Urban Morphology Biljeske
Urban Morphology Biljeske
Urban Morphology Biljeske
springer, Dordrecht
Larkham PJ (1990) Conservation and historical townscapes. In : Slater T (ed) The built form of
western cities, Leicester University Press, Leicester, pp 349-369
Conservation and the City is a study of conservation and change throughout the built environment - city
centres, suburbs and even villages - and how the activities of conservation interact with the planning
system. Using detailed case studies from the UK and the Westernised world, Larkham examines some of
the key social, economic and psychological ideas which support conservation, as well as studying the
urban landscape and the agents of change. Conservation and the City seeks to understand urban
conservation, and in doing so presents possible solutions for managing change in the built environment of
the future. 1. Introduction: Conflict and Conservation
2. The History of Urban Conservation
3. The Spread of Conservationism: The British Experience
4. Conservation and Changing Legislation: Implications for the Landscape
5. Area-Based Conservation
6. Decision-Makers and Decision-Making in the Conserved Townscape
7. Area Enhancement, Development Control and Policy
8. Amounts and Types of Change in the Conserved City Centre
9. Change in Residential Conservation Areas
10. The Impact of Change on the Conserved Townscape
11. Townscape Change: Ideas and Practice
Appendix 1 Report of Norwich Chief Planning Officer on Proposed Extension of the Central Conservation
Area
Appendix 2 Comments on the Crowngate Shopping Centre Scheme for Worcester City Department of
Technical Services
Appendix 3 Approaches to Managing Historical Urban Landscapes
Oliveira V, Sousa S (2012) Urban morphology in planning practice. Urban Morphology 16:80-82
Oliveira V, Silva M, Samuels I (2014) Urban morphological research and planning practice: a
Portuguese assessment. Urban Morphology: 18:23-39
Gerosa P G (1999) The philosophical foundations of urban morphology. Urban Morphology 3:44-45
Hall T (2008) The form-based development plan: bridging the gap between theory and practice in
urban morphology. Urban Morphology 12:77-95
Marzot N (2002) The study of urban form in Italy. Urban Morphology 6:59-73
Whitehand JWR (2009) The structure of urban landscapes: strengthening research and practice.
Urban Morphology 13:5-27
in morphological analysis, urban form including physical spaces such as streets, buildings and open
space, refers to urban landscape that constantly changes with different levels of persistence in time
and space [55] showing the additive and transformative features [22]. Morphological region provides
an analytical approach for characterising distinctive physical features of the urban landscape and
guiding historical urban landscape management during its change. Practically, the concept of
morphological region can be used as an approach to map unique physical features of urban
landscape. This morphological mapping is not only the identification of character of physical urban
space but also lays a foundation to the development of urban intensification.
Grad i njegovo urbanog tkiva. je komponiran od grupe elemenata urbanih formi: ulica 1, blokova,
čestica i zgarda. U svakom od tih gradova ulice, ulični blokovi, čestice i zgarde kombinirane sun a
poseban način, oblikojući različite tippve tkiva. Pojedini od tih tkiva su jasno prepoznatljivi i u
mogućnosti su stvoriti prepozmatljivi karakter. Svaki od tih urbanih fenomene ovise o faktoru
vremena, jer su veći broj gradova je rezultat dugog procesa gradnje, razvoja kroz stoljeća .. izraz
palimpsest je često korišten u urbanoj morfologiji za objasniti str.8
In general, a city is constituted of a set of elements of urban form. When endeavouring to articulate
and characterise urban landscape, morphological elements such as urban plans, street layouts, plots
and buildings, are imperative to identify features of urban landscape V. Oliveira. Urban Morphology:
An Introduction to the Study of the Physical Form of Cities. Switzerland: Springer, 2016, pp. 106-107.
All these elements serve to comprise the various urban form complexes, such as morphological
regions, street units and morphotopes, in addition to the urban fabric types and materials in a
nested hierarchy M. P. Conzen, “Urban morphology: a systematic approach to the physical fabric of
the city (Unpublished),” International Seminar on Typo-morphology and its Application in Design,
2010, Shanghai, China.
