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Mallet Du Pan and

the French Revolution

Bernard Mallet
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 MALLET DU PAN

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MALLET DU PAN AND

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION

BY BERNARD MALLET

WITH

FRONTISPIECE

LONGMANS, GREEN, AND CO. 39

PATERNOSTER ROW LONDON

NEW YORK AND BOMBAY 1902

 ΤΟ MY
ΜΥ SONS,

in the hope that they may learn to value the character of their
ancestor with his " simplicity and integrity," his " robust clear
and manful intellect " and " the quiet valour that defies all

fortune " as Carlyle portrayed him ; and that they may one day
read this record of his life's work in the spirit of the following

lines from Gibbon's Autobiography, which have often been in my

mind in compiling it.

" For my own part, could I draw my pedigree from a general ,

a statesman, or a celebrated author , I should study their lives
with the diligence of filial love. In the investigation of past

events our curiosity is stimulated by the immediate or indirect

reference to ourselves."
2
”n

146429
1

I
 PREFACE .

NEITHER the natural interest nor the possession of

literary materials which I have inherited as a great-

grandson of Mallet du Pan would have justified me in

undertaking an account of his career for English readers
if that career had been destitute of historical impor-
tance, or if any such account had been in existence

which was complete and at the same time accessible.

On both these grounds, however, some justification
for the present attempt may, I think, be pleaded . It
will be sufficient , in this place, to refer to the emphatic
testimony of authorities like Carlyle, Sainte- Beuve and

Taine to the position of this once celebrated political

writer as a pioneer of modern journalism , as a champion
of constitutional Monarchy in the Revolution, as a
confidential adviser of Louis XVI . and of the Allied

Courts ; and a few words only will be needed to

explain, with the assistance of the appended list of
sources of information, how matters stand with regard
to existing publications.
In spite of all that has been written about Mallet du

Pan during the last half century, it would not be easy

even for a French reader to lay his hand on any book,
with the exception of M. Valette's short but admirable
monograph, which gives a comprehensive view of his
viii PREFACE

work and opinions, and of the verdict of modern

historical criticism upon his writings. Those writings
lie buried in dozens of newspaper volumes and

pamphlets and, leaving aside the political correspond-

ence for the Court of Vienna, they are practically
unobtainable at the present day. The biography by

M. Sayous, in which portions of his published work

together with his private correspondence appeared,
was written before the recovery of the Vienna cor-
respondence ; it is, therefore, to that extent incom-

plete, and it has long been out of print. Finally, the

rehabilitation of the publicist's reputation having been
a gradual process, the pièces justificatives are scattered
over a considerable number of volumes and articles

which it is necessary to consult. Such very briefly

is the position in France ; in England nothing what-
ever has been published about Mallet du Pan except

two articles in the Edinburgh Review, notwithstanding

that he wrote continually on English affairs from the
War of American Independence onwards, and that his
political point of view was largely the result of his

English studies and sympathies.

The name of his son , John Lewis Mallet ( 1775-
1861 ) , so often recurs in the following pages that a
word or two about his subsequent career may possibly
be of interest. His life , devoid as it is of external
incidènt, presents a striking contrast to that of the
father whose stormy destiny he had shared in his

youth. Remaining in this country after the early

death of Mallet du Pan, he held during the greater

part of the half century which followed the same

 PREFACE ix

office in the English Civil Service. In 1800 he was

appointed by Mr. Pitt to a subordinate post under
the Board of Audit, and shortly afterwards pro

moted to the Secretaryship from which he retired in

1849. He was twice married, first to a daughter of
Mr. Charles Baring, youngest brother of the first Sir
Francis Baring, and after her death, without children ,
to Miss Frances Merivale. Although a foreigner by
birth, and a man of fastidious and retiring disposition,
he won for himself a high place in the regard of his
friends, among whom were several men distinguished
in politics and literature. In his earlier years indeed
he lived a good deal in the society of public men ,
principally, as his diaries with their mention of names
like those of Romilly, Mackintosh, Lord Grenville ,
Lord Holland, Lord Lansdowne, Tierney, Brougham ,
the Barings and Francis Horner seem to show,

among the Whigs. He was, with Ricardo and James

Mill , one of the founders of the Political Economy
Club ; but with the exception of his official work he
took no part in public affairs, and rather shunned than

sought the recognition which his sound judgment and

literary ability might have won for him. His leisure

was occupied by social intercourse, by reading and

correspondence, and by the habit of committing to
commonplace books and diaries his criticisms of men
and books and his observations on passing events, both
public and domestic. His second son, the late Sir
Louis Mallet, from whom the above account is derived ,

has left a description of his character :—

66
My father possessed , in common with his sister,
X PREFACE

Madame Colladon, the quality which is only expressed

by the word ' distinction ' . In his manner he retained
much of the polished courtesy and graceful forms of the
older French school, while traces of his English train-
ing were evident in the simplicity and repose habitual
to well-bred Englishmen. His extensive reading and
varied tastes, the interesting experiences of his life
and the good sense and moderation of his opinions,
together with his warm and ready sympathies, gave to
his conversation a peculiar charm, enhanced by his
refined and critical aversion to careless and slovenly
forms of expression. Although so unlike him in many
respects, he inherited from Mallet du Pan his perfect
integrity and noble independence of character. No

man was ever more free from all taint of self-seeking

or worldliness , or presented a happier combination
of liberality and sound economy, or cultivated with
greater success reasonable and moderate views of
human life."

Mr. J. L. Mallet was the author of an autobio-

graphical sketch , discovered a few years since among
the family papers and privately printed by Sir Louis
Mallet, from which I have quoted freely under the
title of " Reminiscences, " especially for the later years

from 1793 , when the writer rejoined his family after

absences in England and Geneva for the purpose of
education and business. The autobiography is written
in an attractive style in English, and gives a nar-

rative of the life and wanderings of Mallet du Pan

during the Revolution, and his final settlement in
England. With its comments on political events and
its description of people and places it supplies to

some extent both the personal detail and the general

 PREFACE xi

atmosphere which are so invaluable in biography, and

which without it would be so greatly wanting in the
present case.
For Mallet du Pan himself, pre-occupied as he was
with public affairs, had little leisure, and with all his
power as a writer but little taste, for dwelling on the
purely personal or picturesque details of the dramatic
events of which he was a witness. His story has,

indeed , as a study of character a deep human interest,

the interest attaching to a consistent and courageous
struggle against overwhelming odds. But it is as a

study of opinions, as a record and analysis of political

thought and action , that an account of Mallet du Pan
has its main value. For this reason, and because the

point of view from which the well- worn subject of the

French Revolution is treated in his writings is still
perhaps comparatively unfamiliar, it has been absolutely
necessary to deal more largely than I should otherwise
have desired to do with the historical circumstances

which form the setting to the character and ideas I

have had to describe.
I should like, in conclusion , to express my grate-

ful acknowledgment to my uncle, the Rev. Henry

F. Mallet, the only surviving grandson of Mallet du

Pan, for his advice and assistance while this volume
was in the press, and for having some years ago given

into my charge the family papers and the fine portrait

which is reproduced as a frontispiece.

B. M.
1

K
 LIST OF AUTHORITIES.

A. Family Papers. Consisting of letters from Mallet du Pan, his friends

and numerous correspondents ; private note-books kept by Mallet
du Pan, drafts of various official memoranda, and letters from
the Duke of Brunswick and Comte d'Artois. These have been
through the hands of MM. Sayous and André Michel.
John Lewis Mallet. An autobiographical retrospect of the first
twenty-five years of his life. Printed for private circulation with
a Preface by Sir Louis Mallet. 1890. See Preface.

B. Newspapers edited by Mallet du Pan :

Annales politiques civiles et littéraires du xviiie siècle. From 1778
1780, edited by Mallet du Pan in conjunction with Linguet,
and by Mallet du Pan alone from 1781-1783 (36 numbers in 5 1
vols. ). Most of this is material, hitherto unused, and is im
portant as bringing out his position as a pioneer of modern
journalism . See especially Chapter II .
Mémoires historiques politiques et littéraires sur l'état présent de l'Europe.
10 numbers, from March 1783. I vol .
Mercure de France (Paris), 1783-1792. 53 volumes. See Chapters
III. and IV.
Mercure Britanniqne ( London) , August 1798 to March 1800. 36
numbers. 4 vols. See Chapter IX.

C. Pamphlets (published during the Revolutionary period by Mallet du

Pan) :
Du Principe des Factions en général et de ceux qui divisent la France.
(This appeared first in different numbers of the Mercure.)
Paris , 1791.
Considérations sur la nature de la Révolution en France et sur les
causes qui en prolongent la durée. Brussels , 1793 .
Correspondance politique pour servir à l'histoire du républicanisme
Français. Switzerland, 1796.
xiv LIST OF AUTHORITIES

Lettre à un Ministre d'État sur les rapports entre le système politique de

la République Française et celui de sa Révolution . London, 1797.
Quotidienne. Three letters in this paper to a member of the Corps
Législatif (Dumolard) on Venice , Genoa and Portugal. May
and June 1797. See Sayous, II. , 302-7.
Essai historique sur la destruction de la Ligue et de la liberté
Helvétique, 1798. (First published in Nos . I. , II . and III . of
the Mercure Britannique .)
D. Biographies, etc., of Mallet du Pan : -
Mémoires et Correspondance de Mallet du Pan. By A. Sayous. Paris,
1851. This is the main authority for his life ; it is based on
his private papers and printed writings, and written with the
assistance of his son J. L. Mallet.
Correspondance inédite de Mallet du Pan avec la Cour de Vienne,
1794-1798. By André Michel, with a preface by H. Taine.
Paris, 1884. See Chapters VI. and VII.
Lettres de Mallet du Pan à Saladin Egerton , 1794-1800. Published
by Victor van Berchem. 38 pages. Geneva , 1896.
Deux Lettres inédites. Published by the Société d'Histoire et
d'Archéologie de Genève, 1886.
La Révolution Française vue de l'étranger. By François Descostes.
Tours, 1897. This contains, with other matter, a portion of
the political correspondence for the Court of Lisbon. It
covers much the same ground as M. Michel's publication, but
for a shorter period ( 1794-1796 only), and it throws useful light
on diplomatic intrigue at Berne at that time. It contains a
very favourable appreciation of Mallet du Pan by M. Descostes.
See Chapter VI .
Mallet du Pan et la Révolution Française. By M. Gaspard Valette .
Geneva, 1893. 100 pages.
E. Some Articles and Essays on the subject :-
"Causeries du Lundi." Two articles by Sainte- Beuve ( 1852). Vol.
IV.
"La Question de Monarchie ou de République du 9 Thermidor au
18 Brumaire." Two papers in Le Correspondant, 1873 , by Paul
Thureau- Dangin, which make the attitude of Mallet du Pan in
the Royalist party their chief text. They were republished in
M. Thureau-Dangin's volume, Royalistes et Républicains. Paris,
1874.
Articles by M. Auguste Dide in La Révolution Française, Revue
Historique, Vol. V. , 1883, and Vol. VI ., 1884-a strange ex-
hibition of revolutionary prejudice. By M. Gabriel Monod in
Revue Historique, Vol. XXV., May, August, 1884. By M. de
Lescure in Le Correspondant, Vol. 138, 1884.
 LIST OF AUTHORITIES XV

Article in Edinburgh Review. April 1852.

Article in Edinburgh Review . January 1885. (As the writer of this
article I have been allowed by Messrs. Longmans, Green, & Co.
to incorporate a portion of it in one of my chapters. A letter
from Thomas Carlyle to Mr. J. L. Mallet dated 31st October
1851 (quoted in Chapter X.) was first published in this article. )

F. The general Histories and Biographies are too numerous and too well
known to need mention. The following, however, have been of
special use to me :-
Sybel's French Revolution.
Sorel, L'Europe et la Révolution Française.
Taine, France Contemporaine.
Godet, Histoire littéraire de la Suisse Française. 1890.
Rossel, Histoire littéraire de la Suisse Romande. 1889-1892.
Perey et Maugras, La vie intime de Voltaire aux Délices et à Ferney.
Paris, 1885.
Hatin, Histoire de la Presse en France.
Life and Correspondence of Gouverneur Morris (and an article of the
present writer on him in Macmillan's Magazine, November 1885).
Mémoires de Malouet. Paris, 1874. ( In which important letters from
J. L. Mallet to Mallet du Pan from London and Paris are printed. )
Madame de Staël. By Lady Blennerhassett. French Edition .
Paris, 1890. A complete and most valuable treatise on the
whole course of the Revolution.
 CONTENTS.

CHAPTER I.
EARLY LIFE, 1749-1780.
PAGE
Settlement ofthe Mallet Family in Geneva-Ancestry and Parent-
age of Jacques Mallet du Pan-Education and Early In-
fluences-Geneva in the Eighteenth Century and Influence
ofVoltaire- Political Disturbances at Geneva, in which Mallet
takes part on Popular Side- Mallet at Ferney, at Cassel - His
Marriage-Doutes sur l'éloquence-His Political Attitude- Lin-
guet and the Annales Politiques- Mallet's Start and Character
as a Journalist or Contemporary Historian- His Judgments
on Voltaire and the Philosophes -Rousseau I

CHAPTER II.
WAR OF INDEPENDENCE, 1780-1782.
General Observations in the Annales on European Politics in
Eighteenth Century- France and England in 1781 - Influence
of the Party System on the Conduct of the American War-
Unpatriotic Conduct of Whig Factions- Results of the War . 28

CHAPTER III.
WORK IN PARIS, 1783-1789.

Fresh Troubles in Geneva, 1780-1782 -Mémoires Historiques-

Panckoucke and French Journalism - Mallet du Pan offered
Editorship of Political Portion of Mercure de France- Settles
in Paris 1783- Life and Work in Paris- Development of
Mallet's Opinions- Description of the Mercure- Comments
on Events in Foreign Countries- Commercial Treaty with
England-Trial of Warren Hastings-The Censorship and
French Politics- Holland-Vergennes- Montmorin- Mallet's
b
xviii CONTENTS

PAGE
Independence-His Notes on Condition of Paris before the
Revolution-Journalists-Calonne-Vergennes - Anecdotes
Political Situation in 1788-1789 -Summary of Mallet's Political
Education by Taine . 52

CHAPTER IV.

MERCURE DE France, 1789-1792.

Assembly of States-General- Mallet du Pan Reorganises the

Mercure His Analysis of the Debates- He Champions the
Party of Constitutional Reform- Their Failure- Mirabeau
Attacks on Mallet begin after the Days of October- Parties
in the Assembly- Maury-Cazalès- Montlosier-Malouet
The Mercure opposes Violence against Persons and Property
-He Visits Geneva- Foreign Policy-Judgment on Necker
and Mirabeau-Patriotic Deputation to Mallet- His Defence
of the Clergy and Continued Attempts to Enlighten the
Public as to prevailing Disorder and Anarchy--The Flight
to Varennes and Enforced Suspension of Mercure after Domi
ciliary Visit to Mallet's House-Description of Life in Paris
(Note)-Resumption of Editorship-Articles- The Approach
of War - Policy of Brissot and the Girondins —The Émigrés—
Attitude of Robespierre and of Louis XVI . towards War- The
King Advised by Montmorin, Malouet and Mallet du Pan
Mallet's Opinion of the King-Mallet's Determined Opposition
to the War-His Prophetic Anticipations- War Declared
Mallet's Position becomes Impossible-Abandons Mercure
and is Entrusted with a Mission from Louis XVI. in May
1792 · 85

CHAPTER V.
FRANKFORT AND BRUSSELS, 1792-1794.

Mission to Frankfort-The Brunswick Manifesto - Mallet goes

to Geneva, then to Lausanne-Visit to Brussels- His Rela
tions with Ministers, Elgin and Mercy-Argenteau- The Arch
duke Charles-Publishes the Considérations-Its Effect
Coburg Campaign-Criticisms on Conduct of the War- Settles
at Berne- Reports to Lord Elgin and British Government
describing the Conventional Régime-Account of Robespierre
and the Committee-Anecdotes ( Note)-Jealousies ofthe Allied
Powers- European Situation at the Close of 1794 . • 146
 CONTENTS xix

CHAPTER VI.
Thermidor to VendémiaiRE, 1794-1795.
PAGE
Begins Regular Political Correspondence for Courts of Vienna,
Berlin and Lisbon 1795- Reaction after Thermidor -Jeunesse
Dorée-Lethargy ofthe French- Exhaustion of Allies- Hopes
of Peace and of the Termination of the Revolution- Peace
of Bâle- Sufferings and Death of the Dauphin- The New
King approaches Mallet du Pan through Sainte-Aldegonde
-The Declaration of Verona- Louis XVIII. and Charles
X.-Quiberon Expedition- The Struggle in France - 13th
Vendémiaire and Establishment of the Directory- Mallet's
Disappointment-Description of Berne and of his Life
there Relations with British Ministers - The Lameth
Intrigue and Wickham - Mallet's Friends and Correspondents
-Lally-Tollendal- Mounier - Malouet - Montlosier- Sainte-
Aldegonde - De Castries-Gallatin-de Pradt, etc. . 185

CHAPTER VII.
VIENNA CORRESPONDENCE, 1795-1796.
The Directory Described in Vienna Correspondence- The
Directors and the Constitution of 1795-The People-The
Government- Finance- Foreign Policy-Conduct of the War
-Criticism of Émigrés and Allies-Policy Recommended by
Mallet du Pan-The Italian Campaign of 1796-Fresh
Pamphlet, ' Correspondance Politique ' -Discouragement of the
Writer . ·
222
CHAPTER VIII.
FRUCTIDOR, 1797 .
Mallet's Son in London-Lettre à un Ministre d'État Hopes of
his Friends of a Settlement of Affairs and their Admiration
for Bonaparte- Mallet does not share these Hopes-Pichegru
-The Elections in Spring of 1797 bring about a Deadlock
which ends with the Coup d'État of 18th Brumaire- Mallet's
Comments-Alleged Failure to recognise Bonaparte- His
Criticism of Bonaparte in Letters to Quotidienne which lead
to his Expulsion from Berne- He searches for a Home
elsewhere in Switzerland and finally settles for the Winter at
Friburg-The Abbé de Lisle and Portalis- Prisons under the
Terror-Conquest of Switzerland and Annexation of Geneva-
Mallet excluded by Name from French Citizenship - He
Determines to seek Refuge in England and resume Journalism 254
XX CONTENTS

CHAPTER IX.

Mercure Britannique, 1798-1800.

PAGE
Part of England in the War, and State of Public Opinion at
the Time of Mallet's Arrival in May 1798 – Mallet's Plan to
start a French Newspaper in London-Encouraged by Lord
Liverpool and Windham but Neglected by Government-
The Mercure Britannique Started- Its Character and Temper
-Articles on the Destruction of the Swiss Confederation-
Success of the Work-Life and Society in London- Rela-
tions with the Émigrés-Letter from Monsieur- Attacked
by the Ultra-Royalists- He Rebukes them- Reception by
Monsieur-The Agony of the Directory- Character of Sieyès—
Bonaparte's Return- Mallet's Recognition of the Significance
of Bonaparte's Coup d'État, and of the Wisdom of his Domestic
Policy-His Health gives way-His Letter to Wickham-
His Death and Funeral- Government Recognition for his
Family-Character drawn by his Daughter (Note) · 284

CHAPTER X.
CHARACTER AND POSITION.

Vicissitudes of Mallet du Pan's Reputation and their Causes-- His

Character and the Qualities which fitted him for the Work
of a Contemporary Historian - His Independence - His
Political Capacity and Clearness of Vision- Testimony of
Carlyle, Taine, Gentz, Sainte- Beuve- His Style- The Course
of his Opinions during the Revolution- His Analysis of
the Jacobin Dogma- His Liberalism-Accusation that He
Counselled and Fomented the War- His Foresight, and his
Championship of Constitutional Monarchy Justified • 333

APPENDIX.

Article from the Mercure Britannique on the Influence of the

Philosophes on the Revolution • 357

INDEX • 363
 CHAPTER I.

EARLY LIFE IN GENEVA-JOURNALISM- RELATIONS

WITH VOLTAIRE.

1749-1780.

THE story of the branch of the Mallet family connected

with Mallet du Pan derives some interest and diversity

from the religious and political persecutions which drove

them successively from France to Geneva and from
Geneva and the Continent to England. In Geneva,
indeed, they took deep root, but the words in which
John Lewis Mallet commented on their expulsion in
1797 from the country which had been their home for

close upon two hundred and fifty years are descriptive of

much in the family history. "To us," he wrote in natural
despondency, " were not given the peaceable habitation
and the sure dwelling and the quiet resting- place. "
Their wanderings, according to a circumstantial but

legendary tradition with which they adorned their

pedigree, began with the second Crusade and a
temporary settlement in Antioch, but their original
home was undoubtedly in Normandy, the home of many
families of the name, including that of the comrade in
arms ofWilliam the Conqueror who settled in England.
The earliest authentic date of the family with which
we are concerned is 1530, when a certain Jean Mallet
I
2 EARLY LIFE

married Marguerite de Jeaux ; and its first migration

occurred in 1558 (the year of Queen Elizabeth's
accession), when their son Jacques, a Huguenot cloth
merchant of Rouen , left France, then on the verge of
the civil war between the two religions which culmin-
ated in the massacre of St. Bartholomew, and settled
at Geneva, there to enjoy the free exercise of the
Protestant faith under the stern ecclesiastical and
moral rule of Calvin. In 1566, two years after the

death of the great reformer, Jacques Mallet was re-

ceived in the first rank and company of the freemen
of the city, he and his children, ' et les enfans de ses
enfans, nés, et à naître, naturels et légitimes, jusqu'à
l'infini,' to live there in the reformed religion. His
" Lettre de Bourgeoisie, " signed by G. Gallatin, Sec-
retary of State, and dated 24th April 1566 , adds the
curious provision that, in consideration of the privi-
leges and franchises conferred upon him, he should pay
six écus d'or, and give to the Republic a ' sceillot de
cuir bouilli (leather bucket) , pour la défense contre
le feu!' He married Laura, daughter of Léonard
Sartoris of Quiers in Piedmont who had died in the
prisons of the Inquisition and who was the ancestor of
a distinguished Genevese family. By her he had ten
children, and in the course of the two succeeding

centuries 170 persons of the name were born in Geneva,

where their prosperity is attested by the erection in
the middle of the seventeenth century of one of the
handsomest houses in the city, the Maison Mallet in
the Cour de St. Pierre. Although, in the words of

the Genevese chronicle, ' riche et très bien alliée,'

the family produced only two conseillers d'État, but
they were represented continuously in the Council of
 ANCESTRY 3

the Two Hundred ' and were distinguished by several

men of literary eminence. Various members of the
2
family returned at different times to France where
their descendants now form its most numerous and
prosperous branch, but the English branch alone is
descended from Mallet du Pan, the subject of the pre
sent memoir, who was himself seventh in direct descent

1 The Petit Conseil, the executive power, was composed of

twenty-five magistrates styled nobles et très honorés seigneurs. From
it were chosen the four syndics of the Republic, including the First
Syndic, president of the council. The Conseil des Deux Cents was
the legislature, and its members were called magnifiques seigneurs.
The title magnificent applied to both councils, but was more com
monly used of the Petit Conseil. Both councils were recruited by
co-optation from among citoyens and bourgeois. The chief function of
the Conseil Général, the electoral body composed of all citoyens and
bourgeois over twenty-one who paid taxes, was to choose the syndics
from a list of eight names presented to them by the two higher
councils .
2 Jacques Mallet and Laura Sartoris had a son Jacques ( 2) who
married in 1600 Louise Varro, and had a son Jacques (3) who
married in 1634 Jeanne Thabuis . Their son Étienne, married to
Hélène Rilliet, was father of Jacques (4) ( 1680-1767), who married
Isabeau Rigaud, and was father of Étienne above described, the
father of Mallet du Pan.
Three branches of this family are re-established in France ,
descending respectively from Gabriel ( 1572-1651 ), elder brother to
Jacques (2), and from two younger brothers of Jacques (3) , Louis
and Joseph. From Gabriel comes the great family of Protestant
bankers in Paris, which had twenty-four living males a few years
ago, and the head of which is Alphonse Baron Mallet de Chalmassy,
Régent of the Bank of France. Among Joseph's descendants were
General François de Mallet ( 1765-1839 ), created Baron by Louis
XVIII. in 1816, who left issue by his marriage with Anne daughter
of the fifth Viscount Molesworth, and General Paul Henri Mallet
Prevost, who settling in the United States in 1794 became the
creator of Frenchtown and founder of an American branch.
4 EARLY LIFE

from the Huguenot refugee. His father and mother

are thus described by their grandson :-¹

“ My grandfather, Étienne Mallet, was brought up

to the Church, and I have always heard him men-
tioned as a man of good understanding, mild, agreeable
manner, and some talents as a preacher. He was
exemplary in his pastoral and social duties, and for
some years of his life, and I believe at the time of his
death, was minister at Céligny, where he was remem-
bered, even in my time, with feelings of affectionate
respect. The aristocracy of Geneva was not then
exempt from the overbearing disposition natural to the
aristocracy of every country ; and some of them, who
had country seats at Céligny, were not popular with
the peasantry. My grandfather, on the contrary, was
uniformly affable and kind to all ; and was sometimes
taken to task by his neighbours for his condescension
and popular manners.

"He married Mdlle du Pan, of one of the oldest

magisterial families. My great grandfather Du Pan
was First Syndic of the Republic, and I have often
heard an anecdote of him which is characteristic of the
simplicity of manners of that time. A French envoy,
who had been lately appointed, on coming to pay his
first visit of ceremony to the syndic, found him just
returned from the council, and seated by his kitchen
fire, in his wig and sword, eating briselets (a sort of
crisp cake), hot and hot, as fast as they could be made ;
and as the chimney-mantel admitted of several persons
being seated under it, the old gentleman invited the
minister to take a chair and partake of his collation.
"My grandmother had been handsome ; even in

¹ Reminiscences by J. L. Mallet.
2 The first Du Pan known was Etienne Du Pan, a landowner at
Vigon in Piedmont. His great-grandson , Lucain , was received as
Bourgeois de Genève in 1488.
 EDUCATION 5

her advanced age she had great remains of beauty,

a good person, regular and delicate features and
complexion, her manners were gentle and graceful,
but the high spirit broke forth when roused by anything
unbecoming. She was a strictly religious person, and
had no indulgence for the loose opinions and manners
that began to prevail in her time. My grandfather's
circumstances were narrow, and as his father, who lived
to the age of eighty-seven, survived him six years, his
chief dependence was on his living of Céligny and his
wife's fortune, which was small . His income could not
have exceeded £ 300 a year. "

The son ofthe couple thus described, Jacques, after

wards known as Mallet du Pan, ' was born on the 5th of

November 1749 at Céligny, a village between Coppet

and Nyon situated on rising ground which commands fine
views of the Alps and the lake, and it was there that he
spent his early years until his father's death which oc
curred when he was twelve years old. He was brought
up at the famous College of Geneva founded by Calvin,
to whose system of education Geneva owed so much
of its prosperity, and at fifteen he was removed to the
Auditoire or University Class where he studied philo
sophy and law. He seems to have won distinction in

his classes, but no formal education can fully explain the

growth of character, and Mallet du Pan undoubtedly
owed both his qualities of mind and his preparation for

¹ Persons of the same family at Geneva are distinguished not by

their Christian names but by the family name of their wives when
married and of their mothers when single. Étienne Mallet therefore
and his son before his marriage were both Mallet du Pan, and the
latter, having become known as a writer before his marriage, retained
the name of Mallet du Pan throughout his life, instead of going by
the name of Mallet Vallier (his wife's name) as he would have done
had he settled and lived at Geneva in the ordinary course .
6 EARLY LIFE

his future career to his citizenship of Geneva, which from

the middle ofthe eighteenth century was perhaps the most
stimulating intellectual centre to be found in Europe.
Few things in history are more striking than the con
trast between the pettiness in territory and population of
the frontier Republic, and the greatness of the part she
was destined to play ; between her outward insignifi
cance, and the singular and successful energy of her sons.
Before the Reformation she had wrested her indepen
dence from the Dukes of Savoy, independence which
she maintained only by the strength of her walls and the
vigilance of her citizens. To the resolution and per
tinacity which the Genevese acquired in these struggles,
the Reformation added stern religious belief and moral
discipline, and the economic necessities of a State with
out natural resources called forth the exercise of intel
ligence, power of work, and attention to detail ; and
encouraged positive and practical views of life at the
expense of the faculties of humour and imagination.
Such were the qualities which built up the Protestant
Rome, the city of refuge into which flowed a stream of
immigration from France, and they remained character
istic of the people through the changes brought by the
eighteenth century. As persecution ceased a return flow
of emigration began, active-minded Genevese sought
fortune in France and other countries, and there was set
up an exchange of ideas which, combined with the natural

position of Geneva at a point of junction between North

and South, transformed the puritan stronghold during
the eighteenth century into an enlightened cosmopolitan
centre. The kind of influence which Geneva exercised
on European thought is shown by the fact that she
repaid with Rousseau the debt she had incurred from
 GENEVA AND VOLTAIRE 7

France in Calvin, that it was to Geneva that Montes-

quieu was obliged to resort to publish the Esprit des
Lois, that De Saussure, Delolme, and many eminent
names in literature, history, politics and science adorned
her annals, that she received in her neighbourhood the
author of the Decline and Fall. But what gave the
greatest celebrity to Geneva and her lake as a place of
pilgrimage for all that was distinguished in Europe was
the settlement there of the literary idol of the century,
Voltaire. The story of his relations with the Republic is
not the least significant, it is certainly the most entertain-
ing, chapter in the annals of Geneva, ' cité sournoise où
jamais l'on ne rit ' as he described it. The Government
were from the first divided between pride at receiving
Voltaire and alarm at the pernicious influence of his
opinions ; for he arrived at the moment when the conflict
between the old and the new ideas was already causing
dissension in the little State. The theological tyranny of
Calvin's formidable consistory harmonised ill with the
spirit of which Voltaire was the incarnation , but it was
not on this point that his struggle with Genevese puri-
tanism began. Inhabitants of the city who returned from
Paris, enriched by operations of commerce and banking,
which had now become important sources of wealth in
Geneva itself, were impatient of the restraints of sumptu-
ary laws of almost unexampled rigour ; men who had set
out with their wives in chaises de poste brought them back
covered with jewels and decked in the latest Parisian
fashion, in brilliant equipages, followed by grooms and
riding horses, and with a taste for frivolous amusements
which the literary and scientific distractions of their native
town were not sufficient to gratify. They returned to a
town whose laws enjoined the wearing of serge and black
8 EARLY LIFE

cloth, punished with imprisonment tailors or hat makers

who should introduce any new fashions without the
express permission of the council, looked upon dancing
with horror as having caused the death of St. John the
Baptist, and had with great difficulty succeeded in re
pressing the national taste of the people for theatrical
representations of all kinds. The mass of the bourgeois
and the people were still devoted to the Calvinist régime,
but Voltaire's arrival was sure to give an immense
stimulus to the desire for change in the upper classes,

and Voltaire's gaiety and social charm soon attracted

many of them, including even pasteurs and sons of
the magistrates, to his hospitable domain at Les Délices.
Voltaire's passion was the theatre, then at the height of
its vogue in France where private theatricals were the
main diversion of society, and all his difficulties with the
Genevese Government, who were backed by Rousseau
and the poorer classes, arose from his ceaseless efforts to
set up a stage in his own house and even to establish

theatrical representations in Geneva itself. The jealous

alarm of the elders of the city at the success of his efforts
to seduce the patrician class from the path of virtue,
combined with the scandal of the unauthorised publica
tion of La Pucelle, drove him from his first home within
the territory of the Republic to Lausanne, and finally
caused him to settle at Ferney, situated in a French
enclave between Geneva and the Bernese Pays de
Vaud, where he was safe from their interference. Once

established there he gave full rein to his tastes, and the

best of Genevese society was delighted by and partici
pated in the performance of a long series of his tragedies,
and enjoyed intercourse with the literary and fashionable
celebrities of France and other countries. The disputes
 POLITICAL STRUGGLES IN GENEVA 9

caused by the malicious wit of the old philosopher and

the austere fanaticism of the rulers of Geneva, which
divided Genevese society and did much to undermine
the moral and religious tradition of the ' petitissime,
parvulissime et pédantissime ' Republic, culminated in
the burning of Candide by the public executioner of
Geneva, and Voltaire thereupon proceeded in charac-
teristic fashion to revenge himself by sowing broadcast
in the city the blasphemous libels against Christianity
which disgraced his later years.
When Mallet du Pan appeared upon the scene
(literally as well as figuratively, for we hear of him as
a youthful actor at Ferney) these disturbances were
matters of ancient history. Just as happened in the
case of the revolution in France, political agitation had
followed upon social and literary upheaval, agitation
which threatened the very existence of the State. In
Geneva in her decadence, no less than in France,
there was plenty of material for political discontent.
The constitutional struggles of Geneva derive their
main interest from the curious manner in which they
prefigure the great convulsion in France, and from
the connection with the miniature State of the two
great names of Voltaire and Rousseau ; of men like
Necker, the Finance Minister of the Monarchy, and his
still more famous daughter, Madame de Staël ; of
Clavière, the Finance Minister of the Convention ; of Sir
Francis d'Ivernois, the pamphleteer patronised by Pitt ;
of Dumont, the assistant and biographer of Mirabeau
and the interpreter of Bentham, and of Mallet du Pan
himself. But they have an interest of their own, not
only as the story of the inevitable end of one of those
city-states which have done so much for civilisation,
10 EARLY LIFE

but also as being full of lessons for political students.

Owing to the growth of a class outside the original
constitution of the Republic it had gradually been
transformed into an aristocratic oligarchy. The popu
lation of Geneva was divided into three political
classes : (1 ) the citizens or burghers who enjoyed polit
ical rights and were both electors and alone eligible for
public employments ; ( 2 ) the natifs, or sons of inhabi
tants who had not been admitted to the freedom of the

city, who continued generation after generation to be

deprived of all political privileges, and who were even
debarred from the exercise of certain higher branches of
trade and from holding commissions in the town militia ;
and ( 3 ) “ inhabitants " or strangers settled at Geneva.
The natifs became in the course of time by far the most
numerous class, and, as they increased in number and
intelligence, they grew more and more impatient of their
position. Their exasperation led them at last to open acts
of hostility which ended in the banishment of some of
the most distinguished of their number. The first of
these disturbances occurred in the years 1768, 1769 and

1770, just when Mallet du Pan was growing into man

hood. A Genevese, it has been said, imbibes the love
of politics with his mother's milk, and a youth of Mallet's
ardent turn of mind was not likely to remain long in
different to the conflict of opinions about him. At the
age of twenty, then, he sowed his wild oats as a demo

cratic agitator by writing a pamphlet¹ which became

the gospel of the natifs, and was publicly burnt before
the Hôtel de Ville as a " seditious libel , an assault on

1 Compte rendu de la défense des citoyens bourgeois de Genève, 1771

(160 pages ).
 FIRST PAMPHLET II

the State, the councils, the citizens and the burgesses ".
As his son observes :-¹

" My father's family and connections were all on

the aristocratic side, some of his nearest relatives
being members of the Government ; but the same
generous feeling, although in a different direction,
which many years afterwards enlisted his talents on
the side of an oppressed minority in France, induced
him in the year 1770, when hardly of age, to embrace
the popular side at Geneva. It required no little
strength of character and political courage, situated as
he was , to quit his natural ranks, and, disregarding the pre
judices and pride of opinion of his family and friends, to
advocate those higher principles of freedom now generally
acknowledged , but which were at variance with the policy
and practice both of ancient and modern Republics. "

This exploit of Mallet du Pan was not so inconsis

tent with his later opinions as a superficial view would
suggest. It shows him at all events a typical product
of his country at a time when, as we have seen, new
wine was being poured so rapidly into old bottles. In
his moral outlook with its passionate and courageous
earnestness, and in the positive and practical character
of his intellect, he was a Genevese of the old school ;
in his love of freedom and justice, in his popular sym
pathies, and in his willingness to examine new ideas on
their merits, he was a child of his age. It would not

have been difficult to predict what his final attitude

would be towards the political philosophy which pre
tended to regenerate mankind by building afresh on the
ruins of existing religious and political systems, but he
was still to feel his way, and form his opinions in his
own characteristic fashion by actual observation . From

1 Reminiscences.
12 EARLY LIFE

this point of view his introduction to Voltaire and his

circle was an event of capital importance to the young
student of politics . Struck by his independence and
probably not displeased at seeing his old enemies of
the council attacked by one of their own class, Voltaire
sought his acquaintance and asked him to Ferney, where
he was a frequent guest until the philosopher's death
eight years later, in 1778. To his patronage Mallet du
Pan owed his recommendation in 1772 for the post of
Professor of History and Literature to the Landgrave
of Hesse Cassel . Mallet du Pan accepted the offer and
proceeded to Cassel where he delivered an inaugural
address, ' but the serious and independent young Gene-
vese was hardly the man to suit a German prince
whose flirtation with French philosophy did not pre-
vent him from selling, a little later, battalions of his
subjects, at so much a head, to the British Govern-
ment for the purpose of putting down the rising
freedom of the United States. He accordingly re-
mained but a short time at Cassel from whence he
His son
returned in the following year to Geneva.
hints that there were other reasons for his return. A

college friendship at this time took him frequently to

Aubonne, a beautifully situated town in the Pays de
Vaud, where he met the young lady who was to be-
come his wife, Mdlle Vallier of that place. He was
often accompanied to Aubonne by some of his Geneva
friends, particularly by a certain Italian count whose
pursuits assimilated to his own.

"These young men were great lions, for they fre-

quented Voltaire's house ; they had seen some of his

¹ Entitled Quelle est l'influence de la philosophie sur les belles

lettres, on the 8th April, 1772 , Cassel.
 MARRIAGE 13

tragedies acted there, and were full of the library

novelties of the time. . . . The Bailli , or governor
of the district, happened to be a man of education ,
whose wife took pains to make his house agreeable
to his friends, and occasionally got up a French
play for the young people ; my father and mother
acted together in the Gageure Imprévue of Sedaine,
my mother undertaking the part of the Marquise
de Clairville. Our Genevese relations, who never
liked the marriage, even now seemed to consider
these theatricals as the trap which caught my father's
heart ; and my uncle Mallet in a late letter, giving me
some account of the early occurrences of my father's
life, dwells on this circumstance, as if a young man of
twenty-five, falling in love with a young girl of eighteen
was quite a novelty in the world. Such things did
happen, however, even in the good old times. It was
natural that my father's family should wish him to
marry at Geneva, where his talents and connections
might have procured him an advantageous match, but
their interference was too pertinacious. My father
was not only gifted with great independence of char-
acter, no great help towards making a provision for his
family, but with a just confidence in his powers of
useful exertion ; so that when his mother and uncles
found him deaf to their collected wisdom, they had the
good sense to make the best of a bad case. My
mother was of a respectable family : her manners were
extremely pleasing ; and having been brought up with
great simplicity of tastes and habits, she became a
great favourite with my father's family and friends : still
it was necessary to live, and my father, when married,
1
looked about him for some literary employment. " "

Meanwhile he settled in Geneva, and devoted him-

self to his favourite studies, particularly to historical
reading the fruits of which had a lasting effect on his

1 Reminiscences.
14 EARLY LIFE

opinions and showed itself in all his subsequent writings.

For the moment indeed it led him into an exaggerated
distrust of systems . "We must return," he exclaimed ,
"to experimentalism in politics, the task of which
should be to remove the unequal burden cast upon
the people by the existence of privileged classes, and
to establish civil if not social equality. " In this atti
tude of generous revolt the young writer fell under
the attraction of the too famous Linguet, who in his
Théorie des Lois Civiles, an eloquent and original satire
upon the civil organisation of France under the para
doxical form of a panegyric of despotism as the only
hope for the people, had attacked the economists and
the encyclopædists, rehabilitated slavery, and exalted
the East at the expense of the West.
It was to champion this frondeur and controvert the
reasonings of his assailants drawn from Montesquieu's
Esprit des Lois, which he then styled a "plaidoyerpour
l'aristocratie " but which experience and observation of
republican governments very soon caused him to regard
as a mine of political wisdom, ' that Mallet du Pan
published in 1775, at the age of twenty-five, a curious
essay called Doutes sur l'éloquence. The only interest
of the book, which was an attack on the political and
economic régimes of Northern Europe as a usurpation
maintained against the interests of the majority, is auto
biographical. Crude and doctrinaire as it is, it shows
how near to his heart were the principles of humanity and
justice, his attachment to which survived the excesses of
the Revolution. If Mallet du Pan was to prove the

strongest adherent of the Monarchy against its ene

mies, it was not because, as has been said, he was

¹ Sayous , i. , 114.
 LINGUET 15

'sans entrailles pour les peuples '. The essay had one
important result for the author, it brought him into
personal relations with Linguet and thus initiated him
into the career of journalism.
Linguet, now completely forgotten, but in his day
one of the most prominent figures in France, was a man
born to be his own worst enemy. He was a person of
brilliant and versatile ability, but of vanity, jealousy and
self- confidence even more remarkable than his ability.
Opiniâtre, inflammable, inflexible,' as he described
himself, he was the Ishmael of letters, and his career
which all France followed with interest for twenty years

led him, after interminable persecution at the hands

of the agents and ministers of absolute monarchy, to
death on the guillotine for his flattery of despots.
Liter-
ature had been his earliest pursuit, but as money was
a necessity and " it was better to be a wealthy cook
than an unknown savant " he went to the bar where
two causes célèbres, his successful defence of the Duc

d'Aiguillon and the Comte de Merangiés, immediately

gave him a great reputation. He then proceeded to
make his position impossible by insolent attacks on his
colleagues and the magistrates for which he was dis-
barred, and turning again to literature he accepted from
the publisher Pancoucke the editorship of one of his new
enterprises, the Journal de Bruxelles, and so became
the founder of modern journalism. But he did not long
maintain the decent level of literary and political criticism
he had proposed for himself. Giving full rein to the
caustic bitterness of his disposition he tilted against all
the powers, ministerial and philosophic, in France, and in
1776 crowned his offences by an article on the reception
of La Harpe at the Academy, in which he inveighed
16 EARLY LIFE

against the new member as a ' petit homme, orgueilleux,

insolent et bas,' and against the august body which had
previously repulsed his own attempt to enter it. The
outraged academicians appealed successfully to the
Government, and the Garde des Sceaux Miromesnil
ordered Pancoucke to expel him from the editorship,
which he did, adding insult to injury by giving the post
to La Harpe. The " modern Aretino," the panegyrist
of Asiatic despotism, then retired, not, as Grimm
satirically observed , to Ispahan, but to London, and
there founded his famous Annales, mélange de raison,

de délire, de grossièreté et de talent,' which with many

interruptions he carried on till the Revolution. But he
did not long remain in London, where he gave offence
by his attacks on British institutions and British
morals, and retired to Brussels. In France he was
again denounced before the Parlement and in spite of
powerful protectors, for the king and queen seemed
to have thoroughly enjoyed his audacious sallies against
the literary and philosophic coteries of Paris, he was at
last attracted or enticed to the capital, where in 1780
he was clapped into the Bastille. Emerging two years
later he continued his stormy journalistic career, varied
by an excursion to Vienna, where Joseph II . whom he
had flattered at first ennobled and pensioned him, and
then dismissed him for a defence of the insurgents of
Brabant.

It was during his wanderings abroad after his ad-

venture with La Harpe that this political swashbuckler
made his appearance at Ferney, where Voltaire , who in
spite of his differences with the encyclopædist philoso-
phers was always careful to remain on good terms with
them , positively shuddered under the infliction of his
 START IN JOURNALISM 17

presence, and oddly and savagely described him as ' le

premier écrivain des charniers (charnel-house writer)

sans contestation '. But Mallet du Pan, whose admira-
tion for his independence and originality appears not
to have been dispelled by closer acquaintance , decided
to collaborate with him in the new journalistic ven-
ture which Linguet intended to establish in England .
In 1777 accordingly Mallet journeyed to London, and
thence to Brussels, where Linguet finally arranged for
the publication of his Annales politiques, civiles et
littéraires du XVIIIe siècle.

Of this journey to England which procured him

acquaintances and confirmed his English prepossessions
no record remains. But the Annales was founded , and
Mallet conducted the Swiss edition and contributed

much valuable matter, especially on economic subjects

which he treated with refreshing solidity and common

sense¹ and in a spirit severely critical towards the sect

of the economists, with their logogriphes, their impôt
unique and their leanings to legal despotism . It is
curious in this connection to notice with how little
enthusiasm he writes of Turgot, who had been called
upon to reform the financial administration of France
in their sense, compared with his eulogies of Necker's
economic work. It is difficult to imagine that two men

of such fundamentally different dispositions as Linguet

and Mallet could long have co-operated. Linguet's
incarceration in the Bastille at all events brought the
partnership to an end, and Mallet du Pan decided to

¹ His comments on the studied mystery with which its votaries

had surrounded financial questions, his doubts as to the necessity of
any such obscurity and his own lucid expositions of principles are
characteristic of this spirit.
2
 Y
18 EARL LIFE

continue the publication on his own account till Linguet

should reappear. This he did at Lausanne for over
two years from the close of the year 1780, continuing of
course to live in Geneva until his migration to Paris in
the autumn of 1783.
It was no low ideal which the young editor, who
had now at thirty attained an independent position, set
before himself in his self-chosen career of journalism,
a career which was to cover twenty of the most event-
ful years of modern European history. He set out

with a large dose of contempt for the " bastard species

of literary men called journalists and critics who swarmed
in the great capitals, " a contempt which grew with his
later experience in Paris, until writing and authorship
themselves became distasteful to him. He wrote from

the beginning with a sense of responsibility ' which is

the characteristic of men of action rather than of men

of letters. Impartiality, frankness, love of liberty were

inborn in him, but first among the requisites for com-
menting on ideas and events he always placed assured
and scrupulously verified information and disinterested
search for truth. If it was beyond his power always
to circumstantiate recent facts, he waged ceaseless war
against the printed lies and puerile inventions which
formed the staple of the public news of that day, and
were accepted, as he said, with incorrigible ineptitude
and credulity by the public. But he was far from

confining himself to the chronicler's task, the triste

métier, as he somewhere calls it, of an annalist. Writ-

ing at a time when " readers were so sated with tedious

political intrigue and still more tedious warfare that
they had lost the power of following great events, and

¹ Cf. Note on p. 105 .

 ANNALES POLITIQUES 19

took as much interest in a duel between ships of war

as they had formerly shown in the ruin of a kingdom ;
when curiosity fed on scandalous anecdote and the mira-
cles of a Mesmer or a Cagliostro, " he prided himself
on investigating and bringing to notice every important
European event and endeavouring to give a faithful
picture of its causes. Contemporary historian was the
designation he chose for himself, he often deplored the
necessity which compelled him to be an observer of his
times rather than the historian, and he constantly strove
to combine the functions of both in his journalistic work.¹
The impression conveyed by the tone of his com-
ments is curiously modern. There are observations
on the tremendous rivalry in armaments and on the
universal militarism of the time, on the growth of
plutocracy, on the character and true use of naval
power, which might have been written to-day. Mallet
du Pan was perhaps at his best in his rapid but
masterly sketches of the career of a Pombal or a

1 The following note from the Reminiscences shows how early

he began the practice of carefully organising his sources of informa-
tion which gave such value to his work in the Revolutionary epoch .
" On the death of Sir Samuel Romilly, his executor (my friend
Mr. Wishaw) gave me a letter from his sister, Mme Roget, who
married a Genevese, dated Geneva the 31st May 1781 , proposing
to her brother to supply my father once a week with such public
intelligence and observations as might be useful to him in the publi-
cation of his work. ' Mr. Mallet,' she says, ' is a Republican ; he
is partial to our country, he loves the truth, and is a determined
assertor of it.' Romilly probably declined the proposal ; but he
and my father were afterwards brought together at Paris , and renewed
their acquaintance at a later period in London, where he experienced
many attentions from Sir Samuel. He was extremely kind to me to
the last, and asked me occasionally to his house, where I have met
some of the most distinguished persons of our time."
20 EARLY LIFE

Rodney, or in historical summaries such as those in

which he recounted the hypocritical treatment of the
Jewish race by Europe ; when he described the prin
ciples which had prevailed in the matter of religious
toleration, and when he distinguished between the
impolicy of the Edict of Nantes which marked the
final estrangement of the two religions and the ruin
of the weaker, and the statesmanship of the Edict of
Joseph II . , which recognised and safeguarded liberty
of conscience while preserving the necessary pre
eminence of the national religion.
In the course of some critical remarks on Voltaire's

historical writings¹ he has given his idea of the qualifica

tions which distinguish the historian from the chronicler
and romance writer : " Among his indispensable re
quirements is the power of criticising his authorities
and weighing the character, views, position and trust
worthiness of previous writers, of labouring to reconcile
them and to verify conjectures, dates and documents,
of distinguishing between truth and probability, of
confronting imposture with reason and fact ".
Voltaire as an historian hardly came up to such a
standard as this. His critic does full justice to his
brilliant clearness of style, to the art with which he
compared or contrasted facts, to his penetrating coup
d'œil, to his unapproached faculty for marshalling events
in an orderly and interesting manner ; qualities which
led Lord Chesterfield to say of the Siècle de Louis
XIV that while Bolingbroke had taught him how to
read history, Voltaire had taught him how to write it.

¹ In an article entitled De la Manière d'écrire l'histoire, in which

he discusses some ancient and modern historical works including
those of Hume, Robertson, Gibbon and Voltaire.
 VOLTAIRE AS HISTORIAN 21

But Mallet signalised as a dangerous example to his-

torians Voltaire's contempt for accurate knowledge, his
method of substituting for it philosophic opinions, and
his sceptical reasoning which dispensed with learning
and refuted research by epigram . He had, wrote
Mallet du Pan, confined his criticisms to the discussion
of superstitious fables, and his doubts and researches

to the region of religious credulity. He had given but

little study to laws, morality and public right, or to the
political causes of the development, the fall, or the
preservation of empires. He was dazzled and sub-

jugated by love of the arts and of magnificence in

sovereigns or princely protectors of painters and poets.
Finally for the solution of historical problems he too
often fell back on the dogma of fatality, ' Dogme cruel
fait pour encourager le crime, pour ôter à la vertu toute
son énergie, et dont un historien sage devrait cacher
les preuves '.
It was not as historian only that Mallet du Pan had
occasion at this time and in later years to criticise Vol-
taire's ideas and defend his memory. He did both in

language which shows how little permanent influence

his intercourse with Voltaire had on his own modes of
thought.' He must have felt towards him the loyal
attachment so easily inspired in his juniors by an old
man of great distinction who honours them by his at-
tention : he admired him as a man of letters, the greatest

the modern world has yet seen, he could sympathise

with the genuine hatred of intolerance and oppression
which was the only definitely liberal sentiment in Vol-
taire's political creed ; and there can be no doubt that

1 " Jamais," remarks the historian Müller, " on n'est parvenu â

faire changer à un genevois sa manière de voir."
22 EARLY LIFE

association with the literary dictator of Europe and his

friends gave him the confidence and the assurance which
enabled him so early to hold his own in the literary
world. From being provincial he became cosmopolitan.
But of conformity with Voltaire's opinions in philosophy
or politics it would be difficult to find a trace. There
is far more protest than agreement even in an article
in which he warmly defends his dead patron against
the denunciations of an anonymous correspondent.
The indignant writer had attacked Voltaire's works as
a ' collection d'infamies et d'ordures,' and in particular
accused him of having severed all the ties which bind
mankind to a Divinity. No one man more sincerely
deplored the unworthy productions of his decrepitude
or the monotonously indecent pleasantry with which he
treated the most serious subjects ; his outrages on reve
lation and the manner in which he invariably confused
the absurdities of theology with the truths of Chris
tianity ; and the terrible influence of his diatribes on
public opinion. All the more notable therefore was
Mallet's declaration that during the eight consecutive
years of his acquaintance with Voltaire, at a time when

1 Sainte- Beuve speaking of Mallet du Pan's religious opinions de

scribes him as "un protestant, je dirais même un déiste ". I may
therefore quote a confession of faith, sufficiently remarkable in a
man of letters of the eighteenth century , which he printed in reply
to a correspondent who professed ignorance of his " principles " and
more than hinted that he sympathised with those of Voltaire : " Mes
principes sont ceux d'un citoyen de Genève élevé dans la religion
Calviniste, celle de ses pères et de son souverain , ayant appris par
l'excellente éducation qu'on reçoit dans sa patrie, et par l'exemple du
clergé le plus vertueux et le plus éclairé, à adorer la main Divine dans
ses ouvrages et dans le bienfait de la Révélation, à être religieux sans
superstition, et tolérant sans impiété " (Annales, ii., 444).
 VOLTAIRE'S RELIGIOUS OPINIONS 23

he was flooding Europe with his ' indécentes goguenar

deries,' he had never surprised him in a single doubt as
to the existence of God or in a jest on this subject.
The author of the line, ' Si Dieu n'existait pas, il fau
drait l'inventer,' never, he asserted, abnegated in private
this doctrine of his works. In health or sickness , gay

or serious, with Christians, atheists, theists, he always

professed his respect for " natural religion ".

"I saw him ," writes Mallet, " one evening at supper
give a tremendous lesson to d'Alembert and Condorcet
by sending his servants out of the room in the middle of
the meal, and saying to the two academicians, ' Now,
gentlemen, you are at liberty to pursue your discussion.
As I do not wish to be robbed and murdered to - night
by my servants I am anxious that all notions of God
and of a future state should not be eradicated from
their minds.' "
'¹

¹J. L. Mallet's Reminiscences , or as Mallet du Pan repeats it :

" Maintenant, Messieurs, continuez vos propos contre Dieu. Mais
comme je ne veux pas être égorgé et volé cette nuit par mes domes
tiques il est bon qu'ils ne vous écoutent pas " (Merc. Brit. , ii. , 349).
In his account of Voltaire (Mercure Britannique, 1798) , he brings out
even more clearly Voltaire's attitude towards religion and the funda
mental difference between it and that of the other anti-religious
schools of Paris. " De la terre étrangère où il s'était réfugié le Poète
déclara la guerre à la religion. Cette entreprise devient pour lui un
amusement, une vengeance, bientôt un besoin et une passion. Tous
les six mois il enfantait une diatribe. Lorsqu'il eut épuisé ses
apostrophes à l'Église Romaine et ses reproches au sacerdoce, il
attaqua le Christianisme : toutes les communions essuyèrent ses ou
trages, et il se proclama le chef d'un Théisme dans les bases duquel il a
souvent vacillé. Son scepticisme néanmoins conserva quelque mesure :
il jugeait impolitique et dangereux de prêcher publiquement l'athéisme,
la matérialité de l'âme, et le néant après la mort. ' Je veux,' écrivait-il
à un athée de Paris, ' que les Princes et les Ministres reconnaissent
un Dieu, et même un Dieu qui punisse et qui pardonne. Sans ce
frein je les regarderais comme des animaux féroces,' " etc.
24 EARLY LIFE

1
"Three months, " he wrote, " after the publication
of D'Holbach's Système de la Nature, Voltaire received
an enthusiastic letter, which I saw, from the heir pre
sumptive to a German State. This prince made no
secret of the disastrous impression the work had made
on his mind, and appeared an ardent proselyte of its
doctrines. Voltaire in his reply confuted his doubts,
concluding, ' In a word , Prince, this book appears to me
pernicious both to peoples and to kings.—Il n'y a qu'une
fureur détestable qui puisse attaquer cette religion
"2
sainte adorez Dieu et soyez juste.'

If Mallet du Pan's principles kept him from becom

ing a convert to the ideas of the encyclopædist sect
to which Voltaire may have hoped to attach him , his
political ideas were no less at variance with the pre
judices which did duty for statesmanship in Voltaire.
He gave a striking account, in an article on the in
fluence of the philosophers on the French Revolution
published in the Mercure Britannique many years
later, of Voltaire's belief in monarchy, his indifference
to the rights of the people, his aversion to political
speculation and republican forms of government. His

1 Annales, i. , 303.

2 Here is another anecdote from the Reminiscences : " My father

having gone one morning to Ferney to breakfast, and being in
Voltaire's bedroom , M. Fabri du Gex came in with an artist of his
acquaintance, whom he wished to introduce to Voltaire. The artist
was attended by a dog that followed him into the room ; and who,
brushing by the chimney, knocked down the tongs and shovel, to
the great annoyance of Voltaire, who, violently pulling the bell, said
to the footman who came in, Lavigne, send up one of my carriage
horses to keep company with this gentleman's dog ' . Voltaire used
to say that it was a very agreeable circumstance to live under a
government of which the sovereigns requested you to send your
carriage for them when you asked them to dinner."
 VOLTAIRE'S POLITICAL OPINIONS 25

knowledge of political subjects was slight, and he had

given but little thought to them, as his criticism of
Montesquieu showed. He lived, observes Mallet du

Pan, for fifteen consecutive years at the gates of a city

in which questions of republican government were the
constant subject of debate, without ever understanding
the elements of them. He loved neither republican
nor despotic states, but he detested the common people
and dreaded their influence, though he would not syste-
matically have oppressed them. How little he thought
the French fit for political liberty may be judged from
his remark : Nous sommes une nation d'enfants mutins
à qui il faut donner des fouets et des sucreries. All his
inclinations and prejudices were monarchical, his sincere
enthusiasm for Louis XIV. proved it ; and his aim was
always to conciliate authority and enlist the ruling classes
on his side in his attacks on Christianity. " In politics

he was but a flatterer. " With such opinions it would

have been absurd to attribute to Voltaire any design

to subvert by violent means the political institutions and

the form of society in France, and Mallet du Pan acquits
him of such an intention. "Persons like myself," he

wrote, " who frequented his house, can bear witness

that no word ever escaped him which revealed the
faintest desire to see the form of government in his
own country changed. " Voltaire indeed never dreamt

of such an event as the Revolution ; and his disregard

of civil freedom, his love of authority, privilege and
rank, his timidity of character and fastidiousness,
were all aristocratic. As Mallet observed :---

" The first château in flames and Voltaire would

have abandoned his own and taken refuge abroad ; the
26 EARLY LIFE

first head on a pike, and he would have thought himself

in the days of the League and died of fright. The
destruction of the Church and of religion itself would
not have mitigated his terror, for much as he hated
priests and the mass, he hated even more assassins,
plunderers and incendiaries. "

The personal connection between the two men has

made it necessary to dwell at some length on the attitude
of Mallet du Pan towards Voltaire. His opinion of
the latter's nominal followers, of the encyclopædists, of
Diderot and d'Alembert, as well as of Condorcet and
all the Illuminés fanatiques whose works became the
manual of Jacobinism, belongs to the revolutionary
period, when he expressed it with biting directness on
many occasions. As he wrote later :-

" Du Clergé, de la Cour, de la Noblesse, de la

Finance, du Barreau, des Régiments, des Lycées, on
vit éclore un essaim de Platons populaciers et blasphé-
mateurs, dont la sottise et l'insolence eussent fait rougir
de honte leurs premiers instituteurs , dont les excès eussent
fait regretter la vie à Rousseau et à Voltaire ".

We know that in his earlier years in Paris he

held very much aloof from them. Philosophers with
so slight a hold on the realities of life and govern-
ment had no attraction for one, the practical and
historical bent of whose genius
was leading
him
more and more to distrust abstractions and to follow

experience in his political and constitutional specula-

tions. He ranged himself definitely in these years

of preparation under the banner of Montesquieu the

founder of the new science of history, and in this
fact we have the sufficient explanation of his attitude
towards the Revolution . For Montesquieu is the anti- i
 ROUSSEAU 27

thesis of Rousseau, and Rousseau was the prophet of the

new era. The reign of Rousseau over public opinion

only began when Voltaire's ended, after the death of

the two rivals in 1778. His famous theory of politics,
drawn from the anarchical hypotheses of long- forgotten
authors and clothed with his peculiar sentiment and
incomparable eloquence, dominated from first to last
the leaders of the Revolution and furnished the catch-
words of the people. 'Sans Jean Jacques Rousseau

il n'y aurait pas eu de Révolution ,' said Napoleon ,

and he added, according to Mme de Staël, ' Je ne
le regrette pas, car j'y ai rattrapé le trône !' Mallet
du Pan, who saw so much of " M. de Voltaire , " never
personally knew " Jean Jacques," but he divined from
the first the ascendency of his teachings and was to
learn by bitter experience the hopelessness of combating
them.¹

¹I have printed as an appendix a portion of a remarkable article

written by Mallet du Pan at the end of his life (Mercure Britannique
10th March 1799) , on the influence exercised by French philosophers
on the Revolution. It deals specially with the position of Voltaire
and Rousseau.
 28

CHAPTER II.

THE ANNALES AND THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE

1780-1782.

MALLET'S comments in the Annales on the War of

Independence and on party government in England

will serve to show that he brought to the consideration
of great political affairs principles imbibed in a very
different atmosphere from that of Paris, and the qualities
not too commonly combined of sound judgment and
moral enthusiasm. In all he wrote for the information
of his contemporaries Mallet du Pan endeavoured to
record materials for history. Fact and comment alike
are now as hopelessly buried in the original newspaper
sheets as if they had been recorded in Chinese ; but a
biographer can hardly pass over in silence judgments
on passing events which reveal already in the writer
the prescience and clear-sightedness extolled by Sainte
Beuve, the political capacity signalised by Taine. They
reached a level of thought and expression which it
would be hard to parallel in the periodical literature
of the succeeding century, and which entitles him to
the position accorded to him by the learned historian¹
of the French press as the first of the race of true

¹ Eugène Hatin, Histoire de la Presse en France, vol . iii. , p . 377 ,

"Mallet s'y révèle comme un publiciste distingué : nous pourrions dire
que c'est le premier journaliste que nous ayons encore rencontré ".
 .GREAT BRITAIN IN 1781 29

journalists, a position which he was soon to maintain

.
in the capital of France.
The time at which Mallet du Pan succeeded to
the sole direction of Linguet's Annales Politiques, the
beginning of the year 1781 , marked the lowest point
of disaster and danger to which England had fallen
since the Treaty of Utrecht in 1713 had first given
her a position of supremacy in Europe. Without an
ally in the world, she was in arms against France,
Spain and the American Colonies, she had just added
Holland to the list of her enemies, and the armed
neutrality of the North had been formed to assert the
rights of neutrals against British sea power.In India

Hyder Ali had descended on the Carnatic and was

threatening Madras ; Ireland was on the very verge
of practical independence, and the Gordon riots had
for some days placed London at the mercy of the
mob. Worse than all, the Government was in the

hands of men discredited by failures and distrusted in

the country, and the spirit of faction was carried to
a point which alarmed and disgusted the friends of
England.' The coming months were to witness the
second surrender ( October 1781 ) of a British army
in America, that of Cornwallis with 6,000 men at
Yorktown, an event which brought the war in that
continent to a standstill, and by sealing the fate of
Lord North's Ministry produced the kaleidoscopic
changes of the Rockingham, Shelburne and Coalition
.
Ministries, ending in the succession to power in 1783
of the younger Pitt. Early in 1782 followed the

1 "Vous allez," wrote Voltaire to Mallet in his journey to England

in 1777, " dans un pays devenu presque barbare par la violence des
factions."
30 WAR OF INDEPENDENCE

capture by the French fleet of all the rich English

islands in the West Indies except Jamaica, Barbados
and Antigua, and the recapture by Spain of Minorca,
disasters which Rodney's great victory over De Grasse
in April, and the final repulse of the attack on Gibraltar
in September, did much to retrieve without affecting
the inevitable result of the war ; and the negotiation

of the treaties of peace left England in 1783 shorn

of the fairest portion of her Colonial Empire, and
burdened by a huge increase of national indebtedness.
The independence of America thus accomplished
which seemed to imply the fall of Greater Britain,
and which Seeley describes as a " stupendous event
perhaps greater in itself than the French Revolution "
so soon to follow, certainly forms a theme worthy of the
ablest and best equipped of contemporary chroniclers.
Before following him in some comments and specu-
lations on this event, a word may be said on the
general attitude of the writer in relation to the play
ofinternational forces and rivalries. The late Professor

Seeley made perhaps rather too much of his supposed

discovery that the history of England in the eighteenth
century lay not in Europe, but in Asia and America.
The author of the Annales was a citizen of a small
neutral State, his intellect was of the practical lucid
order characteristic of the best eighteenth century

thought, and his natural sympathies and tastes turned

rather in the direction of efforts after freedom of

thought, good government and sensible public economy,

than in that of the internecine struggles for Colonial
Empire and commercial monopolies which riveted the
attention of the more sentimental Cambridge historian.
But even to him these struggles were full of significance,
 WAR AND COMMERCE 31

and if we may judge from the tone of the Annales, and

even from the relative space given in its pages to the
discussion of the war in America and to naval and

colonial topics, contemporary writers were under no

such illusion as that which Seeley made it his mission
to combat in his interesting little volume on the Ex-
pansion of England.
The first number edited by Mallet du Pan contains
a study on war in general, and on the condition of
Europe as the result of the particular war in which
the world was at that moment plunged, which would
have delighted the heart of Cobden, but which, though
perhaps somewhat academic in tone, displays an elo-
quence, a philosophic insight, and a knowledge of
foreign history and politics quite beyond the reach of
the great free-trade statesman. After showing that
war was waged among modern States no longer with
the simply avowed objects of conquering, pillaging
and enslaving one another, but in order to preserve
a supposed equilibrium or balance of power, he re-
marks how futile these attempts necessarily were, and
how they always ended in the transfer of prepon-
derance, never in its destruction. Richelieu's policy,

for instance, had resulted in the ruin of Austria to the

gain of France ; and while Europe remained under
arms until the Treaty of Aix la Chapelle in pur-
suit of this chimera, Great Britain, ' hydre amphibie,'
destined " to devour the frogs who implored her
assistance," had appeared on the scene to which the
' equilibrists " had summoned her. Mallet traces in a
careful summary the growth of her maritime power,
from its rise under Cromwell to its overwhelming
ascendency under Chatham. 'Voilà l'édifice,' he
32 WAR OF INDEPENDENCE

exclaimed, ' élevé par les criailleries, le sang et les

dépenses de la Hollande et de l'Autriche, voilà l'espèce
d'équilibre auquel leurs tours de force étaient parvenus ! '
Very striking is the denunciation which follows of
the two- headed monster produced by the unnatural
union of war and commerce, which owed its origin to
the ocean power of England and Holland, and to the
establishment of their colonies. Holland had tyran-

nised over the sea in order to become the entrepôt

for every sort of merchandise ;England, the first to
escape from this tyranny by the help of Cromwell's
Navigation Act, substituted for it another, with the
object of forcing upon the two worlds her manu-
factures and the produce of her colonies.¹

" The monopoly, " wrote Mallet, "with which

Europe oppressed her colonies is a despotism of shop-
keepers of which every enlightened nation ought to be
ashamed. To found an Empire and to base the pros-
perity of a country and its commerce upon the success
of such a despotism, maintained by armaments, fleets
and codes, is the most inconceivable project which
avarice has ever suggested to ambition. " "

But true as it was that commerce had become a

primary cause of strife among nations, a phenomenon

which seems likely to recur in the twentieth century, it
was equally true that force was in the long run power-
less to counteract the permanent influence of national
advantages, geographical situation and industrial activ-
ity. The general indignation against the " vampire
powers of England and Holland, ' ces dispensateurs
ambulants du commerce, approvisionneurs altiers de

¹ Annales, iii ., 486. 2 Ibid., i. , 107 .

 HOLLAND AND SPAIN 33

l'Univers, ' had already without wars or diplomatic

intrigue begun to work a cure, and the irresistible
processes of competition were reducing the masters
of commerce to the position of simple rivals in the
Baltic and the Mediterranean. Mallet du Pan was in
fact an economist, not indeed of the fashionable school
which monopolised that designation and which he de
molished in more than one of his articles, but of the
school of Adam Smith, just about to make its first great
proselyte among statesmen in the younger Pitt. Neces
sarily therefore he realised the essential want of reason
in the existing colonial and commercial systems and
reprobated the ruinous struggles which for sixty years
had held Europe embroiled ; and his remarks help us
to realise how largely jealousy of England's success in
the attempt to monopolise trade, the idea that she
was a " leech gorging herself with their life blood, "
animated the coalition which was on the point of gain
ing a victory more nominal than real over their proud
rival.
But Mallet du Pan did not allow himself to be
engrossed by academic speculation, and we may now
follow his description of the actual situation of the
various combatants. Of Holland, ' morceau de boue

enlevé à l'Espagne et à l'Océan,' we need in this place

only quote his remark that, having for eighty years
limited her ambition to becoming the first purveyor of

groceries in the universe and to amassing gold, the

Republic with all her wealth was now nothing but a
political skeleton. Spain, ' ombre illustre qui se promène
sur ses vastes domaines sans que les mouvements de ce
spectre aient pu masquer son inanité,' was content to
build fleets but afraid to use them except in sumptuous
3
34 WAR OF INDEPENDENCE

promenades, and had wasted sums which might have

materially assisted the American insurgents in a futile
cannonade against Gibraltar. The future of the
American Colonies is thus (before the surrender of
Yorktown) summed up by our writer :—

"Independent or not the United States will emerge

from this disastrous war with the hope of profit from
it. Their commerce will be free, sooner or later it
will embrace the fisheries of all their shores and of
the new world and the trade in furs, it will reach to
the Antilles, to the Spanish possessions, and even to
the East Indies ; a line of communication will be
theirs which no European fleet will be able to cut.
Nature which has placed the insurgent States in the
midst of the Atlantic has so ordered it ; and the
moment has arrived when our continent will be forced
to admit it. "

The moment when America was to come into full

enjoyment of her natural advantages has been delayed

to our own day, but the passage is none the less
remarkable as a forecast written at a time when

Europe still believed in the efficacy of force , of tariffs

and of restriction to control the course of economic
empire.
Of equal interest is the analysis of the situation of
the two great protagonists, France and England ; of the
sources of their power, and of the destinies which their
history and their circumstances seemed to impose upon
them. France had experienced something like a re-
surrection during the last six years. Under a king,
for so he described Louis XVI. , who had shown no-
thing but virtuous and benevolent intentions, and who
in the course of seven years had chosen more upright
ministers than a whole reign often supplies, she had
 FRANCE AND ENGLAND 35

recreated a navy¹ and her policy, ably directed, had

decided the success of the insurgent colonies and had
seemingly dealt a fatal blow at the commercial monopoly
of her rival. The resources of the country were im
mense, her natural wealth, the industry of her inhabi
tants, and the taste displayed in her varied manufactures,
gave her a natural monopoly which made it unneces
sary to seek external commerce by arms and maritime
conquests. The power of her administration and her
naval force would find sufficient employment in main
taining the water ways and safeguarding the ports, and
in creating a wise proportion between the arts and
agriculture.
In many noble passages Mallet du Pan extols the
courage, energy and strength of her great rival :
66
History affords no previous example of a nation
of ten million souls, attacked in the four quarters of the
world by a formidable league, resolute to withstand the
attack, and allowing neither defeat nor waste, neither
the want of men nor the burden of subsidies and
loans, to shake her constancy. . . . The inexhaustible
resources of her navy and her discipline, the activity
of her dockyards, the energy of her traders, the cool
intrepidity which grew with danger, and her command
of funds, might be enfeebled but could not be de
,,
stroyed. '
The effort, indeed, to maintain her dangerous pro
sperity had proved too great, and the pyramid balanced
on its apex had crumbled beneath the weight. But
writing after the final success of the magnificent de
fence of Gibraltar he says :

¹ He remarks, however, on the insubordination which char

acterised the French navy, under De Grasse for instance, as con
trasted with the discipline of an English fleet (Annales, v. , p . 438).
 CE
ENDEN
36 WAR OF INDEP

66
England by the energy of her resistance in the
midst of her foes has gained a greatness and a renown
more admirable than any she possessed at the height
of her fortunes in 1763. . . . After having seen her
arms tarnished, her fleets everywhere outnumbered,
her territory threatened on all sides and her exertions
counteracted by intestine strife, Great Britain now
finds herself mistress of the sea in the West Indies,
in America, and in the Channel ; so far from having
lost her Indian conquests she has added to them ;
her flag protects a commerce extending from pole to
pole, and floats without a stain in spite of the efforts
of three combined Powers to lower its glory."

But all this time Mallet du Pan distrusted the

power of the country to escape the consequences of

the policy of expansion which her position forced upon
her. Without the " possession of Neptune's trident to
enable her to summon fleets from the ocean at her

will," how could she protect with the wings of her

400 vessels the immense extent of her dominions ? ¹
The war itself had shown the " vice of this universal

empire, and will impugn to the remotest posterity the

wisdom of Lord Chatham's policy ". After conquests

comes the necessity of defending them, and that “ ne-

cessity and these conquests are at this moment the
greatest enemies of England ; son premier malheur est
sa puissance ".
The pose of a prophet is the last which Mallet du
Pan's modesty and vigorous common sense would have
allowed him to adopt, and on so large a subject as the
possible future of two great nations he could do no
more than point out the tendencies which were likely

¹ Annales, iii., 80.

 FRANCE AND ENGLAND 37

to mould their course. But if the above extracts give

at all a fair idea of his speculations , he seems to have

taken a more favourable view of the immediate prospects
of France as compared with England than circumstances
were to justify. He seems to have thought that France ,
self-contained, industrious, and with all the potentiality
of great natural wealth, was at least as likely as Eng
land, depending rather on the adventurous disposition
of her inhabitants, and bound to pursue the perilous
paths of colonial and commercial extension and naval
supremacy, to hold the leading place in the coming
years. Few could have foretold, and Mallet du Pan
certainly did not, the immense industrial develop
ment of Great Britain which inventive genius was to
awaken, and a wise commercial policy to foster, in
the coming century. Nor could the success of the

great Indian experiment have been anticipated with

any certainty. Mallet du Pan had written indeed (in
April 1782) as follows :

"The foot with which England trod the Atlantic

she will now plant upon India. She will look for re
sources, for victories, and for consolations, to that im
mense domain which has been purchased with blood
and treachery and despoiled by the ravages of un
bridled human nature, and Holland may well groan
under the ambition which the loss of her colonies will
impel England to satisfy elsewhere."

A little later (Dec. 1782) we find him asking what

will become of England in the East Indies, and return
ing a more doubtful answer after a rapid sketch of the
achievements and the dangers of the handful of British
merchant conquerors . But it is interesting to note that
at least he anticipates from the efforts of Parliament the
 NCE
P ENDE
38 WAR OF INDE

extirpation of the worst abuses of Indian administration ,

and pronounces that if the future can ameliorate the lot
of the natives " so long oppressed by our avarice and
our disputes, we shall bless the English as liberators
But whether or no he fully realised the part which
such factors as these were to play in the growth of
England, and whether, horrified by the apparent de-
moralisation of her parliamentary system, he did not
underrate the strength of the political constitution of the
country, are questions of comparatively little moment.
The event which was really to determine for a
century to come the relative positions of the two
countries as world powers lay still in the womb of
the future , undiscernible, at all events in its conse-
quences on the political system of Europe, to observers
however keen-sighted. France was even now hasten-
ing with giant strides to revolution , and if we find no
distinct premonition in Mallet du Pan's pages at this
moment of the impending break up of the French
monarchy, we must remember that he had not yet
taken up his residence in Paris, and that while fully
alive to the extravagance and vicious inequality of the
financial system of the country, he was no doubt tem-
porarily deceived¹ by the brilliant revival of vigour and

1 "Qui aurait prédit," he wrote in September 1791 (Mercure de

France), "que la France triomphante, riche, et considérée en 1782 serait
réduite en 1791 â subsister de vieux cuivre, de débris de cloches, et de
papier-monnaie perdant 15 pour cent dans la Capitale même ? Que
ses changes tomberaient de 25 pour cent que ses fabriques ne
se soutiendraient plus que par le discrédit des valeurs idéales repré-
sentatives du numéraire, que sa dette serait accrue de deux milliards
en deux ans . . . que ses escadres resteraient inactives par la licence
de ses matelots, que les dégoûts, la tyrannie, et l'impossibilité de
servir honorablement l'État, la priveraient de tout ce qu'elle comptait
 FRANCE AND ENGLAND 39

ability which had distinguished the last few years of

the royal administration. It is indeed difficult to over
estimate the importance of the French Revolution in
its influence on the development of Great Britain. It
removed from her path at the most critical moment of
her advance the only power which was in a position to
dispute her supremacy. It left her without a rival at

sea, the one factor essential to her success and to the

consolidation of her conquests in India, and it gave her
a monopoly, owing not so much to the employment
of the artificial restrictive measures which Mallet du

Pan had so vigorously condemned as to the literal

absence from various causes of effective competition,
in sea-borne commerce, in the carrying trade and
in industrial production ; a monopoly which she held
till within the last twenty years. Truly did Burke say
of the French, " they have done their business for us as
rivals in a way which twenty Ramillies or Blenheims
could never have done ".

Whether a period in the history of the two nations

may not now have been reached in which their

strength is not once again more equally balanced,

and whether Mallet du Pan's analysis of the respective
advantages and dangers of France and England does not
in a certain degree hold good at the present moment,
is a tempting subject for speculation which can hardly
be touched upon. On the one hand there is France,

still, in spite of deep social divisions, one of the leading

States in the world, with all her old natural superiority
of territory and climate, with a population unrivalled

de généraux expérimentés , et que ses Ambassadeurs ne seraient plus

en Europe que les témoins de la nullité de leur Patrie ? Quelle
leçon pour la politique spéculative ! O vanité des raisonnements ! "
 CE
40 WAR OF INDEPENDEN

for industry, economy and taste, with increasingly

prosperous industries due to these qualities, with a
navy second only to our own backed by a formidable
military organisation, with her most important colonial
dependencies, those in Northern Africa, placed at her
very doors , above all with a form of government prob
ably well suited to her genius, and to a large extent
wisely inspired by the spirit which Mallet du Pan desid
erated for her. On the other hand there is England,
her special fields of supremacy in industrial production
and in the carrying trade invaded by at least two
great rivals with one of whom all competition is out
of the question, and steadily impelled along the same
path of colonial and commercial expansion dependent
on naval force and ascendency which seemed to have
brought her to something like ruin at the close of the

War of Independence. Is there any truth in Mallet's

paradox that her misfortune lies in the very power and
preponderance which condemn her " to go everywhere,
to fight everywhere, to dissipate forces which would
be invincible if they were concentrated, to depopulate
her fields, her ports and her factories, and to support
in the midst of opulence a debt of which no one can
foresee the limits " ? One thing at least is certain, that
in any fresh crisis of her fortunes Great Britain is not

likely to be assisted by any such cataclysmal event

as the French Revolution , that her path will not be
smoothed by the weakness of her rivals, and that she
will be indebted alone for safety to the energy of her

national character and institutions, to the loyalty of her

dependencies, and to the wisdom of her statesmanship.
The question suggested may perhaps be answered by
another, Is there any real analogy between her present
 HOLLAND AND ENGLAND 4I

situation and that of Holland in the eighteenth century ?

