Discussion paper

Presented at
International Study Group Education and Research on Antisemitism
Colloquium I: Aspects of Antisemitism in the UK
5 December 2009, London

Antisemitism Among Young Muslims in London

Gunther Jikeli

Abstract
Until now, little attention has been given to antisemitism among Muslims in
the UK. However, the few surveys available on the issue reveal that some
antisemitic attitudes are significantly more common among Muslims than
among the general population. Statistics on antisemitic incidents suggest
that approximately 30% of the perpetrators are Muslim.
In this paper I present patterns of expressions of antisemitism among
Muslims. My analysis draws on interviews with 40 young Muslims from
London, most of them with South-Asian backgrounds and some of North
African or black African origin. I examine the question how negative
attitudes toward Jews are shown and how these attitudes are justified. Four
categories of antisemitic “argumentations” can be identified: “classical”
antisemitism, antisemitism with reference to the Middle East conflict,
antisemitism with reference to Islam or the Muslim identity and
antisemitism foregoing justifications for an enmity against Jews.
In the literature, these patterns of “argumentation”, particularly those with
reference to the Middle East conflict, are often mistaken as sources of
antisemitism. But it can be shown that many interviewees use references to
the Middle East conflict merely as pretexts to justify their antisemitic
resentments and others show antisemitism without any references to the
Middle East conflict. Furthermore, I discuss factors that enhance antisemitic
attitudes such as influences from families and friends, media, Muslim
organisations and particular perceptions of Islam and Muslim identity.

1
Introduction
Muslims in the UK are far from being a homogeneous group.1 From a
sociological point of view2 there is no Islam as a unitary category but as
many different interpretations of Islam as there are Muslims: every person
who considers himself or herself Muslim must necessarily have his or her
very own perception of belief and must be selective in his or her religious
interpretations. This is true even if individuals believe otherwise. However,
there are religious sources and narratives which are understood by
significant numbers of Muslims to be part and parcel of a Muslim identity.
A number of studies and surveys show that for most of those who have
Muslim backgrounds religion is one of the most important factors in
describing themselves.3 A prominent exception however is the Council of
Ex-Muslims.4

In the UK, there are about 2 million people who identify themselves as
Muslim.5 The vast majority live in England and Wales, where they form 3%
of the population. Most Muslim immigrants came from former colonies
such as Pakistan, Bangladesh and India in the 1960s and 70s. In 2001, 74%

1
Open Society Institute, Muslims in the EU: Cities Report: United Kingdom.
Preliminary research report and literature survey, 2007, pp. 10-13,
http://www.eumap.org/topics/minority/reports/eumuslims/background_reports/downloa
d/uk/uk.pdf.
2
The process of comparing multiple conflicting dogmas requires what Peter L. Berger
has described as inherent "methodological atheism.” Peter Berger, The sacred canopy:
elements of a sociological theory of religion (New York: Anchor Books, 1990)
3
Tariq Modood et al., Ethnic Minorities in Britain: Diversity and Disadvantage
(London: Policy Studies Institute, 1997); Amir Saeed, Neil Blain, and Douglas Forbes,
“New ethnic and national questions in Scotland: post-British identities among Glasgow
Pakistani teenagers,” Ethnic and Racial Studies 22, no. 5 (1999): pp. 821-844; Maria
O’Beirne, Religion in England and Wales: findings from the 2001 Home Office
Citizenship. Home Office Research Study 274 (Home Office Research, Development
and Statistics Directorate, March 2004),
http://www.homeoffice.gov.uk/rds/pdfs04/hors274.pdf; The Pew Global Attitudes
Project, In Great Britain, Muslims Worry About Islamic Extremism - Pew Research
Center, August 10, 2006, http://pewresearch.org/pubs/48/in-great-britain-muslims-
worry-about-islamic-extremism; Dalia Mogahed and Zsolt Nyiri, “Beyond the Veil,”
April 2007,
http://www.divinity.cam.ac.uk/cip/documents/BeyondtheVeilbyMogahed.pdf
4
http://www.ex-muslim.org.uk/ [accessed 1 December 2009]
5
1.6 million people identified themselves as Muslim in the census 2001.