1
U širem značenju uključuje otvorene prostore za kretanje. Ulice, avenije, i zadržavanje trgove
In recent decades, many cities have experienced urban sprawl featuring low-density, single land use,
disconnected street networks and automobile-dependent model E. J. Sullivan, and J. Yeh, “Smart
growth: State strategies in managing sprawl,” The Urban Lawyer, vol. 45, no. 2, pp. 349-405, 2013.
Urban intensification has then been defined as the approach to transfer urban areas into a compact,
higher density, and public transportation-adapted urban form, and as the way of reducing
automobile dependence, increasing public transport efficiency while promoting a safer and more
equitable city G. Davison, “An unlikely urban symbiosis: Urban intensification and neighbourhood
character in Collingwood, Vancouver,” Urban policy and research, vol. 29, no. 02, pp. 105-124, 2011.
Character (in general) ‘Character’ refers to unique patterns of development, landscape and use, and
is the mixture of all aspects of a place that make it distinctive R. Cowan, The Dictionary of Urbanism.
Tisbury, UK: Streetwise Press, 2005, p. 57.
Character (in urban planning) A distinctive consistent pattern of elements that makes urban areas
different from one another and creates identity. Includes physical or built elements that from the
place, cultural, social and economic factors to create identity, and the people associated with
perceptual and experimental aspects.
Historic heritage and character (in urban planning) Focuses on physical elements of historic heritage
and character, including landscape context (topography and vegetation, urban structure,
streetscape, and building styles. [48]
The character of towns ‘Character is viewed as only the outward aspect (physical characteristics of a
town) of basic underlying processes, activities and intention. K. Kropf, “Urban tissue and the
character of towns,” Urban Design International, vol. 1, no. 3, pp.247-263, 1996.
Zgarde
A useful starting point for a discussion of the philosophical basis of urban morphology is MRG
Conzen’s view that the townscape is the ‘objectivation’ of the human spirit. The urban environment
embodies the efforts and aspirations of residents in the past and present and this is reflected in its
physical form – street layout, buildings and the use of space. This physical form then encapsulates
the spirit of place (genius loci). For many residents this may be received unconsciously but that does
not make it any less significant as part of their identity and sense of belonging. Urban morphology is
important because it is grounded in what is present in the visual built environment. This may be
derided as being simply ‘descriptive’, but accurate and precise description is the basis for any
scientific study. Thus, the development of a detailed methodology for recognising and isolating the
various elements that make up a town’s morphological character, is essential. However, the
importance of urban morphology goes beyond this and a second
Korisno polazište za raspravu o filozofskim osnovama urbane morfologije jest MRG Conzen's viđenje
da je gradski krajolik 'objektivizacija' ljudskog duha. Urbano okruženje utjelovljuje naporima i
težnjama stanovnika u prošlosti i sadašnjosti i to se odražava na njegov fizički oblik – ulicu tlocrt,
zgrade i korištenje prostora. Ovaj fizički oblik tada obuhvaća duh mjesta (genijalnost) lokusa). Za
mnoge stanovnike ovo može biti nesvjesno primljeno, ali to ga ne čini manje značajnim kao dio
njihovog identiteta i osjećaja pripadnosti. Urbana morfologija je važna jer je utemeljena ono što je
prisutno u vizualno izgrađenom okruženju. To se može naslutiti kao jednostavno 'opisno', ali točan i
precizan opis osnova je za svako znanstveno istraživanje. Dakle, razvoj detaljan metodologija za
prepoznavanje i izoliranje različitih elemenata koji čine morfološki grad karakter, bitno je. Međutim,
važnost urbane morfologije nadilazi ovo i drugoglavna briga je razumijevanje procesa koji su proizveli
ono što je tu sagrađeno okruženje i kako se i zašto se to mijenja.
Ali postoji treća razina značaja i to se odnosi na "(...) način na koji je prostorna oblik izgrađenog
okoliša odražava, a zauzvrat, i društvene odnose u vremenu i prostoru “(Poštovani 1986, str. 375).
