. N either your
relatives nor your children w ill benefit you on the Day of
Resurrection w hen He will judge among you. Allah sees all that you
do. There is surely an excellent example for you in A braham and
those w ith him, w hen they said to their people: We com pletely
disown you and whatever you worship besides Allah, we reject you,
and there will always be hostility and hatred between you and us until
you believe in Allah alone... [al-Mumtahanah 60:1-4]
You will not find any people who believe in Allah and the last day
offering friendship to those who oppose Allah and His Messenger
even though they are their fathers, or their sons, or their brothers or
their kindred. These are the ones in whose hearts He has w ritten faith
an d w hom He strengthened w ith a spirit from Him self... [al-
Mujadalah 58:22]
Shall We then treat the subm itting Muslims the sam e as the
criminals? [al-Qalam 68:35]
Or shall We treat those who believe and do good deeds the same as
those who act violently on earth? Or shall We treat those who act
piously the same as the wicked? [Sad 38:28]
Or do those who seek to do evil deeds think that We shall treat them
the same as those who believe and do good deeds, that their present
life and after their death (will be the same)? W hat an awful
judgement they make. [al-Jatiyah 45:21]
The blind and the seeing are not alike. Darkness and light are not
alike. The shade and the sun's full heat are not alike. The living and
the dead are not alike... [Fatir 35:19-22]
Allah puts forth a parable: a m an belonging to m any partners
disputing w ith one another, and a man belonging entirely to one
master. Are these two equal in comparison?... [al-Zumar 39:29]
Allah puts forth a parable: a slave who has no power over anything
and a m an on w hom We have bestowed good provisions from
Ourselves and who spends some of it secretly and openly. Can they be
216
equal? Praise be to Allah! No! and most of them do not know. Allah
puts forth a parable of two men: one of them dumb, having no power
over anything and being a burden to his master. Whichever way he
directs him, he brings no good. Is such a m an equal w ith one who
commands justice and is on a straight path? [al-Nahl 16:75-76]
The dwellers of the fire and the dwellers of paradise are not equal; the
dwellers of paradise will be successful. fal-Hashr 59:20]
A ntinom ianism and the U nitv of Being
9A Having p o in ted o u t th a t a d istin ctio n betw een good a n d evil,

a n d betw een pious people an d sinners, h a s b een estab lish ed by God
in th e Q uran, Ibn Taym iyyah proceeds to lin k m oral d ecay a n d false
beliefs to the co ncept of th e "unity of being" (w a h d a t al-wujucQ. For
Ibn Taymiyyah, th e co n cep t of w a h d a t al-wujud. is th e en d re su lt of
confusing the d istin c tio n s betw een th e ex isten tial re a lity a n d th e
religious reality. To b lu r o r negate th e d istin ctio n s t h a t God h a s
estab lish ed eventually leads to th e w o rst form of disbelief, th a t is,
n o t to w itn ess t h a t one is a slave (‘a b d ). In th is m a tte r, Ibn
Taym iyyah's u n d e rsta n d in g of h u m an n a tu re 49 is the fram ew ork for
h is belief th a t th e one who is going a s tra y proceeds from lesser, or
m inor, evils an d p ro g re sses to g reater evils. The m a in vehicle for
th is m ovem ent is th e d esires of th e h u m a n h e a rt, w h ich , he
believes, are u ltim ately responsible for m otivating a p e rso n tow ard
certain beliefs an d actio n s. The desire of a h e a rt cau ses a p erso n to
rationalize and ju s tify sin. T hus, for Ibn Taymiyyah, th e an tin o m ian
49 It has been suggested that Ibn Taymiyyah maintains an "empirical judgement

about human nature" (M ichel, 1981:7). This seems to be a valid observation
given his overall empirical view o f the universe and his denunciation o f
m eta p h y sics.
217
Sufis, like th e polytheists of th e Q uran, h av e invented lies a b o u t God
a n d have legislated a new religion for them selves b a s e d on th e ir
d e s ire s . T h ro u g h th is c o m b in a tio n o f d esire s a n d in n o v a te d
legislation, Ib n Taym iyyah con clu d es t h a t an tin o m ian ism lead s to
th e d o c trin e of w a h d a t a l-w u ju d , w h ic h in tu r n b eco m es th e
rationalization for antinom ianism . He is fully convinced th a t th e two
concepts a re intricately linked to one an o th er.
9B There are many similar verses in w hich Allah makes a distinction

between the people of truth and falsehood, the people of obedience and
disobedience, the people of righteousness and rebellion, the people of
guidance an d m isguidance, the p eo p le of tran sg ressio n and
straightforwardness, and the people of truthfulness and lies. Therefore, the
one who witnesses the existential reality w ithout the religious reality will
equate these types of people between whom Allah has made an ultimate
distinction until he reaches the point that he equates Allah w ith idols, as
the Exalted One says about them:50
By Allah, we were truly in manifest error when we held you (false

deities) as equals with the Lord of the Worlds. fal-Shu'ara' 26:97-98]
Moreover, w ith them the matter reaches the point that they equate Allah
with every existing being. They render the worshipping and obedience that
He deserves a right for every existing thing because they make Him to be
50The Arabic expression for "until be reaches the point that" is h a ttd
yu ’awwila bi-hi-l-amra ild an. In this phrase, Edition 3 has hdsLihi-l-taswiyah.
instead o f a l-a m r a . I am using the verb a w w a la in its original meaning which
Lane says is to cause a thing to come to such a state or condition, to bring or
reduce it thereto; see his Lexicon, S.V. "’wl".
218
the existence of created things. This is the greatest disbelief and apostasy,
and it is disbelief in the Lord of the slaves.51 Disbelief w ith them reaches
the point that they do not even bear witness that they are slaves, neither in
the meaning of a subjected one nor in the meaning of a worshipper,
because they witness that they themselves are the tru th (al-haqq). Their
false idols (taghawit) such as Ibn 'Arabi, who wrote al-Fusus, and other
slandering apostates such as Ibn Sab'In and those like him, have made this
unam biguously clear.52 They also witness that they themselves are both
the worshippers and the ones being worshipped.
W itnessing D eterm inism a s a n E xcuse for D isobedience
10A In th e follow ing se c tio n , Ib n T aym iyyah e la b o ra te s on th e

m o ral im plications of th e u n ity of b ein g b y focusing on th e concept
of w itn essin g d eterm in ism . He first re s ta te s th a t w o rshipping God
p ro p e rly and o b e y in g H is com m ands in c lu d e s n e c e s s a rily
com m anding good deeds, forbidding evil ones, a n d stru g g lin g in His
c a u se ag ain st th e people of disbelief a n d hypocrisy. T h is, he insists,
c a n only re s u lt from m a in ta in in g th e d istin c tio n s t h a t God h a s
5 1 I am reading ‘u b b d d instead o f ‘i b a d , which is one o f the plurals o f ‘abd in

the meaning o f worshipper. Edition 3 has instead a l - ‘dlam in.
5 2 Although he often mentions the various Sufi sheikhs together, Ibn
Taymiyyah clearly recognizes the differences between them. This is made clear
in his Risdlah ild Nasr al-M anbiji (p.470), in which he credits Ibn ‘Arab! for
insisting on obedience to the s h a r V a h and states that many people benefited
from him because o f this. The antinomianism related to the concept o f the unity
o f being is more directly attributed to the followers o f Ibn ‘Arabi. Thus,
Landolt (1973:51) informs us that ‘Izz al-DIn Mahmud-i Kashani (d. 735/1334)
claimed that when one cognizes (erfahrt) that all acts come from God, then the
difference between good and evil becom es baseless.
219
established. F o r Ib n T aym iyyah, th e one who b lu rs th e d istin ctio n s
betw een th e e x is te n tia l re a lity a n d th e re lig io u s reality , will
eventually b lu r th e d istin ctio n betw een the C reato r a n d the created.
The falsehood o f th is co n c ep t is confirm ed for h im b y reference to
th e C h ristian b elief in th e in c a rn a tio n of J e s u s , w hich, h e p o in ts
out, is a belief th a t h as b e e n condem ned by God in th e Q u ran .53
Ibn T aym iyyah vigorously a tta c k s the id eas of in carn atio n an d
w itnessing d eterm in ism b e c a u s e th ey und erm in e w h a t he sees as a
necessarily active role on th e p a r t of th e w o rsh ip p er to im plem ent
the religious law, w hich is equally p a rt of God's will. T hus h e claim s
th a t no s ta te o r experience c a n excuse a M uslim from obeying th e
Law an d th a t th e idea of w itn e ssin g th e existential reality is m erely
a p roduct of c o rru p t d esires. H is evidence for th e co rru p t d esires of
tho se w ho s p e a k of th is w itn e ssin g is th a t th e y a re c o n s ta n tly
co ntradicting them selves a s to w h a t is accep tab le behavior. W hen
a n action p le ase s them , th e y do it claim ing it is q a d a r, b u t w hen
som eone seek s to h arm th e m , th e y p ro test a g a in st a n injustice. On
th e o th e r h a n d , h e says, so m e of th o se w ho claim to have tru ly
w itn essed th e e x iste n tia l re a lity allow for th e rem oval o f legal
responsibilities only people like them selves. All o th e rs m u s t obey
th e religious Law. Ibn T aym iyyah m entions th a t th e se people w an t
to differentiate betw een co m m o n people an d a n elite group w hich
claim s to have experienced G od's divine will. T h is differentiation
53See, for example, Sura al-Ma’idah 5:72-76.
220
clearly irritates Ibn Taym iyyah’s sen se of equality b y w hich he holds
all M uslim s to th e sam e s ta n d a rd s of the Law.
10B But this is not the witnessing of reality, either the existential one or
the religious one. Rather, it is deviation and blindness w ith regard to the
witnessing of existential reality, for they have made the existence of the
Creator the same as that of the created. They made every blameworthy and
praiseworthy quality as an attribute of both the Creator and the created, for
they consider the existence of the former as being the same as the existence
of the latter. But the believers in Allah and His Messenger, both ordinary
and elite, are the people of the Quran, as the Prophet, the blessing and
peace of Allah be upon him, said: "Allah certainly has favored people
amongst mankind." He was asked: "Who are they, O Messenger of Allah?"
He replied: "The people of the Quran, they are the people of Allah and His
elite."54
These people (of the Quran) know that Allah is the Lord, the
Owner, and the Creator of everything and that the Creator, glorified be He,
is different (mubayin) than created beings. He does not have a mode of
existence in them,55 he is not united with them, and His existence is not
54Ibn Majah, muqaddimah 12; al-Darimi, fada’il al-quran 1; Ahmad, 111:167,

168, 242.
55The phrase Ibn Taymiyyah uses here is laysa huwa halan ft-hd. I understand
hal in this context in its lexical meaning o f changing or m oving from one state
or condition to another; see Lane's L e x ic o n , S.V. "hwl". That is, neither God nor
any aspects o f His names and attributes reside in the creation in any possible
way. This is just one o f the ways Ibn Taymiyyah expresses the complete
distinction between God and the creation. This statement has certain overtones
to statements made by Ibn ‘Arab! concerning his understanding o f the relation
between God and the cosmos in the B a r z a k h . or what Ibn ‘Arab! calls the realm
o f "Nondelimited Imagination" where, according to his interpretation, God
221
the same as a created being’s existence. In fact, Allah has declared the
Christians to be disbelievers because they speak of an incarnation (hulul)
and unity (ittihad) w ith the Messiah in particular; how is it then for the
one who does this generally w ith every creature? In spite of this they56
know that Allah orders obedience to Him and to H is Messenger and
forbids disobedience to H im and to His Messenger. They know that Allah
does not love corruption and does not approve of disbelief for His
worshippers; and they know that it is incumbent on creation to worship
Him, obey His commands and ask for His help in fulfilling them as He
says:
You alone we worship and You alone we ask for help. [al-Fatihah 1:5]
Commanding good, forbidding evil, and striving for the sake of

Allah against the people of disbelief and hypocrisy as m uch as possible are
part of worshipping Allah and obeying His command. They (the believers)
strive to establish His religion, seeking help from Him in this. In this way,
they are repelling and eliminating (dafi'in muzilin) any evil that has been
determined, removing any fearful consequences of that evil. This is the
same as the one who removes actual hunger by eating and thereby drives
away future hunger. Also, when he alleviates coldness, he repels it by
comes to be (k d n a ); see Chittick (1989:125). The Barzakh is also considered by

Ibn ‘Arab! to be the ontological locus for anthropomorphism (ta.sh.bih1 where
"...the Real [al-haqq] undergoes fluctuation in states to make manifest our
entities...;" see Chittick (1989:181-186).
56The subject o f the verb y a ' la.mQ.na. is not clearly identifiable here. The
beginning o f the sentence reads wa ya'lamQna m a ‘a ±dlika anna-ll&ha. In
Edition 3, the noun "the elite o f Allah" (kh ds sa tu -lld h ) appears before the
verb, thus referring back to "the people o f the Quran." My understanding is
that the subject refers to those who generalize incarnation and unity for every
creature, which seems to be in agreement with the adverbial phrase m a ‘a
dAlika.
222
wearing proper clothing. Likewise, he uses every means to drive away any
harm just as they (the Companions) said to the Prophet, the blessing and
peace of Allah be upon him: "What do you think of the medicines we use
to cure ourselves, and the invocations we say as remedies, and the shields
we use to protect ourselves, do they thwart any of Allah's determinism?"
He replied: "They are aspects of Allah's determinism."57 Also, in another
hadith, he said: "Supplications and afflictions confront each other and
struggle between heaven and earth."58
This, then, is the state (hal) of the believers in Allah and in His
Messenger and of the w orshippers of Allah. All of this is part of
worshipping. Those w ho w itness existential reality, i.e., the lordship of
Him, the Exalted One, over everything, and make it an obstruction (mam")
to following His legislated religious commands are at different levels of
being astray. The most extravagant ones use it unqualifiedly and generally.
They use determinism in arguing against anything they oppose in the Law
(shari'ah). The discourse of these people is more evil than the discourse of
the Jews and the Christians and it is the same type as the discourse of the
polytheists who said:
...If Allah had w illed, neither we nor our fathers w ould have
associated partners w ith Him, and we would n o t have forbidden
anything... [al-An'am 6:148]
...If the Infinitely Merciful had willed, we would not have worshiped
them (the angels)... [al-Zukhruf 43:20]
57T irm idi, tibb 21, qadar 12; Ibn Majah, 1.

5 8 I have not been able to find a hadith in the Concordance with this wording.
However, there is a sim ilar hadith reported by al-Tirmid.i (salah 482, witr 21)
which reads: A supplication is suspended between heaven and earth, and
nothing o f it ascends any further until you make prayers for your Prophet, the
blessing and peace o f Allah be upon him.
223
These people are the most self-contradictory (tanaqud) people on
earth. M oreover, anyone w ho argues using determ inism is self
contradictory. It is impossible for him to approve of all actions of all
people. It is necessary that a person, when a tyrant oppresses him and
other people, spreads corruption through the land, starts shedding the
blood of people, allows adultery, destroys civilization and humanity, or
practices any such types of harm which people cannot bear, to repel
aggression59 and punish the aggressor by resisting his acts of aggression. It
should be said to this person: "If determinism is an evidence (hujjah) in
arguing, then let anybody do to you and to others whatever he likes. If,
rather, it is n ot an evidence in arguing, then the origin of your utterance is
proven false." The people of this kind of discourse who argue by way of
existential reality are not consistent in their arguments and do not fully
adhere to them. Rather, they act in accordance with their ow n whims and
desires just as a certain scholar said about them: "As regards obedience you
are a free wilier and as regards disobedience you are a fatalist. Whatever
approach (madhab) fits your desires you take as your approach."
A nother group of them 60 makes claims of realization and
cognizance. They assert that commanding and forbidding is only necessary
for the one w ho witnesses for himself a capability to act (fi'lan) and
confirms for himself a creative pow er (san'an). But as for the one who
witnesses that his actions are created, or that he is compelled to perform
them and that Allah is the Disposer concerning him just as He moves all
59Editions 3 and 4 have a l- q a d a r instead o f a l - ‘udwdn.

60This is referring to those who use determinism as a proof in arguing.
224
other moving things, then commanding and forbidding and the promise
and the threat (al-wa'd zua-l-wa'td) are removed from him. They might say
that w hoever witnesses the divine will (iradah) has been freed of legal
r e s p o n s ib ilitie s .61 They allege th at al-K h adir was freed of legal
responsibilities because of his witnessing the Divine will. These people
d iffe re n tia te 62 between the common people and the elite who have
w itnessed the existential reality. Thus they witness that Allah is the
Creator of the actions of the worshippers and that He is the wilier63 for all
beings (kd'inat). They might differentiate between the one who knows that
intellectually ('ilman) and the one who has experienced it through
w itnessing.64 They do not allow the suspension of legal responsibility for
the one who believes in the witnessing of the existential reality and only
knows about it, but they suspend it for the one who witnessed it and thus
sees no action originating from himself. In this way, these people make65
fatalism (jabr) and the affirmation of determinism a waiver of legal
responsibility.
61The Arabic reads: saqata ‘an-hu-l-taklif. W eiss (1992:108) defines taklif as

charging someone with something, or making someone responsible for
something. This is the standard Islamic term referring to a person's full
liability relative to the Law.
62Edition 4 has Id yufarriqdn, which does not make sense because Ibn
Taymiyyah is pointing out how certain antinomian groups distinguish between
the common folk and an elite. The same reasoning applies to the last sentence
in this section, in which Editions 3 and 4 have Id y a j ‘aldna-l-jabr....
63Edition 3 has m u d a b b ir and Edition 4 has yudabbir instead o f m u rld.
64The Arabic reads: man yardhu shuhCLdan. One o f the definitions given by
Lane for the root "r’y" is to experience something. This fits in with the concept
o f a profound state o f knowledge beyond intellectual understanding.
65Editions 3, 4 and 5 have Id yaj'aluna, which contradicts the point o f the
previous statement.
225
The D elicate B alance of P red estin atio n a n d Free Will
1 1A Ibn T aym iyyah now brings u p th e iss u e of u n d e rs ta n d in g th e

relatio n sh ip betw een free will an d p red estin atio n . M ain tain in g bo th
of th e se , h e sa y s, sire p rereq u isites for avoiding th e ab rogation of
th e religious Law. He sees two extrem e tre n d s am o n g th e M uslim s
concerning th e s e two realities. T he M utazilites affirm th e legislated
co m m an d in g a n d forbidding, b u t th e y re je c t p re d e s tin a tio n an d
d eterm in ism , w h ic h refer to G od's u n c o n d itio n a l will concerning
creation, p a rtic u la rly His creation of a w o rsh ip p er's d eeds. B ut the
erro r of th e M u tazilites is n o t a s b a d a s th e o th e r ex trem e trend,
w hich is th e d e n ia l of free will, a s pro p ag ated b y th e Ja b riyy a h . For
th is , h e s ta te s , le a d s to u sin g d e te rm in ism a s a n ex c u se for
co m m ittin g sin . T h u s th e p o sitio n of th o se w ho claim to have
w itn essed d eterm in ism is sim ilar to th e fa ta lists, for th e y exem pt
th em selv es from following religious co m m an d s a n d p ro h ib itio n s.
Referring b ac k to th e Righteous P redecessors, Ibn T aym iyyah states
th a t belief in a n ab so lu te free will o r in fatalism w as n o t held by any
of th e C om panions an d th eir followers.
11B M any sects associated with realization (tahqiq), cognizance, and

tazvhid66 have faltered concerning this matter. The reason for this is that
their extent of understanding contracted67 concerning the state of a
worshipper who has been commanded to act contrary to w hat has been
66Edition 3 has a l- i s l d m instead o f a l- ta w h id .

67The Arabic phrase is: ddqa nitdquhum.
226
determ ined for him. The extent of understanding of the Mutazilites and
the rest of the Qadariyyah contracted in such a way concerning this matter.
Thus, the M utazilites affirmed the legislated commands and prohibitions
while rejecting68 predestination (al-qada' zva-l-qadar), which is the general
will of A llah and His creation of a w orshipper’s deeds. The others affirm
predestination b u t negate commands and prohibitions on behalf of the
one who w itnesses determinism, for it is impossible for them to negate it
unqualifiedly. Their statem ent is w orse than the statem ent of the
M utazilites. For this reason, no such people existed am ongst the salaf.
These p e o p le m ake com mands a n d p rohibitions incum bent for
unenlightened people (mahjubun) who have not witnessed the existential
reality. T hus they absolve the one w ho reaches this tru th from the
responsibilities of commands and prohibitions, for he is one of the elite.
They frequently interpret His verse, may He be exalted, for this purpose:
W orship your Lord until the certainty (of death) comes to you. [al-Hijr
15:99]
They interpret certainty (yaqin) as the cognizance of this reality. The

statement of these people is clear disbelief although some sects succumbed
to this w ith o u t knowing that it was disbelief. However, it is known by
necessity th a t according to the religion of Islam com m ands and
prohibitions are incumbent on every worshipper until he dies so long as
he is in possession of his intellect. Commands and prohibitions cannot be
waived for him because of his w itnessing determinism or for any other
reason. Thus, whoever does not recognize that must have it made known
6 8 Editions 3 and 4 have d&na instead o f w a raddat.
227
to him and explained for him. But if he persists in believing in the waiver
of commands and prohibitions, he should be executed (qutila).69
Statements such as these have become quite num erous amongst
later generations. But such statem ents were not known am ongst the
earlier generations of this religious community (u m m ah), for these
utterances are in opposition to Allah and His Messenger, an act of hostility
tow ards Him, an obstruction o n His path, an abandonm ent of Him, a
denial of His messengers, and a contradiction to Him in His judgement.
Even if one used to say these utterances while being ignorant of this and
believing that what he is following is the path of the Messenger and of the
saints of Allah, the verifiers of truth, he would still be at the level of the
one w ho believes that prayer is not incumbent on him because of his
dispensing w ith it by way of the spiritual states (al-akwal al-qalbiyyah) that
occur to him, or that wine (khamr) is allowable for him because he is one
of the elite who cannot be harmed by drinking it, or that adultery (fdhishah)
is allowable for him because he has become as a sea that cannot be spoiled
by sin, etc..
69A1-G hazali (1983:28) makes the same judgement concerning the Sufi who
claims that "he has attained a state o f intimacy with God Most High which
dispenses him from the canonical Prayer and permits him to drink wine and to
commit sins and to accept the largesse o f the Sultan." His opinion is that such a
one "ought to be killed [Id shakka f t wujdbi qatlihi], even though his status
regarding eternity in the Fire may be debatable." The two translations in
quotes are from McCarthy (1980:163); I added the transliteration to the second
qu ote.
2 28
D esires Are R esponsible for the C laim s of W itnessing Qadar
12A F o r Ibn Taym iyyah, th e claim o f w itn e ssin g q a d a r is clear

d isb elief an d is resp o n sib le for the exaggerated claim s th a t oppose
G od's legislation. He d raw s h is a rg u m e n t from th e verses of th e
Q u ra n w h ich refer to polytheism , w h ich h e s ta te s is rooted in
in n o v atio n in religion. He th e n defines innovation a s th e m eans by
w h ich one follows h is desires in stead o f th e religious Law. T h us he
cla im s t h a t every in n o v a to r h a s sim ila ritie s to th e id o lators.
F u rth e rm o re , h e se e s th e ra tio n a le b e h in d th e claim s of th e
in n o v a to rs as stem m in g from th e m ethodological sy stem of th e
sp e c u la tiv e theo lo g ian s w ho in s is t o n th e su p e rio rity of logical
proofs over th e revealed tex ts (see above C h a p ter 3). T hat is, they
u s e ta ’w il to explain aw ay th e literal m ean in g of a verse or h ad ith if
it co n tra d icts th e ir n o tio n s of reaso n a n d logic. B u t w hereas th e
m u ta ka llim u n co n tin u e to uphold th e shari'ah. idolators, innovators
a n d th o se who claim to w itn ess th e Divine will u se th e concept of
ta ’wil to avert th e Law.
12B There is no doubt that the polytheists who denied the messengers
fluctuated between innovation (bid'ah), which opposes the legislation of
Allah, and using determinism as an argument to oppose the command of
Allah. Thus, these types of people resemble the polytheists, whether they
innovate or use determinism as an argument or combine the two matters,
as the Exalted One says about the polytheists:
229
W hen they com mit a blatant sin, they say: We found o u r fathers
doing it, and Allah has commanded us to do so. Say: No! Allah never
commands blatant sins. Do you say of Allah w hat you do not know?
[al-A'raf 7:28]
And as the Exalted One also says about them:
Those who associate partners w ith Allah will say: If Allah had willed,
neither we nor our fathers would have associated partners w ith Him,
and we would not have forbidden anything... [al-An'am 6:148]
W hat is being m entioned is that the polytheists have introduced

innovations in religion such as perm itting prohibitions and acts of
worship that Allah d id not legislate as, for example, in His verse:
They say of their ow n accord that these cattle and crops are forbidden
and that none will eat of them except those whom we allow, and that
there are cattle forbidden to use for burden, and cattle on which (at
slaughtering) the Name of Allah is not pronounced. These are lies
attributed to Him (Allah)... [al-An'am 6:138]
Also, in Sura al-A'raf 7:27-33, there are the verses of the Exalted One:
O children of Adam! do not let Satan deceive you in the way he led
your parents out of paradise...W hen they (the polytheists) commit a
blatant sin, they say: We found our fathers doing it, and Allah has
commanded it for us. Say: Allah does not command blatant sins; do
you say of Allah w hat you do not know? Say (O Muhammad): My
Lord has commanded justice and has ordered you to direct yourselves
(to Him) in every place of prayer, invoking Him only and being
sincere to Him in religion, for as He made you, so too you will return
(to H im )...0 children of Adam! wear your finest clothes to every
mosque, and eat and drink but do not be wasteful. Certainly Allah
does not like extravagant wasters. Say (O M uhammad): Who has
forbidden the adornm ents and the delightful provisions which Allah
has produced for His worshippers? Say: These things are for those
w ho, in this life, believe w ith sincerity concerning the Day of
Resurrection. In this way we explain our signs to a people who know.
Say (O Muhammad): However, my Lord has forbidden blatant sins in
public or private, disobedience, transgressions without just cause, and
that you associate partners w ith Him for which He has given no
authority and that you say things about Allah of which you have no
knowledge.
230
These people frequently call w hat they innovate "truth" just as they
call the determinism they witness "truth." The path of truth according to
them is a course of conduct (suluk) the follower of which is not restricted to
the Legislator's commands and prohibitions. Instead, he restricts himself
to w hatever he sees, tastes, finds, etc.70 These people do not use
determinism as an argument unqualifiedly. Rather, their basis is to follow
their own opinions and desires, rendering w hat they see and desire as true.
Their command is to follow these w ithout following the com mands of
Allah and His Messenger. This is sim ilar to the innovations of the
speculative theologians, such as the Jahmiyyah and others, who render the
statements which they innovate, which are opposed to the Book and the
Sunnah, as rational truths (haqa'iq 'aqliyyah) necessitating firm conviction
without regard to w hat the transmitted revelation (sam'iyyat) indicates. As
for the Book and the Sunnah, they either alter them from their proper
meaning or totally shim them. They do not endeavor to understand them
properly (tadabbara) or study them intelligently. Rather, they say, "We
entrust their meanings to Allah," while believing the contrary of w hat is
indicated by them. When the statements of these people are ascertained,
the rational arguments ('aqliyyat) that they maintain in opposition to the
Quran and the Sunnah turn out to be ignorant arguments (jahliyyat) and
corrupt beliefs.71 Likewise, w hen their statem ents regarding truths about
7 0 Edition 3 has the following insertion: f t qalbihi-l-ddll al-qhafil min alldh;

and Edition 5 inserts: f t qalbihi m a ‘an md ft-h i min ghaflah ‘an alldh jald wa
‘aid.
71 In this paragraph, Ibn Taymiyyah is contrasting the two branches o f
knowledge recognized by Medieval Muslim scholars, namely, reason and
revelation. As explained above in Chapter 3, he maintains that favoring reason
over revelation, when that reasoning contradicts the clear statements o f
231
the saints of Allah, which are opposed to the Quran and the Sunnah, are
ascertained, they are found to be vain desires which the enemies of Allah
follow, not His saints.
T astin g F aith as O pposed to Loving One's Own D esires
13A Ibn T aym iyyah is now sp e ak in g of a w orshipper in term s of a

lover who m ig h t follow th e p a th of fa ith or who m ig h t becom e lost
o n a p a th of m isguided love. T he firs t step tow ard m isguided love,
h e says, is to place h u m an re a so n in g above God’s revealed texts.
Then, referrin g to a hadith, Ibn Taym iyyah indicates th a t each lover
h a s a ta s te a n d p assio n acco rd in g to w h a t he loves, th e believers
loving G od a n d His M essenger a n d th e in n o v ato rs loving th e ir
desires. He u s e s th ese two p o in ts to explain th a t M uslim s becom e
confused b y a n unqualified love th a t is sh ared by everyone, a love
com m on to s in n e r an d s a in t alike. T h is u n qualified love, w hich
ignores revelation an d p u rsu es d esires, says Ibn Taym iyyah, cau ses
th e in n o v ato rs to a c t on th eir p a ssio n s w ithout guidance from God.
T heir preference for innovation over legislation leads th em to argue
ag ain st legislation by using qadar as a n excuse for th e ir actions.
revelation, leads to misguidance. Gardet (1960, S.V. "‘Akliyyat" and 1978, S.V.
"al-Kada* wa'l-Kadar") states that traces o f the term 'a q liy y d t can be found in
the Mutazilite disputations over religious knowledge ( ‘ilm dint). The
Mutazilites divided religious knowledge into knowledge drawn from reason
( ‘ilm ‘aqlt) and knowledge drawn from revelation ( ‘ilm s h a r ‘i). In the
terminology o f speculative theology (k a ld m ) the term ‘a q liy y a t refers to all
subjects amenable to reason even if transmitted by revelation.
232
13B The origin of misguidance of the one who errs is the prioritizing of
his reasoning {taqdim qiyasihi) above the text sent dow n from Allah and his
choosing desire (hawa) over following Allah's commandment. For things
such as taste (dazuq) and passion (wajd) are proportionately related to w hat a
w orshipper loves, and every lover has a taste and passion related
proportionately to his love. Thus, the people of faith have a taste and
passion in accordance w ith w hat the Prophet, the blessing and peace of
Allah be upon him, explained by his statement in an authentic hadith:
"There are three qualities existing in the one who has found the sweetness
of faith: He is the one to whom Allah and His Messenger are dearer than
all else, who loves a person only for the sake of Allah, and who abhors
returning to disbelief after Allah has rescued him from it as he abhors
being cast into fire."72 Also, he, the blessing and peace of Allah be upon
him, said in an authentic hadith: "The one who has tasted the savor of
faith is the one who is well-pleased with Allah as Lord, with Islam as a
religion, and w ith M uhammad as a prophet."73 As for the people of
disbelief, innovation, and lusts, each acts accordingly. It was said to Sufyan
ibn TJyaynah:74 "What has happened to the people of desires that they
have a strong love for their desires?" He replied w ith these w ords or
something similar to them: "Did you forget the saying of Allah: ...Their
72Bukharf. iman 9, 14, ikrah 1; Muslim, iman 66, 67; Abu Dawud, zakah 5;
T ir m iii ‘ilm 10; Nasa’i, iman 2 and 3; Ibn Majah, fitan 23; Ahmad, 11:298, 560.
73Muslim, iman 56; Tirmidi. iman 10; Ahmad, 1:208.
74Sufyan ibn ‘Uyaynah (107/725-6— 198/813-4) was originally from Kufa but
lived and died in Mecca. He was a famous traditionist and ascetic; see Reinert
(1 9 6 8 :3 2 2 )
233
hearts absorbed the calf because of their disbelief... [al-Baqarah 2:93]." Thus
the worshippers of idols love their false deities as the Exalted One says:
Some people set up rivals of Allah; they love them as they love Allah.
But those who believe love Allah more (than those others love their
idols)... [al-Baqarah 2:165]
But if they do not answer you, then know that they follow only their
ow n lusts. Who is more astray than one who follows his ow n lusts
w ithout guidance from Allah?... [al-Qasas 28:50]
...They follow only a guess and w hat their souls desire; an d yet
guidance from their Lord has already come to them! [al-Najm 53:23]
For this reason, these people incline tow ards listening to poetry75
and m elodious voices76 that stimulate an unqualified love (mahabbah
mutlaqah) that is not appropriate for people of faith. Rather, all these
people share in it: the lover of the Infinitely Merciful, the lover of idols,
the lover of the cross, the lover of nations, the lover of the brethren (al-
ikhzvan), the lover of beardless youths, and the lover of women. These are
the ones who follow their own tastes and passions without taking into
account the Book, the Sunnah, and the way of the Righteous Predecessors
of this religious com munity (ummah). Thus the one who opposes that
w ith w hich Allah has sent His messengers, which includes w orshipping
Allah, obeying Him and obeying His messengers, is not following a
religion legislated by Allah as He says:
Then We have p u t you (O Muhammad) on the right path in this

m atter. Follow it and do not follow the desires of those who do not
know . They will never benefit you against Allah, for the unjust
75Editions 3 and 5 insert wa yugh.ramu.na bi between yam tlu hd’uld’i ild and
s a m d ‘i - l - s h i ‘r.
76Edition 3 inserts w a - l- d l d t al-m dsiqiyyah after a l - a s w d t .
234
disbelievers are protectors to one another; but Allah is the protector of
those who act piously. [al-Jatiyah 45:18-19]
He is actually following his ow n desire without any guidance from Allah

as The Exalted One says:
Or do they have partners who have legislated for them in religion

what Allah has not allowed?... [al-Shura 42:21]
A D escription of th e G ro u p s th a t E rr C oncerning Q adar
14A In th e m a tte r of d ev iatio n , Ib n T aym iyyah d escrib es th ree

