Country Governance Assessment

Philippines
Copyright: Asian Development Bank 2005

All rights reserved.

The views expressed in this book are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views and
policies of the Asian Development Bank, or its Board of Governors or the governments they represent.

The Asian Development Bank does not guarantee the accuracy of the data included in this publication
and accepts no responsibility for any consequences of their use.

Use of the term “country” does not imply any judgment by the authors or the Asian Development Bank as
to the legal or other status of any territorial entity.

Publication Stock No. 010905

Published and printed by the Asian Development Bank, 2005.

Contents
Abbreviations iv
Foreword vi
Acknowledgment vii
Executive Summary viii

I. Introduction to Governance Assessment of the Philippines 1

A. Assessment Framework 1
B. Rationale, Objectives, and Scope 2
II. Political History and Government Structure 5
A. Introduction 5
B. Political History 5
C. Government Structure 6
III. General Public Administration and the Civil Service System 11
A. The Context of and Imperatives for Good Governance 11
B. Policy Support for Governance 13
C. Policy Issues, Concerns, and Challenges 15
D. Recent and Current Initiatives on Governance Reforms 16
E. Government, Private Sector, and Civil Society Partnerships 23
F. Improving Efficiency, Effectiveness, and Economy 24
G. Trends and Patterns in Public Sector Employment and Expenditures 27
H. Issues and Challenges 29
I. Strategic Directions 33
IV. The Legislative System 39
A. Historical Background 39
B. Composition and Membership, Privileges, Limitations, and Discipline 39
C. Organizational Structure and Officers 41
D. Powers of Congress 43
E. Current Issues and Concerns 48
F. Rationalizing the Committee System and Improving Legislative Performance 51
G. Citizen Participation 52
H. Enhancing Legislative Oversight 55
I. Interchamber Policy Gridlock 55
J. Pork Barrel 56
K. Impeachment Power 57
L. Legislative Policy-Making Competence and Capability 57
M. Strategic Directions for Reform 57
V. Public Financial Management 61
A. Components of Public Financial Management 61
B. Process and Key Features 61
C. Current Conditions, Issues, and Concerns 63
D. Reform Initiatives 69
E. Strategic Directions 72
VI. Local Governance and Decentralization 77
A. Introduction 77
B. The Local Government System of the Philippines 77
C. Historical Context 78
D. The Local Government Code of 1991 81
E. Issues and Challenges 82
F. Strategic Directions 87
G. Conclusion 88
VII. The Legal and Judicial System 89
A. Background 89
B. Current Conditions 94
C. Issues and Challenges 96
D. Strategic Directions 103

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Contents (cont’d.)
VIII. The Electoral System 109
A. Constitutional and Legal Framework 109
B. Current Condition 111
C. Issues and Challenges 120
D. Strategic Directions 125
IX. Civil Society and Governance 129
A. Introduction 129
B. Historical Background 129
C. Current Conditions 130
D. Issues and Challenges 135
E. Strategic Directions 137
X. Toward an Agenda for Collective Good Governance 139
A. General Observations 139
B. Crafting a National Good Governance Agenda or Plan 142

List of Tables, Boxes, Figures, and Appendixes

Tables
Table 1: Basic Elements of Good Governance 2
Table 2: Roles of the State and Key Milestones in Governance 3
Table 3: Comparison of Governance Estimates of Selected Countries 13
Table 4: Statistical Report on Criminal Cases Submitted to the Office of the Ombudsman 21
Table 5: Statistical Report on Administrative Cases Submitted to the Office of the Ombudsman 21
Table 6: Administrative Cases at the Civil Service Commission 21
Table 7: Philippine Government Anticorruption Agencies 22
Table 8: Required Shifts in Paradigm 25
Table 9: Feedback and Comments Sent through the Mamamayan Muna, Hindi Mamaya Na Program 26
Table 10: Number of Text Messages Received through the Text Civil Service Commission Program 26
Table 11: Inventory of Government Personnel 28
Table 12: Inventory of Permanent National Government Positions 28
Table 13: Summary of National Expenditures 30
Table 14: National Government Expenditures and Revenues 31
Table 15: Summary Statistics of Foreign and Development Partner-Assisted Governance Projects 34
Table 16: Comparative Data of Measures Processed in the House of Representatives 53
Table 17: Comparative Data of Measures Processed in the Senate of the Philippines 53
Table 18: Comparative Data on the Annual Budgets of the House of Representatives 54
Table 19: Comparative Data on the Annual Budgets of the Senate of the Philippines 54
Table 20: Tax Revenues 66
Table 21: Public Expenditures on Basic Social Services 67
Table 22: Internal Revenue Allotment Shares of Local Governments Unit 82
Table 23: The Annual Budget of the Judiciary as a Percentage of the National Budget 97
Table 24: Summary Report of Cases 101
Table 25: Existing Judicial Positions and Vacancies 102
Table 26: Salaries of Justices and Judges 105
Table 27: Basic Data on Election Administration 123
Table 28: House Representatives Who Are Members of Political Families 124
Table 29: Primary-Level People’s Organizations Registered, Accredited, and Recognized by the
Government 132