Drugim riječima, urbani oblik nije samo pasivna stvar - on ima utjecaj na svakodnevni živote svojih
stanovnika i posjetitelja. To može biti na vrlo praktične načine, poput "usmjeravanja" ljudi kroz grad
kroz prirodu „staze“ (Lynch 1960), ili kroz mogućnosti (ili nedostatak istih) za ljudi da se okupljaju u
javnim prostorima. Ali daljnji element u ovom filozofskom kontekstu odnosi se na utjecaj izgrađenog
oblika grada na naša osjetila
Urban morphologists now fully recognise that human agents can contest the meaning of dominant
cultural artefacts such as large-scale redevelopment and regeneration projects, even though the
latter may figure over-prominently in the visual townscape. In urban studies, generally, there has
been an obsession with the spectacular and the exceptional. Whilst these themes also occur in the
study of urban form, and ‘special’ places are often picked out to illustrate specific features, a positive
feature of urban morphology is that it is also interested in the ‘everyday’, the relatively mundane,
that goes to make up the totality of the city. For instance, despite the general denigration of the
suburbs as a built form (Barrett and Phillips 1993), to urban morphologists, suburbs are a source of
fascination and can be subject to the same type of academic morphological analysis as the most
intricate medieval borough (Whitehand and Carr 2001).
Urbani morfolozi sada u potpunosti priznaju da ljudski agenti mogu osporiti značenje dominantnog
kulturni artefakti, poput projekata obnove i obnove velikih razmjera, iako posljednji mogu figura je
izrazito istaknuta u vizualnom krajoliku. U urbanim studijama općenito je postojala opsesija uz
spektakularno i iznimno. Iako se ove teme događaju i u proučavanju urbanog oblika, i Često se
odabiru posebna mjesta koja ilustriraju specifičnosti, pozitivno obilježje urbane morfologije je da je
također zainteresiran za "svakodnevni", relativno životni, koji čini cjelokupnost Grad. Na primjer,
unatoč općem slabljenju predgrađa kao izgrađenog oblika (Barrett i Phillips
Urbanim morfolozima 1993., predgrađa su izvor fascinacije i mogu biti podložni istoj vrsti akademska
morfološka analiza kao najkompleksnija srednjovjekovna općina (Whitehand i Carr 2001).
The purpose and importance of urban morphology goes even further however, as the purpose is also
to improve things (see the final section of this chapter). In this context we can cite the philosophical
perspective of Patrick Geddes who, although never described as an urban morphologist, exemplified
the argument being developed here. Geddes was firmly on the view that ‘we are what we build’; in
other words, the built environment was an expression of human endeavour and sensibilities
(Tyrwhitt 1947), sentiments that most urban morphologists would recognise. Further agreement
would be found in the way that Geddes railed against the ‘mindless destruction of our old fabrics
(which) erases our cultural identity’. Even further resonances are found in the way that Geddes
strongly promoted the idea of civic survey as a basis for intervention in the built environment – the
comprehensive study of geology, geography, economic life, history and public administration of the
city, what he termed ‘diagnosis before treatment’ which may be followed by ‘conservative surgery’.
Such views and imagery remain and are reflected, for example, in the perspectives of many
contemporary urban morphologists – in the notion of the city as a living organism and the necessity
of a holistic approach which, to quote one respondent to the survey mentioned above, is ‘(…)
necessary if architects, developers and town planners are to produce distinctive towns, true to their
roots and with a sense of place. Urban morphology should therefore form an essential platform in
the training of all involved’. As Geddes, a number of survey respondents drew an analogy with the
human body: ‘(…) surgeons are required to study anatomy before they can put their hands into a
human’s body to heal it; in the same way architects, planners and designers should study urban
morphology before they are allowed to put their hands onto the city to change it’. Geddes stressed
the need to enter ‘(…) into the spirit of a city, its historical essence and continuous life. Its civic
character, its collective soul’. This sounds very much like MRG Conzen’s genius loci and it supports
the perspective that, far from being a mere collection of buildings and activities, the built form of the
city represents the ‘objectivation’ of the human spirit.
2319/5000
Međutim, svrha i važnost urbane morfologije ide i dalje, jer je i svrha poboljšati stvari (vidi posljednji
dio ovog poglavlja). U tom kontekstu možemo navesti filozofski perspektive Patricka Geddesa koji je,
iako nikad opisan kao urbani morfolog, primjer toga ovdje se razvija argument. Geddes je bio čvrsto
stanovište da "mi smo ono što gradimo"; u drugom riječima, izgrađeno okruženje bilo je izraz
ljudskog napora i senzibiliteta (Tyrwhitt 1947), osjećaji koje bi većina urbanih morfologa prepoznala.
