DAWN Editorials December 2022 Issue

M O N T H L Y I S S U E
DECEMBER 2022
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Compiled & Edited By [email protected]

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December 2022 DAWN Editorials
Contents
World AIDS Day ...................................................................................................................................... 8
Quetta attack.......................................................................................................................................... 8
Punjab crisis ............................................................................................................................................ 9
China Covid protests ............................................................................................................................ 10
Progressive stance ................................................................................................................................ 11
Wayward ideology ............................................................................................................................... 12
CM Bizenjo’s complaint ........................................................................................................................ 13
Battle for spoils .................................................................................................................................... 13
Fleeting good news .............................................................................................................................. 14
Embassy attack ..................................................................................................................................... 15
Retracted offer ..................................................................................................................................... 16
Double standards ................................................................................................................................. 17
Dodging accountability ........................................................................................................................ 18
Extension legacy ................................................................................................................................... 18
Morality police out ............................................................................................................................... 19
Riverfront concerns .............................................................................................................................. 20
Is there a plan? ..................................................................................................................................... 21
More women SHOs .............................................................................................................................. 22
Fuel from Russia ................................................................................................................................... 22
Disquiet on the western front ............................................................................................................. 23
Smog misery ......................................................................................................................................... 24
Bannu beheading.................................................................................................................................. 25
Worsening hunger ................................................................................................................................ 26
Dog-bite epidemic ................................................................................................................................ 27
A targeted killing .................................................................................................................................. 28
Breaking the deadlock.......................................................................................................................... 28
Delaying dissolution ............................................................................................................................. 29
Nacta’s findings .................................................................................................................................... 30
Child trafficking .................................................................................................................................... 31
Failing confidence................................................................................................................................. 32
Saarc’s future ........................................................................................................................................ 32
Sticks and stones .................................................................................................................................. 33
Imran’s dilemma................................................................................................................................... 34
Chaman clash........................................................................................................................................ 35
Fitting put-down................................................................................................................................... 36
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Spurious drugs ...................................................................................................................................... 37

Default narrative .................................................................................................................................. 37
Typhoid cases ....................................................................................................................................... 39
Children at risk ..................................................................................................................................... 39
Crop losses ............................................................................................................................................ 40
Border flare-up ..................................................................................................................................... 42
Reko Diq agreement............................................................................................................................. 42
Oil politics ............................................................................................................................................. 43
Deteriorating ties ................................................................................................................................. 44
Desperate times ................................................................................................................................... 45
Bad air ................................................................................................................................................... 46
Dire straits ............................................................................................................................................ 47
Planned growth .................................................................................................................................... 48
Glorious World Cup .............................................................................................................................. 48
Ghosts of the past ................................................................................................................................ 49
US mediation ........................................................................................................................................ 50
No-confidence move ............................................................................................................................ 51
Series loss ............................................................................................................................................. 53
Too little, too late ................................................................................................................................. 54
Banned from learning .......................................................................................................................... 55
Growth forecast.................................................................................................................................... 56
Trouble in Punjab ................................................................................................................................. 56
PCB change ........................................................................................................................................... 57
Islamabad bombing .............................................................................................................................. 58
Back to square one ............................................................................................................................... 59
Dry-cleaned politicians ......................................................................................................................... 60
delay Islamabad LG .............................................................................................................................. 61
IMF negotiations .................................................................................................................................. 62
Flood victims......................................................................................................................................... 63
Saudi-Iran thaw .................................................................................................................................... 64
Soaring wheat flour cost ...................................................................................................................... 65
Covid-19 threat ..................................................................................................................................... 65
Balochistan violence............................................................................................................................. 66
Gwadar protests ................................................................................................................................... 67
Dollar outflow....................................................................................................................................... 68
Toshakhana rules ................................................................................................................................. 69
Senseless death .................................................................................................................................... 70

Default concerns................................................................................................................................... 70
Undemocratic tendencies .................................................................................................................... 71
Army on terrorism ................................................................................................................................ 72
Digital sharks ........................................................................................................................................ 73
The world’s displaced........................................................................................................................... 74
On abdication ....................................................................................................................................... 75
Gwadar tension .................................................................................................................................... 76
New Covid concerns ............................................................................................................................. 77
World AIDS Day

AS countries mark World AIDS Day on Dec 1, a timely report from Unicef has renewed concerns about
the severe challenges Pakistan continues to face in understanding HIV and AIDS, removing stigmas
associated with it, and providing adequate treatment for those afflicted with it. The report in question
is quite sobering. It states that 110,000 children and adolescents were killed by the disease worldwide
in 2021, while another 310,000 were infected. A senior Unicef official warned that: “Though children
have long lagged behind adults in the AIDS response, the stagnation seen in the last three years is
unprecedented […] Every day that goes by without progress, over 300 children and adolescents lose
their fight against AIDS.” This is a grave matter, and we cannot ignore the report’s findings, thinking
they do not apply to our context. In fact, Pakistan has, in the same time period referenced in the
report, seen a major outbreak of HIV in Ratodero, Sindh, where more than 1,000 children were
infected with the deadly disease in 2019 due to medical malpractice. Fifty-two of those children had
passed away within two years, while the families of those who were living with the disease complained
of not having the financial or public health resources to ameliorate their children’s suffering.
Recent reports in the local media have raised the alarm over a “sustained growth” in HIV-positive
cases this year, citing Ministry of National Health Services data. Experts fear the disease may now be
spreading to the general population from those who are considered traditionally at risk. The takeaway
should be that the public needs to be urgently educated regarding the prevention of HIV and AIDS.
Pakistan needs informed conversations about HIV to counter moral panic about the disease being the
result of ‘immoral practices’. Such attitudes dehumanise those who suffer from the sustained and
painful consequences of contracting HIV, add to their psychological trauma and unnecessarily
complicate efforts to trace and contain or eliminate the disease completely.
Published in Dawn, December 1st, 2022
Quetta attack
ON Monday, while announcing that it was ending its ceasefire with the state, the banned TTP ordered
its fighters to strike “wherever and whenever you can”. By Wednesday morning in Quetta, it was
abundantly clear that these chilling instructions were being faithfully obeyed by the terrorist group’s
cadres.
At least four individuals have died following a suicide attack on a law enforcers’ vehicle; the security
personnel were reportedly deputed to guard polio teams.
In a statement, the terrorist group claimed the atrocity was ‘revenge’ for the killing of Omar Khalid
Khorasani. The notorious militant was killed in a car bombing in Afghanistan in August.
The TTP’s violent campaign against the state had been picking up pace over the past few weeks, with
the most significant attack coming in KP’s Lakki Marwat district last month, in which at least six
policemen were martyred. But the Quetta attack signals the new beginning of a violent post-ceasefire
campaign by the TTP, unless the security establishment and political leadership decide to strike hard
and nip this evil in the bud.
The nation is, unfortunately, all too familiar with the TTP’s bloody history, and it would be foolishness
of the highest order were the authorities to ignore the emerging threat.
After the ending of the ceasefire and before the Quetta attack, some in government had been
advocating for continuing negotiations with the militants, with the special assistant to the KP chief
minister telling a seminar in Peshawar that the TTP needed to be dealt with as per a “comprehensive
approach and open mind”. The official was quick to add that the state should respond “vigorously”
should the militants carry out attacks.
The fact is that the TTP were never serious about negotiations, and their demands — such as the
reversal of the tribal districts’ merger with KP and the release of hardened terrorists — were
unjustified and impossible to meet, for the state would have had to partially surrender its sovereign
authority in order to please the militants.
From here on, the path ahead will not be easy, but difficult circumstances demand difficult decisions.
The political leadership, as well as the new military high command, must be clear about the goal: under
no circumstances should the militants be allowed to re-establish a foothold in the country. The state
needs to strike now, while the Afghan Taliban must be unambiguously told that their soil cannot be
used to host anti-Pakistan terrorists.
Punjab crisis
ADMINISTRATIVE chaos has ruled Punjab ever since the ouster of the PTI government in April,
deepening the province’s governance crisis that has its roots in the set-up of former chief minister
Usman Buzdar. The PTI’s latest decision to dissolve the governments in Punjab and KP, and resign from
the other assemblies, in order to force the ruling alliance to hold early elections, will likely worsen the
administrative turmoil in the province. PTI chief Imran Khan had announced his plans to quit
parliament on the eve of the change of guard in the army, after he failed to get a date for early polls
and an army chief of his choice even after months of campaigning on the streets. With the ruling PDM
considering different options, including a vote of no-confidence against Chief Minister Parvez Elahi
and governor’s rule, the PTI plan is feared to increase political and administrative turbulence.
How bad the administrative crisis is can be gauged from the fact that the province has had 28 higher
education department secretaries, 10 primary and secondary secretaries and eight specialised health
secretaries in the last four years under the PTI. In addition, there have been six chief secretaries and
nine police chiefs. In the last eight months, we have seen that no bureaucrat or police officer worth
their salt is prepared to serve in the top positions as chief secretary and IGP. Lately, these officers have
proceeded on long leave. Almost every transfer and posting for important administrative and police
positions is reportedly made on the recommendations of the PTI and PML-Q legislators and directly
handled by the chief minister’s office.
Punjab comprises half the country’s population, and developments in the province influence how the
rest of Pakistan fares politically and financially. With the bureaucracy under a cloud of uncertainty and
senior officers apprehensive about their fate, provincial decision-making has been relegated to the
back burner. It is not surprising to see governance suffer so much in recent months, despite the
formation of a relatively stable government following high political drama in the provincial assembly
during the election of the chief minister. It remains uncertain if Mr Khan can force early elections by
quitting the legislatures and dissolving the Punjab and KP assemblies. What is certain though is that
the move will aggravate the political and administrative chaos in the country in general and Punjab in
particular, with governance suffering hugely. In a democracy, the place of a popular party like the PTI
is in parliament. Whether or not elections are called early — this paper has suggested that they should
be — the PTI should consider staying in the system and using it as the platform for its political
demands. With governments in two provinces, it will have plenty of opportunities to serve its voters
by improving governance to boost its electoral chances.
China Covid protests

PUBLIC protests are rare in China where the People’s Republic maintains order through a strict
authoritarian code that frowns upon any display of dissent. However, the harsh Covid-19-related
lockdowns, part of the ‘zero Covid’ policy, have apparently sparked a large number of demonstrations
across China, crossing geographical boundaries. China’s measures to contain Covid are amongst the
toughest in the world, and after several years of intermittent lockdowns and restrictions, people’s
patience with the strict measures seems to be running thin. The trigger for the latest wave of protests
appears to be a fire in the city of Urumqi which resulted in at least 10 deaths. According to the Western
press — Chinese media has been silent over the protests — the tragedy was exacerbated by a
reportedly inadequate response by officials, apparently due to the lockdowns in place. The Chinese
state denies this was the case. Earlier in Zhengzhou, workers at an iPhone plant confronted police
ostensibly due to harsh anti-Covid measures. The state has moved to remove all mention of the
protests from social media, while as per foreign media, security agents are confronting those who
attended the demonstrations.
While the zero Covid policy has been successful in keeping fatalities low, it has come at a high price,
as people’s routines have been severely curtailed. It seems the Urumqi incident was the last straw,
and the protests are a manifestation of pent-up frustration. In order to prevent the issue from flaring
up, China should revisit its stringent anti-Covid measures; already, there are reports that officials are
easing lockdowns, which is a welcome sign. Moreover, people need to be allowed to express their
feelings, and using severe methods to quell protests may result in short-term peace, but long-term
discontent with the state. While it would be naïve to assume China will allow the type of political
freedom seen in the West, the leadership in Beijing should nonetheless listen to the people’s
grievances, and not punish them for expressing themselves.
Published in Dawn, December 2nd, 2022
Progressive stance
THE timing of two encouraging developments in the fight against domestic violence in Pakistan could
not have been more appropriate, for they come during the 16-day UN initiative, UNITE to End Violence
against Women. On Tuesday, the Federal Shariat Court ruled that the Punjab Protection of Women
Against Violence Act, 2016, is not in violation of Islamic injunctions. The verdict is doubly significant
because of all the legislation passed on the issue in the country, this is the strongest. It clearly stems
from a desire to do more than pay lip service to our international commitments: it stipulates practical,
technology-based safeguards — including ankle and wrist monitors on abusers — to keep women safe.
In a patriarchal culture where men are seen as having an inherent right to ‘control’ women — by force
if necessary — there was considerable resistance to the law, including from PML-N’s own legislators.
Legal challenges against it were filed within days of its enactment, with petitioners asking the court to
strike it down on religious grounds. That the FSC has ruled otherwise and ordered it be implemented
properly and rolled out across Punjab could set a precedent for other provinces. As an effective
counterweight to specious arguments about ‘cultural values’, the verdict can provide the impetus that
women’s rights campaigners need to push for more effective legislation.
The Sindh High Court on Wednesday, while upholding the life term handed down by a trial court to a
man for murdering his wife, also demonstrated a keen understanding of the problems that bedevil
the prosecution of domestic violence cases. The judge observed that these cases should be assessed
through a different lens but that the police lack the mindset, training and investigative skills to do so.
Notwithstanding the absence of witnesses, the circumstances of a case — such as in the matter before
him on appeal — can provide compelling evidence. The court has made a salient observation: the
police often overlook, or treat casually, evidence that is material to such crimes against women,
including a toxic home environment that can lead to murder. This lackadaisical approach is also often
cited in the investigation of honour killings which then makes it easier for the perpetrators to walk
free. Parliament, judiciary and media all have a role to play in changing mindsets, and the verdicts
mentioned above illustrate that a shift in approach is indeed possible — if one assigns due importance
to women’s safety in the home.
Wayward ideology
INCREDIBLY, former prime minister Imran Khan has now placed the entire responsibility of resolving
the ‘deficit of trust’ between the state and the nation squarely on the shoulders of the new military
leadership.
Congratulating Chief of Army Staff Gen Asim Munir and Chairman Joint Chiefs of Staff Committee Gen
Sahir Shamshad Mirza through a tweet on Wednesday, the PTI chairman made a pointed reference to
an August 1947 speech by Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah to drive home the point that it is the
civilian leadership that must prevail in the relationship between the executive and the military.
He added: “We hope [the] new military leadership will work to end [the] prevailing trust deficit that
has built up in [the] last eight months between the nation and the state.”
Surely, Mr Khan could not already have forgotten his own role in precipitating this ‘trust deficit’ with
his bold-faced claims about a regime change conspiracy and the related ‘Cyphergate’ hoopla? Was it
not him who made the claim that ‘Mir Jafars’ and ‘Mir Sadiqs’ were involved in an elaborate conspiracy
to oust him from power?
Though he himself may not have directed that insult to any individual specifically, it was clear from
the DG ISI and DG ISPR’s Oct 27 press conference that they understood whom he meant. And did he
not also allege repeatedly that his political opponents had worked with ‘local handlers’ to realise this
alleged conspiracy, which again was perceived to be an insinuation about the establishment’s
involvement?
Therefore, while there is definitely a desperate need for the armed forces to detach themselves from
the political process and establish a distance from the daily intrigues that define it, it is a bit rich for
Mr Khan to be sermonising on this occasion.
He has arguably been the number one beneficiary of the establishment’s largesse in recent years and,
one must not forget, sought its intervention repeatedly in these past few months to get his early
election.
One may argue that Mr Khan is correct, in principle, in asking that the army sticks to its constitutional
role. But his remarks would have been less exasperating had the former prime minister shown any
self-awareness when making them.
As of now, it remains unclear whether by ‘bridging the trust deficit’ Mr Khan only means that the
establishment should fulfil his wishes about early polls or whether he genuinely wants to do politics
without having to worry about his opponents getting any unfair advantage.
One hopes it is the latter, but Mr Khan’s recent words and actions say he desires the former more
strongly. Mr Khan cannot have his cake and eat it as well. The Quaid was always clear about his vision
for Pakistan. Anyone who claims his legacy for themselves should not treat his words so whimsically.
CM Bizenjo’s complaint
BALOCHISTAN Chief Minister Mir Abdul Qudoos Bizenjo’s claim that his province is facing a financial
crunch due to a large shortfall in its share from the federal divisible tax pool is debatable. He told
reporters on Wednesday that the federal government hadn’t disbursed even a tenth of the province’s
share in the first quarter of the present fiscal year under the NFC award. However, the report on the
federal fiscal operations during the period between July and September shows that Islamabad has
already transferred nearly Rs83bn or a quarter of its estimated share from the tax pool. He has further
contended that the federal government also owed Rs40bn to Balochistan in outstanding arrears on
account of gas royalties, warning that his government would not be in a position to pay salaries to its
employees if it didn’t get its full share under the NFC. Islamabad should clarify the exact situation
regarding his claims to explain its position.
Mir Bizenjo’s concerns over the alleged shortfall in the NFC and straight transfers are understandable.
His party’s lawmakers and others who helped topple his predecessor and crown him chief minister
are apparently demanding their reward. In fact, all ruling parties in the provinces want to divert the
maximum resources for development works to please the voters as the next general elections are not
very far away. Unless called earlier, the elections are scheduled for next October, and the provincial
governments are left with just seven months to complete development schemes before the
parliamentary term ends. No wonder Mir Bizenjo’s administration, as stated by the CM, has already
released Rs70bn for schemes under its annual development programme for the present year and
wants more money to give the CM’s party legislators. On top of pressure from party lawmakers, he is
also under pressure from the flood victims to help them in the rehabilitation process. How much help
the cash-strapped federal government facing immense pressure from the IMF to cut its deficits can
extend to Mir Bizenjo and the province is anybody’s guess.
Published in Dawn, December 3rd, 2022
Battle for spoils

