Sogdia
Sogdia
Sogdia
Sogdia, Sogdiana
Imitations of Sassanian coins and Chinese cash coins as well as "hybrids" of both.
Currency [2][3]
Sogdia (Sogdian: soγδ) or Sogdiana was an ancient Iranian civilization between the
Amu Darya and the Syr Darya, and in present-day Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan,
Tajikistan, Kazakhstan, and Kyrgyzstan. Sogdiana was also a province of the
Achaemenid Empire, and listed on the Behistun Inscription of Darius the Great.[4][5][6]
Sogdiana was first conquered by Cyrus the Great, the founder of the Achaemenid
Empire, and then was annexed by the Macedonian ruler Alexander the Great in 328
BC. It would continue to change hands under the Seleucid Empire, the Greco-Bactrian
Kingdom, the Kushan Empire, the Sasanian Empire, the Hephthalite Empire, the
Western Turkic Khaganate and the Muslim conquest of Transoxiana.
The Sogdian city-states, although never politically united, were centered on the city of
Samarkand. Sogdian, an Eastern Iranian language, is no longer spoken, but a
descendant of one of its dialects, Yaghnobi, is still spoken by the Yaghnobis of
Tajikistan. It was widely spoken in Central Asia as a lingua franca and served as one
of the First Turkic Khaganate's court languages for writing documents.
Sogdians also lived in Imperial China and rose to prominence in the military and
government of the Chinese Tang dynasty (618–907 AD). Sogdian merchants and
diplomats travelled as far west as the Byzantine Empire. They played an important
part as middlemen in the trade route of the Silk Road. While originally following the
faiths of Zoroastrianism, Manichaeism, Buddhism and, to a lesser extent, Nestorian
Christianity from West Asia, the gradual conversion to Islam among the Sogdians and
their descendants began with the Muslim conquest of Transoxiana in the 8th century.
The Sogdian conversion to Islam was virtually complete by the end of the Samanid
Empire in 999, coinciding with the decline of the Sogdian language, as it was largely
supplanted by Persian.
Contents
1 Geography
2 Name
3 History
o 3.1 Prehistory
o 3.2 Achaemenid period (546-327 BC)
o 3.3 Hellenistic period (327-145 BC)
o 3.4 Saka and Kushan periods (146 BC-260 AD)
o 3.5 Sasanian satrapy (260 AD)
o 3.6 Hephthalite conquest of Sogdiana (479-557 AD)
o 3.7 Turkic Khaganates (557-742 AD)
o 3.8 Arab Muslim conquest (8th century AD)
4 Economy and diplomacy
o 4.1 Central Asia and the Silk Road
o 4.2 Trade and diplomacy with the Byzantine Empire
o 4.3 Sogdian traders in the Tarim Basin
o 4.4 Sogdian merchants, generals, and statesmen in Imperial China
5 Language and culture
o 5.1 Art
o 5.2 Language
o 5.3 Clothing
o 5.4 Religious beliefs
6 Slave trade
7 Modern historiography
8 Notable people
9 Diaspora areas
10 See also
11 References
o 11.1 Citations
o 11.2 Sources
12 Further reading
13 External links
Geography
Sogdiana lay north of Bactria, east of Khwarezm, and southeast of Kangju between
the Oxus (Amu Darya) and the Jaxartes (Syr Darya), including the fertile valley of the
Zeravshan (called the Polytimetus by the ancient Greeks).[7] Sogdian territory
corresponds to the modern regions of Samarkand and Bukhara in modern Uzbekistan,
as well as the Sughd region of modern Tajikistan. In the High Middle Ages, Sogdian
cities included sites stretching towards Issyk Kul, such as that at the archeological site
of Suyab.
Name
History
Left: Bead necklace from the tomb of the so-called “Sarazm princess” in Sarazm, Sogdia,
middle 4th millennium BC.
Right: 12-petalled flower from the cult structure in Sarazm, Sogdia, early 3rd millennium BC
Prehistory
Further information: Indo-Iranians
Sogdiana possessed a Bronze Age urban culture: original Bronze Age towns appear in
the archaeological record beginning with the settlement at Sarazm, Tajikistan,
spanning as far back as the 4th millennium BC, and then at Kök Tepe, near modern-
day Bulungur, Uzbekistan, from at least the 15th century BC.[11]
This original culture was gradually displaced by the Indo-European migrations of the
Iron Age, forming the Andronovo culture (c. 2000–1450 BC), which included Eastern
Iranian speaking peoples such as the historical Sogdians.[12] In the Avesta the
Sogdians are mentioned as living in the lands created by Ahura Mazda for the Iranian
peoples.
Achaemenid ruler Cyrus the Great conquered Sogdiana while campaigning in Central
Asia in 546–539 BC,[13] a fact mentioned by the ancient Greek historian Herodotus in
his Histories.[12] Darius I introduced the Aramaic writing system and coin currency to
Central Asia, in addition to incorporating Sogdians into his standing army as regular
soldiers and cavalrymen.[14] A contingent of Sogdian soldiers fought in the main army
of Xerxes I during his second, ultimately-failed invasion of Greece in 480 BC.[6][15] A
Persian inscription from Susa claims that the palace there was adorned with lapis
lazuli and carnelian originating from Sogdiana.[6]
During this period of Persian rule, the western half of Asia Minor was part of the
Greek civilization. As the Achaemenids conquered it, they met persistent resistance
and revolt. One of their solutions was to ethnically cleanse rebelling regions,
relocating those who survived to the far side of the empire. Thus Sogdiana came to
have a significant Greek population.
Sogdians on an Achaemenid Persian relief from the Apadana of Persepolis, offering tributary
gifts to the Persian king Darius I, 5th century BC
Given the absence of any named satraps (i.e. Achaemenid provincial governors) for
Sogdiana in historical records, modern scholarship has concluded that Sogdiana was
governed from the satrapy of nearby Bactria.[16] The satraps were often relatives of the
ruling Persian kings, especially sons who were not designated as the heir apparent.[12]
Sogdiana likely remained under Persian control until roughly 400 BC, during the
reign of Artaxerxes II.[17] Rebellious states of the Persian Empire took advantage of
the weak Artaxerxes II, and some, such as Egypt, were able to regain their
independence. Persia's massive loss of Central Asian territory is widely attributed to
the ruler's lack of control. However, unlike Egypt, which was quickly recaptured by
the Persian Empire, Sogdiana remained independent until it was conquered by
Alexander the Great. When the latter invaded the Persian Empire, Pharasmanes, an
already independent king of Khwarezm, allied with the Macedonians and sent troops
to Alexander in 329 BC for his war against the Scythians of the Black Sea region
(even though this anticipated campaign never materialized).[17]
During the Achaemenid period (550–330 BC), the Sogdians lived as a nomadic
people much like the neighboring Yuezhi, who spoke Bactrian, an Indo-Iranian
language closely related to Sogdian,[18] and were already engaging in overland trade.
Some of them had also gradually settled the land to engage in agriculture.[19] Similar
to how the Yuezhi offered tributary gifts of jade to the emperors of China, the
Sogdians are recorded in Persian records as submitting precious gifts of lapis lazuli
and carnelian to Darius I, the Persian king of kings.[19] Although the Sogdians were at
times independent and living outside the boundaries of large empires, they never
formed a great empire of their own like the Yuezhi, who established the Kushan
Empire (30–375 AD) of Central and South Asia.[19]
After an extended campaign putting down Sogdian resistance and founding military
outposts manned by his Macedonian veterans, Alexander united Sogdiana with
Bactria into one satrapy. The Sogdian nobleman and warlord Spitamenes (370–328
BC), allied with Scythian tribes, led an uprising against Alexander's forces. This
revolt was put down by Alexander and his generals Amyntas, Craterus, and Coenus,
with the aid of native Bactrian and Sogdian troops.[29] With the Scythian and Sogdian
rebels defeated, Spitamenes was allegedly betrayed by his own wife and beheaded.[30]
Pursuant with his own marriage to Roxana, Alexander encouraged his men to marry
Sogdian women in order to discourage further revolt.[24][31] This included Apama,
daughter of the rebel Spitamenes, who wed Seleucus I Nicator and bore him a son and
future heir to the Seleucid throne.[32] According to the Roman historian Appian,
Seleucus I named three new Hellenistic cities in Asia after her (see Apamea).[32][33]
The military power of the Sogdians never recovered. Subsequently, Sogdiana formed
part of the Hellenistic Greco-Bactrian Kingdom, a breakaway state from the Seleucid
Empire founded in 248 BC by Diodotus I, for roughly a century.[34][35] Euthydemus I, a
former satrap of Sogdiana, seems to have held the Sogdian territory as a rival claimant
to the Greco-Bactrian throne; his coins were later copied locally and bore Aramaic
inscriptions.[36] The Greco-Bactrian king Eucratides I may have recovered sovereignty
of Sogdia temporarily.