Daljnji dogovor mogao bi se naći na putu da se Geddes suprotstavljao 'bezumnom uništavanju naših
starih tkanina (koje) brišu našu kulturnu identitet'. Daljnja se odjeka nalaze u načinu na koji je
Geddes snažno promovirao građansku ideju izvid kao osnova za intervenciju u izgrađenom okruženju
- sveobuhvatni studij geologije, zemljopis, ekonomski život, povijest i javna uprava grada, što je prije
nazvao dijagnozom liječenje 'koje može biti praćeno' konzervativnom kirurgijom '. Takvi pogledi i
slike ostaju i jesu odrazilo se, na primjer, u perspektivu mnogih suvremenih urbanih morfologa - u
pojmu o grad kao živi organizam i neophodnost holističkog pristupa koji, kako je citirao jedan
ispitanik gore spomenuto istraživanje, „(...) je neophodno za izradu arhitekata, programera i
urbanista karakteristični gradovi, istinski svojih korijena i s osjećajem za mjesto. Urbana morfologija
bi se stoga trebala formirati suštinska platforma u obuci svih uključenih. " Kao Geddes, broj
anketiranih anketirao je anketu analogija s ljudskim tijelom: '(...) kirurzi moraju proučavati anatomiju
prije nego što ih mogu postaviti ruke u ljudsko tijelo da ga ozdravi; na isti način arhitekti, planeri i
dizajneri trebaju studirati urbana morfologija prije nego što im je dopušteno da stave ruke na grad
da bi ga promijenili. " Geddes je naglasio potreba da se '(...) unese u duh grada, njegovu povijesnu
suštinu i kontinuirani život. Njegov građanski karakter, njegova kolektivna duša ". Zvuči vrlo slično
kao genijalni loci MRG Conzen-a i podržava perspektivu da izgrađeni oblik grada, osim što je puka
zbirka zgrada i aktivnosti, predstavlja grad 'Objektivizacija' ljudskog duha.
The city’s built form is a human artefact and its physical character reflects the changing
requirements of human beings at different time periods and in different parts of the world. At one
level, these requirements are relatively simple and obvious – safety from others, shelter from the
elements, places to worship, places to manufacture and exchange commodities and so on. The built
form of urban areas reflects local, regional and national (although many, of course, precede the
emergence of nation states as we understand them today) interpretations of what is required to
carry out these functions. And it is in these interpretations that the cultural dimension is expressed.
So, although the basic functional requirements of towns and cities vary but little across the globe,
the built forms which enable these functions take on a bewildering variety of manifestations. Any
study in urban morphology must therefore concern itself with how ‘culture’ is reflected on urban
form.
Izgrađeni oblik grada ljudski je artefakt, a njegov fizički karakter odražava promjenjive potrebe grada
ljudska bića u različitim vremenskim periodima i u različitim dijelovima svijeta. Na jednoj razini, ovi
Zahtjevi su relativno jednostavni i očiti - sigurnost od drugih, zaklon od elemenata, mjesta štovanje,
mjesta za proizvodnju i razmjenu robe i tako dalje. Izgrađeni oblik urbanih područja odražava
lokalne, regionalne i nacionalne (premda mnoge, naravno, prethode nastanku nacionalnih država
kao razumijemo ih danas) interpretacije onoga što je potrebno za obavljanje tih funkcija. I to je u te
interpretacije koje kulturnu dimenziju izražavaju. Dakle, iako je osnovna funkcionalna
Zahtjevi gradova i gradova razlikuju se, ali u cijelom svijetu malo, izgrađeni oblici koji im to
omogućuju funkcije poprimaju zbunjujuće različite manifestacije. Svako istraživanje urbane
morfologije mora stoga brinuti se o tome kako se "kultura" odražava na urbani oblik.
he importance of urban morphology in this context is that the subject is concerned with groupings of
buildings, their relations to each other and to adjacent spaces. Beauty is relatively easy to see in the
case of individual buildings but urban morphology teaches us about ensembles of buildings and how
in certain built environments they transfer a sense of peace and calmness.
