THE SULTAN'S NEW CLOTHES: OTTOMAN—MAMLUK GIFT EXCHANGE IN THE FIFTEENTH

CENTURY
Author(s): ELIAS I. MUHANNA
Source: Muqarnas, Vol. 27 (2010), pp. 189-207
Published by: Brill
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/25769697
Accessed: 09-01-2016 07:48 UTC

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 ELIAS I.MUHANNA

THE SULTAN'S NEW CLOTHES: OTTOMAN-MAMLUK

GIFT EXCHANGE IN THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY

This article was the winner of the 2008 Margaret B. the political and ideological discourses through which
Sevcenko Prize, awarded by theHistorians of Islamic itwas expressed and that often depended upon the "lan
Art Association. guage" of gifts.
This study addresses the following questions: Did gift

Long before the caliph Harun al-Rashid (r. 786-809) exchanges take place between theOttoman andMamluk
sent Charlemagne (r. 768-814) his famous gift of an sultans during the fifteenth century? If so, what shape

elephant named Abu V Abbas in 802, rare and valuable did the flow of gifts take as the century progressed? Did

goods?fine garments and precious stones, slave-girls it proceed in fits and starts, abating during periods of
and stallions, relics and eunuchs?had played an impor conflict and resuming during periods of entente?What
tant role in diplomatic relations.1 The artfully chosen kinds of giftswere sent by each side, and what might this

gift is an eloquent envoy, capable of imparting amulti suggest about the availability of, and attitudes toward,
tude ofmessages and of engendering diverse and even different kinds of commodities and materials? Finally,

contradictory sentiments: deference and admonition, what kinds of diplomatic messages can be distilled from

allegiance and bravado, submission and disdain. For the choices of specific gifts on certain occasions?
as long as embassies have visited foreign capitals, gifts In order to answer these questions, I have compiled
have been used to establish and solidify bonds between a corpus of data from six late medieval Arabic histor

empires. They also display the magnanimity and for ical chronicles and one collection of diplomatic cor
tunes of their givers and compel responses inkind from respondence: Hawddith al-duhur ft madd 1-ayydm
their recipients.2 wa 'l-shuhur4 and al-Nujum al-zdhira ft muluk Misr
The exchange of giftswas a significant aspect of the wa 'l-Qdhira5 by Ibn Taghribirdi (d. ca. 1470); Nuzhat
relations between the burgeoning Ottoman empire al-nufus wa 1-abdanfi tawarikh al-zamdn6 by Ibn al
and the aging Mamluk state, from the earliest contacts Sayrafi(d. 1495);Mufdkahat al-khillanfi hawddith
between the two polities in the late fourteenth century al-zamdn7 by Ibn Tulun (d. ca. 1546); Munse'dtu
until theOttoman conquest of Egypt in 1517. A period 's-seldtin* by Feridun Ahmed Beg (d. 1583); BadaT
of great flux in the eastern Mediterranean, "the long fif al-zuhurfi waqdT al-duhur9 by Ibn Iyas (d. 1524); and
teenth century" witnessed momentous shifts in political al-Suluk li-macrifat duwal al-muluk10 by al-Maqrizi
and military hegemony, diplomatic and cultural rela (d. 1442). With the exception of Feridun Ahmed Begs
tions, and patterns of trade and migration. The history collection of Ottoman diplomatic correspondence, the
of the relations between the two empires has been the remaining works are chronicles written by scholars in
subject ofmuch scholarship in recent years, revealing theMamluk empire.
the intricacies of a complex bond between twoMuslim Taken together, these texts provide awealth of infor
a
polities thatwere continuously engaged in process of mation about theworld of diplomatic courtship?such
self-definition and legitimization vis-a-vis the other.3 To as the dispatch and reception of envoys, the gifts they
shed further light on the formation, development, and bore from their patrons, and the language of official
deterioration of this bond, it is necessary to examine us to reconstruct a history of gift
letters?allowing

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 190 ELIAS I. MUHANNA

exchange over an extended period. Our sources make patterns of gift giving and evidence pertaining to the
reference to a total of sixty-six encounters between Otto availability and popularity of different commodities and
man and Mamluk envoys and rulers during the period materials in the fifteenthcentury.
under examination (an average of one every two years).
About two-thirds of these references contain explicit
mentions of diplomatic gifts, oftenwith accompanying THE CORPUS OF DIPLOMATIC VISITS AND
descriptions. On the basis of these descriptions?tan GIFT EXCHANGES
talizingly brief though they often are?it is possible to
discern some broad trends of exchange, and tomake Below is a list of all sixty-six diplomatic encounters
some observations about theways inwhich each empire mentioned in the historical sources surveyed. Proceed

projected a certain political identity on its sometime ing on the assumption that an official envoy would not
ally and rival. likely have appeared in a foreign court without a gift?
The following pages present the corpus of diplomatic an insult that, if intended, would probably have been
visits assembled from the sources listed above. I have remarked upon by contemporary chroniclers?I have
included everymention of a gift, including the few cases also listed every encounter not accompanied by amen
where all efforts to decipher the object in question have tion of gifts. Each record in the list contains the names
been in vain. The analysis that follows aims, firstly, to of two rulers,with an arrow indicating the direction in

provide a bird's-eye view of the flow of gifts and dip which the letter and/or gift traveled.11 This is followed
lomatic encounters as the Ottoman-Mamluk political by the date of the encounter (or the date of the official
relationship evolved. Secondly, it attempts to isolate letter), and a description of the gift, ifone is supplied.
The gifts are emphasized in bold type.12

-+
1. Bayezid I (r. 791-804 [1389-1402]) Barquq (r. 784-791 [1382-89]; 792-801 [1390-99])
(Muharram 790 [January 1388]): No giftsmentioned.13
-+
2. Bayezid I Barquq (6 Shawwal 793 [6 September 1391]): No giftsmentioned.14
3. -+
Barquq Bayezid I (undated): Reply to previous letter.No giftsmentioned.15
4. Bayezid I Barquq (Dhu 'l-Qa'da 795 [September 1393]): "News came of the arrival of the envoy
of theKing of Rum, Abu Yazid ibn 'Uthman, bringing with him gifts (taqadim) for the sultan.
The reason that he came was...to inform the sultan about Timur Lank and to warn him...He
also sent a request to the sultan for a skilled doctor (tabib hddhiq) and medicine suitable for his
illness (adwiya tuwafiq maradahu), for he was suffering from joint pain (daraban al-mafdsil).
When the sultan read Ibn 'Uthman's letter.. .he appointed [the doctor] al-Rayyis Shams al-Din
ibn Saghir to him, and sent two loads ofmedicines that suited his malady, as well as a grand
giftwith his envoy."16
5. -+
Bayezid I Barquq (Shacban 796 [June 1394]): "Next arrived ambassadors of the Ottoman
sultan Yildirim Bayezid, ruler of Asia Minor (Rum), stating that he was sending 200,000
dirhams as assistance for al-Zahir, and that he would await the sultan's
reply so that he might
act accordingly.. .Letters of praise and thanks were written to all three rulers,
stating thewishes
of the sultan."17
6. Bayezid I -> Faraj (r.801-15 [1399-1412]) (15Dhu l-Hijja 803 [27 July1401]): "Andon this
day, a large group of envoys arrived from Ibn Yazid [sic] b.Murad b. cUthman, theKing of Rum.
Their most senior member was one called Amir Ahmad, and he was one of Ibn Yazid's eminent

princes. He was received by the office of the chamberlain.. .and they lodged him in the home of
Amir Qushtamar al-Mansuri, in Bab
al-Barqiyya."18

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 OTTOMAN-MAMLUK GIFT EXCHANGE IN THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY

"And on [16Dhu T-Hijja], the envoys ofAbu Yazid b. ?Uthman?the King of Rum?presented
a gift, consisting of ten slaves (mamdlik), ten horses
(khayl), ten lengths of broadcloth (qitac
tnin al-jukh)y two silver cups (sharibatdn tnin al-fidda)y ten pieces of silver plates, and other

things (qitacJidda ma bayna atbdq wa-ghayraha)-and several gifts for the nobles...."19
7. Mehmed I (r. 816-24 [1413-21]) -> al-Mu'ayyad Shaykh (r. 815-24 [1412-21]) (middle of
Dhu T-Hijja 817 [February 1415]): "We have sent to you...intended as a gift,five taquzdt of
various Rutnl fabrics (aqmisha), three taquzdt ofEuropean (Ifranji) fabric, and two bundles
(bughjatayn) of Persian (cAjami) fabric...."20
8. -+
al-Mu'ayyad Shaykh Mehmed I (Shacban 818 [October 1415]): "We have sent two fine horses
{khayl)y and two saddles (sarjayn) made of gold and silver, and five taquzdt of Egyptian
fabric (aqtnisha)y and four taquzdt of Indian and Alexandrian wares (al-amtica 'l-Hindiyya
wa ."21
'l-Iskandariyya)...
9. Mehmed I
al-Mu3ayyad Shaykh (7 Safar 823 [22 February 1420]): "On Thursday...envoys
fromKirishji [Mehmed I] arrived and theyhad with them thirty slaves (tnatnluk)ybirds (tuyur)y
many beasts of prey (jawdrih), silk clothes (thiydb harir), and other things... On Monday, 25
Safar, the Portico Hall [iwan] was in the service of the envoys.. .and the sultan bestowed a robe
of honor upon the chief emissary."22
10. al-Mu'ayyad Shaykh Mehmed I (17 Safar 824 [21 February 1421]): No giftsmentioned.23
11. Muradll ->
(r. 824-48 [1421-44]; 850-55 [1446-51]) Barsbay (r. 825-41 [1422-38]) (27 Shacban
826 [5August 1423]): "A large group arrived from the lands of Ibn cUthman, and among them
was aman named cUmur.. .And they had brought with them a gift from Ibn cUthman, the ruler
of Bursa, and they presented it to [the sultan]. And he, too, presented to Ibn cUthman things
of his own...."24

12. Murad II -+ Barsbay (2 Rabi11 831 [21 December 1427]): "A man named Taghribirdi al-Hijazi
al-Khassaki al-Ashrafi arrived from the lands of Rum. The sultan had sent him to Sultan Murad

Beg to affirmhis friendship and affection.. .and because amighty army had arisen in the lands of
Rum and met Murad Beg, and the sultan did not know the truth of thematter regarding this. So
he sent the aforementioned emissary to discover the news and also convey greetings toMurad

