Original Article

Critical Studies in Television:

The International Journal of
Adapt or die? How traditional Television Studies
2022, Vol. 0(0) 1–18
Spanish TV broadcasters deal © The Author(s) 2022
Article reuse guidelines:
sagepub.com/journals-permissions
with the youth target in the DOI: 10.1177/17496020221076983
journals.sagepub.com/home/cst
new audio-visual ecosystem

Miguel Á Casado 
Department of Audio-visual Communication and Advertising, University of the Basque Country, Spain

Josep À Guimerà and Montse Bonet

Department of Audio-visual Communication and Advertising, Autonomous University of Barcelona, Spain

Jordi Pérez Llavador

Department of Journalism and Communication, CEU Cardenal Herrera University, Spain

Abstract
This paper analyses the way in which traditional broadcasters are reorienting their strategy to
reach young audiences. From this starting point, we analyse the three specific offers launched very
recently by Spain’s leading audio-visual groups for youth audiences. The online platforms con-
stitute an attempt to compete with the new internet-distributed video offerings that are gaining
increasing ground across the world. These platforms (Flooxer from Atresmedia, MTMAD from
Mediaset and PLAYZ from TVE) have contributed to the adaptation of their company groups to
the new environment in order to get closer to this hard-to-reach young audience.

Keywords
Television, public service media, young audiences, audio-visual platforms

Introduction
Digitisation and convergence have impacted on traditional inter-media as well as intra-
media competition, making the value chain more intertwined and less linear which, with

Corresponding author:
Miguel Á Casado, Department of Audio-visual Communication and Advertising, University of the Basque
Country, Barrio Sarriena S/N, Leioa 48949, Spain.
Email: [email protected]
2 Critical Studies in Television: The International Journal of Television Studies 0(0)

all of the necessary nuances involved, is broadly represented by both flow managers on
the one hand and stock managers on the other. According to Bonet and Sellas: ‘The idea of
a continuous “flow schedule” [is that of] 24 h a day, whose typical representatives are
radio and television, [which] is opposed to the “programming of stock”, also known as
discontinuous edition, represented by the recording or cinematographic industry, in which
the management of a catalogue (records, films…) plays a fundamental role in the value
chain’ (2019: 2). These new forms of production, distribution and consumption involve
the use of many technological devices such as smartphones, tablets, computers and smart
TVs. As a result, the dominance of traditional television broadcasters as content dis-
tributors is being put into doubt.
For many years, the television systems in Europe were organised around a small
number of heavily regulated broadcasters with a vertical structure and strong control over
the entire value chain, from production to broadcast. This monopoly began to break down
with the deregulation initiated in the 1980s, which enabled the entry of private companies.
Whether it was free-to-air (FTA), pay TV, cable, satellite or broadcast, over the last four
decades each European country has developed a television market adjusted to its own
characteristics (historical, economic, social, political, cultural, etc.).
However, the last 10 years have tested the media’s ability to survive and adapt once
again, and this time the attack has been more disruptive: the internet broke the traditional
value chain and each actor sought (and is still seeking) to secure the distribution of its
products and services and connect directly with their audience. By breaching the linear
nature of the value chain in terms of content distribution, the way in which content is
consumed has also broken down. Windowing is intricately organised across different
platforms and is forcing traditional companies to adapt or disappear. This period has many
protagonists, and they are represented by names such as Netflix (Martı́n, 2020), acronyms
such as over the top (OTT) and subscription video on demand (SVOD) and a term that
aims to encompass a number of developments: ‘platformisation’.
This process causes tensions between traditional linear television and non-linear
television services, as noted by Bruun (2018), and these tensions influence the pro-
duction culture and routines, suggesting the idea of an ‘evolving third television para-
digm’, where the old ‘flow’ and the new ‘non-linear’ services coexist. As Bruun (2018)
calls it ‘tension’, Lotz (2018) uses the term ‘continuity’ regarding the relation between the
traditional and the new television distribution ecosystems (2018: 491–492). Three points
are the most significant to explain how Internet has changed television and the tech-
nologies we use to receive it: non-linear distribution, an intensive use of subscriber
funding, and vertical integration. This changing scenario – one of a multiplicity of
distribution platforms and not one of technological replacement – puts legacy television
services under (new) pressures, forcing them to adapt to increasingly disruptive changes
that make old practices necessaries but also insufficient.
Traditional consumption continues to be the most important factor, yet its importance is
declining, especially amongst the young. This situation is forcing traditional channels to
consider different strategies in order to reach young audience, such as content specifically
aimed at this group, transmedia and interactive content, or in the case of Spain, through the
launch of online content distribution brands and platforms specifically aimed at young people.
Casado et al. 3

Drawing on the approach of political economy of cultural industries which, throughout

its history, has provided a solid account of the characteristics of linear forms of production
in flow or stock, the aim of this article is to provide evidence regarding some of the
strategies that television groups use to adapt to an increasingly liquid value chain in Spain.
Especially, the role of channels specifically designed to attract and retain young audiences
is explored in this study.

Adapt, converge or die?