THE spectacle playing out inside a London courtroom shines a light on the struggle for control of the
assets of the once united MQM. Once an electoral behemoth in urban Sindh, the party today is faction-
ridden and no longer the vote-getter it once was. Part of its popularity was based on a genuine, loyal
vote bank, while much of it was the result of a violent, toxic politics enforced by the gun. The case in
question involves seven or so properties located in upmarket parts of the British capital, reportedly
worth over £10m, and was filed by Aminul Haque, currently a federal minister and leader of the MQM-
Pakistan, the Bahadurabad-based faction that formed after the party split following Altaf Hussain’s
2016 controversial speech. It was after this episode that the establishment decided to clip the MQM’s
wings. The MQM-P is apparently interested in gaining control of the expensive real estate for the
benefit of “poor and needy people”, and the trial has brought the MQM founder face to face with his
acolytes-turned-nemeses, as he tries to retain control over the properties. In a related matter, as
reported exclusively in this paper, efforts were underway to reunite two of the factions of the MQM:
Bahadurabad and Mustafa Kamal’s PSP, while the powers that be were also reportedly open to the
idea of rehabilitating some London-based leaders.
Regarding the property matter, the UK courts can best decide the merits of the case. However, it
beggars belief as to how a self-professed middle-class party was able to snap up some of the choicest
real estate in London. Mr Hussain has said “ordinary workers” had given him the properties. Yet it is
quite possible that the pricey real estate was purchased not through chanda (donations) but bhatta
(extortion). During its nearly three-decade stranglehold over Karachi, the MQM had perfected the art
of shaking down the citizens of this hapless city to fund its operations. Therefore, it must be asked
how the MQM raised millions of pounds, and how the funds reached London. A legitimate money trail
needs to be established. Where the reported political engineering is concerned, as the lately retired
army chief indicated, the military has said adieu to interference in politics. We hope the new chief,
with specific reference to urban Sindh, sticks to this position. An artificial, and indeed pliable, ‘dry-
cleaned’ leadership should not be foisted upon Karachi. Let an organic, democratic leadership emerge
from Pakistan’s biggest city.
Fleeting good news
THE last couple of days have seen some positive news. The Pakistan Bureau of Statistics reported that
the nation’s trade deficit has shrunk by a whopping 30pc to $14.41bn during the first five months of
the ongoing fiscal to November from $20.62bn a year ago.
Then the State Bank announced that Saudi Arabia had extended the term for $3bn in deposits through
the Saudi Fund for Development to support Pakistan’s dwindling foreign exchange reserves, saying
the move would help meet external sector challenges and achieve sustainable growth. But while these
are welcome developments, they will provide only temporary support to the economy.
The reduction in the trade deficit is not due to a boost in exports — which face heavy headwinds due
to the decrease in global demand amid inflation and elevated energy prices. It is a result of the central
bank’s stringent controls on inbound shipments, which declined by over a fifth from last year.
With remittances experiencing a downturn because of the rising cost of living in the US and Europe,
we have no choice but to hold down our import bill to somewhat ease the pressure on the current
account, even if it means drastically slowing the economy. Likewise, the Saudi money is a loan we
must return in a year if not extended again.
Indeed, there is no other option to get out of the economic mess we have created in the last few years.
The problem is that we are not ready to learn from our blunders. When former finance minister Miftah
Ismail reached an accord with the IMF after months of hard work for the resumption of its bailout
programme, it was hoped the ruling alliance wouldn’t repeat the previous government’s mistakes.
Sadly, at a crucial time, Ishaq Dar, a big proponent of a strong rupee, was brought in to replace Mr
Ismail to do the impossible: contain the devaluation of the exchange rate, reduce interest rates and
tame inflation.
However, Mr Dar’s initial actions have produced the opposite of what was intended. The interbank
exchange rate has remained range-bound for some weeks but the dollars have vanished from the
market due to the expanding gap between the official and kerb market rates.
Inflation continues to rise and the State Bank was forced to raise interest rates under pressure from
the IMF with its ninth programme review in limbo.
The gap between Islamabad and the lender over fiscal slippages continues to widen as the Fund has
strong reservations over the finance ministry’s revenue and expenditure — especially flood-related
spending — estimates. Consequently, other multilateral and bilateral donors are reluctant to disburse
the promised dollars.
We have tried to delude the IMF multiple times in the last three years. Each time it has responded
with more painful conditions. Now, unless we implement the required governance and financial
reforms, sustainable economic stability will remain a pipe dream.
Embassy attack
THERE has been no claim of responsibility yet, but the timing of the attack on Pakistan’s embassy in
Kabul strongly suggests a link with the TTP calling off its ceasefire with the Pakistani state only days
ago.
On Friday, the embassy compound came under fire from a lone gunman holed up in a nearby building.
The security guard was critically injured while protecting the mission head, Chargé d’Affaires to
Afghanistan Ubaidur Rehman Nizamani, who remained unhurt. One suspect has been arrested and
two firearms recovered from him.
The Afghan foreign ministry has given assurances of an investigation into the attempted assassination
of the Pakistani diplomat and punishment of those behind it. Given such a high-profile incident
occurring in its capital, that too in what would be a more secure part of the city, this is the very least
the Afghan government would be expected to say. After all, during the months leading up to its
takeover of Kabul, the Afghan Taliban in parleys with the international community reiterated their
commitment to crack down on militant groups on its soil and prevent any cross-border attacks.
It soon became clear, especially with the appointment as interior minister of Sirajuddin Haqqani,
leader of the Haqqani Network which is known to have close links with Al Qaeda, that any assertive
action against extremist outfits was unlikely.
Aside from their ideological commonalities with such groups, Afghanistan’s new rulers may have
calculated that following through on its commitment to act against them risked the regime being seen
as kowtowing to the West, a perception that could push its supporters towards the self-styled Islamic
State, the Taliban’s only real rival on the militant landscape in their country.
The duration of the Afghan Taliban’s regime has thus seen a marked escalation in cross-border attacks
by the TTP and other terrorist groups that have taken shelter inside Afghanistan, as well as border
clashes between security personnel on both sides. The ill-fated ‘negotiations’ that the Taliban
facilitated have unsurprisingly broken down, with the TTP calling for an all-out war on the Pakistani
state.
In an already perilous environment, this development put the Pakistan embassy personnel at even
more risk and the Taliban should have enhanced the existing security arrangements. The regime has
an obligation to keep the diplomatic community within Afghanistan safe from harm; they must realise
that the murderous elements they are playing host to are further compromising their international
standing.
Published in Dawn, December 4th, 2022
Retracted offer
WITH so many U-turns under his belt, it was hardly surprising when on Saturday, PTI chairman Imran
Khan decided to walk back his previous day’s offer of talks to the PDM, saying that his message had
been ‘misunderstood’. On Friday, he had said he was ready to sit with the ruling alliance and set a date
for polls, failing which the Punjab and KP assemblies would be dissolved. The former prime minister
now appears resolved on the dissolution of the assemblies this month. However, there is greater sense
in his previous suggestion of talking to the government, even if to settle on an election date. Engaging
with the PTI is something that the ruling coalition government itself should not be averse to as this is
the only way to craft a mutually acceptable political path.
Indeed, both the opposition and the ruling coalition face challenges. For instance, after having
exhausted virtually all his options, including street protests, how much more pressure can Mr Khan
exert on his political rivals to call early elections? At the other end, government officials have indicated
that elections will be held as per schedule. But realistically speaking, with the economy in such terrible
shape and no signs of the political uncertainty ending, the option of early elections is not something
to be dismissed out of hand. True, Mr Khan’s hard and unyielding tone would put off most political
rivals, but it is time to take a look at the situation for what it really is.
Politicians in democracies across the world attack one another, and use every constitutional and legal
option to force their opponents out of power. But they do so while remaining a part of the system and
without shutting the door on negotiations. They are aware that the solution to every issue lies in
engaging with one another. They also know that there is no room for progress without give and take.
There is little doubt that Mr Khan is the most popular national leader at the moment as the massive
crowds at his anti-government rallies across Pakistan and his success in by-elections show. But if he
hasn’t achieved his goal of early polls it is largely because he never engaged with his opponents. There
are many in his own camp too who are against the drastic measures he has decided on. He would be
well advised to heed wiser counsel, and sit across the table with the coalition government, without
setting prior conditions, in order to genuinely seek a solution. At the same time, the ruling parties
should also show flexibility if they want to find a way out of the political mess. It is true that the hate-
filled rhetoric of the past many months has caused deep divisions within the political class. But unless
the latter demonstrates maturity, there will be no progress.
Double standards
IN a globalised world, if states fail to protect the human rights of their citizens, or worse, participate
in abuses, the international community takes notice. However, problems arise when accountability
for rights abuses is politicised, where allies are given a free pass, and geopolitical adversaries are raked
over the coals. The US State Department’s annual Religious Freedom Designations listing very much
appears to be a politicised project, where the above-mentioned dichotomy is clearly visible. This year,
just as last year, Pakistan has been retained on the list of ‘Countries of Particular Concern’ where
religious rights’ violations are concerned. Other states on this dubious list include China, Cuba, Iran,
Russia and Saudi Arabia. With the exception of the Saudis, all of the states listed are geopolitical
adversaries of the US, while it is not apparent whether Washington considers Pakistan a friend or a
foe. But there is one glaring exception: India. In the press release announcing the listing, the US
secretary of state has castigated governments and non-state actors that “harass, threaten, jail, and
even kill individuals on account of their beliefs” and “exploit opportunities for political gain”. India
under the BJP’s watch very much fits the bill.
According to the US Commission on International Religious Freedom — a bipartisan body of the

American federal government — the Indian government’s policies “negatively affect Muslims,
Christians, Sikhs, Dalits” while the outfit clearly recommends that the American administration should
designate India as a ‘Country of Particular Concern’, and impose sanctions on individuals and entities
responsible for religious persecution. Has Secretary of State Antony Blinken not read the USCIRF
report? This paper has always argued that the state in Pakistan needs to do much more to protect the
rights of religious minorities in this country. Yet the US State Department’s listing of Pakistan and
exclusion of India as violators of religious freedom smacks of hypocrisy. Instead of individual states
sermonising to others, bodies such as the UN should be used to discuss rights’ violations, so that states
can explain their positions.
Dodging accountability
A WARNING carried in these pages in August appears to have gone completely unheeded. Months
ago, as the government was bulldozing legislation after legislation through parliament to ‘reform’ the
prevailing accountability laws, concern had been raised that the sweeping changes being made could
completely paralyse ongoing efforts to hold powerful wrongdoers accountable. It fell on deaf ears.
The government appears to have been concerned solely with saving its leaders’ skins as it proceeded
to gut the National Accountability Bureau and defang its governing law, the National Accountability
Ordinance, without putting a robust alternative system in place. A rather outrageous consequence of
this self-serving ‘reform’ effort manifested itself on Thursday, as property magnate Malik Riaz was
able to walk away ‘scot-free’ from a multibillion-rupee corruption reference related to Karachi’s Bahria
Icon Tower.
Neither Mr Riaz nor the many megaprojects he oversees are known for above-board operations. The
Icon Tower skyscraper partly occupies an amenity plot that would hardly have been meant for housing
the rich; yet, somehow, it ended up in Bahria Town’s hands. When a three-year-old reference
regarding the legality of this deal was brought before an accountability court judge on Thursday, he
was forced to close it because he no longer has jurisdiction over the matter. The suspects nominated
in the reference had filed applications seeking this outcome, citing recent amendments made by the
PDM government to the National Accountability Ordinance to make their case. The reference is now
once again with NAB, which is supposed to transmit it onward to a “competent forum”. One wonders
if there is any hope that we may see further progress in this case. The impunity with which the
powerful seem to be operating was evident when Mr Riaz failed to show up before NAB on the same
day in connection with another suspicious multibillion-rupee land deal that he was allegedly involved
in. “You are advised that failure to comply with this notice may entail penal consequences under NAO
1999,” the real estate tycoon had been warned. It had no effect. While NAB has earned its reputation
of being a failed institution that serves little purpose other than to settle political scores, the need had
been for the government to fix it, not cripple it completely. The PDM government is itself responsible
for giving credence to those who feel it came into power to give ‘NROs’ to the corrupt.
Extension legacy
LAST Tuesday marked an unenviable end to six years of near-absolute power. Gen Qamar Javed Bajwa
would not have wanted to go as he did, spurned by friend and foe alike. Even the general public —
usually so enamoured of men in uniform — seemed unforgiving as he hung up his boots, with many
taking to social media to express their criticism.
It is unfortunate that it had to be so, and the retired general will no doubt spend many a moment of
solitude pondering where it all went wrong. Was it ambition that became his undoing, or naiveté?
That question will rankle him as he comes to terms with the legacy he leaves behind.
His thoughts will eventually turn to how he may have been remembered had he retired on time. It
would seem, in retrospect, that doffing the uniform three years ago could have at least saved him
from the many controversies that arose during his last months in office.
Gen Bajwa is not the only army chief who squandered his prestige by sticking around for longer than
he ought to have. Others before him who also overstayed their tenure suffered more or less similar
fates, leaving it to their institution to pay the price for their hubris.
This publication has long argued against service extensions unless these have to be made purely for
strategic purposes during an ongoing war. The practice of having individuals carry on well beyond their
time is up — and, in the process, denying successive batches of capable officers the chance to lead
and mould their institution in new ways — weakens the armed forces by eroding their prestige. It has
tied the military and the executive together in a co-dependent relationship, in which one side
invariably ends up using its leverage on the other for quid pro quo arrangements that may extend its
grip on power.
Indeed, if the army is serious about its recent commitment to detaching itself from domestic politics,
it should, as a starting step, encourage a legislative initiative to do away with this practice completely.
The civilian leadership, too, must take the opportunity to bury this harmful precedent rather than find
new ways to enforce it, such as the amendments to the Army Act that were recently being considered.
The army chief should come in for a term, lead it capably, chart a course for the future in consultation
with his prospective successors, and then depart on time and gracefully — without any of the needless
speculation and political machinations seen this year. There is no shortage of capable people in the
forces that just one should be considered indispensable.
The outgoing year has shown us that Pakistan has changed — perhaps irreversibly so — and that it
cannot be business as usual in matters such as these. It is time our system evolved as well.
Morality police out

FOR several months, Iran has been rocked by unprecedented protests, sparked by the death on Sept
16 of Mahsa Amini, a young woman who had been accosted by the Islamic Republic’s morality police
for ‘improper’ hijab. Though the authorities claimed her death in custody was due to a pre-existing
medical condition, the victim’s family did not buy this explanation and demanded transparency. In the
wake of the tragedy, Iran has witnessed demonstrations, at times violent, across its length and
breadth, crossing communal and ethnic boundaries. As per official figures, over 300 people have died
in the unrest, including protesters and security personnel attacked by violent demonstrators in what
the Iranian establishment has termed ‘riots’. However, sensing that coming down with a heavy hand
is not working, it appears that Tehran’s clerical government is applying a less confrontational approach
to quelling the strife. As per the prosecutor general, the morality police had been “shut down”, at least
temporarily. Moreover, President Ebrahim Raisi has also signalled that “flexibility” can be shown
regarding Iran’s strict post-revolution hijab laws.
Beyond the immediate spark igniting the protests — the Mahsa Amini tragedy — there are several
factors behind the sustained demonstrations. These include calls for greater social freedoms,
particularly for women, ethnic grievances, as well as Iran’s dire economic situation, made worse by
Western sanctions, which has made ordinary Iranians’ lives miserable. While the Iranian establishment
may blame the West for stoking the recent unrest — Joe Biden’s promise that “we’re gonna free Iran”
certainly raised eyebrows in Tehran — the fact is that the country’s rulers need to look into the core
domestic issues fuelling the protests. The morality police’s suspension is a good first step, but the state
should go further and drop the stringent restrictions governing women’s dress. While it is wrong for
others — for example, many European states — to restrict the hijab, it is also not right for states to
force women to wear the veil. Women must have the freedom to dress as they want.
Riverfront concerns
THE door-to-door drive being launched by a group of landowners to mobilise affected communities
against what they call the ‘forcible acquisition’ of their lands by the Ravi Urban Development Authority
for a multi-trillion-rupee riverfront real estate scheme near Lahore is an effective strategy to step up
pressure on the government. Hundreds of farmers from the areas where the provincial government
plans to implement the Ravi Riverfront Urban Development Project have been agitating for the last
two years against the controversial scheme that is feared to annihilate thousands of acres of
agricultural land and orchards that have been supplying vegetables and fruit to the residents of the
provincial capital for decades. That they have now decided to expand the scope of their protests by
involving people from other walks of life, including local businesses and residents who are going to be
affected by the proposed project, underlines their growing frustration with RUDA. If properly carried
out, the public mobilisation drive will help reinforce their collective campaign against a project that
will enrich powerful developers and builders rather than the present owners of the land.
The riverfront venture has drawn public criticism and the ire of activists from its very inception almost
two years ago. However, former prime minister Imran Khan, who had ordered his party’s
administration in Punjab to revive it and launch it as one of his flagship development schemes, didn’t
carry out a proper environmental impact assessment of the venture before inaugurating it in 2020,
despite warnings from the experts. That wasn’t all. The way the authorities hastily moved in to acquire
land at a rate far below market value and, recently, bulldozed standing crops on behalf of the country’s
powerful real estate mafia has further alienated the affected communities that have been tilling this
soil for the last two to three generations. The protesting farmers have a point when they say they
would readily cooperate with the government for the regeneration of the Ravi river and other
initiatives meant to improve the environment, but will keep resisting the forced land acquisition that
benefits the land developers and builders. The problem with the Ravi urban project is that it aims to
mainly create expensive real estate development opportunities for the wealthy in the name of saving
Lahore, the Ravi and the environment. Yet deep down everyone knows that it will end up hurting local
communities, destroying farmlands and uprooting small businesses in the area.
Is there a plan?
IN opposition, the PTI chairman may undoubtedly be one of the most popular leaders in Pakistan’s
history, but despite the groundswell of public support for his party, it appears Imran Khan is unable to
use the situation to his political advantage and has no clear path for his next move.
In fact, going by the developments of last week, when his coalition partners in Punjab made some
revealing statements about the support of recently retired Gen Bajwa to the PTI, Mr Khan’s narrative,
which had resonated with millions up and down the country, today appears convoluted.
In back-to-back television interviews, PML-Q leader Moonis Elahi and his father Punjab Chief Minister
Parvez Elahi claimed that Gen Bajwa nudged the PML-Q to support Mr Khan — an assertion which
contradicts Mr Khan’s stance that Gen Bajwa withdrew his support to the PTI.
In his interview, Moonis Elahi clearly stated that Gen Bajwa advised the PML-Q to back the PTI and
also expressed surprise that Mr Khan is critical of the now-retired general who purportedly “went all
out” for Mr Khan.
After weeks of Mr Khan’s publicly criticising Gen Bajwa, these statements from his allies in Punjab are
confusing. In addition to these claims by the PML-Q, the CM’s categorical statement that there is no
way to force an early election, as desired by Mr Khan, betrays an opposition in disarray.
Beyond this, Mr Khan’s own dramatic announcements, first about having talks with the government
on elections and then resignation from the assemblies, have either been retracted, or fallen flat.
His recent admission that he should never have offered an extension to Gen Bajwa, too, contradicts
what the DG ISI said in that famed presser about Mr Khan offering yet another extension to the former
army chief.
The ball is in Mr Khan’s court, but it appears he is stumped as to what to do with it. An ace at narrative
building, Mr Khan successfully captured the public imagination by conjuring up the cipher controversy,
and then by stirring anti-Bajwa sentiment.
But for all his efforts and popularity, he is at a dead end. His demands for early elections are legitimate,
but with no option left to trigger general polls, the best thing for him to do is to return to the system.
A public that is battered by both political and economic instability deserves more than just a roadshow
and container politics.
In this blind alley, Mr Khan would be well-advised to represent the people who voted for him and
challenge the incumbent government not just verbally but where it counts. Unfortunately, given Mr
Khan’s aversion to parliament, where he was a stranger even when in government, it is too wishful an
ask. Still, without a Plan B, there are few other options for Mr Khan if he wants his party to remain a
formidable opposition.
More women SHOs
IT is encouraging to see more employment avenues opening up for women in Pakistan, with an
increasing number of public institutions making a conscious effort to bring them on board. According
to a report in this paper yesterday, the Pakistan Railways police is planning to hire more women station
house officers at several major train stations, particularly in Karachi. The objective is to ensure that
female passengers are assured of a pleasant, safe and secure journey. Positive feedback from
passengers regarding the first ever woman SHO appointed in Lahore at the Mughalpura station has
prompted PR to recruit more women for the post across the country. Some other measures, such as
the installation of cameras on the trains and a mobile phone app, have also been announced so that
outlaws on board can be apprehended. According to a PR police spokesperson, the criminal record
information of all law-enforcement agencies has been incorporated with the e-police post app,
thereby making for a more integrated system.
It may be recalled that a few months ago, a young woman travelling alone was gang-raped on a
Karachi-bound train — a shocking incident that highlighted how extremely unsafe is the public
transport system in Pakistan for lone female travellers. The question to be asked is never why a woman
was travelling alone, but rather, what the government must do to ensure a secure environment on
public transport. The recent move by the PR is thus encouraging. In a conservative society where the
public space is seen as belonging to men by right — which renders females venturing outside the home
even more vulnerable — the government must take proactive steps to increase women’s visibility in
a range of professions seen generally as male domains, such as the police. Also, with the introduction
of metro bus systems along modern lines and with separate compartments for women, travel has
become more economical and perceptibly widened the avenues for female employment and
education. Such a trend can only bode well for a society’s progress.
Fuel from Russia

THE apparent headway made with Russia for the purchase of its crude oil, petrol and diesel at
discounted prices is a positive development for the country’s wobbly economy. Struggling with an
unprecedented liquidity crisis and a severe energy crunch due to global price shocks and disruptions,
the government must not let this opportunity pass, especially since the American sanctions on
Moscow, after the latter’s invasion of Ukraine, have already been removed for low- and middle-
income countries seeking Russian energy. Musadik Malik, the state minister for petroleum, who had
led a government team to Moscow for exploring the possibility of Russian energy imports, did not
specify at what price Russia will supply its discounted oil products, or say whether the oil imports
would comply with a $60 per barrel cap imposed by the G7 nations and EU on Russian seaborne oil
from this week. But he claimed that the price would be similar to the discount being given to other
countries or even cheaper. With the details of the deal to be settled during the upcoming visit of
Russia’s energy minister to Islamabad in January, some remain sceptical because of successive
governments’ failure to protect the nation’s energy interests in the past. Mr Malik also revealed that
Moscow had invited Pakistan to initiate talks on long-term LNG government-to-government contracts.
If there is one lesson that we must learn from the recent spikes in global energy prices and post-Covid
supply disruptions exacerbated by the war in Ukraine, it is that we should quickly diversify our sources
of energy procurement and lock long-term supply contracts to ensure price stability and availability.
As the minister has pointed out, Pakistan requires at least 8pc to 10pc growth in energy supply each
year if it is to achieve a 5pc to 6pc economic growth rate to create new jobs and alleviate poverty. But
the recent international oil and gas price shock and supply disruptions mean that a country like
Pakistan, facing chronic balance-of-payments troubles, with energy imports making up the largest
portion of its import bill, will never be able to meet its needs unless it devises plans to reduce its
reliance on expensive imported fuel. While we should definitely lock in long-term contracts for
uninterrupted supplies, the longer-term and cheaper solution to our challenges lies in investing in the
exploration of our own untapped oil and gas resources and encouraging work on renewable solar and
wind power.
Disquiet on the western front