Mallet du Pan is never tired of contrasting the energy

and courage of England with the ' affaissement absolu '

into which Holland had sunk, and the reasons he gives
for the "inconceivable pusillanimity " of her conduct are,
in the first place, that the commercial spirit had proved
incompatible with patriotism, that the habits and tastes
of the counting-house had debased national character
and destroyed public spirit ; and in the second place,
(and this was the principal cause ) that the spirit of faction
had paralysed her councils. The ancient wisdom of
the Republic had expired in the attempt to preserve a
balance between the rival powers of the constitution,
and foreign policy was perpetually sacrificed to the views
of the warring cabals of the Stadholderate, the Magis
tracy, and the Regencies of Amsterdam and the other
provinces. Might he not have added another possible
cause of discouragement in the evident hopelessness
of striving to preserve a colonial monopoly against
antagonists so overwhelmingly superior in strength ?
Whatever sources of weakness may exist in the England
ofto-day, there are at all events two very marked points
of distinction. British commercial and colonial supre
macy has not been a tyranny, but a source of material
prosperity which she has fully shared with all her com
petitors. The fall ofthe system therefore would inflict as
great a loss upon them as upon herself, and they have
the strongest reasons for desiring the maintenance of
the only great open market in existence. The British

Empire does not, or rather need not, excite that deadly

jealousy of the rest of the world which was one of the
causes of Holland's ruin , and any attempt on the part

of rival powers to acquire British possessions for their

42 WAR OF INDEPENDENCE

own exclusive exploitation must necessarily divide the

enemies of England instead of uniting them against
her. And further, the man who leads the country in
an hour of need will have ready to his hand, instead
of warring constitutional elements, the most supple and
powerful instrument of rule which democracy has yet
evolved. With all qualifications, however, the problem
confronting Great Britain in the twentieth century is
perhaps not wholly unlike that which Holland failed to
solve in the eighteenth, that of combining commercial
democracy with empire, a problem of which Mallet
du Pan had in 1780 discerned some of the essential
conditions.
We have noticed the admiration extorted from
Mallet du Pan by the heroic energy and perseverance
ofthe King and his ministers, supported year after year
by Parliament and the country, in a cause with which
he must have had but little sympathy. He had divined
the reasons which in spite of defeats and growing finan-
cial embarrassment made the position of Great Britain
in reality far less critical than it seemed. He put his
finger on the essential fact of the situation when he
pointed out the successful guardianship by the British
squadrons of the return of the rich cargoes of the Baltic,
the Hudson, the sugar islands and the East Indies to
the seaports of the United Kingdom, there to swell
private fortunes and to pour fresh resources into the
depleted coffers of the State. As long as this circula-
tion of wealth lasted he saw that England would main-
tain her existence and her activity ; and he ridiculed
accordingly the " innocent babble " of the coffee houses
which had already annihilated her in anticipation. We
have now to describe his undisguised concern at the
 END OF THE WAR 43

collapse of her resistance. Whatever doubt may have

existed whether she might not, especially after Rodney's
great victory and the relief of Gibraltar, have brought
the struggle to a more favourable conclusion and even
have preserved a nominal connection with her exhausted
and distracted colonies, was set at rest by the attitude
of the Opposition just about to be transformed into a
Government, by the working of the party system and
the play of faction in Parliament. This aspect of the
question now fascinated the attention of Mallet du Pan,
who, during the whole period, followed in detail the
action and speeches of the party leaders in England
with the object of setting before his readers a picture
of the spirit, the eloquence, and the divisions of the
British Parliament.¹ Liberal and republican as he was,
it is impossible that a reader of these pages should not

be struck by the essentially order-loving and conserva-

tive bent of his mind even at this early period. Long
before the French Revolution was to make him famous

as the pitiless analyst and critic of the Jacobin spirit,

the unwearying opponent of revolutionary methods, he
had learnt to distrust the incendiary teachings of the

fashionable phrasiers of the day by watching their

effect in those homes of ancient freedom, the Genevese
and Dutch Republics. We have noted his attitude

¹ He commented on the extreme difficulty for a foreigner of fol-

lowing events in England, on the uncommunicativeness of the English
and their proud contempt for foreign chroniclers, and on the hap-
hazard character of their newspapers . Only an Englishman in the
confidence of ministers and departments, and conversant with English
commerce, law and finance could properly engage in the task of
recounting the course of events, and such an Englishman would
better employ his time. In these circumstances Mallet du Pan's
penetration and accuracy are the more noteworthy.
44 WAR OF INDEPENDENCE

with regard to French political and religious thought,

and we shall have occasion to refer to his part in the
revolutions of his native State ; he saw how the cries
and catchwords of " humanity, liberty, despotism, "
were inflaming the " patriotic " party in Holland, who
were already burning to immolate on the altar of their
country " oppressive " institutions and officers of state.
He had commented on the loquacity which had ac-
companied the American Revolution, on the habit of
"perorating and dissertating " which had characterised
the founders and orators of the new Republic.

་་
One might fancy oneself, " he said, " listening to
language natural enough in gangrened Republics like
Holland and Geneva, ready to crumble into dust, where
the resource of perversity is to counterfeit virtue : but in
America at the dawn of a new State, in the first term of
its existence ! Illustrious eighteenth century , thy motto
has been traced by Sallust in the portrait of Catiline,
Loquentiæ satis sapientiæ parum ! "

Little wonder if, with such sentiments as these, he

perused the debates preceding and following the fall
of Lord North with growing horror and disgust at the
unpatriotic and indecent violence of the Whig factions,
an attitude which, reproduced in the French revolu-
tionary war, was to cost them forty years of power ; or

that, " anti-imperialist " as he was, and opposed as we

have seen him to be to the commercial and political
ideas which inspired the war, he writes with far more
sympathy of the fallen Ministry than of their opponents.
We may pass over the epitome of the history of Eng-
lish party government in which Mallet du Pan traces
the steps by which it had degenerated into a shame-
lessly corrupt struggle for place and power, for it is a
 THE WHIG OPPOSITION 45

commonplace that the latter half of the eighteenth

century witnessed the lowest point of degradation which
party politics have touched in England. The successors
of the old Whigs, " defenders of disputed rights, warding
off oppression with one hand, with the other building
up the ramparts of public freedom, " had changed their
character as the constitution had taken shape. Having
no longer natural rights to assert, they were now, in
Opposition, a mere hors d'œuvre of the constitution,
whose occupation it was to harangue against the conduct
and opinions of ministers in order to advertise them-
selves, and to oppose them, not because they were wrong,
but because they were in power. Convinced of the

determination of the king to stand by his advisers, the

Opposition had latterly thrown restraint to the winds.
" They exist only upon public disasters, each of which
galvanises them into a momentary activity. " The
calmness, however, with which these violent diatribes

were received by the public may have inspired the

reflection that the spirit of faction is much more disas-
trous in a small state or city like Geneva, where the
issues become of passionate interest to the whole popu-
lation, than in a great city like London , where the mass
of the inhabitants frequently remain totally indifferent
to the parliamentary uproar of the Whigs and Tories,
and the huge machine moves on undisturbed by the
friction of the party wheels. Still he speaks with
constant alarm of the " dangerous fury " of party spirit
in England, and it is of interest to be reminded of the
undoubted influence which its manifestation in this case
exerted on the fortunes of the country. For there can be

little question that it was the attitude of the Opposition

which was the immediate cause of the precipitate and
 ENCE
PEND
46 WAR OF INDE

undignified, if necessary, surrender to the Colonies and

the coalition.¹
There are few more interesting questions of par-
liamentary ethics than the proper attitude of an Oppo-
sition during a war of which they either disapprove on
principle or are obliged by their situation to criticise.
The problem which a public man has to solve as to
when it is his duty to express his opinions and when
to be silent, is one which will largely depend on the
circumstances of the moment and on the prevailing
standard of public morality and national feeling. In

¹ The purely military aspect of the struggle is of great interest,

especially in view of the recent successful conclusion of a war of
somewhat similar character in South Africa. The following descrip-
tion of it by Mallet in 1780 brings out some points of resemblance.
The chief points of difference are of course the absence of general-
ship on the British side in the American war, the far greater difficul-
ties of communication , and above all the fact of foreign intervention
by land and sea.
On y aperçoit deux points lumineux . . . les Anglais s'épar-
pillant sur ce Continent, faisant des invasions plus que des conquêtes,
courant de ville en ville, de province en province, chassant des milices
devant eux, exigeant des serments, dévastant des chantiers et des
magasins, envahissant des districts et finissant par les abandonner, en
un mot remportant presque toujours l'avantage, et hors d'état de le
poursuivre. Les insurgents emprisonnés au Nord sous leurs drapeaux
faisant au Midi une guerre de partis balancée , se ralliant avec autant
de facilité qu'on les disperse, et plus adroits à éluder des défaites que
courageux à remporter des succès, mais tandis que leurs pelotons
voltigeants coupent ou retardent les pas de leurs ennemis, l'épuise-
ment est dans le cœur, et s'ils restent maîtres à la fin on verra se
réaliser l'exemple inouï d'une République fondée avec des dettes, sans
numéraire pour les acquitter, avec des paysans mous . . . des soldats
sans pain et sans souliers, des matelots sans navires, des chefs sans
union, un gouvernement sans consistance, des mœurs altérées , etc.
(Annales, i. , pp . 114, 115) .
 THE WHIG OPPOSITION 47

the eighteenth century the standard in these respects

was such as to allow of conduct which we may safely
assume would not be possible in similar circumstances
at the present time.
time. The following is Mallet du Pan's
conception of what the behaviour of the Opposition
should have been, contrasted with what it was :

66
Expelled from office, the same men who had co
operated in the bills for the taxation of America became
the most active advocates of their abandonment. When
Parliament refused to retrace its steps, they anathema
tised the war which, once it had been solemnly approved
by the sovereign, each of its members should have
accepted in silence. If the Opposition leaders had been
worthy of the name of patriot -so universally and so
vainly prostituted- after having defended at Westminster
the cause ofAmerica, they should , the moment that cause
had become a hostile one, have devoted themselves to the
cause of England. Far from showing any such heroic
docility, nothing came from their lips but the violence of
revolt. They applied themselves, with all the zeal, per
severance and activity which the country expected in
vain to be employed in obedience to the wishes of the
sovereign, to the task of denouncing the forces under
arms and of obstructing their success , of discouraging
public spirit, of fanning the excitement of the insurgents,
and stimulating their courage by revealing to them the
existence in the metropolis of a party ready to support
them, in a word to rendering their unnatural strife as
disastrous as it has proved to be. Determined champions
of the colonists and more ardently desirous of their en
franchisement than Congress itself, they recognised and
preached independence before the United States had
thought of it themselves, and they have loaded ministers
with contumely for disasters of which they themselves
were the real authors. "

Of the effect of this conduct on public opinion

 E
ENC
EP END
48 WAR OF IND

abroad Mallet du Pan was a competent witness, and

he speaks in the strongest terms of the influence of the
Opposition harangues upon their dupes on the Con-
tinent, who greedily devoured these satires and
calumnies. A continental journalist, he remarks, paid
to scrape together defamatory intelligence, would take
a fortnight to elaborate against the British Govern-
ment the charges with which a single oration by Mr.
Fox would furnish him.

Of that statesman, indeed , with his ' éloquence fou-

gueuse et atrabiliaire,' his inflammable imagination, the
flexibility of his opinions (a trait which distinguished
the new from the old Whigs) and his private excesses,
Mallet du Pan did not disguise his distrust ; and he
does not seem to have been much more favourably
impressed by Burke's " inconceivable diatribes ". But
he pays a tribute to those Whigs who had abstained
from the noisy violence of the more prominent party :
to the lawyer-like integrity of Camden ; to Conway,
superior to all mean personal motives ; to Lord John
Cavendish, " of a house in which probity, honour and
patriotism are hereditary " ; to Keppel ; to Dunning ; and
finally to Lord Shelburne, élève, émule, copiste même,
de Lord Chatham, soldat d'Alexandre devenu roi après
sa mort,' influential from his talents, his connections,
and the splendour of his private life ; the tortuosities
of whose political course, however, Mallet du Pan did
not endeavour to follow. With greater warmth he
speaks of Lord North, on whose dignified moderation
during the months following his disgrace and his
magnanimity in coming to the support of his perplexed
successors he comments more than once , without per-
haps comprehending, until North's complaisance led
 PEACE NEGOTIATIONS 49

him so far as to ally himself with Fox, the part which

culpable indolence and good nature played in his polit
ical conduct.
The Annales contain some interesting comments
on the inquiries into the conduct of military operations
which, constantly proposed, were burked as far as pos
sible by the Government and used by the Opposition
to extol the inculpated commanders at the expense of
a blundering Ministry, and he contrasts the conduct
of the Whigs during this war with their behaviour
during Lord Chatham's Administration , when, anxious
to sustain the credit of the Government, they were
untiring in support of Pitt's severest measures against
unfortunate officers.¹
It would be tedious to follow in detail his analysis
of the debates on the peace negotiations which raged,
as he says, " with tumults worthy of an assembly of
savages " during the installation of Rockingham's Minis
try and the premiership of Lord Shelburne. His general
attitude has indeed already been indicated. He was
astonished and scandalised at the revulsion of public
opinion which overthrew Lord North and produced in
Parliament a positive famine de la paix,' an indecent
eagerness to surrender all that the country had fought
for. A dignified termination indeed was perhaps im

1 The recall of Rodney by the Rockingham Government after

his ever-memorable defeat of De Grasse was the necessary result of
the attacks which the Whigs had made upon him when in Opposition ,
and the admiral of the Tories was sacrificed quite as much to party
resentment as to indignation at his disgraceful pillage of St. Eustatius,
an event which our author stigmatises as it deserves, while doing full
justice to the admiral's career in an excellent study of his character
and his exploits.
4
50 WAR OF INDEPENDENCE

possible, and the circumstances on which Mallet du

Pan animadverted with a pained surprise which would
have sat well on a loyal Englishman were perhaps a
blessing in disguise, as bringing to a rapid and complete
conclusion the most ignominious chapter in our history.
However clearly we may see that the position had
become untenable and that a nominal connection with

ruined and exasperated colonies was not worth the

undoubted risk of continuing the war, we may yet
sympathise with the frame of mind which dictated

the following words : " There is no patriotic man to

whom the abandonment of America would not have
appeared a calamity only inferior to the continuation
of the war, a calamity, however, which was susceptible
of alleviation in the clauses of the final treaty. It
would not have crossed his mind to desire a sacrifice

as complete and burdensome as possible, or to reject in

advance the possibility of compensations, " the course
actually taken by that part of the Opposition which
specially piqued itself on its public spirit.
The terms of peace as finally settled marked what
may well have seemed to less perspicacious contempo
raries the definitive fall of the country from the splendid
position she had gained by the treaty of 1763. The
vindication by half a hemisphere of its independence ,
as Mallet du Pan remarked itself one of the greatest
events of the eighteenth century, stamped this treaty
as the most important in its consequences since the
peace
of Westphalia, which had consecrated after thirty years
of warfare the destruction of the political system of

Charles V. But apart from this, the material results of

the struggle in the shape of British cessions to Spain
and France were singularly meagre when weighed
 RESULTS OF WAR 51

against the vast financial sacrifices which it had entailed

upon all parties.' Most wars, however, as he remarked,
gave rise to a similar reflection, and a veil had always
to be drawn over their calamities and their costliness

when it was a question of calculating the respective

advantages of the combatants. As far as they went

the advantages in the present case were with the allies.

"With regard to this treaty the honour of it appears
to remain with France, the danger with Spain, the
good fortune with America, and I would add the
disgrace with Great Britain if she had not so gloriously
carried on hostilities. As for profit perhaps none can

be claimed by any of them. " On the whole Mallet

du Pan questioned whether the results to Great Britain
were as sinister as they appeared , whether the sacrifices
she had made were not more specious than real, and
whether the potentates of Europe would in the end
have much to congratulate themselves upon in the
example of insurrection which they had successfully
encouraged in the New World.

1 Mallet du Pan remarked of this war that it was, as regarded

Europe, devoid of the horrors which had attended previous wars-
"Tout se réduit à jeter des millions dans l'eau ".
 52

CHAPTER III.

FRESH TROUBLES AT GENEVA-LIFE AND WORK IN

PARIS

1783-1789.

NOWHERE in Europe, save in England, could a political

writer have enjoyed the freedom in the expression of
his opinions which a residence in the Republic of Geneva
afforded to Mallet du Pan during these years.¹ But

his work was subjected to interruption from a cause to

which one who cared for his country's welfare could
not remain indifferent, for the city was continuously
a prey to domestic turmoil. Voltaire has described the

faction fights of Geneva and the character of the people

in the lines

Chacun écrit, chacun fait son projet

On représente et puis on représente
A penser creux tout bourgeois se tourmente.

The struggle between the natifs on the one side and

the aristocracy and bourgeoisie on the other had changed
its character since Mallet's first intervention in 1770.

1 " I have a few stray numbers of the Annales," wrote J. L. Mallet,

"and can only say that a work conducted with such critical spirit, and
so much political independence, would at this day be instantly sup
pressed if published in any part of Switzerland. So much for the
comparative style of the press in 1775 and 1825."
 GENEVESE REVOLUTION 53

The natifs, no longer oppressed, but on the contrary

courted, by the privileged parties, had steadily gained
ground at their expense, and the contest had resolved
itself into one between the aristocratic senate and the
democratic element in the constitution. In this contest
the Council was certainly no longer the most imperious
or exacting party, and it had become essential, if any
sort of balance was to be preserved and civil freedom
to continue to exist, that some compromise should be
found which, while limiting the encroachments of the
powers of the Government, might set bounds to the
indiscretion of democratic zeal. Mallet du Pan accord

ingly, who had hitherto scrupulously refrained from any

political action, broke silence in 1780 with proposals
for conciliation, ' including the introduction of the prin
ciple of irremovability in public employments, in which
he and the most enlightened of his compatriots saw
a chance of safety. That the pamphlet recommended
itself to moderate minds is equivalent in a time of revo
lution to saying that its advice fell on deaf ears, and
events proceeded until an appeal of the Council to the
Powers which guaranteed the Genevese constitution,
the Swiss Cantons and France, precipitated a revolu
tionary outbreak on the night of the 8th April 1782,
when the représentants and the armed mob'gained an
almost bloodless victory and threw into prison the sena
torial party and their friends. To this event probably

belongs a note which Mallet appended to a belated

number of the Annales containing an interesting study
of the Confessions of Rousseau.

¹ Idées soumises à l'examen de tous les conciliateurs par un médi

ateur sans conséquence, 1780.
54 WORK IN PARIS

" This article, ” he says, “ should have appeared

three weeks ago. An inconceivable event which has
plunged a portion of the inhabitants of the city into
alarm and captivity has made me a prisoner of war
in my native State. In such a situation a man must
be more of a philosopher than I can pretend to be
to keep a cool head. I ask pardon of the public for
the feebleness of this number. My only wonder is
that I have been able to finish it at all. Each line
has cost me an effort. I had never imagined that I
should live to deplore having fixed the seat of my
labours in a republic ! "

For two months the popular party reigned unchecked,

placing in the hands of a Commission de Sûreté of
eleven members extraordinary powers, powers such as

those " by which almost all republics have perished, ”

while the Swiss arbitrators in vain endeavoured to

re -establish an equilibrium. Active intervention soon

followed, an army of 10,000 Swiss Savoyard and
French troops appeared before the walls, and, with
the rest of the citizens, Mallet du Pan was, we are
told, many a time called away from his writing-table
to mount guard on the ramparts of the city. The ap
proach of the Powers only stimulated the excitement
of the people, but the general alarm at last induced
the provisional Government to send a deputation to
the quarters of the Comte de la Marmora who was at

the head of the Savoyard troops, and who was well

known and trusted in Geneva. Mallet du Pan was

attached to the mission, but his efforts were frustrated

by the fanaticism of the other commissioners and of
the mob, and after some days of frantic agitation the
allied troops effected an entrance into the town without
serious resistance, and order was re-established at the
 GENEVESE REVOLUTION 55

cost of the real independence and freedom of the

Republic. "Another instance," wrote Mallet, " of
liberty lost by attempts to increase it ; over and over
again have happy nations delivered themselves into
chains by the search for a government free from abuses,
which not a single one of them has ever succeeded in
finding. "
The episode ended, as far as he was concerned, by
the courageous publication in the Annales¹ of a graphic
and sombre account of the late events, in which the
writer traced the " spirit, the immorality, the degradation
of principles, which ruled in Geneva at the moment of
her ruin ". It drew upon him a furious attack from
the extremists of both parties and particularly from
Brissot, the revolutionary champion with whom he was
destined to break many a lance in later days. It would
be difficult to exaggerate the influence of these events
on his political ideas, they finally disillusioned him with
republican government as such, and taught him a lesson
in democracy which left indelible traces on his mind,
and must partly account for the marvellous prescience
with which he judged from its opening days the prob
able course of the French Revolution.

About this time Linguet emerged from the Bastille ,

an event warmly welcomed in the Annales until his
vanity and jealousy led him into an unwarrantable and
ungenerous attack on Mallet du Pan, and finally opened
his eyes to the character of his eccentric co-editor.
From March 1783 , therefore, Mallet carried on the
work under the new title of Mémoires historiques,

¹ Annales, vol. iv . , nos. 25 , 26. "Nous étions saturés de liberté,

les derniers troubles en furent les indigestions ."
 K S
56 WOR IN PARI

politiques et littéraires sur l'état présent de l'Europe¹

for a few months, until an offer from Paris induced him
to break off an enterprise which he had carried on
under many difficulties and with only moderate financial
success.
Political journalism on the Continent, or at least the
wide circulation of gazettes containing political criticism
and news, may be said to date from the Revocation of

the Edict of Nantes ; and Holland, the refuge of all

who had suffered from religious or political persecu-

tion, was its headquarters. The journals published

there in the French language were of two sorts, those
which like the famous Gazette d'Amsterdam or Gazette

de Hollande (véhicule, as Bayle described it, de toutes

les médisances de l'Europe), foreign papers written in
French as the political language of Europe, were
habitually hostile to France ; and secondly those which
were written specially for French readers, French
papers published abroad because their publication in
France was not allowed. Both kinds, but especially
the latter, whether unauthorised or allowed as a result
of financial contract with the Foreign Office, were widely
circulated in France before the Revolution , and supple-

1 The Annales had been carried on under his sole control since
the beginning of 1781 , and thirty-six numbers in five volumes had
been published ; the Mémoires formed another volume of ten numbers.
" Nec temere nec timide " was the motto which Mallet had prefixed to
his journal. The account given in the text indicates the character
ofthe work and its importance in the history of continental journalism ;
that it found a certain amount of public favour is clear from the fact
that a translation was printed periodically in Florence, as well as two
pirated editions in Switzerland and in the Netherlands, and that
although it was forbidden in France it had a certain circulation in
that country .
 PANCKOUCKE 57

mented to the great satisfaction of the public the sterility

of the Official Gazette de France, whose exclusive privi
lege it was ' de ne rien dire ou de dire des riens ' . The
beginning of the century ( 1704 ) had indeed seen the
establishment of the Journal de Verdun, the first
French newspaper which treated in however discreet a
fashion of history and passing events, and of the Mercure,
founded in the preceding century as the Mercure galant
which later developed as the Mercure de France into
a literary and miscellaneous journal of great importance
and politically became an official paper of the type of
the Gazette. But it was the enterprise of the great
publisher Panckoucke, son of a bookseller and writer
of Lille who arrived in Paris to pursue his father's
calling in 1764, which first made serious political
journalism possible in France , and he owed his success
in this respect, as we shall see , to his discernment in
the choice of Mallet du Pan for the editorship of his new
venture in connection with the Mercure de France.
At the time of which we are speaking ( 1783 )
Panckoucke had fully established his position as the
business head of French literature. He had been the

publisher of the encyclopædia and of Buffon's works,

and he had amassed a large fortune while behaving
with noble generosity to men of letters who owed to
him a sensible amelioration of their hitherto unfortunate
condition. He thus, as his brother-in-law Suard relates,
became the friend and equal of the men of genius for
whom his presses were at work, and his splendid houses,
in Paris near the old Comédie Française and the Café
Procope, and at the Bois de Boulogne, were the centre
of a distinguished literary and artistic circle ; while his
relations with men like Rousseau, Buffon, and Voltaire,
 K S
58 WOR IN PARI

whose writings had become affairs of state, brought

him into relationship with ministers. His journalistic
ventures alone must have ensured him more than enough
attention from the Government, for he had control of
the two official journals, the Gazette and the Mercure.
In 1772 he had obtained permission to print in Paris
a Journal historique et politique, known until the
Revolution as the Journal de Genève ; and soon after,
buying up some competing papers, he consolidated
them under the title of Journal de Bruxelles, as editor
of which we have seen that he introduced Linguet to
journalism. He now decided to unite to the Mercure
de France the political journal which appeared weekly
under the double title of Journal de Bruxelles and
Journal historique et politique de Genève, and offered
Mallet du Pan the editorship¹ of the latter, reserving

1
¹ By the contract signed in March 1784, Mallet du Pan was to
receive as salary 7,200 livres a year, and 1,200 livres in addition for
articles in the literary portion of the Mercure (about £350 a year),
with an addition of one livre for every copy sold over 10,259 - a
remuneration which Mr. Hatin describes as marking the high value
put upon his services. Under this contract he seems to have received
between 9,000 and 10,000 francs a year. Subsequent arrangements , as
the circulation grew and the political portion became increasingly
important, raised the editor's remuneration, until in 1789 Panckoucke,
in acknowledgment of the " constant success " of the journal since
1784 under Mallet's management, raised his salary to 12,000 francs
a year, with 2,000 francs for every 1,000 additional subscriptions,
and promised a pension to him if incapacitated, or to his widow in
case of his death. And in 1790 the proprietorship of the Mercure
historique et politique, whether published at Brussels or elsewhere,
was divided between Mallet and Panckoucke. In 1791 Panckoucke
engaged to pay him a salary of 18,000 francs . But by this time the un
popular opinions advocated in the Mercure politique and the persecu
tion to which it was subjected had seriously affected its circulation ;
 THE MERcure de FRANCE 59

the right to compose from it the Journal de Bruxelles

which was joined to the Mercure and appeared with
it every Saturday. Mallet du Pan thus became in
effect what he became titularly somewhat later,¹ sole
editor of the political portion of the Mercure ; the
editors of the literary portion being the academicians
Marmontel, Suard and La Harpe, the latter chiefly
known to modern readers as the author of the Prophétie
de Cazotte in which the fate of the social and literary
flower of France in the Revolution is so dramatically and
terribly portrayed. It may be added that during the
whole period of their connection, and even after it had
ceased, the relationship of Mallet du Pan and Panc-
koucke and their families remained on the most cordial
and friendly footing. The following boyish recollections
of Panckoucke and his family by Mallet's son may
here be quoted :-

" M. Panckoucke had a son, afterwards a distin-

guished man of letters, and two daughters ; the son the
youngest of the three ; all clever children, for whose
education no expenses were spared, who had access
to collections of prints and drawings and to a fine

Panckoucke protested that it caused him a loss in 1791 , and when

Mallet left Paris in the spring of 1792 his salary was in arrear.
In reply to his applications Panckoucke wrote in 1793 describing the
ruin which, in spite of his efforts by starting journals on the revolu-
tionary side, such as the Moniteur, had overtaken him, and pitifully
begging for time to defray his debt . The first contract gave Mallet in
addition books and engravings and works of art and of industry which
came in for notice, Panckoucke reserving only the music. It is
necessary to add that a less scrupulous editor might easily have
enriched himself by Government pensions and gratuities .

¹In 1788. From this date till its demise in 1792 the Journal de
Genève was apparently published also separately in Geneva .
60 WORK IN PARIS

library, besides the advantage of a constant inter-

course with men of letters and artists. Panckoucke
himself, an odd, clever man, with some genius and no
small eccentricity of character, took great pains to cul-
tivate their tastes, and at a later period of his life, when
the Revolution had destroyed his princely fortune, and
nearly turned his brain, he wrote a grammar of the
French language for the use of his son, which is a
work of considerable merit. An intercourse with this
family ought to have been a great advantage to us, as
we lived within a short walk of each other ; ¹ but when
we met it was to play at hide-and-seek in the garden
passages and staircase of the Hôtel de Thou, and not
to compare notes of our studies. ” 2

The outward aspect of the newspaper which

formed Malletdu Pan's occupation during the ten
best years of his life was that of a small pamphlet of
something like 150 pages. The number published on
Saturday 30th June 1787 , to choose almost at random,
began of course with the literary or real Mercure. It

opened with a few short pieces of verse, in this case some

lines on Le Temps présent, followed by an elaborate
acrostiche by several writers, a charade, an enigma, and

a logogriphe. Then followed a long review by Mallet

du Pan of a history of Queen Elizabeth by Mdlle de
Kéralio, a criticism under the head Spectacles of a
drama entitled Tarare, and under the head Variétés a
semi- serious causerie on the guichets or passages leading
from one quarter of Paris to another, a letter to the
editors on an exhibition of pictures by art students, and
short notices of books, engravings and music. This
part of the paper closes with the formal " approbation "

¹ Mallet du Pan lived in Paris in the Rue de Tournon (No. 9) ,

the spacious street leading up to the Palais du Luxembourg which
still retains its eighteenth century character.
2 Reminiscences.
 THE MERCURE DESCRIBED 61

of the censor. The Journal politique, which forms

the second portion, contains articles on correspondence
from Vienna, from Frankfort , and from Madrid, with
various items of news ; one from London, which happens

to be of no particular interest, commenting on the health

of the Prince of Wales, the movements of ships of war
and the launch of the Orion, the speech of the Viceroy
of Ireland proroguing Parliament ( given in full ) , on Mr.
Pitt's departmental economies , and on a visit of the
royal family to Mr. Whitbread's brewery -' établissement
prodigieux,' and concluding with an anecdote of the
great Lord Chatham . Under the head of " France "
(which generally begins with court intelligence such as
signatures by the royal family of the contracts of
marriage of the nobility, presentations and appoint
ments) there is a royal order (règlement) on finance and
commerce , an account of a fire at the Tuileries, of
certain architectural work in Paris, of a sitting of the
Academy of Arras, and the text of the Treaty of
Commerce between France and Russia, and items on
the Rentes and Loteries. The number ends with an
article on political events in the Netherlands.
Mallet's son has left an account of the life led by
the writer in Paris, unfortunately wanting in minuteness
which is not supplied by the diary kept by Mallet du
Pan himself. As time went on his life clearly became

less isolated ( Buffon was one of the few eminent men

of this time whom he seems to have known intimately) ,

and he occupied himself in studying the public life of

Paris in many aspects, visiting prisons and institutions of
all kinds. But the life of the man was his work, and

it is useless to look for picturesque or amusing details

such as many other memoirs of the time supply.
62 WORK IN PARIS

My family had no natural connections or acquaint

ances in Paris, and our life there during the first two
or three years was altogether domestic. My father as
a man of letters had access to a large and distinguished
circle, but he availed himself very sparingly of this
advantage. His life was laborious, he took regular
exercise, and had but little leisure for the literary and
fashionable coteries of Paris, the moral atmosphere of
which was not congenial to his tastes and habits. Edu
cated with simplicity, and under the influence of moral
feelings, he looked with no favourable eye on the luxuri
ous and loose course of life of the higher classes in
Paris, and was perhaps too much inclined to treat with
contempt the philosophical pretensions of the salons.
He had been accustomed at Geneva to great freedom of
opinion and speech, and wanted that easy and graceful
acquiescence which can alone make us acceptable guests
at the tables of the great. My father likewise laboured
under some disadvantages in his intercourse with the
men of letters of Paris ; for, independently of his being
a sort of intruder in that field, where many of them
reaped a harvest of pensions and laurels, they did not
see without jealousy one of their most valuable literary
stalls filled by a stranger ; nor did the earnestness of
his opinions harmonise with the general tone of French
conversation. A better school of opinion prevailed at
that time than when Diderot and D'Holbach's parties
reigned supreme. Suard and Marmontel were moder
ate and reasonable men ; but the Encyclopédie was
still high on the horizon, and a young Genevese who
ventured to dispute its decisions was not likely to meet
with much indulgence . Nor was my father more for
tunate in his politics ; for he was shocked on the one
hand with the levity of the people, the profligacy of
the higher classes, the arbitrary tone and measures of
the Government , and on the other, did not see with
out surprise and fearful anticipations, those searching
questions which arose out of the American war brought
 SOCIAL LIFE 63

to the bar of every drawing-room. The manner in

which these questions were discussed, and the opinions
which generally prevailed on political subjects, were so
much at variance with the Government de facto, and
the demoralised state of society ; so inconsistent with
everything that was, that my father, although born a
Republican, and sensitively alive to the blessings of
freedom, often found himself checking that spirit of in-
discriminate innovation which seemed ready to break
through all restraints. His notes on passing events,
from 1785 to 1793 , confirm the impressions generally
entertained of the low estimate in which the French
Government was held at the period immediately pre-
ceding the Revolution, and its apparent unconscious-
ness of the contempt in which it was held. The court
and ministers went on with their worn-out machinery,
interfering in every way with the press, with courts of
justice, and private rights ; issuing Lettres de Cachet,
and bold enough against individuals, but wavering and
irresolute in all measures of real moment, distributing
pensions and gratuities to literary men, almost all en-
gaged in pulling down the old fabric ; and on the eve
of a Revolution so pregnant with calamities, the people
apparently as light-hearted as in the gayest times of
the Monarchy. Gluck and Picini, Cagliostro, and the
' Mariage de Figaro, ' successively engrossing the public
mind ! Such times were full of subjects for observation
to a man of sense and political discernment, and if my
father's daily occupations had been less urgent, his
temperament more calm, and the interest he took in
the Revolution of a less intense and painful nature, he
might have collected and left valuable memoirs. The
rapid progress of events furnished ample materials for
a periodical publication ; but although my father did
not feel the irksome necessity of enlarging upon trifling
circumstances, and of substituting conjectural observa-
tions for facts, so frequently the lot of periodical writers,
the importance and interest of daily occurrences, and the
mass of information which flowed from every quarter
64 WORK IN PARIS

required his undivided attention ; and the analysing

these materials for the press, the distinguishing how far
party feelings might prevail over truth, and the com
menting with spirit and discrimination on the occur
rences of the week, was a task of great labour and
difficulty. The talent for a quick and powerful analysis
is not uncommon in this country ; but independently of
the superiority of the Mercure as a periodical work,
there is a marked difference between an avowed and
an anonymous publication. My father's name was
affixed to his writings, whereas the London periodical
publications are nearly all anonymous. Still greater
difficulties, however, stood in my father's way. From
the time that he undertook the political part of the
Mercure, in the year 1783 , to the period of the Re
volution, a most rigid and capricious censorship left
him in a state of complete uncertainty as to the fate
of the sheets prepared for publication. He entertained
upon many great questions, both of home and foreign
policy, opinions altogether at variance with those of
the Government. Few numbers of the Mercure, there
fore, escaped the severe scrutiny of the censors ; and
I have heard him say, that in consequence of the sup
pression of entire articles, he was frequently under the
necessity of supplying many pages of new matter within
a few hours of going to press ! " ¹

A contemporary account describes the nature of

the Journal politique. “ This journal takes the place

of all the gazettes, it is compiled from all the public
prints of Europe and from special correspondences es
tablished in the capitals. The facts are connected with
so much method and with such scrupulous exactness
that the news of the different kingdoms is given in the
form of materials ready for use as history, and their
description applies more particularly to the account of
English affairs. ” Three censors watched over the

1 Reminiscences.
 ARTICLES IN THE MERCURE 65

publication, but for a writer of Mallet's historical turn

of mind the restriction may have been less irksome
than it seemed, and he was at all events enabled to
realise in a more satisfactory manner than before his
ideal of the more important functions of the journalist,
that of distinguishing between truth and falsehood, and
presenting important facts in their proper perspective.
The volumes which contain his articles at this period
are doubtless less interesting to the general reader than
the Annales in which he was free to comment on

political events ; but the years which the writer was

now to spend in sifting and studying European affairs
must have immensely ripened his judgment and in-
creased his store of knowledge. In foreign affairs, as
we shall see, he was allowed rather more freedom than
in domestic matters, except where the Government had
some line of policy or intrigue to advocate, and he
possessed the art which served him well of confining
his comments to short but illuminating paragraphs,
and of enlivening the course of his narrative by
summary observations which gave it meaning and
supplied food for reflection. By a curious contradiction
also, the literary part of the Mercure was comparatively
free from this censorship ; and in his articles on philo-
sophic, economic, and historical works, Mallet was ac-
cordingly able to introduce the larger treatment of
political affairs, the absence of which had hitherto kept
French journalism at so great a distance from periodical
writing in England and even in Germany. In all his
writing from this time may be found the note of almost
exaggerated distrust of theorists , ' of hostility to meta-

1 Cf. an article on Grotius, whom he calls ennemi méthodique du

genre humain !
5
66 WORK IN PARIS

physical systems and eloquent generalisations, of con

tempt for the crude doctrines and rash speculations
promulgated by the successors of Rousseau. This atti
tude, however, sprang from no indifference to the real
interests and condition of the people. In an article,
for instance, on a project for establishing new hospitals
in Paris we find him asking why the sufferings of the
people seem to increase with the external prosperity of
States ; he continually dwells on the intolerable burden
of taxation on the poor caused by bad laws : he lauds
the growth of religious toleration in Europe, and
notices with satisfaction the profound humanity which
had distinguished the debates in the House of Com
mons on the proposal to repeal the Test and Corpora
tion Acts, and the commencement of Wilberforce's
noble campaign against slavery. Nor was his sym
pathy with free institutions the less sincere because
he refused to take words for realities and identify free
dom with the forms of a republic, or because he had
come to see in a limited monarchy the best guarantee
for the security and happiness of a State. The horrors
of the Revolution led him in 1793 to repeat the maxim
which, as he then said, had for fifteen years guided his
thoughts :

For forms of government let fools contest

Whate'er is best administered is best.

His natural prepossession in favour of liberal political

systems accordingly did not prevent him even at this
time from passing an eloquent eulogy on Frederick of
Prussia and the great machine of state, with its laborious
activity, its plans always prepared with mature thought
and carried out with perseverance, which his firm will
 ADMIRATION FOR ENGLAND 67

had inspired. But Mallet's thoughts turned with in

creasing admiration to England ' where the dangers both
domestic and external which had seemed to threaten

her very existence were vanishing one by one under

the vivifying rule of Chatham's " astonishing " son.
In his alarm at the violence of party and the instability
of Governments, he had but half suspected the resources
of a constitution which, after three Cabinet revolutions,
gave England an administration proof against assault
and strong in the confidence of both King and people,
just at the moment when it was necessary to lay afresh
the foundations of the national power. He watched
with wonder the re-establishment of the finances, the
activity of the legislature , the growth of the population ,
the progress of invention and industry, and the exten
sion of commerce. The general confidence in the fore

sight and talents of the Minister and the suspension of

party strife taught him that faction lost half its danger in
a country where party differences were not differences
of irreconcilable principle. " For eighty years a Tory
had been the friend of monarchy without abandoning

liberty, and a Whig the friend of liberty without re

nouncing monarchy. " Finally, sympathising for the
most part with Pitt's enlightened measures, he was now
also able to appreciate his rival Fox, whom he described
in 1787 as " the most talented of European statesmen,
worthy to govern an empire while his associates har
angued it". He followed their speeches from this

"Il est à remarquer," he writes in his diary, " que les trois Puis
sances qui ont servi les insurgents contre les Anglais ont été toutes
trois abîmées par cette intervention qui devrait écraser l'Angleterre,
tandis que celle-ci s'est élevée au plus haut degré de prospérité, d'union ,
de commerce, de navigation, d'amélioration dans ses finances."
68 WORK IN PARIS

time forward so closely that he might almost have said

with Byron :

We, we have seen the intellectual race

Of giants stand like Titans face to face,
Athos and Ida with a dashing sea
Of eloquence between.

The commercial treaty with France was the one

of Pitt's measures which excited his keenest interest,
inspired as it was by the teaching of Adam Smith,
"the most profound and philosophic of all the meta
physical writers who have dealt with economic ques
tions ". The writings of Adam Smith appealed to
Mallet precisely because of their freedom from doc
trinairism. The best economic writings, he said, quite
in the spirit of the modern historical school, were those
of Smith in England and of MM . de Fourbonnais and
Necker in France, which were not so much " general
treatises as books for the special use of the states in
which they had been composed". " The modern doctors
think their circumspection puerile and unworthy of
genius, an opinion which is not surprising in persons
accustomed to govern the whole world by phrases. "
He constantly deprecated insistence on so-called prin
ciples. Nations were not ' des pièces de charpente, ' which
can be arranged in a workshop on a definite plan.
What is practicable in one State is not so in another,
and theories in legislation must bend to local circum
stances. It was from this point of view that Mallet

warmly championed Pitt's treaty which was beginning

to be unpopular in France just when it was becoming
acceptable in England. Without maintaining that free
trade was beneficial between countries at different stages
of development, he argued that the economic condition
 WARREN HASTINGS 69

of France and England made closer commercial re

lations of self-evident advantage to both countries.
The event, however, which filled a larger space
in his articles on English affairs during the years
1786-8 than any other was the trial of Warren
Hastings. There are few more curious or character
istic pages in the history of the expansion of England
than this famous trial. It was extraordinary , as Mallet
du Pan observed, that a " nation which had usurped a
great part of Hindustan should wish to superimpose the
rules of morality upon those of an administration based
essentially on force, injustice and violence " ; and that
it should reward with impeachment the man who had
preserved the Indian conquests against greater odds
than those which in other parts of the Empire had
inflicted such disastrous losses on Great Britain. The
spectacle was well calculated to revive traditional
charges of British hypocrisy, especially when motives
of personal spite and party animosity were
to play a large part in the proceedings against the
ex-Governor General.¹ Yet nothing can be more

1"A short time previously to the resignation of the Earl of Mans

field as Lord Chief Justice a motion was made in Parliament by
Mr. Elliott, a friend of Mr. Pitt's, recommending a pension to the
Lord Chief Justice in consideration of his great services and his
great age. Lord Mansfield, who was not, it seems, fully aware of
the purport of the motion , sent the next day for Sir John Macpherson
and desired him to ascertain whether he was to take it as a hint
to resign. Sir John applied to Sir Archibald Macdonald , who spoke
to Mr. Pitt, by whom he was assured that he did not wish Lord
Mansfield to retire one day sooner than he might think it proper.
The Chief Justice , however, soon resigned ; but on his return to him
with the information he had obtained , Sir J. Macpherson was asked
by Lord Mansfield what he thought of Mr. Pitt. 'I think, my
Lord, that he is a great minister. ' ' Ah , Sir John,' rejoined the
70 WORK IN PARIS

certain than that indifference to the abuses of mal-

administration, corruption and violence, which the par-
liamentary inquiries of 1782 had revealed, would have

stamped the British legislature as unworthy of the

responsibility of empire ; and it was no great step from
attempts to reform the Government of India to attacks
on the man whom the proprietors of the East India
Company had retained in power in defiance of both
Parliament and the directors. Mallet du Pan indeed
recognised that " whatever the issue of the trial it
would do honour to the British Constitution, " as proving
that neither credit, nor wealth, nor the merit attaching
to great services, could shield an administrator from
an examination into his conduct. It would have been
natural for one who had sympathised with the objects
of Fox's East India Bill to have accepted the popular
view of Warren Hastings. But the unmeasured abuse
of which he became the object soon revolted Mallet's

judge in his peculiar voice, ' A great little minister. Did you ever
hear, Sir John, of a minister prosecuting another minister ? Would
a great minister have suffered Mr. Hastings to be arraigned ? '
'Justice may have required it,' said Sir John. 'Justice, Sir John,
what is political justice ? who is she ? where is she ? did you ever
see her? Do you know her colour ? Her colour is Blood ! I have
administered justice for forty years, but that was justice between
man and man ; as to justice between one minister and another I
know not what it means .'
"This anecdote having been related to Lord Thurlow by Sir John
6
Macpherson, Sir,' said old Surly, ' you need not have said that
this was spoken by Lord Mansfield. He was a man who was right
ninety-nine times out of a hundred ; and if he chanced to err there
is not one man out of a hundred who could find it out.'
"This anecdote is related with some variations in the second part
of Wraxall's Memoirs-Wraxall had it no doubt from Sir John
Macpherson " (J. L. Mallet's Reminiscences).
 WARREN HASTINGS 71

sense of justice, and his anglophile susceptibilities

were no doubt aroused by the malevolence which the
public washing of English dirty linen excited among
the tribe of continental gazetteers. He accordingly

informed Hastings through a common friend , that if he

would furnish notes on the principal heads of charge
he would endeavour to give a fairer statement of the
arguments than could be collected from the speeches of
the managers of the impeachment. ' Hastings grate-
fully availed himself of the offer, and Mallet du Pan
accordingly made use of this information in his analyses

¹ Mallet du Pan's son , who was at school in England at this

time, writes as follows : " I had been twice to the House of Lords
during the trial, and the person of Mr. Hastings, his white hair, the
fine character of his head, and the situation in which he stood at the
Bar, had strongly excited my sympathy. Mr. Burke's impassioned
and almost vindictive manner and looks, whilst speaking in the
Manager's Box (of which I have a distinct recollection, as well as of
the great man himself, dressed in a snuff-coloured suit, with bag and
sword), had likewise contributed to give me an unfavourable impres-
sion of a cause in which so much party- spirit seemed to be engaged. "
At a later date when he was again in London seeking employment, he
relates ( 1797 ) how Hastings called upon him (" ce que n'a fait aucune
autre personne " ) , invited him to his house, and " entered at length and
with great indulgence into the objects of my journey to this country.
He warned me not to be too sanguine, for the difficulties of procur-
ing a situation for a foreigner were considerable ; and added, that
his desire of avoiding all appearance of private solicitation in his own
cause had prevented him on his return from India from cultivating
the society of persons of rank and influence, to whom he had but
little access ; but that he retained a strong sense of his obligations to
my father, and would do for me whatever lay in his power. As he
was going out of town for some weeks, he desired me to write to
him if I thought he could be of any service, offered me his purse
and his house, and left me strongly impressed with the kindness of
my reception."
72 WORK IN PARIS

and comments on the speeches. As may be imagined

his advocacy of an unpopular cause drew down upon
him savage attacks from the French press. Clavière
and Brissot printed an abusive pamphlet against
him, and Brissot and Mirabeau together entered
into a violent controversywith him , insinuating that
he had been bought by Nabob gold. But posterity
in this as in some other matters has vindicated the

judgment of the journalist, and recognised the truth

of Warren Hastings' own contention when he said :
" No man in a station similar to mine , and with
powers so cramped and variable as mine were, ever
laboured with so passionate a zeal for the welfare of
a nation as I did to promote the happiness and pros-
perity of the people under our jurisdiction ”.
It is unnecessary to dwell on the many proofs
afforded by Mallet du Pan's writings of his familiarity
with and appreciation of English institutions, history
and literature, and of his sympathy with much in the
national character which he seems instinctively to have

¹In the Analyse des Papiers Anglais, Mirabeau's newly founded

journal, which he had for some reason , probably because of his sup-
port to the revolutionary party in Holland and his advocacy of the
Government's policy in regard to that country, obtained permission
to publish free from censorship. He proceeded to pass judgment
on the politics of the whole of Europe in spite of Panckoucke's
protests, who complained that his privilege was being violated, and
he waged war on Mallet du Pan . Brissot , who assisted Mirabeau
in the campaign, writes in his memoirs (ii . , 385) : “ I must do our
adversary the justice to say that he had a wide knowledge of history
and was well acquainted with the subjects on which he wrote, while
Mirabeau was entirely without information ".
Mirabeau's journalistic career, however, forms an important
landmark in the struggle for the liberty of the press in France.
 FRENCH ANGLOMANIA 73

preferred to that of the people among whom his lot

was cast. He gave the strongest indication of this

preference when he chose England as the place of

education of his eldest son, a fortunate choice which
doubtless decided the future nationality of his de-
scendants. The boy accordingly spent three years,
from 1786 to 1789, at school or in families in this
country, and returned to Paris a pronounced anglo-
maniac as the following passage in which he describes
his return shows :-¹

"We did not go straight to Paris the evening of

our arrival, but to a villa of Panckoucke's in the Bois
de Boulogne, the summer residence of his family.
The English mania was then at its height ; and
Grimm, in his memoirs, does not overstate the rage
that prevailed for everything English, save and except
the English Constitution, to which no one thought
it desirable to assimilate the new political institutions
of the country. Grimm, who no doubt prided himself
on his costume and the fashions of his own time, is
angry beyond measure with this English mania, and
draws some very absurd conclusions from it ; but it
could not fail to be agreeable to a lad just landed
from Dover, and completely equipped à l'Anglaise.
The morning after my arrival the young ladies were
not satisfied till they had completely rummaged all my
baggage, and feasted their eyes on English clothes,
an English dressing apparatus, English trinkets, and
even English boots, of which the leather, as I well re-
member, was handled by delicate female hands, and
praised for its remarkable softness and pliancy. "

It is not to the pages of the Mercure with its

formal official announcements and uninteresting record

1 Reminiscences .
74 WORK IN PARIS

of unimportant passing events, that we can turn for a

picture of pre-revolutionary France. For here the

three censors were inexorable, permitting no comment

on internal political events.¹

"A political writer," indeed, writes J. L. Mallet, ²

"was at that time a considerable person at Paris, and
my father's talents and independence insured him public
distinction of some sort or other. But the political part
of the Mercure was necessarily of inferior importance so
long as the Government exercised a strict censure over
all political opinions ; for, careless as they were to the
publication of the Encyclopédie, Rousseau and Diderot's
works, Raynal's History of the Indies, and the many able
publications in which the principles of religion , morals,
government, were eloquently and fearlessly discussed,
the French Ministry watched a newspaper paragraph,
or the announcement of the most insignificant piece of
intelligence, with the most jealous eye. Even within
a few months of the Revolution and of those political
convulsions which laid the whole fabric of government
prostrate, the Abbé Auger, censor of the Mercure,
went on with an unsparing hand, cutting up my
father's manuscript, suppressing his remarks on the
affairs of Holland, and even simple statements of fact
such as the King of Prussia's death, and notices of
the publication of Necker's Mémoire Justificatif and
of Calonne's dismissal. "

The morbid sensibility of the Government ex-

tended not only to matters of fact and of opinion,
but even to modes of expression ; the censor, for
instance, objected to the Stadtholder being described
as Prince of Orange and three times substituted the

1"On suit en France l'axiome opposé à dicere de vitiis parcere

personis. On défend de parler des choses, et l'on tolère les insultes
aux personnes " (Mallet du Pan's Notes) .
2 Reminiscences.
 DUTCH POLITICS 75

word Nassau for Orange. On Dutch affairs generally

Mallet du Pan more than once found himself in conflict

with the Ministry, for when he had a strong opinion

his inflexibility of character made it difficult for him

to avoid giving offence, and he was utterly incapable

of writing to order. Holland was during the years pre-
ceding the Revolution a centre of diplomatic intrigue.
The French Government endeavoured to dominate

Dutch politics by encouraging the democratic agitation

which had gained so dangerous a foothold in the effete
Republic, and which culminated, to the surprise and
even consternation of Versailles, in the insurrection
of 1786 and the flight of the Stadtholder. Mallet du
Pan had foretold that this imprudent and unprincipled
policy would result in the interference of the Powers,
England and Prussia, which supported the Stadtholder-
ate ; he had seen enough of revolutionary violence to
assure him that it generally meant the ruin of free
States ; he considered that it was not the business of
Governments to make revolutions ; and the effect upon
public opinion in France of the American war ( the
"American inoculation " was his phrase) caused him
to view with the utmost alarm the repetition by the
Foreign Minister, Vergennes, of the mistake of favour-
ing insurrection abroad.¹ During the disturbances
which were followed in 1787 by the Prussian invasion
of Holland, he accordingly wrote in this sense against

1 The following sentence is from Mallet du Pan's private note-

book, " Le Gouvernement de France a successivement détruit toutes
les formes de gouvernement en divers états . La démocratie, selon
lui toujours funeste, il l'a détruite à Genève pour y établir l'aristocratie,
détruit l'aristocratie en Suède pour y substituer la Monarchie,
l'aristocratie en Amérique pour y substituer la démocratie ! "
76 WORK IN PARIS

the policy of the Ministry, and Vergennes, to whom

the censor had communicated his article, stopped the
press, had an article written in a contrary sense and
instructed Mallet du Pan to insert it. Mallet im

mediately went to Versailles and, having requested

an audience of the Minister, informed him that he
considered the notice he had just received as an
order to return the privilege which had been granted
him, and that he came to surrender his licence rather
than write against his conscience. Struck with this
spirit of independence in a man whose subsistence
depended on his pen, the Minister seized his hand and
exclaimed : " This must not be ; you will give up your

article, I shall give up mine, and we will remain

friends ". A tribute indeed from the man who said

that next to an author what he most despised was a

book !

Under the Comte de Montmorin , who succeeded

Vergennes in 1787 , Mallet's position became increas
ingly difficult. His judgment had proved too correct
to please the Government, and it exposed him to the
denunciations of the Dutch patriots and their French
sympathisers who , like Mirabeau, besieged the Foreign
Office with complaints against him. He was threatened
with the loss of his editorship, and worse, if he did not
show greater complaisance . He wrote a very out
spoken letter of remonstrance to Montmorin, which
another minister might, as he said, probably have
answered by a lettre de cachet. But Montmorin, be
tween whom and the writer a feeling of warm regard
was to spring up in later days, took it in good part, and
even rendered Mallet du Pan a service by frustrating
an intrigue of Mirabeau to get the Mercure transferred
 CENSORSHIP 77

to himself by accusing Mallet of being a rabid Anglo-

maniac, treacherously writing against the views of the
Government .

" If," wrote Mallet at a later date¹ in reply to

accusations of being in the pay of the court, " I did
not during the six years I lived under the old
Government lose my establishment and become a
prisoner in the Bastille, I owe it to the consistency of
my attitude to the authorities, and to my offers of re-
tirement a hundred times repeated. Determined
to lose all rather than sacrifice my independence, I
declared over and over again to various ministers that
they might suppress all I wrote, but that they should
never extract from me a line or a eulogy contrary to
my conscience."

This line of conduct, whatever its merits, did not

add to the interest of the paper, and had it not been
for the existence of a private journal which Mallet du
Pan kept under the title Observations historiques sur
Paris from 1785 we should be almost without an indi-
cation of his impressions of the condition of the country
before the Revolution . Nothing could be more striking
than the contrast between the two records. To judge
from the Mercure the government of France might be

1 Mercure, Nov. 1790.

2 M. Sayous, vol . i., ch . vi . , gives some full extracts from these
rough notes which were evidently intended for the writer's own use
on some future occasion , and were indeed probably used by him in
the work he was engaged on when obliged to fly from Paris in 1792.
It was then lost with his other papers, the work , as he says, of half a
lifetime. The notebook contains a multitude of political reflections
and descriptions of significant incidents, anecdotes of ministers and
literary people, and statistical observations ; a mass of details of the
most vivid interest of which it is, unfortunately, impossible to give
anything but the baldest notion in this place.
78 WORK IN PARIS

proceeding in the most orderly and normal fashion ; a

glance at the diary reveals the whole story of the vacil-
1
lation and embarrassment of the royal administration
and foreshadows too clearly its approaching dissolution.
The born observer reveals himself in these pages with
their record of characters and significant incidents, of
bons mots and manners, of the licence of political com-
ment in the salons and in the streets. " Paris,” said

Mallet, " begins by astonishing, then it amuses, finally

it overwhelms one."
Nothing was more characteristic than the attitude
of the Government towards the degraded race of so-
called men of letters in Paris, a mass of half- educated
scribblers turned out by the academies, musées and lycées,
"pernicious establishments which foster the mania for
writing ". Immense sums were lavished by ministers
in pensions and gratuities to servile pamphleteers, the
very men who at the outbreak of the Revolution turned
round and became Friends of the People and syco-

phants of the mob, and who, having previously dis-

paraged Mallet du Pan as an unruly republican, then
branded him as the slave and pensioner of the court. "
"A certain number of persons," he notes on one occa-
sion, " most of them flatterers, spies and intriguers,

¹ Described by a wit of the day as Corps d'éléphant avec une tête

de linotte ".
2 Obliged to defend himself, he wrote : " Certes on ne m'a trouvé
ni sur les livres rouges, ni sur les registres des grâces et pensions.
Je n'ai pas même participé à celles qui sont acquittées sur les énormes
redevances que payent les journaux politiques ; et je m'en félicite ,
non par un désintéressement ridicule, mais parce que ayant droit â
ces bénéfices, je n'ai à me reprocher ni une lettre, ni une démarche, ni
une visite, ni une sollicitation qui ait pu tendre à le rappeler. Je n'ai
rien demandé, rien reçu " (Mercure de France, Nov. 1790).
 NOTES ON PARIS 79

have just received the collier de servitude in the shape

of great pensions from M. de Calonne. The literary

men of Paris in general are enchanted with these

favours, three hundred of them have applied for
pensions. Voilà à quoi on emploie l'argent des
peuples ! "
One of them wrote of Louis XVI . and Calonne :

Digne sang de Henri , puis-je te méconnaître ?

Que dis-je? Il vit encore, et Sully va renaître !

"Ce décent Le Brun ! " is the comment. " Three months

ago he received a pension of two thousand francs. He

is not ungrateful ! "

Of the two requisites of good government postulated
by a wit of the time, that the monarch should have
before his eyes the fear of hell, and his ministers that
of the freedom of the press, the second can hardly,
under such a régime, be said to have existed.
Of Calonne , the nominee of Vergennes and D'Artois,
the minister who completed the ruin of the finances,
who was always ready to defray any extravagance of
the Court and the administration, who paid the debts
of the Princes and bought Saint- Cloud and Rambouillet
for the Queen, and who, shown up and disgraced
before the assembly of Notables, reappeared in later
days as one of the blind leaders of the blind in the

emigration, some curious details are given ; especially

as to his expenditure of public money on his mistresses.
He is sufficiently described as a man qui faisait du
plaisir une affaire, et des affaires un plaisir '. Vergennes
fares little better in these pages. He figures indeed in
the histories as the last serious statesman of pre-revolu
tionary France, and his consistent policy of hostility to
80 WORK IN PARIS

England appeals to the patriotism of his countrymen.

At the conclusion of the American war he stood out

as the greatest and most successful of European foreign

ministers. In reality, his policy of encouraging insur-
rection and sowing discord in foreign States recoiled
with disastrous effect on his own country. His ambi-

tious efforts hopelessly embarrassed France financially ;

he was the opponent of Turgot and he sacrificed
Necker to Calonne. Mallet du Pan describes him as
the chief author of the actual crisis of affairs. He

and Maurepas, virtual Prime Minister during the

earlier years of Louis XVI . , " have, " he says, " been
the worthy mentors of the king, they have lulled him
into indifference to public business and have multiplied
the intrigues of the court par leur lâcheté à tout laisser
faire ". Of Vergennes' private life, his somewhat

obscure origin, his disreputable marriage, his incred-

ible meanness in money matters, a deplorable account
is given, and he is stated to have died with the largest
private fortune amassed in the public service since
Mazarin.¹
The following is his account of a visit to the king's
private library at Versailles :-

"Livres de choix of various kinds, all magnificently

bound and enclosed in glass bookcases. In the sup-
plementary library . are the new books. I saw a
quantity of English books of travel, history and science,
the English Review, the Annual Register, etc. Presi-
dent Coppay's poor refutation of M. Necker's work is

¹ Marshal de Broglie remarked on this occasion : " Je ne sais

comment font aujourd'hui nos ministres. Ils deviennent tous
opulents. J'ai vu le Cardinal de Fleury frugal , simple, laissant peu
de fortune ; Orry n'a pas laissé dix milles livres de rente."
 NOTES ON PARIS 81

side by side with it. There are collections of the Gazettes

of Leyden, of Amsterdam, of the Bas Rhin, the Journal
de Paris, Affiches, the Gazette deFrance, and the Statutes
at large of the British Parliament for many years. The
king reads much, and with the exception of the En-
cyclopædia all the books in his library have been through
his hands. He prefers English books to French. He
has read through the whole of the great English
Universal History in a translation."

Some anecdotes of the queen are related which re-

flect the popular opinion of her. At the Assembly of the
Notables she wished to have galleries erected for her-
selfand her ladies. The king refused brusquely, saying :
" You are not regent ". There are many allusions to
the affair of Cardinal de Rohan and to the frivolous

amusements and companionships in which the queen

indulged ; how, for instance, on the evening of an
Easter Day on which she had taken the Sacrament
she went with her whole cortège to the Comtesse de
Polignac at Monteuil, the party returning to the
public scandal'dans des brouettes aux flambeaux '. As
an illustration of the familiarity which she allowed to
her courtiers, one of them is described as lolling on an
ottoman in her presence and beginning a speech, ' Si
j'avais l'honneur d'être Louis XVI !' and the well-
known story is quoted of her remark to Madame
Victoire 'Ces Parisiens sont indignes ' and of the Prin-
cess's rebuke ' Madame, dites indignés !'
There are curious and terrible details of the treat-

ment of the unhappy persons confined in the prisons

and madhouses ; there is little evidence of the gaiety
and cheerfulness associated with life in Paris at a time

of which Talleyrand said, ‘ Celui qui n'a pas vécu alors,

n'a pas connu le plaisir de vivre ' ; there is much, on
6
82 WORK IN PARIS

the contrary, of the spirit of unrest and discontent of

the time. The graver comments, indeed, contained

in this diary show how fully alive the writer was to

the desperate character of the situation , the following
for instance :

'Ce qui caractérise la monarchie c'est le relâchement

universel. Il n'y a ni règle, ni loi, ni discipline. Avec
du crédit, de l'autorité, et de l'argent, tout est impuni ;
chacun fait ce qu'il veut. Même esprit dans les mœurs
domestiques, femmes, enfants. '

The monarchy was ill served by its agents ; the de

spatches of the ambassadors were generally very badly
drawn up, essential facts being omitted, and sometimes
even dates and familiar and proper names mistaken.
Ministers were equally incapable. Mdlle de Luxem
bourg, for instance, observed of a new Minister of

Marine : ' Oh je suis sûr qu'il réussira ; c'est le plus char

mant médiocrité ' . With this went uncertainty, feeble
ness, and incapacity in political action. The news one
day dictated a line of policy, an incident the next day
caused it to be changed. The terrible irony of the whole
situation was that reform seemed easily within the grasp
ofthe nation. The Government opposed no obstacle ; the
court had made every step in advance, the people none.
The assembly of the Notables, the publication of the
financial situation, the promise of the power of the
purse to the States General had all originated with the
court 'par paternité politique fort stupide, par embarras,
1
par ignorance '. But the people demoralised by a
century of despotic maladministration were incapable of

1" En France comme en Russie on permet aux esclaves d'avoir

des vices, et on leur donne la licence contre la liberté qu'on leur ôte."
 NOTES ON PARIS 83

seizing the opportunity, and Mallet du Pan had early

formed the opinion , which events too fully confirmed,
that their national character unfitted the French for
free institutions.

"They are incapable of cool deliberation, and there-

fore of free government, in which every man should
discuss with weight and moderation they act
always from sentiment, never from reflexion. Their
vanity, always exercised by the monarchical spirit,
would destroy a republic in which the spirit of equality
should reign . "

This is not the place in which to follow the increase

of the enormous deficit which led directly to the sum-
moning of the States General and the steps by which
the reign of Louis XVI. advanced, through a succes-
sion of incapable ministers and from one coup d'État to
another, towards the final crisis. The painful interest
of the writer and his absorption in the spectacle which
was being unfolded before his eyes become more
marked with each succeeding month, and he gives
striking pictures of the anarchy and disorder beginning
to prevail in the streets. During the autumn of 1788,
when Loménie de Brienne was at issue with the

Parlement and rioting was beginning in Paris, he

wrote :-

" The national character and that of Paris is well

seen at the present moment. Foolish bluster of all
sorts ; neither reason, moderation, nor method ; re-
bellion in words, and not a soul who does not stand in
awe of a corporal. It enters no one's head to reason
on the political consequences of taxation, on the means
of recovering some measure of political liberty. It is
the taxes themselves, and not the right of levying
them , that people think about . They wish for legal
84 WOR IN PARI
K S

resistance without considering that neither the nation

as a whole nor any constituted authority have any
political right of opposition, and that one step further
will land them in revolt, which, however, they refuse
to contemplate. "

The spirit described was one which boded ill for

the impending task of regeneration and reform. As
regards Mallet du Pan himself, enough has been said
to show that he at least faced the convulsion which
was to bring him fame at the cost of all that makes
fame worth having in no mood of levity or partisan
ship, but, on the contrary, better equipped by study
and experience than almost any of his contemporaries.
In M. Taine's words :--
66
In 1789 Mallet du Pan, at the age of forty, had
already passed twenty years in political education .
He had, all his life, reflected on affairs of State. From
his earliest youth he had deeply studied history, inter
national law, and political economy, not as a mere
student or amateur, but as an original thinker and
independent critic. Manners, Governments, and Con
stitutions had been the subject of his close personal
observation, for he had lived or travelled in Switzer
land, France, Germany, England, and the Low
Countries. In the political troubles of his own
country, he had been able to gauge the conditions of
liberty, its benefits and its dangers ; • .. he had been,
moreover, not merely a spectator, but an actor. . .
In 1789 he knew, in short, not only France, but
Europe. "
 85

CHAPTER IV.

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION IN THE PAGES OF THE

MERCURE DE FRANCE.

1789-1792.

THE assembly of the States- General was the signal

for an extraordinary outburst of journalistic enterprise.
During the previous ten or fifteen years, as we have
seen, there had been a literary eruption of no small
dimensions, with which the Government had endea
voured to cope partly by proscription and partly by
bribes. Then came a flood of pamphlets, écrits violents,
bizarres, anarchiques,' in which the questions of the day
were feverishly discussed ; but the States-General had
hardly met before a crowd of new papers appeared as
if by enchantment, led by Brissot with his Patriote
Français, and by Mirabeau with his États Généraux, his
Lettres à ses Commettants, and finally with the famous
Courier de Provence, —an advance guard which soon
forced the barrier of the censorship and established the
liberty or licence of the press.
From May 1789 to May 1793 , " from the dawn of
freedom to the night of the Terror, " says Hatin, “ no
less than one thousand papers or writings in journalistic
form saw the light, and it is impossible to exaggerate
their influence in spreading the new doctrines through
out the country ".
86 MERCURE DE FRANCE

Among this mass of new papers, monthly, weekly

and daily, royalist and popular, which proclaimed truth
or disseminated poison, the Mercure under Mallet du
Pan, described by Mirabeau himself as ' le plus habile
et le plus répandu des journaux,' stands alone and
apart, representing with a consistency, courage and
force which grew with each month of its three years'
existence the opinions of the smallest, the wisest, and
the most unpopular of the parties of the Assembly.
It was not however till after the fall of the Bastille,
when the censorship was formally abolished , that any
political comment appeared in its pages. Mallet du

Pan was one of the few observers who approached the

consideration of the Revolution armed with experience
and knowledge but without the prepossession of party
or system . One conviction indeed he had formed, a
belief in a " mixed " system of government in which
monarchy and aristocracy were tempered by popular
representation ; and it is characteristic that his contri-
bution to the controversies preceding the opening of
the States-General was an attempt, by publishing a
series of articles on Delolme's account of the British
Constitution, to explain and popularise such a system,
and to combat the prejudice that liberty was to be
found only in pure democracy. His warnings were
soon justified. Both in the theory and the practice
of parliamentary government France had everything
to learn from England. The tedious discussions on
the Rights of Man and the constant appeal to the
teachings of Rousseau drew from Mallet du Pan
a demonstration of the incompatibility of that
great writer's ideas with the very existence of the
Assembly :
 ROUSSEAU'S DOCTRINES 87

" The English people, " said Rousseau, " think they
are free, but they are much mistaken. They are free
only during the election of the members of Parliament ;
once elected they are slaves, they are nothing. The
absurd idea of representation is modern , and descends to
us from the iniquitous days of feudal government .
"Rousseau, " adds Mallet, " judged Englishmen slaves
because their government is representative ; therefore
every represented population must likewise be slaves.
The authority of Rousseau is thus inadmissible in an
assembly of delegates of the people. That celebrated
writer persisted to the end of his life in his aversion
to representative government, and wrote that he saw
no mean between the most austere democracy and the
most complete Hobbism. "

Mallet du Pan often returned to the political

result of Rousseau's doctrine of the Volonté Générale
on the progress of the Revolution . He showed, for

instance (in September 1791 ) , how the attribution of

effective sovereignty to the people with constitutional
powers dependent solely on their will had produced
an irresistible democratic influence side by side with
the representative régime. He contrasted with this the
wisdom of the English principle by which, since the days
of the Long Parliament, the sovereignty was held to
reside in Parliament consisting of the King and the two
Houses, the people retaining only the choice of their re-
presentatives. The difference between the two theories
was fundamental, as Mallet was never tired of insisting,
and by it alone, as he was perhaps the first to perceive,
can the course which the Revolution took be explained.
The conduct of business in the Assembly was a

point equally inviting appeal to English experience.

Mirabeau, scandalised by the anarchy of its proceedings,
88 MERCURE DE FRANCE

had laid on the table a code which had been furnished

to him by Romilly embodying the practice of the

British Parliament, and Mallet du Pan in the Mercure
frequently drew attention to such points as the proper
function of parliamentary committees, and the authority
of the Speaker. What chance such representations
had of attention may be gathered from Dumont's ob-
servation that when Brissot spoke of the constitution ,
"
his constant phrase was Voilà ce qui a perdu l'Angle-
terre !' and that Sieyès, Duport, Condorcet, Garat and
others had exactly the same prejudices against English
example. 'Nous ne sommes pas Anglais, et nous
n'avons pas besoin des Anglais ' was the feeling of most
Frenchmen. Naturally therefore Mallet du Pan was
soon out of court as an anglo-maniac. But though
he believed with the wisest political heads in France,
with Mounier, Malouet, Lally-Tollendal, and Mirabeau
himself, that the only hope for the country lay in the
endeavour to reconcile representative institutions with
1
a strong monarchy, he was as far as possible from
being a doctrinaire. In 1789 he wrote that it would

be as foolish to try and grow sugar canes in Siberia

as to transplant the British Constitution , the growth of
six centuries, to France. He fully recognised, as he
said later when accused of fanatical admiration for the
British Constitution and the two chamber system , that
the materials for a House of Peers did not exist in

France, and he only discussed it for an instant on the

extinction of the three orders as an alternative to a
single chamber. "Whether two chambers, or three,
or a hundred, secured the benefits which all France

1 "The state of France," observed Gouverneur Morris, " requires

a higher-toned government than that of England. "
 MERCURE REORGANISED 89

desired mattered little. " Finally he had, as we have

seen, been deeply impressed by the levity and ignor-
ance of the people, the outcome of a despotic system ,
by "the utter prostration of morals, " as Gouverneur
Morris expressed it, " upon which crumbling matter
the great edifice of freedom was to be erected ; " and
some years later, in his Considerations, he stated that
long before 1789 he had become convinced that
France would be unable to bear political liberty
without thirty years of preliminary training.
Such then were the misgivings he entertained,
but it is certain that he was surprised and favourably
impressed by the energy and seriousness of the Tiers
état, and by the universal desire for a Constitution.
No one, he said, desired in a more ardent and dis-
interested spirit than himself the success of the noble
enterprise in which King and people seemed to be
united. Sanguine and enthusiastic he was not, but

the role of Cassandra was far from being natural or

congenial to one of his vigorously combative nature,
and it was in no spirit of mere critical aloofness that he
prepared to take his share in the work of regeneration
the necessity of which no one saw more clearly than
himself, or that he witnessed the gradual fulfilment of
his forebodings. He set himself at once to take ad-
vantage of the enfranchisement of political journalism
by organising the Mercure on a new basis. Again he
described his conception of his duty as historian-jour-
nalist or “ pioneer historian ". Fact disentangled from
verbiage was, he thought, what history would one day
consult and what the public required, and he disclaimed
the pretension of supplying opinions which every citizen
should form for himself. He never, indeed, confined
 RE
90 MERCU DE FRANCE

the function of the journalist or the historian to simply

recording what he had seen or heard. As time went
on and he found he had expected too much of the
public , he refrained less and less from the energetic
expression of his own opinions ; but in the early days
his comments were both sparse and brief, and he trusted
mainly to the eloquence of the facts, documents and
proofs with which he filled his pages. A great feature
of the Mercure, not found elsewhere, is the attention
paid to events and opinions in the provinces where it
was very widely circulated. From 1789, says M. Taine
who quoted freely from them, some hundreds of letters
written on the spot, signed, dated, verified, gave Mallet
regular information on the disturbances in the provinces.
In 1791 and 1792 there were forwarded to him résumés
and extracts, reports of the local administrations, manu-
script accounts of the various jacqueries, details and
figures and authentic documents now to be found in
the National Archives.
But his analysis of the debates of the two Assemblies
upon which the attention of Europe was concentrated for
the next three years was the work which gave its celebrity
to the Mercure, and was the real foundation of its author's

reputation. Mallet did not, indeed, give detailed reports

on every occasion such as those by which Maret, the
future Duc de Bassano , first made a name in the Moniteur,
nor, on the other hand, fanciful or rhetorical descriptions
such as those which Garat confesses to have supplied to
the Journal de Paris. But he regularly attended the
sittings of the Constituent and Legislative Assemblies
and composed the analysis of the debates, reporting at
length what he thought useful or necessary and in all
cases bringing out the salient points of the discussion.
 SOMBRE ANTICIPATIONS 91

He prided himself, as we know, on the amplitude, the

impartiality, and the exactness of this analysis. " It was
read throughout Europe," says Lally-Tollendal, “ as
a model of luminous and impartial discussion. " " In

it, " reports another contemporary, Gentz, the Prussian

publicist, " is to be found the character of the Revolu-
tion painted in colours more faithful and more living
than those employed by any other writer of the time. "
" He was the only writer, " says Sainte- Beuve, " whose
analysis of these great debates was free from either
insult or flattery." " His reports," says Taine, " are the

only ones which are at once truthful and intelligent. "

The success of the paper was immediate. It offered,
as Chateaubriand has remarked, a singular contrast, that
of being violently revolutionary in the literary portion
and energetically conservative in the political ; but the
latter portion was of so much the greater interest that
it was not long before it encroached on the space re-
served for literature and absorbed half of it.

Much had already happened to fill with sombre

anticipations a man of its editor's temper ; the disastrous
struggle which caused dissension of evil omen for the
future and ended in the establishment of the National
Assembly, the intrigues of the Queen and the Comte
d'Artois which had led to the dismissal of Necker, his
triumphant return, and the incidents connected with the

fall of the Bastille. By the end of July Gouverneur

Morris, the American Minister, whom Taine classes with
Rivarol, Malouet and Mallet du Pan as one of the four
most competent observers of the Revolution, remarked

that France was as near anarchy as a society could

be without dissolution, and deplored that the National
Assembly had " all that romantic spirit and those ro-
92 MERCURE DE FRANCE

mantic ideas of government which, happily for America,

we were cured of before it was too late ".
It was not until August, however, that the battle
upon which the course of the Revolution turned was

seriously joined, and that the great discussion on the

reports of the Constitutional Committee brought face
to face the champions of constitutional reform on the
English pattern and the partisans of more revolutionary
measures. At this time the liberal Royalists , Mounier,
the proposer of the oath of the tennis court, and his

allies Lally-Tollendal, Bergasse, Clermont-Tonnerre,

and Virieu were enjoying their short moment of favour
in the Assembly, and Malouet, the sanest and most
courageous of them all, had endeavoured to organise
a moderate party comprising the majority of the
Constitutional Committee, two ministers (the Arch
bishop of Bordeaux and the Comte de Saint- Priest ) , and
a number of moderate members, probably the majority
of the whole assembly, headed by the Bishop - Duke of
Langres. During August and September this party
held its own against the enterprises of the democrats
and of the two first orders ; for at a time when " con
cord would have saved them all and France with them "
the whole of the nobility and part of the clergy repudi
ated all association with the moderate reformers. For
these two months Mallet du Pan, who saw in their
efforts the only hope of safety, supported their cause
and supplemented their arguments in the Mercure. But
their fate was already sealed when the recommendations

of the majority of the Constitutional Committee in favour

of the royal veto, of the double chamber system, and
of the power of dissolution by the King were rejected
in favour of a Declaration of Rights on the American
 CONSTITUTIONAL REFORM 93

model, with its various articles including the suspensive

veto, the single chamber, and the permanence of the
Assembly. The scheme which had, in accordance with
the demand of the great majority of the cahiers, been
elaborated by the most capable and experienced political
students in France was never even discussed as a whole,
and Mallet du Pan vigourously condemned the conduct
of an Assembly which singled out one or two leading
points, and by rejecting them destroyed the cohesion of
the various parts without which a " constitution would
be a monstrosity ". The power of the veto was at
once seen to be fundamental, and Mallet was not ex
aggerating when he wrote before its discussion : "It is
impossible to regard without terror the questions raised
this week in the Assembly, upon the decision of which
will probably depend the tendency of the new legislation,
the confirmation or the loss of liberty, public security
within and without , and the authority necessary to a
great monarchy ". The inactivity and moral cowardice
of some, and the calculated opposition of others of the
royalist majority, who imagined that the very extra
vagance of the innovations would work its own cure
and bring about a restoration of the old order, and
who, by their dishonest action in their alliance with the
revolutionary party, set an example only too faithfully
followed by the extreme right all through subsequent
French history ; finally the feeble and opportunist sup
port by Necker of the suspensive veto, decided the
issue ; and with the veto the rest of the constitutional

proposals fell to the ground. One last chance remained,

and on the 29th September Malouet, the Bishop of
Langres and Redon were deputed by a large number
of deputies to endeavour to persuade the King to re
94 MERCURE DE FRANCE

move with the majority of the Assembly to some place

such as Soissons or Compiègne at a distance from Paris ;
the first of many such proposals which might have
saved the monarchy, but the execution of which became

increasingly difficult and the success more problemat-

ical. They repaired to Versailles, and Montmorin and
Necker pressed the proposal upon the King who,
fatigued with a day's hunting, went to sleep during
the council and only awoke to put an end to the dis-
cussions with a simple Non ! ' The popular party,
alarmed at the action of the moderates who had been
at too little pains to conciliate them, retaliated by the
outrages of the days of October and the removal of the
Court and the Assembly to Paris. Mounier, who had
narrowly escaped with his life, Lally- Tollendal, and the
Bishop of Langres were the most distinguished of some
twenty members of the party who completed its dis-
comfiture by their resignation and flight. " Paris,"
wrote Mallet, " would have stoned them, history will
avenge them ! "

Speculation has exhausted itself over the question

whether Mirabeau's last desperate plan of counter-
revolution might or might not have saved France and
Europe from the reign of Terror. Surely here, in the
earlier and worthier period of the Revolution, is a far
more inviting subject for conjectural history, if only
because the very possible success of the early Consti-
tutionalists, whom a superficial judgment dismisses as
almost unworthy of notice, as a set of pedants and
anglo-maniacs, would certainly have prevented the
whole series of catastrophes which culminated in

1 The story is given in the memoirs both of Malouet and Mallet

du Pan.
 CAUSES OF FAILURE 95

foreign and civil war. The party of liberal reform is

perhaps the only one during the whole course of the
Revolution which deserved the description of states
manlike, for of this party alone can it be said that
reform upon the principles advocated by its members
might have averted revolution by founding a strong
and durable polity. Fail , indeed, they did, but failure
they shared with every other party which survived and
succeeded them. And it is a hard fate which caused

them not only to be hated at the time for their mod

eration and foresight both by Royalists and by Re
publicans, but to lose the place in history which the
fascination of horror has obtained for factions even
more fleeting than themselves.
To enter into the causes of their failure would be
beyond the province of this volume ; for it would be
to discuss the course of the Revolution itself. But
both Mallet du Pan and Malouet dwelt on one or two
reasons which go far to explain the ineffectiveness of
the action of this great parliamentary party. One was
the timidity and want of moral courage among French
men of all classes and parties which is perhaps the
most striking characteristic of the revolutionary era,
and which is inexplicable until the paralysing effect of
the collapse of all lawful authority among a people

¹ The suddenness of the collapse of the monarchy shows how true

was the insight which led Mallet du Pan to say, in speaking of the
various causes assigned for the French Revolution, the quarrel of the
Parliaments, the Assembly of the Notables, the deficit, the ministry of
Necker, the assaults of philosophy : "None of these things would
have happened under a monarchy which was not rotten at the core."
The moment, in fact, had arrived, inevitable in every despotism , when
an incapable ruler was called upon to grapple with a demoralised
administration.
 E CE
CUR DE FRAN
96 MER

demoralised by despotism is appreciated. The reign

of Terror began in men's minds with the fall of the
Bastille. The Tais-toi mauvais citoyen ! ' roared at
Malouet in the Assembly struck the keynote of alarm
which enfeebled the moderate parties ; it showed itself
also among the Parisians afraid of the court and the
army, among the country people afraid of brigandage,
among quiet citizens everywhere afraid of violence,
and its most fatal fruit was the emigration of the
natural leaders of society throughout France, which
Mallet from the outset stigmatised as an unfortunate
political blunder. Hardly less significant was the in-
experience in the working of parliamentary institutions
already referred to. Such institutions depend for suc-
cess on the nicest balance of forces, and on moral and
traditional qualities only to be acquired by generations
of practice ; on ideas of party cohesion totally wanting
in an assembly of men, thrown together without pre-
vious acquaintance with each other, divided by class
prejudices and by fundamental differences of opinion,
and totally devoid of that wholesome indifference to
logic and consistency characteristic of English poli-
ticians. Malouet reproached himself, and his words
threw a flood of light not only on the history of the
Constituent Assembly but on all subsequent parliamen-
tary history in France,' for the exclusiveness which

1 " Je ne veux pas dissimuler ici combien cette faute de ma part

(his break with Mirabeau) est inexcusable, ainsi que celle que j'ai
commise pendant toute la durée de notre Assemblée, de rompre ou
d'éviter toute communication avec plusieurs membres influents du
parti populaire, que j'ai reconnus dans plusieurs circonstances beau-
coup plus sages que les opinions auxquelles il se laissaient entraîner "
(Mémoires de Malouet, i ., 281 ) .
 MIRABEAU 97

had kept him apart from many with whom he might

have acted for the common advantage. The process
of disintegration could only have been checked by
some commanding personality , but of real leadership
there was none.
Mirabeau alone could have led the party, but
Mirabeau was impossible. The greatest figure of

the Revolution except Bonaparte, he united genius

and patriotism with degrading faults of character.
His own cry of regret, perhaps the most pathetic
ever uttered by a public man, is the explanation of
the contradiction of his life- Combien l'immoralité de

ma jeunesse fait de tort à la chose publique '. The

invincible repugnance of the world was shown by the
fact, noted by Morris, that he was received with hisses
at the opening of the States-General. His past made
him enter on the great struggle not as a philosopher
or a statesman, but as a malcontent and a déclassé.