In their article on the evolution of the Internet and its impact on traditional media,
Lehman-Wilzig and Cohen-Avigdor (2004) envisioned a 6-stage life cycle model in
which old and new media interact with and influence one another. This realistic model
completely rejected the idea that the appearance of a new medium signals the death of a
previous one (as history itself has shown). According to the authors, when the market
share of a certain medium starts to decline and it begins to lose audience numbers, that
particular medium is in stage 4 (Defensive Resistance). Moreover, the possible conse-
quences comprise the three options in stage 5, as follows: (a) adaptation; (b) convergence
and (c) obsolescence. In the first option, which is adaptation, ‘the traditional medium
adapts to the new situation by developing a different function and/or preserving (or
finding) its (new) audience’ (2004: 712). According to the authors (2004: 711), their
model appears ‘in “circular” fashion because every new medium is influenced by older
media and vice versa; moreover, every new medium incorporates elements of previous
media (physical and/or functional)’. This idea of circularity matches with Bruun’s
tensions and Lotz’s continuities and helps to understand the way incumbent companies
face the strategies of the new entrants. In the case pertaining to this analysis, television
broadcasters are not only looking for new audiences but are also trying to regain the ones
they have lost (mainly young people).
Faced with this new scenario, shifting between adaptation and the path towards solid
convergence, most traditional television stations have developed strategies for having a
presence on other platforms. Initially, these steps were more defensive in nature, ‘in order
to defend their market position at a time when the behaviour of audiences and advertisers
was changing’ (Doyle, 2010: 436). However, in recent years, television channels have
been focussing much more on digital platforms to which a new generation seems to be
connecting more quickly (Doyle, 2016). In a highly competitive market where streaming
services are constantly expanding, these channels use their brands as one of the most
important assets with which to compete (Bruun, 2018; Evens, 2013). Furthermore, this
new approach is essential for both private and public media. In the case of private media,
this approach is used ‘to mitigate the impact of declining audience share, or more
positively, to build brand profile and diversify revenue streams’ (Doyle, 2010: 436). With
public operators, ‘the primary concern is public value and audience welfare rather than
profits, and therefore strategic motives are more wide-ranging’ (Doyle, 2010: 436).
Some examples of the different strategies these operators are able to develop in the
field of content are the use of new broadcasting windows, modification of existing content
by adapting them to new devices, producing original content and exploring all the
4 Critical Studies in Television: The International Journal of Television Studies 0(0)

possibilities of trans- and cross-media (Doyle, 2010). Furthermore, with regard to the
economy, the revaluation of content already produced along with its multi-platform
developments makes it possible to have deeper knowledge of audiences (Doyle, 2016).
Whatever the case may be, there is no doubt among broadcasters that the audio-visual
ecosystem has changed, and they must adapt or face obsolescence (Bruun, 2018;
Larrainzar, 2020).
In this process of defensive resistance and adaptation (Lehman-Wilzig and Cohen-
Avigdor, 2004), traditional broadcasters have to manage two ways of perceiving the
audio-visual product: flow and stock. According to Bonet (2017), these two classic types
of managing industrially produced cultural products not only had to be adapted to
digitisation, but also had to be combined within the same company with increasing
frequency’. While the shift to digitalisation seemed to radically undermine the traditional
boundary between flow and stock, this boundary had in fact already been blurred. One
example was pay-TV, at which time ‘the flow was broken and a television programme was
offered outside the “grid”, or pre-scheduled time, which could be watched individually
and acquired in the same way as purchasing a book or DVD’ (Bonet and Sellas, 2019).

Where have all the young people gone?

To the extent to which young people are the ones most involved in this process of change,
‘distribution of youth-oriented content is at the vanguard’ (Doyle, 2016: 701) in this
context of competition between platforms and television stations. Although a certain level
of detachment from television had been common in previous generations, those younger
generations always returned to television as they became older. The current scenario poses
an even greater challenge for television broadcasters, as Faye Woods asks: ‘what happens
if this first love never blossomed and this journey home never occurs’ (2016: 29).
In the United Kingdom, the BBC has made various attempts to reach young audiences,
although this aim has been largely limited by corporate cutbacks. BBC Switch closed
down in 2010 just 3 years after its launch, and in a controversial decision, the BBC Three
channel was made exclusively available via the internet, via the BBC’s video on demand
service, IPlayer (Ramsey, 2018; Woods, 2016), although it is back on digital terrestrial
television (DTT) since February 2022 (Bland, 2021). On the other hand, Channel 4 still
retains E4 as a channel for audiences between 15 and 35 years of age with successful
programmes such as Skins (2007-2013), which is broadcast in Spain through Neox. In
other cases, initiatives have been developed to approach young audiences through their
participation with projects such as Nouvelles écritures on France 4, BBN University on
Dutch Public Television (NPO), or Carte Blanche and Boost on Flemish Public Television
VRT (Vanhaeght and Donders, 2015).
In the Nordic countries, there have also been a number of developments with online
originated products for young people. Analysis of the debate on the future of public media
in Sweden and Norway by Larsen (2014) revealed that Sweden criticised Norwegian
Public Television for focussing too much on young people and doing so mainly through
entertainment. Probably the most characteristic product of online fiction for young people
in Norway in recent years is Skam (2015-2017), an innovative transmedia project from
Casado et al. 5

Norwegian Public Television (NRK) that has attracted a number of publications

(Bengtsson et al., 2018; Krüger and Rustad, 2019; Lindtner and Dahl, 2018; Rustad,
2018; Sundet, 2020).

