Breakup of Yugoslavia
Breakup of Yugoslavia
Breakup of Yugoslavia
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This article is about the events entailing the 1991 and 1992 dissolution of the
Yugoslav state. For key dates of the dissolution, see Timeline of the breakup of
Yugoslavia. For the 1941 breakup, see Invasion of Yugoslavia.
Breakup of Yugoslavia
show
→ Croatia
→ Slovenia
→ Macedonia
→ FR Yugoslavia
o → Serbia
o → Montenegro
show
independent successor states
show
v
t
e
Yugoslav Wars
Background[edit]
Yugoslavia occupied a significant portion of the Balkan Peninsula, including a strip of
land on the east coast of the Adriatic Sea, stretching southward from the Bay of
Trieste in Central Europe to the mouth of Bojana as well as Lake Prespa inland, and
eastward as far as the Iron Gates on the Danube and Midžor in the Balkan
Mountains, thus including a large part of Southeast Europe, a region with a history of
ethnic conflict.
The important elements that fostered the discord involved contemporary and
historical factors, including the formation of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, the first
breakup and subsequent inter-ethnic and political wars and genocide during World
War II, ideas of Greater Albania, Greater Croatia and Greater Serbia and conflicting
views about Pan-Slavism, and the unilateral recognition by a newly reunited
Germany of the breakaway republics.
Before World War II, major tensions arose from the first, monarchist Yugoslavia's
multi-ethnic make-up and relative political and demographic domination of the Serbs.
Fundamental to the tensions were the different concepts of the new state.
The Croats and Slovenes envisaged a federal model where they would enjoy greater
autonomy than they had as a separate crown land under Austria-Hungary. Under
Austria-Hungary, both Slovenes and Croats enjoyed autonomy with free hands only
in education, law, religion, and 45% of taxes.[3] The Serbs tended to view the
territories as a just reward for their support of the allies in World War I and the new
state as an extension of the Kingdom of Serbia.[4]
Tensions between the Croats and Serbs often erupted into open conflict, with the
Serb-dominated security structure exercising oppression during elections and the
assassination in the National Assembly of Croat political leaders, including Stjepan
Radić, who opposed the Serbian monarch's absolutism.[5] The assassination and
human rights abuses were subject of concern for the Human Rights League and
precipitated voices of protest from intellectuals, including Albert Einstein.[6] It was in
this environment of oppression that the radical insurgent group (later fascist
dictatorship) the Ustaše were formed.
During World War II, the country's tensions were exploited by the occupying Axis
forces which established a Croat puppet state spanning much of present-
day Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina. The Axis powers installed the Ustaše as
the leaders of the Independent State of Croatia.
The Ustaše resolved that the Serbian minority were a fifth column of Serbian
expansionism, and pursued a policy of persecution against the Serbs. The policy
dictated that one-third of the Serbian minority were to be killed, one-third expelled,
and one-third converted to Catholicism and assimilated as Croats. Conversely,
the Chetniks pursued their own campaign of persecution against non-Serbs in parts
of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia and Sandžak per the Moljević plan ("On Our
State and Its Borders") and the orders issues by Draža Mihailović which included
"[t]he cleansing of all nation understandings and fighting".
Both Croats and Muslims were recruited as soldiers by the SS (primarily in
the 13th Waffen Mountain Division). At the same time, former royalist, General Milan
Nedić, was installed by the Axis as head of the puppet government and local Serbs
were recruited into the Gestapo and the Serbian Volunteer Corps, which was linked
to the German Waffen-SS. Both quislings were confronted and eventually defeated
by the communist-led, anti-fascist Partisan movement composed of members of all
ethnic groups in the area, leading to the formation of the Socialist Federal Republic
of Yugoslavia.
The official Yugoslav post-war estimate of victims in Yugoslavia during World
War II was 1,704,000. Subsequent data gathering in the 1980s by historians Vladimir
Žerjavić and Bogoljub Kočović showed that the actual number of dead was about
1 million. Of that number, 330,000 to 390,000 ethnic Serbs perished from all causes
in Croatia and Bosnia.[7] These same historians also established the deaths of
192,000 to 207,000 ethnic Croats and 86,000 to 103,000 Muslims from all affiliations
and causes throughout Yugoslavia.[8][full citation needed][9]
Prior to its collapse, Yugoslavia was a regional industrial power and an economic
success. From 1960 to 1980, annual gross domestic product (GDP) growth
averaged 6.1 percent, medical care was free, literacy was 91 percent, and life
expectancy was 72 years.[10] Prior to 1991, Yugoslavia's armed forces were amongst
the best-equipped in Europe.[11]
Yugoslavia was a unique state, straddling both the East and West. Moreover, its
president, Josip Broz Tito, was one of the fundamental founders of the "third world"
or "group of 77" which acted as an alternative to the superpowers. More importantly,
Yugoslavia acted as a buffer state between the West and the Soviet Union and also
prevented the Soviets from getting a toehold on the Mediterranean Sea.
The central government's control began to be loosened due to increasing nationalist
grievances and the Communist's Party's wish to support "national self
determination". This resulted in Kosovo being turned into an autonomous region of
Serbia, legislated by the 1974 constitution. This constitution broke down powers
between the capital and the autonomous regions in Vojvodina (an area of Yugoslavia
with a large number of ethnic minorities) and Kosovo (with a large ethnic-
Albanian population).
Despite the federal structure of the new Yugoslavia, there was still tension between
the federalists, primarily Croats and Slovenes who argued for greater autonomy,
and unitarists, primarily Serbs. The struggle would occur in cycles of protests for
greater individual and national rights (such as the Croatian Spring) and subsequent
repression. The 1974 constitution was an attempt to short-circuit this pattern by
entrenching the federal model and formalising national rights.