Beg.. .The emissary was absent for about fivemonths, and upon his return he reported Murad
Begs victory over the Rum and the infidels. He met Murad in the land of Qustantiniyya and
Murad was greatly pleased that the sultan had sent him to inquire about the state of affairs.He
bestowed upon him the very cloth that he was wearing (qumdshuhu)y and even his turban
(Hmdmatuhu) and his cap (qubbacuhu)y which was made of pure gold. The turban was made
of silk and very high-quality cloth with gold brocade (kdna qumdshuhu hariran wa-jiikhan

raficanjiddan)y and itwas said that each cubit cost two dinars."25
13. Murad II Barsbay (end of Jumada II 831 [mid-April 1428]): "...Envoys arrived fromMurad
Beg...and theywere received by the chamberlains and some of the chief officers...And on 2
Rajab...court service was held in the Portico Hall for the envoys from Ibn cUthman and other
Turcoman (turkman) envoys, and itwas a memorable and well-attended day. Then, when the
service was over, Ibn 'Uthman's giftwas presented and it included: fiftyRutnl slaves; a white
eunuch (tawdshi abyad); fifteen birds and various wild animals, including some that looked
like a sable (satntnur)y a gray squirrel (sinjdb)y a lynx (washaq)y and a fox (fanak); twenty
velvet garments of European make (al-mukhmal shughl al-Franj nahwa Hshrina thawban).
The sultan reciprocated by bestowing upon the nobles some slaves and fabrics (qumasfe)."26
14. Murad II Barsbay (Dhu T-Hijja 831 [September-October 1428]): No giftsmentioned.27

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 ELIAS I. MUHANNA

15. Barsbay Murad II (undated response):".. .And we have sent [with our envoy] as a gift foryour

Majesty, two Cretan (Chandakt) slaves, one male and one female...."28
16. Murad II Barsbay (undated, post-conquest of Salonica, Jumada II833 [March 1430]): In this
letter, zfeth-ndme of Salonica (announcement of the conquest of Salonica), a gift ismentioned,
details about which are found in another letter.29
17. Barsbay Murad II (undated response): In this letter,Barsbay thanksMurad II for thewonderful
gift, but no details are supplied.30
18. Murad II Barsbay (undated): No giftsmentioned.31
-
19. Barsbay Murad II (undated response): Barsbay thanksMurad II for thewonderful gift, but
no details are supplied.32
20. Murad II Barsbay (undated): No giftsmentioned.33
21. Barsbay Murad II (undated response): No giftsmentioned.34
22. Murad II Barsbay (Safar 840 [August-September 1436]): No giftsmentioned.35
23. Murad II Barsbay (Jumada I 840 [November-December 1436]): Murad's envoys arrive with
a letter and a gift, but no details are supplied by Ibn
al-Sayrafi.36
24. Jaqmaq (r. 842-57 [1438-53]) Murad II (10 Jumada I 842 [29 October 1438]): "You had
an
requested elephant from Barsbay (may he rest in peace), but itwas not so easy to send it
during thewinter season. However, we have now dispatched it for the service of your throne.
Our envoy has placed the elephant on a ship, and itwill arrive subsequently, after thewinter
season, in the land of Turkey...."37
25. Murad Jaqmaq (18 Dhu '1-Qacda 843 [21April 1440]): "Ibn 'Uthman's envoy presented a
II

splendid gift of sixty loads of fabric (shiqaq), from silk (harir) to sable (satntnur) tominiver
(sinjab) to lynx (washaq), different kinds of garments (malbus), and thirty slaves (mamdlik)"38
26. Jaqmaq ->Murad II (21 Dhu l-Hijja 843 [24May 1440]): "The amir Shihab al-Din Ahmad b. cAli
b. Inal set out for the ruler of the lands of Rum, who is called Murad b. 'Uthman, accompanied

by [the latter's] envoy, who had come to Cairo before this date."39 (Accompanying this envoy
were the following twenty-six
gifts. In cases where the vocabulary ranges from ambiguous to
indecipherable, I have supplied the full text inArabic script):40
a. The noble Kufic Koran, written in the hand of the Imam cUthman b. cAffan, may God be
pleased with him (al-mushaf al-sharif al-kufl bi-khatt al-imdm cUthmdn b. cAffdnradiya
Allah canhu).41
b. Two swords, damascened in gold and silver Ot^JaJL* 3 Jal*-oW *jJ>ty42
c. Gold-encrusted weapon (?) (j^lj^iJaI^ob?)43
d. One steel helmet, inlaid or ornamented with silver (khudfuldd fidda wdhid)
e. Two brigandines damascened in gold
(jW^iJ^^jtpt^o^j)44
f. A suit of horse armor (^ U*j Jt?j
L^ili IJa-+?j)45
g. Four steel axes (atbdrfuldd)
h.
J^ljjL^L)?JfcL^U?46
i.
L^U-crJfeiJaA^Lr,ISj347

j. Ten turban cloths in a rosette pattern (shashdh shamsl cashra)

k.
^iJ(^>j?oL48
1. Bows made by Ibrahim b. cAbdAllah (4)1
jup^^Ij)^j"J*~>?*)49
m. Four carpets with
gold thread (nakh mudhahhab)
n. 1,000 pieces of Alexandrian velvet (qumdsh kamkha Iskandariyya)
o. Fifteen saddles (sarj)

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 OTTOMAN-MAMLUK GIFT EXCHANGE IN THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY

p. Ten garments (J** jJJdlJ>^jj>bU^o)50

q. A golden saddle (Jl^tfLi*-^ull^l^Ucijje^U*j5jj<ci^jv-Jbi^y- )51
r. Four silk kerchiefs (manadil nakh arba'a)52
s. Seven kerchiefs and twenty-five leather bags ((jy^j^^j^,
j*~-JoL*)53
t.
^jljriL54
u. A golden billhook ju<u***)55
(J*~\j<wJ&
v. Balsam oil (oL*1? ^ ^)56
w. Fourteen shawls, camphor-scented (?) (J^^j^j^^^)57
x. Seven silk garments (tafdsil harir sab'a)58
y. Six garments (?c?^ Uo l*u~<)59
z. Three elephants (afyal)
27. Murad II -> Jaqmaq (22 Dhu T-Hijja 848 [1 April 1445]): "One of the emirs of the ruler of
Rum arrived with a cortege of European princes who had been defeated (al-umard3 alladhina
inkasaru min Bant l-Asfar), and theywere dressed according to the custom of their country.
There were sixteen of them, and their forearms were covered in iron and steel, and on their
heads were helmets like basins, and theywere on horseback. So the people of Cairo came out to
meet them and itwas a great day.. .Murad Beg sent thesemen to demonstrate his bravery to the
Muslims and the Turks, and the bravery of his army. He also sent some of them to Shah Rokh
b. Timur Lank, and to the ruler of Tabriz and Baghdad. He sent to Sultan Jaqmaq a splendid
five special slave girls
gift of fifty exquisite slaves (khamsuna mamluk min al-hisdn) and
(khamsjawdri l-khdss), and other things like fabrics (qumdsh) and silk (harir) and velvet
(mukhmal)...."60
-+
28. Mehmed II (r. 848-50 [1444-46]; 855-86 [1451-81]) Jaqmaq (3 Shawwal 849 [2 January
1446]): "A gift arrived from Sultan Muhammad b. Murad Beg ibn ?Uthman. The occasion
for the giftwas Murad Beg's abdication in favor of his son Muhammad, who sent the gift.
So they ascended with it to the fortress, [carrying it] in twenty-five crates (aqfds): five crates
were full of silver vessels (awdnin kulluhd Jidda), from bowls (aqddh) to plates (suhun) to

platters (sakdrij), and things of that nature; five crates contained plain clothes (thiydb sirf);
five contained clothes of gilded velvet (mukhmal mudhahhab); five contained pieces of silk
covered in floral patterns (shiqaq harir muzahhardt). Accompanying the giftwere fivewhite
Rumi slave girls (jawdrin bid Rumiyydt).61
-
29. Jaqmaq Murad II (19 Jumada II 853 [9 August 1449]): "Emir Qanim b. Safar Khuja

al-MuJayyadi, known as 'themerchant,' set out as ambassador to Ibn ?Uthman, ruler of Asia
Minor (Rum), in company with Ibn cUthman's ambassador, who had arrived before this date."62
No giftsmentioned.
30. Murad II Jaqmaq (18 Safar 854 [2April 1450]): "Emir Qanim al-Mu5ayyadi, themerchant,
came fromAsia Minor (Rum) to Cairo." No giftsmentioned.63
31. Jaqmaq Mehmed II (undated): No giftsmentioned.64
-
32. Mehmed II Jaqmaq (2 Safar 856 [23 February 1452]): No giftsmentioned.65
33. Mehmed II Inal (r. 857-65 [1453-61]) (undated, post-conquest of Constantinople): "[We
have sentwith our envoy] Jalal al-Din al-Qabuni.. .a gift of prisoners (asdrd)y slaves (ghilmdn),
fabrics (aqmisha), and other things described in detail in another letter. And indeed, the
relation of these gifts towhat is truly incumbent upon us is like the relation of a trickle ofwater
to the ocean...."66