IT is very difficult for Pakistan to be delinked from Afghanistan, because of reasons of geography and
history. Yet a strategically mature and realistic policy is needed to manage relations cordially with
Pakistan’s western neighbour.
At a recent consultative dialogue in Islamabad, former generals, diplomats and other experts put their
heads together to discuss the situation, made all the more critical following the banned TTP’s
rescinding of the ceasefire with the state. There was wide consensus that a reorientation or
reformulation of Pakistan’s Afghan policy was required. But the million-dollar question remains: how?
Over the last four decades, Pakistan has played a central role in Afghan affairs, primarily after this
country jumped on the Afghan jihad bandwagon with the Americans and the Saudis.
Following the USSR’s 1979 invasion of Afghanistan, Pakistan was front and centre in helping the
mujahideen bring down the Soviet ‘evil empire’, to use Ronald Reagan’s term. This period, under Ziaul
Haq’s watch, was one when drugs and the ‘Kalashnikov culture’ started entering Pakistan, as did
millions of Afghan refugees, many of whom remain in the country.
Somewhere during the Afghan jihad, the support for the mujahideen morphed into ‘strategic depth’,
a policy through which primarily the military establishment sought to maintain a friendly regime in
Kabul.
This continued till the Taliban’s first government was sent packing by the US in 2001, though many
foreign critics claimed that Pakistani support for the Taliban continued.
Fast forward to August 2021, when the Afghan Taliban rolled into Kabul, ending the US-backed
government of Ashraf Ghani. Strategic depth, it seemed, had finally delivered, as the Taliban were
now masters of their domain. Yet the presence of the TTP in Afghanistan and IS-K prove that the
security threat from Afghanistan continues.
It is for parliament, with input of the security establishment and foreign policy experts, to decide what
the new Afghan policy should be. However, there are some points that can be considered.
For starters, Afghanistan should not be seen as part of our ‘sphere of influence’, and there should be
no efforts to politically control Kabul. For two decades, the US tried a grandiose nation-building
scheme in Afghanistan, and failed as the Ghani administration melted away as soon as the Taliban
were within striking distance of Kabul.
Therefore, Pakistan, as well as other foreign powers, should help facilitate an intra-Afghan dialogue,
but by no means should they try and manipulate Afghan politics. Secondly, the message to Kabul’s
rulers should be clear: no anti-Pakistan terrorists or hostile foreign elements should find refuge on
Afghan soil.
With the TTP rearing its ugly head, this message must be crystal clear. An Afghanistan at peace with
itself and the world is in Pakistan’s interest, and this should be the goal of our Afghan policy.
Smog misery
IF 2022 has taught us anything, it is that generations of reckless disregard for Mother Nature has
accrued very steep costs for humanity. As soon as one calamity, the devastating monsoon rains of this
year, receded, we have been visited by another. A pall of poisoned air is now slowly suffocating the
city of Lahore, where authorities have been losing a years-long struggle to control environmental
pollution. No amount of planning seems to have worked to make the city’s air at least nominally
breathable for its residents, and ‘smog season’ has returned punctually with all its attendant miseries.
From the very old and infirm to new-born infants and toddlers, everyone is breathing in toxic air that
triggers an entire host of respiratory issues, shortens lifespans and generally makes life miserable.
The authorities have, as usual, little to offer other than the same measures they bandy every year: the
announcement of an environmental emergency, ban on burning crop residue, push to shift brick kilns
to zigzag technology, targeting vehicles visibly emitting smoke, and banning illegal construction
activities. Meanwhile, schools have been ordered to remain shut three days a week from Friday to
Sunday; private sector offices have been asked to follow suit and implement work-from-home policies.
These pronouncements have done little good in the past, and it should be acknowledged that they
have been a complete failure due to successive administrations’ inability to implement them. One
need only consider the example of Beijing to see how far our authorities lag behind. Once a terribly
polluted metropolis, the Chinese capital significantly overcame its smog problem over the last decade
thanks to a concerted and wide-ranging plan to eliminate its biggest sources of pollution. Cleaner
energy, relocation of pollution-causing industries, diversion of heavy traffic away from residential
areas, encouraging the adoption of electric vehicles, and providing bicycles for shorter commutes
formed the core of their effort. Intensive public engagement helped make those plans a reality. Such
imagination and commitment are sadly lacking here at home.
Bannu beheading
IN the brutal world of militancy, there are few rules, and the most blood-curdling of methods are
applied to spread terror. The reported beheading of a Frontier Constabulary soldier in Bannu is an
instant red flag for the authorities, who need to act fast to contain the terrorist threat.
According to the chilling account of the martyred soldier’s wife, Rehman Zaman and his son were
gunned down while they slept when around 20 armed militants stormed their house. The widow says
the terrorists then proceeded to behead Zaman, telling her the gruesome act was committed due to
the victim’s “government job”.
Eyewitnesses told this paper that the martyred soldier’s head was later found hanging from a tree in
a local market. This was not the only act of militant violence that has afflicted KP over the last few
days.
Police claimed killing three TTP militants in Dera Ismail Khan while fighters also attacked a police
convoy in the same area. A little-known group called the Ittehadul Mujahideen Khorasan has claimed
responsibility for the grotesque beheading. In the past, the TTP has also employed this reprehensible
tactic against security men as well as civilian hostages.
Beheadings have also been used by the Afghan Taliban — the TTP’s ideological brethren — with the
former employing this gory tactic against ex-members of the Afghan army as well as IS-K fighters. The
intent behind the outrage in Bannu appears clear: spread terror amongst security personnel as well
as civilians so that no one dares resist the militant onslaught.
However, the state must take up the cudgels and neutralise this barbarism before it spreads. After the
collapse of the TTP ceasefire last week, the terrorist group has upped its violent activities.
The new army chief, while on a tour of KP positions on Tuesday, vowed to stamp out terrorism, and
in the wake of these bloody incidents, the need for an effective counterterrorism strategy targeting
all violent groups cannot be overstated.
Those responsible for Rehman Zaman’s brutal killing need to be tracked down and brought to justice,
while the civilian and military arms of the state must launch a relentless campaign to cleanse the
affected areas of terrorism.
This can come in the form of intelligence-based operations, as well as kinetic actions. Whatever shape
the actions take, under no circumstances should the militants be allowed to establish their reign of
terror in KP and the rest of Pakistan.
Worsening hunger
THAT the dollar liquidity crunch has started hurting the import of essential items such as vegetables
and raw material for drugs shows how dire the situation has become. A report in this newspaper says
that commodity importers continue to face problems in opening letters of credit for imports because
of the shortage of dollars in the market.
Held up at various terminals of the Karachi port are 417 containers of onions, ginger and garlic, along
with industrial material, as banks are refusing to release documents because of an acute scarcity of
foreign exchange, increasing the cost of imported vegetables on account of terminal and shipping
charges, which eventually will have to be borne by consumers already trying to cope with steep food
and energy inflation.
While the State Bank cannot be faulted for restricting imports in the given situation, it must ensure
that food and raw material for drug-makers do not get stuck at the port if it wants to help inflation-
stricken households.
With the summer floods having severely damaged food crops on around 4.5m acres of land, the prices
of vegetables and wheat in the country are touching record highs. Pakistan already ranks 99th out of
121 nations on the Global Hunger Index and has a level of hunger that is serious.
According to some estimates, around 15pc to 16pc Pakistanis are reeling from food insecurity and the
situation continues to worsen after the devastating floods. Describing Pakistan’s food crisis as the
worst in the country’s history, an official of the Food and Agriculture Organisation recently stated that
the situation of the nation has deteriorated owing to the Covid-19 pandemic and recent floods.
Over the years, high food prices, lack of rainfall, drought and livestock diseases have all added to the
food insecurity being witnessed now. The flood damage to crops is making matters worse as the
country already has some of the highest levels of malnutrition in the world, which is increasing due to
the high prices of basic food items; all this is especially affecting women and children.
Food insecurity is unlikely to lessen in the next several months as shortages will keep prices elevated.
Rather, the crisis may deepen further in the near term if wheat sowing is delayed and output drops
due to water-logging in the areas hit by the floods. Although the government has decided to purchase
450,000 tonnes of cereal from Russia on a government-to-government basis ahead of the next wheat
harvest, the soaring prices will keep the staple food out of reach for the vast majority in the country.
With the people facing hardship in an inflationary environment, it is imperative for the government
to ensure that it bridges food supply gaps and takes measures to keep prices at an affordable level for
the average Pakistani, especially those from flood-affected areas.
Dog-bite epidemic
AN exploding population of stray canines has fuelled a dog-bite epidemic in Sindh, with the provincial
health minister telling the Sindh Assembly on Wednesday that over 200,000 dog-bite cases had been
reported in the province during the first 10 months of this year. These grim numbers have also been
corroborated by other sources. For example, as the manager of the Karachi-based Indus Hospital’s
rabies prevention centre told this paper recently, his facility had treated over 600 cases over a two-
week period. He added that many of the victims had been badly mauled by rabid canines. What is
equally alarming is the fact that many of those bitten had been referred to the private welfare hospital
as public health facilities had run out of rabies’ vaccine.
A two-pronged approach is needed to deal with the menace of dog bites. Firstly, public hospitals need
to be equipped with sufficient rabies vaccines. Moreover, staffers must be trained to administer
proper and timely treatment, which can save lives, while patients also need to be given counselling
about follow-up treatment. Health experts also point out that the rabies immunoglobulin should be
administered along with the rabies vaccine. The second key intervention required to save people from
injury and death caused by dog bites is the need to control the canine population in a scientific way.
Culling is both cruel and ineffective. And while rabid animals should be ethically put down, a far better
way to control the dog population is the trap, neuter, vaccinate and release, or TNVR, approach. A
rabies control programme inspired by this approach was launched in Sindh a few years ago, but as the
dog-bite figures cited by the minister in the provincial assembly indicate, it may need to be
implemented more effectively. It is also true that heaps of solid waste, particularly in Karachi, attract
stray dogs, and unless this mess is cleaned up and local governments launch sustained TNVR
campaigns, the canine population will continue to increase.
A targeted killing
IF there were any doubts about a sinister, transnational plot to kill journalist Arshad Sharif, the 592-
page report submitted on Wednesday to the five-judge Supreme Court bench by the investigation
team looking into the murder should have laid them to rest. The task now is to uncover those who
ordered what the two investigators, senior officials from IB and FIA, concluded was a “planned
targeted assassination”, and bring them to book. According to the report, the involvement of
“characters in Kenya, Dubai and Pakistan” cannot be ruled out. The scope of the investigation is vast,
and it will require painstaking work that builds upon the wealth of information gleaned thus far. And
who knows what inconvenient truths it could unmask? Mr Sharif’s trenchant analysis of political
developments in the last few months of his life may have earned him some powerful enemies,
something that his mother indicated in the application she has filed before the court.
If the well-known anchor was silenced on account of the views he expressed, it signals a new low for
the environment in which the media works in the country. For it means that a journalist with a target
on his or her back, which is bad enough a situation to be in, remains in mortal danger despite fleeing
abroad. The investigating officers who travelled to Kenya in late October on a two-week fact-finding
visit have uncovered some startling facts and inconsistencies. For instance, Waqar Ahmed who hosted
Mr Sharif in Kenya had connections within the Kenyan intelligence service as well as Pakistani and
other international spy agencies, which may have been why he handed over the victim’s cell phone
and iPad to a member of the Kenyan intelligence, rather than the local police. The report also notes
discrepancies in the account given by the Kenyan police — who claimed to have fired upon the vehicle
in which the journalist was travelling — and the ballistic evidence the Pakistani investigators were able
to view. There were, moreover, significant inconsistencies in statements given to the fact-finding team
by the owner of the channel where Mr Sharif was last working. In short, there is much that the special
JIT, constituted by the government on the Supreme Court’s directives, can build upon. This heinous
crime must be solved. Neither the court, nor journalists’ bodies — both Pakistani and international —
must allow the brazen murder of yet another mediaperson to go unpunished.
Breaking the deadlock

PRESIDENT Arif Alvi and Finance Minister Ishaq Dar’s recent tête-à-tête to figure out a way to break
the political deadlock between the PDM and PTI is a welcome step, even if much still remains to be
done before there can be any hope of a major breakthrough.
It may be recalled here that the two had also met late last month, shortly before the announcement
of the new army chief, when speculation had been strong that the president may throw a spanner in
the works and hold up the appointment using his powers.
That meeting appears to have been a fruitful one, as what had become a major political sticking point
was ultimately overcome without new controversy or ugliness from either side. It would appear that
the success of that earlier interaction has now given the two enough confidence to start talking on the
other major issues on the table, and it is encouraging to note that both see a chance for its success.
According to President Alvi, Mr Dar, who has been acting as PML-N supremo Nawaz Sharif’s personal
representative, deliberated with him the various options on the table for both sides and promised to
get back to him on certain suggestions after consultations with his party leaders.
The president, recounting the broad contours of the meeting in a TV interview, said the possibility of
early elections was also discussed. Though he understandably wanted to remain circumspect about
revealing what was discussed, it is quite clear what cards the PDM and PTI hold.
The PTI appears to be using the weakening economy as leverage and can continue to give the
government grief till the end over any painful measures it takes for course correction. The PDM seems
cognisant it cannot solve the economic crisis without damaging itself, but it also holds significant
executive power as long as it is in the federal government and is unwilling to squander it by
capitulating to the PTI. Therefore, we have its demand for dialogue without any conditions attached.
The economy is thus providing the grounds for the negotiation. Neither side can be blamed solely for
where things stand at the moment, but both must acknowledge their role in precipitating the current
crises. If, after that, they can jointly negotiate a course to guide the economy out of its current crises,
we can hope for smooth sailing to the next election, whenever it is held.
If they do not, for whatever selfish reasons, they will be imperilling the well-being of this country’s
citizens. It is time for both sides to show flexibility and realise that the future of more than 240m
people is at stake. The PDM and PTI must come to a mutually acceptable arrangement over the path
to the next elections and set new rules for their political engagement in the future.
Delaying dissolution
IN acting on political decisions, time is of the essence. This truth may have eluded PTI chairman Imran
Khan as, on the pretext of consultations with his party and allies, he has yet to act on his resolve to
have the Punjab and KP assemblies dissolved. He had announced his decision at the end of the ‘long
march’ in Rawalpindi last month, thinking it would compel the PML-N-led coalition to hold snap polls
at a time when his popularity appeared to be increasing. However, it now seems that he faces growing
opposition from within his own party and is unable to convince his ally Chief Minister Chaudhry Parvez
Elahi of the PML-Q, who is reluctant to give up power. PTI leader Fawad Chaudhry might have sounded
a warning that the CM would have to agree to the Punjab Assembly’s dissolution if he wanted to
contest the next elections as a PTI ally. However, he may not have considered that the two branches
of the wily Chaudhrys of Gujrat know better than the PTI when to turn where in Pakistani politics.
Despite repeated reassurances from both the CM and his son Moonis Elahi, chances are that the PML-
Q may not comply when and if Mr Khan actually gives the call. Where that will leave the PTI is
anybody’s guess.
Well-versed in the treacherous politics of Punjab, the PML-N has been quick to pick up the signals. The
transition of power in the army and Mr Khan’s abrupt decision to call off his long march on the eve of
the appointment of the new army chief has made the PML-N more confident when it comes to dealing
with the PTI. It is no wonder then that Interior Minister Rana Sanaullah has challenged Mr Khan to go
ahead with the dissolution of the two provincial assemblies. Nevertheless, this is not a dead end for
Mr Khan. Anything is possible in politics and a politician will always find a way out of a critical situation.
One way out for Mr Khan would be to initiate formal, direct talks with the ruling PDM, instead of
involving the presidency, and find a middle path acceptable to both the government and opposition,
rather than insisting on snap polls and putting the collapsing economy under more stress. Dissolution
of the provincial assemblies, even if his allies and entire party agree to it, will not give him the outcome
he wants, ie, a return to power.
Nacta’s findings
BEFORE the TTP ended its ceasefire with the state last week, many, including this paper, had felt that
the terrorist group was using negotiations simply to buy time and re-energise itself before it returned
to its violent ways.
A recent document authored by the National Counter-Terrorism Authority has proved these fears
correct. As reported on Friday, Nacta’s analysis, presented to the Senate Committee on Interior, says
that the peace process initiated by the then PTI-led government last year had “emboldened” the TTP,
and that the group used the period to expand its footprint.
Moreover, the authority says that the banned group was testing the waters in Swat, to see how the
public and the state would react to its presence. It termed the massive pro-peace rallies by KP’s people
as a positive development, adding that at present the militants were lying low due to action taken by
the security forces.
The PTI administration, as well as the security establishment, apparently wanted to give peace a
chance by talking to the militants. The process continued when the PDM government took power in
April, but clearly, due to the TTP’s untenable demands — such as the reversal of ex-Fata’s merger with
KP, and the release of hardened militants — the negotiations were destined to fail. It had been rightly
argued that the TTP were not genuinely interested in peace, and that the demands they had set
amounted to the surrender of the state before an armed group. Nacta’s findings have only confirmed
these concerns.
Now it is back to the battlefield for the militants as well as the state. In a related development, the US
has said it will not let Afghan soil be used against Pakistan, as the TTP have found shelter in Afghan
Taliban-ruled territory. But just how Washington intends to do this is unclear, unless this means more
‘over-the-horizon’ attacks on the TTP and IS-K in Afghanistan.
The foremost challenge before the state is, of course, keeping the peace, and ensuring that a new TTP-
inspired reign of terror does not engulf the country in these times of multiple crises. Yet more long-
term thinking is needed to formulate a plan to deal with diverse militant threats. Beyond the
immediate — but short-term — reactions such as kinetic operations, how should the nation deal with
armed groups, whether it is religious extremists like the TTP or Baloch separatists? A constant state of
war is unsustainable, and dialogue is ideally the solution.
There should, of course, be critical red lines. For example, demands such as dismemberment of the
state or upending of the constitutional order cannot be met, while terrorists responsible for the
massacre of innocents must be brought to justice. But beyond this, a mix of talks with those ready to
renounce violence, countering violent extremism, rehabilitation and social justice delivery seems to
be a plausible way forward.
Child trafficking
WHAT does it say about our child protection laws and other relevant legislation when a 14-year-old
girl is abducted and sold thrice before being able to escape her captors and return home? Her ordeal
indicates — as the court correctly pointed out — that kidnapping gangs are operating with total
impunity. Further horrifying details emerged in the victim’s statement to the Sindh High Court on
Friday. She said she had seen around 15 teenage girls at the house of one of those accused of her
kidnapping. The court, while hearing the bail plea of another suspect booked for allegedly abducting
the underage girl to force her into marriage, has directed the interior ministry to form a JIT to
thoroughly investigate the issue of child trafficking. It is about time the criminal justice system came
to grips with the terrible things happening to our minors and took proactive steps to prevent these
crimes and support the victims. Therefore, it is encouraging that despite the girl in the case at hand
not having made an allegation of forced marriage or rape, the court has held that further investigation
is warranted.
It has been seen in far too many cases of alleged child abduction and forced marriage of minors that
courts do not probe deep enough to ascertain the truth, leaving the victims vulnerable to further
abuse and sexual exploitation. In the earlier stages of the Dua Zehra case, for instance, despite her
parents providing verifiable evidence of their daughter being underage, a magistrate in Lahore
accepted her statement that she was an adult and allowed her to go with her ‘husband’. An HRCP
report published this year describes Pakistan as a “source, transit and destination country for
trafficking”. This appears to be no exaggeration. Consider that in February 2022, Punjab police stated
that 151 girls and young women, all abducted from Sargodha, had been recovered from various parts
of the province since Jan 5 alone. It is not enough to legislate: implementation is key.
Failing confidence
THE results of a recent business confidence survey conducted by the Overseas Investors Chamber of
Commerce and Industry are a disquieting reminder of just how jittery key stakeholders have become
due to the worsening state of the economy. The OICCI’s Business Confidence Score, computed through
a countrywide survey, has plunged to negative 4pc from 17pc recorded in March and April. The steep
drop has been termed “regrettable, but not surprising” by OICCI president Ghias Khan, who attributes
it to “the highly challenging political and economic situation” in the months between the two surveys.
Mr Khan cited “high inflation, increased fuel prices and significant currency devaluation” as well as the
floods which inundated large parts of the country following this year’s monsoon season as factors that
have greatly disrupted economic activity. Overall, more than half of all respondents expressed
negative views regarding the business environment over the past six months, and only 2pc had any
positive expectations for the next six. It appears from the survey results that it is only a tiny fraction
of business leaders in the manufacturing sector who still have hope for a near-term improvement in
the economy. On the other hand, the outlook presented by those working in the services and retail
and wholesale sectors is overwhelmingly negative. Foreign investors sampled in the survey expressed
a confidence level of only 6pc compared to 33pc when the previous survey was conducted. The three
biggest challenges identified were inflation, high taxation and currency devaluation. Other key findings
indicate that businesses may be considering shelving expansion and investment plans and curbing new
hiring.
Confidence surveys are usually reliable indicators of the direction business activity can be expected to
take in the near future. Based on the results of this survey, the outlook appears to be quite dire.
Unfortunately, the government has either already failed to address the three key concerns raised or
is out of policy options to provide relief. For example, after much struggle, it seems to have given up
on getting price fluctuations under control — a fact borne out by the persistence of high inflation in
recent weeks and months. It also cannot compromise on taxation, as its revenue options have been
sharply limited by a massive rejigging of the economy. Lastly, further currency devaluation also seems
inevitable considering the pressures building up on the external account, though policymakers are
resisting it for political reasons. Expect a rough ride ahead.
Saarc’s future
WHILE regional groupings such as the EU and Asean have brought states — including former enemies
— closer, this formula has not worked in South Asia. In fact, this region is often described as one of
the least integrated in the world, and Saarc, founded nearly four decades ago, has remained a
moribund forum, primarily because of the toxic nature of the Pakistan-India relationship.
In a recent tweet to mark Saarc Charter Day, Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif indicated Pakistan’s
resolve to revive the eight-member bloc, while ruing the “missed opportunities” linked to lack of
integration. Idealistic rhetoric aside, the revival of Saarc is a tall order, but not an impossible task if all
eight members, primarily Pakistan and India, wish to use the forum to improve the quality of life of
the people of South Asia.
Of course, a major irritant in the revival of Saarc is India’s rigidity, especially under Narendra Modi’s
watch, and its desire to isolate Pakistan internationally. It is because of this attitude that Pakistan was
not able to host the 2016 Saarc summit; the last time the summit was held was in Nepal in 2014. Yet
it is also true that a lack of direction on the India file in Pakistan has not helped matters.
There is little consistency where ties with India are concerned, with the civilian authorities saying one
thing, and the powerful military establishment, which has an undeclared veto on all matters
concerning India, going in another direction.
Moreover, political parties, when in opposition, have also blasted the government in power for
wanting to trade with India. The fiasco earlier this year, when the PTI government decided to re-
establish limited trade ties with India, only to take a U-turn soon after receiving criticism, is a case in
point.
Where India is concerned, while many in New Delhi may feel that they don’t need Pakistan, and Indian
ministers and generals make bellicose noises about ‘taking back’ Pakistani territory, the fact is that a
peaceful South Asia is in everyone’s interest.
Despite poverty alleviation efforts, hundreds of millions of Indians continue to live in poverty — in
fact, more than the entire population of Pakistan. Surely, if hostility recedes, resources spent on
defence can be repurposed to help bring more people out of poverty.
As for Pakistan’s choices, the civilian administration and the military establishment need to be on the
same page where India is cornered. Without sacrificing our core concerns, such as Kashmir and the
treatment of Muslims in India, the elected leadership, supported by the military, should signal that it
is ready to talk peace if India is interested.
Moreover, other Saarc members, particularly Bangladesh and Sri Lanka, can also make a greater effort
to help revive the bloc and reduce the Pakistan-India hostility. A quarter of the world’s population will
benefit immensely from reduced animosity, and greater connectivity.
Sticks and stones