His pecuniary embarrassments destroyed his personal

independence and sold him, in the words of his
enemies, to the Court. His personal ambition, his
want of temper, his necessity for self-assertion , his
"insatiate thirst for applause, " led the great orator
to endeavour to maintain his ascendency by thundering
against the enemies of the Revolution and inflaming
popular passion, while he was secretly working for
the cause of the monarchy. And not in secret only.
He clearly saw that the annihilation of the executive
power, the paralysis of administration, would deliver
over his country to the violence of foreign enemies
and to the worse misfortune of anarchy at home. He
turned to the monarchy as the only anchor of safety.
He considered that to restore to the king power at
7
 URE CE
98 MERC DE FRAN

least equal to that nominally exercised by the King

of England was the only way to avert disaster. His
opposition to the declaration of rights, his abstention
from the work of the abolition of feudalism on the day
of the 4th of August, his contention for investing
the King with the right of peace and war, and with an
absolute veto without which he would " rather live

in Constantinople than in Paris " ; above all , his effort

to induce the Assembly to give a seat in their body to
the ministers of the Crown , the constitutional pivot on
which the fortunes of the Revolution may be said

to have turned ; these were all public actions which

might have won for him, not only the confidence of the
King and Queen, but also the support of moderate men
of all parties. In such a union, under such leadership,
lay the only hope, and with the presumption of genius
he felt and proclaimed that he was the only man who
could reconcile the monarchy with freedom . Yet

Morris only echoed the sentiment of the best men

of his time when he said, " that there were in the
world men who were to be employed but not trusted,
“ that virtue must ever be sullied by an alliance with
vice," " that Mirabeau was the most unprincipled
scoundrel that ever lived ".

I have dwelt at some length on the efforts and

plans, the hopes and the failures of the liberal royalist
party, because Mallet du Pan's adherence to it is the
keynote of his political action from first to last. Almost
at once it threw him athwart the main current of the
Revolution, and made him the mark of persecution at
the hands, not only of the advanced factions, but of
the pure Royalists with whom his relations were of the
most uneasy description all through his career. For
 CENSORSHIP OF OPINION 99

the moment, however, it was the popular party who

attacked him.

66
' It was no doubt, " writes his son, " a great relief
to be freed from the galling yoke of the censorship ;
but although the tribunal of opinion which succeeded
did not exercise its control either in a manner so
puerile or so direct, it was not less despotic ; and in
some respects much more fearful. Public opinion had
become all in all ; and it did not bear sway with a
gentle hand. The popular party, who then prevailed ,
were in the greatest degree impatient of contradiction ,
and even discussion, in matters of government ; and
my father, not being disposed to run along with the
full tide that was setting in, soon became an object
of active suspicion, and was denounced in the clubs
as an aristocrat, and a friend of the old Régime. On
the other hand, the moderate party in the Assembly
eagerly availed themselves of the influence of a publica
tion conducted by a man of talent and independence,
and of which the circulation was more extensive than
that of almost any other political work, upwards of
12,000 copies of the political part of the Mercure,
consisting of three and a half sheets, being sold weekly.
The court and the ministers likewise caused frequent
communications to be made to my father, through
persons attached to them, with a view of correcting
erroneous opinions and misstatements of facts, pro
ceeding from the Tribune, the clubs or the press.
Numberless letters were addressed to him from the
provinces, either with a view to publication or from
individuals menaced and oppressed by the popular
party, who requested him to vindicate their conduct,
and solicited his opinion as to the course they were
to pursue. Among these were many nobles, who
asked his advice as to the expediency of emigrating."

Room may here be found for some further recollec

100 MERCURE DE FRANCE

tions of Mallet's son, who had returned in August, 1789,

from his school in England, and has recorded his impres-
sions of the time, the impressions of a boy of fourteen.

" I remained the ensuing autumn and winter with

my family ; and soon after my arrival went to see the
remains of the Bastille, then crowded from morning
to night with visitors, exulting over its ruins. I also
well remember the 5th of October and the scenes that
ensued ; the crowds of people returning from Versailles
in a state of frightful excitement ; the Poissardes
parading the streets in their red cottons and white
caps, with large nosegays in their breasts, asking
money at all the respectable houses with an air and
tone that would have made it very unsafe to hesitate
in complying with their demands. I also remember
the queues, as they were called, at the bakers' shops.
For although the French Government makes it a
special object of administration, in times of scarcity,
to provide at any cost for the supply of Paris, the
bakers' shops are fearfully crowded, and the deliveries
of bread a long and tedious process. These shops, be
it observed, are all protected by heavy iron bars in front.
As early as three o'clock in the morning people began to
secure their places, and the crowds gradually increased
till the street in front of the shop was filled. Then the
pushing and scrambling and screaming when the loaves
came out was truly frightful ; and this every day ! "

The following passages give us almost the only

glimpse into the actual life of the writer during these
stirring times which we possess :—

" An Italian Opera had been established at Paris

in a small theatre not far from our home where the
agreeable compositions of Paesiello and Cimarosa were
heard in great perfection. It was seldom crowded, and
my father, who delighted in Italian music and found it
a more complete relief from his occupations than either
 LIFE IN PARIS ΙΟΙ

society or the play, often went there, and not unfre-

quently took us with him.

" Mounier, Malouet, Clermont-Tonnerre, the minis-

ter Montmorin, and Vicq d'Azyr, the Queen's physician,
were some of the principal persons with whom my
father was in habitual communication at Paris, and
I had acquired enough of English sentiments and
opinions to attend with great eagerness and interest
to the animated discussions which took place at our
house. After the removal of the Assembly to Paris,
the deputies with whom he was acquainted often came
late in the evening to talk over the day's debate ; and
the apartment in which I slept having a door opening
into the drawing-room, I was allowed as a great favour
to keep it ajar, and used to sit up in bed till a very late
hour, with my ears stretched to the utmost, catching
what I could of the animated conversation in the
drawing-room. I remember on one occasion Malouet
coming in very much agitated he had been assailed
and insulted by the populace, in consequence of some
opinion he had expressed and had exhibited a pair of
pistols which he always carried in his waistcoat pockets.
The government of Paris, and indeed of the whole
country, had not then been transferred to the sections
and the clubs ; and I did not therefore witness any
of those visits to which my father was frequently
subjected at a later period from the patriots, who
figured in the scenes of the 10th of August and the
2nd of September, 1792. "

During the discussions on the veto, however, four

ruffians had called on Mallet du Pan threatening him
with their pistols and telling him that he should
answer with his life for anything he wrote in support
of Mounier's opinions. His answer had been an

1 Reminiscences.
102 MERCURE DE FRANCE

article again vigorously defending these conclusions.

Fresh denunciations and visits followed upon the faith
ful account which he alone had ventured to give of
the outrages of the 5th and 6th of October. But he
never until a much later date mentioned these occur

rences in the Mercure, though he signalised the growing

spirit of persecution by the phrase : " It is with sword
or rope in hand that public opinion now issues its de
crees. Believe or Perish, is the anathema pronounced
by the enthusiasts, pronounced in the name of freedom ".
The flight of Mounier, Lally-Tollendal and others
of the liberal royalist party after the days of October,
though explicable enough without an imputation of
personal cowardice, was none the less the mistake which
parliamentary secessions have usually been found to be.
It merely weakened the moderate opposition, without
rallying public opinion as the retirement of the whole
royalist majority of the Assembly might conceivably
have done. " MM . de Clermont-Tonnerre, ¹ Mallet du
Pan and I ," writes Malouet, " alone remained en
évidence," and upon Malouet in the Assembly, as upon
Mallet in the press, fell the labour of representing the
opinions of those deputies who continued to steer a
steady course between revolutionary excess and royalist
exaggeration, and who had hoped for the establishment
of a well- balanced constitutional monarchy.

The break-up of the liberal royalist party and the

growing cleavage of opinion had now, however, trans
ferred to more extreme hands the real leadership of
the opposition to revolutionary ideas and methods, and
during the next eighteen months two clearly defined
¹ Comte de Clermont Tonnerre, assassinated on the 10th of
August 1792 .
 ROYALIST ORATORS 103

parties played a considerable part in the Assembly,

that of the Left, not yet educated up to the level of
the extremists, led by Duport, Charles de Lameth and
Barnave, the latter one of the most interesting and at-
tractive figures of the early Revolution ; and the Right
led by three remarkable orators. One ofthese was the

Abbé Maury, the shoemaker's son, whose eloquence had

already won him a seat in the Academy ; whose splendid
defence of the clergy against Talleyrand was to gain
for him in 1794 the great object of his wishes, the
cardinal's hat ; whose restless ambition was to lead him
first to abandon the royalist cause for Napoleon, and
then to abandon Napoleon only to find a miserable
end in the papal prisons in 1817. He had courage,
physical vigour, and a talent for improvisation so re-
markable as to make him a serious rival to Mirabeau

himself, but he never succeeded in inspiring a belief

in his sincerity equal to the gratitude evoked for his real
services. Cazalès, a young officer despised by the nobles
for the insignificance of his family, was eloquent but
indolent, and the Comte de Montlosier, ' one of Mallet's
most constant friends, was a man of great ability and
of elevated character, but of a somewhat mystic turn of
mind, and well described as one ' qui aimait la sagesse

¹ Mallet du Pan tells how at the meeting of the States General

Barnave sought out Gouverneur Morris at a club and descanted to
him for an hour on liberty, and ended by asking him what he thought
ofthese principles. " Je pense, Monsieur,' répondit froidement Mr.
Morris, 'que vous êtes beaucoup plus républicain que moi .' '
2 He is remembered for his magnificent apostrophe to the assailants
ofthe bishops. " Vous les chasserez de leurs palais , ils se réfugieront
dans les chaumières ; vous les ôterez leurs croix d'or, ils en prendront
une de bois ; et souvenez - vous que c'est une croix de bois qui a sauvé
le monde ! "
 104 MERCURE DE FRANCE

avec folie et la modération avec transport '. None of

these, however, even with the assistance of Malouet,
more of an official and administrator than a parliamen
tary statesman, were the men to lead a successful con
servative resistance, though they had the melancholy
satisfaction of seeing many of those who successively
occupied the position of public favourites recognise their
wisdom and endeavour too late to follow in their foot
steps.
Though supporting in most cases these royalist
leaders in the Assembly, it was with Malouet that
Mallet du Pan formed the closest ties of personal and
political friendship and sympathy. Driven more and
more into the position of simple defenders of the
monarchy,' it was not until after the ruin of their
cause in France and the execution of Louis XVI . , for
whom they both felt strong personal loyalty and who
himself sympathised with their political attitude, that
they recovered their full freedom of action and found
occasion , as we shall see, to insist afresh on the neces
sity for liberalising monarchical ideas.
Meanwhile Mallet du Pan maintained a tone of
studied moderation and restraint in his comments.

He loyally accepted as the decision of the nation

the defeat of the constitutional principles which he had
advocated. " The principles of the Revolution, " he

¹ On this as on so many points Gouverneur Morris expressed the

same idea as Mallet and almost in the same words : " A Republican
and first as it were emerged from that Assembly which has formed
one of the most republican of all republican institutions I preach
incessantly respect for the Prince, attention to the rights of the
nobility, and moderation not only in the object but also in the
pursuit of it ". Morris, it will be remembered , was one of the dis
tinguished men who framed the Constitution of the United States.
 MALLET'S MODERATION 105

wrote in December 1789,1 " have become the law of

the land. They were imperiously demanded by the
abuses of every kind under which France had groaned
since the reign of Louis XIV. To attempt to oppose
the new order of government by schemes of active
resistance, by chimerical ideas of counter-revolution ,
would be an act of madness. " He advocated the
taking of the oath to the constitution-the serment
civique-on the ground that no individual had the
right to oppose his own will to that of the Assembly
legally declared with the sanction of the King ; and he
remarked on the danger, "in our present terrible
situation," of giving any pretext for excess or persecu
tion by the least violation of the law. Such sentiments
as these were highly distasteful to the champions of
2
the old régime, while the popular party could not
forgive Mallet's efforts to shake their complacency or
disturb their optimism by his too faithful accounts of
intolerance in the Assembly and of growing anarchy in
the country. He was thus exposed to violent and scur

1 Mercure, 2nd January 1790.

2 Their newspapers conducted an opposition of ridicule and
epigram, rather than of serious criticism. The Ami du Roi, Petit
Gaultier, Actes des Apôtres, were often, as has been said, unreadable
from their obscenity when not from their dulness. Their chief con
tributors were Peltier a mere mercenary, and Rivarol, Champcemetz
and Mirabeau- Tonneau : Bergasse, Laraguais and Montlosier con
tributed serious articles to the Actes des Apôtres. Mallet du Pan's notion
of the dignity of journalism differed considerably from that of these
Royalist and Revolutionary francs- tireurs. " La meilleure sauvegarde
de la liberté de la presse, le plus efficace préservatifde son dérèglement,
C'est la morale des auteurs, non celle dont on parle ou qu'on imprime, mais
celle que l'on pratique ; le respect religieux de la liberté, l'honneur,
l'habitude de la décence, et cette terreur utile qui devroit saisir tout homme
de bien lorsque sa plume va afficher une accusation ou répandre un système.”
106 MERCURE DE FRANCE

rilous attacks from both the parties which for different

reasons were interested in perpetuating the anarchy of
so-called popular rule . This double resentment he
steadily faced, maintaining on the one hand that the
exaggeration of democratic principles was turning into
a simulacrum the throne which alone could maintain a
great empire in freedom, peace and order, and on the
other that a return to absolute monarchy would only
end by replunging the country into its actual condition,
a condition into which it was the most terrible reproach
against the monarchy to have brought France.

" No one," he asserted, " had had more reason to

welcome the advent of liberty than one brought up in
its teachings, who had all his life detested absolute
monarchy. But to love liberty a man must have
enjoyed it, to recognise it amid the artifices of am-
bition and the illusions of theory he must have wit-
nessed its excesses as well as its benefits, to discern
its limits he must have learnt by experience the
dangers into which a state, imprudent enough to
force the barriers which law, justice and wisdom in-
terpose between the power of a people and its obedi-
ence, may run. " He therefore declined to drift with
the popular current, observing ' Ce n'est pas à quarante
ans qu'un républicain sage, qui en a traîné vingt dans
les tempêtes politiques, se rendra le complice des
fureurs de qui que ce soit'.¹

He persisted on the contrary in his tâche accablante,

that of publishing the debates at which he assisted and
the facts which reached him and which he carefully
verified, and of so endeavouring to create a public
conscience as to the " cowardly war " which was being

1 Mercure, 23rd January 1790 .

 CHARACTER OF REVOLUTION 107

waged on persons and property. His reward was to

see himself daily misrepresented and defamed, while

the most criminal papers remained unpunished. “ While
they are permitted to preach, I may not denounce
murder and incendiarism. " 1

" In the spring of 1790," writes his son , " " my father
made arrangements to quit Paris for a short time, and
took me to Geneva, where he had determined to place
me in the business of his only brother, my uncle Mallet.
He was received on that occasion by the most distin-
guished of his countrymen in a very flattering manner,
which strongly marked the opinion they held of his
talents and independence as a public writer. "

On his return two months later he gave in the

Mercure ( 10th July 1790) the long-promised résumé
of the year, which he had constantly delayed in the
hope that the Revolution might have run its course.
" Instead of this," he writes, " we are still suspended
between anarchy and liberty. " His observations show
that by this time he clearly understood the character of
the Revolution. He recognised that he was the witness
of one of those periodical upheavals in which the same
causes reproduce from time to time the same vicissi-
tudes, ' triste consolation qui reste seule à une génération
souffrante '. As a distinction, however, he remarked
that unlike previous political subversions of which
the mass of the people had been the victims and not
the agents, the present convulsion reached down to
the very roots of society, which had been swept from
its foundations and which it only now remained to
attempt to reconstruct.

1 Mercure, April 1790. 2 Reminiscences.

108 MERCURE DE FRANCE

And in what circumstances, he asked, was the at-

tempt to be made ? " Among a people corrupted by
the mean vices engendered by despotism, amid an ex-
cessive inequality of fortune and still more of education
and talent, with books which substituted enthusiasm for
reflection, amid a chaos of morals, rights and systems ! "
A month later occurs a passage which shows at
its best the writer's instinctive prescience of coming
events. The foreign war which was to prove the
final solvent of the French polity was already casting
its shadow before, and already Mallet du Pan combats
its approach. A debate in the Assembly had revealed
a deep-seated suspicion that the powers of Europe
were plotting a counter- revolution. After some re-

marks, of which the history of popular government too

fully confirms the truth, on the danger of treating foreign
affairs in public and on the manner in which suspicion
itself creates the reality of peril, he stated his opinion
that to imagine a crusade of foreign powers against
the existing constitution was to look for trouble in the
wrong direction.

The conspirators to be feared," he wrote, " are

those who by threatening Europe may actually rouse
her ; they are the preachers of insurrection, the
scribblers who insult every sovereign, the clubs who
teach the art of anarchy and public calamity scattering
their agents through every empire to stir up trouble,
murder and civil war in the name of philosophy, the
incendiary sophists who incite the people to destroy all
authority, to punish the sovereign, and to place des-
potic power in the hands of the multitude. . . Such

are the projects which will force sovereigns into action

to prevent the ruin of their states ; such are the only
reasons for alarm. "
 NECKER 109

The resignation in October of the once idolised

Necker, the man to whose lot it had fallen to initiate
the revolution, whose duty it was to guide it, was
received with general indifference. Mallet refused to
associate himself with the violent strictures of Cazalès

on the fallen ministry. On ne viole pas les tombeaux'

he wrote, and he proceeded to trace the self- efface
ment of the ministry to the powerlessness to which the
royal authority had been reduced by the constitution,
and to argue that it was unjust to reproach Necker
for not leading an Assembly which refused to be led,
which at every turn insisted in giving lessons to its
instructor. The finances could not be re-established

when anarchy was universal and authority non-exist

ent, without credit, taxes, or public confidence. But
although it was " as unjust to accuse him of the ruin
of the finances as of the loss of the battle of Ramillies,"
Necker undoubtedly showed himself, as Morris ob
served, a very poor financier with his hocus pocus
of borrowing from the caisse d'escompte, his farce of
the " patriotic contribution, " his feeble handling of the
question of the assignats. Mallet du Pan admitted

that " he had innocently provoked almost all the mis

fortunes he deplored, " that he was the " constant victim
of illusion," that he was " as inferior to circumstances
as he was irreproachable in his intentions " ; and he
remarked on the curious fatality that the only occasion
on which his advice had been followed was when he

had declared against the royal veto, although convinced

by Mounier's arguments. One of his earliest and most
fatal mistakes had been his haughty reception of Mira
beau at the meeting which Malouet had arranged be
tween them. Necker had a habit of tilting his head
110 MERCURE DE FRANCE

upwards and fixing his eyes on the ceiling in moments

of special embarrassment, so that the angle at which
he held his head was considered a thermometer of
the political situation. It was in this attitude that he

received the suggestion that he should meet Mirabeau,

and when Mirabeau arrived he coldly asked him what
proposals he had to make. Mirabeau, scenting insult,

replied, " My proposal is to wish you Good morning,"

and left the room ; and going up to Malouet in the
Assembly angrily ejaculated, Votre homme est un sot,
il aura de mes nouvelles !' He faithfully kept his
promise, and during the months in which Necker
lingered ineffectively and disastrously on the political
scene, had no words strong enough to express his con-
tempt for him as a minister and a financier.

If Mallet du Pan was too indulgent in his estimate

of Necker, ' he must certainly be considered to have
been harsh and impolitic in his judgment of Mirabeau.
His treatment indeed of this great man and of the
only two other men of genius, Danton and Bonaparte,
produced by the tremendous upheaval of the revolu-
tionary era, illustrates the limitation of a contemporary
historian, limitations of which he showed himself con-
scious when he said ' Rarement voit-on juste les objets

pendant l'orage '. His criticism of Bonaparte, whose

mission, that of evolving order out of chaos, he at least
discerned, we shall notice in its place. In Danton, ofthe
three the least entitled to the praise of statesmanship,
destroyer of the old order and creator of an executive
in its place which in the hands of others brought about

¹ Lady Blennerhassett, however, seems to reckon him among

Necker's severest critics. He certainly never utters an appreciative,
hardly a civil, word of Madame de Staël.
 MIRABEAU III

the end of civil government in the awful supremacy

of the guillotine, Mallet du Pan excusably beheld only
one of the most ruthless and unscrupulous enemies of
European social order ; but it is impossible to acquit
him of blindness to Mirabeau's immense superiority
among his contemporaries as a champion of the ideas
which he himself had most at heart. It would be diffi

cult to point out in the pages of the Mercure any

expression of sympathy with Mirabeau's objects, still
less with his methods. Even the words in which he

records his death are studiously cold : " It is no ordinary

man whose memory thus excites a storm of contrary
opinions and the regrets, not only of his adherents, but
also of a portion of the minority who founded their
hopes on the secret views of the great party leader."
It is unnecessary to seek for the private reasons which
as we know Mallet du Pan had like so many others
for distrusting Mirabeau. Even Malouet, who from

the first appreciated his political genius, never brought

himself until the closing scenes to co-operate with him,
though he bitterly reproached himself in later days for
breaking off his intercourse with him after the failure
of his first advances. Mallet du Pan was of a more

uncompromising temper, and he made no attempt to

overcome the repugnance which Mirabeau's character
excited in him. Distinctions between the ' grande'

and the 'petite morale, ' between public and private

conduct, only aroused his contempt, and he was too
straightforward to be able to make allowances for the
ambiguities which appeared in Mirabeau's political
conduct. For the great orator never ceased to pursue

two imcompatible aims, the desire for ministerial place

and the love of popularity. Mallet du Pan though, as
112 MERCURE DE FRANCE

we know from his private journal, he was aware of

Mirabeau's later advances to the Court, was of course

not acquainted with the masterly series of Notes pub

lished a generation later in the correspondence with
the Comte de la Marck upon which his real title to
statesmanship depends. It was therefore chiefly from
Mirabeau's conduct in the Assembly, his democratic
violence of manner, and his constant appeal to revolu
tionary passions, that Mallet who watched and followed
the debates had to judge of his wisdom as a leader.
As the leading member of the diplomatic Com
mittee and virtual Foreign Minister from July 1790
till his death, Mirabeau's conduct was marked by real
wisdom, as, for instance, in the debate ( August 25th
1790) on the observance of the treaty obligations
incurred by the family compact with Spain, which he
carried against the more violent party in the Assem
bly. Yet his wisdom was, as Mallet notes, disguised
by ' tirades pour la Galerie ' about " liberty realising
the dreams of philosophy and proclaiming universal
peace " which were hardly convincing to sober minds.
Another comment shows how greatly Mirabeau did him
self injustice and damaged his credit among thinking
men by the extravagance of style which he thought
necessary to maintain his ascendency. It was on the
proposal the following day (August 26th) to issue two
milliards of fresh assignats ' that Mallet wrote : 'Il est
impossible de prêcher avec plus de véhémence et moins de

¹ Mallet du Pan knew how systems of currency depend on con

fidence. " S'il y a de doute sur le succès des assignats, la cause des
assignats est perdue. Il n'est pas permis de hasarder le sort de ses
concitoyens, et le devoir des législateurs est de prendre le moyen
le plus sûr."
 MIRABEAU 113

réflexion le projet le plus injuste . . . le plus affreux

dans ses effets ' . As events turned out Mallet's fears
were justified, yet we know from Mirabeau's twenty
first letter to the Court how clearly he recognised the
dangers of the measures which he advocated as neces
sary to avert imminent bankruptcy, and how inevitable
he thought its failure would be were Necker retained
in office. His advice was taken and Necker dismissed ;
but Mirabeau could not even if he had been invested with
the authority of a minister have directed the financial

administration together with foreign policy, and the

desperate expedient, carried out without the safeguards
which alone could have given it a chance of success,
failed like all else to stem the tide of revolutionary

ruin. One more instance is worth giving to show how

difficult Mirabeau made it for moderate men to work
with him. On the 21st of October 1790 he combated
in a speech of the most sanguinary violence a motion
by M. de Foucault in favour of the old flag of the
French monarchy. Le cœur très froid et l'œil incendié,
reports Mallet, he mounted the tribune from which

he pronounced with studied ferocity a speech " which

"
might well have been delivered le poignard à la main ,'
and which excited the most frantic applause from the
galleries of the Assembly.
It was indeed not until within six weeks of his death

that Mirabeau made his final choice between the op

posing rôles of tribune of the people and servant
of the King . It was during a discussion on one of
the proposals to forbid emigration and confiscate

the property of émigrés, which Mallet compared

with Nero's order to close the gates of Rome before
setting fire to it, that Mirabeau declared that he should
8
114 MERCURE DE FRANCE

consider himself " released from every oath of fidelity

to the authors of so infamous a declaration " ; and that
when interrupted he thundered forth the retort ' Silence
aux trente Voix !' A year later when the galleries had
usurped the prerogatives of the representatives of the
nation, when three or four hundred hirelings without
standing or political existence were disposing of the
destiny of twenty- five millions of people and hounding
the country into war, Mallet du Pan pointed out how
the phalanxes with which the " virtuous " Mirabeau had
maintained his ascendency were now the oppressors of
his old associates in the Assembly, "the very men who
had deified him ". If Mirabeau had lived to carry out

his plan for a counter-revolution, he could only have

succeeded by provoking civil war. This he had no
doubt decided to do ; but what was the real chance

that, with the half support which was all the Queen and
the Court ever gave to those who would have saved
them , he could have welded together the conservative
elements remaining in France ; that he could have se
cured the adherence of the provinces , where the great
mass of public opinion was, down to the close of the
year 1791 as Mallet du Pan acknowledged, under the
spell of the Revolution and its most advanced leaders ;
that civil war would have forestalled and averted the

foreign war, which was to cause the triumph of the

Jacobins ? Mallet du Pan at all events did not believe,
any more than La Marck, in the success of the great
scheme of which he had been kept informed, and
writing many years later he expressed the opinion
that Mirabeau's death had saved him from a more

tragic end ; and that in all probability, discredited by

his apostasy, he would have served as a fresh example
 A DOMICILIARY VISIT 115

of the ruin which overtakes those who, in a popular

revolution, draw back from the paths of unreason, per-
versity and violence. Whatever the arguments may be
Whatever
in favour of the possibility of Mirabeau's plan, upon
which, sullied though it was by financial obligations to
the Court, much of his fame as a statesman must rest,
they apply with tenfold force to the efforts of the
liberal Monarchists of 1789 to guide the Revolution
into a channel of safety. His return upon himself is
a signal justification of the foresight and wisdom of
their views.

Every month meanwhile made free speech more

difficult and dangerous. Classed as an aristocrat

Mallet du Pan had long been the object of atroci-

ous calumnies, to which his only answer had been to
continue his work in the lines he had traced out for
himself. On the 27th of November 1790 he was at last
moved by a more alarming incident than usual to give
an account of the various measures of proscription of
which he had been the victim. A few days before, a
mob, excited by harangues and writings which desig-
nated him as a supporter of despotism, gathered in
front of his house and threatened to treat it like the
Hôtel de Castries. This danger passed, but ten days
later a deputation of fourteen or fifteen men from the
patriotic societies of the Palais Royal presented them-
selves in the courtyard of his house and ordered him
to cease his attacks on the constitution. A quarter
of an hour of most curious discussion followed. Mallet

challenged them to point to a single passage in the

Mercure in which he had defended the ancient régime,
he strongly vindicated his own opinions, and told the
deputation that he had not come to France to take
116 MERCURE DE FRANCE

lessons in liberty. He assured them that they might

burn his house or drag him to the scaffold, but that
they should never induce him to apostatize as they
urged him to do and write in favour of the dominant

opinions. They retired apparently impressed by his

arguments and his courage ; he, on his side, testifying
that they could not have executed their odious mission
with greater propriety of demeanour. In telling the
story he took occasion to state in a more complete
fashion than he had hitherto done his own personal
attitude towards the Revolution, to affirm his approval
of a movement which had substituted for an absolute

monarchy gangrened with abuses, a regular and legal

government of which the King had laid the founda
tions ; his stern condemnation of the anarchy which
would before long turn the sovereignty of the people
into an unlimited despotism ; his admiration for the
principles of the British Constitution, the only princi
ples applicable to a great state in which monarchy
must be preserved, principles which alone could re
concile the rights of liberty with those of authority ;
finally his haughty repudiation of the accusation that
he had been bribed to support the cause of royalty.
Shortly afterwards¹ Mallet, a Protestant, gave fresh
proof of his intrepidity and of his independence by an
article condemning the treatment of the French clergy.
It had been decreed in November 1790 that all bishops
and curés who did not take the oath of fidelity to the
new civil constitution of the Church should be dismissed,
and the result was the schism which so greatly aggra

vated the political difficulties of France. Opinions,

1 Mercure, 15th January and 23rd April 1791 .

 DEFENCE OF CLERGY 117

observed Mallet, would always be divided as to the

necessity of the sweeping reform which had been oper-
ated in the Church in France, but what posterity would
indignantly condemn was the pitiless persecution to
which its members were now being subjected ; the
insults to which they were daily exposed from the fury
and intolerance of the public. Il manquait un phéno-
mène à notre siècle, celui de l'athéisme persécuteur.'
More than once he returned to the subject¹ and pointed
out the disastrous mistake made by the Assembly in
refusing the co-operation of the clergy which would
have been willingly given in the work of reform, and
in driving them to choose between their duty to their
conscience and their duty to the state.
The treatment of the clergy was only one form of
the intolerance, " that incurable leprosy of the human
heart," which was showing itself in so many ways in
the Assembly, in the press, and in the theatres. The
monstrous inquisition into opinions, and the trade of
the informer " so honoured by Sylla, Tiberius , Sejanus,
Louis XI . , the Long Parliament and our own Comité

1 For instance in the Mercure of 10th September 1791 .

" Quelques Ecclésiastiques scandaleux, quelques Abbés dissipateurs ,
quelques Curés tracassiers, n'empêcheraient pas la grande pluralité
des pasteurs, à commencer par les Prélats, d'être aux yeux du peuple
des magistrats de morale, des censeurs respectables, des solliciteurs de
charités, des hommes dévoués par état, par conscience, par habitude,
par intérêt même, à secourir journellement l'indigence et le malheur.
Quiconque a présenté le Clergé de France en général sous des
couleurs différentes, a été le plus criminel des calomniateurs ; car il
a détruit pour jamais l'empire inestimable de la bienfaisance inspirée
par la Religion . "
2 " Les spectacles deviennent aujourd'hui inabordables . . . nul
n'est assuré en y entrant d'en sortir sain et sauf " (Mercure).
 118 MERCURE DE FRANCE

des Recherches," became a constant theme of melan

choly and sarcastic comment. But increasing danger
only stimulated the editor of the Mercure to speak out
with greater freedom , and to insist that the employment
of force against opinion, of violence to stifle contra
diction, was the most signal proof of moral weakness.
Although, as he said, it was no longer permitted to
speak of the legislature save in the language reserved
for absolute sovereigns, he never relaxed his analysis
of the debates which became more and more caustic

and trenchant, until with the Legislative Assembly it

came to resemble a continuous satire ofthe proceedings.¹
It was treason to allude to the thorn in freedom's bed

of roses, but Mallet continued his weekly record of

crimes perpetrated in her name, a record of which
Taine and other writers have made ample use. The
recital, unwelcome to many, and tedious as it appears
to most readers at this distance of time, was yet it
must be remembered an essential part of the work of
a contemporary historian anxiously striving to collect
evidence as to the course of events, to arouse the
conscience of the people against excesses, and to
preserve, if it was still possible, what was useful
and beneficial in the Revolution. The task indeed
seemed hopeless enough :

" The tragedies , " he wrote in March 1791 , " which

have become the history of every day from every canton

1 Without however, observed Gentz, losing its truthfulness, as a

comparison with the reports of the Moniteur, the Logographe and
other papers, shows. "Mallet du Pan, " he wrote, " a peint avec
fidélité le côté tragique des évènements , mais il y a des temps dont
l'histoire, malgré leur incontestable horreur, ressemble tellement à une
farce, qu'elle est par elle-même une satyre sous la main de l'historien."
 APPEAL AGAINST EXCESSES 119

of the kingdom, pass unnoticed in Paris amid the din of

operas, of ballets, of songs, of orgies, and make equally
little impression in good and in bad company. I leave
observers to draw a horoscope from this formidable
lethargy. It cannot be displeasing to the partisans
of the excesses of the Revolution. It is a fact that
the capital is in a strange condition of ignorance as
to the real situation of the kingdom and of the pro-
vinces. "

In the month of June he took occasion, in publishing

a letter from Cahors full of fresh horrors, to make a
solemn appeal to all parties. Remarking on the
sanguinary character " so gratuitously imposed on the
Revolution," he asks :-

" Can those who so cunningly engineered these

excesses have sounded the depth of the soil in which
they were planting the roots of anarchy ? Can they
have foreseen that after two years France, with all its
laws and its tribunals, its magistrates and civic guards
bound by solemn oaths to defend order and public
safety, would still be an arena in which wild beasts
devour unarmed men ? Ah ! how Europe, how philo-
sophy, how every friend of liberty would have re-
spected the Revolution, had not each of its steps been
defiled by blood ! Ah ! that its insensate leaders had
only had the foresight and humanity to perceive that
when the first crisis had been decided in their favour,
the part of patriotism was to preserve restraints instead
of destroying them ! Every week is signalised by an
assassination. Les cannibales," he adds, " qui écrivent
font leur métier en justifiant les cannibales qui coupent
les têtes et les portent en triomphe
"" ; ces deux races
d'hommes sont du même sang.

The 21st of June 1791 , the day of the flight to

Varennes, was the occasion of another and still more
120 MERCURE DE FRANCE

formidable domiciliary visit which put an end to Mallet

du Pan's labours for more than two months.

" On that day," to quote his own account, " the

section of the Luxembourg, without any legal authority,
sent a detachment of soldiers and a commissioner to
my house, and it was only by chance that on my way
home with my wife I heard of what had happened.
On a day of so much excitement prudence dictated
that I should leave my house in possession of those
who had made themselves masters of it. They ques-
tioned my servants in order to discover my where-
abouts, and several of them announced their designs of
conducting me to the Abbaye Saint-Germain, the new
Bastille which has witnessed the confinement in the
course of two years of more innocent persons than the
old one had received during the whole reign of Louis
XVI. The deputation examined my papers, carrying
away and transcribing a portion of them, and leaving
the rest under the guard of a couple of fusiliers. "

Proceedings followed before the Comité des Re-

cherches of the municipality, and it was only after a
fortnight that Mallet du Pan was allowed to return to
his house, during which time he was supposed either to
have been imprisoned or murdered , [tué civiquement
dans la Rue Taranne, ] or to have fled to Brussels or
64
Geneva. Mallet du Pan, " wrote Brissot's journal, the

Chronique de Paris, a fui comme un roi' . This paper

raised the cry for proscription, inviting the patriots to
hunt down the aristocratic newspapers. "From this

day," it wrote on the 23rd of June, " we shall not allow

the circulation of the Ami du Roi, nor of Mallet du
Pan, nor of the Gazette de Paris, nor of the Actes des
Apôtres." A little later it complained that the pursuit
had slackened :-
 A CIVIC ASSAULT 121

' On n'a pas même inquiété Mallet du Pan, qui se

promène au Luxembourg, entouré d'une noble escorte
de chevaliers de St. Louis, tous ébahis de son éloquence
et de son tendre dévouement à l'esclavage ! '

This highly coloured detail is all we have of

Mallet's existence at this time. So much of truth

there is in it that he remained in Paris ' during

1 The following sketch by Mallet du Pan's daughter, Madame

Colladon, gives a vivid idea of the anxieties of the family life in Paris
during these years :-
"Comprenez-vous mon enfance, passée aux premières horreurs de
la Révolution ; ces soirées silencieuses, où assise à côté de ma mère,
sur une petite chaise , chaque coup de marteau de la porte me causait
une émotion, pensant qu'il annonçait mon père dont l'attente ne
menait à rien moins qu'à croire chaque jour qu'on nous le ramè-
nerait assassiné. Ma mère ne disait rien, et moi non plus ; mais
quoique fort jeune ( 13 ans) je devinais et je partageais toutes ses
impressions. Puis cette affreuse scène à l'opéra, où j'entendis
vociférer ce bon Peuple contre les Aristocrates, et crier Mallet du Pan
à la lanterne. Un signe de ma courageuse mère nous contient, mais
je perdis subitement la mémoire, et le sentiment du lieu, et de ce
qui se passait autour de moi ; et il fallut bien me sortir de cette loge,
effrayé qu'on était de mes questions à voix basse. Mlle Morillon,
notre amie, me fit prendre l'air et me soigna pendant que ma mère
restait là immobile. Je date de ce jour une grande partie de mes
maux actuels . Puis vinrent les affreuses journées des 5 et 6 Octobre,
1789-ce roulement lugubre du tambour-ces Gardes Nationales , à
jamais exécrables pour moi-ces torrents de pluie-cette consternation
de mon malheureux père, si justifiée par l'évènement―ces têtes portées
au bout des piques. Plus tard, cette fuite du Roi, pendant laquelle
il fallut, en hâte, fuir nous même notre maison- nous séparer- nous
cacher- les uns ici, les autres là—et ces cris de ' Grande Arrestation
du Roi à Varennes !' Ces cris , je les entends encore ; ils viennent
encore me troubler jusqu'au fond de l'âme. Enfin , on quitta cette
horrible France, et lorsqu'arrêtés dans la Diligence à la sortie de
Paris pour criailler Vive la Nation ! ma mère s'empressait de le faire,
ainsi qu'un Monsieur de Lasaussaye, ministre Protestant qui fit le
122 MERCURE DE FRANCE

these two months while the existence of the monarchy

was in the balance, watching we may suppose the
internecine ravings of the press ; of Brissot, Camille
Desmoulins and Marat on the one hand, who re-

echoed in their journals the sanguinary threats of the

clubs, and of the royalist writers on the other, who
subsidised by the court party exhausted themselves
in libellous and outrageous sarcasm. He had fully

determined, as he tells us, not to re-enter the arena if

the monarchy fell in name as it had in fact. No one

had more patiently and honestly tried the appeal to

reason and argument on every constitutional and polit-
ical point as it arose than he, but it had now become
clear to him that nothing could resist the torrent of
ignorant fanaticism which had overborne all idea of
moderation, till there no longer existed any semblance
of public opinion in France. " Nothing is more
useless," he wrote, " than to combat the revolutionary
fever with sheets of paper ; On ne convertit, on
n'adoucit personne, les enthousiastes s'irritent comme
les hydrophobes lorsqu'on leur présente le remède."
Nothing was more futile than to appeal to a population
debauched by the most shameful of all wars, a war of
"
pamphlets. L'écrivaillerie,' wrote Montaigne, ' est le
symptôme d'un siècle débordé ; ' and Mallet du Pan,
who often quoted the aphorism, traced many of the

voyage avec nous ; il me fut impossible d'articuler un son, on

m'aurait plutôt hachée : comme j'étais à la portière de la voiture, cela
fut remarqué ; et le danger passé, le bon Lasaussaye me gourmanda
vivement. J'avais 14 ans ; j'en ai 55 , et suis la même ; mes
opinions ont été fixées pour la vie . Si j'aime peu le Peuple-j'ai
certes mes raisons. Si je m'intéresse aux descendants de Louis
XVI, c'est pour respect pour sa mémoire. "
 RESUMES EDITORSHIP 123

characteristics of the Revolution , the unchecked course

of outrage, the terror which had frozen courage, the
absence of generous speech and strong action, to the
moral effeminacy caused by the torrent of periodical
66
literature which had deluged the country. ' Pamphlets
were the arsenal upon which the oppressors drew to
establish their tyranny, while the oppressed left their
vindication to the printers, and readers in the midst of
disorder and disaster looked upon the Revolution only
as a sham fight of reasoning, eloquence and invective. "
What wonder if the publicist, convinced that the issue
would be decided by force, had declined the melancholy
task of ploughing the sand, or that he should have
conceived a horror of the profession of a political
writer which had been so prostituted by those who
followed it !

Considerations like these, however, set forth in an

article¹ which is among the most remarkable of Mallet
du Pan's productions for its dignity, eloquence and ar-
gumentative force, were finally overruled by his sense
of duty to his subscribers many of whom had given
him touching proofs of their esteem and attachment,
and by his generous reluctance to abandon the remnant
of those who were determined to exhaust every effort
in defence of the King. To their appeals he yielded,

¹I regret the impossibility of printing this article as it stands,

together with one in the following week, in defence of the nobles and
clergy (Mercure, 3rd and 10th Sept. 1791 ). They would enable
readers to form an opinion of Mallet's style as a journalist, and they
paint the man with his earnestness, his fire, his love of true freedom ,
his hatred of injustice and violence, his repudiation of the idea that
a bloody revolution was necessary to put an end to the abuses of the
ancien régime.
124 MERCURE DE FRANCE

not without a taunt at the expense of readers who ap-

peared to look upon a journalist as a servant whom
they had commissioned to defend their opinions while
they took their ease or their pleasure, and who thought
it a matter of course that a man should devote himself,
at the risk of his life, his liberty and his property, to
turning out every week a certain number of pages to
amuse them ' durant l'heure du chocolat '. For six

months more until the publication of his opinions

became a physical impossibility did he struggle on,
and well did he fulfil his promise that " as long as
he was allowed to hold a pen, he would ennoble it
by steady perseverance in the paths of truth and
justice ".
The events which preceded and followed the flight
of the royal family on the 21st of June had, in reality,
destroyed the last chance of a restoration of constitu-
tional authority to the Monarch. It was in May that
Robespierre had succeeded, with the assistance of
course of the Right, in carrying his crafty motion
for the exclusion of the members of the Constitu-

tional Assembly, ' athlètes vigoureux mais fatigués ' as

he described them in his sentimental jargon, from
becoming members of the second legislative Assembly
which was to meet in September. This decision ,

which excluded the experienced moderate members

from participation in public affairs, while it allowed
the extremists to continue and increase their political
activity in the clubs and municipality, immensely ac-
celerated the march of the Revolution. For in the

expiring Assembly the moderate party had been grow-

ing stronger, and the tardy adherence of the hitherto
popular leaders, the Feuillant triumvirate Duport, Bar-
 POSITION OF THE MONARCHY 125

nave¹ and Alexandre de Lameth, to the party of order

had given an actual majority to those who wished to
see the executive strengthened . But in preventing the
escape of the royal family, which would have saved

them all, they made a fatal mistake, and although they

were strong enough to spare the King the insult of a
public trial, the Assembly proved again incapable of
giving strength to government ; and the revision of
the constitution, rushed through in August, made no
change of importance beyond decreeing that it should
remain unaltered for thirty years. The King, who

had become in 1789 " Chef Suprême du Pouvoir Exé

cutif, ” and then simply " Pouvoir Exécutif," was finally
left in the position of " Premier fonctionnaire public," and

¹ Barnave, a young barrister from Grenoble with a reputation for

oratory, had been sent to the States General as a disciple of Mounier,
from whom, however, he soon dissociated himself to become a leader
of the advanced party in the National Assembly. His mot fatal
Ce sang est-il donc si pur ? and his savage accusation against Malouet
who was defending the Club Monarchique from attacks on account
of their charity to the indigent- Vous distribuez au peuple un pain
empoisonné- however inexcusable, did not betoken the character of
an assassin or any intention to overthrow the monarchy. He was
merely, as Malouet observed, an ardent and presumptuous young
man. He was one of the members deputed to escort the royal family
back to Paris after the 21st of June, and his change of front at this
time was popularly attributed to a supposed infatuation conceived on
that occasion for the Queen. Some years later Mallet du Pan wrote
of him as a man whose death had done honour to the scaffold of the
Republic. " History will pass judgment on the faults of M. Barnave ;
to-day it would be atrocious to notice anything but his mistakes .
Whatever blame may attach to his conduct during the first years of
the Revolution, we should not forget his devotion to the King and
Queen after the Montmédi journey, his repentance, his efforts to de
fend the Monarchy which he had helped to undermine, his sufferings ,
his long captivity, and the courage of his last moments. "
126 MERCURE DE FRANCE

Mallet du Pan, who had as lately as May strongly

blamed Burke's impolitic denunciation of the constitu
tion, his outrages sanglants contre les lois d'un empire
voisin,' himself pitilessly analysed
its provisions in
September and exposed the results of the theory of
the sovereignty of the people, even then, however,
protesting that he would set the example of entire
submission to the constitution if only it succeeded in
holding its ground and re- establishing social order.
Outside the Assembly the slight rally to moderate
principles equally failed ; and the attempt of Lafayette
and Bailly to make head against the revolutionary
party in Paris merely led to the so-called massacre of
the Champ de Mars ( 17th July) and widened the
breach between the bourgeoisie and the populace.
Such was the struggle which Mallet du Pan had
watched in silence and with growing anxiety until his
reappearance in the Mercure on the 3rd September.
On the 14th of that month, amid the noisy and
factitious rejoicings of the capital, the royal prisoner in
the Tuileries was reduced to signing the conditions
presented to him. Entering the Assembly with the
escort which remained to him, some national guards,
esquires and pages, and without his cordon bleu, he
solemnly accepted the revised constitution, beginning
his speech standing, while the President, Thouret, sat
with his legs crossed and his elbows on the arms of his
chair, staring at the King. When it is remembered

1" Au moment où le Roi prononçait les mots, ' Je jure d'être

fidèle à la nation, ' l'Assemblée s'était assise, et pour la première fois
de sa vie, Louis XVI, pour la première fois depuis la fondation de
la Monarchie, le roi de France, jurait debout fidélité à ses sujets assis.
Mais ceux-ci, devenus le souverain, ne voyaient plus dans le roi que
 DEFENCE OF THE KING 127

that in July Robespierre had openly demanded the trial

of the King ; that Danton and the Cordeliers were
agitating for his dethronement ; and that Condorcet, the
philosopher mathematician who a few months later
exhausted intrigues and threats to place his wife at
Court and obtain for himself the post of tutor to the
Dauphin, and a little later still poisoned himself in
prison to escape the guillotine, had just published his
demonstration of the necessity of a republic , it was
indeed a noteworthy act of courage on Mallet's part
to have written of Louis XVI . as he did at this time.

In terms of noble eulogy he spoke of him (Mercure,

September 10th 1791 ) as a prince whose only fault it
was to have judged others as virtuous as himself ; who
alone perhaps in the kingdom had himself desired the
alliance of liberty with the monarchy ; who had done
more for the rights of the people than all the sovereigns
and demagogues of ancient and modern times put to
gether.¹
But the question round which the hopes and fears
of the leading actors in the struggle were now be

le premier fonctionnaire salarié, légalement soumis à la déchéance .

Après les mots ' Assemblée nationale Constituante ' le Roi s'aper
cevant que lui seul était debout, a parcouru la salle d'un regard où la
bonté tempérait jusqu'à la surprise, et sa Majesté s'est assise et a
poursuivi son discours " (Mercure, 24th Sept. 1791 ) .
1"Je ne suis pas né sous sa domination ; je donnerai mon sang
pour le maintien du gouvernement républicain qui a formé mon
enfance, mes inclinations, mon esprit, et mon caractère ; mais je
m'honore, avec tout ce que les états libres renferment d'hommes
généreux , de verser des larmes sur le sort d'un Roi qui ne peut ni me
récompenser ni me punir, sur le sort de la nation trompée qui a pu
méconnaître l'étendue de ses magnanimes sacrifices, et la pureté de
ses intentions," etc.
128 MERCURE DE FRANCE

ginning to turn was that of the approach of war with

Austria ; and it is important, in view of Mallet's later
attitude and the criticisms made upon it, to realise the
position he took up during the ensuing months. Up
to this time the European Powers, engrossed in the in-
trigues and negotiations which in the month of August
closed the war between Russia and Turkey on the
mediation of England and Prussia, and brought about
a general pacification in accordance with Leopold's
views, had paid but little attention to the desperate
plight of the King of France. On the very day after
the appearance of the King in the Assembly, that body
in defiance of all treaty rights decreed the annexation
of Avignon, an outrage which failed to arouse the
opposition of the Powers. The Congress of Pillnitz is
generally taken as having sounded the tocsin against
the Revolution ; but it was little more than an expres-
sion of platonic interest in the French monarchy, and it
may rank from this point of view among the comédies
augustes of history which Mallet called it. Its real

importance is derived from the change it effected in

the European balance of power by laying the founda-
tion of an alliance between the two great German
States, and from the handle it gave to the war party
in France to inflame and alarm public opinion.
On the 15th of October Mallet du Pan surveyed
the condition of Europe and carefully summed up the
chances of war. The two great Powers, Austria and

Prussia, ' showed no sign of taking action , and though

1 The possibility of Great Britain's interference was at this time

hardly discussed . He speaks of " England disarmed and governed
by a minister too prudent to enter into a league, the expenses of which
 WAR WITH AUSTRIA DISCUSSED 129

the disposition of Russia and Sweden was more doubtful,

he repeated his conviction that the whole of Europe was
peacefully inclined . If intervention did ultimately ensue
it would be the cause of the people and not that of the
kings which would arm the greater part of Europe in
defence of order and civil freedom. As for the King
""
of France, " so far from being a cause of provocation
(a remark which in view of his continual appeals and
those of the Queen to the Austrian Court is hardly
justified by the facts), "he is the one link which binds
France to Europe. If the nation still holds any

political rank, if her relations with the rest of the

world are not yet entirely suspended , she owes it to
Louis XVI. and to him alone. " But if Europe was
pacific two powerful sections of Frenchmen within
and without were working for war. In the new

Assembly, now in the hands of the party afterwards

would sooner or later provoke discussion in Parliament and in every

class of the nation on the principles of the French Revolution ".
Later remarks throw a rather curious sidelight on the way European
statesmen looked on England (as they still look on her) in the
character of an ally. " De tous les états de l'Europe," he wrote,
"l'Angleterre est celui qui a le mieux connu l'art de contracter des
alliances pour en éluder le fardeau et pour en retirer les bénéfices . . .
nulle puissance n'a porté à un si haut degré l'égoïsme dans les
alliances ; elle n'en remplira jamais les engagements qu'autant qu'elle
pourra le faire avec une utilité certaine." He instanced her conduct
to Prussia in 1757 and during the troubles in Holland in 1788, and
quoted the well-known opinion of Frederick the Great on the value
of an English alliance . The earlier years of the revolutionary war
gave another illustration of English methods . " Sa position insulaire
ne lui permet de secourir une puissance que par des subsides .
Donne-t-elle des secours de diversion ? C'est ordinairement pour s'en
approprier les avantages " (by appropriating islands and commerce) .
Mercure, 28th January 1792.
9
130 MERCURE DE FRANCE

known as the Girondists, Brissot had taken Mirabeau's

place on the Foreign Affairs Committee, and with his
furious denunciations of the 20th of October against the
potentates of Europe had launched his campaign which
was to make war inevitable. On the other hand the

French émigrés by their great gatherings and warlike

preparations at Coblentz and Worms were doing their
best to drag the German Powers into their domestic
quarrel ; they formed the text of the patriotic oratory
of the Assembly and were the direct occasion of the
dissensions between the European Governments and
France. Mallet du Pan had never disguised his

opinion of the emigration started by the cowardly

flight of the Comte d'Artois and the Polignacs after
the fall of the Bastille. The emigration of this
summer and autumn was on an enormous scale, and he

¹ Brissot, Mallet's old opponent in 1782 at Geneva, had long

been outrageously violent in his attacks upon him. M. Sorel (L'Europe
et la Révolution Française, vol . ii., pp. 301-2 ) well describes the man
and his rôle at this period . His training had been that of the venal
journalistic and political intrigue of London and Paris which Mallet
had often signalised as one of the worst features of the pre-revolu
tionary epoch. In the position of importance into which his pushing
and turbulent disposition had brought him in the new Assembly,
"il disposait de l'Europe avec un aplomb imperturbable. C'était
une espèce de Figaro exalté, ambitieux de mouvement bien plus que
de puissance, assez léger pour tout dire, assez sincère pour tout croire,
assez fanatique pour tout oser ; serviable à ses amis, vindicatif avec ses
adversaires, âpre à la brigue, désintéressé pour sa propre personne, et
se faisant par là de ses passions même les plus mesquines des vertus
d'État . • on disait brissoter pour intriguer."
2"Jamais," he afterwards wrote, " je n'ai approuvé l'émigration ,
parce que j'ai toujours connu qu'il était absurde de quitter la France
dans l'espoir de la sauver, et de se mettre dans la servitude des
étrangers pour prévenir ou pour terminer une querelle nationale. "
 THE EMIGRATION 131

noted in October that six hundred naval officers had

left the kingdom, that the epidemic had extended to

officers of all ranks and in every branch of the army ;

that the small noblesse of the provinces, who had suffered

as much as any class from the abuses of the ancien
régime, unlike the nobles who had besieged the anti-
chambers of Versailles and were now doing equal

disservice to their country at foreign courts, -that these

lesser owners of the soil were flying en masse, many of
them on foot, to the frontier, 1,200 having left Poitiers
alone, and the whole of the same class from Brittany ;
and that in many towns there now only remained the
"artisan population, a club, and the devouring cloud
of officials created by the constitution ". There is an
interesting account (Mercure, 18th October 1791 ) of a
visit paid by some of these resident landowners to
Mallet du Pan at this time, men who till then had
never left their country homes. They came to thank

1"
་ ་ Il est fort aisé " (he had written on 10th September) " à un
agitateur de mauvaise foi de représenter tous les nobles comme des
sangsues et tous les Pasteurs comme des fripons : ces mensonges n'em-
pêchent pas que, sur cent propriétaires qualifiés, quatre-vingt n'étaient
connus de leurs vassaux que sous des rapports de bienfaisance ;
que le château fournissait des aliments dans les maladies, des aumônes
plus ou moins abondantes chaque année, des travaux continuels, des
places aux enfants, des recommandations utiles aux pères, et des répits
dans les paiements des redevances en cas de détresse particulière ou de
calamité publique. La noblesse des Provinces habitait leurs terres
une grande partie de l'année, et y dépensait par conséquent une
somme considérable de ses revenus. J'admets la dureté de quelques
intendants domestiques, l'insolence de la valetaille, et quelquefois
les hauteurs trop impérieuses des maîtres ; ces torts particuliers ne
balançaient point les avantagesjinfinis qui résultaient de cette clientèle,
de ce Patriarchat entre le seigneur et ses vassaux. On n'avait pas besoin
sûrement d'une révolution sanglante pour faire disparaître les abus de
132 MERCURE de franCE

him with tears in their eyes for his efforts to preserve

their lives and properties from fire and sword. When
they told him that they were about to follow their
compatriots to the Low Countries, he endeavoured to
give them hopes of better times, to persuade them
to remain. They replied that it was not regret for
their lost privileges which caused them to seek relief
in foreign countries, and they drew heart-rending
pictures of the oppression, the outrages, the robbery
which made their existence in the provinces a literal
impossibility. From the fanaticism of despair which
he read in their hearts, and from the number of those
who shared their feelings, Mallet du Pan augured
danger to the newly established " liberties " of France ;
and it is not surprising that the rulers of the country,
unable or unwilling in the midst of the anarchy they
had created to act on Mallet's warning that the only
way to recall the absent or retain the fugitives was to
guarantee their freedom, their religion and their per-
sonal safety, should have striven as they did to legislate
against their emigration, and to force the Powers to dis-
band and disperse their gatherings in foreign countries.
The resignation of the Foreign Office on the 27th
of November by the Comte de Montmorin, who re-
mained by the King's side as his secret adviser till the
end and who shared his fate, ' the appointment of the

cette institution ; abus bien peu onéreux aux campagnes en comparai-

son de tant d'autres sous lesquelles elles gémissaient, et spécialement
les exactions des gens de loi qui ont remplacé les gentilshommes dans
la faveur de la multitude."

¹ He was killed during the September massacres. One of his sons

was drowned as a young naval officer, the other died at the age of
twenty-two on the guillotine with his mother, shouting Vive le roi
 PARTIES AND THE WAR 133

feeble Delessart as his successor, and of Narbonne, ' the

friend and protégé of Madame de Staël, to the Ministry

of War, swept away the last barrier in France against
the war, and gave full rein to the efforts of the
Brissotins to goad the unwilling Emperor into taking
up the challenge. There no longer remained in the
Assembly a single voice to point out the desperate
character of the move upon which the destiny of
France and of the monarchy was being staked, to
offer resistance to the motives of real and simulated

patriotism, always so powerful in a high-spirited nation

on the imminent approach of war, or to unmask the
designs of those who had so skilfully fanned the flame
of patriotic ardour. For one reason or another all
parties were, or seemed to be, united in the determina
tion to bring matters to an issue. Brissot and the

Girondists desired a war which should identify the

Revolution with patriotic feeling, and, by confounding
the cause of the king with that of the foreigners and
the émigrés, should complete the ruin of the monarchy
and establish a republic to be presided over by them
selves . The pure Royalists and the émigrés looked
forward to a counter-revolution as a result of foreign
conquest which would re-establish the ancien régime.
Narbonne and the ministers on the one hand, and

at the death of each of his fellow victims ; his remaining child, the
Comtesse de Beaumont, escaped the guillotine, and was befriended
like so many others by Madame de Staël, but she did not long survive
the catastrophes which had overwhelmed the family of this faithful
servant of the king.
1 " Le Comte Louis de Narbonne," wrote the Queen to Fersen,
" est enfin Ministre de la Guerre. Quelle gloire pour Madame de
Staël, et quel plaisir pour elle d'avoir toute l'armée à elle ! "
134 MERCURE DE FRANCE

Barnave on the other, actively promoted hostilities

with the idea that foreign war would regenerate the
army, which under a victorious general might pacify
the country, suppress anarchy and consolidate the civil
conquests of the Revolution.
Outside the Assembly, indeed, two strangely con-
trasted forces, Robespierre and Danton on the one
hand, and the King and his most intimate advisers on
the other, were working against the war. Robespierre
and Danton were openly opposed to it for the simple
reason that however favourable from the anti-monarchi-

cal point of view it might prove to be, the advantage

would fall to the Girondists ; and they were no more
anxious for the rule of Brissot than for that of Louis,
who might moreover be rehabilitated by a successful
campaign. They considered therefore that till the
Revolution was completed in their sense, till the war
against the King of France was over, war against
the kings of Europe was madness.¹
The position of the King, complicated as it was by
the pressure of the various royalist factions and of the

émigrés, by the obvious dangers of the internal situation

of the monarchy, by an entanglement of contradictory in-
structions and secret missions from Louis and the Queen,
and by the official and secret diplomacy of the Ministry,
is less simply stated. But that he was wholly opposed
to the policy which was being forced upon him is certain,
and Mallet du Pan's own conduct and his repeated state-
ments throw much light upon this point. The King
viewed with the utmost displeasure the violence of his
brothers and the émigrés, who professing to consider

1 Sorel, ii. , 317 .

 LOUIS AND THE WAR 135

him a prisoner had emancipated themselves from his

control, disregarded his instructions, and urged upon
the unwilling Kaunitz and the Emperor action of a
kind which the distracted French sovereigns knew to

be disastrous, however much they may have desired

Austrian assistance . When, on the 14th of December,
he had been forced to assent to the decree of the

Assembly against the rassemblement of émigrés in

Trèves which brought the Government within sight of
war, he had written privately to Baron de Breteuil, ¹
informing him that he did not expect the Elector to
accede to his demands, • • and instructing him that he
should summon the Powers to take measures for the

dispersal and disarmament of the émigrés, and then re-

assemble them, disarmed , and defend the Electors. If
war ensued it would not be a civil war from which he

always shrank in horror, but a political war in which

France could not engage with success, and the result of
which would be to throw the French into his arms as
mediator between them and the foreign army. The
terms of this letter harmonise with the instructions with
which Mallet du Pan went to Frankfort a few months

later, and in the turn the King thus sought to give to

the impending war he was no doubt in agreement
with the advisers to whom at this time, and on this
question, he had given his confidence, Montmorin,
Malouet and Mallet du Pan. The course he took
was perfectly consistent with the conviction which was
held by the three friends, which was expressed, as we

shall see, with the utmost persistency by Mallet, and

which was shared by the King himself, that war would
be disastrous to the monarchy.

1 Sorel, ii ., 332 .
136 MERCURE DE FRANCE

'Louis XVI,' wrote Mallet du Pan, ' at a later

date, regardait cette guerre comme le tombeau de sa

famille, de la monarchie, de la France, et comme le
sien propre. Montmorin, he adds, prophetically de-
scribed to him before he left Paris, in great detail, the
results he feared from it and which actually followed.
It was not, however, in an attitude of passive resigna-
tion or pessimistic inaction, an attitude entirely foreign
to his character, that Mallet du Pan had watched the
growing storm. He had vigorously insisted that the
King should use his veto against the first Jacobin decrees
of the Legislative Assembly respecting the émigrés
and the refractory priests ; and the imposition upon
Louis of ministers whom he regarded as the worst
enemies of the monarchy had drawn from him the re-
proach, "Will the conscience of the Prince be eternally
subordinated to circumstances ? " Among his private
notes is an account of an effort he made before Mont-

morin resigned the Foreign Office to clear up the position

of the King with regard to the Assembly. " Malouet
et moi," he writes, decided Montmorin to propose to
the King, in order to prove to the foreign courts
that he was either free or a prisoner, to request the
Assembly to allow him to go to Fontainebleau or
Compiègne and there choose a ministry of his own.
If they refused, his subjection would be demon-
strated . If they agreed, the King would be able

to appoint a ministry of vigorous and devoted men,

and carry out his own views. Montmorin pressed the
suggestion on the King three times without success,
even throwing himself at the feet of the Queen. They

1
Correspondance Politique pour servir à l'histoire du Républica-
nisme Français, 1776. See note at end of this pamphlet.
 CHARACTER OF LOUIS XVI 137

refused, afraid that the demand would cause an in-

surrection. This incident is only one of many in
which, by fatalistic optimism, by constitutional indolence
and want of resolution, by his " invincible repugnance

to the travail de la pensée, " the King threw away his

chances of safety. The failure of the flight to Varennes
confirmed his natural disposition to let matters drift.
The following June he refused another offer from
Duport, who pressed his services upon him with every
sign of repentance and devotion. Non ,' he replied,
after pacing the room a few moments, au milieu des
dangers qui nous environnent je ne dois pas en aller
chercher un nouveau . Courage he possessed in the
highest degree, but courage of the purely passive kind,
and Mallet du Pan notes that the dégoût de la vie, the
difficulties of his position and religious exaltation had
inspired him with a profound indifference to the death
which he expected and even desired.
After the 20th of June 1792 , when Madame de la
Roche Aymon congratulated him on his courage and
begged him to take measures for his future safety, he
merely said, ' Ah vous êtes femme, et l'on ne vous a pas,
comme moi, rassasiée de la vie '. An able man, as Morris
observed, would not have fallen into his situation.
The retrospect of the occasions on which a " small-
beer character " (to use the American Minister's uncere-
monious expression ) threw away one by one his chances
of averting revolution and of securing his own freedom,
proves with irresistible force that a strong sovereign
might even at the last moment have saved his country
from anarchy, and his own house from the fate which
Mirabeau had prophesied for it at the hands of the

1 Anecdotes from Mallet du Pan's Notes.

 E DE FRANCE
138 MERCUR

6
populace in the terrible words, Ils battront le pavé de
leurs cadavres '. But Mallet du Pan, who knew and
sympathised so strongly with Louis' views and wishes
for France, wrote of him always with a touch of per-
sonal feeling very unusual with him. He is tender

even to his faults : " Continually placed between the

dangers of temerity which were great and those of
prudence which were perhaps greater, he could never
take a line inconsistent with the gentleness and easy-
going amiability of his character. Courageous, as
regarded his own life, timid as a child for those he
loved, he had the heroism of resignation. "
It only remained therefore for Mallet du Pan to do
all a journalist could to oppose the growing frenzy for
war, and he lost no time in dissociating himself from
the line followed by all of those who were stirring it up.
1
" It is impossible, " he wrote, " for a true friend
of this monarchy to consider the approach of war
without dismay. It is impossible not to lament that
before arriving at this fatal extremity no means of
averting it should have been sought for, that no expres-
sion save that of hatred should have made itself heard. "

2
A little later he repeated his warnings, in a pro-
phetic denunciation of the ideals of the Jacobins on the
one hand and ofthe ultra- Royalists on the other, the two
political parties so different in their origin, so alike in
their methods and their character, against which he was
to struggle throughout the course of the Revolution.

" I shall not cease to repeat what coming events

will teach with far greater force that the war will
complete the dissolution of the monarchy, or impose a
fresh servitude upon it. A federal republic in case of

1 Mercure, 17th Dec. 1791 . 2 On 7th Jan. 1791 .

 MALLET OPPOSES WAR 139

its success, a terrible counter-revolution in case of

failure. I venture to predict that it will not be for
the preservation of the throne, or of the friends of
monarchical government of whatever section, that our
arms will triumph ; while if they are unsuccessful, the
monarchy, the laws and true freedom will fall under
the dominion of force . . . and another constitution
will be created with the very sword which will have
served to destroy that which now exists. "

With an insight which is remarkable when it is

remembered that the world was yet to witness the de-
monstration of the justice of his analysis, he went on to
describe the nature of the convulsion which was to place
civilisation at the mercy of the strongest ; to define the
doctrine which placed liberty in the exercise of power by
the majority, and equality in the restoration of all the
66
rights " given by nature to mankind at their creation ;
and to point out the results of its application to a great
empire " in which beings without virtues and without
vices, indifferent to good as to evil, were the passive
instruments of ferocious sophists and of enthusiastic
innovators of the class and of the principles thrown
up in times of disorder. " 1 The threatened classes on
the other hand consisted of men-

¹ A famous phrase, often quoted since, occurs in a passage de-

scribing the memorable subversion of the Lower Empire by the
northern barbarians, a passage in which Constantinople, its feeble
and corrupt government, and its population , which " sous les in-
clinations de Sybarites cachaient l'âme des cannibales," was described
with evident reference to the actual condition of Paris. " Dans le
tableau," he writes, " de cette mémorable subversion on découvre
l'image de celle dont l'Europe est menacée. Les Huns et les Hérules,
les Vandales et les Goths ne viendront ni du Nord ni de la mer
Noire ; ils sont au milieu de nous."
140 MERCURE DE FRANCE

"enfeebled by self-indulgence, astounded by an up-

heaval of which they had no experience, severed by
the very diversity of their interests, painfully reckoning
up their sacrifices at a moment when the enemy is
about to relieve them of the necessity of making any ;
-combattant avec mollesse, avec la fausse sécurité, et
l'égoïsme, contre les passions dans leur état d'indé-
pendance, contre la pauvreté féroce et l'immoralité
hardie ".

If he thus sought to dissipate the illusions of the

Royalists, he discerned with no less clearness the effects
of the war on the edifice of European society, the
insecure foundations of which none more fully recog-
nised than he.

"No epoch of history, ancient or modern, presents

1
a crisis of greater gravity. The sovereigns will per-
haps presume too much if they think they can unravel
it by the simple force of arms. " If they neglect to
"appeal to public opinion, to point out that the in-
terest of their subjects lies in the preservation of
public order and lawful government, the excesses of
the French Revolution may well subvert Europe from
one end to another ".

In these words he struck the note to which in

the following years he constantly returned ; as he

did when he contrasted the enthusiasm of the war

party in France and their threats, “ no mere words,”

to raise subjects against their sovereigns, to corrupt
the soldiery, to burn the châteaux while respecting
the cottages, to free the people from all authority
and to make use, in Brissot's phrase, of the “ dagger
of the tyrannicide, " with the irresolution of Cabinets

1 Mercure, 14th January 1791 .

 DISORGANISATION IN FRANCE 141

and Governments. Everything, he observed , favoured

the authors of social convulsion in Europe which
seemed to have no common ground for resistance.
"The first great nation which attempted to change the
face of society would be met only by divided counsels,
and the number and complication of the conventions
which bound the States of Europe gave the measure
of the motives of discord between them. " Not, however,

without apparent reason did the reactionary Royalists

look forward to the chances of a foreign war ; and the
confidence with which Mallet du Pan himself, once war

was declared, anticipated during the first campaigns

the success of the allies was founded on his knowledge
of the condition of impotence to which France had
been reduced. More than once he drew attention to

the growing disorganisation of the country.

" Everywhere¹ authority was without strength, and

illegitimate authorities were masters of the law and of
civil liberty. Here the municipal officers insulted and
beaten at Caen, there the directory of the department of
Gers flying from an outraged and seditious mob ; here
convoys of grain, there convoys of specie, stopped
with violence ; the departments arbitrarily closing the
churches and executing the decree against the priests
notwithstanding the royal negative which deprived it
of the character of law ; . . . the people impoverished
and driven to desperation by the scourge of paper
money and the excessive dearness of provisions ;
proprietors of all ranks terrified , fleeing, imploring in
vain the return of peace and security ; a fleet without
a single officer, an army with barely two hundred, the
new generals already calumniated like their prede-
cessors, ministers libelled every day despite their

1 Mercure, 11th February 1792.

142 MERCURE DE FRANCE

efforts at conciliation , every moderate man condemned

as a traitor- how was a nation so situated to make
head against the best armies and the most experienced
generals of the continent ? "

It was, however, far from the writer's intention to

encourage by pictures like these the hopes of the
Royalists whose hatred he had earned by his opposi-
tion to the war, hopes whose complete success in his
opinion could only inaugurate a fresh cycle of political
disaster for France. Nor did he share the illusions of
those who asserted with insolent iteration that " dis-
order itself would bring about a restoration of order,”
that " anarchy would reconstitute despotism " ; and he
rebuked the easy optimism of men who " in their boxes
at the opera, or with their foot on the step of the
carriages which were carrying them to Coblentz, "
cheered themselves with the thought that " France
loved her King," that she " could not do without the
monarchy, " that " democracy was perishing of itself " !
" It is absurd," he said, " to imagine that a vast
monarchy fourteen centuries old which had been
shattered in a moment, would be restored , equally in
a moment, by the progress of anarchy or the incon-
stancy of the multitude. " Rather on the contrary did
he dwell on the signs which few but he perceived, and
which for years the allied Courts ignored in spite of
all his attempts to enlighten them, that anarchy was
about to assume the character of a power which was
to dominate all legal authority ; and that the elements
of revolution would only be systematised by war.
Europe was soon enough to learn the truth of this
prediction when Danton with his energy , his practical
grasp, his political aptitude and his freedom from all
 FORCED TO ABANDON EDITORSHIP 143

hampering prejudices, raised the armies and created

the dictatorship of the Committee , which enabled
Carnot to organise victory and in a national sense
saved France. But appeal and warning alike were use-
less to those who could not or would not see their true

interests, and mere writing was powerless against the

rush of events. While on the one hand the assas-

sination of Gustavus of Sweden (the Don Quixote of

the counter-revolution as Catherine II . named him )
weakened the chance of a successful pursuit of war, on

the other the death of Leopold, the accession of a

Girondist ministry, the pusillanimity of the majority
of the Legislative Assembly, brought the country to
the actual declaration of war, and forced the king to
sign with tears in his eyes the decree of his ministers.
'Chacun,' wrote Mallet afterwards, ' peut se rappeler la
profonde tristesse de sa contenance et de sa voix lorsqu'il
vint annoncer à l'Assemblée la résolution de son Conseil.

By this time the task of the writer had become

impossible. Moderation, he wrote, was treated as a
crime. Accused of being an ' aristocrate permanent
et aussi incurable que Maury,' Mallet du Pan was now
the mark of denunciation and sarcasm in the press, in
the street, in the theatre. 'Mallet pendu ' was Camille

Desmoulins' significant nickname, or Mallet Mercure,

Mallet le Charlatan, fameux par sespillules mercuriales,
hebdomadaires et antipatriotiques ' ! Four civic assaults
on his house, three actual arrests and one hundred and
fifteen denunciations give the measure of the persecu-
tion to which he had been subjected, and now several
members of the Assembly warned him that his arrest
and his removal to and trial at Orleans had been

decided in the Republican Committee, and that the

144 MERCURE DE FRANCE

efforts of the Right would be powerless to save him.

In a final article, therefore, he once more with singular
fearlessness told the truth to friends and enemies,
and urged that it was the height of madness, in view
of the gulf which was yawning before them all, to
persist in wrangling over the points which divided them
instead of combining on those which were common to
them.
With these words came to an end Mallet's eight
years ' connection with the Mercure, ¹ and a journalistic
record which any one who studies it page by page in
the original must pronounce to be unique. Composed
as it is of detached articles and paragraphs on passing
events, there runs through the whole work a unity of
purpose and thought based on invariable principles ;
and it stands alone for its coherence and consistency
of view, for essential moderation, for its constant

appeal to facts to reason to common sense and to

public morality, for foresight and for unswerving and
indomitable courage. Celebrated as the name of Mallet
du Pan was to become on a wider field, there is no
period of his life upon which a biographer can dwell
with greater satisfaction than upon these early years
during which his opinions were developed in actual
contact and in daily struggle with the men and forces
of the Revolution, years in which he showed in the
highest degree not only, to use Carlyle's phrase, the
"assurance of a man, " but the qualities of practical
statesmanship so rare among his French contempo-
raries
.

The Mercure was continued under Peuchet's direction till its

long and honourable career was terminated on 10th August 1792 .
 MALLET LEAVES PARIS 145

It was not without protest that the King and his

advisers heard of the intention of the one remaining
champion of their views to abandon the field . But the

necessity of the step was soon recognised, and it was

decided upon Malouet's suggestion to utilise Mallet's
departure by entrusting him with a mission of the
utmost delicacy and importance , that of representing to
the brothers of the King as well as to the Emperor and
the King of Prussia the true situation of the kingdom ,
and the intention and views of the King as to the
war and its consequences. Conferences followed be
tween Mallet du Pan, Bertrand de Moleville and Mont
morin ; and Mallet du Pan was requested to draw up
the heads of a manifesto to be issued by the Powers.
The King fully approved the draft, annotating it with
his own hand, and Mallet then prepared the definite
instructions which formed the basis of his subsequent
action. The question of his credentials, absolutely

necessary to ensure the envoy a hearing among the

multitudes of real and pretended secret agents who
inundated Germany at this moment, was a subject of
anxious consideration. But the danger to which the
discovery of any written authorisation would have
exposed the king finally decided the ministers to
despatch Mallet du Pan without credentials, which
were to follow him and which did after some vicissi
tudes ultimately reach him. He was charged to
maintain absolute secrecy as to his mission , and on
the 21st of May he departed to Geneva, leaving his
family in Paris in order to divert suspicion . From

Geneva he made his way without delay to Frankfort,

where he was to await the arrival of the two Monarchs

for the coronation of the Emperor Francis.

10
 146

CHAPTER V.

MISSION TO FRANKFORT- VISIT TO BRUSSELS-THE

"CONSIDERATIONS "-THE TERROR.

1792-1794.