Saka and Kushan periods (146 BC-260 AD)
Head of a Saka warrior, as a defeated enemy of the Yuezhi, from Khalchayan, northern
Bactria, 1st century BCE.[37][38][39]
Finally Sogdia was occupied by nomads when the Sakas overran the Greco-Bactrian
kingdom around 145 BC, soon followed by the Yuezhi, the nomadic predecessors of
the Kushans. From then until about 40 BC the Yuezhi tepidly minted coins imitating
and still bearing the images of the Greco-Bactrian kings Eucratides I and Heliocles I.
[40]
The Yuezhis were visited in Transoxiana by a Chinese mission, led by Zhang Qian in
126 BC,[41] which sought an offensive alliance with the Yuezhi against the Xiongnu.
Zhang Qian, who spent a year in Transoxiana and Bactria, wrote a detailed account in
the Shiji, which gives considerable insight into the situation in Central Asia at the
time.[42] The request for an alliance was denied by the son of the slain Yuezhi king,
who preferred to maintain peace in Transoxiana rather than seek revenge.
A Yuezhi (left) fighting a Sogdian behind a shield (right), Noin-Ula carpet, 1st century BC/AD.
[43]
— Shiji, 123[44]
From the 1st century AD, the Yuezhi morphed into the powerful Kushan Empire,
covering an area from Sogdia to eastern India. The Kushan Empire became the center
of the profitable Central Asian commerce. They began minting unique coins bearing
the faces of their own rulers.[40] They are related to have collaborated militarily with
the Chinese against nomadic incursion, particularly when they allied with the Han
dynasty general Ban Chao against the Sogdians in 84, when the latter were trying to
support a revolt by the king of Kashgar.[45]
Historical knowledge about Sogdia is somewhat hazy during the period of the
Parthian Empire (247 BC – 224 AD) in Persia.[46][47] The subsequent Sasanian Empire
of Persia conquered and incorporated Sogdia as a satrapy in 260,[46] an inscription
dating to the reign of Shapur I claiming "Sogdia, to the mountains of Tashkent" as his
territory, and noting that its limits formed the northeastern Sasanian borderlands with
the Kushan Empire.[47] However, by the 5th century the region was captured by the
rival Hephthalite Empire.[46]
Local coinage of Samarkand, Sogdia, with the Hepthalite tamgha on the reverse.[48]
The Hephthalites conquered the territory of Sogdiana, and incorporated it into their
Empire, around 479 AD, as this is the date of the last known independent embassy of
the Sogdians to China.[49][50]
The Hephthalites may have built major fortified Hippodamian cities (rectangular
walls with an orthogonal network of streets) in Sogdiana, such as Bukhara and
Panjikent, as they had also in Herat, continuing the city-building efforts of the
Kidarites.[50] The Hephthalites probably ruled over a confederation of local rulers or
governors, linked through alliance agreements. One of these vassals may have been
Asbar, ruler of Vardanzi, who also minted his own coinage during the period.[51]
Relief of a hunter, Varahsha, Sogdia, 5th-7th century CE.
The wealth of the Sasanian ransoms and tributes to the Hephthalites may have been
reinvested in Sogdia, possibly explaining the prosperity of the region from that time.
[50]
Sogdia, at the center of a new Silk Road between China to the Sasanian Empire
and the Byzantine Empire became extremely prosperous under its nomadic elites.[52]
The Hephthalites took on the role of major intermediary on the Silk Road, after their
great predecessor the Kushans, and contracted local Sogdians to carry on the trade of
silk and other luxury goods between the China Empire and the Sasanian Empire.[53]
Because of the Hephthalite occupation of Sogdia, the original coinage of Sogdia came
to be flooded by the influx of Sasanian coins received as a tribute to the Hephthalites.
This coinage then spread along the Silk Road.[49] The symbol of the Hephthalites
appears on the residual coinage of Samarkand, probably as a consequence of the
Hephthalite control of Sogdia, and becomes prominent in Sogdian coinage from 500
to 700 AD, including in the coinage of their indigenous successors the Ikhshids (642-
755 AD), ending with the Muslim conquest of Transoxiana.[54][55]
The Turks of the First Turkic Khaganate and the Sasanians under Khosrow I allied
against the Hephthalites and defeated them after an eight-day battle near Qarshi, the
Battle of Bukhara, perhaps in 557.[56] The Turks retained the area north of the Oxus,
including all of Sogdia, while the Sasanians obtained the areas south of it. The Turks
fragmented in 581, and the Western Turkic Khaganate took over in Sogdia.
Archaeological remains suggest that the Turks probably became the main trading
partners of the Sogdians, as appears from the tomb of the Sogdian trader An Jia.[57]
The Turks also appear in great numbers in the Afrasiab murals of Samarkand, where
they are probably shown attending the reception by the local Sogdian ruler
Varkhuman in the 7th century AD.[58][59] These paintings suggest that Sogdia was a
very cosmopolitan environment at that time, as delegates of various nations, including
Chinese and Korean delegates, are also shown.[58][60] From around 650, China led the
conquest of the Western Turks, and the Sogdian rulers such as Varkhuman as well as
the Western Turks all became nominal vassals of China, as part of the Anxi
Protectorate of the Tang dynasty, until the Muslim conquest of Transoxiana.[61]
Ambassadors from various countries (China, Korea, Iranian and Hephthalite principalities...),
paying hommage to king Varkhuman and possibly Western Turk Khagan Shekui, under the
massive presence of Turkic officers and courtiers. Afrasiab murals, Samarkand, 648-651 AD.