AN old English rhyme teaches children, at a very early age, to shrug aside insults and not make too
much of mere words. One wishes that those who walk the corridors of power in our country were
taught similarly to develop a thicker skin. The manner in which Senator Azam Khan Swati is being
treated for publicly expressing his anger at the former army chief and another senior security officer
is a reminder of the petty vindictiveness with which our establishment sometimes operates against
those who dare to cross it. His were unwise words, no doubt, but they clearly stemmed from the pain
and anguish the aged and ailing senator seemed to be feeling over the shameful ordeal his family was
recently put through. It must be asked what wisdom there is in putting someone who recently broke
down publicly through even more stress. Is there any need for him to be parcelled off from one
province to another for a tour de force of the country’s penitentiary system?
It is a shame that this is happening during the government of the PDM parties, which once went to
great lengths to present themselves as the exact antithesis of the PTI. Even though Islamabad has
attempted to distance itself from the series of cases being registered against Mr Swati across the
country, it still has the power to put an end to this farce. A grave injustice also continues to be done
to another lawmaker, Ali Wazir, in a similar fashion. Politicians must stand with each other, especially
when the limits of decency are being crossed. It is time for the government to put its foot down. If
these lawmakers are to be punished, they should be returned to Islamabad, and the various cases
against them consolidated and taken to court. The government must realise that it is undermined
when elected lawmakers — whatever their transgression may be — are treated with such contempt
by what is a subordinate organ of the state.
Imran’s dilemma
FORMER prime minister Imran Khan needs to give it a rest. His expectation from the armed forces that
they should be ‘guiding’ the government towards an early election is quite embarrassing. It gives the
impression that he has learnt little from his years in power and that any ‘regrets’ that he had about
never really being in the driving seat were more an expression of unhappiness with the last chief —
who seems to have let go of his hand towards the end — rather than an actual realisation that
governance should always remain the exclusive domain of the politician. “I have expectations from
the new set-up that the national security institutions will take into account this serious situation of
the country’s economy on a downward spiral,” he said on Sunday. Why should they? The management
and mitigation of economic risks is not the army’s job, even if it has, in the past, assumed that role.
Mr Khan cannot and should not expect the army chief to take over this responsibility if he himself will
not take any initiative.
For a political leader, all legitimacy and power flow from the court of public opinion. Given his
popularity, why does Mr Khan lack confidence in his ability to negotiate a deal with his opponents,
without the armed forces around to back him? It is high time Mr Khan stopped relying on powerful
benefactors to get him what he desires and started putting in the elbow grease, learning how to work
the democratic system and making an effort to understand its mechanics. As a public representative,
his place is either in parliament or at the negotiating table, fighting to get the people he represents
what they want. There are only two legitimate paths open for him at the moment. He can sit tight,
refuse to negotiate, and wait till the next election comes around on schedule, or he can return to
parliament, initiate a dialogue, present his case, and, through some compromise, reach a deal with
the PDM over an early election. If he is so concerned that the country and the economy may be
irrevocably harmed if we do not go towards an early election, Mr Khan must ask himself whether
Pakistan’s welfare should be above the intense personal dislike he has for his political opponents.
Perhaps it may make it easier for him to reach for the second option.
Chaman clash
IF the Afghan Taliban want the world to grant them legitimacy, then they should be able to fulfil the
duties of a responsible government. This includes maintaining calm at the borders, and preventing
their own fighters or other militants from attacking innocent people across the frontier.
The tragic incident at the Pak-Afghan border in Chaman on Sunday indicates that either Kabul’s rulers
are incapable of securing their borders, or that some elements within the Taliban want to test
Pakistan’s limits.
At least seven deaths were reported on the Pakistani side after Afghan forces resorted to unprovoked
shelling at the border town, says ISPR, with Pakistan’s security personnel returning fire.
The skirmish resulted in the brief closure of the border crossing, and appeared to be a repeat of a
similar incident last month that resulted in the closure of the Chaman crossing for more than a week.
Then, too, gunfire from Afghanistan had resulted in casualties here.
The prime minister has condemned the incident, calling upon the Afghan rulers to ensure such
episodes are not repeated.
Certain reports say that smugglers were trying to cross the fenced border area into Pakistan,
reportedly with support from the Taliban forces, though some Afghan officials link the flare-up to the
construction of checkpoints in what they claim is Afghan territory.
Pakistan should clearly communicate to the Taliban that it is ready to defend itself from aggression.
It is unfortunate that while it is the Taliban’s responsibility to keep the peace on their soil, they have
not, previously as well as now, reined in violent, lawless elements, including militants — a fact that
Pakistan, which has suffered as a consequence, cannot lose sight of. It is in this context that Pakistan
must display firmness, despite its support for the Afghan people.
It is the Taliban’s responsibility to restrain smugglers, terrorists and criminal elements trying to sneak
into Pakistan.
Also, there should be no revanchist illusions: the Pak-Afghan border marks the frontier between two
sovereign countries, and fantasies about redrawing the Durand Line must be abandoned.
Thanks to their regressive worldview, the Afghan Taliban have an image problem globally. Pakistan
has nevertheless — even during the rule of the pro-West Ashraf Ghani regime — called for the
international community to engage with the Taliban to ensure that Afghanistan does not implode, for
the sake of its poverty-stricken people.
The Taliban need to realise this and take steps to allay Pakistan’s concerns.
Primarily, they must secure their side of the border to guarantee there is no hostile activity directed
at Pakistan, while if ties become strained, they must be immediately addressed through dialogue
instead of any resort to violence.
Secondly, those anti-Pakistan terrorists that have sought refuge in Afghanistan should be neutralised
so that they are no longer able to harm this country.
Anything less may cause Pakistan to reassess its ties with the Taliban.
Fitting put-down
THE symbolism in Minister of State for Foreign Affairs Hina Rabbani Khar being tasked with visiting the
world’s most misogynistic regime, the Afghan Taliban, for talks was potent. In a country where women
have been forced to disappear from public life, Pakistan — which itself does not have a stellar global
reputation for gender equality — was being represented by a woman at the highest levels of
government. It was a PR triumph — except for those who can only see the world through a sexist lens.
On Monday, the lone JI member of the National Assembly, Maulana Abdul Akbar Chitrali proved his
affinity with the latter. During a discussion on the Chaman border clash, Mr Chitrali expressed his
reservations over the government’s decision to send Ms Khar to Kabul, saying it had perhaps had a
negative effect on the Afghan regime. Several lawmakers, mostly from the PPP and PML-N, berated
the MNA for his remark, after which he agreed to withdraw it and tendered an apology.
Unfortunately, far too many share this myopic worldview. That is why a firm put-down was needed,
and given. There must be no latitude for words that objectify and demean women. And legislators
across the board must consider this a red line, even in today’s toxic political culture, and set the right
precedent for society. Instead, several party leaders appear to see such reprehensible language as
part of their political arsenal. Maulana Fazlur Rehman is a frequent offender, with PTI’s enthusiastic
women supporters in particular throwing him into a moral panic several times, most recently about a
fortnight ago. But Imran Khan, who has robustly called out the maulana’s sexist musings against his
party’s female cadres more than once, himself made a highly offensive remark about Maryam Nawaz
in a speech some months ago. No one from his party, not even the women lawmakers, uttered a word
of reproach. If things are to change, an attack on one woman must be considered an attack on all
women.
Spurious drugs
THE rampant sale of fake or substandard medicines in Pakistan is literally a matter of life and death.
This fact was tragically established after the Punjab Institute of Cardiology scandal a decade ago, in
which a large number of patients died after they were administered spurious drugs at the government-
run facility. It was in the aftermath of this tragedy that Drap — the national drug regulator — was
established, ostensibly to keep an eye on the fake medicine racket. Yet 10 years down the line little
seems to have changed, as a recent Drap survey of drugs being sold in Karachi has shown. As reported
in this paper, the regulator found that several fake and spurious medicines were being sold under
different brand names in the metropolis. Some of these ‘medicines’ were found to be nothing more
than chalk or starch. These disclosures come only weeks after Sindh’s drug testing lab found that 18
samples of lifesaving drugs confiscated from Karachi and Hyderabad had no active pharmaceutical
ingredient.
It is a travesty of immense proportions that unscrupulous elements are playing with the lives of
patients in such brazen fashion, with the state apparently unmoved. Perhaps the government is
waiting for another PIC-like tragedy to take action. For starters, those responsible for manufacturing
fake and substandard drugs need to be hauled up before the law. It is not too difficult for Drap, aided
by law-enforcement officials and provincial health departments, to crack down on the producers of
substandard drugs, if the intention is there. Secondly, all pharmacies must be warned that if dubious
drugs are found on their premises, action will be taken. The public also has a responsibility in this
regard; too often people ask salespersons at medical stores to recommend medicines, instead of
consulting doctors or qualified pharmacists. Consumers should only buy drugs from reputable medical
stores, with the latter supervised by capable pharmacists. While Drap bears primary responsibility for
keeping counterfeit medicines off the market, the authority needs the full support of the health
administration as well as the law-enforcement agencies to accomplish this task. Moreover, the state
must ensure that medicines available at public health facilities are of satisfactory quality. While more
well-off segments of society can afford private healthcare and imported medicines, the poor have no
option but to turn to the state for healthcare, which is why quality drugs need to be available at public
hospitals.
Default narrative
PRIME Minister Shehbaz Sharif on Monday came to the rescue of his finance team led by Ishaq Dar,
amid continuing speculation that Pakistan was on the verge of a debt default.
“Pakistan will not default,” he declared at a news conference as he explained that his administration
was forced to accept tough IMF loan conditions because the multilateral lender no longer trusted
Pakistan, thanks to the former PTI government’s failure to honour its commitments.
But Mr Sharif’s reassurances may not be enough. There are reasons why speculation has persisted,
even though Pakistan hasn’t missed or delayed a single debt payment since the financial crisis set in
earlier this year. At the moment, a major concern is foreign exchange reserves dropping to a four-year
low of $6.7bn as inflows dry up on account of Islamabad-IMF tensions.
The disagreements between Pakistan and the Fund include, but are not limited to, the government’s
flood-related expenditure estimates and serious fiscal slippages because of the failure to collect
enough tax revenues to meet budgeted targets.
On top of that, a certain narrative is being pushed by the PTI to pressure the coalition government to
announce early elections. Before the news conference, PTI chief Imran Khan had already painted a
dire picture of the economy while calling for snap elections to pull the nation out of the current crisis.
Failure to do so would push us to default, he had warned.
No matter how exaggerated that assertion may be, it is fed by deteriorating economic conditions,
especially falling reserves, and the delay in policy-level talks with the IMF for the disbursement of the
next loan tranche of $1.2bn.
The PML-N shouldn’t blame the opposition for exploiting the situation, however: even its previous
finance minister, Miftah Ismail, has been issuing similar warnings of late.
The PML-N-led coalition government may indeed have warded off the possibility of a near-term
default. However, it continues to face mounting challenges: spiralling inflation, massive devaluation
of the rupee, elevated fuel and power prices, and shrinking foreign currency reserves.
Together, these are cause for serious concern. The present crisis results from inconsistent economic
policies, the pursuit of flawed priorities that have favoured politically powerful lobbies, and
questionable fiscal governance.
Each government has blamed its predecessor for the bad economy it inherited, but none has done
much to fix it. With new elections — if held as per schedule — less than a year away, the PML-N is
clearly in a bind as economic decisions, such as the hike in fuel prices, are eroding its political capital
in its fortress of central Punjab and elsewhere.
It is now looking for shortcuts to please the voters. But that is a dangerous road to travel as past
experience has shown us. It is time political considerations stopped dictating economic policy. Or
these fears could well become a reality.
Typhoid cases
ISSUES of public health and quality of life are relegated to the margins in Pakistan. This is the primary
reason why there have been reports of over 200,000 typhoid cases in Sindh in the first 10 months of
the year. These include cases of the dangerous extensively drug resistant, or XDR, strain of the
waterborne disease. According to health experts this paper spoke to, while typhoid cases have been
reported from across Sindh, 70pc to 80pc of the cases from Karachi are of the XDR strain. Moreover,
the situation in the flood-affected areas is believed to be worse, as these regions are in the grip of
waterborne diseases, amidst other health and sanitation challenges. The XDR variety is particularly of
concern as, true to its name, it tends to resist most antibiotic treatments. The strain was first traced
in Pakistan in 2016 when an outbreak began in Hyderabad, and has since become a major challenge
for medical professionals.
There are several ways to counter the threat posed by all variants of typhoid that experts, including
the WHO, recommend. Many of these are long term, such as improving health and sanitation facilities,
as well as providing clean drinking water. But to tackle the disease immediately, it has been proposed
that children under 15 be vaccinated against typhoid. Moreover, in order to contain the XDR strain,
firm steps must be taken to curb the rampant overuse of antibiotics in the country. Medical
professionals need to be made aware of the fact that antibiotics should not be prescribed for minor
ailments, while the sale of these drugs, without a doctor’s prescription, must be banned. Awareness
campaigns against self-medication are also required. To reduce the burden of typhoid and other
waterborne, preventable diseases, the state needs to provide better sanitation facilities and safe
drinking water to the public, while initiating extensive vaccine drives. If the XDR strain is not addressed
with seriousness, a new public health nightmare awaits Pakistan.
Children at risk
HOW diseased must we be as a society that, four years after little Zainab Ansari’s gruesome ordeal
galvanised the nation, incidents of child abuse, rape and murder still remain a regular feature of the
news cycle? It is alarming how frequently incidents involving the rape and murder of children appear
to be occurring in recent days. At least three stories in this paper on Wednesday alone concerned
heinous crimes against children. In Karachi, police arrested a six-year-old girl’s adult neighbour for
raping and killing the child and dumping her body in an abandoned house outside the metropolis. She
had stepped out of her house to buy something from a vendor. Another story concerned a case
involving an 11-year-old’s alleged rape by her stepfather. After being convicted earlier, the stepfather
was exonerated of the charge because the Sindh High Court saw deficiencies in the case investigation.
The third of the stories highlighted an unfortunate reality that needs to be discussed more. The chief
justice of the Federal Shariat Court, who has been hearing a case pertaining to the Transgender
Persons (Protection of Rights) Act of 2018, wondered at one point whether the state was doing enough
to protect transgender children, as they are most vulnerable to exploitation. “It is unfortunate that
these children are abandoned by their own families and, as a result, they are abused by criminals and
fall prey to paedophiles and other predators in our society,” Chief Justice Syed Muhammad Anwer
remarked. The court also made the helpful suggestion that we should have special homes for such
abandoned children where they can be protected and looked after. It is inexcusable that such facilities
do not already exist. Have we learnt nothing about the need for proactively protecting our children
against some of the worst forms of violence perpetrated by human beings? Important strides were
made through the Zainab Alert, Response and Recovery Act of 2019, which was meant to reduce
kidnappings, quickly recover children and also increase awareness about the dangers they face.
However, its implementation has left a lot to be desired. It is imperative that we introduce our children
to concepts like ‘stranger danger’, ‘good touch, bad touch’ at a very early age as a minimum means to
ensure their safety. The government must launch a nationwide awareness campaign regarding this
menace and educate parents and guardians to protect their children and wards against the dangers
they face.
Crop losses
THE lingering economic impact of this summer’s calamitous floods, which have hurt the country’s rice,
cotton and wheat output, has started to show.
Last week, this newspaper had reported that the country’s cotton production had dropped by more
than 40pc, mainly on account of the floods and climate change. The rice harvest is projected to be at
least 10pc less than last year’s crop. The deluge has affected soil conditions to such an extent that
wheat plantation has become difficult in many places in Sindh. The next wheat harvest could see a
considerable drop in cereal production.
In short, flood-damaged crops will force Pakistan to increase its food and cotton imports to make up
for harvest losses at home. The impact will also be felt on rice and textile exports.
More imports and fewer exports are hardly something Pakistan’s dollar-starved economy can afford,
as it will put greater pressure on the current account.
Though the State Bank governor is hopeful that the pressure on the declining foreign currency reserves
will largely be offset by the falling international oil and commodity prices, many analysts fear that the
current account deficit will exceed the initial estimates of $10bn.
With the cash-starved government struggling to restrict imports to ease pressure on the external
account and boost reserves to prevent debt default in the medium to long term, this cannot be good
news for the flood-stricken economy.
That the impact of the floods on the agriculture sector and the overall economy will be felt for years
to come is a given.
Farmers took years to emerge from the negative impact of the 2010 floods on their lives and
livelihoods. The destruction caused by the recent floods is of a much higher magnitude, with the
deluge inundating almost a third of the country and affecting or displacing 33m people. Besides
massive crop losses, the farmers have seen their livestock being swept away by the raging waters.
The country’s agriculture sector has been in extreme distress for a very long time now, owing to
multiple factors, ranging from poor government policies to lack of investment in agricultural research
to climate change to low mechanisation. This is reflected in the decreasing crop yields and farm
incomes, and rising rural poverty and food shortages.
Pakistan had turned into a net importer of food and cotton for the large textile industry long before
the floods had hit. This year’s deluge, which will continue to torment the economy and the people for
years to come, has compounded our agricultural woes and food insecurity.
The prime minister has announced a package for agriculture, but that isn’t enough to help revive the
sector and rehabilitate the flood-affected farmers. We need long-term policies, and heavy
investments in rural infrastructure and research to cope with climate change, in order to turn around
farming in a sustainable way.
Policing failures
THE blood of the innocent continues to flow in Karachi, where the police and Rangers seem to be
giving muggers, murderers and all manner of criminals in between a free run as they rob the citizenry
of their life, limb and property. Last Thursday, just one day in the ongoing free-for-all, a young
university student was shot dead, three others were physically injured and “hundreds, if not
thousands of […] cell phones, cash and other valuables” were snatched or looted from the people of
this blighted city. Stretch the timeline to two weeks, and one finds that 10 innocent people (and
counting) had already been deprived of their lives halfway through December due to armed robberies,
while more than a dozen had been wounded during incidents of violent crime. God knows how many
valuables were looted and how many actually reported to the police in that same period.
The degradation of law and order in the city would perhaps sting less for its citizens if the police
demonstrated even a modicum of responsibility and compassion. Yet, senior officers have recently
mocked the citizenry for ‘overblowing’ their fears and dismissed concerns that things may be going
from bad to worse in their city. The city’s thana culture is no different: callous disregard, disinterested
faces, and a general unwillingness to help are a standard greeting whenever citizens approach their
police stations for help. Little wonder, then, that the police continue to be viewed as the most corrupt
institution in the country. Instead of earning our respect and admiration for doing a difficult and
important job, police officers are viewed with distrust and contempt. The lack of faith in the police
forces and the impunity with which criminals are operating is now pushing the frustrated citizenry to
take extreme actions, even to take the law into their own hands. The police must take the city’s law
and order back under their control before we reach a point where vigilantes start handing out ‘justice’
again.
Border flare-up
THE situation on the western border is presenting itself as a fresh security challenge for the state, as
repeated acts of violence, apparently emanating from Afghanistan, have resulted in an unacceptable
loss of life in Pakistan. The fact that the Afghan side has no qualms about targeting civilian areas is
particularly disturbing. In the latest flare-up, according to ISPR, the Afghan side opened
“indiscriminate fire” on civilian areas in Chaman on Thursday, resulting in at least one death and
multiple casualties. Reportedly, the violence was sparked when Pakistani personnel were repairing a
border fence and came under fire from the Afghan side, with Pakistani forces returning fire. This
incident comes after Sunday’s clash, in which several people were killed on the Pakistani side. The
Afghan Taliban apologised after Sunday’s exchange; unfortunately, the apology proved quite short-
lived as Thursday’s episode illustrated. This is the third major armed exchange over the past few
weeks, as a clash in November resulted in the closure of the Chaman border crossing for nearly a
week.
Border clashes between Pakistani and Afghan forces are not new. For example, they occurred during
both the Hamid Karzai and Ashraf Ghani administrations — governments that weren’t very friendly
towards Pakistan. With the Afghan Taliban taking the reins in Kabul last year, it was perceived that a
more ‘pliant’ regime next door would bring some calm to our western border. As the events of the
past few weeks have shown, this perception was misplaced. The Afghan Taliban are clearly not ‘our
boys’ in Kabul, and can hardly be remote-controlled from Islamabad. Regardless, Pakistan must be
firm with the Kabul regime: cross-border violence has to stop, particularly the targeting of civilians on
the Pakistani side. If the Taliban have concerns regarding Pakistan, flag meetings should be used to
sort out differences, and if matters go beyond that, higher diplomatic channels can be employed to
defuse tensions. But if violent cross-border attacks continue, Pakistan must defend itself vigorously.
The Afghan Taliban may be faction-ridden, with some components hostile towards Pakistan, while the
TTP is a declared enemy of the state. Be that as it may, the Taliban need to put their own house in
order, and any elements that seek to harm Pakistan, or provoke confrontation, must be handled
accordingly by Kabul’s rulers. Due to their hard-line policies, the Taliban are isolated on the world
stage. Creating trouble for Pakistan will only add to their isolation.
Reko Diq agreement