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 ELIAS I. MUHANNA

-
34. Mehmed II Sharif ofMecca
(undated, post-conquest of Constantinople, pre-Dhu l-Qa'da
857 [November 1453]): "...[W]e have sent to you personally two thousand florins of pure
gold (alfay afluri min al-dhahab al-khass al-tamm al-wazn wa 'l-'iydr), taken as booty from
the conquest, and another seven thousand florins for the poor, to be split up as follows: two
thousand for the descendants (al-sddat wa yl-nuqaba3), one thousand for the
of the Prophet
servants of the two Sanctuaries (al-Haramayn), and the rest for those in need inMecca and
Medina.. .What hoped for that you will divide this between them according to their needs
is is
and poverty.. .and that the poor invoke God's blessing upon us in their prayers."67
35. Inal Mehmed II (20 Dhu 1-Qa?da 857 [22November 1453]): This is a congratulatory letter
from theMamluks, on the occasion of the Ottoman conquest of Constantinople. Containing
a listmuch like the one sent by Jaqmaq in 843 [1440], itwas presented
by Feridun Ahmed Beg
in the form of a grid of four columns by four rows: "And we have sentwith our envoy a gift, to
68
confirm our love and friendship...:
a. One 0>^j
<d $\al^> <Ju~?)69
gold damascened sword
(Lr^-$jyj dU? ^ <j^^?
b. Ten units of damask silk, with gold embroidery (. ^\c S JaJL- ^O70
c. Maces and steel axes
((j^^jLtljOUlc^j^^^)71
d. Two hauberks with red velvet and gold embroidery (^jt> ij 72
^ \Jj?j y>)
e. Gold-embroidered red velvet curtain (or tapestry) with gold sequins (sitrmukhmal ahmar

bi-saffayih dhahab saqqat dhahab khdss)

f. Horse armor with red velvet and gold embroidery (barkustuwan mukhmal ahmar
bi-mismar dhahab)72*
g. A golden saddlewith finebrocade (<j* j tfj-j ^ /*)74
jr
h. One hundred pieces of Alexandrian cloth (qumash Iskandari)
i. Gold coins (lc*$)j "JC-)75

j. Carpets (U^)76
k. Velvet or damask silk (kamkha)
1. Thirty-one Alexandrian garments or pieces of fabric (tafasil Iskandari)
m. Two choice stallions (khuyul khdss-fuhul 2)77
n. One choice mare (hujur 1)
o. Two elephants (afydl)
p. One wild ass (himdr wahsh)
q. Glass unguent bottles, carrying balsam oil (<jLi 3 If***
^Ljjkj)
36. Inal Mehmed II (end of Dhu 'l-Qa'da 857 [end of November 1453]): This letter from the
Mamluks was sent just a few days after the previous one with the seventeen gifts. Itmentions the
arrival inCairo of theOttoman envoy toMecca?who bears an undetermined gift?and assures
Mehmed II that "we dispatched your envoy.. .carrying the florins struckwith the excellent new

royal seal (al-afluriyydt al-maskuka bi 'l-sikka 'l-jayyida 'l-jadida 'l-sultdniyya) thatwere sent
to the Sharif ofMecca.. .with an Egyptian convoy... ."78
37. Sharif ofMecca Mehmed II (undated): The sharif thanksMehmed for "the nine thousand new
florins with Mehmed's seal (tis'at aldf afluriyydt al-jadida bi 'l-sikka yl-Muhammadiyya)..." As
a token of theMeccans sent: "the veil ofMecca's door (?) (burqac bdb al-Makka)79
gratitude,
seven taquzat of different Indian fabrics and
(al-aqmisha 'l-Hindiyya 'l-mutanawwica),
twenty turban cloths (shdshdh) soaked inZamzam water [from thewell of Zamzam, located
near the Kacba], and a dappled mare [as fast as] the ofMecca.. .."80
pigeon

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 OTTOMAN-MAMLUK GIFT EXCHANGE IN THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY

38. Mehmed II Inal (18 Jumada I 860 [24April 1456]): "The ambassador of Sultan Muhammad
ibnMurad Beg ibn ?Uthman, ruler of Asia Minor, arrived; he was Jamal al-Din ?Abd Allah
al-Qabuni. He went up to the Sultan on Tuesday, bearing the letter of the one who sent him;
it contained the tidings of the conquest of Constantinople, and was partly in verse, partly in

prose." No mentioned.81
gifts
39. Inal Mehmed II (5 Sha'ban 860 [9 July 1456]): "The envoy of Ibn cUthman set out in the
direction to return to the one who sent him, cUthman, followed by Sultan InaFs ambassador to
Ibn cUthman, al-Sayfi Qani Beg al-Yusufi al-Mihmandar." An unspecified gift ismentioned.82
40. Mehmed II Inal (868 [1463]):No gifts
mentioned.83
41. Qa'it Beg (r. 872-901 [1468-96]) Mehmed II (Dhu '1-Qa?da 878 [March-April 1474]): No
giftsmentioned.84
42. Bayezid II (r. 886-918 [1481-1512]) Qa'it Beg (3 Rabi? I 897 [4 January 1492]): "...[T]he
Emir JanBulat, who was the sultan's peacemaking envoy to Abu Yazid b. ?Uthman, returned
toDamascus... [He reported that Bayezid] had honored him and the six people with him, and
bestowed upon them robes of honor, slaves (mamdlik) and slave girls (jawdri)y camels (jimdl)y
silk fabric (qumdsh harir)y gold (dhahab)y and other things."85
43. Qa'it Beg -+ Bayezid II (Rabi? I 899 [December 1493-January 1494]): "And on this day, Ibn
?Uthman's envoy leftEgypt and returned toDamascus. He had with him many gifts of different
kinds, from horses (khayl) to slaves (raqiq) to precious metals (macddin) and jewels (jawdhir)y
and weapons (sildh)y and other things.. .."86
44. Bayezid II Qansawh al-Ghawri (r. 906-22 [1501-16]) (Jumada 1908 [November 1502]): "The
envoy of the ruler (malik) of Rum, Ibn ?Uthman, arrived at the noble gates and accompanying
him was a magnificent gift for the sultan."87
45. Qansawh al-Ghawri -+ Bayezid II (undated): Wonderful gifts are mentioned, but no details
are supplied.88
-
46. Qansawh al-Ghawri Bayezid II (8 Safar 909 [2 August 1503]): "Emir Azbak arrived in
Damascus.. .accompanied by some Egyptian merchants and others. They had with themmany
goods.. .including four prize horses for Ibn cUthman, with bales of seeds of Egyptian clover
or alfalfa (birsitn) for the horses' fodder."89
47. Bayezid Qansawh al-Ghawri (11 Jumada II 913 [18 October 1507]): No giftsmentioned.90
48. Qansawh al-Ghawri Bayezid II (19Muharram 916 [28April 1510]): A Mamluk envoy returns
to Damascus from Istanbul, having been treated well by Bayezid II. No giftsmentioned.91
49. Bayezid II Qansawh al-Ghawri (Rabic 1916 [June-July 1510]): This letter thanks theMamluks
for thewonderful gifts, but no details are supplied.92
-
50. Qansawh al-Ghawri Bayezid II (undated): Response to previous letter.No giftsmentioned.93
51. Selim I (r. 918-26 [1512-20]) Qansawh al-Ghawri (Jumada I 918 [July-August 1512]): An
Ottoman envoy arrives with a letter announcing that Bayezid II has abdicated in favor of his
son Selim. No giftsmentioned.94
52. Qansawh al-Ghawri Selim I (12 Dhu T-Qa?da 918 [19 January 1513]): The Mamluk sultan

designates an envoy to visit Selim and congratulate him on his accession. No giftsmentioned.95
-
53. Selim I Qansawh al-Ghawri (1 Jumada II920 [24 July1514]): "And on that day, Ibn ?Uthman's
a
envoy came to the palace tomeet the sultan.. .and he had with him lavish gift (taqdima hdfila)
ermine
comprising twenty-five porters (hammdl) [bearing] lynx (washaq)y sable (sammur)y
velvet clothing, and garments from Bursa (athwdb mukhmal wa-Bursdwi)y as well as
(qdqum)y
colored pieces of fabric from Samarqand (shiqaq Samarqandi mulawwan). A porter carried

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 ELIAS I. MUHANNA

silver vessels (awaninfidda), and [the envoys] entourage arrived with twenty-five beautiful
young slaves (khamsa wa-Hshrina mamluk sighar hisdn al-ashkdl)"96
-+
54. Selim I Qansawh al-Ghawri (21 Rajab 920 [11 September 1514]): A Mamluk envoy returns to
Cairo bearing a letter from Selim I, greatly glorifying Qansawh al-Ghawri (bdlagha ft ta'zimihi).
No giftsmentioned.97
55. Selim I Qansawh al-Ghawri (29 Ramadan 920 [17 November 1514]): An Ottoman envoy
arrived bearing news of Selim Fs victory over Shah Ismacil at the Battle of (^aldiran (2 Rajab 920
[23 August 1514]). No gifts are mentioned.98
56. Selim I -+ Qansawh al-Ghawri (1 Muharram 921 [15 February 1515]): An Ottoman envoy
arrived with a letter from Selim I informing Qansawh al-Ghawri of the friction between cAli
b. Shahsuwar, son of the former ruler of Dhu '1-Qadr, and 'Ala5 al-Dawla, the currentMamluk
vassal. Al-Ghawri took umbrage at Selim's request that he appoint cAlib. Shahsuwar the ruler
of Dhu 'l-Qadr. No giftsmentioned.99
57. Qansawh al-Ghawri -> Selim I (25 Safar 921 [10April 1515]): A Mamluk envoy is sent to Selim I
to find out whether he intends to enterMamluk or Safavid territories.No giftsmentioned.100
58. Selim I Qansawh al-Ghawri (14 Jumada I 921 [26 June 1515]): In this letter, the Ottoman
sultan describes the exploits of his forces in eastern Asia Minor, beginning with the conquest
ofKamakh (5Rabi? II 921 [19May 1515]),followedby thefallof the
of theQizilbash fortress
Dhu 'l-Qadrid principality (29 Rabic II 921 [12 June 1515]) and the execution of its leader,
theMamluk vassal 'Ala5 al-Dawla, whose head was presented to Qansawh al-Ghawri by the
Ottoman envoy. Selim informs al-Ghawri of his determination to continue to fight theQizilbash
forces in the "eastern provinces," and asks him not to come to their aid.101
-
59. Selim I Qansawh al-Ghawri (end of Ramadan 921 [earlyNovember 1515] [sic]): An Ottoman
envoy brings news of Selim's defeat of the Persian vassal Qara Khan near Mardin, and presents
his head to theMamluk sultan.102
60. Qansawh al-Ghawri Selim I (undated): This response congratulates Selim on his defeat ofQara
Khan and presents him with an elephant "given to us by the king of the Indian lands (malik

al-bilddal-Hindiyya)... and some Egyptian wares (al-amtica 'l-Misriyya)" The letterconcludes

with a request that theMamluk envoy be permitted "to purchase wood needed for some of our

important interests in Cairo (ishtira3 al-khashab al-lazima li-bacd masalihind 'l-muhimma fl

'l-Qdhira)" and asks Selim "to dispatch a group of people [who have specialized in] this craft
(irsdl jamm min ahali tilka 'l-san'a)"103
-
61. Selim I Qansawh al-Ghawri (beginning of Jumada II 922 [early July 1516] [sic]):104 Selim
provides the Mamluk envoy with the requested wood but apologizes profusely for not being
able to dispense with any of his woodworkers, because he is building "one hundred great ships"
with which to fight the Christians.
62. Qansawh al-Ghawri -> Selim I (undated): Al-Ghawri informs Selim of his decision to go to

Aleppo with his army in order to broker an agreement between theOttomans and the Safavids
(al-mundsib an nusliha baynakum), now that the latterhave largely been subdued. He asks Selim
not to enter the Syrian territories because "most of its inhabitants are Sunnis...
[including] the
greatest scholars of this umma, and many catastrophes have befallen them in the past, such as
the appearance of the Chingizids and the Timurids...." No giftsmentioned.105
63. Selim I -+ Qansawh al-Ghawri (10 Jumada II 922 [11 July 1516]): When Qansawh reached
Aleppo on this with him an enormous retinue, the and the four
date?bringing including caliph
chief judges of Cairo?there were two Ottoman envoys awaiting his arrival. They presented "a