No negotiator ever had a more difficult task than

that which faced the unaccredited representative of a
monarchy in extremis on his arrival at Frankfort in the

middle of June. The Emperor and the King of Prussia

were not expected for the opening of the diet and the
coronation ceremonies until the following month, so
Mallet du Pan addressed himself to that part of his
instructions which related to the French Princes. It

must be admitted that for the purpose of influencing

them the envoy was singularly ill-chosen. He had

never disguised his opinion of the action of the émigrés

or his belief that the ancien régime was gone for ever,
and he had been bitterly attacked in Paris as the
chief of the party described as Monarchiens, a sect as
odious to the pure Royalists as the Jacobins. The
Princes on their side had been for months acting in
direct contravention of the ideas of the King, they had
arrogated to themselves the position of mediators
between the allies and the French people, and they
were determined not to stand aside in the coming
struggle. The outbreak of the war, indeed, which
seemed to crown the hopes of the émigrés was not
 THE ÉMIGRÉ PRINCES 147

favourable to moderate counsels ; and the influence of

Calonne and the ultra- Royalists made Mallet's repre
sentations to the Princes, although supported by their
wiser counsellors such as De Castries, highly unpalat
able. In spite of more than one journey to Coblentz he
never therefore succeeded in obtaining an interview with
them, until his reception by the sovereigns forced them
into a momentary and delusive compliance with his
views. It was the opening chapter of relations with
the emigration which led him to appreciate the sagacity
of the remark made by Cardinal de Retz ' qu'on a plus
de peine à vivre avec les gens de son parti qu'avec
ceux qui n'en sont pas.' His futile but unceasing

efforts to save the royalist cause from the conse

quences of its own blindness, prejudice and ignorance,
are henceforth graphically portrayed in a long- sustained
correspondence with the chief advisers of the Princes,
and form as we shall see the real tragedy of Mallet
du Pan's political career during the next few years.
Meanwhile the Revolution was making alarming pro
gress in Paris, and the situation of the King, described
in Malouet's letters, was becoming daily more critical.
On the 19th of June, after the King had vetoed the
decree relating to the priests and the fédérés, he had
written to his confessor : J'ai fini avec les hommes,
je dois me tourner vers Dieu. On annonce pour
demain de grands malheurs : j'aurai du courage.'
The 20th accordingly had witnessed the invasion of
the Tuileries by sixty thousand sans-culottes, when the
royal family was saved only by some revulsion of feel
ing caused in the mob by the spectacle of the King's
calm and resigned courage. It may be imagined with

what anguish of impatience his envoy, who was only

 T
148 FRANKFOR AND BRUSSELS

too well informed of what was passing in Paris, waited

in enforced inaction for an opportunity of fulfilling his
mission. All was postponed to the absorbing impor-
tance of the election and coronation of the Emperor
which at last took place on the 14th of July. It is

disappointing, but somewhat characteristic, that Mallet

du Pan should have left no description of the ceremony
which then took place for the last time with all the
ancient pomp of the Holy Roman Empire, beyond
remarking in a letter to his wife on the sumptuousness
of the imperial equipages and liveries, " magnificence
never approached by the court of Versailles," and
observing that the young Emperor was the object of
public idolatry and had won all hearts by the charm ,
delicacy and modesty of his features, and the propriety
of his speeches and bearing. Little did he or any of
those who took part in the pageant imagine the co-
incidence, since pointed out, that at the same moment
the last King of the old monarchy of France was for
the second time renewing his oath to the constitution
on the Champ de Mars, surrounded by an armed and
hostile multitude ; little did they foresee that he was
never again to appear among his people till he was led
forth to execution , or that the war which was about to
open would not only seal his fate, but would ultimately
prove the destruction of the Empire itself. Even now

difficulties of etiquette and diplomatic punctilio delayed

the opening of the negotiations ; and it was not till
Mallet du Pan had received the note from the hand
of Louis XVI . which is itself an eloquent and pathetic
witness of his desperate situation that he was able

¹ Facsimile of autograph note by Louis XVI . transmitted to

Mallet du Pan to serve as his credentials during his mission to the
 NEGOTIATIONS 149

to triumph over the intrigues of his opponents and

especially of the Russian minister Romanzoff, and
secure his presentation to the Emperor, the Duke
of Brunswick, and the King of Prussia, the latter of
whom asked many questions on the state of France
and the position of the royal family. Nothing could
apparently have been more satisfactory than the
conferences which followed between Mallet du Pan
and Cobenzel on behalf of Austria and Haugwitz
and Heyman acting for Prussia. The ministers de-
clared the intention of the Powers to conform in all

respects to the wishes of the King of France ; they

assured his envoy that they were influenced by no
views of ambition, of personal interest or of conquest
in entering on the war, they approved in every par-
ticular of his draft of the declaration to be issued, and
they showed a salutary distrust of the designs of
Coblentz. Writing on the 17th of July to his wife ,
Mallet du Pan said :-

" For the last week I have been up to the

neck in business, morning, evening and even at
night. I cannot describe the effect produced by my
journey, my memoranda, my conferences, nor the
degree of confidence which has been shown to me.
Everything I ask is granted, and I could not have
more influence if I had been a minister of State .
Everything goes well and in conformity with the

allied sovereigns at Frankfort. It is written at the top of a half sheet

of notepaper, and is unsigned.
la personne qui jensensera ce biller commit nces

inceroines on peut pundre confiance a ce qu'elle lives

.
[La personne qui présentera ce billet connait mes intentions on
peut prendre confiance à ce qu'elle dira.]
150 FRANKFORT AND BRUSSELS

wishes of the King, who has expressed to me his great

satisfaction. " He mentioned that the manifesto was
to appear at the end of the month, containing the
famous warning " that the city of Paris was to be
held responsible for the safety of the royal family
and to be destroyed by fire and sword if they were
harmed, non plus une plaisanterie, nous touchons au
dénouement ".

His work seemed done, and after the departure ofthe

Emperor on the 19th Mallet du Pan set out for Geneva.
On the 25th the appearance of the Brunswick Manifesto
showed that the instructions, the advice, the procla
mation itself which he had brought direct from the
Tuileries and which he had had no small share in

inspiring, had been disregarded and set aside. The

explanation as we now know it was simple enough.
The more avowed representatives of the King and
Queen, Breteuil , Fersen and Mercy Argenteau, had
used language with regard to the employment of force
and terror which harmonised much more readily with
the designs of the King of Prussia and the émigré
princes than the more politic recommendations of the
Genevese agent, and Calonne and Fersen had little
difficulty in inducing the two monarchs to approve of
a manifesto re-written, partly indeed on his lines, by
M. de Limon, an ex-intendant of the Duc d'Orléans,

deep in the intrigues of the Palais Royal and of the

emigration. The judgment of the Duke of Brunswick

¹ Bertrand de Moleville records in his Memoirs that Mallet du

Pan received by the king's orders 2,000 écus for his expenses, a sum
which he characteristically refused to accept unless on condition of
keeping an account of his disbursements and returning the surplus at
the close of the negotiations. The account of the Mission given in
these Memoirs is inaccurate in many particulars.
 MALLET'S INSTRUCTIONS 151

condemned this manifesto which he modified and which

he afterwards said he would have given hislife not to

have signed, but his essential weakness as a man of
action was revealed when he allowed his scruples to
be overborne by his desire to stand well with Prussia
and the Princes. The opinion of the unfortunate King,
most deeply concerned but least consulted in the whole
transaction, was shown by his commands to Mallet du
Pan to return at once to Frankfort, commands which
he did not receive until it was too late to obey them.
The essential point in the King's opinion as shown
in Mallet du Pan's instructions ' was to preserve the
character of a foreign war waged by one Power against
another, to eliminate all idea of collusion between Louis

XVI. and the foreign courts, to bring about as a result

of war an arbitration between the King and the foreign
Powers on the one hand and between the King and the
French nation on the other. The language to be used
was such as to inspire both terror and confidence.
Extreme threats were to be used only against the
extreme leaders of the Revolution who were carefully
distinguished from the people, while stress was laid
on the danger and injustice of confounding the less
extreme factions with the Jacobins. Any design for

1 This important document was printed in Prof. Smythe's Lectures

on the French Revolution, vol . ii . , and in Sayous' Life, vol. i., p. 427.
M. Albert Sorel (L'Europe et la Révolution, ii . , 475 sqq. and 508 sqq.)
gives a detailed account of the negotiations, and of Mallet's part in
them ; as also does Mr. J. H. Clapham in his recent able and scholarly
essay on the Causes ofthe War of 1792 (Cambridge, 1899) , p. 210 sqq.
2 " Le roi joint ses prières aux exhortations pour engager les
Princes et les Français émigrés à ne point faire perdre à la guerre
actuelle, par un concours hostile et offensif de leur part, le caractère
de guerre étrangère, faite de Puissance à Puissance. "
152 FRANKFORT AND BRUSSELS

the dismemberment of the kingdom was to be dis

claimed by the allies. Convinced that France would
never submit to the re- establishment of the ancien

régime and never weary of insisting on the necessity

of recognising this fact, Mallet had urged that at least
no form of government should be proposed for the
country, and that the declaration should be confined

to a simple statement that the Powers were arming for

the re-establishment of the monarchy and the legiti
mate royal authority, the freedom ofthe King and the
restoration of peace. They would treat only with the
King, and after his release a general plan of restoration
under the auspices of the Powers would be determined
on. The language used though strong and decided
was not violent, and there was perhaps a chance that
the frank, vigorous and reasonable tone of such a
document might have appealed to the better sense of
the nation. It went at all events as far in the path
of conciliation as the disastrous condition of things
admitted of.

The terms of the Brunswick Manifesto destroyed

what little chance of success there had been in Mallet's
mission. Some of his bases were indeed retained, but
while the weapon of terror was freely resorted to all
that might have inspired confidence disappeared. The
manifesto was haughty and inflammatory in its language,
and the threats indiscriminately levelled against all who
had acquiesced in the Revolution were but poorly
counterbalanced by a paragraph which extended the
protection of the allies to those who should instantly
concur in the re-establishment of order. As Morris

observed it might be translated : " Be all against me for

I am opposed to you all ; and make a good resistance
 BRUNSWICK MANIFESTO 153

for there is no longer any hope ! " So, indeed, it was

understood in France in so far as it had any visible or
serious effect ( la déclaration du duc de Brunswick,'
wrote a well-qualified observer to Mallet du Pan, ' ne
fait aucune sensation : on en rit '), and it is more than
doubtful whether Mallet's draft, had it been adopted,
would have had a different effect. The differences
between the two documents, serious as they are, are
chiefly differences of detail and manner. They agree
in their pretension of interference in the affairs of a

foreign State, in their appeal to one party against

another, in their ostensible object, a restoration of the
power of the King by means of a counter- revolution
to be effected if necessary by force, and it is difficult
to understand how Mallet du Pan could have persuaded
himself that a foreign war, conducted as he had re
commended , would have been preferable in its results
to a civil war, or would have averted its horrors. That

he had been hopeful is clear from the tenor of his letters,

and it is perhaps not unnatural that, absorbed in the
negotiation in the success of which both the King
and his envoy had persuaded themselves lay the only
hope of safety, Mallet should have lost sight for the
moment of the truth , of which no one was better aware
than himself, that the mission was at best a desperate
expedient to avert the worst consequences of war. That

he was profoundly conscious of the impolicy of the

manifesto actually issued is evident from his frequent
references to it in after years.¹

¹ He wrote for instance in 1796 : " Les alliés débutent par un

manifeste tel qu'on l'eût écrit sur le champ de deux victoires , et qui
met au ban de leur jurisdiction et de leurs bayonnettes les quatre
cinquièmes d'une nation de 24 millions d'âmes " (Correspondance
pour servir, etc.).
154 FRANKFORT AND BRUSSELS

For the moment, however, such thoughts and his

own disappointment at the result of the negotiations
into which he had thrown himself with so much energy

were put aside, while he watched the development of

the policy of force upon which the Powers were now
embarked. There are many indications that he thought
the military triumph of the foreign armies not improb-
able, and his belief that a dénouement in this sense was
about to be reached was strengthened by the view
of the imposing preparations of the allies at Frankfort.
There is indeed little doubt that if Brunswick had con-

ducted his campaign with vigour and determination he

might have justified the policy of the manifesto, and
had Paris at his feet in a few weeks. " I am persuaded,"
wrote Morris from Paris, " that he would have met
with as much support as opposition. " But unequal to
the occasion in war as he had been in council, Bruns-

wick threw away the chance, ' and from his refuge at
Geneva Mallet du Pan could only follow with growing
consternation the disastrous repulse of the foreign in-

1 " Le malheur du duc de Brunswick fut d'avoir trop écouté les

émigrés, il partagea leurs illusions, et la résistance inattendue qu'il
rencontra le surprit au point de l'intimider et de lui faire perdre con-
tenance. A la canonnade de Valmy le 20 septembre, le duc de
Brunswick aperçut la cavalerie Française à pied, et dont les chevaux
non bridés mangeaient encore le foin. Il se retourna vers ses assis-
tants et leur dit, ' Voyez, Messieurs , à quelles troupes nous avons à
faire, qui attendent avec sang-froid que nous soyons sur elles pour
monter à cheval et nous charger ! ' Cette pensée lui fit ralentir
l'action. Eh bien ! l'on a su depuis, avec certitude, et Dumouriez l'a
confirmé à Bruxelles, que cette même cavalerie lui avait formellement
et obstinément résisté sur l'ordre de monter à cheval et qu'elle était
décidée à se rendre aux Prussiens ! . . . Le duc s'était imaginé qu'il
irait à Paris sans tirer un coup de fusil. " ( From Mallet du Pan's notes. )
 NEW PHASE OF REVOLUTION 155

vaders, disorganised by the very engine of terror which

was to have crushed the revolutionary leaders ; and the
welter of events in Paris, where, in the rising of the
10th of August organised by Danton, and the mas-
sacres of September his " sombre acquiescence " in
which is the one great blot on his reputation if he is to
be judged from the plane of civilised statesmanship—the
Girondist fiction of constitutional government had dis-
appeared. The mighty contest of the Revolution
against Europe had in fact opened. It is one of the
claims of Mallet du Pan to distinction that he was
the earliest to recognise the new phase of the great
convulsion, and that he did not hesitate to take his
part on the wider stage of European politics with the
same unsolicited and unrewarded devotion which he

had displayed in the championship of the principles

of social order in France itself.

Meanwhile at Geneva Mallet du Pan had rejoined

his wife and children , who had just about this time
escaped from Paris. When he left the capital in May-

"my mother," writes her son, " actuated by considera-

tions of duty, and in consequence of the desire felt
by my father and his political friends on the occasion
of his mission to Frankfort that his departure should
be kept as quiet as possible, and that his domestic
establishment should not be broken up, remained alone
in Paris with her young family for nearly four months,
during a period of the most fearful excitement. She
afterwards set out in the diligence, then the safest
conveyance, with her three young children and one
maid-servant who had come with us to Paris in 1783 ,
to join my father at Geneva ; and this, in August 1792
within a month of the massacres of September. She
left our apartments in the Rue de Tournon with the
156 FRANKFORT AND BRUSSELS

whole of the furniture and library in charge of a friend

who was afterwards obliged to fly for his life, and the
whole was seized by the patriots and sold. ” ¹

The son, then a boy living in Geneva with an

uncle, goes on to give an interesting account of the
state of things in that city :—

"The delight of being again united to my family

far outweighed the melancholy circumstances of their
return. We were all sanguine as to the interference of
the foreign Powers, and the respect and consideration
shown to my father at Geneva were particularly gratify-
ing to us but the storm soon thickened both far and
near. The 10th of August and the massacre of the
Swiss Guards at Paris produced a general consternation
in the Swiss cantons, and threw many families into
mourning. In the month of September following, the
French army under Montesquiou entered Savoy in
defiance of all treaties and advanced within gunshot
of the gates of Geneva. There were at this time a
great number of French and Savoyard emigrants in
the town, who were advised to remove without delay ;
and what with the number of Savoyards who fled
before the French, and those who were hurrying away
from Geneva to the Pays de Vaud , such a scene of
bustle, dismay, and confusion as was then exhibited
can hardly be conceived. Geneva was not secure from
a coup de main, and contained a numerous party who
were watching their opportunity. The magistrates
therefore decided to place the town in a state of defence,
and to call upon the cantons of Berne and Zürich for
the assistance to which we were entitled by treaty.
The Government of Berne had not been looking
passively on. The approach of the French had excited
hopes in the Pays de Vaud which it became necessary
to check, and some thousand hardy and faithful high-

1 Reminiscences.
 EXCITEMENT AT GENEVA 157

landers from the German part of the canton were

marched to the frontier to watch the French and the
discontented Vaudois. One thousand of these troops
and five hundred men from Zürich were ordered to
Geneva, and in the meanwhile the town exhibited a
scene of the greatest novelty and interest. The whole
available population was armed : those that were
already embodied in the town Militia wore their uni
forms ; those that were not, wore their military accoutre
ments over their plain clothes. A grand guard was
mounted every day, the gates and outposts relieved,
and all the people who were not on duty and could be
spared from their trades and domestic occupations
were employed in working on the ramparts. Such a
scene had not occurred since the Massacre of St.
Bartholomew on which occasion the town had been
placed in a state of siege, and even the maidservants
worked on the ramparts in the intervals of domestic
labour ! It was in the midst of these active prepara
tions that the Swiss Confederates arrived. The French
village of Versoix, situated on the Swiss side of the
lake within five miles of Geneva, interrupted the
direct communication with Switzerland. Our allies,
therefore, embarked at Nion, in the Pays de Vaud.
They were met by the fleet of the Republic, consisting
of several large barges, armed with caronades, with
flags flying and bands playing ; and on their landing at
the Molard (the port of Geneva), the air resounded
with acclamations, the inhabitants crowding to the
shore welcomed and embraced the Confederate troops
and conducted them arm in arm to their quarters,
singing patriotic songs all the way. I remember see
ing many individuals of both sexes affected to tears.
The old Swiss spirit seemed to have revived and
to defy all aggression ; and although more attentive
observers might have discerned symptoms of weakness
and irresolution in the Confederate councils, the in
toxicating nature of patriotic and warlike feelings left
158 FRANKFORT AND BRUSSELS

no room for reflection, and every heart glowed with

the spirit of a John de Bubenberg or an Arnold de
Winkelried.
" Far other thoughts predominated in the minds
of the base and revengeful Genevese who influenced
the councils of France. Regardless of the independ-
ence of their country and of the ties of home, they had
caused instructions to be given to Montesquiou to show
no mercy at Geneva. Montesquiou was a gentleman
and a man of letters, and his sympathies were all on the
side of the little State that had given birth to Rousseau,
Bonnet and De Saussure. When our deputies waited
on him, he accordingly expressed the greatest abhor-
rence of the spirit by which Clavière and his Paris
associates were actuated, and concluded in September
1792 a treaty by which the neutrality of Switzerland
was recognised. This treaty was ratified at Paris, but
excited so much resentment among the Girondists and
Jacobins that Montesquiou sought a refuge from these
implacable men among the happy people from whose
country he had warded off the scourge of war. He
abruptly left his camp and rode to Geneva, dressed in
his plain clothes and attended by a single aide-de-camp,
and after communicating with some members of the
Government took boat, and in the evening of the same
day reached Lausanne from whence he sent his resig-
nation to Paris.
66
Tranquillity and peace being thus apparently
restored, the citizens returned to their several occu-
pations and the Confederate troops left us. It was,
however, obvious that the tide was turning. The
French Revolution was at its height. Proselytism
was the order of the day ; and surrounded as we now
were on every side by the French territory, hopes
and fears changed sides ; and the timid herd, always
a large part of the flock, began to look to the Revolu-
" 1
tionary party for protection.

1 Reminiscences.
 LAUSANNE 159

Spied upon by the French diplomatic agents in

Geneva, Mallet was too marked a man to be able to
remain there after the departure of the Swiss troops .
Embarking accordingly with the Bernese staff he
proceeded to Lausanne, the capital of the Pays de
Vaud, on a visit to his friend Baron d'Erlach de

Spietz, Bailli of Lausanne, while his wife took up her

residence in the house of one of her relations, a Madame
de Montaqui in the same place.

" The Château de Lausanne and the Montaquis'

house had nothing in common save their beautiful
site. The château is an old baronial residence, with
all the massive circumstances of feudal architecture ;
the aspect of the place was altogether gloomy and
uninviting, and I cannot say that its moral atmosphere
was calculated to dispel those feelings. The Baron
d'Erlach was a proud, aristocratic person, extremely
unpopular at Lausanne. He was the head of the
elder branch of an ancient, noble and distinguished
family ; and the haughtiness of the oligarch was not
softened by those domestic virtues which are often
found to temper republican manners. His wife was
a De Watville, another of the six noble families of
Berne ; but there was an expression of settled melan-
choly in her countenance which was, I fear, a true
index to the feelings within. The Montaquis were
the very reverse of all this : a Pays de Vaud gentle-
man in moderate circumstances, ill-educated, fond of
his wife and his bottle, but a ' mere lodger in his own
house, ' and leaving his wife to regulate matters as she
pleased. The whole family did not seem to have the
semblance of a care, and such another spot of earth as
that on which they lived can hardly be found on this
side of Paradise. It had been the residence of Gibbon,
and is well known as such : a stone house with only a
basement storey and a first floor, consisting of well-
160 FRANKFORT AND BRUSSELS

distributed apartments running parallel to and com

municating by folding doors with a terrace in a south
aspect, planted with lime trees, and commanding a
prospect at once the most cheerful and lovely, and the
most sublime, that can be conceived. From the terrace
to the lake meadows and plantations and gardens in
all the luxuriance of vegetation ; then the deep blue
water for about nine miles, bounded by the rocks of
Meillerie and the receding Alps.
" On referring to my mother's letters to my father
during his stay next year at Brussels, I am struck with
many circumstances which show the degree of consid
eration he enjoyed at that time. Baron d'Erlach and
other persons of consequence at Lausanne, both natives
and foreigners, assiduously sought his correspondence ;
and copies of his letters were sent about all over the
country. The greatest attentions were paid to my
mother and sisters by every person of note ; and the
Sardinian minister, in consequence of some communi
cation from my father interesting to his Court, made
1
my mother a present of plate." ¹

With Baron d'Erlach therefore who, whatever his

domestic qualities may have been, was at all events a

resolute and public-spirited officer and a good friend
Mallet du Pan remained for some months , occupied
with attempts at the Court of Sardinia where he
had formed close relations with Mr. Trevor, British
minister Turin, and in other quarters even at
at
2
Coblentz itself, to inspire a policy similar to that
which he had preached at Frankfort . To this period
belongs his first acquaintance with two frequent
correspondents, the young Marquis de Sales, great
great- nephew of St. François de Sales, and Count

¹ Reminiscences.
2 Descostes, Révolution vue à l'étranger, p. 275.
 LAUSANNE 161

Joseph de Maistre, the latter of whom had written to

him some months before asking his advice and assist-
ance as to the publication of his first book. Qui vous
a lu vous estime, ' were the first words of his letter, and
their intercourse was agreeable to both men, though
later events brought into relief the fundamental differ-
ence in their political points of view. " A great bigot
in politics," is young Mallet's comment on their new
friend, " but a most agreeable man. "
It may be imagined that Mallet du Pan, whose
momentary hopes had been dashed by the miserable
fiasco of the Brunswick campaign, and who foresaw
the inevitable result of revolutionary agitation in his
own country, must have been looking for a settled home
and occupation, and his thoughts seem to have turned
to England where his friends Malouet and the Chevalier
de Panat had taken refuge, and to Germany whence
Montlosier was writing with offers of co-operation and
assistance. But the execution of Louis XVI . , with its

challenge to the monarchs and peoples of the Continent

which inaugurated a new war of principles against
France, appealed irresistibly to his conscience as a
publicist. Already in his last article in the Mercure
he had insisted on the need for common and public-
spirited action among all who desired the restoration
of order, and he felt that with his knowledge and per-
ception of the tendencies of the Revolution he might as
a simple individual do something to inspire an effectual
resistance among the members of the coalition. At
this moment, too, the French Princes, remembering
perhaps his confidential position to their dead Brother
and their own disregard of his advice, seem to have
applied for his help, as they henceforth regularly did
II
162 FRANKFORT AND BRUSSELS

whenever their own plans went most astray ; it was at

all events a letter from Marshal de Castries proposing
an interview that finally decided him to set out for
Brussels. Before doing so he had addressed notes on
the real character of the war and the revolutionary
factions to the Kings of Prussia and Sardinia which
were read and praised but which produced no visible
effect, unless the agreement at this time between the
latter and the British Government may be considered
to have been in some measure the result of his informa-
tion and advice.

These notes are interesting as the first of a long

series of diplomatic memoranda which Mallet du Pan
continued to furnish by request to the various Govern-
ments at war with France and which, varied by the
occasional publication of a vigorous pamphlet, formed
as we shall see his chief means of influence, and the
source both of his reputation and of his support
until his brief return to journalism at the close of his
life.

For Brussels, then, Mallet set out in April and

after some fruitless wanderings in search of Marshal

de Castries, who was continually on the move with the
Regent, reached that city in June 1793. It was then
the centre of political and military activity, and full of
diplomats and statesmen intent on the campaign which
was about to open under the Prince of Coburg. ' Ce
n'est plus la vie paisible du Château de Lausanne, ' he
wrote to his wife ( 2nd July). He soon found himself
in relation with the principal personages assembled
there, and deep in visits, conferences, writings, and
business of all sorts, he no longer regretted his failure
to meet the French Princes, intercourse with whom
 DIPLOMACY IN BRUSSELS 163

as he quickly discovered would have destroyed his

chances of usefulness with the Ministers of the allies.
Count de Mercy Argenteau, who was still all- powerful,
and Baron de Breteuil found his assistance of such

value that they earnestly pressed him to remain at

headquarters until some issue had been reached, and
he was constantly in communication with Lord Elgin,
the British minister, dining with him twice a week.
He also formed a friendship with another Englishman,
Sir John Macpherson, through whom he was presented
to the Archduke Charles, Governor of the Netherlands,
to become celebrated later on as the one successful

Austrian general. The Archduke received him with

distinction and conversed with him on public affairs ,
an opportunity of which Mallet availed himself to speak
with a frankness to which the Prince was not accus

tomed, but which he flattered himself did not give

offence.¹ His letters expressed a natural satisfaction
at the really remarkable welcome he there found for
his ideas and counsels, and some hopefulness of a
favourable termination of the struggle ; while, as to his
own future, he assured his wife that many avenues of
useful and profitable employment were open to him.
During these July days he made an expedition to
witness the siege of Valenciennes, nineteen leagues
away, visiting the camp and the trenches where he
and his friends were regaled with cannon -balls, one of
which passed him a few paces off through an opening
in a battery, and he described his astonishment at the

1"Ce prince intéressant a le jugement d'un Allemand, la péné

tration d'un Italien et l'élévation. d'âme d'un Espagnol. On sait
qu'il participe de ces trois natures, par son père et sa mère et par sa
naissance et son éducation en Toscane " (Notes).
164 FRANKFORT AND BRUSSELS

spectacle of a siege of that day, with the constant

explosion of bombs, the tintamarre of the cannon , and
the sight of the wounded men.
Towards the beginning of August he published , with
the approval of the foreign representatives, a work which
was to make a prodigious sensation , and which is still the
best known of his writings, his Considerations on the
Revolution. The ideas and even much of the language
of this pamphlet are familiar enough to students, but
it must be remembered that few if any of those who
read it in 1793 had any real notion of the character
of the events which were taking place in France, or of
their probable reaction on the other countries of Europe.
Pitt himself said that before reading Mallet's pamphlet
2
he had had no idea of the French Revolution. With
intuitive political sagacity, ripened by the study of
events, Mallet du Pan had realised the essential con
ditions of the problem such as we know them to-day,
while his contemporaries were still under the impression
that the struggle against the Revolution was an ordin
ary international war to be conducted on the usual

lines. In order to rouse Europe to a sense of the

dangers of this course it was necessary to describe
(a task which Mallet du Pan always performed with the
hand of a master) the varying aims of the revolutionary
factions, their contests, and the emergence of the only
one which could be properly termed a party, that ‘ fac

1 Considérations sur la nature de la Révolution de France et sur

les causes qui en prolongent la durée, Brussels, 1793. It had a large
circulation in several editions, and was translated into English.
2 See Memoirs of Malouet, vol. ii . , p. 502 .
3 The phrase " à l'exemple de Saturne la Révolution dévore ses
enfants " occurs in this pamphlet .
 THE CONSIDERATIONS 165

tion atroce ' whose objects were the establishment of

the Republic, the absolute levelling of rank and fortunes,
and the subversion of social order. He had to trace

the steps by which, with the assistance of the émigrés¹

and the Brunswick manifesto, Jacobinism had become
•
identified with militarism.2 Ilfaut incendier les quatre

coins de l'Europe,' Brissot had proclaimed, ' notre salut

est là.' The threat was no empty one ; the Revolu
tion had become cosmopolitan, and to meet such a
movement it was necessary to appeal to the public

1 The Révolution owes the horrible character it has assumed

during the last year " à cette émigration systématique qui sépara le
monarque de ses défenseurs, le royaume des royalistes, les propriétés
des propriétaires, un parti de ses partisans , . . . à ce torrent de
promesses et de menaces impuissantes répandues par d'aveugles
écrivains, et qui , en fournissant aux Jacobins des prétextes de crimes
et des instruments de domination , avaient usé le ressort de la crainte
lorsque l'armée alliée se présenta sur les frontières, • au concours
de l'émigration avec l'intervention des étrangers , • et à l'éclat des
divisions qui partageaient les royalistes. Enfin cette guerre extérieure
si désirée vint achever la révolution qu'elle devait anéantir."
2 " Peu de gens observent que par sa nature destructive la Ré
volution amène nécessairement la république militaire. Supprimer
les ateliers, les chantiers, la navigation, la bourse et les métiers, c'est se
créer une pépinière d'instruments de crimes au dedans , et de régiments
pour le dehors. . . .
" La révolution et la guerre sont inséparables, elles ont une tige
commune. "
3"Chaque Européen est aujourd'hui partie dans ce dernier combat
de la civilisation, nous avons corps et biens sur le vaisseau entr'ouvert,
or, à la veille du naufrage on ne peut—
Laisser la crainte au pilote,
Et la manœuvre aux matelots.

Tout homme a le droit de montrer ses inquiétudes ; la Révolution étant

pour ainsi dire cosmopolite, elle cesse d'appartenir aux Français exclu
sivement. "
166 FRANKFORT AND BRUSSELS

opinion of Europe ; to enlist in the cause of defence

the moral weapons of the aggressor , ' enthusiasm, self
interest, belief in the cause, single- minded concentra
tion on the struggle ; to point out the objects of the
Jacobin leaders, the feebleness of the methods by
which they had hitherto been opposed, and the inevit
able and fatal results of half-hearted resistance on
both France and Europe. Even more interesting is

the recognition shown by the author of the underlying

causes of revolution, and his frank condemnation of

plans of counter-revolution, “ a phrase which prudence

should have proscribed " and which had given more
arms to the Republic than the tricolour cockade. Those
ultra-Royalists who uttered the terrible cry, Tout ou
Rien,' had merely dictated a war-cry to their enemies, *
for the Jacobin conquest, invasion of barbarism though
it might be as he himself had portrayed it, was yet
founded on the genuine and universal unpopularity of

1 "D'abord on aperçoit qu'outre les instruments communs à toutes

les Puissances , savoir : les canons , les soldats, et l'argent ou ce qui le
répresente, la Convention de Paris met à ses ordres . . . tous les
prestiges de l'opinion, l'énergie de l'enthousiasme, les fascinations de
la plume et de la parole, les passions qui ont le plus d'empire sur le
cœur humain, etc."
2" De même que le Mammon du Paradis perdu a les yeux toujours
fixés sur le parvis d'or de la demeure céleste, la Convention a ses
griffes dressées sur les propriétés publiques et privées de l'étranger."
3" Une révolution est essentiellement un déplacement de pouvoir,
lequel s'opère nécessairement toutes les fois que l'ancien pouvoir n'a
plus de force de protéger la chose publique, ou le courage de se
protéger lui-même. "
"Je proteste au nom de tous les vrais Royalistes contre une
profession dont la publicité en France équivaudrait à la perte de deux
batailles, immortaliserait la Révolution, et créerait aux Puissances
plus de difficultés et de dangers que tous les clubs des tyrannicides."
 THE CONSIDERATIONS 167

the old monarchy, its agents and its accessories. These

last were gone for ever, and many were the interests
created by their fall which bound great classes of the
population to resist their restoration. The Revolution
had its roots in opinion and in sentiment, in the sufferings
of the masses, in the growing inequality of conditions ;
it could not be met and combated by war alone ( 'jamais
des canons ne tuèrent des sentiments ' ) ; without moral
domination it had become impossible to govern men.
The submission which alone was to be desired could

spring only from force and persuasion united , ' and

those who aspired to crush the savage anarchy of the
Revolution must take pains to disabuse the French
people of the idea that the Powers were leagued to-
gether in the interests of despotism, and that, having
brought about a counter- revolution by force, they would
maintain it by the gallows and plunge again into
slavery a nation already too much punished for having
mistaken the nature of true freedom. If, he ventured
to say, the cause of the allies was merely the cause of
the Monarchs, as the actions and speeches of the Princes
and émigrés too loudly proclaimed, the Revolution would
indeed be indestructible. If the revolutionary principle,
was to be crushed it would be necessary to remember

1 "Toutes les Révolutions offrent un mélange d'enthousiasme, de

méchanceté et de faiblesse. L'art de les combattre consiste donc
à subjuguer la méchanceté, à désenchanter l'enthousiasme, et à fournir
une égide à la faiblesse."
Again : " Ah, lorsqu'on prétend à conduire les hommes il faut
prendre la peine d'étudier le cœur humain, de diriger ses penchants,
d'éclairer ses déterminations ".
2 "On a trop souvent et trop follement répété que c'était ici la
cause des Rois ; ce propos d'antichambre a passé de la bouche des
courtisans dans celle des anarchistes ."
168 FRANKFORT AND BRUSSELS

that it was a conspiracy against the rights of nations

even more than in favour of the rights of man, and
that the elements of reaction and resistance to internal

tyranny, which were surely gaining strength in France,

could not be conciliated by a pedantic adherence to
the worn-out formulæ of despotic royalism .
Such in the baldest outline were some of the points

of this powerful appeal to the public opinion of the

Continent, written with the ' fer rouge ' which, as its
author said, was necessary to excite any sensation . A
sensation it certainly did produce, un inconcevable
vacarme ' as he described it, among the émigré society
to whom his solemn, perhaps too harsh, warnings had
been addressed, and whose attacks he had anticipated
in an eloquent vindication of his right to speak in the
interests of true royalism :

" I have spoken more than once in their name, " he

had written, " and they have never disavowed me. Al
though a foreigner and a republican I have acquired
the rights of a Royalist at the price of four years spent
without any reasonable certainty on going to bed that I
should awake to liberty or to life, of three arrests of my
person, of one hundred and fifteen denunciations, of the
seal twice put upon my papers, of four ' civic assaults '
on my house, of the confiscation of all my property in
France. Thus have I acquired the rights of a Royalist,
and since nothing remains to be gained by that title
but the guillotine, I imagine that no one will be
tempted to dispute it with me. "
" La cohue des émigrés, " he tells his wife, " pous
sait des cris de fureur. Groupés au Parc, comme
les Jacobins au Palais Royal, 2 ou 300 écervelés en
collet ou en croix ne parlaient que de me pendre après
la contre-révolution. • Cette nouvelle esclandre
faillit les faire chasser tous. Depuis dix jours toutes
 FURY OF ÉMIGRÉS 169

les sociétés sont aux prises sur ma misérable brochure.

Les femmes disputent pour ou contre avec fureur. .
Montlosier a été terrible ; sa chaude amitié l'a porté sur
la brèche en toutes armes."

That the Princes, who had not been taken into

confidence on the publication , shared the sentiments of
their followers was shown by the uneasy inquiries of
Marshal de Castries as to its tendency, and by Mallet's
reply in which he defended his action and characterised
in strong terms the " transports of men deranged by
adversity, who had learnt from it no lessons, no ideas,
no notion of anything ". Attacks and disapproval, how
ever, he could face with equanimity in view of the
favourable judgment of the statesmen and representa
tives ofthe Powers. The Archduke Charles summoned
him to his court, where he received the solemn thanks
of Mercy Argenteau and Metternich on behalf of their
Governments ; and in London the book was eagerly
read, Lord Elgin writing that he had had many con
versations with Ministers about it and that Burke, in
spite of his reactionary opinions, had rather to his sur
prise spoken of it with enthusiasm and described it as
the best thing which had appeared on the Revolution.¹
All personal preoccupations, however, were soon
swallowed up by the painful interest of the campaign
which had opened so brilliantly for the allies in the
early spring by the victory of Neerwinden, the defec

¹Lord Lansdowne in a speech, 17th February 1794 , read to the

House of Lords several passages from the Considerations with the
object of proving that in the opinion even of sensible aristocrats force
alone could never deal with the Revolution. The use of this argu
ment, however, as one in favour of making peace was not at all in
accordance with the views of Mallet du Pan.
170 FRANKFORT AND BRUSSELS

tion of Dumouriez, and the reconquest of Belgium by

the Prince of Coburg, but which was to close in gloom
with the first successes of Hoche on the Rhine and of

Bonaparte at Toulon. " Everything is still uncertain,'

wrote Mallet on 20th August, " it is impossible to
explain the conduct of the Prince of Coburg . . . a
more active and enterprising leader is a necessity. "
The internal condition of France had offered a real
chance of success to the allies. The decree of Frater-
nisation ( 15th December 1792 ) which changed the
policy of France from one of mere propaganda to
one of conquest, the execution of Louis XVI. , and the

organisation of a mighty engine of government in the

committees of the Convention, had indeed given in-
calculable strength to the revolutionary movement by
destroying all probability of compromise.But for many
months the actual as apart from the potential strength
of France was non- existent, the armies which were to
overrun Europe were in embryo, and with the succes-
sive disgrace, recall or execution of Dumouriez, Custine,
Biron, and Beauharnais, France was left for the moment
without generals ; while civil war had broken out in
many parts of the country , in the Gironde, in Lyons,
and in Marseilles. Both from Belgium and from the
Rhine the march of the allied armies on Paris could,
during the earlier months of the year, have met with
no effective resistance, but their successes were confined
to the siege and capture of Valenciennes and Mayence ;
all opportunities were lost, and by the end of the year
the tide had decisively turned in favour of the revolu-
tionary forces.
From the beginning of the war Mallet
du Pan had pointed out that two courses only were
possible, either to penetrate into France by the first
 INTRIGUES OF POWERS 171

breach, as Brunswick had tried to do in 1792 , or to

pursue a temporising policy by capturing the frontier
fortresses, which was Coburg's plan in 1793. Neither
course had been followed with intelligence and deter
mination, and both failed . Coburg's policy could only
have been successful had it been accompanied by
measures to prevent the formation of organised hostile
forces and to support the anti- revolutionary revolts
in France. The suppression by the Convention of the
movements in Lyons, in the Calvados, in Marseilles
and in Bordeaux were events, as Mallet pointed out,
more disastrous for the allies than would have been the

loss of Valenciennes, Mayence and Belgium . But the

military and political faults of the campaign were , after
all, merely the symptom of more deep-seated evil. To
the sovereigns and ministers of Europe, the character
of the Revolution, the condition of France, even the
cause of the French monarchy , were all considerations
of minor importance compared with the separate selfish
interests of the Powers ; and the great coalition, under
mined by intrigue and jealousy, was even then tottering
to its fall. Its success had depended on the joint

action of Austria and Prussia , and the two Powers

were already hopelessly estranged. Their alliance

had meant checkmate to Russia ; and the Empress

Catherine, by attacking Poland, threw down the apple
of discord between them by tempting Prussia to claim
her share. The Treaty of St. Petersburg ( 23rd Jan
uary), which partitioned Poland between Russia and
Prussia, drove Austria into antagonism, and thence
forward her principal efforts under Thugut, who be
came in March chief of the Austrian Foreign Office
and to whom, as the Prussian historian has said , France
172 FRANKFORT AND BRUSSELS

owes her victory in the revolutionary war and Austria

her present position in Europe, were directed to-
wards securing compensation for herself in Alsace and
negotiating the exchange of Belgium for Bavaria.
Renouncing the vigorous prosecution of the war by
the aid of Prussia, herself intent on Polish intrigue,
Austria turned to England , and sought to secure her
adhesion to the Bavarian exchange by supporting the
English view of the general character of the objects of
the war, that of resistance to French encroachment
without interference with French internal affairs.
Such were the secret plans and intrigues of the
courts during Mallet's stay at Brussels. Towards the
end of August he addressed a second note to Lords
Grenville and Elgin, which the latter assured him had
made a proper impression on Mr. Pitt and Lord
Grenville, pointing out that the failure to support the
counter -revolutionary movement in France would cer-
tainly result in the consolidation of the Government of
the Convention. Soon afterwards Mallet du Pan left

Brussels and rejoined his family at Berne, where he had

determined to settle availing himself of his rights as

a Combourgeois de Berne of residence and protection

in the Canton.
The chief work of Mallet du Pan's remaining years

until his brief return to journalism at the close of his

life was to be that of unofficial adviser or " consulting
physician " to the various Governments at war with
the Revolution. It will therefore be necessary to follow

his opinions in the confidential diplomatic memoranda

which he furnished to the British Cabinet through
Lord Grenville, Lord Elgin, and Mr. Wickham ; to
Counts Colleredo and Mercy Argenteau, to the Duke
 CONSULTING PHYSICIAN 173

of Brunswick and the émigré Princes of France, to

the Kings of Sardinia, Prussia and Spain ; and finally
in a regular political correspondence which he was
shortly asked to undertake for the Emperor Francis
as well as for the Prussian and Portuguese courts.
It was not a form of public activity which he would
naturally have chosen for himself, for his experience
as a negotiator had not been encouraging, the gift
of expression which made him a power with the
public was wasted upon officials, and he was wanting
in the pliancy and suavity which are perhaps essen-
tial in diplomacy. Both from the point of view of
his personal interests and his literary reputation , he
would probably have done better to have availed him-
self, failing journalism, of some opportunity of private
employment which would have left him leisure for
studies on the history of his times. But though letters
and journalism were his chosen vocation he was essenti-
ally a man of action, and the demand for assistance
addressed to him from so many quarters was, for a man

of his strongly political instincts, too imperious to be

resisted .
The secret history of the period teems indeed with
intrigue, and many were the agents and writers ,
worthy and unworthy, ' who tendered their advice.

¹The so-called Comte d'Entraigues whose notes figure in the

last volume of the Dropmore Papers was one of the " Jacobins
d'aristocratie " whose violence and intrigues were most harmful to
the royal cause. Mallet, in a note for Louis XVIII ., urged on one
occasion the expulsion of the " nuée d'émissaires , de ministres ambu-
lants, de cerveaux timbrés, de légats qui affluent partout, les uns avec
des brevets de S.M. , les autres avec les patentes de M. le Prince de
Condé, les troisièmes avec des commissions britanniques, se croisant
en tous les sens , racontant leurs missions aux tables d'hôte, et jetant
174 FRANKFORT AND BRUSSELS

Mallet du Pan is honourably distinguished from most

of these men whom he described as ' ces entrepreneurs
de contre-révolution à deux cents francs par mois '. It

would be wrong to exaggerate the influence of a simple

publicist in matters of high state policy, and no one
was more conscious than he of the absurdity attaching
to any such pretension, or of the futility of his own
whole-hearted efforts to enforce a true view of the situ
ation. " It would be ridiculous," he said, " for a man of

sense to usurp the role of preceptor to Governments

without being called upon to do so. " But the fact
remains that though his advice was not, perhaps could
not, be followed it was eagerly sought, that his opinions
recommended themselves to many of those best qualified
at the time to judge of the situation to be confronted,
and that they are now recognised as statesmanlike by
the best students and historians of the epoch. He stood
out among the secret agents of the time as a man who
had taken an open, courageous and consistent line on
the questions at issue, and his devoted efforts on behalf
of Louis XVI . and that King's well-known sympathy
with and confidence in his opinions-the Comte d'Artois
on one occasion himself recalling combien il était
opinioné par mon vertueux Frère '-gave him authority
with all sections of royalists. His visit to Brussels
had made him acquainted with and trusted by many
of the most influential statesmen of the coalition , and
his pamphlet on the Revolution had for the first time
given him a European celebrity. Above all, he hap
pened to be a man of the character and intelligence

sur la cause royale une défaveur, une confusion, un mépris qui écartent
absolument toutes les personnes raisonnables ". The British Foreign
Office naturally fell an easy prey to such adventurers.
 REPORTS TO LORD ELGIN 175

which always carry weight, and especially in times of

stress and crisis. But explain it as we may, it is a

remarkable circumstance, and one probably without

exact parallel, that a private person, a political writer
belonging to a small neutral State and destitute of any
powerful political connection, should have been enabled
and encouraged to assume the position described.
No sooner was Mallet du Pan settled in his new
home than he furnished at Lord Elgin's request two

more lengthy reports, dated respectively in November

1793 and February 1794, ' on the condition of France
and the policy of the allies. In the first of these papers

he traces the character and successive developments

of the Revolution , he points out how the war itself had
created in France (as he had in 1791 prophesied it

would) a Government of such a nature that any idea of

coming to terms with it was chimerical, and he dis
cusses, in the spirit which now became habitual with him

of resolute opposition to the timidity of half measures

and compromises, the means by which alone it could
be combated by the Powers. It is scarcely fanciful to
trace, in the language used by Pitt and Grenville in
defending the policy of the war against the eloquence of
Sheridan, Fox and Lansdowne, during the memorable
debates of the session of 1794, the arguments of this
powerful memorandum.

The second paper, written at the moment of

Robespierre's supremacy, is one of the most remark

1 These memoranda are printed almost in extenso by Sayous,

and they have been brought to the notice of English readers in Mr.
Oscar Browning's publication of Lord Gower's despatches (without an
attribution to Mallet du Pan) and more recently in the third volume
ofthe Dropmore Papers.
176 FRANKFORT AND BRUSSELS

able historical fragments penned by Mallet du Pan. It

is true, unfortunately for posterity, that he was not

a personal witness of the Reign of Terror, that the
"physician was not at his patient's side," nor had he as
yet organised the machinery for supplying himself with
information which served him so well in his accounts of

the Directory ; but he declares his complete confidence

in the accuracy of the communications upon which he
relied, and to procure which he was authorised to spare
no expense. The result is a piece of description such
as a Foreign Office seldom has the pleasure to receive,
and which can have left no excuse on the score of

ignorance or illusion in the minds of the ministers who

read it. Beginning with the machinery of the new
Government, he shows how everything centred in the
Committee of Public Safety which, with its thousands of
agents and its system of denunciation , disposed despot-
ically both of the armies and of the lives and property
of the citizens ; which had reduced the Ministers to the
position of its clerks , and the Convention to sanctioning
its decisions as a ' machine à décrets '. " Thanks to their
knowledge of the human heart " these new tyrants had
assumed the whole apparatus of despotism, carriages
with six horses, body guards, sumptuous tables, actors
and courtesans . Not satisfied with dazzling, they had

struck terror into the people. No one save themselves

might write or speak. There were 18,000 suspects in
the prisons of Paris. The whole people was disarmed.
In a masterly account of the finances, Mallet shows the
immense resources which the committee had created for
themselves, not only by the suppression of many great

sources of ordinary expenditure , but also by the quadru-

pling of extraordinary revenues by means of the assignats
 THE CONVENTION 177

and the forced loan of one milliard, by the sale of the

national domains many times repeated, by the maximum

law, and by réquisitions permanentes such as the confisca-

tion of the treasures of the churches, of gold and silver
belonging to individuals, of the furniture of émigrés, ofthe
spoils of revolted towns, and of the property of the four
hundred persons guillotined every week, who were chosen
as far as possible from among the wealthy or among those
even of their own employees who had been allowed to
enrich themselves. The Republic was in fact richer
than all the sovereigns of the coalition put together.
No less masterly is the analysis of the military forces
of France and of the means by which fanatical hatred
against the enemies of the Republic was stimulated by
the dictators. No reliance could be placed on the

supposed discontent of the army, nor on the fable that

famine would bring the country to its knees. The

Jacobins were openly advocating massacres to diminish

the consumption of their nicely calculated supplies of
food, and sooner than yield they would butcher their
prisoners, their women and their old men, as useless
mouths. Neither was there any hope of a re-awakening
of public feeling in spite of the general detestation
of the Convention, the Jacobins and the Committees.
The great mass had no will of their own ; "they are
like the negro who strangles himself with his tongue
sooner than complain ". The Jacobin conquest was
in fact the triumph of a minority. It has been

attempted to estimate the numerical strength of the

revolutionary mob in Paris, and the highest calcula-
tions have put it at 16,000 out of a population of
600,000 souls. Certain it is that at the election of

Bailly's successor as Mayor of Paris, the Jacobin vote

12
178 FRANKFORT AND BRUSSELS

of 6,600 out of a total of 80,000 voters was sufficient

to carry the day, and subsequent municipal elections
gave like results. The composition of the rank and
file was even more insignificant than their numerical
strength, and the analyses of the police have shown
that the number of the enragés was swelled by domestic
servants, the lowest class of workmen, and the residuum
of the population ; beggars living from hand to mouth,
and adventurers from all parts of France and Europe.
The abolition of the property qualification on the 10th
of August 1792 gave them complete mastery of the
forty-eight sections of Paris, the assemblies which were
the chief means of carrying out the orders issued by
the clubs and committees of the Jacobin leaders.
These assemblies were attended by the bravos of
every quarter, the meetings were held at night to
keep away respectable citizens, and those who attended
were treated with personal violence, the Jacobins in
default of other arms breaking up the furniture and
carrying their resolutions by force. The indifference
of the middle classes, intensely conservative as they
have always been, was even exceeded by their timidity.
With the Reign of Terror the craven majority had
sunk into a still deeper apathy

"The patience," wrote Mallet du Pan a year later,¹

"with which the French have for fifteen months toler
ated a system of imprisonment en masse and the judicial
assassination of hundreds by wholesale, convicts the
nation of a moral turpitude which renders them fit
subjects for any kind of oppression. In all that long
period of murder not a son dared to avenge the
execution of his father, not a husband ventured to

1 On 29th April 1795 , Correspondence for Vienna, i. , 188 .

 ROBESPIERRE 179

defend his wife, not a father to rescue his child, in a

country where swords would once have leapt from their
scabbards for the sake of a mistress or an epigram. "

The most vivid pages of the report to Lord Elgin

are those which describe with all the power inspired
by the writer's inborn loathing for iniquity the eleven
members (one place was vacant) of the Committee of
Public Safety. The worst of them was the ex-actor
Collot d'Herbois, the image of an oriental tyrant with
all the qualities of the Tiberius of Tacitus. The
monster who had massacred four thousand citizens in

five weeks is painted with his impassive ferocity, his

profound dissimulation , his theatrical declamations, his
ambition, his cupidity, his jealousy, in terms which
make the reader shudder. His was the atrocious
utterance when ordering to instant execution a young
man just proved innocent of the offence with which

he was charged : " If we spare the innocent too many

guilty ones will escape ".The estimate of Robespierre,
however, the scape-goat of the Revolution as Bonaparte
called him , is perhaps of more general interest :-

"He has never been and will never be capable of

sustaining the stupendous part he has undertaken ; som-
bre, suspicious, distrusting his best friends, fanatical,
vindictive and implacable, his life is the image of that
of Pygmalion, King of Tyre, such as Fénelon depicted
him. To-day he is haggard, with hollow eyes and livid
face, with restless and savage looks, and a countenance
bearing the impress of crime and remorse. Tormented
with terror he is always escorted by three chosen sans-
culottes armed to the teeth who accompany him in his
carriage ; returning to his beggarly abode he shuts
himself and barricades himself within it, and opens the
door only with the most extreme precautions. If he
182 FRANKFORT AND BRUSSELS

by the most powerful of all motives, fear of their

enemies within and without. Their lives depended
on their supremacy, and this again depended on their
success in prosecuting the war, in keeping the generals
and their troops at a distance from the scene of the
struggle of factions, and in supporting them by the
devastation of adjoining countries.
Mallet du Pan's description of the internal condition
of France was doubtless accepted as authentic. But
his counsels as to combating the designs of the Con-
vention fell upon deaf ears. He had repeated them,
as he said, till they had become commonplaces, and if
the lessons of history and of recent experience had
taught nothing to the generals and ministers of the
coalition, the phrases of an obscure adviser could not
be expected to influence them . When he appealed

for a common sentiment of passionate resistance to an

anti-national and anti -social propaganda as the only
force which could meet and overthrow it, he showed
indeed true insight into the problem. But he was
appealing to a sentiment which was not called into
existence on the Continent till fifteen years of humilia-
tion and disaster had passed over Europe. When he
pointed out that the despotism of the Committee, while
it supplied for the moment an unnatural strength to
the French onslaught, yet carried within it the seed
of dissolution ; when he showed how the active inter-
vention of the immense number of French exiles of all
classes which had been a grave mistake in 1792 might
now, if properly directed, rally the bulk of the nation
against the Jacobin rule and how fatal was the neglect
to support the revolts in La Vendée and the great cities

of the South, he was only insisting on the essential

 POLICY OF THE ALLIES 183

facts of the situation. But he was assuming what was

far from being the case, that the interest and desire
of the allied statesmen were to terminate the Revolution
by the re-establishment of order in France. The same
remark is true of his repeated advice to the Powers ,
and their studied neglect of it, to renounce their terms
of absolutism and their exclusive patronage of the
Princes and rebels , to abandon their talk of the ancien
régime, of the orders, of systems of government,
and to dwell instead on the interests and misfortunes
of the French nation as a whole. It was fruitless to
preach concerted military measures to Powers, each
bent, so far as they were seriously bent on the war
at all, on securing territorial compensation for itself
rather than on combating the Revolution.¹ But the
truth was that by this time their increasing preoccupa-
tion with Eastern affairs, the designs of Catherine on
Constantinople, the revolt in Poland and the impending
fresh partition of that country, and the consequent
estrangement between Prussia and Austria, had taken
all heart out of the war with France ; and that England
alone, when other Powers were longing for the end,
England which had entered with reluctance on the war,
was at last beginning to realise its true character. But
England had no resources with which to conduct a
continental campaign ; she could act only by means
of exhortations and subsidies , and events moved too
quickly for her parliamentary and diplomatic methods.
For France had at last found leaders in war with

1" Quant à moi, milord , je n'hésite pas à vous avouer que dans
cette position où vous combattriez la France et subsidiairement la
Révolution vous manqueriez la Révolution et la France." (To Lord
Elgin.)
182 FRANKFORT AND BRUSSELS

by the most powerful of all motives, fear of their

enemies within and without. Their lives depended
on their supremacy, and this again depended on their
success in prosecuting the war, in keeping the generals
and their troops at a distance from the scene of the
struggle of factions, and in supporting them by the
devastation of adjoining countries.
Mallet du Pan's description of the internal condition
But
of France was doubtless accepted as authentic.
his counsels as to combating the designs of the Con-
vention fell upon deaf ears. He had repeated them ,
as he said, till they had become commonplaces, and if
the lessons of history and of recent experience had
taught nothing to the generals and ministers of the
coalition, the phrases of an obscure adviser could not
be expected to influence them . When he appealed

for a common sentiment of passionate resistance to an

anti-national and anti -social propaganda as the only
force which could meet and overthrow it, he showed
indeed true insight into the problem. But he was

appealing to a sentiment which was not called into

existence on the Continent till fifteen years of humilia-
tion and disaster had passed over Europe. When he
pointed out that the despotism of the Committee, while
it supplied for the moment an unnatural strength to
the French onslaught, yet carried within it the seed
of dissolution ; when he showed how the active inter-
vention of the immense number of French exiles of all
classes which had been a grave mistake in 1792 might
now, if properly directed, rally the bulk of the nation
against the Jacobin rule and how fatal was the neglect
to support the revolts in La Vendée and the great cities
of the South, he was only insisting on the essential
 POLICY OF THE ALLIES 183

facts of the situation. But he was assuming what was

far from being the case, that the interest and desire
of the allied statesmen were to terminate the Revolution

by the re-establishment of order in France. The same

remark is true of his repeated advice to the Powers,
and their studied neglect of it, to renounce their terms
of absolutism and their exclusive patronage of the
Princes and rebels , to abandon their talk of the ancien
régime, of the orders, of systems of government,
and to dwell instead on the interests and misfortunes
of the French nation as a whole. It was fruitless to
preach concerted military measures to Powers , each
bent, so far as they were seriously bent on the war
at all, on securing territorial compensation for itself
rather than on combating the Revolution .' But the
truth was that by this time their increasing preoccupa
tion with Eastern affairs, the designs of Catherine on
Constantinople, the revolt in Poland and the impending
fresh partition of that country, and the consequent
estrangement between Prussia and Austria, had taken
all heart out of the war with France ; and that England
alone, when other Powers were longing for the end,
England which had entered with reluctance on the war,
was at last beginning to realise its true character. But
England had no resources with which to conduct a
continental campaign ; she could act only by means
of exhortations and subsidies, and events moved too
quickly for her parliamentary and diplomatic methods.
For France had at last found leaders in war with

1 “ Quant à moi , milord , je n'hésite pas à vous avouer que dans

cette position où vous combattriez la France et subsidiairement la
Révolution vous manqueriez la Révolution et la France." (To Lord
Elgin .)
184 FRANKFORT AND BRUSSELS

Carnot at headquarters and Pichegru, Jourdan and

Moreau at the front, and 1794 was to repeat on a
greater scale the disasters of 1793. The close of this
year, which witnessed the fall of Robespierre and of
the Committee of Public Safety (Thermidor 9, 1794),
left France satiated with and exhausted by triumphs
greater than any which had crowned her arms under
the old monarchy, and Europe in a situation which
justified the darkest apprehensions for her future.
Not only were the French delivered from all danger
of foreign invasion, but Holland and Belgium had
fallen into the hands of France ; Sweden, Tuscany,
and Sardinia had already treated with the Republic ;
Spain and Prussia were about to be added to the list
of neutral Powers, and the most important German
State, after Austria, had already betrayed the Empire
and agreed to the cession of the left bank of the Rhine
at the general peace. The whole course of the French

war up to the final partition of Poland in 1795 was

governed by the vicissitudes of intrigue in the East,
and the result was to leave the field clear for the
machinations of the only great potentates of Europe,
Catherine of Russia and the Jacobin Government of
France. Well might Burke exclaim , in criticising the
selfish policy of the allies, that there could be no honour
in a society for pillage !
 185

CHAPTER VI.

FROM THERMIDOR TO VENDÉMIAIRE LIFE AT BERNE

—MALLET'S FRIENDS AND CORRESPONDENTS.

1794-1795.

It was at this moment¹ that Mallet du Pan, addressing

the Emperor Francis in words which read almost like
a satire on the motives of German statesmanship, as
the "pillar of social order, the most solid support at
this crisis of religion, of civil authority and of the
common weal, " sought to oppose the conclusion of a
premature and dangerous peace by pointing out that
the recognition of the Republic would reanimate the
waning authority of the Jacobins in France, that it
would morally dethrone the governments of the coali-
tion, and be a patent of insurrection to the peoples.
The words just quoted are taken from the open-
ing sentences of a regular political correspondence 2

1 28th December 1794.

2 Correspondance inédite de Mallet du Pan avec la cour de Vienne
(1794-98 ), publiée d'après les Manuscrits conservés aux Archives de
Vienne, par André Michel ; avec une Préface de M. Taine, in
2 vols ., Paris, 1884. This correspondence consists of 136 letters,
addressed week by week directly to the Emperor Francis from
28th December 1794 to 26th February 1798. It was paid for and
was, writes Mallet du Pan's son, with the similar series of letters for
the Portuguese minister at Turin and the court of Berlin , " our sole
186 THERMIDOR TO VENDÉMIAIRE

which Mallet du Pan had been requested to undertake

for the court of Vienna, and which formed during
the ensuing four years his principal occupation. At
the same time Baron Hardenberg¹ and M. de Souza
Cotinho applied on behalf of their sovereigns, the

dependence ; yet to my father's honour, be it said, it is distinguished

throughout by that fearlessness of opinion and manly tone which
characterises his public writings. "

1 " On the occasion of the peace concluded at Bâle between

France and Prussia, in 1791 , he felt much offended with Baron
Hardenberg, who had expressed a uniform acquiescence in his
opinions, and yet concluded the treaty of Båle without the least
intimation to my father of any change in his own views and policy.
My father wrote him a dignified letter, breaking off their corre
spondence, which was, however, subsequently renewed at the earnest
and pressing solicitation of the minister himself, and their mutual
friend, General Heymann " (Reminiscences) . This correspondence
exists in the archives of Berlin, but has never been published .
2 " Don Roderigo de Souza Cotinho Count of Linharès, the
Maecenas of botany and indeed of general science at this period,
was the Portuguese minister at Turin. At his table was a weekly
assembly of literary men , in whose conversation and pursuits he bore
a very intelligent part, always making himself completely one of the
company by his knowledge and enthusiasm no less than by his
enlivening affability. Mr. T. H. Jackson, son of the musical
composer, who was then our chargé d'affaires at Turin, and a clever
man himself, says in a letter to his father, of 21st March, 1787, in
speaking of M. de Souza, besides being a man of the first rank in his
own country, he is one of the best informed and most learned men I
ever met anywhere ' " (Reminiscences). This correspondence remains
in the Lisbon archives. M. François Descostes recently discovered
in the Château de Sales near Annécy, the seat of the descendants of
the Marquis de Sales Mallet du Pan's friend and correspondent ,
copies of the earlier portion of it which was addressed to Turin (from
December 1796 it was addressed to Souza Cotinho at Lisbon) ;
and published the letters in an interesting but somewhat discursive
volume entitled La Révolution Française vue de l'étranger (Tours : A.
 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE 187

Kings of Prussia and Portugal, for a similar corre

spondence. He gladly embraced these offers. His

previous experience had well fitted him for the post

of " minister in partibus " to the threatened Mon
archies. He had already, as we have seen, been much
consulted by the leading ministers of the allied Powers.
His means of information had always been exception
ally great. The organisation of the " Intelligence
Department, " which, as we have seen, he had formed
in France during his editorship of the Mercure, he
had kept up on leaving France in 1792 ; he was now
able to extend it by funds specially provided for the
purpose, and internal evidence reveals the nature of
his sources of information.¹ Letters of the Baron de

Staël, of Barthélemy, of other influential personages

(the chief of the staff of Hoche, for instance) , are put
into his hands ; he sends to Lyons a trustworthy
person to verify his information upon the state of the
town ; he receives textual accounts of the secret

deliberations of Sieyès, Tallien and Barras ; his

correspondents are drawn from the committees of the
Convention and the councils of the Directory, from the
public offices, from the general staffs of armies of the
Republic and of the Vendean rebels . His statements
as to the condition of Paris were verified in many cases

by M. Taine's researches into the documentary sources

of the history, which led that writer to express the

Mame et fils, 1897 ), with a most appreciative introductory notice of

Mallet du Pan. This correspondence, being addressed to a minister
and not directly to a sovereign, is distinguished by even greater
vivacity and freedom of expression than the Vienna correspondence.
1 M. Michel in his excellent Introduction to the Vienna Corre
spondence has fully described these sources of information .
188 THERMIDOR TO VENDÉMIAIRE

strongest opinion as to the general accuracy and fidelity

of the information upon which Mallet du Pan relied.
The work is therefore of peculiar importance,
not only as a record of Mallet du Pan's opinions and
political action, but for the history of the time,
addressed as it is to the sovereign of the only Con-
tinental State still at war with the Republic.
Mallet du Pan's warnings against the conclusion of
peace at this moment were founded not indeed on the
utility of foreign intervention as hitherto conducted, but
on his knowledge of the internal condition of France
to the study of which he set himself with renewed
and upon the proper handling of which every-
energy,
thing in his opinion now depended . For the reaction
of Thermidor had given rise to the one really popular
movement of the later Revolution. The organisation
of the body known to history, though not to contem-
porary politics, as the Jeunesse Dorée, had served as
a rallying point for the rising royalist feeling. Re-
cruited from the middle classes, they were composed
of students and lawyers' clerks, of the sons of bankers,
officials and shopkeepers. With hats, cravats and
knee - breeches to distinguish them from the sans-
culottes, or trousered , Jacobins, with hair arranged in
pigtail or dressed à la victime jagged and short behind
and long at the sides, and armed with large knobbed
sticks, they assembled in the cafés of the Palais
Royal, organised a regular opposition to the Jacobins,
attacked their clubs, hunted down the buveurs de sang,
destroyed the busts of Marat, and attended the theatre

to sing the Réveil du Peuple,' to hiss the ' Mar-

"
seillaise,' or cheer ironically at the refrain, Tremblez,
tyrants et vous perfides '. That but a small minority
 THE REACTION 189

were the weak dandies portrayed by Thiers, whose

eccentricity earned for them from their enemies the
names of ' Incroyables,' ' Elégants,' and ' Muscadins,
is proved by the heroic resistance they offered to the
efforts of the rump of the Convention to perpetuate
its power by the decrees of the 22nd of August 1795.
They at all events represented a serious but unor-
ganised body of opinion in the country, which was also
beginning to find voice in the press. "The freedom
1
of the press," Mallet wrote, " produced the Revolution ;
the freedom of the press will destroy it by revolting,
as it is doing every day, against its own work. " He

records the first signs of reaction in the Conven-

tion itself, the petitions demanding the restoration of
public worship and the abolition of the Republican
calendar ; but much remained to be done. A third
of France, he said, in the early months of 1795 was

perhaps in favour of a monarchy, but the Royalists

proper had not recovered from the terror which had
plunged the whole kingdom into lethargy. " Those
who adhered to the constitution of 1791 were as
helpless and leaderless as the aristocrats. All had

become accustomed to look upon the return of a king

as a mere castle in Spain, and it was but a step from
this sentiment to an inclination for the first order of
things which promised security and peace. It was a

condition, he pointed out to his royalist friends, almost

equally favourable to the permanent establishment of a
3
republic or to a restoration of the monarchy. Nor did

1 Correspondence for Vienna, letter of 16th August 1795 .

2 Ibid., letters of 8th and 18th February 1795-
3 The people, he wrote, are as far as ever from rising to re-
establish the Monarchy. " C'est un animal pareil à ces femmes
190 THERMIDOR TO VENDÉMIAIRE

he fail to draw attention to the character of the men

who still ruled the destinies of the country. Sieyès,

for instance, who had " lived " through the Terror,
emerged in May 1795 as president of the Convention ,
and he alone, by reason of his " intrigues, his meta-
physical babble, his personal fears of the restoration of
a king, his philosophic vanity and ambition, was a
sufficient make-weight against the inclination of the
majority of his colleagues to abandon all idea of a
republic ". With him were the authors of the Coup
d'État of Thermidor, Jacobins without principle or
convictions whether republican or monarchical , ' hommes
perdus,' Fréron, Legendre, Chénier l'aîné, Merlin de
Thionville, Lecointre, Barras, Bourdon de l'Oise , and
head ofthe band, the infamous Tallien. Once recovered
from their surprise at the violence of the reaction of

publiques qui s'attachent d'autant plus à leur amant qu'elles en

reçoivent plus de coups, parce qu'en échange de ses maux il jouit
d'une liberté de dérèglement qui lui tient lieu du reste. A défaut
de pain la populace vit de vieux harengs, d'œufs durcis, de salade
au mauvais beurre, ce qui avec deux onces de pain et autant
de riz qu'on distribue journellement, l'empêche de mourir de faim.
Les spectacles , les cabarets, les promenades sont remplis. Avec
la diète, dit la multitude, nous atteindrons la moisson, et alors
nous serons sauvés. Nous mangerons plutôt des pierres que de nous
soumettre. Tel est le langage des charretiers, des forgeons, des
garçons cordonniers, imprimeurs, femmes, canaille en général. Ces
gens sont toujours fanatiques, régicides , jacobins. Rappelez-vous
le siège de Paris au temps de la Ligue ; on y mangeait des rats
et on criait, à bas les Béarnais ! . ne comptez sur aucune
guerre civile, c'est une vision d'émigrés . Les guerres n'ont lieu
que de prince à prince, de prétendant à prétendant . . . mais où
règne l'anarchie populaire il n'y a que des insurrections, des brigan-
dages, des tueries, des 2 septembre. Le fanatisme, la stupeur,
la bêtise, et la faiblesse, voilà l'état le plus général de la France "
(Turin Correspondence, Descostes, p. 372) .
 HOPES OF RESTORATION 191

public opinion, the unexpected result of their victory

over the Mountain, these men devoted all their energies
to maintaining their ascendency, attempting at first to
pose as leaders of the reaction and then , finding that
their past crimes made them detested by the Jeunesse,
falling back on the Mountain . Their tactics during the
first months after Thermidor did much to provoke and
stimulate the reaction and increase the chances of the

Royalists, which seemed to grow greater till they cul

minated in the failure of the formidable terrorist émeute

of the 1st of Prairial, energetically repressed by the

Convention where a monarchical party had taken shape.
For the first time since the 10th of August, the opinion
of the majority had asserted itself, and the party of order
had gained the upper hand. " The criminal and sanguin
ary Revolution," Mallet wrote, " is over, the philosophic
Revolution alone remains. " The restoration which

thus came into sight in the summer of 1795 was not

that of which the royalist exiles still dreamed. The
Revolution, " which like the Reformation was a revolu
tion of principles , " had raised up interests so numerous
and powerful as to make a complete restoration as
impossible as it was undesirable. " It is," wrote
Mallet to De Pradt, " as impossible to reconstruct the
ancien régime as it would be to build St. Peter's with
the dust from the roads ". It was a return to the
constitution of 1791 , of whose faults he had been the
most unsparing critic, which he now thought alone
possible. That constitution offered the advantage of
a system already known and consecrated by law and
usage. Its fatal weakness, the powerlessness to which
it had reduced the executive in the person of the King,

might he thought be remedied so as to give some hope

192 THERMIDOR TO VENDÉMIAIRE

of stability to a constitutional government. Mallet du

Pan, as we know, ' would have provided safeguards in

a new constitution of the most stringent kind, for
experience had taught him to value only such liberty as
was compatible with public order and with the national
character. But speculations as to the best kind of
monarchy for France were beside the mark. " Il s'agit
de décider d'abord non quelle monarchie on aura, mais
si l'on aura une monarchie." One point only was clear.
If the Republic, which was nothing but a permanent
and perpetual revolution, was to be brought to an end,
there must be an absolute repudiation of any design to
reinstate the rotten autocracy of 1789.
Such was the general situation which seemed to
promise a term to the woes under which France and

Europe had so long suffered. But the reactionary

elements in France were too destitute of organisa-
tion to act without intelligent direction from their
natural leaders , that assistance was as usual wanting,
and a succession of disastrous blunders on the part of
the allies, the Princes, and the leaders of the movement
in Paris, soon dealt the death-blow to the hopes in
which Mallet du Pan had begun to indulge when he
wrote to De Pradt (April 1795 ) that he was being
66
daily pressed to return to Paris, and that another
turn of the wheel would take him there ". The

peace of Bâle, the death of the Dauphin, and the

Quiberon expedition followed each other in quick
succession. The signature of the treaty with Prussia
(5th April ) destroyed the one powerful lever in the
hands of the Powers, the desire of the French people

1 See Lettres de Mallet du Pan à Saladin Egerton, p. 25.

 DEATH OF LOUIS XVII 193

for peace ; and saved the Convention by enabling it to

gratify this craving and to hold out hopes of a general
pacification. Mallet's indignation at this betrayal, by
which Prussia sacrificed four solemn treaties and pre-
ferred an alliance with the assassins of Louis XVI.,
knew no bounds. The most horrid Jacobin, he wrote
to Turin, ' could not have rendered a more signal
service to the Revolution than Baron Hardenberg. If
only the Prussian Cabinet had temporised a few weeks
longer, and the allies had held together refusing to
treat with the Jacobins, the position of that faction
would have become impossible. Then came the death
of the young prince called Louis XVII . Mallet had
followed the persecution of the unfortunate boy in his
reports to Turin and Vienna , and in a letter to the

latter Court he gave details of the treatment of the

1 Descostes, p. 334.
2 " Pendant un an entier le jeune Roi a couché sur un grabat qui
ne fut jamais remué, lui-même n'en avait pas la force : cet infortuné
était obligé de se coucher comme un pauvre animal sur ce lit infect et
putride. Madame plus avancée balayait lui-même sa chambre, la
nettoyait et veillait à la propreté.
" Dans leur chambre respective, on avait pratiqué un tour où on
leur apportait à manger ; à peine leur délivrait-on à quoi soutenir leur
existence ; ils étaient obligés de remettre eux-mêmes les plats de la
veille dans le tour. Les barbaries les plus raffinées se succédaient
chaque jour. . . . On forçait les deux enfants de se coucher à la
nuit ; jamais on ne leur a donné de chandelle . Deux brigands
veillaient jour et nuit autour de la chambre du Roi ; dès qu'il était
plongé dans le premier sommeil, un de ces Cerbères lui criait d'une
voix effroyable : Capet, où es-tu ? dors-tu ?-Me voilà répondait l'enfant,
moitié endormi et tout tremblant. Aussitôt le garde l'obligeait de
sortir du lit, d'accourir nu et suant pour se montrer. Trois heures
après, l'autre brigand répétait la même scène " (Correspondence for
Vienna, i., 241-2).
13
194 THERMIDOR TO VENDÉMIAIRE

two children of Louis XVI . in the Temple after the

execution of the Queen and of Madame Elizabeth
of the most harrowing description, the recital of
which can hardly have gratified the Emperor. His
death on the 8th of June 1794, aged ten years and two
months, murdered as certainly as if he had shared his
father's scaffold, drew from Mallet some words of manly
indignation. " Not one of the Powers had deigned to
interest itself in the pitiable lot of this family, to claim
for them some consideration or even to inform itself of
their fate ! And it is with the men who have inflicted
these horrors on the descendants of fifty kings , related
to most of the crowned heads of Europe, que l'on traite,
que l'on fraternise, que l'on signe des traités de paix ! " 1
The event was a great blow to the royalist move
ment in France. It removed the rallying point of
the Royalists to a foreign and hostile country, to a
Prince whom Mallet almost insultingly described to
the Emperor as the ' Roi des Émigrés '. It was a
calamity, he said in his uncompromising fashion in reply
to a question from the Princes, which had postponed
the restoration and made possible the rapprochement
between the Republicans and the Constitutionalists,
for " his Majesty did not count as regent, he is dreaded
as King ". It was a calamity which Louis XVIII . pro

1 Correspondence for Turin, Descostes , p. 378. Mallet du Pan

thus described the callous attitude of the corps diplomatique : "Le
jour même de la mort du roi , le Comte Carletti a donné une con
versazione somptueuse à la campagne à deux cents députés, à leurs
catins, aux intrigants les plus pervers et à toute la canaille du beau
monde républicain. Mme Tallien étant la divinité du jour, Mme de
Staël a prodigué les hommages les plus vils. Voilà où l'on est à la
fin du XVIIIe siècle ! ( Correspondence for Turin, Descostes, p. 377 ) .
 THE PRINCES CONSULT MALLET 195

ceeded to make irreparable by issuing from Verona the

Declaration (of 24th June ) affirming the necessity of a
simple return to the ancient constitution of France,
which showed how completely exile had caused a clever
man to lose touch with public opinion, and which served,
in Mallet du Pan's words, only to " divide, to irritate,
to chill ".
This time nevertheless the Princes had made ap-
parently serious advances to Mallet du Pan, and had
despatched Count François de Sainte-Aldegonde, a
gentleman attached to D'Artois, to confer with him at
Schaffhausen on a number of questions to which they
desired answers. These he gave, having previously
summed up his views in two notes to "the King " in

which he fully described the state of opinion in France,

sketched out the line of action which commended itself

to him, and impressed upon his Majesty in respectful but

forcible terms that what the monarchists in Paris above
all things required was the " moral resurrection of the
King," and an appeal from him to the nation opening
communications with the moderate elements in the
country. Action was imperatively demanded , and ac-
tion through reputable and trusted agents.
These counsels proved, as Mallet du Pan had doubt-
less anticipated, wholly unacceptable to the Princes,
and Louis distrusting a man à système moderne 2

1 Dated 3rd and 10th July 1795. Sayous, ii. , 151-169.

2In 1799 he replied to a suggestion by the Comte de Saint- Priest
to employ Mallet du Pan in writing a fresh Declaration as follows :
" L'idée d'employer la plume de Mallet du Pan est très bonne . . .
mais en connaissant le mérite de cet écrivain , je connais aussi ses
défauts tant qu'il ne s'agit que d'attaquer les vices de qui est fait
son style clair, sa logique serrée portent la conviction dans l'esprit
192 THERMIDOR TO VENDÉMIAIRE

of stability to a constitutional government. Mallet du

Pan, as we know, ' would have provided safeguards in
a new constitution of the most stringent kind , for
experience had taught him to value only such liberty as
was compatible with public order and with the national
character. But speculations as to the best kind of
monarchy for France were beside the mark. " Il s'agit
de décider d'abord non quelle monarchie on aura, mais
si l'on aura une monarchie." One point only was clear.
If the Republic, which was nothing but a permanent
and perpetual revolution, was to be brought to an end,
there must be an absolute repudiation of any design to
reinstate the rotten autocracy of 1789.

Such was the general situation which seemed to

promise a term to the woes under which France and
Europe had so long suffered. But the reactionary
elements in France were too destitute of organisa
tion to act without intelligent direction from their
natural leaders, that assistance was as usual wanting,
and a succession of disastrous blunders on the part of
the allies, the Princes, and the leaders of the movement
in Paris , soon dealt the death- blow to the hopes in
which Mallet du Pan had begun to indulge when he
wrote to De Pradt (April 1795 ) that he was being
66
daily pressed to return to Paris, and that another
turn of the wheel would take him there ". The

peace of Bâle, the death of the Dauphin, and the

Quiberon expedition followed each other in quick
succession. The signature of the treaty with Prussia
(5th April) destroyed the one powerful lever in the
hands of the Powers, the desire of the French people

1 See Lettres de Mallet du Pan à Saladin Egerton, p. 25.

 DEATH OF LOUIS XVII 193

for peace ; and saved the Convention by enabling it to

gratify this craving and to hold out hopes of a general
pacification. Mallet's indignation at this betrayal, by
which Prussia sacrificed four solemn treaties and pre
ferred an alliance with the assassins of Louis XVI .,
knew no bounds. The most horrid Jacobin, he wrote
to Turin, could not have rendered a more signal
service to the Revolution than Baron Hardenberg. If
only the Prussian Cabinet had temporised a few weeks
longer, and the allies had held together refusing to
treat with the Jacobins, the position of that faction
would have become impossible. Then came the death
of the young prince called Louis XVII . Mallet had

followed the persecution of the unfortunate boy in his

reports to Turin and Vienna, and in a letter to the

latter Court he gave details of the treatment of the

1 Descostes, p. 334.
2 " Pendant un an entier le jeune Roi a couché sur un grabat qui
ne fut jamais remué, lui-même n'en avait pas la force : cet infortuné
était obligé de se coucher comme un pauvre animal sur ce lit infect et
putride. Madame plus avancée balayait lui-même sa chambre, la
nettoyait et veillait à la propreté.
" Dans leur chambre respective, on avait pratiqué un tour où on
leur apportait à manger ; à peine leur délivrait-on à quoi soutenir leur
existence ; ils étaient obligés de remettre eux-mêmes les plats de la
veille dans le tour. Les barbaries les plus raffinées se succédaient
chaque jour. . . . On forçait les deux enfants de se coucher à la
nuit ; jamais on ne leur a donné de chandelle. Deux brigands
veillaient jour et nuit autour de la chambre du Roi ; dès qu'il était
plongé dans le premier sommeil , un de ces Cerbères lui criait d'une
voix effroyable : Capet, où es-tu ? dors-tu ?-Me voilà répondait l'enfant,
moitié endormi et tout tremblant. Aussitôt le garde l'obligeait de
sortir du lit, d'accourir nu et suant pour se montrer. Trois heures
après, l'autre brigand répétait la même scène " (Correspondence for
Vienna, i., 241-2).
13
196 THERMIDOR TO VENDÉMIAIRE

never again made a pretence of deferring to his

opinion. D'Artois indeed continued from time to

time, notably in London four years later, to solicit his

advice, and it is curious that the future Charles X.
should thus have appeared more liberal than Louis
XVIII. More accessible and more courteous he

certainly was, and the preference of the Duke of

Wellington for the younger brother is only one
instance of the superior popularity he always enjoyed
with those who came in contact with him. But at
every crisis of his life, from his desertion of Louis
XVI. and Marie Antoinette to his desertion of the
Duc de Richelieu in 1821 , he showed himself, as he
was, unprincipled and faithless, and his occasional

overtures to Mallet du Pan merely proved that he

was not above intriguing with constitutionalism with
a view to securing adherents in case his brother's
more uncompromising policy made him impossible.
Louis' attitude is more difficult to account for. He
was a man of broader mind and, as he showed on
several occasions in later life, of much more acute

political perception than D'Artois ; he was capable

of learning from experience, for the author of the
Declaration of St. Ouen was a wiser man than the
author of the Declaration of Verona. But it was long

de ses lecteurs, mais lorsqu'il s'agit du futur, l'homme à système

moderne se fait apercevoir, et il nuit plus qu'il ne sert. Il lui faut
donc un régulateur et plutôt trop ferme que pas assez ; car entre
les mains d'un homme qui abonderait dans son sens, il aurait les
plus grands inconvénients, et tels que je préférerais son silence à ses
services." Louis, fortified by De Maistre, still adhered to the terms
of the Declaration of Verona. (From the letters and instructions
of Louis XVIII . to Saint-Priest, quoted by M. Thureau- Dangin ,
Royalistes et Républicains, p. 121.)
 LOUIS XVIII 197

before he showed any spirit of concession to popular

ideas or any consciousness that the France of 1789
was gone for ever, and meanwhile the opportunity
of setting a term to the progress of revolution had
passed never to return. That a Prince of some power

of thought and experience, but entirely wanting in

the qualities of initiative and action, was unable to
shake off the influences of an absolutist court and the
miserable tradition of an émigré regency may be ex

plained without attaching undue importance to pettier

motives. But Louis XVIII . was a bel esprit, and it

is probable that offended vanity may have had some

thing to do with the withdrawal of his confidence
from a too free- spoken and republican adviser. It
is impossible to affirm that Mallet du Pan's character
possessed any of the qualities likely to propitiate a
pretender who found his consolations in the incense
of flatterers, in the belief in his divine right, and in
the ceremonial of a mock court. Mallet du Pan had
reasoned himself into royalism, but he never came
near legitimism. A man who could have stooped
to seek opportunities of access, to mingle with his
counsels some discreet adulation and to applaud the
royal epigrams , might conceivably have obtained a
useful influence and weaned the monarch from his
parasites. But the failure of the moderate members
of Louis' own court to alter his views probably shows
he was not at this time to be shaken by arts or
arguments however adroit. " Toleration as regards
individuals, intolerance as regards principles, " was the
maxim which Louis XVIII . had announced in his ably
written letter to Mounier, a maxim not unnaturally
inspired by the recollection of the disastrous failure
 THERMID
OR AIRE
198 TO VENDÉMI

of his Brother's unresisting compliance with popular

demands. If he sought Mallet's advice, it was doubt
less with the wish to obtain the moral support of a

man who had stood high in the confidence of Louis

XVI . , and whose pen had gained him the ear of the
public and of continental statesmen ; but with no
intention to follow it if it did not coincide with his

own preconceived opinion.