CAUGHT between a rock and a hard place, the government has made a choice in the $11bn dispute
with regard to the Reko Diq gold and copper project that some would applaud, and others criticise.
The final deal, signed with the Canadian mining giant Barrick Gold and its Chilean partner Antofagasta,
for reviving the project and resolving the dispute, has been presented as the only way out of a situation
which had negatively impacted Pakistan’s standing as an investment-friendly nation.
In fact, had the agreement been negotiated a little more meticulously, the authorities might also have
secured commitments from Barrick to set up a refinery at Chagai to ensure transparency in what, and
how much, will be mined and shipped out of the country.
Still, it is to be hoped that all parties involved — Barrick, the centre and Balochistan — will agree on a
mechanism to dispel anxiety and ensure that no stakeholder — especially Balochistan’s people — is
cheated out of their share when precious metals are taken out of the country in raw form.
That said, the new deal appears to be a big improvement on the past when international investors
held 75pc of the total shareholding in the project that is billed to be potentially the world’s largest
gold and copper mine, with deposits capable of producing 200,000 tons of copper and 250,000 ounces
of gold a year for nearly 50 years.
Under the new agreement finalised after 10 years of legal battle, Barrick will get half of the project
ownership, with Balochistan and three federal state-owned firms 25pc each of the remainder.
The agreement will help Pakistan avoid $11bn in fines ordered by the international arbitration court
against its decision to deny the joint venture of Barrick and Antofagasta the licence to develop Reko
Diq. Islamabad will, however, pay $900m to Antofagasta, which is exiting the project, to purchase its
shareholding.
Although the Balochistan government is on board with Islamabad on the agreement, some Baloch
nationalist parties like the BNP-M — and even the JUI-F — do not seem happy with it, and the way the
government rushed the Foreign Investment (Promotion and Protection) Bill, 2022, through parliament
to guarantee the protection of foreign investment in connection with Reko Diq to meet the Dec 15
deadline for signing it.
There’s no doubt that the reconstituted deal is mostly tilted in favour of the investor. But as they say
a bird in hand is worth two in the bush; it’s time to move on and make the best use of the pact.
The project will bring significant growth opportunities to Balochistan by creating jobs, promoting the
regional economy and increasing investment in healthcare, education, vocational training, food
security and the supply of potable water.
It is, however, also time for our policymakers to build institutional capacities to craft international
agreements to protect the interests of the country, and not the investors.
Oil politics
VASTLY divergent views about the possibility of buying Russian petrochemicals from Foreign Minister
Bilawal Bhutto-Zardari and Minister of State for Petroleum Musadik Malik has added to the confusion
prevailing over the issue. This is perhaps another reflection of the dissonance that afflicts the PDM
government. While speaking to American public broadcaster PBS, the foreign minister said that
Pakistan is “not pursuing or receiving” Russian oil, while adding that energy from Moscow “will take a
long time to develop”. However, Mr Bhutto-Zardari’s statement had raised eyebrows as Mr Malik had
only recently returned from Moscow, with the promise that Russian hydrocarbons bound for Pakistan
were in the pipeline. In an apparent attempt at damage control, Mr Malik told the media on Friday
that his cabinet colleague’s stance was based on ‘confusion’, and that the Russian energy minister was
due in Islamabad next month to seal the deal for discounted energy supplies, going as far as to say
that Russian hydrocarbons would be flowing within four to five months. Moreover, while some have
observed that Pakistani refineries are unable to process Russian crude varieties, Mr Malik said we very
much have the capacity to refine Moscow’s petrochemicals.
The government needs to explain which position is correct: that of the foreign minister or the
petroleum minister? Once this issue is settled, there is the equally important question of the
practicality of importing Russian crude. The G7 grouping has implemented a price cap of $60 per barrel
for Russian crude, though Mr Malik says we will be able to purchase Moscow’s petrochemicals at deep
discounts. Finance Minister Ishaq Dar has also said the US “cannot stop” Pakistan from purchasing
Russian oil. Considering the geopolitics involved, buying Russian oil will not be easy. However, if
Pakistan is assured of steady supplies at attractive rates by Moscow, and the US and its Western allies
confirm that we will not face punitive actions for buying Russian oil, then Pakistan should pursue the
option without delay.
Deteriorating ties
THE Pakistan-India bilateral relationship has never been a normal one, experiencing cycles of intense
rivalry and even all-out war, alternating with cold peace and efforts to mend fences. The current phase
is a decidedly negative one, with relations having dipped considerably after India’s controversial
annulment of held Kashmir’s autonomy in 2019.
However, over the past few months there have been a number of unpleasant exchanges involving top
officials of both countries. In October, the Indian defence minister issued a provocative statement
threatening to ‘retake’ Gilgit-Baltistan, while the next month, a senior Indian general made a similarly
hostile remark, threatening to ‘retake’ Azad Kashmir.
The situation over the past few days has deteriorated considerably, with Interior Minister Rana
Sanaullah saying earlier this week that India was involved in acts of terrorism on Pakistani soil, and
pointing to New Delhi’s alleged involvement in last year’s Johar Town blast in Lahore. This was
followed a day later by Minister of State Hina Rabbani Khar telling a presser that “no country has used
terrorism better than India”.
Then, at a UN media stakeout in the US, a particularly tense indirect exchange was witnessed between
Foreign Minister Bilawal Bhutto-Zardari and his Indian counterpart. The Indian minister had termed
Pakistan the “epicentre of terrorism”, while accusing Pakistan of having sheltered Osama bin Laden.
Mr Bhutto-Zardari responded firmly, pointing out that the “butcher of Gujarat” was now the Indian
prime minister, and that India’s top offices were occupied by RSS men. In the aftermath of this
incident, there have been further recriminations between both governments, while a BJP mob
attempted to storm the Pakistan high commission in Delhi on Friday.
From here, Pakistan needs to proceed cautiously and handle the diplomatic spat in a mature and
forward-looking fashion. It must be clearly communicated to India that any threats hurled against
Pakistan’s territorial integrity will not be tolerated, and that this nation will defend itself robustly.
Similarly, New Delhi must be made aware that its involvement in fanning unrest and terrorism within
Pakistan is unacceptable and will be exposed internationally. However, with these red lines set, it is in
the interest of both to work towards peace, instead of beating the drums of war.
Pakistan’s repeated offer of engagement has been turned down by the far right dispensation ruling
India. The peace process is unlikely to be resumed anytime soon, but at least both sides should dial
down the rhetoric to prevent further escalation.
Desperate times
AGAINST advice and defying all political logic, PTI chairman Imran Khan has pulled the trigger by
announcing that the KP and Punjab assemblies will be dissolved on Dec 23. He made the
announcement to his party’s supporters, who had gathered for a jalsa at Lahore’s Liberty Chowk on
Saturday night, via a televised address that was also broadcast nationwide. The chief ministers of
Punjab and KP were by his side as he made his speech, ostensibly to put to rest speculation that they
may be having any other thoughts about the decision. Not only will both assemblies be dissolved this
coming Friday, PTI MNAs have also been directed to collectively approach the Speaker of the National
Assembly in the interim and ensure that their resignations from the Lower House — pending since
April — are verified without further ado. The country can, therefore, expect yet another round of
feverish uncertainty, scheming and speculation before this turbulent year finally draws to a close.
Due to the risks involved, few believed that Mr Khan’s threat last month would materialise. Dissolving
the two assemblies would mean the PTI and PML-Q will lose all access to state machinery during an
election year. Perhaps aware of what he may be putting at stake, Mr Khan has described the move as
a “sacrifice” his party is making for the country’s future. Yet, despite his assurances that he will be
going ahead with what he promised, doubts continue to linger. For example, it is being asked why the
former prime minister put off the dissolution of the assemblies for six days later, when he could have
done it immediately. Will it not give his opponents time to regroup and either block or delay his move
through the legal means at their disposal? Or could it be that he wants to leave a window open for
talks? Are backdoor negotiations still being conducted somewhere away from the public eye?
If, however, Mr Khan remains true to his word, and the opposition, for whatever reason, fails to block
his move, the country will plunge headfirst into its most serious political crisis since last April.
Collectively, about two-thirds of all seats normally contested in a general election will fall vacant as a
result of the PTI quitting the assemblies, putting immense pressure on the ECP as well as the federal
government. All of these seats will need to be filled within a 90-day period through by-elections. With
the economy already in dire straits and the PDM government demonstrating an inability to take
decisive measures due to the prevailing uncertainty on the political front, this will greatly worsen the
situation and the country will suffer. Mr Khan should have continued to fight for an early election
through dialogue and negotiation rather than to upend the chessboard and expect the government
to accept defeat.
Bad air
CLIMATE-related catastrophes can have devastating effects on lives and livelihoods, as this year’s
‘monster monsoon’ in Pakistan has shown. But while the nation struggles to rebuild after the massive
floods, another climatic event is casting its long shadow: smog. As winter sets in, environmental
pollution is having a visible impact on human health in the country’s major cities, particularly Lahore,
Karachi and Peshawar, with these cities regularly topping the lists of metropolises with worst air
quality. However, as a recently released World Bank study has shown, bad air is a problem shared by
all of South Asia, and unless a region-wide approach is taken, things are likely to get worse. According
to the Striving for Clean Air report, nine out of the 10 cities with worst air pollution in the world are in
South Asia. As the study notes, the impacts of air pollution can range from respiratory illnesses to
premature mortality. The prime contributors of air pollution include burning of high-emission solid
fuels, brick kilns, burning of municipal waste, as well as human cremation. But perhaps one of the key
findings of the study is that air pollution does not respect national boundaries; bad air in one country
is bound to affect other states. That is why a region-wide approach is needed to address this key
challenge.
Cooperation on this major environmental and health issue is, of course, easier said than done,
primarily because of the lack of integration in South Asia, particularly the frosty Pakistan-India
relationship. Yet if the current state of affairs persists, a quarter of the globe’s population will one day
literally be gasping for fresh air. Of course, states need to take internal steps to limit air pollution;
Punjab’s anti-smog plan is one example of this, though enforcement may leave much to be desired.
But to truly clear the air in South Asia, all the region’s states need to work together. The World Bank
recommends “full coordination across regions”, the sharing of data, and creation of credible scientific
institutes to analyse regional air quality, as well as behavioural change among populations. Perhaps
Saarc — which itself is gasping for air — can be revived to deal with this common environmental
threat. As the WB study says, the road ahead is not easy, but “the time is now to travel the road to
cleaner air”. The grim alternative would be a suffocating future where hundreds of millions of people,
quite literally, struggle to breathe.
Dire straits
WITH the government left with little to offer except gimmicks, the economic situation is deteriorating
by the day. According to a news report published in this paper’s Friday pages, large-scale
manufacturing — a bellwether for economic activity — contracted by a staggering 7.75pc in October,
registering a slowdown for the second straight month.
Since the start of fiscal 2023 (the July to October period), LSM has now contracted by an overall 2.89pc,
indicating that the deceleration in economic activity seems to be getting worse with time.
Record energy and raw material prices are being blamed. The country’s inability to secure sufficient
gas supplies for the winter has also raised fears that the slowdown may worsen in the coming months.
Not only that, the major export industries are being deeply impacted, especially textiles, which posted
a massive contraction of 24.6pc in October over the previous year.
Those numbers should be giving sleepless nights to the incumbent government, but it seems it is
happy playing the fiddle while the economy burns. The same day as the LSM data was released by the
Pakistan Bureau of Statistics, the government announced that it was working on a plan to conserve
energy and cut the import bill.
Short on details and big on buzzwords like “extraordinary measures”, all this plan apparently includes
is a proposal to move key government buildings to solar energy and a crackdown on electricity theft.
Making the announcement, the information minister claimed these measures will save “billions of
dollars” on the import bill, but observers later pointed out that the impact would be much lower and
that her math was all off. Such plans won’t do much to help the industrialists worried sick about
looming shortages of raw materials for production.
The State Bank’s restrictions on paying for anything imported from abroad — even goods that have
already landed at our ports and are incurring demurrages — will soon lead to shortages of essential
goods in domestic markets, manufacturers have warned.
Recent reports have also pointed to a contraction in remittances, which analysts say is likely happening
because the official exchange rate is so far below market rates that more people may be opting to
send money back home through the illegal hundi and hawala channels.
Global economic conditions are not particularly healthy either, putting pressure on people’s pockets,
and higher interest rates in more established economies may be luring funds there that may otherwise
have been remitted for investment. Whatever the case may be, this spells more problems for Pakistan.
Declining exports, slowing manufacturing activity and falling remittances make for a toxic cocktail of
economic challenges for the government.
The likelihood of mass layoffs in affected industries seems almost inevitable, which will, in turn, fuel
even more social upheaval and public dissatisfaction. If this government is serious about surviving its
tenure, it better watch its step.
Planned growth
PAKISTAN is rapidly urbanising, yet its cities are mostly growing in a haphazard fashion, without the
requisite planning to make them liveable and sustainable. And while input from experts is essential,
no less important is the feedback of the public — who are the greatest stakeholders — on what shape
cities should be taking. In this regard, the recent environmental impact assessment hearing on the
Lahore Division Master Plan-2050 — a key document concerning this major urban area — was
apparently stage-managed, and was mostly attended by Lahore Development Authority employees
and a few members of the public. Sources within the administration told this paper that the exercise,
a legal necessity, was carried out in a ‘controlled’ fashion, apparently to rubber-stamp the plan’s
approval. As per the official version, all key areas were covered by the master plan.
Considering that the new Lahore master plan will set the direction for the city’s growth for decades to
come, surely there must be complete transparency and citizen input to make the plan a success.
Bulldozing through the legal requirements will defeat the purpose of creating an inclusive plan. While
Lahore has fared comparatively better than Karachi where urban planning is concerned, major issues
remain in the Punjab capital, which is impacted by urban sprawl, pollution, traffic congestion, etc. Let
Karachi serve as a cautionary tale; when cities are planned in a disorderly fashion, or even worse, the
authorities fail to fulfil their responsibilities and allow various mafias to devour urban spaces, they
turn into violent, unliveable concrete jungles just like the Sindh capital. The Punjab government needs
to get maximum public input before signing off on the Lahore master plan, and should alleviate the
genuine concerns experts may have about lacunae in the plan. Only those cities develop in a
progressive fashion that put the common citizen at the centre of their priorities, and ensure that
people live, work and play in safe, inclusive environments. That should be the goal urban planners
across Pakistan should be pursuing.
Glorious World Cup

LIONEL Messi was already a legend when he played his second World Cup at the age of 22. Sporting
immortality, though, would only come to him at his fifth and last World Cup at the ripe old age of 35,
when he would finally lift the ultimate prize football has to offer. Qatar’s World Cup had been
tarnished by controversy off the pitch, but in Messi fulfilling his lifelong ambition of leading Argentina
to glory, it had its perfect finish. Even in the moment he’d waited so long for, one which took so much
out of him, when Messi lifted the trophy, he was garbed in the traditional robe Arabs wear during
ceremonies. Ahead of the final, Hassan al-Thawadi, the secretary general of the World Cup organising
committee, had spoken about the final celebrations being representative of the Arab culture and
tradition and they certainly were. Qatar had been under the microscope for many issues since it won
the bid to host the World Cup in 2010. The successful, trouble- and incident-free hosting of the
tournament, along with its fitting climax, meant Qatar could finally exhale now. Never before had such
a small country hosted football’s biggest tournament, never again will it happen. True to its sporting
ambition, Qatar has delivered the most compact World Cup possible.
The football that took place helped too. Saudi Arabia would have been boosted after the final by
knowing they were the only side to beat Argentina at the World Cup. An incredible end to the group
stage provided compelling drama and it is hoped FIFA keeps up the four-team groups for the next
edition of the World Cup, which will be expanded to 48 teams from 32. Argentina may have won it all
but Morocco were the story of the tournament, their barnstorming run to the semi-finals captivating
the imagination of the Arab, African and the Muslim world, showing that football still is the great
leveller. France and the force that is Kylian Mbappé ended Morocco’s dream but their ambitions of
becoming the first repeat champions since Brazil in 1962 were dashed. Mbappé showed his
sensational talent in the final, getting a hat trick, but it wasn’t enough to stop an Argentina side that
rallied around Messi for this tournament. Mbappé, though, is the game’s next big superstar. Already
a World Cup winner, he will have more chances to add to his tally in the future.
Ghosts of the past