Television system and consumption in Spain

The Spanish television industry has gone through various stages of consolidation in recent
years that have led to an open system controlled by two large, private communication
groups: Atresmedia and Mediaset. These two media groups account for half of the 26 FTA
channels in Spain (Mediaset seven and Atresmedia six) and represent more than half of
the total DTT audience (Mediaset 28% and Atresmedia 26%). Their flagship channels,
Telecinco and Antena 3, are in fact the only ones with audiences of more than 10%
(Barlovento, 2020). However, in order to emphasise the dominant position of these
channels, it is more important to specify that together they account for nearly 85% of
television advertising revenues (Mediaset 43% and Atresmedia 41%) (Infoadex, 2020).
This dominance is based on the development of different strategies by both groups, for
example, ‘the focus on reinforcing fiction, carried out by Antena 3, in a clear attempt to
differentiate itself from Telecinco with its brand positioning linked to reality programmes
and talk shows (Big Brother, Survivors, etc.)’ (Izquierdo-Castillo, 2017: 40, all trans-
lations by the authors).
Along with these two groups, the other major audio-visual operator in Spain is the
public television corporation Spanish Public Broadcaster (RTVE). This Spanish public
operator is under significant budgetary pressure (Muñoz Saldaña, 2015) and its control is
subject to constant political struggles that create a framework of uncertainty in carrying
out its work (Lopez-Cepeda et al., 2020). Within FTA broadcasting, RTVE has five
channels and a generally declining audience. Its main channel, La 1, had an audience
share of nine percent in April of 2020, while the sum of all its FTA channels only reached
15%.
As in most of the European countries, the emergence of different platforms has brought
about an important change in audio-visual consumption patterns. Television still prevails,
yet its consumption has declined significantly. In 2012, each Spanish person consumed an
average of 246 min of FTA television per day. Since then, consumption has continued to
fall and stood at the level of 212 min in 2018. In 2012, the consumption of content on
platforms was not yet evident (Guerrero, 2018), but subsequent studies have shown the
result of this impact. According to Guerrero-Perez et al. (2018), 71% of people between
18 and 35 years of age reported watching less traditional television as a result of online
consumption. This drop is clearly visible in the audience statistics of FTA channels, where
people between 16 and 34 years of age fell from 21% of the audience in 2010 to just 13%
in 2018. However, this aspect can also be attributed to the shortage of content for young
people. Among the 26 national channels in Spain, one can find children’s channels such as
Clan, Boing or Disney, but only one channel for the adult-youth audience, which is Neox
from Atresmedia.
The audio-visual content offered by these groups on the internet was developed in
stages. This content ranged from the incorporation of audio-visual elements or
6 Critical Studies in Television: The International Journal of Television Studies 0(0)

programmes and live broadcasts on the websites of the TV channels for content promotion
(Rodrı́guez-Fernández et al., 2018) to the development of premium paid models on
platforms such as ATRESPlayer and Mitele Plus (Guerrero, 2018). At the same time,
collaborative projects among commercial and public broadcasters were being developed
such as on-demand services using common standards (HbbTV) like the LovesTV portal.
Within the context of moving to the online environment, ‘traditional’ operators have
also recognised the need to create specific strategies to approach the public youth. Firstly,
they created specific content on their new platforms such as a space for web series at
ATRESplayer or LVP video games (Professional Video Game League) at (Garcı́a Torre
et al., 2016). Later, they developed specific brands for the distribution of youth content
produced by Youtubers in what Guerrero (2018) has described as a process of
‘YouTubization’.
As a result of this second process, in November of 2015, Atresmedia launched the
Flooxer portal. In November of 2016, Mediaset presented MTMAD, and in October of
2017, RTVE launched Playz.

Objectives and methodology

The overall objective of this article is to provide knowledge regarding the strategies used
by traditional Spanish television operators to reach young audiences through new
platforms and content offers. The offers made by Playz, Flooxer and MTMAD, which
belong to the RTVE Group, Atresmedia and Mediaset, respectively, will all be addressed.
Within this overall aim, two specific objectives have been set forth with two research
questions.
The first specific objective is to describe and understand the role that these platforms
play within the overall strategy of these communication groups. In order to achieve this
objective, the research question was asked as follows: What is the role of the platforms
known as Playz, Flooxer and MTMAD within the broader strategy of their respective
groups in terms of their adaptation to the digital environment?
The second objective is to describe the offer of these platforms according to the type of
content they provide. Thus, the research question is as follows: What are the main
characteristics of the content distributed by these platforms in order to comply with the
strategy assigned by their respective groups?
In order to analyse the strategy of each group, two research techniques have been
applied. Firstly, analysis of the corporate documentation of these groups was carried out to
gather the elements that define these strategies and, secondly, in-depth interviews were
conducted with the heads of the groups. In the case of Atresmedia, head of strategy Arturo
Larrainzar was interviewed, and in the case of Mediaset, an interview was conducted with
broadcast director Patricia Marco. In the case of RTVE, due to the impracticality of
conducting an interview, a press analysis was carried out that included the contributions of
the channel managers at the specialised festival Carballo Interplay 2018. The purpose was
to identify the positions or strategies explained by the platform’s management, or by
RTVE itself, with regard to the objectives of Playz.
Casado et al. 7

In the analysis of the platforms, the first factor taken into account is the way in which
the offering of these platforms is disseminated. Secondly, consideration has been given to
the structure and type of content offered by these platforms. This analysis was carried out
based on the content available on these platforms between February and April of 2020.