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 OTTOMAN-MAMLUK GIFT EXCHANGE IN THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY

gift of forty slaves, tunics of sable (abddn sammur), velvet clothes (athwdb mukhmal), wool
clothes (athwdb $uf)yBacalbaki clothes (athwdb Ba'albaki), and other things. [Selim] sent
to the caliph two tunics of sable (badanayn sammur)y a velvet garment with brocade
gloves
(thawb mukhmal bi-kufuf qasab), and two fine wool garments (thawbayn sufcdlin)"106
64. Qansawh al-Ghawri -+ Selim I (Jumada II 922 [July 1516]): Upon receiving the
conciliatory
letter borne by Selim's envoys inAleppo, Qansawh sent a response in kind to Selim with the
Mamluk envoy Mughulbay, along with "one hundred qintdrs of sugar and confectionery in
large containers" (mVat qintdr sukkar wa-halwdfi (ulab kibar), per Selim's request. No gifts
mentioned.107
-+ Selim I
65. Qansawh al-Ghawri (Jumada II or Rajab 922 [Julyor August 1516]): Qansawh
a second envoy to Selim, the emir
dispatched Kurtbay, bearing a lavish gift of ten thousand
dinars.108

66. Selim I -> Qansawh al-Ghawri (ca. 20 Rajab 922 [ca. 19August 1516]): The envoy Mughulbay
returns from his visit to Selim after being thrown in prison and humiliated, with themessage:
"Tell your master tomeet me atMarj Dabiq."109

ANALYSIS the proportion must certainly have been higher, given

the unlikelihood of an envoy appearing empty-handed
Two general observations are in order before proceed before theMamluk or Ottoman sultan. Furthermore, of
ingwith an analysis of the corpus. Firstly, it is neces the thirty-six visits thatmention a gift exchange, only
sary to keep inmind thatwe are analyzing not giftsbut
twenty-seven identifywhat the giftwas, oftenwith only
descriptions of them, as offered by various authors. the barest of descriptions. For all we know, theremay
Moreover, these descriptions are very rarely rendered in have been farmore visits and gifts than the ones alluded
vivid, ekphrastic prose, which poses several challenges to by the sources utilized in this study.111Therefore, con
for the interpretation of thismaterial. Quite aside from clusions of a quantitative nature (e.g., that theMamluks
themundane difficulties of specialized and archaic ter sentmore carpets than theOttomans, or that theOtto
minology, manuscript corruptions, and copying errors, mans sent more slaves than theMamluks) should be
there are the conceptual difficulties of picturing what taken with a grain of salt. This is, after all, an inductive
the chroniclers described in words and connecting process; drawing precise conclusions on the strength
their descriptions with real objects that remain from of a limited sample is akin tomaking pronouncements
the period in question. For themost part, the chron about the nature of a lake's ecosystem on the basis of
icles provide only general descriptions of gifts, rarely what a few nets may bring to the surface. An alterna
giving away much more than the types and quantities of tive approach to thematerial in the corpus is offered
objects sent. The letters in Feridun Ahmed Begs collec below, along with some suggestions for future research.
tion are occasionally more elucidatory, since they serve Setting aside the conceptual, methodological, and
as grandiose introductions to the accompanying gifts. hazards endemic to this type of study,we
philological
However, much of what we would like to know about remain faced with a long list of curious items thatwere
the precise nature of a gift is usually impossible to recon sent back and forth across theMediterranean between
struct on the basis of the description provided.110 two imperial courts: finevelvets and silks, swords, axes,

Secondly, there is an empirical dilemma to bear in turban cloths,money, unguents, elephants, slaves, polit
mind, namely, that the sources utilized are selective in ical prisoners, severed heads, and more. Several ques
the information that they provide about diplomatic vis tions come tomind, which can be grouped according
its. The records for only about half of such visits men to two principal themes. First, we might ask what the
tiongiftexchanges(see table2 in theAppendix),but timeline of visits and gift exchanges reveals about the

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 198 ELI AS I. MUHANNA

development of the Ottoman-Mamluk relationship. infidel forces, the two powers rarely infringed upon each
Are the visits evenly dispersed or concentrated within other's territory.114These good relations continued dur
certain periods? Do gift exchanges reach a peak or drop ing the early part ofMehmed II's reign, especially after
off noticeably at any specific points? Is it legitimate to the Ottomans' successful conquest of Constantinople,
read into the frequency of visits a sign of the subservi but Mehmed's expansionist policies against the Qara
ence or relative status of either the visitor or the host? manids and Dhu T-Qadrids created friction between

Secondly, one might parse the above corpus by him and hisMamluk counterparts, as did his rising sta
arranging the gifts along two axes: (a) typological cat tus as primus interpares in the Islamic world. Tense

egories, and (b) giver/recipient. Proceeding from such relations prevailed up to and after theOttoman-Mam
an arrangement, one can ask:What were themost com lukwar between 1485 and 1491, but the emergence of
mon types of gifts (according to our sources)? Were the Safavid threat in the early sixteenth century pro
there certain gifts thatwere given regularly by both sides duced a flurry of diplomatic activity.
and others that came exclusively from one court? Along Although theMamluk empire met its demise at the
these lines, do large imbalances in the categories of gifts hands of Sultan Selim I, the four years between his
suggest that certain materials were exclusively available accession to power and theMamluk defeat were full of
to one party or another, as a result of trade routes and diplomatic visits and gift exchanges. Indeed, up until
spheres of influence? the declaration of war, the language of the letters sent
To address questions of the first theme, I have aligned remained highly gracious, even as the two sovereigns
all of the diplomatic visits along a regnal chronology prepared for a seemingly inevitable conflict. Between
(see table 1 in theAppendix). The period begins with the 1514 and 1516 in particular, as Selim and Qansawh
reign of Bayezid I,who sent fivemissions to theMam fought a proxy war in the border territories, their offi
luks. During the early part of his reign, the joint con cial correspondence nevertheless maintained an air
cern of both courts was the of artificial cordiality. When Selim sent Qansawh the
danger presented by Timur,
particularly to the frontier territories of eastern Ana head of cAla5al-Dawla, theMamluk-supported ruler of
tolia and northern Syria. The alliance was breached in Dhu T-Qadr (and Selim's own maternal grandfather),
1398,when Bayezid conquered several provinces within claiming that this offering was meant for Qansawh's
theMamluk sphere of influence; thiswould have grave "enjoyment" (li-inbisatikum), the "gift" had its de
consequences for theOttomans once Timur returned to sired effect: Ibn Iyas reported that the sultan did not
eastern Anatolia.112 When Faraj came to power, Bayezid emerge from his quarters the next day, and quaffed
sent an envoy with many expensive gifts (see no. 6 in some medicine to calm his nerves (see no. 58). When
the list above), attempting to reestablish an alliance with Qansawh met Selim's envoys inAleppo and demanded
him against theMongols, but Faraj refused. Bayezid was an explanation for their ruler's aggressive behavior
captured by Timur's forces and died in captivity. A long (no. 63), they presented him with a huge gift of forty
interregnum ensued, during which there was no con slaves and various kinds of fine clothing, begging
tact between the two sides.113 The Ottomans and Mam Qansawh's pardon for any offense, while politely
luks resumed diplomatic relations during Mehmed Ts insisting that Selim was determined to finish off Shah
short reign,when envoys were sent by both courts, and Isma'il.115 The ploy seemed towork, as Qansawh sent
the tone of the letters exchanged indicates that the sit Selim a gift of ten thousand dinars, with sev
along
uation between the two empires had improved. eral containers of sugar and confectionery (per Selim's
Themost prolificgiftgiverof thefifteenth
century request). Less than twomonths later,Qansawh was dead
was
undoubtedly Murad II,who sent no less than eight and theMamluk army destroyed.116
envoys to Barsbay and three to Jaqmaq, receiving a com Turning to the gift exchanges (and bearing inmind
bined nine in return. This period represented the the caveats discussed above), we find that certain cate
height
of the Ottoman-Mamluk diplomatic relationship: gories of gifts arementioned farmore frequently in con
united and successful in their struggle against various nection with one side than the other (see table 3 in the

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 OTTOMAN-MAMLUK GIFT EXCHANGE IN THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY 199

Appendix). The Ottomans, for example, sent slaves or to send a message of encroaching Ottoman hegemony
prisoners on at least twelve occasions, while there are in the Syrian territories that had long been part of the

only three recorded instances of such giftsby theMam Mamluk empire.117

luks. In addition to their great value, gifts of slaves drew Two interesting items appear in the sources around
attention to theOttomans' status as ghazis, and served themiddle of the century. The firstwas sent by Jaqmaq
as
fittingaccompaniments to letters that brought news toMurad II in 1440, one month afterMurad's envoy
of their conquests in Europe and Anatolia. With the had arrived bearing "a splendid giftof sixty loads of fab
Mamluks' war-making days mostly behind them?and ric, from silk to sable tominiver to lynx,different kinds
faced with severe economic conditions formuch of the of garments, and thirty slaves" (no. 25). In return, Jaq

period in question as a consequence of multiple epi maq sentMurad a letter declaring his desire that "both
demics of bubonic plague and Portuguese inroads into countries be as two spirits in one body," and provid
the tradewith India?the sultans of Egypt were reduced ing information about a great gift that he hoped would
to sending weapons and armor, rather than slaves, as confirm thewarm relations between theMamluks and
reminders of their once proud warrior past. theOttomans: in addition to large quantities of fine tur

Among the most frequently encountered gifts on ban cloths, several carpet runners with gold embroi
theMamluk side are horses, along with gold and sil dery, and one thousand pieces of uncut Alexandrian
ver saddles, horsecloths, and horse armor, objects that velvet, theMamluks sent "the noble Kufic Koran, writ
do not appear in theOttoman embassies. The Mamluks ten in thehand of [thethirdRightly-Guided
Caliph]
also sent elephants, which they obtained from India, 'Uthman b. 'Affan" (r. 644-56) (no. 26). Such a gift
while theOttomans sent animals found in theAnatolian must have conveyed a message of an entirely different
woodlands such as foxes, lynxes, and squirrels. The most order from the luxury goods that accompanied it.The

popular gifts, given regularly by both sides, were tex cUthmanic codex is an artifact of legendary stature in
tiles. In this area, the Ottomans sent Persian (cAjami), Islamic history. According to the traditionally accepted