[61]
Letter of an Arab Emir to the Sogdian ruler Devashtich, found in Mount Mugh
Qutayba ibn Muslim (669–716), Governor of Greater Khorasan under the Umayyad
Caliphate (661–750), initiated the Muslim conquest of Sogdia during the early 8th
century, with the local ruler of Balkh offering him aid as an Umayyad ally.[47][62]
However, when his successor al-Jarrah ibn Abdallah governed Khorasan (717–719),
many native Sogdians, who had converted to Islam, began to revolt when they were
no longer exempt from paying the tax on non-Muslims, the jizya, because of a new
law stating that proof of circumcision and literacy in the Quran was necessary for new
converts.[47][63] With the aid of the Turkic Turgesh, the Sogdians were able to expel the
Umayyad Arab garrison from Samarkand, and Umayyad attempts to restore power
there were rebuffed until the arrival of Sa'id ibn Amr al-Harashi (fl. 720–735). The
Sogdian ruler (i.e. ikhshid) of Samarkand, Gurak, who had previously overthrown the
pro-Umayyad Sogdian ruler Tarkhun in 710, decided that resistance against al-
Harashi's large Arab force was pointless, and thereafter persuaded his followers to
declare allegiance to the Umayyad governor.[63] Divashtich (r. 706–722), the Sogdian
ruler of Panjakent, led his forces to the Zarafshan Range (near modern Zarafshan,
Tajikistan), whereas the Sogdians following Karzanj, the ruler of Pai (modern
Kattakurgan, Uzbekistan), fled to the Principality of Farghana, where their ruler at-
Tar (or Alutar) promised them safety and refuge from the Umayyads. However, at-Tar
secretly informed al-Harashi of the Sogdians hiding in Khujand, who were then
slaughtered by al-Harashi's forces after their arrival.[64]
Coin of Turgar, the last Ikhshid of Sogdia. Excavated in Penjikent, 8th century CE, National
Museum of Antiquities of Tajikistan.[65]
The Umayyads fell in 750 to the Abbasid Caliphate, which quickly asserted itself in
Central Asia after winning the Battle of Talas (along the Talas River in modern Talas
Oblast, Kyrgyzstan) in 751, against the Chinese Tang Dynasty. This conflict
incidentally introduced Chinese papermaking to the Islamic world.[66] The cultural
consequences and political ramifications of this battle meant the retreat of the Chinese
empire from Central Asia. It also allowed for the rise of the Samanid Empire (819–
999), a Persian state centered at Bukhara (in what is now modern Uzbekistan) that
nominally observed the Abbasids as their overlords, yet retained a great deal of
autonomy and upheld the mercantile legacy of the Sogdians.[66] Yet the Sogdian
language gradually declined in favor of the Persian language of the Samanids (the
ancestor to the modern Tajik language), the spoken language of renowned poets and
intellectuals of the age such as Ferdowsi (940–1020).[66] So too did the original
religions of the Sogdians decline; Zoroastrianism, Buddhism, Manichaeism, and
Nestorian Christianity disappeared in the region by the end of the Samanid period.[66]
The Samanids were also responsible for converting the surrounding Turkic peoples to
Islam, which presaged the conquest of their empire in 999 by an Islamic Turkic
power, the Kara-Khanid Khanate (840–1212).[67]
During the early 13th century, Khwarezmia was invaded by the early Mongol Empire
and its ruler Genghis Khan destroyed the once vibrant cities of Bukhara and
Samarkand.[68] However, in 1370, Samarkand saw a revival as the capital of the
Timurid Empire. The Turko-Mongol ruler Timur forcefully brought artisans and
intellectuals from across Asia to Samarkand, transforming it not only into a trade hub
but also one of the most important cities of the Islamic world.[69]
Most merchants did not travel the entire Silk Road, but would trade goods through
middlemen based in oasis towns, such as Khotan or Dunhuang. The Sogdians,
however, established a trading network across the 1500 miles from Sogdiana to
China. In fact, the Sogdians turned their energies to trade so thoroughly that the Saka
of the Kingdom of Khotan called all merchants suli, "Sogdian", whatever their culture
or ethnicity.[70] The Sogdians had learnt to become expert traders from the Kushans,
together with whom they initially controlled trade in the Ferghana Valley and Kangju
during the 'birth' of the Silk Road. Later, they became the primary middlemen after
the demise of the Kushan Empire.[71][72]
Unlike the empires of antiquity, the Sogdian region was not a territory confined
within fixed borders, but rather a network of city-states, from one oasis to another,
linking Sogdiana to Byzantium, India, Indochina and China.[73] Sogdian contacts with
China were initiated by the embassy of the Chinese explorer Zhang Qian during the
reign of Emperor Wu (r. 141–87 BC) of the former Han dynasty. Zhang wrote a
report of his visit to the Western Regions in Central Asia and named the area of
Sogdiana as "Kangju".[74]
Left image: Sogdian men feasting and eating at a banquet, from a wall mural of Panjakent,
Tajikistan, 7th century AD
Right image: Detail of a mural from Varakhsha, 6th century AD, showing elephant riders
fighting tigers and monsters.
Following Zhang Qian's embassy and report, commercial Chinese relations with
Central Asia and Sogdiana flourished,[75] as many Chinese missions were sent
throughout the 1st century BC. In his Shiji published in 94 BC, Chinese historian
Sima Qian remarked that "the largest of these embassies to foreign states numbered
several hundred persons, while even the smaller parties included over 100 members ...
In the course of one year anywhere from five to six to over ten parties would be sent
out."[76] In terms of the silk trade, the Sogdians also served as middlemen between the
Chinese Han Empire and the Parthian Empire of the Middle East and West Asia.[77]
Sogdians played a major role in facilitating trade between China and Central Asia
along the Silk Roads as late as the 10th century, their language serving as a lingua
franca for Asian trade as far back as the 4th century.[78][79]
Left image: An Jia, a Sogdian trader and official in China, depicted on his tomb in 579 AD.
Right image: ceramic figurine of a Sogdian merchant in northern China, Tang Dynasty, 7th
century AD
Left image: Sogdian coin, 6th century, British Museum
Right image: Chinese-influenced Sogdian coin, from Kelpin, 8th century, British Museum
Subsequent to their domination by Alexander the Great, the Sogdians from the city of
Marakanda (Samarkand) became dominant as traveling merchants, occupying a key
position along the ancient Silk Road.[80] They played an active role in the spread of
faiths such as Manicheism, Zoroastrianism, and Buddhism along the Silk Road. The
Chinese Sui Shu (Book of Sui) describes Sogdians as "skilled merchants" who
attracted many foreign traders to their land to engage in commerce.[81] They were
described by the Chinese as born merchants, learning their commercial skills at an
early age. It appears from sources, such as documents found by Sir Aurel Stein and
others, that by the 4th century they may have monopolized trade between India and
China. A letter written by Sogdian merchants dated 313 AD and found in the ruins of
a watchtower in Gansu, was intended to be sent to merchants in Samarkand, warning
them that after Liu Cong of Han Zhao sacked Luoyang and the Jin emperor fled the
capital, there was no worthwhile business there for Indian and Sogdian merchants.[15]
[82]
Furthermore, in 568 AD, a Turko-Sogdian delegation travelled to the Roman
emperor in Constantinople to obtain permission to trade and in the following years
commercial activity between the states flourished.[83] Put simply, the Sogdians
dominated trade along the Silk Road from the 2nd century BC until the 10th century.
[70]
Suyab and Talas in modern-day Kyrgyzstan were the main Sogdian centers in the
north that dominated the caravan routes of the 6th to 8th centuries.[84] Their
commercial interests were protected by the resurgent military power of the Göktürks,
whose empire was built on the political power of the Ashina clan and economic clout
of the Sogdians.[85][86][87] Sogdian trade, with some interruptions, continued into the 9th
century. For instance, camels, women, girls, silver, and gold were seized from Sogdia
during a raid by Qapaghan Qaghan (692–716), ruler of the Second Turkic Khaganate.
[88]
In the 10th century, Sogdiana was incorporated into the Uighur Empire, which
until 840 encompassed northern Central Asia. This khaganate obtained enormous
deliveries of silk from Tang China in exchange for horses, in turn relying on the
Sogdians to sell much of this silk further west.[89] Peter B. Golden writes that the
Uyghurs not only adopted the writing system and religious faiths of the Sogdians,
such as Manichaeism, Buddhism, and Christianity, but also looked to the Sogdians as
"mentors", while gradually replacing them in their roles as Silk Road traders and
purveyors of culture.[90] Muslim geographers of the 10th century drew upon Sogdian
records dating to 750–840. After the end of the Uyghur Empire, Sogdian trade
underwent a crisis. Following the Muslim conquest of Transoxiana in the 8th century,
the Samanids resumed trade on the northwestern road leading to the Khazars and the
Urals and the northeastern one toward the nearby Turkic tribes.[86]
During the 5th and 6th century, many Sogdians took up residence in the Hexi
Corridor, where they retained autonomy in terms of governance and had a designated
official administrator known as a Sabao, which suggests their importance to the
socioeconomic structure of China. The Sogdian influence on trade in China is also
made apparent by a Chinese document which lists taxes paid on caravan trade in the
Turpan region and shows that twenty-nine out of the thirty-five commercial
transactions involved Sogdian merchants, and in thirteen of those cases both the buyer
and the seller were Sogdian.[91] Trade goods brought to China included grapes, alfalfa,
and Sassanian silverware, as well as glass containers, Mediterranean coral, brass
Buddhist images, Roman wool cloth, and Baltic amber. These were exchanged for
Chinese paper, copper, and silk.[70] In the 7th century, the Chinese Buddhist pilgrim
Xuanzang noted with approval that Sogdian boys were taught to read and write at the
age of five, though their skill was turned to trade, disappointing the scholarly
Xuanzang. He also recorded the Sogdians working in other capacities such as farmers,
carpetweavers, glassmakers, and woodcarvers.[92]
Chinese silk in Sogdia: Tang Dynasty emissaries at the court of the Ikhshid of Sogdia
Varkhuman in Samarkand, carrying silk and a string of silkworm cocoons, circa 655 CE,
Afrasiab murals, Samarkand.
