Absenteeism and Beyond:: P R W P 4376
Absenteeism and Beyond:: P R W P 4376
Absenteeism and Beyond:: P R W P 4376
Helen Abadzi
Abstract
Studies have shown that learning outcomes are related Pernambuco, 71 percent in Morocco, and 78 percent in
to the amount of time students engage in learning tasks. Tunisia.
However, visits to schools have revealed that students Instructional time use is a mediator variable that is
are often taught for only a fraction of the intended time, challenging to measure, so it often escapes scrutiny.
particularly in lower-income countries. Losses are due Research suggests that merely financing the ingredients of
to informal school closures, teacher absenteeism, delays, instruction is not enough to produce learning outcomes;
early departures, and sub-optimal use of time in the students must also get sufficient time to process the
classroom. A study was undertaken to develop an efficient information. The quantity-quality tradeoff that often
methodology for measuring instructional time loss. Thus, accompanies large-scale enrollments may be partly due to
instructional time use was measured in sampled schools instructional time restrictions. Time wastage also distorts
in Tunisia, Morocco, Ghana, and the Brazilian state of budgetary outlays and teacher salary rates. To achieve the
Pernambuco. The percentage of time that students were Millennium Development Goals students must get more
engaged in learning vis-à-vis government expectations of the time that governments, donors, and parents pay
was approximately 39 percent in Ghana, 63 percent in for.
This paper—a product of the Sector, Thematic, and Global Evaluation Division (IEGSG), Independent Evaluation
Group (IEG)—is part of a larger effort in the department to develop innovative indicators and improve the assessment of
learning outcomes in the Bank's education lending portfolio. Policy Research Working Papers are also posted on the Web
at http://econ.worldbank.org. The author may be contacted at [email protected].
The Policy Research Working Paper Series disseminates the findings of work in progress to encourage the exchange of ideas about development
issues. An objective of the series is to get the findings out quickly, even if the presentations are less than fully polished. The papers carry the
names of the authors and should be cited accordingly. The findings, interpretations, and conclusions expressed in this paper are entirely those
of the authors. They do not necessarily represent the views of the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development/World Bank and
its affiliated organizations, or those of the Executive Directors of the World Bank or the governments they represent.
Contents
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS......................................................................................................III
REFERENCES......................................................................................................................73
ii
Tables
Table 2-1. Instructional Hours in African Countries Using “Split-Shift” Schooling .................................................. 9
Table 2-2. Provider Absenteeism Rates by Country and Sector...........................................................................12
Table 2-3. Classroom Activities during an IEG Mission Visit in Brazil (2002).......................................................14
Table 3-1. Instructional Time Use in the Four Countries of the Study...................................................................23
Table 3-2. Solutions adopted by Tunisian and Moroccan principals during teacher absence...............................26
Table 3-3. Percentage of Time Spent in Instructional Tasks................................................................................27
Table 3-4. Average percentages of Time Use in 4th Grade (common for all countries) .......................................30
Table 3-5. Homework Efforts Reported by Students and Parents ........................................................................30
Figures
Figure 1. Expected and Actual Number of Days Students were Engaged in Learning ......................................... vii
Figure 1-1. Instructional Time Loss Model ............................................................................................................. 2
Figure 2-1. Instructional Time Indicators in Basic Education of Some Middle Eastern Countries......................... 6
Figure 2-2. Argentine students carrying textbooks from the library during class time ............................................ 8
Figure 2-3. Not all absenteeism is illegal; teachers may show up but not teach when expected.........................11
Figure 2-4. Call for a strike of indefinite duration in Argentina ..............................................................................12
Figure 3-1. Percentage of time lost at the country level ........................................................................................22
Figure 3-2. Expected and registered number of hours taught in Pernambuco......................................................25
Figure 3-3. Interactive teaching: brief lecture, practice, discussion......................................................................28
Figure 3-4. Whom were teachers addressing in class? ........................................................................................29
Figure 3-5, Use of Instructional Materials by Country ...........................................................................................29
Figure 4-1. Classroom instruction as a black box mediating input and outcome variables ...................................33
Figure 4-2 Student groups engaged and supervised (Indonesia) .........................................................................38
Figure 4-3. Groups unsupervised, engagement uncertain (Brazil)........................................................................38
Figure 4-4: Indonesia: “Benefit from work time as much as possible”..................................................................41
Figure 4-5. How many students seem off task in this caricature?.........................................................................42
ANNEXES
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
The author would like to acknowledge the contribution and kind collaboration of colleagues
in agencies and countries where the research took place: Fatima Merrichko, Souad
Abdelwahed, and the late Moncef Mahersi (Centre National d’Innovation Pédagogique et de
Recherches en Education-CNIPRE, Tunisia); Mohammad Sassi, Said Boudega, and El-
Mokhtar El-Hadri (Ministry of Education, Morocco); James O. Afrani, Edward Dogbey,
Dorothy Konadu (Ministry of Education, Ghana); Secretary Mozart Neves Ramos, Teresa
Notario, Maria Maciel, Arnildo Ananias de Oliveira (Coordenação da Secretaria Executiva
de Desenvolvimento da Educação and the Gerência de Avaliação, State of Pernambuco,
Brazil).
Thanks are also due to the staff of UNESCO-International Bureau of Education: Massimo
Amadio, Aaron Benavot, and the late director Cecilia Braslavsky; to World Bank staff Paul
Gertler, Robin Horn, Halsey Rogers, Michel Welmond, Linda English, Andrea Guedes, Deon
Filmer, Yuri Obara, Benoit Millot, and Dandan Chen; to academics Jane Stallings, David
Markham, Stephanie Knight, and Eugene Schaffer, as well as research assistants Kenny
Khoo and Aashti Zaidi.
Finally the author thanks the Government of the Netherlands for the grant that made this
study possible.
v
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
To fulfill the millennium development goals and attain universal primary school completion by
2015, the donor community has made intense efforts to increase the education budgets of low-
income countries so that they can pay for buildings, salaries and materials to provide quality
education. The attainment of the Education for All goal depends on the ability of countries to
translate financing into time and opportunities for students to learn.
However, the delivery of basic educational services to the poor often falls far short of
expectations. Curricular objectives must be covered within specific numbers of hours or days.
But in low-income areas worldwide, from Brazil to Niger, only a fraction of the intended
instructional time is used for learning tasks. Schools may close informally before or after
holidays, start late in the day or end early. When teachers are present, they may be engaged in
activities other than teaching. One outcome of limited instruction is an inability to read fluently
(if at all) until the later primary grades. Lacking parental support, poorer students tend to fall
behind early and repeat grades or drop out illiterate.
To assess the magnitude of the problem and find methods to measure it, a team of World Bank
staff obtained grant funds from the government of the Netherlands. First the existing research
was reviewed, that highlighted the following issues:
y Worldwide, governments define the number of days or hours that schools should teach
specific material, usually 850-1,000 instructional hours or 180-220 days per school year,
aside from breaks and extracurricular activities. (In poor countries, however,
overcrowded classes may be split into two, with resulting 40% loss in instructional time
and reduced learning outcomes.) Instructional time surveys are few in lower-income
countries and may have measured just one aspect of time loss. For example, schools were
found to be open 70% of the official time in Mali and 114 days of the official 200 days in
Honduras, while a Dominican study reported an overall time use of 65%;
y Teacher absenteeism has figured prominently as the culprit in the wastage of education
investments. Surveys have shown figures ranging from 11% in Peru, 21% in Indonesia,
27% in Uganda, 30% in Kenya. Overall, 20-25% of school staff may be absent on any
given school day, with higher rates in rural schools.
vi
The absenteeism findings have received much attention and have led to calls for increased
teacher accountability and incentives to improve attendance. But absenteeism is only one of
the reasons for limited instruction. School closings and poor instructional time use inside the
class are important ones as well. Wastage in small amounts constitutes significant loss of
time in the long run. For this reason, an instructional time loss model was developed from
research evidence, and some parameters were estimated.
Intended class time as allotted by a government (e.g., 200 days, about 1000 teaching hours)
Remaining after school closures (strikes, weather, inservice training, extra
holidays, weather)
Remaining after teacher absenteeism and tardiness
How much of the theoretically available school time is in fact used to engage students in learning
activities?
The study studied instructional time loss in four countries: Ghana, Morocco, Tunisia, and the
Brazilian state of Pernambuco. A methodology was developed in 2003, and data were collected
in 2004-2005 through surprise school visits, classroom observations, and surveys. Instructional
time losses varied by country. In Tunisia, the country with the most efficient use of time, students
were engaged in learning 79% of the available time. In Ghana, however, students were engaged
in learning only 39% of the time, and in Pernambuco 63% of the time.1 Morocco had indicators
somewhat lower than those of Tunisia (using 71% of time for learning), but school closures may
have been underreported. Translated into number of days effectively available for learning, losses
are palpable. For example, only 76.3 days were devoted to learning tasks of the 197 officially
available to Ghanaian students, while for Tunisian students 148.1 of the 190 days officially
available were devoted to learning tasks. In effect, Tunisian students get twice as much of the
intended classroom time as Ghanaian students.
Within each country, time use among schools showed substantial variability. Most of them used
the time rather well, but a minority had substantial losses and skewed the averages. Across
countries, teacher delays and absences (legitimate or otherwise) resulted in losses of 11.5 to 43
days during the school year. Classes lost were rarely recuperated. The number of days schools
were closed for various reasons during the school year was reported as low, from 1.4 day in
Morocco to 4.8 days in Pernambuco. However, no details were asked about the timing and
reasons for closures or about partial cancellations of classes, so these figures may be
underestimates. For example, in Morocco schools may cancel classes for several days so that
students can study for final exams.
1. In the summary and abstract percentage of time loss figures have been rounded for brevity.
vii
The most significant block of time lost tended to be inside the classroom. Ghanaian teachers
spent 70% of the time engaging students in learning, while Tunisian teachers spent 87% of the
time. The non-instructional time (some of which is necessary) was taken up with organization or
management activities that included giving instructions, textbook distributions, socialization, or
the teacher being out of the room. It ranged from 13% in Tunisia to 28% in Ghana.
Figure 1. Expected and Actual Number of Days Students were Engaged in Learning
250
109
100
76
50
0
Pernam buco (Brazil) Ghana Morocco Tunis ia
Days in school year Days af ter Closures No. days schools operated Days students engaged in learning
Engagement rates of 70-80% in class may seem substantial, but the activities observed might not
result in optimal learning. Lecturing made up much of the interactive learning time, which if
prolonged can result in limited student attention and subsequent recall. Instructional materials
could focus attention and help students retain specific items, but they were infrequently used.
Students were taught mainly through blackboard and notebooks, with manipulables and
audiovisual equipment used only about 3% of the time. Textbooks were used from 23% of the
time in Pernambuco to 7% of the time in Ghana, where few exist. The average class size was
modest (from 25 students in Pernambuco to 31 in Morocco) and could allow for interactions with
individual students. However, teachers in all countries addressed the entire classroom 70-90% of
the time, so some students had limited opportunities to get feedback and reinforcement for
learning. Furthermore, less than 5% of the time was spent in group activities in any country.
Overall, students mainly listened to subject matter through “chalk and talk” presentations; they
had few opportunities to contemplate it through activities that would result in better recall.
Possibly due to poorly organized learning activities, 19% students in Ghana and 21% in
Pernambuco were found to be “off task”, that is uninvolved with class activities. By comparison,
only about 10% of Tunisian students and 9% of Moroccan students were uninvolved during
class. Disengagement from learning activities (student off-task rate) has been linked to
achievement outcomes in US research. Therefore, Tunisia and Morocco offered not only more
class time in learning tasks, they also engaged a higher percentage of students in learning than
Pernambuco and Ghana. Arguably the former countries teach students more efficiently than the
latter.
viii
Test scores available for schools in Pernambuco showed significant relationships between
achievement and various time indicators. Socioeconomic data, available in Pernambuco and
Morocco, also suggested relationships with instructional time measures. Particularly in Morocco,
poverty rate and rural school locations were positively correlated with school closures, interactive
and passive instruction, time spent in management, and off task behaviors. In general, interactive
learning time was negatively correlated with urban poverty. Though these findings are
preliminary and do not establish causality, they are in accordance with earlier research suggesting
that the schools of the poor offer less instructional time to their students.
This study was implemented in only three countries and one state. It did not have a large sample
of very low-income countries where textbook scarcity forces children to spend most of their time
copying from the blackboard. Nevertheless, it has shown that under some circumstances the time
and opportunity to learn are very limited. This phenomenon may account to some extent for the
disappointing learning outcomes that the poor children show worldwide. Making better use of
instructional time is key to achieving Education for All.
Thus, time is a mediator variable that has escaped scrutiny and measurement thus far. It is not
enough to provide the ingredients of instruction and assume that they will be used in class.
Students must get sufficient time to master the instructional objectives intended in specific
subjects. Furthermore, inputs like teaching aids must be employed within the timeframe
available to students, or they may not promote student learning. Other sources of systemic
inefficiency exist, such as dropout, repetition, and high staffing costs. But these may be causes or
effects of time wastage. If so, the time devoted to learning the material prescribed by the
curriculum may be at the crux of educational “quality”. The quantity-quality tradeoff that is
often mentioned in relationship to rapid expansion of education in low-income countries may be
mitigated if measures are taken to give students the instructional time they need, even as class
sizes increase.