European (Ifranji), and Ottoman (Rumi) fabrics,while view among Muslims, cUthmanwas the architect of the
theMamluks favored Indian (Hindi) and Alexandrian redaction process that led to the establishment of a sin
(Iskandari) cloths, reflecting the access of the two pow gle Koraniccodex during the early years of the Islamic
ers to commodities produced by their respective neigh community.118 Tradition holds that he had all the other
bors, trading partners, and enemies. The Ottomans codices destroyed and instructed his scribes to send cop
also seem to have had greater access than theMamluks ies of the canonical text to the administrative centers of
to silk broadcloth, as well as to unusual animal pelts the empire in Syria, Iraq, and the Arabian peninsula.
such as sable and miniver. The Mamluks, on the other Another tradition claims that he was assassinated while
was spat
hand, regularly sent decorative household textiles (e.g., reading his own copy of the Koran, which
carpets, shawls, drapery, etc.). Clothing and silver table tered with traces of his blood. Such a giftwould have
ware were types of gifts favored mainly by the Otto contained immense symbolic power, the effectofwhich
mans, who seem to have been particularly fond of velvet would not have been lost upon the Ottomans. When

garments, and sent them in large quantities (see no. 28). Cairo was established by theMamluks as the new seat of
In addition to velvet, silk and wool clothes, as well theAbbasid caliphate, theMamluk sultan assumed the
as tunics of sable (sammur), are mentioned. In 1428, self-designated role of Custodian of theTwo Holy Sanc
following a year of raiding in the Balkans, the Otto tuaries inMecca and Medina. The giftof the 'Uthmanic
mans sent a large convoy of gifts (no. 13) intended to codex, on the one hand, would have sent a message of
project the image of an expanding polity at the edge of Sunni Muslim solidarity in the face of "infidel" aggres
Christendom. Accompanying Rumi slaves and
the fifty sion. On the other hand, thismay have been simultane
on the part of theMamluks
a white eunuch were "twenty velvet garments of Euro ously a subtle reinforcement
pean make." Similarly, in Selim's final gift to theMam of the notion that they remained the ultimate arbiters
luks, a reference to "Ba'albaki clothing" (no. 63) seemed of political legitimacy in theMuslim world. Itwas one

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 200 ELIAS I. MUHANNA

thing, after all, to send frivolous and exotic parapher FUTURE LINES OF INQUIRY
nalia gathered from various rampaging conquests in
southeastern Europe, as theOttomans did; itwas quite Several additional
questions can be raised about
another to send a priceless piece of sacred history, from the corpus of material presented above, and it is
the birthplace of Islam.119 worth gesturing towards a few of these issues by
The second noteworthy gift falls in themomentous way of indicating some other lines of future inquiry.
year of 1453. When the Ottomans The approach I have adopted has been to parse the
conquered Con
stantinople, Mehmed II sent an embassy bearing the corpus according to different gift categories (textiles,
glorious news to theMamluk sultan, as well as a sep metalwork, slaves, animals, etc.), but one would be
arate delegation to the Sharif ofMecca?at the time, a equally justified in asking whether there were other
client of theMamluks. The letter to the Sharif states: assumed hierarchies or typologies of gifts, organized
"We have sent to you personally two thousand florins according to different qualitative variables or units of
of pure gold, taken as booty from the conquest, and worth. In the bureaucracies of these empires, which
another seven thousand florins for the poor...in Mecca structured their diplomatic encounters according to
and Medina" (no. 34). The evidence from the Sharif s elaborate protocols, was the choice of a gift governed

response toMehmed (no. 37) suggests that the Otto by a set of attitudes about its conventional "meaning"?
mans had overstamped these Do any continuities exist between the "meanings" of
gold coins, as he confirms
the receipt of "nine thousand new florins with the seal gifts in this particular context, and gift exchanges from
ofMehmed from the spoils of that great city" (tis'at alaf other geographical and chronological contexts?121

afluriyyat al-jadida bi 'l-sikka al-Muhammadiyya min The aim of this article has been to reconstruct a pre

anfdl tilka 'l-balda 3l-cazima). The coins were also noted liminary history of gift exchange between twoMuslim
by theMamluk sultan Inal, who sentMehmed a letter polities over the course of the long fifteenth century,
after theOttoman convoy leftCairo forMecca, express based on historical sources and chancery documents.

ing his hopes that "the florins struck with the excel Having established a diplomatic chronology and a "skel
lent new royal seal" (al-afluriyyat al-maskuka bi l-sikka eton inventory" of gifts exchanged during this period,

l-jayyida 'l-jadida 'l-sultdniyya) reach their destination the incorporation of further sources (particularly from

safely (see no. 36). the Ottoman side) could well shed further light on the
This gift is significant for two reasons. Firstly, by gift-giving habits and tastes of different rulers, theways
inwhich diplomatic messages were communicated in
patronizing the Sharif ofMecca?a role reserved for
theMamluks?Mehmed II was overtly staking a claim the language of gifts, and the availability of various lux
for the political leadership of the Islamic world, and his urymaterials in the fifteenthcentury.
decision to send gold coins taken as booty from Con
stantinople and overstamped with his seal suggests that Department ofNear Eastern Languages and Civilizations,
he saw himself as the heir to both the Islamic and Roman Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass.
traditions. Secondly, while it isknown thatTurkish gold
florins and ducats?Ottoman replicas of the Venetian
originals?had been produced as early as 1425, themen APPENDIX
tion of an overstamped florin from 1453 in the two let
ters in Feridun Ahmed Beg's collection (nos. 34 and 36) The tables below sort the data gathered from the his
is an indication that theOttoman sultans had torical chronicles by date and reign (table 1), level of
begun to
their names on coins well before the detail vis-a-vis gift exchanges (table 2), and
put gold minting gift catego
of sultdms began in 1477-78.120 ries (table 3).

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 OTTOMAN-MAMLUK GIFT EXCHANGE IN THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY 201

Table 1.Diplomatic Envoys SentbyOttoman andMamluk Sul Table 2:Visits and GiftExchanges
tans

Diplomatic visitsand gifts Quantity

Ottomans #of envoyssent Mamluks
Diplomatic visits 66
Bayezid I Barquq Visitsmentioning gifts36
Faraj Visits with no mention of gifts 30
Mehmed I al-Mu5ayyadShaykh Detailed giftexchanges* 27
Murad II Barsbay Undetailed giftexchanges 11
Jaqmaq Ottoman giftexchanges 23
Mamluk giftexchanges 16
Mehmed II
*A
giftexchange isdefined as the act of givingone ormultiple
Inal one on a
gifts by party to another single occasion. Note that there
SharifofMecca may bemore thanone giftexchangeon a singlediplomaticvisit,
if thevisiting envoy presents his gift(s) to the sultan and also
Qa'it Beg
receives a
gift in return.

Bayezid II

Qansawh al-Ghawri

Selim

The numbers in thistablereferto instancesof envoysdispatched

by Ottoman and Mamluk courts.

Table 3. Categories ofGiftsExchanged

GiftType Ottomans Mamluks

Slaves (6) ten slaves (13) slaves

& (9) thirtyslaves (15) twoChandaki slaves
Prisoners Rumi slaves,awhite eunuch
(13) fifty (43) slaves
(25) thirtyslaves
slaves,five slavegirls
(27) prisoners,fifty
(28) fiveRumi slavegirls
(33) prisoners, slaves

(42) slaves, slavegirls

(53) twenty-five slaves
(58) head of'Ala5 al-Dawla
(59) head ofQara Khan
(63) fortyslaves
Animals (6) tenhorses (8) twohorses
(9) birds,beasts of prey (24) one elephant
(13) birds, sable,gray squirrel,lynx,fox (26) threeelephants
(42) camels (35) threehorses, two elephants,one wild ass
(37) one horse
(43) horses
(46) fourprize horses
(60) one elephant

(Table 3 continuedon nextpage)

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202 ELIAS I. MUHANNA

GiftType Ottomans Mamluks

Clothing (9) silkclothes (26) ten turbancloths, tengarments,four silk

(12)Murad II's own clothes,silk turbanwith gold kerchiefs, seven kerchiefs, fourteen shawls, seven

brocade, pure gold cap silk garments, six sadiyyat/salariyyat

(13) twentyvelvetgarmentsofEuropean make (35) thirty-one Alexandrian garments

(25) various garments
(28) fivecratesof plain clothes,fivecratesofvelvet
clothes

(53) velvet clothing,garmentsfromBursa

(63) tunics of sable, velvet clothes, wool clothes,
Ba'albaki clothes, brocade gloves

Carpets (26) fourcarpetswith gold thread

(35) carpets
Leather leatherbags
(26) twenty-five
Metalwork (6) two silver cups, ten pieces of silver tableware

(28) five cratesof silvervessels

Saddles (8) twogold/silversaddles

(26) fifteensaddles, one golden saddle
(35) one golden saddle
Devotional (26) 'Uthmanic Koran
Gifts (37)Meccan door veil, twentyturbancloths
soaked in Zamzam water

Textiles (6) ten lengthsof broadcloth (8) fivetaquzat ofEgyptian fabric

& (7) fivetaquzat ofRumi fabric,threetaquzat of (13) fabric
Furs European fabric, two bundles of Persian fabric (26) one thousand pieces Alexandrian velvet
(25) sixtyloads of silk,sable,miniver, lynx (35) ten units of damask silk, a red velvet curtain,
(27) fabric,silk,velvet Alexandrian cloth,velvetor damask silk (kamkhd)
(28) fivecratesof silk infloralpatterns (37) seven taquzat of Indian fabrics
(33) fabrics
(42) silkfabric
(53) twenty-five portersbearing loads of lynx,sable,
ermine, colored fabric from Samarqand

Weaponry (26) two swords (gold and silver),gold 'ajanat,

steel and silver helmet, two brigandines, horse
armor, four axes, bows, golden billhook,

(35) gold sword, maces and steel axes, two

hauberks, horse armor with red velvet
(43)weapons (silah)

Unguents (26) balsam oil

(35) balsam oil

Money (5) twohundred thousanddinars (35) gold coins

(34) nine thousandgold florins (65) ten thousanddinars
Precious (42)gold (43) preciousmetals, jewels
Metals
& Jewels

Misc. (8) Indian and Alexandrian wares

(60) Egyptianwares

The numbers in parentheses refer to the diplomatic visits inwhich the gifts were as enumerated above.
exchanged,

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 OTTOMAN-MAMLUK GIFT EXCHANGE IN THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY 203