2
of the Muslim population had Asian backgrounds but almost half of the
Muslim population was born in Britain.6 Despite that, they have to face
xenophobic and racist resentments and discrimination, partly directed
against their religious affiliation.7 Statistics show that Muslims are more
likely to be unemployed than any other religious group. A third of Muslims
have no qualifications, also the highest proportion of any religious group.
And one third of the Muslim population live in the 10 per cent most
deprived neighbourhoods.8

Since 2003 some studies indicate that there is a new and previously
unrecognised group of perpetrators of antisemitism in Europe and in the UK
who are Muslim.9 Few opinion polls among Muslims have included
questions on antisemitism. There is no survey on Muslims with the focus on
antisemitism. However, the Pew Global Attitudes Project published a
survey in 2006 in which they included the question: “Please tell me if you
have a very favourable, somewhat favourable, somewhat unfavourable, or
very unfavourable opinion of Jews.” The survey shows that in the UK, 47%
of Muslims and 7% of the general population had an unfavourable opinion
of Jews.10

6
Data from the National Census in 2001. Available at Office for National Statistics,
“National Statistics Online - Focus On Religion,”
http://www.statistics.gov.uk/focuson/religion/. For a summary see
http://www.bristol.ac.uk/sociology/ethnicitycitizenship/intromuslims_census.pdf
[accessed 5 December 2009]
7
European Monitoring Centre on Racism and Xenophobia, Muslims in the European
Union. Discrimination and Islamophobia, 2006, pp. 84-89,
http://fra.europa.eu/fraWebsite/attachments/Manifestations_EN.pdf.
8
Data from the National Census in 2001. Office for National Statistics, “National
Statistics Online - Focus On Religion.”. For a summary see
http://www.bristol.ac.uk/sociology/ethnicitycitizenship/intromuslims_census.pdf
[accessed 5 December 2009]
9
Werner Bergmann and Juliane Wetzel, Manifestations of anti-Semitism in the European
Union. First Semester 2002. Synthesis Report on behalf of the EUMC, 2003,
http://www.cohn-bendit.de/depot/standpunkte/Manifestations%20of%20anti-Semitism
%20in%20the%20European%20Union_EN.pdf.
10
The Pew Global Attitudes Project, The great divide. How Westerners and Muslims view
each other., 2006, p. 42, http://pewglobal.org/reports/pdf/253.pdf.

3
 Opinion of Jews favourable unfavourable Don't
Great Britain total very some total very some know/
April/May 2006 what what refused
general population 74% 22% 52% 7% 3% 4% 19%
Muslims 32% 4% 28% 47% 33% 14% 22%

Source: The Pew Global Attitudes Project,11 compiled by the author.

If we accept that the survey is more or less representative, there are two
possible explanations for the differences between Muslims and the general
population: either it is due to a general higher degree of antisemitic
resentments among Muslims or due to more latent or indirect expressions of
antisemitism among the general population. Or it is be a combination of
both. Our research shows that there are some specific forms of antisemitism
among Muslims. Another survey among Muslims in December 2005
showed that 53% said that Jews have too much influence over foreign
policy. 46% said that Jews are in league with the Freemasons to control the
media and politics. And 37% of the Muslim population in Britain said that
Jews are legitimate targets as part of the ongoing struggle for justice in the
Middle East.12 Statistics from the Community Security Trust on the
ethnicity of perpetrators of antisemitic incidents suggest that approximately
30% of perpetrators of antisemitic incidents are Muslim,13 despite the fact
that only 3% of the general population are Muslims. This can only partly be

11
The Pew Global Attitudes Project, The great divide. How Westerners and Muslims view
each other., p. 42
12
Populus/Times, Muslims Poll, 2005, http://www.populuslimited.com/the-times-muslim-
poll-191205.html
13
The Community Security Trust regularly publishes reports on antisemitic incidents.
They use six categories to describe the ethnic backgrounds of perpetrators based on
physical descriptions: white, East European, black, Asian, Far Eastern and Arab. It can
be assumed that the large majority of those classified as Arab and Asian are Muslim. In
2004, 38 percent of perpetrators of antisemitic incidents were identified as being of
Asian or Arab appearance, 30 percent in 2005, 34 percent in 2006, 27 percent in 2007,
30 percent in 2008 and 42 percent for the first six months of 2009. Community Security
Trust, Antisemitic Incident Report 2008, 2009, p. 11,
http://www.thecst.org.uk/docs/Incidents_Report_08.pdf; Community Security Trust,
Antisemitic Incidents January-June 2009, 2009, p. 6,
http://www.thecst.org.uk/docs/Incidents_Report_Jan_June_09.pdf; Community
Security Trust, Antisemitic Incident Report 2005, 2006, p. 12.
http://www.thecst.org.uk/docs/Incidents_Report_08.pdf