Equally important, instructional time loss has budgetary implications. A class hour in a
particular school corresponds to a slice of a country’s recurrent expenditure budget. In some
countries only a small fraction of government and donor resources may be converted into
learning activities. To ensure that government and donor investments have the expected impact,
policy dialogue must focus on the processes needed to supervise and improve time use at all
levels. Research on instructional time in low-income countries is very limited, but the scope is
large. Issues with policy implications include:
y Monetarizing the losses and consequences of time loss, and adjusting economic
indicators on this basis;
y Collecting data on the policies and practices that result in school closures, such as late
teacher assignments, payment policies, class cancellations for impromptu training,
cultural events, and lengthy exam preparation; developing effective action plans to
minimize them in each country.
y Making principals explicitly accountable for keeping schools open and monitoring
teachers’ presence and classroom instructional time; establishing accountability with
district staff who interface with them to monitor time use at the local and central levels;
y Ensuring that all students in all grades have textbooks that they can take home and use for
homework and that are available during class to facilitate time use; informing
ix
governments about the time use problems that arise when just a few textbooks are
available for classes.
y Negotiating with and informing the teacher unions about the consequences of time loss
on the poor, publicizing local-level linkages between time use and academic
performance, exerting social pressure against political influence that enables non-
performing teachers to continue drawing salaries.
y Specifically training teachers to use time well, particularly through dissemination of
effective classroom management practices that can keep students occupied all the time;
training principals and supervisors to recognize the major components of instructional
time use with brief observations and to use this system in their work.
y Publicizing the cost of time loss at the local level and making communities aware of how
well children’s time is used. In particular sensitizing lower-income parents to the signs
that show whether their school teaches efficiently and to the simple means they can use to
ascertain whether their children learn basic skills (e.g., oral reading fluency).
y If feasible, structuring development policy lending disbursements against significant
improvements in instructional time use.
Instructional time parameters as monitoring indicators. The instructional time parameters are
useful for monitoring institutional performance and accountability. Well- managed schools
should stay open the number of days that governments specify, have few teachers absent, and
ensure that students of absent teachers are engaged in learning. Visitors should find school
registries with numbers of days and hours per subject matter approximating those specified by
the government. Reduced teacher absenteeism should constitute evidence of effective school-
based management. Finally, time on task in class should constitute evidence of effective
supervision by principals, inspectors, or supervisors. Additional work is needed to develop
modular surveys that accurately and inexpensively estimate instructional time loss. The benefit
may be worth the cost and effort. Measurements obtained in this study suggest that an overall
80% use of time could be used as a standard to attain for lower-income countries.
The effects of time use must be tested more extensively vis-à-vis learning outcomes. Much
needs to be learned about the effects of time use on the delivery of curricula, on test scores and
on reading fluency acquisition in the all-important early grades. Memory issues, such the rate
and efficiency of consolidating new information need to be studied in relationship to the amount
and distribution of learning time, in order to identify the activities that maximize long-term recall.
The future of the Education for All initiative may depend on how seriously governments and
donors take instructional time wastage. Hopefully this research is only the beginning.
1
A World Bank evaluation mission visits a school in rural Bangladesh. The school is closed
when the mission arrives and opens an hour behind schedule. The principal explains that
because of the rain, students could not walk out of their houses earlier. But only about 25%
of the registered students finally arrive, and the classrooms clearly have no seating space for
all those who are registered. It is because of the rain that students are absent, teachers say.
Just yesterday, most of them were there. Probably tomorrow they will all be there again.
areas may offer students just a fraction of the time governments and donors put at their
disposal. The time wastage constitutes failure to deliver a basic service to the poor. 2
A striking symptom of this failure in some countries is students’ inability to read fluently (if
at all) until the later primary grades. 3 Lacking parental support, poorer students tend to fall
behind early and repeat grades or drop out illiterate. In middle-income countries like Brazil,
poor time use means that some students are surrounded by piles of books that they cannot
read. Performance is often worse in multilingual countries that must teach in official
languages, particularly languages with complex spelling systems like English, French, and
Portuguese; there is simply not enough time to teach the basics.
When and how is time lost? International studies have mainly focused on teacher
absenteeism (Chapter 2). But absenteeism constitutes only one source of loss in the delivery
of basic educational services. Students’ opportunity to receive information and to process it
is reduced in multiple stages. Sometimes the loss happens in large blocks, due to strikes or
late teacher assignments. But time is frequently lost in small increments; a day here, an hour
there. It is lost minute by minute when teachers fail to start work promptly in class, distribute
textbooks, or leave the room to chat with others (Figure 1.1). Kids are often happy to have
extra vacations or to get off school early, so no one may complain. However, they are the
ones who ultimately lose the most; they may sacrifice current earnings to spend years
nominally attending school and lose future earnings as well as social status if they lack the
skills needed for the labor market.
Intended class time as allotted by a government (e.g., 200 days, 1000 teaching hours)
Remaining after school closures (strikes, weather, inservice training, extra
holidays, weather)
Remaining after teacher absenteeism and tardiness
The wastage of instructional time should be an important concern for those who finance
education. Governments, donors, and parents pay for educational inputs, buildings, salaries,
teacher training, textbooks, and materials in order to provide quality education. The
financing is expected to translate into time and opportunities for students to learn, and it is
commonly expected that 100% of the investments will be used for student learning. Thus, a
class hour in a particular school corresponds to a budgetary fraction given the amount of time
schools officially operate (for about 4-5 hours in about 200 days – see Chapter 2). The
degree of budgetary wastage resulting from time loss has probably not yet been calculated.
Time wastage is rarely measured through all the stages in which it is lost, yet such measures
are feasible. Unlike many educational measures, time is a well-understood concept that also
has equal units and an absolute zero. It also offers the possibility of international
comparisons. A variety of methods have been used to assess instructional time, and many
studies have focused on specific stages of time loss. Measuring the multiple steps of time
loss can be a complex undertaking. Documenting large blocks of time loss (such as strikes)
may be easy, but measuring smaller amounts of time requires more intricate methodology.
The opportunity to assess an integrated model of time loss arose with a grant from the Bank-
Netherlands Partnership Program for Global and Regional Initiatives (BNPP). 4 Research
undertaken during this grant attempted to answer the following questions:
a) How much of the classroom time do students spend engaged in learning compared
to the theoretically available time?
b) What is the relationship between the various measures of time use and academic
achievement?
c) What policy options will improve use of time at central government and at local
levels? And what costs and savings might be associated with better time use?
d) How can the amount of time spent on learning be measured in ways that are
simple and easy to administer, reliable, comparable across countries and
monitorable across time?
Rationale for IEG involvement. IEG had raised the issue of instructional time use
repeatedly during Project Performance Assessment Reviews (PPARs) in many countries,
but there was no easily usable methodology to permit a holistic measurement of time
loss. The BNPP grant made it possible to develop it and study its feasibility. So the study
took place in countries where PPARs had been conducted (Tunisia in 1998 and Morocco
in 2001), as well as Ghana, which had been the focus of a 2004 impact evaluation. To
pilot the use of instructional time data as a baseline for later project evaluation, the
Brazilian state of Pernambuco was included in the study. An education project had been
prepared and was about to become effective as the study started. In Pernambuco,
supervisors were trained after data collection on techniques that would help increase
instructional time in class. The effects on learning outcomes would be studied at project
completion, around 2010.
Subsequent chapters provide the research background, results, and methodological challenges
involved in the measurement of instructional time loss. A follow-on, more detailed study,
also financed by the Government of the Netherlands, was under implementation as this
document was being prepared.
4. A team of staff members (Helen Abadzi-IEG, Robert Prouty-HDNED, and Benoit Millot-SASHD)
received a grant of US$227,500, that became effective on July 23 2003 and was completed on June 30
2005, after an extension of one year. The staff volunteered their time for this project and could only travel
in connection to grant activities during trips undertaken for other purposes.
4
The instructional time concept (sometimes called “opportunity to learn”) spurred a wave of
research in the 1970s and 1980s in the U.S. Researchers 10 attempted to quantify and
compare learning time in various instructional settings, and to measure loss due to
disrupting factors (e.g., inadequate educational policies, poorly organized or delivered
class lessons). Time loss was documented through classroom observation instruments (e.g.
those of Stallings, Virgilio, and others). Concerns about using time well entered pre-service
and in-service training during the 1980s, under mottos such as “Keep students occupied all of
the time!” Classroom management techniques have been developed to help teachers control
the class and use time well.
How is time spent in school? Primary school curricula can be classified into six subject
areas: language, mathematics, natural science, social sciences, aesthetic education and
physical education. These subject areas receive between 80% and 90% of overall
instructional time during the first six years of schooling. On average, one-third of all
instructional time in primary schools is devoted to language instruction; of this, about 25% of
time is for national/official languages and 8% to foreign languages (local languages are
infrequently taught). About 20% of instructional time is devoted to math. The mean
instructional time devoted to the arts, sciences, physical education and the ‘social
sciences’ (history and geography) is usually 10% for each subject area. Some systems
may also include religious/moral education, hygiene/health education, vocational education/
practical skills.11 In secondary education, the trends are similar. At the global level,
instructional time is devoted to languages (30%), math, science, and computer technology
(about 30%), and social sciences (about 13%). The remaining time is devoted to arts,
physical education, vocational skills, and religious/moral education. In addition to academic
subjects, middle-income countries and private schools may occupy students during lunch and
offer extracurricular activities. For example, US elementary schools may only spend 65-70%
of the day in teaching academic subjects.12 (These extracurricular hours were taken not taken
into account in this study.)
How much instructional time are schools expected to offer students? Students ought to go to
school for the amount of time necessary to master instructional objectives in each grade.
Education ministries define the number of days or hours that schools should function and
teach specific material (Figure 2-1). Guidelines are typically found in the weekly timetables
of various countries and in policy documents regarding the length of the school year, the
school day and the class period. The 2005 UNESCO EFA Global Monitoring Report
recommends 850 to 1,000 hours annually (aside from breaks and lunch periods), and the
Education for All Indicative Framework expects at least 850 (or about 200 days at 5 days per
week). 13 Several East Asian countries provide more than 1,000 instructional hours of
teaching (documentation provided by the UNESCO International Bureau of Education).
In terms of days, the length of the school year varies. In the early grades of primary
education (grades 1-4), median instructional hours tend to be higher in the education systems
of Sub-Saharan Africa, Latin America and the Caribbean, and Western Europe and North
America. They tend to be lower in Central Europe and the former Soviet Union and, to a less
extent, in East Asia and the Pacific and the Arab States. 14 In Pakistan and Nepal, the
primary school year lasts for 180 days, rising to 190 days in Zambia, 200 days in
Bangladesh, and 220 days in India. In terms of actual rather than instructional hours, the
global mean may range from 705 hours in grade 1 to about 830 hours in grade 6. 15
11. These curricular structures have remained remarkably stable between 1920 and 1985, but the proportion
of instructional time devoted to ‘modern’ subjects such as mathematics, natural sciences and foreign
languages has increased and the teaching of history, geography and civics as separate subjects has been
reduced in favor of the more interdisciplinary ‘social studies’ (Benavot and Amadio 2004, Benavot 2006)
12. Perie et al. 1997; Roth et al 2003
13. UNESCO 2005; an instructional hour lasts 40-50 minutes or sometimes less (as in Ghana, where it lasts
30 minutes). Some data suggest 750 hours mandated each year in primary-school classrooms (Amadio
1998; UNESCO-IBE 2000). during the first 2 years of primary education countries mandate on average
710-740 hours of instructional time per year. Intended instructional time increases in each subsequent grade
level and reaches approximately 900 annual hours in grade 8. This pattern translates into an average
supplement of about 25 annual instruction hours per grade level, although these increases are not linear.
There are significant jumps during grades 3-5, and then again between grades 6 and 7, when the transition
between primary and lower secondary education typically occurs.
14. Benavot and Amadio 2004.
15.Benavot 2002
6
How efficiently can instructional time realistically be utilized? Curricular objectives are
prescribed for coverage within specific timeframes, so the implication is that students
should be engaged in learning 100% of the time. In addition, homework would
supplement classroom time. In reality, it is impossible to use 100% in instruction;
children and teachers will interact socially some of the time. Losses are limited in
industrialized countries because they have reasonably effective administrative
mechanisms to regulate school time and monitor teacher compliance. In these countries,
the school year is implemented as planned, substitute teachers are called for absent
teachers, and parents are attentive to students’ progress. Thus, the school-level sources of
time loss are near zero, and the challenge is to maximize time on task. For this reason,
instructional studies in the US focus on how classroom time is used. Measures have varied
broadly, with studies in the 1970s and 1980s showing on-task time from 38% to 96% of
available time.16 Time use has progressively increased. A longitudinal study of eight
elementary schools in Chicago, for example, found that 85% of the daily allocated time was
dedicated to instruction.17 It may be difficult to exceed this efficiency rate, and this may be
one reason why U.S. educators have lost interest in this concept since the 1990s.
Outside the industrialized countries, however, concerns have grown that curricula cannot
possibly be covered in the amount of time students spend engaged in learning at school or
even with private tutoring at home. Sources of ‘leakages’ may be multiple, and voluntary or
imposed. Financial, cultural, and political events18 reduce schooling time in ways that are
rarely seen in industrialized countries. How much deviation from the 100% standard would
still enable curricular objectives to be reasonably well achieved in various countries? No
research has been found on this topic.
16. Smyth 1985; Anderson, Ryan and Shapiro 1989; Fisher et al. (1978) estimated that academic learning
time in the US amounted to about two-thirds of total engaged time.