Shortly after the smuggling of silkworm eggs into the Byzantine Empire from China
by Nestorian Christian monks, the 6th-century Byzantine historian Menander
Protector writes of how the Sogdians attempted to establish a direct trade of Chinese
silk with the Byzantine Empire. After forming an alliance with the Sasanian ruler
Khosrow I to defeat the Hephthalite Empire, Istämi, the Göktürk ruler of the First
Turkic Khaganate, was approached by Sogdian merchants requesting permission to
seek an audience with the Sassanid king of kings for the privilege of traveling through
Persian territories in order to trade with the Byzantines.[77] Istämi refused the first
request, but when he sanctioned the second one and had the Sogdian embassy sent to
the Sassanid king, the latter had the members of the embassy poisoned.[77] Maniah, a
Sogdian diplomat, convinced Istämi to send an embassy directly to Byzantium's
capital Constantinople, which arrived in 568 and offered not only silk as a gift to
Byzantine ruler Justin II, but also proposed an alliance against Sassanid Persia. Justin
II agreed and sent an embassy to the Turkic Khaganate, ensuring the direct silk trade
desired by the Sogdians.[77][93][94]
A lion motif on Sogdian polychrome silk, 8th century AD, most likely from Bukhara.
It appears, however, that direct trade with the Sogdians remained limited in light of
the small amount of Roman and Byzantine coins found in Central Asian and Chinese
archaeological sites belonging to this era. Although Roman embassies apparently
reached Han China from 166 AD onwards,[95] and the ancient Romans imported Han
Chinese silk while the Han-dynasty Chinese imported Roman glasswares as
discovered in their tombs,[96][97] Valerie Hansen (2012) wrote that no Roman coins
from the Roman Republic (507–27 BC) or the Principate (27 BC – 330 AD) era of the
Roman Empire have been found in China.[98] However, Warwick Ball (2016) upends
this notion by pointing to a hoard of sixteen Roman coins found at Xi'an, China
(formerly Chang'an), dated to the reigns of various emperors from Tiberius (14–37
AD) to Aurelian (270–275 AD).[99] The earliest gold solidus coins from the Eastern
Roman Empire found in China date to the reign of Byzantine emperor Theodosius II
(r. 408–450) and altogether only forty-eight of them have been found (compared to
thirteen-hundred silver coins) in Xinjiang and the rest of China.[98] The use of silver
coins in Turfan persisted long after the Tang campaign against Karakhoja and Chinese
conquest of 640, with a gradual adoption of Chinese bronze coinage over the course
of the 7th century.[98] The fact that these Eastern Roman coins were almost always
found with Sasanian Persian silver coins and Eastern Roman gold coins were used
more as ceremonial objects like talismans, confirms the pre-eminent importance of
Greater Iran in Chinese Silk Road commerce of Central Asia compared to Eastern
Rome.[100]
The Kizil Caves near Kucha, mid-way in the Tarim Basin, record many scenes of
traders from Central Asia in the 5-6th century: these combine influence from the
Eastern Iran sphere, at that time occupied by the Sasanian Empire and the
Hephthalites, with strong Sogdian cultural elements.[101][102] Sogdia, at the center of a
new Silk Road between China to the Sasanian Empire and the Byzantine Empire
became extremely prosperous around that time.[103]
Sab leading the way for the 500 traders, Kizil Cave 17.
Sogdian merchants, generals, and statesmen in Imperial China
Further information: Ethnic groups in Chinese history, Ethnic minorities in China, and
Western Regions
Left image: kneeling Sogdian donors to the Buddha (fresco, with detail), Bezeklik Thousand
Buddha Caves, near Turpan in the eastern Tarim Basin, China, 8th century
Right image: Sogdians having a toast, with females wearing Chinese headdresses. Anyang
funerary bed, 550–577 AD.[105]
Sogdian Huteng dancer, Xiuding temple pagoda, Anyang, Hunan, China, Tang dynasty, 7th
century.
Aside from the Sogdians of Central Asia who acted as middlemen in the Silk Road
trade, other Sogdians settled down in China for generations. Many Sogdians lived in
Luoyang, capital of the Jin Dynasty (266–420), but fled following the collapse of the
Jin Dynasty's control over northern China in 311 AD and the rise of northern nomadic
tribes.[82] Still, some Sogdians continued living in Gansu.[82] A community of Sogdians
remained in the Northern Liang capital of Wuwei, but when the Northern Liang were
defeated by the Northern Wei in 439 AD, many Sogdians were forcibly relocated to
the Northern Wei capital of Datong, thereby fostering exchanges and trade for the
new dynasty.[106] Numerous Central Asian objects have been found in Northern Wei
tombs, such as the tomb of Feng Hetu.[107]
Other Sogdians came from the west and took positions in Chinese society. The Bei
shi[108] describes how a Sogdian came from Anxi (western Sogdiana or Parthia) to
China and became a sabao (薩保, from Sanskrit sarthavaha, meaning caravan leader)
[93]
who lived in Jiuquan during the Northern Wei (386 – 535 AD), and was the
ancestor of An Tugen, a man who rose from a common merchant to become a top
ranking minister of state for the Northern Qi (550 – 577 AD).[81][109] Valerie Hansen
asserts that around this time and extending into the Tang Dynasty (618 – 907 AD), the
Sogdians "became the most influential of the non-Chinese groups resident in China".
Two different types of Sogdians came to China, envoys and merchants. Sogdian
envoys settled, marrying Chinese women, purchasing land, with newcomers living
there permanently instead of returning to their homelands in Sogdiana.[81] They were
concentrated in large numbers around Luoyang and Chang'an, and also Xiangyang in
present-day Hubei, building Zoroastrian temples to service their communities once
they reached the threshold of roughly 100 households.[81] From the Northern Qi to
Tang periods, the leaders of these communities, the sabao, were incorporated into the
official hierarchy of state officials.[81]
During the 6-7th centuries AD, Sogdian families living in China created important
tombs with funerary epitaphs explaining the history of their illustrious houses. Their
burial practices blended both Chinese forms such as carved funerary beds with
Zoroastrian sensibilities in mind, such as separating the body from both the earth and
water.[110] Sogdian tombs in China are among the most lavish of the period in this
country, and are only inferior to Imperial tombs, suggesting that the Sogdian Sabao
were among the wealthiest members of the population.[111]
Sogdians continued as active traders in China following the defeat of the rebellion,
but many of them were compelled to hide their ethnic identity. A prominent case was
An Chongzhang, Minister of War, and Duke of Liang who, in 756, asked Emperor
Suzong of Tang to allow him to change his name to Li Baoyu because of his shame in
sharing the same surname with the rebel leader.[112] This change of surnames was
enacted retroactively for all of his family members, so that his ancestors would also
be bestowed the surname Li.[112]
The Nestorian Christians like the Bactrian Priest Yisi of Balkh helped the Tang
dynasty general Guo Ziyi militarily crush the An Lushan rebellion, with Yisi
personally acting as a military commander and Yisi and the Nestorian Church of the
East were rewarded by the Tang dynasty with titles and positions as described in the
Nestorian Stele.[126][127][128][129][130][131]
Amoghavajra used his rituals against An Lushan while staying in Chang'an when it
was occupied in 756 while the Tang dynasty crown prince and Xuanzong emperor
had retreated to Sichuan. Amoghavajra's rituals were explicitly intended to introduced
death, disaster and disease against An Lushan.[132] As a result of Amoghavajrya's
assistance in crushing An Lushan, Estoteric Buddhism became the official state
Buddhist sect supported by the Tang dynasty, "Imperial Buddhism" with state funding
and backing for writing scriptures, and constructing monasteries and temples. The
disciples of Amoghavajra did ceremonies for the state and emperor.[133] Tang dynasty
Emperor Suzong was crowned as cakravartin by Amoghavajra after victory against
An Lushan in 759 and he had invoked the Acala vidyaraja against An Lushan. The
Tang dynasty crown prince Li Heng (later Suzong) also received important strategic
military information from Chang'an when it was occupied by An Lushan though
secret message sent by Amoghavajra.[134]
Epitaphs were found dating from the Tang dynasty of a Christian couple in Luoyang
of a Nestorian Christian Sogdian woman, who Lady An (安氏) who died in 821 and
her Nestorian Christian Han Chinese husband, Hua Xian (花献) who died in 827.