How broadcasters deal with the new environment

Group strategy
RTVE. As a public broadcaster, RTVE’s activity falls within a specific context, with
objectives that are set out in its framework mandate derived from Law 17/2006 regarding
public radio and television. This mandate indicates the need to implement measures to
ensure that RTVE is involved ‘in systems and devices which are mobile, taking into
account the need to produce specific content in line with the consumption habits of young
people’ (Law 17/2006).
While no specific documents have been found that outline the development of the
strategy used by Playz, the 2017 (RTVE, 2019) and 2018 (RTVE, 2020) Public Service
Reports of RTVE place its activity within ‘the digital transformation of RTVE’, as one of
the ‘new proposals and procedures in the design of audio-visual products together with
their adaptation to the needs of young audiences and society in general’, focussing ‘on
generating ideas and content for new devices... and platforms’ (RTVE, 2020). In a 2018
report (RTVE, 2020), Playz already had its own section within the RTVE digital de-
partment. The report refers to the ‘consolidation of the project’ and the development of
digital series to ‘revitalise the sector and give a voice to new creators’.
Although placed within the realm of public service (PS), Alberto Fernández (Director
of RTVE Interactive Content) (2018) admits that the advent of Flooxer and MTMAD
forced RTVE to position itself in this new field of youth content production and digital
distribution, and despite the internal resistance encountered, ‘public television has to
understand that it must serve its clients, who are the citizens, and that public television
cannot be oriented exclusively towards citizens who are 50 years old’ (2018).
Playz was created with the desire to attract a young audience, but it seems that there
have been problems in defining this youth group. Fernández (2018 and 2020) has offered
a very broad concept of young audiences, although as he acknowledges ‘it is a mistake to
think that this audience is homogeneous’. In this regard, he differentiates between three
groups: two that are the preferred targets of Playz (18–24 years of age and 25–34 years
old) and one group that should be taken into account at certain moments (over 35 years of
age). However, the Director of Strategy and Image at RTVE, Bultó (2018a), defined the
target as the 15–24 years age group. A year earlier, she had expressed concern about
retaining the audience that was leaving the children’s channel Clan and opted for Playz to
hold on to this group. For Fernández, ‘it is very important that they become familiar with
our brand of content, our way of producing it, and reconcile themselves with RTVE. It is
an objective that is more intangible but qualitatively more important’ (2020). This clearly
shows that the retention of young audiences is a central aspect of the strategy of the RTVE.
8 Critical Studies in Television: The International Journal of Television Studies 0(0)

Another recurrent idea among directors is the desire to make Playz a window for ‘new
talent’ producers as well as young actors. Bultó (2018b) stated that Playz should be a
‘laboratory of ideas’ for young creators, and the fact that it is not influenced by the
audience will allow them to ‘be more open to creativity and experimentation’. This shows
the difficulty of developing more innovative projects in the context of competition for
audiences with private operators within FTA television.

Atresmedia. Flooxer was created at the end of 2015 and presented by the company in its
2015 annual report as ‘the new online platform for quality short videos’ (Atresmedia,
2016: 10) and part of the group’s multi-platform strategy. In the same report, the new
channel was also referred to as ‘the showcase of the perfect digital talent for brands’ (p.
23), ‘because it allows for its own natural integration into the content, thereby increasing
engagement with users’ (p. 126). The 2016 annual report made it clear that this new audio-
visual showcase has commercial value: ‘It is consolidating the platform’s advertising
success as a new window for approaching hard-to-reach audiences in traditional win-
dows’ (Atresmedia, 2017: 109).
Finally, the 2018 report explains the steps by which Atresmedia intends to accelerate
the digital transition in this trial and error process: ‘ATRESplayer and Flooxer are in-
tegrated into the television area as two additional, exclusively digital distribution channels
of the group and as part of the product’s circular life cycle. This process is replicated in a
similar way in radio and with the rest of the products. Digital distribution has gone from
being just an additional process to being an essential part of the core business of each
directorate’ (Atresmedia, 2019: 30). Thus, as Flooxer has been integrated into ATRES-
player, ‘it has become the group’s short content platform, available only in digital format
with a distinctly youthful, innovative character, where content from independent production
companies finds a global outlet that reaches a large audience’ (Atresmedia, 2019: 35).
In a few short years, the concept of what Flooxer needed to be has evolved: ‘It was no
longer just a platform. Instead, it became a “liquid brand” on ATRESplayer, yet it can be
anywhere as long as you have the right content. Moreover, this connects with what I have
been saying about reaching out to younger audiences in other settings and bringing them
into your own. Our aim is always to bring them to ATRESplayer’ (Arturo Larrainzar,
personal communication, 2020). This development is oriented to take advantage of the
young public’s use of Flooxer so that it also joins the group’s main platform
ATRESplayer.