17. Smith 2000. Other studies of the 1990s are local and may not be published in peer-reviewed journals.
18. Millot, 1994, Millot and Lane 2002.
7
Though statistics may not be directly comparable, systematic surveys as well as ethnographic
studies have shown surprising losses and highlight the issue of service quality to the poor.
Some examples are:
Senegal. A study undertaken by the inspectors of the Académie de Diourbel found a teacher
absenteeism rate of about 30%, with strikes initiated by both students and teachers. 19 In the
final secondary grade and before the final examinations, almost five weeks of class time were
lost between October and March. With a teacher absenteeism rate of 32%, the deficit
amounted to 112 hours or about 14 weeks. In the philosophy course only 4 of the 23
chapters were covered, in physics 7 of the 17 chapters, and in chemistry 7 of the 11
chapters were covered.
Bangladesh. A 2003 ethnographic study of time use in eight low-income schools found
that schools operated 19% to 55% fewer days than scheduled in the school calendar. The
losses had multiple sources. One month of contact time with students at the beginning
and at the end of the school year were sacrificed to administrative and non-teaching
activities. Rural schools seldom opened at the expected time. They allowed travel time
for non-resident teachers and gave a 1.5-hour break to students attending Koranic school,
but did not stay open later. Inside the classroom, time was not used well, either. Teaching
occupied on average 63% of the class time in the classes observed. (Lecturing occupied
about 83% of that time.) Students also showed high absenteeism; only 43 to 67% of
them were in attendance on the days of surprise visits. Teachers estimated that only about
50% of the children were very regular in their attendance. The study found that the
problems were more prominent in isolated areas. However, schools were more likely to
comply with schedules if they received regular visits by authorities. 20
Mexico. A study from the 1970s showed that a typical teacher used about 50% of the
scheduled school week on actual instruction. The rest of the time was lost to absences,
leaving early, administrative interruptions, and classroom disturbances. 22
In all countries, the school calendar consists of class days and scheduled holidays.
Inevitably, some days will be lost due to unforeseen reasons, such as weather. In higher-
income countries, schools are prepared for such events; for example, school districts in
the U.S. may build into the school year four days due to snow buildup and extend the
school year if snow lasts longer. Aside from using substitute teachers when needed,
provisions are made to keep students occupied during periods of in-service training that is
conducted during school hours. In lower-income countries, however, money for
substitute teachers is rarely available, and school operation may be overridden at the local
level. As a result, schools may operate fewer days than expected. Reasons include long
matriculation periods, in-service teacher training, climatic conditions, and infrastructure
in poor condition (e.g., severely leaking roofs or damaged walls that may make some
classrooms unusable). In Mali, for instance, schools were found to function 70% of the
official time. 23 In Honduras, schools were open 114 days of the official 200 in 2001. 24
Surveys in Nepal suggest that schools operate on average for three hours per day, a fact
that halves the teaching time available from over 1,000 hours to just 540 hours. 25 In
Burkina Faso, a minimum of 16% of the official allocated time was lost due to breaks and
exam periods. 26
Multigrade teaching in low-income countries may also result in reduced instructional time.33
In multigrade classes that are common in small rural schools, students are in school but get
only a fraction of the teacher’s time; if classes have no textbooks or students cannot read
them, they cannot use their time productively when the teacher works with another group.
Strategies to cover more students with fewer teachers or classrooms risk reducing the
quantity and quality of instructional time available for pupils.
How does class size relate to instructional efficiency? The relationship between class size
and student performance is complex.34 Combined with meager school resources large classes
adversely affect teacher recruitment, especially to posts in rural areas and create a vicious
circle.35 But even without splitting shifts, lowering mean class size has substantial costs and
is not necessarily the most efficient strategy for increasing achievement. For example, an
early study conducted in Malaysia revealed that lowering class size would raise student
achievement by 1% but would cost US$50 per student.36 In a study of primary schools in
Israel it was found that increasing instruction hours and reducing class size had significant
effects on students' achievements. It seemed more cost effective to increase use of available
instructional time than to decrease class size.37
TEACHER ABSENTEEISM
Teacher absenteeism has been documented extensively.38 Higher absence rates are predicted
by factors at the community level (remoteness, parents’ education level), teacher level
(teacher’s professional or age-related seniority), and management level (physical
As Table 2-2 summarizes, absenteeism in primary schools ranges from 11% in Peru to 27%
in Uganda. Losses can be large. For example, a study of schools in one region of Kenya
found that teachers were absent from school 30% of the time.39 An unpublished study
conducted in a sample of secondary schools in Senegal reported that teachers were absent
approximately 30% of the time.40 An observational study of 120 schools in rural Ghana,
reported that, on average, teachers attend schools four days a week, implying that 5.5
instructional hours are lost each week. On the day that researchers visited schools, almost
one-fifth (19.4%) of the teachers were absent.41 A recent survey of absenteeism in Indonesia
found that out of those reported to be full-time teachers 21% were absent from school; 27%
out of those who were not absent at the time of the interview were out of their class and only
53% of them were engaged in teaching activity.42
Figure 2-3. Not all absenteeism is illegal; teachers may show up but not teach
when expected
Training and maternity leave Teacher off task
Why are teachers absent? Prominent stated reasons include teacher participation in
educational workshops, in-service training sometimes lasting for several weeks,50 personal
problems, traveling to administrative centers for salary compensation, and casual leave.51
Pregnancy and housework may affect female teachers.52 Illness in general and HIV/AIDS in
particular have become major causes of absenteeism in certain countries.53 Some research
links poor physical school conditions to absenteeism.54 Another aspect of absenteeism is
refusal to take up postings in desirable locations. For example, in Ghana, a significant
number of newly trained teachers every year refuse posting to rural schools, and many of
those who accept eventually will ask for a transfer to urban schools or quit teaching.55 In
some countries teacher appointments are given as political favors, and appointees may not be
expected to teach.
However, the stated causes for teacher absenteeism often make the fact that the institutional
environment does not really require teachers’ constant presence.56 At the root are limited
authority by schools, lack of interest in enforcing sanctions, and the lack of parental
involvement.57 Absenteeism is often lower among female teachers, among teachers born
in the district where the school is located, and among teachers of children whose parents
are more literate. 58 However, few studies have explicitly explored the linkages between
accountability and absenteeism. Longitudinal research is needed to establish cause-effect
relationships and ferret out the conditions and mechanisms that inhibit or promote teacher
absenteeism.
Teacher tardiness. Data on this issue are limited. For example, a survey of Ghanaian primary
schools reported that in addition to the 20% of teachers who were absent from school on the
day of the survey, another 29% were late in arriving at school.61 The report concluded that as
a result of teacher absenteeism and tardiness, actual pupil-teacher interaction time was
estimated to be only 70% of available instructional time. Reasons for tardiness are unclear
and need to be better understood.
But the relationship between teacher absenteeism and student performance is not always
clear. Some studies find either a weak effect or no effect between teacher absence and student
attendance and test scores.66 A study of primary schools in Pakistan found a 10%
absenteeism rate but no correlation between teacher absence and achievement levels.67
Another study in the Northwest Frontier Province of Pakistan68 found that higher rates of
teacher absenteeism increase student promotion rates for a given level of test scores but
reduce student continuation rates. The explanation is that assessments of pupils’ progress by
absent teachers are less accurate, but students may not know enough material to continue,
even if promoted. However, many studies rely on self-reports and are descriptive. The effect
of teacher absenteeism on student achievement needs to be clarified with studies that have
robust experimental designs.
Ideally, students should be engaged in learning during the entire time they are class, but this
is often not the case. School-based surveys of teacher activity carried out by PROBE (Public
Report on Basic Education69 ) researchers in four Indian states found that in only 53% of the
schools visited by the research staff were teachers actually teaching in their classrooms. The
survey found that in 21% of the surveyed schools teachers were just “minding the class”; in
18% of the schools they were talking with other teachers; in 11% they were sitting/standing
outside the room; in 7% they were in the head-teacher’s room; and in 23% of the schools
teachers were observed in other non-teaching activities. Similarly, an evaluation by the
Independent Evaluation Group (IEG) of the World Bank in Brazil found fewer instructional
activities carried out during school visits in lower-income states (Table 2-3). About 92% of
the activities in the higher-income state of Goias focused on basic skills acquisition in
comparison to only 35% activities in Ceará.
Table 2-3. Classroom Activities during an IEG Mission Visit in Brazil (2002)
State Ceará Rio Grande de Norte Alagoas Goias São Paulo
Copying 6 6 2 8 (2 secondary)
40% 33% 22% 17%
Text production 1 3 3 4 2
7% 17% 33% 28% 4%
Reading lesson in class 2 1 1 1
13% 6% 11% 2%
No activity 1 5 (2 waiting for bell) 1 8
7% 28% 11% 17% (some teachers
absent)
Teacher busy with 2-3 students 1 1 4
only 7% 11% 8%
Teacher teaching whole class 2 1 6 10
13% 11% 43% 22%
Group practice 1 2 3 4
7% 11% 21% 8%
Art and Play 1(scheduled activity) 1 (play with letters) 1 (play with letters) 1 (drawing) 8 (during subject
7% 6% 11% 7% matter)
17%
No. classes 15 18 9 14 45
No schools 8 6 7 5 8
Apparently instructional
34% 45% 48% 92% 40%
activities (some suboptimal)
Source: OED 2002
The scarcity of school resources, such as textbooks, and the presence of unqualified
teachers (especially in rural schools) often result in reductions in classroom time. 70 A
comparison of classroom instructional time in three Latin American countries found that
Brazilian students spent significantly more time copying instructions than Chileans and
Cubans. Few Brazilian schools used prepared activities, instead requiring students to
copy math problems from the board before beginning work; test scores tended to reflect
these differences. 71 In the Gambia and Burkina Faso, a large amount of time was lost
writing lessons and problems on the board, because students lacked access to textbooks.72
However, students must know how to read and understand the textbooks in order to learn. A
study on a Kenyan program where an NGO provided textbooks to all pupils found
improved used instructional time in classrooms, but test scores did not improve. 73
Other things being equal, time on task distinguishes between students who learn a lot
about a subject and students whose learning gains are modest. Some teachers are willing
to spend more time with students, and differences across classrooms may be striking,
particularly for children with low initial reading scores. For example, in OECD countries,
some first-grade teachers spent as little as 43 minutes on language arts while others
devoted over 104 minutes per day. Extrapolating to an academic year, some children
received as much as 180 more hours of instruction in language arts compared to other
children. 74 Similar results were seen in a Peruvian study, where some low-income
schools taught much more reading than others. 75 Clearly, engaging students as much as
possible on learning tasks is a hallmark of teacher quality. And engaging students in
activities that are more conducive to subsequent recall and to the formation of linkages
among pieces of information is another important feature of quality.
U.S. research in the 1980s found that corrective and immediate feedback, attention to and
transfer of prior learning, and the teacher interaction with students were important factors
affecting achievement. 76 Specifically, the following relationships were found between
time use and classroom activities: 77
Time use in class is partly related to subject matter and need to pay attention. Yair
(2000) gave students in the US watches that beeped at random times, during which
students reported what they were doing. He found that the gap between allocated and
productive instructional time is significantly larger among minority students. Students
reported engagement in lessons only 55.4% of the time; 62% in grade 6, and 47% in
grade 12. Disengagement increased with age and absorption in other activities. Math
held their attention 63% of the time, reading 55%, lab work 74% of the time, group work
70%. Boys were engaged 21% more than girls and blacks were engaged 29% less.
Relevant and challenging materials held the attention more than boring materials.
Teacher-centered methods that demand greater 'pan-optical' control got less engagement.
Thus, research suggests that students may be more engaged in hierarchically oriented
courses (such as science) that demand prior knowledge than in courses where prior
knowledge is not needed. Thus, the preponderance of continuous lecturing that requires
little response from students may result in low rates of instructional time.
74. Kelly 2003. OECD is the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development.
75. Crouch et al. 2005
76. Quartarola 1984
77. Stallings 1980
16
Greek research suggests that the weaker students are off task more often than the better
students. The better students in a class were engaged in learning 76% of the time,
average students 73% of the time, and weaker students 57% of the time. Off task time
(absentmindedness, social interaction) amounted to 9.7 minutes for the better students,
10.8 minutes for the average students, and 17.4 minutes for the weaker students. 78 This
research suggests that the students who are more knowledgeable can construct knowledge
networks more efficiently.
Ideally students should not just be engaged in any learning activity, but should spend
their time in activities that teach the prescribed curriculum. However, the degree to
which this happens in lower-income countries is uncertain. Little systematic information
exists regarding the amount of time schools actually spent presenting new material and
progressing with the specified curriculum. Empirical information suggests considerable
deviation. For example, in Ghana, a large portion of rural schoolteachers did not follow
the prescribed weekly timetable. 79 This may happen because the teacher is not keeping a
good track of the time that should be spent in various topics throughout the year or does
not know certain topics well, such as math. Also teachers teaching multiple sections may
be confused and present topics that have already been covered.
Teachers in low-income areas often do not know how much time to devote to certain
topics or how to budget their time throughout the year. Teacher training and supervision
rarely focuses on the use of allocated time or on planning to ensure that curricula are
covered during the year. One means for doing so is giving teachers curricular calendars to
help them easily visualize where they should be and to prevent classes from falling
behind.
Students who learn the prescribed curriculum are most likely to score well in
achievement tests, so academic learning time may be a more useful predictor of learning
outcomes than mere engagement in learning activities. 80 However, measuring the time
spent teaching the relevant curricula may be most advantageous to middle-income
countries that already use time well in class and need feedback for fine-tuning. In lower-
income countries or areas, just increasing the instructional time devoted to the curricula
of any previous grade might improve learning outcomes.