Mallet du Pan then failed to influence the new

court, but he failed in company with all the wisest

advisers of the Princes. The Prince de Poix, who,

on the 10th of August, had covered Louis XVI . with

his body in the Tuileries and who had lost his father
and mother on the guillotine, was disgraced and exiled
from Verona ; and De Castries and Sainte- Aldegonde

who were in complete agreement with Mallet wrote

to him full of sympathetic despair at the attitude of
their royal masters. The royal confidence was given
instead to men like Montgaillard and D'Entraigues,
the two most consummate liars, as Mallet described
them, to be found in France, and the latter of whom
gloried in the title of the Marat of the counter- revolu
tion, and was so good as to write that he doubted
whether Mallet du Pan was entirely devoted to the
Jacobins. Emissaries and writers such as these, en
couraged by the patronage of D'Artois and Condé, vied
with each other in sanguinary attacks on the constitu
tional Royalists whose aid was indispensable to any
serious enterprise.¹ The impression made by these
incendiaries in Paris may be imagined ; every one

1 " Lafayette is classed with Jourdan Coupe-Tête, Cazalès with

Talleyrand, Malouet beneath Robespierre , Mallet du Pan lower than
Gorsas, Carra, or Brissot ! " (Thureau-Dangin.)
 QUIBERON 199

was soon saying that no hesitation was possible be

tween the Republicans and enemies so implacable,
and Mallet's comment is no more than was justified
when he wrote to his friend,

" Stultorum magister est eventus . These gentlemen may

make themselves quite easy about the description of the
monarchy to be established in France, for there will be
no monarchy at all. The last Stuarts reasoned and con
ducted themselves as they reason and conduct them
selves abroad ; their end will be the same. "

The failure of the miserably conceived and executed

descent of the British and the émigrés on Quiberon, and
the pusillanimous conduct of the Comte d'Artois¹ on
that occasion, placed fresh arms in the hands of the
Thermidorians, and made the ridiculous and futile talk
from Verona of " clemency and pardon " to the early
revolutionaries more ridiculous and futile than before.

Again Mallet writes to Sainte-Aldegonde :—

"If they wish to lose everything let them go on

with their équipées à la Quiberon, their extravagances

1 The last vol. (iii . ) of the Dropmore Papers, with its interesting
introduction by Mr. Walter FitzPatrick, gives a great deal of informa
tion as to the causes of the failure of the Quiberon expedition when
Pitt had at last resolved on the despatch of 20,000 men under Lord
Moira. The decision to send for the Comte d'Artois , who was ac
cordingly conveyed in a British ship from the Elbe to Spithead,
where he lived most uncomfortably in the cabin of a small and
crowded seventy-four, unable to land at Portsmouth for fear of arrest
for debt, was an unfortunate one. Though he talked a great deal
about it, he could never make up his mind to insist on being landed
in France and joining his heroic Vendean followers, and the British
Government made no attempt to facilitate his landing in England.
The whole business as described in this correspondence shows the
usual ill-management of Pitt's Government in war ; and exhibits the
blustering but irresolute D'Artois in a very unfavourable light.
200 THERMIDOR TO VENDÉMIAIRE

a la Coblentz, their fables of chivalry, of Dunois and

Gaston de Foix, of kings who speak of conquering
their kingdom without a battalion, who talk at Verona
as Henry IV . had the right to talk on the field of Ivry.
In heaven's name, my dear friend, once for all stop this
deluge of folly, silence your impertinent pamphleteers,
cut off your moustaches, tell the émigrés to cease ex-
terminating one another if they wish to go back to
France and to their properties. . . It is not for us to
direct events in the country , it is for them to guide us.
The Monarchists there dread nothing so much as our
great measures, our great armies, our great plans,
which have produced such great results. " All illusions
as to the usefulness of the war are gone. " I am anxious
for and I believe in a general peace. The Powers
have assuredly nothing better to hope for . . . whether
they recognise the King or not matters not six farth-
ings ; it is by France herself and not by beaten and
execrated foreigners that he must be adopted. "

Unfortunately the Monarchists within were little

wiser than the Royalists without. The mistaken action
of the latter had increased the chance that the new

Republican constitution, which was being elaborated in

the Convention, would be accepted by the men of
moderate opinions in the country, where the Ther-
midorians who clung to power with the desperation of
fear again made common cause with the Mountain , and
succeeded in carrying the decrees of Fructidor reserving
two-thirds of the places in the new councils to members
of the Convention . These decrees raised a storm of

indignation which gave a fresh impulse to royalist

feeling. But their leaders, and especially some of
their writers , instead of biding their time and trusting
to the annual elections to turn the growing movement
to advantage, played into the hands of the Convention
 DEFEAT OF THE SECTIONS 201

by taking up their challenge without concert or direc-

tion, save the deliberations in the sections of Paris ;
they blundered impetuously into the struggle for which
the Thermidorians were longing and for which they
had prepared by massing troops and arming the Jaco-
bins ; and the day of the 13th of Vendémiaire, when
Bonaparte under the direction of Barras crushed the

Jeunesse, ensured the continuance under legal forms

of the Jacobin rule and destroyed the hopes alike of
a royalist restoration and of a moderate republic.
'Nous voilà retombés,' wrote Mallet du Pan on 28th

October, dans un abîme sans fond. " Only those

who know by what efforts Paris has been roused from
its lethargy can judge of the difficulty of again bring-
ing about a similar conjunction of favourable circum-
stances." The depth of his discouragement shows

how real in his opinion had been the chance which had
come into view during these months for the first time
since the fatal days of October 1789 of ending the
Revolution by the establishment of a constitutional
monarchy, by an anticipation in fact of 1814.2 Mallet
du Pan dwelt on the part played by the Revolutionaries
of 1789 and the Constitutionalists of 1791 , whom the
émigrés and their King had been too shortsighted to
conciliate, in the victory of the Jacobin Republic . But
the émigrés were not displeased at the catastrophe
"because the livery of the ancien régime had not

1 Letter to Sainte- Aldegonde.

2 "Je vous certifie que le rétablissement de la Monarchie était le
but central des opérations ; on y fut parvenu, sans aucun doute, si
la Convention eut été forcé à renoncer à la réélection , et avec un
nouveau Corps législatif " (Lettres de Mallet du Pan à Saladin
Egerton, p. 27).
202 THERMIDOR TO VENDÉMIAIRE

been at once assumed, " " because the royalism of its

authors did not possess its sixteen quarterings " ! ¹ A
few months later he uttered the prophecy which was
to prove so terribly precise :

' On ne recouvrera la monarchie que sur des

monceaux de cendres et de cadavres, et après avoir vu
un usurpateur en saisir les rênes et les conserver peut
être fort longtemps '.

The action of Mallet du Pan during the critical

months thus briefly sketched would be sufficient, even
if it stood alone, to justify his title to the possession of
high political capacity. From this time he definitely
takes the place claimed for him by M. Thureau - Dan
gin as the most prominent, active and devoted represen
tative of the only royalism worthy of the name, of the
royalism which, if it had been adopted in 1795 , would
undoubtedly have terminated the Revolution, and which
alone was to bear fruit in the future. His voluminous

official reports and private letters at this time illustrate

his finest qualities as a writer, his genius for realising
and depicting the exact condition of public opinion,
his power of analysing party feeling and party distinc

tions, his insight into the real needs of the situation,

his courage in advocating unpalatable views ; all the
qualities in short which distinguish the constructive
statesman. The rest of his career will only testify to
the apparent uselessness during his own life of the
self-sacrificing exercise of these remarkable faculties.
The advent of the Directory to power not only put
an end to the hopes of peace, but inaugurated a phase of
the war which was not to end till Europe had been

1 Letter to Sainte- Aldegonde , 28th October 1795.

 BERNE 203

overturned from one end to the other, till it had more

than justified the prediction which Mallet had made in
January 1792. The pages of the Correspondence for
the Emperor will enable us to follow Mallet du Pan's
unavailing counsels as to the conduct of the war and
the general situation of France under the Directory
But it is time to turn to his life and occupations in the
ancient and aristocratic Republic of Berne which was
his home for nearly four years, and where his son had
joined his family after witnessing the bloody revolution
at Geneva, and hearing the proclamation read which con
demned Mallet du Pan as one of the first of those to suffer

death if ever found in the territory of the State. He

has left a description of Berne which is worth quoting :

"The contrast between Geneva and Berne is at all

times striking ; the one an old, irregular, and in part a
gloomy town, inhabited by an intelligent, disputatious,
over-active people, hemmed up in their beehive , on the
confines of three other States ; surrounded by a country
full of natural beauties, but far from fertile ; bare of
verdure and fine timber, and through which the access
to the town is confined to dusty roads, without any
agreeable circumstances save the view of the lake and
the Alps. Berne, on the contrary, is the capital of a
large canton, and the place of residence of an ancient
and powerful aristocracy, many of whom deserted their
baronial residences in the thirteenth and fourteenth
centuries to seek the security and immunities of an
Imperial and walled town, and who subsequently
brought a large portion of the Swiss territory under
their dominion. With the exception of the Pays de
Vaud, the population of the canton was German—a
grave, methodical people, chiefly engaged in pastoral
and agricultural pursuits ; many of them wealthy ; a
hard, rugged, fine race of men. The town itself is a
204 THERMIDOR TO VENDÉMIAIRE

model of order, cleanliness and attention to public

objects ; the country around hilly and wooded, nearly
all in pasture land, and watered with numerous streams
a perfect picture of agricultural prosperity and agree
able scenery. The roads are as fine as any in Europe,
with broad footways to a considerable distance from the
town ; the woods and meadows intersected by paths in
every direction, and the Jungfrau, Eigers, and Wetter
horn, with various intermediate chains of Alps, bounding
the horizon. According to all appearances, and also in
reality, a happy and well -governed country. No taxes ,
a strict administration of the revenues of the State,
justice done between man and man ; in most respects
an excellent government, and yet vastly remote from
the beau ideal of modern times." ¹

As for the Bernese Government its faults were

those of a government—

" founded on a principle of exclusion , and jealous of

any distinction, whether arising from wealth, active
intelligence, or social rank, other in fact than that of
member of the Great Council ofBerne. Hence a syste
matic discouragement of manufacturing industry and
political discussion, and a feeling towards the nobles of
the Pays de Vaud which generally made the govern
ment lean towards the peasantry in all the differences
between the gentry and the people. With all these
faults, however, there was at Berne what is generally
found in all aristocratic Republics, a character of eleva
tion and energy which is seldom seen in more popular
governments ; and this observation in some measure
holds good of individuals in such States, in whom
republican virtues are often found united with pride
of birth and ancestry ." "

The life of the family was simplicity itself. Their

finances were reduced to a low ebb, but in one of

¹ Reminiscences. 2 Ibid.
 BERNE 205

Mallet's few allusions to such matters, replying to an

offer from De Castries of assistance, he says, about this
time, that he was still living on what he had saved
from the wreck of Paris and Geneva and that he

had not yet suffered physical privation, et c'est beau

coup ' . He refused therefore to abuse the kindness of
his fellow victims, expressing his confidence in finding
resources when his plan of life was decided on. These
as it happened were provided until 1798 by his political
correspondence for Vienna, Berlin and Lisbon ; and
there is in existence an account-book in which he kept
a strict account of his expenditure, which never ex
ceeded an income of about £400 a year, while he
always had a reserve fund of £ 200 or £ 300 for unfore
seen expenses. Jealous of his personal independence ,
which he always looked on as his most precious posses
sion, and therefore forced to practise a rigid economy ,
he never neglected the claims of friends or the education
of his children ; and while the family were all dining at
ninepence a head he provided his sons and daughters
with an Italian master and a music master.

" At first¹ we had furnished lodgings in the Grande

Rue, on the second floor of a grocer's shop, kept by a
nephew of the great Haller, bearing the same name,
and proud of it, not because it had been honoured by
his distinguished relative , but because it was the name
of a patrician family. Our apartments were altogether
warmed with stoves ; there was not a chimney in the
whole house ; and we were fed from the hotel or the
restaurateur. This manner of supply was called the
cantine, from an old-fashioned word, cantina, a cellar or
pot-house, whence the French military word cantine, or

1 Reminiscences.
206 THERMIDOR TO VENDÉMIAIRE

soldier's can. The fare was execrable , but the cheap

ness perfectly incredible . We had as many portions
as we chose of each sort of mess, and so far as I re
member we all dined for thirty batz, or 3s. 6d. At the
end of a few months we got tired of the Hallers and
the cantine, and took an airy and cheerful apartment
on the Market Place . A market day is one of the
great sights of Berne , the peasantry resorting to it
from many miles around in their light carts, generally
drawn by four horses of a fine breed , well harnessed
and driven by reins. The provisions they bring are
abundant and excellent of their kind ; but the Bernois
are bad cooks ; their cookery, as well as their language ,
is of German origin, but degenerated , and as they are
very inhospitable their cookery is not likely to improve.
During the years we were at Berne we did not once
dine with any Bernois family. My father was asked
to the houses of members of the Government , but
alone.
" Our society principally consisted of French and
Genevese refugees , among whom the virtuous and
distinguished President of the National Assembly,
Mounier, and his family, stood foremost in our regard.
The other French emigrants of our acquaintance were
chiefly from Lyons and Franche- Comté. The Lyonese
were among the survivors of that destructive siege
which is remembered as one of the most terrific events
of the French Revolution ; persons of the middle
classes, chiefly manufacturers and merchants ; well
informed, domestic, and of the most respectable habits ;
by far the best class of French emigrants I have
known. We lived upon terms of intimacy with several
of them, and with many of our own countrymen who
had lately fled from Geneva. Among the latter were
the Gallatins, Falquets , Diodatis, and a spruce, middle
aged bachelor, Sarrazin, who had been in the service
of the King of Prussia, and who, with good sense and
good manners, made himself ridiculous by his adherence
 BERNE 207

to the stiff gait, tight dress, and coxcombical habits of

a Prussian Guardsman : he was a sort of beau to
Madame Diodati. Count Gallatin and his wife were
among the most distinguished Genevese : he a superior
man, in spite of his affected manners, and a great
friend of my father's, who for several years corre
sponded with him. He died minister of Bavaria at
Paris in 1823 , and was of the same family as Albert
Gallatin, of the United States. . . .
" Our little circle of refugees met several times a
week, sometimes at one house, sometimes at another ;
for many of our friends lived in the immediate vicinity
of the town. The winters at Berne are often beautiful.
I have seen there six weeks of uninterrupted bright,
clear frost, with an almost unclouded sky, and the
ground, as it were, sparkling with gems. This was
the time for long excursions ; nor did the severity of
the season ever interrupt our social intercourse. Our
walks home at night from the country houses of our
friends, muffled up in our cloaks, and with servants
carrying lanterns, were often full of merriment. The
interests, opinions and prejudices of our little circle
were all engaged on the same side ; we only differed
as to the means of bringing about a counter-revolu
tion, and my father's judgment in these matters
being held paramount, whenever he condescended to
join our parties it was considered as a great compli
ment. "

At Berne Mallet du Pan was for his purposes

fortunately placed ; he was in the very centre of in

trigue and diplomacy, and surrounded by émigrés and
emissaries of every party. Many calls upon his time
arose from the arrival of political characters or other
individuals who came to him for one reason or another,
some to communicate their schemes and solicit his
advice, others to request his assistance with the allied
208 THERMIDOR TO VENDÉMIAIRE

courts, others again merely to talk politics and make

his acquaintance :—

" The greater number of these persons came from

Paris, the Swiss frontier being the only outlet, and
Switzerland itself the scene of much political corre-
spondence and intrigue . I have a note of Madame
de Staël's, written to my father from the Faucon (an
inn at Berne) in terms highly complimentary, request-
ing an interview with him . He, however, declined
seeing her which was somewhat stern, and can only
be explained by his dread of her intriguing disposition
and his extreme aversion to political notoriety in
women. Such was the opinion entertained of my
father's judgment, means of information, and probity
of character that some of the most distinguished in-
dividuals among the French Constituționalists, such
as the Comte de Narbonne, Theodore de Lameth,
Mathieu Dumas and others, whose opinions and
conduct in the Revolution had been animadverted
upon in his writings in terms of great severity, never-
theless consulted him in the most unreserved manner,
and expressed on all occasions their esteem for his
character. " 1

From the earliest days of his settlement in Berne

Mallet du Pan had been suspiciously watched by the
able French minister Barthélemy who reported to his
Government the supposed intrigues, the diaboliques
menées ' in which he was engaged, and cast about for
the means of " eliminating " him from his native country.
'On ne peut se dissimuler,' he wrote in March 1794 ,
6
que ce Genevois est une vraie mêche d'enfer pour
notre pays.' These words may be placed side by side
with the imprecations from the court of the regent at

1 Reminiscences.
 BARON VIGNET 209

Verona against ' ce diable d'homme qu'on ne pouvait

parvenir à faire taire '. There is, as M. Descostes
has well said, abuse which does honour to its object,
and the attacks with which Mallet du Pan was over-

whelmed by extremists on both sides is the truest

homage which could have been paid to his political
wisdom .

There were at that time but two foreign ministers

at Berne besides the French representative Barthélemy,
those from Sardinia and England . Baron Vignet, the
former, -

was a large lumbering man, slovenly to the greatest

degree, with his waistcoat always open, and his
shirt frill spattered with snuff ; chattering with all
comers ; cursing the French, and playing whist with
the old dowagers of Berne. I must not omit his dinner
which was one of the most important of his concerns.
Truffles were a great article with him, and he always
carried some in his pocket which he offered to people
as one offers a lozenge or a pinch of snuff. He had a
great opinion of my father and the kindest feelings
towards us, and often came and chatted with my mother
in the morning ; on some of which occasions I have
seen him call for a little silver saucepan and a couple
of eggs when the plenipotentiary would pare and slice
his truffles, mix them with the eggs, and stirring the
whole over the fire make an excellent mess of œufs
brouillés. With all this the baron had very good natural
sense, and no want of shrewdness or political discern-
" 1
ment.

Mallet du Pan's relations with the court of Turin

perhaps owed their origin to his acquaintance with the

British minister there, Mr. Trevor afterwards Lord

1 Reminiscences .
14
210 THERMIDOR TO VENDÉMIAIRE

Hampden, to whom he had been introduced by Sir

John Macpherson . Trevor remained one of his warmest
admirers and friends ; and his relations with the British

representatives at Berne began auspiciously, his con-

stant visits to Lord Robert Fitzgerald attracting the
attention of the French spies. Lord Robert seems to
have been a rather typical specimen of an English
diplomatist ; "a fine, aristocratic-looking person," he is
described, " with the air and address of a high-bred
gentleman ; nor was he deficient in information and

intelligence ; but inactive, and without capacity for

affairs ". But Mallet's relations with the successive

English ministers were early disturbed by an incident

which gave him much concern at the time, and very
much weakened the credit he had enjoyed with the
British Government. Careful as he was he could not

be always on his guard against misrepresentations, and

on this occasion he seems to have been misled. In
September 1794 Theodore de Lameth and his friends
thought they saw a chance of organising the moderates
in Paris through the Thermidorians, so as to bring
about the restoration of a government in France which
could protect its inhabitants and be a guarantee of peace
in Europe. They offered their services on condition
that Lafayette and others should be set at liberty by
the Powers ; and induced Mallet du Pan and Mounier
to transmit their proposals to Lord Grenville, which
they accordingly did through the British minister at
Berne. George III . in a note to Lord Grenville
observed : " Lord Robert Fitzgerald (the minister)

is certainly not an able or quick-sighted man, and

the two French gentlemen, M. Mounier and M. du
Pan, are men of superior talents, and may have their
 WICKHAM 211

own private views to effect ".¹ Mr. Wickham , there-

fore, a personal friend of Lord Grenville's, was sent
out to inquire into the matter. Mallet's son relates
what followed :-

"Mr. Wickham's arrival was an event. To us it

was at first a peculiarly agreeable circumstance ; for
his wife was a Genevese lady the daughter of Professor
Bertrand, who had married a Mallet and whose family
was well known to us, and highly respectable. But
although Mr. Wickham was always courteous and
considerate to my father, the good understanding and
considerate feeling with which their acquaintance
began soon subsided. Mr. Wickham discovered or

thought he discovered, on communicating with the

individuals whose overtures had led to his mission,
that there was little or no foundation for the expecta-
tions held out by them, and that they had neither party
nor friends at Paris whom it might be an object to
support. This may have been all true, but it was
probably expressed too unreservedly. Mounier, who
had been a party to the overtures made to the British
Government, and whose temper was quick, was offended
with Mr. Wickham's conclusions, and would have no-
thing more to say to him."

George III. was very angry at what he considered

the " duplicity " of Mounier and Mallet du Pan, and
attributed the fiasco not to imprudence on their part
but to " premeditated falsehood ". He ordered that

in future they were to be " kept out of any business

Mr. Wickham might have to transact "." Lord Robert
Fitzgerald had previously reported that they were

1 Dropmore Papers, vol. ii . , p. 638.

2 Note to Lord Grenville, 4th December 1794, Dropmore
Papers.
212 THERMIDOR TO VENDÉMIAIRE

now undeceived and " not a little ashamed that

two such great men should have been so grossly

duped ! "

" My father," continues the Reminiscences, "re-

mained upon friendly terms ; but when Mr. Wickham
replaced Lord Robert Fitzgerald, who was soon re-
called, circumstances arose which could hardly fail
to disturb the good harmony between them. Lord
R. Fitzgerald's diplomatic functions were of a very
quiet character, but Mr. Wickham's influence with
Lord Grenville, his activity and talents, and the
ample pecuniary means placed at his disposal , soon
brought him plenty of business. The people who used
to come to my father for his opinions now came to
Mr. Wickham for guineas. Plots were got up in
Franche - Comté and other parts of France on the
credit of this new ally, and chiefly by determined and
uncompromising Royalists, who would have nothing
short of the old régime. Differences of opinion, there-
fore, soon arose between Mr. Wickham and my father,
both as to the description of person to be trusted and
the end proposed. My father had a very indifferent
opinion of some of Mr. Wickham's agents, considering
them as some of the worst instruments that could be
employed for the objects he had in view. On the
other hand , Mr. Wickham thought my father much
too favourable to the Constitutionalists, and the dupe
of their ambitious views. Some ill humour was thus
generated on both sides, without altogether interrupting
their intercourse. Mr. Wickham went on his own way
without consulting my father, whose extensive corre-
spondence and habits of communication with political
men were not unnaturally a cause of distrust and caution
to a regular diplomatist ; and my father, on his side,
kept to his old path, without mixing in any of the
counter- revolutionary intrigues afloat, of which Berne
then became the headquarters . "
 FRIENDSHIPS 213

These differences, though they cut him off from

communication with the British Government upon which

he had in the summer of 1793 greatly relied for a wise

and moderate war policy, did not permanently estrange
Mallet du Pan from Wickham, who on several occa
sions in later years used his influence in his favour and
contributed essentially in the advancement of his son
after his death, a sincere and unusual proof of friend
ship.
It may easily be conceived that Mallet du Pan's

natural aversion to intrigue was strengthened by this

occurrence, and that he had no great hopes from
similar schemes, such as that, for instance, of which
Montgaillard two years later made him his chief con
fidant, to bring over Pichegru then at the head of the
army of the Rhine to the royalist side through the
Prince de Condé. His own time was fully occupied

by the task of digesting the reports he continually

received from France, and preparing his weekly
budget for the three Courts. But he maintained at

the same time a most active private correspondence

in which he expressed his ideas with even less reserve
than in his diplomatic despatches. The interchange

of letters between Mallet du Pan and a large circle

of friends of every shade of anti- revolutionary opin
ions formed indeed one of the most important sources
of his information , and now, that his journalistic work
was for a time interrupted, one of his chief means of
influencing public opinion.
There was first of all the group of constitutional
Monarchists with whom Mallet had allied himself,
in sympathy though not in hope, during the first
months of the National Assembly. The Comte de
214 THERMIDOR TO VENDÉMIAIRE

Lally-Tollendal was already known for his devotion

to the memory of his father, the General Lally of
Indian renown, executed under the old régime. His
eloquence and his vigorous championship of the prin-
ciples of liberty on the English pattern brought him
early into prominence in the National Assembly, and
early drove him from it into exile. He was a man
of high and honourable character, and master of a
literary style, forcible and rhetorical, which might per-
haps have won him a free election to the seat in the
Academy presented to him by Louis XVIII . at the
Restoration. There was, however, an element of Irish
exuberance in his character which made Lally a some-
what burlesque figure. Rivarol described him as ' le
plus gras des hommes sensibles ' ; a man ' à démonstra-
tions, à grands sentiments, à embrassades,' says Sainte-
Beuve. Lord Sheffield's lively daughter gives us some
1
very entertaining glimpses of Lally-Tollendal, with his
alternations of high and low spirits, his declamation
of Voltaire's plays and his own compositions, his flow
of amusing talk, his dancing with the " greatest good
humour to the music of a Fletching fiddler, " and his
dark allusions to the pond in the park coupled with
meaning questions about Lord Clive's end. " The

maids who sleep over his room say he walks about the
greatest part of the night and groans and stamps and

¹ See Girlhood of Maria Josepha (afterwards Lady Stanley of

Alderley), by her granddaughter, Miss Adeane. She describes her
first impressions of Lally-Tollendal and Mounier at Lausanne as
follows : " If I had not heard the one speak and heard of the other I
should have set them both down as very stupid men. . . . Lally has
a very heavy countenance till it is animated by conversation ; and
Mounier looks insignificant. "
 LALLY-TOLLENDAL 215

sighs most horribly. " She tells of his somewhat too

tardy marriage with a Scotch lady, of his liaison with
Princesse d'Hénin, of his claim as the grandson of an
Irishman to British nationality, his application for an
Irish peerage, and his success at length in obtaining a
pension of £ 300. He seems to have become some
what ashamed of his precipitate flight from Paris in
October 1789, and redeemed it by his courageous re
turn in 1791 when he exerted himself with Lafayette
in the interests of the royal house, witnessing the
尊
events of the summer of 1792 , and only escaping from
prison on the eve of the September massacres by the
help of a friendly door-keeper of the National Assembly.

" He employed himself the first two days of his im

prisonment by preparing a defence of Montmorin, and
proved his innocence so clearly that he was acquitted
and released , but the aimables sans-culottes interfered
and insisted on a new trial, in consequence of which he
was sent back to the Abbaye where he met his unfor
tunate end. The last three days Lally made his own
speech for the scaffold and intended to hold very high
language and to let them hear a little truth. Í have
sometimes doubted whether he was not disappointed at
1
losing the opportunity of delivering his harangue. " ¹

With all his foibles, however, he was a warm and

generous friend and admirer of Mallet du Pan, who
died in his house. He returned in 1801 to France,
and lived in retirement near Bordeaux, and on the
Restoration he was created a peer of France, and played
a consistent and honourable part in defence of his life
long opinions in the Chamber, dying a few months
before the Revolution of 1830.

1 Girlhood of Maria Josepha, p. 192 .

 1

216 THERMIDOR TO VENDÉMIAIRE

Mounier, with whom Mallet du Pan became intimate

at Lausanne and at Berne, and for whose character

and ability he expresses the highest esteem, is a

less inspiring figure . Madame de Staël called him
passionately reasonable ". By the irony of fate he
1
is famous in history as the proposer of the oath of the
Tennis Court, an act of which he heartily repented.
His real title to remembrance is his knowledge of
constitutional theory, and his attempt to apply that
knowledge in the first months of the National Assembly
of which he was President during the days of October.
At Geneva ; in England , where he was glad to accept
a travelling tutorship to Lord Hawke's son ; at Berne,
where he returned with his pupil ; and, finally, in the
territories of the Duke of Brunswick, where he set up
an academy for young men, he gained fresh distinction
by his political writings, and perhaps lost some of the
pedantic narrowness which unfitted him for leadership.
He returned at all events to France in 1801 where he

died five years later, and where he honourably main-

tained his opinions and his independence, though he
served the Emperor as prefect of the department at
Ile-et-Vilaine and afterwards as a Counsellor of State.
He died in 1805 , and his son , Baron Mounier, played
a creditable part under the Restoration.
Above either of these in Mallet du Pan's regard
was Malouet, by whose side he had stood through the
first three years of the Revolution. After his return

to France in 1801 from England, which had been his

home since his almost miraculous escape from Paris
after the September massacres , Bonaparte was glad
to make use of his remarkable administrative capacity
and experience as Maritime Prefect at Antwerp, and
 MALOUET 217

he lived just long enough to become Minister of Marine

and a member of the Chamber of Peers under Louis

XVIII . He will ever remain known for his loyal

devotion to the King and Queen : N'oubliez jamais
son nom,' was Marie Antoinette's injunction to the
Dauphin. But he is equally with Mallet du Pan the
most prominent and sagacious of the liberal Monarch-
ists ; together with his friend he united moderation of

opinions with courage and consistency in expressing

and maintaining them, and his memoirs give by far
the best account of the policy and action of the early
Constitutionalists in the National Assembly. But while
Mallet's hostility to revolutionary principles grew with
his knowledge of them, and his criticisms became more
profound and valuable as he realised the European
character of the convulsion , Malouet, at a distance from
the scene of events and cut off as he was in England
from all the sources of knowledge open to his friend,
yielded to the influences which surrounded him and
to his natural longing to return to his own country,
and became increasingly inclined to what Mallet thought
hazy and impossible ideas of compromise. The circum-
stances and character of the two men in fact influenced
them in a different direction without destroying their real
agreement or their personal friendship, and Malouet's
letters during their differences in 1797 remained models
of temperate reasoning. Mallet's son has left the fol-
lowing picture of this interesting and attractive figure :—
66
Malouet was, to the time of my father's death
and his own subsequent return to France , our best and
dearest friend ; a man who possessed every virtue which
can distinguish a public man and form an estimable
and useful citizen ; enlightened, moderate, firm, labori-
218 THERMIDOR TO VENDÉMIAIRE

ous, eloquent, with a strong sense of public duty,

eminently disinterested ; of an undaunted courage, and
yet in the greatest degree tender and amiable in the
private relations of life ; delightful in conversation by
his simplicity, playfulness, and indulgence ; wholly
free from any affectation of superiority ; and yet, as
observes Montlosier, with a mind and manner the most
commanding and dignified . Such was the man , whose
friendship and regard I shall ever be proud of. " i

The most original of the moderates and always one

of Mallet du Pan's warmest friends, was the Auvergnat
noble, the Comte de Montlosier, whose beginnings in the
National Assembly have already been noticed. He was
Mallet's most vehement and not too discreet supporter

in his campaign against the spirit of the emigration .

" On his emigrating from France in April 1792

he found on his arrival at Coblentz that the pure
Royalists considered him as a contaminated person,
who had transigé with the Revolution ; and being cut
by one of these énergumènes, M. Dambray, he fought
and wounded him, after which he met with no further
molestation. I never knew any man more free from
littleness of character and selfish views. He was a

self- educated man ; a considerable geologist for his

time ; and possessed of some knowledge in various
branches of history and philosophy ; but he was too
ambitious of literary distinction, and his style was often
involved and obscure. He was also too much given
to systems - systems of Government, systems of morals,
social systems ; but he nevertheless possessed what
appears quite inconsistent with such a turn of mind-
great vigour of purpose ; and he seems by some late
proceedings at Paris to be as firm a friend to constitu-
tional freedom and religious tolerance as he was fifty
" 2
years ago.

1 Reminiscences. 2 Ibid.

1
 DE CASTRIES AND SAINTE- ALDEGONDE 219

Mallet du Pan's friendships were not confined to

those who held his exact shade of political opinions,
for he was as far as possible from being a doctrinaire
in politics. The development of the Revolution into
a European event brought him as we have seen into
political partnership, not only with continental states-
men, but with Frenchmen of various parties and
especially with many of the pure Royalists, such as the
Prince de Poix , the Marshal de Castries and the Comte
de Sainte-Aldegonde, men who though émigrés in fact
were as far as himself from sharing the incurable pre-
judices of their class. With such men as these he found
himselfas time went on more in sympathy, the sympathy
born of active co-operation , than with the older friends.
With De Castries and Sainte- Aldegonde, at all events,
he maintained a voluminous correspondence, and with
the latter he formed a most cordial friendship. Sainte-
Aldegonde was of a great Netherlands family ' and

1 "Je n'oublierai jamais les manières nobles, jolies et cependant

parfaitement simples du grand seigneur Français. Mon père avait
pour M. de Sainte-Aldegonde une confiance et une amitié qui ne se
démentirent jamais, et ce dernier sentit la mort de mon père comme
il aurait senti celle d'un frère " (note by J. L. Mallet). The topsy-
turveydom of Revolution is well illustrated by the fact that at the
time of his death Mallet was assisting Sainte-Aldegonde with a payment
of £25 a year which he had hastened to offer as soon as the Mercure
Britannique had been successfully launched. The offer and its accept-
ance does honour to both men. Sainte-Aldegonde's royal master was
little better off. During the Quiberon expedition, the Comte d'Artois
could not set foot in England for fear of arrest for debt, and there
is a curious letter from Lord Buckingham to his brother Lord Gren-
ville (4th Sept. 1797 ) , in which he says : " Inthe meantime do not let
the Comte d'Artois starve, which is pretty near his actual situation
. . . The only sure and clear result of all these conferences is that
Monsieur has not one farthing, and having received only £1,000 for
220 THERMIDOR TO VENDÉMIAIRE

had before the Revolution become attached to the

Comte d'Artois , probably through his marriage with the

daughter of the Duchesse de Tourzel , Gouvernante des
Enfans de France, who first introduced him to Mallet
du Pan. Their meeting at Schaffhausen cemented a
friendship which ended only with Mallet's death. Sainte-
Aldegonde was placed in the Chamber of Peers at the
Restoration. Marshal de Castries had won distinction
in the pre- Revolutionary wars, and had been Minister
of Marine to Louis XVI . in 1780. His son's duel with
Charles de Lameth and the consequent sack of his hotel,
one of the first acts of violence of the Parisian mob,
had drawn from Mallet a vigorous denunciation of the
growing spirit of anarchy. " The Marshal, " wrote his
friend after his death, " supported with no less dignity
than resignation the trials of adversity. Never either
in his sentiments , his conduct, or his counsels did he
lose sight of the prudence acquired in difficult times,
of the moderation which marks a man in whom reason

is superior to resentment, of the conciliatory spirit

without which an unfortunate cause becomes a hope-
less one." His high character and great services gave

him an influential position at the émigré court, and the

Duke of Brunswick, whom he had defeated at Closter-
camp, now chivalrously welcomed him at Wolfenbüttel
and raised a monument there to his memory on his

death in 1801. Through both of these Mallet was

constantly able to give information and advice to the
Princes of a kind which they were not in the habit of
receiving from other sources. He also, through the
group of friends assembled at the court of the Duke

the last three months is not very likely to get fat " (Dropmore Papers,
vol. iii., p. 368).
 GALLATIN AND DE PRADT 221

of Brunswick, communicated his views to the Duke,

upon whom he once said the dictatorship of Europe.
ought to be conferred. The Chevalier de Gallatin,
Mallet's recommendation of whom to the Duke ob-
tained for him a nomination to his Council and important.
diplomatic employment in later years, was one of these.
On a somewhat different level from most of the above.
stands another of Mallet's most constant and brilliant.
correspondents, the Abbé de Pradt, whose remarkable
pamphlet, L'Antidote au Congrès de Rastadt, was even
attributed to Joseph de Maistre. He was one of those
who grew tired of exile when Bonaparte restored order

to France, and as Bishop of Poictiers and afterwards

Archbishop of Malines, Baron and Grand Cross of

the Legion of Honour, confidant of Napoleon and his

ambassador at Warsaw in 1812 , and finally as pensioner
of Louis XVIII . , he was permitted to gratify to the
full the cravings of personal ambition.
The names of Necker, De Panat, De Sales, De
Maistre and Portalis close the list of the best known

of Mallet du Pan's correspondents, but he maintained

also a private correspondence with many of the public
men mentioned in the preceding pages.
 222

CHAPTER VII.

THE DIRECTORY IN THE VIENNA CORRESPONDENCE

-THE CONDUCT OF THE WAR- SECOND
PAMPHLET.

1795-1796.

THE period embraced by the Vienna correspondence,

of which some further account must now be given, is
perhaps the dreariest and least known of the revolu
tionary epoch. Not a man concerned in administration
or in the active work of politics stands forth from the
picture, not an act either of destruction or of reorgani
sation has left any permanent trace. The annals of
the Directory would be the meanest passage in French
history if they had not been relieved by the military
triumphs of the man who was to destroy it. The

long-drawn analysis of these barren years would indeed

become wearisome from the uniform baseness of men

and events, were it not for the answer which it supplies

to the question how it was that a Government so
detestable and so detested, in administration so weak,
yet so tyrannical in the exercise of power, was able not
only to stand for four years, but to carry on with
success and glory a war against allied Europe. The
character of the whole period is one of internal conflict.
The Government welcomed after Thermidor as the
liberators of France from the tyranny of the Reign of
 THE DIRECTORS 223

Terror had lost its character of strength and con

sistency at the same time as it threw off the yoke of a
savage dictatorship. The detestation of the people
for the men whom Mallet described as the ' valets

qui ont pris le sceptre de leurs maîtres après les avoir

assassinés ' was brought to a head by their inability,
associated as they were in all the crimes of their pre
decessors, to satisfy the popular demand for " peace
and bread," a demand which in the streets, in the

theatres, and in the cafés, with threats and with curses,

with satire and with jest, was everywhere repeated with
growing intensity. The Directory which succeeded to
this period of anarchy no less faithfully adhered to
revolutionary methods and was no less in opposition
to the wishes of the mass of the nation, but as the

champions of France against the arms of Europe they

found in war their strength and safety.
The abortive rising of the sections ensured the
defeat of the Directors proposed by the newly elected
third of the councils, moderate, distinguished and
capable men ; and enthroned the five regicides La
Réveillère- Lepaux, Rewbell, Le Tourneur, Barras and
Sieyes, the last of whom characteristically declined a
place in the system he had elaborated and was re
placed by Carnot. Mallet drew the most unflattering
"
portraits of the new rulers of France. Ce pauvre
petit philosophailleur ' La Réveillère, the high priest
of a new religion , ' the acolyte of Robespierre, Petion

1 Talleyrand's well-known mot is perhaps worth repeating. La

Réveillère-Lepaux had recommended to the Institut a religious cele
bration of the three great acts of life-birth, marriage and death . " I
have only one observation to make," said Talleyrand, " Jésus-Christ
pour fonder sa religion a été crucifié et est ressuscité. Vous auriez
dû tâcher d'en faire autant."
224 VIENNA CORRESPONDENCE

and Buzot ; and Rewbell, able, artful, experienced, of

whom Camille Desmoulins had once said that his

countenance was a study of nature intended to portray

envy, hatred and malice, and whom Bonaparte after-
wards detested but employed, were both drawn from
the benches of the Extreme Left, which Mirabeau
"
had once silenced with the words, Faites taire cette

canaille '. Carnot, fort et fin, one of the heroes of the

revolutionary legend , is described as engrossed in his
special functions the direction of military operations,
mixing little in intrigues of party, and willing to serve
all in succession as he had shown in making himself
the accomplice of the enormities of the Terror. " You

cannot be wrong if you do the will of the people, "

was his political motto. Le Tourneur was a captain

of engineers, Carnot's intimate friend , and, like him,

always clinging to the dominant faction, travailleur

et paperassier '. At the head stood Barras, the patron

of Bonaparte : Barras, ' qui joue le roi et le Genghis
Khan,' not unmindful of his birth and having much
at heart to be considered and treated as a person

of quality, a man of limited ability, without morality,

honour or education, " having the tone and courage
of a soldier, and bearing himself in politics with the
same audacity as in his debauchery ".
The constitution over which these men presided
would have been unworkable in any hands. It was
largely inspired by the lesson of previous failures. The

constitution of 1791 had erred as greatly in the dis-

astrous preponderance it conferred upon the legislative
functions of the State as the Conventional constitu-
tion, which followed it, did in the tyranny it permitted
to the executive in the supremacy of the Committees.
 CONSTITUTION OF 1795 225

The constitution of 1795 , of which no better criticism

exists than that passed on it by Necker in the work he
published on the Revolution in the following year,
aimed accordingly at dividing the body politic into
three separate and independent parts, none of which
should be supreme. It was an expedient favoured
by the example of the framers of the American con
stitution. The Council of the Jeunes Gens was to

supply the imagination which conceived legislation ,

the Council of the Anciens the wisdom which weighed
and revised it, and the Directory, with the ministers
subordinate to them, the whole executive power of
the Government ; while the only connection between
the legislature and the executive was through the
machinery of exhortative addresses on the one side
and ordinary and extraordinary envoys on the other.
Such a separation of powers, if each was to remain
a reality, was a caricature of constitutional theory.
In the hands of honest rulers it must have produced
confusion and deadlock, in those of the Directors it
was simply, as Mallet du Pan expressed it, ' le moyen
d'allier avec les formes de la liberté la nécessité, la
combinaison et la force du despotisme ' . It ensured the
failure of republican government, and led after two
coups d'État to a military dictatorship. That it lasted
so long as four years was due to the apathetic attitude
of the mass of the people.
The cannon of Vendémiaire, which established

the Directory and crushed the Jeunesse, taught a

lesson which for thirty years prevented any attempt
at popular rising in the streets of Paris. Five years
of baffled hopes of the restoration of order had
produced a lasting impression upon the people ; hence
15
226 VIENNA CORRESPONDENCE

forth, when their will was being overruled by the

Directory, when streets, bridges, and squares were
bristling with troops and cannon, they went about
their business or their pleasure with the same care-
lessness with which the " Greeks of Constantinople
in the last centuries of the Empire had seen every
six months the dethronement or assassination of an
emperor ". The Directory entered upon their rule
with the immense advantage of a people to govern
who placed their safety in a total abnegation of
political sentiment, in so far as their opinion might
commit them to any line of action ; and the 30,000
troops encamped at the gates of Paris were necessary
only to protect them against their own extreme
partisans. Among the people alone were heard the
curses, threats and epigrams against the Government
with which Paris continued to resound. The well-
to -do classes preferred to cringe to their tyrants, and
indulge in the stupid and selfish optimism of the Con-
stitutionalists of 1792. Observers have familiarised

us with the picture of the manners of the Directory,

and many passages in this correspondence bring out
with new details and new illustrations the union of

luxury and privation characteristic of the time. Appal-

ling accounts are given in the Correspondence of the
licence and depravity in which the inhabitants of Paris
sought compensation for their calamities. It was a

state of things which was not confined to the capital.

In Lyons-

"which is without bread or wood, where men live

on rations of rice and burn their beds to warm them-

1"The people of France, " wrote De Maistre, " will always accept
their masters , never choose them " (Considérations sur la France).
 THE PEASANTRY 227

selves, where the pavement is still red with the blood

of 7,000 citizens of every rank massacred and shot
down last year ( 1794), there are two theatres and
several public halls open and always full, and a brazen
luxury flaunts in the spoils of its victims. The Revolu
tion has completed the extinction of the moral sense.
Ties of relationship are weakened, the most atrocious
egotism reigns in all hearts, honour and sentiment, duty
and self- respect are no longer to be found. "

The agricultural population was the one class which

had gained in material prosperity. These advantages
they were determined to maintain ; the régime of tithe
and gabelle, of parlements and intendants, was gone
for ever, but the departments were ill-disposed to
a Government which either neglected the duties of
administration or harassed them with requisitions in
men, money and kind, which persecuted the religion
to which they still clung, and endeavoured to replace
by republican usages the thousand social institutions
of which the Church was the centre. Conservatism

and dread of change were then, as now, the leading

characteristics of the French peasantry, and it was
even truer of them than of the Parisians, " that they
would only turn upon the executioner when his axe
was at their neck ". " No revolution will ever begin

with the people," is the profound reflection suggested

to Mallet by the spectacle he witnessed ; it is a re
flection justified by the subsequent history of France,
as well as by that of other countries. Princes and
governments have often played for the lives and
fortunes of their subjects ; never before had the
spectacle been afforded of a great nation accepting
its position as the stake in the game of party strife.
228 VIENNA CORRESPONDENCE

It was a spectacle which might have aroused the

scorn even of a Frenchman, and may perhaps excuse
the passion with which Mallet, a foreigner, describes a
nation

" at once cruel and frivolous, servile and licentious,

impetuous at one moment in its complaints, and forget
ting them without motive in the next, careless in
suffering as in prosperity, incapable of foresight or of
reflection, selling in the morning like savages the bed
on which they are to lie at night ; such in every age
has been the character of the people, such are they at
the present hour, and such they will ever remain until
the end of time. "1

' Les brigandages du Directoire sont des coups de

poignard donnés à un cadavre.' A double criticism
is contained in these words, and the character of the
Government is treated in the same detail as that of
the demoralised nation which so long supported its
rule. For the Directory soon showed itself to be a
mere continuation of the revolutionary régime, and
maintained its power by availing itself of the division
of opinion in the country, and by holding the balance
between disorganised factions. Dreaded by all, the
new rulers of France feared every party, and, relying
in the last resort upon the Jacobins, they were
nervously sensitive to the secret disaffection of the
majority whose opposition they had been obliged
to crush before they could establish their authority.
Their policy thus continually betrayed a character of
vacillation. After the coup d'Etat of Vendémiaire,
they threw themselves upon the party by whose aid
they had triumphed, and the rule of Terror started
1
¹ Correspondence for Vienna, vol. i., p. 186.
 CHARACTER OF GOVERNMENT 229

again into activity, until the socialist conspiracy of

Babœuf forced them to appeal to the support of the
moderate parties by turning out the Jacobins from
the places they had given them. Obliged to follow
rather than direct the oscillations of public opinion,
they alternately punished and caressed their extreme
supporters, or struck at both parties by closing at
the same time the anti-revolutionary cafes and the
Jacobin club of the Panthéon, or by proposing
an amnesty both for the members of the rebel sec
tions and for the authors of the September massacres.
The Directory, the ministers, and the Councils were
divided amongst themselves, and the constitution,
which had drawn a hard and fast line between the
executive and the legislature, provided no means by
which a deadlock between the functions of govern
ment could be avoided or overcome. "The Directory

cannot govern the Assemblies, it must therefore obey

them , conspire, or perish. " The Councils, becoming
at every election more moderate and anti-revolu
tionary, found themselves in two years in complete
opposition to the Directory, and in the struggle of
Fructidor 1797 in which the people stood neutral
the executive, in command of the whole material power
of the State, was able once more to override the feeling
of the nation expressed in their elected Assemblies.
Legislation, meanwhile, had been paralysed by this
growing hostility and by the changing character of
the councils. The number of laws made from the

beginning of the Republic has been computed at 22,271 ,

the majority of which it was impossible from their
contradictory nature to execute. The instability of the
laws destroyed all confidence ; " they were received
230 VIENNA CORRESPONDENCE

like tempests, accepted with indifference , and forgotten

as soon as made ; " and the Government superintended
the execution of those only which aided them in the
work of spoliation, or secured the ends of their party.
Administration, indeed, had ceased to exist in the

country ; the ministers and higher officials, grossly

ignorant of the laws they had to administer and of the
wants of the people, were more occupied with the
management of their army of constantly changing
employees than with the duties proper to responsible
government. Corruption was carried to its greatest
excess by officials whose miserably inadequate pay was
often two years in arrear, and such agents, naturally
unable to exercise any real control, were universally
ignored or disobeyed. Many provinces-the Vivarais,
Cévennes, Rouergue, Haute-Auvergne, and Bas- Lan-
guedoc -were practically in a state of independence.
The western departments were in open rebellion, and
in all brigandage partaking of the nature of the
chouannerie was rife. Il n'y a aucune police dans
toute l'étendue de la France, ' and Paris, garrisoned by
the troops of the Directory, alone afforded a semblance

of government. The picture would seem overcharged

had we not the avowal of the Directory themselves
made to the Council of the Five Hundred in December
-
1796 :-

66
Every part of the administration is in decay,
the pay of the troops is in arrear, the defenders of the
country are in rags, and their disgust causes them to
desert ; the military and civil hospitals are destitute of
all medical appliances, the State creditors and con-
tractors can recover but small portions of the sums due
to them, the high roads are destroyed and communi-
 ADMINISTRATIVE CHAOS 231

cations interrupted, the public

officials are without
salaries from one end of the Republic to the other ;
everywhere sedition is rife, assassination organised, and
the police impotent ".

Such was the official account of the chaos into

which administration had fallen. But for the purpose

of maintaining its ascendency and devoting the re-

sources of the country to the revolutionary propaganda,
the system of the Directory with its restless energy, its
active and powerful will, supplied all mere deficiencies
of administrative order. The very freedom from the
ordinary restraints of morality and prudence was the
great secret of its power. Burke insists upon the-

"dreadful energy of a State in which property has

nothing to do with the government. The design is
wicked, impious, aggressive, but it is spirited, it is daring,
it is systematic. . . . In that country entirely to cut off
a branch of commerce, to extinguish a manufacture, to
destroy the circulation of money, to violate credit, to
suspend the course of agriculture, even to burn a city
or lay waste a province of their own, does not cost
them a moment's anxiety. To them the will, the wish,
the want, the liberty, the toil , the blood of individuals
is as nothing. "

The record of the financial operations of the

Directory amply justifies Burke's description. The

issue of paper money was a resource which the Terror

and the Convention had almost exhausted, and the

country was experiencing the inevitable consequences

of the abuse of an inconvertible currency. By the

¹ Mallet du Pan never encouraged the idea cherished by

D'Ivernois, Lord Auckland and even by Malouet, that the financial
exhaustion of France would help the allies. "Those who in
232 VIENNA CORRESPONDENCE

time the Directory came into office, assignats had been

issued to the amount of 20,000,000,000 francs, and

100 francs in assignats was worth one and a half in

coin. In two months the daily issue had risen from
100,000,000 to 600,000,000, and the total had increased
to 40,000,000,000, while the value had fallen to per
cent. The Government plunged into a vortex of frantic
speculation, and anything like an accurate record of its
fabulous indebtedness soon became impossible. Since
1792 the Government had ceased to number the notes ;
each minister coined money to supply his public and
private necessities ; the country was flooded with false
assignats which it was impossible to distinguish from
the real ones, and no kind of proportion had been kept
between the alleged security and the gigantic super-
structure of credit which had risen upon it. The

official estimates give a pitiable idea of the incapacity

and dishonesty of the republican financiers. Since

the fall of Robespierre various computations had

put the national property at from 10,000,000,000 to
17,000,000,000 of francs in assignats, thus officially
recognising the depreciation by reckoning at the
speculative price which paper bore in the market.
The Finance Committee in 1795 announced the
national property as worth 7,000,000,000 of écus.
The actual value of the national domains at the
end of the Terror might have been put at from
2,000,000,000 to 3,000,000,000, but such confusion and

London," he wrote in 1796 (Correspondance politique pour servir

à l'histoire du républicanisme en France), " have predicted with
such confidence that the fall of the assignats would bring about that
of the Revolution and necessitate peace do not know France, the
Revolution, or its agents."
 THE ASSIGNATS 233

corruption prevailed in their administration that a real

estimate was perhaps impossible, and the nature of the
security made it difficult to sell at all except at prices
low enough to tempt speculators. Much, therefore,
as the Government were able to profit by trading in
their own paper issues, desperate measures were soon
necessitated by the growing worthlessness of their paper.
In a time of peace and prosperity Necker had never
been able to raise in a single year a loan of more than
100,000,000. The Directory now demanded from an
impoverished nation a loan of six times that amount,
a sum equal to a year's revenue was to be raised within

six weeks from a people whose whole effective capital

in money and paper did not amount to more than

double the sum to be levied ; and in spite of the most

arbitrary and cruel methods of collection, in spite, in
fact, of a general confiscation of money and goods, it
may readily be conceived that not one-third of this
loan was ultimately recovered by the Government. All

taxation partook of the irregular nature of this loan, for

regular means could never have supplied the immense
necessities of the Directory. A large part was derived
from the conquest and plunder of foreign countries, and
the hope of foreign spoil was the principal inducement
held out to the armies of France. At home the plunder
of churches and of the Mobilier National, consisting
of the confiscated plate, jewellery and valuables of the
émigrés, was soon exhausted. The national domains,
almost unsaleable, were alienated with extraordinary
recklessness. Indirect taxes, which had been in large
part remitted by the first Assemblies in an approach
to free-trade principles, were re-imposed in all their
severity, while of the direct taxes the most important
234 VIENNA CORRESPONDENCE

and onerous was the land-tax , half of which was

collected in kind—a system of wholesale plunder which
is one of the most distinctive marks of Jacobin rule.
Everything necessary for the support of the armies was
obtained in this manner ; grain of all kinds was collected
in Government granaries ; shirts, stockings, cloth and
linen were obtained in the same way ; and at one time
30,000 horses, at another 100,000 pairs of shoes, were
to be supplied by contractors who, unpaid by the
Government, enriched themselves by private pillage.
Requisitions of men were not less fatal to the pros-
perity of the country , nor less difficult to execute. The
memory of the dragonnades was revived by the pursuit
of the young conscripts ; hussars and gendarmes carried
on the guerre aux réquisitionnaires, who, at the least
resistance, were tied together in twos or fours, and in
this fashion were described as " flying to the defence
of liberty " !

In 1721 the scheme of Law had collapsed and

shaken the very foundation of credit, yet the issue of
paper had not exceeded 1,500,000,000. The destruc-
tion of 30,000,000,000 of paper, at a time when half
of the coin of the country had left it and the rest
had been hoarded, might have been expected to pro-
duce a catastrophe of incalculable dimensions. But

the consequences of financial error and dishonesty,

instead of falling on the country in one crushing blow,
extended over a series of disastrous years. The Re-
volution is distinguished by no one signal or special
act of ruin, but almost every financial operation was in
itself an act of bankruptcy, and every Government
transaction a declaration of insolvency.

It would be a hopeless task to enumerate the cases

 FINANCIAL RUIN 235

in which the Government suspended the payment of

its creditors, sanctioned, by acknowledging, the de-

preciation of its paper, or revoked the sales of State
property. It is enough that repudiation began in
1792, when Clavière, the Girondist Minister of Finance,
announced that a new issue of paper would be applied
to defraying the expenses of the war instead of paying
the State creditors, and that it did not end till the final
act of bankruptcy by the Consulate. If the holders of
the Government stock, whose condition was acknow-
ledged by the doles of bread and meat occasionally
awarded to them, were the worst sufferers by the
Revolution, the officials and pensioners were hardly
better off, and the only classes which profited by the
general ruin were the speculators in gold and silver,
coin and bullion. The fortunes made by these sang-
sues publiques, as they were called , whose opulence
was considered an insult to the general misery, excited
(however ignorantly) the bitterest feeling in the popular
mind, although the spirit of speculation had extended
with the issue of assignats of small sums to every class

of the population . Speculation was not confined to

money, but prevailed with regard to the only other
form of wealth which retained exchange value at a
time when the state of the currency had necessitated
a return to the primitive system of barter. Every
shop was turned into a treasure house for the accumu-
lation of commodities and provisions of the first
necessity. The Government , with its hoards of grain
and material for the support of the armies, joined in
the struggle for existence. The average price of
provisions rose to three times what it had been in

1791 , while the average consumption was largely

 CE
236 VIENNA CORRESPONDEN

reduced. The farmers, except under extreme pressure

from taxation and Government requisitions, could not
be induced to part with their grain in exchange for
assignats, and the Government had to come to the
assistance of private traders. The sustenance of Paris
thus fell upon the nation , and rations were throughout
the Revolution served out to the citizens of the capital.
Subventions to the bakers and butchers enabled them

to buy provisions from without and to sell at a price

which, when 100 livres assignats were equal to two or
three livres in coin, is represented by the statement
that 100 livres in paper were worth from six to fourteen
in coin in the operations of retail trade.¹ This, when
labourers were paid in paper worth from a quarter to
half its nominal value and officials and public creditors
in paper at its full nominal value, meant a struggle for

life of which Paris at this time presented a terrible

picture. Crowds of people stood all night at the doors
of the Treasury, of the shops, and of the places ap-
pointed for the doles of food ; workmen diminished
their hours of labour from want of strength to work

longer, nor could strength be expected where life was

constantly supported upon the most disgusting offal .
The decline of the population was both the cause
and the sign of the diminished wealth and produc-
tiveness of the country . Mallet du Pan's estimates

are probably in excess of the truth, he stated that

1 Thus in February 1796 a dinner for two persons at the Palais

Royal cost 1,500 francs in assignats, and for twenty , 20,000 francs a
course ; in a fiacre, 6,000 francs ; a loaf of bread, 80 ; a pound of
meat, 60 ; a pound of candles, 180 ; and a bottle of wine, 100 francs
(Lady Blennerhassett's Madame de Staël, vol . ii . , p. 278, French
edition).
 DECLINE OF POPULATION 237

the population had decreased from 26,000,000 to

18,000,000- but in the absence of adequate data for
a calculation, the maintenance of armies beyond the
frontier, the losses caused by emigration, war and
famine, and the utter neglect of the hospitals and
charitable institutions, were all causes of the decrease
of the adult male population which Lord Malmesbury
noticed in his journey through the North of France.
Mallet testifies to the vide immense of men and the

want of hands in the industrial pursuits , and the

Government admitted the fact by the leave granted
to the troops quartered in the interior to take
part in the operations of the harvest.¹ Even more

serious, especially in its political aspect, was the

decimation of the upper classes of France by death,
ruin and emigration. The rate of interest, which
before the Revolution had stood at 4 or 6 per cent.

per annum, rose during its course to 6 or 8, and never

sank below 2 per cent . per month ; credit was indeed
destroyed, and no branch of industry escaped the
general decay.

" No people were ever put to so cruel a test, none

ever expiated their faults by greater sufferings ; a
capital of thirty milliards is becoming worthless in the
very hands of its possessors ; industry, commerce and

1 M. Taine, in his volume on the Revolution , adduces some

valuable evidence on this point. He estimates the probable deaths
from privation at more than a million, and quotes the calculation of
M. Léonce de Lavergne that another million perished in war from
1792 to 1800. Bordeaux lost a tenth of its population, Rheims an
eighth, and Lyons, after the siege, was reduced from 130,000 to
80,000 inhabitants. Against these losses must be set the very
noticeable increase in the infantile population resulting from early
marriages.
238 VIENNA CORRESPONDENCE

labour of every kind are destroyed at their source ; the

needs of the war have depopulated the empire, misery
has no limits, famine again besieges Paris. . . . Miser-
able skeletons daily fall dead of starvation in the streets,
the distribution of bread presents the aspect of a siege,
and the approaches to the bakers' shops resemble a
field of battle."¹

" Like the Louisiana savage who cuts down the

tree in order to gather the fruit," like a " spendthrift
dissipating his patrimony, " the Directory devoured
the resources of the country with a profound indiffer-
ence to any object but that of maintaining their own
power. If peace for the allies meant a warrant of
insurrection to their populations , much more for France
would it have meant a revolt of the people and the
armies against the authority of their rulers. 'Nous

serions perdus si nous faisions la paix, ' said Sieyès ; 2

the only hope of the Directory lay in the vigorous
and unscrupulous prosecution of the war ; and their
system had all the force of a fundamental dogma, a
policy of State, an object of fanaticism, and a result of
necessity.

" This pretended Government treats France as

Lord Clive treated the Hindus. They have accus-
tomed the country to every kind of exaction and to
the expectation of still worse things. . . . They fear
the return of the generals and armies into the interior,
they carry on a war of insolent proselytism into which
they have imported every upstart passion, nor does
it require much reasoning to perceive that a faction
which is also a sect, which has founded a Republic upon
the hatred and destruction of kings, which has over-
turned an ancient Monarchy, massacred a royal house,

1 Correspondence for Vienna, i., 370. 2 Ibid., ii. , 49.

 THE GIRONDISTS 239

and founded its policy as well as its security upon the

extension of its destroying principles, will only lay
down its arms when it has no longer the strength to
carry them."

From the very beginning the party attacked in the

Brunswick Manifesto had retaliated by a propaganda

of their principles in the camp and country of the

enemy, and the Girondists, the principal authors of
the war, were the first to formulate this policy. The
realisation of the scheme of " philosophic conquests

had been interrupted for a moment by the Jacobin

rule and by the death struggle of factions within the
Convention, and Danton, the most nearly allied of the
Jacobins to the Gironde, alone seems to have had a
definite conception of foreign policy. The Revolution
of Thermidor brought to the front the remains of the
Gironde. Of this party Mallet observes , that—

"neither the horrors of that sanguinary régime nor

the oppression under which they groaned during the
dictatorship of the Committee of Public Safety, neither
their misfortunes nor the death of so many of their
number upon the scaffold, neither experience nor
reason nor the duty of closing the bleeding wounds
of their country and of giving her peace, had touched
these theorists . They would sooner see the universe
in ashes than abandon their design of submitting it to
their doctrines. On peut tenter, on peut espérer la con-
version d'un scélérat, jamais celle d'un philosophe."

The foreign policy of the Directory was characterised

by the philosophic insolence, the spirit of proselytism,
and the desire of universal revolution which animated
this sect. The Decree of Fraternisation of 1792 was

1 Correspondence for Vienna, i., 152.

240 VIENNA CORRESPONDENCE

followed with literal exactness by the Directory in every

country into which their armies could penetrate. All
the authorities-so ran that famous document- the
nobles and priestly classes, as well as every privilege
contrary to equality, were to be suppressed. All taxes
and former sources of revenue were to be remitted,
property was to be placed under the administration of
the invaders to guarantee the expenses of the war,
while to aid them in regaining their liberty the repub-
lican coinage was to be placed at their disposal. The
people were then to be summoned to primary assem-
blies, to elect their civil and military magistrates under
the surveillance of Conventional commissioners. No

plan was too gigantic for the dreams of the Directory,

none too extravagantly immoral to be proclaimed to
their intended victims. They aimed at nothing short
of a peace which should overturn the rights of nations ;
but they hoped to arrive at such a peace by effecting
partial pacifications, and endeavouring in this way to
split up the coalition opposed to them. Powers thus
neutralised were treated rather as vassals and satellites
of the Great Republic than as independent States ; and
the Directory is found protesting, on the one hand,
that the Swedish people may always count on their
feelings of affection , and, on the other, insisting on the
expulsion of French émigrés from Savoy or of the
British minister from Switzerland. The arms of the
Directory did not constitute half the danger which
their enemies had to fear. The rule of the French

envoys in the smaller neutral States was compared

to that of the Pashas in Turkish provinces. Their
mission was to stir up by every means dissatisfaction

among the people against their rulers, and so prepare

 WAR AND FOREIGN POLICY 241

the ground for the entry of the troops who were to

complete the work. Every country which had the
misfortune to be in diplomatic relations with France
received in its midst trained Jacobins who, using their
official character as a cloak, turned their legation or
consulate into a meeting-place for traitors and con-
spirators.
The allied Powers were little fitted for a contest

with such enemies. " When Europe was invaded by

200,000 barbarians it was not nearly so incapable of
.
offering a resistance as it has now become by its own
act." The balance of power had been overthrown by
the Revolution. During the preceding century it had
been possible for either of the German Powers to stand
single-handed against France, for Austria in the War
of Succession, and Prussia in the seven years' War,
had held their own against their German rival and
France combined. The immense accession of territory
to the French State now exposed Germany to the full
force of attack from the north and west, for the inter-
vening bulwarks of Belgium , Holland , and the German
provinces west of the Rhine no longer existed. The

double position of Austria as a German State and as

head of the Empire was another source of weakness,
and the correspondence of Mallet was intended to
strengthen Colleredo as against Thugut, to inspire
an imperial as opposed to a narrowly selfish national
policy. The enthusiasm of the French found no
counterpart in the policy of the allies. Defence is

usually weaker than attack, and the championship of

the principles of social and political order, although a
task which appealed to the sympathies of a Gentz or a
Burke, could not be expected to awaken a response
16
242 VIENNA CORRESPONDENCE

among princes who displayed heroic insensibility to

the general interests, or among populations whose
condition was in many cases worse than that of the
French before the Revolution. The leaders of Ger
many were unable even to appeal with effect to the
sentiment which in the long run was to prove fatal
to French ascendency — the national patriotism of
the people ; they persisted in their stupid and selfish
schemes of aggrandisement and of the annihilation of
France as a political power, at a time when Europe
was being devoured " bit by bit like the leaves of an
artichoke " by the great Republic . Amid conditions
which both for France and Europe had totally changed,

they continued to fight as they had fought all through

the century, and to make war upon a nation '
fréné
tique et désocialisée , ' on the basis which they had
employed in the struggle against Louis XIV.
The correspondence is full of the boldest criticism
of the ambiguity of conduct, the uncertainty of prin
ciple, "the effeminate presumption without measure
in its terror or its confidence " which constituted the

policy of the allies. Of all the errors of that policy

none were more fatal than the connection with the
émigrés, whom Burke has described as "a well

informed, sensible, ingenious, high - principled, and

spirited body of cavaliers, " and in whose restoration ,
together with that of the ancien régime, he placed his
chief hopes of a counter-revolution in France. Mallet,
as we know, estimated very differently their capacity
and judgment. An expedition like that of Quiberon
could have been undertaken only by men totally igno
rant of the feeling of France, and he has no words
strong enough to blame their wrongheadedness, their
 CRITICISM OF ÉMIGRÉS 243

egotism, their folly, their want of character and good

sense.

" As absurd as on the first day of the Revolution,

they have learnt only how to march to the prison or
the scaffold, a contemptible and servile virtue which
will never embarrass their tyrants. . . . We look in
France for a leader of force and wisdom. We find a
king buried at Verona, passing his days in retirement and
self-effacement, the first prince of the blood established
at Holyrood, a military command in the hands of a
third who is far too feeble to inspire any feeling of
terror or confidence, and whose absolute spirit and plan
of counter- revolution by force of arms repel three-
fourths of the partisans of the throne. We find obscure
and imbecile agents employed without discernment.
• The obstinate notion," he continues, " of recover-
ing France by miserable attacks in detail, by theatrical
plots, by means of the chouans who are permitted to
attack all who have not assumed the livery of Coblentz,
the absence of all object, of all leadership, of any prin-
ciple of concentration , the absurd idea that the nation
will rise against its representatives to set up the old
régime, the total ignorance of what is to be hoped or
feared from the war, the constant neglect of all means
of persuasion or of policy, the contrast so often ap-
parent between operations from the exterior and events
in the interior : " i

-such are the faults which Mallet signalises as

those which will lead, if anything can, to the establish-
ment of the Republic in France . In these lines we
have more than a criticism, we have an indication of
a policy which Mallet never ceased to press upon
the Powers. He had endeavoured to measure with
accuracy the real sentiments of the French, and to

¹ Correspondence for Vienna, ii . , 21 .

244 VIENNA CORRESPONDENCE

reveal to the Emperor, in his careful analyses, the

actual strength of the anti-Jacobin elements in France.
The conclusion he constantly maintained was that the
vast majority was unfavourable to the Revolutionary
Government, that their only articulate motives were a
desire for the return of peace, of plenty, and of pro-
sperity, a hatred of foreigners, and a dread of the
restoration of the old régime . The former government
was, he said, as much " effaced in public opinion as that
of Clovis ". It is the same with feudalism, with the
power and popularity of the Church, and with a thou-
sand usages "as totally buried as though they had never

existed ". Mallet was in absolute disagreement with

Burke, as little acquainted at this time with the public
opinion of France as he had been blind to its condition
before the Revolution, in his estimate of the necessity
or possibility of a restoration of the old order in France.
He attached no superstitious importance to any one

form of government. A born republican would hardly,

like Burke, found an argument upon the danger of a
republic as a neighbour, and we find him declaring
that whether the Government were monarchical or

republican mattered little it was the Revolution with

which it was impossible to treat. Mallet, however,
like Mirabeau, came early to the conclusion that in
France the monarchy was " the only anchor of safety " ;
and he saw among the people no such prejudice against a
modified and constitutional form of monarchical gov-

ernment as existed against the ancien régime. But if

the people would accept, they would and could do
nothing of themselves to bring about a counter-revolu-
tion of whatever kind. Jamais un pareil peuple ne
s'arrachera de lui-même au joug qu'il s'est donné.' The
 MALLET'S POLICY 245

necessary impulse might, Mallet hoped, be given by

the action either of the allies or of the chouans, by
means of the foreign or of the civil war. But all hope
from the royalist insurgents had been lost from the
moment when they took up arms without waiting for
the time when they could have acted as the auxiliaries
of a party in the legislative body, in Paris, or in the
country. Disconnected risings in pursuance of plans
dictated from abroad, brigandage practised by the
rebels upon all who had not totally abjured the Revo-
lution, upon constitutional priests and Royalists, upon
peasants and townsmen, had led to a system of bloody
reprisals, to the discredit of the royalist cause, and
finally to the destruction of the rebels themselves.
A combined and well-supported movement and some
rapid successes might have placed the Vendeans in a
position to avail themselves of the moral resources offered
by the state of France. By a formal proclamation to
the people, and to the Assembly, they should have
demanded a free convocation of the primary Assemblies,
and laid before them for decision the question between
Monarchy and the Revolution. Some such policy as
this would more seriously have embarrassed the Gov-
ernment than any number of battles, and given a
point d'appui to the reactionary feeling of the country.
Whatever criticism applied to the conduct of the
civil war applied with even greater force to the conduct
of the foreign war. The allies should have appeared
not as principals but as auxiliaries of a party in France ,
not as enemies of the nation but as enemies of a faction.

The folle manie de batailler ' should have had no

place in their councils. Not a step should have been
taken without full consideration of its effects in France,
248 VIENNA CORRESPONDENCE

of that year, when Prussia and Spain made terms with

the Republic and Sweden and Naples courted her
friendship ; when the armies of France, exhausted by
her gigantic efforts, and those of Austria, engrossed in
the Polish imbroglio and impervious to British exhorta-
tions and subsidies, stood idly opposite to each other on
the Rhine, such a peace seemed in sight and with it the
restoration of Constitutional Monarchy in France. The
grand opportunity, not for want of advice from Mallet
du Pan, was missed, and by the end of the year it was
evident that the struggle between France and Austria
was to be renewed in a more menacing and portentous
form than before.
Mallet had long foreseen such a development which
was to end only with the creation of a new Europe, a
Continent transformed in a national and military sense ;

and so far from his persistence in counselling the effec-

tive prosecution of the war, and in endeavouring to
convince the Austrian Government against its will of
the real character of the struggle, being a sign of want
of practical sagacity, it is, in fact, a proof of enlightened
statesmanship . That he should have lost faith in the
will and capacity of the allied Governments and of the
Princes of the royal house of France to terminate the
convulsion was natural, it was indeed justified by all
the facts ; but it throws into still stronger relief the
loyalty, consistency and courage with which he con-
tinued to maintain their cause, and the cause of con-
stitutional order and freedom .

The events of 1796, indeed, tested these qualities

to the uttermost, and reduced him to a state of mind
something like despair. His comments on the progress
of the Italian campaign show how fully he realised
 ITALIAN CAMPAIGN 249

what the French successes threatened for the European

powers. 'L'Europe est finie,' he had exclaimed on hear

ing of the Peace of Bâle. The Italian campaign, he

confessed, finally led him to abandon all hope that the
allies would ever unite in good faith against the common
66
enemy. Two hundred thousand barbarians," he wrote

in May 1796, " once invaded the Roman Empire which

had the advantage of unity, science, discipline, entrench
ments and fortifications. To-day six hundred thousand

barbarians are swarming over a multitude of decrepit

and divided States governed by marionettes of papier
mâché." To De Castries he observed in July that

Europe had reached the end prophesied in vain by him

during the last four years. " She must pass under the

yoke and assume the bonnet rouge, or fight ; and fight she
will not except on the retreat. This is the first moment

since the origin of the Revolution at which all hope

and all courage have abandoned me." To another

he wrote : " Whether the King takes up his residence

in the North or the South, on the Rhine or the Neva,
appears to me absolutely unimportant. They will come
back to the monarchy, but probably neither you nor
I shall witness that event." And , in spite of the brilliant
and unexpected victories of the Archduke Charles over
Jourdan on the Danube, and the retreat of Moreau
which saved the Empire by frustrating Bonaparte's
daring plan to meet the two generals with his Italian
army in the heart of Germany, he wrote in November
to Gallatin : " The future is more black with clouds

than ever before ". But he kept all the time a brave
front in his official correspondence, and speculated
hopefully on the military results of the successes of
the Archduke.
252 VIENNA CORRESPONDENCE

loisirs, mon or, et mes amusements. Voilà le patriotisme

du 18me siècle ! '¹

This pamphlet is remarkable among Mallet's writ

ings for its almost complete absence of positive advice
and guidance. The moral was perhaps too plain to
need developing . But the whole utterance is that of a
man profoundly and justly discouraged, speaking no
less to satisfy his own pent-up emotions than to rouse
others to exertion. To see the peril, to point it out,
to be unable to prevent his friends from courting
and inviting it, to watch the fulfilment in ever-increasing
measure of his worst anticipations, had been and was
still to be the lot of Mallet du Pan ; to drink deep
of the cup so bitter to the few in every generation who
are at once loyal and far-sighted . No wonder that his
work from this time took a deeper tinge of despondency

¹ Similar reflections were suggested to him in 1798 by the

spectacle of the cowardice of the Swiss Government and magistracy
contrasted with the warlike energy of the intrepid peasantry and people
(letter to De Pradt, 17th Feb. ) . " A force d'urbanité, d'épicuréisme,
de mollesse, tout ce qui est riche, grand de naissance, propriétaire,
homme comme il faut, est absolument détrempé. Il n'y a plus ni sang,
ni sentiment, ni dignité, ni raison , ni capacité. L'amour du repos
est le seul instinct qui leur reste, ce sont les Indiens que les Mogols
trouvent couchés sur des feuilles de palmier au moment où ils
viennent les exterminer et les piller. Lorsque les nations en sont là,
il faut qu'elles périssent. Le Gouvernement en Europe était depuis
trente ans une mascarade : on allait par le mouvement imprimé ;
mais au premier choc ces vieilles machines sont tombés en poudre,
et l'on a vu combien elles étaient creuses."
2 Malouet reproached him for leaving no hope and suggesting no
remedies. "As an historian," he wrote, " you have no doubt the
right to pronounce judgment ; and I am much of your opinion. But
you are no longer an historian , you are a councillor of the European
Diet " (Malouet's Memoirs, vol. ii . , pp . 466 and 468).
 MALLET LOSES HOPE 253

while gaining in authority and sombre power. To

contemporaries impatient of a speedy issue out of their

afflictions there was little comfort to be obtained from
his words. While it was still true that he believed that
the Revolution would end in a Restoration (and time
showed that he was right), it was in no sense true that
he believed it to be imminent.

" It is in vain, " he said , ¹ " to count on the fall of the

Republic . Those who consider that the ' imperish
able ' Republic will perish in time are certainly right ;
but if they mean that its fall in the more or less remote
future will save Europe, if they fancy that everything
will suddenly change from black to white, they are
mistaken, for the Republic of to-day may be succeeded
by a monarchical or dictatorial Republic. Who can
tell ?In twenty years a nation in ferment may give a
""
hundred different forms to such a Revolution .'

To students of the Revolution his writings become

increasingly valuable, and this pamphlet is full of
instruction with its serried arguments, its command of
philosophic maxim and historical analogy, its indignant
eloquence. In England it would have secured for its
author the posthumous fame of a Burke ; in France it
has remained to this day unnoticed and unquoted .