Mediaset. Mediaset launched MTMAD in November of 2016 as an internet video channel

within the group’s corporate platform, Mitele. The group’s own Corporate Responsibility
Report for 2016 defines it as ‘a space for innovation with more than 40 formats, where
new digital talent expresses itself with its own language and code’ (Mediaset, 2017: p. 2
and p. 49). This is a channel of short videos, available exclusively via the Internet, and
deals with a large variety of topics such as ‘fashion, beauty, music, television, sex,
technology, humour, couples, family, lifestyle, gaming, cooking, sport, travel and cin-
ema’. Moreover, it is ‘recommended by the most influential personalities in the digital
environment’ (p. 95).
Casado et al. 9

In its initial documents (2017, p. 2 and p. 46), the channel’s launch was aimed at the
‘growing consumption of short videos by the millennial audience’, which it intended to
serve with ‘digital native content’ (p. 95). However, the 2018 Corporate Report presented
a new group site, Yasss.es, as an offer aimed at ‘the millennial audience and the so-called
Generation Z’ (2019: 91). Was this a situation of competition between channels of the
same group? MTMAD’s strategy is to encompass a slightly larger sector of the audience,
as it directs itself more specifically towards ‘digital natives on the Internet, or in other
words, people who are more present on social networks than on television, which is the
audience that has moved from television to the digital realm and hardly ever watches
television’ (Patricia Marco, personal communication, 2020).
This wider spectrum is reinforced in the channel’s profile on YouTube where some of
its formats are broadcast live, and this has contributed to ‘increasing the available ad-
vertising repertoire’ (2019, VIII). In this regard, the channel known as MTMAD24h was
launched in 2018, which was ‘a new linear window of all its offerings on its own site, and
on Mitele and YouTube as well’ (2019: 91). This development attempted to ‘reach as
many people as possible, and to be in all places, so that people could have access to
MTMAD. The idea was not to have it in just one place so that you did not have to look for
it and deliberately go to that specific site’ (Patricia Marco, personal communication,
2020).
This diversification offers interesting quantitative data: there were 44.3 million video
views on its own platform, and 51.1 million on YouTube in 2018 (2019: 91). These figures
increased four-fold a year later, with 233 million video views in 2019 (2020: 106). These
results are important not only in terms of audience but also in terms of advertising return,
one of the main concerns of the group in the development of this strategy towards young
people.

Content distribution
The distribution of content follows different strategies in the case of the three platforms,
which are relevant in terms of brand usage with regard to approaching young audiences.
Firstly, Playz is the only one of the three that has an independent app to access its content
through mobile devices. In the case of Flooxer and MTMAD, the content they offer is
integrated within the applications of their communication groups, which are ATRES-
Player and Mitele, respectively. Similarly, in the case of web access, Playz and MTMAD
have their own portal, while Flooxer is integrated into the portal of its parent group. The
different visions when it comes to integrating or not these specific offers aimed at young
people within group’s large platforms show differences in the strategy in terms of the
public versus the private. In the case of private operators, integration reinforces the
strategy of bringing this young audience to the general offer of the group. This approach
seeks, among other things, a better use of the audience in advertising terms and an
approach to the rest of the group’s offer. While in the case of the public operator, the
absence of advertising pressure and its more experimental nature allow it to maintain the
platform as a ‘differentiated’ territory for young people.
10 Critical Studies in Television: The International Journal of Television Studies 0(0)

Table 1. Dissemination of platform content (Sources: https://www.atresplayer.com/flooxer/,

https://www.rtve.es/playz/; https://www.mtmad.es/; https://www.youtube.com/).

Content distribution channel Playz MTMAD Flooxer

APP Independent Integrated into Mitele Integrated into ATRESPlayer

Portal web Own portal Own portal Integrated in ATRESPlayer
YouTube Profile Yes Yes Yes
Number of videos 1163 371 172
Type of content Complete Previews Previews
Followers 284,000 435,000 33,700

Another relevant aspect in terms of dissemination is the use of YouTube as a tool for
distributing content. All three brands have their own profiles on YouTube but with a
different presence. While Playz distributes all of its content through YouTube in a strategy
in line with its objective to be a public medium that guarantees its content to be universal,
this is different for the two commercial operators who only use YouTube to distribute
promos of their programmes. Table 1 shows that the amount of content on Playz is much
higher than that of the other two platforms. Paradoxically, however, MTMAD has the
majority of followers, probably due to the fact that most of the protagonists of those
videos are very popular influencers who draw followers to these videos as well. This
MTMAD strategy follows the general strategic guideline of Mediaset that generates most
of its content around the characters that generate its reality shows. In the case of Flooxer,
the data shows a limited use of YouTube in a bet on its own platforms compared to the
offer of third parties.