4
explained by geographic proximity of the two communities. However, most
antisemitic incidents were reported in London and Manchester, the two
largest Jewish communities in the UK. Muslims form 8% and 9% of the
population in London and Manchester respectively.14

Methods, Research Settings and Respondents

The paper is based on qualitative interviews with 40 young men in London
who identify themselves as Muslim. Most of them have Asian backgrounds,
a few have North African or black African origins. The interviews are part
of a comparative study on patterns of antisemitism among young Muslims
in London, Paris and Berlin. The sample of interviewees was selected as
follows: potential interviewees were approached randomly outdoors. The
interview was closed if the person did not fall into the subject group: 15-27
years old, male and self-identifying as Muslim.15 Most of the participants
were interviewed individually, some in groups of two to four, allowing
some observations of group dynamics and influences from peers. The focus
of the interviews was on perceived discriminations and the perception of
Jews. Most of the interviews were conducted in Tower Hamlets.

The interviews were recorded and transcribed. Relation between data

collection and analysis consisted mainly in coding and finding patterns from
the data. The analytical strategy is based on a five stage method described
by Christiane Schmidt (2004).16 A standard procedure of inductive category
formation was used according to Philipp Mayring.17 The categories were
further differentiated, progressively given empirical content and modified

14
Data from the National Census in 2001. Office for National Statistics, “National
Statistics Online - Focus On Religion.”
15
One exceptions was made with a 30 year old interviewee.
16
Christiane Schmidt, “The Analysis of Semi-structured Interviews,” in A companion to
qualitative research, ed. Uwe Flick, Ernst von Kardoff, and Ines Steinke (London;
Thousand Oaks Calif.: Sage Publications, 2004), pp. 253-258. The strategy was applied
exemplarily in the study Christel Hopf et al., Familie und Rechtsextremismus :
familiale Sozialisation und rechtsextreme Orientierungen junger Manner (Weinheim:
Juventa, 1995)
17
Philipp Mayring, “Qualitative Content Analysis,” in A companion to qualitative
research, ed. Uwe Flick, Ernst von Kardoff, and Ines Steinke (London; Thousand Oaks
Calif.: Sage Publications, 2004), pp. 266-269

5
accordingly, leading to the formation of a typology.18

The paper firstly presents the four main categories of patterns of antisemitic
argumentations, showing how interviewees justify their negative opinion of
Jews. Interview excerpts are used to illustrate how they express negative
attitudes towards Jews. Secondly, I discuss some factors of influence which
enhance antisemitic attitudes based on direct references by interviewees to
sources of antisemitic tropes and narratives.

Four Patterns of Antisemitic “Argumentations”

What are the 'rationales' for the hatred of Jews, what do people say, why
they don't like Jews? It should be stressed that the 'rationales' of antisemites
for their hatred of Jews cannot be taken as the source for their antisemitic
resentments. However, four patterns can be identified: “classical”
antisemitism, antisemitic resentments related to Israel, antisemitism
referring to Islam or Muslim identity and the omission of arguments,
expressed in ways such as: I hate Jews because they are Jews.

Less than 20% of the interviewees did not use any of these
“argumentations” and did not show any antisemitic feelings.

“Classical” Antisemitism
The first category of antisemitic “argumentation” can be called “classical”
antisemitism. These rationales and tropes have a long tradition in modern
antisemitism and are readily identified as antisemitic. In this category fall
stereotypes of Jews as being rich, stingy, clannish, treacherous, etc.
Interviewees often use it by saying that all the big companies are in fact
Jewish or that a Jew runs them. Some give examples for these allegedly
Jewish companies such as Marks & Spencer, Coca Cola and Sainsbury's.
Alleged Jewish influence and conspiracy theories also fall into this category
of classical antisemitism. Some see the influence domestically or in the

18
Schmidt, “The Analysis of Semi-structured Interviews.” The process was simplified in
this study. It was successfully applied by Walter R. Heinz et. al. on semi-structured
interviews with young people on work related issues. Walter R. Heinz et al.,
“Vocational Training and Career Development in Germany: Results from a
Longitudinal Study,” International Journal of Behavioral Development 22, no. 1
(March 1, 1998): pp. 77-101

6
media while others talk about a general Jewish influence, or the power of
Jews in the United States. Two interviewees even believe that Blair and
Bush are Jewish. In comparison to Paris and Berlin, the Freemasons are a
particular popular trope of conspiracy theories. One participant combines
some of the classical tropes. He says:

“Well obviously you can see that Jewish are the rich ones around
nowadays. They are the one [sic] who control everything. [...]
even Britain because if you see Sainsbury's, Tesco, Iceland, it all
belongs to them. They are the rich ones. They're the one [sic] who
are controlling the country and the world right now.”
(Nirmal, London, P83: 407-413)
The participant uses familiar antisemitic tropes: the rich Jews, Jewish
influence in the economy and he ends up with a world conspiracy theory
that Jews control everything.