1 Correspondence for Vienna, Letter of 29th May 1796.

250 VIENNA CORRESPONDENCE

Early in the same year, just before the victories of

Bonaparte, Mallet du Pan had given expression to the
views we have followed in his correspondence in the
only writing ' he had published since 1793. His object
in penning this fragment, an introduction to a projected
series of letters, was to say what a crowd of discerning
people in Paris dared not say for themselves, and to
speak with such emphasis and force that the Directory
should be unable to keep it out of the country.
Nothing that he ever wrote surpasses this pamphlet
in scathing eloquence . I need not dwell on the denun
ciation, never more powerfully drawn, of the revolution
ary methods and leaders which was intended to rouse
the Parisian public to a sense of their own degradation ,
and to a recognition of the tyranny to which the
Revolution was inevitably tending. But it is impos

sible to pass over the passages which read like an

answer to the Considérations in which Joseph de
Maistre had exalted the wisdom of the Declaration of

Verona, repudiated any transaction with revolutionary

opinion, and thereby placed fresh arms in the ignorant
and prejudiced hands of the Jacobins d'aristocratie.
In language no less elevated than that of the champion
of absolutism, he demonstrated for the hundredth time
the hopelessness of the attempt to lead the people of
France back to the twelfth century, to rebuild with the

1
¹ Correspondance politique pour servir à l'histoire du Républi
canisme Français ; published in the spring of 1796, with the motto,
" Monstrum horrendum informe ingens cui lumen ademptum " . It
was published in Switzerland , and at once reprinted in Paris, where it
went through three editions in two months, being openly sold in the
Palais Royal, with the applause of all parties except the Jacobins.
2 Also published in 1796.
 NEW PAMPHLET 251

dust of the ancien régime the solid palace of their

ancestors. Granted that the royal domination over a

people which had accepted with fickle acquiescence

one usurpation after another might, if it were once re
established, be maintained , where was the force, where
were the armies, the treasure, the prestige which could
re-establish it ? How could the Revolution be dethroned
but at the hands of the nation itself, and what meaning
did the Vendean device, " God and the King," convey

to the immense majority of French citizens who had

shared in the errors and the actions, the crimes and the
advantages ofthe Revolution ? Again did Mallet affirm
the conviction that of all the causes which had contri

buted to the energy of the Revolution and prolonged

its duration the foreign war had been paramount. As
a result of it the Republic, by a strange contradiction,
was about to be adopted and recognised in the political
hierarchy at the moment when in France itself both
rulers and ruled were confessing the impossibility of
maintaining the Republican régime. The struggle
had worn out France but not the Revolution ; it had
proved what was in doubt in 1792 , that the Revolution
was stronger than Europe. Never had the writer ex
posed in more masterly phrases the errors which had
brought Europe to the alternative of an eternal war or
a disastrous peace with a faithless but indomitable
adversary. A comparison of modern Europe with the
Greeks of the lower Empire brings the melancholy
review to a close. The anarchy of men's minds, he
declared, had killed public spirit, as cosmopolitanism
and the multiplicity of interests had destroyed all
common national sentiment. " Périsse le genre humain

pourvu que je reste debout sur ses ruines avec mes

252 VIENNA CORRESPONDENCE

loisirs, mon or, et mes amusements. Voilà le patriotisme

du 18me siècle ! '¹

This pamphlet is remarkable among Mallet's writ-

ings for its almost complete absence of positive advice
and guidance. The moral was perhaps too plain to
need developing. But the whole utterance is that of a
man profoundly and justly discouraged, speaking no
less to satisfy his own pent-up emotions than to rouse
others to exertion. To see the peril, to point it out,

to be unable to prevent his friends from courting

and inviting it, to watch the fulfilment in ever-increasing
measure of his worst anticipations, had been and was
still to be the lot of Mallet du Pan ; to drink deep
of the cup so bitter to the few in every generation who
are at once loyal and far-sighted. No wonder that his
work from this time took a deeper tinge of despondency

¹ Similar reflections were suggested to him in 1798 by the

spectacle of the cowardice of the Swiss Government and magistracy
contrasted with the warlike energy of the intrepid peasantry and people
(letter to De Pradt, 17th Feb. ). " A force d'urbanité, d'épicuréisme,
de mollesse , tout ce qui est riche, grand de naissance, propriétaire,
homme comme il faut, est absolument détrempé. Il n'y a plus ni sang,
ni sentiment, ni dignité, ni raison , ni capacité. L'amour du repos
est le seul instinct qui leur reste, ce sont les Indiens que les Mogols
trouvent couchés sur des feuilles de palmier au moment où ils
viennent les exterminer et les piller. Lorsque les nations en sont là,
il faut qu'elles périssent. Le Gouvernement en Europe était depuis
trente ans une mascarade : on allait par le mouvement imprimé ;
mais au premier choc ces vieilles machines sont tombés en poudre,
et l'on a vu combien elles étaient creuses."
2 Malouet reproached him for leaving no hope and suggesting no
remedies. " As an historian," he wrote, " you have no doubt the
right to pronounce judgment ; and I am much of your opinion . But
you are no longer an historian , you are a councillor of the European
Diet " (Malouet's Memoirs, vol. ii. , pp . 466 and 468).
 MALLET LOSES HOPE 253

while gaining in authority and sombre power. Το

contemporaries impatient of a speedy issue out of their
afflictions there was little comfort to be obtained from
his words. While it was still true that he believed that

the Revolution would end in a Restoration (and time

showed that he was right), it was in no sense true that
he believed it to be imminent.

" It is in vain," he said, ' " to count on the fall of the

Republic . Those who consider that the ' imperish
able ' Republic will perish in time are certainly right ;
but if they mean that its fall in the more or less remote
future will save Europe, if they fancy that everything
will suddenly change from black to white, they are
mistaken, for the Republic of to-day may be succeeded
by a monarchical or dictatorial Republic. Who can
tell ? In twenty years a nation in ferment may give a
""
hundred different forms to such a Revolution .'

To students of the Revolution his writings become

increasingly valuable, and this pamphlet is full of
instruction with its serried arguments, its command of
philosophic maxim and historical analogy, its indignant
eloquence. In England it would have secured for its
author the posthumous fame of a Burke ; in France it
has remained to this day unnoticed and unquoted.

1 Correspondence for Vienna, Letter of 29th May 1796.

244 VIENNA CORRESPONDENCE

reveal to the Emperor, in his careful analyses, the

actual strength of the anti-Jacobin elements in France.
The conclusion he constantly maintained was that the
vast majority was unfavourable to the Revolutionary
Government, that their only articulate motives were a
desire for the return of peace, of plenty, and of pro
sperity, a hatred of foreigners, and a dread of the
restoration of the old régime. The former government
was, he said, as much " effaced in public opinion as that
of Clovis ". It is the same with feudalism , with the
power and popularity of the Church, and with a thou

sand usages " as totally buried as though they had never

existed ". Mallet was in absolute disagreement with
Burke, as little acquainted at this time with the public
opinion of France as he had been blind to its condition
before the Revolution, in his estimate of the necessity
or possibility of a restoration of the old order in France.
He attached no superstitious importance to any one
form of government. A born republican would hardly,
like Burke, found an argument upon the danger of a
republic as a neighbour, and we find him declaring
that whether the Government were monarchical or
republican mattered little it was the Revolution with
which it was impossible to treat. Mallet, however,
like Mirabeau, came early to the conclusion that in
France the monarchy was " the only anchor of safety ” ;
and he saw among the people no such prejudice against a
modified and constitutional form of monarchical gov

ernment as existed against the ancien régime. But if

the people would accept, they would and could do
nothing of themselves to bring about a counter- revolu
tion of whatever kind. Jamais un pareil peuple ne
s'arrachera de lui- même au joug qu'il s'est donné.' The
 MALLET'S POLICY 245

necessary impulse might, Mallet hoped, be given by

the action either of the allies or of the chouans, by

means of the foreign or of the civil war. But all hope

from the royalist insurgents had been lost from the

moment when they took up arms without waiting for
the time when they could have acted as the auxiliaries
of a party in the legislative body, in Paris, or in the
country. Disconnected risings in pursuance of plans
dictated from abroad, brigandage practised by the
rebels upon all who had not totally abjured the Revo

lution, upon constitutional priests and Royalists, upon

peasants and townsmen, had led to a system of bloody
reprisals, to the discredit of the royalist cause, and
finally to the destruction of the rebels themselves.

A combined and well-supported movement and some

rapid successes might have placed the Vendeans in a
position to avail themselves of the moral resources offered
by the state of France. By a formal proclamation to
the people, and to the Assembly, they should have
demanded a free convocation of the primary Assemblies,
and laid before them for decision the question between
Monarchy and the Revolution . Some such policy as
this would more seriously have embarrassed the Gov
ernment than any number of battles, and given a
point d'appui to the reactionary feeling of the country.
Whatever criticism applied to the conduct of the
civil war applied with even greater force to the conduct
of the foreign war. The allies should have appeared

not as principals but as auxiliaries of a party in France,

not as enemies of the nation but as enemies of a faction.

The folle manie de batailler' should have had no

place in their councils. Not a step should have been
taken without full consideration of its effects in France,
 248 VIENNA CORRESPONDENCE

of that year, when Prussia and Spain made terms with

1
the Republic and Sweden and Naples courted her
friendship ; when the armies of France, exhausted by
her gigantic efforts, and those of Austria, engrossed in
the Polish imbroglio and impervious to British exhorta
tions and subsidies, stood idly opposite to each other on
the Rhine, such a peace seemed in sight and with it the
restoration of Constitutional Monarchy in France. The
grand opportunity, not for want of advice from Mallet
du Pan, was missed, and by the end of the year it was
evident that the struggle between France and Austria
was to be renewed in a more menacing and portentous
form than before.

Mallet had long foreseen such a development which

was to end only with the creation of a new Europe, a
Continent transformed in a national and military sense ;
1
and so far from his persistence in counselling the effec
tive prosecution of the war, and in endeavouring to
convince the Austrian Government against its will of
the real character of the struggle, being a sign of want
of practical sagacity, it is, in fact, a proof of enlightened
statesmanship. That he should have lost faith in the

will and capacity of the allied Governments and of the

Princes of the royal house of France to terminate the
convulsion was natural , it was indeed justified by all
the facts ; but it throws into still stronger relief the
loyalty, consistency and courage with which he con
tinued to maintain their cause, and the cause of con
stitutional order and freedom.
The events of 1796, indeed, tested these qualities
to the uttermost, and reduced him to a state of mind

something like despair.His comments on the progress

of the Italian campaign show how fully he realised
 ITALIAN CAMPAIGN 249

what the French successes threatened for the European

powers. 'L'Europe est finie,' he had exclaimed on hear
ing of the Peace of Bâle. The Italian campaign, he
confessed, finally led him to abandon all hope that the
allies would ever unite in good faith against the common
enemy. "Two hundred thousand barbarians, ” he wrote
in May 1796, " once invaded the Roman Empire which
had the advantage of unity, science, discipline, entrench
ments and fortifications. To-day six hundred thousand
barbarians are swarming over a multitude of decrepit
and divided States governed by marionettes of papier
mâché." To De Castries he observed in July that
Europe had reached the end prophesied in vain by him
during the last four years. " She must pass under the
yoke and assume the bonnet rouge, or fight ; and fight she
will not except on the retreat. This is the first moment

since the origin of the Revolution at which all hope

and all courage have abandoned me. " To another

he wrote : " Whether the King takes up his residence

in the North or the South, on the Rhine or the Neva,
appears to me absolutely unimportant. They will come
back to the monarchy, but probably neither you nor
I shall witness that event." And , in spite of the brilliant
and unexpected victories of the Archduke Charles over
Jourdan on the Danube, and the retreat of Moreau
which saved the Empire by frustrating Bonaparte's
daring plan to meet the two generals with his Italian
army in the heart of Germany, he wrote in November
to Gallatin : " The future is more black with clouds

than ever before ". But he kept all the time a brave
front in his official correspondence, and speculated
hopefully on the military results of the successes of
the Archduke.
250 VIENNA CORRESPONDENCE

Early in the same year, just before the victories of

Bonaparte, Mallet du Pan had given expression to the
views we have followed in his correspondence in the
only writing ' he had published since 1793. His object
in penning this fragment, an introduction to a projected
series of letters, was to say what a crowd of discerning
people in Paris dared not say for themselves, and to
speak with such emphasis and force that the Directory
should be unable to keep it out of the country.
Nothing that he ever wrote surpasses this pamphlet
in scathing eloquence. I need not dwell on the denun-
ciation, never more powerfully drawn , of the revolution-
ary methods and leaders which was intended to rouse
the Parisian public to a sense of their own degradation,
and to a recognition of the tyranny to which the
Revolution was inevitably tending. But it is impos-
sible to pass over the passages which read like an
answer to the Considérations in which Joseph de
Maistre had exalted the wisdom of the Declaration of

Verona, repudiated any transaction with revolutionary

opinion, and thereby placed fresh arms in the ignorant
and prejudiced hands of the Jacobins d'aristocratie.
In language no less elevated than that of the champion
of absolutism, he demonstrated for the hundredth time
the hopelessness of the attempt to lead the people of
France back to the twelfth century, to rebuild with the

1 Correspondance politique pour servir à l'histoire du Républi

canisme Français ; published in the spring of 1796, with the motto,
"Monstrum horrendum informe ingens cui lumen ademptum ". It
was published in Switzerland, and at once reprinted in Paris, where it
went through three editions in two months, being openly sold in the
Palais Royal, with the applause of all parties except the Jacobins.
2 Also published in 1796.
 NEW PAMPHLET 251

dust of the ancien régime the solid palace of their

ancestors. Granted that the royal domination over a

people which had accepted with fickle acquiescence

one usurpation after another might, if it were once re-
established, be maintained, where was the force, where
were the armies, the treasure, the prestige which could
re-establish it? How could the Revolution be dethroned
but at the hands of the nation itself, and what meaning
did the Vendean device, " God and the King," convey

to the immense majority of French citizens who had

shared in the errors and the actions, the crimes and the
advantages ofthe Revolution ? Again did Mallet affirm
the conviction that of all the causes which had contri-

buted to the energy of the Revolution and prolonged

its duration the foreign war had been paramount. As
a result of it the Republic, by a strange contradiction,
was about to be adopted and recognised in the political
hierarchy at the moment when in France itself both
rulers and ruled were confessing the impossibility of
maintaining the Republican régime. The struggle
had worn out France but not the Revolution ; it had
proved what was in doubt in 1792 , that the Revolution
was stronger than Europe. Never had the writer ex-
posed in more masterly phrases the errors which had
brought Europe to the alternative of an eternal war or
a disastrous peace with a faithless but indomitable
adversary. A comparison of modern Europe with the
Greeks of the lower Empire brings the melancholy
review to a close. The anarchy of men's minds, he
declared, had killed public spirit, as cosmopolitanism
and the multiplicity of interests had destroyed all
common national sentiment. ' Pêrisse le genre humain

pourvu que je reste debout sur ses ruines avec mes

252 VIENNA CORRESPONDENCE

loisirs, mon or, et mes amusements. Voilà le patriotisme

du 18me siècle ! '¹

This pamphlet is remarkable among Mallet's writ-

ings for its almost complete absence of positive advice
and guidance. The moral was perhaps too plain to
need developing. But the whole utterance is that of a
man profoundly and justly discouraged , speaking no
less to satisfy his own pent-up emotions than to rouse
others to exertion. To see the peril, to point it out,
to be unable to prevent his friends from courting
and inviting it, to watch the fulfilment in ever-increasing
measure of his worst anticipations, had been and was
still to be the lot of Mallet du Pan ; to drink deep
of the cup so bitter to the few in every generation who
are at once loyal and far-sighted. No wonder that his
work from this time took a deeper tinge of despondency

¹ Similar reflections were suggested to him in 1798 by the

spectacle of the cowardice of the Swiss Government and magistracy
contrasted with the warlike energy of the intrepid peasantry and people
(letter to De Pradt, 17th Feb. ) . " A force d'urbanité, d'épicuréisme,
de mollesse, tout ce qui est riche, grand de naissance, propriétaire,
homme comme il faut, est absolument détrempé. Il n'y a plus ni sang,
ni sentiment, ni dignité, ni raison, ni capacité. L'amour du repos
est le seul instinct qui leur reste, ce sont les Indiens que les Mogols
trouvent couchés sur des feuilles de palmier au moment où ils
viennent les exterminer et les piller. Lorsque les nations en sont là,
il faut qu'elles périssent. Le Gouvernement en Europe était depuis
trente ans une mascarade : on allait par le mouvement imprimé ;
mais au premier choc ces vieilles machines sont tombés en poudre,
et l'on a vu combien elles étaient creuses."
2 Malouet reproached him for leaving no hope and suggesting no
remedies. " As an historian," he wrote, " you have no doubt the
right to pronounce judgment ; and I am much of your opinion. But
you are no longer an historian , you are a councillor of the European
Diet " (Malouet's Memoirs, vol . ii . , pp . 466 and 468).
 MALLET LOSES HOPE 253

while gaining in authority and sombre power. Το

contemporaries impatient of a speedy issue out of their
afflictions there was little comfort to be obtained from
his words. While it was still true that he believed that

the Revolution would end in a Restoration (and time

showed that he was right), it was in no sense true that
he believed it to be imminent.

" It is in vain, " he said, ¹ " to count on the fall of the

Republic. Those who consider that the ' imperish-
able ' Republic will perish in time are certainly right ;
but if they mean that its fall in the more or less remote
future will save Europe, if they fancy that everything
will suddenly change from black to white, they are
mistaken, for the Republic of to-day may be succeeded
by a monarchical or dictatorial Republic. Who can
tell ? In twenty years a nation in ferment may give a
hundred different forms to such a Revolution."

To students of the Revolution his writings become

increasingly valuable, and this pamphlet is full of
instruction with its serried arguments, its command of
philosophic maxim and historical analogy, its indignant
eloquence. In England it would have secured for its
author the posthumous fame of a Burke ; in France it
has remained to this day unnoticed and unquoted.

1 Correspondence for Vienna, Letter of 29th May 1796.

 254

CHAPTER VIII.

THE 18TH OF FRUCTIDOR- EXPULSION FROM SWIT-

ZERLAND- WINTER AT FRIBURG .

1797.

" YOUR last book has not pleased your friends as much
as your other writings ; they say that you wrote it in a
rage. " Thus reported Mallet's son from London of the
pamphlet just described ; they were no less dissatisfied
with another which shortly followed it and which
breathed a different spirit. The Lettre à un Ministre
d'État, published in March 1797, was a masterly sketch
of the diplomatic and military situation ofthe Continent,
and of the policy of the Directors , the ' five vizirs
qui d'une main tiennent la tête sanglante d'un roi, en
recevant de l'autre les suppliques de l'Europe '. Again
he insisted on the boundless and redoubtable ambition
of the French Government, again he attempted to warn
Austria and England against falling into the trap of
separate negotiation with the Republic, and to point out
the danger to which each of these nations was exposed.
He showed in the case of Austria how the conquests

in Italy and their developments would decide the fate

of the Rhine and of a divided and discordant Germany ;
and he described the designs of the Directory against
England in terms which doubtless appeared exagger-
ated, but which, as the event proved , were little short
 LONDON FRIENDS 255

of prophetic. With a Government animated by the

principles which he painted in colours lurid but exact
no terms were possible, and there was no safety for
Europe so long as she remained governed by egotistic
motives and in perpetual conflict with herself. ' Il
n'y a pas un instant à perdre,' he wrote, ' nous touchons
à l'heure des repentirs ; celle de la préservation s'éloigne
àpas précipités.'
None of Mallet du Pan's appeals to public opinion
met with less response than this call for vigorous action
and statesmanship, but none was more speedily justified
by events. His son, who had been in England since
November 1796, engaged, as he said, in the " sicken-
ing occupation " of soliciting employment, has left the
following description of his émigré friends and their
opinions at this time :-

"I was received, " he writes, " with open arms

by a large circle consisting chiefly of Constitutional
Royalists . • • Malouet and Montlosier considered
me almost in the light of a son, and a day seldom
passed without my seeing them. I met at Malouet's
house, and also at the house of Princesse d'Hénin ,
who lived under the same roof with Lally, and had
a regular evening circle, many distinguished emi-
grants the Archbishop of Bordeaux (Cicé), who was
Garde des Sceaux in the year 1790, a shrewd, sen-
sible man ; the Baron de Gilliers ; the Chevalier de
Panat ; the Chevalier de Grave, a Constitutional minis-
ter-all clever men. The Prince de Poix (Noailles),
a Constitutionalist, who had been captain of the
king's guard ; the Comte ( now Duc) de Duras, of a
great family, highly accomplished, and of fine manners.
Such was the respect entertained for my father by all
those persons, many of them of great rank, and not a
1 Reminiscences.
256 FRUCTIDOR

few of distinguished talents, that they treated me during

my stay in England with a degree of kindness and con
sideration to which I had no sort of personal claim. I
was assailed on my arrival with questions as to the
state of public opinion in France, and particularly at
Paris ; and it was pretty clear that my friends were on
the look-out for such circumstances as would enable
them to make their peace with any Government de
facto founded on moderate principles. If Saint- Evre
mond, petted as he was in England by the monarch
and the court, sighed for his Paris society, what must
have been the feelings of the French emigrants ; who,
although assisted as a body of suffering loyalists, had
been constantly kept at arm's length by Mr. Pitt ; had
not been treated with any favour either by the court or
the royal family, and saw a war, avowedly of principle,
almost exclusively directed to British objects. They
did not therefore conceal their just and laudable grati
fication that the Convention, however hateful in its
excesses, should have asserted and secured the inde
pendence of their native land . ”

There was great exultation among them at Bona

parte's military successes¹ ; they imagined that the Re
storation they longed for would come about through his
means, and they looked forward to the elections which

were to take place in the spring of 1797, for another

third of the councils, as a sort of era in their affairs.
They were therefore not at all in the mood to acquiesce
in Mallet du Pan's gloomy views, and rather took the

"Tu n'as pas une idée, " J. L. Mallet writes to his father, " du
degré d'admiration de MM . Lally, de Poix, Macpherson, Montlosier
pour Bonaparte , et pour les grands hommes de la France actuelle ;
César n'est qu'un écolier à côté du moderne vainqueur d'Italie. Ils
sont profondément las de l'émigration." " Moins fier que vous," writes
Malouet, "je m'accommoderais avec toutes les républiques du monde à
la seule condition de finir tranquillement mes jours dans mon pays ! "
 THE STRUGGLE IN PARIS 257

son to task for his father's opinions. Malouet himself

blamed the energy of his friend's anathemas, urged him
to show a more conciliatory disposition to the existing
institutions of France, and even remonstrated seriously
with him for his continued support of the legitimate
King. Mallet du Pan retorted that the dread his

friends entertained of a return to absolute monarchy in

France was gradually bringing them over to the scheme
of a republic !
It would have been strange indeed if, with his
knowledge of opinion in France and of the methods
of the Jacobins on the one hand and of the Royalists
on the other, Mallet du Pan had shared the pacific
illusions of his London friends. Nous avons vu vingt

fois le port,' he wrote to De Castries, et la tempête

rejette sans cesse notre barque en pleine mer.' But he
did not despair, and with great spirit he threw himself
into the internal struggle in Paris which was threaten-
ing the existence of the Directory, only, however, to
prepare for himself another and this time a final dis-
appointment.' By May 1797 the reaction became so

¹ A curious letter to his friend , Saladin, about this time shows

his hopes. "Vous verrez," he says, " cet échafaudage de gouverne-
ment tomber en ruines au pied du trône, ou s'abîmer dans l'anarchie.
. . . Plus nous avançons, plus j'observe le caractère national et sa
tendance, et plus je me persuade que la monarchie sera rétablie à
l'improviste sans que les tâtonneurs, les politiques, les essayeurs con-
stitutionnels ayent le temps d'achever leurs expériences." Windham,
who saw this letter, thought on the contrary that " the victorious
Republic would gradually establish itself in a way that, though subject
to many convulsions and many changes, it will not be finally over-
turned. I shall listen with great delight to any one who will furnish
me with the hope for a contrary event, and derive considerable comfort
from finding that such is the opinion of a person so well acquainted
17
258 FRUCTIDOR

pronounced that he allowed himself to dwell upon the

possibility of success, and formed plans for his own
return to France and the re-establishment of the

Mercure. His son, who had travelled through France in

the preceding autumn, and who returned to Paris in June
1797 , thus described the situation as he found it :-

"How far the Revolution was to recede , to what point

of its career it would be brought back, was the question
every one was asking himself. The executive Govern-
ment, most of the generals, and Bonaparte-in himself
a host- were on the side of the Revolution, and pledged
to its results. On the other hand a great mass of
property, of talent, and even some great military names,
such as Pichegru and Moreau, were inclined for a
limited monarchy, and were endeavouring by their
exertions and influence, but without avowing their
ultimate object, to obtain a repeal of the more obnoxi-
ous revolutionary laws, and to displace the revolu-
tionary leaders. Others again, particularly at Paris
and in great commercial towns, wearied of war and
political dissensions, longed for any Government dis-
posed to a compromise, and to measures of conciliation
towards the classes that had so severely suffered.
"... Nothing could exceed the contempt and hatred
with which the Government seemed to be held by the
great mass of the people ; nor did any one attempt to
conceal it. At the tables d'hôte, the terms of gueux,
brigands, etc. , were freely applied to the ' five kings,' the
members of the Directory. At Moiselles, near Paris,
the inn-keeper called out to a boy in the yard to see
whether the ducks had been fed , and being answered
in the affirmative , he then inquired for the représen-
tans ; and we found that the dindons (turkeys ) had
been dignified with the title of Representatives of the
People ! "

with the French character, with the actual state of affairs in France ,
and with all the circumstances of the Revolution , as M. Mallet du Pan."
 DEADLOCK 259

But he saw also that this feeling was unconnected

with any disposition to question the authority of these
degraded rulers. The Revolution had crushed all
" 1
resistance."
Meanwhile the press was in full cry against the
Government, and violent and frivolous as was the tone
of papers like Le Thé, Le Menteur, Le Journal des
Rieurs, they faithfully represented public opinion . The
result of the elections, a crushing defeat of the Direc-
tory, was a demonstration , in the words of Royer
Collard one of the most distinguished of the newly
elected candidates, that the country desired the " de-
finitive and absolute proscription of the revolutionary
monster ". The majority of the two Councils, thus
transformed, found themselves in absolute antagonism
to the Directorial executive , and a deadlock was pro-
duced with which, as Necker had foreseen, the Consti-
tution had provided no machinery to deal. Mallet
commented at this time on the distorted constitution-
alism which had substituted independence for separa-
tion of functions, and contrasted the working of the
British constitution with that of the Directory. " He
realised at once that the only solution was the em-
"
ployment of force : le sabre des soldats fera taire
l'artillerie des langues et des plumes'.3 The death
struggle between the two parties was protracted by
the powerlessness of either to strike the other down.
For a time indeed it seemed that the opposition had
a chance of a successful military coup. " Paris,"
wrote Mallet to Sainte-Aldegonde ( 29th July) , “ is in

1 Reminiscences. 2 Letter to Vienna, 19th July 1797.

3 Letter to Sainte-Aldegonde, 29th April 1797 .
260 FRUCTIDOR

the midst of a crisis which will ripen our affairs or

throw them back indefinitely.. · Pichegru is abhorred
by the Jacobins. Remember what I told you of this
general two years ago : note that he will play an
immense part, and that all our hopes are in him. The
people have given him their confidence, and will march
joyfully under his orders. We are sure of 25,000
resolute men in Paris alone. " That Pichegru with his

great reputation might have organised some such force

is certain.

" Peuchet," wrote the younger Mallet, " than whom

no man is better acquainted with the impulses that
put in motion a Paris mob, has repeatedly told me
that an insurrection might have been got up for that
purpose with a few thousand pounds. But the pro
posal of the reorganisation of the Garde Bourgeoise
came too late, and was not well received ; and as to
revolutionary measures, the better part of the Royalists
probably had shunned them." 1

There was indeed the usual want of concert be

tween the Royalists of the Opposition. Nothing short

of a complete restoration would have satisfied the
Bourbons or induced them to countenance any move
ment in their favour, and no man of influence in the
Councils would have lent himself to so desperate a
scheme, although Pichegru, ' Imbert Colomès, Camille

1 Reminiscences.
2 After the 18 Fructidor, Pichegru was arrested and deported
to Cayenne with other members of the Moderate party, for the days
of bloody executions were over. The ship which carried him , how
ever, was captured and brought to England, a circumstance which
saved him from the fate of some of his friends , Barthélemy, Mallet's
old opponent at Berne, among the number, who died of pestilential
evers. J. L. Mallet writes : " I knew something of Pichegru in Eng
 DEADLOCK 261

Jordan, and others, were disposed to go to greater

length than members such as Thibaudeau and Boissy
d'Anglas , who had drunk deep of the revolutionary cup,
and were not ready to dash it down.' The Councils,
heedless of their own divisions and of the formidable
enmities they had aroused, went on repealing re
volutionary decrees, curtailing the resources of the
Directory and calling for peace, without taking any
effective steps to organise their victory.

land many years afterwards, and previously to the last attempt which
brought him to his untimely end. He was ill surrounded here by
those extremely inferior to him-Royalist desperadoes, who lived on
his bounty. He was a good-natured, generous-minded man, of the
greatest simplicity of mind and manners ; but of no great sagacity,
whose early military habits had inured him to a rough sort of society.
I heard at that time from his friend, Major Rusillon , that the French
princes pressed upon him the necessity of making no compromise
with the Revolution in case he should succeed ; but that he plainly
told them that he would not concur in any measures which had not
for object the establishment of a constitutional and limited form of
government. The Archduke Charles, much to his credit , had placed
a large sum of money at Pichegru's disposal at a banker's in London
for his expenses during his residence here, and I understood that
Pichegru had availed himself of this generous provision to the extent
of £1,500 a year.
" Barthélemy, who had been Minister of the Interior, had ordered
some plants of the bread-tree which were growing in the hot-houses of
the Jardin des Plantes to be sent to Cayenne. When at sea with his
distinguished and unfortunate companions, and being ignorant of
their joint destination, Barthélemy saw on board the ship the plants
he had ordered for Cayenne ; a circumstance which removed all
further doubt."

" Il y a tout à craindre, " Mallet wrote to Vienna, " de cette

classe d'idiots et d'équilibristes qui dans les Conseils jouent le rôle
de danseurs de corde et, opinant sans cesse pour les tempéraments,
finiront par culbuter leur Assemblée et se casser le cou à eux-mêmes."
262 FRUCTIDOR

The Directory, or rather Barras and two of his

colleagues, had on their side all but public opinion.
They had unity of purpose, and the old Jacobins still
organised and roused to a pitch of fury by the in-
considerate proceedings of the Royalists ; above all
they had the armies of Bonaparte in Italy and Hoche
in the Vendée openly proclaiming their defection from
the legislative body hitherto all-powerful in France,
and their readiness to march to the assistance of the
Directory.
With all his confidence in Pichegru Mallet du Pan
was fully alive to the fact that the Directory could rely
on a greater figure than that general. Weeks before,
in letters to Sainte-Aldegonde (29th April and 7th May)
he had written : " You will see the reaction of the
Austrian peace in the interior. Hoche and his Franks,

Bonaparte and his Vandals, will be let loose on France ;

they will make short work I promise you of mutinous
journalists, orators, legislators and citizens. · • The

Directory and the Republicans count on Bonaparte

to re-establish them." These anticipations proved
correct ; the Directory turned first to Hoche, and
brought him to Paris in July as Minister of War,
but the Councils managed to get rid of him on the
technical ground that he was under the legal age for

1 After Fructidor, and again after Brumaire, the Royalists clung

to the idea that Bonaparte would play the part of Monk. Mallet du
Pan never shared this idea, although he had in the preceding March
compared the condition of France to that of England after Crom-
well's death . " Son ambition dépasse de beaucoup ses lumières, il
est sans vertu, sans honneur, sans probité, sans bonne foi . . . il y a
loin de ce caractère de celui du sage Monk. . . . Pichegru était
honnête homme. Nous ne le retrouverons de longtemps " (Letter
to Marshal de Castries, 5th Oct. 1797).
 VICTORY OF THE DIRECTORY 263

that office ; and finally Bonaparte came to their assist-

ance by despatching from Italy Augereau, who arrived
in Paris proclaiming that he “ had been sent to kill the
Royalists ! " The coup d'État of the 18th of Fructidor
followed in due course ; the victory remained in the
hands of the Republicans, but the Republic itself had
received its death-blow. " One thing only is certain , "

wrote Mallet du Pan, ¹ " namely, that the 18th of

Fructidor has destroyed the Republic and the consti-
tution by overturning the fundamental system of the
sovereignty of the people and of the national repre-
sentation. "
Mallet du Pan, as we have seen, was one of the

first to perceive that the probable outcome of the

Revolution would be a dictatorship. The 13th of
Vendémiaire had been ominous for the fate of the

Republic as the first occasion on which military force

had been summoned to the assistance of the civil

power, the 18th of Fructidor repeated the warning

in still more emphatic fashion, and a month later he
2
wrote : " In any case I see that we are destined
sooner or later to pass through the terrors of anarchy
to a military usurpation ". No more accurate forecast
of the history of the remaining months of the century
could have been penned . But while Mallet thus per-
ceived the imminence of a dictatorship, he failed to
distinguish the dictator in the marked fashion which
might have been expected. " Dictatorship is in
the air, but woe to the rash man who aspires to the
fatal crown ! Bonaparte himself simulates modesty

1 Correspondence for Vienna, letter of 6th Oct. 1797.

2 Letter to De Castries, 5th Oct. 1797.
264 FRUCTIDOR

and unconcern ; devoured by a boundless ambition

he is reduced to disguise it." "
Mallet du Pan has, indeed, been severely and
somewhat unjustly criticised for his supposed failure
to recognise the one figure which for all after
history gives the keynote of this chaotic period.
He does not even mention Bonaparte's share in the
coup d'État of Vendémiaire, and his railing remarks
on the conduct of the campaign of 1796 read strangely
enough in the light of later events and betray but
little appreciation of the fact that, by his military and
diplomatic achievements in Italy, Bonaparte had de-
finitely taken his place in history.

'Ce petit bamboche,' he wrote, ' à cheveux éparpil-

lés, ce bâtard de mandrin que les rhéteurs des Conseils
appellent jeune héros et vainqueur d'Italie, expiera
promptement sa gloire de tréteau, son inconduite, ses
vols, ses fusillades, ses insolentes pasquinades.'

Next year he is the " instrument of the Direc-

tory and the Jacobins to intimidate the country " ;

and many observations of this kind might be quoted to
show that Mallet at this time little anticipated the rôle
which the young republican general was to play, though
he described him in September 1796 as ' le mortel le
plus téméraire, le plus actif qu'il y ait ; il a une tête de
salpêtre et des jambes de cerf'.
The toleration which springs from a cynical dis-
position, or from a knowledge of the baseness and
shallowness of human nature, is perhaps necessary

to enable a man to estimate fairly the qualities which

so often lead to the highest success in life. Mallet

du Pan, more moralist than man of the world, more

1 Correspondence for Vienna, letter of 6th Oct. 1797 .

 BONAPARTE 265

politician than philosopher, could not readily yield his

admiration to genius divorced from principle ; or to
the personification of that militant Jacobinism which
he had made it his mission to oppose. As a writer he
was perhaps less successful in seizing the character of
individual men than in depicting and analysing the
motives of parties and factions. The Revolution, in-
deed, had so far failed to bring to the front one
commanding spirit, and the evident mediocrity of all
the actors he was called upon to criticise confirmed
him in the conviction that the course of history was

little influenced by the characters of individuals. ' Il

n'y a plus d'hommes, il n'y a que des évènements.'
It was impossible, indeed, to attribute the course of
events to any profoundly combined plan of any indi-
vidual or party. "Their very crimes were impromptu. "
They were all alike the victims of a movement which
they could not stop, whose incendiary force they were
obliged to use. "It is not Bonaparte, nor Sieyès, nor
Merlin who reigns, it is the irresistible movement which
the Revolution impresses upon men and affairs. " It

must be remembered also that Bonaparte had so far

given no indication of the desire to restore order to
France which Mallet was later to recognise and to
applaud ; and that the qualities of statesmanship which
he had extolled in Frederick the Great ' had not yet
appeared in the character of the successful soldier of
fortune. What impressed him most was the undoubted
combination in Bonaparte's character of ambition

1 In 1793 Mallet du Pan had selected Frederick the Great,

Pombal and Franklin as the three statesmen of the eighteenth century
who had been able to foresee, to prepare and to guide events
(Considérations, Preface, iv.).
266 FRUCTIDOR

and of charlatanism ; and his writings abound at this

time in passages contrasting the fine sentiments and
sophistries of the Général Rhéteur ' with his total
disregard of truth and principle. Napoleon's career
must be judged as a whole with its failure as well
as its success ; but even if Mallet over-emphasised
the flaws in the character of a great popular hero,
a contemporary may well be pardoned for not seeing
in the early life of such men all the signs of future
eminence which posterity delights to dwell upon. It
is to be remembered that of the foremost writers of the
Revolution Mallet du Pan and Rivarol alone shared

the disadvantage of having given their ideas to the

world in works which, once printed, it was impossible
for them to recall or retouch ; they alone wrote of the
future without the assistance which actual experience of
it gave to so many of the authors of the most famous
memoirs and " recollections " of the time. Even in

such works we may look in vain for signs of earlier

appreciation ; and among a people busy enough with
the immediate future but caring or thinking of no-
thing beyond it, it may be doubted whether there were
many who took a juster view of the fortune in store
for Bonaparte. Barras, who first employed him, had
certainly no idea of abdicating in his favour. The

Directory indeed feared him, but only as they feared

all their armies and generals, as they feared Hoche
and Pichegru. Mallet du Pan saw at any rate that
the Directorial coup de main of Fructidor 1797 had
destroyed the illusion of republican constitutionalism,
and paved the way for the rule of a single man ; that
the "first general, the first accredited chieftain who
could raise the standard of revolt, might carry half
 MALLET ATTACKS BONAPARTE 267

the country with him ". Bonaparte was not yet strong
enough, or too astute, to come forward, and Mallet
might be excused in thinking that unless some new
theatre of war presented itself, his chances were gone,
at a time when none but his own entourage of military
adventurers believed in his destiny and when he him
self, fearing his grande nation much more than the
princes and generals of Europe, was obliged to under
take the Egyptian expedition because his position
was untenable at home.

Whatever may be thought of Mallet du Pan's

opinions on this subject, he would undoubtedly have
been prudent to keep them to himself. But want of
courage was never among his failings, and he chose
the moment when the struggle between the two parties
in the Government was at its height for a public attack
on the Directory and their victorious general in the
shape of three letters in the Quotidienne, addressed to
Dumolard a member of the Five Hundred, on the
affreuses histoires of Venice and Genoa. These letters
were intended to strengthen the hands of the moderates
who made them the basis of discussion in the Council,

and to arouse public opinion , lulled by the vision of

the approaching peace, to a sense of the unalterably
menacing character of the foreign policy of the existing
French Government. Mallet's trumpet-call made a
considerable sensation in Paris, but as things turned
out its principal result was to stimulate the efforts of
the army in support of the Directory, and to bring
down upon his own head the persecution which was
to drive him from his native country. It so incensed

1 The editor ofthe Quotidienne, M. Michaud, had signed Mallet's

name to the letters without asking his permission .
268 FRUCTIDOR

Bonaparte that he sent for Haller, a Bernese who was

his commissary and Proveditore, and told him that
unless Mallet du Pan was immediately expelled from
Berne his countrymen would sooner or later rue the
protection they gave him. The sequel may be told in
the younger Mallet's words :-

By the treaties between Berne and Geneva, my

father was a combourgeois of Berne, and had a right of
residence and protection in the canton ; but in such
times as those to which I am alluding, those claims
were not likely to be regarded. The question whether
my father should be desired to quit Berne was twice
brought forward in the Secret Council, and twice de-
cided in the negative ; but was ultimately carried on a
third motion to that effect made towards the end of
June 1797. My father had then resided upwards of
four years at Berne, where he was much respected,
and when this decision became public it was univers-
ally censured.
" The notification of it to my father had been accom-
panied by many expressions of esteem and regret, and
an assurance that he might stay as long as he should
find it convenient with a view to his future arrange-
ments and when the measure had been stigmatised
by public opinion, my father was further informed that
the decision of the council would not be followed up if
he chose to remain. There was, however, no longer
any safety for him at Berne, and he was the last man
in the world to solicit any such favour.
66
Among other letters addressed to him on this
occasion I have one from the Avoyer de Steiguer,

1 His friend Baron d'Erlach was the first to announce the decision
of the Secret Council : " Je suis, mon cher Mallet, au désespoir de
ce que je suis chargé de vous annoncer. Dans mon indignation
je m'abstiens de toute réflexion " . Later, on the 27th of July, he
wrote describing Bonaparte's reception of Wurstenberguer, one of the
 EXPULSION FROM BERNE 269

expressing in terms of great mortification and regret

how deeply he felt this act of weakness and injustice.
Another Bernois, M. de Bonstetten, of a great patrician
family and whom I have already mentioned as dis
tinguished for his literary acquirements, the moderation
of his character, and the charm of his society, hearing
after my father's departure that my mother was obliged
to change houses for the short time we remained at
Berne, pressed her to accept his country residence.
' I should consider myself, ' says he, ' the happiest of
my countrymen if I could soften in your minds the
impression of our criminal weakness towards M.
Mallet.' He hoped my father would forget the treat
ment he had received, and added, ' I wish I could hope
myselfto forget it ' .
"This was the first of a series of improper con
cessions made to the French Government. From that
time they followed apace ; for a principle had been
admitted, not unusual in small and weak States, but
nevertheless as yet unknown to the proud government
of Berne, of giving way to intimidation. No one
understood better than the revolutionary rulers of
France how to avail themselves of the power of this
screw, which they never ceased working until they had
accomplished the ruin of the Swiss Confederacy."1

The disaster of Fructidor had been a rude awaken

ing to the Princesse d'Hénin's coterie in London many

of whom were now at an end of their resources, and
Malouet wrote asking for his friend's influence at the
court of Vienna to procure for him the post of Naval

Bernese instigators of Mallet's expulsion : " Il en a été fort bien reçu, et

Bonaparte lui ayant demandé s'il y avait des émigrés à Lugano, lui
a tout de suite et sans attendre sa réponse fait de grands remer
cîments de votre renvoi et de grandes plaintes contre vous. Ainsi
voilà Bonaparte votre ennemi personnel " (Sayous, ii. , 308, 311 ) .
1 Reminiscences .
270 FRUCTIDOR

Intendant in the Adriatic. But Mallet du Pan's own

situation was now such as to occupy all his thoughts.
For more than a year he had foreseen that he would
not long remain unmolested in Switzerland, and had
cast about for a place of refuge elsewhere. But, as he
said, it would be a favour to obtain from the Empress
a hut in Siberia, and he had preferred to take his
chance, with the remark ' Qui diable peut être attaché
à la vie? Ce n'est pas moi, je vous en réponds ! ' The
time had now come when a decision must be taken.

The Peace of Campo Formio ( October 1797 ) had left

Italy and the neutral States at the mercy of Bonaparte,
one of whose first measures had been the annexation
of the Valteline and other confederate Italian States
to the Cisalpine Republic. It was therefore clear that
the only safe course was to quit Switzerland. The
Duke of Brunswick, on hearing how he was situated,
pressed him to come to Wolfenbüttel and join his friend
Mounier ; and Müller, the Swiss historian and Austrian
Aulic councillor, entreated him not to settle his future
residence until he had written to Vienna and suggested
to his Court the propriety of making Mallet du Pan
such an offer as might induce him to repair to the
Austrian capital. Meanwhile, leaving his son who
had now rejoined him in charge of his official cor
respondence, Mallet du Pan set out in September
in search of a retreat. He described his tedious and

unsuccessful wanderings to his friend Sainte- Alde

gonde ( 13th November) : " Obliged to quit Berne, a
wanderer through Switzerland , freezing with terror all
these cowardly Swiss people wherever I presented
myself, unable to take a decision while the issue of
peace or war remained unsettled, wasting my time and
 WANDERINGS 271

money in travelling backwards and forwards, away from

my family, heartbroken by the late events in France, I
have had plenty of time to school myself into stoicism.
It is at least an advantage to have become convinced
that I must cease to ruin myself by defending people
qui vous égorgent en s'égorgeant. . . . I am irrevocably
determined to settle in England in the spring."

"At Zürich," writes the younger Mallet, " where he

had been so well received in July, the tables were already
turned. The Grand Council became uneasy on his
remaining there a week or ten days ; and it was settled,
with a view of concealing the circumstance from the
knowledge of the French minister, that his name should
be omitted in the daily returns made from the inn at
which he was staying . Whilst he was at Zürich several
proscribed members of the Council of Ancients, who
had escaped from France, came to Zürich under feigned
names. Amongst them was the celebrated Portalis
and his son, who made themselves known to my father,
and from whom he learnt many particulars of the disas-
trous termination of their hopes. From Zürich my
father went to Constance, but finding it full of French
emigrants he determined at once on wintering at
Friburg in the Brisgau ; and wrote to Count de Thugut,
requesting the Emperor's permission to reside in his
dominions.¹ To this letter, although my father had

1 "A draft of this letter is among my father's miscellaneous papers ;

it closes with the following paragraph : ' Votre Excellence pardonnera
mon insistance à la rigueur de ma situation . J'ose attendre d'Elle et
du Gouvernement de S.M.I. et R. , cette compassion qu'on accorde
à des innocens dans le malheur, et que je réclame à des titres, qui,
quelque soit le degré de misère qui nous est encore destiné, feront
passer mon nom sans tache à mes descendans. "
" There is a stamp of elevation of mind in all my father's letters ,
and a respect for himself which he never allows his correspondents,
whatever may be their rank, to forget " (J. L. Mallet). Thugut, it
should be added, always detested Mallet du Pan.
272 FRUCTIDOR

been in communication with the court for upwards of

three years, no answer was ever returned. But the
Baron de Sumarau, Governor of the Brisgau, a spirited
old man, took upon himself to accede to my father's
wishes, and granted him the desired permission in the
most handsome and flattering terms. We accordingly
bade adieu to Switzerland to seek somewhere in the wide
world that protection and security which our own native
land no longer afforded. To Friburg, however, we
proceeded in the first instance ; a pretty town with a
handsome church, situated between the Rhine and the
Black Forest, but too far from either to derive much
beauty or advantage from those fine natural circum
stances. It had been occupied several times by the
French armies in the course of the war, and the house
we took for the winter exhibited many signs of having
been the abode of military guests. War and its attend
ant habits are destructive of order and decency and the
whole train of Dutch virtues. A few days ' occupation
of a country, or even a march through it, often destroys
the civilising effects of many years ; and yet, such is the
animating effect of warlike circumstances upon the mind,
that whenever Austrian regiments passed through the
town, which they frequently did, with their martial air,
magnificent bands of music and all the apparatus of real
war, it required some effort to withdraw the senses and
imagination from the scene, and to restrain the rising
passions. "

At Friburg the family found themselves in a kind

of desert, without resources or advantages save that of a
position between the centre of events in France and
Switzerland, an important matter for Mallet du Pan
who still continued his work of correspondence. Their
winter, however, was not to be without the satisfaction

which some congenial society afforded, for hardly had

¹ Reminiscences.
 AT FRIBURG 273

they settled in their new home when several émigrés

and victims of the recent coup d'État applied to Mallet
du Pan to obtain permission from Baron de Sumarau
to reside in the town for the winter. Among others,
the Abbés de Lisle and Georgel were allowed to come
to Friburg, but Portalis and his son with their friend
Gau, one of the members of the Five Hundred , were
relegated to an obscure neighbouring village in the
Black Forest, and even this was considered a great
favour to émigrés of so recent a date.

"The Abbé de Lisle was our daily guest, and his

natural vivacity and agreeable conversation made us
forget everything else for the time. He was an abbé
de salon who had lived in the best society of Paris ,
and possessed an inexhaustible fund of anecdote, which
he told in a graceful and lively manner. He was like-
wise always ready to recite passages from his works, a
task which he performed with great spirit and feeling.
But notwithstanding his genius and social accomplish-
ments, the Abbé de Lisle was the merest child that
ever lived ; amused with any bauble ; on some sub-
jects quite inaccessible to reason ; a creature of caprice
and passion . On hearing him describe the green
and white pasteboard cabriolet with which he dashed
along the Boulevards at Paris, one might have taken
him for an Eton boy let loose from school ; and when
he raved about the Revolution, for an échappé from
Bicêtre. All that he saw in that great event was the
loss of his abbey : men, measures, opinions, times,
were all confounded in his mind in one indistinguishable
mass, through which he could discern nothing but his
lost abbey .
"The Abbé Georgel was a clever man of the world
who had seen human affairs through a far different
medium. Courts, and diplomacy and intrigue had
been his sphere of observation. He had been secre-
18
276 FRUCTIDOR

be admitted into the different circles. The Noblesse

kept aloof and did not mix with the Roturiers.
M. de Nicolai, who was executed after a few
months ' detention, had brought from his house a
part of his library, some furniture, and 2,000 bottles
of wine. Other wealthy individuals had followed his
example. After breakfasting in their respective apart
ments every one dressed about eleven o'clock, and
walked in the garden when the weather permitted.
Two o'clock was the dinner hour ; a traiteur had the
custom of the house. At four o'clock the messenger
of death entered and summoned his victims ; a general
gloom and apprehension preceded this appalling mo
ment, but as soon as the unfortunate individual whose
last hour had struck had taken leave of his friends,
all was life again at the Bel- Homme. At five o'clock,
a second and more careful toilet took place ; the different
circles met, and the evening was spent very much as
if the same persons had assembled at their respective
Hôtels, in drinking tea, playing cards, trictrac, and
conversation. The precarious tenure under which
these inmates of the Half-way House to the Guillotine
held their lives and property did not in any manner
soften their old political animosities, and on one oc
casion when a former Intendant of Brittany who had
quarrelled with the Provincial States was brought in ,
and a question arose whether he should be admitted
into M. de Boisgelin's circle , a meeting of several
members of the States was held in the apartment of
the old President de Noyant, at which it was re
solved that they would not give their vote to M. de
Boisgelin at the next election of First President, in
case he visited the Intendant ; which threat had the
‫ܐܙܙ‬
desired effect.'

The factious advocate, Linguet, who had been the

object of Mallet du Pan's youthful enthusiasm, was also
at Bel- Homme.
1 Reminiscences .
 THE PRISONS OF THE TERROR 277

"The Parliament people all shunned him, and he

lived in a sort of solitude amidst the dissipations of
the place. On his summons being brought him he
came to the apartment of Portalis with the warrant
in his hand to ask him whether he was required to
appear under an act of accusation, or only as a
witness . Portalis, who knew the form of these in
struments, told him that his own trial was coming
on. He received the intelligence with calm, went and
dressed himself, took some refreshment with his wife,
and left the prison, never to return . These scenes
were of daily occurrence, save on the Decadi, when the
Revolutionary Tribunal did not sit and the guillotine
suspended its toils. The interval between the day
preceding the Decadi and the following morning was
therefore a respite, and the schoolboys enjoyed their
holiday as if the hand of the executioner was for ever
stayed. Such modes of behaviour are contrary to all
the higher notions of propriety, and yet they were not
inconsistent with the most heroic feelings. These very
people left their frivolities for the scaffold with such
stoical unconcern that the Committee of Public Safety
became apprehensive of the effect which such unheard
of fortitude might have on the spectators and the
people. In some prisons therefore the persons whose
fate was decided were kept on bread and water for
several days before their execution, and a proposal
was actually made in the Committee of Public Safety
to bleed their victims previously to their appearing in
public." ¹

Ancient history however did not, we may be sure,

engross the thoughts of the party, occupied as they

were with the pressing anxieties of the moment. The
Directory had resorted to the harshest and most op
pressive methods at home and abroad, and had resolved

1 Reminiscences.
274 FRUCTIDOR

tary to the Cardinal de Rohan, and an active agent in

the disgraceful affair of the Queen's diamond necklace,
which was considered by Bonaparte as one of the
immediate causes of the Revolution ."

But the great resource of both Mallet du Pan and

his son was their intercourse with the two Portalis.

With the younger Portalis the latter struck up a

friendship which lasted for fifty years, and he records
with delight his recollection of their long walks in
the green valleys of the Black Forest along the hill
streams which flow towards the Rhine, philosophising
all the way with the eagerness and freshness of youth.

" Portalis and his son, " he writes, " occasionally came
from their retreat to spend a couple of days with us.
They were natives of Provence, and their accent as
well as the vivacity of their manner left no doubt of
their southern origin. The father had been Attorney-
General to his province previously to the Revolution ;
and considerations of personal safety had led him to
Paris at a later period. His influence in the Council
of Ancients had drawn upon him the enmity of the
Directory, notwithstanding the moderation of his prin-
ciples and his freedom from party spirit. On his
return to France in 1799 he was immediately made
a councillor of state, and was the principal person
concerned in the formation of the Civil Code, the
most lasting monument of Bonaparte's reign. Portalis
was a man of great eloquence, great address, enlarged
views of philosophy and legislation ; but who was

1 Reminiscences.
2 Subsequently Minister of Public Worship under Napoleon ,
and under the Bourbons Deputy Keeper of the Seals, Minister of
Justice in Villèle's Ministry, and afterwards at the head of the
French Magistracy as First President of the Cour de Cassation. He
was a man of great simplicity and the highest moral worth.
 PORTALIS 275

deficient in political courage. His attachment to free

institutions , which was sincere , gave way at the latter
period of his life to the less liberal maxims of
Napoleon's government. He and his son were both

religious, and strongly deprecated the demoralising

effects of the French school of philosophy. Portalis
had a striking person and manner ; grave, impassioned ,
eloquent in discussion , and yet playful, familiar and
almost homely in the common intercourse of life. His
voice was deep, pleasing, and persuasive ; his eye-
sight so defective that he looked as if he had been
blind, and when pensive he reminded me of those
ancient busts in which the pupil of the eye is not
marked ." 1

In the family circle the Revolution was naturally

the great theme, and old Portalis, who had lived

through that memorable epoch and personally known

many of the dramatis persona, would often expatiate
on the scenes he had witnessed with great force of
observation and power of language.

" Both he and his son had been confined for fourteen
months in the Maison de Santé of Bel- Homme in the
Faubourg Saint- Antoine at Paris, which had been con-
verted into a prison. Certain facilities were given in
these houses which could not be had in the common
prisons, and it was a sort of favour to be admitted
there. Among the persons confined at Bel- Homme
were several of the principal noblesse of Brittany- M.
de Boisgelin, former President of the States of that
Province ; M. de Noyant, likewise a considerable man
at Rennes ; and also M. de Nicolai , President of the
Chambre des Comptes in the Parliament of Paris.
The utmost punctilio was observed among these
personages ; regular introductions were necessary to

1 Reminiscences.
276 FRUCTIDOR

be admitted into the different circles. The Noblesse

kept aloof and did not mix with the Roturiers.
M. de Nicolai, who was executed after a few
months' detention, had brought from his house a
part of his library, some furniture, and 2,000 bottles
of wine. Other wealthy individuals had followed his
example. After breakfasting in their respective apart-
ments every one dressed about eleven o'clock, and
walked in the garden when the weather permitted .
Two o'clock was the dinner hour ; a traiteur had the
custom of the house. At four o'clock the messenger
of death entered and summoned his victims ; a general
gloom and apprehension preceded this appalling mo-
ment, but as soon as the unfortunate individual whose
last hour had struck had taken leave of his friends,
all was life again at the Bel- Homme. At five o'clock,
a second and more careful toilet took place ; the different
circles met, and the evening was spent very much as
if the same persons had assembled at their respective
Hôtels, in drinking tea, playing cards, trictrac, and
conversation. The precarious tenure under which
these inmates of the Half- way House to the Guillotine
held their lives and property did not in any manner
soften their old political animosities, and on one oc-
casion when a former Intendant of Brittany who had
quarrelled with the Provincial States was brought in,
and a question arose whether he should be admitted
into M. de Boisgelin's circle, a meeting of several
members of the States was held in the apartment of
the old President de Noyant, at which it was re-
solved that they would not give their vote to M. de
Boisgelin at the next election of First President, in
case he visited the Intendant ; which threat had the
desired effect. "1

The factious advocate, Linguet , who had been the

object of Mallet du Pan's youthful enthusiasm, was also
at Bel- Homme.
1 Reminiscences .
 THE PRISONS OF THE TERROR 277

"The Parliament people all shunned him, and he

lived in a sort of solitude amidst the dissipations of
the place. On his summons being brought him he
came to the apartment of Portalis with the warrant
in his hand to ask him whether he was required to
appear under an act of accusation, or only as a
witness . Portalis , who knew the form of these in-
struments, told him that his own trial was coming
on. He received the intelligence with calm, went and
dressed himself, took some refreshment with his wife,
and left the prison, never to return. These scenes
were of daily occurrence, save on the Decadi, when the
Revolutionary Tribunal did not sit and the guillotine
suspended its toils . The interval between the day
preceding the Decadi and the following morning was
therefore a respite, and the schoolboys enjoyed their
holiday as if the hand of the executioner was for ever
stayed. Such modes of behaviour are contrary to all
the higher notions of propriety, and yet they were not
inconsistent with the most heroic feelings. These very
people left their frivolities for the scaffold with such
stoical unconcern that the Committee of Public Safety
became apprehensive of the effect which such unheard
of fortitude might have on the spectators and the
people. In some prisons therefore the persons whose
fate was decided were kept on bread and water for
several days before their execution, and a proposal
was actually made in the Committee of Public Safety
to bleed their victims previously to their appearing in
public. " ¹

Ancient history however did not, we may be sure,

engross the thoughts of the party, occupied as they
were with the pressing anxieties of the moment. The
Directory had resorted to the harshest and most op-
pressive methods at home and abroad, and had resolved

1 Reminiscences .
278 FRUCTIDOR

on the conquest and " regeneration " of Switzerland,

which they were proceeding to carry out with their
usual combination of intrigue and violence. Their

next step after the banishment of Mallet du Pan was

a note from the French Minister demanding the dis-
missal of Wickham, the British Minister, and after this
requisition succeeded requisition, and concession fol-
lowed concession.

Bonaparte, who passed rapidly through the

country on his way to the Congress of Rastadt,
let out here and there, in his usual emphatic manner,
expressions calculated to shake and disorganise the
tottering fabric ; and in the month of December all
further pretences were laid aside, the French troops
took possession of the Bishopric of Basle, and the
Directory, by a decree of the 28th of that month , made
the Government of Berne responsible for the personal
safety and property of its revolted subjects. The
scenes that followed are now matters of history. The
healing hand of time and of good government has
( 1830) removed all actual traces of these lamentable
events, when a prosperous and happy people were
overrun by a rude soldiery who had themselves but
a few years before learnt the art of war in defence of
their country and freedom. It was not Principalities
that they came to destroy, but the mountain Chalet, and
the peaceful shepherd and his flocks. I am aware of the
pretexts for this unprovoked and unjustifiable aggres-
sion. There were the wrongs of the Pays de Vaud , if
wrongs they can be called ; there was the aristocracy of
Berne and its treasures ; and the chance that more
popular forms of Government might be established in
some Cantons. Nor do I mean to contend that im-
provements have not followed, and Switzerland is not
again happy and independent, and probably more
united than before ; but these blessings are in the main
 DESTRUCTION OF SWITZERLAND 279

due to the destruction of the Imperial Government and

of that Iron Hand, guided by unrivalled genius, that
would not have left a vestige of freedom in Europe,
had it been as cautious as it was powerful. Every
day's post brought us some distressing intelligence,
some deep and heart-rending tale of woe and de-
struction. All that we held dear was involved in
the greatest of political calamities -foreign invasion
embittered by civil war. Madame de Bonstetten,
who was at Interlachan to the last, wrote to me
regularly. She was surrounded by manifestations of
loyalty and public spirit, the Oberland being all in
arms ; but her eye was fixed on the Councils of the
Republic where she saw nothing but irresolute and
wavering opinions. As the French advanced a number
of Swiss families fled to Friburg, where they all came
to lament with my father the calamities of which their
treatment of him had been the first signal." 1

The agitation and grief with which Mallet du Pan

watched the collapse of the Swiss resistance may be
imagined. " They might have changed the face of
Europe, they have preferred to dishonour themselves
by the most stupid and unworthy servility. " The
warlike spirit of the people who only asked to be led
against the enemy was rendered useless by the timid and
temporising policy of the Governments, and on the 1st of
February 1798 he writes to Sainte- Aldegonde : " Swit-
zerland is finished ; we shall soon be able to say the
same of Europe. . . . Berne has bitterly repented of its
treatment of me. A month ago I was entreated to
return and take up my work there." The battle of
Fraubrünnen on the 5th of March vindicated the patri-
otic courage of the nation but extinguished all further

1 Reminiscences.
280 FRUCTIDOR

hopes of resistance in Switzerland, and shortly after-

wards the ancient Republic of Geneva met the fate
which Mallet du Pan had long foreseen, and which its
credulous citizens fancied they had averted by their
adoption of the revolution and their cringing sub-
mission to their mighty neighbour. On the 16th of
April, in spite of repeated assurances from the French
Government and from Bonaparte himself that the
independence of Geneva would be respected , the city
was entered by 1,800 French soldiers and annexed
to the French Republic ; and by the first article of
the Treaty of Union, Mallet du Pan with two other
Genevese was expressly deprived of the honour of
being at any time admitted to French citizenship .
Mallet du Pan had not waited for this event to

determine upon his future abode. The cessation of

his communications with France deprived him of the
means of continuing his Vienna correspondence, a
work which had for some time been distasteful to him
as a mere " ploughing of the sands, " and the failure of
this resource now made it as necessary as it was con-
genial to him to write for the public, and to carry on his
struggle against the Directory openly as a journalist.
J'aime mieux à faire au public,' he had written to his
'
son a few months earlier, ' qu'à tous les rois de la
terre.' He had clung to the hope of returning to
Paris till the triumph of the Directory in Fructidor
convinced him that a military despotism was to be the
fate of France. He had long contemplated offers of a
settlement which had come to him from friendly

German Princes, but the condition of the Continent

now seemed to him to promise little more security than
that of France for the liberty, for which he was pining,
 ENGLISH PLANS 281

to express and publish his opinions. " I have only

been tolerated here," he wrote to De Pradt from Fri
burg, " under the promise of keeping silence. " " Only
England remains where a man may write, speak, think
and act. There is my place ; there is no other for
anyone who wishes to carry on the war. " His son

thus describes reasons which finally decided him on

this new venture :――――――――――――

66
My father's health was impaired, and he had been
subject throughout the winter to a very painful cough.
He had also deeply felt the treatment he had met with
at Berne, and the public calamities that followed.
Whatever scheme we might form was subject to serious
contingencies, and the retiring to England, which in
some respects seemed the least unpromising, would be
attended with heavy expense . This project had been
first suggested to us by a Scotch gentleman at Berne,
Mr. Mackintosh, a sensible, well- informed man, who
recommended my father to consult his friends in this
country as to the probable success of a French periodi
cal work to be published in London in the manner
of the Mercure de France. Mr. Wickham was favour
able to the scheme, and had kindly assured us that
he would forward it by every means in his power. I
wrote likewise to our excellent friend , Mr. John Reeves,
to consult him on the subject . Reeves sent my letter
to the old Lord Liverpool with whom he had official
connections , and also to Mr. Windham, then Secretary
at War, both of whom desired him to encourage my
father in his views. Reeves was an active, friendly
man, who took up the thing warmly, and offered to
receive us in his own house in Cecil Street, until we
could make suitable arrangements. It was no doubt a
satisfaction to him from a political point of view to
enlist my father's talents in the good cause on this side
of the Channel ; but far from dissembling the difficulties
 31 FRUCTIDOR

of the undertaong, be warned my father that he was

moet vos 2 England for that sort of active counte
mace from the Giremment, which Continental States
sonettes Lined to public writers ; but that the success
ofthe scheme would the main depend on individual
exerons. This encouraged by our friends we deter
mined on serting out for England in the spring.¹ On
this resolution becoming known to our emigrant friends,
mfither received sorts of proposals for co-operat
ingas adermaking, but be wisely declined them all.
Since Audegonde. ' be adds " Ikewise sent to my father
A Ang extract from a letter of Monsieur (afterwards
Chanes X' which did not reach him till after our
amya in London ; FL of Battering expressions, and
Intimating his wish that my father would join at Ham
burgthe Finnces confidential friend , the Comte d'Escars,
for whom a King's ressel had been sent to conduct him
to Ellebergh, Monsieur being desirous of consulting
·
my father on various subjects
. Les preuves d'attache
me , says the Prince, gail ma données en plusieurs
dcastons
, me portent à penser qu'il éprouverait du
plaisir à receteer de nouvelles marques de mon estime
di de ma coriana . This was all very flattering, but
it would not have been advisable, in the state of my
father's health, to have exposed him to the fatigue
of such a voyage ; and, all circumstances considered, it
was fortunate that the letter did not reach us till it was
too late to comply with the Prince's desire. ” ²

In the early days of April, therefore, he set out from

Friburg with all his family except his second son, who
remained at Geneva with his uncle, and his eldest
daughter who had remained in Paris.

1 “ Il n'y a plus à reculer, il faut se créer quelques ressources et se

fixer quelque part. Le continent ne m'offre que des persécutions,
des dégoûts, l'impossibilité d'écrire nulle part, et la certitude de
mourir de faim." (To Sainte- Aldegonde, 14th December 1797.)
2Reminiscences.
 ARRIVAL IN ENGLAND 283

"We purchased a carriage for the journey, which

was," writes the younger Mallet, " long and tedious, for
travelling in Germany is (or was, at least in my time)
attended with more inconvenience than in any other
country I am acquainted with . Bad inns, bad beds
and bad cookery ; bad roads in almost all the inferior
States ; slow and phlegmatic postmasters, and worse
postillions. These things may be altered since Napo
leon quickened their paces and stimulated their sleepy
faculties ; but they were very bad in 1798. We saw
many agreeable, well-built towns ; many good -looking
heroes, doing duty at threepence a day ; and some fine
country - Heidelberg and the Bergstrasse particularly."

In this fashion they arrived at Brunswick, where

the Duke received them with every kindness and
facilitated their progress to Cuxhaven, tracing out the
route they were to follow with his own hand. There

they embarked, and after a stormy passage of eighty

two hours, diversified by an alarm of pursuit by a
French privateer, they landed at Yarmouth on the 1st
of May 1798 and soon made their way to Mr. Reeves'
hospitable house in Cecil Street in the Strand.
276 FRUCTIDOR

be admitted into the different circles. The Noblesse

kept aloof and did not mix with the Roturiers.
M. de Nicolai, who was executed after a few
months ' detention, had brought from his house a
part of his library, some furniture, and 2,000 bottles
of wine. Other wealthy individuals had followed his
example. After breakfasting in their respective apart
ments every one dressed about eleven o'clock , and
walked in the garden when the weather permitted.
Two o'clock was the dinner hour ; a traiteur had the
custom of the house. At four o'clock the messenger
of death entered and summoned his victims ; a general
gloom and apprehension preceded this appalling mo
ment, but as soon as the unfortunate individual whose
last hour had struck had taken leave of his friends,
all was life again at the Bel- Homme. At five o'clock ,
a second and more careful toilet took place ; the different
circles met, and the evening was spent very much as
if the same persons had assembled at their respective
Hôtels, in drinking tea, playing cards, trictrac, and
conversation. The precarious tenure under which
these inmates of the Half-way House to the Guillotine
held their lives and property did not in any manner
soften their old political animosities, and on one oc
casion when a former Intendant of Brittany who had
quarrelled with the Provincial States was brought in ,
and a question arose whether he should be admitted
into M. de Boisgelin's circle, a meeting of several
members of the States was held in the apartment of
the old President de Noyant, at which it was re
solved that they would not give their vote to M. de
Boisgelin at the next election of First President, in
case he visited the Intendant ; which threat had the
desired effect. "1

The factious advocate, Linguet, who had been the

object of Mallet du Pan's youthful enthusiasm, was also
at Bel- Homme.

1 Reminiscences.
 THE PRISONS OF THE TERROR 277

" The Parliament people all shunned him, and he

lived in a sort of solitude amidst the dissipations of
the place. On his summons being brought him he
came to the apartment of Portalis with the warrant
in his hand to ask him whether he was required to
appear under an act of accusation, or only as a
witness. Portalis, who knew the form of these in
struments, told him that his own trial was coming
on. He received the intelligence with calm, went and
dressed himself, took some refreshment with his wife,
and left the prison, never to return. These scenes
were of daily occurrence, save on the Decadi, when the
Revolutionary Tribunal did not sit and the guillotine
suspended its toils. The interval between the day
preceding the Decadi and the following morning was
therefore a respite, and the schoolboys enjoyed their
holiday as if the hand of the executioner was for ever
stayed. Such modes of behaviour are contrary to all
the higher notions of propriety, and yet they were not
inconsistent with the most heroic feelings. These very
people left their frivolities for the scaffold with such
stoical unconcern that the Committee of Public Safety
became apprehensive of the effect which such unheard
of fortitude might have on the spectators and the
people. In some prisons therefore the persons whose
fate was decided were kept on bread and water for
several days before their execution, and a proposal
was actually made in the Committee of Public Safety
to bleed their victims previously to their appearing in
public." 1

Ancient history however did not, we may be sure,

engross the thoughts of the party, occupied as they

were with the pressing anxieties of the moment. The

Directory had resorted to the harshest and most op

pressive methods at home and abroad , and had resolved

1 Reminiscences .
 OR
21 FEC

on the conquest and genecon ' f Svizzerand

.

which they were processing IT in their

wal somonation of inorge and rcience Their
wr va fer the banishment of Maler iu Fan was
a tore from the French Master demanding e s
ava di Wickham the Berist Maister, and after this

repivision accessed requisition, and conesssion Sci

cret cacenice

"
Wagare who passed rapidly gh the
gantry on ka way to the Congress of Rastadt,
let out here and there, in his usual emphatic manner.
Expresion calculated to stake and disorganise the
vering fabric: and in the month of December all
funter pretences were laid aside
, the French troops
took possession of the Bishopric of Basie, and the
Directory, by a decree ofthe 28th of that month, made
the Government of Berne responsible for the personal
safety and property of its revolted subjects . The
scenes that followed are now matters of history. The
healing hand of time and of good government has
(1830) removed all actual traces of these lamentable
events, when a prosperous and happy people were
overrun by a rude soldiery who had themselves but
a few years before learnt the art of war in defence of
their country and freedom . It was not Principalities
that they came to destroy, but the mountain Chalet, and
the peaceful shepherd and his flocks. I am aware ofthe
pretexts for this unprovoked and unjustifiable aggres
sion. There were the wrongs of the Pays de Vaud , if
wrongs they can be called ; there was the aristocracy of
Berne and its treasures ; and the chance that more
popular forms of Government might be established in
some Cantons . Nor do I mean to contend that im
provements have not followed, and Switzerland is not
again happy and independent, and probably more
united than before ; but these blessings are in the main
 DESTRUCTION OF SWITZERLAND 279

due to the destruction of the Imperial Government and

of that Iron Hand, guided by unrivalled genius, that
would not have left a vestige of freedom in Europe,
had it been as cautious as it was powerful. Every
day's post brought us some distressing intelligence,
some deep and heart-rending tale of woe and de
struction. All that we held dear was involved in
the greatest of political calamities-foreign invasion
embittered by civil war. Madame de Bonstetten ,
who was at Interlachan to the last, wrote to me
regularly. She was surrounded by manifestations of
loyalty and public spirit, the Oberland being all in
arms ; but her eye was fixed on the Councils of the
Republic where she saw nothing but irresolute and
wavering opinions. As the French advanced a number
of Swiss families fled to Friburg, where they all came
to lament with my father the calamities of which their
treatment of him had been the first signal. "¹

The agitation and grief with which Mallet du Pan

watched the collapse of the Swiss resistance may be
imagined. "They might have changed the face of
Europe, they have preferred to dishonour themselves
by the most stupid and unworthy servility. " The
warlike spirit of the people who only asked to be led
against the enemy was rendered useless by the timid and
temporising policy of the Governments, and on the 1st of
February 1798 he writes to Sainte-Aldegonde : " Swit
zerland is finished ; we shall soon be able to say the
same of Europe. ... Berne has bitterly repented of its
treatment of me. A month ago I was entreated to
return and take up my work there." The battle of
Fraubrünnen on the 5th of March vindicated the patri
otic courage of the nation but extinguished all further

1 Reminiscences.
280 FRUCTIDOR

hopes of resistance in Switzerland, and shortly after

wards the ancient Republic of Geneva met the fate
which Mallet du Pan had long foreseen, and which its
credulous citizens fancied they had averted by their
adoption of the revolution and their cringing sub
mission to their mighty neighbour. On the 16th of
April, in spite of repeated assurances from the French
Government and from Bonaparte himself that the
independence of Geneva would be respected, the city
was entered by 1,800 French soldiers and annexed
to the French Republic ; and by the first article of
the Treaty of Union, Mallet du Pan with two other
Genevese was expressly deprived of the honour of
being at any time admitted to French citizenship .
Mallet du Pan had not waited for this event to

determine upon his future abode. The cessation of

his communications with France deprived him of the
means of continuing his Vienna correspondence, a
work which had for some time been distasteful to him
as a mere " ploughing of the sands, " and the failure of
this resource now made it as necessary as it was con
genial to him to write for the public, and to carry on his
struggle against the Directory openly as a journalist.
'
J'aime mieux à faire au public, ' he had written to his
son a few months earlier, ' qu'à tous les rois de la
terre.' He had clung to the hope of returning to
Paris till the triumph of the Directory in Fructidor
convinced him that a military despotism was to be the
fate of France. He had long contemplated offers of a

settlement which had come to him from friendly

German Princes, but the condition of the Continent
now seemed to him to promise little more security than
that of France for the liberty, for which he was pining,
 ENGLISH PLANS 281

to express and publish his opinions . " I have only

been tolerated here, " he wrote to De Pradt from Fri
burg, " under the promise of keeping silence. " " Only
England remains where a man may write, speak, think
and act. There is my place ; there is no other for
anyone who wishes to carry on the war." His son

thus describes reasons which finally decided him on

this new venture :—

" My father's health was impaired, and he had been

subject throughout the winter to a very painful cough.
He had also deeply felt the treatment he had met with
at Berne, and the public calamities that followed.
Whatever scheme we might form was subject to serious
contingencies , and the retiring to England, which in
some respects seemed the least unpromising, would be
attended with heavy expense. This project had been
first suggested to us by a Scotch gentleman at Berne,
Mr. Mackintosh, a sensible, well-informed man , who
recommended my father to consult his friends in this
country as to the probable success of a French periodi
cal work to be published in London in the manner
of the Mercure de France. Mr. Wickham was favour
able to the scheme, and had kindly assured us that
he would forward it by every means in his power. I
wrote likewise to our excellent friend, Mr. John Reeves ,
to consult him on the subject. Reeves sent my letter
to the old Lord Liverpool with whom he had official
connections , and also to Mr. Windham, then Secretary
at War, both of whom desired him to encourage my
father in his views. Reeves was an active, friendly
man, who took up the thing warmly, and offered to
receive us in his own house in Cecil Street, until we
could make suitable arrangements. It was no doubt a
satisfaction to him from a political point of view to
enlist my father's talents in the good cause on this side
of the Channel ; but far from dissembling the difficulties
282 FRUCTIDOR

of the undertaking, he warned my father that he was

not to look in England for that sort of active counte-
nance from the Government, which Continental States
sometimes afford to public writers ; but that the success
of the scheme would in the main depend on individual
exertions. Thus encouraged by our friends we deter-
mined on setting out for England in the spring.¹ On
this resolution becoming known to our emigrant friends,
my father received all sorts of proposals for co-operat-
ing in his undertaking, but he wisely declined them all .
Sainte-Aldegonde," he adds, "likewise sent to my father
a long extract from a letter of Monsieur (afterwards
Charles X. ) , which did not reach him till after our
arrival in London ; full of flattering expressions, and
intimating his wish that my father would join at Ham-
burg the Prince's confidential friend , the Comte d'Escars ,
for whom a King's vessel had been sent to conduct him
to Edinburgh, Monsieur being desirous of consulting
my father on various subjects. Les preuves d'attache-
ment,' says the Prince, qu'il ma données en plusieurs
occasions, me portent à penser qu'il éprouverait du
plaisir à recevoir de nouvelles marques de mon estime
et de ma confiance.' This was all very flattering, but
it would not have been advisable, in the state of my
father's health, to have exposed him to the fatigue
of such a voyage ; and, all circumstances considered, it
was fortunate that the letter did not reach us till it was
too late to comply with the Prince's desire." 2

In the early days of April, therefore , he set out from

Friburg with all his family except his second son, who
remained at Geneva with his uncle, and his eldest
daughter who had remained in Paris.

1 "Il n'y a plus à reculer, il faut se créer quelques ressources et se

fixer quelque part. Le continent ne m'offre que des persécutions,
des dégoûts, l'impossibilité d'écrire nulle part, et la certitude de
mourir de faim." (To Sainte-Aldegonde, 14th December 1797.)
2 Reminiscences.
 ARRIVAL IN ENGLAND 283

"We purchased a carriage for the journey, which

was," writes the younger Mallet, " long and tedious, for
travelling in Germany is (or was, at least in my time)
attended with more inconvenience than in any other
country I am acquainted with . Bad inns, bad beds
and bad cookery ; bad roads in almost all the inferior
States ; slow and phlegmatic postmasters, and worse
postillions. These things may be altered since Napo-
leon quickened their paces and stimulated their sleepy
faculties ; but they were very bad in 1798. We saw
many agreeable, well-built towns ; many good - looking
heroes, doing duty at threepence a day ; and some fine
country- Heidelberg and the Bergstrasse particularly."

In this fashion they arrived at Brunswick, where

the Duke received them with every kindness and
facilitated their progress to Cuxhaven, tracing out the
route they were to follow with his own hand. There

they embarked, and after a stormy passage of eighty-

two hours, diversified by an alarm of pursuit by a
French privateer, they landed at Yarmouth on the 1st
of May 1798 and soon made their way to Mr. Reeves'
hospitable house in Cecil Street in the Strand.
 284

CHAPTER IX .

SETTLEMENT IN LONDON — MERCURE

BRITANNIQUE-DEATH .

1798-1800.