Due to the issues discussed above, the schools of the poor may have less time for their
students. US studies have found socioeconomic differences in the amount of time
students spend learning to read, with classroom interruptions and disruptions a salient
problem in schools attended by pupils from low-income families. 81 One longitudinal
study found that high socioeconomic status students engaged in writing, reading and
academic discussion 5% more time per day than poorer students. 82 The study estimated
that students of low socioeconomic levels would need to attend school 1.5 months during
the summer break in order to attain an equivalent amount of engaged learning time.
Wastage adds up over the years and creates risks for poorer students.
Although research has been ex post facto rather than experimental, the relationship
between instructional time and student achievement has been consistently positive. 83 For
example, an extensive review of U.S. studies concluded that other things being equal, the
amount learned is generally proportional to the time spent in learning. 84 Variables
measuring curricular exposure are strong predictors of test scores 85 and correlations
between content exposure and learning are typically higher than correlations between
specific teacher behaviors and learning. 86 These positive relationships have been fairly
consistent in studies employing different analytical perspectives, measurement strategies
and units of analysis. 87 Two comprehensive reviews of research on learning effects
demonstrated the positive influence of time on learning and the increasing precision in
defining it: in an earlier review of 35 studies positive effects were found in 30 (86%) of
the cases; in a later review of more than 100 studies positive influences were seen in 88%
of the studies. 88 The association between time and learning was weakened only when
other classroom factors were controlled, such as student differences in aptitude and prior
knowledge, differences in the quality of classroom instruction and morale, or properties
related to pupils' socio-economic environments. 89
Research outside the U.S. has been sparse. More instructional time spent on general
science was associated with higher academic achievement in Iran, India and Thailand. 90
Increased pupil reading time had a positive effect on pupil achievement in Chile and
India. School-based instructional time was found to be especially significant for children
who got little school academic engagement after school hours. 91 Instructional time was
found to be one of three major areas (in addition to teacher quality and textbook
availability) in which consistent achievement effects were obtained. 92 In a review of 14
studies involving instructional time in developing countries, 12 studies showed a positive
relationship between instructional time and student achievement. Another study
examined the influence of a variety of active learning methods and found instructional
Reduced instructional time may be related to higher dropout rates. For example, in Egypt
girls attending multiple-shift schools with fewer instructional hours were five to six times
more likely to drop out before completing lower secondary education than girls attending
a single-shift school. 97
The association between instructional time and achievement lead some educators to argue
in favor additional hours and a longer school year. In higher-income countries, the length
of the year may not greatly affect performance (for example, Japan has 210 school days
and Taiwan only 180). But poor students with language delays may benefit from longer
instructional days when used well. Some countries (notably Uruguay) have “full-time”
schools that keep students for about eight hours and offer many enrichment activities.
Low-income students in Uruguayan full-time schools were 10% more likely to get
passing scores in grade 3 over those attending regular schools.99 However, the effect is
modest and suggests that merely increasing the time students are in school may have
limited effects 100 without an increase in the time students are actually engaged in
learning.
Overall, the instructional time received by students in the developing world is reduced
appreciably due to various conditions and forces. While some of these factors are
episodic in nature, others are structural with long-lasting effects. 101 Other factors come
to play besides stark time use, such as the elaboration of concepts by students and the
memorability of activities undertaken during the learning sessions. Nevertheless,
cognitive research would predict that students elaborating concepts for a longer period
would remember it better than students covering more concepts for shorter periods. Thus
findings underscore the importance of effective time use in lower-income classrooms,
especially through introducing more interactive instructional methods that enable
students to “contemplate”, analyze or synthesize the subject matter. It is important to
obtain detailed data about the incidence of all these factors and focus country dialogue
maximizing the use of effective time.
99. Cerdan-Infantes and Vermeersch 2007). Full-time schools in Uruguay cost 60% more than regular
schools and offer students extracurricular activities rather than extra instruction (OED 2005a).
100. Karweit 1985
101. Millot and Lane 2002
21
The countries that showed an interest in carrying out studies were Tunisia, Morocco, Ghana,
and the Brazilian state of Pernambuco. To build capacity, and test the feasibility of the
methods, the surveys were not administered by private companies or consultants. Instead,
Ministries of Education in each country agreed to train and use local government staff and
carry out interviews and observations on a representative sample of schools. The Tunisian
Centre National de l’Instruction et des Recherches Educatives (CNIPRE), and the Moroccan
Direction de l’Evaluation, de l’Organisation de la Vie Scolaire et des Formations
Interacadémiques extensively collaborated with the Bank (See Annex A for methodological
details).
Methodology. Efforts were made to develop a measurement method that would cost
relatively little, be administered fairly quickly, and capture time loss from multiple sources.
Studies on teacher absenteeism have relied on multiple visits to samples of schools. To keep
costs low and implementation simple, the study made a single unannounced visit to the
sampled schools and compared information on time loss parameters from multiple sources:
(a) Recall and self-reports by principals, teachers, students, and parents, (b) school-level
observations, and (c) classroom measurements of time use. Surveys were developed and
piloted to obtain self-reports and school-level observations. Classroom-level observations
were obtained through a quantitative instrument that registered the amount of time spent in
various common classroom activities. It also recorded the percentage of students who
appeared not to be paying attention to the instruction (off-task rate). This measure estimates
102. The team sought the advice of Jane Stallings (retired dean of education at Texas A&M and a pioneer
in instructional time measurement), Stephanie Knight, Eugene Schaffer (professors and Texas A&M and
the University of Maryland in Baltimore county respectively), David Markham (retired systems engineer),
the members of an International System for Teacher Observation (ISTOF), and the World Bank
Development Economics Department (DEC) that has carried out teacher absenteeism studies.
103. The Independent Evaluation Group conducts qualitative evaluations on a sample of completed projects
that are called Project Performance Assessment Reviews (PPARs). Initial plans included Guinée and
Cambodia. Staff from Cambodia received training in instructional time assessment for use at a later time.
22
Observed time loss was projected through the entire school year, taking school days and
holidays into account. Repeated observations in a random sub-sample of schools of
Pernambuco about 1.5 year after the first observation showed that overall time loss
parameters were stable. (See procedures and analysis details in Annex A.) Overall,
information from the different informants in schools was consistent, and time loss estimates
could be averaged during analysis.
Instructional time losses varied by country. In Tunisia, the country with the most efficient use
of time, students were engaged in learning 77.9% of the available time. In Ghana, however,
students were engaged in learning only 38.7% of the time, and in Pernambuco 63% of the
time (Table 3-11, Figure 3-1). Morocco had indicators somewhat lower than those of Tunisia
(71.1% use of time for learning), but school closures and teacher delays were apparently
underreported. Translated into number of days effectively available for learning, losses are
palpable. For example, only 76.3 days were devoted to learning tasks of the 197 officially
available to Ghanaian students, while for Tunisian students 148.1 of the 190 days officially
available were devoted to learning tasks. In effect, Tunisian students get twice as much of
the intended classroom time as Ghanaian students.
100%
87.4% 89.9%
90% 86.1%
77.9%
80% 71.1%
70% 63%
60% 55.1%
50%
38.7%
40%
30%
20%
10%
0%
Time loss varied among schools within countries. In Tunisia, Morocco, and Pernambuco,
most of the schools sampled seem to have experienced relatively few school closures, most
teachers seem to arrive at school on time, and they are rarely if ever absent or late. Reports of
early departures were rare. However a few schools reported high closures for various reasons
(climate, structural issues, or teacher strikes) and skewed the averages, while some teachers
104. This has been shown to be related to learning outcomes and has been sometimes used as a proxy
variable in studies (e.g. Stallings et al. 1979).
23
had inordinately high rates of absenteeism. For example, about 85% of Tunisian teachers
report few if any absences, but about 15% have missed much of the school year (reportedly
due to illnesses and pregnancies.) Data from Pernambuco showed different absence rates
according to the day of the week. There was 55% more absenteeism on Monday (4.79% of
teachers) than on Thursday (2.69% of teachers). Also afternoon and evening shifts showed
greater losses than the morning shift.
Table 3-1. Instructional Time Use in the Four Countries of the Study
Pernambuco Ghana Morocco Tunisia
(Brazil)
School Year (Days) 200 197 204 190
School Closures (Days) 4.79 3.17 1.38 5.15
How satisfactory are these results? Comparable indicators for this level of detail are
almost nonexistent. US indicators ranged from 39% to 96% in the 1980s and to 85% in
2003 (Chapter 2). However, they mainly measure time use in the classroom and are not
really comparable. As more data are collected in other countries, the range of the time
loss parameters will be understood better.
Teacher delays and absences (legitimate or otherwise) resulted in about 11.5-43 days lost
during the school year. The number of days schools were closed for various reasons
during the school year was reported as low, from 1.4 day in Morocco to 4.8 days in
Pernambuco. But no details were asked about the timing of closures or about partial
cancellations of classes, so the figures may be underestimates.
24
Teacher delays. It is not sufficient to show up at school, teachers must also teach. About
15.4% of Moroccan teachers were observed to delay entering their class by about 8
minutes. If this delay is consistent across classes, it constitutes 2.4% of the time broadly
lost or 4.91 days of the 204 in the Moroccan school calendar. In Pernambuco, observers
also found 12% of the teachers (5% in the 40-school sample) outside the classes during
class time (half were chatting). Tunisia and Ghana did not explore whether teachers were
inside classrooms.
Present but not teaching... The Moroccan enumerators observed that 15.4% of teachers
were late by 7.8 minutes in entering the class. If this delay is consistent across classes, it
constitutes 2.4% of the time broadly lost or 4.91 days of the 204. In Pernambuco,
observers of the Pernambuco survey found 12% of the teachers (5% in the 40-school
sample) outside the classes during class time (half were chatting). Other countries did not
ask this question, which has generated in other countries concerns about teaching
avoidance. However, a 2003 USAID study in Ghana found that on the day of school
visit, 25% of the teachers were present but not teaching. After missing school for about
20% of the time, 9% of the time left is lost to student abandonment. 105 The study
estimated 8.25 hours lost per week in the mainly rural and periurban communities of the
sample.
Assigned to a school but not teaching…. In several countries teachers may be assigned to
schools where they do not teach, often as a political favor (Chapter 2). This survey did
not ask the schools how many teachers were assigned to them vs. how many teachers
were actually expected to show up every day. However, the Superintendency of
Pernambuco found at the time of the survey large numbers of teachers with fewer
assigned hours of classes. There were also teachers who were on various types of leave,
others who had been seconded to schools of their liking, and some who had effectively
abandoned the public schools. For example, the district of Barrentos showed that 175 of
the 459 teachers (38%) missing, while Sertão de San Francisco had 40% of the teachers
missing. In addition some “substitutes” were found who had been illegally contracted by
teachers to teach in their stead. Principals were often cognizant of the problem and
assented. In addition to the salary wastage, training becomes impossible since it is
unclear who teaches in various schools. Teacher unions complain when actions are taken
against absent teachers, and conflicts are frequent.
In the 26% of the registries that were filled, the number of student hours that should be
taught was lower than expected, particularly in the Portuguese language classes where
more than half the times the amount of time students should have studied was missing; of
23.1 hours that teachers ought to be teaching in grades 1-6 in Pernambuco, they were
registered to teach only 17 hours. It was not possible to ascertain whether empty registry
entries signified failure to document or failure to teach. But some of these teachers may
have been scheduled for fewer hours of instruction, as found out by the Pernambuco
Superintendency office. This tendency is a pattern also found in other countries, such as
Indonesia. 106
35
30
25
20 Expected
15 Registered
10
5
0 Grade
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8
Ghana did not provide data on the use of class and school registers. However, the
USAID study in 2003 reported that 97-99% of the classes had registers and several were
using them effectively.
Roll call. In all classes, a significant amount (maybe up to 10 minutes) can be taken up by
calling the names of students to check presence. If this is done every day, then up to 8%
of class time (about 16 days per year) may be spent in this task.
When asked how often remediation takes place or what activities are done when teachers
are absent, responses are contradictory. Teachers in Pernambuco mentioned that in 80%
of the days there are substitute activities, but only 60% of the principals mentioned this
option. The principal or another teacher may take a class, but substitute teachers in
Pernambuco seem to be used only in about 17% of cases. Fewer than 50% of classes lost
are recuperated, and the number is uncertain.
In Tunisia findings were similar. Although principals stated that they usually have
substitute teachers (Table A-12), teachers stated that students generally go home (Table
A-13).
Teachers were asked for suggestions to decrease absenteeism and delays. They proposed
salary increases and government compliance with its own rules about absenteeism. For
example, Brazilian principals and teachers suggested that absenteeism would be reduced
through: (a) Salary increases (over 70% of teachers), (b) sanctions or punishment of
absent or late teachers, (c) assigning teachers to schools near their homes and (d) help for
new teachers. Principals thought that better communication with district offices (60%)
might help.
In Ghana, existing measures already include salary deduction of the hours absent, regular
and effective monitoring by head teachers and circuit supervisors, district disciplinary
committee in the enforcement of teachers’ code of conduct. However, these sanctions
tend not to be used in Ghana or elsewhere. The reasons in each country are unclear, but
the political power of teacher unions often ensures impunity for all but the most serious
violations.