d iffe re n t m o d e s of e rro r. T h e d iffe re n ce s in th e m a n n e r of
dev iatin g from th e S u n n a h , h e sa y s, d e p e n d s on th e w ay one
m a n ip u lates reaso n a n d d esire. O ne group, h e says, errs in aspects
of w orship, th in k in g th a t q a d a r allow s them to a b a n d o n th e m eans
of w o rsh ip s u c h a s re lia n c e a n d su p p lic a tio n . A seco n d group
ab a n d o n s recom m ended deeds, th a t is, they perform obligatory acts
only. T hese two groups a re d eficien t in love a n d w orship because
th e y a b a n d o n a c ts th a t d ra w th e m closer to God. Finally, a th ird
group, he says, h a s b een deceived b y u n u s u a l events s u c h as the
im m ediate an sw e r to a su p p lic a tio n or exp erien cin g som e form of
s u p e rn a tu ra l occurrence. T h ese th re e p oints re p re s e n t well-known
Sufi beliefs concerning th e a b a n d o n m e n t of th e sh a fV a K w hich they
believe is a seco n d ary c a u se . T h u s for th e S u fi gnostics, religious
law lead s one aw ay from kn o w in g God. N icholson (1975:72), in
d isc u ssin g th e teach in g s of th e 4 th /1 0 th c e n tu ry E gyptian mystic
Niffari, explains th a t "Niffarf b id s th e gnostic perform only su c h acts
of w orship a s are in ac co rd an c e w ith his vision of God, th o u g h in
235
doing so he w ill n ecessarily d isobey the religious law w h ic h w as
m ade for th e vulgar." In th is section. Ibn Taymiyyah is refu tin g such
beliefs.
14B In following desires, one time they are following an innovation that
they call truth and that they prioritize above Allah's law, and another time
they use determ inism as related to existence (al-qadar al-kawni) as an
argument against Allah's law, as He, the Exalted One, has mentioned
above about the polytheists. One group of these people is of the highest
rank because they hold fast to the religion77 in the performance of well-
know n obligations and the avoidance of well-known prohibitions.78
However, they err greatly by abandoning the means (asbab) w hich they
w ere com m anded to carry out and which are them selves acts of
7 7 Edition 3 has mustamsikuna bi-md ikhtdrd bi-hawdhum min al-din for

mustamsikdna b i-l-d in .
78Ibn Taymiyyah is referring to the obligations and prohibitions based on the
five categories o f actions recognized by the Muslim jurisprudents. These are
obligatory actions ('wdjib), recommended actions (mand&b or m u s ta h a b b ),
neutral actions (m u b a h ), disliked actions (m a k rd h ) and forbidden actions
(h a r d m ). In Islamic jurisprudence, these categories refer to both legal and
moral responsibilities as reflected in actions that w ill be rewarded or
punished in this life and in the hereafter. As far as the Muslim jurisprudents
are concerned, it is the compliance with the categories o f obligations and
prohibitions that result in the implementation o f punitive actions in this life
as well as God's rewards and punishments in the hereafter. The moral
categories o f recommended, neutral and disliked actions are, strictly speaking,
out o f the hands o f the jurisprudents, and are left for God to reward or punish
in the hereafter. For a complete discussion o f these categories and the
consequences related to them, see W eiss (1992:92-113). As for the specific
groups to which Ibn Taymiyyah is referring in this section, they are various
Sufi orders that fall under the descriptions o f the M a ld m a tiy y a h and other
groups mentioned above in this chapter, section 7.
236
w o r s h ip .79 They think th at the cognizant one, w hen w itnessing
determinism, turns away from these m eans as, for example, the one w ho
consigns reliance, supplications and all such means to the stations
(m a q a m a t ) of the common people b u t not to those of the elite;
understanding that whoever witnesses determinism knows that what has
been determined will be, and so there is no need for these (actions). This is
a tremendous error, for Allah has determined things by their causes just as
He has determ ined happiness and m isfortune by their causes, as the
Prophet, the blessing and peace of Allah be upon him, said: "Allah has
created a people for paradise, having created it for them while they were
still in their fathers' loins, and so they do the work of the people of
paradise; and He has created a people for hell, having created it for them
while they were still in their fathers’ loins, and so they do the work of the
people of hell."80 Also, when the Prophet, the blessing and peace of Allah
be upon him, informed them (the Companions) that Allah has recorded
the determ ined measures of all things (kataba-l-maqadir), they said: "O
Messenger of Allah! Should we not abandon work and just rely on the
Book." He replied: "No! Work! For everyone is facilitated toward that for
which he was created. The one who is of the people of happiness, will be
facilitated toward the work of the people of happiness, while the one who
79Reinert (1968:141-162) discusses the relationship between the asbdb and

ta w a k k u l in Sufi thinking. In classical Sufi doctrine, the "asbdb" (Mittel) are
set in opposition to "tawakkul" (mit Gott ohne Bindung zu Leben); see Reinert,
pp. 145-146. Ibn Taymiyyah is arguing that ta w a k k u l is to live in conformity
with the means that God revealed. Ibn Taymiyyah also discusses this point
below, Chapter 7, section 3.
80Muslim, qadar 31; Abu Dawud, sunnah 17; N asa’i, jana’iz 58; Ibn Majah,
muqaddimah 10; Ahmad, VI:41, 208. The second half o f the hadith is omitted
from Editions 3 and 4.
237
is of the people of misfortune, will be facilitated tow ard the w ork of the
people of misfortune."81 Thus, the means which Allah has ordered for
His w orshippers are acts of worship, and reliance is associated with
worshipping as in the verses of the Exalted One:
...So worship Him (O Muhammad) and rely on Him... [Hud 11:123]
...Say: He (Allah) is my Lord! there is no deity b u t He! I rely on Him,

and my repentance is to Him. [al-Ra'd 13:30]
And there is the statement of Shu'avb:
... I rely on Him (Allah) and I repent to Him. [Hud 11:88]
There is another group that abandons recommended actions but not

obligations. Therefore they are diminished (in faith) in accordance with
that.
There is yet another group th at becom es deceived by the
extraordinary events that occur to them such as an unveiling (mukashafah)
or an answer to a supplication contrary to general custom, etc..82 Hence, a
81 Bukhart. qadar 4.
82The reference here is obviously to certain Sufi beliefs related to the mystic
experience. In particular, the concept of unveiling is the basis for the
mysticism and gnosticism o f the Sufis. The term kashf. from which is derived
m u k d s h a fa h . is translated into terms such as "revelation,” "uncovering" or
"disclosure," and is synonymous with other Sufi terms such as f a t h , f u t d h or
77m al-fut&h. (See Ernst, 1985:139 and 151.) In describing the difference
between unveiling and reflection (fikr or tafak ku r) in Ibn ‘Arabi's critique of
the intellect, Chittick (1989:63) explains that reflection is "...a peculiar
mental process...which is the domain of the proponents o f Kalam and the
philosophers." As for unveiling, he explains that the position o f Ibn ‘Arab/
and the great Sufis is that kashf refers to "...knowledge given to them by God
without the interference o f that rational C a q li) or considerative (n a z a r t )
faculty known as reflection." This point highlights Ibn Taymiyyah's mediating
position concerning the intellect, for he rejects the role o f the intellect as
described by the m u ta k a llim d n (see above, section 12), while upholding the
need for the intellect in opposition to a mystic knowledge, which he claims is
mere deception.
238
person of this group becomes distracted from acts of worship, gratitude and
sim ilar things which he is com manded to perform . These m atters
frequently occur to the "people of traversing and confrontation."83 A
worshipper can only save himself from these matters by adhering in each
m om ent84 to Allah's command w ith which He sent His Messenger, as al-
Zuhri said: "Those of our predecessors who have passed on used to say
that clinging to the Sunnah is a salvation." This is so because the Sunnah,
as Malik, may Allah be pleased w ith him, had said, is like the ark of Noah,
for whoever rides it will be rescued and whoever misses it will drown.
The Two P rinciples of Perfect W orship
15A D eviation, acco rd in g to Ib n Taym iyyah, re s u lts from e ith e r

ign o ran ce of th e fo u n d atio n s of w orship o r sim ply neglecting them .
T h u s th e preceding a rg u m e n ts ab o u t preferring re a so n to revelation
83The Arabic phrase is ahl al-sul&k wa-l-tawajjuh. These are technical terms
used by the Sufis to describe their passage from one state or station to another.
I have taken the translations o f the terms from Ernst (1985:3, 58), who does not
refer to them in one combined phrase. The sul&k is the wayfaring o f the Sufi in
pursuit o f the cognizance o f the Divine Reality whereas the taw ajju h is a
concentration or attentiveness to a particular thing. In Ibn ‘Arabi’s
m etaphysics, taw ajju h is God's attentiveness directed "...toward someone
[meaning] that He manifests His reality to that person through self-disclosure"
(C hittick, 1989:280).
84Ibn Taymiyyah uses the expression f t kulli waqt, which simply means "in
each moment." However, in the present context it suggests further references to
Sufi term inology. Ibn ‘Arabi, for example, uses the term w aqt in reference to a
servant's nearness to certain names o f God. Concerning his metaphysical
doctrine on this matter he states that "in each moment" a "...servant must be
the possessor o f nearness to one divine name and the possessor o f distance
from another name which, at that moment, has no ruling property over him."
(See Chittick, 1989:151) Ibn Taymiyyah is clearly implying here that the
Sunnah as transmitted through the s a l a f must guide a worshipper in every
apparent deed and inner state.
239
a n d follow ing d esires le a d s him to a clarificatio n o f th e two
p rin cip les th a t h e sees as th e b a s is o f p ro p er w orship: th a t one
w o rsh ip s only God a n d th a t he w o rsh ip s Him acco rd in g to His
co m m an d an d legislation. These two c rite ria for w orship, s ta te s Ibn
T aym iyyah, refer to sin cerity in religion, w h ich is doing d eed s only
for G od's sake, an d to th e righteous deed, w hich is d o ing th e good
deed s th a t God loves. To su p p o rt h is p o in t, he p resen ts definitions
a n d exam ples of sincerity an d co rrectness from verses of th e Q u ra n
an d sta te m e n ts of the salaf.
15B There is only one meaning (maqsud) for terms such as worshipping,
obedience, uprightness, and holding fast to the straight path, b u t they have
two m ain principles. The first is that only Allah is to be w orshiped, and
the second is that the worshipper must worship Him in the w ay that He
commanded and legislated. He should not worship Him based on any
other principles such as desires and innovations.85 The Exalted One says:
...and so whoever hopes for the meeting w ith his Lord, let him do
righteous work and not associate anyone in worshipping his Lord, [al-
Kahf 18:110]
Certainly, whoever submits himself fully to Allah as a perfect devotee

has his reward with his Lord; no fear will come to them, and they
shall not grieve. [al-Baqarah 2:112]
W ho is better in religion than one who submits himself fully to Allah
as a perfect devotee and who follows the way of Abraham as a sincere
w orshipper of Allah? Indeed, Allah took Abraham as an intimate
friend. [i-N isa' 4:125]
85Edition 3 inserts w a -l-z u n u n , and Edition 4 mentions only a l - b i d a ‘.
240
The righteous deed is perfect devotion (al-ihsdn), which is the
performance of the best deeds; and the best deeds are those that Allah and
His Messenger love. These are the obligatory acts and recommended acts
which have been commanded by Allah an d His Messenger and which are
not some unlegislated innovation in religion,86 for Allah and His
Messenger do not love these. They are n o t the best deeds nor righteous
deeds. This is similar to w hat is known to be rebellious acts87 such as
blatant sins and injustice. These matters are never considered as good or
righteous deeds.
As for His statements "and not associate anyone in worshipping his
Lord" [18:110] and "who submits himself fully to Allah" [2:112 and 4:125],
they refer to the sincerity of religion for Allah alone. TJmar ibn al-Khattab.
may Allah be pleased w ith him, used to say: "O Allah! Make the whole of
my deed righteous, and make it pure for Your Countenance, and do not
give anyone else a share of it." al-Fudayl ibn Tyad88 said the following
about His verse ...that He (Allah) may try you as to which of you is the best
devotee as to deeds... [al-Mulk 67:2], "(The best deed) is the most sincere
and the most proper." They asked: "O Abu 'All! What is the most sincere
and the most proper deed?" He said: "A deed that is sincere but not proper
86Edition 3 insens lay s a t fi-l-kitdb wa Id f t sahlhi-l-sunnah fa-inna-hd wa in

qala man qdlahd wa ‘amila bi-hd man ‘amila.
87Editions 3, 4 and 5 have man ya'malu md Id yajdz instead o f md yu'lamu
anna-hu fuj&r.
88Abu ‘All al-Fudayl ibn ‘Iyad ibn Mas'ud ibn Bishr al-Taimmx al-Yarbu‘1 was
from the tribe o f Tamimi and was bom in Samarqand in 105/723. It is said that
in his early years he was a brigand but was convened to a religious life. He
became a disciple o f Sufyan al-£aw n , studied hadith in Kufa and lectured at
the court o f the Abbasid Caliph Harun al-Rashid. He died in Mecca in 187/803.
See Reinert (1968:302) and Brockelmann, GAS 1:636.
241
is not accepted, and one that is proper b u t not sincere is n ot accepted.
(There is no acceptance of deeds) until they are both sincere and proper.
Sincerity m eans to be for Allah alone, and p ro p er m eans to be in
compliance w ith the Sunnah."
A G ram m atical A nalysis of th e C om m ands to W orship
16A A t th is p o in t, Ibn Taym iyyah a n tic ip a te s c e rta in q u e stio n s

co n cern in g th e g ram m a r an d syntax of th e v erse s th a t in d ic ate the
m a n n e r o f w o rsh ip p in g God. As d is c u s s e d in C h a p te r 2, Ibn
T aym iyyah views th e A rabic language a s th e vehicle of revelation,
th u s obliging a M uslim to u n d erstan d all asp ects o f th e lan g u ag e and
how God u s e s A rabic to convey th e m ean in g of th e revealed texts.
This relatio n sh ip betw een language an d w orship is a n o th e r exam ple
of h is "organic" view of w orship. His p u rp o se is to in d icate th a t God
h a s left n o th in g to th e w him s of th e w orshipper. T his p o in t is more
forcefully e m p h a siz e d a t th e en d of a l - ‘U b u d iy y a h (see below
C h a p ter 8, section 7).
In th is sectio n , h e gives exam ples of th e c o o rd in a tio n of
specific te rm s to g en eral term s, th e re a so n s for co o rd in atio n , and
th e specific asp ects of it. By giving th e se exam ples, h e ex p lain s th a t
th e p u rp o se of th e coordination of specific te rm s to g en eral term s
is to single o u t special ch aracteristics of th e specific te rm s th a t are
no t a p p a re n t in th e general term s. For th is reaso n , God m ay sp eak
ab o u t th e p ro p h e ts in g en eral an d th e n m e n tio n c e rta in o n es by
242
nam e, or He m ay speak a b o u t good deeds a n d m ention specific ones
s u c h a s praying an d giving charity.
16B Now, if it is said that if all that Allah loves is included in the term
"worshipping," why did He coordinate ('atafa) other terms to it, such as in
His verses:
You alone we worship and You alone we ask for help. [al-Fatihah 1:5]
And in the statement of Noah:
Worship Allah and act piously out of fear of Him, and obey me. [Nuh
71:3]
There are similar statements of other messengers.

The response is that this occurs frequently (in the Quran), as in the
verses of Allah:
...Verily, prayer prevents blatant sin and reprehensible deeds... [al-

'Ankabut 29:45]
Allah surely commands justice and perfect devotion, and giving to

relatives; and He forbids b latan t sin, reprehensible deeds and
transgression... [al-Nahl 16:90]
In this verse, "giving to relatives" is a part of justice and perfect devotion,

just as "blatant sin" and "transgression" are aspects of reprehensible deeds.
Also, there is His verse:
As to those who hold fast to the Book and are constant at prayer... [al-
A'raf 7:170]
But being constant at prayer is one of the greatest forms of holding fast to
the Book. Also, there is His verse:
243
...They used to rush to do good deeds and to call on Us w ith hope and
fear... [al-Anbiya' 21:90]
The supplication w ith hope and fear is part of doing good deeds. Examples
similar to these are numerous in the Quran.
This topic of coordination sometimes occurs w hen one of the two
terms is considered as a part of the other; thus it is coordinated to the other
term as a specification apropos of the need to seek a general meaning and a
specific meaning. Other times, the indication of the term varies according
to the conditions of separation or association. When the term is separate,
its meaning is general, b u t w hen it is in association w ith another term, it
has a specific meaning. For example, this occurs w ith the terms faqir (the
poor) and miskin (the needy) as in these verses of the Exalted One:
(Charity is) for the poor (fuqara'), who in Allah's cause are restricted
(from travel)... [al-Baqarah 2:273]
...Feeding ten needy persons (masakin)... [al-Ma'idah 5:89]
When one of them is used separately the meaning of the other is included
in it. But when they are associated with each other as in this verse of the
Exalted One:
Charity is only for the poor (al-fuqara') and the needy (wa-l-masakin)...
[al-Tawbah 9:60]
they have two distinct meanings.

It is said that w hen a specific term is coordinated to a general one,
the condition of association is not included in the meaning of the general
term. Rather, it is part of this (condition of separation). But the truth is
that this is not necessarily so. The Exalted One says:
244
Whoever is an enemy to Allah, His angels, His messengers, Gabriel
and Michael... [al-Baqarah 2:98]
(Remember) when We made the covenant w ith the prophets, and

w ith you (Muhammad) and w ith Noah, Abraham, Moses, and Jesus,
the son of Mary. [al-Ahzab 33:7]
Mentioning the specific w ith the general can be for a variety of reasons.
Sometimes a specific term m ight have a unique quality w hich does not
exist in the rest of the components of the general, as in the case of Noah,
Abraham, Moses, and Jesus. Other times, the general term m ight be
indefinite, and one cannot understand the details of its generality, as in
His verse:
...A guidance to those who act piously. Who believe in the unseen, are
constant at prayer, and spend out of what We have provided for
them; who believe in what has been sent down to you (Muhammad)
and in what was sent down before you... [al-Baqarah 2:2-4]
His statem ent "Who believe in the unseen" com prises all the
unseen in which one should believe. However, it is undefined. There is
no indication th at a part of the unseen includes things such as "in what
has been sent dow n to you (Muhammad) and in what was sent down
before you." (The statement "Who believe in the unseen") m ight also
mean that they believe in that which is reported, which is the unseen, and
in the act of reporting about the unseen, which is "what has been sent
dow n to you (Muhammad) and what was sent down before you." Also
under this topic are the verses of the Exalted One:
Recite w hat is revealed to you from the Book, and be constant at

prayer... [al-'Ankabut 29:45]
Those who hold fast to the Book and are constant at prayer... [al-A'raf
7:170]
245
The recitation of the Book clearly m eans following it.89 This is just
as Ibn M as'ud said concerning His verse "Those to whom We have given
the Book recite it w ith a true recitation..." [al-Baqarah 2:121], "They allow
w hat it allows, they forbid w hat it prohibits, they believe in its obscure
passages, and they implement its firm commands." Therefore, following
the Book includes prayer and other duties. However, He specifically
m entions prayer because of its distinguishable qualification. Likewise,
there is His statement to Moses:
In truth! I am Allah, there is no deity b ut I, so worship Me and be

constant at prayer for My remembrance. [Ta' H a' 20:14]
Here being constant at prayer for the remembrance of H im is one of the

most exalted forms of w orshipping Him. Also, there is the verse of the
Exalted One:
...Act piously out of fear of Allah and always say what is righteous. [al-
Ahzab 33:70]
...Act piously out of fear of Allah and seek the means of approach to
Him... [al-Ma'idah 5:35]
...Act piously out of fear of Allah and be w ith the truthful ones, [al-
Tawbah 9:119]
All these matters are part of the perfection of acting piously out of fear of
Allah (taqwa). Also, there is His verse:
Reliance and seeking help are aspects of worshipping Allah. However,

they are specifically mentioned so that the worshipper (muta'abbid) may
8 9 Edition 3 inserts w a -l-'a m a l bi-hi.
246
strive to attain them because of their special qualifications. This is so
because they are the means of assistance (in performing) all other aspects
of worshipping, for He cannot be worshiped without His help.
Sum m arizing th e D escription of Perfect W orship
17A Ibn Taymiyyah. closes th is introductory ch ap ter by focusing on

th e m a n n er in w hich p erfectio n in w orship is achieved. Up to th is
point, he h a s integrated th e v ario u s com ponents of w orship into a n
"organic whole." He h a s ex p lain ed th e term s an d co n cep ts rela ted
to w orship su c h as su b m issio n , hum ility, faith, love, relian ce an d
fear. He h a s explained in h is fash io n th e re la tio n sh ip b etw e en
p red estin atio n an d free will a n d how a w orshipper is to re sp o n d to
God w ith rep en tan ce after com m itting a sin. He h a s m en tio n ed the
m o s t g riev o u s e rro rs c o m m itte d b y m isg u id e d g ro u p s and
individuals, in p a rtic u la r h o w p a ssio n an d d esire lead people to
in n o v a tio n by a b u s in g th e c o n c e p t of p re d e s tin a tio n . He h a s
o u tlin e d th e fo u n d a tio n s of c o rre c t w orship b a s e d on th e two
p rin cip les of religion: a c tin g for th e sa k e of God a n d a c tin g in
acco rd an ce w ith th e S u n n a h . Finally, he h a s in d ic ated t h a t th e
A rabic of the Q u ran conveys th e proper m eaning of all asp ects of th e
religion. Ibn T aym iyyah n o w s ta te s th a t th e p erfectio n o f th e
c re a te d being is th e re a liz a tio n of h is w orship of God a n d th a t
in c re a sin g th e reality o f w o rsh ip p ro p o rtio n ate ly in c re a s e s th e
perfection of w orship. T h is p ro p o sitio n is followed b y a review of
th e v erses re la te d to w o rs h ip . In th e m ain b o d y of th e te x t
247
(C hapters 6-8), he will expand on th e se th em es, detail th e specific
asp ects of w orship an d deviation, a n d explain how love, p assio n an d
d e sire o v erw helm people a n d le a d th e m in to in n o v a tio n a n d
polytheism .
17B If all of this is clear, then the perfection of the created being lies in
the realization of his worship to Allah. The more a worshipper increases
the realization of worship the more his perfection will increase and his
rank will rise. Whoever imagines that a created being can escape from
worship by any means, or that departing from it is more perfect, will be
one of the m ost ignorant and erring of all creation. The Exalted One says:
They say: The Infinitely Merciful has taken a son (from the angels).
Glorified be He! They are only honored worshippers. They do not
speak before Him, and they act by His command. He knows what is
before them , and what is behind them, and they cannot intercede
except for the one with whom He is pleased; and they tremble
apprehensively in awe of Him. [al-Anbiya' 21:26-28]
They say: The Infinitely Merciful has taken a son. Indeed you have
brought forth a terrible thing by which the heavens are almost torn
apart and the earth is split asunder and the mountains fall in utter
ruin—that you ascribe a son to the Infinitely Merciful. But it is not
suitable for the Infinitely Merciful that He takes a son. Everything in
the heavens and on earth comes to the Infinitely Merciful as a
hum bled servant. He has taken them all into account and has
numbered them accurately; and each of them will come alone to Him
on the Day of Resurrection. [Maryam 19:88-95]
The Exalted One says concerning the Messiah:
He (Jesus) w as only a worshipper to whom We granted Our favor (of

prophethood), and We made him an example for the Children of
Israel. fal-Zukhruf 43:59]
The Exalted One also says:
248
Everything in the heavens and on earth belongs to Him (Allah).
Those (angels) w ho are in His very presence are n ot too proud to
worship Him, and do not weary (of worship). They exalt Him night
and day, never slackening (to do so). [al-Anbiya' 21:19-20]
The Messiah will never be disdainful of being a w orshipper of Allah,

and neither will the angels who are near (to Him). As for the one who
is disdainful of w orshipping Him and too proud for it, He will gather
them all together to Himself. Then as for those w ho believe and do
righteous deeds, He will give them their rew ards and increase His
Bounty to them. But as for those who are disdainful and too proud (to
worship Him), He will punish them severely, and they will not find
any protector or helper for themselves besides Allah. [al-Nisa' 4:172-
173]
Your Lord said: Invoke Me, and I will respond to you. Those who are
too proud to worship Me will surely enter hell in humiliation. [Ghafir
(al-Mu'min) 40:60]
Some of His signs are the night and the day and the sun and the
moon. Do not prostrate to the sun and the moon, b u t prostrate to
Allah Who created them, if you worship only Him. But if they are too
proud for this, then those (angels) who are w ith your Lord glorify
Him night and day, and they never tire. [Fussilat 41:37-38]
Remember your Lord w ith your soul, humbly and fearfully, without
loudness in words, in the morning and in the evening; and do not be
one of the neglectful ones. Surely those who are near to your Lord are
not too proud to w orship Him, they glorify H im and prostrate
themselves before Him. [al-A'raf 7:205-206]
Verses in which w orshipping is ascribed to the best of creation, and in

which those who deviate from it are condemned, are num erous in the
Quran. In fact, Allah states that He had sent all the messengers with it. The
Exalted One says:
We did not send any messenger before you (Muhammad) but that We
revealed to him: There is no deity except I, therefore worship Me
alone. [al-Anbiya' 21:25]
We have certainly sent to every nation a m essenger (with this

command): W orship Allah and avoid all false deities. Then Allah
guided some of them, while others deserved to be led astray... [al-Nahl
1636]
249
The Exalted One said to the Children of Israel:
O My w orshippers who believe! My earth is certainly spacious.

Therefore worship Me alone. [al-'Ankabut 29:56]
...and act piously out of fear of Me. [al-Baqarah 2:41]
0 people! worship your Lord Who created you and those who were
before you, perhaps you will act piously. [al-Baqarah 2:21]
1 created jinn and hum ankind only that they should w orship Me
alone. [al-Dariyat 51:56]
Say (O Muhammad): I have certainly been commanded to worship

A llah, making religion p u re for H im only; and I have been
commanded to be foremost am ongst the Muslims. Say: I surely fear, if
I should disobey my Lord, the torm ent of a great day. Say: I worship
Allah, making my religion pure for Him. Then worship w hat you like
besides Him... [al-Zumar 39:11-15]
Every messenger began his m ission w ith the invitation to worship Allah
as the statement of Noah and those who came after him:
...Worship Allah! there is no other deity for you b ut He... [al-

M u'minun 24:32 and al-A'raf 7:59]
Also, in the Musnad90 it is reported from Ibn TJmar, may Allah be

pleased with him, from the Prophet, the blessing and peace of Allah be
upon him, who said: "I was sent w ith a sw ord just before the last hour so
that Allah will be worshiped alone, w ith no partner. My sustenance w as
made under the shadow of my spear; and humiliation and lowliness were
m ade for those who disobey m y order." He has show n th at H is
worshippers are those who will find safety from Satan.91 Satan says:
90Ahmad, 11:50, 96.

9 E d itio n 3 inserts al-sayyi’dt a lla ti zayyanahd al-sh a ytdn . and Edition 4 has
a l - s a y y i ’d t instead o f a l-s h a vtd n .
250
...O my Lord! because You sent me astray, I w ill surely make
(disobedience) appear pleasing to them on earth, and I will lead them
all astray—except Your purified w orshippers among them. [al-Hijr
15:39-40]
Allah, the Exalted, replies:
You do not have any pow er over My w orshippers, only over the
astray ones who follow you. [al-Hijr 15:42]
Also, he (Satan) says:
...I swear by Your m ight (O Allah) that I will lead them all astray
except Your chosen worshippers amongst them. [Sad 38:82-83]
He says concerning the truth of Joseph, peace be upon him:
...(We did this so) that We might turn evil and blatant sin away from
him. Surely he was one of Our chosen worshippers. [Yusuf 12:24]
He also says:
Glory be to Allah (Who is exalted) above w hat they ascribe (to Him),
but file chosen worshippers of Allah (do not ascribe falsities to Him).
[al-Saffat 37:159-160]
He (Satan) certainly has no power over those who believe and rely on
their Lord. His power is only over those who take him as a friend and
those who associate partners with Him (Allah). [al-Nahl 16:99-100]
He describes those whom He has chosen from His creation as in the verses
of the Exalted One:
Remember Our w orshippers, Abraham, Isaac and Jacob, men of
strength and understanding (in religion). We purified them for a
special purpose—the remembrance of the hereafter. [Sad 38:45-47]
...and remember O ur w orshipper David, a m an of strength (in

worship); he was a sincere penitent. [Sad 38:17]
He says concerning Solomon:
251
...how excellent a worshipper; he was a sincere penitent. [Sad 38:30]
(He says) concerning Job:

...how excellent a worshipper; he was a sincere penitent. [Sad 38:44]
Remember O ur w orshipper, Job, when he invoked his Lord... [Sad
38:41]
He says concerning Noah, peace be upon him:
The offspring of those whom We carried (in the ark) with Noah; he
certainly was a grateful worshipper. [al-Isra' (Bani Isra'il) 17:3]
He also says:
Glorified be He Who took His worshipper (Muhammad) for a journey

by night from the Sacred Mosque (of Mecca) to the Farthest Mosque
(in Jerusalem)... [al-Isra' (Bani Isra'il) 17:1]
When the w orshipper of Allah (Muhammad) stood up, calling to

Him.... [al-Jinn 72:19]
If you are in doubt concerning w hat We have sen t down to Our

worshipper (Muhammad)... [al-Baqarah 2:23]
Thus He (Allah) revealed to His servant (Gabriel) w hat he (then)

revealed (to Muhammad). [al-Najm 53:10]
A fountain from w hich the w orshippers of Allah will drink... [al-
Insan (al-Dahr) 76:6]
The worshippers of the Infinitely Merciful are those who walk on
earth with reverence... [al-Furqan 25:63]
There are many verses w hich are similar to these in the Quran.
252
C hapter 6: T he T ran slatio n o f al-*Ubxidiyyah (Part 2 o f 4)
The Slavery of a H eart
1A T his c h a p te r m a rk s th e begin n in g of th e m a in b o d y o f th e
te x t w hich Ibn Taym iyyah se p a ra te s from th e in tro d u ctio n w ith th e
su b title f a s t In th is chapter, h e develops two m ain them es: 1) how
a p e rso n 's in itial a tta c h m e n t to created beings develops in to th e
slavery of his h e a rt to created beings, and 2) how having th e co rrect
type of love for God an d His M essenger lead s to th e p erfectio n of
w orship. Ibn Taym iyyah ex p lain s to h is read e rs v arious a s p e c ts of
th e slav ery of a so u l to c re a te d beings b y p o in tin g o u t th e
co n n ectio n betw een in te rp e rso n a l relatio n sh ip s an d th e d e sire s for
th e rew ards a n d p le a su re s stem m in g from th em . As a so u l grow s
m ore d ep en d en t o n o th ers o r o n m aterial benefits, h e c o n te n d s, it
e n te rs deeper into a ru in o u s sp iritu a l state from w hich it is alm o st
im possible to escape. Freedom from th is condition, Ibn T aym iyyah
a s s e rts , can only b e found in slav ery to God, th a t is, in d irec tin g
one's love and w orship to th e Lord w ho is solely capable of b rin g in g
tran q u ility to a so u l. The p a th of p ro p er w orship is a s tra ig h t p a th
w ith in d ic ato rs a n d in s tru c tio n s lead in g to perfection. A lth o u g h
th e re are m an y p itfalls to b e avoided, it is a n a s c e n t to w a rd
n e a rn e ss to God.
Ibn Taym iyyah's first ta s k is to show th a t slavery is a n e c e ssa ry
con d itio n of a h e a rt. By p re se n tin g h a d ith s a n d s ta te m e n ts o f th e
C om panions, he in d icates v ario u s m odes of a tta c h m e n t to c re a te d
253
b ein g s a n d th e ill effects th a t r e s u lt from th is . He m en tio n s, for
exam ple, th a t th e Prophet c u rse d th e slav es of w ealth a n d luxury.
F o r Ib n T aym iyyah, th ese two th in g s re p re s e n t th e tip of th e ice
b erg in re la tio n to the m an y em o tio n al a n d psychological s ta te s of
d e p e n d e n c y to w hich a p e rso n c a n s u c c u m b in p u rs u it of th ese
goals. He highlights the em otional s ta te s of slavery by discu ssing the
a m b itio u s d esire on the p a r t of th e o n e seek in g w ealth. O btaining
th a t w e a lth becom es h is crite ria for jo y o r sorrow ; if he gets w h at
h e w a n ts h e is happy, a n d if he does n o t get it h e becom es angry.
Q uoting a sta te m e n t of ‘U m ar, Ibn T aym iyyah p o in ts o ut th a t only by
re n o u n c in g so m eth in g can one free h im se lf from it. In th is w ay a
w o rsh ip p e r c a n avoid th e s ta te of d e p e n d e n c y o n created beings
a n d avoid b eco m in g like th e one w h o se d e s ire for w ea lth h a s
re p la c e d h is d e sire for God, p u ttin g h im in a sta te of n eed to
acq u ire w ealth.
FASL
IB N ow that this has been clarified for you,1 it should be known that
people2 differ greatly concerning this topic of worship. Their differences
are according to the reality of faith, an d in this they are divided into
general and specific types. For this reason, w ith regard to the lordship3 of
the Lord, glorified be He, people have generality, specificity, and variety.4
Ubn Taymiyyah is referring to all that he explained in the first chapter.