Description of Playz content

If one tallies the productions available on the Playz website and app, 74 different types of
content were identified between January and April of 2020. These are highly diverse
products, ranging from a fiction series to a special programme of only a few minutes of
knitting. The content available on the smartphone app and the website is not the same, and
there are notable differences. Thus, in the app, there are 73 different offerings while on the
website there are only 43. Therefore, of the 74 productions detected, 42 were available on
the web and app, 31 only on the app and only 1 solely on the web. Playz uses different
criteria to categorise this content. On the web, it uses three categories: Series, Tube and
Urbana. In the app, it uses five: Series, Tube, eSports, Docs and Lab. The first two
coincide and serve mainly to collect the same content: fiction series first and programmes
second. The category Urbana is dedicated to urban culture, with the focus on music. The
last three categories of the app are used to index the content related to electronic sports,
documentaries and a selection of productions from the RTVE Lab with clearly innovative
features. The greatest difference between the website and the app can be seen in these last
three categories: eSports had no presence on the web during the period studied. In
addition, of the 22 programmes available in these three categories with regard to the
Casado et al. 11

characteristics of the offer, these categories are composed of more than 70 products
specifically created to be consumed online, the vast majority of which were produced
specifically for the platform and adapted to the youth consumption patterns on that same
platform, with only a scant number of episodes of short duration. There are two main
categories: fiction series and programmes related to music or linked to urban culture.
In the fiction series category, the focus is on content starring young people who
approach their world through their daily struggles in the form of plots about cy-
berbullying, bulimia, job insecurity, alcohol and drugs or the permanent presence of social
networks and smartphones. The programmes’ category also features young people and
focuses on subjects closely linked to urban culture (rap, freestyle, skateboarding, etc.)
alongside programming such as comedy and cultural talent shows such as Cam On (2019-
2020). These are well executed programmes within the context of online production
where the assembled cast represents a balance between a generation of new young talent
and the presence of influencers to ‘hook’ the audience. The wide age range of the leading
actors (from 16 to 30 something) together with the offer of programmes aimed at an older
audience (such as late-night Parking Karaoke, 2020) illustrate the difficulties in defining a
clear strategy in relation to the target audience that were shown in the previous section on
strategy related to Playz. e

Description of Flooxer’s content

The offering of Flooxer is organised into the following sections: series, programmes,
snacks, documentaries and short films. Snacks is the section with the most content (62) in
which a highly diverse offering is combined, featuring mostly works of short duration
ranging from 2 to 8 min. YouTubers and influencers are the leading actors in most of the
content in this section which focuses on different areas but are strongly oriented towards
humour, music and cinema. The channel’s content also includes some advertising
sponsored by brands of fashion, whisky and sanitary towels.
As to fictional content, 14 different productions have been identified. All except one
are productions that have not been designed for FTA television but have been developed
for online consumption and in some cases specifically for Flooxer with the participation of
some of the most influential content producers in Spain, such as Boomerang (Lagardère
Studios) or Globomedia (Mediapro). The format of these series is from 10 to 15 min, with
six or seven episodes per season, although in some cases the length of an individual
episode can reach 25 min. The series offering combines content with a clear attempt to
reach a teenage audience with programmes such as Más de 100 mentiras (More Than 100
Lies, 2018-2019), about life in a high school, and programmes that have casts of well-
known actors aimed at a more adult audience, such as Gente hablando (People Talking,
2018-2020). The genres of the majority of these series are comedy and horror.
This commitment to web series follows the path already set by Atresmedia which had
previously included some web-only series in the early stages of its portal before launching
Flooxer. In fact, during the launch and promotion of Flooxer, the Paquita Salas (2016)
web series (later sold to Netflix) became a phenomenon in Spain and was a crucial factor
in the platform gaining popularity.
12 Critical Studies in Television: The International Journal of Television Studies 0(0)

Finally, with regard to programmes, there are 13 different productions. While the series
are aimed at different age groups, the content of programmes is aimed at a more adult
audience, with productions presented by older people such as musician Pancho Varona
(63), or comedian Pepe Colubi (53). These programmes can be divided into three main
areas: culture, magazine shows and interview shows. Within the first area, the pro-
grammes are focused mainly on music and cinema (5), with a strong emphasis on critiques
of films and concerts. The second area offers three magazine shows, all of which have a
humorous tone with young presenters. In addition, two of the three productions are also
part of the broadcast by radio station Europa FM, which belongs to Atresmedia Media
Group and is focused on the younger audience. Finally, there are three interview shows, as
well as sponsored content to promote vocational training amongst young people.
In terms of strategy, this content offering is related to the search for a young audience,
but transcends the content dedicated exclusively to this audience to try to become another
space in which more innovative products have a place that would hardly find a place in the
generalist/FTA offer.