NOTES man Empire and theMamluk Empire in the FirstQuarter

of the SixteenthCentury" (PhD diss.,Michigan StateUni
1. Author's note: This article was
originally written
as a seminar versity, 1981); Ahmad FuJad Mutawalli, al-Fath al-cUthmdni
for Professor Giilru Necipoglu at Harvard li 'l-Shdm wa-Misr min wdqV
paper University. wa-muqaddimdtuhu al-wathd}iq
Itwas subsequentlypresented at theHistorians of Islamic wa 1-masddir
al-Turkiyya
wa
l-Arabiyya al-mu'dsira lahd
Art Association Majlis held inNew York City in February (Cairo, 1976).Also seeCarl F. Petry,Twilightof
Majesty: The
2006.1 would like to thankGiilruNecipoglu and othersfor Reignsof theMamluk Sultansal-AshrafQdytbdy and Qdnsuh
their valuable comments: David Roxburgh, Stefano Carboni, al-Ghawri inEgypt (Seattle,1993), 88-119,173-227.
Ghada Qaddumi, Wheeler Thackston, Marcus 4. Abu '1-Mahasin Jamal al-Din Yusuf Ibn Taghribirdi,
Milwright,
Spur,Andras Riedlmayer,Lutz Ilisch,andCihan Yuksel,
Jeff Hawddith al-duhurfi madd 'l-ayydm
wa 'l-shuhur, ed. Kamal
as well as an anonymous reviewer. al-Din Tzz al-Din, 1st ed., 2 vols. (Beirut, 1990-).
see the account 5. Abu 'l-Mahasin Jamal al-Din Yusuf Ibn Taghribirdi,
For Harun's gift to Charlemagne, pre History
sented in Einhard and Notker the Stammerer, Two Lives of ofEgypt,1382-1469A.D., ed.William Popper,Universityof
Charlemagne, trans. Lewis
Thorpe (Harmondsworth, 1969), California Publications in SemiticPhilology 13-14, 17-19,
70,145. For related studies on gifts of exotic animals, see also 22-23 (Berkeley,1909-29). IbnTaghribirdi livedprincipally
Helmut Nickel, "Presents to Princes: A
Bestiary of Strange
inEgypt.This editionofhis chroniclecovers theperiod from
and Wondrous Beasts, Once Known, For a Time Forgotten, 1382 to 1469.
andRediscovered," MetropolitanMuseum Journal26 (1991): 6. 'All ibn Dawud
al-Sayrafi, Nuzhat al-nufus
wa 'l-abddn ft

129-38; Leslie Brubaker, "The Elephant and theArk: Cul tawarikh al-zamdn, ed. Hasan Habashi, 4 vols. (Cairo, 1970).
tural and Material Interchange
across the Mediterranean in The chronicleof Ibn al-Sayraficovers theperiod from 1382
the Eighth and Ninth Centuries," Dumbarton Oaks to 1445.
Papers
58 (2004): 175-95. 7. Shams al-Din Muhammad Ibn Tulun, Mufdkahat al-khilldn
2. The theoretical and literature on fx hawddith al-zamdn, ed. Muhammad Mustafa, 2 vols.
anthropological gift
exchange begins with Marcel Mauss's seminal work, "Essai (Cairo, 1962). Ibn Tulun lived inDamascus; his chronicle
sur le don: Forme et raison de covers theperiod from 1479 to 1520.
l'echange dans les societes
LAnnee 1 (1925): 30-186. For 8. Feridun Ahmed Beg, Miinse'dtu 's-seldtin, 2 vols. (Istanbul,
archaiques," Sociologique
studiesof giftexchange in themedieval Islamicworld and 1848). FeridunAhmed Beg was thehead of theOttoman
between Muslim and European polities,
see A. Beihammer, chanceryduring the reignofMurad III.
"Die Kraft
der Zeichen: Kommunikation in 9. Abu '1-Barakat Muhammad ibn Ahmad Ibn Iyas, Badd'V
Symbolische
der byzantinisch-arabischen des 10. und 11. al-zuhurfi waqd'i' al-duhur, ed. Muhammad Mustafa, 2nd
Diplomatic
Jahrhunderts," Jahrbuch der Osterreichischen Byzantinis ed., 9 vols. (Cairo, 1960-62). Also see Ibn Iyas, Journal d'un
tik54 (2004): 159-89; Anthony Cutler, "Les echanges de bourgeois de Caire: Chronique dTbn Iyas, trans. Gaston Wiet,
dons entre Byzance et lTslam Journal 2 vols. (Paris, 1955); Ibn Iyas, Histoire des Mamlouks cir
(IXe-XIe siecles),"
des Savants (January-June 1996): 51-66; Cut cassiens, trans. Gaston Wiet (Cairo, 1945).
Anthony
ler,"Giftsand Gift Exchange as Aspects of theByzantine, 10. Taqi al-Din Abu
'l-cAbbas Ahmad al-Maqrizi, Kitdb al-Suluk
Arab, and Related Economies," Dumbarton Oaks Papers li-macrifat duwal al-muluk, ed. Muhammad Mustafa Ziyada,
55 (2001): 247-78; Oleg Grabar, "The Shared Culture of 2nd ed., 4 vols. (Cairo, 1934-).
in Byzantine Court Culture from 829 to 1204, ed. 11. In some instances, a letter sent by one party may allude to a
Objects,"
Henry Maguire (Washington, D.C., 1997), 115-29; Muham giftsentby theotherparty,so it isnot always the case that
mad Hamidullah, "Nouveaux documents sur les rapports de the sender and addressee are the giver and recipient,
always
avec l'Orient Musulman au Moyen
l'Europe Age," Arabica respectively.
7 (1960): 281-300; Eva Hoffman, "Pathwaysof Portability: 12. For assistance with gift-related terminology, I have made
Islamic and Christian from the Tenth use of several sources, including: R. Dozy, aux
Interchange through Supplement
theTwelfthCentury,"Art History 24, 1 (February2001): dictionnaires arabes (Beirut, 1968); R. Dozy, Dictionnaire
17-50. As this article was detaille des noms des vetements chez les arabes
going to print, Professor Necipoglu (Beirut,
drew my attention to a Turkish article that covers similar 1969); L. A. Mayer, Mamluk Costume: A Survey (Geneva,
and identifies some of the same L. A. Mayer, Islamic Metalworkers and Their Works
ground gifts mentioned 1952);
here: see Cuneyt Kanat, "Osmanh ve Memluk Devletleri'nin (Geneva, 1959); L. A. Mayer, Islamic Armourers and Their
Birbirlerine Gonderdigi Armaganlar," in Uluslararast Works (Geneva, 1962); D. Nicolle, Encyclopaedia of Islam,
Osmanh Tarihi Sempozyumu (8-10 Nisan 1999) Bildirileri, New Edition (henceforthEI2) (Leiden, 1960-2004), s.v.
ed. Turan Gokce (Izmir, 2000), 35-52. "Silah";Ahmad ibn al-Rashid Ibn al-Zubayr,Book ofGifts
= Kitdb
3. forDomination in the
See ShaiHar-El, Struggle Middle East: and Rarities al-Haddyd
wa
al-fuhaf,
trans. Ghada

TheOttoman-MamlukWar 1485-91 (Leiden, 1995); Emire al-Qaddumi (Cambridge, Mass., 1996); Robert B. Serjeant,

Cihan Muslu, "Ottoman-Mamluk Relations: Diplomacy and Islamic Textiles:Material for a History up to theMongol
Perceptions"(PhD diss.,HarvardUniversity,2007);YusufAli Conquest (Beirut, 1972);Yedida K. Stillman et al., EI2, s.v.
al-Thakafi,"TheDiplomatic Relationshipbetween theOtto "Libas"; Yedida K. Stillman et al., EI2, s.v. "Tiraz"; Yedida