2Edition 4 is missing al-nds.
3Editions 3 and 5 have uluhiyyah instead o f r u b d b iy y a h .
4 Editions 1 and 2 have wa dur&b after ‘umdm w a khusus. which does not appear
in the other editions. I assume that Ibn Taymiyyah means that people vary in
254
Thus, in this religious community (ummah) polytheism (shirk) is more
hidden than the crawling of an ant.5 It is narrated in the Sahih6 from the
Prophet, the blessing and peace of Allah be upon him, that he said: "May
the slave ('abd) of the dirham be wretched; may the slave of the dinar be
wretched; may the slave of velvet d o th be wretched; may the slave of
embroidered d o th be wretched. May he be wretched and degraded, and if
such a one is pierced w ith a thorn, let it not be extracted. When he is
granted his desires he is pleased and when he is denied them he is
angered."
The Prophet, the blessing and peace of Allah be upon him, labeled
this person a w orshipper of the dirham, a w orshipper of the dinar, a
worshipper of velvet cloth and a worshipper of em broidered cloth. In this
hadith he mentioned a supplication and a description by saying, "May he
be wretched and degraded, and if such a one is pierced with a thorn, let it
not be extracted." Extraction is the act of removing a thorn from a man,7
and a tweezer is the means by which a thorn is rem oved. This hadith
refers to the condition of the one who, when evil afflicts him, does not
escape it and is not successful because he is wretched and degraded. Thus
he has neither attained his goal nor avoided harm. This is the state of the
slave of wealth. He is so described because "when he is granted his desires,
he is pleased, and w hen he is denied them, he is angered," as the Exalted
One says:
their understanding o f the meaning o f "lordship," and thus also in their

beliefs about the Lord.
5This example is taken from a hadith mentioned below in Chapter 7, section 10.
6 Bukhari. jihad 70, raqaq 10.
7 1 am reading min al-rajul instead o f min al-rijl.
255
Some of them accuse you (Muhammad) concerning the m atter of
distributing alms, for if they are given something, they are pleased;
b ut if they are not given anything, they suddenly are enraged! [al-
Tawbah 9:58]
Thus their contentment is for other than Allah, and their rage is for
other than Allah. This is the state of the one who is attached to positions
of leadership, to an image or to sim ilar desires of the self. If he attains
them , he is pleased, and if he does not attain them, he is angered.
Therefore, he is a worshipper of w hat he desires and a slave (raqiq) to it.
For slavery (riqq) and worship ('ubudiyyah) are in reality the slavery and
w orship of a heart. Thus one is a w orshipper to whatever enslaves his
heart and subdues it. For this reason it is said:
The slave is a free man as long as he is content,
And the free man is a slave as long as he is greedy.
Also, a poet said:

I obeyed my desires, thus they subdued me;
And if I had been content, I w ould have been free.
It is said that greediness is an iron collar around the neck and a

fetter around the leg. If the iron collar vanishes from around the neck, the
fetter will also vanish from around the leg. It is narrated that 'Umar ibn al-
Khattab, may Allah be pleased with him, said: "Greediness is poverty, and
renunciation is richness. If one of you renounces a thing, he will become
rich because of it."8
8This is a literal translation o f al-tama‘ f a q r w a-l-ya’s ghinan wa in ahadukum

y a ’isa min sh ay’ istaghnd ‘an-hu. The "poverty" and "richness" intended here
is a heart's enslavement by, or independence from, created beings.
256
This is a m atter that a person finds w ithin himself. For it is certainly
so that he will not seek after or desire anything he has renounced. His
heart will not rem ain in need of it or the person who might supply it.
However, w hen a person has a desire concerning a certain m atter and
hopes for it, his heart becomes attached to it. Then he becomes in need of
attaining it and whomever he believes m ight be the cause of attaining it.
This is the case for things such as wealth, fame and images (suwar). Al-
Khalil (Abraham), the blessing and peace of Allah be upon him, said:
...therefore seek your provisions from Allah alone, worship Him, and
be grateful to Him, for you will be returned to Him. [al-'Ankabut 29:17]
The M eaning of R eliance on God
2A A t th is p o in t Ibn Taym iyyah b rin g s u p the issu e of req u estin g

th in g s from c re a te d beings. He p re s e n ts several h a d ith s to show
th a t it is forbidden to rely on o th ers a n d to a sk th em for provisions
u n le ss one is in a s ta te of dire poverty. The h a d ith s in d icate th e
need to rely on God a n d to w ork for w h atev er provisions He m ay
have allotted for you. It is clear th a t Ibn Taymiyyah is u sin g th ese
h a d ith s to refute th e claim s of som e S ufi groups th a t a M uslim m u st
re n o u n c e w orking for provisions a s well a s w ealth itself. In h is
d isc u ssio n of reliance (ta w a k k u l), Ib n Taym iyyah firm ly s ta te s th a t
begging is n o t a sign of reliance on God b u t one of ab a n d o n in g His
leg islatio n .9
9 The issue o f reliance (ta w a k k u l) in Sufi thinking has been dealt with in detail
by B. Reinert (1968). See especially his discussion o f Das Nichterwerb,
pp.170-190. Reinert also mentions (p.220) that Ibn Hanbal emphasized the
need for both ta w a k k u l and work. On the same page he states that ‘Abd-Allah
257
2B An 'abd m ust have provisions, for he is in need of them. Thus
w hen he seeks his provisions from Allah, he becomes a w orshipper of
Allah and in need of Him. But w hen he seeks them from a created being,
he becomes a worshipper of that created being and in need of him. For this
reason, requesting (m as'alah) things from a created being has been
forbidden in principle and is only allowed under necessity. There are
m any hadiths in the Sihdh, Sunan, and Masdnid on the prohibition of
requests. He, the blessing and peace of Allah be upon him, said: "Some of
you will continue begging (mas'alah) so that on the Day of Resurrection
you will come w ithout a bit of flesh on your faces."10 He said: "Whoever
begged from people while having enough (provisions) will have scratches
on his face because of his begging."11 He said: "Begging is only allowable
w h en there is h o rren d o u s debt, debilitating injury, o r em aciating
poverty."12 This meaning is in the Sahih, which also contains: "It is better
for one of you to take his rope and go to chop wood (for his livelihood)
than to beg from people, whether they give him anything or deny him."13
ibn al-Mubarak's position was that working does not hinder a Muslim from
ta w a k k u l, but there is a risk that he might corrupt it. Reinert (p .170)
identifies S h aqiq al-Balkhi (d. 194/809-10) as the classical representative o f
the concept o f abandoning work.
10Bukhari. zakah 52; N asa’t, zakah 83; Ahmad, 11:15, 88.
^ T ir m id i, zakah 22, 23; Ibn Majah, zakah 16, 26; Abu DSwud, zakah 24;
Darimi, zakah 15; Ahmad, 1:388, 441.
12Abu Dawud, zakah 26; T irm iii, zakah 23; Ibn Majah, tijarat 25; Ahmad,
111:114, 127.
13Bukhari. zakah 50, 53, buyu‘ 15, musaqah 13; Tirmidi, zakah 38; Nasa’i,
zakah 85; Ahmad, 1:124, 11:243 , 257, 300, 395, 418, 475, 496.
258
He said: "Whatever wealth comes to you without begging for it or aspiring
to it, you may take. But do not let your soul follow any other wealth."14
Thus, the Prophet disliked the taking of money based on a request of
the tongue or an aspiration of the heart. He said in an authentic hadith:
"Allah shall enrich w hoever dispenses (with riches). Allah w ill make
chaste the one who seeks chastity. Allah will grant surety to whoever is
patient. No one has been given a gift better and more am ple than
patience."15 He also commanded his special companions not to request
anything from people in principle. It is reported in the Musnad th at when
Abu Bakr al-Siddiq, may Allah be pleased w ith him, used to drop [a
w h ip ]16 from his hand, he w ould not ask anyone to give it to him, but
w ould say, "My intimate friend commanded me not to ask people for
anything." It is reported in Sahih M uslim17 and elsewhere from 'A w f ibn
Malik that w hen the Prophet, the blessing and peace of Allah be upon
him, accepted the pledge of allegiance from him and others, he whispered
to them a secret word: "Do not ask people for anything." Thereafter, when
a person of that group used to drop a whip from his hand, he w ould not
say to anyone: "Give it to me." Thus the texts have indicated in many
places that the commandment is to ask the Creator and the prohibition is
to ask the created being as His verse states:
14Bukharf. zakah 51; Muslim, zakah 110, 111; Darimi, zakah 19; Nasa’i, zakah
94; Ahmad, 11:99.
l5 Bukhari, zakah 18, 50, raqaq 20; Muslim, zakah 124; Abu Dawud, zakah 28;
Tirmi&i, birr 77; Darimi, zakah 18; Muwatta’, sadaqah 7; Nasa’i, zakah 85;
Ahmad, 111:12, 44, 47, 93 , 403, 434.
16The word a l- s a w t is missing from Edition 1.
17 As yet, I have not found the specific reference for this hadith.
259
And so when you finish your obligations, persist in supplications; and
make humble requests of your Lord. [al-Inshirah (al-Sharh) 94:7-8]
The Prophet, the blessing and peace of Allah be upon him, said to
Ibn 'Abbas: "When you ask for something, ask it of Allah; and when you
seek help, seek it from Allah."18 The same thing appears in the statement
of al-Khalil (Abraham), upon whom be peace:
...therefore seek from A llah alone your provisions... [al-'Ankabut

29:17]
He did not say "seek your provisions from Allah" because the pre
positioning of an adverb implies particularization and restriction.19 The
meaning of the verse is the same as saying, "Do not seek provisions except
from Allah." He, the Exalted, says:
...ask Allah for a portion His bounty... [al-Nisa' 4:32]
A person m ust acquire the provisions he needs and he m ust

prevent w hat harms him. It has been legislated for him that these two
matters are to be supplicated from Allah. Thus, he should direct his
requests to Him and complain only to Him20 as Jacob said:
...I complain of my grief and sorrow only to Allah... [Yusuf 12:86]
l8 Tirmidjf, qiyamah 59; Ahmad, 1:293, 303, 307.

19The issue here refers to the Arabic syntax of the verse in question: f a -
h ta g h d ‘inda-lldhi-l-rizq. Ibn Taymiyyah is saying that the change from the
normal word order, i.e., verb-object-adverb, by means o f pre-positioning o f the
adverb (taqdim al-zarf) brings the added meaning o f particularization
( ik h tis&s) and restriction (h a s r ) to the sentence.
2(1Edition 3 has fa-ld yas’alu rizqahu illd min alldh wa Id vashtaki illd ilayhi.
260
Patience a n d R enouncem ent
3A Ib n T aym iyyah in sists t h a t reliance an d re q u e s tin g aid a n d

assista n c e m u s t be directed to God alone. He sees th e se m a tte rs as
b ein g re la te d to th e co n c e p t o f p a tie n c e (s a b r). In th e face of
adversity, h e says, a M uslim m u s t rely on God, re q u e s t help from
Him a n d com p lain of h a rd sh ip s to Him. These m a tte rs are actions
of th e h e a rt a n d will determ in e o n e's relatio n sh ip to God. F or Ibn
Taym iyyah, reliance, p atien ce a n d req u estin g h elp a re a sp e c ts of
w orship w h ich determ ine th e ty p e of enslavem ent a h e a rt acquires;
th ey a re th e b a s is upo n w h ich rew ard an d p u n is h m e n t are given
out. He goes on to say th a t if a M uslim directs th e se m a tte rs to God
alone, th e n h e will be rew arded, b u t if he d irects th e m to created
bein g s, th e n h e will be p u n is h e d . He p o in ts o u t t h a t th e in n e r
reality of a M uslim is m ore im p o rta n t th a n o u tw ard a p p e a ra n c e s
a n d th a t en slav em en t of th e h e a r t is w orse th a n th a t of th e body.
F or Ibn T aym iyyah, th e o u tw ard ap p e aran c es c a n n o t be u se d to
indicate the reality of a M uslim 's sp iritu a l state. Som eone m ay have
m aterial w ealth, social s ta tu s a n d political au th o rity b u t be in a sta te
of sp iritu a l en slav em en t b e c a u se h e is d ep en d en t on th o se aro u n d
him . He m ay b e th e com m ander of a n army, b u t h is desire for th a t
position m ay force him to ignore G od's Law an d do th in g s to please
those u n d e r him who help to m a in ta in him in th a t position. On th e
o th e r h a n d , sa y s Ibn Taym iyyah, som eone m ay be a se rv a n t or a
slave b u t be in a sta te of sp iritu a l freedom. He m ay ta k e orders from
261
h is m a ste r, b u t h e does h is w o rk for th e sa k e of God b ased on h is
love for H im .
3B Allah, the Exalted, mentions in the Q uran an honorable leaving, an

honorable patience, and an honorable forgiveness.21 It is said that an
honorable leaving is a leaving w ithout hurting anyone, an honorable
forgiveness is a forgiving w ithout blam ing anyone, and an honorable
patience is a patience without complaining to any created being. For this
reason, it w as mentioned to A hm ad ibn Hanbal during his sickness that
T aw us22 used to hate the moaning of a sick man and used to say it is a
complaint. Thereafter, Ahmad ibn Hanbal did not groan until he died. But
as for com plaining to the Creator, glorified be He, it does not contradict a
honorable patience, for Jacob, peace be upon him, said:
...Then a honorable patience (is best for me)... [Yusuf 12:18, 83]
...I complain of my grief and sorrow only to Allah... [Yusuf 12:86]
'U m ar ibn al-Khattab, may Allah be pleased with him, used to recite
the Suras Yunus, Yusuf and al-Nahl in the daw n prayer. When he passed
this verse,23 he cried so that his sobbing24 was heard in the last rows.
There is also the supplication of Moses, peace be upon him: "O Allah! All
21These references are to hajr ja m ll in al-Muzzammil 73:15, sabr ja m il in Yusuf

12:18, 83, and safh jam il in al-Hijr 15:85. Ibn Taymiyyah discusses these
terms in a separate essay which appears in M a jm d ’at al-Rasd'il w a-l-M asa’il,
v .l , pp.2-9.
22Abu ‘Abd al-Rahman Tawus ibn Kaysan was a Follower who died in 106/725.
He was known for excessive acts o f worship and an asceticism based on a strong
fear o f the Hellfire; see Reinert (1968:323).
2 3 Editions 3 and 4 insert f i qird’atihi.
24Edition 3 has tashannujuhu for nashiiu h u.
262
praises are for You; all complaints are directed to You. You are the One
from whom help is sought, from whom succor is sought, and on whom is
all reliance. There is no strength nor power except with You."25
There is also the supplication the Prophet, the blessing and peace of
Allah be upon him, made when the people of al-Ta'if acted against him:
"O Allah! To You alone I complain of my helplessness, the paucity of my
resources and my insignificance before mankind. O most Merciful One,
You are the Lord of the oppressed and You are my Lord! O Allah! To
whom would You entrust me? To a stranger who would scowl at me? To
an enemy whom You have given control over my affairs? But if Your
w rath does not fall upon me, I am not concerned about it. For Your pardon
is enough for me. I seek refuge w ith the light of Your countenance, by
which all darkness is illuminated and due to which all affairs in this world
and in the hereafter are right, should Your anger descend upon me or
Your w rath afflict me. To You alone belongs the right of censure until You
are pleased, for there is no power nor strength except with You."26
The more a worshipper's desire is strengthened concerning Allah's
graciousness, mercy and pleasure in order to fulfill his need and prevent
harm from reaching him, the more his worship of Him and his freedom
from others increases. Similarly, his desire for a created being necessitates
his worship of it, and his dispensing with it necessitates the renouncement
of his heart for it. A nd so it is said: "Dispense w ith whomever you will
and you become his equal, have graciousness for whomever you will and
25 As yet, I have been unable to find any reference for this supplication.
26I have not been able to find this hadith in the C o n c o r d a n c e . However, Ibn
K alir (1407/1987:v.3, p. 134) mentions it in his report on the Prophet's
m ission to al-Ta'if.
263
you become his master, and have a need for whomever you will and you
become his captive." Likewise, the desire of a worshipper for his Lord and
his hope in Him necessitates his worship of Him, and the aversion of his
heart from asking Allah27 and hoping in H im necessitates the diversion
of his heart from the worship of Allah. This is particularly so for the one
who has hope in a created being and not in the Creator. It occurs in such a
way that his heart is dependent on his leadership position, his soldiers, his
followers and his possessions, or on his family and friends, or on his
wealth and treasures, or on his leaders and nobles such as his master, king,
sheikh, employer, or any of those who have died or will die. He, the
Exalted, says:
Rely on the Living One who will never die, and celebrate His praise;
and it suffices that He is well inform ed about the sins of His
worshippers. [al-Furqan 25:58]
Whoever attaches his heart to created beings in order that they

render him victorious, provide him with provisions or guide him, has a
heart that surrenders to them. It becomes engaged in worship to them
according to the level of that submission, although in appearance he is the
m aster, m anager28 and administer over them. But a thinking person
looks at realities and not at appearances. Thus, w hen a man's heart
becomes attached to a woman, even though she is lawful for him, it
27Edition 4 has min gh ay r i-lld k instead of min alldh, which does not make
sense in the context o f necessitating a heart to turn away from worshipping
God.
28Editions 1 and 5 have m u d ir an la-hum. Edition 3 has m u d a b b ir an li-
u m u rih im , and Editions 2 and 4 have m u d a b b ir an la-hum.
264
remains her captive; she has control over him29 and m anipulates him as
she wills. In appearance he is her lord because he is her husband,30 but in
reality he is her captive and is possessed by her. This is particularly so
w hen she is aware31 of his need and passion Cishq) for her, and that he
will not substitute another women for her. Therefore she controls him in
the same way a conquering, oppressive master (has his w ay with) a
conquered slave who cannot escape from him. It is even worse than this
because the captivity of a heart is more severe than the captivity of a body,
and the subjugation of a heart is more severe than the subjugation of a
body. For whoever is [physically]32 subjugated, enslaved and captured33
w ould not care w hen34 his heart finds rest and serenity from that.
Moreover, there exists the possibility for escape.
But w hen a heart, which is master [of the body],35 is subdued,
enslaved and enthralled by love for other than Allah, then this is pure
humiliation, captivity and [degrading]35 worship to w hat has subdued the
heart. The state of w orship of a heart and its captivity form the basis on
which reward or punishm ent will be established. If a M uslim is captured
by an unbeliever or is unjustly enslaved by a profligate, it will not harm
him so long as he can fulfill the obligations required of him. And whoever
29Edition 3 has tatahakkamu fi- h i instead o f ta.hku.mu ft-h i, which is more

appropriate with the preposition f t. Tahkumu should be used with ‘a id .
30Edition 3 inserts aw mdlikuhu.
3 E d itio n 3 has ‘a lim a t for d a r a t.
32This insenion is from Editions 3, 4 and 5, which have b a d a n a h u . The term
b i-d d n ih i in Editions 1 and 2 does not make sense here.
3 3 Only Editions 1 and 2 have wa asara.
34Edition 3 which has md ddma instead o f i&d kdna.
35This insertion is from Edition 3, which has malik al-jasad.
35In Edition 3, the adjective a l-d fllila h is added to a l- ' u b d d i y y a h .
265
is justly subjugated while continuing to fulfill the rights of Allah and the
rights of his master will be rew arded twice. Even if he is forced to proclaim
disbelief, pronouncing it while keeping faith secure in his heart, that will
not harm him. But the one whose heart is subdued, thus becoming a slave
for other than Allah, will be harm ed37 by that even if outw ardly he were a
king over the people. For freedom (hurriyyah) is the freedom of the heart,
and slavery ('ubM iyyah) is the slavery of the heart. Similarly, richness
(ghinan) is the richness of the heart. The Prophet, the blessing and peace of
Allah be upon him, said: "Richness is not how much w ealth you have but
the richness of the soul (nafs)."38
Freedom a n d P assionate Love
4A T h u s tru e freedom or enslavem ent, says Ibn Taymiyyah, are in

a h e a rt. It is a n a tta c h m e n t to created beings th a t eventually lead s
to th e w o rst s ta te of s p iritu a l p o v erty w hich is p a s sio n a te love
( ‘is h q ). F or Ibn T aym iyyah, ‘is h q is exclusively a negative te rm
re su ltin g in extrem e a tta c h m e n t a n d obedience to a created being.
As h e explains elsew here, it is n o t a term t h a t c a n be u se d to
d escrib e the love betw een m a n a n d God b ecau se it is b y definition
a n extrem e love th a t goes beyond all lim its.39 T h u s ascribing 'ishq to
3 7 Edition 3 inserts k u l lu - l - d a r a r .
38Bukhari, raqaq 15; Muslim, zakah 120; Tirmidi, zuhd 40; Ibn Majah, zuhd 9;
Ahmad, 11:243, 261, 315, 390, 438, 443, 539, 540.
39 See Amrdd al-QulUb wa Shif d ’uhd (pp.131-133). Ibn Taymiyyah states that
‘ish q is an excessive love (mahabbah mufritah) that goes beyond limits without
itself being limitless and thus cannot refer to God whose lo v e has no limits.
A lso, he states that ‘ish q is related to willful actions (min bdb i-l-irdd dt) and
266
a w orshipper, Ibn Taym iyyah a s se rts, is a n erro r b ecau se everything
a person does in relation to w orshipping God m u s t o ccu r w ithin th e
lim its th a t He an d His M essenger have set.
4B This hadith, by my life,40 is w hen a person's heart is subjugated by

an allowable image. As for the one whose heart is subjugated by an
unlawful image, a woman or a youth, then this is a torment which has no
recompense.41 These people are amongst the least rewarded and the most
imagination (mm bdbi-l-tasawwurdt). Thus, for Ibn Taymiyyah, 'ishq becomes a

corruption in forming ideas (ta k h yil), for one imagines the object o f passionate
love to be other than what it actually is. By maintaining the distinction
between hubb and ‘ishq. Ibn Taymiyyah is following the H a n b a li tradition o f
censuring passionate love; see Giffen (1971:15-29) and Bell (1971:52-58).
Somewhat ironically, the H a n b a lis seem to have borrowed the definitions and
concepts o f hubb and ‘ishq from their theological rivals, the Mutazilites. AI-
Jahiz, who was one o f the earliest scholars to speak in detail on this topic,
explains that ‘ishq is more than simple love (hubb), for "‘ishq is the name for
what exceeds that which is called hubb and every h u bb is not called ‘ishq, for
‘ishq is the name for what exceeds that degree..." (Giffen, 1971:85). Al-Jahiz
also sees passionate love as a disease, which is another concept picked up by
the H an balis. He states in the R isdlat al-Qiydn in reference to profane love:
"Now I will describe for you the definition o f the passion o f love ( ‘ishq), so that
you may understand what exactly it is. It is a malady which smites the spirit
(rdh), and affects the body as well by contagion...Passion is compounded o f love
(hubb) and infatuation (h a w d ) and natural affinity (m u sh dk alah ) and habitude
o f association (ilf). It begins with a growing intensity, reaches a climax, and
then falls o ff by natural progression to the stage o f complete dissolution and
the point o f positive revulsion...'Love1 (hu bb) is a term applied to the concept
which [linguistic] convention prescribes [as its meaning], and there is no other
descriptive term for this. One can say, 'a man loves God', 'God loves the
believer', 'a man loves his child’, ’a boy loves his father' or 'loves his friend' or
'his country' or 'his people', and his love can tend in any direction he likes;
but none o f this can be called passion. One understands therefore that the term
'love' is not adequate to express the idea o f 'passion'; the latter needs the
addition o f the other factors..." (Beeston, 1980:28-30). The H a n b a lis used these
same arguments in a moral context to refute the Sufi concept o f having ‘ishq in
relation to God.
40Edition 3 has l a - ‘am ru -lld h i instead o f l a - ‘amri.
4 E d ition s 3 and 4 have Id yuddnihi 'a±db instead o f Id yxwdb fi-hi.
267
severely punished. Thus the one who is passionate ('ashiq) tow ard an
image, and remains42 attached to it and subdued by it, will be surrounded
by all kinds of evil43 and corruption, which only the Lord of all slaves can
count, even if he were safeguarded from committing the greatest blatant
sin. For the continuous attachm ent of a heart to (an image) w ithout
committing a blatant sin is more harmful for him than committing a sin
and then repenting of it, thus removing its trace from his heart. These
people are similar to drunkards or to the insane as it is said:
A drunkard becomes intoxicated on passion or on wine,

But try he to recover from the first, he is still out of his mind.
Elsewhere it is said:
They said you were driven insane by what you have a passion for; I
replied: Passion is more powerful than what affects the insane.
As for passion, the obsessed one will never overcom e this fate;
Whereas at times only do the insane succumb to their insanity.
The Will to Act Leads to T asting F aith
5A In this section, Ibn Taymiyyah begins to explain w h a t h e sees

a s th e correct form s of w orship an d love a n d th e effects stem m ing
from th em . R eferring to th e sto ry of J o s e p h in th e Q u ra n , for
exam ple, he p o in ts to th e w ays in which God saves h is w orshippers
from sin an d erro r. In th is context, he in tro d u ce s th e co n cepts of
goals a n d m ean s in a religious framework. W orship is th e goal for
w hich one strives, an d defending oneself from h a rm is a m ean s. Ibn
42Editions 3 and 4 change the subject o f the verb to q a lbu h u .

4 3 Edition 3 inserts w a-l-kh asr& n .
268
T aym iyyah sta te s th a t th e n a tu re of every h e a rt is to move tow ard
w h a t will benefit it a n d move aw ay from w h a t will h a rm it. T h u s th e
h e a rt of a M uslim becom es p u re b y know ing w h at God approves of
a n d m oving tow ard it. a n d b y know ing w h a t He h a te s a n d m oving
aw ay from it. T hus, for Ib n T aym iyyah, th e reality of w o rsh ip p in g a
c re a te d bein g p u ts one in o p p o sitio n to w o rsh ip p in g G od. If a
M uslim w a n ts so m eth in g a n d believes th a t it is o th e r people w ho
have th e power to give it to him , th e n h e will say a n d do th a t w hich
h e th in k s will please th e o th e rs. B u t it is only God, a s s e r ts Ibn
Taym iyyah, who h a s th e pow er to g ra n t som ething or tak e it away,
th u s a M uslim sh o u ld sa y a n d do only w h at will p le a se God.
Therefore, h e sta te s accordingly, it becom es n ec essary to love a n d
h a te , give a n d re s tr a in from giving for th e sa k e of G od. T his
beco m es a cen tral iss u e in th e m a tte r of perfecting faith. F o r Ibn
Taym iyyah, th e com pletion of fa ith in, a n d love for, God becom es a
m a tte r of conform ing o n e's d e s ire s to be com pletely co m p atib le
w ith His will.
5B One of the greatest afflictions44 is a heart's turning away from

Allah. For when a heart tastes the savor of worshipping Allah and
sincerity tow ards Him, then n o th in g w ill ever be sw eeter, m ore
d e lig h tfu l45 and more enjoyable than that. A person will only leave a
beloved thing for another beloved thing that is more beloved to him than
4 4 Edition 4 inserts a s b d b , thus the translation reads: "One o f the greatest

causes o f this affliction....”
4 5 Edition 3 inserts wa am ta‘; and Edition 4 reverses Id atyab wa Id adfl.ll.
269
the former or out of fear of a disliked thing. Therefore, a heart will only
turn away from a corrupt love because of a righteous love or because of a
fear of harm. The Exalted One says concerning the truth of Joseph, peace be
upon him:
...thus (We showed him proof) in order to divert evil and blatant sin
from him; he was certainly one of Our sincere worshippers. [Yusuf
1224]
Thus, Allah turns away from His worshipper any inclination for,
and attachment to, an image that could be evil for him. He also turns
blatant sin away from him by replacing it w ith sincerity toward Allah. For
this reason, before he tastes the sweetness of worship for Allah and
sincerity toward Him, a worshipper’s soul (nafs) must gain mastery46 over
following its desires. Once he tastes the savor of sincerity, and it grows
stronger in his heart, his passion will submit to him w ithout any effort.
Allah, the Exalted, says:
...prayer certainly prevents blatant sins and reprehensible deeds, and

the remembrance of Allah is greater... [al-'Ankabut 29:45]
Prayer has the means to repulse harmful things, such as blatant sins
and evil deeds, and it has w hat leads to the attainm ent of a beloved
thing,47 that is, the remembrance of Allah. The attainment of this beloved
thing is greater than the repulsion of that harm ful thing, for the
remembrance of Allah and a heart's worship of Allah48 are goals in
4 6 Editions 1 and 2 have b i-g h a la b a ti nafsihi, and Editions 3, 4 and 5 have

taghlibuhu nafsahu.
4 7 Edition 3 has li - k h a v r i- l- m a h b d b instead o f just a l-m a h b u b .
4 8 Editions 3, and 4 have fa-inna dikra-ll&h. 'ibddatu-llah w a ‘ibddatu-l-qalb
l i - lld h i.
270
themselves (maqstidah li-datihi). However, repulsing evil from oneself is a
goal for other than itself, as a matter of (logical) subordination.49 A heart is
a creature that loves the truth, wants it and seeks it. But when a desire for
evil confronts it, a heart seeks the repulsion of that because a heart
becomes corrupt just as cultivated land becomes corrupt w ith thicket. For
this reason, He, the Exalted, says:
He who sanctifies it (his soul) surely succeeds; and he who corrupts it

surely fails! [al-Shams 91:9-10]
He who sanctifies himself, remembers the Name of his Lord and

performs prayer shall surely achieve success. [al-A'la 87:14-15]
Tell the believing men to lower their gaze and preserve their chastity,
that is purer for them... [al-Nur 24:30]
...And had it not been for Allah's favor and His mercy on you, not one
of you would have ever been purified... [al-Nur 24:21]
Thus He, glorified be He, has made low ering the gaze and
preserving chastity the best means of purification of the soul (nafs).50 He
also has explained that avoiding blatant sins is part of the purification of
the souls (nufus). The purification of souls necessarily includes the
cessation of all evils such as blatant sins, injustice, polytheism, and lying.
Likewise, the heart of the seeker of leadership and domination on earth is
a slave (raqiq) to those who help him. Although outw ardly he is their
leader and the one who is obeyed by them, in reality he has hope in them
and fears them. Thus he offers them w ealth and governorships and
pardons them,51 so that they will obey him and assist him. Therefore he
49The Arabic reads: fa-huwa maqs&d li-ghavri-hi ‘aid sabili-l-taba'.

50Edition 3 has aqw d tazkiyah instead o f azkd li-l-nafs.
51 Edition 3 has ya'fd ‘ammd yajtarihdnahu instead o f ya 'fd ‘an-hum.
271
appears to be an obeyed leader while in fact he is their obedient slave ('abd).
The fact is that both groups manifest worship of each other, and both have
strayed from the reality of worshipping Allah. When their m utual help is
for an unjust domination on earth, then they are on the level of those
who mutually help each other to commit blatant sins or to obstruct the
path (of worship). Hence, each of them desires that which subjugates him
and enslaves him52 to the other.
This is also the case of the seeker of wealth, for this [wealth]53
subjugates and enslaves him. These matters are of two types: The first type
of wealth is that for which a worshipper has a need such as for food, drink,
housing and marriage. He seeks these from Allah and requests them of
Him. Thus he uses this wealth for his needs just as he uses his donkey,
which he rides, or his mat, on which he sits. Furthermore, he should use
it just as he uses a bathroom, in which he satisfies his need w ithout
becoming subjugated to it. For he is in a state of anxiety, and acts niggardly
when good touches him.54
The second type of wealth is that for which a worshipper does not
have a need. It is not befitting for him to attach his heart to this type of
wealth, for if his heart becomes attached to it, he becomes subjugated by it.
Perhaps he will become dependent on other than Allah concerning it.
5 2 Edition 4 inserts ya sta'bidu h u li-l-d k h a r . and Edition 3 inserts m u s t a ' b i d

li-l-d k h a r. These insertions are in addition to i s ta 'b a d a h u , which is in all the
t e x ts .
5 3 Edition 3 inserts al-mdl.
54 This is a paraphrase o f Sura al-M a‘arij 70:19-21, which states: in n a -l-in s a n a
khuliqa hald'an i£d massahu-l-sharr j a z d ‘an wa i£d massahu-l-k h o vr man&'an.
Editions 1 and 3 state: fa-yakdnu h ald'an i£d massahu-l-kh avr m a n d ‘an.
Editions 2, 4 and 5 state: fa-yakunu h a ld ‘an i£d massahu-l-sharr j a z d ‘an wa i£d
massahu-1-kh.ayr mand'an.
272
Then nothing of the reality of worshipping Allah and of the reality of
relying on Him will remain w ith him. Nay, there is in this a portion of
w orshipping other than Allah and a portion of relying on other than
Allah. This person is one of the most deserving of the Prophet's
statement: "May the w orshipper of the dirham be wretched; may the
w orshipper of the dinar be wretched; may the worshipper of velvet cloth
be wretched; may the worshipper of em broidered cloth be wretched."55
This person is certainly a worshipper of these objects; for even if he had
sought them from Allah, he would have been pleased only if Allah had
granted them to him b u t displeased if Allah had denied him them.
However, the worshipper of Allah is one who is pleased w ith that with
which A llah is pleased, is displeased w ith that with w hich Allah is
displeased, loves w hat Allah and His Messenger love, hates w hat Allah
and His M essenger hate, makes alliances w ith the saints of Allah, and
takes as enemies His enemies.
Perfecting F aith an d Love
6A In th e following section, Ibn T aym iyyah d isc u sse s in m ore

detail th e rela tio n sh ip betw een faith an d love. Using a h a d ith of th e
Prophet, h e show s th a t to realize th e tr u e experience of faith, to
ta ste [dawq] th e sw eetn ess of faith, a M uslim m u st perfect h is love
for God a n d His M essenger a n d come to love w h at God loves. The
m a n n e r in w h ic h h e co m p letes h is love is ex p ressed b y Ibn
55See above p.234 n5.
273
T aym iyyah in th e s ta te m e n t "love for th e beloved th in g s of th e
beloved one is a n a s p e c t of com pleting th e love of th e beloved one."
F or Ibn Taym iyyah, th is m eans th a t abandoning an y of th e allowable
th in g s [halaQ o r recom m ended deeds is a sig n of a dim inished or
c o rru p te d love for God, an d th u s of a d im in ish e d faith . On this
point, Ibn T aym iyyah opposes certain Sufi g ro u p s th a t follow a path
of p u rg a tio n of even th e allowable acts. Likewise, h e a s s e rts th a t
perfecting fa ith also in clu d es h atin g w h a t God a n d His M essenger
h a te . This becom es for h im the essence of jih a d , a M uslim 's striving
to b rin g h is will into conform ity w ith G od's will. A ccording to Ibn
T aym iyyah, th e se two sig n s of loving God, t h a t is, following His
M essenger a n d striving in His cause, are th e u ltim ate expressions of
faith for all M uslim s to em ulate.
6B This is the person who has perfected faith, as in the hadith:

"Whoever loves for Allah, hates for Allah, gives for Allah and denies for
Allah has indeed perfected faith."56 The Prophet said: "The most reliable
bonds of faith are love for the sake of Allah and hate for the sake of
Allah."57 In the Sahih58 it is reported from him, the blessing and peace of
Allah be upon him: "There are three qualities existing in the one who has
attained the sweetness of faith: He is the one to w hom Allah and His
Messenger are dearer than all else, who loves a person only for the sake of
56 Abu Dawud, sunnah 15; Tirmi£i, qiyamah 60; Ahmad, 111:438, 440.
57The exact wording o f this hadith appears in Ibn Hajar, Fath al-B&ri (n o
date:v.l, p.47). For similar hadiths, cf. Abu Dawud, sunnah 2; Ahmad, IV:286,
V :146.
58See above Chapter 5, p.214 n68.
274
Allah, and who abhors returning to disbelief after Allah has rescued him
from it as he abhors being cast into fire."
This worshipper agrees with his Lord in what He loves and dislikes,
for Allah and His Messenger are more beloved to him than anything else;
and he loves a created being for the sake of Allah and not for the sake of
any other,59 for this is an aspect of the completion of his love for Allah.
Indeed, the love for the beloved things of the beloved one is an aspect of
the completion of the love for the beloved one. When a worshipper loves
the prophets and saints of Allah because they uphold the beloved things of
the True One (al-haqq), and for no other reason, then he is loving them for
the sake of Allah, and not for the sake of any other. He, the Exalted, says:
...then Allah will bring forth a people whom He loves and who love
Him, they being humble tow ard the believers and stern tow ard the
disbelievers... [al-Ma'idah 5:54]
Say: If you love Allah then follow me, Allah will love you... [A1
'Imran 3:31]
The Messenger certainly commanded what Allah loves and forbade

w hat He hates. He did what Allah loves and informed about w hat Allah
loves in all truthfulness (al-tasdiq bi-hi). Therefore, whoever loves Allah
m ust necessarily follow the M essenger, truthfully relate w hat he
conveyed, obey him in what he commanded, and find solace in emulating
w hat he did. Whoever does this is doing w hat Allah loves, and so Allah,
the Exalted, will love him. Allah has established two signs for the people
who love Him: following the Messenger and striving (jihad) in His path.
This is so because jihad is the reality of endeavoring to obtain the faith and
59Editions 3 and 4 have Id li-gharadi dkhar instead o f Id li-wajhi dkhar.
275
righteous deeds that Allah loves, and to repulse the disbelief, rebellion and
disobedience that Allah hates. He, the Exalted, says:
Say: If your fathers, your sons, your brothers, your w ives, your
kindred, the wealth that you have gained, the commerce in which
you fear a decline, and the dwellings in which you delight axe dearer
to you than Allah and His Messenger and striving hard in H is cause,
then w ait until Allah brings about His command (of punishment);
and Allah does not guide a rebellious people. [al-Tawbah 9:24]
Thus He threatens w ith this punishment60 the one whose family

and w ealth are more beloved to him than Allah, His Messenger, and
striving in His cause. Moreover, it is confirmed in the Sahih61 from him,
the blessing and peace of Allah be upon him, that he said: "By Him in
whose hand is my soul, none of you will truly believe until I have become
more beloved to him th an his children, his parents and all mankind
together." Also, it is reported in the Sahih62 that TJmar ibn al-K hattab.
may Allah be pleased w ith him, said to the Prophet: "O Messenger of
Allah,63 you are more beloved to me than everything else except my own
soul (nafsi).” Then he said: "No! O 'Umar, not until I have become more
beloved to you than your own soul." 'Umar replied, "Then, by Allah, you
are more beloved to me than my own soul." Then the Prophet said: "Now,
O 'Umar."
60Edition 3 has bi-hdd.d-1-wa'id a l-sh a d id instead o f just bi-h d (L d -l-w a ‘id.