CONTROVERSY continues to drag the former army chief, retired Gen Qamar Bajwa, back into the
headlines, this time due to conflicting statements made over the weekend by Imran Khan and his PML-
Q ally, Punjab Chief Minister Chaudhry Parvez Elahi.
During a televised address to his supporters on Saturday night, Mr Khan had unloaded his anger on
the former army chief, blaming him wholesale for the PTI’s unceremonious ouster in April and for his
‘corrupt’ opponents getting ‘NRO-2’.
A day later, the CM launched into an impassioned defence of Gen Bajwa during a TV interview,
describing him as both his and the PTI’s greatest mohsin (benefactor). There was such conviction in
his indignation that he roundly admonished the PTI chief for keeping him by his side as the latter
tainted the former general’s legacy. Mr Elahi also reproached the PTI chief for ‘forgetting’ all the
‘services’ rendered to his party by the retired army chief, including ushering it into power.
Chaudhry Parvez Elahi felt no abashment as he described his ‘relationship’ with the armed forces as
“long-lasting and never broken under any circumstances”. Nor did he pay any mind to optics as he
recounted that Gen Bajwa had met the Saudi king and crown prince for assistance, visited Qatar for
investments in Pakistan, and apparently even coordinated with the IMF to ‘support’ Mr Khan’s
government. Apparently, he does not care that the former chief overstepped his constitutional bounds
in each of these instances.
His defence of Gen Bajwa also brought back into the limelight a poorly kept secret — that the PTI’s
rise was orchestrated by the establishment, which had been quite keen to dislodge Nawaz Sharif from
the political mainstream. Their ‘partnership’ was not to last, and the same establishment eventually
turned on Mr Khan when it realised the experiment was not working like it was hoped to despite its
best efforts.
While Mr Khan’s renewed criticism of the former army chief is to be expected as he rebuilds his
political narrative, it is Parvez Elahi’s fawning admiration of Gen Bajwa that threatens to snatch away
the thin veneer of ‘neutrality’ the latter tried to cover his institution with on his way out.
It may be recalled that just a day before Mr Khan’s Saturday address, the CM had rushed off for a
furtive meeting with an “important personality” in Rawalpindi. He has since stated that he “explained
the pros and cons of dissolving the KP and Punjab assemblies” to the establishment in that meeting.
Did he do so out of compulsion due to his “long-lasting” and “unbroken” service as the establishment’s
acolyte, or was he summoned by power brokers restless to get back in the game?
The dust has barely settled on Gen Bajwa’s tenure, and the temptations already seem to have
returned. How long will the new regime be able to resist them?
US mediation
THIRD-PARTY intervention can yield positive results in bilateral disputes, but only if the protagonists
are willing to accept mediation. With reference to the Pakistan-India relationship, which has been
marked by terse exchanges between officials over the past few days, the US State Department’s
spokesperson, while responding to a question, said Washington did not want to see “wars of words”
between Islamabad and New Delhi, and that the US was interested in a “constructive dialogue
between India and Pakistan”. He also said that America offered “unconditional support” to Pakistan
in its counterterrorism efforts against the TTP. Though this is not quite a mediation offer from the
Americans, it does indicate that Washington would be willing to facilitate a détente. Indeed, if America
can be an honest broker, and both states, particularly India, accept its good offices, a return to the
negotiating table is possible.
Efforts by foreign powers as well as multilateral bodies have had mixed results in promoting peace in
the subcontinent. And though India, holding up the Shimla agreement as a benchmark, insists on a
bilateral approach to resolving its disputes with Pakistan, it is a fact that when the US or other powerful
interlocutors talk, India listens. There have been other reports of third-party mediation, such as the
involvement of a Gulf state that has cordial ties with both sides. But the fact is that while third parties
can facilitate talks, all the hard work will need to be done by Pakistan and India themselves.
Bilateralism is not fruitless; both sides came tantalisingly close to a deal at Agra in 2001, before the
peace process collapsed in spectacular fashion. Perhaps the best way to proceed is for foreign friends
to discreetly encourage dialogue, with Pakistan and India continuing back-channel contacts to reach
some sort of amicable settlement. For this India will need to shed its stubborn posture and stop
demonising Pakistan. Sabre-rattling in a nuclear neighbourhood is highly imprudent, and only
negotiations based on mutual respect can bring genuine peace.
No-confidence move
AS was anticipated, the PDM parties have employed a two-pronged strategy to block the dissolution
of the Punjab Assembly, which PTI chairman Imran Khan had earlier promised would be triggered on
Friday. The Punjab governor has directed Chief Minister Parvez Elahi to secure a vote of confidence
today, and he must also defeat a no-confidence motion moved against him by the opposition in the
Punjab Assembly before he can exercise the powers he needs to dissolve the provincial assembly.
While the Punjab Assembly Speaker has moved to dispose of the vote of confidence required by the
governor, it is unclear whether his reasoning will stand, and a failure to secure enough votes today
may just result in Mr Elahi’s ouster as CM on technical grounds. It should be noted that the Supreme
Court’s May 2022 verdict on Article 63-A precludes the possibility of any dissenting lawmaker from
either the PTI or the PML-Q upsetting the balance of power in the Punjab Assembly by voting against
their parliamentary party’s line. Assuming that voting is held in both instances, the success or failure
of both the vote of confidence and the vote of no-confidence would therefore seem to rest in the
ruling coalition’s hands. That said, the PDM can also ‘convince’ enough PTI or PML-Q voters to abstain
from voting. Those abstaining from the PTI would already have the prospect of being de-seated in case
of victory, while PML-Q lawmakers would not have to worry as their fate would rest in Chaudhry
Shujaat’s hands.
Therefore, the question is, what does Mr Elahi want, and will the PTI be able to maintain discipline
and loyalty within its ranks? As regards the first question, Mr Elahi has sent out enough mixed signals
over the past week or so that it seems that, just as he has on past occasions, he is milking this
opportunity for far more than his party’s modest political stature deserves. As regards the second,
while unsavoury ‘deals’ may be employed to turn the tide, as they have in the past, it is also up to the
PTI to keep its lawmakers together. With the fate of the country’s political future now resting in its
MPAs’ hands, how many will stay true to Mr Khan’s vision, and how many will break rank? It seems
we must grind through what remains of this wearisome year with only more politics to numb the
senses.
An audacious attack
WE are witnessing the rapid unravelling of Pakistan’s anti-terrorism policy, and can expect an
escalating human and material cost. On Sunday, in their most audacious attack yet since late
November when they called off their tenuous ceasefire with the government, 33 TTP militants
detained inside the Bannu Counter-Terrorism Department centre managed to overpower their
interrogators and take a number of law-enforcement personnel hostage.
The militants in a video message initially demanded safe passage to Afghanistan for themselves; they
later revised that to say they wanted to be moved to North or South Waziristan. After a stalemate
lasting nearly 48 hours, the authorities decided to take the bull by the horns and went in with all guns
blazing to free the hostages.
All the militants on site were killed in the ensuing two-hour operation, while at least three SSG
commandos were martyred. Despite the outcome, the fact that the militants were able to take
hostage the very officials trained in counterterrorism is a symbolic win and a morale booster for the
TTP. The violent extremist grouping has successfully exploited the weaknesses in the state’s approach.
Pakistan conceding to talks with the TTP at the urging of the Afghan Taliban, once the cornerstone of
the country’s ‘strategic depth’ policy, provided the militants with the opening they needed.
Their intransigence on demands that Pakistan could not possibly accede to, such as reversing Fata’s
merger with KP, indicated they were not interested in peace. Instead, they used the military-led
‘negotiations’ as a smokescreen to infiltrate KP and reinforce and resurrect sleeper cells in the
province.
Some TTP elements were allowed to return from Afghanistan to Swat as a ‘goodwill gesture’; although
military forces denied it later, it was clear the outlaws met with no resistance in entering a part of KP
not contiguous with Afghanistan.
A Nacta report to a Senate committee earlier this month said that by their presence, the militants
were trying to gauge “the pulse of the locals and response by the state”.
From the huge rallies both in Swat and the tribal districts demanding action against the resurgent TTP,
it was clear what the people wanted. But the state continued to gaslight them, with the military’s
media wing dismissing the threat as “exaggerated” and the KP government insisting all was well.
Given the perilous security situation, the province’s CTD is woefully underprepared for what lies
ahead.
According to a recent intelligence report, it spends less than 4pc of its budget on operations, with zero
allocation for procurement, and its human resource is described as “poor, untrained and very ill-
equipped”.
Now that the TTP has made ingress in areas from where it had been expelled in kinetic operations
some years back, they will not give up without a fight. And the cost of myopic policymaking in the
corridors of power will once again be borne by ordinary Pakistanis.
Series loss
IT was England’s approach to which Pakistan had no answer — facing a side that was willing to risk
losing in order to win. Pakistan have never had that mindset, and their first-ever whitewash in a Test
series at home is indicative of the fact. It started with the loss in the first Test where Pakistan collapsed
in the last session on a flat wicket at the Pindi Cricket Stadium after England captain Ben Stokes’ bold
declaration. It set the momentum, and even though Pakistan hit back with spin in the second Test —
Abrar Ahmed shining in his debut — England would go on to clinch the series as Babar Azam’ men fell
to their narrowest loss of the series — 26 runs. It was teenager Rehan Ahmed who then put Pakistan
in a spin in the final Test, England romping home by eight wickets with almost two days to spare and
denying the hosts consolation in Karachi. Pakistan had gone into the series having lost the Twenty20
World Cup final to England and their Test side, too, proved brittle in the face of the tourists’ all-out
attack game plan.
Babar Azam rued that his side had to make do with a number of inexperienced players, especially on
the bowling front. Already without pace leader Shaheen Shah Afridi, speedsters Haris Rauf and
Nadeem Shah fell to injuries in Rawalpindi. It’s led to justifiable calls over workload management.
Pakistan’s pacers have been playing non-stop cricket. The bespectacled Abrar provided hope but it
wasn’t enough. In batting, novice Saud Shakeel was a bright spot. Young players bring a fresher
mentality, and with veteran Azhar Ali — who had been struggling for form — calling it a day, it offers
a chance to blood new ones. England have shown that; they are providing the new blueprint to play
the game’s longest format. Pakistan also need to reinvent themselves. That is likely be the job of the
new management that will come in with the Pakistan Cricket Board set for a leadership change.
CT strategy
AS an incipient wave of terrorism — fuelled primarily by the TTP — starts spreading across Pakistan,
particularly affecting the settled and tribal districts of KP, the administration finally seems to have
woken up to the grave nature of the threat. In a statement on Wednesday, Prime Minister Shehbaz
Sharif promised to clamp down on terrorism, and pledged to “fully implement” the National Action
Plan and equip KP’s Counter-Terrorism Department with the tools and facilities needed to fight
militancy. Considering the steadily rising cases of terrorism over the last few weeks, it would be fair
to ask why the civilian and military leaderships didn’t arrive at these conclusions earlier, when civil
society, particularly the residents of the militancy-affected areas, were calling upon the state to
protect them from the emerging threat. However, perhaps better late than never; there is still time
to neutralise the monster of militancy before it spreads its tentacles any further. It took the deadly
siege of the Bannu CTD facility by TTP fighters to apparently shake the state out of its lethargy, but
there have been other worrying incidents, such as the militant raid on a police station in Wana early
on Tuesday, as well as a string of grisly beheadings in Tank and Bannu, of security men and individuals
dubbed government ‘spies’ by the terrorists.
Regarding the revival of NAP and counterterrorism bodies such as Nacta, it appears as if the state went
into hibernation after the last wave of terrorism subsided and relative peace was restored. However,
countering militancy in Pakistan is a continuing process, principally because — due to our own sins of
omission and commission — the militant infrastructure in the country was never completely uprooted.
In particular, after the Afghan Taliban took Kabul last year, and parleys were launched with the TTP,
there were fears, which have now been realised, that the militants would stage a comeback. Yet the
state played down the threat. Now, NAP has been retooled, and divided into kinetic and non-kinetic
domains, while a new homeland security body has been proposed. As far as NAP’s implementation
goes, the immediate priority should be to enforce the kinetic goals, while working on longer-term
aims. And before creating a new security body, the role of the present institutions needs to be
discussed and rationalised, as instead of creating multiple departments with overlapping domains, a
more streamlined counterterrorism approach is required to deal with the militant threat.
Too little, too late?
EXACTLY six months after it made a similar attempt, the government is back to checking off a familiar
list of ‘austerity measures’ that it thinks will save the country countless billions every year.
The measures include shutting down markets and restaurants by 8pm, instituting a work-from-home
policy for a fifth of the government workforce, introducing electric motorbikes and more energy-
efficient lightbulbs and fans, moving government buildings to solar energy, conserving water and
harvesting rain, and other measures to reduce energy wastage.
The similarity of this list to another list of measures announced in June — at that time, to conserve
electricity during a deepening energy shortfall — is impossible to miss.
One wonders if the same files were dusted off and handed over to the honourable ministers of our
government to present once again to the public, as they are certainly not the novel solutions to the
crises we face as they have been made out to be.
To be clear, there is nothing wrong with the different measures themselves. The problem lies in
implementing them, which the government seemed absolutely helpless in ensuring the last time
around, and more than likely will this time, too, especially once the traders’ unions, market
associations, and lobbyists start kicking up a fuss.
There is also the fact that most of these steps aren’t even drastic, and some won’t start bearing fruit
until many months later. Consider, for example, the proposal for market closure by 8pm. While it may
indeed save a few hours’ worth of electricity consumption, 8pm is still quite late considering that the
sun sets hours earlier in the winter.
Likewise, phasing in electric bikes and more efficient lightbulbs or moving all government buildings to
solar energy is not something that can be done overnight. Water conservation and rain harvesting
again require extensive infrastructure investments that we may not even have the resources for at
the moment.
One would almost feel sorry for the government representatives made to announce these measures
had the stakes not been so high and Islamabad’s inaction over the past six months not so exasperating.
Circling back to the same policy measures six months after they were abandoned just shows that the
government is all out of ideas and should never have strayed from the course it was set on.
If that isn’t enough of a damning indictment of its failure to prudently manage the economy, what is?
Finance Minister Ishaq Dar also needs to find the courage to face the nation and make these
announcements himself in the future.
His return to the country, endorsed and pushed by Nawaz Sharif and his daughter, has failed to yield
any big change in economic conditions. Instead, with the government now reverting to the policies of
his predecessor, his policies only seem discredited beyond repair.
Banned from learning

THE Afghan Taliban’s assault on women’s freedoms continues, as the hard-line movement that rules
Afghanistan has recently announced that female students will not be able to attend classes at public
and private universities. Ever since they took Kabul last year, the movement has increasingly cracked
down on women’s freedoms, despite hopes that ‘Taliban 2.0’ would have shed the rigid outlook of
their earlier avatar. This has clearly not been the case, as shocked female university students were
turned away from their institutes on Wednesday morning. The obscurantist group had already
disallowed secondary education for girls, and the university ban comes in force despite the fact that
women students were segregated from their male counterparts, and adhered to the strict dress code
the Taliban have enforced. But even these restrictions did not seem to be enough as the future of
countless female students hangs in the balance, thanks to the warped worldview of Afghanistan’s
rulers.
The religious argument against female education that the Taliban may employ holds no water, as other
states governed by Islamic law, such as Saudi Arabia and Iran, have no qualms about educating women
and girls. Perhaps it is mediaeval tribal and cultural codes that inspire the Taliban leadership to take
these regressive steps. Whatever the motivation, the group needs to reconsider these harmful moves.
The UN has criticised the university ban, as have Muslim states such as Saudi Arabia, Qatar, Türkiye
and Pakistan, with Foreign Minister Bilawal Bhutto-Zardari urging the “Afghan authorities to revisit
this decision”. Though Western states are considering sanctions to punish the Taliban, these may
prove counterproductive, making the group harden its already inflexible positions, and adding to the
Afghan people’s miseries. Therefore, engagement is the best option to help secure Afghan women’s
rights. Some elements within the Afghan administration have favoured women’s education, but these
voices have been ignored by the ultraconservative Kandahar-based leadership. It is these relatively
‘liberal’ elements that need to press upon the Taliban high command the importance of women’s
education.
Growth forecast
THE State Bank has slashed its GDP growth projection for the current fiscal year to below its previous
estimates of 3pc to 4pc, citing huge flood-induced devastation and the stabilisation policy being
implemented to fix macroeconomic imbalances as the major factors. In its annual report for FY22,
published on Wednesday, the State Bank, however, refrained from giving any new projection in view
of an uncertain economic outlook for the rest of the fiscal. This is so in spite of the fact that the State
Bank had revised down its growth estimates to 2pc in its monetary policy statement last month. Many
expect growth to decelerate to below 1pc at the end of the year, owing to multiple macroeconomic
challenges intensified by the floods and the ongoing political instability. The slowing GDP growth
should be cause for concern, considering the rapid increase in Pakistan’s dependent population —
those under 14 and over 60 — that, the central bank says, is highest in the world after Nigeria, and
which may contribute to the country’s economic woes as we already have a large inefficient,
burgeoning labour force in search of jobs. But should low GDP growth be our top worry at the moment,
with the cash-starved government struggling to secure foreign financing of $32bn to $34bn to meet
its debt payment obligations?
That the economy was poised to lose its growth momentum was clear long before the destructive
summer floods hit a third of the country, washing away crops, cattle and infrastructure, as well as
displacing millions of people in their wake. The coalition government had started to put brakes on
growth shortly after it came to power in April to avert an imminent threat of a sovereign default on
the back of balance-of-payments and currency crises. The erosion in the State Bank’s foreign exchange
reserves on maturing debt payments and drying foreign inflows has seen the rupee lose over 27pc of
its value and triggered a sustained bout of headline consumer inflation, with food prices increasing by
a monthly average of above 31pc between July and November. This underlines that strengthening of
the external sector to ward off risk of default in the medium to long term and a reduction in inflation
should be the top priorities of our policymakers at the moment, even if it requires further suppression
of economic growth. Any attempt to grow the economy under political pressure will only deepen the
crisis.
Trouble in Punjab
THE crisis in Punjab shows no signs of abating. With the centre and the province at loggerheads over
the future of the Punjab Assembly, it seems that the stand-off over Chaudhry Parvez Elahi’s vote of
confidence will ultimately land before the judiciary for arbitration.
Thus, for the umpteenth time this year, decisions regarding our collective future will be taken in places
where the public’s voice has no currency. This seems to have become the new normal as both the
PDM and the PTI gradually lose sight of the fact that they both exist to represent the public will, not
massage the egos of their self-centred leaders.
Their tiresome tussle has kept the country’s largest and most populous province in a state of near-
perpetual crisis since April. More than eight months of political wrangling later, there is still no sign of
normalcy.
At the start of this week, the PDM launched a two-pronged bid to foil the dissolution of the Punjab
Assembly. While its strategy was technically within the lines, it is worth asking why the coalition
suddenly changed tack, especially after earlier statements about ‘wholeheartedly’ welcoming
dissolution and even daring PTI chairman Imran Khan to announce it as soon as possible.
The federal government had vowed to contest by-elections vigorously if the Punjab Assembly was
packed up — what made it decide it should now go to any lengths to prevent it from happening?
Importantly, why did it escalate matters to the point of creating the conditions for a technical knock-
out of the chief minister and the possibility of governor rule in the province — a scenario that should
never have been considered given the precedent it would set?
The PDM parties never had the numbers in the Punjab Assembly; their time would therefore have
been better spent preparing for dissolution and its aftermath, instead of finding new ways to bend the
law.
This brings us to the PTI’s role in this present crisis. Since the Punjab Assembly’s fate went up in the
air, the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa Assembly’s dissolution has officially been put on hold. This shows that
the party was, as anticipated by some, just using the threat of dissolution as leverage to prod various
stakeholders into action.
Mr Khan’s Thursday speech made this clearer: the only thing he demanded was a free and fair early
election. However, he once again seemed to be indirectly asking non-political forces to weigh in, which
is probably a key reason why the PDM has been so intent on thwarting him.
This silliness has to stop. Mr Khan cannot refuse to take the pitch and expect to be awarded the match
too, while the PDM should realise it cannot put off elections forever. Talks between the two must
resume with a recognition of political realities and focused on the single agenda of negotiating a
mutually acceptable date for elections.
PCB change
THE change at the top means Pakistan cricket is headed back to the future. In moves often akin to
when a government is overthrown — this is pretty much the government appointing its own men at
the helm of the Pakistan Cricket Board — the constitution adopted by the previous set-up is being
done away with, the committees formed under it disbanded, and next on the cards is the structural
reversal of the game in the country. Najam Sethi, who had resigned as PCB chairman four years ago
when Imran Khan was elected prime minister, is the man tasked with the job as the incumbent
government belatedly forays into cricket. As head of PCB’s managing committee, Mr Sethi has a four-
month mandate to restore the 2014 constitution of the country’s cricket governing body before
holding elections. It effectively means the revival of the old departmental system that had been done
away with after the implementation of the 2019 constitution. Also making a return will be the previous
structure of regional and club cricket while the board of governors will be constituted according to the
old constitution. Garlanded upon his return to the PCB headquarters on Thursday, with some old
governing board members also making a return, Mr Sethi hoped there wouldn’t be any confrontation
with Ramiz Raja, whose dismissal as chairman was announced a day earlier. Mohammad Wasim was
sacked as chief selector on Friday; the last team announced by him was for the home Test series
against New Zealand, which begins on Monday with the opening game in Karachi.
Players who had been left out by the Ramiz-led set-up have gleefully welcomed the change. But
reviving the old departmental structure will be time-consuming. Most departments had abolished
cricket completely once the 2019 constitution was implemented, one which transformed the structure
into a regional one. Once again, Pakistan cricket is facing an upheaval. It is hoped that the progress
made during the previous set-up — especially the harmony within the national team — isn’t lost once
the game returns to its old version.
Islamabad bombing
AFTER wreaking havoc in KP, the banned TTP have struck the federal capital, highlighting the
uncomfortable truth that unless the militant group is stopped in its tracks, the new wave of terrorism
may well spread to other parts of the country. At least one policeman was martyred when a suicide
bomber blew himself up in Islamabad on Friday, after police stopped his vehicle for verification.
Terrorism is clearly moving from the peripheries to the centre of the nation. While acts of terrorism
anywhere in the country are a matter of grave concern, the message the terrorists seem to be sending
is that if the capital is not safe, no other place in the country is.
The time for prevarication and mudslinging is over. Leadership is required from the ruling elite, and a
firm stand must be taken against terrorism. Sadly, both the government and opposition are too busy
trading blame for the growing wave of violence, or are far more concerned with capturing the thrones
of Lahore and Islamabad, than securing the country. For example, the interior minister used a recent
National Security Committee report pointing out the “capacity gaps” in KP’s CTD to slam the PTI-led
administration in Peshawar. On the other hand, the KP chief minister told the media that fighting
militancy was the centre’s job. It is truly depressing to witness such combative and destructive politics
while terrorists attempt to burst through the door. Instead of arguing over jurisdiction and who is to
blame for allowing terrorists to regroup, both the federal government and the KP administration, and
the PTI in general, must put aside their rivalry and focus their energies on neutralising the resurgent
threat. The fact is that defeating militancy is not the domain of any single law-enforcement body; it
will take the combined might of the provincial police forces, the intelligence apparatus, as well as the
military to quell the terrorist tide. The centre and the provinces, along with the security establishment,
must all be on the same page where counterterrorism is concerned, and Nacta or any other body the
state feels has the required infrastructure should be the focal point of the fight against militancy. If
the politicians and generals act now, Pakistan can still beat this new wave of terrorism. But if the
dissonance and toxicity continue, the hapless people of Pakistan will be left to fend for themselves as
a brutal enemy draws blood.
Back to square one

A STORM in a teacup: that is what the dissolution drama has turned out to be. Practically nothing has
changed: the Punjab government is back in power; Chaudhry Parvez Elahi is chief minister again; the
PPP and PML-N have withdrawn to their lines; and that is how things will stay for the foreseeable
future.
The Lahore High Court’s intervention has ensured that each of the players has been allowed a face-
saving and can continue to strut their hour upon the stage till the next time Imran Khan tries to
introduce a plot twist.
With the guarantee given by Mr Elahi to the court that no dissolution of the Punjab Assembly will be
effected for about another three weeks at least, lawmakers in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa can also rest easy
as their fate is tied to that of the Lahore set-up.
The Punjab opposition’s withdrawal of the vote of no-confidence pending against Mr Elahi has
confirmed that it never had the numbers to oust him in the first place.
There had been earlier signs it was on shaky ground when the governor’s office was brought to bear
on the matter in a most undemocratic manner.
Likewise, the Punjab set-up’s meek compliance with a somewhat unusual demand by the Lahore High
Court — that the chief minister provide a guarantee that he wouldn’t exercise his powers to dissolve
the assembly till its next hearing of the case — belies the fact that the PTI and PML-Q never really
intended to go ahead with the nuclear option.
Both sides are now free to make what they may of what transpired this week. The PML-Q and PTI are
still thumping their chests and vowing loudly to anyone who’s still listening that the dissolution will be
effected on Jan 11 and not a day later.
“Ultimately, the assemblies have to be dissolved — you can take a week or 1.5 weeks but the matter
will not stretch beyond that. The assemblies have to dissolve and elections have to happen,” said the
PTI’s Fawad Chaudhry post the LHC verdict.
But as a similar announcement made last Saturday has proved, there can be many a slip between cup
and lip. In any case, by the time the LHC’s embargo expires, the timeline for subsequent by-elections
would put them too close to Ramazan. No party would want that. Therefore, if the PTI really wants its
early elections, its best option is still to sit down with the PDM and negotiate.
If that is out of the question, it should stop shedding crocodile tears over the deteriorating state of
the economy and wait till August. The PDM, too, must stop acting like it has all the time in the world.
Considering its seeming inability to manage the economy, it should be making serious efforts to find
a way out. As the party in power, it has greater responsibility.
Some good news