Description of MTMAD content

MTMAD’s offer differs radically from those of its competitors. Its portal is structured
around 6 areas: Channels, Talent, Crazy, Programmes, MTMAD24H and Fan Zone. Of
these 6 areas, only 3 include content: Channels, Crazy and Programmes. The first area
represents the bulk of the platform’s channel offering, including 152 vlog channels. In
more than 90% of the cases, these channels consist of programme characters from
Mediaset Group’s linear television offering (mainly Telecinco and Cuatro). At this point,
it bears mentioning that the programming strategy of these channels focuses mainly on
reality and dating shows, because when the characters become famous after their ap-
pearance on these shows, they feed the rest of the channel’s programming with their
presence on talk shows or celebrity magazines. The channels that belong to MTMAD’s
offer are designed as personal blogs of the celebrities who have come from these pro-
grammes and who use these platforms to tell the audience about their daily lives, fo-
cussing mainly on their emotional relationships or issues related to physical appearance
and fashion that are so common in this type of reality show from which these celebrities
originate (‘From short hair, to long hair with extensions: Oriana teaches the process and
resolves the questions about her hair’ (2020); ‘Violeta undergoes several cosmetic re-
touches’(2020); ‘From their beauty touch ups to the sex toys they have tried: Noel and
Victor confess’ (2020)). The only exception to this rule is the presence of TV presenter
channels. Although conceived in a similar line, these channels are dedicated to broad-
casting the personal daily lives of presenters, such as the developing pregnancy of the
hostess of the dating show Mujeres y Hombres y Viceversa (Women and Men, and Vice
Versa, 2008-2021).
In the Crazy section, there is only one programme that focuses in a similar way on the
experiences of some of these personalities, except that instead of engaging in activities
from their respective homes, they do so while going on various types of organised tours to
exotic places.
Casado et al. 13

In the Programmes section, MTMAD’s portal has two different shows. The first is
Milenio Live (Milenio Live, 2018) a version of the paranormal mystery show broadcast by
channel Cuatro of linear TV, and Morning Glory (Morning Glory, 2015), a weekly 15-min
magazine show in which different influencers or celebrities take turns being the presenter
with complete freedom to include the content of their choice.
In the MTMAD24H section, it is possible to access live content at the time of broadcast
or summaries of the channel’s highlights. The Talent section displays the personal profiles
of some of the leading players of the MTMAD channels, who are essentially characters
from different TV reality shows, as mentioned above.
Regarding content, MTMAD offers hardly any variations with respect to the offer of
the group’s FTA channels. In most cases, they are the same protagonists adapted to the
short video format for consumption on the internet. In this sense, the MTMAD offer does
not contribute anything to the group beyond the use of some influencers to attract visits.

Discussion and conclusions

Over the last years, the three largest TV media groups in Spain have included in their
business plan precise strategies for adapting their businesses to the digital environment.
The appearance of new actors in the audio-visual scene, represented by the big internet
brands, has not only resulted in these groups adopting the defensive resistance position
defined by Lehman-Wilzig and Cohen-Avigdor (2004), but it has also revealed that the
new entrants are more appealing to younger audiences. Traditionally linear TV groups
have been indifferent about youngsters drifting away from legacy media consumption, or
even worse, they did not even consider them. Given that they never recovered what they
never had (a young audience which did not connect with traditional media) and an outlet
where young audiences never visited (the legacy media), the three analysed media groups
in this article have created platforms, brands and content which fulfil three functions:
adaptation to the digital environment, appeal to youngsters and opening new lines of
funding (that is the two private media groups because in the case of public media, it is part
of its remit to reach the highest number of viewers as possible). This clearly fits with the
adaptation strategy as Lehman-Wilzig and Cohen-Avigdor put it: ‘the traditional medium
adapts to the new situation by developing a different function and/or preserving (or
finding) its (new) audience’ (2004: 712). Here, youngsters are that new audience.
Despite the fact that all the statements provided in the interviews or in the annual
reports might lead one to expect largely positive developments for the legacy media in
Spain, the truth is that these three traditional broadcasters use strategies similar to those
they have always used in the digital universe with new distribution windows. RTVE
complies with its mandate to fulfil a public service remit, while the two private
broadcasters strengthen their respective brands by creating new broadcasting channels
and experimenting with a younger audience. Simultaneously, those very young people
have abandoned the traditional forms of television consumption in great numbers. For that
reason, it is peculiar to observe, up to certain point, how the adaptation of the digital
environment links to the search for this audience. We could include the launch of such
offers in what Izquierdo-Castillo (2017) considers to be the third stage of DTT
14 Critical Studies in Television: The International Journal of Television Studies 0(0)

developments for Mediaset and Atresmedia. This is a scenario characterised by the