61Bukharf. iman 8; Muslim, iman 70; Nasa’i, iman 19; Ibn Majah, muqaddimah
9; Darimi, raqaq 29.
62 Bukharf- ayman 3. On the relation o f this hadith to the previous one, see also
Ibn Hajar (no date:v.l, p.59).
63Editions 2 and 4 inserts w a - ll d h i here, which does not appear in the version
reported by Bukhari.
276
Love an d H ate for th e Sake of God
7A Ibn Taym iyyah c o n tin u e s h is discu ssio n of th e tw o signs of

loving G od b y relatin g th e m to th e p erfectio n o f th e d ifferen t
a sp e c ts of love as a com ponent of w orship. Striving in G od's cause is
defined b y Ibn Taymiyyah a s exerting one’s capabilities in o btaining
th e beloved th in g s of God a n d diverting th e d eteste d th in g s. T his
seco n d p o in t is of equal im p o rta n ce in his d iscu ssio n of th e reality
of love b e c a u se for him th e id ea of hating w h a t God h a te s is th e
n e c e ssa ry corollary to loving w h a t He loves. He develops th is idea in
m ore d etail in the following c h a p te r in relation to th o se S ufi groups
th a t claim th a t loving God m e a n s loving everything in th e existential
reality, including sin. F or Ib n Taymiyyah, loving a n d h a tin g for th e
sa k e of God stem from th e co n cep t of having com plete love for th e
P rophet, a s indicated by th e previous two h a d ith s a b o u t loving th e
P ro p h et m ore th a n an y th in g else. Referring b ack to th e two criteria
o f w o rsh ip , i.e. doing a n a c tio n for th e sa k e o f G od a n d in
a c co rd an ce w ith th e S u n n a h , Ib n Taymiyyah s ta te s th a t rew ard is
b a s e d on th e in ten tio n to do th in g s for th e sa k e of G od a n d th e
c a p a b ility to follow th e P ro p h e t. T h u s he sees it a s a sign o f
w e a k n e ss of love and fa ith if a M uslim does n o t do w h a t he is
ca p a b le to perform . F u rth e rm o re , Ibn Taym iyyah sees love a s th e
m otivating force in a M uslim 's m ovem ent tow ard God or aw ay from
Him. He say s th a t in c re asin g a h e a rt's love for God is to in crease
w o rsh ip for Him and to free on eself from o th er th a n Him. However,
in closing o u t th is section, Ib n Taym iyyah sta te s th a t th e p a th of
277
p erfectin g love a n d fa ith n e c e ss a rily in c lu d e s th e e n d u ra n c e of
h a rd sh ip s an d sacrifices.
7B Hence, the reality of love is only completed through friendship

(muwdldh) w ith the beloved, which is compliance w ith Him in loving
w hat He loves and hating what He hates. Allah loves faith and piety and
hates [disbelief],64 rebellion and disobedience. Also, it is known that love
stirs the will of a heart. The stronger love grows in a heart, the more it
seeks to do beloved things. Then, w hen love becomes complete, it
necessitates a decisive will toward obtaining beloved things. When a
worshipper is capable of accomplishing them, he will achieve them, but if
he is not capable of accomplishing them , thus missing65 (the beloved
things) w hich have been determ ined for him, he will have the same
reward as that of the one who accomplished them. It is just as the Prophet,
the blessing and peace of Allah be upon him, said: "Whoever calls toward
guidance will have a reward similar to the reward of those who follow
him, w ithout diminishing any of their reward; and whoever calls toward
m isguidance will have a burden similar to the burdens of those who
follow him, without diminishing any of their burden."66 Also, he said:
64Editions 3. 4 and 5 add al~ku.fr to a l-fu sdq w a-l-'isydrt.

6 5 Editions 1, 2, and 3 have fa-faqada md yuqdaru ‘alayhi, and Editions4 and 5
have f a - f a 'a la . The sense o f this latter wording is that a worshipper does what
he is capable o f doing while missing that which he is incapable o f doing. The
point Ibn Taymiyyah is trying to make is that a worshipper will be rewarded
according to his intention so long as he exerts all efforts to complete his action
even if he fails in doing this.
66Muslim, zakah 70, ‘ilm 15; Tirmidi, ‘ilm 16; Ibn Majah, muqaddimah 14, 15;
Darimi, muqaddimah 44; Muwatta’, quran 41; Ahmad, 11:505, 521, 111:357, 359-
362, V:378.
278
"Verily, there are m en in Medina who never embarked on a journey nor
passed through a valley, but they are w ith you." They said: "And they are
still in Medina?" He said: "They are still in Medina, for legitimate excuses
prevented them (from traveling)."67
Striving (jihad) is an exertion of effort and68 a capability to achieve
the beloved of the Truth (al-haqq) and to repulse w hat the Truth dislikes.
Thus if a worshipper abandons the jihad that he is capable of doing, it is an
indication of the weakness of love in his heart for Allah and His
Messenger. It is known that beloved things are most often attained only by
enduring hateful consequences, regardless of whether the love is righteous
or corrupt. The lovers of leadership, wealth and images (suwar) only attain
their goals by bearing any harm that comes to them in this life, and in spite
of any harm th at might afflict them in this life and in the hereafter.
Therefore, if the lover of Allah and His Messenger does not endure what
sensible people who love other than Allah consider (worthy of enduring)
in obtaining their beloved object,69 it indicates the weakness of his love
for Allah. And w hat these people follow is a path to which the intellect
points.70 But it is known that a believer is stronger in love for Allah as He,
the Exalted, says:
6 7 Bukhari. jihad 35; Abu Dawud, jihad 19; Ibn Majah, jihad 6; Ahmad, 111:103,
160, 214, 341.
6 8 Edition 3 inserts huwa kullu md yam liku min.
6 9 Editions 1, 2 and 5 have idd lam yahtam il md yard d.d-1-ra'y min al-muhibbin
li-ghayri-lldh f t husdli mahbdbihim. Edition 4 read the sam e except with m im -
md yahtam ildn inserted after li-g h a y r i-lld h . Edition 3 reads: i(Ld lam yahtam il
md yard min tahammuli-l-muhibbin li-gh avri-lldh md yahtam ildn f t sa bili
h u sdli m ahbdbihim .
70Editions 1, 2 and 5 have i&an kdna md salakahu dld’ika huwa-l-tariq alladJ
yasiru bi-hi a l-'d q il. Edition 4 read: idfln kdna md yaslukuhu d ld ’ika huwa-l-
279
Some people set up rivals of Allah; they love them as they love Allah.
But those who believe love Allah m ore (than those others love their
idols)... [al-Baqarah 2:165]
To be sure, a lover might follow a path by which he will not obtain

the desired goal because of a weakness of his intellect and a corruptness of
his imagination. Such a path is not praiseworthy even if the love itself is
righteous and praiseworthy. Then how w ould it be if the love is corrupt,
and the path leads nowhere, as with reckless people who seek leadership,
wealth and images concerning the love of affairs which cause them harm
and hinder the attainment of their goal.71 However, the objective for any
intelligent person72 is to follow paths that lead to the attainment of his
goal.
tarlq a lla d i yushiru bi-h i a l- ‘aql. Edition 3 reads the same as 4 except it has i<L
for idfin and inserts f t nazarihim after d id ’ ik a .
7 E ditions 3 and 4 have m a tld b instead o f m a q s d d .
72Editions 1 and 5 have a l - ‘d q il, Editions 2 and 4 have a l-'a q l, and Edition 3
has dfi-l- ‘a q l al-salim .
280
C h ap ter 7: T he T ran slatio n of aW U bu diyyah (Part 3 of 4)
T he In teractio n of Love. W orship an d R eliance
1A In th is c h a p te r, Ibn T aym iyyah d is c u s s e s th e id e a of th e

dependency of a h e a rt on a being other th a n itself. O nce a M uslim
realizes th e n e c e ssity of dependency, h e c a n striv e to a tta in to a
sta te of a w a re n e ss of h is to ta l dependency on God. Ibn Taymiyyah
p o in ts o u t tw o a s p e c ts of a h e a rt t h a t in d ic a te its s ta te of
d ep e n d en cy . T he firs t is a h e a rt's n e e d to w o rsh ip , w hich h e
co n sid ers to b e a fin al ca u se, an d th e se co n d is th e need for
reliance a n d seek in g help, w hich he say s is a n efficient cause. For
Ibn T aym iyyah, th e id e a of d ep en d en cy is so co m p lete th a t a
w o rsh ip p er c a n o b ta in peace only th ro u g h G od's help. It is not his
own a c tio n s o r efforts th a t n ecessarily m u s t b e rew ard ed . T h u s
achieving th e re a lity of ta w h id an d w o rsh ip , acco rd in g to Ibn
T ay m iy y ah , r e q u ir e s a M u slim 's c o n s ta n t a w a re n e s s of h is
d ependency o n God for th e s ta te s of w orship he experiences.
IB Now that this is clear, it follows that the more a heart increases as to
love for Allah, the more it increases as to the worship of Him and the
freedom from everything other than Him;1 and the more it increases as to
the worship of Him, the more it increases as to the love of Him and the
l The statement "and the freedom...Him" is m issing from Editions 3 and 4.
281
freedom from everything other than Him. A heart is [inherently]2 in need
of Allah in two aspects: in the aspect of worship, which is the final cause
{al-'illah al-gha'iyyah), and in the aspect of seeking help and reliance, which
is the efficient cause {al-'illah al-fa' iliyyah). For a heart can become
righteous, successful, rejoicing, delighted,3 cheerful, peaceful and tranquil
only by worshipping its Lord, loving Him and repenting to Him. Even if it
were to obtain every created thing that delights it, a heart w ould never
become tranquil and peaceful because there is an essential need in it for its
L ord4 in regard to Him being its object of worship, love and longing. In
this w ay a heart obtains joy, contentment, delight, grace, peace, and
tranquility. However, this occurs to it only by the help of Allah, for only
Allah is capable of providing this for it.5 Thus a heart is always in need of
the reality of "It is You alone we worship, and it is from You alone we seek
help" [al-Fatihah 1:5].
If a heart were helped to obtain whatever it loves, seeks, desires and
wants while not obtaining acts of worship for Allah6 in regard to Him
being its ultimate desire and final intention—for He is a heart's beloved as
prim ary intention, and it loves everything else because of Him, loving
2 Editions 1, 2 and 5 have al-qalb fa q ir b i- l- iu ll ild-lldh. I prefer the reading

in Editions 3 and 4, which have b i-l-d flt for bi-1-d.ull. One o f Ibn Taymiyyah's
most fundamental beliefs is that the soul and all creation is dependent on God.
3Edition 3 has ya n 'a m u instead o f y a lta d d u : and Edition 4 reverses y a s u r r u
(rejoicing) and va lta d d u (delighted).
4 Edition 3 has b i-l-fitr a h inserted after ild rabbihi.
5 Edition 3 has al-su rdr w a-l-sukun instead o f (Ldlika la-hu.
6Edition 3 inserts fa-lart yahsula illd-l-alam w a-l-hasrah w a-l-'adA b wa Ian
vakh lu sa min dldmi-l-dunyd w a nakadi ‘ishiha illd bi-ikhldsi-l-h u bb li-lld h
(Therefore, it will obtain only pain, grief and punishment, and it w ill only free
itself from the torments o f this world and the misfortune of this life by the
sincerity o f love for Allah).
282
nothing for itself except Allah—then, w hen it did not obtain (acts of
worship), it w ould not have realized the reality of "there is no deity except
Allah" nor the reality of the application of tawhid, worship ( 'ubudiyyah)
and love (m a habbah ). This h ea rt has a deficiency an d a fault.7
Furthermore, it has a proportional am ount of pain, remorse an d torment.
If it were to work for these sought after objects while not seeking help
from Allah, relying on Him, and being in need of Him to obtain them,
then it would never obtain them. For w hat Allah wills is, and w hat He
does not will is not.
A heart8 is in need of Allah in regard to Him being the sought after
goal, the beloved, the intended and the worshipped. Also, He is the one
from whom things are requested, help is sought, and on w hom is all
reliance. Thus He is (a heart's) deity, there being no deity for it b ut He, and
He is its Lord, there being no lord for it but He; and (a heart’s) worship of
Allah is only completed through these two aspects. Thus when it is a lover
of a thing for itself other than Allah, or turns to other than Allah for help,
then it is a worshipper of what it loves and a worshipper of that for which
it hopes in accordance to the love and hope it has for that thing. But when
(a heart) loves nothing for itself except Allah, loving another only for His
sake, and hopes for nothing except Allah, and practices the means (al-
asbab) and obtains (worship) through them, witnessing that Allah is the
7Edition 3 has n aqsu -l-taw h id w a -l-tm d n instead o f al-naqs w a - l- ‘ayb.

8There is a difference in the texts concerning the subject o f this sentence,
which affects the translation o f this paragraph. Editions 1, 2, 4 and 5 begin the
sentence with fa -h u w a , which refers back to a l-q a lb . Edition 3 begins the
sentence with f a - l - ‘a b d , which would change the reference o f the pronouns. For
the sake o f continuity, I have kept a l- q a lb as the subject. The references to
"heart" in parentheses in this paragraph appear as the pronouns "huwa" or
"hu" in the texts.
283
One who created and determ ined them,9 and that w hatever is in the
heavens and on earth has Allah as its Lord, Possessor and Creator,10 and
that he is in need of Him, then it has obtained a completeness in its
worship for Allah according to what He destined for i t
A rrogance an d Polytheism Inhibit th e Will to W orship
2A Ibn T aym iyyah's co n cern s in this section revolve a ro u n d w hat

h e sees as th o se conditions th a t dim inish or n eg ate w o rsh ip . After
clarify in g t h a t love fo r God a n d relian ce on Him a r e p a r t of
w o rsh ip p in g H im , th e opposite of this, h e explains, is arrogance,
w h ich is its e lf th e b a s is of p o ly th eism . T he re a lity of Islam
acco rd in g to Ib n Taym iyyah is th a t a M uslim engages willfully in
su b m ittin g h im self to God alone, for otherw ise h e is falling into
polytheism . A rrogance, say s Ibn Taymiyyah, is th e o p posite of faith
a n d n eg ates th e w orship of God, for a polytheist is n o t rew ard ed for
a c ts of w o rsh ip th a t h e m ight perform for God. B u t th e one who
re fu s e s to recognize a n y form of dep en d en cy or s u b m is s io n is
com p letely d e lu d e d from th e tr u th of h is h u m a n c o n d itio n . A
p e rso n is m o tiv ated to w o rsh ip som ething, say s Ib n Taym iyyah,
b ec au se he m u s t have a will (iradah) and he m u st have a n object of
h is w ill (m u r a d ). He c o n c lu d e s from th is th a t a n in c re a s e in
arro g an ce in re g a rd s to w orship leads to a n in crease in th e level of
p o ly th e ism . Ib n T aym iyyah se e s a co n v erse re la tio n b etw een
9 Edition 3 inserts w a sa khkharahd la-hu.

10Edition 3 has m u s a kh kh iruhu instead o f kh.&liquhu.
284
arro g an ce an d polytheism , on th e one h a n d , an d Islam a n d w orship,
o n th e o th er. To s tr e s s h is p o in t, h e u s e s ex am p les of p rio r
religious com m unities to show th a t th e y deviated on th e iss u e s of
arro g an ce an d polytheism .
2B In this regard, people are on different levels, and only Allah can
count their paths.11 Thus, from this point of view, the most perfect created
beings, the most preferred, the highest and closest to Allah, the strongest
and most guided are those who are m ost complete in their worship of
Allah. This is the reality of the religion of Islam with which Allah sent His
messengers and revealed His books. (The reality is that) a w orshipper
should submit only to Allah and not to others. Thus, the one w ho submits
to Him and to others is a polytheist (mushrik); and the one w ho refuses to
submit to Him is arrogant (mustakbir). It is confirmed in the Sahih from the
Prophet, the blessing and peace of Allah be upon him, th at he said:
"Whoever has in his heart an atom's w eight of arrogance (kibr) will not
enter paradise. Likewise, whoever has in his heart an atom's weight of
faith will not enter the fire (eternally)."12
Ê d itions 3 and 4 have ta r a fa y ha instead o f tu ru qahd.

12Bukharf. iman 33, manSqib 28, tawhfd 19, 24, raqaq 35, 51. Edition 3 has Id
y a k h ludu fi-h d instead o f Id yadkhu.lu.hd in reference to entering the fire.
There are many hadiths which convey this meaning through various terms and
expressions; see Tirmi&i, jahannam 9, 10; Ibn Majah, muqaddimah 9, zuhd 37;
Ahmad, 1:416, 458, 111:116, 173, 248, 276, IV:118. For a discussion o f the
hadiths related to the Prophet's intercession and the order in which the sinful
believers w ill be removed from the Hellfire, see Ibn Hajar, Fath a l-B d ri (no
d a te :v .l4 , pp.392-399, 41 9 -4 3 4 ).
285
Thus, he has made arrogance the opposite of faith, for arrogance
negates the reality of worship as is confirmed in the Sahih13 from the
Prophet, the blessing and peace of Allah be upon him, that he said: "Allah
says: 'Majesty is My loincloth and grandeur (kibriyd') is My garment. Thus,
I shall punish whoever challenges Me concerning either of them.'" Hence,
majesty and grandeur are the particularities of lordship; and grandeur is
higher than majesty, for He put it at the rank of a garment just as He put
majesty at the rank of a loincloth. For this reason, the signal (shi'ar) for
prayer, for the call to prayer and for the festivals is "Allah is great" (takbir).
This takbir is favored on high places, such as on the hills of Safa and
Marzvah, and when a person ascends to an elevated place or mounts an
animal. Likewise, a fire could be extinguished by takbir, no matter how big
it is. Also, Satan will run away when the call to prayer is made. Allah, the
Exalted, says:
...call on Me, and I shall respond to you. Those who are too proud to
w orship Me will surely enter hell in humiliation! fG hafir (al-
M u'min) 40:60]
Whoever is too haughty to worship Allah must necessarily worship

other than H im 14 because a person is naturally sensitive (hassas) to being
stirred by desire (iradah). It is confirmed in the Sahih15 from the Prophet,
the blessing and peace of Allah be upon him, that he said: "The most
13As yet, I have not found this hadith in Bukhan. See Abu Dawud, libas 25; Ibn
Majah, zuhd 16; Ahmad, 11:376, 414, 427, 442.
14Edition 3 inserts wa ya d illu la-hu.
15As yet, I have not found this hadith in Bukhan. See Abu Dawud, adab 61;
Ahmad, 11:345.
286
trustw orthy nam es are H arit and Hammam." H arit refers to an active
earner, and H am m am is a doer based on intention, for intention is the
beginning of will (iradah). Thus a person always has a will, and every will
m ust necessarily have an object (murad) toward which it aims. Therefore,
every worshipper necessarily has a beloved object which is the aim of his
love and will. Hence, whoever does not have Allah as the object of his
worship (ma'bud) and the aim of his love and will—nay, being too haughty
for this—m ust necessarily have a beloved object besides Allah which
subjugates him .16 For he is a worshipper of that beloved object whether it
is wealth, fame, or images; or w hether it is anything he takes as a deity
besides Allah such as the sun, the m oon, the planets, idols, and the graves
of prophets and righteous people; or the angels and prophets,17 whom he
takes as lords; or anything which he worships besides Allah. W hen a
person is a w orshipper of other than Allah, then he is surely a polytheist;
and every arrogant person is a polytheist. For this reason, Pharaoh was one
of the greatest of all as to arrogance in worshipping Allah, and he was a
polytheist. Allah, the Exalted, says:
Indeed We sent Moses with Our signs and a clear dem onstration to
Pharaoh, Ham an and Qarun, but they called him a sorcerer, a liar! But
when he came to them with the tru th from Us they said: Kill the sons
of those who believe with him and keep their women alive. But the
plotting of the disbelievers is surely astray. And Pharaoh said: Let me
kill Moses while he calls on his Lord, I surely fear that he will change
your religion or bring about corruption in the land. But Moses said: I
truly seek refuge w ith my Lord an d your Lord from every arrogant
one who does not believe in the D ay of Reckoning...Thus Allah seals
every arrogant, tyrannous heart. [Ghafir (al-Mu'min) 40:23-27, 35]
16 Edition 3 inserts w a yasta&illu la-hu.

17Edition 3 inserts w a - l- a w liy d ’ .
287
And (We destroyed) Qarun, Pharaoh, and Haman. M oses came to
them with clear signs, but they were arrogant in the land, and yet they
could not escape Us. [al-'Ankabut 29:39]
Pharaoh surely exalted himself on the earth and broke up its people
into sects, oppressing a group among them, killing their sons and
leaving their women alive; surely he was one of the corrupters, [al-
Qasas 28:4]
But when O ur signs came openly to them, they said: This is clearly
magic. They denied them (those signs) wrongfully an d arrogantly,
though their souls were convinced by them. Then see w hat was the
end of the corrupters. [al-Naml 27:13-15]
There are many examples like this in the Quran. Also, Pharaoh has been
described as a polytheist in His verse:
The chiefs of Pharaoh's people said (to him): Will you allow Moses
and his people to spread corruption in the land, and to abandon you
and your gods... [al-A'raf 7:127]
Moreover, investigating this m atter indicates th at the greater a

m an’s arrogance is as to worshipping Allah, the greater his polytheistic
beliefs will be concerning Allah. This is so because the more he haughtily
disdains w orshipping Allah, the more his need and w ant increases for a
beloved object, which then becomes the aim of his heart as a primary
intention. Thus he becomes a polytheist by becoming subjugated to that
object. A heart will never dispense w ith all created beings until Allah
becomes its only guardian which it worships exclusively. This heart will
seek help only from Him and rely only on Him. It will be joyous only with
w hat He loves and approves of and dislike only what the Lord hates and
dislikes. This heart w ill befriend only the ones w hom A llah has
befriended and take as enemies only the ones whom Allah has taken as
enemies. It will love only for the sake of Allah and hate only for the sake
288
of Allah, give only for the sake of Allah and refrain from giving only for
the sake of Allah. Thus the stronger the sincerity of his religion18 for
A llah becomes, the m ore perfect his w orship of A llah and his
independence of created beings become. The perfection of his worship of
A llah frees him from arrogance and polytheism. For polytheism is
dom inant among Christians and arrogance is dominant am ong Jews.
Allah, the Exalted, says concerning the Christians:
They took their priests and their monks, and the Messiah, the son of
Mary, as lords besides Allah, but they were commanded to worship
only one deity—there is no deity except He. Glorified is He above what
they associate (with Him). [al-Tawbah 9:31]
He says concerning the Jews:
...Is it that whenever a messenger comes to you w ith w hat you

yourselves do not desire, you become arrogant? Then some of them
you deny and some you kill. [al-Baqarah 2:87]
He also says:
I shall turn away from My signs those who behave arrogantly on the
earth without right. Even if they see every sign, they will not believe
in it; and if they see the way of righteousness, they will not take it as a
way. But if they see the way of error, they will take it as a way... [al-
A'raf 7:146]
Whereas arrogance necessitates polytheism, and polytheism is the

opposite of Islam and the sin that Allah will never forgive, Allah, the
Exalted, says:
Allah surely will not forgive that partners are associated w ith Him,
b u t He will forgive whomever He pleases sins other than that; and
18Edition 3 inserts w a hubbuhu.
289
whoever associates partners w ith Allah has strayed far away. [al-Nisa'
4 :1 1 6 ]19
A braham as th e Model for Com bating Polytheism
3A R etu rn in g to th e id e a o f th e tru e n a tu re o f w o rsh ip , Ibn

Taymiyyah now focuses on th e role of A braham as th e m anifestation
of perfected w orship. He b eg in s by statin g th a t everyone actually
su b m its to God w illingly o r unw illingly. His e x p la n a tio n of th is
revolves around th e idea th a t God creates everything th ro u g h causes
an d He creates th e cau ses th a t a c t on other cau ses. Therefore, says
Ibn Taymiyyah, everything is in need of som ething else w hich will
help it an d p ro tect it. His e m p h a sis is on the fact th a t h u m a n s are
crea ted , co n tin g en t b ein g s t h a t n ee d to u s e v a rio u s m e a n s to
s u s ta in them selves. One m u s t u s e th e m eans God h a s created in the
w ay He prescribed th eir u se w hile alw ays rem em bering th a t God is
th e C reator who sh o u ld be loved an d praised. The u s e of th e m eans,
h e sta tes, is su b su m ed u n d e r th e goal of w orship. F o r th is reason,
po ly th eism is co n sid ered th e g re a te s t in ju stice b e c a u s e one is
diverting his w orship from God to created beings w ho in reality can
n e ith e r h arm n o r benefit a n o th e r. To highlight how a M uslim m u st
act, Ibn Taym iyyah p o in ts to A b rah am as th e m odel of perfected
love a n d w orship. As for th o s e w ho deserve to be a sso c ia te d w ith
A braham , he declares th a t it is n o t th e Jew s or C h ristia n s p er se,
b u t ra th e r whoever follows A b ra h am ’s example, i.e., M u h am m ad an d
th e righteous M uslims.
19Editions 2, 3, 4 and 5 also include al-N isa’ 4:48.
290
3B All of the prophets were sent with the religion of Islam, for it is the
only religion which Allah accepts from humankind, from the first of them
and the last of them. Noah, peace be upon him, said:
If you turn away, (then know that) I have not asked you for a reward,
for my reward is only with Allah; and I have been commanded to be
one of the Muslims. [Yunus 15:72]
Concerning Abraham, the Exalted One says:
Who dislikes the religion (millah) of Abraham except the one who
fools himself? For We had chosen him in this world, and in the
hereafter he will surely be one of the righteous. Remember w hen his
Lord said to him: Submit! He said: I submit to the Lord of the Worlds.
Abraham advised his son and Jacob with this: O my sons! Allah has
chosen a religion for you, therefore, do n ot die except that you are
Muslims. [al-Baqarah 2:130-132]
Joseph, peace be upon him, said:
...take me as a Muslim and let me join the righteous. [Yusuf 12:101]
Moses, peace be upon him, said:

...O my people, if you believe in Allah, then rely on Him, if you are
truly Muslims. Then they said: We rely on Allah... [Yunus 10:84-85]
The Exalted One says:
We certainly revealed the Torah, in which is guidance and light, and

by which the prophets, who submitted, judged the Jews... [al-Ma'idah
5:44]
Bilqis (the Queen of Sheba) said:
...O my Lord, I have indeed been unjust to myself; now I subm it

myself w ith Solomon to Allah, the Lord of the Worlds. [al-Naml
27:44]
The Exalted One says:
291
W hen I inspired the disciples to believe in Me and My Messenger,
they said: We believe, and so bear witness that we are Muslims. [al-
M a'idah 5:111]
The religion before Allah is Islam... [A1 'Im ran 3:19]
Whoever seeks other than Islam as a religion will not have it accepted
from him... [A1 'Im ran 3:85]
Then do they seek other than the religion of Allah w hile all that is in
the heavens and on earth submits to Him, willingly or unwillingly,
and they will be returned to Him. [A1 'Im ran 3:83]
Thus He mentions the submission (isldm) of existent beings as being

willing or unwilling because all created beings are subjugated to Him by a
universal subjugation (al-ta'abbud al-'amm), w hether one confirms it or
denies it. They are under His authority and control,20 for they submit to
Him willingly or unwillingly. Not a single created being can evade what
He has willed, determined and decreed, for there is no m ight and power
except w ith Him. He is the Lord of the worlds and their Owner, managing
them as He wills. He is the Creator of all of them , their Designer and
Shaper. Anything other than Him is possessed, produced, brought forth,
disposed,21 poor, wanting, subjugated and conquered while He is the One,
the Conqueror, the Creator, the Designer and the Shaper.
20Editions 1, 2, 4, and 5 have w a hum madin&na mudabbarUn. Edition 3 has

m am ldk la-hu instead o f m a d tn u n . The term m a d in d n appears tw ice in the
Quran, at al-Saffat 37:53 and aI-Waqi‘ah 56:86. Y usuf Ali translates it in the
sense o f being held accountable on the Day o f Judgement, and Pickthall
translates it in this sense for 37:53 but uses the sense o f being in bondage for
56:86. Lane (L e x ic o n , S.V. "dyn") gives both meanings and states that it can be
synonym ous with mamldk la-hu. This latter meaning is more suitable in the
context o f this passage.
21Edition 4 is missing m a ’td r .
292
Although Allah creates things through causes, He is the Creator and
Determiner of each cause. (Every cause) is in need of Him just as the need
of (any effect for a cause).22 There is not a cause among created beings that
is independent of action23 or capable of deflecting harm. Rather, every
cause is in need of another cause which helps it and repels any harm 24
opposing it and working against it. Only Allah, glorified be He, is fully free
from what is other than He, there being no partner to help H im and no
opposition to challenge Him or resist Him. The Exalted One says:
...Say: Do you think that the things you invoke besides Allah, if Allah
intended some harm for me, could remove His harm , or if He
intended some mercy for me, could stop His mercy? Say: Allah is
sufficient for me! The trusting ones rely only on Him. [al-Zumar
39-38]
If Allah touches you with harm, none can remove it b ut He, and if He
touches you w ith good—but then He is able to do all things. [al-An'am
6:17]
The Exalted One says concerning the intimate friend (Abraham):
...O my people, I am indeed innocent of what you associate (with

Allah). I have surely turned my face w ith sincerity tow ards the One
who has created the heavens and the earth, and I am n ot one of the
polytheists. His people disputed w ith him. He said: Do you dispute
w ith me concerning Allah while He has guided me? I do not fear
those whom you associate w ith Him, for only my L ord can will
something. My Lord com prehends all things with full knowledge.
Will you not be adm onished? How should I fear w hat you have
associated (with Allah) while you do not even fear th a t you are
22Editions 1, 2 and 4 have fa-huw a kh d liqu.-L-sa.bab w a-l-m uqaddir la-hu wa

h&d& muftaqir ilayhi ka-iftiq&r h&dd. Edition 3 has two insertions in the latter
part o f the sentence, making the meaning more explicit: ...wa h d tfd -l-sa b a b
m u fta q ir ilayhi k a -iftiq d ri-l-m u sa b b a b . Edition 5 has the insertion a l- s a b a b
but not a l-m u sa b b a b . On the topic o f s a b a b as a means o f worship in relation to
ta w a k k u l, see above, Chapter 5, section 14.
23 Edition 3 has b i-fi‘l k h a y r instead o f b i - f i ‘1.
24Editions 3 and 4 have a l-d id d instead o f a l-d a r a r .
293
associating partners with Allah w ithout any authority being sent
d o w n to you? Thus, which of the tw o groups has more rig ht to
security, do you know? It is those who believe and do not obscure
their faith w ith injustice. These are the ones who have security and
are guided. This is Our evidence that We gave to Abraham against his
people... [al-An'am 6:78-83]
It is reported in the two Sahihs25 from 'Abd-Allah ibn M as'ud, may

A llah be pleased with him, th at w hen this verse came dow n the
Companions of the Prophet, the blessing and peace of Allah be upon him,
trembled in fear of it and said to him: "O Messenger of Allah! Which one
of us does n ot obscure his faith w ith injustice?" He said: "No, it is
polytheism! Have you not heard the saying of the righteous worshipper:
Polytheism (shirk) is surely a great injustice?" [Luqman 31:13]
Abraham, the intimate friend, the leader of sincere monotheists (al-
hunafa' al-mukhlasiri). was sent at a time when the earth was overwhelmed
by the religion of the polytheists. Allah, the Exalted, says:
Remember w hen his Lord tested A braham with certain com mands
w hich he fulfilled. He (Allah) said: I am going to make you a leader
for m ankind. He said: And from my offspring also? He said: My
covenant does not include unjust people. [al-Baqarah 2:124]
Thus He made it clear that H is covenant of leadership will not be

extended to an unjust person, for He, glorified be He, never commanded
that an unjust person should be a leader; and the greatest injustice is
polytheism (shirk). The Exalted One says:
Abraham was a model, obedient to Allah, a monotheist (hanifm), and

he w as not one of the polytheists. [al-Nahl 16:120]
25B ukhari, anbiya’ 41, tafsir 31:bab 13, istitabah 1. As yet, I have not found
this hadith in Sahih Muslim.
294
A model is [the teacher of good w ho is then imitated just as any
good example is imitated].26 Allah established prophethood and scripture
am ong Abraham's offspring and then sent prophets after him with his
religion (bi-millatihi). The Exalted One says:
Then We inspired you, (Muhammad, saying): Follow the religion

(millah) of Abraham w ith sincerity, and he w as not one of the
polytheists. [al-Nahl 16:123]
The people most deserving to be w ith A braham are those who
followed him, this Prophet and those who believe; and Allah is the
protecting helper of the believers. [A1 'Im ran 3:68]
Abraham was neither a Jew nor a Christian, rather he was pure in
faith, a Muslim, and he was not one of the polytheists. [A1 'Imran 3:67]
They say: Be a Jew or a Christian, then you will be guided. Say (O
Muhammad): No! (follow) the religion of A braham with sincerity,
and he was not one of the polytheists. Say (O Muslims): We believe in
Allah and in what has been sent down to us and w hat was sent down
to Abraham, Ishmael, Isaac, Jacob, and the Tribes, and what Moses and
Jesus received, and what the prophets received from their Lord. We
make no differences amongst them, and we have submitted ourselves
(as Muslims) to Him. [al-Baqarah 2:135-136]
Intim ate Love an d Intim ate F rien d sh ip
4A After having discussed m aha b b a h , Ib n T aym iyyah in tro duces

th e co n cep t of intim ate, exclusive love [k h u lla h ) th ro u g h several
h a d ith s a b o u t A braham a s th e in tim ate friend fk h aliD of God. Ibn
26This version is from Editions 3 and 4 which reads al-um m ah huwa

m u 'allim u-1-kha.vr a lla d i yu’tammu bi-hi kamd anna-l-qudwah a lla d i yaqtadi
b i-h i. Editions 1, 2 and 5 have al-ummah h u w a-l-qu dw ah b i-fi'li-l-k h a y r
a lla d i yatim m u bi-hi kamdlu-l-qudwah a lla d i ya q ta d i bi-hi (A model is the
exam ple for good action by which the perfection o f the example is completed,
itself [then] being imitated). This wording is altered slightly in Edition 2,
w hich has k a -m d -l-q u d w a h instead o f k a m d lu -l-q u d w a h . In this case, the
version in Editions 3 and 4 seems more precise.
295
T aym iyyah r e ite r a te s t h a t w o rsh ip in c lu d e s th e p e rfe c tio n of
hu m ility a n d love, a n d th a t the h ig h e st level o f love is in tim ate,
exclusive love. He c o n tin u e s u s in g th e id e a t h a t A b ra h a m is
estab lish ed a s th e p erfect m odel for th e p ro c e s s of d istin g u ish in g
betw een correct a n d false love. Ibn Taym iyyah’s p u rp o se in th is is to
show th a t love p ro g re sse s from a n un q u alified love, com m on to all
beings, to a n exclusive love, accessible only to th e m o st devoted
w orshippers of G od. To su p p o rt h is claim , he p re s e n ts h a d ith s and
v erses th a t d e sc rib e th e specific ty p es of p eo p le G od loves. His
contention is th a t it is only th ese w ho are favored by G od’s love.
4B It is confirmed in the Sahih27 from the Prophet, the blessing and

peace of Allah be upon him, that "Abraham is the best of creation." Thus
he is the most preferred prophet after the Prophet (M uhamm ad), the
blessing and peace of Allah be upon him, and he is an intim ate friend
(khalil) of Allah. It is also confirmed in the two Sahihs28 from multiple
reports that the Prophet, the blessing and peace of Allah be upon him, said:
"Allah has taken me as an intimate friend just as He took Abraham as an
intimate friend." He also said: "If I were to take an intimate friend from
the people of the earth, I w ould take Abu Bakr as an intimate friend. But
your companion is an intimate friend of Allah." He means himself; and
he said: "There shall be no open door in the mosque except the door of
27 As yet, I have not found this in Bukhan or elsewhere.