These Han Chinese Christian men may have married Sogdian Christian women
because of a lack of Han Chinese women belonging to the Christian religion, limiting
their choice of spouses among the same ethnicity.[135] Another epitaph in Luoyang of a
Nestorian Christian Sogdian woman also surnamed An was discovered and she was
put in her tomb by her military officer son on 22 January, 815. This Sogdian woman's
husband was surnamed He (和) and he was a Han Chinese man and the family was
indicated to be multiethnic on the epitaph pillar.[136] In Luoyang, the mixed raced sons
of Nestorian Christian Sogdian women and Han Chinese men has many career paths
available for them. Neither their mixed ethnicity nor their faith were barriers and they
were able to become civil officials, a military officers and openly celebrated their
Christian religion and support Christian monasteries.[137]
The tomb of Wirkak, a Sogdian official in China. Built in Xi'an in 580 AD, during the Northern
Zhou dynasty. Xi'an City Museum.
During the Tang and subsequent Five Dynasties and Song Dynasty, a large
community of Sogdians also existed in the multicultural entrepôt of Dunhuang,
Gansu, a major center of Buddhist learning and home to the Buddhist Mogao Caves.
[138]
Although Dunhuang and the Hexi Corridor were captured by the Tibetan Empire
after the An Lushan Rebellion, in 848 the ethnic Han Chinese general Zhang Yichao
(799–872) managed to wrestle control of the region from the Tibetans during their
civil war, establishing the Guiyi Circuit under Emperor Xuānzong of Tang (r. 846–
859).[139][140] Although the region occasionally fell under the rule of different states, it
retained its multilingual nature as evidenced by an abundance of manuscripts
(religious and secular) in Chinese and Tibetan, but also Sogdian, Khotanese (another
Eastern Iranian language native to the region), Uyghur, and Sanskrit.[141]
There were nine prominent Sogdian clans (昭武九姓). The names of these clans have
been deduced from the Chinese surnames listed in a Tang-era Dunhuang manuscript
(Pelliot chinois 3319V).[142] Each "clan" name refers to a different city-state as the
Sogdian used the name of their hometown as their Chinese surname.[143] Of these the
most common Sogdian surname throughout China was Shí (石, generally given to
those from Chach, modern Tashkent). The following surnames also appear frequently
on Dunhuang manuscripts and registers: Shǐ (史, from Kesh, modern Shahrisabz), An
(安, from Bukhara), Mi (米, from Panjakent), Kāng (康, from Samarkand), Cáo (曹,
from Kabudhan, north of the Zeravshan River), and Hé (何, from Kushaniyah).[142][144]
Confucius is said to have expressed a desire to live among the "nine tribes" which
may have been a reference to the Sogdian community.[145]
A Tang Dynasty sancai statuette of Sogdian merchants riding on a Bactrian camel, 723 AD,
Xi'an.
The influence of Sinicized and multilingual Sogdians during this Guiyijun (歸義軍)
period (c. 850 – c. 1000 AD) of Dunhuang is evident in a large number of manuscripts
written in Chinese characters from left to right instead of vertically, mirroring the
direction of how the Sogdian alphabet is read.[146] Sogdians of Dunhuang also
commonly formed and joined lay associations among their local communities,
convening at Sogdian-owned taverns in scheduled meetings mentioned in their
epistolary letters.[147] Sogdians living in Turfan under the Tang dynasty and Gaochang
Kingdom engaged in a variety of occupations that included: farming, military service,
painting, leather crafting and selling products such as iron goods.[142] The Sogdians
had been migrating to Turfan since the 4th century, yet the pace of migration began to
climb steadily with the Muslim conquest of Persia and Fall of the Sasanian Empire in
651, followed by the Islamic conquest of Samarkand in 712.[142]
The 6th century is thought to be the peak of Sogdian culture, judging by its highly
developed artistic tradition. By this point, the Sogdians were entrenched in their role
as the central Asian traveling and trading merchants, transferring goods, culture and
religion.[148] During the Middle Ages, the valley of the Zarafshan around Samarkand
retained its Sogdian name, Samarkand.[7] According to the Encyclopædia Britannica,
medieval Arab geographers considered it one of the four fairest regions of the world.
[7]
Where the Sogdians moved in considerable numbers, their language made a
considerable impact. For instance, during China's Han dynasty, the native name of the
Tarim Basin city-state of Loulan was "Kroraina," possibly from Greek due to nearby
Hellenistic influence.[149] However, centuries later in 664 AD, the Tang Chinese
Buddhist monk Xuanzang labelled it as "Nafupo" (納縛溥), which according to Dr.
Hisao Matsuda is a transliteration of the Sogdian word Navapa meaning "new
water."[150]
Art
Main article: Sogdian art
The Afrasiab paintings of the 6th to 7th centuries in Samarkand, Uzbekistan, offer a
rare surviving example of Sogdian art. The paintings, showing scenes of daily life and
events such as the arrival of foreign ambassadors, are located within the ruins of
aristocratic homes. It is unclear if any of these palatial residences served as the
official palace of the rulers of Samarkand.[151] The oldest surviving Sogdian
monumental wall murals date to the 5th century and are located at Panjakent,
Tajikistan.[152] In addition to revealing aspects of their social and political lives,
Sogdian art has also been instrumental in aiding historians' understanding of their
religious beliefs. For instance, it is clear that Buddhist Sogdians incorporated some of
their own Iranian deities into their version of the Buddhist Pantheon. At Zhetysu,
Sogdian gilded bronze plaques on a Buddhist temple show a pairing of a male and
female deity with outstretched hands holding a miniature camel, a common non-
Buddhist image similarly found in the paintings of Samarkand and Panjakent.[153]
Language
Main article: Sogdian language
Epitaph in Sogdian by the sons of Wirkak, a Sogdian merchant and official who died in China
in 580 CE.
The Sogdians spoke an Eastern Iranian language called Sogdian, closely related to
Bactrian, Khwarazmian, and the Khotanese Saka language, widely spoken Eastern
Iranian languages of Central Asia in ancient times.[46][154] Sogdian was also prominent
in the oasis city-state of Turfan in the Tarim Basin region of Northwest China (in
modern Xinjiang).[154] Judging by the Sogdian Bugut inscription of Mongolia written
c. 581, the Sogdian language was also an official language of the First Turkic
Khaganate established by the Gokturks.[94][154]
Sogdian was written largely in three scripts: the Sogdian alphabet, the Syriac
alphabet, and the Manichaean alphabet, each derived from the Aramaic alphabet,[155]
[156]
which had been widely used in both the Achaemenid and Parthian empires of
ancient Iran.[14][157] The Sogdian alphabet formed the basis of the Old Uyghur alphabet
of the 8th century, which in turn was used to create the Mongolian script of the early
Mongol Empire during the 13th century.[158] Later in 1599, the Jurchen leader Nurhaci
decided to convert the Mongolian alphabet to make it suitable for the Manchu people.
The Yaghnobi people living in the Sughd province of Tajikistan still speak a
descendant of the Sogdian language.[47][159] Yaghnobi is largely a continuation of the
medieval Sogdian dialect from the Osrushana region of the western Fergana Valley.
[160]
The great majority of the Sogdian people assimilated with other local groups such
as the Bactrians, Chorasmians, and in particular with Persians, and came to speak
Persian. In 819, the Persians founded the Samanid Empire in the region. They are
among the ancestors of the modern Tajiks. Numerous Sogdian cognates can be found
in the modern Tajik language, although the latter is a Western Iranian language.
Clothing
Sogdians, depicted on the Anyang funerary bed, a Sogdian sarcophagus in China during the
Northern Qi Dynasty (550–577 AD). Guimet Museum.