Važnost urbane morfologije u ovom je kontekstu ta što se ovaj predmet bavi grupiranjem zgrade,
njihovi odnosi jedni prema drugima i prema susjednim prostorima. Ljepotu je relativno lako vidjeti u
slučaju pojedinih zgrada, ali urbana morfologija nas uči o cjelinama zgrada i kako u pojedinim
izgrađeno okruženje prenose osjećaj mira i smirenosti.
preparation of a new local plan (the Plano Director Municipal / PDM), ratified by the central
government in 2006, the goal was to maintain the character and identity of Porto through the
conservation of existing urban tissues, appropriate design of new buildings, control of densities and
volumes and the protection of the built heritage of the city. Subsequently a typo-morphological
analysis was carried out to identify distinct ‘tissues’ within the city, based on plot areas and
frontages, building type, building coverage, height, use and condition (Oliveira 2006). Ten distinctive
tissue types were identified and their characteristics formed the basis for regulation policy (Fig. 2.2).
Despite this adoption of an explicit morphological approach, a later assessment (Oliveira et al. 2014)
found several problems. Within the core historic area, regulations appear to have been mainly
adhered to although, whilst accepting new facades in traditional style, the planning authorities
appear to have been too ready to allow the total replacement of interiors with no respect for the
traditional house types. Assessment of the application of the regulations for other tissue types also
revealed a mixed response. Although a degree of success for form-based regulation may be claimed
in this case, the assessment also revealed issues requiring further attention. For example, questions
about the overall capacity of the Portuguese planning system to accommodate this approach (see
also Oliveira and Sousa 2012), the capacity and training of local authority officers to enforce
regulations, and the willingness of architects to accommodate the implications of morphological
analysis.
Može biti nekoliko primjera primjene morfoloških principa na urbani razvoj godine, poput Kropf
(1996b), Samuels (1999) i Hall and Doe (2000). Jedan od najupečatljivijih Primjeri su „popravak“
urbanog tkiva Berlina od 1980-ih pa nadalje, grada čiji je fizički oblik bio je masovno slomljen Drugim
svjetskim ratom i kasnijom političkom podjelom. Kritično, ovo rekonstrukcija nije imala za cilj
jednostavno oponašati prethodno gradsko tkivo, već je nastojala osjetljivo reinterpretirati grad
(Malfroy 2001). To je primjer ilustracije preuređenja Pariser Platza, što je dovelo do spomenutog
dvorca Brandenburška vrata, gdje je planiranje usvojilo izrazito morfološke sastavnice (...)
usklađivanja suvremena arhitektonska tvorevina uz poštivanje urbanog povijesnog kontinuiteta:
unosila je inovaciju u arhitektonsko područje bez zaboravljanja zahtjeva svojstvenih tradicionalnom
gradu sa svojom parcelom sustav i njegove regulirane građevinske linije ”(Malfroy 2001, str. 69).
Ovdje je stvar u primjeni implicitno morfološka načela nisu bila u interesu očuvanja (ili ropske
mimikrije prošlosti) već konstruktivne obnove. Jedan sveobuhvatan primjer uvrštavanja morfoloških
kriterija u opsežne razmjere okvir za planiranje tiče se portugalskog grada Porto, mjesta UNESCO-ve
Svjetske baštine. U priprema novog lokalnog plana (općinski direktor Plano / PDM), koji je ratificirala
središnja vladau 2006, cilj je bio očuvanje slika i identiteta Porta kroz očuvanje postojećeg urbanim
tkivima, odgovarajućim dizajnom novih zgrada, kontrolom gustoće i volumena i zaštitom izgrađenog
nasljeđa grada. Zatim je provedena tipo-morfološka analiza radi utvrđivanja različita „tkiva“ u gradu,
na temelju površina zemljišta i pročelja, vrste zgrade, pokrivanja zgrada, visina, upotreba i stanje
(Oliveira 2006). Identificirano je deset karakterističnih vrsta tkiva i njihovih karakteristike su osnova
regulatorne politike (sl. 2.2). Unatoč izričitom prihvaćanju morfološkim pristupom, kasnija procjena
(Oliveira i sur. 2014.) otkrila je nekoliko problema. Unutar jezgre Povijesno se čini da su se propisi
uglavnom pridržavali iako prihvaćaju nova pročelja u tradicionalni stil, čini se da su tijela za planiranje
bila previše spremna da dopuste potpunu zamjenu interijera bez poštivanja tradicionalnih tipova
kuća. Procjena primjene propisa za ostale tipove tkiva također je pokazao mješoviti odgovor. Iako je
stupanj uspjeha za formu U ovom se slučaju može tražiti regulacija, procjena je također otkrila
pitanja koja zahtijevaju dodatnu pozornost. Za Na primjer, pitanja o ukupnom kapacitetu
portugalskog sustava planiranja kako bi se to prilagodio pristup (vidi također Oliveira i Sousa 2012),
sposobnost i obuku službenika lokalnih vlasti da provoditi propise i spremnost arhitekata da udovolje
morfološkim implikacijama analiza.