Ê ditions 2, 3 and 4 have Sahih instead o f Sahihayrt. I have not found this
hadith in either Bukhan or Muslim. However, it does appear in Ibn Majah,
muqaddimah 11. Ibn Hajar, Fath al-B&ri (no date:v.7, pp. 14, 23) mentions this
hadith in connection with the following two hadiths, which appear in B u k h an .
296
Abu Bakr."29 H e also said: "Those w ho came before you used to take
graves as places of prostration (masajid). So do not take graves as places of
prostration. I forbid you from doing that."30 Each of these hadiths is
reported in the Sahih. It is also reported in it that he made these statements
a few days before his death. This is part of the perfection of his message.
This (message) contains the perfection of realizing his intimacy w ith
A lla h ,31 the origin of which is the love of Allah, the Exalted, for a
w o rsh ip p er,32 contrary to the claims of the Jahmiyyah.33 This (message)
also contains the veritable tawhid of Allah, and that nothing is to be
w orshipped b u t Him, refuting those who resemble the polytheists. There
is herein also a refutation of the Rafidah w ho deprive Abu Bakr al-Siddiq
of his right an d who are the most extreme of those facing the Qiblah
(Mecca) in the matter of polytheism.34
29This narration and the previous one are part o f one hadith; see B u k han .
salah 80, fada’il al-sahabah 3, 5, fara’id 9; Muslim, masajid 28, fada’il al-
sahabah 6, 7; Tirmidi, manaqib 14-16; Darimt, fara’id 11; Ahmad, 1:270, 359,
111:18, 478, IV:4, 5, 212.
3 0 Although the wording is not exactly as it appears in the hadith, see Bukhari.
jana’iz 62, 96, anbiya’ 50; Muslim, masajid 13, jana’iz 106, Muwatta’, safar 85,
madmah 17; Ahmad, V:204.
31 The Arabic reads: tamdm tahqiq m ukhdllatihi li-lldh. Edition 4 reverses
tam dm and ta h q iq .
32Editions 3 and 4 insert wa mahabbat a l-'a b d li-lldh (and the love o f a
worshipper for A llah). This more explicitly states Ibn Taymiyyah's view on the
mutual relationship o f love between God and a worshipper.
3 3 Ibn Taymiyyah’s use of the term J a h m iy y a h is a reference to the beliefs o f
the Mutazilites, for he uses the terms interchangeably; see his "Risalat al-
Jahmiyyah” (pp.61-72). He explains that they deny the reality o f love because
they say that "love cannot exist except by affinity (li-m u n d sa b a h ) between the
lover and the beloved, and that there is no affinity between the Eternal One and
the temporal one which could necessitate love." On the Mutazilite theory o f
love, see Bell (1979:74). On the Mutazila in general, see Goldziher (1910:87-
111) and Nyberg (1987:S.V. "al-Mu‘tazila”).
34The Arabic reads: ish rd k an bi-l-bas h a r: and Edition 3 has ish rd k an bi-
'ibddat ‘a lt w a gh avrih i min al-ba sh a r. Ibn Taymiyyah's statement seems to be
297
Intimacy (khullah) is the perfection of the love (mahabbah) required
of a worshipper and the perfection of worship for Allah; and from the
Lord, glorified be H e, it is the perfection of lordship tow ard His
w orshippers whom He loves and who love Him . The term worship
{'ubudiyyah) necessarily includes the perfection of hum ility and the
perfection of love (hubb). Thus they say that an enthralled heart (qalb
m utayyam ) occurs w hen a heart becomes enslaved (muta'abbad) to the
beloved. Enthrallment is enslavement, and the enthralled of Allah (taym-
alldh) is the worshipper of Him ('abduhu). This highest level of perfection
occurred to Abraham and Muhammad, the blessing and peace of Allah be
upon them. For this reason, he did not have an intimate friend among the
people of the earth, for intimacy cannot bear association. This is similar in
meaning to (this verse of poetry):
You penetrated the deepest recesses of the spirit in me,

And therefore the dear friend is now called intimate.35
a generalization incorporating two aspects o f Shiism. The reference to the

R dfidah is the common Sunni term for the Shiah, who claim that ‘A li was
divinely designated as the successor to the Prophet. The reference to ish rd k a n
b i-l-b a sh a r could mean either the belief o f various g h u ld w (extremist) groups,
who believed in the divinity o f ‘Alt, or the belief in the Occultation o f the
Twelfth Imam. On the early history o f the Shiah, see Madelung (1988:77-92)
and Aijomand (1988:25-65).
3 5 All the texts have the same wording for this verse o f poetry: qad ta k h a lla lta
m aslaka-l-ruhi m in-nt w a bi-dA sum m iya-l-khaltlu k h a lilan . This verse is also
used by Ibn ‘Arabi (1966:80) in the Fusils al-Hikam, the only difference being
b i-h i instead o f bi-dA . Both scholars use the verse in reference to their
respective view s on the importance o f Abraham in the Islamic tradition.
Although the verse appears in Ibn Taymiyyah's and Ibn ‘Arabi's text without
vow el marks, only the reading o f ta k h a lla lta . which I am using, is liable to be
read differently. Thus Austin (1980:91) reads ta k h a lla ltu in Ibn ‘Arabi and
translates the verse as: "I have penetrated the course o f the spirit within me.
And thus was the Intimate [of God] so called." The brackets are Austin's. The
different translations clearly expose the opposing theologies o f Ibn Taymiyyah
and Ibn ‘Arabt. Whereas Ibn Taymiyyah is using this verse in the context o f
298
(The meaning of this verse) is contrary to basic love (asl al-hubb), for
he, the blessing and peace of Allah be upon him, said in an authentic
hadith about Hasan and Usamah:36 "O Allah! I love them. May You love
them and may You love w hoever loves them!" 'A m r ibn al-'As asked
him: "Who is the most beloved person37 to you?" He replied: "'A'ishah."
'Am r asked: ’W ho among the men?" He said: "Her father (Abu Bakr)."38
Also, he said to 'All, may Allah be pleased with him: "I shall give the flag
to a man who loves Allah and His Messenger and whom Allah and His
Messenger love."39 There are many examples of this.
The Exalted One informs us that He loves the pious, the perfect
devotees, the just, the penitent, the ones who purify themselves, and the
ones who fight in His cause in close ranks as if they were a solid
structure.40 He says:
his belief in the ultimate distinction between God and creation, Ibn ‘Arabi is
writing from his perspective o f the unity o f being. Thus he precedes this verse
with the statement: li-ta khallalahu w a hasarahu ja m i’a md ittasafat bi-hi-l-
{L& tu-l-ildhiyyah. Regarding this statement, Austin writes that Abraham was
the Intimate o f God "because he had embraced [takhallala] and penetrated all
the Attributes o f the Divine Essence." The brackets are Austin's.
36This hadith refers to al-Hasan ibn ‘Alt (d. 50/670) and Usamah ibn Zayd (d.
54/674). The hadith is reported by al-Bukhari in his S a h ih under the chapter
"Bab Manaqibi-l-Hasan wa-l-Husayn;'' see Ibn Hajar (no date), Fath al-B ari,
v.7, pp.94-99. Ibn Taymiyyah is using this hadith to highlight the difference
between khullah and h u bb, for a person's h u bb can be associated with many
people at various levels o f intensity, whereas khullah can be associated with
only one other. From a religious point o f view, this other must, o f course, be
God.
37Edition 3 has a l-n is d ’ for a l-n d s.
38B ukhan. fada’il al-sahabah 5.
39Ibn Majah, muqaddimah 11.
40This grouping o f the types o f people whom God loves is taken from various
verses o f the Quran. The translated word, the Arabic term and one or two
verses in which each appears is as follows: "the pious," a l-m u tta q d n , in 3:76;
"the perfect devotees," a l-m u h sin u n , in 2:195 and 5:13; "the just," a l-
m u q sitd n , in 49:9 and 60:8; "the penitent," a l-ta w w d b d n , and "the ones who
299
...then Allah will bring forth a people whom He loves and who love
Him... [al-Ma'idah 5:54]
He has informed us about His love for His believing worshippers

and the love of the believers for Him to the point that He says:
...but those who believe love Allah more... [al-Baqarah 2:165]
However, intim acy is very specific. Yet some people say that
M uham m ad is the beloved (habib) of Allah and Abraham is the intimate
friend of Allah, imagining that love is above intimacy. But this statement
is weak because M uham m ad is also the intimate friend of Allah, as is
confirmed in many authentic hadiths. Furthermore, any narration stating
that al-'Abbas (the Prophet's uncle) will be placed between a habib and a
khalil. and anything similar to this, is one of the fabricated hadiths41 that
are unsound and not to be relied on.
T astin g th e Sw eetness of F aith
5A F or Ibn Taym iyyah, one of th e resu lts of loving God is tasting

th e sw eetn ess of faith . In th is sectio n he p re se n ts h is d isc u ssio n of
th e p ro cess of p erce p tio n a n d its relatio n to ta stin g th e sw eetness
purify themselves," a l-m u ta ta h h irA n , in 2:222; and "the ones who fight in His
cause in close ranks as i f they were a solid structure," alla& ina yuqd.tilQ.na f i
sa b ilih i saffan ka-anna-hum bunydn marsQs, in 61:4.
41The technical term is ah d d .it mawdu.'ah, which is used by the A hi a l-H adit in
reference to the lowest level o f weak (d a 'if) hadiths. See Salih (1405/1985:305-
322) and Ibn al-Jawzi's Introduction to his K itab al-M awdQ.'dt, 3 vols.
(1403/1983), Beirut: Dar al-Fikr. Ibn al-Jawzi mentions several fabricated
hadiths which state that a l-‘Abbas w ill be between Muhammad and Abraham in
Paradise in v.2, pp.30-37.
300
of faith. His m ain arg u m en t is th a t in o rd er to actually ta s te or savor
w h a t one desires, th e desired th in g m u s t be fully o btained, i.e. the
w o rsh ip p er m u st acquire real faith. The d esire itself, h e say s, an d
th e m ere perception of th e th in g d esired , do n o t allow on e to ta ste
o r enjoy th e object of desire. In th e m a tte r of faith, th is m e a n s it is
n o t en o u g h to perceive intellectually th a t faith exists. T h ere seem s
to be two re a so n s for h is fo cu sin g o n th is issu e. F irstly , Ibn
T aym iyyah w an ts to em p h asize t h a t th e love for God is a real
ex p erien ce, w hich one c a n a tta in in th is life an d th e r e s u lts of
w h ich on e c a n ta ste . It is a n ex p erien ce com p arab le to th e Sufi
claim s of ec sta sy w ith som e im p o rta n t qu alificatio n s. T h ese are
re la te d to th e second reaso n for th e d isc u ssio n of p ercep tio n . Ibn
T aym iyyah w an ts to clarify th e p ro cess o n e goes th ro u g h to a tta in
e n jo y m e n t of a th in g in o rd er to give th e re a d e r th e "proper"
know ledge of perception so he can avoid being deceived b y h is own
ex p erien ces. T h u s in referen ce to loving God, he e x p lain s th a t
th e re a re th re e a sp ects involved in ach iev in g th is love: p erfecting
it, d istin g u ish in g it a n d repelling its opposite. By strictly following
th e s e th re e ste p s, he c o n te n d s, a w o rs h ip p e r is e q u ip p e d to
p ro c e e d on th e p a th of love w ith o u t b e in g d iv erted b y false
in te rp re ta tio n s of h is experiences.
5B We mentioned previously that the love for Allah is [the love of

H im and]42 the love of w hat He loves just as it is narrated in the two
42 This insertion is from Edition 3. It makes explicit Ibn Taymiyyah's b elief

that God is beloved for Himself (li-± d tih i)‘, see above. Chapter 5, section 4.
301
Sflhfhs43 from the Prophet, the blessing and peace of Allah be upon him,
who said: "There are three qualities existing in the one who has attained
the sweetness of faith: He is the one to whom Allah and His Messenger are
dearer than all else, who loves a person only for the sake of Allah, and
who abhors returning to disbelief after Allah has rescued him from it as he
abhors being cast into fire." He, the blessing and peace of Allah be upon
him, informed us that the one possessing these three characteristics will
find the sweetness of faith because the existence44 of the sweetness of a
thing follows the love of it. Thus whoever loves and desires a thing will
find the sweetness, delight and enjoyment of it only after obtaining his
intended object. Delight (laddah) is a m atter occurring after attaining the
favored object which is beloved or desired. Therefore, whoever says that
delight is the actual attainm ent of the favored object, as do some
philosophizers an d doctors,45 has clearly erred in this matter, for
attainm ent mediates between delight and love. For example, a person
desires food. Delight will occur to him only after he eats it. Also, delight
follows the sight (nazar) of a thing. A person first sees a thing, then he
delights in it. Delight follows the sight of a thing, it is not the same as sight
itself, and it is not the vision (ru'yah) of a thing. Rather, delight occurs
after envisioning it. The Exalted One says:
...all that souls desire is in it (Paradise), and all that eyes delight in...
[al-Zukhruf 43:71]
43See above Chapter 5, p.220 n68.

44Edition 3 has w ijd d rt instead of w u jd d , and Editions 2 and 4 have w a jd . These
two alternative words convey the meaning o f a "passion or ardor for the
sweetness o f a thing."
45 The Arabic terms are al-m utafalsifah w a -l-a tib b d ’. As yet, I have not been
able to identify to whom Ibn Taymiyyah is referring.
302
This is the case for all delights and pains that occur to a soul, such as
enjoyment and sadness, for these occur by way of the perception of the
beloved or disliked object. Perception itself is not the same as enjoyment
or sadness. Thus the sweetness of faith necessarily includes the delight in
it and the enjoyment of w hat a believer finds as p art of the sweetness of
faith following the perfection of the love of the worshipper for Allah. This
occurs through three matters: perfecting this love, distinguishing it,46 and
repelling its opposite.
"Perfecting" this love means that Allah and H is Messenger must be
more beloved to a worshipper than all else. The love (mahabbah) of Allah
and His Messenger is not satisfied by basic love (asl al-hubb). Rather, it must
necessarily be that Allah and His Messenger are more beloved to him than
all else, as has already been mentioned. "Distinguishing" this love means
that a w orshipper m ust love a person only for the sake of Allah.
"Repelling the opposite" of this love means that he detests the opposite of
faith to a greater extent than hating to be thrown into a fire. Consequently,
the love for the Messenger and the believers is an aspect of the love for
Allah. Thus the Messenger of Allah, the blessing and peace of Allah be
upon him, used to love the believers whom Allah loved because he was
the most perfect person as to loving Allah and the w orthiest person, for he
loved w hat Allah loves and hated what Allah hates.
46Edition 3 has ta frig h for tafrV . The same reading occurs in the next
paragraph.
303
Love in B alance w ith Hope an d F e a r
6A In th is section, Ibn T aym iyyah em phasizes th e idea of keeping

love in b a la n c e w ith o th e r em o tio n s. In p a rtic u la r, love m u s t be
b a la n c e d w ith h o p e a n d fe a r. Q u o tin g fro m th e R ig h te o u s
P red ecesso rs, h e s ta te s th a t w o rshipping God b a s e d on love alone,
on h o p e alone, o r o n fear alone, will lead to so m e form of h eresy .
B ut, h e says, th e one who w o rsh ip s Him w ith a b alan ce of all th re e
em o tio n s is a tru e believer. Ib n Taym iyyah u s e s th is a sse rtio n to
begin h is ex p lan atio n of th e exaggerated claim s o f love by th o se w ho
w ere overw helm ed b y em otions a n d lo st a firm h o ld on know ledge.
He develops th e n o tio n of exaggerated love a s b ein g th e ca u se of a
p sy c h o lo g ica l im b a la n c e t h a t le a d s a w o rs h ip p e r in to fo o lish
im a g in a tio n s. In p a rtic u la r, a p e rso n su c c u m b in g to exaggerated
love feels free of all re stra in ts , w h ich fu rth e r p ro m o tes co n cep tu al
c o n fu s io n in re la tio n to th e relig io u s Law. In a n a b b re v ia te d
d isc u ssio n , Ib n T aym iyyah in d ic a te s th a t s u c h a w o rsh ip p er firs t
a b a n d o n s th e Law a n d th e n m a k e s claim s of self-deification. He
th e n im m ed iately re la te s th is co n cep tu al co n fu sio n to w h at is for
h im a co m m o n p o in t of re fe re n c e , th a t is, to p rio r relig io u s
com m u n ities. He s ta te s th a t th e exaggerators are com parable to th e
C h ristia n s a n d Je w s w ho have stray e d from th e co rrect m eaning of
love fo r God, w hich, for Ibn Taym iyyah, m eans loving w h at He loves
a n d h a tin g w h a t He h a te s. T he possibility for s u c h a com parison is
h is p ro o f th a t ce rta in M uslim s c a n follow a form of m isguided love.
304
6B But no portion of intimacy (khullah) is for other than Allah. Thus the
Messenger said: "If I were to take an intimate friend from among the
people of the earth, I would take Abu Bakr as an intimate friend."47 He
knew the higher rank intimacy has over unqualified love (mutlaq al-
mahabbah). The intention of this hadith is th at intimacy and love for
Allah are the veritable worship of Him. Also, those who err in this matter
do so from the point of supposing that w orship is mere humility and
submission, w ithout any love, and that love consists of an extension or
freeing of passions, which the concept of lordship cannot bear.48 For this
reason it is mentioned about Du-l-Nun that some people spoke about the
problem of love in his presence and he said: "Stay away from this matter.
Souls should not hear of it, for they would curse it."49 Also, the people of
cognizance and knowledge disliked attending the gatherings of those who
spoke m uch about love w ithout apprehension. Some of the Righteous
Predecessors said: "Whoever w orships Allah w ith love only is indeed a
heretic (zindiq); and whoever worships Him w ith hope only is indeed a
Murji'; and whoever worships Him w ith fear only is indeed a Haruri.50 But

48 The Arabic in Editions 1, 2, 4 and 5 reads: w a anna-l-m ahabbah fi-h d
in b is d tun fi-l-a h w d ’ aw idlalun Id tahtam iluhu-l-rububiyyah. Edition 3 has
id ld l for id ld l.
4 9 This is the famous Sufi Abu-l-Fayd ibn IbrShlm al-Ilchmtrm Du-l-Nun al-
Misri (d. 245/860); see Reinert (1968:301). This quote is recorded almost word
for word in O u s h a y r i (1382/1966:253). The only difference is Ibn Taymiyyah
begins with a m sik iI instead o f kafft2.
^0According to Hodgson (1 9 7 4 :v .l), "zindiq" refers to "anyone suspected of
cloaking an esoteric faith beneath his profession o f Islam" (p.291); "M urji’ "
refers to one who allowed Muslims the "benefit o f a doubt" concerning sinful
deeds and "insisted that what counted was the inner conscience, which only
God could judge” (p.264); and "Har&ri" refers to one o f the earliest defectors
305
the one who worships Him w ith love, fear and hope is indeed a believer,
an affirmer of the Divine Oneness (muwahhid)."
For this reason there are some people of more recent generations
w ho have extended the claim of love to the point that this led them to a
certain type of foolishness and to a claim that precludes worship and leads
the worshipper to (attribute to himself) a kind of lordship befitting only
Allah. Some of these people make claims that exceed the limits set for the
prophets and messengers. Or, they seek from Allah that w hich in all ways
is befitting only to H im , n o t even befitting to the p ro p h ets and
m essengers.51 Many sheikhs52 have fallen concerning this topic.
The cause of this (error) is a weak (understanding) of the veritable
w orship which the m essengers clarified and which they accurately
explained through the commandments and prohibitions they brought.
Furtherm ore, it is a w eakness of the intellect by which a worshipper
know s his true self (haqiqatahu). When the intellect is weak, and the
knowledge of religion diminishes while love53 remains in the soul inafs),
the soul entertains itself w ith its own foolishness in this m atter. This
occurs to a soul just as it does to a person who entertains himself foolishly
and ignorantly with the love of another person and who then says, "I am a
lover! Thus I cannot be blamed54 for anything I do that m ay be injurious
and ignorant." This is the essence of error. It is similar to the statement of
from ‘Airs supporters who first gathered at Harura near Kufa, this group later
became known as the K h a w d r ii (p.215).
51 Edition 3 inserts f a d lan ‘an-man hum dunahum.
52The Arabic term is s h u v d k h . which in this context refers to Sufi sheikhs.
53Edition 3 has mahabbah td' is hah jdhilah instead o f just m a h a b b a h .
54 Editions 1, 2 and 5 have fa -ld dkhadu. the other editions have fa -la u'dk h adu.
306
the Jews and the Christians who say, "We are the sons of Allah and His
beloved."55 But Allah, the Exalted, says:
...Say: Then why does He punish you for your sins? But no! you are
people from those whom He created. He forgives whom He wills and
punishes whom He wills... [al-Ma'idah 5:18]
Love is U nited w ith O bedience
7A H aving p re s e n te d h is e x a m p le s o f ex ag g erated love, Ib n

Taym iyyah focuses on th e notion th a t a lover of God is th e one w ho
follow s th e P rophet, for obeying h im a n d following him is th e
e s s e n c e of w o rsh ip . In th is s e n s e , Ib n T aym iyyah b rin g s to
fulfillm ent his belief th a t M u h am m ad h a s tak en on th e role of th e
la s t a n d b e s t exam ple of a w o rsh ip p er, replacing A b rah am a s th e
m o d el for love a n d w o rsh ip . Ib n T aym iyyah th e n m en tio n s th e
su ffe rin g an d h a rd s h ip s ex p erien ced b y all p ro p h ets in o rd er to
clarify th e relation b etw een love a n d obedience. T heir exam ple, h e
sa y s, is th e a tta in m e n t of p e rfe c t love th ro u g h o b edience a n d
w ith o u t exaggerations. In th e closing of th is section, Ibn T aym iyyah
id e n tifie s th e e x a g g e ra te d c la im s o f love w ith a lo s s of
c o n sc io u sn e ss on th e p a r t of a w o rsh ip p er, who experiences th e
exaggerations of love b ec au se of intoxication, rap tu re an d perishing.
T h ese experiences cau se confusion a b o u t love and th e breakdow n of
s o u n d know ledge. T hey a re in o p p o sitio n to th e exam ple of th e
P ro p h et, who is th e u n s u rp a s s a b le m odel of perfection. Therefore,
55This is taken from the beginning o f al-M a’idah 5:18, which is then completed
in the following statement.
307
Ib n T aym iyyah claim s th a t th e ex ag g erato rs d e p a rt from the Law
a n d th e S u n n ah .
7B Thus His punishm ent of them for their sins necessitates that they
are n o t beloved an d are not related to Him through the relation of
sonship. Rather, it necessitates that they are subservient creatures. For the
one w hom Allah loves practices that which his [Beloved loves],56 and he
does not do anything which the True One (al-haqq) hates or w ith which He
is displeased such as disbelief, corruption or disobedience. Allah hates the
major sins that a person commits and continues to do w ithout repenting,
just as He loves the good deeds which he does,57 for His love toward a
w orshipper is com mensurate w ith his faith and piety. The one who
im agines that sins do not harm him because Allah loves him, even
though he persists in doing them, is at the level of the one who claims
that taking poison does not harm him even though he continues to take it
w ithout taking its antidote for the sound health of his constitution. Were
this fool to reflect on the stories that Allah has narrated in H is book about
the prophets, about how they sought repentance and forgiveness, and
about the kinds of trials to which they were subjected and by which they
5 6 Edition 1 reads: fa -m a n kd.na-lld.hu. yuhibbuhu ista'm alahu fi-m d yuhibbuhu

wa mahbdbuhu Id y a f’alu... The w a before m a h b d b u h u , which does not appear in
the other editions, does not make sense here because it forces m a h b d b u h u to be
the subject o f Id yaf'alu . Thus I am follow ing the majority reading.
5 7 Edition 3 has two insertions indicating that God not only hates the sins o f a
sinner and loves the good deeds o f a worshipper but that He also hates the
sinner and loves the worshipper. The text reads as follows with the insertions
o f Edition 3 between the brackets: wa man fa'ala-l-kabd! ir wa asa rra ‘alayhd wa
lam yatub min-hd fa-inna-lldha fvabghuduhu w a] yabghjidu min-hu dfllika
kamd yuhibbu [ 'abdahu-l-mu'min wa yuhibbu] min-hu md y a fa lu h u min al-
k h fly r ....
308
w ere cleansed and purified according to their circumstances, then he
w ould know some of the harms which sins im part to sinners, even if they
were people raised to high stations. Indeed, if a lover of a created being is
not cognizant of his welfare58 and is not aspiring to it, but rather is acting
in accordance w ith love, and is ignorant and oppressive, then this is
reason for the beloved to hate and shim him, even to punish him.
Many seekers of the truth (salikin) have followed various aspects of
ignorance in religion concerning the claim of loving A llah. Such
ignorance includes exceeding the limits set by Allah, neglecting the rights
of Allah, or assuming false claims which have no truth, such as the
statem ent of one of them: "I am innocent in regards to any novice59 of
mine who forsakes a person in the fire." Another has said: "I am innocent
in regards to any novice of mine who forsakingly allows a believer to enter
the fire." The first one made his novice responsible for removing all those
who are in the fire; and the second one made his novice responsible for
preventing those believers who committed major sins from entering the
fire. Another says: "On the Day of Resurrection I will extend my tent over
Hell so that no one will enter it."60 There are many similar sayings which
58 Edition 3 has bi-m uhdbbihi instead o f b i-m a s la h a tih i.

59The term is m u rid , which is also translated as "adept" or "disciple"
(Schim m el, 1975:100-104). It refers to the special relationship between a Sufi
Master and his student.
60 A s yet, I have not been able to find a source for the three quotes mentioned
in this paragraph. Nicholson (1975:137) reports a similar claim made by the
Persian Sufi Abu-l-Hasan al-K hurqan! (or K haraqanl'l (d. 424/1033), through
whom ‘Abd-Allah al-Ansarf al-Harawi entered the Sufi path: "If any one does
not believe that I shall stand up at the Resurrection and that he shall not enter
Paradise until I lead him forward, let him not com e here to salute me." Al-
K huraam's alleged power o f intercession stems from his belief that he w ill be
resurrected as a martyr, for he asserts that he has been "killed by the sword o f
longing" for God (Schimmel, 1975:90).
309
are traceable to some famous sheikhs, but these are either lies told against
them or errors of theirs.
Such errors m ight stem from being in a state of intoxication (sukr),
rapture (ghalabah). or annihilation (fana'), during w hich a person's
discernment vanishes or weakens so that he does not know what he is
saying. Intoxication is actually delight w ithout discernm ent. For this
reason, w hen any of these people regained his consciousness, he sought
forgiveness for such statements. But those sheikhs who listen profusely to
poems which include love, passion, reproach, reproof, and infatuation
(gharam). have this as their original intention. For this reason, Allah
revealed a test for love through which He tests the lover. Thus He says:
...if you love Allah then follow me, Allah will love you... [A1 'Imran
3:31]
Therefore, the lover of Allah is only the one who follows His
Messenger, for obeying the Messenger and following him is the verity of
worship. Many of those who claim love stray from his Law and his
Sunnah, and make claims of fantasies (khavalat) which cannot be detailed
here. Eventually, one of these people imagines for himself the removal of
commands, allowance of prohibitions, and other things which oppose the
Law of the Messenger, his Sunnah, and obedience to him. On the contrary,
however, He has made the love of Allah61 and the love of His Messenger
a struggle (jihad) for His sake. This struggle necessarily includes the
perfection of loving w hat Allah has commanded and the perfection of
61 Edition 3 has asds m ahabbatihi instead o f m a h a b b a ta -lld h .
310
hating w hat Allah has prohibited. For this reason, He gives a description
of those w hom He loves and who love Him:
...humble tow ards the believers, unbending towards the unbelievers,

and they struggle for the sake of Allah... [al-Ma'idah 5:54]
The C riteria of Love
8A A c c o rd in g to Ib n T a y m iy y a h , M u h a m m a d ’s re lig io u s
co m m u n ity h a s reach ed p erfectio n co n cern in g love for God. F or
th is reason, h e says, the u n d en iab le asp ects of loving God are loving
w h a t He a n d th e M e ssen g er love, h a tin g w h a t He a n d th e
M essenger h a te , a n d the struggle of His people w ith th e ir so u ls a n d
th e ir w ealth. T his becom es th e c rite ria w hich Ib n T aym iyyah u se s
for ju d g in g th e sta te m e n ts of sh e ik h s a n d scholars. T h u s h e say s
th a t an y s ta te m e n t ab o u t love m ad e by a well-known, reliable sh e ik h
m u s t be u n d e rsto o d in this perspective. If the s ta te m e n t is o p en to
vario u s in te rp re ta tio n s , th e n th e s o u n d in te rp re ta tio n b a s e d on
th e se crite ria m u s t be preferred, a n d th e others rejected.
Ibn T aym iyyah u ses h is c rite ria for correct love to in d ic a te
th a t th e C h ristia n s are an exam ple of a prior religious co m m u n ity
going a s tra y in th e m a tte r of love. R eferring to a p assag e of th e
Gospel th a t s ta te s th a t one m u s t love God w ith all h is h e a rt, m ind
a n d soul, h e arg u es th a t th eir a c ts of asceticism a n d w orship, w hich
a re b a se d o n th is verse, a re m is ta k e n b ec au se th e y a b a n d o n e d
o b ed ien ce to God a n d H is m e s s e n g e rs . W hile s tr e s s in g th e
relatio n sh ip b etw een love an d obedience, Ibn Taym iyyah p o in ts o u t
311
t h a t a n e c e ssa ry corollary to th is is th e is s u e o f forgiveness an d
p u n ish m e n t, for th e obedient lover will b e forgiven, n o t p u n ish e d .
B u t God say s th a t He will p u n ish th e C h ristian s, w hich, according to
Ib n Taym iyyah, m ean s th a t th e ir claim s of love are false.
8B For this reason, the love of this religious community (ummah) for
Allah is more perfect than that of anyone before them, and their worship
of H im is more perfect than that of anyone before them. The most perfect
people of this ummah in this regard are the Companions of Muhammad,
the blessing and peace of Allah be upon him, and whoever more closely
imitates them has this matter more perfected in himself. Then where does
this position stand in comparison to the claim of love by some people and
to the statement of some sheikhs that "love is a fire that burns everything
in a heart except the intention of the beloved (murcid al-mahbdb)."62 They
m ean that Allah wills the existence of all being, and thus they imagine
th at the perfection of love is that a w orshipper should love everything
including disbelief, depravity and rebellion. But it is impossible for
someone to love everything that exists. On the contrary, a person loves
w hat suits him and benefits him and hates w hat is incompatible to him
an d harm s him .63 However, from this error they take advantage by
6 2 Schim m el (1975:134-135, 178) discusses several statements with very

sim ilar meanings. She explains that in this common Sufi metaphor, the "fire o f
love" is sym bolic for the spiritual purification needed to approach the beloved.
In this paragraph Ibn Taymiyyah mentions what he understands as the
incorrect interpretation o f this statement. In the follow ing paragraph he
m entions what he understands as its correct interpretation.
6 3 Edition 3 has yab g h u d u md fi-h i darrarahu instead o f vabghudu ma yunafihi
w a yadurruhu.
3 12
following their passions (ahwd0,64 for they love what they desire, such as
images, leadership, excess w ealth and m istaken innovations. All the
while, they m aintain that these are included in the love of Allah,65 but
the love of Allah includes the hatred of what He and His Messenger hate
and the striving of His people with soul and wealth.
The origin of their erring position is that they say "love is a fire that
burns everything in a heart except the intention of the beloved." (If) he
means th at the intention of Allah, the Exalted, is66 the religiously
legislated will, w hich in itself means the love of Him and contentment
with Him, then it is as if he says that it burns everything from a heart
except w hat is beloved by Allah. This is a correct meaning, for he says that
part of the completion of love67 is to love only w hat Allah loves. For
when I love [what He does not love],68 this love is deficient. As for His
64Edition 3 inserts tumma z&dahum inghim dsan f t ahwd'ihim wa sh a h a w d tih im .