closure of DTT channels and the appearance of new ones (or a change of name and target
audiences, in some cases).
The way in which content is distributed is an important strategic decision for channels.
In other words, the question is whether to develop this specific offer for young people
independently or integrated within the group’s platform(s). Of the three platforms, the
only one that is offered independently and has its own app is Playz, which also distributes
all of its contents in open format on YouTube. What is striking is that the Playz website
hardly makes it noticeable that Playz is linked to the RTVE group to which it belongs,
which is the one among the three groups that capitalises least on the strength of the brand.
In the case of Flooxer, even though it was part of the Atresmedia platform at the time of
analysis, we had already witnessed how it had been offered as an independent platform
that already had its own website. Larrainzar has summarised the situation clearly: ‘I want
to have my own space, easy to recognise, which is ATRESplayer. Let’s not complicate
things. People need to know where they have to go, and while we are at it, let us reinforce
the young brand Flooxer, which we had built reasonably well’ (personal communication,
2020).
In the case of MTMAD, this platform has always been fully integrated into the
group’s offer, largely because its content is based on original programmes from the
open channels. Access to content also shows differences. To view Flooxer content
within the ATRESplayer platform, it is necessary to register; in the case of MTMAD,
although it is necessary to register to view some content, it is not necessary for viewing
MTMAD content; and in the case of Playz, registration is not required to access
content.
As for the content of these offers, despite the fact that the content is created in-house
and designed specifically for the brand, the analysis shows a highly significant difference
with regard to the strategy of the three groups: while Flooxer and Playz are developed
using independent content that in most cases has no relation with the linear content offer,
MTMAD is developed mainly as an extension of the collection of characters from their
reality shows through their blogs. In the case of Flooxer and Playz, the core offer of these
platforms is similar: web series and programmes with a strong emphasis on music and
culture. In the case of web series, the genres most frequently displayed in both cases are
horror and humour, which are the preferred categories of young audiences in Spain
(Garcı́a Jiménez et al., 2018; López-Vidales, 2010). In addition, Flooxer and Playz both
combine fiction content aimed at the teen audience with other content oriented towards a
more adult audience. To a certain extent, this therefore results in a lack of definition
regarding their target audience, with the result being counterproductive for both plat-
forms. As to programmes, both of the platforms place a strong emphasis on humour and
cultural shows. In the case of Flooxer, the focus is mainly on films and pop and rock
music, while on Playz the focus is mostly towards urban music and to a lesser extent the
wider urban cultural scene. These strategies of integration or split from the main group’s
offer is, to a large extent, the consequence of the ‘difficult’ relationship of these media
brands with youngsters, who feel more attracted to new platforms than to the brands of
traditional operators.
Casado et al. 15

Another relevant component in terms of content is the presence of channels; while

Flooxer and MTMAD opt for content on their platforms based on channels of influencers
or celebrities, the entire offer of Playz is structured around audio-visual formats more
suited to the world of broadcast television. The way in which Flooxer and MTMAD use
these channels is also distinctly different. At Flooxer, these channels are mainly in the
Snacks section and form part of a wider offering that includes documentaries, series and
programmes, and even though YouTubers have the leading role, they focus on specific
topics (fashion, cinema, music, humour), yet never on their personal lives. In the case of
MTMAD, the channel has been conceived as a transmedia extension of the world of
reality TV celebrities produced by the group’s linear channels and not as a differentiated
option directed at a distinct audience.
These channels develop the personal experiences of the celebrities regardless of any
other content. The development of these platforms is also an important tool for audio-
visual innovation. However, this is only present on Playz. On this platform, we can find
numerous examples of the development of transmedia universes or interactive appli-
cations in its series. In the case of Flooxer, apart from the creation of extra content for the
promotion of its series, no transmedia or interactive elements have been found apart from
its presence on social networks. With regard to MTMAD, there has been no identification
of innovative features in this regard, beyond its characterisation as the transmedia ex-
tension of the universe created by reality shows on linear television.
Ultimately, either to defend their market position, create new broadcasting windows
and new lines of business (for private operators) or to comply with their public service
duty (RTVE), the three analysed groups conduct audience-attracting strategies, which are
not new but simply adapted to the digital ecosystem.
Although the three groups had already fostered other adapting digital initiatives,
PlayZ, Flooxer and MTMAD have not only contributed to this adaptation process but
have gone further trying to build a new market and get closer to this hard-to-reach young
audience.

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/
or publication of this article.

Funding
The author(s) disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship, and/or
publication of this article: This research is part of the project Audio-visual platforms and youth:
content, business strategies and perception of the audience (YouthTV) funded by the Spanish
Ministry of Research and Universities..

ORCID iD
Miguel Á Casado  https://orcid.org/0000-0003-1264-9336
16 Critical Studies in Television: The International Journal of Television Studies 0(0)

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Author biographies
Miguel Á Casado is a lecturer in Media Studies at University of Basque Country (UPV/
EHU). He has been visiting fellow at the University of Glasgow and University of
Westminster (London). His main research fields are the political economy of the media
and children’s relationship with new technologies. He has been member of EU Kids
Online network since 2009 and has made more than 50 academic contributions. He
coordinates with Josep Àngel Guimerà the research project ‘Audio-visual platforms and
youth: content, business, strategies and perception of the audience’ funded by the Spanish
Ministry of Science, Innovation and Universities.
Josep À Guimerà holds a PhD in Information Sciences (UAB). His main research interest
areas are regional and local television, communication policies in Spain and Catalonia,
media system, communication in stateless nations, ICTs and digitalisation. He teaches on
ICTs and research methodology.
Montse Bonet holds a PhD in Information Sciences (UAB), an International master’s
degree in e-learning (Universitat Oberta de Catalunya, UOC, Open University of Cat-
alonia). Her main research subjects are the cultural industries (especially the radio in-
dustry), media systems, communication and radio spectrum policies, TIC and
digitalisation and learning and teaching strategies in new digital environments.
Jordi Pérez Llavador is a graduate of Information Sciences at CEU SAN Pablo/
Universidad Politécnica de Valencia (1991) and Doctor in Information Sciences at the
Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona (2000). He is an associate professor of theory and
communication structure of the Comunicación e Información Periodı́stica Department
(Journalism) at the CEU Cardenal Herrera University. His main lines of research have
been political and public communication and he is the author or co-author of nearly a
dozen articles in specialised journals in the field of Social Sciences.