It is significant of the part played by England in the

war since the opening days of the Revolution that it
should have attracted but little of the attention of a

writer who had always shown a remarkable degree of

sympathy with her institutions and knowledge of her
history. At first, indeed, the opinions which he, and
his friends among the constitutional Royalists who had
found a refuge at London represented , caused his ad
vice to be eagerly sought, and he had, as we have
seen, been invited to draw up memorials for the British
Cabinet, while he had formed relations of a very cordial

character with the British representatives at Brussels,

Turin and Berne. But he does not seem to have long

entertained from the policy of Great Britain any hope

of results in the sense of his recommendations in favour

of vigorous action in the field, combined with diplomacy

which should explain her objects to the French people.
Pitt's " dogged determination to ignore the French
Revolution, " as Lord Rosebery says, had yielded with
the progress of the war to a " singular but luckless
energy," and a series of unfortunate and ill- planned expe
ditions had left the British armies without a foothold
in Europe, while naval victories and colonial conquests
 POLICY OF GREAT BRITAIN 285

gave colour to the universal opinion as to the selfishness

of British policy. ' Pitt's conduct of the war, never-
theless, was honesty itself compared with that of the
Governments whom he subsidised . But Mallet du Pan

early formed an unfavourable opinion of the utility of

the English alliance. England's extreme unpopularity
in France made her, in his opinion, the worst possible
instrument of the policy he advocated of fostering the
counter-revolutionary elements in the country, and the
brutal conduct of the British troops under the Duke of
York had drawn from him a remark, which the presence
of the Cossacks in Italy confirmed, that any army which
revolted the population would only serve the Revolu-
tion. For the same reason he had blamed the Comte

d'Artois for following the British flag, and stated his

belief that the reputed connection of the Vendeans with
England would complete the unpopularity of their cause.
In August 1795 he wrote to Sainte- Aldegonde, who
had urged him to endeavour to diminish the hatred
of the French towards England, that it was not for a
private individual to destroy a prejudice six centuries
old, a prejudice which had grown into fanaticism and
had been justified by the conduct of the British Govern-
ment. It was, he declared, for that Government alone

to remove this deep and fatal impression, not by in-

1" But in this most arduous and most momentous conflict, which ,
from its nature, should have aroused us to new and unexampled efforts ,
I know not how it has been that we have never put forth half the
strength which we have exerted in ordinary wars . . . . We drew back
the arm of our military force which had never been more than half
raised to oppose. . . . From that time we have been combating only
with the other arm of our naval power, . . . which struck, almost
unresisted, with blows which could never reach the heart of the mis-
chief" (Burke's Regicide Peace) .
286 MERCURE BRITANNIQUE

significant pronouncements but by positive action, by

recognising the King, by promising the restitution of
conquests, by a formal engagement not to meddle with
the integrity and independence of France.
If Mallet du Pan was dissatisfied with the manage-

ment of the warlike operations of the British Govern-

ment, he was equally disgusted by Pitt's repeated
attempts to make peace. He covers Lord Malmes-

bury's mission ' to Lille, in July 1797 , with ridicule,

and its undignified termination justified his strictures.
" I am convinced, " he wrote to De Castries, “ of the
truth of what Mr. Burke has written on this subject—
the revolution must end or it will devour Europe. To
seek safety in negotiation, c'est comprimer l'Etna avec
des feuilles de papier." But the day was at hand when
the extremity of the danger produced by four years of
military incapacity and ministerial optimism and blind-
ness, combined, it must in justice be added, with the
well-deserved collapse of continental resistance to the
Revolution, was to rouse the British people from their
apathy and to call forth the high spirit and dauntless
energy of their great statesman.
The naval victories of St. Vincent and Camperdown

alone prevented the year 1797 from being one of the

darkest in English history, and the younger Mallet, at
that time in England, noted the circumstances which
seemed to portend the early withdrawal of England
from the contest :-

1 Mr. Canning, then Under- Secretary of State, writing to Lord

Malmesbury at Lille in July 1797, says : " We are soulless and spirit-
less. When Windham says ' We must not have peace,' I ask him ,
' Can we have war ? It is out of the question. We have not of all
means that which is the most essential-the mind (Malmesbury
Memoirs, vol. iii.) .
 THREATS OF THE DIRECTORY 287

" I cannot," he wrote, " altogether pass over the

extraordinary and alarming circumstances which agi-
tated this country in the spring of 1797 -the mutiny
at the Nore, the Irish Rebellion , and the stoppage
of the cash payments of the Bank of England. No
crisis that I remember can be compared to this, and
at no period have I witnessed so much alarm among
all classes of people. The measures adopted by the
Government seemed nearly as desperate, and as likely
to prove fatal in their consequences, as the dangers
they were intended to avert ; but nothing can be more
unsafe than anticipations in politics, and on this, as on
many other occasions, the wisest in their generation are
not always true prophets. "

The failure of the negotiations, however, and the

menacing attitude of the Directory after Fructidor were
soon to alter the tone of public opinion, and to show
that Mallet du Pan had been better informed than his
angry critics when he warned the British government '
that they were for the first time about to become the
object of serious attack. Isolated in Europe, for the
peace of Campo Formio had deprived her of the last
of her allies, England, the envied power which had
really grown stronger by the exhaustion of every con-
tinental state, and whose free constitution was an
irritating refutation of the democratic pretensions of
revolutionary France, was now to be struck at through
her credit and her commerce ; and Mallet, in indicating
the nature of the war to be waged upon her, sketched
out the plan which was to develop under Napoleon
into the famous but futile Continental System.
By the time Mallet du Pan arrived in England, a
complete transformation in the attitude both of the

1 Lettre à un Ministre d'Etat, London, 1797.

288 MERCURE BRITANNIQUE

Government and the people had been effected by the

threatening action of the Directory. It was therefore
at a singularly appropriate moment that the untiring
opponent of revolutionary despotism sought a home in
the country which had just been forced into the position
of the champion of the principle of national independ
ence. The enthusiasm called forth by Bonaparte's
threatened invasion, and the assembling of the so
called Army of England on the opposite coast, had
doubtless prepared Mallet du Pan for the spectacle of
public spirit and national feeling for which he had so
often appealed in vain on the Continent ; and he had
already remarked upon the fact that a direct opposi
tion of principles and conduct was to be found only
between the free countries of England and America
and the pretended apostles of liberty. But the reality
far surpassed his expectations. The impression it made
on him is described, as his son remarks, " in his own
happy and forcible manner, " in a letter which he wrote
to Gallatin at Berlin in May 1798 :

"I could fancy myself in another world, in another

century. The contrast between the Continent and
་
England is astounding. 'Et penitus toto divisos orbe
Britannos ' is indeed true of to -day. Across the sea I left
Europe in the throes of a convulsive effort to secure at
any cost a shameful peace. I left it in doubt and in
decision, distracted by divisions and alarms, incapable
either of defence or of union , destitute of all patriotism,
unable to devise any common means of safety. Here,
we are in the full tide of war, crushed by taxation and
exposed to the fury of the most desperate of enemies,
but nevertheless security, abundance and energy reign
supreme, alike in cottage and palace. I have not met with
a single instance of nervousness or apprehension. The
 PUBLIC OPINION IN ENGLAND 289

spectacle presented by public opinion has far surpassed

my expectation. The nation had not yet learnt to know
its own strength or its resources ; the government has
taught it the secret, and inspired it with an unbounded
confidence almost amounting to presumption. There
is a good deal of intolerance, confined however to the
sanest part of the population. They detest France,
the Revolution, the Jacobins, the Directory, precisely as
France hated the aristocrats in 1789. " After dwelling
on the " admirable " measures taken by the Ministry
for its defence of the country, he continues : " You
may imagine that I am in my element, with no need of
periphrasis to express my opinions and no fear of exile
if I am wanting in respect to Barras or Merlin de Douai !"

It was a simple and definite issue which had at last

aroused popular sentiment. But the writer already
observed the absence of any real perception of what
the Revolution meant for Europe. With all this
"superb display " he saw how little the question at
issue was generally understood. Sixty years before
Voltaire had remarked that in no country were the

sources of information so rare as in England, that in

none was there greater indifference to matters of
external interest ; and Mallet soon asked himself how

all this enthusiasm and energy, how the calmness and

order of the country, how the discipline and spirit of
the British troops and the supremacy of the British
fleets, would prevent France from devouring Europe
bit by bit and carrying on her work of universal dis
solution. "While commerce is prosperous too little

attention is paid to the Continent , and there are national

prejudices on the subject which I must make it my
business to remove . " To make better known in

England the real situation abroad was a task for which

19
290 MERCURE BRITANNIQUE

Mallet was specially qualified. " I am treated with

some confidence, " he wrote to his friend, "fournissez-

moi des armes ! "
No longer however with the old confidence and
hopefulness but as a persecuted and embittered op-
ponent of the triumphant Revolution did Mallet du Pan
prepare to renew the struggle. It was with the words,
"It is idle to fight a revolution with sheets of paper,"
that he had abandoned the editorship of the Mercure
de France. His experiences as adviser of the French
Princes and foreign Governments had been no less
discouraging. Early in 1797 he had told his son
that he was profoundly disgusted with his labours
in this direction, his counsels and reflections having
been continually set aside. It was therefore primarily
the necessity imposed on an exile who had lost in-
come, savings, library and all his worldly possessions
of assuring for himself and his family a means of
livelihood, that decided him to enter upon the editor-
ship of a new journal ; and with growing distaste
at the exigencies of his " detestable scribbling, "-
il est impossible d'en être plus las, plus dégoûté, plus
accablé, he carried on the work till it brought him to
the grave. Not that he would ever have willingly ac-
quiesced in withdrawal from the contest in which he
had been so deeply engaged . The need of speaking
what was in his mind was strong to the end, and soon
after his arrival in England he expressed in touching
and eloquent words his gratitude to the country which
gave him the power to do so :-

'J'ai perdu, avec la Suisse, patrie, parents, amis :

il ne m'en reste que des souvenirs déchirants. Je
serais peut-être sans asyle, si le ciel ne m'eût réservé
 JOHN REEVES 291

un port où je puis accuser, sans les craindre , des tyrans

en démence, dont l'orgueilleuse impuissance menace
vainement ce dernier boulevard de la vieille Europe.
C'est sous la protection d'une nation inébranlable que
je dépose ici et mes récits et mes douleurs. Sans sa
magnanimité j'éprouverais encore le tourment du silence.
Jamais trop de reconnaissance ne payera le bienfait
de cet affranchissement.'1

John Reeves, who received the whole family in

his house in Cecil Street overlooking the river, was
an odd, good- natured, clever man, extremely hospitable
and friendly, and although very decided in his views
free from all personal bitterness. He had begun life
on a lawyer's pittance and ended it with £ 200,000,
amassed during a thirty-five years' tenure of lucrative
offices ; among them the post of Superintendent of the
Alien Office, King's Patentee for the printing of Bibles
and Prayer Books, and Chief Justice of Newfoundland
resident in London, an appointment which gave rise
to the comment that " either justice was not neces-
sary to Newfoundland, or that John Reeves was not
necessary to justice ". He probably owed his success
in life to his political connection with Sir John Scott,
afterwards Lord Eldon, during the proceedings at the
Crown and Anchor tavern in the early part of the
French Revolution, and his house was frequented by
many of his political associates who greeted Mallet du
Pan with great cordiality : men like " Mr. John Fowler
and Mr. John Gifford, both bitter party men, but from
whom we received the very kindest attention not only
during my father's life but also after his death ".

1 The concluding words of the preface to his essay on the destruc-

tion of Swiss liberty (Mercure Britannique, 20th Aug. 1798).
292 MERCURE BRITANNIQUE

" Our old friends," continues Mallet's son, ¹

Wickhams, Rigauds, Saladins, Achards, Lord Fincastle,
Sir John Macpherson, Malouet, Lally, and Montlosier
likewise gave us the kindest welcome ; and a whole host
of French emigrants of all shades of opinion, from the
Bishop of Arras to the Chevalier de Grave (a Girondin),
called on my father, all anxious to sound his intentions ,
to conciliate him to their own views, and to engage his
talents and rising influence in support of their opinions.
His former political ties and prepossessions were all
on the side of his old friends the Monarchiens most
of whom were in England ; but these friends, whose
moderation and temperate views of government had
led them to cultivate the society of the Whigs , did not
like to see my father connect himself in England ex-
clusively with the Anti-Jacobin party . They had
likewise expected from their long intimacy with him
that he would have placed himself at once in their
hands, and associated some of them in his labours.
My father's excited feelings on his arrival here, and
his determination to take his own line, therefore pro-
duced a little coolness at first. Malouet alone, who
had a true affection for him and whose heart and
generous disposition were inaccessible to any secondary
considerations , devoted himself to us, gave my father
excellent advice, and exerted himself with his English
friends of whom he had many highly respectable to
ensure my father's success. "

Nor was Mallet du Pan altogether neglected by

members of the Government, although Reeves had
warned him not to rely on their assistance in his
enterprise.

" The old Lord Liverpool was one of the most

considerable of those to whom Reeves introduced my
father. He came to dine in Cecil Street, and I well

¹ Reminiscences .
 LIVERPOOL AND WINDHAM 293

remember his cold, diplomatic, silent manner- of all

men the least calculated to inspire confidence and
encourage independent talents. I must, however, do
him the justice to say that he took a real interest in
the success of my father's work. I have several letters
of his written to Reeves previously to our coming to
England, entering in detail into the means of securing
its success.
66
Very different in most respects was Mr. Windham ,
then Under- Secretary of State for the Home Depart-
ment, whom we met at dinner at Mr. Wickham's, and
whose courteous , open, and engaging manners formed
a great contrast with old Jenkinson. We were de-
lighted with his reception, and I shall never forget his
taking me by the hand and saying, ' As to this young
gentleman, he is no stranger to me ; for I have seen
some letters of his, written in very good English, and
very creditable to his feelings ' . Nothing could exceed
the openness and charm of his manner.

To him, as well as to some other friends, Mallet

du Pan submitted a sort of prospectus of his intended
work, and an estimate was formed of the expenses of
the undertaking from which it appeared that 500 sub-
scribers would give him an income ; but nothing like
open countenance, such as the promise of occasional
communications from the Foreign Office and other de-
partments which were generally given to government
papers, was forthcoming. All that the editor obtained
was a subscription of twenty-five copies from the Home
Office for the use of the French conquered colonies.

"There was then," writes his son, " hardly a court

in Europe, save that of London, where a public writer
of such character and influence would not have met
with some personal attentions from the individuals at

1 Reminiscences .
294 MERCURE BRITANNIQUE

the head of the Government. My father had been

entrusted with an important mission by Louis XVI . ;
he had been marked out by Bonaparte and the Directory
as a man to be hunted out of the Continent ; he had
lost his fortune, health, and peace of mind ; he had
been banished from France for supporting an oppressed
minority, with whom he had no other community of
interest and feeling than a sense of public wrong ; he
was a republican and a Protestant-they were the
privileged members of a Catholic and absolute monarchy.
He might therefore have expected, without any un
reasonable pretensions, that the same men who were
lavishing the treasures and the blood of this country
in resisting the progress of the Revolution by every
possible means, legitimate and illegitimate, would not
have left him wholly unnoticed ; more particularly as
there was hardly a subordinate agent employed in con
ducting some of the disgraceful underplots then going
on that had not a personal access to the ministers.
Mr. Pitt had, however, no predilection for men of
letters, and was not conversant with French. But
Lord Grenville and Lord Spencer, Lord Loughborough ,
Windham, and Canning were capable of appreciating
the merits of a foreign writer. I have already men
tioned Mr. Windham's courteous reception of us ; but
our intercourse ended there. We afterwards met
Mr. Canning at Sir W. Drummond's to whom Lord
Dunmore had introduced us ; but his manner was dis
tant and cold, and he did not utter five sentences
during the whole of dinner. Gifford, the poet, who
was likewise there maintained a repulsive silence ;
such are the manners of this country, and the reception
foreigners not unfrequently experience even in the best
society. I am aware that such disappointments were
not peculiar to us, and that in a greater or less degree
Johnson's maxim that ' for aught he knew all foreigners
were fools ' generally prevails in the minds of English
men. I am likewise aware of the disinclination of
 THE JOURNAL LAUNCHED 295

English people, even the best bred and best educated,

to converse in French ; but this mauvaise honte
ought to give way to a feeling of courtesy and to the
desire of benefiting by the conversation of men dis
tinguished for their information or talents."

In spite of all difficulties, however, Mallet's reputa

tion and the energy of his friends enabled him to start
a new journal, appearing every fortnight, which was
called the Mercure Britannique.

" All our friends exerted themselves with the greatest

zeal, and subscriptions came in rapidly. The Dukes
of York, Kent and Gloucester, the ministers, and many
persons of rank and of Parliamentary or literary distinc
tion, were among the number. Most of the foreign
ministers in England, and many distinguished persons
on the Continent likewise subscribed, so that we soon
exceeded 500 copies, and in the course of a few months
reached 750 : a large circulation for a foreign news
paper published in England. "

The objects which the editor set before himself

in this publication were to direct the efforts of Europe
against the French, to enforce the lessons of ten
years of revolution , and to combat misconceptions
prevalent no less on the Continent than in England
as to the strength, the success and the character
of the French Republic, the ability of its rulers, the
irresistible march of the Revolution , and the means of
hindering its approach. Such misconceptions
were
among the most serious obstacles to the formation of

1 Reminiscences .
2Mercure Britannique ; ou Notices historiques et critiques sur les
affaires du temps, 4 vols. , composed of thirty-six numbers, the first dated
20th August 1798, and the last 25th March 1800. It was widely circu
lated in Europe and several times republished after the author's death.
296 MERCURE BRITANNIQUE

a new coalition such as that which was headed by Pitt

at the beginning of the year 1799.
These few volumes- for the work lasted only two
years—contain the maturest fruit of his genius and
experience, and in turning to it, after the diplomatic
correspondence in which the last few years had been
passed, one cannot but feel that his own instinct was
right in telling him that he was at his best as a journalist.
That correspondence indeed is distinguished, as we have
seen, for its just and powerful analyses of public opinion
in France and of the spirit of parties, for its outspoken
criticism of the conduct of the allies, and above all for

an intelligible view of policy urged with spirit and

consistency, and enforced by appeals to experience.
But it would be in the highest degree unfair to base
a judgment of the author upon this portion of his work
alone. Written for a special purpose, the official corre
spondence deals with a restricted portion of the subject,
and its faults are perhaps inseparable from such a species
of composition. A certain optimism was both prudent
and politic in writing to the parties upon whom success
or failure depended, and some exaggeration and violence
of tone, some repetition of ideas, are certain to be found
in a series of secret memoranda presented to a Cabinet,
and published, as historical criticism demands, in the
exact form in which they were written. It is to the
works in which he appealed to Europe and to posterity
that we must look for broader views than are to be
found in the pleadings of an advocate and diplomatist .
Moderation, or what passed for it, was not to be expected
from one whose convictions had been hardened in the

furnace of experiences such as his, and moderation is

not the word to describe the tone of the Mercure
 CHARACTER OF THE JOURNAL 297

Britannique, at all events in the articles on the treatment

of the Swiss cantons. The younger Mallet, when he

remarks on the " too indiscriminately violent " tone of

the journal, and compares it in this respect with the
writings of Burke, makes a criticism more in harmony
with the spirit of the liberal reaction of his own lifetime
than would perhaps be passed on it by recent students
of the Revolution. But what the work loses in calm

detachment of style it gains in force, in precision, in

concentration, in emphasis, in irony. " Never, " writes
the latest and most judicious of his critics, M. Valette,
"did the gifts of observation, of moral analysis, of
vigorous and vehement expression shine with a brighter
ray in Mallet's works than during these last years which
marked the destruction of his hopes, and convinced him
of the uselessness of his long career of struggle, of
danger, and of unrecognised devotion." To represent
Mallet du Pan's writing at this time as having lost its
balance and judgment would indeed be to give a wholly
false impression of the Mercure as a whole. His atti
tude towards the ultra- Royalists and his appreciation
of Bonaparte's position are sufficient evidence to the
contrary, and his articles on such subjects as Washing
ton's career, on the influence of the philosophers, and
on the causes of the Revolution , are conceived in a spirit
very far removed from that attributed to him by some of
his critics. If, for instance, we are wearied by the itera
tion of gloomy forebodings of the fate of Europe, of the
irresistible might of the Revolutionary movement, of the
impending dissolution of social order, we may turn to a
passage, one among many, to words which seem rather
those of an historian than of one who had suffered from

the convulsion every misfortune but the guillotine :—

 QUE
298 MERCURE BRITANNI

" The annals of the world have preserved the

memory of many such climacteric eras, in which the
intoxication of unreason working upon human passions
has seized upon society to destroy its harmony and
punish generations of its members. We hear it said that
the Revolution is unparalleled in its horror. Nothing,
not even the wonder of fools, is unparalleled in this
world. As for horror, was it, alas ! less grievous to be
a loyal royalist in Paris when Charles the Bad assassi-
nated the Marshal de Champagne in the very arms of
his sovereign ? Was it less grievous to be the Admiral
de Coligny in 1572 than the Prince de Condé in 1793 ?
Was it less grievous to be the descendant of Aurungzebe,
or of Michael Palæologus, than of Louis XIV . ? For
contemporary witnesses every event is unique, yet
history offers us a succession of perpetual but dissimilar
horrors. It is the honourable task of the historian to
discriminate between them ; the learning of a pedant
can discover their resemblances. " ¹

1 Merc. Brit. , No. 8 , 10th December 1798. The passage which

follows is so characteristic of the author both in style and matter,
that I may be excused for quoting it in the original :-
" Ce qui sert à faire de la Révolution de France un tableau sans
exemple, ce ne sont ni ses doctrines, ni ses crimes, ni ses origines, ni
ses malheurs : c'est le caractère particulier de ses auteurs et de ses
victimes ; c'est ce mélange de méchanceté usurpatrice et de fanatisme
scolastique enté sur la vanité nationale ; c'est cet enchaînement de
crimes rendus nécessaires par d'autres crimes, dans ces transitions
graduelles de l'esprit d'indépendance au besoin d'un despotisme
régulier ; c'est cette inconstance des opinions après la fièvre de
l'enthousiasme ; c'est cette union du génie des sectes à celui des
conquérants, qui attaque à la fois les territoires et les institutions,
les religions, les usages, les mœurs, les propriétés et les sentiments
publics ; c'est ce concours de l'hypocrisie avec la férocité, du langage
des lumières avec la bassesse de l'ignorance, des sophismes avec les
forfaits, et d'une corruption perfectionnée avec la brutalité des temps
de barbarie : c'est, enfin , ce contraste éternel entre les principes et
les actions, entre l'empire des idées et celui des intérêts, entre la force
 ESSAY ON SWITZERLAND 299

The first three numbers of the new periodical were

filled with an account of the invasion of Switzerland
and the destruction of the Helvetic Confederacy,
written with all the energy and eloquence of outraged
patriotism. This event had excited great interest and
indignation in England which was kept alive by the
heroic and continued resistance of the smaller cantons.

1 66 Essay
" The title of the work," writes Mallet's son,'
on the Destruction of the Helvetic Confederacy, does not
seem the most suitable to an animated historical nar-
rative ; but it was probably adopted with reference to the
first part of it, containing an analysis of the causes which
led to the subversion of the Confederacy : a masterly
sketch (as I remember hearing Dumont observe ) of the
struggles of a Republic menaced with foreign invasion
and torn by internal dissensions . The first chapter
treats of the moral and civil state of the Canton of
Berne previously to the Revolution, and contains an
account of the manners and Government of that happy
people, of which neither time nor any change of circum-
stances can ever lessen the interest. In reading the

chapter, and more particularly that part of it which

relates to the manners of the Bernois peasantry, my
children will form a just notion of the talents and feel-
ing of their grandfather, and of the people whom the

des hommes et celle des évènements : contraste qui, après avoir

enfanté une suite de vicissitudes, les a perpétuées, et qu'on n'explique
ni par des déclamations, ni par des fables apocalyptiques sur les
causes secrètes ".
Again : " Un révolte peut être l'ouvrage d'un quart d'heure ;
les Révolutions sont celui des siècles . Aucune n'eut sa source
dans un principe inopiné : mais en s'unissant à une ou plusieurs
causes accidentelles, leurs mobiles préparatoires et antécédants
les développent . La poudre à canon éclate à l'approche d'une
étincelle ; ce n'est pas l'étincelle qui compose la poudre à canon . "
1 Reminiscences.
300 MERCURE BRITANNIQUE

French came to regenerate. I would have them turn

to a note at page 45 , containing a striking description
of a Bernois country wedding. Often have I seen my
father rise from the composition of this work overcome
and agitated, and walking up and down the room until
he had recovered from the powerful emotions excited in
his mind. He was then almost ready to say with Valen-
tine of Milan, Rien ne m'est plus, plus ne m'est rien '.

The work had an immediate and gratifying success

the first edition being at once exhausted . Mallet du
Pan, we read, was particularly touched by the letters
he received from several Bernese gentlemen ; and by
none more than a letter from Ch. L. Haller, ' the
Gallican enthusiast who in his capacity of Secretary to
the Police Committee of Council at Berne in 1797 had
been so active in promoting Mallet's sentence of banish-
ment from the canton. The eyes of this infatuated

young man had been opened by subsequent events, and

his patriotic feelings excited in an opposite direction.
This auspicious beginning put the exiled family in
good spirits, and they saw the hope of better days
and of a less precarious and unsettled existence . After
staying three weeks with John Reeves they had taken
up their residence at 19 Woodstock Street , a small
street out of Oxford Street and running into Bond
Street, which they could see from their windows filled
then, as now, with a fashionable throng. Popularity,
however, is seldom attained without some sacrifices.

" Our drawing-room became a sort of levée, which

very much broke in upon my father's time and occupa-

1c
Vingt fois," he wrote, " en lisant cet ouvrage digne de
Salluste et de Tacite des sanglots m'ont empêché de continuer."
2 Reminiscences.
 ÉMIGRÉ SOCIETY IN LONDON 301

tions. Our emigrant friends, who came in and out all

day and at all hours, formed much the best part of
our society, for most of them were distinguished men.¹
Besides those I have mentioned we often saw Cicé,
the old Archbishop of Bordeaux ; the Archbishop of
Aix, a courtly, eloquent, high-bred ecclesiastic of a
noble family; the Prince de Poix , the Baron de Gilliers,
the Abbé Lajare, Panat ; Bourmont, the Vendéan
chief, afterwards General of Division under Napoleon
-a clever, graceful, insinuating person ; Pozzo di
Borgo who subsequently became a favourite of the
Emperor Alexander and his Ambassador at Paris after
1814, and was one of the most active and influential
agents in the great political events which began at
Moscow and terminated at Waterloo : a true Corsican,
but possessing extraordinary sagacity and talents.
"We likewise saw a good deal of our own country
men- Dumont, Saladin, D'Yvernois, Dr. Marcet, De
la Rive, and several Swiss and Genevese young men
who had settled in this country after the Revolution. "

The reputation of the new journal was more than

sustained by subsequent numbers. Plenty of material
for useful comment was supplied by the respective
positions of France and the other European states, the
Egyptian expedition, the battle of the Nile and the
failure of General Humbert's descent on Ireland, and

1 " Chateaubriand was then in England, and gave an evening

lecture at M. Malouet's, at which he read Atala and some sketches
of his subsequent work, Le Génie du Christianisme. Many persons
of note among the emigrants were there, and Calonne and my father
were of the number. After the lecture, my father said to the persons
near him, ' Il y a du talent dans tout cela, mais je ne comprends rien
à ses harmonies de la Nature et de la Religion ' ; in which opinion
Calonne concurred ." The conjunction of the two names is inter
esting and the comment characteristic . (Reminiscences.)
2 The fourth number, which contained a remarkable paper on
the political relations and situation of the Continental States, was
at least as successful as the essay on Switzerland .
302 MERCURE BRITANNIQUE

finally by the successful efforts of the British Govern-

ment to form a new coalition by means of an alliance
with Russia against the Directory. Mallet du Pan did
his utmost to remove the jealous alarm of the Austrians
at the prospect of admitting the Russian forces into the
German States by drawing attention to the real danger,
the resolute and unbounded ambition of the Republican
Government, which, as he said, had " placed Europe
under an interdict ," and " was devouring it leaf by leaf
like an artichoke ". He followed in his pages the

early brilliant successes of the northern confederacy

and their reconquests, succeeded however by the de-
feat of the British and Russians in Holland and that
of Suwarow at Zürich ; reverses due mainly as usual
to the mistakes of the allies, of which Mallet specially
signalised the cruel devastation of Switzerland by the
foreign troops and the consequent disastrous and im-
politic alienation of Swiss sympathies. In December
he gave an account of the budget opened by Pitt (on
the 3rd), which he described as being rather a complete
course of public economy than a ministerial discourse ;
" one of the finest works of positive and speculative
finance which have ever distinguished the pen of a

philosopher or of a statesman ". As the winter, which

was a very severe one, went on, and communication with
the Continent became more difficult, he was thrown
more and more on his own resources to fill the pages
of the Mercure. For almost two months his corre-

spondence from abroad was suspended, fifteen Hamburg

mails arriving together on the 16th of March. To this
time belong several papers of general interest, such as

Mr. Gladstone quoted this account in his own great budget

speech in 1853-
 LETTER FROM MONSIEUR 303

those on the anarchy of European political systems and

on the Union with Ireland, notably however one on
the influence of philosophical writings as one of the
causes of the French Revolution.¹

It was not long before the vigour and independence

with which Mallet du Pan exercised his newly found
privilege to write, think and speak, involved him in
difficulties with his French readers. Their hopes had

survived even the 18th of Fructidor, and they were

displeased that he would not flatter them with the
prospect of an early settlement of affairs. The fulfil-

ment of his gloomy anticipations did not make him

more popular with them, and they had not relished his
insistence on the necessity of prosecuting the war.
The " King " who had never forgiven his condemnation
of the Verona manifesto held no communication with

him, but his brother, Monsieur (the Comte d'Artois),

had soon after his arrival in London written him a
2
long and flattering letter in reply to one from Mallet
counselling patience and inaction . In this letter

Monsieur urged him to use all the influence he conceived

him to possess with the British Cabinet, in favour of
continued efforts to reimpose the Bourbon dynasty on
France : Parlez, tonnez, ne craignez pas d'en trop dire
à un cabinet qui sait apprécier votre opinion '. But when
he went on to speak of the necessity of a restoration
by armed intervention if the King were to preserve
sufficient authority to govern a great people, and to
deprecate any transaction or compromise, he was run-
ning directly counter to the views of the man he was

¹ Merc. Brit., No. 14, 10th March 1799. See appendix for the
latter part of this paper.
2 Sayous, vol. ii . , pp. 502-508.
304 MERCURE BRITANNIQUE

pretending to consult ; and events having again during

the early months of 1799 become more favourable to
the fortunes of the Princes, Mallet's advice was for the
time neither sought nor tendered, and he was left un-
molested by the ultra- Royalists, who, however, jealously
scanned his pages for any expressions reflecting on the
ancien régime or showing a leaning towards constitu-
tional modifications.
As his son wrote :-¹

" His English readers respected his talents and

character, and caring little for the fanciful distinctions
and shades of opinion by which the royalists were
divided, they only saw in my father a man thoroughly
in earnest, who was on the right side of the question,
and wrote with great spirit and independence ; and
this ought to have been the feeling of all persons
hostile to the French Revolution. But the same
jealousy of liberal opinions which had excluded the
Intendant of Brittany from the circle of the President
of Boisgelin in a Paris prison during the Reign of
Terror, watched with a scrutinizing and jealous eye
every opinion and even expression in my father's writings
which might be construed as inimical to the ancien
régime. Many of these Marats à cocarde blanche,
as my father had once called them, derived a very
comfortable existence (and some of them a very large
income) from the plots and intrigues of which they
enjoyed a monopoly, and to which sounder views of
policy would have put an end. With such fears as
these, and the honest conviction entertained by some of
them that no circumstances should induce the Bourbons
to bend the knee before Baal, they looked with abhor-
rence on any man who raised a doubt of their exclusive
right to political influence, as well as to British gold. "

¹ Reminiscences.
 THE ULTRA-ROYALISTS 305

Mallet du Pan was only too anxious to avoid con

troversies which, as he knew from long experience,
could serve no useful purpose. With the fresh collapse
of the alliance in the summer of 1799 , however, the
Royalists soon became more aggressive. Mallet's son
gives an instance of the lengths to which this sort of
feeling could be carried in social intercourse.Their old
1
friend, the Abbé de Lisle, who followed them to London ¹

1 " I went and sought them, got them a lodging in Bond Street,
at a French bookseller's, and when fairly settled, I listened to and
smiled at the poor Abbé's ludicrous account of his adventures ; things
that, to his mind, had happened to no one else since people had
travelled, and which he told with such a mixture of grave and gay,
of lamentation and levity, of quotations from La Fontaine and
Molière and his own fertile muse, that it would have been an
entertainment for an audience. Then who can forget his little
smart figure, his ugly, expressive phiz, and turned-up nose ? But I
have all along said ' they,' and must explain why. The Abbé de Lisle
had a female companion, Mlle Vaudechamp, who had left France
with him ; a woman without education, coarse in her looks and
manners, and who was said to have recourse to rough methods with
the poor Abbé, even to occasional use of the poker. The Abbé
called her his niece, a clerical nom de guerre. There were other
reports
" ... but Fame
""
Says things not fit for me to name.'

What with his blindness, and her untractable disposition, they were
very helpless at first, and altogether on our hands. The Abbé,
however, read English, and understood it when spoken distinctly :
he knew some of Pope's works almost by heart, and had translated
the Essay on Man and the Epistle to Arbuthnot. Pope was the
Abbé's model ; but he (Pope) had a finer imagination and stronger
conception. Rivarol used to say of the Abbé de Lisle's writings,
that he was too anxious to secure the success of each verse, and
neglected the fortune of the work. His exquisite ear, and great
exactness and elegance, are no doubt among his chief merits ; and
20
306 MERCURE BRITANNIQUE

was dining one day at their house in company with

Malouet, Bertrand de Moleville and De la Rive of
Geneva, when he suddenly observed ' Le Roi ne
doit retourner en France qu'à travers un pied de
sang '. Mallet expostulated with him observing that
there was hardly a person in the room who would
not fall under the axe of such exterminating maxims,
upon which the Abbé quite beside himself turned to
Malouet and said, ' Et vous, vous méritez d'être pendu !'
Such feelings as these made a collision sooner or
later inevitable, and the incident had better be given
in the words of the younger Mallet.

" It would have been better for my father's peace

of mind if he had left the hostility of these excited
politicians unnoticed ; but it assailed him from so many
quarters, and in so many shapes-in pamphlets, letters
and society-that he lost his patience, and exposed
their narrowness and political bigotry, their mischievous
opinions and unrelenting disposition, in terms which
could never be forgiven. It was on the occasion of
a letter of Malouet's, printed in the number for July
1799, on the subject of some notions then entertained
that a large party in France was desirous of establish
ing a constitutional monarchy, and would offer the
crown to the Duke of Orleans or some foreign prince
to the exclusion of the legitimate princes. Malouet
expatiated on the impolicy of those views, which he
ascribed to two causes-first, to the ignorance in which
the French people were kept of the real sentiments of
Louis XVIII.; and secondly, to the character of the
war on the part of the allies. This letter was not, in
my opinion, very judicious ; but the clamour raised

he must be ranked, as well as Pope, among those of the eloquentiæ

genus who are distinguished for the pressum et mite et limitum, rather
than for the plenum et erectum, et audax, et praecelsum " (Reminiscences).
 MALLET REBUKES ROYALISTS 307

against it was altogether founded on the opinion of

the writer that the King was ready to make great
sacrifices of authority, and to lend himself to any
system of conciliation which might unite in one com
mon interest all the friends of a limited monarchy.
This was not to be borne, and Malouet was, therefore,
assailed from all quarters, and treated like a traitor or
an apostate. He was attacked with peculiar violence
by a clever, unprincipled royalist writer, Peltier, who
was then engaged in a periodical work called the
Ambigu. My father, therefore, came forward in his
next number for August 1799 : -

"Quelqu'un s'avise-t-il de proclamer l'indulgence,

la clémence, la justice du Roi ; son aversion pour le
pouvoir arbitraire, son discernement sur ce que les
opinions de son siècle renferment d'erreurs à repousser
ou de connaissances à ménager ? Des cris s'élèvent
pour contredire cet éloge, pour en diffamer l'objet, et
apprendre à la France que les vertus du Roi sont
autant de chimères. . . . On leur parle de Gouverne
ment légal : ils ne veulent ni légalité ni Gouvernement.
L'art d'administrer les sociétés humaines est pour eux
le sabre et le potence . . . ils ne veulent de lois que
celles qui mettent le peuple sous leur dépendance sans
leur en imposer aucune. . . . Ils méprisent toute Res
tauration qui terminerait les malheurs de la France et
les périls de l'Europe, à moins qu'elle ne rendit à une
poignée de privilégiés le droit de disposer à leur gré, et
exclusivement, du Monarque et de la Monarchie.¹
Quelqu'éclatant néanmoins que puisse être le crescendo
de leurs clameurs lorsqu'ils voyent le sens commun
approcher du Capitole, il faut désabuser les français et
l'étranger sur les intentions du Roi de la majorité des
émigrés, et sur l'effervescence d'individus isolés, pour

¹It is only necessary to read the last proclamation of the

Directory to the French people signed by Sieyès, 17 Fructidor, An 7 ,
to realise how the language used by these " ultras " played the game
of the Republicans (See Merc. Brit. , No. 25 , 25th Sept. 1799) .
308 MERCURE BRITANNIQUE

qui la Révolution est encore et sera toujours une révolte

de faubourgs.'
" These strictures, and an expression of great
severity indirectly applied to Peltier, produced a per
fect storm in the circles of pure Royalism ; and Peltier
henceforth became a bitter and irreconcilable enemy.
What most annoyed these avengers of the Throne
and the Altar was my father's taking upon himself to
disavow their opinions on behalf of the King. They
held that he had no authority for so doing, and that
the King's conscience was exclusively in their keeping.
I am not sure that an appeal to the King himself would
have been very safe. But my father, nevertheless, had
his vouchers, and he was fully entitled to make use of
them for so useful a purpose ; for, as he justly observed,
" No exertions of the Royalists can be of any
advantage to the King, as the circumstances of his
situation and the political state of France do not
admit of his availing himself either of their services
or opinions : what is of importance to him, however,
is to conciliate the mass of his subjects that are now
estranged from him, to weaken opposition and hostile
wishes, to disarm the fears of those who might really
serve him if they thought they could do it with
safety.
" It was but lately that my father had transmitted to
the King, through the Marshal de Castries, two letters
from Portalis, full of sense and practical wisdom, ex
patiating on this very topic, and which are now in
my possession, together with the Marshal's answer,
expressing his entire concurrence in the views they
contain. My father had likewise been in correspon
dence with Monsieur, who, whatever might be his
real sentiments , also expressed his concurrence in my
father's views, and the highest opinion of his judgment
and sagacity."

1 For these important letters, see Sayous, ii ., 393-400.

 RECEPTION BY MONSIEUR 309

On this occasion accordingly Monsieur came to

London, openly blamed his adherents, and sending for
Malouet and Mallet du Pan expressed to them his vexa-
tion that they should have been exposed to this hostility
of persons professing to be the friends of his family.
It was the least that he could do, for Malouet's
letter which had led to the storm had been inserted at

the express desire of Louis XVIII . Mallet gave an

account of the interview ' which obliged him to cut
short a few days' much-needed holiday in a friend's
house at Reigate, in a letter to Sainte-Aldegonde.
The Bishop of Arras, the Comte d'Escars and the agent
Dutheil had, he said, the mortification of witnessing
his reception by Monsieur, who talked alone with him
.
for twenty minutes and who listened with apparent
approval, when he insisted on the unfortunate effect
upon opinion in France of the publication of such
attacks as those of which he and Malouet had been
the victims . 'A la fin d'êtait moi qui me trouvais

Paristocrate le plus entier !' Sainte- Aldegonde in reply

warned him that the Prince's action was ' un hommage

forcé et de circonstance,' and that at the first success

of the allied armies they would no longer condescend
to look at him. "The Princes will remain what they

are ; they will never employ que des espèces, and Mon-
sieur with all his gracious affability is no more likely
to change than others. " Sainte-Aldegonde knew
his man, and Mallet , who can hardly have needed the
warning, is found writing February 1800,2 " I have
not seen Monsieur again ; he associates only with his
courtiers, and is more adulated than at Versailles. ·
I earnestly desire to be absolutely forgotten in that

¹ Sayous , ii . , 404. 2 Ibid. , 435 .

310 MERCURE BRITANNIQUE

quarter ; there is nothing to be done with persons who

are not honest (des gens qui ne sont pas vrais)."
The tide indeed seemed once more to be running

in favour of the royal house of France, for by the end

of the summer it had become evident that the days of
the Directory were numbered. Never during ten years
of upheaval had government been more powerless or
anarchy in every department more rampant. Taxes
were unpaid, conscripts refused to come in, robbery,
crime and open rebellion were unpunished, Jacobinism
could no longer be galvanised into life ; while even in war
fortune had deserted the Republic, for the victorious close
of the campaign in Holland and Switzerland was more
than counterbalanced by the fiasco of the French in
Egypt and Bonaparte's desertion of his army. This

time, however, Mallet did not pretend to share the hopes

of the royalist party, he expected nothing from the
representatives of the monarchy, and he confined him-
self to commenting on passing events and indicating
the line of action which a true royalist party, had one
existed, might perhaps even then successfully have
followed by taking advantage of the movement after
the 30th of Prairial towards restraining the prero-
gative of the Directory. There is a reflection in

his writing of the spirit of apathy, of discouragement,

of disillusionment, which in France had succeeded
the fever of revolutionary enthusiasm ; and again we
notice the disbelief he had often expressed in the im-
portance of individuals in times of revolution. "A
dogmatic revolution may create instruments, never per-
manent leaders, for it is of the essence of revolution
to recognise no authority, no superiority. In the
presence of its terrible genius men appear no more
 SIEYÈS 311
" 1
than shadows." Barras and Sieyès indeed dominated

the Directory without dominating France, and they

were intent only on bringing about the inevitable end
in such a manner as to secure impunity and fortune for
themselves. Barras had sunk to intrigues with royalist
agents, and in return for his promises of assistance in
a restoration had obtained from Louis XVIII . letters

patent assuring him against all punishment, and grant

ing him an immense pension. The machinations of
Sieyes were of more importance and interest. He too ,

convinced that the Republic was dead, was casting about

for some combination which would secure his own
position. At first it was the Archduke Charles to be
married to Madame Royale and enthroned in France ;
then some general who was to be the instrument of
a coup d'État, Joubert, Jourdan, Macdonald, Bernadotte,
but not yet the absent and almost forgotten Bonaparte,
whose coadjutor he had been in Fructidor. From the
first the character, the ambition, the aims and methods
of the Abbé Sieyès had set him apart and attracted
the attention of Mallet du Pan, who made him the

subject of one of his few elaborate portraits. Superior

as he was to the mob of agitators he was not the man
to see France a prey to their intrigues without en
deavouring to become their master. The political
metaphysician had qualities which eminently fitted
him for the task he set himself. Fertile in resource,

he could wait in silence without conceiving chimerical

plans ; he united dexterity and constancy, and no one,
when a great occasion demanded it, " could better pre
serve control over himself, or obtain it over others ".

1 Merc. Brit., No. 22.

312 MERCURE BRITANNIQUE

Sieyes was to be the author of the general plan

and of the preparatory steps of the coup d'Etat. But
when the time had come the necessary impulsion for
another change could only be found in military force.
Il me faut une épée,' he exclaimed in an epigram
which ended , as another had begun, ' the Revolution ;
he sought a sword, however, which should be his
servant, not his master. When Bonaparte adopted

the scheme prepared by him, the civil arm sank

into insignificance ; the famous constitution, the most
impracticable but the most ingenious system of checks
and balances ever devised, was adopted shorn of all
its distinctive features, and the philosopher who had
been the oracle and epitome of the revolutionary
epoch ended his days as a count and a pensioner.
It has been said that , while his position was one of
opposition to the historical school of Montesquieu , he
was not more in harmony with the logical school of

¹ Sainte- Beuve has collected the epigrams with which Sieyès " bap-
tised " the supreme moments of the Revolution .
At the opening of the States-General he asked, " Qu'est-ce que
le Tiers-État ? " and replied, " C'est tout ! "
At the breach of the Two Orders with the deputies of the Third
Estate, he gave the latter the title of " National Assembly ".
When the National Assembly, yielding to passion and intrigue,
began to go astray in its labours, he exclaimed, " Ils veulent être
libres et ils ne savent pas être justes ! "
After the Terror he pronounced the pregnant words, " J'ai vécu,"
and when he saw the failure of the Directory, " Il me faut une épée "
(Causeries, vol . v., p. 205).
2 He was given the estate of Crône with an immense revenue.
Sieyès à Bonaparte avait promis un trône
Sous ses débris brillants voulant l'ensevelir ;
Bonaparte à Sieyès fait présent de Crône
Pour le payer et l'avilir.
 SIEYÈS 313

Rousseau. His favourite studies had always been of

an abstract character ; this taste was in him intensified
by a positive aversion for the study of history , and to
judge of the present by the past was with him to judge
of the known by the unknown. In his incapacity for
any but a priori methods in politics he belonged to the
revolutionary tribe ; he differed from them, and this it
was that gave him his strength, in his conception of
the possibilities of democratic society. He believed,

as they did not, in representative government. The

elaborate constitutional schemes to which Sieyès clung

all through the Revolution attest his constant effort to

escape from the logical conclusion of the doctrines of

Rousseau as exemplified in the Jacobin experiment of

government. The Directorial system, in so far as it
drew a line between the different functions of govern-
ment, was the fruit of his genius ; in so far as it lacked
the jury constitutionnaire, a plan for the further division
and balance of powers, he repudiated it. He long re-

fused a seat in the Directory, but remained their political

adviser, a step in accordance with his dislike of open
responsibility, his talent of " doing evil as Providence
does good without being perceived ". The whole pas-
sage in which Mallet has described this Catalina en
petit collet is a masterpiece of satiric portraiture :——

" L'Abbé Sieyes est l'homme le plus dangereux

qu'ait fait connaître la révolution. Dès le premier jour
il l'a mesurée théoriquement, mais sans en prévoir les
horribles conséquences. Républicain avant les états-
généraux de 1789, il n'a pas perdu un jour de vue
le renversement du trône, de l'Église, de la religion
catholique et de la noblesse. Heureusement cet opini-
âtre et pénétrant novateur est le plus lâche des mortels :
314 MERCURE BRITANNIQUE

aussitôt qu'il a vu le danger, il s'est enseveli dans l'ob

scurité. Quiconque lui fera peur le maîtrisera toujours.
Misanthrope atrabilaire, de l'orgueil le plus exclusif,
impatient et concentré, charlatan impérieux et jaloux,
ennemi de tout mérite supérieur au sien, personne n'a
plus que lui l'art de s'emparer des esprits en affectant
le seul langage de la raison, de couvrir d'apparences
plus froides ses passions, son maintien, son style.
Dans un pays où tout le monde se mêle de raisonner
et où les prestiges de la philosophie ont séduit tous les
rangs , l'abbé Sieyès est un homme important. Cepen
dant, jamais il n'obtint ni dans la première assemblée
constituante, ni dans la convention actuelle, dont il
est membre, de crédit permanent. Mirabeau, qui le
connaissait, le méprisait et le haïssait , l'avait réduit au
silence. . . . Il est capable d'ordonner les plus grands
crimes pour faire adopter ses théories. Nul ne pré
médita plus longtemps, plus froidement, avec plus de
réflexion, l'abolition de la Royauté. Ennemi de tout
pouvoir dont il ne sera pas le directeur spirituel, il a
anéanti la noblesse parce qu'il n'était pas noble, son
ordre parce qu'il n'était pas archevêque, les grands
propriétaires parce qu'il n'était pas riche, et il ren
verserait tous les trônes parce que la nature ne l'a pas
fait roi."1

All this time the rival intriguers believed , or tried

to believe, that Bonaparte, all - powerful as he had been
after Fructidor, no longer counted. Thirteen months
of exile in Africa, by turns glorious and ignominious,
might well have buried his renown ; already he was
beginning to be forgotten when his reappearance in
Provence on the 9th of October, and his triumphant
progress from Fréjus to Paris, showed that he was the
hero and deliverer for whom the people were waiting.

¹ Correspondence for Vienna, i., 127 , 28th Feb. 1795.

 BONAPARTE 315

Even then, and after the scene in the Orangery of Saint

Cloud and the establishment of the Consulate , the signi
ficance of his return was curiously little realised outside
France. Mallet du Pan no more than others had fore

seen this turn of events, but he was almost alone among

the émigrés in his immediate comprehension of its mean
ing and its consequences. Among a party of his friends
at his own house when the news of Bonaparte's landing
was received, and when most of those present spoke of
it as an event of no importance and of Bonaparte as a
man of lost character and influence, Mallet du Pan ex
pressed a different opinion, and observed that it was an
event big with consequences to France and to Europe.
The émigrés for weeks continued to hug the delusion
that the First Consul was a new Monk who had made

his coup d'État in order to replace the crown on the

head of Louis XVIII . , and the King himself caused
negotiations to be opened with the First Consul, and
even wrote to him direct. Mallet combated the notion

in the Mercure, and in his private letters spoke of

these poor " innocent émigrés who . . . would be still
at their A B C if the Revolution lasted a century. . . .

I will not disguise my opinion that the re-establishment

of Louis XVIII . and the old monarchy is adjourned
to a distant future. "
Now at all events the ascendancy of Napoleon's
genius is clear to Mallet du Pan ; and the " contempo
rary historian " is seen at his best in the luminous and

eloquent pages in which he expresses his judgment on

the last phase of the revolutionary era which he lived
to witness. He would not have had cause to modify
the words he used on the conqueror's return from Egypt
316 MERCURE BRITANNIQUE

upon which he had commented in a vein of irony, ' not

unworthy of Voltaire.

"Able and energetic in action," he wrote, " mock

heroic in speech, never were valour and contempt for
humanity, capacity and false greatness, intelligence
and ignorant jugglery, insolent immodesty and splendid
qualities, united to the same degree as in this man,
""
extraordinary rather than great.'

If after Brumaire, continues Mallet, he refused the

title of Dictator, Protector or Prince, it was assuredly
not with the intention of restoring to his country its
legitimate sovereign according to the frivolous opinion
of the Royalists. Master of France in the Avenue of
Saint-Cloud, it was upon his own head that Bonaparte
would place the crown, if crown indeed there was to
be. In a situation of this kind a man had rarely a
fixed or definite object, he must wait upon events.

66 His head is in the clouds, his career is a poem ,

his imagination a storehouse of heroic romance, and
his stage is large enough for all the excesses of his will

1 For instance : " Les plus hardis de ces romanciers , soutenus de la

tourbe des idiots, n'ont pas manqué à attribuer ce retour au zèle de
Bonaparte pour le bien public, et à son désir de réparer les défaites
des armées républicaines. Sans nous permettre de deviner ses
pensées intimes, il nous parait assez positif qu'il a saisi avec em
pressement le moment favorable où il était ramené sur la côte pour
terminer sa captivité. Quelque délicieuses qu'aient pu être les
séances de l'Institut National du Caire, l'éducation philosophe des
Cophtes, des Arabes et des Mamloucks, et l'admirable constitution
dont il a doué ces nouveaux élus , l'avenir demeurait inquiétant ; ses
nuages rendaient encore plus regrettables les charmes de la Métro
pole, le fracas des éloges , et les destinées plus brillantes que Bona
parte avait daigné sacrifier au rôle de Législateur d'un peuple nu et
sans esprit " (Merc. Brit. , No. 28, 10th Dec. 1799).
 THE CONSULATE 317

or his ambition. Who can decide where he will stop ?

Is he sufficiently master of events and of time, of his
own sentiments, of his own future to decide it for
himself? "1

Nor was Mallet du Pan mistaken in his view of the

revolution of the 10th November 1799 which seemed
to him of a new order, in its way as fundamental as
that of 1789. "The materials, means, results and
authors were all different ; it was the first time the
military element had triumphed over the civil power. "
He could not share the opinion of those who, when
they discovered that Bonaparte had made the coup
d'État for himself, imagined that his reign and his
political system would not last a month, who harped
on the Chouans, on the exhaustion of the country and
its finances, on the Jacobins and the other common
places which had done yeoman service since the be
ginning of the war. Projects of Chouannerie fill him
" with shame and horror, " and as for counter- revolution
by means of foreign war, " people might as well talk
66
of conquering the moon ". Bonaparte is king. .
For my part, I see an immense power placed in the
hands of a man who knows how to use it, who has
on his side both the army and the people." No

one described with more impartial care the measures

taken by the First Consul to restore settled Govern
ment to France by concentrating power in his own
hands, by reforming and purifying the administration,
by confirming the rights of property created by the
Revolution, by assimilating such of its principles (that
of equality, for instance ) as had taken root in the hearts

1 Merc. Brit., No. 28, 10th Dec. 1799.

 QU E
318 MERCURE BRITANNI

of the people, by reopening the churches, by putting

down disorder and faction (the miserable Chouan rising
was conquered more by persuasion and concession than
by arms), by reconciling discordant opinions, and by
availing himself of the services of men of talent of all
parties who were willing to devote themselves to him.
Recognising, as Mallet honestly did, the success of a
policy which in many of its essentials he had for years
pressed upon his Royalist friends, and witnessing their
continued blindness ("the compensation for their miseries
which Providence has happily provided for them ") he
may be pardoned for a certain fatalistic resignation.
It is easy to understand the spirit in which he wrote :—

" In truth when one sees how the affairs of the

world are managed, how after eight years of experience
it is always the same circle of visionary obstinacy in the
teeth of evidence, of misunderstanding, of divisions, of
egoism, one loses all interest in the future. "

For Mallet du Pan of all men could not have become

a convert to the new Cæsarism, as many of the émigrés

and some of his own associates were to do. It has
been noted as a curious fact that the extreme Royalists
seemed to have less antipathy to the Empire than they
had displayed to a constitutional Monarchy. " The

émigrés," he writes in February 1800, " are returning

in crowds , and among them many of the greatest names
in France."

Mallet du Pan recognised indeed with satisfaction

that new prospects of order were opening for France,
and he saw the advantage of the exercise of a firm
and tutelary government by a man in whose talents the
people had confidence. But there is nothing to show
 THE CONSULATE 319

that he would have become reconciled to a system

which was faithfully to carry out the revolutionary

traditions in its contempt for the rights of nations , or
that a man who had so retained his faith in free gov-
ernment that at the end of the century he could pen an
elaborate panegyric upon the career of Washington,
would have acquiesced in a Government, beneficial in-
deed compared with anarchy from which it sprang, but

directly opposed to that liberal political system which

had been the distinction of Switzerland , and whose
traditions now lingered only in America and England.
It is not difficult to predict on which side his sympathies
would have been in the gigantic struggle which the
unscrupulous ambition of Napoleon was so soon to
force upon Europe, for he was one of those who
saw in the character of the conqueror, no less than in
that of the new form of government, a menace to the
peace of the world.

" Do we find, " he asked, " at Milan, at Pavia, in

Malta or in Egypt, a man loyal to his agreements,
scrupulous in respecting incontestable rights, faithful in
his promises, his proclamations, his solemn engage-
ments, brotherly to the friends of France, just to neutral
Powers, impressed with the feeling that war is in itself
a sufficient curse without adding to it the systematic
ruin of citizens and of the most useful public institu-
tions, and conspiracies against peaceful and flourishing
Governments ?

The consequences however of the Imperial régime

to France and to Europe Mallet du Pan did not live to
see, and meanwhile the favourable account he gave in
the Mercure of the firm and conciliatory system of
government which was being established in France
320 MERCURE BRITANNIQUE

exposed him to misrepresentations and to charges of

inconsistency and altered opinions from persons, many
of whom were to be found a few years later among the
most assiduous of courtiers at the Tuileries. Had it

not been for these repeated contentions, which acquired

exaggerated importance from the fact that Mallet and

his family lived so much with French émigrés, their

life would have been in many respects agreeable. The
Mercure continued to be successful the net receipts
of the first year having exceeded £ 1,000, and the
author's house was frequented by many distinguished
and well-informed people. But his health had long

been a source of deep anxiety to his family. The

climate of London, ' ce gouffre de vapeurs infernales,'
as he called it , was specially unfavourable to him,
and from London , except for an occasional few days
at a time, he could not escape while he was obliged
every fortnight to turn out a political essay of sixty-
four pages under all circumstances of health, spirits
and public intelligence , without assistance except that
of his son, who took upon himself the business con-
nected with the printing, correspondence, accounts and
postal arrangements. A very severe winter had been
followed in 1799 by a cold and wet summer which
proved very injurious to Mallet du Pan's health, and
the French doctor whom he consulted totally mis-
understood his case and assured his family that there
was no cause for anxiety, though his wasted form and
constant cough could leave no doubt of the progress
of his malady.¹

1 The admirable portrait by his countryman, J. F. Rigaud, R.A. ,

reproduced at the beginning of this volume, was painted about this
time, and it gives the idea of a man of seventy rather than of his real
 ILLNESS 321

" In January 1800," writes the younger Mallet,

" Lady Holderness, the widow of the last Earl of that
name, from whom my father had received many atten-
tions, was so struck with his altered looks that she re-
quested her physician Sir Gilbert Blane to call on him.
Sir Gilbert immediately saw that the case was nearly
hopeless, and all he could do was to forbid a stimula-
ting diet, administer opiates, and entreat my father, if
possible, to withdraw from all occupations."

The situation was indeed as nearly desperate as it

well could be. After a gallant struggle for indepen-
dence , Mallet found himself face to face with the
necessity of giving up the sole provision for his family,
and though he had at least as much claim on the bounty
of the British Government as "the host of plotting
émigrés who drew thousands from the public purse
for the most unworthy and mischievous purposes," he
could not easily bring himself to ask for such assistance.
In his extremity, however, he set out his difficulties in
a remarkable letter to his friend, Wickham , then
Minister Plenipotentiary with the allied armies in
Germany :—

"Whatever resolution and exertion I may summon

to my aid, I can succeed but imperfectly in overcoming
the undermining influence of this painful malady. The

age, which was under fifty. Mallet's son speaks of the tone, truth of
expression, and careful finish of the picture, and adds : " Those
friends who did not see him at this latter period of his life complain
that they do not recognise in his picture the wonted animation of his
eye and countenance ' the precursors of the tongue ' ; but premature
age had quenched this living spark, and nothing was then left of him
but that pensive look, that softened and thoughtful expression , on
which I love to dwell ; for it is my last, my dearest recollection of
him ! "
21
322 MERCURE BRITANNIQUE

physicians I have consulted agree in considering the

climate of London and eight hours of sedentary and
mental occupation as in the highest degree injurious to
My present publication is my sole means of sub-
sistence. It has supplied all the wants of my family
during the past year ; but independently of some draw-
backs, such as the income tax, and although the sub-
scriptions have not fallen off, its popularity and success
would be permanently injured by any carelessness of
composition and yet I feel that I am no longer cap-
able of giving it the same degree of interest. Other
circumstances have rendered my task more burden-
some than it might have been, such as the ill-humour
and complaints of Foreign Ministers, to which I have
been subjected, and the calumnies and angry ebullitions
of French emigrants, and more particularly of those
who are distinguished as the King's confidential agents.
Were I assured that these hostile feelings had no in-
fluence on the Government I should have disregarded
them ; but I cannot but deeply feel my not having
received the slightest mark of approbation from any
of the Ministers. I am altogether ignorant of the
opinion they may entertain either of myself or my
publication. I am altogether in the dark as to their
own views, and therefore without security as to those
I express.
"You have approved, and every reasonable man
must have approved, my asserting that degree of in-
dependence of tone and opinion which was absolutely
necessary to the character of my work ; but in the
peculiar situation in which I was placed, I might never-
theless have expected to be furnished with some index
by which to regulate the exercise of it. On no one
occasion have I received any communication or intelli-
gence from the Foreign Office ; and notwithstanding
the zeal and kindness of Mr. Flint, even the French
papers reach me irregularly, and those I do receive are
nearly useless for my purpose as they are all Royalist
 LETTER TO WICKHAM 323

papers, whereas what I want is to learn the views and

opinions of the French Government and of the faction
whose influence has hitherto been predominant .
"Were I still in the vigour of life and with my
faculties unimpaired , I might perhaps overcome these
difficulties ; but I am altogether unequal to the task
of resisting the progress of a painful and debilitating
malady and at the same time of prosecuting under all
circumstances of body and mind, and with the requisite
energy of purpose, a work of which a single paragraph
incautiously expressed may compromise my reputation
and peace of mind .
66
I have not yet considered , nor can I at present
fix on any plan by means of which I might supply the
wants of my family if I should be under the necessity
of relinquishing the Mercure. Many friends urge my
having recourse to the bounty of the British Govern
ment ; and it is at their solicitations that I now trouble
you with these personal details . But I do not partici
pate in their confidence. I have no claims on the
Government, and I am not acquainted with any of the
Ministers. Besides that, I am the most awkward of
suitors when I am personally concerned. Indeed, I
do not see what reasonable motives I could urge for
granting to a stranger what an Englishman does not
always obtain after long public services.
"I feel it due to my family, however, to submit these
difficulties to you. Were any allowance to be granted
to me by the Government, I should at least wish to
earn it in some way or other, and that I might not eat
the bread of idleness . It seems not unreasonable to
suppose in the present aspect of affairs that some em
ployment connected with objects of public utility might
be found for me. Too much of an invalid to be any
longer a stage-coach driver, starting at the same hour
in all weather, I may possibly retain such a share of
health as might enable me to follow occupations of a
less laborious and less critical nature.
324 MERCURE BRITANNIQUE

" I rely on your usual kindness to assist me with

your opinion and advice. If all idea of interesting the
Government in my favour be chimerical, I will lose no
time in turning my mind to such literary resources as
may be within my reach, and may secure my family
against absolute want. Pray excuse this indiscreet
request. You are the only friend to whom I could
have submitted such an application ; and you are, I
believe, sufficiently acquainted with me to feel assured
that the most urgent circumstances could alone have
wrung it from me. You will receive it with indulgence,
and consider it as a proof of my unbounded confidence
in your kindness and regard. "

This letter did not reach Wickham till the following

March, by which time Mallet du Pan had been obliged
to abandon the editorship of the Mercure. Wickham
replied on the 24th of March that he would communi-
cate Mallet's situation and wishes to Lord Grenville
by a messenger then leaving Augsburg for London .
" Do not be impatient if you do not receive an
immediate answer," he wrote, " but rest assured that
I will neglect nothing that may tend to serve you,
though, God knows, I shall not be able to do much. "
Meanwhile Mallet du Pan had retired to Richmond,
where Lally-Tollendal had a house which he placed at
his disposal. On the 11th of April , three weeks only
before his death, he wrote again to Mr. Wickham
in the following terms :-

" The rapid progress of my complaint has baffled

all my calculations, and put an end to the views I
submitted to you by a letter of the 20th of January
last, to which I have not received any answer. Since
the date of that letter I have been in a constant state
of suffering, aggravated by the cruel efforts necessary
 CLOSE OF LABOURS 325

for completing the last number of the Mercure. At

last I am compelled to close with the thirty-sixth
number. My physician forbids application of any
kind, and a total loss of strength renders such direc-
tions superfluous.
" I have thought it due to you, to apprise you
of the termination of the Mercure previously to my
announcing it publicly in my thirty-sixth number,
which is almost entirely the work of friends.
"Little did I anticipate this sad close of my labours
when I came to this country under your friendly
auspices. My career of utility is now closed, and the
suggestions contained in my last letter to you rendered
unavailing. I cannot contemplate without the deepest
concern my own situation and that of my family ; left
as I am without resources in the dearest country in
Europe, where a long illness exhausts a small fortune ;
in an ungenial climate, with bitter thoughts of the past,
and unavailing anxiety for the future. No resource is
left me but resignation and trust in God ; and to re-
commend my children to those who, like you, have
never ceased to give me proof of regard. "

There is every reason to believe, in spite of the

generous provision made for his family after his death,
that Wickham's intervention would not have availed
to procure assistance for Mallet du Pan had he lived ,
for the moderate tone of his strictures on Bonaparte's
early administration, and the strong sympathy of
Grenville and Pitt with the ultra- Royalists seem to
have indisposed them towards him . Friendly offices,
however, were not wanting from other quarters.

" Malouet¹ took charge of the last number of the

Mercure : Lally lent us his country house at Rich-
mond : kind offers poured in from all sides. Sir J.

1 Reminiscences.
326 MERCURE BRITANNIQUE

Macpherson was, I believe, incessant in his solicitations

with the Government, and did not neglect his private
friends. Among those who were foremost in generous
sympathy I must not forget Sir William Pulteney,
who sent Sir J. Macpherson 100, to be applied to
my father's use, ' in the way ' (according to his
considerate expression) ' that would be the least
painful to his feelings '. My father likewise received
on the occasion of his announcing the suspension of
his work, many letters expressing the strongest sense
of respect for his character and writings. Some other
kindly rays came in to relieve this dark hour. Mr.
Rose, Secretary of the Treasury, whose financial work
I had translated the year before, most kindly gave
me a situation of Foreign Translator or Examiner
of Public Accounts in the Audit Office, worth £ 250
per annum ; and a few days previously to my father's
death, Sir John Macpherson received an assurance
from the Speaker of the House of Commons, Mr.
Addington, that the Government intended making
some provision for my mother. These were great
alleviations , and afforded as much comfort to my
father as he was then capable of receiving from
anything. "

The end can best be told in the words of Mallet du

Pan's devoted son :-

" Count Lally's house at Richmond was situated in

a lane leading from the church to the bridge. It was
too small to accommodate all our family ; I therefore
remained in town, going as often as I could to Rich-
mond. My father was attended by Mr. Dundas, the
King's Serjeant - Surgeon, afterwards Sir David Dun-
das ; a man of great penetration, judgment, and skill,
and no less distinguished by his kindness and humanity
to the numerous French emigrant families then residing
at Richmond. I cannot speak of his attentions to my
father in terms of sufficient gratitude. Seeing my
 DEATH AT RICHMOND 327

mother's spirits extremely depressed, he naturally dwelt

on such circumstances of improvement as the change
of air and scene had produced : my father had better
nights and a better appetite ; he took several drives in
Richmond Park, and walked occasionally in the garden,
all which tended to confirm our hopes. I do not be-
lieve, however, that he was himself deceived ; he was
more than usually silent, and there was a look of settled
pensiveness and deep meditation in his eye, which left
no doubt as to the direction of his thoughts. He often
read the Bible, and sent for some sermons of Mouchon ,
a Genevese clergyman, which had been lately published ;
the only indications he gave by which to judge of the
state of his mind.
" Early in May, some of my friends ( Genevese)
having made a party to go to Henley on the Saturday
and remain there till the Monday, they pressed me to
accompany them. I had intended going to my family
at Richmond on that day, but receiving a letter from
my sister giving a more comfortable account of my
father, I determined on joining my friends on their
little excursion. On my return on the Monday morn-
ing into the City, I found a few lines from my sister
which she had sent by express, written in terms some-
what obscure , but which gave me reason to apprehend
the worst. My father had died in the night ! Nothing
in the preceding day had indicated greater weakness
or danger, and he had retired to rest as usual ; but on
approaching his bed at an early hour my poor mother
found that all was over, apparently without a struggle.
"We had in our misfortune all the comfort and
assistance that public and private sympathy can give .'

¹ Mallet du Pan died on the 10th of May 1800, just two years
after his arrival in England .
2 Even an obituary notice in The Times ( 19th May 1800) was
not wanting. It is of some interest as showing the position Mallet du
-
Pan occupied in public estimation at the time of his death :-
" M. MALLET DU PAN.
" M. Mallet du Pan was interred on Thursday last at Richmond.
 UE
URE BRITANNIQ
328 MERC

Malouet and Lally took upon themselves all that our

situation required, and they determined , somewhat con
trary to my own inclination, but perhaps not improperly,
that my father should have a public funeral. At
Geneva all funerals are public, inasmuch as the remains
of a citizen are followed to the grave by a greater or
less concourse of people, according to his popularity or
claims to consideration. Friends and persons of all
ranks join the procession without any invitation, and
from their own impulse, as it proceeds to the place of
burial in the vicinity of the town ; and I have seen the
funeral of a distinguished citizen attended by hundreds
of people. Such would have been the case with my
father, had he lived and died in his own native place.
Here he was known comparatively to few ; but those
few were desirous of paying him one last public mark of
respect. Count Lally was rather too pompous a master
of the ceremonies for a Swiss family dependent for sup
port on the bounty of Government ; but his feelings and

He died without pain or agony at the house of the Count de Lally,

and had nigh completed the 50th year of his age. His countenance
was perfectly serene. For a month previous to his death, his friends
had entertained no hopes of his recovery. The affliction of his family
and friends was to him the most convincing sign of his approaching
end .
" Long before the French Revolution, M. Mallet du Pan was as
much distinguished among political writers for the extent of his know
ledge and for the vigour of his understanding, as for the probity and
independence of his character. Born of a noble family, which for
many years has given birth to magistrates of Geneva, and to learned
men, M. Mallet du Pan only trod in the footsteps of his ancestors by
following the paths of literature. The principles of religion , of social
order, of manners, of laws, of the rights of the people and of princes,
and the history of man in general, were the subjects which most
employed his attention, until the revolutionary tempest developed the
whole energy and wisdom of his mind. His writings since the year
1789 form a most valuable collection . He was not a party-writer
neither willing to offend or flatter any one ."
 GOVERNMENT ASSISTANCE 329

manner were so warm and energetic that he had his

own way, not only in marshalling the funeral ceremony,
but in giving an account of it in the Courier de Londres
somewhat highly coloured . The Prince de Poix, Lord
Sheffield, Mr. Fagel, Greffier to the United States of
Holland, and afterwards Minister of the Netherlands in
this country, Mr. Trevor afterwards Lord Hampden,
Sir John Macpherson, Mr. Whitshed Keene, Member
for Montgomeryshire and afterwards Father of the
House of Commons, Count Lally, and Malouet, were
the pall-bearers ; Mr. Granville Penn, Baron Maseres,
Mr. Ryder, Mr. Wollaston, Mr. Sparrow, Mr. Reeves,
Mr. Bowles , Mr. John Gifford, and many other persons
attended.
"A few days subsequently to my father's death, Mr.
Addington communicated to Sir J. Macpherson that it
was the intention of Government to grant a pension of
£ 200 on the Civil List to my mother. The various
deductions to which salaries and pensions on the Civil
List are subjected , reduced the amount to about £ 150
per annum ; but even this was very considerable and
unexpected favour, often sought in vain by persons of
great family and connection in reduced circumstances.
It appears by a note from Mr. Trevor to Malouet, that
Mr. Pitt had contemplated this act of generous kind
ness towards my family previously to the Speaker's
application to him ; and it is therefore probable that
Mr. Wickham's friendly representations to Lord Gren
ville had not been disregarded. My situation in the
Audit Office and my mother's pension constituted a
very comfortable provision for us ; but my father's
friends nevertheless wished that some public mark of
interest should be given to our family ; and Sir Wil
liam Pulteney, Sir J. Macpherson, and Mr. Whitshed
Keene set on foot a public subscription with that view,
and they fixed 10 10s. as the maximum to be sub
scribed by any one individual, by which means they
hoped that a great number of respectable persons
330 MERCURE BRITANNIQUE

might be induced to join in this tribute of respect.

They were not disappointed ; the subscriptions filled
rapidly, and soon amounted to upwards of £ 1,000, of
which the Prince of Brazil subscribed £ 100. Debts
were likewise due to my father by booksellers both in
England and at Hamburg, in respect of the sale of the
Mercure, and although that class of persons are among
the worst of debtors, about £ 1,200 was ultimately
collected, which was settled on my mother, together
with the amount of the public subscription. " ¹

It may be added that Madame Mallet du Pan after

a few months spent in England at Guildford and the

neighbourhood settled in Geneva, where her daughter
Amélie married in 1803 Dr. Jean Pierre Colladon ; the
younger daughter, who was in delicate health, re-
maining with her mother. She survived for sixteen
years the husband whose adverse fortunes she had

shared with so much courage and devotion. The elder

son's career has been alluded to in the preface, the
second son, Henri, a very promising young man, went
into a business house in London, but did not long
survive his father, for a melancholy accident caused his
death at Geneva while on a holiday visit to his mother.

NOTE. The following remarkable appreciation of Mallet du Pan

by his daughter, Madame Colladon (who inherited much of his talent
and transmitted it to her son, the late M. Eugène Colladon of
Geneva), may be inserted in this place. It will serve as preface
to the chapter in which I have brought together the various judg-
ments on his character and career, and endeavoured to describe his
place as a commentator on the Revolution :-

" Ce qui me parait le plus intéressant à dire dans la vie de mon

père c'est de peindre le caractère moral qui accompagnait son esprit.
Il faut parler de cette indépendance d'opinion qui lui a suscité tant
d'ennemis, et que tous les gens des divers partis ont si souvent et si

1 Reminiscences .
 NOTE BY HIS DAUGHTER 331

vainement tenté d'altérer ; de ce courage avec lequel il brava pendant

les années de la Révolution les menaces, les imprécations , les écrits
avoués et anonymes, des ennemis de la bonne cause. J'ai vu des
révolutionnaires venir chez lui pour le forcer à rétracter tel ou tel
article de son journal, en le menaçant de le faire périr s'il résistait à
leurs ordres, et mon père leur répondre avec une fermeté pleine de
modération et de noblesse , qu'on pouvait le faire assassiner, mais que
jamais on ne l'engagerait à désavouer les principes qu'il professait.
On a vu un Protestant défendre de tout son talent , et avec l'âme qui
animait ses écrits, la Religion Catholique ; et un Républicain défendre
les Rois, parce que cette cause était celle de la morale et de la vertu.
Menacé de toutes parts, entouré de craintes de ses amis et de sa
famille, il est toujours resté inébranlable, et prêt à payer de sa tête
la cause qu'il soutenait. Avec la santé la plus frêle, il a constam-
ment montré une intrépidité à toute épreuve ; avec la fortune la plus
bornée, le plus noble désintéressement ; et l'élévation de son caractère
n'est pas moins remarquable que ses talents. Sa simplicité et sa
modestie etaient celles d'un philosophe. Des gens des provinces,
des personnes de tout rang venaient lui rendre grâces, le supplier
de continuer sa dangereuse tâche, et lui adresser les éloges les plus
flatteurs, sans qu'il en prit jamais aucun amour-propre et aucune
importance. Jusqu'à son arrivée à Paris, la vie et les écrits de M.
Mallet n'offrent rien de remarquable . Associé à Linguet dans la
rédaction de ses annales, on distinguait déjà sans doute l'esprit et le
talent ; mais cet esprit et ce talent n'ont acquis toute leur force que
par l'intérêt de la cause qu'ils ont été appelés à soutenir. Cette verve,
cette énergie, cette justesse d'observation , cette chaleur inépuisable,
cette hardiesse dans l'expression, tenaient autant à l'âme qu'au
talent de mon père ; et ont affiché un cachet particulier et durable à
des écrits presque toujours éphémères, et dont l'effet disparaîtrait
d'ordinaire avec l'évènement du jour qu'ils racontent. On a reproché
à M. Mallet de l'incorrection dans le style. Le reproche est fondé,
mais il faut se souvenir qu'il était étranger. Il arriva à Paris en
1783 avec sa femme et ses enfants, auxquels il n'a laissé pour héritage
que son nom et la protection de ses nombreux amis. L'extérieur de
M. Mallet était agréable. Sa figure noble, expressive, et spirituelle,
avait quelque chose d'important. Ses occupations et sa mauvaise
santé rendaient sa vie sédentaire. Elle l'eut été par goût. Recherché
par la meilleure société de Paris et de Londres, il se bornait à un
332 MERCURE BRITANNIQUE

petit cercle d'amis et d'hommes de lettres qui se réunissaient chez

lui presque tous les soirs. Il avait de la gaieté dans la conversation,
parlait avec abondance et facilité, et s'animait surtout chez les autres.
La promenade et la musique, voilà ses seules récréations au dehors !
Grand amateur des beautés de la Nature, il s'est promené tant que
ses forces le lui ont permis ; et dans les derniers jours de sa vie il
jouissait encore des belles vues de Richmond.
" Il s'est éteint sans souffrance après une longue maladie de
poitrine : quittant sans regret une vie troublée par des soucis, des
inquiétudes, et des orages de toute espèce."
 333

CHAPTER X.

CHARACTER OF MALLET DU PAN AND HIS POSITION

IN THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.

It is not too much to say of Mallet du Pan that at a

period when political writing was incomparably more
brilliant and influential than it has since become, he
had before his death taken foremost rank among the
opponents of the revolutionary movement.¹ Trusted
as he had been by Louis XVI ., and finally expelled
from his native land by Napoleon, his articles and
pamphlets had all through the Revolution been largely
circulated in France, they had been read and translated
in Germany and in England. He had been consulted
by most of the leading statesmen and sovereigns of the
Continent, and his services to the common cause had
obtained from Pitt at least the acknowledgment of a
pension for his widow and a place for his son. Yet his
name sank almost at once into comparative obscurity ;
he was ignored by all the earlier historians of the
Revolution, by Thiers, Lamartine, Louis Blanc, Mi
chelet and Carlyle, and it was not until 1851 that the
publication of his Memoirs by M. Sayous under the

1 The opinion of the Prussian publicist Gentz is an adequate

piece of evidence on this point. See an article in the Spectateur du
Nord, in August 1800. There is hardly a phrase in this short but
discriminating appreciation of Mallet du Pan which recent criticism
has not endorsed.
334 CHARACTER AND POSITION

auspices of his son began the work, resumed at a

later date by M. Taine, of making known his life and
opinions and restoring him to his place as one of the
three or four contemporary observers of the French
Revolution whose writings are of capital importance
in the history of the time. Disinterred from the dust

of libraries and the recesses of government archives,

they emerge to-day, to quote M. Taine's expression,
as " strong and living as at the time they first issued
from his hand ". " On écrira l'histoire de la Révolu-

tion autrement que Mallet du Pan, " writes M. Valette,

" on ne l'écrira plus sans lui ni contre lui. " ¹
The main cause of the varieties of fortune which

the reputation of Mallet du Pan has undergone, of his

long neglect and of the reaction in his favour, is to be
found in a remark of his own that half a century at least
must pass before an impartial account of the Revolution
would be possible . The fury of revolutionary and
anti-revolutionary partisans, which in life isolated a
man of the moderate opinions of Mallet, long continued
to assail his memory and prevent an appreciation of his
superiority. Forced to fight side by side with allies
with whose objects and hopes he was not in sympathy,
he was, as we have seen, feared and distrusted alike by
the Royalists to whom the Monarchien was as odious
as the Jacobin, and by the men of the Revolution who
felt that he was the most dangerous because the most
intelligent of their enemies. The success of the doc-
trines and of the champions of the Revolution en-
abled them from the first to monopolise the attention of
the world ; the opposition to it was identified with the

1 Gaspard Valette, Mallet du Pan et la Révolution Française,

1893 .
 CARLYLE 335

cause of the adherents of absolute monarchy, and the

enlightened Royalists shared with them the discredit
of failure. Carlyle only expressed the general feeling
of his own time when he wrote to Mallet's son on the
publication of the memoirs :-

" At an early period of my studies on the French

Revolution, I found the Royalist side of that huge
controversy to be an almost completely mad one ,
destined, on the whole , to die for ever ; and thus,
except where Royalists had historical facts to teach me,
had, after a short time, rather to shun than seek
acquaintance with them, finding in their speculative
notions nothing but distress and weariness for me, and
generally, instead of illumination in my researches,
mere darkness visible. It was in this way that I had
as good as missed Mallet du Pan, confounding him
with the general cohue, from whom I now find he was
widely and peculiarly distinguished, very much to his
honour indeed. Of all writers on the Royalist side-
indeed , I may say, on any side- Mallet seems to me
to have taken incomparably the truest view of the
enormous phenomena he was in the midst of. "

It is, however, only in recent years that historical

criticism has awarded their true rank among the ob-
servers of the Revolution to the liberal or constitu-
tional Royalists, and endorsed Carlyle's generous if
somewhat naïve recognition of Mallet du Pan as the
best exponent of the only true and fruitful Royalism
of the revolutionary epoch. The earlier historians
inevitably write as partisans of the great Revolution ;

they appeal to the feelings of a generation anxious,

not so much to explore the deeper causes of the
convulsion or to reason about its consequences , as to
reconcile themselves to a fait accompli, to seek excuses
336 CHARACTER AND POSITION

for much that had been dishonouring to the national

character and to human nature itself, to exalt the

triumph of the principles which , for good or evil , had

transformed France and Europe. To men in this

temper Mallet du Pan seemed the advocate, power-

ful, impassioned, perhaps bitter, of a lost cause ; they
were unable and unwilling to examine the grounds
of his impeachment of their cherished ideals, and to
distinguish what was controversial in it from what was of
enduring historical value. But the seeming uselessness
of his labours in life and the subsequent period of

neglect were not to be followed by permanent oblivion.

To provide materials for history was the object which
Mallet du Pan as journalist -observer had ever in view.
This was the ambition which sustained him in the
defeat of his political hopes and efforts. He was
favoured by the character of his genius and the great-
ness of the field for its exercise, and his object and his
ambition have accordingly been crowned, in the opinion
of the best authorities of a later age and wider outlook, by
the fullest measure of success. Among the many who

have recognised and proclaimed the significance of his at-

titude and the importance of his work three names stand
out, those of Sainte - Beuve, Thureau- Dangin and Taine :
the critic so deeply versed in the history and literature
of France, the historian of parties under the Restora-
tion, and the great thinker who studied the body politic
in the spirit of the physiologist. The memory of Mallet
du Pan owes everything to the appreciation of such
writers as these ; but the thoroughness and insight of

¹ No better, no more complete or more discriminating account

of Mallet's commentators is to be found than that contained in M.
Gaspard Valette's monograph.
 CAUSES OF OBLIVION 337

his own work are such that historians can do little but
repeat his judgments on the causes which created and

prolonged the convulsion, his analysis of the Jacobin

dogma and its results, his criticism of the fatal inepti-
tude of the Royalist chiefs and their European allies.
These judgments, this analysis, this criticism remain
an integral part of the history of the time ; they have
almost become its commonplaces.
A subsidiary but hardly less powerful cause of the
oblivion in which the name of Mallet du Pan so long
remained was the fugitive form in which his writings
appeared. His most valuable work is contained in
newspapers, of which probably not half a dozen files

now exist ; in pamphlets, almost equally difficult to

procure ; and in diplomatic reports, which, until the
publication of the Vienna correspondence, remained
buried in government archives . And although the
substance of his work has now become known , the
growth of Mallet's reputation in France has perhaps
been hindered by the circumstance that though he
wrote in French, and therefore appeals primarily to
a French public, he was not a Frenchman, and was
markedly wanting in sympathy with French ideas on
government, religion and philosophy.
The Revolution ended by throwing him into a posi-
tion of political antagonism to France, and its excesses
betrayed him into expressing his opinion of the national
character in harsh and unjust terms. National as well

as merely political prejudice may therefore be account-

able for the fact that while the periodical writings of
Rivarol, of Camille Desmoulins, and others have been
collected and published, nothing of the kind has been
attempted in the case of Mallet du Pan. Yet nothing
22
338 CHARACTER AND POSITION

would be easier than to put together from his scattered

writings a volume which would form a most valuable
historical commentary on the whole course of the
Revolution.
To M. Taine of course is due in these later years
a second revival of interest in the position and writings
of Mallet du Pan. In his great work on the Revolution
the historian quoted and extolled him as the " most
competent, the most judicious, the most profound ob
server of the Revolution ," and he followed this up by
a remarkable preface to the Vienna correspondence
( 1884) , in which he expressed his unbounded admira
tion for Mallet du Pan , an admiration born of sympathy
no less with the writer's methods than with his opinions.
Again he placed Mallet du Pan in the forefront. " Four
observers," he wrote, " understood from the beginning
the character and bearing of the French Revolution,
Rivarol, Malouet, Gouverneur Morris and Mallet du

Pan, the last named more profoundly than the rest."