65Edition 3 inserts w a kaddabd w a dalld fa-inna.
66This passage poses som e difficulties. Editions 1, 2, 4 and 5 read: a s l
daldlihim anna hdd.d-1-qd' il alladS qdl anna-l-mahabbah ndr tuharriq md sawd
murddi-l-m ahbdb qasada bi-m urddi-lldh ta'dld.... However, what follows is a
description o f what Ibn Taymiyyah sees as correct love, not an error. I have
inserted the "if' in order to coordinate the following statement with the
presumed conditional clause fa-ka-anna-hu q d l... (then it is as if he says...).
Edition 3 avoids this difficulty with this insertion after md saw d m urddi-l-
m ahbdb'. qasada bi-m urddi-lldh ta 'd ld al-irddat al-kaw niyyah f t kulli-l-
mawjdddt amma law q d l mu’min bi-lldh wa kutubihi wa rusulihi min g h a yri
hd’ u la ’ i-l-sd fiyya h m itfa hdsfihi-l-maqdlah fa-inna-hu ya q sid u .... The full
translation now reads: The origin o f their erring position is that they say "love
is a fire that bums everything in a heart except the intention o f the beloved,"
meaning that the intention o f Allah, the Exalted, is the existential will, which
affects all existing things. But were a believer in Allah, His Books, and His
Messengers, who is not one o f these Sufis, to say a similar statement, he would
mean....
67Edition 3 inserts li- lld h .
68Editions 2, 3 and 4 have md Id yuhibbu instead o f a l-m a h b d b , which accords
better with the sense o f the statement.
313
predestining and determining w hat He hates, despises, detests, and forbids,
if I w ould not agree with Him in His hatred, despising and detesting, I
w ould not be a lover of Him b u t a lover of what He hates.
Therefore, adhering to the Law (shariah) and striving to implement
it are part of the major distinctions between the people who love Allah,
His saints, those whom He loves and who love Him, and those who claim
love for Allah while observing (only) the universality of His Lordship or
following certain innovations which contradict His Law. For the claim of
this love for Allah69 is the sort of claim which the Jews and the Christians
make about70 love for Allah. Moreover, the claim of these people is surely
worse than the claim of the Jews and the Christians, for they have
hypocrisy by which they will (land) in the lowest level of the fire. Likewise,
the claim of the Jews and the Christians will be worse than their claim if
they have not reached that sort of disbelief (through their claims).
There are (statements) in the Torah and the Gospel71 about the love
of Allah on which the Jews and the Christians agree. They even say that
the love of Allah is one of the greatest commands of the Law (al-ndmus).72
6 9 Edition 3 has hdd.ih.i-1-mahabbah kalim ah instead of hd& ihi-l-m ahabbah li-

lld h .
70Edition 3 inserts al-bunuwwah wa.
7 E d itio n 3 inserts a l- t a r ghib ft.
^ A ccord in g to Lane's L exicon (S.V. "nms"), the word ndm ds refers originally
to a secret message told to someone. From this meaning, it is related to
revelation in the sense o f a secret told by God to a prophet. Thus it also means
"the law o f God." Finally, the expression "al-ndm&s al-akbar" refers to Gabriel
as the deliverer o f the secret message. Lane rejects the connection o f n d m d s
with the Greek n om os. This connection is discussed by Plessner (1993: S.V.
"Namus"). Ibn Taymiyyah also recognizes that ndm ds is a Greek loan word,
which he says the Greek philosophers, such as Aristotle, define as a l- s iy d s a h
a l-k u lliyya h li-l-m a d d ’in. See Tafsir S d ra ti-l-Ik h ld s. p.79.
314
Thus, in the G ospel, the M essiah says73 that one of his greatest
commandments is that you love Allah w ith all your heart and all your
mind and all your soul.74 The Christians claim that they implement this
love and that the asceticism and worshipping they practice is part of this.
However, they are dissociated from the love of Allah because they do not
follow what He loves. Instead, they follow what angers Allah and they
hate what pleases Him. Thus He makes their deeds of no avail.
How to A pproach God T hrough Love
9A A ccording to Ibn T aym iyyah, draw ing n e a r to God o c c u rs

th ro u g h su b m issio n a n d love. T h u s, w hoever is ob ed ien t to o th e r
th a n God also h a s love for o th e r th a n Him. The w hole issu e of love,
for Ibn Taym iyyah, revolves a ro u n d th e two conditions for a deed's
acceptance: p ro p er in ten tio n a n d co rrect actions. Every love w hich
is n o t for G od's sa k e is false love, a n d every d eed w hich is n o t
in ten d ed for God is a false deed. He in te rp rets th is to m ean th a t
an y deed n o t in accord w ith th e Law is n o t for G od. Therefore, h e
su b jects th e Sufi a n d th e C h ristia n to th e sam e criteria b ec au se h e
sees th e deviations of th e two g ro u p s stem m ing from the sam e root.
Ibn Taym iyyah's em p h asis is th a t everyone is su b ject to th e S u n n a h
of M uham m ad an d th a t no deviation from it is allowed.
7 3 In Edition 3 the reference to the Messiah is missing.

74This reference is to Mark 12:29-30.
315
9B Allah hates disbelievers, He abhors and curses them. However, He,
glorified be He, loves those who love Him; it is not possible that a
w orshipper is a lover of Allah while Allah, the Exalted, does not love him.
On the contrary, the love of Allah for a w orshipper is commensurate to
the love of a worshipper for his Lord; but, the rew ard of Allah for His
w orshipper is much greater just as it is reported in an authentic divine
hadith from Allah, the Exalted, who said: "Whoever approaches Me by the
span of a palm, I will approach him by the span of an arm; whoever
approaches Me by the span an arm, I will approach him by the span of his
outspread arms; whoever comes to Me walking, I will hasten to him.”75
He, glorified be He, has informed us that He loves those who are pious,
perfectly devout, and patient, and that He loves those who repent and
pu rify them selves. Moreover, He loves the one who performs the
obligatory and recommended deeds that He commanded just as it is
narrated in an authentic hadith: "My w orshipper continually approaches
Me by perform ing voluntary deeds until I love him. Then once I love
him, I become his hearing by which he hears and his sight by which he
sees..."76
75Bukhari. tawhid 15, 50; Muslim, &ikr 2, 3, 20-22, tawbah 1; Tirmidji, da'awat
131, Ibn Majah, adab 58; Ahmad, 11:251, 316, 413, 435, 480, 482, 500, 509,
524, 534, 535, 111:40, 122, 127, 130, 138, 272, 383, V:153, 155, 169.
7 6 This is the first part of a longer hadith; see Bukhan. raqaq 38; Ahmad,
IV :256.
316
M any m istaken77 people, who follow [(certain) Sheikhs]78 in
asceticism and acts of worship,79 have subscribed to some of that to which
the C hristians have subscribed, claim ing love for A llah while
contradicting His Law, abandoning the struggle in His w ay and other
similar things. These people hold on to a religion by which they approach
A lla h 80 in the way th at the Christians are attached to ambiguous
statements and stories in which the narrator's truthfulness is not known.
Even if the narrator were truthful, he would not be infallible. Thus these
mistaken people make their leaders (matbU'ihim)81 legislators for them in
religion just as the Christians made their priests and monks legislators for
them in religion. Then they diminish worship by claiming that the elite
can transgress it, just as the Christians claim concerning the Messiah.82
They even affirm for their elite a certain association w ith Allah, similar to
w hat the Christians affirm for the Messiah and his m other.83 The extent
of the various claims would require a lengthy commentary at this point.
However, the religion of truth (din al-haqq) is the veritable worship
of Allah in every aspect and the veritable love for Allah at all levels.
Commensurate with the perfection of worship is the perfection of the love
of a worshipper for his Lord and the perfection of the love of the Lord for
7 7 Edition 3 has a l-d d lltn for a l-m u k h ti’ in.

7 8 This insertion is from Editions 4 and 5, which have a s h v d k h an. In the context
o f follow ing mistaken leaders, it seems more appropriate than a s h v d ’ o f
Editions 1 and 2 and a s h v d ' a -l-m u b ta d a ‘ah of Edition 3.
79Edition 3 inserts ‘aid ghayri ‘ilm wa Id hudan wa Id ndr min al-kitdb wa-l-
sunnah.
80Edition 3 has ra b b ih im instead o f a lld h .
8 E d itio n 3 inserts w a sh u yd k h a h u m .
82Edition 3 inserts w a -l-q a s d w is a h .
8 3 Edition 3 inserts w a -l-q a sisin w a-l-ruhban.
317
His worshipper. Likewise, commensurate w ith the dim inishing of the
former is the diminishing of the latter. Accordingly, whenever love is in a
heart for other than Allah, worship will exist in it for other th an Allah.
(Similarly,) whenever worship is in a heart for other than Allah, love will
exist in it for other than Allah.84 Any love that is not devoted to Allah is
false; and any deed that is not intended for the Face of Allah is false.85
Thus the world {dunya) is cursed, (in the sense that) everything in it is
cursed except what is for the sake of Allah; and nothing is for the sake of
Allah except what Allah and His Messenger love, which means th at which
is legislated. Any deed that is intended for other than Allah is not for
Allah; and any deed that does not comply with Allah's legislation is not
for Allah. Moreover, nothing is for Allah except w hat these two
characteristics encompass: an action m ust be for the sake of Allah and be in
compliance w ith the love of Allah and His Messenger, which means all
obligatory (wajib) and recommended (mustahabb) deeds, just as the Exalted
One says:
...and so whoever hopes for the meeting with his Lord, let him do
righteous deeds while associating none as a partner in the w orship of
his Lord. [al-Kahf 18:110]
Therefore, it is necessary that it is a righteous deed, w hich is

obligatory or recommended; and it is necessary that it is p u rely and
sincerely for the Face of Allah. The Exalted One says:
84This entire sentence is m issing from Edition 3.

85Edition 3 inserts kamd anna kulla ‘am al Id yakdnu ‘ald-l-sah ih i-l-sarih min
hadyi rasdli-lldh fa-huw a b d til.
318
No! w hoever subm its himself entirely to A llah an d is a perfect
devotee, his rew ard is with his Lord; they shall have no fear nor shall
they grieve. [al-Baqarah 2:112]
The Prophet, the blessing and peace of Allah be upon him, said:
"Whoever performs a deed that is not in accordance w ith our affairs has it
rejected."86 He, the blessing and peace of Allah be upon him, also said:
"Deeds are based only on intentions. Each person shall be rew arded
according to w hat he intends. Therefore, the one w hose migration is to
Allah and His M essenger shall have his m igration be to Allah and His
Messenger; and the one whose migration is to this w orld, to gain it, or to a
woman, to marry her, shall have his migration be to that to which he
m igrated."87
H id d en Polytheism an d D esires
10A After p re se n tin g v erses an d h ad ith s th a t in d ic a te for him th e

n e c e s s ity of th e tw o c o n d itio n s for a d e e d ’s a c c e p ta n c e , Ibn
Taym iyyah b rin g s u p th e issu e s of hidden p o ly th eism (sh irk k h a fi1
a n d h id d en d esires (sh a h a w a t khafiuuah). T h e im plication is th a t
people c a n hold beliefs or be engaged in activities th a t are form s of
p o ly th e ism b u t n o t b e aw a re th a t th e y a r e co m m ittin g th is
unforgivable sin. He m e n tio n s one example of th is from a sta te m e n t
8 6 B ukhan. bad’ al-wahy 1, fman 41, nikah 5, talaq 11, manaqib al-ansar 45,
‘atiq 6, ayman 23, hiyal 1; Muslim, imarah 155; Abu Dawud, talaq 11; Tirmidi,
fada’il al-jihad 16; Nasa’i, taharah 59, talaq 24, ayman 19; Ibn Majah, zuhd 26;
Ahmad, 1:25, 43.
87Bukhari. i'tisam 20, buyu‘ 60, sulh 5; Muslim, aqdiyyah 17, 18; Abu Dawud,
sunnah 5; Ibn Majah, muqaddimah 2; Ahmad, VI: 146, 180, 256.
319
of S h a d a d ib n Aws: "O you Arabs! The things I fear th e m o st for you
are h y pocrisy a n d h id d e n desire." Ibn Taym iyyah th e n refers to a
co m m en tary of A bu D aw ud in w hich h e defined h id d e n d esire as
lead ersh ip . R eferring to a n o th e r h ad ith . he s ta te s th a t n o th in g is
m ore c o rru p tin g to o n e ’s religion th a n th e desire for w ea lth an d
fame. After reviewing th e desires th a t could destroy a M uslim 's love
for God, Ibn T aym iyyah im m ediately b rin g s up th e iss u e of ta stin g
th e sw eetn ess of w orship a n d rem inds u s th a t it m e a n s avoiding th e
w orship of o th e rs. T h is is followed b y a rem inder th a t God p rotects
a w o rsh ip p er from evil a n d sin . Conversely, he sa y s. God enlivens
a n d a ttra c ts to H im self a h e a rt alread y inclined to w ard w orship.
T he re s u lt Ibn T aym iyyah draw s is th a t w orshipping o th e rs m ean s
d isto rtin g th e tr u th a n d th a t th ese tran sg resso rs a re th e friends of
S a ta n , for a n y d e v iatio n from th e S u n n a h of th e P ro p h e t is
m ovem ent in th e d irectio n of S atan . T h u s he sees two p a th s th a t
a re clearly identified: one moves tow ard God a n d o n e m oves aw ay
from Him.
10B This principle (asl) is the fundamental principle of the religion of

Islam to the extent that the realization of it entails the realization of the
religion. Allah sent the messengers with this principle and revealed the
Scriptures (based on it). The Messenger, the blessing and peace of Allah be
upon him, called to it, struggled for it, commanded by it and desired it.
This principle is the pole of the religion around which its millstone turns.
Polytheism, however, dominates souls, as is narrated in a hadith: "It (shirk)
is more hidden than the crawling of an ant." In another hadith, Abu Bakr
320
said: "O Messenger of Allah, how can we save ourselves from it while it is
more hidden than the crawling of an ant?" The Prophet said: "O Abu Bakr,
shall I not teach you a word which you can say88 to save yourself from
both the smallest and greatest (aspects of it). Say: 'O Allah, I seek refuge
with You from knowingly associating any partner w ith You, and I seek
Your forgiveness for that which I do not know."’89 Also, 'Um ar ibn al-
Khattab used to say in his supplications: "O Allah, make all my deeds
righteous, and make them pure and sincere for Your Face, and do not
allow any share of them to be for another."
There are many hidden desires (shahazvdt) that intermingle with
souls,90 corrupting them in the realization of their love and worship for
Allah and in the sincerity of their religion for Him. Shadad ibn Aws said:
"O you Arabs! The things I fear the most for you are hypocrisy (riya') and
hidden desire." It was said to Abu Dawud al-Sijistani: "What is hidden
desire?" He replied: "The love of leadership." KaT> ibn Malik reported that
the Prophet, the blessing and peace of Allah be upon him, said: "The greed
of a man for wealth and honor is more destructive to his religion than the
damage of two hungry wolves amongst a flock91 of sheep." Al-Tirmidi
said that this hadith is "sahih hasan.”92 The Prophet, the blessing and peace
of Allah be upon him, explained that greed for wealth and honor is no less
destructive of religion than the destruction of two hungry wolves to a
flock of sheep. Likewise, he explained that the secure religion does not
88Edition 3 has q a b a lta h d for qu ltah d.

89These two hadiths are reported by Ahmad, 1:307, 11:325, 430, IV:402, 403.
90Edition 3 adds the adjective a l-jd h ila h to a l-n u fd s.
91 Editions 3 and 4 have zarib a h instead o f h a zira h .
92T ir m iii, zuhd 43; Darimi, raqaq 61; Ahmad, 111:456, 460.
321
include this greed and that w hen a heart tastes the sweetness of its worship
and love for Allah, nothing will be more beloved to it than that, and so he
will prefer it. In this way, evil and blatant sin will be diverted from the
people of sincerity to Allah, as the Exalted One says:
...(We did this so) that We might turn evil and blatant sin away from
him. Surely he was one of Our chosen worshippers. [Yusuf 12:24]
The one who has sincerity for Allah has tasted the sweetness of his
worship of Allah, which prevents him from the worship of others, and
has tasted the sweetness of his love for Allah, which prevents him from
loving others. For there is nothing sweeter, tastier, more delightful, more
tender and more favorable to a heart93 than the sweetness of faith, which
necessarily includes its worship of Allah, its love for Him and the sincerity
of religion for Him. This necessitates the attraction of a heart to Allah, for
a heart becomes repentant to Allah and fearful of Him (with a balance of)
hope and anxiety, just as the Exalted One says:
The one who feared the Infinitely Merciful, not having seen Him, and
brought a repentant heart to Him. [Qaf 50:33]
This is so because a lover fears either the cessation of that which he

seeks or the attainment of that which he dreads.94 Thus he could only be a
worshipper and lover of Allah by having both fear and hope. The Exalted
One says:
Those on whom they call are themselves seeking a means of access to
their Lord as to which of them is nearer. They hope for His mercy and
fear His punishment; surely the punishm ent of your Lord is to be
feared. [al-Isra' (Bani Isra'il) 17:57]
93Edition 3 adds the adjective a l-s a lim to a l-q a lb .

94Editions 3, 4 and 5 have wa hus&l margh&bihi instead o f aw hus&l marh&bihi.
322
W hen a worshipper is sincere tow ards Allah, his Lord chooses him
and revives his heart. He attracts his heart to Himself, thus diverting from
it any evil and blatant sin which contradicts this attraction. (This heart) is
then fearful of contradicting that attraction95 in opposition to a heart that
is not sincere to Allah, for it has an unqualified desire, will and love. Thus
an insincere heart desires whatever occurs to it and clings to whatever it
desires, ju st as a branch bends in the direction96 of the wind. Sometimes
forbidden and non-forbidden images attract it, and it thus rem ains a
captive slave to one who, were he to take it as a slave, would make that to
be sham eful, disgraceful, and blameworthy. O ther times nobility97 and
leadership attract an insincere heart, and thus one w ord pleases it and
another w ord angers it. The one who praises an insincere heart, even if it
is false praise, enslaves it; and the one who criticizes it, even if it is the
truth, becomes its enemy. Yet other times dirham s, dinars and sim ilar
types of w ealth are among the matters that enslave hearts, which in turn
desire these things. Thus (a worshipper w ith an insincere heart) takes his
desire as his deity and follows his desire without any guidance from Allah.
Whoever is not sincere to Allah and w orshipping Him—such that his
heart is enslaved to its Lord, the One who has no partners, so that He is
more beloved to him than anyone else and he is humble and submissive
to Him—and if not, created beings enslave him, and devils overwhelm his
heart. He will be one of the tempters and the brethren of devils. Evil and
blatant sin will occur in him to an extent only Allah knows. This is a
9 5 Editions 3 and 4 have yakhdfu min husuli diddi d a lik a instead o f y a k h d fu

min diddi & dlika.
9 6 Edition 3 has ayyu nasimin marra bi-hi ‘azmah instead o f m arra b i- ‘atfihi.
97Edition 2 has s h a w q instead o f skaraf.
323
necessary m atter from w hich there is no escape. For if a heart is not a
monotheist Qianif), turning to Allah and turning away from all others, it
will be a polytheist:
So set yourself entirely tow ards the religion w ith sincerity Qianif111),
according to the true nature upon which He created all people—there
is no altering the creation of Allah. That is the straight religion, but
most m en do not know it. Turn to Him, fear Him, be constant in
prayer, and do not be one of the polytheists—one of those who split
up their religion and become sects, each party rejoicing in what it has.
[al-Rum 30:30-32]
The Two W ays: A braham 's an d P h arao h 's
1 1A Ibn Taym iyyah b eg in s th is section by p re s e n tin g the w ay of

A braham a n d th e w ay of P h arao h a s th e exam ples of those who move
tow ard God a n d th o se w ho move away from Him. Having alread y
estab lish ed th a t A braham is th e leader of th e p u re w orshippers, Ibn
T aym iyyah m u s t e x p la in w h y P h a ra o h is th e le a d e r o f th e
polytheists. The ultim ate sin a n d error of th e p olytheists, he says, is
th a t th ey do n o t d istin g u ish betw een the C reato r a n d the created
being. T his is th e re s u lt of n o t d istin g u ish in g b etw een w h at God
loves an d w h a t He h a s p re d e stin e d . According to Ib n Taymiyyah,
P h arao h sa w him self as a lawgiver an d a s a co n tro ller of how an d
w h a t people w orship. T his u su rp a tio n of God’s n a m e s an d attrib u tes
led him to call him self a god, th u s confusing h is existence w ith th e
existence of God.
Ibn T aym iyyah h a s u p to th is p o in t p re s e n te d h is m a jo r
a rg u m e n ts co n cern in g th e c o rre c t an d positive u n d e rs ta n d in g of
w orship a n d its co m p o n en t p a rts . At the en d of th is section, he
324
intro d u ces th e issu e of th e final goal in th e experience of w orship—
th e perfection of w orship, or th e "Jana’," u su ally u n d ersto o d as th e
m ystical annihilation of the Sufis. B u t for Ibn Taym iyyah, th e fa n d ’ is
eith er th e com pletion of o n e's Islam or the m e an s b y w hich one
su c c u m b s to th e s in an d d ecep tio n of P h arao h a n d S atan . He
explains th a t th e re are th e th re e types of Jana.': one praisew orthy,
one blam ew orthy, a n d one b etw een th em w hich c a n lead in eith er
d irectio n .
11B Allah, glorified be He, has made Abraham and the progeny of
Abraham leaders for those pure worshippers who are sincerely devoted,
the people of love and worship for Allah who have sincerity of religion
for Him. In the same way, He has made Pharaoh and the progeny of
Pharaoh leaders of the polytheists, who follow their ow n desires. Allah,
the Exalted, says concerning Abraham:
We bestowed on him Isaac, and also Jacob as a grandson; We made

each one righteous. We made them leaders, guiding others by Our
command. We inspired them to do good deeds, to be constant in
prayer and to give charity; and they were Our worshippers. [al-Anbiya'
21:72-73]
He says concerning Pharaoh and his people:

We made them leaders who invite to the Fire, and on the Day of
Resurrection they will not be helped. We made a curse to follow them
in this world, and on the Day of Resurrection they will be among the
abhorred. [al-Qasas 28:41-42]
325
For this reason, the followers of Pharaoh98 are foremost a m o n g s t
those who do not discriminate between what Allah loves and approves of
and what He determ ines and predestines. Moreover, they see only the
comprehensive, unqualified will of Allah. Then, ultimately, they do not
discriminate betw een the Creator and the created being. Rather, they make
the existence of the former the same as the existence of the latter. Those of
them who have (attained) "realization"99 say that the sharVah contains
obedience and disobedience, that reality (haqiqah) contains disobedience
without obedience, and that realization (tahqiq) contains neither obedience
nor disobedience. This is the realization of the path (madhab) of Pharaoh
and his people who denied the Creator and His speaking to His
worshipper, Moses, and denied the commandments and prohibitions with
which He sen t him. But as for Abraham and his people, the pure
worshippers and the prophets, they know that there has to be a distinction
between the C reator and the created, and between obedience and
disobedience. They know that the more a w orshipper increases in
"rea liza tio n "100 the more his love for Allah increases as well as his
worship of Him, his obedience to Him, and his avoidance of worshipping,
loving and obeying anything else. However, these erran t polytheists
equate Allah w ith His creation, whereas Abraham said:
...Have you n ot looked at what you have been worshipping, you and
your forefathers, they are surely enemies to me, save the Lord of the
worlds. [al-Shu'ara' 26:75-77]
9 8 Edition 3 inserts shuy&kh al-sUfiyyah before atba' fir'aw n .

99I understand m u h a q q iq d h u m to be a reference to those Sufis who claim to
have reached the state o f ta h q iq , as described above in Chapter 5, p .195 n37.
100Edition 3 inserts li-h d d d -l-fa r q .
326
These people hold on to the ambiguous statem ents of the sheikhs
ju st as the C hristians had done. A n example of th is is the term
annihilation (fana'), which is of three types.101 One type of fana' is for the
prophets and saints (awliya) who have reached perfection. Another type is
for those who [aim to reach the level of] the saints an d righteous
people.102 Yet another type is for the apostatizing hypocrites who spread
confusion.
101The editor o f Edition 3, Muhammad Hamid al-Fiqi, states that Ibn

Taymiyyah erred in the matter of defining f a n d ’ and classifying it into three
ty p e s .
102The insertion is from Editions 3, 4 and 5, which have li-l-q d sid in min al-
a w liyd ’ wa-l-sdlihin. Editions 1 and 2 have li-l-q d s ir in ..., in which case the
translation reads "fall short o f the level of...." The majority reading seem s to
better explain the striving o f those seeking the highest level o f f a n d ’ .
327
C h ap ter 8: The T ranslation o f al-'U biidiyyah (Part 4 o f 4)
The Fana.' of th e P rophets and S ain ts
1A T he d iscu ssio n of f a n d ’ is Ib n Taymiyyah's atte m p t to redefine

th is Sufi te rm according to h is sa la fi u n d erstan d in g of th e m ean in g
of Islam . T h u s it becom es fo r h im th e ap p licatio n of rev ea led
know ledge co n cern in g faith, love, free will an d p re d e s tin a tio n in
th e life of th e w orshiper. H is definition of the first type of f a n a ’,
th a t of th e angels, prophets a n d rig h teo u s w orshipers, is ex p ressed
a s th e h ig h e s t achievable a c t of w orship. Here a w o rsh ip er only
desires, loves a n d is c o n ten t w ith w h a t God w a n ts, loves a n d is
co n ten t w ith . It is a com plete an n ih ila tio n of p e rso n a l w a n ts an d
opinions in ex tricab ly linked w ith th e realization th a t God is th e
Lord a n d C rea to r of all th in g s. It is th e secure h e a rt (qalb sa lim )
th a t h a s b e e n saved from w orshiping, desiring an d loving o th e r th a n
God in a n y way, shape or form.
IB As for the first type of fa n a ’, it is the annihilation, of [the will for]1

everything other than Allah to the extent that one loves only Allah,
worships only Allah,2 relies only on Him and seeks only Him. This is the
meaning w hich must necessarily be the intention of the saying of Sheikh
E ditions 3, 4 and 5 have ‘an irddat md instead o f ‘an-m d.

2Editions 3 and 4 have iyydhu instead o f a lld h .
328
Abu Yazid:3 "I want not to w ant other than w hat He wants." That is the
pleasing, beloved object, and that is the object of the religious will. The
perfection of the worshipper is not to want, love and be contented other
than with what Allah wills, is pleased with and loves; and this is w hat He
has ordered either as an obligatory act or a recommended act. (The
worshipper) does not love other than what Allah loves, as do the angels,
prophets and righteous people.4 This is the meaning of what has been said
about His verse:
Except he who comes to Allah w ith a secure heart. [al-Shu'ara' 26:89]5
It is said that it is secure (saltm) from everything other than Allah, or

from everything other than worshiping Allah, or from everything other
than the will of Allah, or from everything other than the love of Allah.
These expressions have one meaning. This meaning, whether you call it
annihilation or not, is the beginning and end of Islam, it is the inner truth
of religion (batin al-din) and its outer appearance (zahiruhu).
The F a n a ’ of W itnessing
2A Ibn Taym iyyah's definition of th e seco n d type of f a n a ’ is a n

an n ih ila tio n of a w o rsh ip er’s w itn essin g o th e r th a n God. F alling
3This is the well-known Sufi Tayfur ibn Ts£ ibn Surushan al-Bistami (or al-
Bastami) (d. 261/875). As yet, I have not found this quote in the sources I am
using on Sufism.
4 Cf. this description with Oushavrf's (1382/1962:61-63) description in his
section on f a n d ’ and b a q d ’ ; see also Gramlich (1989:121-123). For my
discussion o f the f a n d ’, see above Chapter 3, Part B, section 2.
5 Abu Nasr al-Sarraj discusses this verse in his a l-L u m d ‘ fi-l-T asaw w u f; see
Gramlich (1990:132, 152).
329
s h o rt of com plete a lig n m e n t of o n e ’s will w ith th e will o f God, a
w o rsh ip p er in th is s ta te is focusing o n God to th e ex c lu sio n of all
else. Ibn Taym iyyah d escrib es th is s ta te in referen ce to M oses'
m o th er who h a d becom e void (fariah) of all th o u g h ts ex cep t th a t of
h e r son. However, this s ta te is also a dangerous sta te b e c a u se of the
high likelihood of error. The one u n d ergoing th is f a n a ’ c a n fall into
error b ecau se he can com e to believe th a t a n actu al o n tic u n io n w ith
God h a s occurred. In th e process of an n ih ilatin g h is w itn e ssin g of
c re a te d beings, ex p lain s Ib n T aym iyyah, a w o rs h ip e r co m es to
believe th a t he h a s v an ish ed from h is a c t of w itnessing b y becom ing
th e one being w itn essed ; or, h e h a s v an ish ed from h is ex istence
in to th e o th e r's ex isten c e. If th e ex p erien ce of a n n ih ila tio n is
stro n g , th e one u n d e rg o in g th is f a n a ’ h a s h is d is c e r n m e n t
destroyed. For Ibn Taym iyyah, th is m e an s th a t h e m erely im agines
th a t he h a s becom e h is beloved. It is a trem en d o u s em o tio n al an d
psychological event th a t overw helm s h is intellect a n d reaso n in g . It
is u ltim ately a d elu sio n al experience b ec au se reality, ex p lain s Ibn
Taym iyyah, is g ro u n d ed in the know ledge th a t God is u n iq u e an d
differentiated from His creation.
2B As for the second meaning6 of fana.’, it is [annihilation] of the

witnessing of other (than Allah).7 This has occurred to m any seekers
(salikiri), who have an attraction in their hearts that proceeds quickly
6Editions 1, 2 and 5 have m a 'n d , and the others have n ow '.

7The insertion is from Editions 3, 4, and 5, which have al-fand’ ‘an shuh & di-l-
s iw d , instead o f al-gh in d ‘an shuhudi-L-xiw d. The majority reading better
expresses the context o f the discussion.
330
tow ard the remembrance of Allah, the worship of Him and the love of
Him, while their hearts w eaken in the m atter of witnessing other than
w hat they worship or of seeing other than w hat they intend. No thoughts
other than of Allah come to their hearts. Moreover, they are not aware of
such things. It is as what is said about His verse:
The heart of the mother of Moses became void, she w ould have
exposed him had We not strengthened her heart so that she was one
of the believers. [al-Qasas 28:10]
They say that her heart was void (farigh) of everything except of the
remembrance of Moses. This often happens to the one for whom a m atter
becomes critical,8 whether it is related to love, fear or hope. His heart
remains diverted from everything except from w hat it loves, fears or seeks
to the extent that, as it becomes absorbed in the thing, it perceives nothing
else. As the experience becomes stronger for the one undergoing this
annihilation, his existence disappears before His existence, his being
w itn essed before His w itn essin g , his rem em brance before H is
remembrance and his being known before His knowledge.9 Thus the one
8 Editioos 1, 2 and 3 have d a h a m a h u , and the others have fa q im a h u .