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Boxes
Box 1: List of Laws Related to Graft and Corruption 18
Box 2: Commission on Elections Departments and Corresponding Divisions 114

Figures
Figure 1: Organizational Structure of the Philippine Government 7
Figure 2: Critical Components of Developing Capacities for Good Governance 14
Figure 3: Patterns of National Government Expenditures 29
Figure 4: Sector Allocation of National Government Expenditures 31
Figure 5: National Government Expenditures as Percentage of Gross National Product 32
Figure 6: Legislative Process Flowchart 44
Figure 7: The Financial Management Process 61
Figure 8: National Government Deficit as Percentage of GDP 63
Figure 9: National Government Revenues and Expenditures as Percentage of GDP 64
Figure 10: Tax Effort on Selected Types of Tax as Percentage of GDP 65
Figure 11: Distribution of National Government Expenditures by Section 67
Figure 12: Structure of Local Governments in the Philippines 78
Figure 13: Automated Counting and Canvassing 116

Appendixes
Appendix 1: Policy Framework, Strategies, and Measures for Good Governance 144
Appendix 2: Summary of Key Result Areas and Strategies for Civil Service Reform 147
Appendix 3: Governance Map of the Philippines 149
Appendix 4. List of House and Senate Committees in the 13th Congress 150

References

iii
Abbreviations
ADB Asian Development Bank
AGILE Accelerated Growth, Investment, and Liberalization with Equity
APJR Action Program for Judicial Reform
BEI Board of Election Inspectors
BIR Bureau of Internal Revenue
BOC Bureau of Customs
BOT build-operate-transfer
BTr Bureau of Treasury
CA Commission on Appointment
CDF Countrywide Development Fund
COA Commission on Audit
CODE-NGO Caucus of Development NGO Networks
COMELEC Commission on Elections
CSC Civil Service Commission
CSO civil service organization
DBCC Development Budget Coordination Committee
DBM Department of Budget and Management
DILG Department of Interior and Local Government
DOF Department of Finance
DOJ Department of Justice
EO executive order
GDP gross domestic product
GFI government financing institution
GOCC government-owned and -controlled corporation
GR general record
GSIS Government Service Insurance System
HRD human resource development
IAAGCC Inter Agency Anti-Graft Coordinating Council
IRA internal revenue allotment
IT information technology
JGU junior graft watch unit
LAKAS-NUCD Lakas ng EDSA-National Union of Christian Democrats
LEDAC Legislative-Executive Development Advisory Council
LGU local government unit
LMB Land Management Bureau
LTO Land Transportation Office
MTEF Medium-Term Expenditure Framework
MTPDP Medium-Term Philippine Development Plan
MTPIP Medium-Term Public Investment Program
NAMFREL National Movement for Free Elections
NCA notice of cash allocation
NEDA National Economic and Development Authority
NGAS New Government Accounting System
NGO nongovernment organization
OMB Office of the Ombudsman
OP Office of the President
OPIF Organizational Performance Indicator Framework
OSG Office of the Solicitor General
PAO Public Attorney’s Office
PDAF Priority Development Assistance Fund
PEMIP Public Expenditure Management Improvement Program
PO people’s organization
SC Supreme Court
SEC Securities and Exchange Commission
SEER Sector Effectiveness and Efficiency Review

iv
UNDP United Nations Development Programme
USAID United States Agency for International Development
VAT value-added tax

Notes
(i) In this document, "$" refers to US dollars.
(ii) The fiscal year (FY) of the Government ends on 31 December.