Although some practitioners recognise that ‘morphological analysis in practice is a primary design
tool, and one which all those involved in shaping the built environment should recognize’ (Thomas
2000, p 34), it is clear that no matter how desirable the closer linkages, substantial gaps remain in
the application of urban morphological principles to planning and conservation issues within the UK
especially, although less so elsewhere – ‘the prolific output of conservation area plans which
followed the Civic Amenities Act of 1967 could completely ignore methods and concepts of urban
morphological research (Samuels 1990, p 415). Some of the practical constraints to such closer co-
operation have been dealt with elsewhere (Barke, 2013, 2015) but this should not blind us to the
importance of the successful application of morphological concepts to urban conservation issues –
Table 2.1.
The links between urban morphology and conservation are long-established (Conzen 1975). It is
significant that this contribution was to a symposium on ‘applied’ geography. As a substantial part of
urban morphology is concerned with historic urban forms, the adoption of conservation policies
within urban areas should offer major opportunities for the practical involvement of urban
morphologists.
Iako neki stručnjaci prepoznaju da je 'morfološka analiza u praksi glavni alat za dizajn, i onaj koji bi svi
koji su uključeni u oblikovanje izgrađenog okoliša trebali prepoznati “(Thomas 2000, str 34), jasno je
da bez obzira koliko su poželjne bliže veze, u primjeni ostaju značajne praznine urbanih morfoloških
načela za planiranje i očuvanje posebno u Velikoj Britaniji, iako manje drugdje drugdje - 'plodan plan
planova zaštite koji su slijedili građanske pogodnosti Akt iz 1967. mogao bi u potpunosti zanemariti
metode i koncepte urbanog morfološkog istraživanja (Samuels 1990., str. 415). Neki od praktičnih
ograničenja takve bliže suradnje riješeni su drugdje (Barke, 2013., 2015.), no to nas ne bi trebalo
zaslijepiti važnošću uspješne primjene programa morfološki koncepti za urbanističku zaštitu -
Tablica 2.1.
However, it is salutary that Conzen argued for a closer relationship between urban morphology and
planning, observing that there was no real basis or context for the application of townscape
management. Despite the reality that ‘(…) the key to informed townscape management is
understanding of how townscape has evolved’ (Whitehand 1981, p 143), forty years on from
Conzen’ s observation, the vacuum remains. The relevance of urban morphology for townscape
management (and therefore for conservation) relates to issues such as historicity. The townscape is
the visual repository of any town’ s history, but this is far more than a matter of characterful old
buildings, it relates to deeper issues such as identity (Smith 1974, 1977) – both individual and
collective (Hayden 1996). Such factors are important for people and society to orientate themselves
in both time and place. As implied above in the discussion of urban morphology in relation to
culture, townscape management is necessary to conserve and enhance the aesthetic quality and
cultural meaning of our surroundings. Towns are cultural expressions as well as economic ones and
urban development cannot be simply left to bend to the will of the latter.