9The Arabic o f all the texts reads: fa -id A qaw iya ‘aid sdhibi-l-fand’ hd±d fa -
inna-hu vaghibu bi-mawjudihi ‘an w ujddihi wa bi-mashhudihi ‘an shu.hQ.dihi
w a bi-m adkurihi ‘an dikrihi wa b i-m a ‘rufihi ‘an m a ‘rifatihi. In his Risdlah ild
N asr al-M a n b ijt (p.459), Ibn Taymiyyah explains this experience as "an
annihilation o f comprehending the other" (fand' ‘an idrdki-l-siw d). In this
context, he is explaining three stages o f ta w h id . He predictably places this
experience in the second stage and refers to it as the "annihilation o f the
incapable ones" (fand’ al-qdsirin). In his M addrij al-Sdlikin (no d ate:v.l,
p. 169), Ibn al-Qayyim explains the same process. In reference to knowledge
( m a ‘r ifa h ), he says that one’s knowledge disappears and vanishes into the thing
that has become known. This occurs to all aspects o f a person, e.g., witnessing,
remembering, loving, etc. Ibn al-Qayyim then clearly states that this
annihilation is defective and in no way leads to perfection, which is
exem plified by Abraham and Muhammad. He also places this annihilation as a
331
who does not exist perishes, that is, the other subjugated created beings,
while He who does not cease to exist remains, that is, the exalted Lord.10
The objective is the annihilation of created beings in the witnessing and
rem em brance of the w o rsh ip e r, and h is a n n ih ila tio n from
com prehending them or w itnessing them. W hen this (process) grows
stronger, the lover becomes weaker until he becomes confused in his
discernment. Then he thinks that he is his beloved. This is just as is
mentioned about a m an who throws himself into a river, and then his
lover throws himself after him. Then the man says: "I fell in, but w hat
caused you to fall in after me?" He says: '1 disappeared into you so that I
thought you were I."
Many people slipped11 concerning this topic, for they thought that
this is unity (ittihad) and that the lover so unites w ith the beloved that
there is no difference between them in the selfsame existence of the two.
But this is a mistake.12 For surely nothing whatsoever ever unites w ith
the Creator.13 Moreover, a thing does not unite w ith another thing except
w hen there is alteration, corruption, or the occurrence of a third thing
stage prior to the annihilation o f the witnessing o f annihilation, which is for

him an even more erring state. Ibn Taymiyyah makes no mention here of the
annihilation o f the witnessing o f annihilation, but it is mentioned by O ushavri
(1382/1962:61-63), and see also Gramlich (1989:121-123).
1°This is the beginning o f the process in which one believes he has become the
other. The end result is that one believes that all created beings have perished
and that only God is left with whom to identify.
1 E d ition s 1, 2 and 4 have za lla fi-h i aqw&m, and Editions 3 and 5 have z a lla t
fi-h i aqd&m.
12Edition 3 has daldl b a 'id instead o f g h a la t.
13Cf. the statement attributed to al-Junayd in Gramlich (1989:30). Edition 3
has the following insertion: li-anna lays a ka-mitlihi s h a y ’un w a huwa-l-sam i‘u-
l-b a sir wa huw a-l-ahadu-l-sam ad a lla d i lam yalid wa lam yd la d w a lam yakurt
lahu kufuwan ahad. (This is a paraphrase o f 42:11 and 112:1-4.)
332
from the union of the two, which is neither this nor that. This happens,
for example, w hen water unites w ith milk or wine. However, there is
union in objects of will, (both) beloved things and hated things, the two
agreeing in the type of will (iradah) and aversion (karahah) (involved). This
one loves and hates w hat that one loves and hates, is pleased w ith what
the other is pleased with, displeased with w hat the other is displeased
with, detests w hat the other detests, allies himself with whom the other
allies himself and has enmity for whom the other has enmity. However,
all this (kind of) annihilation has a deficiency in it.14
The Struggle to Rem ain Conscious in W orship
3A A ccording to Ibn T aym iyyah, m a in ta in in g th e co rrect f a n a ’

m u st o ccu r w ithin th e co ntext of being aw are of th e tru th , w hich is
d iscern in g th e difference b etw een the C rea to r a n d created . T his,
h e says, is th e experience of th e C om panions w ho w ere th e m o st
perfect, stro n g e st a n d firm est in th e s ta te s of faith . T hey d id n o t
lose th e ir c o n sc io u sn e ss, w ere n o t overcom e b y fain tin g sp ells,
w ea k n ess, in to x icatio n , a n n ih ila tio n , r a p tu r e o r in sa n ity . A fter
explaining th e co n d itio n s of th e C om panions, Ibn T aym iyyah can
begin to d iscu ss th e ca u ses of th e false f a n a ’. He claim s th a t certain
14Although the unity o f objectives and will mentioned here is similar to the
annihilation o f the w ill in the first type o f f a n d ’ , there is an important
difference in this context because Ibn Taymiyyah is talking about a union of
wills that includes a level o f unconsciousness or unawareness o f the union. The
annihilation o f witnessing is considered a deficiency or shortcoming on the
part o f the worshiper. As he explains below, maintaining awareness in every
state o f worship is the mark o f the best worshipers. This view is echoed by Ibn
al-Qayyim in M addrij al-Sdlikin (no daterv.l, p.169).
333
asp ects of u n c o n sc io u sn e ss du rin g w o rsh ip b eg a n am o n g som e of
th e Follow ers of th e C om panions in th e city of B asra. He th e n lists
tw o g ro u p s o f e a rly S u fis w ho s tr u g g le d a g a in s t lo sin g
c o n s c io u s n e s s. T he firs t group w ere th o s e w ho s u c c u m b e d to
in to x icatio n b u t recovered from it an d d en o u n ced w h a t th e y said
d u rin g th e e x p e rie n c e . T h e se c o n d g ro u p w ere th o s e who
e x p e rie n c e d f a n a ’ w ith o u t an y lo ss of c o n s c io u s n e s s . T hus
m ain tain in g co n scio u sn ess a n d d iscernm ent d u rin g th e f a n a ’ keeps
one on a safe p a th an d is actually com parable to th e exam ple of the
P rophet w ho rem ain ed conscious w hen h e w as ta k e n on h is Night
Jou rn ey .
3B The greatest saints such as Abu Bakr and 'Umar, m ay Allah be

pleased w ith them, and the outstanding leaders of the Emigrants and the
H e lp e rs,15 did not experience this annihilation, not to m ention those
prophets who were above them in rank. However, something of this did
occur after (the time of) the Companions. Likewise, all aspects of this
manner (of annihilation), in which there is a loss of intelligence ('aql) and
discernment in the stages of faith (ahwdl al-imdn)16 that occur to a heart,
(did not affect) the Companions, who were more perfect, stronger17 and
firmer in the stages of faith than to undergo a loss of their intellect or to
experience fainting, w eakness,18 intoxication, annihilation, rapture or
15This refers to the two groups o f the Companions, i.e., the Emigrants
(muhdjirun) and the Helpers (artsdr).
15Edition 3 has only a h w d l.
17Edition 3 inserts ‘u q d lan, and thus the translation would read: "more perfect
and stronger as to rational faculties and firmer...."
18Editions 1, 2 and 5 have d u ‘f , and Editions 3 and 4 have s a ‘q.
334
madness. But the beginnings of these m atters first occurred am ongst the
Followers of the Companions who were worshiping in Basra, for there
were some of them w ho fainted w hen listening to the Q uran and some
who died, such as Abu Juhayr al-Darir and Zurarah ibn Abi Awfa, the
judge of Basra.19
Likewise, annihilation an d intoxication occurred to som e Sufi
sheikhs, weakening their discernm ent to the point that in this state they
said things they recognized as being w rong when they recovered. Such
stories have been related about Abu Yazid, Abu-l-Hasan al-N uri,20 Abu
Bakr al-Shibli (d. 334/946), and others. This is contrary to those who
remained master of their intellect and discernment in their states such as
Abu Sulayman al-Darani (d. 215/830), M a'ruf al-Karkhi.21 Fudayl ibn Tyad
(d. 187/803), and especially al-Junayd.22 They did not succumb to states
such as annihilation and intoxication. Moreover, the whole m atter23
19I have not found any information about Abu Juhayr al-Dartr. As for Zurarah
ibn Abi Awfa (Editions 4 and 5 have ibn Awfa), this report is mentioned again
by Ibn Taymiyyah in a l-S d fiyya h w a -l-F u q a ra ’ . Ibn Hajar al-‘Asqalam in
T ah djb al-Tahd.ib (1325/1907:v.3, p.322) gives his name as Zurarah ibn Awfa.
He reports the same story and g iv es his death as occurring in 93/711-12.
2®AII the editions o f a l - ‘U b d d iy y a h have Abu-l-Hasan, however, his name is
commonly given as Abu-l-Husayn; see Kalabadi (1389/1969:42) and Reinert
(1968:317). He was also known as Ibn al-Baghawi and died in 295/907-8.
21 This is the common name used in reference to Abu Mahfuz ibn Fayruz (or
Fayruzan); see Reinert (1968:313). He is also referred to as Abu Sa‘id; see
K ala b a d i (1389/1969:40). He died in 200/815-16.
22This is the famous Sufi Abu-l-Qasim ibn Muhammad,who died in 297/910 or
298/911; see Reinert (1968:303).
In Edition 3 o f a l - ‘U b d d iy y a h (p.67), al-Fiqi adds a footnote in which he
denounces all the Sufis and states that Ibn Taymiyyah did not understand the
truth about Sufism and its relation to Indian, Persian and Greek thought.
23Edition 3 inserts min al-m u.slim ina-lladj.na la yahtaddna illd bi-h adyi-l-
kitdb wa-l-sunnah.
335
concerning their [hearts]24 is that they are concerned w ith nothing other
than the love of Allah, His will and His worship while maintaining a
capacity for knowledge and discernment by which they witness affairs as
they actually are. Indeed, they witness created beings as existing by Allah's
command, controlled by His will, [complying w ith Him]25 and devoted to
Him, for they have vision and remembrance. They witness this as being a
confirmation and support in their hearts for the purity of religion, the
abstraction of tawhid,26 and the worship of Him alone, who has no
partners. This is the truth to which the Quran invites, and with which the
people o f veritable faith, and all of the people of knowledge, stand; and our
Prophet is the leader of them and the m ost perfect of them. For this
reason, w hen he was taken up to the heavens and viewed the signs, and
his Lord revealed to him various confidential m atters, he returned to
them (i.e., the people on earth) in the morning w ith his state unaltered,
and th a t event did not overw helm him. This is contrary to the
unconsciousness that had overwhelmed Moses.27
24Edition 1 and 2 have ‘uq& lihim , and the other editions have q u litb ih im .
25Editions 1 and 2 have the word "m sbhh,” which appears to be an error. The
other editions have m ustajibah la-hu.
26Ibn Taymiyyah uses the term ta jrid al-tawhid. I have chosen to translate
tajrid as "abstraction" in the sense that the active oneness (ta w h id ‘am ali) is a
process o f removing false deities from one's heart and worshiping only Allah.
The term ta jr id and its passive participle m u ja rra d have been translated by
others in various ways depending on the context. Hallaq (1993:147) uses
"abstraction" in the context o f philosophy and logic. Chittick (1989:115, 120)
uses "disengagement" in reference to Ibn ‘Arabi's discussion o f imagination
and dreams. Gully (1995:162) uses "absolution" in a grammatical context.
27This is a reference to al-A‘raf 7:143.
336
The Fana’ of E xistence
4A Ibn Taymiyyah begins h is definition of th e th ird type of f a n a ’

by d isc u ssin g how d elusion in th e second s ta te of f a n a ’ leads to a
belief in th e u n ity of being (w a h d a t al-wujud). The th ird type of f a n a ’
is th e a n n ih ila tio n th a t overw helm s a p e rso n . In th is s ta te a
w o rsh ip er loses d isc ern m en t a n d never recovers it. It is th e erro r
a n d h eresy of in carn atio n (hulul3 an d u n ity w ith the divine (.ittihad) .
R em in d in g u s again of th e co rrect u n d e rs ta n d in g of f a n a ’, Ibn
T aym iyyah explains th a t th e h eig h t of w o rsh ip is to do everything
w ith th e light of God, th a t is, to resp o n d to created beings in a w ay
p leasin g to God. The co n cep t of th e f a n a ’ of existence, however, is
th e w ay of P haraoh a n d is b ased on h is u n d e rsta n d in g of ta w h id .
The P h arao h 's rejection of God as Lord a n d h is claim s of being a god
re p re se n t th e height of arro g an ce an d an n ih ilatio n of d iscern m ent.
Ibn T aym iyyah th en u se s th e issu e of d iscern m en t to explain th a t
th e r ig h te o u s s h e ik h s m ade th e ir s ta te m e n ts w ith th e
u n d e rsta n d in g th a t n o th in g of God's essen ce is in His creatio n an d
n o th in g of th e creation is in God's essence.
4B As for the third type of w hat is called annihilation, it is to witness

that there is no existence (mawjUd) except Allah and that the being (wujud)
of the Creator is the being of the created beings, without any difference
between the Lord and the slave ('abd). This is the fana’ of the people of
337
[d isb elief],28 misguidance (dalal) and heresy (ilhdd), those who have
succumbed to (beliefs of) incarnation and unity with the divinity (al-hulul
w a-l-ittihdd).29 W hen one of the sheikhs of the straight p ath 30 says
something such as "I do not see other than Allah" or "I do not look at
other than Allah," then the intention of that is: I do not see a Lord other
than Him nor a Creator or a Controller other than Him; and there is no
deity other than Him; and I do not look at other than Him, loving it,
fearing it or hoping in it. For the eye looks toward that to which a heart is
attached. Thus whoever loves a thing and hopes in it, or fears a thing, will
(either) turn toward it (or away from it).31 But when one has no love for it
in his heart, no hope in it, no fear of it, no hatred for it, nor any
attachm ent of the heart for it, then his heart does not intend to turn
toward it, look at it or see it. But if by chance he sees something briefly, it is
as if he had seen a wall.32 And so it is w ith whatever is not attached to his
heart.
2 8 Edition 3 inserts w a -l-k u fr .

29 Edition 3 inserts wa hd&d ya.bra’ u ‘an-hu.
30 Edition 3 inserts 'aid hadyi-l-kitab wa-l-sunnah ka-l-sahabah w a -l-
a ’ im m a ti- l-m u h tadtn .
31 The Arabic sentence in all the texts reads: fa-m an ahabba s h a \ ’an aw rajdhu
aw khdfahu iltafata ilayhi. Obviously, one would not turn toward a thing one
fears. I understand this to mean turning toward what one loves and away from
what one fears.
32This passage is very similar to statements reported by Kalahari
(1389/1969:147-148). He describes the f a n d ’ as an experience in which one
has "...no feelings towards anything whatsoever...." In this context he reports
that ‘Amir ibn ‘Abd-Allah, who died during the caliphate o f M u‘awiyah
(41/661-60/680), said: "I do not care whether I saw a woman or a wall."
K a la b a d i states that for the worshiper all things become one, but that this
"does not imply that disaccord is in him accord, or that prohibition is for him
the same as commandment...." All quotes are taken from Arberry (1977:120-
1 2 1 ).
338
The righteous sheikhs, m ay Allah be pleased w ith them, mention
something about the abstraction of tawhid and the real purity of the whole
religion (tahqiq ikhlasi-l-din kullihi) in the sense that the worshiper is not
turning toward other than Allah and not looking at other than Him,
having no love for it, no fear of it, and no hope in it. Moreover, a heart
will be void of created beings, isolated from them, not looking at them
except by the light of Allah. Thus by the tru th he hears, by the truth he
sees, by the truth he grasps, and by the truth he walks. Then he loves those
created beings whom Allah loves and hates those of them whom Allah
hates, and he allies himself w ith those w hom Allah has protected and has
enm ity for those w hom A llah holds as enem ies, and he fears Allah
concerning them and does not fear them concerning Allah.33 This is the
pure, secure heart which applies tawhid; the submitting, believing heart
which is cognizant and applies tawhid according to the knowledge of the
prophets and messengers based on their realization and application of
tawhid.l*
As for the third type, which is the annihilation in being (al-fana’fi-l-
wujud), this is the very essence of the people of Pharaoh, their application
of tawhid and their know ledge. They are sim ilar to the Karmathians
3 3 Editions 3 and 4 have the follow ing insertion: wa yarju-llaha fi-h d w a Id

ya rjd h a fi-lld h .
34The word order varies slightly in som e o f the editions. The only major
differences are in Edition 3, which inserts a l-m u h a q q iq al-m.uwahh.id after
"believing heart," and in Edition 4, which inserts al-m uhaqqiq a fter
"cognizant." Also, both o f these editions have b i-h a q iq a tih im for ta h q iq ih im ,
which I have translated as "their realization."
339
(iqaramitah) and others like them.35 (But) the type of annihilation which
the followers of the prophets are on is the praisew orthy annihilation,36
whose practitioner is one of those whom Allah extols, His pious saints,
His successful party, and His victorious army.
In using these statements (mentioned above), it is not the intention
of the sheikhs and righteous people to say that (any of) the created beings I
see with my own eyes is the Lord of the earth and the heavens. No one
w ould say this except one who is in (a state of) extreme error and
corruption, either corruption of the intellect or corruption of conviction.
Thus he wavers betw een insanity and heresy.37 Every sheikh who
emulates them (the righteous sheikhs) in religion is in agreement with
that on which the Righteous Predecessors and leading scholars {a ’immah)
of this religious community agree. That is, that the Creator, glorified be He,
is set apart (mub&yin) from the created beings; that nothing of His essence
(dat) is in His created beings, and nothing of His created beings is in His
essence;38 and that it is necessary to separate the Eternal One (cjadim) from
3 5 Edition 3 inserts m in kulli man yadinu bi-w ah dati-l-w u jdd alla&ina nataqa
‘an-hum al-hall&j wa ibn ‘arabi wa ibn al-farid wa ibn s a b ‘in w a-l- ‘afif al-
tilim sd n i.
36Edition 3 has a l-ta h q iq al-m ahm dd instead o f a l-fa n d ’ al-m ahm ud.
37This is an important point which Ibn Taymiyyah upholds in line with
traditional H a n b a li thinking. A Muslim's knowledge o f God and his
understanding o f his relationship to God must be based on the sound knowledge
o f revelation as it appears in the Quran and the authentic Sunnah. This
revealed knowledge then becomes the criterion by which internal experiences
can be judged. On this topic see M adarij al-Sdlikin (no datervol.l, p.531) where
Ibn al-Qayyim states that tastes, states and passions cannot be the judge
(h d k im ) but must be judged (jnahkdm ‘a la yh i) by Allah's revelation.
38Ibn Taymiyyah refers to the same statement in his Istiqdm ah ( v .l, p .115)
where he mentions that it is from Abu Talib al-Makkt. The following quote
appears in al-Makki's Q d t al-Q uldb (1351/1932:v.3, p .122): " la y s a f i sLatihi
340
the innovated (had.it) and to distinguish the Creator from the created.
Their statements concerning this are more num erous than is possible to
mention here.39
The M eaning of Fara an d J a m ’
5A A fter clarifying th e s a la ji belief in th e d istin ctio n b etw een

God an d creation, Ibn Taym iyyah shifts h is d isc u ssio n to o th e r Sufi
term s, w hich h e sees a s being related to f a n a ’. He begins th is new
topic b y firs t m e n tio n in g t h a t d ise a se s of th e h e a rt le a d to
conceptions of u n ity w ith th e divine b ecause th e se diseases c a u se a
co rru p tio n of d iscern m en t. In relatio n to th e second type of fa n a .’,
Ibn Taym iyyah explains th e Sufi term s "separation" [farq), "joining"
[jam 1) a n d "second separation" (al-farq al-tanl). Ibn Taym iyyah says
th a t th e se te rm s are related to th e second type of f a n a ’ b e c a u se
they carry th e sam e danger, th a t is, in th e s ta te of j a m ' one c a n lose
d iscern m en t a n d n o t recover it. T his section of a l-‘U b udiyyah gives
s iw d h u w a Id f t siw dhu m in d d tih i s h a y ’ la vsa f i- l-k h a lq illd - l- k h a lq w a Id f t - l -

dat illd - l-k h d liq ." See also Gramlich (1992:v.3, p .10).
39The necessity o f maintaining God’s distinction from His creation is the
foundation o f the belief o f the Ahl al-Sunnah w a-l-Jam d'ah. This point is
clearly explained by Ibn Hajar in Fath al-Bdrt, (no date:v.l3, p.344), who
defines Allah's Oneness in terms o f repudiating anthropomorphism (ta sh b ih )
and negation (ta 'til) in reference to the names and attributes o f Allah. He then
quotes from Qushayn that al-Junayd defined ta w h id as separating the Eternal
One from the innovated one (m u h d a t). The terms Oushavri (1982/1962:5, 233)
uses are qidam and h a d a c see also Gramlich (1989:25, 414). Similar statements
are found in Kalabadt (1389/1969:25); the following quote is from Arberry's
(1977:1) translation: "Whose essence, being unique, does not resemble the
essence o f created beings, and whose qualities are far removed from the
qualities o f creatures bom in time."
341
one of th e b e s t exam ples of Ibn Taym iyyab's a tte m p t to co-opt som e
of th e m o st controversial S ufi te rm s in rela tio n to th e co n cept of
an n ih ila tio n a n d the u n ity of being. T h u s a s m entioned in C h ap ter
3. it is one reaso n th a t al-Fiqi, th e ed ito r of E dition 3. d enounces
Ibn Taym iyyah for u sin g a n d explaining th ese Sufi term s.
5B They (the sheikhs) have spoken about the illnesses and doubts (al-
amrad wa-l-shubuhat) that occur to hearts, and that a certain person might
witness the existence of created beings and think it is the Creator of the
earth and heavens because there is no discernment and criterion (al-tamyiz
wa-l-furqdn) in his heart. Such a person is on the same level as one who
sees the rays of the sun, thinking that it is the sun in the sky. They have
also spoken about "separation" (farq) and "joining" (jam');40 and the
various explanations41 included in this are similar to what is included in
annihilation. When a w orshiper w itnesses "separation" (tafriqah) and
"multiplicity" (katrah) amongst created beings, his heart remains attached
(muta'alliq)42 to them, observing them in diversity,43 and attached to them
w ith love, fear and hope. But w hen he moves tow ard "joining," his heart
concentrates on (mujtami' 'aid) the tawhid of Allah and the worshiping of
4 ®Tfae terms f a r q , or ta friq a h , and ja m ‘ have been translated as "separation"

and "concentration," respectively, by Arberry (1977:114). Gramlich
(1989:118) translates them as "Trennung" and "V ereinigung." The particular
context in which they are used allows for a variety o f English terms. For the
purpose o f this translation, I shall render fa rq as "separation" and ja m ‘ as
"joining."
41 Editions 1 and 3 have a l-'ib d rd t al-m u k h ta lifa h . and the Editions 4 and 5
have a l - ‘ib d rd t al-m ulaffatah. Edition 2 has a l- ‘ibdddt instead o f a l-'ib d r d t.
42 Edition 2 has m u ta fa rriq .
43 Edition 1 has m u sh a ttitan rtazaran ilayhd, the others have m u ta sh a ttitan
n d ziran ilayhd, with Edition 2 having n a za ran instead o f n d ziran.
342
H im alone, without partners; his heart turns toward A llah after being
turned tow ard created beings. Thus his love comes to be for his Lord, his
fear is of his Lord, his hope is in his Lord and his seeking help is from his
Lord. In this state his heart m ay not be capable of viewing (riazar) a created
being in order to separate betw een the Creator and the created; he is
concentrating on the Truth (al-haqq), being diverted from creation as to
vision and intention. This is similar to the second type of annihilation.
However, after that there is the "second separation" (al-farq al-tanT),
w hich is that he witnesses that the created beings are dependent on Allah
(iqa'imah bi-llah) and controlled by His command; he witnesses that their
m ultiplicity is absent from in the O neness of Allah (ma'dumah bi-
wahddniyyati-lldh), glorified and exalted be He, and that He, glorified be He,
is the Lord of produced beings (rabb al-masnu'at), their Deity, Creator, and
O w ner.44 Thus he views the difference (farq) between the Creator and the
created, distinguishing between this and that, while his heart concentrates
on Ailah w ith purity, love, fear, hope, request for help, reliance on Allah,
making alliances by Him, making enemies by Him, and all such examples
of that. He witnesses the separation of created beings and their multiplicity
44 In this passage, Ibn Taymiyyah is explaining the experience o f fa rq and ja m ‘

while maintaining the ontological difference between God and the creation. The
joining that unifies the m ultiplicity in creation is the realization that all
things exist by God's act o f creation. Thus the only hope for created beings is
to turn toward God and away from other beings. However, if one becomes lost in
this state, he will believe that this vision o f unity in the act o f creation is the
same as the unity o f the Creator's essence. The "second separation" is what
saves the worshiper from ontological confusion and thus from polytheism. In
his R isdlah ild Nasr al-M anbiji (p.459), Ibn Taymiyyah summarizes this point:
"It is w itnessing "separation" in "joining" and "multiplicity" in "oneness," for
he witnesses the existence o f beings (qiydm a l-k d ’indt) with their differences
as occurring through the existence o f Allah (b i-iq d m a ti-lld h ), alone, exalted be
He, and His Lordship."
343
while testifying that Allah is the Lord, Owner and Creator of everything,
and that He is Allah, there being no god other than He. This is the
authentic, straight witnessing; and this is incumbent in the knowledge of a
heart, in its testimony, remembrance, and cognition, and in the state of a
heart, its worshiping, intending, willing, loving, alliance making, and
obedience.
This is the essence of the testimony that there is no deity except
Allah, for this negates the divinity of everything other than the True One
(al-haqq) in a worshiper's heart and confirms the divinity of the True One
in his heart. Thus he will negate45 the divinity of every created being and
confirm the divinity of the Lord of Creation (rabb al-'alamin), the Lord of
the earth and the heavens. This necessarily includes the concentration of a
heart on Allah and its forsaking everything other than Him, for then a
worshiper will be separating between the Creator and the created in his
knowledge (T/m) and his intention, in his testimony and his will, and in
his cognizance (ma'rifah) and his love so as to be a knower ('alim) of Allah,
a rememberer (ddkir) of Him and a cognizer ('arif) of Him. With all of this
he will know the dissimilarity of Allah from His creation, His isolation
from them, and His uniqueness over them (tawahhuduhu dunahum). He
will be a lover of Allah, a glorifier of Him, a worshiper of Him, hoping in
Him, fearing Him, loving for His sake,46 making alliances and enemies by
H im , seeking help from H im , and relying on Him. He will avoid
w orshiping other than Him, relying on the other, seeking help from
another, fearing him, hoping in him, making alliances and enemies by
45Edition 2 has fa n d ’ instead o f n d fiyan.

46 This attribute appears in only Edition 1, which reads m u h ib b an fi-hi.
344
him, being obedient to his command, or doing anything (concerning
another) that is specific to the divinity of Allah, glorified and exalted be
He. His confirmation of the divinity of Allah over anything other than
H im necessarily includes separating47 Him (from the other) in His
Lordship, for He is the L ord of everything, its Owner, Creator and
Controller. At that time he will become a (true) believer in Allah's
Oneness (muzvahhid li-llah).
T he G ram m ar of D ikr
6A To help prove h is c a s e a g a in st th e c o n c ep tu a l e rro rs he

asso ciates w ith th e seco n d type of f a n a ‘, Ib n Taym iyyah tu r n s to a
d iscu ssio n of th e lan g u ag e of supplication. T he im plication h e re is
t h a t th e w ords an d p h ra s e s one u se s in reference to God a re a
reflection of one's beliefs. He begins by telling u s th a t th e preferred
rem em brance is to say "there is no deity except Allah," an d th a t th e
preferred supplication is to say "all praise is for Allah." He com pares
th e s e sta te m e n ts of th e P ro p h e t to w h a t h e se es as th e e rro r of
rem em bering God by u tte rin g a single n o u n , w hich h ad becom e th e
practice of som e Sufis. Ibn Taymiyyah u se s th is reference to various
h a d ith s to explain th a t rem em b ran ce [dikr) b y a single n o u n or
p ro n o u n is n o t a p ra c tic e stem m in g from th e S u n n a h . T h u s
whoever claim s to be rem em bering God th ro u g h statem en ts s u c h as
"O he, O he" (yd huwa, y a huwa) or "He, he" (h u w a , huw a) is u sin g a
4 7 Editions 1 and 2 have m utadam m in li-ifrddih i, the other editions have

yatadammanu iqr&rahu.
345
p ro n o u n t h a t re fe rs to n o th in g e x c e p t w h a t h is h e a rt is
conceptualizing. Therefore, says Ibn Taym iyyah, rem em b ran ce b y a
single n o u n is a m isu n d erstan d in g o f th e S u n n a h a n d of th e role
in te n tio n plays in th e sp iritu al life of a believer. On th is la tte r point,
h e ex p lain s th a t a certain sheikh, w ho w as afraid of dying betw een
th e n eg atio n a n d th e affirm ation of th e t e s tim o n y of faith, u s e s th is
fear a s a n excuse for calling on God by u tte rin g only His n a m e or th e
p ro n o u n "he." Ibn Taym iyyah’s resp o n se is th a t the P rophet ta u g h t a
dying m a n to say "there is no deity ex cep t Allah," w h ich in d ic ates
th e s u p e rio rity a n d th e n e c e ssity o f th e testim o n y . A nd th is
te stim o n y is a m eaningful sta tem en t in A rabic. In th is sectio n , Ibn
T aym iyyah is p re se n tin g h is evidence from the Q u ra n a n d th e
h a d ith s to sh o w th e u n te n a b le p o s itio n of th o se w h o p re fe r
re m e m b ra n c e by a sin g le n o u n . F a ith fu lly following h is ow n
m ethodology, h e will u s e th e evidence p rese n ted h ere to s u p p o rt
h is g ram m atical arg u m en ts in the n ex t section.
6B It is clear that the preferred remembrance {dikr) is "there is no deity

except Allah" just as al-Tirmid£, Ibn Abx-l-Dunya48 and others have
reported as attributable to the Prophet, the blessing and peace of Allah be
upon him, who said: "The preferred remembrance is 'there is no deity
except Allah,’ and the preferred supplication is ’all praise belongs to
4 8 Abu Bakr ‘Abd-Allah ibn Abi-l-DunyS was a traditionist best known for his
collections o f hadiths on ethical and moral behavior. He died in 281/894. See
Reinert (1968:306).
346
A llah."'49 In the Muzvatta' and elsewhere it is reported from Talhah ibn
'U bayd-A llah50 that the Prophet, the blessing and peace of Allah be upon
him, said: "The preferred statem ent that I and the prophets before me
have said is 'there is no deity except Allah, alone and w ithout partners, to
Him belongs all dominion and praise, and He has power over all things."'
Whoever maintains that this is a remembrance for the masses, and
that the remembrance of the elite is a single name and the remembrance
of the very special elite is a pronoun, are erring and m istaken.51 The
argum ent of some of them concerning this is His statement: "...Say Allah!
Then leave them playing in their vain discourse." [al-An'am 6:91] This
argum ent is a clear error on their part,52 for the noun ("Allah") that is
mentioned in this m atter is in answer to a question in His previous verse:
"Say: Who has sent dow n the book that Moses brought as a light and
guidance for people?" [That is, Allah has sent dow n the book that Moses
bro u g h t.]53 Thus the noun ("Allah") is the subject of a nom inal sentence
49The Concordance lists only Ibn Majah, adab 55. Tibnzi, M ish k d t al-M asdbih
(1405/1985:v.2, p.9) reports that it is also narrated by Timrid.1.
50This is the name appearing in Editions 1 and 2. Editions 3, 4 and 5 have
Talhah ibn ‘Abd-Allah ibn Kaifr, with Edition 2 also having ibn Kaijx. The
hadith appears in Imam Malik’s M u w a tta ’ (1986) in the chapters m ass al-
q u rd n , hadith #32, and hajj, #246. In both hadiths the name appears as Talhah
ibn ‘Ubayd-Allah ibn Karfz. He was a famous Companion who died in 36/656.
5 E d itio n 3 has ddlltin m udill instead o f ddlltin g h d littin . On the various forms
o f Sufi &ikr using a single noun or pronoun, see Schimmel (1975:72, 172, 270,
385, 420, 422).
5 2 Edition 3 inserts b a l min tahrifihim li-l-kalim ‘an m aw ddi'ihi.
53This sentence is from Editions 3, 4, and 5. I include it here in order to
clarify the argument.
347
and its predicate has been indicated by the question. This is similar to being
asked "Who is coming?" and you answ er "Zayd."54
As for a single noun, w hether substantive or pronoun, it is not a
com plete statem en t or a m ean in g fu l sentence. F aith, disbelief,
commandment or prohibition are n o t attached to a single noun. None of
the predecessors of this religious com m unity (salaf al-ummah) has
mentioned this, the Messenger, the blessing and peace of Allah be upon
him, did not legislate this, and a heart does not receive in itself any
meaningful cognizance or beneficial state (hdl) from this. However, a
single noun will give (a heart) an unqualified concept55 on which no
judgem ent of negation or of confirm ation can be based. For if the
cognition and condition of a heart is not attached to what is meaningful in
itself, then there is nothing meaningful in that heart.56 The Law (shari'ah)
54Editions 1 and 2 have man jd ’, which is not a nominal sentence. Editions 3, 4,

and 5 have man jdruhu. Ibn Taymiyyah digresses from his explanation o f Sura
6:91 by discussing the topics o f legitim ate supplications and Arabic grammar.
The explanation o f 6:91 resumes two pages below.
55Edition 2 has qus& r instead of ta s a w w u r .
5 6 Ibn Taymiyyah is in effect denouncing a common practice in all forms of
mysticism. It is an accepted practice for mystics to meditate while repeating a
simple word or phrase. In this way the mystic seeks to empty his heart or soul
o f all meaning so that the ultimate reality can enter into him, or, in other
words, the mystic becomes devoid o f conscious thought in order to unite with
the ultimate reality. An example o f this is the k o a n , or riddles or meaningless
expressions, used in Zen Buddhism; se e Ellwood (1980:3). Ibn Taymiyyah's
argument is that although the mystic experiences an emptiness that seems to
leads to a union with ultimate reality, a union with God in the monotheistic
interpretation, the meaninglessness in the heart simply allows the preexisting
desires to dictate the interpretation o f the experience. In his criticism o f the
mystical experience, Stace (1960:178) raises a similar objection: "Theistic
mystics, having reached the experience o f the undifferentiated unity and the
merging o f their own individualities in that unity, jump without further ado to
the conclusion that what they have experienced is 'union with God.' We do not
here question the use o f the word 'union.' But it seems important to raise the
question whether the word 'God' is appropriate."
348
only legislates sayings of remembrance that are meaningful in themselves
and not w hat obtains meaning through something else. Certain people
who persist in this remembrance57 have succumbed to various kinds of
heresy and types of unification (ittihdd) as has been explained in another
place.
It is mentioned that a certain sheikh said: "I fear dying between the
negation and the affirmation, the one whose condition being such is not to
be im itated."58 But this statement is wrong, for it is obvious that if a
worshiper were to die in this condition, he would die based on his aim
and intention, for deeds are based on intentions. It is confirmed that the
Prophet, the blessing and peace of Allah be upon him, ordered the
dictation (talqin) to a dying person to be "there is no deity except Allah,"
and he said: "He whose last statement is 'There is no deity except Allah'
will enter paradise." Now, if w hat he had mentioned were dangerous,59
he would not have instructed a dying person to use (such) a statement, out
of fear th at he w ould die during it in other than a praiseworthy state of
death. Rather, he w ould have instructed him w ith a remembrance
consisting of a single noun.
The remembrance by way of a single noun or pronoun60 is far from
the Sunnah, nearer to innovation and near to the misguidance (idldl) of
Satan. For whoever says: "O he, O he (yd huwa, yd huwa),'' or "he, he
(huwa, huwa)," or anything like this, has used a pronoun that refers to only
57 Edition 3 inserts bi-l-ism i-l-m u frad w a bi-huwa.