Projected through the year, students missed relatively few days: from 3.35 days in
Tunisia to 9.81 in Ghana and reported being late from 5.46 days of classes in Brazil to
10.7 in Ghana. These percentages are roughly similar to those reported by teachers and
principals. In Ghana principals reported student attendance rates as 85% and teachers as
90%, while in Brazil, 98% of boys and 99% of girls were reported as attending regularly.
There is a tendency for student absences to follow teacher absences, and the lower
attendance in Ghana may be related to the high teacher absenteeism in that country.
Students missed classes mainly due to personal or parental illness, family obligations.
Reasons tend to be similar across countries, with the exception of Tunisia, where some
students refused to go to school if they had not completed their homework, and Ghana
where some students did not attend because they could not pay tuition.
27
In the countries where the research took place, gender was not an important determinant
of absenteeism, so responses usually did not differ by gender. The survey did not explore
whether students skipped classes and left early, as was often found to be in a 2004 study
of rural schools in Bangladesh (Chapter 2).
It would be desirable to estimate the amount of learning time available after accounting
for student absenteeism, but the latter is not a subset of teacher absenteeism. Students
may go to school and find teachers absent, or they may be absent on days that teachers
are present. Observations also suggest that two types of students exist: those who are up
to date with the classroom material and attend regularly and those who know too little to
keep up and attend sporadically. Without more detailed data, the amount of total learning
time given student given absenteeism could not be calculated.
HOW MUCH OF THE CLASSROOM TIME WAS USED FOR LEARNING ACTIVITIES?
The Stallings Classroom Snapshot, a well-known U.S. instrument, was adapted for
international use. The system helps record and classify activities as interactive
(instruction, discussion, questions), passive (copying and seatwork), and management
(various activities peripheral to instruction). It also records a rough percentage of
students who appear to be off-task (Table 3-3). Classrooms engaging students
interactively are more efficient and may be more likely to foster memory consolidation
than classrooms where students spend more time on non-instructional activities or are
off-task.
Observations showed that the most important block of time lost tended to be inside the
classroom. Ghanaian teachers spent 70.2% of the time engaging students in learning, while
Tunisian teachers spent 86.7% of the time. Overall the largest chunk of time is spent on
instruction, either lecturing or explanations. This ranged from nearly 33% in Brazil to 20%
in Ghana.
Teachers in all four countries addressed the entire classroom 70-90% of the time (Figure 3-
4). They mainly just talked and used the blackboard (“chalk and talk”), while students wrote
28
on notebooks. This activity delivers material efficiently from the teacher’s viewpoint, but if it
prolonged it can result in limited student attention and subsequent recall. (In fact, lecturing
can be considered active engagement for teachers and passive for students.) One might
expect limited interactions to happen mainly in large classes, but it happened everywhere.
Average class sizes were reasonable, (ranging from 25 students in Pernambuco to 31 in
Morocco), but class size was correlated only to a small extent with the likelihood of a teacher
addressing the entire class (r=0.13), with the likelihood of addressing a single student (r=-
0.12), and the tendency to lecture (r=-0.28). Predictably, the time allotted to discussion and
oral practice drill tended to be limited (Table 3-3), although students could be repeating in
unison during some of these activities.
Source: Barnette and Benavot 2005. Source: Barnette and Benavot 2005
Less effective learning delivered. Cognitive research suggests that students are more likely to
retain material that they have had the chance to contemplate and to encode in multiple
cognitive networks (visual, auditory, etc.).107 Though engagement rates seem high, the
activities observed overall gave few opportunities to contemplate the subject matter. It was
unknown whether appropriate teaching aids were available in the schools surveyed, but
manipulables (such as geometry tools) and audiovisual equipment were used only about 3%
of the time. Textbook use ranged from 23% of the time in Pernambuco to 7% of the time in
Ghana, where few textbooks exist. Little time was spent reading aloud in Pernambuco and
Ghana (6.7-8.7% of the time) but much more was spent in Morocco and Tunisia (about 15%
of the time), where koranic reading is also taught (Figure 3-5). In all four countries, less than
5% of the time was spent in group activities, that might help contemplate the concepts taught.
Figure 3-4. Whom were teachers addressing Figure 3-5, Use of Instructional Materials by
in class? Country
100 45
90 40
80 35
70 30
60 25
%
20
50
15
40
10
30
5
20
0
10
ng
ng
es
rs
d
l
s
ua
oo
0
ok
to
ni
oa
iv
hi
is
eb
Bo
la
at
ar
ot
kb
ov
cu
ul
Le
ot
N
Pernambuco Morocco Ghana Tunisia
ac
di
ip
N
al
Au
e
an
Bl
iv
M
rat
pe
oo
1 student small group everyone
C
Pernambuco Morocco Ghana Tunisia
108. A large-scale US study found that fifth graders spent most of their time (91.2%) working in whole-
group or individual-seatwork settings and only 7% of the time in small-group instruction (two to five
students). In the same grade, 37% of instruction was in literacy and 25% was in math, while in first and
third grades, more than 50% of instruction was in literacy and less than 10% was in math. Science and
social studies activities occurred in 11 and 13% of intervals in fifth grade, respectively. In the fifth grade
spent 17%of their time instructing students on managing materials or time (Pianta et al. 2007)
30
Table 3-4. Average percentages of Time Use in 4th Grade (common for all countries)
Parents may not always be aware that time in their children’s classrooms could be used
better. Most parents in Pernambuco (77%) do not complain about absences, and 87% of
them expressed satisfaction with students’ teaching and learning processes.
Homework increases instructional time, and all countries asked survey questions about it.
Parents, students, and teachers generally agreed about homework frequency and effort.
Teachers estimated that they gave 1 to 3 hours of homework, while most students
reported spending at least 1 hour or more on their homework (Table 3-6). Nevertheless,
in many areas individual students lack textbooks, and it is uncertain how much
homework can be done under these circumstances and what its value is. Therefore this
variable was not added in the instructional time model.
This study could obtain only preliminary evidence on the linkages between time loss and
student performance. Achievement test data were available only in Pernambuco
(Education Evaluation System of the State of Pemambuco-SAEPE). Due to various data
and computational issues, measurement precision was modest. Also, for logistics
reasons, multiple regressions were computed rather than hierarchical linear modeling, a
process that may bias some standard errors and effect sizes. 109 Nevertheless, low but
significant relationships were found between achievement and various time indicators.
After controlling for socioeconomic indicators, regressions showed that significant
amounts of test score variance were predicted by: (a) the number of days Brazilian
students missed, (b) the number of teachers absent on the day of the survey, (c) amount of
passive instruction (often related to lower test scores), and (d) management activities.
Approaching statistical significance (p<0.07) was the number of times a teacher left early
the previous month.
Area-level socioeconomic data were available only for Pernambuco and Morocco. In
both countries time parameters showed low but statistically significant relationships
between instructional time use and socioeconomic indicators, such as area life
expectancy, income level, and literacy rate. Particularly in Morocco, poverty rate and
rural school locations were positively correlated with school closures, interactive and
passive instruction, time spent in management, and off task behaviors. In general,
interactive learning time was negatively correlated with poverty and urban location.
Though this finding is preliminary, it is consistent with earlier research in the US which
showed that in poor areas students have less instructional time (Chapter 2).
The study mainly sought to develop a feasible methodology for measuring instructional
time use across countries. It was found that it is possible for governments to do so in a
reasonable time period, and with a reasonable cost. Three of the four countries were in
the middle-income range, but the Ghana Ministry of Education also successfully carried
out the survey and processed the data.
However, instructional time concepts are not widely known. Thus, the study faced
several methodological challenges that included lengthy implementation delays, an
insufficiently detailed assessment of school closures, and surveys modified by different
countries beyond comparability. One consequence of collaborating with Ministries of
Education rather than hiring consultants was that each country administered slightly
different versions of the questionnaires. Some government staff did not sufficiently
understand the purpose of various survey questions and the importance of obtaining clear
numerical answers that would help estimate the number of days lost. The data collected
by the study were treated statistically to extract similarities and equate to the extent
possible the time losses reported in each country in order to compare them. As a result of
these problems, the datasets included measurement error that reduced the potential
strength of relationships among various variables (Annex A).
This study was only the first phase of this research topic and it concentrated on assessing
the number instructional hours of schools. It did not deal with the amount of time and
number of breaks, lunchtime, or other issues involving the distribution of time in a school
day. Also it did not delve into issues of ‘classroom climate’ and emotional support, which
are important but not easily measured. Given the limited timeframe and choice of
countries it was not possible to get more achievement test score data. In future work,
efforts should be made to get national, international, or regional test scores for schools
(e.g. TIMSS, PIRLS, SACMEQ, PASEC).
Based on the results of this study, the instructional time instruments have been revised. It
is likely that greater measurement precision will show greater time loss, although
measuring ever smaller segments of time loss may reach a point of diminishing returns.
Nevertheless, the lessons learned thus far permit the development of some hypotheses
that can be tested in subsequent research. These are presented in the next chapter.
33
Figure 4-1. Classroom instruction as a black box mediating input and outcome variables
Project inputs Impact evidence
Buildings Enrollments
Textbooks Dropout
Salaries Repetition
Training Learning outcomes
School grants
Other inputs
Instructional time is the mediator variable that has escaped scrutiny and measurement
thus far. Learning outcomes should not be expected without sufficient teaching and
practice to master the instructional objectives of specific subjects. In very gross terms, if
schools use 39% of the available time, they may teach only 39% of the curricular objectives.
Since knowledge is cumulative, performance losses should exceed 39% over time. Curricula
worldwide are overloaded, so even modest time wastage may result in significant student
losses. To make up for absenteeism, teachers may just lecture in a hurry rather than and
analyze the content and use the teaching aids provided to schools, or they may omit parts
of the curricula. So, the average Ghanaian public-school students cannot master the
curricula just by going to school; they need private tutoring to pass exams.
The current study has shown that even in the better-off countries instructional time may
be wasted or used suboptimally. This loss may account for some puzzling performance
problems. For example, Argentina has made much investment on teacher training and
instructional materials, but no change is evident in test scores. 112 Yet the sophisticated
Argentine school system largely leaves curricular decisions up to the teachers, relies on
copying, uses time to distribute and collect textbooks several times a day, and thus spends
much expensive time in non-instructional “management” Giving students textbooks and
reducing these “passive” activities in favor of interactive time and feedback might
increase student achievement.
The more this topic is understood and discussed, the likelier it is that some measures can
be taken. Some options and considerations derived from the findings and from the
literature review (Chapter 2) are mentioned below. These would be hypotheses to test in
subsequent research.
Even as a methodological pilot, the study confirmed that under some circumstances the time
and opportunity to learn are very limited. Time is a mediator variable that has escaped
scrutiny and measurement thus far. It is not enough to provide the ingredients of instruction
and assume that they will be used in class. Students must get sufficient time to master the
instructional objectives intended in specific subjects. Furthermore, inputs like teaching aids
must be employed within the timeframe available to students, or they may not promote
student learning. The time devoted to learning the material prescribed by the curriculum may
be the crux of educational “quality”. The quantity-quality tradeoff that is often mentioned in
relationship to rapid expansion of education in low-income countries may be mitigated if
measures are taken to give students the instructional time they need, even as class sizes
increase.
The study did not include an economic analysis, but the findings suggest that instructional
time loss has significant economic implications. Government revenues pay for teachers’
salaries, buildings, teacher training, and materials, and it is expected that 100% of this
investment will be used for student learning. In fact, an hour of class in a particular
school is a budgetary fraction corresponding to the amount of time schools officially
operate (about 180 days, 4-5 hours per day at the primary level). It is possible to cost
time wastage down to the minute. Probably no schools use 100% of time well, but losses
of the magnitude shown in this study suggest that schooling costs more than it ought to or
achieves less for what it costs. Some of the implications are:
Time use should be estimated and taken into consideration before such decisions are
made.
Underestimated teacher salaries. If wages are calculated based on the number of hours
staff really work, teaching in some countries may really be a part-time job, whose
earnings are considerably higher than formally calculated. Low salaries may force some
teachers to work elsewhere and drive the more efficiently working people out of the
profession. But before efforts are made to increase salaries, it is important to show how
much teachers are paid for the work they do and the likely financial loss that will result if
their salaries are increased without improved instructional time.
Distorted rates of return. Rates of return are calculated with the implicit expectation that
students will be taught and will actually learn basic skills. Projections such as the amount
of marginal earnings of an additional year of schooling may be unrealistic if students are
served for only half the year or if students are illiterate and cannot benefit from the
instruction. In particular, assumptions about the pro-poor poverty alleviation effect of
education may be unrealistic, given that the schools of the poor make less effective use of
instructional time.
Hidden social inequity. Uneven time loss could also affect the benefit-incidence analyses
and Lorenz curves. Primary education is generally considered to be more pro-poor than
other levels of education, so it has more low-income schools. If, however, time is used
less well in the schools of the poor, the equity effect is reduced. More public investment
at that level will not mitigate poverty, unless it increases instruction.
Underestimated unit costs. When time is wasted, governments assume that students get
services that are not in fact provided, so unit costs per student would be distorted.
However, unit cost per successful graduate would more accurately reflect the real cost of
providing services to students.
ongoing registration, and school repair issues. In some countries (though not in the ones
included in the study) rural teachers must travel to nearby towns to get paid, closing the
schools. Local-level flexibility regarding the dates schools start and end is desirable but
may result in abuses, since monitoring becomes difficult. In countries where these issues
are a problem, policy discussions must focus on them and measures must be taken to
eliminate the root problems.