Early medieval Sogdian costumes can be divided in two periods: Hephtalitic (5th and
6th centuries) and Turkic (7th and early 8th centuries). The latter did not become
common immediately after the political dominance of the Gökturks but only in c. 620
when, especially following Western Turkic Khagan Ton-jazbgu's reforms, Sogd was
Turkized and the local nobility was officially included in the Khaganate's
administration.[161]
For both sexes clothes were tight-fitted, and narrow waists and wrists were
appreciated. The silhouettes for grown men and young girls emphasized wide
shoulders and narrowed to the waist; the silhouettes for female aristocrats were more
complicated. The Sogdian clothing underwent a thorough process of Islamization in
the ensuing centuries, with few of the original elements remaining. In their stead,
turbans, kaftans, and sleeved coats became more common.[161]
Religious beliefs
Further information: Silk Road transmission of Buddhism, Mar Ammo, and Bible translations
into Sogdian
The Sogdians practiced a variety of religious faiths. However, Zoroastrianism was
most likely their main religion, as demonstrated by material evidence, such as the
discovery in Samarkand, Panjakent and Er-Kurgan of murals depicting votaries
making offerings before fire altars and ossuaries holding the bones of the dead - in
accordance with Zoroastrian ritual. At Turfan, Sogdian burials shared similar features
with traditional Chinese practices, yet they still retained essential Zoroastrian rituals,
such as allowing the bodies to be picked clean by scavengers before burying the bones
in ossuaries.[142] They also sacrificed animals to Zoroastrian deities, including the
supreme deity Ahura Mazda.[142] Zoroastrianism remained the dominant religion
among Sogdians until after the Islamic conquest, when they gradually converted to
Islam, as is shown by Richard Bulliet's "conversion curve".[162]
Left: An 8th-century Tang dynasty Chinese clay figurine of a Sogdian man wearing a
distinctive cap and face veil, a probable Zoroastrian priest engaging in a ritual at a fire
temple, since face veils were used to avoid contaminating the holy fire with breath or saliva;
Museum of Oriental Art (Turin), Italy.[163]
Right: A Zoroastrian fire worship ceremony, depicted on the Tomb of Anjia, a Sogdian
merchant in China.[164]
The Sogdian religious texts found in China and dating to the Northern Dynasties, Sui,
and Tang are mostly Buddhist (translated from Chinese sources), Manichaean, and
Nestorian Christian, with only a small minority of Zoroastrian texts.[165] But, tombs of
Sogdian merchants in China dated to the last third of the 6th century show
predominantly Zoroastrian motifs or Zoroastrian-Manichaean syncretism, while
archaeological remains from Sogdiana appear fairly Iranian and conservatively
Zoroastrian.[165]
However, the Sogdians epitomized the religious plurality found along the trade routes.
The largest body of Sogdian texts are Buddhist, and Sogdians were among the
principal translators of Buddhist sutras into Chinese. However, Buddhism did not take
root in Sogdiana itself.[166] Additionally, the Bulayiq monastery to the north of Turpan
contained Sogdian Christian texts, and there are numerous Manichaean texts in
Sogdiana from nearby Qocho.[167] The reconversion of Sogdians from Buddhism to
Zoroastrianism coincided with the adoption of Zoroastrianism by the Sassanid Empire
of Persia.[93] From the 4th century onwards, Sogdian Buddhist pilgrims left behind
evidence of their travels along the steep cliffs of the Indus River and Hunza Valley. It
was here that they carved images of the Buddha and holy stupas in addition to their
full names, in hopes that the Buddha would grant them his protection.[168]
The Sogdians also practiced Manichaeism, the faith of Mani, which they spread
among the Uyghurs. The Uyghur Khaganate (744–840 AD) developed close ties to
Tang China once it had aided the Tang in suppressing the rebellion of An Lushan and
his Göktürk successor Shi Siming, establishing an annual trade relationship of one
million bolts of Chinese silk for one hundred thousand horses.[89] The Uyghurs relied
on Sogdian merchants to sell much of this silk further west along the Silk Road, a
symbiotic relationship that led many Uyghurs to adopt Manichaeism from the
Sogdians.[89] However, evidence of Manichaean liturgical and canonical texts of
Sogdian origin remains fragmentary and sparse compared to their corpus of Buddhist
writings.[169] The Uyghurs were also followers of Buddhism. For instance, they can be
seen wearing silk robes in the praṇidhi scenes of the Uyghur Bezeklik Buddhist
murals of Xinjiang, China, particularly Scene 6 from Temple 9 showing Sogdian
donors to the Buddha.[170][171]
Shiva (with trisula), attended by Sogdian devotees. Penjikent, 7th–8th century AD.
Hermitage Museum.
In addition to Puranic cults, there were five Hindu deities known to have been
worshipped in Sogdiana.[172] These were Brahma, Indra, Mahadeva (Shiva), Narayana,
and Vaishravana; the gods Brahma, Indra, and Shiva were known by their Sogdian
names Zravan, Adbad and Veshparkar, respectively.[172] Durga, a mother goddess in
Shaktism, may be represented in Sogdian art as a four-armed goddess riding atop a
lion.[172] As seen in an 8th-century mural from Panjakent, portable fire altars can be
"associated" with Mahadeva-Veshparkar, Brahma-Zravan, and Indra-Abdab,
according to Braja Bihārī Kumar.[172]
Among the Sogdian Christians known in China from inscriptions and texts were An
Yena, a Christian from An country (Bukhara). Mi Jifen a Christian from Mi country
(Maymurgh), Kang Zhitong, a Sogdian Christian cleric from Kang country
(Samarkand), Mi Xuanqing a Sogdian Christian cleric from Mi country (Maymurgh),
Mi Xuanying, a Sogdian Christian cleric from Mi country (Maymurgh), An Qingsu, a
Sogdian Christian monk from An country (Bukhara).[173][174][175]
Pranidhi scene, temple 9 (Cave 20) of the Bezeklik Thousand Buddha Caves, Turfan, Xinjiang,
China, 9th century AD, with kneeling figures with Caucasian features and green eyes praying
in front of the Buddha. Modern scholarship has identified praṇidhi scenes of the same
temple (No. 9) as depicting Sogdians,[170] who inhabited Turfan as an ethnic minority during
the phases of Tang Chinese (7th–8th century) and Uyghur rule (9th–13th century).[142]
When visiting Yuan-era Zhenjiang, Jiangsu, China during the late 13th century, the
Venetian explorer and merchant Marco Polo noted that a large number of Christian
churches had been built there. His claim is confirmed by a Chinese text of the 14th
century explaining how a Sogdian named Mar-Sargis from Samarkand founded six
Nestorian Christian churches there, in addition to one in Hangzhou during the second
half of the 13th century.[176] Nestorian Christianity had existed in China earlier during
the Tang Dynasty when a Persian monk named Alopen came to Chang'an in 653 to
proselytize, as described in a dual Chinese and Syriac language inscription from
Chang'an (modern Xi'an), dated to the year 781.[177] Within the Syriac inscription is a
list of priests and monks, one of whom is named Gabriel, the archdeacon of
"Xumdan" and "Sarag", the Sogdian names for the Chinese capital cities Chang'an
and Luoyang, respectively.[178] In regards to textual material, the earliest Christian
gospel texts translated into Sogdian coincide with the reign of the Sasanian Persian
monarch Yazdegerd II (r. 438–457), and were translated from the Peshitta, the
standard version of the Bible in Syriac Christianity.[179]
Slave trade
Further information: History of slavery in China and Iranians in China
Slavery existed in China since ancient times, although during the Han dynasty the
proportion of slaves to the overall population was roughly 1%,[180] far lower than the
estimate for the contemporary Greco-Roman world (estimated at about 15% of the
entire population).[181][182] During the Tang period, slaves were not allowed to marry a
commoner's daughter, were not allowed to have sexual relations with any female
member of their master's family, and although fornication with female slaves was
forbidden in the Tang code of law, it was widely practiced.[183] Manumission was also
permitted when a slave woman gave birth to her master's son, which allowed for her
elevation to the legal status of a commoner, yet she could only live as a concubine and
not as the wife of her former master.[184]
Contract written in Sogdian for the purchase of a slave in 639 CE, Astana Tomb No. 135.[185]
Sogdian and Chinese merchants regularly traded in slaves in and around Turpan
during the Tang dynasty. Turpan under Tang dynasty rule was a center of major
commercial activity between Chinese and Sogdian merchants. There were many inns
in Turpan. Some provided Sogdian sex workers with an opportunity to service the
Silk Road merchants, since the official histories report that there were markets in
women at Kucha and Khotan.[186] The Sogdian-language contract buried at the Astana
graveyard demonstrates that at least one Chinese man bought a Sogdian girl in 639
AD. One of the archaeologists who excavated the Astana site, Wu Zhen, contends
that, although many households along the Silk Road bought individual slaves, as
demonstrated in the earlier documents from Niya, the Turpan documents point to a
massive escalation in the volume of the slave trade.[187] In 639 a female Sogdian slave
was sold to a Chinese man, as recorded in an Astana cemetery legal document written
in Sogdian.[188] Khotan and Kucha were places where women were commonly sold,
with ample evidence of the slave trade in Turfan thanks to contemporary textual
sources that have survived.[189][190] In Tang poetry Sogdian girls also frequently appear
as serving maids in the taverns and inns of the capital Chang'an.[191]
Sogdian slave girls and their Chinese male owners made up the majority of Sogdian
female-Chinese male pairings, while free Sogdian women were the most common
spouse of Sogdian men. A smaller number of Chinese women were paired with elite
Sogdian men. Sogdian man-and-woman pairings made up eighteen out of twenty-one
marriages according to existing documents.[190][192]
A document dated 731 AD reveals that precisely forty bolts of silk were paid to a
certain Mi Lushan, a slave dealing Sogdian, by a Chinese man named Tang Rong (唐
榮) of Chang'an, for the purchase of an eleven-year-old girl. A person from Xizhou, a
Tokharistani (i.e. Bactrian), and three Sogdians verified the sale of the girl.[190][193]
Central Asians like Sogdians were called "Hu" (胡) by the Chinese during the Tang
dynasty. Central Asian "Hu" women were stereotyped as barmaids or dancers by Han
in China. Han Chinese men engaged in mostly extra-marital sexual relationships with
them as the "Hu" women in China mostly occupied positions where sexual services
were sold to patrons like singers, maids, slaves and prostitutes.[194] Han men did not
want to legally marry them unless they had no choice such as if they were on the
frontier or in exile since the Han men would be socially disadvantaged and have to
marry non-Han.[195] The task of taking care of herd animals like sheep and cattle was
given to "Hu" slaves in China.[196]
Modern historiography
Further information: German Turfan expeditions and Albert von Le Coq
A minted silver coin of Khunak, king of Bukhara, early 8th century, showing the crowned king
on the obverse, and a Zoroastrian fire altar on the reverse.