Antisemitic resentments related to Israel

Unfortunately, we are also getting more and more familiar to another
category of tropes and rationales, those that relate hatred against Jews to the
Middle East conflict. Interviewees often take the alleged maliciousness of
Israel as evidence for the maliciousness of Jews. Israel is often perceived
merely as an example of how bad “the Jews” are. Two preconditions must
be met to make this argument:

a) Jews and Israelis are conflated - which most interviewees do to some

extent. and

b) The perception of the Middle East conflict is Manichean and Israel is

seen as evil or fundamentally wrong.

Two topoi are frequent in this Manichean view which vilifies and
demonizes Israel - and the Jews: “the Jews/Israelis kill children” and “the
Jews/Israelis steal the land of Palestinians” or “the Jews/Israelis steal
Muslim land.” The majority uses “the Jews” and not “Israelis” in these two
topoi. Israel can also be demonized by comparisons to the Nazis.
Additionally, some express their wish for the dissolution of Israel which is
an antisemitic trope in itself.19 Two examples may illustrate how
19
European Monitoring Centre on Racism and Xenophobia, “Working Definition of
Antisemitism” (EUMC/ FRA, 2005),

7
interviewees express antisemitism with reference to the Middle East
conflict. Bashkar states:

Muslim groups, they wanted to boycott Israel, so they done leaflet

[...]. Imagine I buy, they said, it was written, whenever you buy a
pack of Benson and Hedges [...] maybe from that £5, 2p is gonna
go for the bullet, so he can shoot the Palestinian, - the Israeli
soldier. It's a tax.
(Bashkar, London, P68: 607-623)
Bashkar refers to a leaflet calling for a boycott of companies who allegedly
support Israel. In the interview he makes clear that he thinks that these
companies are Jewish. The support of Israel which he equates with the
support of shooting Palestinians is his argument for the legitimisation of an
antisemitic boycott. And his perception of how British taxpayers' money is
used alludes to further antisemitic perceptions of Jewish influence within
the HM Revenue & Customs. While Bashkar accuses Jews of supporting
Israel financially, others accuse Jews of supporting Israel morally and
thereby justify their negative attitudes toward Jews.

Another example is the demonization of Israel by an equation with the

Nazis. Manoj explains:

What we say, is that the Nazi government and the Israeli

government, there is no difference in what they do, or how they
treat people.
(Manoj, London, P87: 467)
In this statement, he demonizes the Israeli government with an antisemitic
equation. During the interview he reveals that he is against “the Zionists”
who are, allegedly, in all businesses and support Israel.

However, it should be mentioned that the issue of Israel or the Middle East
conflict is not important for all of the interviewees and that many show
antisemitic attitudes without any references to the Middle East conflict.

Antisemitism with Reference to Islam or Muslim Identity

A third pattern are 'rationales' that try to justify an enmity against Jews
http://fra.europa.eu/fraWebsite/material/pub/AS/AS-WorkingDefinition-draft.pdf;
Natan Sharansky, “3D Test of Anti-Semitism: Demonization, Double Standards,
Delegitimization,” Jewish Political Studies Review 16:3-4 (October 2004)

8
with Islam or with Muslim identity. The general assumption of an enmity
between Muslims and Jews is widespread, also among those who see
similarities between Judaism and Islam and also among those who only
partly practise Islam.20

This enmity can be perceived as so strong that some participants belief that
Muslims and Jews are at war with each other. In these cases, the Middle
East conflict often serves as an example. But the assumption of an ongoing
war between Muslims and Jews is also put into the context of a perceived
long history of wars between Muslims and Jews going back to the days of
Mohammed. Others relate it to their belief that the end of the world is near,
allegedly the time for religions to be at war with each other. Citing history
for a long enmity between Muslims and Jews can be related to
interpretations of Islamic scriptures which highlight fights between
Mohammed and Jewish tribes. Some say that Jews cannot be trusted
because “they” betrayed the prophet Muhammad and refer to the Qur'an or
Islamic history. Two example may illustrate this category of rationales.
Baru simply says:

Religious issues we've got against Jewish people.