Međutim, pozdravno je što je Conzen tvrdio za bliskiji odnos urbane morfologije i planiranje,
primjećujući da ne postoji stvarna osnova ili kontekst za primjenu upravljanja gradom. Unatoč
stvarnosti da je „(…) ključ informiranog upravljanja gradskim krajolikom razumijevanje kako grad se
razvio '(Whitehand 1981, str. 143), četrdeset godina od Conzenove opažanja, vacuum ostaci. Važnost
urbane morfologije za upravljanje gradskim krajolikom (i stoga za očuvanje) odnosi se na pitanja
poput povijesnosti. Krajolik je vizualno skladište povijesti bilo kojeg grada, ali ovo puno je više od
značajnih starih građevina, odnosi se na dublja pitanja poput identiteta (Smith 1974, 1977) - i
pojedinačni i kolektivni (Hayden 1996). Takvi su čimbenici važni za ljude i društvo za orijentaciju u
vremenu i mjestu. Kao što se gore implicira u raspravi o urbanom morfologija u odnosu na kulturu,
upravljanje gradom krajobraza je potrebno za očuvanje i poboljšanje estetsku kvalitetu i kulturno
značenje naše okoline. Gradovi su također kulturni izričaj ekonomski i urbani razvoj ne mogu se
jednostavno prepustiti volji potonjih.
The adoption of conservation area policy on a large scale in the UK dates from the Civic Amenities
Act of 1967 and there are now over 7,000 of these in England alone so the potential for involvement
of urban morphologists is obvious. Although the intention that conservation areas should be ‘areas
of special architectural or historic interest, the character or appearance of which it is desirable to
preserve or enhance’, seems praiseworthy enough, the limited guidance provided in the legislation
produced numerous anomalies. A matter for even greater concern relates to the later requirement
that ‘character statements’ should be prepared for conservation areas, to justify their preservation
and guide policies to this end. The recognition of distinctive character requires the identification of
the components that go to make up this distinctiveness, precisely the type of study undertaken by
many urban morphologists, yet the training of conservation professionals in undertaking this task
remains limited.
Usvajanje politike očuvanog područja u velikoj mjeri u Velikoj Britaniji datira iz civilnih pogodnosti
Akt iz 1967., a sada ih je preko 7000 samo u Engleskoj, tako da potencijal za uključivanje u EU
urbanih morfologa je očito. Iako je namjera da zaštićena područja budu 'područja posebna
arhitektonski ili povijesni interes, čiji je lik ili izgled poželjno sačuvati ili pojačavanje “, čini se dovoljno
hvalevrijednim, ograničene smjernice dane u proizvedenom zakonodavstvu brojne anomalije. Još
veća zabrinutost odnosi se na kasniji zahtjev koji "karakter izjave 'trebaju biti pripremljene za
područja zaštite kako bi opravdale njihovo očuvanje i usmjerile politike prema ovaj kraj.
Prepoznavanje karakterističnog karaktera zahtijeva identifikaciju sastavnih dijelova čine ovu
karakterističnost, upravo vrstu studije koju su poduzeli mnogi urbanistički morfolozi izobrazba
stručnjaka za očuvanje u obavljanju ovog zadatka i dalje je ograničena.
The potential role of urban morphology in conservation policy has been comprehensively analysed
by Larkham (1996). He notes that the ‘historicity’ of a townscape requiring management is
composed of thedifferent combinations of the three main morphological elements already discussed
– town plan, building fabric and land use. Conzen (1975) noted how the first two of these frequently
constrain future development to some extent (although in larger cities subject to large scale
redevelopment this is less the case) and constitute what he called the ‘morphological frame’. In the
UK context (as anyone who has visited cities such as Edinburgh, St. Andrews, York, Chester or
Norwich will attest), the quality of the historic townscape is largely dependent upon the survival of
the town plan and traditional buildings. It surely follows that any attempt at successful management
of such urban areas must take place against the background of an informed knowledge of these
morphological components. Conzen (1975, 2004) has presented a method of amalgamating the
three morphological components to produce morphological regions within the urban area, Ludlow
being his best example. The regions identified are a product of an objective, scientific analysis of the
town’s historicity rather than an emotional assessment of aesthetics.