In 1916, the French Sinologist and historian Paul Pelliot used Tang Chinese
manuscripts excavated from Dunhuang, Gansu to identify an ancient Sogdian colony
south of Lop Nur in Xinjiang (Northwest China), which he argued was the base for
the spread of Buddhism and Nestorian Christianity in China.[197] In 1926, Japanese
scholar Kuwabara compiled evidence for Sogdians in Chinese historical sources, and
by 1933, Chinese historian Xiang Da published his Tang Chang'an and Central Asian
Culture, detailing the Sogdian influence on Chinese social religious life in the Tang-
era Chinese capital city.[197] The Canadian Sinologist Edwin G. Pulleyblank published
an article in 1952, demonstrating the presence of a Sogdian colony founded in Six Hu
Prefectures of the Ordos Loop during the Chinese Tang period, composed of Sogdians
and Turkic peoples who migrated from the Mongolian steppe.[197] The Japanese
historian Ikeda on wrote an article in 1965, outlining the history of the Sogdians
inhabiting Dunhuang from the beginning of the 7th century, analyzing lists of their
Sinicized names and the role of Zoroastrianism and Buddhism in their religious life.
[198]
Yoshida Yutaka and Kageyama Etsuko, Japanese ethnographers and linguists of
the Sogdian language, were able to reconstruct Sogdian names from forty-five
different Chinese transliterations, noting that these were common in Turfan whereas
Sogdians living closer to the center of Chinese civilization for generations adopted
traditional Chinese names.[142]
Notable people
Amoghavajra, prolific translator and one of the most politically powerful Buddhist
monks of Chinese history, of Sogdian descent through his mother [199][200]
An Lushan (安祿山),[112] a military leader of Sogdian (from his father's side) and
Tūjué origin during the Tang dynasty in China; he rose to prominence by fighting
(and losing) frontier wars between 741 and 755. Later, he precipitated the
catastrophic An Lushan Rebellion, which lasted from 755 to 763 and led to the
decline of the Tang dynasty
An Qingxu (安慶緒), son of An Lushan
An Chonghui (安重誨), a minister of China's Later Tang
An Congjin (安從進), a general of Later Tang and China's Later Jin (Five Dynasties)
Diaspora areas
See also
Ancient history
Preceded by prehistory
Near East
Europe
Horn of Africa
Eurasian Steppe
Central Asia
East Asia
South Asia
Northern America
Mesoamerica
Andes
Caribbean
See also
v
t
e
References
Citations
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of the American Numismatic Society). 12 August 2016. Archived from the original on 12 June
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"The province of Sogdia was to Asia what Macedonia was to Greece: a buffer between a
brittle civilization and the restless barbarians beyond, whether the Scyths of Alexander's day
and later or the White Huns, Turks and Mongols who eventually poured south to wreck the
thin veneer of Iranian society" (Robin Lane Fox, Alexander the Great (1973) 1986:301).
John Prevas (2004), Envy of the Gods: Alexander the Great's Ill-Fated Journey across
Asia, Da Capo Press, pp 60–69.
Independent Sogdiana: Lane Fox (1973, 1986:533) notes Quintus Curtius, vi.3.9: with no
satrap to rule them, they were under the command of Bessus at Gaugamela, according to
Arrian, iii.8.3.
Horn, LT Bernd; Spencer, Emily, eds. (2012), No Easy Task: Fighting in Afghanistan,
Dundurn Press Ltd, p. 40, ISBN 978-1-4597-0164-9.
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Conshokoken: Infinity Publishing, p. 61.
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Strachan, Edward and Roy Bolton (2008), Russia and Europe in the Nineteenth Century,
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"Hellenes and Romans in Ancient China (240 BC – 1398 AD)," in Victor H. Mair (ed), Sino-
Platonic Papers, No. 230, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, University of Pennsylvania
Department of East Asian Languages and Civilizations, p. 4, ISSN 2157-9687.
William Smith, eds et al. (1873), A Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography and
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Holt, Frank L. (1989), Alexander the Great and Bactria: the Formation of a Greek Frontier
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footnote #62 for mention of Sogdian troops), ISBN 90-04-08612-9.
Holt, Frank L. (1989), Alexander the Great and Bactria: the Formation of a Greek Frontier
in Central Asia, Leiden, New York, Copenhagen, Cologne: E. J. Brill, p. 65 (see footnote #63),
ISBN 90-04-08612-9.
Holt, Frank L. (1989), Alexander the Great and Bactria: the Formation of a Greek Frontier
in Central Asia, Leiden, New York, Copenhagen, Cologne: E. J. Brill, pp 67–8, ISBN 90-04-
08612-9.
Magill, Frank N. et al. (1998), The Ancient World: Dictionary of World Biography, Volume
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89356-313-7.
Christopoulos, Lucas (August 2012), "Hellenes and Romans in Ancient China (240 BC –
1398 AD)," in Victor H. Mair (ed), Sino-Platonic Papers, No. 230, Chinese Academy of Social
Sciences, University of Pennsylvania Department of East Asian Languages and Civilizations,
pp 8–9, ISSN 2157-9687.
Mark J. Dresden (1981), "Introductory Note," in Guitty Azarpay, Sogdian Painting: the
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3–5, ISBN 0-520-03765-0.
Jeffrey D. Lerner (1999), The Impact of Seleucid Decline on the Eastern Iranian Plateau:
the Foundations of Arsacid Parthia and Graeco-Bactria, Stuttgart: Steiner, pp 82–84, ISBN 3-
515-07417-1.
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82249-8.
Silk Road, North China, C. Michael Hogan, The Megalithic Portal, A. Burnham, ed.
Mark J. Dresden (1981), "Introductory Note," in Guitty Azarpay, Sogdian Painting: the
Pictorial Epic in Oriental Art, Berkeley, Los Angeles, London: University of California Press, p.
5, ISBN 0-520-03765-0.
Mark J. Dresden (2003), "Sogdian Language and Literature", in Ehsan Yarshater, The
Cambridge History of Iran, Vol III: The Seleucid, Parthian, and Sasanian Periods, Cambridge:
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Guides Ltd, pp 14–15, ISBN 978-1-78477-017-4.