IT should be a moment of pride for the country that the film Joyland has become the first Pakistani
film to be shortlisted for the best International Feature Film category by an Oscar committee. Joyland
is one of 15 films that made the cut in the category which saw nominations from 92 countries. The
development is a huge honour for the team that worked on the film, and will serve as encouragement
not just for the film crew but also the independent film community in Pakistan.
It is an unfortunate reality that though the film has been appreciated by the Academy Awards and
gained recognition at several other international film festivals, it is still not being shown in Punjab.
Earlier, it was banned across the country, but after Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif ordered a
committee to review the film, thankfully the ban was lifted. It reminds one of the numerous other
instances where Pakistan has been celebrated by the international community for an achievement
that has hardly been recognised at home. Dr Abdus Salam, Pakistan’s first Nobel laureate, was
recognised for his work in physics internationally, but unfortunately at home, his name and legacy are
largely absent from the history books. Such occasions must compel our leaders to reflect on why the
nation has reached this unpleasant juncture, and what can be done to address it. Joyland explores the
relationship between a married man and a transgender woman, and while it is a novel subject when
it comes to films made locally, it is by no means offensive. In fact, it tells the story of a community that
is vilified and violently attacked. As the people celebrate this piece of good news, its political
stakeholders must do more to support art and creative expression as well as deliberate on ways to
promote tolerance. It is disappointing that despite the court and parliament recognising the rights of
transpeople, there are many elements in society who are able to create a climate of fear that leads to
such bans.
Dry-cleaned politicians
THE dry cleaning of our political elite continues unabated, thanks to the controversial amendments
made to our accountability laws just a few months earlier. The most recent instance is quite
outrageous, considering that it allegedly involves past misappropriations from the Toshakhana by a
different set of prime ministers.
According to reports, an accountability court, citing recent changes to NAB laws, has granted a
reprieve to Nawaz Sharif, Asif Ali Zardari and Yousaf Raza Gilani in a case concerning the alleged
appropriation of vehicles from the Toshakhana in return for paltry sums of money.
The former two leaders allegedly ‘bought’ vehicles from the state gift repository at throwaway prices
with the help of Mr Gilani, who, according to NAB, “dishonestly and illegally” relaxed the procedural
requirements for the disposal of state gifts in order to facilitate them.
Separately, Mr Zardari has also won relief in a case concerning the alleged use of ill-gotten money in
the construction of his residence in Clifton, Karachi. According to NAB, Mr Zardari could never
sufficiently account for where the funds used to develop the residence came from, and it is suspected
that the money was channelled through a third party under a shady deal.
Both cases are now back with the NAB chairman because the court hearing them says it no longer has
jurisdiction following the National Accountability (Second Amendment) Act of 2022.
After the PDM parties’ breathless outrage over the watches and other items appropriated from the
Toshakhana and later sold by PTI chairman Imran Khan, it is difficult to square these developments
with the loud pursuit of Mr Khan on charges of malfeasance.
How do the PML-N and PPP expect the public to buy into their narrative about the PTI chief when their
own top leaders are cynically manoeuvring their way out of similar charges, with the help of changes
that they forced onto NAB laws soon after seizing power?
If the cases in question against the PML-N and PPP leaders were frivolous or falsified, it would have
been much more appropriate to win an acquittal from the courts. Neutralising these legal challenges
in such a manner leaves little doubt about the PDM parties’ intent behind ‘reforming’ the NAB laws
all along. The fig leaf has been cast aside with nary a thought as to what message it is giving to the
citizenry about accountability and the abuse of power.
delay Islamabad LG
THE sad fact is that many of our ‘committed democrats’ are working very hard to ensure that elections
to the third tier — where the public is in closest contact with elected officeholders — are delayed as
much as possible. This regressive attitude is apparently fuelled by fears of losing influence at the local
level, as well as the rise of alternative leaderships that may challenge the mainstream parties. The fact
that a law related to changing the number of union councils in Islamabad was recently bulldozed
through the National Assembly and the Senate, effectively delaying polls, is ample proof of this. Polls
in the capital were supposed to be held on the last day of the year, but with the PDM-led treasury
steamrolling a bill that changes the number of UCs from 101 to 125 and calls for direct election of the
mayor and deputy mayor through parliament, timely polls will be impossible. Moreover, the IHC has
set aside the ECP’s decision against the increase of UCs in the capital.
Similar legal subterfuge has already been employed in Punjab, where frequent changes to the LG law
have delayed polls. Meanwhile, in Sindh, the second phase of polls has been delayed multiple times
this year as the provincial government has claimed force majeure because of the devastating floods,
while also saying it lacks the security personnel to guarantee safe conduct of the polls. Though the
floods argument initially made sense, the waters have receded and Karachi was never as affected by
the monsoon deluge; therefore, the Sindh government’s excuses to delay the polls sound increasingly
hollow. In fact, if not for the courts and the ECP, political parties in Pakistan may indefinitely delay the
constitutional requirement of an elected third tier. Thanks to the ECP’s efforts, LG polls have now been
set for mid-January in Karachi and Hyderabad, while Punjab is due to hold the electoral exercise in
April 2023.
It is sincerely hoped that the parties that rule Sindh and Punjab no longer use excuses to delay the
polls, and that the elections are held on time. Islamabad also deserves an elected local government,
therefore a new timeline should be set and adhered to. From delivering basic services to putting in
place plans to counter climate change, hardly any liveable city in the world has progressed without a
responsive elected local government. However, Pakistan’s political class believes that cities and even
neighbourhoods can be micromanaged by MNAs and MPAs, whom voters have to run after to get
their streets swept or their gutters cleaned. This is not a viable state of affairs. The political parties
need to change their mindset about local polls, which will only strengthen democracy in Pakistan, and
not create hurdles in their way. Moreover, state institutions such as the courts and the ECP must also
keep reminding political parties that holding local polls is a constitutional requirement.
IMF negotiations
WITH the country’s foreign exchange reserves depleting to dangerous levels, all eyes are on the
government to see how its negotiations with the IMF pan out. Friday’s pages carried a concerning
report on the State Bank’s forex holdings, which stood at just $6.1bn after the week that ended Dec
16.
The central bank cited continuing repayments of external debt as the reason behind the sustained
decline in its forex reserves. Those repayments are likely to get more and more difficult without new
inflows, which is why satisfying the IMF and securing another tranche from the ongoing bailout
programme has become so critical for maintaining the economy’s health.
It is worth recalling that the ninth review of the IMF’s bailout programme had earlier been put off for
two months due to the PML-N-led government’s unwillingness to accept certain conditions placed
before it by the Fund, and the disagreements have yet to be resolved.
Apparently, instead of acknowledging the ground realities and taking action accordingly, the people
tasked with managing the country’s finances expended that time pleading with friendly countries to
roll over maturing loans, make fresh deposits and provide some concessions, such as deferred oil
payments.
However, while those friends have made assurances, the needed assistance has yet to materialise,
and the window for the government to take action has narrowed considerably in that period.
Reports in some sections of the local media suggest that the IMF has given Islamabad another few
weeks to get its act together and make progress on the prescribed action points if it wants to clear the
ninth and tenth reviews satisfactorily. Otherwise, there is little hope for the release of the held-up
funds.
The imposition of about Rs800bn in new taxes, which the IMF insists Pakistan needs to do in order to
keep afloat, is a key hurdle. However, Finance Minister Ishaq Dar has been resisting the requirement
strongly due to the political costs it is likely to extract from the ruling coalition.
Foreign lenders are unlikely to look on Islamabad very favourably as long as the IMF remains
dissatisfied with the overall direction the economy is being steered in. Given the amount of energy
the ruling coalition is expending on ensuring that it stays in power till August at least, the stasis in
policymaking defies logic.
Whatever the political costs of taking difficult measures, the hammering the PDM is likely to receive
if the economy continues to be run aground is going to be far worse. With time rapidly running out,
Mr Dar must decide whether his party’s political standing is dearer to him or the country’s economic
future.
He ought to have understood by now that the PDM’s decision to keep its government was going to
come with political costs, especially during a time when the country is wracked by multiple crises.
Flood victims
REPORTS from flood-hit areas across the country paint a bleak picture that shows the suffering and
vulnerability of the affected population. A UN report last week said a harsh winter lies ahead for those
living in some 35 districts in the country. Alarmingly, there is stagnant water, reports of damaged
shelters as well as lack of winter clothing and safe heating supplies. Not only do these factors threaten
to put millions at risk of disease, they also increase the probability of gender-based violence. The study
estimates that more than 14m people need food assistance, with half that number requiring
immediate access to nutrition. A second report, supplemental to the Post-Disaster Needs Assessment,
highlights that the shortage of food and the spread of disease, because of lack of safe drinking water
and sanitation, will have a serious impact on stunting rates. The summer’s devastating floods have
pushed an additional 2m households into poverty and destroyed crops and livestock that provided a
source of income for hundreds of thousands of families.
The details contained in these reports regarding the scale of destruction and hardship faced by those
affected by the floods are hair-raising, and must lead to greater action and support from both our
authorities and the international community. After a string of natural disasters, such as the 2005
earthquake and 2010 floods, our disaster management authorities and government have a framework
for the mitigation of the impact of disasters. They must review examples from the past, and draw the
world’s attention to the continuing threat to the affected population. Resources must be focused on
addressing humanitarian needs, security, nutrition, public health and poverty. Failing to do so would
push millions more Pakistanis into desperation, which would have long-term consequences for both
individuals and society at large. The flood disaster is by no means over. Though the floodwaters began
to recede in September, the vulnerability of those living with inadequate protection in extreme
weather is higher than ever. It is most unfortunate that the flood calamity is largely absent from the
national conversation, which seems to be solely focused on politics, scandals and power games. Our
leaders cannot afford to ignore those affected by this crisis. As the country hurtles from one
predicament to another, a large segment of the population in the throes of extreme poverty and
deprived of shelter and safety continues to wait for its fundamental rights.
Saudi-Iran thaw
WHERE geopolitics is concerned, Saudi Arabia and Iran are poles apart. The former is a steady ally of
the US, though there has been some recent turbulence in that relationship, while the latter is a staunch
enemy of America. Moreover, ever since the events of 1979, both states have sought to position
themselves as leaders of the Muslim world. These diverging positions have resulted in immense
dissonance, as both Riyadh and Tehran have fought each other in proxy wars across the Middle East.
An extension of the Saudi-Iran rivalry has also affected Pakistan, influencing Shia-Sunni relations in
this country. Therefore, whatever happens between Riyadh and Tehran has an impact on the Middle
East, as well as the Muslim world in general. Hence, it is welcome that the decidedly cool relations
between the Saudis and Iranians have warmed up a notch, with the Iranian foreign minister saying
there have been “friendly” contacts with his Saudi counterpart. Both men recently attended a
conference on Iraq in Jordan, where Iran’s Hossein Amirabdollahian said Saudi Arabia’s Faisal bin
Farhan assured him of his country’s willingness to continue dialogue. Both sides have already been
holding talks brokered by Iraq, though there has been a months-long gap since the last time
representatives met.
The Saudi-Iran talks should continue, and the peace process could move forward considerably if both
re-established diplomatic ties, snapped since 2016 when Riyadh executed vocal Saudi Shia cleric
Sheikh Nimr. The UAE and Kuwait, which usually work in tandem with the Saudis where Iran is
concerned, have earlier this year already re-established diplomatic relations. The fact is that Saudi
Arabia and Iran cannot change their status as regional neighbours, and need to work out a way of
living with each other, and respecting each other’s red lines. A Saudi-Iranian détente can also bring
peace to Yemen, along with helping stabilise Lebanon and Iraq, as both states exercise influence in
these countries, while intra-Muslim relations will also benefit greatly from improved ties between the
two.
Soaring wheat flour cost