Despite the intellectual logic of the schema, the sheer complexity of the methodology involved has
militated against any widespread adoption in planning and conservation practice. 1307/5000
različite kombinacije tri glavna morfološka elementa koji su već raspravljani - urbanistički plan,
zgrada upotreba tkanina i zemljišta. Conzen (1975) primjećuje kako prve dvije od tih često
ograničavaju budućnost razvoj u određenoj mjeri (iako je u većim gradovima koji su podložni velikim
promjenama u razvoju manje slučaj) i čine ono što je nazvao "morfološkim okvirom". U kontekstu
Velike Britanije (kao i svi koji imaju posjetili gradove kao što su Edinburgh, St. Andrews, York, Chester
ili Norwich, potvrdit će kvaliteta povijesni gradski pejzaž uvelike ovisi o opstanku gradskog plana i
tradicionalnih građevina. To zasigurno slijedi da se svaki pokušaj uspješnog upravljanja takvim
urbanim područjima mora odvijati protiv pozadina informiranog znanja o tim morfološkim
komponentama. Conzen (1975, 2004) ima predstavio metodu združivanja triju morfoloških
komponenti kako bi se dobili morfološki regijama unutar urbanog područja, Ludlow je njegov najbolji
primjer. Identificirane regije proizvod su proizvoda objektivna, znanstvena analiza povijesnosti grada,
a ne emocionalna procjena estetike.
Unatoč intelektualnoj logici sheme, čista složenost uključene metodologije ima suzbijani protiv
svakog široko prihvaćenog načina planiranja i očuvanja.
However, Conzen’s ideas led into other ways of identifying sub-areas within urban areas and
concepts such as ‘character areas’ and areas of different ‘urban tissue’ have found rather more
favour with practitioners, eager to base their policies on a sounder intellectual footing. A small-scale
example of this is shown in Fig. 2.3, for Barnt Green near Birmingham (Whitehand 2009) and
illustrates the complexity of the urban tissue even in this suburban area. The plan was created to act
as the basis for managing conservation policy within the parish area. The complexity is based on the
existence of a hierarchy of morphological divisions within the area based on the different
combinations of the three basic form complexes of town plan, building form and land and building
utilization. These form townscape units and any effective attempt to conserve the character of such
areas must recognise this complexity, derived from the varied pattern of streets, plot sizes and
building types. Thus, if conservation is to be undertaken and such areas managed effectively, it
needs to be rooted much more deeply in such accurate and detailed survey (Larkham 1990). Despite
the problems, urban morphology has much to offer practice in the designation and management of
conservation areas. The main justification in the UK context, at least, is that few local authorities
appear to have a firm and consistent theoretical basis to deal with the management of change
within their conservation areas and, instead, rely on sheer pragmatism.
1532/5000
Zapravo, Conzen-ove ideje dovele su do drugih načina prepoznavanja pod-područja unutar urbanih
područja i koncepata poput "područja znakova" i područja različitog "urbanog tkiva", našla su više
prednosti praktičari, željni temelje svoje politike na inteligentnijoj osnovi. Primjer toga malog opsega
prikazan je na slici 2.3, za Barnt Green blizu Birminghama (Whitehand 2009) i ilustrira složenost
gradskog tkiva čak i u ovom prigradskom području. Plan je stvoren da posluži kao osnova za
upravljanje politika očuvanja unutar župnog područja. Složenost se temelji na postojanju hijerarhije
morfološke podjele unutar područja na temelju različitih kombinacija triju osnovnih oblika kompleksi
urbanističkog plana, oblika zgrade i zemljišta i upotrebe građevina. Oni čine gradske jedinice i svaki
učinkovit pokušaj očuvanja karaktera takvih područja mora prepoznati tu složenost, izvedenu od
različitih uzoraka ulica, veličina parcela i vrsta građevina. Dakle, ako se želi očuvati
i takva područja se učinkovito upravljaju, potrebno je ukorijeniti mnogo dublje u tako precizno i
detaljno anketa (Larkham 1990). Unatoč problemima, urbana morfologija može mnogo toga ponuditi
u praksi određivanje i upravljanje zaštićenim područjima. Bar je opravdanje u britanskom kontekstu
glavno čini se da nekoliko lokalnih vlasti imaju čvrstu i konzistentnu teorijsku osnovu za suočavanje s
tim problemom upravljanje promjenama unutar svojih područja očuvanja i umjesto toga oslanjajte
se na čist pragmatizam.