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Dean, Riaz (2022). The Stone Tower: Ptolemy, the Silk Road, and a 2,000-Year-Old
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Howard, Michael C., Transnationalism in Ancient and Medieval Societies, the Role of
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Hanks, Reuel R. (2010), Global Security Watch: Central Asia, Santa Barbara, Denver,
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Mark J. Dresden (2003), "Sogdian Language and Literature", in Ehsan Yarshater, The
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Ahmed, S. Z. (2004), Chaghatai: the Fabulous Cities and People of the Silk Road, West
Conshohocken: Infinity Publishing, pp 61–65.
Howard, Michael C., Transnationalism in Ancient and Medieval Societies, the Role of
Cross Border Trade and Travel, McFarland & Company, 2012, p. 134.
Howard, Michael C., Transnationalism in Ancient and Medieval Societies, the Role of
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p. 245. ISBN 978-0-19-987590-0.
Liu, Xinru, "The Silk Road: Overland Trade and Cultural Interactions in Eurasia", in
Agricultural and Pastoral Societies in Ancient and Classical History, ed. Michael Adas,
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Peter B. Golden (2011), Central Asia in World History, Oxford, New York: Oxford
University Press, p. 47, ISBN 978-0-19-515947-9.
Wood 2002:66
Liu, Xinru, "The Silk Road: Overland Trade and Cultural Interactions in Eurasia", in
Agricultural and Pastoral Societies in Ancient and Classical History, ed. Michael Adas,
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Mark J. Dresden (1981), "Introductory Note," in Guitty Azarpay, Sogdian Painting: the
Pictorial Epic in Oriental Art, Berkeley, Los Angeles, London: University of California Press, p.
9, ISBN 0-520-03765-0.
de Crespigny, Rafe (2007), A Biographical Dictionary of Later Han to the Three Kingdoms
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An, Jiayao (2002), "When Glass Was Treasured in China", in Juliano, Annette L. and
Judith A. Lerner, Silk Road Studies: Nomads, Traders, and Holy Men Along China's Silk Road,
7, Turnhout: Brepols Publishers, pp. 79–94, ISBN 2-503-52178-9.
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p. 97, ISBN 978-0-19-993921-3.
Warwick Ball (2016), Rome in the East: Transformation of an Empire, 2nd edition,
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Hertel, Herbert (1982). Along the Ancient Silk Routes: Central Asian Art from the West
Berlin State Museums. pp. 48–49.
Baumer, Christoph (18 April 2018). History of Central Asia, The: 4-volume set.
Bloomsbury Publishing. pp. 99, 484. ISBN 978-1-83860-868-2.
"Sogdiana under its nomadic elites became the principal center of agricultural wealth
and population in Central Asia." and paragraph on "The Shift of the Trade Routes" in
Vaissière, Etienne de la (212). "Oxford Handbook of Late Antiquity: 5 Central Asia and the Silk
Road". In S. Johnson (Ed.), Oxford Handbook of Late Antiquity, Oxford University Press, P.
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Baumer, Christoph (18 April 2018). History of Central Asia, The: 4-volume set.
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Scaglia, Gustina (1958). "Central Asians on a Northern Ch'i Gate Shrine". Artibus Asiae.
21 (1): 17. doi:10.2307/3249023. ISSN 0004-3648. JSTOR 3249023.
Li, Xiao (10 September 2020). Studies on the History and Culture Along the Continental
Silk Road. Springer Nature. p. 11. ISBN 978-981-15-7602-7. It is evident that when the
Northern Wei defeated Northern Liang and seized its capital (439), they captured a large
number of Sogdian merchants living in Wuwei and resettled them in Pingcheng (present-day
Datong), the capital of the Northern Wei.
Watt, James C. Y. (2004). China: Dawn of a Golden Age, 200-750 AD. Metropolitan
Museum of Art. pp. 148–160. ISBN 978-1-58839-126-1.
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Cross Border Trade and Travel, McFarland & Company, 2012, pp 134–35.
GRENET, Frantz (2020). Histoire et cultures de l'Asie centrale préislamique. Paris, France:
Collège de France. p. 320. ISBN 978-2-7226-0516-9. Ce sont les décors funéraires les plus
riches de cette époque, venant juste après ceux de la famille impériale; il est probable que les
sabao étaient parmi les éléments les plus fortunés de la population.
Howard, Michael C., Transnationalism in Ancient and Medieval Societies, the Role of
Cross Border Trade and Travel, McFarland & Company, 2012, p. 135.
Hansen, Valerie (2003). "New Work on the Sogdians, the Most Important Traders on the
Silk Road, A.D. 500–1000". T'oung Pao. 89 (1/3): 158. doi:10.1163/156853203322691347.
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(PDF) (A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Graduate Studies and Research in partial
fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Department of History and
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Old Tang History "至揚州,大掠百姓商人資產,郡內比屋發掘略遍,商胡波斯被殺
者數千人" "商胡大食, 波斯等商旅死者數千人波斯等商旅死者數千人."
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POLITICAL CONTEXT". In Tang, Li; Winkler, Dietmar W. (eds.). From the Oxus River to the
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Early Medieval Church of the East. Library of Medieval Studies. Bloomsbury Publishing.
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Chin, Ken-pa (26 September 2019). "Jingjiao under the Lenses of Chinese Political
Theology". Religions. Department of Philosophy, Fu Jen Catholic University, New Taipei City
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LIPPIELLO, TIZIANA (2017). "ON THE DIFFICULT PRACTICE OF THE MEAN IN ORDINARY
LIFE TEACHINGS FROM THE ZHONGYONG*". In Hoster, Barbara; Kuhlmann, Dirk;
Wesolowski, Zbigniew (eds.). Rooted in Hope: China – Religion – Christianity Vol 1: Festschrift
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Monograph Series. Routledge. ISBN 978-1-351-67277-1.
Goble, Geoffrey C. (2019). Chinese Esoteric Buddhism: Amoghavajra, the Ruling Elite,
and the Emergence of a Tradition. The Sheng Yen Series in Chinese Buddhist Studies.
Columbia University Press. pp. 10, 11. ISBN 978-0-231-55064-2.
Goble, Geoffrey C. (2019). Chinese Esoteric Buddhism: Amoghavajra, the Ruling Elite,
and the Emergence of a Tradition. The Sheng Yen Series in Chinese Buddhist Studies.
Columbia University Press. pp. 11, 12. ISBN 978-0-231-55064-2.
Lehnert, Martin (2007). "ANTRIC THREADS BETWEEN INDIA AND CHINA 1. TANTRIC
BUDDHISM—APPROACHES AND RESERVATIONS". In Heirman, Ann; Bumbacher, Stephan
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History of Chinese Letters and Epistolary Culture, Brill: Leiden, Boston, pp 871–72.
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History of Chinese Letters and Epistolary Culture, Brill: Leiden, Boston, p. 872.
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Galambos, Imre (2015), "She Association Circulars from Dunhuang", in Antje Richter, A
History of Chinese Letters and Epistolary Culture, Brill: Leiden, Boston, pp 870, 873.
Galambos, Imre (2015), "She Association Circulars from Dunhuang", in Antje Richter, A
History of Chinese Letters and Epistolary Culture, Brill: Leiden, Boston, pp 872–73.
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Sciences, University of Pennsylvania Department of East Asian Languages and Civilizations,
pp 20–21 footnote #38, ISSN 2157-9687.
Mark J. Dresden (1981), "Introductory Note," in Guitty Azarpay, Sogdian Painting: the
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Mark J. Dresden (1981), "Introductory Note," in Guitty Azarpay, Sogdian Painting: the
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testo cristiano in cinese, il rotolo P. 3847, contenente la traduzione cinese dell'inno siriaco
Gloria in excelsis Deo, di cui fu redatta anche una traduzione sogdiana(giunta a noi in
frammenti) a Bulayìq (Turfan). L'unico elemento che ci conferma, infine, una assai probabile
presenza cristiana in quest'epoca nel sud della Cina, legata ai commerci marittimi, è il
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Éric Trombert; Étienne de La Vaissière (2005). Les sogdiens en Chine. École française
d'Extrême-Orient. pp. 300–301. ISBN 978-2-85539-653-8.
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