Wastage of instructional time to some extent may be “normal.” It may be due to the
makeup of the human reward system of the brain that is set up to function on a short-term
frame, and the rewards of the teaching profession for teachers are not immediate (if they
can be obtained at all). 114 Unless teachers actually enjoy interacting with children and are
reinforced by small improvements in day-to-day learning, a bit of daily time loss seems
inconsequential. Children usually prefer not to study, anyway. The stresses of large
classes, unresponsive students, and insufficient knowledge to deliver demanding
curricula may make teachers avoid the tasks that they consider tedious. The solitary
nature of the job makes it possible for teachers to get away with little work, particularly
when school management is ineffective and the parents are poor. 115
time. Efforts might be made to create wage incentives in poorer areas, though incentives
are difficult to manage, and their impact is uncertain. 118
Study participants also suggested enforcement of rules that already exist. However, many
governments are unwilling or unable to control teachers and unions. In some countries,
teachers, rather than parents of poor students, may be the governments’ clients. They are
a large electoral block that is capable of much mobilization, long strikes, and also
allegiance to favorable governments. Unions may thus be able to hold frequent and
prolonged strikes with impunity and with pay. Also, unions may secure important
concessions that include 1-2 days of personal leave per month and thus making
absenteeism legal. Medical leave may be abused by teachers, who may abandon classes
for months at a time despite a lack of substitute teachers. However, few countries dare to
fire non-compliant teachers or even hold them accountable. To deal with teachers’
interaction stress and the low pay that often comes with large numbers of employees,
teachers may be programmed for fewer hours than expected to teach by law (only 15-18
hours in many Indonesian schools and in the Middle East; Chapter 2). 119
Typically teachers have the obligation just to deliver the lessons, rather than ensure their
mastery, and mere delivery can be done in relatively little time. Nominally, school
administrators should be doing quality control. However, in areas such as Pernambuco,
principals stated that they were merely responsible for recording absenteeism, not for
doing something about it. If administrators do not show interest into how time is used
and do not urge teachers to use it well and follow up with them, teachers receive a clear
signal that attendance is left up to their conscience.
The lack of interest from superior to subaltern suggests a breakdown in the supervisory
chain from the central, state or municipal authorities down to schools. Governments
should take actions to strengthen this chain, providing training and feedback to teachers
and principals on use of time, and empowering communities to monitor teacher activities
(as has been the case in Honduras and El Salvador). 121 If superiors demand that time be
used better and that teachers be evaluated based on time use, their subalterns are more
likely to ensure that this happens. This means that governments must be convinced of the
need to take action at the district and local levels, and the public must understand this
issue better.
Making supervision effective. Often supervisors really are not sure what to look for. One
reason for limited or non-existing supervision is the vagueness of observation criteria and
the large amount of time that teacher observation often requires. The guidelines and
requirements needed to focus local authorities on how well students are taught can only
take up a few minutes. The composite variables of the classroom Snapshot (interactive
and passive instruction, organization, no instruction, and percentage of students off task)
constitute a supervision framework and can furthermore be observed within a few
minutes. Other techniques of 5-minute supervision also exist and may be easier to use
than lengthier procedures often legislated for public schools. 123 In addition, showing
interest in teachers’ timeliness and praising them when they come on time and use time
well may achieve a lot.
Figure 4-2 Student groups engaged and Figure 4-3. Groups unsupervised,
supervised (Indonesia) engagement uncertain (Brazil)
Source: author
Central governments aside, schools and local educational authorities have also paid little
attention to time loss and its costs. As the data from Pernambuco showed, many school
and class registers had scarcely been filled, a sign that local authorities may not search for
the evidence of instruction that registries could provide. One problem is that schools and
teachers often get little supervision from principals and supervisors, and that time use is
not a variable that is used frequently. Hopefully the data from this and other studies will
have some effect as findings are disseminated.
However, low-income parents often do not know how to recognize the features of
effective schools. It is possible to raise consciousness among parents improve local
governance by disseminating information on the visual hallmarks of effective schools:
teacher attendance, textbook provision, time use in interactive instruction. A potential
outcome measure to be used is that all students should become fluent readers by the end
of grade 2. 125 Parents and village elders (even those who are illiterate) can perceive and
monitor reading fluency, because it resembles human speech. Similarly, simple goals
may be established for math. These characteristics can be taught through videos that
contrast acceptable and unacceptable features in schools as well as examples of children
who can read fluently.
Good time use in many societies is not a priority, and this concept may be novel,
particularly for educators who have spent a lifetime moving at a certain pace and
watching their own teachers do so. Suitable and “memorable” training is needed to show
the effects of time loss at all levels of the educational chain and to promote culturally
viable strategies for doing so.
High-level officials may be engaged partly through WBI (and the Joint Africa
Institute). Decision makers may be asked to think about the points in their
systems where intervention may increase instructional time and discuss measures
that are likely to be politically acceptable. (See exercise in Annex C.);
The media may be used to raise awareness the public and to discuss the budgetary
and learning implications of time use. Audiovisual means (presented during
meetings or through TV programs) can show what occupied and idle classes look
like as well as how children should read at various ages when classroom time is
used well; and
Principals, supervisors and inspectors at the provincial and local levels could be
trained to increase instructional time but also to document time use in the school
as well as the classroom. A key issue is to demand visible student progress at brief
intervals, thus creating pressure on teachers to progress. Classroom events can be
evaluated through the variables outlined in the classroom Snapshot (interactive
and passive instruction, management, students’ off-task). Principals may guide
teachers to maximize interactive instruction and minimize organizational
activities in order to maintain student attention and minimize time off-task.
District directors might make a clear commitment that they will ask for reports of
instructional time use and follow up with their subalterns. Closer control, follow-
up, and social pressure may result in reducing time wastage by teachers.
Incentives aside, there is a need for teachers to learn how to engage all the students all of
the time and how to manage classroom events so as to minimize time loss. Training
teachers to use time better is particularly challenging in low-income countries, given low
levels of education and a long tradition of time wastage at all educational levels. Teachers
tend to be unaware of the degree to which their habits impact student learning, and data
from this study suggest that some spend more time in “classroom management” activities
than others. To decrease off task behavior, teachers need better classroom management
strategies to gain and retain attention of the students. Thus, time management should be
included in pre-service and in-service curricula. However this is a challenging task, given
that training programs often fail to modify behaviors. Training programs in many
countries are weak on classroom management strategies, and outside expertise is needed.
Many techniques have been developed to decrease off task behavior and retain attention
of the students in the classroom that are often not part of teacher training curricula (such
as proximal control, signal interference, hurdle help, buzz groups, key group monitoring).
Also, bibliography on time savers for teachers can be adapted to lower-income
schools. 126 Exercises with videotaped evidence can help them reflect on the effects of
poor time use on students, their habits and the habits of their own teachers whom they
role-modeled. They can also learn to plan and organize the material better so that the
class can spend its time working rather than waiting.
Systematic classroom observation techniques like the Snapshot can affect positive change
in the teacher behavior when feedback is given from the profiles generated from them. 127
Additionally, teachers may give more credence to recommended changes in their
instruction if supported by evidence collected through observation. 128 There are some
challenges with using systematic classroom observation to assess instructional time;
notably the presence of the observer in the classroom may lead to invalid conclusions
based on reactive effects such as evaluation apprehension and socially desirable
responding on the part of the teachers and students. There are also questions about the
amount of time that is needed to collect reliable and valid information about classroom
behaviors. 129 Another difficulty in carrying out time-based planning is the discrepancy
between how teachers and students experience time. There is a tendency for most
126. E.g. Wachter and Carhart 2003; Gore and Dowd 1999; Wood 1999
127. Stallings and Freiburg 1991
128. Anderson and Burns 1989
129. Kurz 2003
41
observations to focus on teachers and their behaviors, as opposed to students and their
learning processes. 130 The impact of time on pupil learning may also vary in relation to
the time of the day in which classes are held: morning, afternoon and, in some cases,
evening hours. Many schools teach the more demanding and/or important school subjects
during the early hours of the day, a practice indirectly acknowledging this relationship.
However, US research suggests that with feedback teachers can be taught to use time
more efficiently in primary and in secondary school. 131 Grant funds were used to pilot in
Pernambuco a five-day training course that had been used with teachers in low-income
urban areas of the US, but teachers in low-income countries often have low levels of
education. Additional experimentation is needed with the prospective trainees to
understand better how to proceed.
Figure 4-4: Indonesia: “Benefit from Knowing exactly what to teach on a given
work time as much as possible” day and how to do it should result in better
time use. If teachers do not know the
material or cannot answer questions from
students (as it often happens with primary-
school math), they may avoid teaching and
find other occupations while in school,
including bureaucratic work. Ignorance of
the subject matter (such as math of the
upper primary grades) is a little-understood
phenomenon that may compromise the
efforts of governments to appoint qualified
teachers, particularly in rural areas.
Source: author Furthermore, teachers may waste time
because they do not prepare their classes in
advance. There is a need to transmit a repertory of routines on how to teach various
topics so as to maximize time, how to evaluate quickly whether students learned the
material. Also, as in Argentina, giving teachers textbooks rather than making them do the
job of putting them together may ease the burden placed on teachers’ administrative
work.
Efforts by governments and donors may improve time use, but inefficiencies are likely to
continue. Taking the time-related variables into account is now simpler thanks to recent
cognitive research that helps explain the role of practice and feedback as means to learn
and recall complex knowledge structures. 132 With more applied research it may be
possible to focus on activities that maximize learning efficiency and encourage their use
over others.
How can the poor learn basic skills in conditions of reduced time? Some options are:
In most cases lengthening the school day or year would merely perpetuate the
inefficiencies. 133 However, poorer students may benefit from longer instructional days
when used well.
Figure 4-5. How many students seem off task in this caricature?
133. From “Time and Learning in CA Schools” 1984 (unpublished mimeographic document).
43
schools (85%; Smith 2000) suggest that 80% use of time could be realistically attained.
This 80% figure could be used as a benchmark for lower-income countries to attain.
Project evaluation challenges. The World Bank and other agencies try to evaluate
project outcomes by comparing baseline to post-intervention data. Instructional time use
is rarely mentioned explicitly during various interventions, and baselines are typically not
available. How can a single measure at the end of a project help evaluate outcomes when
the counterfactual is not known?
If project interventions resulted in better management, the amount of time used for
instruction should increase over a baseline and approximate 100%, the amount that
governments expect schools will devote to teaching students. Without a baseline it is hard
to determine the amount of increase, but a criterion-referenced approach could be taken.
Curriculum developers in a country can be asked to estimate how many class hours
students would need to master objectives of specific subjects in various grades and also
estimate the number of objectives likely to be missed if the available time were reduced
by 20%, 40%, or 60%. In some subjects the loss would be limited to that subject (e.g.
social studies), but in others, like math, losses in grade 1 would impact learning in higher
grades and result in cumulative losses. It is possible to estimate and model these losses
for evaluation purposes.
There is a further need to improve time measurement not only for greater reliability but
also for ease of use and cost effectiveness. The concepts are complex, and different
studies have used different methods. This project has resulted in improved modular
surveys that obviate the need to craft new questionnaires every time a new study is
initiated. Currently, data that would give a sense of baselines, range, and likelihood of
improvement are limited, but as more are collected, these indicators will become more
meaningful.
Research prospects. Much needs to be learned about the effects of time use on test
scores and reading fluency acquisition in the early grades. It must be better understood
how the various systemic inefficiencies impact the amount of time ultimately available
for students in different countries. Clearly causality must be established to link time use
and learning outcomes in longitudinal studies and clarify the relative importance of inputs
such as textbooks and other instructional materials. The advantages and disadvantages of
group work in time use must be also studied. Instructional time use in private and public
schools within the same areas must be compared and patterns must be better understood.
Memory research issues, such the rate and efficiency of consolidating new information
need to be better understood vis-à-vis the amount and placement of instructional time as
well as the activities that maximize long-term recall.
The future of the Education for All initiative may depend on how seriously governments
and donors take instructional time wastage. Hopefully this research is only the
beginning.
45 Annex A
As mentioned in the main text, the team decided to work directly with line ministries rather
than hire local consultants in order to develop implementation capacity and ownership. Thus,
much of the work was carried out by government agencies in collaboration with the task
managers. Overall, the study carried out the following activities.
134. Haut Commissariat du Plan 2004. Moroccan student grades were also made available, but these could
not be equated and used.
46
active instruction and accomplish classroom management activities efficiently. (At the
time that the report was written, follow-up had not been conducted to find out whether
trainers had used these skills.);
y Development of new software for the scoring of the Classroom Snapshot to be used in
future assessments;
y Data analyses and report writing (January-August 2006). Data from the four countries
were analyzed separately as well as collectively. In Tunisia and Pernambuco, the data
were also analyzed locally, and reports were written that we taken into account in this
document;
y Dissemination. Instructional time policies would be presented to World Bank staff in
October-November 2006. In collaboration with IBE an international conference has
been planned to share the results of the research, sensitize policy makers to the issue of
time, and plan for effective interventions; and
y Application of this work in India under different funding arrangements.
Within the schools, certain grades were chosen for observations through the Snapshot. In
Tunisia grades 1, 2, and 4 were observed (classes chosen at random through SPSS in case of
large schools), while in Brazil grades 2, 4, and 8 were selected. In Morocco, grades 1, 4, and
6 were selected and in Ghana, grades 1 through 6 were all observed, although grades 2 and 6
had a greater frequency of observations. Morocco and Tunisia carried out two observations
per classroom.