Taine's glowing and eloquent eulogies, though they
have excited a good deal of passionate controversy,
have apparently fixed the position of the publicist, and
must form the basis of any account of his qualifications
as a contemporary historian of the great events of
which he was the witness.
He has often been described as a political philo
sopher, but his earliest commentator, Gentz, justly
remarked that he had but little inclination towards

profound or systematic philosophic study. The philo

sophic doctrines which enslaved his contemporaries
and which had such momentous political results never
obtained any serious hold on his mind. He belonged, as

his biographer, Sayous , has pointed out, to the Genevese

 INDEPENDENCE 339

school of "precise observation guided by moral sense "

It was the positive side of political science which chiefly
interested him ; economics, and above all history in
all its aspects, attracted him from the first ; and his
writings abound in historical sketches, allusions and
parallels. He contemplated at one time an historical
work on the causes which led to the French Revolu-
tion, and had collected materials for it which were lost
when his property was seized in Paris ; and a few
years later Necker told him that he considered him
marked out by his age and his talents to write a
complete history of the whole memorable epoch. The
rush of events, the want of leisure, and a premature

death made any such task impossible ; but the life-

long habit of carefully verifying facts and of organising
and sifting sources of intelligence gave a quite unusual
value to his journalistic work, and was one of the
secrets of his usefulness as a political adviser. He had

all the gifts which might have made him a remarkable

historian ; they fitted him equally for the occupation
which fell to his lot, that of describing and commenting
on contemporary politics, l'histoire à la main '.

Another marked advantage enjoyed by him in

this capacity was the independence of his position and
of his character. He was not a Frenchman- he was
born a republican - it was not therefore by royalist
sentiment that he was led to support the French
Monarchy. A Genevese Protestant of Huguenot
descent could not be influenced by religious passion
in his defence of the Catholic clergy and the old
ecclesiastical establishments of Europe. Official ties
were not likely to hamper a journalist whose connec-
tion with the ministerial system of France had been
340 CHARACTER AND POSITION

confined to transactions with the censors of the Paris

press ; and the obligations of party can hardly be

said to have existed for one who was a centre of
attack from all the extreme factions to which France
and Europe were then a prey. His citizenship of a
small neutral State, his knowledge of the principal
countries of Europe, his open and liberal mind which
had assimilated what was best in the prevailing political

philosophy of the time, its cosmopolitan spirit, helped to

make him a no less capable and impartial observer of
the other European States than he was of France.
Nor was his judgment ever disturbed by the prompt-
ings of self-interest. Forced to rely on his own exer-
tions for the support of his family, and for what appealed
even more strongly to him, the freedom to speak his
mind on questions of public interest, he was never
tempted to compromise his own opinion for the sake of
personal advantage. He was probably a unique example
in an age of press corruption of a journalist who never
accepted a pension or a gift, or yielded to intimidation.
'Louis XVI,' he once proudly said, ' m'honora de sa con-
fiance sansjamais m'honorer de ses bienfaits.' We know
at what a cost and with what splendid moral courage
he vindicated his right to the title of Royalist during the
first three years of the Revolution, and with what haughty
independence the " Citizen of Geneva " spoke when
necessary in later years to Ministers and Monarchs
alike. He did not hesitate to alienate the sympathy
and patronage of Louis XVIII . by the rough frankness
with which, in response to the royal advances, he con-
demned the declaration of the Prince at his nominal
accession to the throne, and earned Sainte- Beuve's
designation of the ' paysan du Danube de l'émigration .'
 INDEPENDENCE 341

It would be impossible to find in his whole career

an instance of a demand for a favour or for assist
ance save in his pathetic death - bed appeal to
Wickham . His courageous independence was the

quality most insisted on by his daughter in her account

of his character, it was undoubtedly the great source
of his moral power, and it was allied to other fine
qualities, as well as to some defects, which are trace
able to his Huguenot and Calvinist ancestry and to
his citizenship of Geneva. His tenacity and com
bativeness in matters of opinion, his absorption in
politics and his mastery of the whole armoury of
political argument, his uncompromising adherence to
standards of right and wrong in public and private
life, are distinctively Genevese characteristics ; as also
are the want of pliancy, of geniality and of humour
except of a rather sardonic kind, which no doubt
diminished his influence in some of the circumstances

of his life. It would, however, be a complete mistake

to picture him as naturally of a gloomy or pessimistic
disposition, or even as soured by political disappoint
ments and private anxieties. His daughter's account
reveals his enjoyment of congenial society and of his
home life, and his letters show the footing of pleasant
and affectionate intimacy on which he stood with a
large circle of friends .
Qualities such as these, even combined as they
were in his case with singular advantages of oppor
tunity and training, are not in themselves sufficient
to make a man's work live. Mallet du Pan has

survived because he possessed a high degree of

political capacity. In the concluding portion of the
letter quoted above , Carlyle testified to the
342 CHARACTER AND POSITION

"rare sagacity with which Mallet judged the enor-

mous phenomena he was in the midst of. Almost
from the first he sees, if not across and through it,
as I might say, yet steadily into the centre of it, and
refuses to be bewildered, as others are, by what is
of the superficies merely. This which, at fifty years'
distance from the phenomena, were still a proof of
some clearness of vision, amounted in Mallet's case to
nearly the highest proof that can be given of that noble
quality, and, we may say, of many other noble qualities
which are indissolubly of kin to that. On the whole ,"
he continues, " I have learned very much to respect
your brave father from this book. A fine, robust, clear,
and manful intellect was in him, all directed towards
practical solidities, and none of it playing truant in the
air ; a quiet valour that defies all fortune-and he had
some rather ugly fortune to defy-everywhere integ-
rity, simplicity, and in that wild element of journalism,
too , with its sad etceteras, the ' assurance of a man '.
What still more attracts me to him, I feel that his excel-
lences are not such as appeal to the vulgar, but only to
the wiser ; his style, for example, is not what is called
poetic, but it is full of rough idiomatic vigour and
conveys a true meaning to you, stamped coin ; so of
his conduct too, this is not drugged liquor, mock cham-
pagne, or other pleasant poisonous stuff, this is cool
crystal water from the everlasting well : this will hurt
nobody that drinks of it. "

Taine insists again and again on his competence as

a statesman, the competence which comes by nature ;
the imagination and tact which, combined with know-
ledge, go to make up the political faculty. His power
of observation he compares to that of the physician ;
his work was a " monograph of the revolutionary
fever," his analysis of public opinion was a " moral
dissection ". His judgments upon assemblies, parties
 POLITICAL COMPETENCE 343

and groups, upon

nobles, émigrés and clergy, " royalists
in France and royalists in emigration, Parisians or
provincials , administrators of the Constituent Assembly,
proconsuls ofthe Convention, functionaries of the Direc
tory, men ofthe Terror, of Thermidor, of Vendémiaire,
Feuillants, Girondists and Jacobins, " are described by
Taine as exact and penetrating. " No one except
Burke has so perfectly comprehended the Jacobins,
their fanaticism, their sectarian instincts and methods,
the logic of their dogmas, their ascendency over the
illiterate or half- educated, the might and maleficence
of their dreams, their aptitude for destruction, their
incapacity for construction, and their appeal to the
passions of murder and dissolution. "
Mallet's contemporary, Gentz, is hardly less em
phatic on the point when he speaks of "the sane
appreciation of the real value of political methods and
systems, the firmness and certainty of judgment which
distinguished in an instant truth from illusion, and
measures which were practicable from those which
were chimerical ".
It was not indeed the lot of Mallet du Pan to

show this competence as a minister or man of action.

He showed it, however, as no other observer had
the opportunity of doing, week by week and month
by month, in his analyses and predictions throughout
the course of the Revolution, " analyses, " says Taine,
"always exact, predictions almost always true ". Sainte
Beuve makes the same comment. " In the difficult

business of seizing upon and comprehending in a

moment the stormy and complicated events which
unfolded and crowded themselves upon him no one
is more often right, pen in hand, than he ; " and he
344 CHARACTER AND POSITION

sums him up as an ' Esprit fort et sensé, très clair

voyant et très prévoyant '.
Clearness of vision, then, Mallet du Pan possessed
by the common consent of all his commentators in an
eminent degree. But this rarest of political gifts would
hardly have served his reputation with posterity if he
had not also possessed the gift of style. With the
exception of M. Taine, his French critics, if an Eng
lish writer may venture to express an opinion, hardly
do justice to the power of the weapon which gave him

his immense renown with his contemporaries, which

made him so useful to his friends and so dreaded by
his opponents. Sainte- Beuve himself, while paying
tribute to the strength and rugged energy of his writ
ing, denies him grace, brilliancy, ease ; and others are
naturally struck by the want of correctness, of tenue, of
polish, by the absence of conscious art, by the brusque
homeliness of some of his phrases, the over- vehement
expression of some of his rebukes. All this was the
reflection of the writer's own nature, his combativeness,
his absorption in his ideas, in the presentation of the
truth as he saw it, his contempt for ' l'écrivaillerie ' as a
profession. In his case the style was indeed the man.
Reflection, liberty and conviction gave the tone of
manly reason, of strong intelligence, which appear in
every line he wrote. The follies and crimes of the
Revolution revolted his moral sense and stirred the
fiery indignation with which he lashed them. Mallet's
contemporaries, to whom his best writings were acces
sible and familiar, recognised these essential qualities
of his style. De Pradt, no mean judge of polemical
writing, classes him as one of the four great writers
produced by the Revolution, the others being Madame
 STYLE 345

de Staël, Burke, and Rivarol (in his Journal politique

national). Gentz speaks of the abundance and energy
of his expression ; his satire and his eloquence. Elo
quence, indeed, says Taine in one of his most brilliant

pages, he had, if no other of the writer's gifts, eloquence

which was the outcome of a belief in the justice of his
cause, fortified by proofs which filled his mind and
heart to overflowing. The reader is carried along by
a ' courant intarissable de logique et de passion,' by
picturesque expressions, by striking images, by rapid
generalisations, by arguments and proofs, " marshalled
and launched like an assaulting column, " by an ora

torical compass " which Mirabeau never equalled and

which Burke has not surpassed ".¹
With such a temperament and with the experience
he had gained before the Revolution , Mallet du Pan
may be said to have approached its consideration with
an open mind, though moderation , in the sense of
opportunism, played little part in his essentially strong
and decided character. It is true that he had long
formed his opinion on the philosophic ideas which
were to inspire the Revolution ; that he had been
deeply impressed by their disastrous effects in Geneva
and Holland ; and that arbitrary and violent action
of every kind were abhorrent to a mind which instinc

tively clung to order, morality and proportion in all

social relations. It is easy to see, therefore, that the
bias of his intellect would lead him to distrust the
course which the Revolution would take. But no

one who has followed the course of his opinions will

¹ I may refer to Madame Colladon's short characterisation of her

father's style, see p. 331. I know of nothing better.
346 CHARACTER AND POSITION

have failed to observe that he looked on the objects

and opening stages of the Revolution with sympathy,

and that it was no conservative or aristocratic pre-
judice but actual experience of men and measures
which step by stepforced him into pronounced
opposition. For so indeed it happened as the pro-
gress of events disappointed the hopes and justified
the fears with which he watched the opening scenes ;
until the growing contrast between pompous pro-
fessions of the principles of liberty, legality and philan-
thropy, and the reality of oppression and intolerance ;
between extravagant promises of regeneration and
the disorganisation and distress which were their
only fruit, became the constant theme of his indignant
censure. But what called forth Mallet du Pan's
fullest talents as a writer was the crystallisation of the
principles of the Revolution into a dogmatic political
system, deduced from a fictitious social contract, and
based on the omnipotence of the State, on the sacrifice
of the individual, on the equalisation of fortunes and
conditions and on the proscription of revealed religion.
The Jacobins, said Samuel Taylor Coleridge, " played
the whole game of religion and moral and domestic
happiness into the hands of the aristocrats," and to
describe opposition to their doctrines as reactionary and
aristocratic is merely to adopt their favourite device
for ensuring their own ascendency . The opposition
of Mallet du Pan at all events cannot be so easily dis-
missed. It is unnecessary to remind the reader of his
opinion of the ancien régime, or of the blessings which
constitutional freedom were capable of conferring upon
a nation. He had continually in his mind, as his writ-
ings show, the condition, the welfare, the legitimate
 LIBERALISM 347

aspirations of the body of the people. He had been

bred a republican, and he believed in representative
though not necessarily in republican government, he
had given much attention to the sufferings of the poor
in France and in Paris before the Revolution, and
throughout its course he never ceased to study the
temper and prejudices of the mass of the French
population, and to base his recommendations to the
leaders of the emigration on the knowledge derived
from this study. Even in his appeals to the national
spirit of Europe against Jacobin aggression he rested
his hopes, as his son remarks, exclusively on the people,
and he shows the meanest opinion of the privileged
classes in the old States of the Continent. Taine indeed
goes so far as to say of Mallet du Pan that " by principle,
reflection and disposition, he was a Liberal ". Not,
indeed, in the sense in which the term " liberalism " is
oftener used than in any other, namely, to signify the
mere disposition to make concession to popular de-
mands, but in a sense at least as full as that of his own
fine definition. " Liberalism," says the historian ,

" means respect for others. Each person should be

respected by the State and by his neighbours ; the
individual, like the community, should have his own
domain, bounded , assured , fixed by law and custom .
Whoever penetrates into the inviolable precinct which
encloses his person, his property, his conscience, his
beliefs, his opinions, his home, his private life and his
domestic duties, is an intruder ; if the State exists it is
to prevent intrusion ; if it itself intrudes it becomes the
worst of offenders. " The whole conception is the very

antithesis of the equalitarian and anti-Christian social-

ism of the revolutionary movement, his opposition to
348 CHARACTER AND POSITION

which accordingly drove Mallet du Pan, Republican

and Protestant as he was, into ardent championship of
a Royal house and a Roman clergy, and cost him
in Paris all but his life and, with his expulsion from
Switzerland, his native land. It was in the spirit
described by Taine that he rejoiced to find in England
a refuge which delivered him at least from the ' tourment
du silence' ; ' un port où je puis accuser sans les craindre
des tyrans en démence ! ' It was this temper which he
brought to the great work of his life ; the ten years'
analysis of the revolutionary fever, the dissection of the
spirit of Jacobinism, which to this day retains all its
truth, its far-seeing sagacity, its moral significance.
Mallet's "liberalism, " to use a term with too many

nineteenth century associations to be altogether satis-

factory, was shown at least as strongly in his attitude
towards the action of the Royalist party (to which Taine
makes no allusion ) , as in his opposition to the Jacobins.
The part he played in the councils of the emigration
is the most important feature of the later years of his
life and, together with his attitude on the question of
the war, must be specially noticed in any account of his
opinions. On the latter point Mallet du Pan has been
fiercely attacked by the revolutionary writers. He is
charged with having counselled and fomented the war,
and his position as an adviser " in the pay " of the allied
courts has laid him open to misrepresentation of a kind
which earlier chapters dealing with his attitude on all
the phases of the struggle will have shown to be not
only unfounded but dishonest. It would be far more
accurate to say that he stood almost alone in denounc-

1 See especially pp. 243-248.

 QUESTION OF WAR 349

ing the disastrous folly of the war as carried on by

the allies, than to picture him as hounding them on
to destroy the principles of the Revolution. Very

different was the policy of the author of the phrase

'
Jamais des canons ne tuèrent des sentiments '. He
was never tired of preaching that a wise conservatism
would appeal to the passive but order-loving masses
of the French people by offering them, as Bonaparte
finally did, a practical alternative to the savage
anarchy of Jacobin rule which subsisted only on the
dread, fostered alike by revolutionary and counter
revolutionary bigots, of a return to the ancien
régime. But he early realised the extraordinary

nature of the struggle against a power which had

solemnly proclaimed its intention to overturn existing
constitutions and to carry the principles of systematised
anarchy through the length and breadth of Europe.
He clearly perceived the extent of the danger which
threatened the allies, owing largely to their own selfish
weakness and blind violence ; and he anxiously laboured
to bring about such a combination of public spirit and
well-directed effort among Continental States against
the French Republic as that which was afterwards called
into being by Napoleon's dream of universal empire.
It would be useless to deny that as the character of the
war changed in the sense indicated, and as Mallet
was forced to witness the destruction of the smaller

States whose liberty and independence was so dear

to his heart, his attitude became one of increasingly
implacable hostility to the Revolution and all its

works. Some colour is therefore given to the ac

cusations which have been brought against him. It

is certain, however, that such criticism, in so far as

 1
T
I
350 CHARACTER AND POSITION 1

it did not come from avowed partisans of revolutionary

methods, proceeded largely from the attitude of mind,
a mixture of lassitude and want of perception, which
characterised some of Mallet's constitutionalist friends

in England and which later inspired the temporising and

ill-informed policy of Grey and a small body of Parlia
mentary Whigs during the life and death struggle
with Napoleon . Mallet du Pan indeed had little
more toleration than Burke for the " moderation which

made excuses for error and abjured its own cause in

order to conciliate opponents ".
A more serious criticism than that which attacks

Mallet du Pan's moderation on the question of the

war is that which challenges his foresight. Political
foresight is a higher gift than the guesswork which so
often goes by that name. Yet a just appreciation of the
possibilities of the future is a quality to which posterity
at any rate attaches great importance, and Sainte- Beuve
observed that Mallet in his previsions was " as rarely as
possible in such a mêlée wrong ". With Burke, with
Morris,' with Catherine of Russia ( ' Oh, César viendra,
n'en doutez pas ') , with all competent observers, he early
saw that the Revolution would run its course through
anarchy to despotism ; it would not be difficult to show

from his writings that he foretold every form which it

would take, including , as Sainte- Beuve remarks, the
Monarchy of July ; and the restoration with which it

1"An American nourished in the bosom of liberty cannot but be

deeply affected to see that in almost any event the struggle must
terminate in despotism " (Gouverneur Morris , August 1792 ).
" The name of the Duc d'Orléans, afterwards Louis Philippe,
recurs several times in Mallet's Correspondence. As early as 1796
he had observed the excellent qualities of the young prince and the
 FORESIGHT 351

closed was an almost literal fulfilment of his hopes and

predictions for France.
The biographer of Rivarol, indeed, while placing
Mallet du Pan in the front rank of political philosophers,
has described him as inferior to the subject of his memoir
in practical sagacity, in the prognostication of coming
events. Rivarol, he says, saw that the Revolution, be
gun by excess of liberty, would end in excess of tyranny.
But generalisations of this kind, and advice such as
that Rivarol gave in 1792 to Louis XVI . , ' s'il veut
régner il est temps qu'il fasse le roi,' are not practical
politics. Mallet's writings abound in similar remarks
given in even more vigorous if less classical language,
but he did not, like Rivarol , confine himself to making
phrases and delighting society with his epigrams.
Mallet du Pan and Joseph de Maistre, again observes
M. de Lescure, both believed that the Revolution
would end in a restoration— a restoration, according to
the Savoyard prophet, to be in some way an open
manifestation of the will of God ; according "to the
Genevese philosopher, the fruit of a war without selfish
ambition or too crushing defeats, the disinterested
triumph of a European police coinciding with a re
action of disillusion and repentance of a whole people ".
Both Mallet du Pan and De Maistre were un

doubtedly right, as the event proved, in the belief they

number of his partisans, and had speculated on the possibility of his

proving acceptable to the mass of Frenchmen alienated by the
blunders and prejudices of the elder branch. In 1800 he writes of
the immense impression made by the Prince in London on English
and French alike. " Il est difficile d'avoir l'esprit plus juste, plus formé,
plus éclairé, de mieux parler, de montrer plus de sens , de connais
sances, une politesse plus attirante et plus simple. Oh, celui-là a su
mettre à profit l'adversité. "
 352 CHARACTER AND POSITION

are thus taunted with holding ; though the latter words

are a parody of the views of one who as early as 1795
prophesied, as Mallet did, that the monarchy would
only reappear on the wreck of a military dictatorship.
M. Descostes, an admirer rather than a critic of Mallet
du Pan, points to a passage in De Maistre's Con-
sidérations sur la France, in which that writer of
genius foreshadows the restoration of Louis XVIII.
as a providential saviour who, once on the throne,
would tear up his old programme and think only of
pardon, reconciliation and healing ; and he asks how
Mallet, with merely human powers of observation,
could have been expected to divine , in the exile of
Verona, the King of the Charter of 1814. The question
embodies a criticism not uncommon in the comparison

of the two writers, and one which, while indicating the

distinction between them, hardly does justice to Mallet
du Pan. He, indeed, was not consoled or misled by

any belief in the divine right of kings, in a monarch

who was to execute the designs of God for the punish-
ment and protection of France. He merely strove
with the pertinacity which belonged to him for the
establishment of a form of government which was well
within the region of possibility, if not in July 1789 at
all events in 1795 , and which was to take place in 1814
in far less favourable circumstances, not as De Maistre

prophesied " without effort and as if by enchantment, "

but imposed by the victorious armies of Europe upon
an exhausted nation.

The whole controversy, however, is a somewhat

barren one. Keen fighter as Mallet was, he was

often premature in his anticipations thrown out in the

heat of the conflict , but his real crime in the eyes of
 FORESIGHT 353

his French critics is that he refused to be beguiled by

the success and glory of the French arms into losing
sight of the principles upon which free and settled
government could alone be established in France.
His business, as he conceived it, was to study the facts
of the political situation, to observe events and tend-
encies, and to form his opinion and give his advice
accordingly. It was not, as might be imagined from
the tone of some eulogies and criticisms, to sit in his
armchair and make prophecies. His reputation must
rest on the general truth and penetration of his analysis,
and not on the literal exactness or the reverse of some

of his incidental predictions. He made no claim to be

considered a " political philosopher, " nor did he often
venture on dogmatic prediction. Even on the question
with which his hopes were bound up, the possibility
of the application of the principles of constitutional
freedom to a country of whose people he said, not long
before his death, that " liberty was ever unintelligible
to them ," he wrote with the diffidence born of insight
and knowledge. He spoke for instance of the "skill
and good fortune which would be required to har-
monise ancient prejudices with modern, interests which
preceded with those which had followed the Revolu-
tion ; a fragile but desirable alliance against which the
memories of absolute monarchy on the one hand, and
revolutionary independence on the other, will wage
unending war ". These words exactly describe the
struggles which followed the establishment of constitu-
tional Monarchy in France. Their author, had he sur-
vived, would certainly have found a congenial task in
supporting the genuine attempt to reconcile old and new,
to bridge over the gulf dug between classes by the
23
354 CHARACTER AND POSITION

Revolution, which was made during that most brilliant

period of Parliamentary effort and oratory ; he would
have fought side by side with de Serre , de Villèle, de
Montignac, and Royer-Collard. But it may be doubted

whether he would have felt any great confidence in the

success of the experiment. It is difficult to believe that
the result would not have been different if the attempt

could have been made before prejudice and distrust had

taken so deep a root, before the nation had become
"gangrened with Revolution and with Cæsarism, " ifthe
Royalism of 1795 had been such as Mallet had coun-
selled, if the Declaration of Verona had been inspired
by the spirit of the Charter of 1814, if Louis XVIII .
and the authorised chiefs of the Emigration had learnt
their lesson twenty years sooner than they did.
Criticism of Mallet du Pan, then, to be effective
must involve condemnation of his whole attitude to-

wards the Revolution, and it may be admitted that to

appreciate justly the point of view of an opponent
however enlightened of the revolutionary movement
is not altogether easy for a modern writer. He lives

in a world transformed, as he necessarily feels for

good, by the great convulsion of a century ago, a
world which has assimilated something that was

possible out of an impossible programme, and which

has gained equality of civil and political rights while
rejecting social equality ; a world which, while it has
not attained the revolutionary ideal described by Mallet
du Pan as " unchangeable perfection, universal brother-
hood, ability to acquire everything that is wanting to
compose man's life entirely of enjoyment and pos-
session," has implanted an aspiration for equal social
opportunity which must have tremendous consequences
 IDEAL OF MALLET DU PAN 355

for the future of European civilisation. Influenced con

sciously or unconsciously by some such perception as
this, the man of to-day feels that those who persisted
in opposing the Revolution, that " mighty current in
human affairs," were rather " perverse and obstinate "
than " resolute and firm ". He finds it less difficult
to sympathise with the humanity of a Rousseau or
even with the mysticism of a De Maistre than with
the reason and commonsense of Mallet du Pan, in
spired though he was with the fire and eloquence of
intense conviction. Yet the latter is really much more

modern in his practical political ideas, in his modes of

thought and even of expression , than the extremists on
either side. It is hardly to be doubted that men as
sagacious and as well versed in history and politics
as Mallet du Pan and Malouet, if placed in similar
circumstances to-day, would act as they did. The op
position, indeed, of enlightened and disinterested men
to the anti-liberal and anti - social developments of the
Revolution was perhaps inevitably unsuccessful , but it
does not require apology. It is legitimate to regret that
the teachings of Montesquieu rather than the dreams
of Rousseau did not inspire the leaders of the revolu
tionary movement and to desire that the advantages
of the Revolution should have been gained without its
violence and horrors ; for France might then have re
mained socially and politically united and Europe might
have profited by her example without being devastated
of her arms. Such at all events was the ideal for which

Mallet du Pan constantly strove, an ideal which may be

expected to appeal with special force to Englishmen of
whose national character and institutions he was the life

long student and admirer. For the England from which

356 CHARACTER AND POSITION

he drew his inspiration knew how to reconcile constant

progress in popular methods of government with the
maintenance of constitutional forms and the authority
which goes with them ; and the words in which Burke
summed up the political genius of his countrymen—
"the only liberty I mean is the liberty connected with
order "—give the keynote of the opinions of Mallet du
Pan and find an echo in every page of his writings.
 357

APPENDIX.

[ Part of an article in the Mercure Britannique

(No. 13, 21st February 1799), entitled " Du degré
d'influence qu'a eu la philosophie Française sur la
Révolution ".]

Parmi les questions oiseuses qui occupent les cercles, on a

souvent agité celle de savoir lequel de ces deux écrivains avait le
plus contribué à dépraver la raison des Français, et à les diriger
vers la Révolution .
Un de mes plus respectables compatriotes, dont l'autorité
déciderait seule mon opinion , M. De Luc, n'hésite pas à prononcer
contre Rousseau : depuis longtemps je partage ce sentiment.
Sans me permettre un épisode pour le justifier, j'observerai
que Voltaire, plus goguenard que raisonneur, plus satirique que
véhément, repoussait par son cynisme, et refroidissait par son
rabâchage. Parlant à l'esprit plus qu'au sentiment et à l'imagi
nation, trop superficiel pour les hommes instruits , trop scandaleux
pour les hommes un peu scrupuleux, toujours prohibé, vendu
clandestinement, et peu lu des classes intermédiaires et popu
laires, il vit son influence circonscrite dans ce qu'on nommait la
bonne compagnie, and dans quelques corps littéraires. Il avait
compté sur l'empire du ridicule et de l'esprit pour conquérir
la vanité, les prétentions, et l'immoralité. Ses enthousiastes
étaient un Comte d'Argental, un Thibouville, un Vilette, un
d'Argence ; il n'y a pas jusqu'à Madame Dubarri dont il n'eût
ambitionné et espéré la conversion . Il attachait peu d'impor
tance aux suffrages plébéiens, et ne se flatta jamais d'obtenir
celui des hommes de mœurs sages et sévères. Dans le nombre
des incrédules qu'il a formés, on pourrait compter presque autant
de personnes corrompues, ou d'une réputation morale entachée.
 DIX
358 APPEN

Rousseau, au contraire, a égaré l'honnêteté même : jusqu'à ses

doutes persuadaient ses lecteurs de sa sincérité ; en écrivant avec
gravité, il fixait l'attention ; en écrivant avec éloquence, il entraî-
nait la raison et la sensibilité. Il a eu cent fois plus de lecteurs
que Voltaire dans les conditions mitoyennes et inférieures de
la société. Enfin, Rousseau a imprimé la secousse décisive à
l'opinion, par ses principes de droit politique. Son indépendance
ombrageuse, la misère et le vagabondage dans lesquels il avait
passé sa jeunesse, son aversion pour toute espèce de supériorité
civile, dictèrent toutes ses théories. Il a ressuscité des Levellers
et des Anabaptistes le dogme de l'égalité ; sa haine pour la dis-
tinction des rangs perce dans chacun de ses ouvrages. Personne
n'a plus ouvertement attaqué le droit de propriété en le déclarant
une usurpation. Il détestait la Monarchie ; il voyait la tyrannie
jusques dans les Républiques constituées sur des balances de
pouvoir ; il s'est élevé contre les Gouvernemens mixtes , avec
autant d'aigreur qu'il attaquait les Gouvernemens absolus. C'est
lui seul qui a inoculé chez les Français la doctrine de la souve-
raineté du Peuple, et de ses conséquences les plus extrêmes. J'ai
entendu, en 1788, Marat lire et commenter le Contrat social dans
les promenades publiques, aux applaudissements d'un auditoire
enthousiaste. J'aurais peine à citer un seul Révolutionnaire quilne
fût transporté de ces théorèmes anarchiques, et qui ne brûlât du
désir de les réaliser. Ce Contrat social qui dissout la société, fut
le Coran des discoureurs apprêtés de 1789, des Jacobins de 1790,
des Républicains de 1791 et des forcenés les plus atroces. Les
dissertations de Babeuf sont autant d'analyses de Rousseau et
d'applications de sa doctrine. Le seul publiciste d'une grande et
légitime renommée que posséda la France, Montesquieu fut éclipsé
par l'étoile de Rousseau , dont les disciples discréditèrent l'Esprit
des Lois, pour faire triompher les funestes billevesées du Contrat
social.
Par une singularité frappante, il est donc arrivé que le plus
isolé des écrivains, qu'un malheureux Étranger dans la retraite,
sans partis, sans connexions de son vivant, ayant pour ennemis
la pluralité des Philosophes de Paris, est devenu le prophète de la
France Révolutionnaire ; cette remarque le disculpe du moins
d'avoir conjuré avec personne le bouleversement dont l'Europe est
la victime, et de l'avoir préparé intentionnellement.
 APPENDIX 359

Voltaire, au contraire, prémédita, poursuivit, et gouverna avec

méthode, le projet de subvertir le Christianisme. Il forma dans
les lettrés cet esprit de secte et d'enrôlement, qui rendit les
philosophes puissance organisée, qui leur rallia la jeunesse, et qui
concourut à enfanter les rassemblemens, convertis, depuis, en
arsenaux révolutionnaires.
Mais, nous le répétons ; nul concert antérieur de doctrine ou
de mesures, nulle intelligence commune, nul vœu uniforme dans
la généralité des gens de lettres flétris du sobriquet de philosophe,
ne précédèrent ce monstrueux assemblage d'évènements imprévus
et au-dessus de toute prévoyance, qui ont plongé la France dans
la barbarie.
Mably, dont les déclamations républicaines ont enivré beaucoup
de modernes démocrates, Mably frondeur brutal et excessif, était
religieux jusqu'à l'austérité ; au premier coup de tocsin contre
l'Église Romaine , il eût jeté ses livres au feu, excepté ses san
glantes apostrophes à Voltaire et aux Athées .
Marmontel, Saint-Lambert, Morellet, encyclopédistes, ont été
les adversaires de la Révolution. L'Abbé Raynal accourut de
Marseille, exposant son repos et sa vie, pour en montrer la turpitude
et le délire à ses fondateurs tout-puissants. Tel qui, six mois
auparavant, citait avec transport une de ses tirades aux bandits
du Palais Royal , opina à le suspendre à la lanterne.
Diderot et Condorcet, voilà les véritables Chefs de l'école
révolutionnaire. Le premier avait saisi dans toute sa plénitude
le systême d'énormités qui a fait le destin de la France : Diderot
eut proclamé l'égalité avant Marat, les droits de l'homme avant
Sieyès, la sainte insurrection avant Mirabeau et La Fayette, le
massacre des Prêtres avant les Septembristes. Il fut l'auteur de
la plupart de ces diatribes incendiaires, intercallées dans l'Histoire
Philosophique des deux Indes, qui déshonorent cet ouvrage, et
que Raynal, sur la fin de ses jours, avait proscrit avec horreur
d'une nouvelle édition qu'il préparait. Qui a entendu Diderot

¹ Ces morceaux postiches sont faciles à distinguer par le style,

et par leur virulence. J'en ai vu l'état et le prix entre les mains
de M. D. , ancien Receveur des Finances, qui conclut le marché
entre Raynal et Diderot. Ce dernier reçut de son confrère 10 mille
livres tournois pour ces amplifications convulsives, qui sont une
préface du code révolutionnaire.
360 APPENDIX

converser sur les Gouvernements, sur la Religion et sur l'Église,

n'a rien eu à apprendre de la Révolution. Lorsque les économistes
vinrent à leur tour gouverner l'État avec leurs logogriphes, leur
impôt unique, leur despotisme légal , etc., Diderot, se moquant de
leurs réformes, les comparait à des médecins qui travaillaient sur
un cadavre. Ce cadavre était la Monarchie Française.
Tous les lettrés frénétiques qui, la plume à la main, ont depuis
1788 poussé le char sanglant de l'anarchie et de l'athéisme, Cham-
fort, Grouvelle, Garat, Cerutti , et cent autres plus obscurs , furent
engendrés par Diderot, perfectionnés par Condorcet. Ils décrièrent
et diffamèrent les savants plus modérés qui, épris des nouveautés
avant 1789, reculèrent d'effroi devant les premiers crimes des
Novateurs. C'est donc une méprise d'attribuer à l'universalité
des Philosophes, l'universalité des complots, des maximes et des
forfaits qui ont envahi la France depuis dix ans.
Mais le reproche dont on ne saurait les laver, c'est d'avoir
accéléré la dégénération et la dépravation Françaises, en affaiblis-
sant les appuis de la morale, en rendant la conscience raisonneuse,
en substituant à des devoirs observés par sentiment, par tradition,
et par habitude, les règles incertaines de la raison humaine et des
sophismes à l'usage des passions ; c'est d'avoir rendu problé-
matiques toutes les vérités, et introduit ce scepticisme présomptueux,
qui conduit à de pires égarements que l'ignorance ; c'est d'avoir
ébranlé tout ce que le temps, l'expérience, et la saine philosophie
avaient consacré, et préparé ainsi l'anarchie publique par l'anarchie
de l'esprit.
Leur légèreté y concourut avec leur amour-propre. Spinosa,
Hobbes, Vanini , Bayle, Collins, ensevelis dans l'étude et méta-
physiciens abstraits, ne cherchaient à être lus et n'étaient lus que
des savants. Quelque dangereuses que fussent leurs opinions, elles
ne s'échappaient point au-delà d'un cercle très limité. Mais les
dogmatiseurs Parisiens prêchèrent au public, dispensèrent leurs
lecteurs des connaissances, les séduisirent par les agréments de
l'élocution . Répandus dans la société, ils la pénétrèrent de leur
doctrine ; renoncèrent aux gros livres qu'on ne lit point, et démon-
trèrent l'athéisme dans des romans, l'imposture de la révolution
dans des quolibets , la vanité de la morale dans des historiettes, et
l'art social dans des proverbes. Avec des abstractions, des preuves,
et des recherches, ils eussent ennuyé le beau monde ; ils le con-
 APPENDIX 361

quirent en lui apprenant qu'on pouvait douter de tout sans rien

savoir, et savoir tout sans rien étudier.
Comme depuis trente ans, aux prétentions de la naissance ,
de la fortune et du crédit, il était devenu indispensable à Paris
d'ajouter celle d'homme d'esprit, pour en obtenir le titre on en
caressait les distributeurs. De peur de passer pour un sot, on
prit la livrée de la liberté et de l'incrédulité. Un courtisan , un
colonel , un conseiller, ou une comédienne, honorés une fois d'un
brevet de philosophie dans quelque lettre privée de d'Alembert et
de Voltaire, ou dans le Journal de Paris , se jugeaient immortels.
C'est ainsi que Paris se couvrit de Philosophes. Depuis le
marmouset imberbe qui bégayait des blasphêmes dans les bureaux
d'esprit, jusqu'au Marquis de Vilette et au portier des académies,
la Confrérie s'aggrégea toutes les espèces. Jamais un délire plus
impertinent ne déshonora une nation. Il y avait loin de cette
prostitution Parisienne aux écoles de Pythagore et du Portique.
Qu'auraient dit Platon , Épictète, Aristote, Montaigne, Leibnitz ,
Newton, et Locke, de cette mascarade introduite dans le sanctu-
aire de la science et de la raison ?
La frivolité de Paris fut donc le puissant auxiliaire de la
frivolité philosophique. Dans nul autre pays, les écrits les plus
audacieux n'eussent entraîné une crédulité si générale et si
enthousiaste dans nul autre pays, une secte effrénée n'eût été
aussi favorisée par l'irréflexion et l'exaltation naturelles des
esprits.
En général, lorsque dans les Gouvernements absolus l'opinion
a relâché ses chaînes, elle ne tarde pas à les briser, et parcourt les
extrêmes en un clin d'œil ; par la même cause qui multiplie les
athées dans les contrées livrées aux superstitions.
Qu'une Convention Nationale eût été érigée à Londres,
à Madrid, ou à Vienne, dans des circonstances analogues à
celle où se trouvait la France en 1789, aurait-elle offert ce
spectacle de fous échappés des Petites -maisons, proclamant
leurs lumières comme la loi du genre humain, et d'une magni-
fique hiérarchie sociale, se reportant subitement aux éléments de
l'état sauvage ? Ici se retrouve le génie immodéré, impétueux et
confiant de la nation , imprimant à la Révolution le caractère le
plus excessif. Les Français s'étaient assemblés pour régler ou
pour limiter la Monarchie ; ils en ont fait une Démocratie royale,
362 APPENDIX

ensuite une République anarchique. Trop de fonctions exclusives

étaient l'appanage de la Noblesse : ils ont réservé les emplois à
des savetiers, des copistes, des clercs de procureurs, des avocats
de province, des moines défroqués, des marchands, des juges de
paroisse, des faiseurs de romans, des compilateurs de gazettes.
Quelques privilèges de cette même Noblesse étaient abusifs ; ils
l'ont dégradée et dépouillée de ses propriétés : ils se plaignaient
des richesses du Clergé, et n'ont souffert aucun milieu entre son
opulence et sa ruine, entre son éclat et sa proscription. Des
préjugés excommuniaient les comédiens ; ils en ont fait des légis
lateurs. Les Philosophes avaient réclamé la tolérance religieuse ;
leurs commentateurs ont renversé toutes les religions. On ferait
un volume de ce parallèle . J'ose le terminer par une prédiction ;
c'est que la même fougue ramènera un jour les Français , s'ils
redeviennent maîtres de leur sort, à l'exaggération la plus opposée .
Mais le caractère le plus spécial que la perversité philosophique
ait communiqué à la Révolution est celui-ci. Presque tous les
siècles avaient vu de grands crimes, mais nul encore la théorie
des crimes publics et privés, érigés en systême d'État et en droit
public universel , par des Législateurs parlant au nom de la raison et
de la nature. Ce nouveau genre d'hypocrisie ou de fanatisme était
encore inconnu . Il fallait l'alliance des doctrines du temps avec les
mœurs de ses professeurs, pour produire ce tableau d'un Peuple
régénéré par l'athéisme , par l'assassinat , par l'incendie, le brigan
dage, et le sacrilège ; ce tableau d'un Peuple dont les Représentans
et les Chefs successifs ne commettent point le crime dans la fureur,
mais le discutent didactiquement, le motivent, le délibèrent, en étu
dient les moyens avec recherche, le préconisent avec éloquence,
s'applaudissent à l'approche de ses succès, le prononcent avec
solennité, l'exécutent de sang-froid, et répondent par des éclats
de rire aux lamentations de leurs victimes.
 INDEX .

A. Brunswick Manifesto, The, 150, 152,

153 (note), 239.
Addington, 326. Brussels in 1793 , 162-3.
Administrative Chaos under Directory, Burke, Edmund, 39, 48, 126, 130 (note),
230-1, 310. 184, 231 , 241 , 242, 244, 285 (note),
Admiration for England , 67, 287, 290-1. 286, 345, 350, 356.
Agricultural Population of France, 227 .
American Colonies, 30, 34, 50. C.
Anglomania in France, 73.
Annales Politiques, etc. , 17-20. Calonne, 79, 150, 301 (note).
Archduke Charles, The, 163, 169, 249, Calvin, 2, 5. His Consistory , 7.
311. Camden, Lord, 48.
Aristocracy, Genevese, 4, 10, II . Campo Formio, Treaty of, 270.
Assignats, 112, 231-6. Canning, 286 (note), 294.
Aubonne, 12. Carletti, Comte, 194 (note).
Augereau, 263. Carlyle, Thomas. His letter about
Mallet du Pan, 335, 342.
B. Carnot, 184, 224.
Cassel, 12.
Babœuf, 229. Castries, Marshal de, 147, 162, 198,
Balance of Power, 31. 205, 219, 220, 249, 257, 308.
Bâle, Peace of, 192-3. Catherine II., 143, 171 , 177, 178, 350.
Barnave, 103, 125 (note). Cavendish, Lord John, 48.
Barras, 190, 201 , 224 , 262, 311 . Cazalès , 103, 109.
Barthélemy, 208, 260-1 (note). Céligny , 5.
Bastille, 10, 100. Censorship, 64, 65, 74. Abolished, 86.
Bel-Homme, Prison , 275. Chateaubriand, 91 , 301 (note).
Berlin Correspondence, 186. Chatham's Policy, 36.
Berne, 172, 203-4, 268. Diplomatic Charter of 1814, 352, 354.
centre, 207-11. Family life and Chesterfield, Lord, 20.
society at, 205-7. Citizenship of Geneva, 2 , 6, 341.
Bonaparte Napoleon, 27 , 110, 179, 201, Clapham, Mr. J. H. , 151 (note).
256 (and note), 258, 262 (note), 263-7, Clavière, 9.
269 (note), 278-9, 314-9, 333, 349. Clergy, French, 116, 117.
Bonstetten, 269, 279. Clermont-Tonnerre , Comte de, 102.
Bourgeoisie, Lettre de, 2. Cobden, 31.
Breteuil, Baron de, 135 , 150, 163. Coblentz, 130, 142, 147, 160.
Brissot, 55, 72, 85 , 122, 133 , 163. Coburg, Prince of, 162 , 170. Failure of
British Constitution, eulogised, 86, 87, his Campaign , 170-1.
88, 116. Prejudice against in France, Coleridge, S. T., 346.
88. Colladon, Madame, 121 , 329-30.
Brumaire 18th, 1799 ( Nov. 10), Bona- Colleredo, 172, 241 .
parte's Coup d'Etat, 315, 319. Collot d'Herbois , 179.
Brunswick, Duke of, 149, 150, 220-1 , Comité des Recherches , 117 , 120.
270, 283. Failure of his Campaign, Commercial Monopoly, 32, 33.
154 (and note). Treaty with France, 68.
364 INDEX

Committee of Public Safety, 176-9. Du Pan, Mdlle. (mother of Mallet du

Condorcet, 23, 26, 127, 359 (Appendix). Pan), 4.
Considerations, The, 164-9. Effect of, Étienne and family, 4 (note).
and fury of émigrés, 168-9. Pitt's Syndic, 4.
opinion of, 164. Burke's opinion of, Duport, 103, 124, 137.
169.
Constitution of 1791 , 125-6, 191 , 224. E.
of 1795, 224-5, 229, 259.
Constitutional Monarchy, chance for, Économistes, 17, 33 , 68.
in 1795, 191 , 201 , 202. Establishment Elgin, Lord, British Minister at
of, in 1814, 351-2, 353-4. Brussels, 163, 169, 172, 175.
Constitutional Reform, 1789, 92-3. Party Emigration, The, 90, 130-2, 146, 242,
of, 94-5. 243.
Consulate, The, 317-8. Emigrés in London , 255, 292, 301, 304.
Convention, The, 176. Finance of, England and France, 33-40.
176-7. in 1781, 29. In 1797, 287.
Conway, 48. English manners, 294.
- Party System, 43, 44, 45, 47, 50,
Correspondance Politique pour servir,
etc. , Pamphlet, 250-3. 67.
Crimes of the Revolution, 106, 118-9. Esprit des Lois, 7, 14.
D. F.
D'Alembert, 23, 26, 361 (Appendix). Faction in England, 29 (note). (See
Danton, 110, 111 , 127, 134, 142, 155, English Party System.)
180. Ferney, 8, 16.
D'Artois, Comte, 91 , 174, 196, 199, Fersen , Comte de, 150.
219 (note), 282, 285 , 303 , 308-9. Fitzgerald, Lord Robert, 210, 212.
Dauphin (Louis XVII.) , death of the, FitzPatrick, Mr. Walter, and Dropmore
193-4. Papers, 199 (note).
Debates of Assembly, Mallet's Reports, Fourbonnais, de, Traité de Finances, 68.
90-1 , 118. Fox, C. J., 48, 67, 175.
De la Rive, 301 . France and England, 33-40.
De Lisle, Abbé, 273, 305 (and note) , Frankfort, Mission of Mallet du Pan to,
ვინ . 145-155, 247. Coronation of Francis
Delolme's British Constitution, 86. II. at, 148.
D'Entraigues, 173 (note), 198. Franklin, 265 (note).
Depopulation of France, 236-7. Fraternisation, Decree of, 170, 239-240.
D'Erlach, Baron, 159, 160, 268 (note). Fraubrünnen, Battle of, 279.
Descostes, M. François, 186 (note), 209, Frederick the Great, 66, 265.
352. French Revolution, influence of, on
Desmoulins, Camille, 122, 337. England , 39.
D'Hénin, Princesse, 215 , 255, 269. Friburg, 272.
D'Holbach's Système de la Nature, 24, Fructidor, 1795, Decrees of, 189, 200.
62. 18th 1797, Directorial Coup d'État,
Diderot, 26, 62, 359 (Appendix). 257-63.
Diplomatic Reports by Mallet du Pan,
162, 172, 175, 185-7. G.
Directors, The, described, 223 , 254.
D'Ivernois, Sir Francis, 9. Gallatin, 207 , 221 , 288.
Domiciliary visits, 115, 120. Geneva, in eighteenth century, 6-8.
D'Orléans, Duc (Egalité), death of, 181 Constitution of, 3, 10. College of, 5.
(note). Revolutionary troubles in, 9, 10,
(Louis Philippe), 350-1 (note) . 52-5. Revolution of 1794, and Pro-
Doutes sur l'éloquence, 14. scription of Mallet du Pan, 273. An-
Du Barry, Chevalier, execution of, 181 nexation of, to France, 1798, Mallet
(note). excluded from French citizenship,
Dumolard, 267. 280.
Dumont, 9, 299, 301. Genevese, Character of, 6, 52, 341.
 INDEX 365

Gentz, 91 , 118 (note), 241 , 333 (note), | La Marck, Comte de, 112, 114.
338, 342, 345. Lameth, Charles de, 103 , 220.
George III., 42, 210, 211. Alexandre de, 125.
Georgel, Abbé, 273. Théodore de, 208, 210.
Gibraltar , Defence of, 36. Langres, Bishop, Duke of, 92, 93, 94.
Girondists, 133, 239. Lansdowne, Lord, 175. (See also Shel
Gladstone, Mr., 302 (note). burne.)
Grave, Chevalier de, 292. La Pucelle, 8.
Great Britain, 29, 35, 36, 67. War La Réveillère-Lepaux, 223 (and note).
Policy, 213, 284. As an ally, 129 Lausanne, 8, 18, 159.
(note) , 285. Public Spirit of (1798), Legislative Assembly, 124.
287-9 (Letter to Gallatin). Leopold II. , 128, 133, 143.
Grenville , Lord, 172, 175, 210, 294, 325. Lescure, M. de, 351.
Grey, Lord, and Whigs in Napoleonic Les Délices, 8.
War, 350. Le Tourneur, 224.
Grimm, 73. Lettre à un Ministre d'État, Pamphlet,
Grotius , 65 (note). 254.
Gustavus III. , 143. Liberalism, Taine's definition of, 348.
Lille, Lord Malmesbury's mission to,
H. 286 (and note).
Linguet, 14, 15, 16, 17, 55, 276-7.
Haller, Ch. , 268, 300. Liverpool, Lord, 281 , 292-3.
Hardenberg, Baron, 186. Loquacity in America, 44.
Hastings, Warren, 69-72. Louis XVI., 34, 79, 81 , 94, 104, 126-7,
Hoche, General , 262. 134-8, 145, 147, 151 , 161 , 340. Mallet's
Holderness , Lady, 321. loyalty to, 127, 138, 174. Autograph
Holland , 33, 41, 75. note from, 148-9 (note).
Huguenot and Calvinist ancestry of Louis XVII . See Dauphin.
Mallet du Pan , 2, 341. - XVIII., 194-5 , 197-8, 309, 340.
Lyons, 226.
I.
M.
Incendiary teachings in Geneva and
Holland, 43. Macpherson, Sir John, 163 , 292, 326.
Indian Empire of Great Britain, 37. Maison Mallet , 2.
Maistre, Joseph de, 161 , 250, 351, 355.
J. Mallet, Étienne, 4.
Henri, 330.
Jacobins, The, 163 , 177, 346, 348. Jacques (1), 2.
Jeunesse dorée, 198. Jean, 1.
Joseph II., 16, 20. John Lewis . Preface, and see
Journal de Bruxelles, 15, 58. Reminiscences .
― de Genève, 58, 59. Mallet du Pan, Jacques, 1749-1800.
-Politique. See Mercure de France. Ancestors , 1, 3. Birth , 5. Champion
Journalism, French, in eighteenth cen ship ofthe Natifs, 10. Acquaintance
tury, 56, 57 ; in Paris, 78, 85, 189, with Voltaire, 12. Professorship at
259 ; Mallet du Pan's ideal of, 18, Cassel , 12. Marriage , 13. Doutes sur
19, 89, 105 (note) . l'éloquence, 14. Assists Linguet with
Annales Politiques , 17. Ideal as
K. Journalist , 18. Religious opinions ,
22 (note). Carries on Annales alone ,
Kaunitz, 135 . 20-51 . Action in Genevese Revolu
tion, 53. Mémoires historiques, 55.
L. Offered Editorship of Mercure de
France (Journal politique) : Life in
Lafayette, 126, 210. Paris , 61. Comments on English
La Harpe, 15, 16, 59. affairs , and Warren Hastings ' trial,
Lally-Tollendal , Comte de, 88 , 92, 94, 67-72 . Private Notebook , 77. His
102, 214-5, 324, 325, 329. political education before 1789
366 INDEX

(Taine), 84. Reorganises Mercure, 315 ; and on the Consulate, 317.

89. His analysis of Debates, 90. Health fails, 320. Letter to Wick-
Champions Constitutional Royalist ham , 321. Gives up Mercure, 324.
Party, 92. Love of music, 101. Death at Richmond, 327. Funeral,
Threatened, 102. Friendship with 329. Civil List Pension for widow,
Malouet, visits Geneva, 107. Opinion 329. Character of, by Madame Colla-
of Necker, 109 ; of Mirabeau, 110. don, 330. Appearance and habits,
Domiciliary visit, 115. Defends 331. Vicissitudes of his reputation,
Clergy, 116. Deprecates outrages, 333. Carlyle's opinion , 335. Opinion
118. Second attack and suspension ofTaine, 338. Character ofhis mind,
of work, 120. Resumes Editorship , 338. His independence, 339- His
123. Deputation of émigrés ; adviser political competence, Carlyle, 342.
to Louis XVI. on question of War, Taine, ibid. Gentz, 343. Sainte-
135. Combats War, 138. Fresh Beuve, ibid. His style, 344. His
attacks, 143. Abandons Mercure, opinions on the Revolution, 345.
145. Mission from King, ibid.; goes His anti-Jacobinism, 347. Attitude
to Frankfort, 146. Presentation to in the War, 348. His foresight, 350.
Sovereigns , 149. Conferences with Comparison with Rivarol and De
Ministers, ibid. His instructions , Maistre, 351. His championship of
151. At Geneva and Lausanne, 159. Constitutional Monarchy justified,
Goes to Brussels, 162. Relations 353.
with Foreign Ministers, 163. Siege Mallet du Pan , Madame, 13 , 121 (note),
of Valenciennes, ibid. Publication 155, 330 ; Civil List Pension for, 329.
of Considerations on the Revolution , Malouet, 92, 93 , 102, 104, 135 , 161 ,
164. Fury of émigrés, 169. Settles 216-8, 252 (note) , 255 , 256 (note) , 257,
at Berne , 172. Notes to Elgin and 269, 292, 306, 307, 325, 329, 355.
Grenville, ibid. Further notes, 175. Mansfield, Lord, 69 (note).
Vienna Correspondence, 186. Cor- Marat, 122.
respondence for Berlin and Lisbon, Maret, 90.
186. Mission of Sainte-Aldegonde to Maria Josepha (Lady Stanley) , Girl-
Mallet, 195. His reply to the Princes, hood of, 214, 215.
ibid. Attacked by ultra- Royalists, Marie Antoinette, 81 , 91, 133 (note).
198. Condemned to death at Geneva, Execution of, 181 (note) .
203. Pecuniary resources, 205. Oc- Marmontel, 59, 62.
cupations and society at Berne, 207. Maurepas, 80.
De Lameth intrigue, 210. Mallet's Maury, Abbé, afterwards Cardinal, 103.
correspondents, 213. Description of Mémoires Historiques Politiques et
France under Directory, 223. Criti- Littéraires , 55.
cism of Foreign Policy of Allies, 242 ; Mercure Britannique founded, 290, 295.
of the émigrés , 243. Advocates Objects of, 295. Temper of, 297-8.
Constitutional Monarchy, 244. His Articles in, 299, 301-2, 307, 316-8.
War Policy, 246. Despair at Italian Mercure de France, 57, 59-61 , 63 , 64, 86,
Campaign, 248. Second Pamphlet 89, 90, 102, 105 (note), 106, 122, 123
Correspondance Politique, etc., 250. (note), 129, 131 , 138, 139 (and note),
Lettre à un Ministre d'Etat, 254. 140, 141, 143 , 144.
Controversy with Malouet, 257. Mercy Argenteau, Comte de, 150, 163,
Letter to Quotidienne, 267. Cause of 169.
his expulsion from Berne, 268. He Michel, M. André, 185 (note), 187
seeks refuge at Friburg, 271. Inter- (note).
course with Portalis, 274. Decides Military aspect of American War, 46
to retire to England, 281. Arrival in (note).
London, 283. Letter to Gallatin, Dictatorship foretold, 139, 202, 253,
288; Tourment du Silence, 291. Starts 263.
Mercure Britannique , 293. Neglect Mirabeau, 72, 85, 88, 97-8, 110-5.
of Ministers, ibid. Success of new Moleville, Bertrand de, 145 , 150.
Journal, 300. Letter from Monsieur , Monarchy, prophecy as to the, 202,
303. Collision with ultra-Royalists, 253, 353.
306. Interview with Monsieur, 309. Monsieur, Letters from, 282, 303. (See
Comments on Bonaparte's return, D'Artois. )
 INDEX 367

Montaigne, 122. Pradt, de, 191 , 192, 221 , 344.

Montesquieu, 7, 14, 26, 355. Princes, The French, relations of
Montesquiou, 156, 158. Mallet with, 146, 147, 161-2, 169,
Montgaillard, 198, 213. 194-7, 243, 303-4.
Montlosier, Comte de, 103, 161 , 169, Prisons under the Terror, 275-7.
218, 255, 292. Public opinion , intolerance of, in Paris,
Montmorin, Comte de, 76, 94, 132, 135, 102 , 115, 117, 143.
136, 145. Fate of his family, 132-3
(note). Q.
Morris, Gouverneur, American Minister
in Paris, 88 (note), 89, 91 , 98, 103 Quiberon Expedition, 199, 242.
(note), 137, 152, 154, 338, 350. Quotidienne, three letters to, 267.
Mounier, 92, 94, 102, 197, 210, 211 , 216.
Müller, 21 (note), 270. R.
N. Radstadt, 278.
Reeves, John, 281 , 291.
Nantes, Edict of, 20. Reminiscences by J. L. Mallet, Preface
Narbonne, Comte Louis de, 133, 208. X., 4, 11 , 12, 19 (note), 23 (note), 24
Natifs, 10. (note), 59, 62, 99, 100, 101 , 107, 155,
National character of French, 25 , 83, 156-8, 159-60, 203 , 204, 205-7, 208,
228 , 337. 209, 211 , 212, 217, 218, 255 , 258, 260
Necker, 9, 17, 68, 91 , 93, 94, 109, 110, (and note), 268-9, 271-2, 273, 274,
225 , 339. 275, 276, 277, 278-9 , 281-2, 283, 287,
North, Lord, 29, 44, 48. 292, 293-5, 299, 300-1 , 304, 305 (note),
Notables, Assembly of, 79, 82. 306-8, 320 (note) , 321 , 325, 326, 330.
Retz , Cardinal de, 147.
O. Revolution, Characteristics of French,
298-9 (note).
Observations historiques sur Paris Rewbell, 224.
(Mallet du Pan's private notebook), Richelieu, Duc de, 196.
77-84. Richmond, death at, 326-7.
October 5th and 6th (1789), days of, 94 , Rigaud, J. F., R.A. , 292, 320 (note).
100, 102, 121 (note). Rivarol, 337, 338, 345, 351.
Opposition of Whig factions, 45, 47, 50. Robespierre, 124, 127, 134 ; described
by Mallet, 179-80.
P. Rockingham, Lord, 40
Rodney, 19, 30.
Panat, Chevalier de, 161 , 255. Romilly, Sir S. , 19 (note), 88.
Panckoucke, 15, 16, 57-60. Rosebery, Lord, 284.
Patriotism of eighteenth century char- Rousseau, 6, 8, 9, 26, 27, 86-7, 355, 358
acterised, 252 (and note). (Appendix).
Peace with America , 49, 50, 51. Royalists, attitude of Mallet towards,
Pichegru, General, 213 , 258, 260, 260-1 146-7,348. (See also under " Princes "
(note), 262. and " Emigration ".)
Pillnitz, Congress of, 128. Royer-Collard, 259, 354.
Pitt, William, 29, 33 , 67, 68, 164, 172,
175, 256, 284, 285, 294, 302. S.
Poix, Prince de (Noailles), 198, 219,
255, 329. Sainte-Aldegonde, Comte François de,
Polish Question, influence of on War, 195, 198, 219-20. Letters to, 199,
171, 183. 201 , 259, 262, 270, 279, 282 (note),
Political Economy, 17, 68. 285, 309.
Pombal, 19, 265 (note). Sainte-Beuve, 312 (note), 336, 343, 344,
Portalis and his son, 273, 274, 275. 350.
Letters from, 308. St. Ouen, declaration of, 1814, 196.
Portrait by Rigaud described, 320-1 Saladin, 257 (note), 292.
(note). Sales, Marquis de, 160, 186 (note).
Pozzo di Borgo, 301. Sartoris, Laura, 2.
 368 INDEX

Sartoris, Léonard, 2. Vergennes, 75, 76, 78, 80.

Saussure, de, 7. Verona, Declaration of (1795) , 195, 196,
Sayous, 338. 250.
Sections, The 48, of Paris, 178, 201. Versailles Library, 80,
Seeley, Professor , 30, 31. Vienna Correspondence, 185-7 ; Direc-
Sheffield, Lord, 214, 329. tory described in, 222 sqq.
Shelburne, Lord, 48, 49. Vignet, Sardinian Minister at Berne,
Sieyès, 190, 238, 311-4. 209.
Smith, Adam, 33, 68. Voltaire, 7, 8, 9, 20, 21 , 22, 23, 24, 25,
Sorel, M. Albert, 130 (note), 151 (note). 26, 27, 289, 357 (Appendix).
Souza-Cotinho, Don Roderigo de, 186.
Spain, 33. W.
Staël, Madame de, 133 (and note) , 208,
110 (note), 345. War and Commerce, Union of, 32.
States-General, 82, 83, 85. War of Independence, 28 sqq., 46
Steiguer, Avoyer de, 268. (note).
Suard, 57, 59, 62. War with Austria, Approach of, 108,
Sumarau, Baron de, 272. 128-9. Attitude of Europe, 129. Of
Switzerland, Conquest of (1798), 278. Assembly and Girondins, 133. Of
80. Destruction of Helvetic Con- Royalists, 133. Of Robespierre and
federacy, Essay, 299-300. Danton, 184. Of the King and his
advisers, 134-5. Opposition ofMallet
T. du Pan to, 138-41.
War, The Revolutionary, Opening of,
Taine, 28, 84, 90, 187 , 237 (note) , 334, 155. Character of, 163, 175, 177, 184.
336, 338, 342-3, 344, 347. Character of under Directory, 238
Talleyrand, 81, 223 (note). sqq. Policy of Mallet du Pan, 182-3,
Tallien, 190.
243-9, 348-50. Policy ofAllies, 171-2,
Terror, 90. Reign of, 178. 182-4, 241-2, 245-6. Émigrés, 242-3.
Theatre in Geneva, 8. Italian Campaign, 249.
Thermidorians , 190-1 , 199.
Washington, George, 319.
Thouret, 128. Wealth of Great Britain, 42.
Thugut, Count, 171, 241 , 271. Westphalia, Peace of, 50.
Thureau - Dangin, P., 198 (note), 202, Wickham, Mr. , British Minister at
336. Berne, 172, 211 , 212, 278 , 281 , 292.
Times, The, obituary notice of Mallet Letter of Mallet to, 321-5 .
du Pan, 327 (note) . Wilberforce, 66.
Trevor, Mr., British Minister at Turin, Windham, William, 257 (note), 281,
160, 209, 329.
293, 294.
Turgot, 17.
Turin Correspondence , 186. Y.
V.
Yorktown, Surrender of, 29.
Valenciennes, Siege of, 163.
Valette, M. Gaspard, 334. Z.
Varennes, Flight to, 119, 124.
Vendémiaire, 13th day of, 201. Zürich, 271.

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INDEX OF AUTHORS AND EDITORS .

Page Page Page Page
Abbott (Evelyn) 3, 22 Banks (M. M.) - 24 Campbell(Rev. Lewis) 21,22 Dauglish (M. G.) 9
(J. H. M.) 3 Baring-Gould (Rev. Camperdown (Earl of) 9 Davidson (A. M. C. ) 22
(T. K.) 17,18 S.) - - 21,38 | Chasseloup - Laubat· (W. L.) 17, 20, 21
(E. A.) 17 Barnett (S. A. and H.) 20 (Marquis de)- 13 Davies (J. F.) 22
Acland (A. H. D.) 3 Baynes (T. S.) - 38 Chesney (Sir G.) 3 Dent (C. T.) 14
Acton (Eliza) 36 Beaconsfield (Earl of) 25 Childe-Pemberton(W.S. ) 9 De Salis (Mrs.) 36
Adeane (J. H.) - 9 Beaufort (Duke of) 13, 14 Cholmondeley -Pennell De Tocqueville (A.) - 4
Adelborg (0.) 32 Becker (W. A.) 22 (H.) 13 Devas (Ċ . S.) - 19, 20
Eschylus 22 Beesly (A. H.) - 9 Christie (R. C.) 38 Dickinson (G. L.) . 4
Ainger (A. C.) 14 Bell (Mrs. Hugh) 23 Churchill(W . Spencer) 4, 25 (W. H.) 38
Albemarle (Earl of) - 13 Bent (J. Theodore) - II Cicero 22 Dougall (L.) 25
Alcock (C. W.) 15 Besant (Sir Walter)- 3 Clarke (Rev. R. F.) 19 Dowden (E.) 40
Allen (Grant) 30 Bickerdyke (J.) 14, 15 Climenson (E. J.) 10 Doyle (Sir A. Conan) 25
Allgood (G.) 3 Bird (G.) 23 Clodd (Edward) 21, 30 Du Bois (W. E. B .)- 5
Alverstone (Lord) 15 Blackburne (J. H.) 15 Clutterbuck (W. J.)- 12 Dufferin (Marquis of) 14
Angwin (M. C.) 36 Bland(Mrs. Hubert) 24 Colenso (R. J.) 36 Dunbar (Mary F.) 25
Anstey (F. ) 25 Blount (Sir E.) 9 Conington (John) 23 Dyson (E.) 26
Aristophanes 22 Boase ( Rev. C. W.) - 6 Conway (Sir W. M ) 14
Aristotle 17 Boedder (Rev. B.) 19 Conybeare (Rev. W. J.) Ebrington (Viscount) 15
Armstrong (W.) · 13 Brassey (Lady) II & Howson (Dean) 33 Ellis (J. H.) 15
Arnold (Sir Edwin) 11, 23 (Lord) 14 Coolidge (W. A. B.) II (R. L.) 17
(Dr. T.) 3 Bray (C.) - 17 Corbett (Julian S.) + Erasmus -
Ashbourne (Lord) 3 Bright (Rev. J. F.) 3 Coutts (W.) 22 Evans (Sir John)
Ashby (H. ) 36 Broadfoot (Major W. 13 Coventry (A.) 14
Ashley (W. J.)- 3, 20 Brooks (H. J. ) - 17 Cox (Harding) 13 Falkiner (C. L.)
Avebury (Lord) 21 Brown (A. F.) 32 Crake (Rev. A. D.) 32 Farrar (Dean) - 20, 26
Ayre (Rev. J.) - 31 -- (J. Moray) 14 Craven (W. G.) 14 Fitzgibbon (M. ) 4
Bruce (R. I.) 3 Crawford (J. H.) 25 Fitzmaurice (Lord E.) 4
Bacon 9, 17 Bryce (J.) - 14 (R.) - II Folkard (H. C.) 15
Bagehot (W.) 9, 20, 38 Buck (H. A.) 14 Creed (S.) 25 Ford (H.) - 16
Bagwell (R.) 3 Buckland (Jas.) 32 Creighton (Bishop) - 4, 6, 9 (W. J.) 16
Bailey (H. C.) - 25 Buckle (H. T.) - 3 Crozier (J. B.) - 9. 17 Fountain (P II
Baillie (A. F.) 3 Bull (T.) 36 Custance (Col. H.) 15 Fowler (Edith H.) 26
Bain (Alexander) 17 Burke (U. R.) 3 Cutts (Rev. E. L.) 6 Francis (Francis) 16
Baker (J. H.) 38 Burns (C. L.) 36 Francis (M. E.) 26
(Sir S. W.) II Burrows (Montagu) 6 Dabney (J.- P.) - 23 Freeman (Edward A.) 6
Balfour (A. J.) 13, 21 Butler (E. A.) 30 Dale (L.) 4 Fremantle (T. F.) 16
(Lady Betty) 6 (T. F. ) 14 Freshfield (D. W.) 14
Ball (John) II Cameron of Lochiel 15 Dallinger (F. W.) 5 Frost (G.) - 38
 INDEX
OF AUTHORS AND
Froude (James A.) 4,9,Pag 11,2e6 EDITORS -continued
Page .
Fuller (F. W. ) - Kant (I.) Page
Furneaux (W.) 5 Kaye (Sir J. W.) Ne
18 sbit (E.) Pa ge
30 Keary (C. F.) 6 Nettleship (R. L.) 24 Sophocles
Gardiner (Samuel R. ) Keller (A. G.) 23 Newman (Cardinal) 17 Soulsby ( Lucy H.) 23
Gathorne- Hardy (Hon. 5 Kelly (E .)- 22 Nichols (F. M.) 28 Southey (R.) 40
A. E.) Kent (C. B. R.) 18 9 Spahr (C. B.) 40
Geikie (Rev. Cunnin-15 6 Old Ogilvie (R.) Spedding (J.) 20
g- , 16 Kerr (Rev. J.) · 14 On field (Hon. Mrs.) 23 Spe 9.17
ham) Killick (Rev. A. H.) - sl ow Ea rl of) nder (A. E.)
Gibbons 38 Kitchin (Dr. G. W.) 18 Osbo ( 9 Stanle y ( Bishop ) 12
6 urne (L.) - 14 Stebbing (W.) - 31
Gibson (CS )
H.)- 15 Knight (E. F.) -
- 11, 14
28 St ee l (A. G.) - 10. 28
Gleig ( Rev. G. R.) 17 Köst lin (J.) Pack ard (A. S.)
Goe the 10 Kristeller (P.) 10 Paget (Sir J.) 21 Stephen ( Leslie) 13
Gore -Booth (Sir- H. -W.)14 23 Ladd (G. T.) · 37 Park (W.) 10 Stephens (H. Morse) 128
Graham (A.) Lang (Andrew) 6, 14, 16, 21, 18 Par ker (B.) 16 Ste rnberg (Count
40 Adalbe
(P. A.) 5
15, 16 Lap 23 , 27, 32, 39
Payne- Gallwey (Sir
R. ) Stevens (R.rt) W.) 8
(G. F.)
Granby (Marquess of) 20 Lascel sley (G. T.) Pearson (C. H.) 14, 16 Stevenson (R. L.) 25,28,40 33
Grant ( Sir A.)- les ( Ho n . G.) 13, 155 Pe ek ( He dl ey) - 10 Storr (F.) -
Graves (R. P.) - 15 Laurie (S. S.) - - Pember ton (W. S. 14 Stuart-Wortley(A. J.) 17
179 Law Lawley ( Hon. F.) Childe- ) Stubbs (J. W.)-
Green (T. Hill) ren ce (F. W.) 14
Greene (E. B.)- 17, 18 Le Si dn 20 Pen Pembroke (Earl of) - 9 Suffolk & Berkshire
Greville (C. C. F.) ar (H. L.
5 Lecky (W. E. H.) 6, 18 , 36 ey) - nant (C. D.) 14 (Earl of)
Grose (T. H.) Philli - Wolley (C.) 12 , 28 15 Sullivan (Sir E.)
Gross (C.) 185 Lees (J. A.) 23
12 Piercepps (A. H.) - Sul ly (James)
Grove (F. C.) Leighton (J. A.) 18 Pitman (C. M.) 19 Sutherland (A. and G.)
Leslie (T. E. Cliffe) - Pleydell- Bouverie (E. O.) 14
(Lady) 13 Li ev en ( Pr in ce ss) 20 14 (Alex.) 19, 40
II Lillie 8 Pole (W.) - - (G.)
(Mrs. Lilly) (A.)- 17 Suttne 40
Gurdon (Lady Camilla) 26 Lindley (J.) 16 Pollock (W. H.) - 13, 40 r (B. von)
29
Gur nhill (J.) Loc ock (C. D.) 31 Poo le (W. H. and Mrs .) Swan (M.)
Gwilt (J.) - 18 16 Poo re (G. V.) 36 Swi nbu rne (A. J.) 29
31 Lodg e (H. C.)
Loftie ( Rev. W. J.)· . 6 Pop e (W. H.) 40 Sym es (J. E.) 19
20
Haggard (H. Rider) Longman (C. J.) · 6 Powell (E.) 15 Tait (J.)
12, 16 Pr Powys (Mrs.RoP. L.) 7
10 Tallentyre (S. G.) 7
Hake (O.) - 11, 26, 27, 38 (F. W.) 16 Prev aeger (S. sa mo nd ) 10
Halliwell Phillipps (J.) 14 (G. H.) · ost (C.) 33 TapTaylpan or ( Co (E.l.M.)Meadows) 33
Hamilton- (Col. H. B.) 10 Lowell (Mrs. C. J. ) 15 Pritchett (R. T.)
12, 37 13 Tebb utt (C. G.)
Hamlin (A. D. F.) 5 Lubbock(A.(Sir L.) - 6 Proctor (R. A.) 14 14
36 John) 17,30 Th Terom ry (C. S.)
Har din
Harmsworth g (S. B.) Lu ca n 21 Ra in e( Re v. Ja me s) as (J. W.) IO
5 Lucian 22 Ramal (W.) - 6 Th om son (H. C.) 19
Harte (Bret) (A. C. ) 13, 14 Lutoslawski (W.) 22 Randolph (C. F.) 24 Thornhill (W. J.) 8
Harting (J. E.) - 27 Lyall (Edna) 18 Rankin (R.) 7 Thornton (T. H.) 23
Hartwig (G.) 15 Ly nch (G.) 27 Ran som e Cyri
( l) 8, 25 Tod d (A.) - 10
Hassall (A.) 30 6 Raymond (W.) 3,8 Tout (T. F.) 8
Haweis (H. R.) 8 (H. F. B .)- ·
Head ( Mrs.) 9, 36 LyttelHo ton (Hon. R. H.) 13 12 Reid (S. J.) 28 Toynbee (A.) 7
20
Heath (D. D.) 37 ( n. A.) - Rhoades (J.) 9 Trevelyan (Sir G. O.)
17 Lytton ( Earl of ) 14 Rice P.) 23
Heathcote (J. M. )
14 6, 24 Rich (S. (A.) - 12 (G. M.) 6, 7, 8, 9, 10
(C. G.) Macaulay (Lord) 6, 7, 10, 24 Richardson (C.) 23 Trollope (Anthony) - 7.8
- (N.) Herman Mac donald (Dr. G.) - Richmond ( Ennis) 13, 15 Turner (H. G.) 29
Helmho ltz ( n 14 II Macfar
ren (Sir G. A.) 24 Rickaby (Rev. John) 19 Tyndall (J.) 40
von)
Henderson Mackai
30 Mackenlzi(J. W.) 37 (Rev. Joseph) 19 Tyrrell (R. Y.) - - 22, 12 9.
23
e (C. G.) ·- 10, 23 Ridley ( Sir E .) - 19 Unwin (R.)
Col. G. F.(Lieut- R.) Mackinnon (J.) 16 (Lady Alice)
22
Henry (W.) 9 Macleod (H. D.) 7 Riley (J. W.) 28 Upton( F.K.and Bertha ) 40 33
Henty (G. A.) Ke 14 Macpherson 20 Roberts (E. P.) 24 Van Dyke (J. C.)
He rbert (Col. nney) 32 (Rev. Roget ( Peter M.) 33 Veritas ' 37
H. A.)
Hiley (R. W.) 15 Madden ( D. H.) Ho
15 Rolls ( n. C. S.) -20 , 31 Virgil 5
Hill (Mabel) 9 Magnusson (E.) 16 Romanes (G. J.)10, 19,21,13 24 Wagner R.) 23
Hillier (G. Lacy) 5 Maher ( Rev. M.) · 28 ( Mr s. G. J.) Wakeman( (H., O.)
Hime (H. W. L.) 13 Malleson (Col. G. B.) 19 Ronalds (A.) IO Wal
Hodgson (Shadworth) 18, 22 38 Marchment (A. W.) 6 Roosevelt (T.) 17 Wa ford (L. B.)
llas (Graham) 29
Hoenig (F.) Ma rs hm an (J. C.) 27 Ros s ( Mar tin ) - 6 10
Hogan (J. F.) 38 Mar yon (M.) 9 Ros set ti ( Mar ia Fra n- 28
Wal (Mrs. GrSpe aham) -
32
Holmes (R. R.) 9 Ma Mason (A. E. W.) 39 cesca) pol e (Sir nce r) 8, 10
Holroyd (M. J.) 10 Ma skelyne (J. N.) 27 Rotheram ( M. A. ) 40 Walr(on Horace) 10
Homer 9 tthews (B.) 16 Rowe (R. P. P.) 36 Wals d (Col. H.) ·
ingham (Lord) - 12
Hope (Anthony)
Horace 22 Maunder (S.) 39 Russell ( Lady) - 14 Wa rd ( Mrs . W. ) 14
27 Ma x Müller (F.) 31 10 Warwic Counte of 40 29
Housto F. ) 22 Saintsbury (G.) k( ss )
Howardn ((D. Lady Mabel) 5 May 10, 18, 20,
(Sir T. Erskine)
21, 22, 27, Sa lo mo ns ( Si r D. ) 15 Wat son (A. E. T.)
Howitt (W.) 27 McFerran (J.) 39 Sandars (T. C.) 13 (G. L. ) 14
Hudson (W. H.) II Me 7 Sanders (E. K.) 18 Weathe rs (J.) 14
Huish (M. B.) - 30 ad e (L. T.) - Ar
14 SavageMo- ntmstrong( G.F.)259 Webb (Mr. and Mrs. 40
Hullah (J.) 37 Mec redy (R. J.). 32 Scott- agu Sidney)
Hume (David) 37 Me Melville (G.
ri J. Whyte) 13 (Ho n. J.) (Jud ge T.) 20
18 Merrva le (Dean) 27 Seebohm (F.) 13 (T. E.) 40
(M. A. S.) iman 'H. S.) 7 Selous (F. C.) 8, 10 Weber (A.) - 19, 23
Hunt ( Rev. W.) Mill (John Stuart) 18, 20
Hunter (Sir W.) 6 Mil 27 Senior (W.) - 12, 17 Weir ( Capt. R.) 19
Hutchinson (Horace G.) 6 Miln lias (J. G.) 16, 30 Set Seth- Smith (C. E. ) - 14, 15 Wellington ( Duchess of) 37 14
er (G.) on- Kar r 14 We st (B. B.)
13, 16, 27, 38 Mo Mitchell (E. B.) 40 Sewell ( Elizabeth M.) 8 Weyman ( Stanley) 29
Ingelow (Jean) nck (W. H. S.) 13 Sh Shadwell (A.) 28 Whately(Archbishop) 17,1 209
Ingram (T. D.) 23 Montague (F. C.) 19 ak es pe ar e 40 Whitelaw (R.) -
6 Moon (G. W.)- 7 Shand (A I.) 25 Whi tta ll ( Sir J. W. )- 23
Jackson (A. W. ) 10 Moore (T.) 24 Shaw (W. A.)
James (W.) 31 Sh 158 Wilkins (G.) 40
Jameson (Mrs. Anna) 18 (Rev. Edward) earman (M.) (W. H. )
Jefferies (Richard) Mo rg an
37 Morris (Mowbray) (C. Llo yd) 17 Sheeha n (P. A. ) 12, 13 Willard (A. R.)
21
Jekyll (Gertrude) 38 Sheppard (E.)
13 Sincla 28 Willich (C. M.)
Jerome (Jerome K.)- 38 -(W.) 22, 23, 24, ir (A.) 8 Witham (T. M.)
nson (J. & J. H. ) 2 7 Mulhall (M. G.) 27, 28, 37, 40 Skr ine (F. H.) 14 Wood ( Rev. J. G.)
39 Murr Hi Smi th (C. l)Fel 9 Wood- Martin (W. G.)
(H. Bence) - 31 ay ( lda) 20
Bos Wya
(P. W.) 33 (R. wor th) 10 tt (A. J.)
Jan- 6, 27, 39 Nansen (F.) (T. C.) 8 Wylie (J. H.)
18 Nash (V.)- 12 Smith (W. P. Haskett) 5 Yeats (S. Levett)
7 Somerville (E.) 12
28 Zeller (E.)
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