58This refers to dying between the utterance o f "there is no deity" and "except
Allah." The implication is that one would die negating God's existence.
59Edition 3 has mahz&r instead o f m a h d jir.
60 Edition 1 has b i-l-ism i-l-m u frad a w al-m udm ar, Edition 2 has b i-l-is m i-l-
m u fr a d i-l-m u d m a r ; the other editions have b i-l-ism i-l-m u d m a r al-m ufrad.
349
w hat his heart has conceptualized. But a heart m ay be guided or
misguided. Yet, the author of al-Fusus wrote a book that he called Kitdb al-
Huwa.61 Now, some of them maintain th at His statem ent: "And none
knows its interpretation (ta'wilahu) except Allah," [A1 'Im ran 3:7] means
"And none knows the interpretation of this noun that is (the pronoun)
'he' (al-huwa)." They say this even though the M uslims, an d for that
matter all intelligent people, agree that it is clearly false. But they will
think this way, though I once said to one of them who spoke about this: "If
it were as you say it is, then the verse w ould be 'and none knows the
interpretation of "he" (ta’wil huwa),’ with a disconnected pronoun."
Then a certain sheikh often mentions in argum ent the statement
"Allah" in His verse "Say Allah! Then leave them," thinking that Allah
ordered his Prophet to say a single noun. But this is a mistake62 as is
agreed on by the people of knowledge. For His statem ent "Say Allah"
means Allah is the One who has sent down the book that Moses brought.
This is in answer to H is verse "Say! Who has sent dow n the book that
Moses brought as a light and guidance for people? But you make it into
separate sheets to show while hiding much of it, and yet you were taught
what you and your fathers did not know. Say Allah!" That is, Allah is the
One who sent down the book that Moses brought, thereby refuting the
statement of the one63 who said: "Allah does not send anything down to
6 A cco rd in g to Osman (1 9 6 4 :v .l, pp.278-179), Ibn ‘Arabi has a book entitled

Kitab al-H d wa Huwa K itdb al-Y d'. He gives alternative titles as: K itdb al-Yd’ wa
Huwa K itdb al-Hd; Kitdb al-H d; and Kitdb al-Y d’. He also mentions a Kitdb al-
H u w iyya. Brockelmann (GAL v .l, p.578) mentions a Kitdb al-Yd' w a Huwa Kitdb
al-H uw a.
62Edition 3 inserts ba l tahrif.
63Edition 3 inserts min al-m u kaddibin a li-ra sd li-lld h .
350
man." Thus He asks: "Who has sent down the book that Moses brought?"
Then He Himself answers w ith "Say Allah" sent it, then let those who
deny revelation play in their vain discourse.
M eaningful S tate m e n ts in the Arabic L anguage
7A To s u p p o rt h is p o sitio n , Ibn T aym iyyah also refers to th e

a u th o r ity of th e A rab g ra m m a ria n s. In p a rtic u la r, h e qu o tes
S ib aw ay h ’s definition of a m eaningful sta te m e n t alo n g w ith verses
an d h a d ith s to indicate th a t rem em brance of God m u s t b e b ased on
m e a n in g fu l s ta te m e n ts . E v en p h r a s e s w h ic h appear to be
inco m p lete sen ten ces, s u c h a s saying "In th e Name of Allah," are
a c tu a lly m ean in g fu l s e n te n c e s w h en u n d ersto o d a c c o rd in g to the
ru les o f A rabic. The co n clu sio n h e draw s is th a t a w o rsh ip e r m u st
alw ays u s e com plete se n te n c e s. Ibn Taym iyyah also a llu d e s to the
p re-Islam ic poets, who u n d e rsto o d this issue. He m e n tio n s th a t the
P ro p h e t s a id th a t th e p re fe rre d s ta te m e n t of a p o e t is "Is n o t
e v ery th in g th a t is o th e r th a n A llah false?" How ever, h e is n o t
satisfied th a t he h a s clarified th e issu e, a n d so h e c o n tin u e s by
em p h asizin g th a t a m eaningful sta tem en t in th e Q u ran , th e S u n n ah
an d th e sp e e c h of th e A rab s is ex p ressed only a s a com plete
se n ten c e. T his leads him into a n explanation of th e m e a n in g and
g ram m atical u se of th e te rm s "particle" (harj), "noun" (ism), "word"
{kalim ah) a n d "sentence" [Jumlah). His ultim ate p u rp o se is to show
th a t rem em b ran ce of God, a n d th u s the w orship of Him, is fulfilled
351
b y com plete se n te n c e s a n d t h a t th e u s e of single n o u n s is a n
innovation related to th e concept o f th e u n ity w ith divinity.
7B A further explanation of the above mentioned passage is what

Sibawayh and other leading grammarians have said about the fact that the
Arabs speak in terms of phrases (yahkuna bi-l-qawl) so long as (those
phrases) are complete utterances (kalam). They do not speak in such terms
w hen (those phrases) are (merely) phrases (yawl), for phrases are not used
in speaking unless they are complete utterances (kalam tamm), either
nominal or verbal sentences. For this reason they say "inna"64 (with
kasrah, not "anna") when it occurs after the verb "qala," for a phrase cannot
be spoken as a single noun.65 Also, Allah, the Exalted, does not command
anyone w ith the mentioning of a single noun, and He does not legislate
for the Muslims66 w ith an isolated, single noun, for such a noun cannot
benefit faith67 by agreement of the Muslims; and no act of worship or
proclamation has been ordered by way of a single noun.
64The statement reads: wa li-hadfl yaksir&na inna.

6 5 I am indebted to Prof. Michael G. Carter for the translation and explanation
o f the opening statements o f the section. Ibn Taymiyyah is describing the
distinction between k a ld m (sentence) and q a w l (phrase) accepted by most
grammarians. The reference to Sibawayh, although not an exact quote, seems to
refer to his K itd b (1 8 8 1 :v .l, pp.50 and 419-420). Talmon (1988:74-79), refers
to these pages in the K itd b to argue that later grammarians misunderstood
Sibawayh, thinking that he was using k a ld m as a technical term. Talmon
attributes the origin o f this misunderstanding to al-Mubarrad (d. 285/898).
The later grammarians' understanding o f the k a ld m /q a w l distinction is
clarified in Versteegh (1993:100), who quotes Ibn Jinni (d. 392/1002):
"...kaldm means every autonomous and meaningful expression...and q a w l means
in principle every utterance that is produced by the tongue."
6 6 Edition 3 inserts d_ikran b i....
67Edition 3 has s h a y ’an min al-imdn instead o f just a l-im d n .
352
Similar to the one who restricts himself to a single noun is w hat has
been mentioned about an Arab who passed by a m an calling to pray by
saying: "I bear witness that Muhammad, Messenger of Allah." H e placed
both nouns in the accusative state, and thus the Arab said: "What is this
he is saying? Here is the noun, but where is its predicate that will complete
the sentence?"68 In the Quran, there are other examples (of using
complete sentences) such as:
Mention the Name of your Lord, and devote yourself to Him

completely. [al-Muzzammil 73:7]
Glorify the Name of your Lord, the Most High. [al-A'la 87:1]
But the successful one is he who purifies himself, and mentions the
Name of his Lord, and prays. [al-A'la 87:14-15]
Then glorify the Name of your Lord, the Supreme. [al-Waqi'ah 56:74]
These verses preclude remembering Him by a single noun. Moreover, it is

recorded in the Sunan69 that w hen the verse "Then glorify the Name of
your Lord, the Supreme" was sent down, the Prophet said: "Put this in
your bowing (during the prayer)." And when the verse "Glorify the Name
of your Lord, the Most High," was sent down, he said: 'T u t this in your
prostration." Thus he legislated for them that they should say "Glory be to
my Lord, the Supreme," in bowing and say "Glory be to my Lord, the Most
68The understanding o f this sentence in the text is dependent on the Arabic

grammar, and so the translation is somewhat awkward. The Arabic text reads:
anna b a ‘da-l-a' r&b m arra bi-mu’addin yaqulu ashhadu anna muhammadan
rasd la -lld h bi-l-nasb. By putting a fa th a h at the end o f the word ra su l, he made
both nouns the subject o f a n n a, thus uttering a meaningless statement. His
response was: m d d d yaqdl hddA h&d£ huwa-l-ism fa-’ ayna-l-khabar ‘an-hu alladi
b i-h i yatim m u-l-kaldm .
6Âbu Dawud, salah 147; Ibn M§jah, iqamah 20; Darimi, salah 69; Ahmad,
IV :155.
353
High," in prostration. In the Sahih70 it is recorded that he used to say
"Glory be to my Lord, the Supreme" in his bowing and "Glory be to my
Lord, the M ost High" in his prostration. This is the m eaning of his
statement "put this in your bowing and in your prostration" according to
the agreement of the Muslims.
Thus glorifying the Nam e of his Lord, the M ost H igh, and
mentioning the Name of his Lord, and all such statements, are expressed
in complete, meaningful sentences as it is recorded in the Sahih71 that the
Prophet, the blessing and peace of Allah be upon him, said: "The four
preferred statements after (the recitation of) the Quran are taken from the
Quran: 'Glory be to Allah,' ’All praise is for Allah,' 'There is no deity
except Allah,’ and 'Allah is the greatest."' In the Sahih72 it is recorded that
he, the blessing and peace of Allah be upon him, said: "There are two
statements light on the tongue, heavy on the scale (of judgem ent), and
beloved to Allah: 'Glory and praise be to Allah' and 'Glory be to Allah, the
Supreme.'" In the two Sahihs73 it is recorded that he, the blessing and
peace of Allah be upon him, said: "As for the one who says one hundred
times during the course of his day: 'There is no deity except Allah, alone
and w ithout partners, to Him belongs dominion and praise, and He has
power over all things,' Allah has granted him protection from Satan
70 i have not found this in Bukhan. See Abu Dawud, salah 147, 149, 150; Ibn
Majah, iqamah 20; Darimi, salah 69; Ahmad, 1:232, 371, V:382, 384, 389, 394,
397, 398, 400.
71Bukh2ri, ay man 19; Ahmad, V:20.
72Bukhari. tawhid 58, da'awat 66, ayman 19; Muslim, dikr 30; TirmidT, da‘awat
59; Ibn Majah, adab 56; Ahmad, 11:232.
73B u khSri. bad’ al-khalq 11, da‘awat 65; Muslim, dikr 27; Tirmidi, da‘awat 59,
62; Ibn Majah, du‘S’ 14; Muwatta’, quran 20; Ahmad, 11:2, 3, 375, IV:227.
354
during this day until the evening. No one has b ro u g h t anything more
preferable than this except a m an who says what the other said and then
adds more to it. As for the one who says one hundred times during the
course of his day: 'Glory and praise be to Allah, glory be to Allah, the
Supreme,' his sins will be taken from him, even if they were like the foam
on the ocean." In the M uivatta'14 and other books, it is recorded that he,
the blessing and peace of Allah be upon him, said: "The most preferred
statement that I and the prophets before me have said is 'There is no deity
except Allah, alone and w ithout partners, to Him belongs all dominion
and praise, and He has power over all things." In the Sunan of Ibn Majah75
and other books, it is recorded that he, the blessing an d peace of Allah be
upon him, said: "The most preferred remembrance is 'There is no deity
except Allah,’ and the most preferred supplication is 'All praise is due to
Allah.'" There are m any examples similar to these hadiths about the kinds
of statem ents concerning rem em brance and supplication. Further
examples are in the Quran:
Do not eat from that on w hich the Name of A llah has not been
mentioned... [al-An'am 6:121]
...Then eat from that which they catch for you and mention the Name
of Allah on it... [al-Ma'idah 5:4]
However, as for His statem ent "In the Name of Allah," it is a

complete sentence in accordance w ith the two most distinct statements of
the grammarians, for it is either a nominal sentence or a verbal sentence.
The reconstruction is either "My sacrifice is in the N am e of Allah" or "I
74Muwatta’, mass al-quran 32, hajj 246.

355
sacrifice in the Name of Allah." This is similar to the Quran reciters saying
"In the Name of Allah, the Merciful, the Compassionate," for the
reconstruction is "My recitation is in the Name of Allah" or "I recite in the
Nam e of Allah."76
Concerning this example, people suppress (the complete sentence),
w hich is "My initiation (of an action) is in the Name of Allah" or "I
initiate (an action) in the Name of Allah." The former is better because the
whole action is the object of "In the Name of Allah," not just the onset of
it. This is as w ith the apparent pronoun in His statements: "Read! In the
Name of your Lord who created," [al-'Alaq 96:1] and "...In the N am e of
A llah (will be) its moving and its anchoring..." [Hud 11:41]. This also
occurs in the statement of the Prophet, the blessing and peace of Allah be
upo n him: "Whoever had slaughtered before the prayer, let him slaughter
another in its place, and whoever has not slaughtered, let him slaughter in
the Name of Allah."77 Also related to this topic is the statem ent of the
Prophet, the blessing and peace of Allah be upon him, to his stepson,
'U m ar ibn Abi Salamah, in an authentic hadith: "Pronounce the Name of
Allah (sammi-llah), eat with your right hand, and eat from what is nearest
7 6 In this section, Ibn Taymiyyah is clarifying that even apparent phrases such
as b i-s m i-lld h , which are legislated in the Quran and Sunnah, are actually
com plete sentences by way o f reconstruction (ta q d ir ). His reasons for
mentioning this are probably to cut o ff counter arguments that incomplete
sentences, and therefore single nouns, are allowable as a form o f remembrance.
For the translation o f ta q d ir as "reconstruction," see Gully (1995:18).
77Bukhari. Tdayn 5, 10, 17, 23, daba’ih 17, adahi 1, 4, 8, 11, 12; Muslim, adahi
1-4, 10, 11; Nasa’f, ‘idayn 8, 30, dahSya 4, 17, Ibn Majah, adahi 12; Ahmad,
111:113, 117, 364, 385.
356
to you."78 The intention here is to say "In the Name of Allah," it is not
merely to m ention a single noun. Likewise, there is a statement from him,
the blessing and peace of Allah be upon him, to 'A di ibn H atim in an
authentic hadith: "When you send your hunting dog, mention the Name
of Allah, an d then eat."79 Also, there is a statement from him, the blessing
and peace of Allah be upon him: "When a m an enters his house and
mentions the Name of Allah upon entering, upon leaving, an d upon
eating, Satan says: 'There is no overnight stay w ith you n o r any
dinner.'”80 There are many examples of this.
Likewise, the legislated means for mentioning Allah, the Exalted,
for the Muslims in their prayer, their call to prayer, their pilgrimage, and
their celebrations is only by way of a complete sentence. For example, the
saying of the caller to prayer is "Allah is the Greatest, Allah is the Greatest,
I testify that there is no deity except Allah, and I testify that M uhammad is
the Messenger of Allah." The sayings of those who pray are: "Allah is the
Greatest; Glory be to my Lord, the Supreme; Glory be to my Lord, the Most
High; Allah hears those who praise Him; My salutations are for Allah."
The saying of a Pilgrim81 is "Here I am at Your service, O Allah, here I am
at Your service." Again, there are many examples of this. Thus all of the
sayings of remembrance that Allah has legislated are in the form of
78Bukhari, at'imah 2; Muslim, ashribah 107-109; Abu Dawud, at'imah 19;

Tirmi&i, ai‘imah 2, 47; Ibn Majah, at'imah 8; Darimi, at'imah 1, 8, 15; Muwatta’,
sifat al-nabi 32.
79Bukhari. wudu’ 33, buyu' 3, daba’ih 2, 3, 7-10, tawhid 13; Muslim, sayd 1-3;
Abu Dawud, adahi 22; Tirmi&i, sayd 1, 6; Nasa’i, sayd 1-3, 5- 8, 18, 20, 21,
dahayS 19; Ibn Majah, sayd 3; Ahmad, 1:231.
80Muslim, ashribah 103; Abu Dawud, at'imah 15; Ibn Majah, du'a’ 19; Ahmad,
111:346, 383.
81The term used is a l-m u la b b t, however, Edition 3 has a l-n a b i.
357
complete sentences, not single nouns, whether explicit or pronoun. This is
what is called a (meaningful) statement (kalimah) according to the Arabic
language as in his saying: "There are two statements (kalimatani) light on
the tongue, heavy on the scale (of judgem ent) and beloved to the
Infinitely-Merciful: ['Glory and praise be to Allah' and 'Glory be to Allah,
the Supreme'"].82 There is also his saying: "The most preferred statement
spoken by a poet is the statement of Labid: 'Is not everything other than
Allah false.’"83 Also the verses of Allah, the Exalted, are part of this topic:
...Dreadful is the w ord (kalimah) that comes out of their mouths... [al-
Kahf 18:5]
Perfected is the w ord (kalimah) of your Lord in truth and justice... [al-
An'am 6:115]
There are m any examples of the use of the term "word" (kalimah) in
the Quran, the Sunnah, and the rest of the speech of the Arabs, however,
the only thing m eant by it is a complete sentence.84 Similarly, the term
"letter" (harf) used to be used for a noun, for it is said: "This is a strange
word {harf gharib)," that is, the expression of the noun is strange.
82This insertion, which com pletes the full hadith as mentioned above p.324
n66, is from Editions 3, 4, and 5.
83B ukhan. raqaq 29.
84In this statement, and in the next two paragraphs, Ibn Taymiyyah is
presenting, in a very summarized manner, the general conclusions o f the Arab
grammarians concerning the definition o f a complete sentence and the
technical terms for the parts o f a sentence. The discussion revolves around the
terms "ju m la h ," "kalimah" and "harf." "Jum lah,” in the meaning o f sentence,
first appears as a technical term in the works o f al-Mubarrad (d. 285/898)
(Versteegh, 1993:102). In the works o f the grammarians o f the second/eighth
and early third/ninth centuries, "kalim ah" is used for "sentence" and "word,"
while "harf' is used for "word" and "letter." Versteegh (1993:103-104)
stresses that Sibawayh attempted to establish the distinction between
"kalimah" as sentence and "harf' as particle. For a more detailed discussion of
these terms, see Fischer (1989:135-145).
358
Sibawayh divided the sentence into nouns, verbs and particles (harf)
which convey a meaning, not being a noun or verb.85 He named each of
these divisions a part of speech (harf), b u t the particularity of the third is
that it is a particle "which conveys a meaning, not being a noun or verb."
He (also) named the letters of the alphabet with the name "harf," which
are names, and the expression of these letters include these names as well
as others. This is similar to w hat the Prophet, the blessing and peace of
A llah be upo n him, said: "Whoever reads the Q uran w ith proper
pronunciation (a'rabahu) will have ten good deeds for each letter (harf). But
I am not saying that Alif, Lam, Mim is one harf, rather, A lifis a harf, Lam is a
harf, and M im is a harf."*6 Also, al-K h alil [ibn Ahmad]87 asked his
companions about the pronunciation of the letter (harf) "zay” in the word
"Zayd." They said "zay," b u t he said, "You gave me the name, however,
the letter is ’z."'
Thus the grammarians are agreed that this expression referred to in
language as a harf is also called a "word" (kalimah), and that the term
"particle" (harf) is specifically used for a term "which conveys a meaning,
not being a noun or verb," such as prepositions. As for the terms for the
letters of the alphabet, sometimes they are designated as the sound of that
particular letter (harf) and sometimes as the name of that letter. As this
technical usage became preponderant, it is easily imaginable that people
85This is from the opening sentence in Sibawayh (1881:v.l, p .l) The definition
o f particle reads: h arfun jd ' li-m a ‘nan laysa bi-ism wa Id fi'l. The translation o f
this definition in Carter (1981:15 n l.2 5 ) is "a bit which comes for a meaning."
Gully (1995:116-118) uses the same translation. Fischer (1989:137) translates
this as "das sprachliche Element, 'das Bedeutung hat, das aber weder Nomen
noch Verbum ist....'"
8 5 Darimi, fada’il al-quran 1.
8 7 This insertion is from Edition 3.
359
became accustomed to this (being the standard usage) in the language of
the Arabs. Some people have made the linguistic expression "word"
(kalimah) into a collective term (mushtarak) referring to either a noun or a
sentence (jumlah). But the only known use of the term kalimah in the pure
language is as a complete sentence (jumlah tammah).
The intention here is that the legislated means for the remembrance
of Allah is the remembrance of Him by way of a complete sentence, which
is called (meaningful) speech (kalam) the unit of which is a sentence
(kalimah). This kalimah is that which benefits hearts and by which reward
and recompense, nearness to Allah,88 cognizance of Him, love for Him,
and apprehension of Him are obtained. These are some of the exalted goals
and lofty intentions obtained through this kalimah. But restricting
remembrance to a single noun, whether explicit or pronoun, has no basis,
particularly as being the form of remembrance of the elite and the gnostics
(al-khassah zua-l-'arifin). Rather, this is a means tow ard various forms of
innovations and types of error, and it is an expedient toward concepts of
corrupt states w hich are the states of the heretics (ahl al-ilhad) and of the
monists (ahl al-ittihad), as has been explained in another place.
T he Sum m ation of Correct W orship
8A T h is a n a ly s is of th e lan g u ag e of w o rsh ip co m p letes Ibn

T aym iyyah's d isc u ssio n of th e erro rs related to h is th ird type of
8 8 Edition 3 has taj&ib al-qul&b ild-lldh instead o f al-qu rb ild-lldh.
360
/ a n d ’. He is now p rep ared to re s ta te h is belief th a t th e whole of th e
religion is b ased on two p rin cip les: th a t a M uslim m u s t w orship
only God a n d th a t h e m u s t w o rsh ip Him only by w h at He legislated,
n o t b y w h a t Ibn Taym iyyah refers to as innovations. T his is th e
reality of w orshiping God. A n y th in g th a t b reach es or com prom ises
th is reality, he co n ten d s, c a n only lead to error, d elu sio n a n d
disbelief. Even som ething a s seem ingly in n o cen t a s th e form a n d
m a n n e r of supplication h a s p ro fo u n d im plications for Ibn Taym iyyah
b ec au se he insists th a t Islam h a s to be tak en in w h a t h e considers
its en tirety , or th e re is no re a l Islam . D raw ing n e a r to God is
possible only through stric t ad h eren ce to His Law in all its aspects,
w h ic h w ere revealed in th e ir fin al form to th e P ro p h et. Ibn
Taym iyyah em phasizes th is p o in t by rep eatin g the m an y v erses h e
u s e d a s proofs to su p p o rt h is claim concerning th e b asic principles
of th e religion. H is fin al s ta te m e n ts a re a s u m m a ry of th e
ch a ra c te ristic s of a believer w ho w orships God in th e m a n n e r h e
considers as the only tru e way.
8B The entire religion is based on two principles: that nothing is

worshipped except Allah and that He is not worshipped89 except according
to w hat He legislated, He is not worshipped according to innovations. The
Exalted One says:
...Thus whoever hopes on the meeting with his Lord, let him do
righteous deeds and not associate anyone in worshiping his Lord, [al-
Kahf 18:110]
89Editions 3, 4, and 5 have an Id na'budu illd-lldh wa an Id na'buduhu illd...,

whereas Editions 1 and 2 expresses this with the passive y u 'b a d u .
361
This is the essential truth of the two testim onies of faith: the
testim ony that there is no deity except A llah and the testimony th a t
M uham m ad is the Messenger of Allah. The first one confirms that we
worship only Him, and the second one confirms that Muhammad is His
Messenger, the bearer of news from Him. Thus it is incumbent on us to
affirm his message and to obey his command, for he has explained to us
the way in which we worship Allah and has prohibited us from inventing
matters, informing us that they are errors. Allah, the Exalted, says:
No! But whoever submits himself fully to A llah while doing good
has his rew ard w ith his Lord; there shall be no fear upon them and
they shall not grieve. [al-Baqarah 2:112]
Similarly, we have been ordered to fear only Allah, to rely only on

Him, to direct our wishes toward only Him, to seek help from only Him,
and to have our worship for only Him. Likewise, we have been ordered to
follow the Messenger, to obey him, and to imitate him, for the allowable is
w hat he m ade allowable, the forbidden is w hat he forbade, and the religion
is what he legislated. Allah, the Exalted, says:
But if they had only been pleased with w hat Allah and His Messenger
gave th em and had said: Allah suffices for us; Allah and H is
Messenger will give us from His bounty; we are surely directing our
wishes toward Allah. [al-Tawbah 9:59]
Thus He m ade the dispersing of goods a right of Allah and His Messenger
just as Allah, the Exalted, says:
...whatever the Messenger gives you, take it; and from whatever he
prohibits you, avoid it... [al-Haghr 59:7]
362
And He made reliance on A llah a right of Allah alone by His statement:
"and had they said: Allah suffices for us," for He did not say "and His
Messenger." He also says:90
(The believers are) those to whom people said: M en are surely

gathering against you, so fear them. But this increased them in faith
and they said: Allah suffices for us, and how perfect a protector He is.
[A1 'Im ran 3:173]
A verse similar to this is:
O Prophet! Allah suffices for you and for any believers who follow
you. [al-Anfal 8:64]91
That is, He suffices for you and He suffices for the believers just as the
Exalted One says:
Is not Allah sufficient for His worshiper... [al-Zumar 39:36]
...Allah and His Messenger will give us from His bounty... [al-Tawbah
9:59]
Thus He m ade the dispersing of goods a right of Allah and His

Messenger, but He gave precedence to mentioning bounty because bounty
is in Allah's hand and He gives it to whomever He wills, for Allah is the
Possessor of great bounty. H is bounty is over His Messenger and over the
believers as He says: "...we are surely directing our wishes tow ard Allah."
Thus He made w ishing to be directed toward Allah alone just as in His
verse:
And so when you are relieved, still toil; and to your Lord direct your
wishes. [al-Inshirah 94:7-8]
90 Edition 3 inserts f t wasfi-l-sah& bah radiya-ll&hu ‘an-hum.

91 This verse is discussed above in Chapter 5, section 5.
363
The Prophet, the blessing and peace of Allah be upon him, said to
Ibn 'Abbas: "When you ask, ask of Allah, and when you seek help, seek it
from Allah."92 The Q uran indicates this point, and it is mentioned in
other places. Thus He made worshiping, fearing, and pious acts (taqwa) for
Allah, and He made obedience and love for Allah and His Messenger. This
is similar to what Noah said:
That you worship Allah and act piously toward Him, and that you
obey me. [Nuh 71:3]
As for whoever obeys Allah and His Messenger, and fears Allah and
acts piously toward Him, these are the successful. [al-Nur 24:52]
There are many examples of this. Thus the messengers ordered the
worshiping of Him alone, the directing of wishes to Him, reliance on Him,
but obedience [to Him]93 and themselves. Satan then led the Christians
and others like them astray, for they associated partners w ith Allah and
disobeyed the messengers. Thus they took their priests and monks, and the
Messiah, the son of Mary, as rivals besides Allah. They began directing
their wishes to them , relying on them, and asking of them while
disobeying their commands and opposing their customs ([sunnatihim).
Allah has guided the believers, the sincere worshipers of Allah, the
people of the straight path, those who know the truth and follow it. Thus
they are not the ones who have earned His w rath nor the ones who are
astray. They have purified their religion for Allah, subm itted themselves
fully to Him, and turned repentantly to their Lord. They love Allah, hope
in Him, fear Him, ask of Him, direct their wishes tow ard Him, entrust
92Tirm idi, qiyamah 59; Ahmad, 1:293, 303, 307.

9 3 This insertion is from Edition 3.
364
their affairs to Him, and rely on Him. They obey His messengers, support
them, respect them, love them, ally themselves to them, and follow them.
They adhere to their teachings and are guided by their light.
This is the religion of Islam with w hich Allah has sent the former
and latter messengers. It is the only religion which Allah will accept from
anyone and it is the true worship of the Lord of the Worlds.
Thus we ask Allah, the Majestic, to make us and all our brother
Muslims firm in Islam, to perfect it for us, and to let us die in it. All praise
is for Allah, the Lord of the Worlds. May His blessing and peace be upon
our master, M uhammad, the seal of the prophets, and upon his family
and companions.
365
Conclusion
A l-'U budiyyah. Jt-l-Isldm is Ibn Taym iyyah's call to M uslim s to

c o rre c t th e ir rela tio n sh ip w ith G od by en te rin g in to a p u re an d
sin c ere s ta te of w orship. B elieving th a t w o rsh ip is th e only tru e
con cern of h u m a n beings. Ib n Taym iyyah ta k e s th e re a d e r th ro u g h
various stages of faith, from th e initial concept of ta w h id to th e final
experience of to ta l su b m issio n . B etw een th e e n tra n c e in to Islam by
w ay of the testim ony th a t th e re is no deity o th e r th a n God an d the
perfection of w o rsh ip b y co nform ing one's w ill co m p letely to th e
will of God, Ibn T aym iyyah a c ts as a sp iritu a l g u id e th ro u g h th e
m a n y theological m is c o n c e p tio n s a n d p sy ch o lo g ical d ec ep tio n s
w hich he sees a s obstacles o n th e p a th for th e se ek er of th e tru th .
His own road m ap for th is jo u rn e y is th e Q u ra n a n d th e S u n n a h of
P ro p h e t M u h am m ad . A nd h is m e a n s for re a d in g th is ro ad m ap
correctly lies solely in th e m ap legend w ritten b y th e S a h a b a h and
th e TabVQn. Strictly following th e w ay of a l-sa la f a l-sa lih is th e only
m e a n s of salv atio n for Ib n T aym iyyah. His life lo n g ta s k w as to
ex p la in th is w ay of w o rsh ip a n d defend i t a g a in s t th o se he
considered m isguided, a n d th u s th e m isleading re p re se n ta tiv e s of
divergent p o in ts of view. F o r th e tim e in w hich h e lived, th is m ean t
d istin g u ish in g s a la ji beliefs a n d p ractices from th o s e of m ystical
S ufis, speculative theologians, a n d philosophers. A t th e sam e tim e,
how ever, he engaged th e s c h o la rs of th e s e re sp e c tiv e g ro u p s,
speaking to th em in th eir ow n language of discourse.
366
It is e ssen tial to u n d ersta n d th is a s p e c t of Ibn Taymiyyah, for
trying to in te rp re t his w ritings w ith o u t s ta rtin g from th e basis of a
theology o f w o rsh ip will leave th e re s e a rc h e r w ith only a p a rtia l
view of h is legacy. This partial view c a n th e n tu rn o u t to be negative
o r positive. T h u s over th e centuries Ibn T aym iyyah h a s been called
in sa n e a n d a rebel, h e h a s been ignored a n d glorified, an d he h a s
b ee n view ed a s a political activist a n d social reform er. D epending
o n w here o n e ste p s into th e w orld of Ib n T aym iyyah, an y of th e
above views c a n be ju stified if one ta k e s only a n arro w view of th e
m a n a n d h is w orks. T hus even L aoust's extensive research es on Ibn
Taym iyyah, w ith o u t negating th eir trem e n d o u s value, are prejudiced
b y h is e m p h asis on social an d political doctrines. Hence, it has been
one of m y goals in th is dissertatio n to sh ift th e focus of attention to
Ib n T a y m iy y a h ’s w ritin g s on w o rs h ip , w h ic h is fo r him th e
in d iv id u a l's o n ly m e a n s to a p p ro a c h G od. F ro m th is p o in t,
ex p an d in g o u t d ia m o n d -sh ap ed , flow all of h is w ritings on various
to p ic s. H is view s on th e fam ily, so c ie ty , th e econom y, a n d
g o v ern m e n t all ste m from the id ea t h a t p io u s w o rsh ip ers m u s t
m ake up th e core of th ese in stitutions.
P erh ap s h is notion of the revival of th e um m ah b ased on a core
of tru e b eliev ers is too idealistic, th u s ac co u n tin g in p a r t for th e
n ea rly fo u r c e n tu rie s of neglect Ibn T aym iyyah's w ritings suffered
u n til th e y w ere revived by th e e ig h te e n th c e n tu ry "reform er"
M u h am m ad ib n ‘Abd al-W ahhab. However, on th e sam e note, Ibn
T aym iyyah’s "idealism " rem ain s a v ital in sp ira tio n to su b se q u e n t
gen eratio n s of M uslim th in k ers an d reform ers, su c h a s M uham m ad
367
‘A bduh an d R ashid Rida. In th is light, m a n y sc h o lars are a p t to a s k
the q u estio n , "Has Ibn Taymiyyah b een a su c c e s s or failu re in his
efforts to reform h is co-religionists?" Again, th e answ er d ep e n d s on
a h o st of a ssu m p tio n s regarding th e crite ria u s e d to ju d g e h im . If
we are looking for large scale social m ovem ents inspired b y him or
sovereign sta te s founded on h is teachings, th e n we can s a y th a t he
failed in h is efforts. B u t if we consider th a t a lm o st 700 y e a rs after
his d e a th people a re still d iscu ssin g a n d d e b a tin g his w orks, a n d
th a t M uslim s still tu r n to h is teach in g s for p erso n a l in sig h t an d
guidance, th e n we c a n say th a t his surviving legacy is a su ccess. It is
th u s m y hope th a t th is d issertatio n c o n trib u te s to e stab lish in g a
bro ad er an d m ore ac cu rate u n d erstan d in g of Ibn Taymiyyah.
368
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384
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INFORM ATION TO USERS

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A d issertatio n su b m itte d in p artial fulfillm ent

of th e req u irem en ts for the degree of

D epartm ent of M iddle E astern S tu d ies

UMI Microform 9831751

This microform edition is protected against unauthorized

It is w ell-know n by th o se who have reach ed this sta g e of their

I w as firs t in tro d u ced to the w o rk s of Ibn Taym iyyah in 1984,

D edication .................................................................................................... iii

C h ap ter 1: A B iographical Sketch o f Ibn Taymiyyah .................... 13

C h ap ter 2: S o u rces an d M ethodology ........................................... 55

C h ap ter 3: Theology ...............................................................................109

C h ap ter 6: The T ran slatio n of a l-‘U budiyyah (Part 2 of 4) 253

A d issertatio n su b m itte d in p artial fulfillment of th e

Adviser: Prof. Alfred Ivry

Taql-l-D Ih Ahmad ib n Taym iyyah (d. 728/1328) w as a H anbali

Taqi-l-D in A hm ad ib n T aym iyyah (6 6 1 /1 2 6 3 -7 2 8 /1 3 2 8 ) is

2Laoust (E s s a i , 1939:160) uses the term "organic" to describe Ibn Taymiyyah's

th r o u g h o u t the dissertation, k a ld m w ill be translated as "speculative

6I derive this description o f Ibn Taymiyyah as a "dogmatic historian" from

8Throughout this dissertation, I shall use the concept "orthodox" in reference

T ech n ica l D eta ils

T ra n sla tio n s: U nless otherw ise no ted , all tr a n s la tio n s from

T ransliteration: The tra n slite ratio n system is a s follows:

D ates: T he Islam ic an d C h ristian ca len d a r d ates will be given

The p u rp o se of th is c h a p te r is to sk etch som e of th e historical

A bu-l-‘A bbas T aql-l-D in A h m ad ib n Taym iyyah w as b o m in

and the introductions to two published books o f Majd al-Din (1369/1950:11-

P a rt B: Review of Ibn Taym iyyah's Conflicts an d Trials

In th is section, I sh a ll explore som e of th e issu e s re la te d to

formation, structure and transformation in the Ayyubid and Mamluk periods,"

18The institutionalization o f the m a i d h i b in Damascus in the three centuries

RasCLl, which he wrote in response to this incident. Ibn Katir (1 4 0 7 /1 9 8 7 :v .I3 ,

23Laoust ( E s s a i, 1939:115) states that Ibn Taymiyyah's opponents fabricated

25According to Irwin (1986:100), the Mameluke army was caught o ff guard by

39According to Murad (1968:90), the S h dfi ' i sheikh Ibn al-Zamlakam

41 In the brutal struggles between various Mameluke emirs, as each attempted

50Ibn Taymiyyah's good treatment by al-Nasir Muhammad was most likely in

5 A lth ou gh his contemporaries accepted the validity o f the oath o f divorce,

53 Sayf al-Din Tankiz al-Husami was the powerful, almost semi-independent,

P art C: A Personal Profile of Ibn Taymiyyah

T he p u rp o se of th is sectio n is to give th e read er a b ro a d e r

57Descriptions o f the events surrounding Ibn Taymiyyah's funeral are given by

5 8Laoust's Essai sur les Doctrines sociales et politique de Taki-d-Din Ahmad

Macdonald, and Goldziher, as the leading scholars o f the H a n b a lis . Of these

61 This point has been made by Murad (1968:85-86). Concerning Ibn

6 2 Based on Ibn Taymiyyah's own writings, it is clear that he considered

6 6 Hodgson (1974:385-395) uses the term "Hadith folk" as a direct translation

6 8 According to Ibn Katir (1407/1987:v.l4, p.81), Ibn Taymiyyah's mother, Sitt

69 Many o f the descriptions o f Ibn Taymiyyah's lifestyle are reported by al-

7 2 r am summarizing these points based on the observations o f Little

The p u rp o se of th is c h a p te r is to identify th e m ajor so u rc e s

2Curtis (1989:18 and 259 n l l l ) identifies a "salafi movement" that

4This is Ibn Taymiyyah’s guiding principle in reference to all aspects o f the

P art A: The Q u ran

F o r Ib n T aym iyyah, in ac c o rd a n c e w ith th e u n a n im o u s