The plan was to collect the information in each country in the course of about 5 weeks
through 15 teams of 2-5 enumerators. Some areas took longer; in Pernambuco data were
collected in June-August 2004. Questionnaires and observations were administered
concurrently.
47
Teams of trained observers visited schools, spending about three hours in each. They
administered questionnaires, ascertained how many teachers were absent on that day, and
observed a subset of classes through the Classroom Snapshot (grades 1-2, 4, and 6).
Interviewers were expected to verify teacher attendance in person, but in some areas the
teams concentrated on observing instructional time, and schools staff were asked to fill out
questionnaires and return them by mail. Thus teacher absences were not always directly
observed or verified through registries.
The questionnaires developed jointly by the World Bank and the UNESCO-IBE were
translated into French and Portuguese and given to Ministry of Education staff during a visit
to the country. Since not all systems are the same, staff were asked to adapt some questions
as needed in the local context. However, the concept of measuring time loss was unfamiliar,
and some changes were excessive. Countries did not include all items, or they modified them
in ways that changed the information to be obtained. In some items wording became unclear
or incomprehensible; for example it was uncertain whether teachers in Tunisia reported only
unexcused absences and whether Moroccan participants understood the sophisticated
vocabulary used in the questions. Other items meant to elicit specific figures were replaced
with ranges (e.g. e.g. whether schools were closed for 1-3 days, 4-7 days, 8 days or more). In
Pernambuco, much of the questionnaire content was discarded and replaced with items that
invited vague responses (e.g. teachers were asked if they were late “often, sometimes,
never”). It became necessary to administer the questionnaire (approximately a year later, on
June 13-17 2005) to a subsample of 40 Brazilian schools to obtain more specific estimates of
time lost. Some differences were discovered during data analyses, and significant data
cleaning and recoding were required to make comparisons possible. (See results section.)
below). Nevertheless, a single visit may reliably provide overall time loss estimates; a
Dominican study that involved three monitoring visits showed that the average time schools
dedicated to learning was overall the same (65% in the first two visits and 64% in the third;
EDUCA 2005.)
Estimation of time lost. Studies that involved repeated and lengthy observations (e.g. in
Bangladesh) sometimes found large amounts of lost time that the current study evidently
missed. These were due to inquiries about time losses that the current study did not
foresee or inquire about: frequent cancellations of the first one or two instructional hours
due to rain (in Pernambuco and also in a 2004 study on Bangladesh), impromptu strikes
and walkouts by students and teachers (according to a 2005 Senegalese study) or
preparation for athletic events (according to a 2003 Ghanaian study). Unfortunately the
BNPP study did not have the benefit of these insights and did not explore the loss of time
in sufficient detailed. Human memory tends to fail when asked about the frequency of
repetitive events, and school staff may have unwittingly or deliberately given low
estimates of school closures. Poor recall may have been more pronounced towards the
end of the school year. For example, Moroccan principals reported few if any days of
closure (mean 1.38 days) despite earlier informal observations suggesting frequent
cancellations (e.g. OED 2001). By comparison, Tunisian principals may have been more
accurate in reporting closures (projected at 5.15 days), and may thus appear to use time
less well. (Subsequent surveys must be more specific, graphically showing the calendar
days in the school year and inquiring about absences before and after specific holidays.)
School and classroom registries in principle should provide attendance data or evidence
of schooling. The team was warned that these are often incomplete or missing, and
indeed they proved unreliable. Though all countries were asked to find these documents
and register their contents, none of them did. (Tunisia reportedly has these data
computerized, but linkage to the database has been difficult.) The registries for grades 1-8
were specifically sought in a supplemental study of 40 Brazilian schools, and it was found
that 52% of them did not exist in class; of those that did, 74% of them were not filled.
Apparently there was no systemic need for this information.
The questionnaires were administered in the various countries at different times during the
school year. It would have been desirable to coordinate administration and eliminate a
source of error related to requesting recall at different times of the year. With the passage of
time participants possibly lose track of the number of days schools were closed. For future
administrations a school calendar showing the days of operation should be obtained from
the government and shown to participants to refresh their memory.
49
*Note: Tunisian schools are open 160 days for grades 1 and 2, but higher grades were observed, and teachers of lower grades must be
present in the entire school year. Of 190 days.
Stability of survey measurements. Surveys were conducted only once and at uncontrolled
periods of time. However, if the sources of error are random, findings may be consistent
across time. One opportunity for verification came with a 40-school sample in
Pernambuco almost a year after the original survey (see Table A-4). Although there was
some variance in the components, overall time loss was about the same as that of the 180-
school sample. The 2005 EDUCA survey in the Dominican Republic that involved three
monitoring visits showed that the time schools dedicated to learning was overall the same,
64-64%. Similarly the USAID-financed Ghana study found teacher absenteeism rates to be
about the same during repeat visits.
(b) Stallings Classroom Snapshot. Use of time in the classroom was assessed through the
Stallings Classroom Snapshot. The same sampled schools were used. The observed
classrooms and teachers were drawn form a number of grade levels and a variety of
subjects (Table A-5).
There have been many instruments and attempts within the field of teacher observation.
Many of the observation instruments developed over the years are qualitative, require
personal interpretation, and often rate variables on Likert-type scales (e.g. classroom climate
is poor, moderate, excellent). There have been few examples of quantitative instruments or
attempts to compare time profiles 135 with normative, actual patterns of time allocation, and
the ability to give feedback to teachers and school authorities.
Note: subjects observed through the Snapshot were: Tunisia - reading, language, math, science, social studies, other; Morocco -
reading, math, science, other; Ghana: math, English grammar, Ghanaian grammar, science, environmental studies, religion;
Pernambuco: Portuguese, math, science, geography, religion.
The Stallings Observation System, often called Classroom Snapshot is a “low inference”
observation system used in a number of teacher and school effectiveness studies. 136
Observers trained through a five-day detailed process take a “snapshot” of classroom
events every five minutes. They note codes related to various events on a one-page
matrix (Annex B-1). This rather complex instrument measures the incidence of about 52
variables that include activities, interactions, materials used, and instructional strategies
by teachers and students. Thus, in addition to documenting how time is spent in a class,
the instrument records events related to quality of education. Through extrapolation, it is
assumed that the same event that has been “photographed” will continue for the next four
minutes, although this does not necessarily happen. For the study, an observer stayed in
the classroom for an entire hour and produced 10 “snapshots” that sampled classroom
events.
The Stallings Observation System was initially developed to measure the level of
teachers’ implementation of twelve early childhood and elementary school Head Start
and Follow Through models, and was modified in 1977 for secondary school classrooms.
The system consists of two independent observation systems, the Five Minute Interaction
and the Snapshot, both of which use time sampling. The Five Minute Interaction
observations are coded in five minute periods while in the Snapshot, any interaction is
coded at the moment, as if a picture were being taken. 137 To develop the instrument,
Stallings made detailed observations about the presence or absence of the desirable and
less desirable behaviors in a class, invited teachers to comment, and then observed them
in the fall, winter and spring semesters. Some teachers were placed in the workshop
group (experimental group) and others were not (control group). For the most part, the
treatment teachers changed their classroom behaviors and distributed time across the
recommended activities. Stallings reported that their students gained, on the average, six
months more in reading than did the students of the control group teachers. Further
observation indicated that treatment teachers maintained most of their behavior changes,
whereas control teachers' classes became more lax and less task-oriented. 138 Similarly
effective were efforts in secondary school. 139
Studies helped establish benchmarks for effective use of time in classrooms in the US. 140
Most teachers monitored students doing written work at their seats for 50% of the time, did
organizational activities for 38% of the time, and actively instructed students only 12% of
the time. On the other hand, effective teachers distributed their time so that 50% or more
class time was spent in active instruction, 35% in active monitoring, and 15% or less in
organizing and managing. In average classrooms, students were actively engaged in their
work only 15% of the time and were off task 85% of the time. But in the most effective
teachers’ classrooms the students were engaged 94% or more of the time and were only off
task 3% of the time. These data helped establish benchmarks for time use in classrooms
that were used to some extent as reference points in the study.
Snapshot data are summarized as amount of class time spent on three composite variables
(interactive instruction, passive instruction, and organization-management) and student
off-task rates. Based on empirical research, the test developer recommends that 50% or
more of class time be spent in interactive instruction, because in US studies interactive
time was found to increase test scores. 141 Passive instruction includes seatwork and
copying should take up no more than 35% of class time. Passive instruction can be used
judiciously to have students review what they have learned, but repetitive work may
result in inattentiveness and limited new learning. Organizing and management include
giving directions, dealing with intrusions and visitors, and such activities as taking roll
and lining up for a fire drill. These elements of the class should take up no more than
15% of class time. It is normal for students to stop paying attention at some point in
time, but observed student off-task behaviors should not exceed 6% of the time.
The study adapted the Snapshot for use in low-income classes outside the US; in
particular, a category of copying was added to activities and codes related to discipline
were de-emphasized. The developer did not did not foresee the possibility of teachers
leaving the classroom unattended (which in the US is illegal) but this was observed
frequently in other countries, and a category was added to describe a teacher out of the
room or disengaged from students. 142 The instrument and manual were translated into
French and Portuguese prior to training and reviewed by language experts and educators
for accuracy. The five-day training included practice in coding vignettes of potential
classroom activities and two days of classroom observations and coding practice. About
25 people were trained in each country. In Morocco, Tunisia and Ghana, trainees were
inspectors or pedagogical advisors, and in Pernambuco they were university students;
participants had to demonstrate competency in scoring and comprehension of the
instrument’s principles, and were certified.
Data from the snapshot were initially entered into a program using Microsoft Access.
However, the software was found to be inadequate for large-scale use, and new software
was developed with grant funds and piloted in India on an activity that was not financed
by the grant. Further modifications are being made as the needs are better understood.
The training provided on the classroom Snapshot proved very popular, and many
supervisors realized that they could use the same parameters in their everyday work. On
the downside, one-hour observations were time-consuming. Also, repeated training was
necessary to clarify the doubts that some participants had regarding the coding use.
(Efforts have been made to simplify the instrument.)
A principal components factor analysis with varimax rotation on a dataset with all
countries merged showed 19 factors with eigenvalues above 1.00. This large number was
to be expected, since that this instrument measures many variable that have relatively low
intercorrelations. (Though some were as high as 0.85, most ranged from 0 to 0.5).
Several of the Snapshot variables had significant loadings (> 0.30) in more than one
factors. The largest factors were related to (a) off-task behavior and management, (b)
interactive instruction and not seatwork, (c) reading, books, and instruction, (d) teaching
materials other than books, (e) copying, assignments, and seatwork, (f) group size and
cooperative learning, and (g) teacher management activities. Factors 1 and 7 seem to
measure the obverse, with many factor loadings negative on one and positive on the
other. Three variables of low incidence did not have significant factor loadings, and two
of these that pertain to other adults in the class have been removed from future
administrations.
142. “Teacher out of the classroom” was added after this problem was observed in Brazil, but later it was
modified as “teacher alone” to describe a teacher who was not interacting with children: sitting and grading
tests or something else, writing lessons on the blackboard.
53
Recodes to create interval-scale data. In some countries, questions asking for specific
numbers had been converted to ranges with open ends. (For example, the number of days
schools were closed was often coded as 1 for 1-3 days, 2 for 4-7, days, and 3 for 7 or
more). In those cases, the items were recoded; the midpoint and frequency of the ranges
were used to calculate weighted averages and use them in further analyses. On some
occasions it proved impossible; the school codes and some data on school closures of
Tunisia had been entered incorrectly and could not be analyzed properly.
• Early departure was meant to measure instances of teachers dismissing their last
class early and leaving the school, but due to a lack of clarity in the relevant
survey questions, early dismissal was calculated for every class; where actual
early departure times were unavailable, a 5-minute period was assumed. (Future
surveys will provide clearer definition of what is meant by teacher early
departure.)
143. Brazil expects 800 teaching hours (20 hours per week) in grades 1-4, and 1000 grades 5-8. Tunisia
expects 160 days for grades 1-2 (704 hours in 32 weeks of 22 hours each) and 190 days for grades 3-6.
Grades 3-4 have 800 hours in 32 weeks of 22 hours each, while grades 5-6 have 960 hours. Aside from
there days the system has about 48 days of holidays. Schools in the Tunisian Priority Education Program
have an additional two hours of work a day plus remediation for all students. In all cases, the teachers must
be there for 190 days.
54
Efforts were made to capture and calculate various segments of time lost. Spreadsheets
were developed to compare the frequencies of similar survey answers among the
principals, teachers, students, and parents of each country (and ultimately across
countries). Variation among responses was studied on the issues of school closures,
attendance, tardiness, homework, and reasons for absenteeism. Reports about time loss in
the previous year were also compared with those of the current year. Then algorithms
were developed to estimate the various sources of time loss reported by the various
stakeholders, and variability of comparable measures was studied. Averaged across
schools within a country, it was found that various stakeholders differed relatively little in
their estimations of time loss from a particular source. The time loss averages are shown
in Table 1 of this report.
In a country or district some schools or just some classes may fail to start on the
appointed day. Some sections may start and stop for a period due to teacher
reassignments or other issues. To calculate the percentage of time lost through small
segments, the concepts of school-days and class-days were used. Based on the number of
official school days, the numbers of existing classes were multiplied by the number of
days they should be functioning, and the amount of time lost by specific grades in
specific schools was deducted. (If only schools were involved in a question, then school-
days were used.) This method was used when the questionnaires obtained more specific
information, as in Pernambuco. It was also used to calculate the amount of time teachers
were delayed or dismissed classes early. For example, 17.5% of Moroccan teachers were
reported to be late for 9.8 minutes coming to school. This amounted to a 3.4% loss of a
50-minute hour if spread among all teachers. To calculate the number of days lost, the
percentage was deducted from the number of days schools were open and teachers
present.