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 204 ELIAS I. MUHANNA

K. Stillman, Arab Dress from the Dawn of Islam

toModern 27. Feridun Ahmed Beg, Munse'dtu 's-seldtin, 1:195-97.
Times:A ShortHistory (Leiden,2003). 28. Ibid., 1:197-98. Chandaki probably refers to the city of Her
13. Ibn Iyas, Bada'V al-zuhur, vol. 1, pt. 2., p. 390. Note that aklion inCrete,which acquired thename Chandak when it
Bayezid Iwas not yet sultan at the timeof thisvisit,which was fortified
by surroundingtrenches (khandaq inArabic)
may mean that the envoy was sent by his father, Murad I. in the tenth century.
See Muslu, "Ottoman-Mamluk Relations," 34-35 n. 23, for 29. Ibid., 1:198-200.
a discussion of an earlier visit by an Ottoman envoy to Cairo 30. Ibid., 1:200-201.
in 1366.Muslu argues that itwas probablynot sentby the 31. Ibid., 1:201-2.
Ottomans, as Ibn 150 years later, thinks, but 32. Ibid., 1:202-3.
Iyas, writing
rather by Orhan, ruler ofMentese. 33. Ibid., 1:203-5.
14. Feridun Ahmed 's-selatin, 1:116-17. 34. 1:205-6.
Beg, Munse'atu Ibid.,
15. Ibid, 1:117-18. 35. Ibid., 1:206.
16. Ibn Iyas, Bada'V al-zuhur, vol. 1, pt. 2, p. 462. 36. Ibn al-Sayrafi, Nuzhat al-nufus, 3:376.
17. IbnTaghribirdI,History ofEgypt, 13:148. 37. Feridun Ahmed Beg, Munse'dtu 's-seldtin, 1:208.
term
al-nufus, 2:118.
18. Ibn al-Sayrafi, Nuzhat 38. Ibn al-Sayrafi, Nuzhat al-nufus, 4:176-77.
The
19. al-Maqrizi, al-Suluk, vol. 3, pt. 3, p. 1069. shiqaq refers to pieces of garment-sized fabric: see Still
20. Feridun Ahmed Beg, Munse'atu 's-selatin, 1:145. The term man, EI2, s.v. "Tiraz." The letter delivered by this envoy
taquzat would appear to be a measurement of quantity based isvery likelythe one thatappears in FeridunAhmed Beg,
on thenumbernine (dokuz). The termIfranjidoes not refer Munse'dtu 's-seldtin, 1:209-12, which does not mention any
to Franks. This fabric may well have been Vene gifts. See also Ibn Iyas, BaddT al-zuhiir, 2:223.
specifically
tian or Hungarian, or of some other European
origin. As 39. Ibn al-$ayrafi, Nuzhat al-nufus, 4:179.
Halil Inalcik notes, thisgift-ladenvisit took place prior to 40. This list appears in Feridun Ahmed Beg, Munse'dtu 's-seldtin,
Mehmed's campaign against the Qaramanids,
as the Mam 1:214. The letter is dated 20 Dhu '1-Hijja 843, i.e., one day
luk sultan was considered one of their protectors. See H. before this envoy departed on his The inventory
journey.
Inalcik, EI2, s.v. "Mehemmed I." is laid out in grid-fashion, and many of the terms are dif
21. Feridun Ahmed Beg, Munse'atu 's-selatin, 1:146. ficultto decipher. I have compared the list found in the
22. Ibn al-Sayrafi, Nuzhat al-nufus, 2:466. The letter accompa 1848printed edition of FeridunAhmed Beg with the 1858
nying thisgift (dated 4 Shawwal 822 [24October 1419]) is edition, as well
as with two manuscripts of the same work
in Feridun Ahmed 's-selatin, 1:164-65. The
Beg, Munse'atu (Istanbul,Suleymaniye, Ms. Fatih 4126; Istanbul, Ms. Ragip
letter informs us that the chief emissary is Khayr al-Din Pa?a 1521). I am grateful for the assistance of Norman Still
Khalil Beg but itdoes notmention thegiftsenumeratedby man, Wheeler Thackston, Andras Riedlmayer, and Ghada
Ibn al-Sayrafi. Note that in an effort to restrict the scope of Qaddumi inhelpingme to decode some of the specialized
my study, I have not included robes of honor among the vocabulary.
in dip this is the same
gifts counted, despite their importance and ubiquity 41. It is unclear whether 'Uthmanic Koran pre
lomatic protocol. served in the Pavilion of the Sacred Relics at Topkapi Palace.
23. Feridun Ahmed Beg, Munse'atu 's-selatin, 1:165-66. This is See Hilmi Aydin, The Sacred Trusts:Pavilion of theSacred
a short response to the previous letter sent by Mehmed I. Relics, Topkapi Palace Museum, Istanbul, ed. Talha Ugurluel
24. Ibn al-Sayrafi, Nuzhat 3:28. Barsbay's are and Ahmet Dogru (Somerset, N.J., 2004), 94.
al-nufus, gifts
described as huwa li 'bn (Uthman 42. For the term saqqat, see Dozy, Supplement, forwhich he gives
"wa-qaddama aydan
ashya' min Hndahu," which may suggest that Barsbay sent the definition: "Damasquiner-incruster Tor ou Fargent dans
some of his See the exchange of 2 Rabic le fer ou l'acier." See also Mayer, Mamluk Costume, 44: "The
personal belongings.
1831 (21December 1427), foran example of thistypeofgift. chroniclers make repeated mention of swords damascened
25. Ibn al-Sayrafi, Nuzhat al-nufus, 3:128-29. with silver (musaqqata or inscribed, or
bi-fidda) gold...and
26. Ibn al-Sayrafi, Nuzhat al-nufus, 3:131-32. This visit is also inlaid with jewels." The adjective remains a mystery.
<ojyxl*
documented in IbnTaghribirdI,History ofEgypt, 18:55,but 43. I have found no definitions for the gold-encrusted item in
with no mention of the gifts: "The Sultan held the court ser this entry. Given its placement in the itwould appear
grid,
vice in thePorticoHall of thePalace of Justiceof theCitadel; to be some kind of weapon.
the ambassadors ofMurad Beg ibn 'Uthman, ruler of Bursa, 44. This is certainlyqarqaldt, rather thanfarfaldt.A qarqala
Adrianople, and other places in Asia Minor, were could refer to one of three things: a gown with no sleeves;
brought
there. Itwas a
mighty cortege, inwhich there
were the emirs, a cuirasse (Dozy, Supplement);or a brigandine, on which
Sultan's mamluks, the standing army, and others, in accor see
Mayer, Mamluk Costume, 40: "At the beginning of the
dance with the usual nature of the elaborate
arrangements fifteenthcenturythe brigandinewas called qarqal. This is
of the service in the Portico Hall, a service that has not been clear fromthedefinitiongiven byQalqashandi: theqarqal
held in thatHall since thedays of al-Malik al-Zahir Jaqmaq; armor ismade of iron laminate covered with red and yellow
those who knew its arrangements have passed away, so that brocade (dibaj). Ibn Taghribirdimade specificmention of
ifanyking shouldwish toperformit,itwould not be possible without sleeves." The name
brigandines given, Muhammad
for him to do so." Kabari, may refer to the artisan.

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 OTTOMAN-MAMLUK GIFT EXCHANGE IN THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY 205

45. this word as caparacons, a kind a rd}). A was a short-sleeved

Dozy, Supplement, glosses shaped like salldriyya coat pop
ofhorse armor. In thecase ofboth thisgiftand theprevious ular among the Mamluks; see Stillman, Arab Dress, 69-70.
one, the presence of proper names may indicate that the An alternative be sa'idiyyat, in which case it
reading would
might referto a kind of garment fromYemen, attributed
artifact was
signed.
46. The meaning of this listing is unclear. The term mismdr can to Sa'id b. al-'As, a prominent of the Prophet
Companion
mean a nail or a peg. The consulted do not I am
manuscripts Muhammad. grateful to Dr. Ghada Qaddumi for this
contain alternatives to the printed edition. latter suggestion.
47. One potential reading of this entry is zarkash (brocade), 60. Ibn al-Sayrafi, Nuzhat al-nufus, 4:311-12. See also Ibn
although themisspelling, coupled with the term saqqat Iyas, Badd'i' al-zuhur, 2:247. The prisoners mentioned may
(which suggestssomethingmade out ofmetal), renders it have been taken a few months earlier at the famous Battle
unlikely. of Varna, in which the Ottoman army, led by Murad II,
48. means or "unornamented"; this may be the a force of
Sddhij "plain," defeated European crusaders. While the source
term used to solid, colored cloth from patterned
distinguish says that the prisoners and the giftswere sent byMurad
or printedcloth.Thus, thisentry
would referto a giftofplain at the time was
II, the sultan officially the thirteen-year
red cloth. Alternatively, and given that this entry comes
oldMehmed II,who would be deposed a year later,before
a ten turban cloths in a rosette pat
directly after listing of
returning to the throne in 1451.
tern, sddhij may refer to turban cloths again, indicating that 61. Ibn al-Sayrafi, Nuzhat al-nufus, 4:324. This only accounts
a one was also sent.
single, plain red for twenty of the twenty-five mentioned crates, unless we
49. Here we have an artifact associated with a
again, possibly assume that the slave were put in cages as well and pre
girls
craftsman. A qaws is a bow, but the term Ai^a is less clear.
which seemsunlikely.This giftexchange
sentedto thesultan,
One manuscript (Ms. Ragip Pa?a 1521) provides the alter
takesplace duringMehmed II's brief firstreign (1444-46).
nate reading whichmakes khamsa (five)possible, but
See also Ibn Iyas, Badd'i' al-zuhur, 2:252.
given that quantities are at the end of each
always provided 62. IbnTaghribirdi,History ofEgypt, 19:117.
giftentry,thisreading is also unlikely. 63. Ibid., 19:125.
50. The manuscripts consulted a variant for the first
provide 64. Feridun Ahmed Beg, Munse'dtu 's-seldtin, 1:265-66.
word, which looks like the term tafsila(a genericword for
65. Ibid., 1:266-68.
"garment"). The second word would appear to be shdpuri,
66. Ibid., 1:237. These prisoners were, to other
so these may have been some kind of Persian according
garments. An
sources, high-ranking Byzantine officials.
alternate reading would be shalwdr (trousers). The rest of the
67. Ibid., 1:240.
description is a mystery.
68. Ibid., 1:238-39. In cases of ambiguity, I have the
51. The entry contains a description of two parts of the saddle, compared
text with three manuscripts of the same work: Istan
thefirstofwhich was coveredwith gold brocade,while the printed
bul, Suleymaniye, Ms. Fatih 4070, Ms. Fatih 4126; Istanbul,
secondwas made with a largequantity (600 mithqdh) of
Ms. Ragip Pa?a 1521.
some
gold. The manuscripts consulted, while containing
69. The manuscripts consulted provide the variant sakdkin
are not
slight variants, helpful in decoding the description.
52. A mandil is a kind of a scarf, kerchief, or towel. The term (knives) for the sixthword, but otherwise do not help
to decipher the rest of the description.
nakh can refer to a mat, a rug, or a carpet runner, but ismore
70. This may be a corruption of kamkhd, which refers to Damask
likelyto referhere to a kind of silkfabricwith gold brocade.
See Dozy, Dictionnaire silk.The cayn-alif a quantityof
is an abbreviationsignifying
detaille, 221.
53. Here we have seven towels/kerchiefs, followed a ten units.
by listing of
to Dozy's 71. The firstterm is a corruptionof dabdbis (pluralof dabbus,
twenty-five huhdr, which, according Supplement,
means "un sac fait de peau de veau, ou selon d'autres, sac fait which means "mace").
72. A a see D. Nicolle, s.v. "Silah."
de la peau du cou du chameau." chuqal is mail hauberk; Ell,
54. Here, once we see the term sddhij. The 73. See n. 44 above.
again, mysterious
consulted do not provide variants. 74. Here reference to a golden saddle, with its (?) &j>
is another
manuscripts
55. The firstword is likely to be ma'sha, which means "billhook," made of gold brocade (see gift no. 26-q). The manuscripts
a kind of consulted provide no helpful variants.
polearm.
56. The finalwords in thisdescriptionmay referto theplace of 75. The word bunduqi refers to a gold coin minted according
to the standard a Venetian
origin of this balsam oil. weight of ducat. The word that
57. is a shawl or a scarf, and the word kdfur means cam follows it is presumably an abbreviation of quantity.
Afuta
phor, which was
regularly used as a
perfume. These shawls 76. The secondword is likelyan abbreviationof quantity.
as mandih were 77. The printed edition contains for this reference
may have been scented with camphor, just corruptions
regularly scented with musk. and thefollowingone thatare clarifiedby themanuscripts
58. The term tafdsil can refer to garments or pieces of fabric. See consulted.
s.v. 78. Ahmed 's-seldtin, 1:240-43.
Dozy, Supplement, "tafsila." Feridun Beg, Munse'dtu
59. The termsa'diyydt (witha poorly
may actuallybe salldriyydt 79. Thismay be a symbolequivalenttobestowingupon someone
written cayn, easily mistakable for a lam-alif, and a ddl the "keys of the city."