THE retail cost of wheat flour across the country has surged as never before, putting additional
pressure on consumers already battered by food inflation. With a new wheat harvest in Sindh and
Punjab at least two and three-and-a-half months away respectively, there appears to be little
possibility of relief in flour prices over the next several weeks. The recent spike in wheat prices over
the last one week or so, to around Rs4,300 per 40kg, has made the domestic market nearly 30pc
costlier than its international counterpart. Likewise, the gap between the official rate at which the
Punjab and Sindh governments release their stocks to the mills and the open market has also widened
to up to Rs2,000 per 40kg from Rs1,200-Rs1,300. What has led to market dislocation in the span of a
few days remains a mystery. Some market watchers blame the Sindh chief minister’s statement that
his province did not have enough wheat stocks to last it beyond the middle of next month. Others say
that late sowing in Sindh, due to the summer floods, has spawned expectations of shortage of the
cereal in a month or so. Still others claim that the reduction in the daily wheat quota of mills, compared
to previous years, is responsible for the jump in flour prices. But, the government insists that the
country has sufficient stocks to last till the new harvest.
Whatever the reason, this isn’t good news for people struggling to cope with an average food price
inflation of over 31pc since July. Skyrocketing flour prices, which are touching record levels of up to
Rs135 per kilo, have put this staple out of reach for low-middle-income households in the country,
raising fears of increased food insecurity. The official response to the problem has been a crackdown
against the ‘hoarders’, even though such reactionary measures have never worked in the past. The
situation demands that the government ramp up imports to fill the supply gap and stabilise flour
prices.
Covid-19 threat
WITH the nation’s attention divided between unending political intrigues and the economy’s slow
march to catastrophe, Covid-19 has once again crept up upon us, threatening to add another
dimension to the multiple crises we already face. The disease has, yet again, become a major global
concern, with new variants threatening to run riot in countries unprepared for another reckoning with
a pandemic-scale public health challenge. Pakistan, in particular, seems quite unprepared, with the
possibility of another outbreak figuring nowhere in the state’s priorities till Monday evening. The
National Command and Operation Centre had earlier said it was “closely monitoring” the situation,
but no measures had been taken to prevent the ingress of new Covid-19 variants through screening
measures at airports. This had considerably increased the risk of sick people travelling in from
countries experiencing a renewed Covid-19 outbreak, and spreading the disease in Pakistan through
the people they would come in contact with here. Thankfully, the National Disaster Management
Authority has woken up to the challenge and asked the National Institute of Health to take stock of
vaccine availability and arrangements in hospitals to deal with a possible outbreak.
Though the NCOC does not appear very concerned about an imminent outbreak, independent experts
had been urging for more proactive measures. There was sound logic in their demand for a more
proactive approach, as new variants can slip into the country at any time and start spreading rapidly
if they find conducive conditions. The NCOC and NIH have now been directed by the NDMA to “issue
a precautionary Covid variant risk advisory for the public […] and carry out selective mock drills for [a]
Covid emergency”. This is much needed. The government needs to restart a public awareness drive
and encourage basic prevention measures, such as wearing masks, avoiding crowded public
gatherings, and washing or sanitising hands with regularity. It should also consider issuing guidelines
for people who have recently travelled to countries that are known to be experiencing a surge in
Covid-19 cases, such as India, China, and the United States. The old maxim should be kept in mind that
prevention is better than cure. Awareness and prevention drives are a much cheaper disease
mitigation strategy than waiting for another nationwide outbreak. Successful past vaccination drives
and our apparently robust immune systems may help the authorities feel secure, but they should not
make them complacent about dealing with this new challenge.
Balochistan violence
AFTER KP and Islamabad were rocked by episodes of militant violence over the past few days,
Balochistan experienced a bloody weekend when security personnel as well as non-combatants were
subjected to acts of terror.
Two incidents occurred on Saturday, in which at least five security men belonging to the FC and Levies
were martyred in Turbat and Chaman, respectively. The banned TTP took responsibility for the
Chaman attack.
Sunday — which was the Quaid’s birthday as well as Christmas — saw even more violence, as at least
six security men were martyred.
The bloodiest incident occurred in Kohlu’s Kahan area, when five army troops, including a captain, lost
their lives in an IED blast. The proscribed BLA has claimed responsibility for the attack.
Meanwhile in Zhob, another soldier was martyred, while security men as well as civilians, including
children, were injured in attacks in Quetta, Hub and Kalat.
It can be assumed that Dec 25 was chosen by the attackers for its symbolism, as earlier the Ziarat
Residency, where Pakistan’s founding father had stayed before his death, was targeted by Baloch
separatists in June 2013.
However, an equally troubling aspect that has emerged from the recent incidents is the possibility of
TTP and Baloch militants working together. There have been such reports in social and mainstream
media, although nothing conclusive has emerged.
The weekend violence affected both Pakhtun- and Baloch-majority areas of Balochistan. There are
reports that some Baloch separatists have decided to join hands with the TTP, though observers say
this decision has not been made by major separatist groups, but may represent the choices of
individual militants.
The prospect of TTP and Baloch militants combining forces would be a particularly disturbing one for
the state, as it would present an even greater security challenge.
Religiously inspired militancy has a history in Balochistan; after all, one of the most lethal chapters of
sectarian terror group Lashkar-i-Jhangvi at one time operated out of the province, claiming hundreds
of lives during its multiple campaigns of terror. Though LJ has been relatively quiet in Balochistan of
late, militants belonging to this group would be natural allies of the TTP.
Meanwhile, the porous border with Afghanistan means that armed groups of all persuasion can come
and go with relative ease.
The state needs to quickly address the emerging threat, lest Balochistan slip back into large-scale
violence.
If there is an emerging nexus between the TTP and Baloch militants, it must be broken, while if there
is evidence that the Baloch separatists are finding refuge in Taliban-controlled Afghanistan, this needs
to be taken up with Kabul’s rulers.
Years of policies led by the establishment to pacify Balochistan have failed. Therefore, along with
kinetic action, the state must also look at why it has been unable to bring socioeconomic uplift to this
resource-rich, but appallingly poor province.
Gwadar protests
EVENTS seem to be repeating themselves in Gwadar, as supporters of the Haq Do Tehreek , led by
Jamaat-i-Islami’s Maulana Hidayatur Rahman, have been protesting in the port city for two months or
so, mirroring last year’s massive demonstrations. However, matters turned ugly on Monday following
a strike call as police and the protesters faced off. The law enforcers resorted to tear-gassing
demonstrators as a mob tried to attack a police station, resulting in several arrests. The Balochistan
home minister says the protesters were trying to block the port and police had “no option” but to
resort to forceful measures. The HDT has been staging protests for a number of demands, including
the banning of illegal trawlers in Balochistan’s waters, a reduction of security checkpoints, as well as
the liberalisation of trade with neighbouring Iran. The violence erupted after negotiations between
officials and HDT representatives broke down.
While violence cannot be condoned, the state needs to handle this issue with care. The fact is that
many of the HDT’s demands are justified, and reflect the deeper malaise affecting Balochistan, as
many of the province’s people feel they are not getting the fruit of ‘development’ that projects such
as CPEC and others are supposed to bring. While critics say the HDT chief has political aspirations, the
fact is that he has struck a chord with the people of Makran, who feel the establishment-backed
politicians, as well as the nationalists, have failed to deliver. Instead of cracking down on the
protesters, the state needs to resolve the impasse and address the people’s genuine problems and
continue the dialogue process. Instead of more promises, the people of Balochistan need action on
the ground, so that they become the principal beneficiaries of development in their own province.
Considering decades of neglect, it will take time to address the people’s grievances, but the
government needs to deal with the issues with compassion and understanding, rather than resorting
to the use of force.
Dollar outflow
THERE has been a consistent, significant outflow of dollars from Pakistan to Afghanistan ever since the
US froze the war-ravaged country’s reserves following the Taliban takeover in summer last year. Until
then, Afghanistan had been a notable exporter of dollars — poured into its economy by the US — to
Pakistan for years. Thus, the reversal of Afghan fortunes has had a considerable impact on Pakistan’s
weakening external sector, as stressed by the Exchange Companies Association of Pakistan on
Monday.
The association has said that the large-scale, illegal outflow of the greenback to Afghanistan, along
with other much-discussed factors such as the trade and current account deficits and diminishing
multilateral and bilateral inflows, has eroded Pakistan’s foreign currency reserves. The unhindered
flow of the American currency to Afghanistan has created a crisis for Pakistan, the association officials
said at a presser.
According to them, in addition to US sanctions on the Taliban regime, Kabul’s directions to its citizens
to convert their large Pakistani rupee holdings into dollars or other foreign currencies had ramped up
the greenback’s flow towards Afghanistan in recent months. According to Ecap, Afghans were no
longer allowed to keep more than half a million worth of Pakistani currency, and any person found in
violation of this order would be tried under the anti-money laundering laws.
That the State Bank restriction limiting the annual personal foreign exchange allowance to $6,000 for
travellers hasn’t succeeded in arresting this illegal flow of foreign exchange underlines the corruption
and weaknesses that define Customs control at the Pak-Afghan border. Surprisingly, no administrative
measure adopted over the last one year to stop dollar smuggling across the country’s western frontier
has produced the desired results, barring the occasional arrest for attempting to take out the hard
currency in large amounts. The illegitimate dollar outflow is one of the many factors that have brought
Pakistan’s exchange rate under immense pressure in recent months and contributed to market
dislocation, resulting in different exchange rates in the interbank and open markets. There are no two
opinions on the need to plug the illegitimate dollar flows from the country to Afghanistan.
However, the dollar outflow is not restricted to Afghanistan, as shown by the arrest of three Gulf-
bound passengers and the recovery of $60,000 from them. Pakistan needs to strengthen its controls
at its land borders and ports to ward off the dollar’s flight from the country, be it in any direction.
Toshakhana rules
IT is telling of the general bankruptcy of our national etiquette that our leaders have soiled even the
time-honoured tradition of diplomatic gift-giving with their piteous greed. The Toshakhana was once
a solemn entity, quietly cataloguing and collecting the diplomatic gifts received by Pakistan’s
representatives during exchanges with their counterparts from other nations. Some of these gifts
were presented by heads of state, others by royals, yet others by those of different but no less
important social and political stature. Tradition dictated that these gifts were never meant for the
individual they were presented to; rather, they were tokens of welcome and appreciation for the office
and people represented by the person receiving them. Because they were exchanged on special
occasions or in special circumstances, each of these gifts would have a unique significance. It would
offer important clues as to what the giver thought important at the time: for example, why they
thought it appropriate for the individual it was presented to, and what impression about their country,
or even themselves, they were trying to leave behind.
In any moderately self-respecting society, tokens of such great diplomatic and historical significance
would have been housed in a museum for the general public to appreciate. Unfortunately for us, the
men and women who have had the privilege of representing our country in high-level diplomatic
exchanges seem to have generally lacked such refinement or decorum. Like greedy magpies, they
were unable to resist their instincts when presented with shiny objects. So pitiful has their behaviour
been that there have been instances where gifts have quietly been pocketed without ever being
declared in the official record. Even when gifts were deposited in the Toshakhana, our leaders sought
to make away with them for as little as they could give in return. The list of names is long and includes
political and nonpolitical leaders alike.
Clearly, some changes need to be made to the Toshakhana rules. The public does not necessarily need
to know which dignitary has given what, and such records may be kept secret to avoid any diplomatic
embarrassment. However, the public must know which politician is retaining a gift from the
Toshakhana, what its market value could be, and what is being paid in return. The percentage of the
assessed market value of a gift required to be paid to retain it also needs to be increased substantially
so that our leaders are discouraged from treating the Toshakhana as a yard sale for invaluable objects.
These measures may help prevent the abuse of privileges that come with representing the state, while
also inviting greater scrutiny of our leaders’ finances. It is time to end the shameful disrespect of
diplomatic niceties. It has repeatedly embarrassed us as a nation, as well as those foreign nations that
have found themselves caught up in our petty scandals.
Senseless death
CONSIDERING the unrelenting crime wave that has engulfed Karachi, law enforcers are
understandably under a lot of public pressure to crack down on criminals. However, as the senseless
death of a young man in the city on Tuesday has shown, overzealous and trigger-happy policemen
need better training to ensure that no lives of innocent citizens are lost as they try and fight crime. As
reported, Amir Hussain was shot by members of a police squad after he failed to stop when the cops
signalled to him to pull over during snap-checking. The policemen gave chase and shot him twice as
he tried to make his way into a Gulistan-i-Jauhar apartment complex. Senior police officials have
admitted that a grave mistake was committed, and an innocent man was killed. This deplorable
incident revives memories of the Amal Umer case; the 10-year-old child was killed in similar
circumstances in 2018, when the vehicle in which she was travelling got caught in the crossfire
between police and criminals. In that tragedy, too, it was a policeman’s bullet that took the young
girl’s life.
The sad fact is that armed, violent criminals stalk the city without fear, and neutralising them is a major
challenge for the police. However, strategies need to be devised to ensure that while fighting crime in
congested urban environments like Karachi, no innocent individual is gunned down, and no collateral
deaths occur in shootouts between police and criminals. The latest killing should spur the Sindh police
to enforce within their ranks the rule that unarmed individuals must not be shot at. And if the police
feel a fleeing unarmed individual truly presents a threat, they can use non-lethal methods to subdue
them, such as tasers. The fact is that Karachi needs a better-trained, better-equipped police team that
can intelligently fight crime without putting innocent citizens’ lives at risk, and that lethal force is
resorted to only in matters of self-defence, or when the threat to public safety is obvious.
Default concerns
FINANCE MINISTER Ishaq Dar has once again sought to quash speculation that Pakistan could default
on its foreign debt obligations. Speaking to investors via video link, he admitted that the economy was
in a “tight spot”, but added that the fears of defaulting had no basis whatsoever. “Not a day passes
that I don’t hear speculations of a default. There’s no chance of Pakistan defaulting on its debt
payments,” he contended. To press his point, he said there were several other economies, including
the US, the UK and Japan, that had a far worse debt-to-GDP ratio than Pakistan’s 72pc, and yet no one
believed these countries would default. Indeed, the likelihood of Islamabad missing its debt payments
in the short to medium term is minimal. Nor is the comparison between Pakistan and Sri Lanka, one
of the four countries to have defaulted on their sovereign debt, valid at this stage. In spite of a difficult
domestic macroeconomic environment caused by fiscal profligacy and massive import growth, and
exacerbated by uncertain global economic and political conditions, the present government has
managed to stave off the risk of default by reviving the IMF loan programme, notwithstanding the
current hurdles. Credit must also be given to the coalition set-up for taking certain unpopular decisions
that significantly eroded its political capital.
Nonetheless, no minister or other government official can blame the opposition PTI for its consistent
narrative of a potential default. There are legitimate reasons that the default debate refuses to die
down. The top global rating agencies have already downgraded Pakistan’s ratings to junk territory.
Forex reserves continue to shrink and the exchange rate remains under pressure despite stringent
curbs by the State Bank to reduce the nation’s burgeoning import bill. Commercial creditors have
turned down requests to roll over debt, at least for now. Various international agencies have projected
that Pakistan could face a severe currency crisis in the next 12 months. The IMF has twice postponed
its next programme performance review, delaying the disbursement of the $1.2bn tranche. Other
multilateral and bilateral creditors aren’t delivering on their commitments due to Islamabad’s ongoing
tensions with the IMF on unmet programme targets. Unless investors see a reversal in these trends,
the market will continue to worry about Pakistan’s ability to repay its debt. Fixing our relationship with
the Fund would be the first concrete step towards quashing the default rumours once and for all.
Undemocratic tendencies
A DEEPLY worrying trend has been noticed in recent months, with the political parties that till last year
were proclaiming themselves to be the champions of democracy now using every means at their
disposal to block public participation in the political process.
Be it by-elections, local government elections, the acceptance of the resignations of lawmakers who
have quit the National Assembly, or the matter of returning to the public for a general election and
fresh mandate — the Pakistan Democratic Movement is doing everything possible to maintain its
power rather than leave the fate of the country to the people of Pakistan.
There appears to be no logical reason why it has sought to do so apart from what is obvious: it knows
it has lost the narrative war to Imran Khan. Results of by-elections held since last April have hammered
this realisation home, and the ruling parties are not willing to risk anything further on the public’s
vote.
Resistance to holding elections where and when they are due is patently undemocratic and against
the spirit of the political system envisioned in our Constitution. Protecting democracy does not mean
denying the people the right to choose who they want as leaders. That is something only dictators do.
It is hardly democratic that the National Assembly Speaker keeps delaying the acceptance of the
resignations of PTI lawmakers from the Lower House on one pretext or the other.
It was indeed commendable for as long as the motivation was to convince the PTI to return to the
House, but putting it off just to deny the PTI a tactical advantage seems self-serving rather than
something done for the greater national good.
As regards local government elections, all parties have, in recent years, been equally guilty of denying
the people a third tier of government. However, the ‘novel’ tactics being employed now signal that
the ruling parties are too afraid of giving their rival parties any momentum ahead of the general
election.
Pakistan needs extensive administrative realignment to emerge in one piece from the ongoing crisis,
and this can only be done with the help of a fresh mandate from the people.
Yet the ruling parties continue to prioritise their narrow interests over the country’s welfare, and each
delayed election hammers this point home. In retrospect, the decision to keep the government has
proven a disastrous mistake that has progressively decimated the PDM parties’ chances at the ballot
box.
The PDM is now also losing its democratic credentials in its obsession with defeating the PTI chief by
any means. It is said that if you stare too deep into the abyss, the abyss stares back at you. Before the
PDM crosses a line it may find difficult to return to, it must stop hindering the political process and let
democracy take its course.
Army on terrorism
A FRESH tide of terrorism across the country has prompted the military leadership to deliberate on
this critical security issue. Heading his first corps commanders’ conference on Wednesday, the new
army chief, along with his top generals, vowed to crack down on terrorism “without any distinction”.
This decision comes in the wake of a string of attacks in KP, Balochistan as well as Islamabad, involving
both the banned TTP and Baloch separatists. Figures show that the TTP has carried out over 100
attacks over the past few months.
This uptick in violence came as the terrorist outfit renounced its truce with the state around the same
time in November that the change in army leadership was taking place.
The challenge before the civilian and army leadership is to neutralise the terrorist threat before it
metastasises into an uncontrollable monster, requiring another full-blown military operation to
restore order.
Pressure must also be applied on the Afghan Taliban, who shelter their ideological TTP brethren, to
either restrain the militants from attacking Pakistan, or evict them from Afghan soil.
In this regard, former federal minister and PTI leader Fawad Chaudhry commented that the
resurgence of terrorism was linked to the reversal of his government’s Afghan policy.
Firstly, he must elaborate what the PTI’s Afghan policy was; if he means the appeasement of the
Afghan Taliban and pursuing negotiations with the TTP, then that was a failed course of action, as the
Taliban’s takeover of Kabul only emboldened the TTP.
Coming back to the military’s huddle, state forces must also investigate the reported nexus of the TTP
and Baloch separatists. If there is indeed such an alliance, it can lead to a multi-front war that Pakistan
will find difficult to fight.
Balochistan has genuine issues that can only be addressed politically, but separatist aspirations need
to be thwarted while any link, even if tenuous, between religiously motivated extremists and Baloch
militants needs to be broken.
It is also important that the military leadership has said there will be no discrimination in
counterterrorism efforts. In the past, the ‘good Taliban, bad Taliban’ binary caused Pakistan immense
problems, with the state going after some militants, while treating jihadi armed groups and sectarian
terrorists lightly. It is this dichotomy that prevents Pakistan from completely uprooting militancy.
Ultimately, to ensure lasting peace, the end of all armed struggles lies in dialogue. Therefore, while
the current TTP threat must be countered on all fronts, the militants can at a later date be engaged —
but only on the state’s terms, not theirs.
The TTP, or any other armed group, must pledge to respect the Constitution, lay down their arms and
cooperate with the state in bringing to justice those responsible for the mass murder of thousands of
Pakistani civilians and security personnel. Anything less will be abject surrender.
Digital sharks
WITH the evolution of e-commerce in Pakistan, more and more people have started opting for digital
solutions for their personal finance needs. Such solutions include the relatively well-known online
payment apps operated by the major telecommunications companies, but also newer concepts like
buy now, pay later (BNPL) and digital lending services. While several legitimate companies licensed by
the SECP have been providing these services, the demand has also lured loan sharks looking to trap
gullible people. They are offering ‘easy’ loans to all and sundry through various mobile apps, often
without paperwork or any due diligence. The interest charged on these loans is usually obscenely high
and is often hidden or misrepresented to the borrowers. Once these apps are installed, the lending
companies easily gain access to the phone numbers in their victims’ phones, along with other sensitive
data like personal pictures, etc. If their ‘customers’ fail to keep up with their loan’s difficult repayment
conditions, as they invariably do, these companies either start threatening them or calling their
contacts to create social pressure on them to pay up. As mobile phone adoption is considerably high
in Pakistan while financial literacy remains low, these digital loan sharks have made quite a killing and
put numerous people in great misery. Hopefully, that is about to change.
With Circular No 15, issued on Wednesday by the SECP, all digital lending platforms operating have
been forbidden from making recoveries from their ‘customers’ through coercive measures or shifting
their personal information to any place outside Pakistan’s legal jurisdiction. The regulator has also
notified digital lending standards, which include measures to ensure that all lending companies make
the terms of their loans explicit and accessible for potential borrowers, including the “loan amount
approved, annual percentage rates, the tenor of the loan, instalments/lump sum payment amounts
with date, and all charges”. It has further barred lenders from accessing borrowers’ phone books or
photo galleries or calling their contacts, even if they have permission to do so. The SECP has also
specified a comprehensive grievance redressal mechanism to protect consumers’ interests. It is good
to see the regulator waking up to the risk unchecked growth in digital finance can pose. While the
evolving digital ecosystem should continue to be encouraged and given space to grow, it cannot do so
unregulated. The SECP should continue tightening its oversight of this space to block any exploitative
practices from taking root.
The world’s displaced
AN end-of-year UN report has revealed a dismal picture of refugees around the world. A staggering
100m people were forced to leave their home in 2022 alone, up from 90m the previous year. The
report points to factors such as violence including long conflicts as the major reasons behind the
forced migration in many countries, among them Ukraine, Afghanistan and Syria. Shocking as it may
sound, the number does not include those displaced by natural disasters, such as the hundreds of
thousands that found themselves homeless in this year’s catastrophic floods in Pakistan. That number
is a depressing 30m. The report also states how those fleeing their homes for security reasons then
become more vulnerable to traffickers. UN High Commissioner for Refugees Filippo Grandi is right in
saying that this figure should serve as a wake-up call to resolve conflict and prevent circumstances
that force people to leave their homes. The report makes an important point about the
disproportionate media coverage given to asylum seekers and refugees arriving in the US and Europe,
as compared to other developing nations that host 85pc of the world’s refugees.
The international community must pause and reflect not only on the causes of these conflicts and how
they can be resolved, but also how this global humanitarian crisis can be addressed. Developed nations
must do more to support refugees and displaced persons, not just in their own country but also in
developing states that lack the resources and infrastructure to support an influx of refugees. The
Western media too must look beyond just what is happening in their neighbourhood and observe the
sheer numbers of displaced persons outside their territory. The global refugee crisis is already at a
level that is unacceptable and untenable. It is at a point where those who have been forced to abandon
their homes are now fighting for food and survival in alien countries. The situation must compel world
leaders to find solutions fast, before the lack of resources, shelter and safety results in greater
violence.
On abdication
THE more things change, the more they stay the same. The word is that our political (and apolitical)
overlords are once again deliberating the possibility of a government comprising technocrats to pull
the country out of its current crises.
Earlier this week, former FBR chairman Shabbar Zaidi, himself a technocrat, suggested that there had
been high-level discussions on the topic. Later, PTI leaders Imran Khan and Fawad Chaudhry publicly
lashed out against the possibility of a technocratic set-up, with the latter calling it “a joke”.
Now, former National Assembly speaker Asad Qaiser’s comments during a recent TV interview have
confirmed that the topic is indeed under debate in political circles. According to Mr Qaiser, the
suggestion of an interim set-up comprising technocrats was ‘informally’ proposed to him by the
incumbent government.
However, since the PML-N’s Khurram Dastagir during the same TV show distanced his party from the
proposal, it is unclear who is behind the idea being reinserted in the political narrative.
Every half decade or so, our ‘intellectuals’ circle back to the realisation that our political class is in over
its head. Each time, good sense prevents them from committing a grave mistake.
The idea of unelected technocrats running the government is a bad one. By asking ‘who else will make
all the difficult decisions’, it seeks to push actual politicians away from national-level decision-making.
Cut through the rhetoric, and it is just a roundabout way of imposing a dictatorship in which unelected
civilians act as a front.
Even if such a set-up is able to midwife the country through a crisis, it can only do so at a great cost to
democracy. Therefore, the political class should resist it on principle without going into what they can
gain and will lose under a technocratic set-up.
The ‘need’ for a technocratic set-up is a no-confidence motion against our politicians’ ability to lead.
It is worth asking that if they agree to bring in an interim set-up overseen by technocrats to provide
solutions to our challenges of governance and order, what role will they have left?
If they would rather abdicate their responsibility to fix what they have broken and leave it to unelected
technocrats to figure out, do we even need such politicians in the first place? Would it not be logical
to just do away with such fair-weather democrats and have dedicated technocrats manage the
country in perpetuity?
If the answers to these questions are too unsettling, our political leaders should really take stock.
Treating governance as a self-serving exercise to boost one’s chances for the next election is precisely
what has gotten us to this point.
Agreeing to let technocrats fix the country is just an admission of that guilt. If our parties are unable
to take difficult decisions, perhaps they should reconsider their claims to national leadership.
Gwadar tension
TENSION in Gwadar and other parts of Makran has been running high over the past several days, as
protesters sympathetic to the Haq Do Tehreek have squared off against security personnel in the
coastal city. While supporters of the movement, headed by Maulana Hidayatur Rahman, had been
holding a peaceful protest for the past two months, things went awry on Monday after talks between
the HDT and the Balochistan government stalled and a strike call was given. The HDT, which also held
huge demonstrations last year, wants the state to deliver on several demands, including elimination
of illegal trawlers off the Balochistan coast, easing trade with Iran and reducing the footprint of
security forces in the region. Though the Balochistan home minister says the state has met all the
protesters’ demands, there is clearly a disconnect between the government’s and the HDT’s
perspectives. After clashes erupted on Monday, unidentified gunmen killed a policeman the day after
during a melee, while over 100 protesters were arrested, with the provincial government banning
large gatherings. The protests have spread to other Makran towns, while Gwadar was also cut off from
Karachi.
It is the state’s responsibility to keep the peace, and it must ensure that the situation is handled
cautiously. Many of the HDT’s demands are genuine and the state must continue to engage with the
movement, instead of crushing it. However, the demonstrators — particularly the maulana leading
the movement — must also eschew combative stances and continue to protest in a peaceful fashion,
while those responsible for the policeman’s murder need to be traced and punished. Balochistan’s
problems are well documented, and this and other protests stem from the fact that most people of
this resource-rich province continue to live in misery. If the state mishandles this situation by cracking
down on the movement, it may risk turning it in a more violent direction. When pushed to the wall,
movements can resort to violence or be hijacked by extremists when they see that peaceful protest is
not bearing fruit.
New Covid concerns

THE wave of fresh Covid-19 infections from new variants reported in China has sparked concerns
about the spread of the virus in other countries — and justifiably so. The scenes are eerily reminiscent
of early 2020, when many had started to learn about China’s Covid infections but hadn’t fully grasped
the toll it would take across the world. The picture coming out of China right now is hazy; the scenes
that are unfolding, though, are being watched carefully by US scientists, who are trying to gauge just
how bad the spread is. In the absence of open information and transparency, it appears that currently
China is reporting a high number of cases, has a shortage of medicine and is experiencing public
weariness when it comes to lockdown rules. Considering what we know about the rates of
transmission from the past, this is not a situation any country can take lightly. A ‘nightmare’ variant,
as is being speculated by some, could reverse the gains made, including the resumption of normalcy
for billions of people.
In Pakistan, the authorities are right in thinking about testing inbound passengers. What is worrying is
that the Sindh health minister has admitted that the government doesn’t have the funds to do mass
testing for Covid-19. Though the majority of our population is vaccinated, immunisations may be
rendered ineffective against a new and lethal strain. Government officials are right in alerting border
forces to the threat of the new variant. In this situation, random testing, genome sequencing and
mandatory vaccinations are all the right steps when it comes to prevention. The government must
ensure that, given its limited resources, those who are tested are alerted to any Covid strain. In the
past, Imran Khan’s government and the NCOC did some brilliant work with track and trace, informing
those that tested positive to isolate in order to limit the spread. The incumbent government must
follow suit, and do everything in its power to spend whatever funds can be earmarked for Covid-19
precautions efficiently. It is not enough for the authorities to cite a lack of funds and be complacent,
as the consequences of the spread of the so-called nightmare variant will be devastating to both lives
and the economy. Vigilance, data gathering and proactive planning are all key, as well as keeping an
eye on the research and direction scientists and epidemiologists in the West are taking. Pakistan can’t
afford an outbreak that cripples daily life.

DAWN Editorials December 2022 Issue

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M O N T H L Y I S S U E

+92 333 6042057

Compiled & Edited By [email protected]

All articles mentioned in this booklet are taken from dawn.com, we

The CSS Point, Pakistan’s The Best

Spurious drugs ...................................................................................................................................... 37

Senseless death .................................................................................................................................... 70

World AIDS Day

Published in Dawn, December 1st, 2022

Published in Dawn, December 1st, 2022

Published in Dawn, December 1st, 2022

China Covid protests

Published in Dawn, December 2nd, 2022

Published in Dawn, December 2nd, 2022

Published in Dawn, December 3rd, 2022

Battle for spoils

Published in Dawn, December 3rd, 2022

Fleeting good news

Published in Dawn, December 3rd, 2022

Published in Dawn, December 4th, 2022

Published in Dawn, December 4th, 2022

According to the US Commission on International Religious Freedom — a bipartisan body of the

Published in Dawn, December 5th, 2022

Published in Dawn, December 5th, 2022

Published in Dawn, December 5th, 2022

Morality police out

Published in Dawn, December 6th, 2022

Published in Dawn, December 6th, 2022

Published in Dawn, December 6th, 2022

More women SHOs

Published in Dawn, December 7th, 2022

Fuel from Russia

Published in Dawn, December 7th, 2022

Disquiet on the western front

Published in Dawn, December 7th, 2022

Published in Dawn, December 8th, 2022

Published in Dawn, December 8th, 2022

Published in Dawn, December 8th, 2022

Published in Dawn, December 9th, 2022

Published in Dawn, December 9th, 2022

Breaking the deadlock

Published in Dawn, December 9th, 2022

Published in Dawn, December 11th, 2022

Published in Dawn, December 11th, 2022

Published in Dawn, December 12th, 2022

Published in Dawn, December 12th, 2022

Sticks and stones

Published in Dawn, December 13th, 2022

Published in Dawn, December 13th, 2022

Published in Dawn, December 13th, 2022

Published in Dawn, December 14th, 2022

Published in Dawn, December 14th, 2022

Published in Dawn, December 14th, 2022

Published in Dawn, December 15th, 2022

Published in Dawn, December 15th, 2022

Published in Dawn, December 15th, 2022

Published in Dawn, December 17th, 2022

Reko Diq agreement

Published in Dawn, December 17th, 2022

Published in Dawn, December 18th, 2022