(Baru, London, P73A: 259)
Interviewees are often vague regarding the nature of these “religious
issues” but many are nevertheless adamant in their belief that these religious
issues are important and reason enough to be suspicious of Jews. Nirmal
gives some more details. His statement can serve as an example of how
perceptions of historical events at the time of Mohammed can be transferred
to the present day. He explains:

Back in those days when prophet, sallalahu 'alayhi wa salam,21

was alive and he tried to spread Islam [...], the other religions
they didn't want him to spread it. [...] That was the Jewish. He
tried to spread it and they tried to kill him [...] the enemies. So in
order to defend ourselves we do Jihad. [...] Obviously Islam and
Jews we have a conflict with each other. We're enemies [...] Still
today they want their revenge they want to be in control.
20
On the basis of their own standards.
21
This Arabic formula with the meaning “May the peace and blessings of Allah be upon
him”, is used by many Muslims to honour the prophet Mohammed whenever his name
is mentioned.

9
 (Nirmal, London, P83: 389-417)
Often, we can find a perception of all Jews as one entity, i.e. all Jewish
individuals anywhere in the world and anywhere in time are somehow seen
as one entity, a unitary category. This can lead to accusations against Jews
who live today for things some other Jews might have done about 1400
years ago at the time of the prophet Muhammad.

Omitting Justifications for Negative Attitudes Toward Jews

Some interviewees omit a justification for their negative perception of Jews.
They give the impression that they believe it is only “natural” that Jews are
perceived negatively and that therefore no explanation is needed. One
interviewee hits the nail on the head when he says:

Jewish people are Jewish, that's why we don't like them.

(Sakti, London, P89H: 855)
To say that he must be confident that it is self-evident that Jews are
perceived in a negative way. This may be the reason why another
interviewee praises Hitler. He states:

Hitler was a great guy.

Q: Well why?
He killed all the Jews.
(Saibal, London, P85: 819-821)
Saibal does not explain why he thinks that it was good that Hitler “killed all
the Jews.” But with this statement he expresses his hatred against Jews
which defies rationality: his hatred of Jews today is justification enough for
him to endorse the murder of the Jews more than 60 years ago.

Combination of Rationales
Of course, participants combine and mix all these different rationales. Sabir
for example thinks in peculiar religious categories when thinking about
Jews but also in patterns of conspiracy theory and hints to a perception of
Jews and money. Consider his own words:

In the Qur’an it says there will be a holy war. One solid war that
will end the world and for the first couple of hundred years
Muslims will suffer but then the Muslims will overcome and they

10
 will take the pride. They will win the war. And the way it’s goin’
on, as far as Islam and Jew [sic], the time is actually coming, it’s
not very far. [...] I think, this is part of the Jewish plan. They are
planning it all out, “so let’s take out all the Muslims, make their
side weaker”, ‘cause that’s what they are trying to do. Because
Saddam was a super power man for us because he was a Muslim,
strong he had lot of armies, he was a good support to us. If the
war came along we would definitely have his support, but now
they took him away, they took all his money away, all his
weapons.
(Sabir, London, P78: 60)

However, not all interviewees reveal such strong antisemitic perceptions

and most interviewees reject violence and open hostility toward Jews.

Distinction Between “Rationales” and Sources of Antisemitism

Having presented these rationales, I want to point out that the arguments
people bring forward to explain why they disdain, dislike or hate Jews are
not the source of their resentments. The confusion of patterns of
“argumentations” of antisemites with the sources of antisemitism is a
common mistake, also among scholars on antisemitism. For example
Silverstein,22 Bunzl,23 Holz,24 Lerman25 and Klug26 fall into this trap and
want to find the kernel of truth in the arguments of antisemites. And they
find themselves adopting the arguments of antisemites, for example by
arguing that (antisemitic) hatred against Israel has its origin in the Middle

22
Paul A. Silverstein, “The context of antisemitism and Islamophobia in France,”
Patterns of Prejudice 42, no. 1 (2008): 1.
23
Matti Bunzl, Anti-Semitism and Islamophobia: Hatreds Old and New in Europe
(Chicago, 2007).
24
Klaus Holz, Die Gegenwart des Antisemitismus: Islamistische, demokratische und
antizionistische Judenfeindschaft (Hamburg: Hamburger Edition, 2005).
25
Antony Lerman, “Must Jews always see themselves as victims?,” The Independent,
March 7, 2009, http://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/middle-east/must-jews-
always-see-themselves-as-victims-1639277.html; Antony Lerman, “Sense on
antisemitism,” Prospect , August 2002, http://www.axt.org.uk/essays/Lerman.htm
26
Brian Klug, “The Myth of the New Anti-Semitism,” The Nation, February 2, 2004,
http://www.thenation.com/doc/20040202/klug/5.