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 206 ELIAS I. MUHANNA

80. Feridun Ahmed 1:243-44. on Selim's min nawc al-istikhfdfbi

Beg, Munse'atu 's-seldtin, part (wa-hddhd 'l-sultdn).
81. IbnTaghribirdI,History ofEgypt,22:57. The followingday brought news of thebattle between the
82. Ibn TaghribirdI,History ofEgypt, 22:58. The gift ismen forces of 'Ali b. Shahsuwar and cAla' al-Dawla, and the lat
tioned in Ibn Iyas, Badd'V al-zuhur, 2:332. ter's defeat and flight.
83. b. All 100. Ibid., 4:445-46.
Ahmad al-Qalqashandi, Subh al-acshd ft sind'at
al-inshd', 14 vols. (Cairo, 1964), 4:58-59. See Muslu, "Otto 101. Feridun Ahmed Beg, Munse'dtu 's-seldtin, 1:411-13. This let
man-Mamluk Relations," 6-8, for a discussion of the ter is also mentioned by Ibn Iyas, Badd'V al-zuhur, 4:462-63,
breaches in diplomatic protocol in this letterand thepre who describes the scene of disturbance caused by the "gift" of

ceding one, and their impact on the deterioration of Otto cAla5 al-Dawla's head. The Ottoman envoy arrived in Cairo
man-Mamluk on 25 JumadaII 921 (6August 1515).
relations during this period.
84. Ibn 3:94. Ibn Iyas 102. Feridun Ahmed Beg, Munse'dtu 's-seldtin, 1:419-21. Note
Iyas, Badd'V al-zuhur, erroneously says
that the envoywas sent toAbu Yazid (Bayezid II) rather that this letteris dated incorrectly,as the defeat of Qara
thanMehmed II; the formerdid not accede to the throne Khan and the conquest of Diyar Bakr was not complete until

until 1481. 922 (1516): see A. H. de Groot, EI2, s.v. "Koc Hisar." This is

85. IbnTulun,Mufakahat al-khilldn,1:147.This visitmay have further corroborated by the statement in the letter that Selim
been the firstconciliatoryexchange between the two sides spentthewinter athis capitalbefore launchinghis campaign
the Ottoman-Mamluk War of 1485-91. I have again in the spring.
following
103. Feridun Ahmed Beg, Munse'dtu 's-seldtin, 1:421-22.
foundno recordsof diplomatic visits fortheeighteenyears
104. Ibid., 1:422-23. The date of this letter is almost certainly
prior to this one.
incorrect, as the undated response from al-Ghawri suggests
86. Ibid., 1:154. It is unclear why Ibn Tulun says that the Otto
man to Damascus" a ild
thathe received the letter in Cairo before departing for
envoy "returned {raja1 Dimashq).
The use of the termqdsid Ibn 'Uthmdnmakes itunlikely Aleppo inMay 1516.
105. Ibid., 1:423-24. In this letter, Qansawh strikes a balance
that this was actually
aMamluk envoy, and would not avoid
to Damascus" on the way to
between praising Selim for fightingthe accursed Safavids
the problem of his "returning
and attempting to convince him that they no longer repre
Istanbul.
sent a threat. He urges Selim to turn his attention to the west.
87. Ibn Iyas, Badd'V 4:46. The letter carried
al-zuhur, by this 106. Ibn Iyas, Badd'i1 al-zuhur, 5:60-61. Selim also sent gifts to
envoy,dated Safar 908 (August 1502), is noted in Feridun the caliph and to some of the umard'.
Ahmed Beg, Munse'atu 's-selatin, 1:347-49. No are
gifts 107. Ibid., 5:60-63. A qintdr was to 100 rath, a unit of
mentioned in the letter. equivalent

88. Feridun Ahmed weight that,innorthernSyriaduring theperiod inquestion,

Beg, Munse'atu 's-selatin, 1:349-50. was
roughly equivalent to 2.22 See E. Ashtor, EI2,
89. Ibn Tulun, Mufakahat 1:268-69. kilograms.
al-khilldn, s.v.
"Makayil." I have not the sugar and confec
90. Ibn Iyas, Badd'V designated
al-zuhur, 4:122, mentions that Qansawh
as
tionery gifts because Selim specifically asked for them.
bestowed a robe of honor on the envoy and outfittedhis
108. Ibn Iyas, Badd'i' al-zuhur, 5:63-64. As Ibn Iyas reports, this
with short-sleeved coats of
companions lynx and sable (wa never reached Selim. When
gift Kurtbay arrived in 'Ayntab,
albasa jamd'atahu salldriyydt washaq wa-sammur). he learnedthatthesultanhad castMughulbay inprison and
91. Feridun Ahmed 's-seldtin, 1:341.
Beg, Munse'atu that the Ottoman army had entered Syrian territories and
92. Ibid., 1:354-55.
was on He hurried back
descending Malatya. immediately
93. Ibid., 1:355-56.
to Qansawh to deliver this news.
94. Ibn Iyas, Badd'V al-zuhur, 4:269.
109. Ibid., 5:68.
95. Ibid., 4:289. This decision to send an envoy to Selim was 110.For a discussion of thedifficulty
ofdefining"theboundaries
made a few after the arrival in Cairo of the a written
days Suleyman, between document meant to be read or heard and
son of Prince Ahmed (Selim's older brother, who had been or
images objects meant to be seen or used," see Grabar,
Bayezid II's favorite to replace him on the throne). "Shared Culture of Objects," 116-17.
96. Ibid., 4:383-84. It is not clear from the
description whether 111. The choice of sources has also had the effect of providing
thisgiftincluded liveanimals or pelts,although thefactthat more information about Ottoman
slightly gifts. Although
theyare followedby other kinds of fabricwould suggest all of the chronicles are Mamluk sources, detailed informa
the latter. tion about giftexchanges tends tomake itsway into the
97. Ibid., 4:395-96.
history books when the envoy is arriving from, rather than
98. Ibid., 4:402-4. Ibn Iyas notes that Sultan Qansawh did not a
setting out for, foreign court. Incorporating some Ottoman
order thedrums tobe beaten or thecitytobe decorated fol chronicles and the fewMamluk chancerydocuments that
lowing the
news of this
victory,
nor was the reason for this remainmight change theoverallpicture of thecorpus.
lack of celebration known at that time. 112. See al-Thakafi, 57-60.
"Diplomatic Relationship,"
99. Ibid., 4:435-36. Ibn Iyas points out that the titleused to 113. Al-Thakafi, "Diplomatic 62. See also Muslu,
Relationship,"
refer to Qansawh al-cdli), was less "Ottoman-Mamluk and Dimitris
(maqdmukum distinctly Relations," 36-37, J.Kas
loftythantheone Selimused to refertohimself (maqdmund The Sons ofBayezid:EmpireBuilding and Representa
tritsis,
al-sharif). This, says Ibn Iyas, represented a form of disdain tion in theOttoman CivilWar of 1402-13 (Leiden, 2007).

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 OTTOMAN-MAMLUK GIFT EXCHANGE IN THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY 207

114. On Murad If s good relations with theMamluks, see Muslu,

Egypt, in theyear 1226 (1811); this isnot theone from1440
"Ottoman-Mamluk Relations," 39-41,117-26. Muslu notes mentioned by Feridun Ahmed Beg. However, according
a from 816/1413 to 855/1451...due to to the late curator of the Topkapi Tahsin
period of "harmony Palace Museum,
the ongoing menace that Shah Rokh, the successor of Timur, Oz, there are two copies in the museum that are presumed
to have belonged
posed to both powers." to cUthman. Thus, it is possible that the
115. This, says Ibn Iyas, was a trick designed to turn Qansawh's second one is the copy mentioned in our sources. See Aydin,
war. See Ibn Iyas, Badd'V Sacred Trusts, 91. The Topkapi Palace Museum has been
thoughts away from al-zuhur,
5:60-61. closed for renovations for the past several years and I have
116. Caroline Finkel discusses Ottoman in the build not been able to verify the existence or the provenance of
"chicanery"
up to war against the Mamluks, noting that "[diplomacy this second text.
between the great powers of the Middle East was a com 120. See N. Beldiceanu and Irene Beldiceanu-Steinherr, "Les
business. The and of each?Ottoman, informations les plus anciennes sur les florins Ottomans,"
plicated spies agents
Mamluk, and Safavid?were engaged
in an endless game inTurkNumismatikDerneginin20.Kurulus Yilinda Ibrahim
of disseminating propaganda and disinformation in equal Artuk'aArmagan (Festschrift Presented toIbrahimArtuk on
measure." See Caroline Finkel, Osmans Dream: The History theOccasion of the20thAnniversaryof theTurkishNumis
of theOttoman Empire (NewYork, 2006), 108. matic Society) (Istanbul, 1988), 49-58. The authorsmarshal
117. For the trade in Bacalbaki silk, see Dina Rizk Khoury, State and evidence from Ottoman and European sources
indicating
Provincial Society in the Ottoman Empire: Mosul, 1540-1834 that the Ottomans produced gold coins of Venetian type
(Cambridge,2002), 34. perhaps
even
bearing the
names of sultans?as early
as 1425.
118. For the canonization process, see John Burton, Also see Franz Babinger, Reliquienschacher am
Encyclopae Osmanenhof
dia of the Qur'dn (Leiden, 2001-6), s.v. "The Collection of Zugleich einBeitragzurGeschichteder
imXV. Jahrhundert:
the Qur'an"; Yasin Dutton, "An Early Mushaf osmanischen unter Mehmed II., dem Eroberer
According Goldprdgung
to theReading of IbnAmir," JournalofQur'anic Studies (Munich, 1956), 42-46; ?evket Pamuk, A Monetary His
"The Textual History of
3, 1 (2001): 71-89; Arthur Jeffery, toryof theOttoman Empire (Cambridge,2000), 60-61.1 am
theQur'an," Journalof the Middle East Society 1, 2 (1947): gratefultoLutz Ilisch forhis elucidationon this score.
35-49; Harald Motzki, "The Collection of theQur'an: A 121. In order to restrict the scope of this study, I have not exam
Reconsideration ofWestern Views in Light of Recent Meth ined the letters between the Ottomans and the Persians

odological Developments," Der Islam 78,1 (2001): 1-34. found inFeridunAhmed Begs collection,whichmight pro
can be found a useful basis Nor have I investigated
119. An "'Uthmanic Koran" today in the Pavilion of vide for comparison.
the Sacred Relics at Topkapi Palace. Itwas sent as a gift from Mamluk sources of gift exchange with other powers, such as

Egypt to IstanbulbyMehmed Ali Pasha, the governor of the Venetians and Florentines.

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