Time losses were added up. The number of days lost and reported teacher absenteeism
were projected as a percentage of time given the number of days in the school year
already past at the time that surveys were conducted (see assumptions section above.)
Losses were computed in each case by deducting various numbers from net number of
days available. When schools are closed, fewer days are left. So, teacher absences were
calculated as a function of the days schools were open. Also, teachers cannot be late
when schools are closed or when they are absent, so delays were calculated on the
number of days schools were open and teachers present. (For subsequent surveys a
computer program may be needed to make such calculations.)
The Classroom Snapshot data were in the form of percentage of scans that showed a
certain characteristic (scans were usually 10 unless a class started late or was dismissed
early). Thus, they had a minimum value of 0 and a maximum of 100. (Teacher activity
data summed to 100% of time calculations, whereas student activity data were dependent
on the size of the group a teacher was addressing.) Some non-parametric statistics were
carried out, but most of the time the data were treated as parametric. The Snapshot data
were at the teacher level and included a few classroom-related variables. To these,
school-level questionnaire replies were linked and were used for various analyses. The
Snapshot data had the same format across countries, so they were analyzed comparatively
to compare performance among countries and among selected grades.
55
This section discusses the output produced by the classroom Snapshot, with a focus on
the major activities taking place in class, how the teacher is addressing the students
(whole group, small group, one-on-one instruction), and what materials, if any, are being
used. Emphasis was on recording teacher activities. (Student activities may be to some
extent different, particularly if they work in groups or carry out independent work, but
this does not happen frequently in the countries where the research took place.) Table A-
6 shows the average overall performance of the observed classrooms in the participating
schools on a country-by-country basis. Some classes have been shown to carry out a
certain activity 100% of the time, though the maximum number is usually lower. Because
activities change often, standard deviations are large, sometimes larger than the means.
Key
10% above recommended minimum for interactive instruction
Above recommended minimum for interactive instruction
Above recommended maximum for organizing, management and Student Off Task Rate
10% above recommended maximum for organizing, management and Student Off Task Rate
Passive instruction refers to students doing individual work seated at their desks. It
includes teacher’s monitoring of seatwork and copying, and is often related to lower
achievement. This is why it is recommended that no more than 35% of the time be spent in
it. However, some practice is necessary particularly in math, and the time may be well-
used if insight rather than repetition is promoted in solitary study. Students spent a low
10.3% of their time in such activities in Ghana and a high 25.6% of the time in Tunisia.
Students’ engagement rates. The figures of interactive and passive instruction combined
give the total percentage of time that students are engaged in learning activities. In
Morocco and Tunisia figures are in excess of 80% while in Brazil and Ghana they are just
a bit above 70%. Thus, Ghanaian classes give students about 16% less instructional time
than Tunisian classes.
144. Student activities in Tunisia, where teachers control classes, closely followed teachers, but they may
not be elsewhere. However, this aspect of the Snapshot was not sufficiently discussed in the research.
56
Despite the variability and particular circumstances of different countries, the concepts of
interactive and passive use of time, management, and student off-task rates have
consistent relationships among them (Table A-7).
145. In the US children have discipline problems, so social interaction variables are important.
57
wasted in a class (e.g. 50 students unengaged for 20 minutes). In all countries of the
study, the off-task behavior among students is above the 6% recommended maximum.
However, Morocco and Tunisia have rates around 9%, (with socializing a low 3% and
being disciplined 1% in Tunisia) whereas in Ghana about 21% of the students appear not
to pay attention to the classroom proceedings.
Off-task rates are certainly related to classroom activities (Table A-8). In Pernambuco the
three classes with the highest percentage of reading time (67%) had off task rates of
about 10%; by comparison, the five classes that spent no time in reading had off task
rates of 83%. In Tunisia where off-task rates are lower and time used efficiently,
correlations with activities tend to be lower due to the restriction of range.
In Ghana there are few books, or paper and pencils necessary for seatwork, so the
teachers may rely more upon class discussions. According to the Ghana USAID study,
only 63.7% of the teachers were following the approved timetable – a proxy for
curricularly relevant time. Twenty-three percent of the teachers do not have lesson plans,
and of the 77% who do, 35% do not use them. They teach “off their heads”, risking
disorganization. The teacher disciplining variable was an average of 1.3% indicating that
the misbehavior was going unchecked. Similarly, in Pernambuco, the highest off task
variable in all grades was socializing among students, 12% of the time. However, the
“student disciplined” variable is a low 2%, indicating that teachers rarely stop the off-task
behavior (Stallings 2006).
58
Some studies ask teachers to self-report on how they spend classroom time. Tunisian
teachers were asked during the survey. As might be expected, interactive time was
overestimated at 69.4% compared to the real average of 61%.
Classroom observers coded the Snapshot with reading activities mainly when the teacher
used books, (r=0.39), but did not usually code activities as reading when the teacher used
chalkboard or students used notebooks. Also, independent student activities involving
reading were not analyzed in sufficient detail. Since some students must have been reading
59
the written contents, the possibility arises that reading activities were underestimated
through the Snapshot.
Activities in class do not take place at random; there are sequences that sometimes differ
from one country to another. Figures 8-10 show the flow of various activities in Tunisia,
Ghana, and Pernambuco. (It was not possible to conduct this analysis for Morocco.) Students
tend to be off task more frequently in the last parts of the hour. There does appear to be
engaged in seatwork more towards the end of the class period while instruction is more
frequently observed in the beginning of the class (see Figure A-10 for Tunisia). This is one
reason why it was important to observe an entire hour and take snapshots rather than visit
classes at some point during the period.
Correlations between the serial number of snapshots and various activities confirm the
tendency for drill, adult management and seatwork to be done towards the end of the period.
Classes in Ghana lasted only 30 minutes, and this may be one reason why management takes
up so much time compared to other activities. Also reading along with instruction takes
place earlier in Ghana.
90%
80%
70%
60%
50%
40%
30%
20%
10%
0%
5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40
Note: Each row in the table is a snapshot, and each column is an activity. The
intersection of the row and column is a count of that activity during that snapshot.
This table shows the trend of activities over time.
63
80%
60%
40%
20%
0%
5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40
80%
60%
40%
20%
0%
5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 45 50
Note: Each row in the table is a snapshot, and each column is an activity. The intersection of the
row and column is a count of that activity during that snapshot. This table shows us the trend of
activities over time
64 Annex B
MATERIALS
Chalk Comput. / Manip- Visual Co-
Books Notebk None
board Calc. ulative Aids operative
ACTIVITY T 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE
Reading A 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE
I 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE
T 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE
Copying A 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE
I 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE
T 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE
Assignments A 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE
I 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE
Instruction/ T 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE
Demonstration A 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE
I 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE
T 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE
Discussion A 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE
I 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE
T 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE
Practice/Drill A 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE
I 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE
Written T 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE
Assignments/ A 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE
Seatwork I 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE
T 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE
Kinesthetic A 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE
I 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE
T 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE
Projects A 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE
I 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE 1SLE
T 1SLE
Social Interaction A 1SLE
I 1SLE
Student Uninvolved I 1SLE
Being Disciplined T 1SLE
A 1SLE
Classroom T 1SLE
Management A 1SLE
I 1SLE
Adult Social Interaction TAA Adult Management T AA
65
Monitoring Copying
Monitoring Seatwork
Classroom Management 15% or less
Giving Assignments
Managing with Students
Disciplining Students
Managing Alone
Off-Task Socializing with Students 0%
Socializing with Others
Students
Off-Task Being Disciplined 6% or less
Socializing
Uninvolved
66
School Closure
Brazil (Pernambuco): Excluding the days that were holidays in the school calendar, how many
other days was the school closed (2004)? Principals = 2.19, Teachers = 2.70
Ghana: How many days was the entire school closed last year (2003)? Principals = 3.21,
Teachers = 3.11
Morocco: How many days does the school have no classes aside from the official vacation
during the current school year? During the previous school year? Principal (2004) = 0.59,
Principal (2003) = 1.13
Tunisia: How many days wasn’t there class this year (2004)? Principal = 4.50
Teacher Absence
Brazil (Pernambuco): How many teachers were missing today? Principals = 1.76
Ghana: How many are absent today? Principals = 0.90 teachers
Morocco: How many teachers are absent today? Principals = 0.60, Enumerator = 1.97 teachers
Tunisia: How many teachers are absent today? Principals = 0.97 teachers
Teacher Delay
Brazil (Pernambuco): How many teachers arrived late today? Principal = 1.19
Ghana: How many teachers were late today? Principal = 0.83 teachers
Morocco: Did you notice any teachers delay arriving to school? If yes, how many?
Enumerator = 3.43 teachers
Tunisia: How many teachers arrive late today? Principal = 0.02 teachers
Brazil (Pernambuco): How many teachers left early yesterday? Principal = 0.64
Ghana: How many teachers left before normal time of closing? Number extracted from
USAid Study = 0.06 teachers
Morocco: Did you notice any teacher’s early departure from the classroom? If yes, how
many? Enumerator = 0.68 teachers
Tunisia: No data. Imputed from Morocco
Student Absence
Brazil (Pernambuco): Since you began classes, how many days have you missed?
Students = 3.99 days
Ghana: Since the beginning of the school year, how many days were you absent from
school? Students = 1.96 days
Morocco: During the school year, how many lessons have you missed? Students = 1.59
70
Tunisia: Since the beginning of the year, how many times were you absent? Students =
2.93 times
Student Delay
Brazil (Pernambuco): Since you began classes, how many days have you arrived late?
Students = 2.86 days
Ghana: Since the beginning of the school year, how many days were you late in arriving in
school? Students = 2.23 days
Morocco: During the current school year, how many times did you arrive late to school?
Students = 1.92 times
Tunisia: Since the beginning of the year, how many times were you late? Students = 2.29
The mid-point was calculated of the dates surveys were administered in each country and
respondents’ answers were projected to the end of the school year. The length of school day was
included in calculations where it was absolutely necessary to do so, since there is considerable
variation in school day lengths across schools. Finally, questions from two or more survey types were
averaged when they provided the same information. The numbers of days teachers were absent or
late were deducted from the number of days left after school closures.
Brazil (Pernambuco)
School Closure: Average from principal and teacher (Principal average = 4.29, teacher average =
5.29 days)
Teacher Absence: From principal (Principal = 12.76 days)
Teacher Delays: From principal (Principal = 5.50). Teacher self reports on delays last month =
6.06 days. Assumptions for both: a 6.4 minute delay, 50-minute class period, and 5 hour school
day
Teacher Early Dismissal: From principal (Principal = 2.30 teachers). Teacher self-reports on early
departures last month = 2.93 teachers. Assumption for both: a 5 minute delay, 50-minute class
period and 5 hour school day
Student Absence: From student (Student = 7.82 days)
Student Delay: From student (Student = 5.61 days)
Researcher found by calling schools that 26 of 180 schools started 15 days late. Average time lost
was 2.175 days in the sample of 180 schools
Ghana
School Closure: Average principal and teacher reports on closure last year (2003) (Principal =
3.22, teacher = 3.12 days)
Teacher Absence: From principal (Principal = 43.01 teachers). Teacher self-reports on
absence last year = 13.90 and student reports on teacher absence = 10.82 days
Teacher Delays: From principal = 39.75 days (assuming 30 minute delay and 5.5 hour school
day; both cited in Ghana’s Time on Task report)
Teacher Early Dismissal: USAid study cites that 1.5% of teachers depart early. Using those
figures, Days lost = 2.42
71
Morocco
School Closure: Average of two principal questions on school closure (in 2004 = 1.62 and 2003 =
1.13 days)
Teacher Absence: Average principal and enumerator question on absence in school on survey
date (Principal = 6.19, enumerator = 20.53). Note that teacher self report on absence = 11.67 and
student reports on teacher absence = 9.79 days
Teacher Delays: From enumerator = 6.94 days.
Teacher Early Dismissal: From enumerator There was a very low response rate to this question.
Average early departure time = 9.58 minutes
Student Absence: From student (4.30). Parents report = 26.235 days from one-week averages that
was not used.
Student Delays: From student (5.19 times)
Data are available from the enumerator survey on teacher delay entering classroom, with an
average delay of 7.83 minutes on average, resulting in losses of 4.88 days. Teacher delay entering
classroom after break time = 3.184 days with average delay of 6.07 minutes
Tunisia
School Closure: from principal (Principal = 5.15 days). Data file had errors. Average
estimated from reasons Tunisian schools were closed.
Teacher Absence: from Principal (Principal = 11.55). Teacher self-reports on absence last
year = 11.28 and student reports = 11.28 days
Teacher Delays: from principal (Principal = 1.27 days). Assumed 15 minute delay, 50-minute
class periods, and a 5 hour school day
Teacher Early Dismissal: No data. Imputed by projecting ratio of delay to departure in
Morocco
Student Absence: From students (3.35 days). Parents reported 7.65 days
Student Delay: From students (2.63 times since the beginning of school year)
72 Annex C
REFERENCES
Abadzi, H. 2006. Efficient Learning for the Poor: Insights from the Frontier of Cognitive Neuroscience.
Washington, DC: World Bank.
Álvarez, Jesús, Vicente García Moreno, and Harry Anthony Patrinos. 2006. Institutional effects as determinants
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