11
East conflict. Some reformulate arguments of antisemites, saying in effect
that people do not mean “the Jews” when they accuse “the Jews” of killing
children or saying that people are not resentful against Israeli ordinary
citizens when they want to boycott Israeli companies or academics. The
sources of prejudice is not to be found in the prejudice. Most people have
understood that when it comes to racism or homophobia. People are not
racist because black people are stupid and people are not homophobic
because homosexuals are ill, both is not true. Prejudice or resentments have
more to do with the people who are prejudiced or who are resentful. My
data does not allow me to draw conclusions on the psychological reasons
for the interviewees to develop antisemitic resentments or pathological
projections.27 But the interviews with young Muslim Londoners provide
insights in an environment which does not necessarily lead to the
development of antisemitic attitudes but which enhances antisemitism.

Factors of Influence Enhancing Antisemitic Attitudes

The analysis of factors of influence that enhance antisemitic attitudes is
based on references and links the interviewees make themselves rather than
based on correlations.

The attitudes of family and friends seem to play an important role in the
attitudes of the interviewees. Not only that they adopt their arguments but
interviewees also report of social pressure they would feel if they
befriended a Jew. However, some interviewees explicitly disagree with
antisemitic attitudes from their parents or friends. Generally, antisemitic
attitudes seem to be rarely challenged by anybody. In some social circles, an
open antisemitic discourse seems to be normal as e.g. an analysis of the
presumption that Muslims and Jews are supposed to be enemies show.

The form of expression of antisemitic attitudes seems to change with the

level of education: participants with a higher level of formal education tend
to show antipathy toward Jews in a socially more accepted way.

Experiences of racism and exclusion do not seem to have a direct influence

27
„The pathology of antisemitism is not the projective behaviour but the failure of
reflexion therein.” [translation by the author] Max Horkheimer and Theodor W.
Adorno, Dialektik der Aufklarung : philosophische Fragmente, Limitierte Jubilaumsed.
(Frankfurt am Main: Fischer-Taschenbuch-Verl., 2002), p. 199

12
on antisemitic resentments. It might be indirectly: discrimination and
separation might enhance the search for alternative strong identities. And
some relate their Muslim identity to an enmity against Jews.

Islam or the Muslim identity is a factor which should be further

differentiated: some literal and authoritative ways of interpreting Islam
seem to enhance antisemitic attitudes more than more liberal ways of
interpretation. The interpretation of Islam seems to be more important as a
factor than the level of religiosity.

In some cases the influence of antisemitic Islamist organisations can be

shown. One interviewee for example says that his views on Zionists are
similar to those of Hizb ut-Tahir.

Some refer to TV as a source for antisemitic stereotypes. Images of the

Middle East conflict reinforce a Manichean view of this conflict and many
cite for example Channel 4 for their conspiracy theories. And some refer to
the Internet as a source of antisemitic views on the Israeli- Palestinian
conflict and also as a source for conspiracy theories.

Conclusions
There are some specific aspects to antisemitism among some Muslims
which indicate that the term Muslim antisemitism can be helpful in the
analysis of contemporary antisemitism. Many associate enmity against Jews
with their collective identity as Muslims. It is not reduced to religious
interpretations or to Islamist views. Therefore, the term Muslim
antisemitism is more adequate than the term Islamic or Islamist
antisemitism. The term Muslim antisemitism is no accusation against all
Muslims as for example the term Christian antisemitism shows.

The generation of antisemitic attitudes is complex and no single or

combined factors necessarily lead to antisemitic attitudes. This is an
indication that individuals have a choice of adopting antisemitic attitudes
and hence are held to be personally responsible for antisemitic remarks.

Religion is a factor but further differentiation is needed: the interpretation of

religion seems to be more important than the level of religiosity.

The Middle East conflict serves as an important rationale but is not a source
of antisemitic attitudes.

13
More research is required to investigate the influence and interdependency
of the public discourse and Muslim antisemitism. Attention should be paid
to the wilful ignorance of mainstream society toward some forms of
antisemitism from Muslims and Muslim organisations, particularly in two
very relevant fields for contemporary antisemitism: diminishing or denial of
the Holocaust and hatred against Israel.

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