v
Foreword
This study provides an overview of the state of governance in the Philippines. It identifies key
development issues and the strategic measures that need to be pursued. With support from the Asian
Development Bank (ADB), the study focuses on seven critical concerns of public management: (i) general
public administration, (ii) fiscal administration, (iii) public policy making, (iv) local governance,
(v) jurisprudence, (vi) electoral processes, and (vii) civil society. Among other things, the study argues
that most problems confronting the country are attributable to the lack or absence of good governance.
To significantly improve the quality of life of the greater number of Filipinos, the public policy making and
service delivery systems must be accountable, participative, client-focused, demand-driven, responsive,
and results-oriented
ADB is committed to supporting the reform agenda for improving governance in the Philippines.
Specifically, ADB prioritizes the following governance and anticorruption policies for developing member
countries (DMCs): (i) conduct policy dialogue on economic liberalizations and public administration
reform; (ii) enhance governance quality in DMCs by undertaking rigorous and structured studies on
governance issues; (iii) formulate strategies and programs to address key governance issues identified
with performance indicators; (iv) implement targeted capacity building in areas of governance weakness;
(v) promote participation in the design of programs/projects; and (vi) develop indicators for the four
elements of good governance to track impact of broad interventions.
The assessment notes that there are numerous efforts in various levels and sectors being
pursued toward good governance in the country. As far as introducing reforms is concerned, the
Philippines is not lacking in policy reform initiatives. For instance, the Presidential Commission on
Effective Governance was created to develop an integrated reform action plan that would identify specific
administrative reforms. It has campaigned for the passage of the Reengineering the Bureaucracy Bill and
the proposed Civil Service Code. The public financial management sector has developed the Medium-
Term Expenditure Framework as an entry point for reforms in planning, programming, and budgeting. The
legislature has recognized the imperative to rationalize the party-list system and strengthen the party
system. For local governance and decentralization, new trends and challenges such as interlocal
cooperation and urbanization continue to emerge even as the Local Government Code has already
effected massive reforms in the local government system. In the Judiciary, a blueprint of action has been
prepared to address issues in the internal and external environment of the sector such as fiscal autonomy
and judicial integrity. The electoral system has likewise made efforts to address the need for massive
computerization. The involvement of civil society, nongovernment organizations, and people’s
organizations in the operationalization of transparency, accountability, and participation in governance is
continuously encouraged. While such initiatives are in place, it is recognized that the problem lies in
implementation, caused by factors such as lack of political will, partisan politics, and inadequate financial
resources. In addition, piecemeal efforts aimed at addressing a few separate concerns prove to be
unsuccessful in effecting good governance in the long term. The challenge, then, is to pursue an
integrated and sustainable agenda for reform through a holistic, multidimensional, and participatory
approach, while building on existing initiatives and past gains toward the collective goal of bringing about
good governance in the Philippines.
The study adopted a very participatory and consultative method in its preparation. Various
consultative and interactive workshops with different stakeholders were particularly useful in learning from
past experiences (i.e., knowing what worked and what did not) and in charting strategic directions that
complement and supplement ongoing and planned activities. The discussions and analyses of the study
have likewise been enriched by the professional experiences of the authors who are highly respected in
their particular fields of expertise and academic training.
This study serves as a comprehensive, incisive, and useful reference for researchers, academics,
and practitioners to appreciate not only the intricacies and nuances of development management in the
Philippine context, but also to consider the perspectives and insights set forth by the authors in managing
change and sustaining successful initiatives.
Finally, it is further hoped this study will generate interest for initiating policy dialogue and
demanding action to improve public administration and governance in the country.

Shamshad Akhtar
Director General
Southeast Asia Department
Asian Development Bank

vi
Acknowledgment
The Governance Assessment of the Philippines is an Asian Development Bank funded study
prepared by the Philippine Governance Assessment Study Team, which comprised Team Leader Alex B.
Brillantes, Jr., Director of the Center for Local and Regional Governance, National College of Public
Administration and Governance, University of the Philippines; Joel V. Mangahas, Director of the Center
for Public Administration and Governance Education, National College of Public Administration and
Governance, University of the Philippines; Cheselden George Carmona, Legal and Judicial Reform Task
Manager for the Accelerated Growth, Investment, and Liberalization with Equity (AGILE) Project; Romulo
Miral, Executive Director of the Congressional Planning and Budget Office; and Mylene Yap of the
Congress of the Philippines. Laura Walker †, Governance Specialist, and Ayumi Konishi, Director of the
Governance, Finance and Trade Division—Southeast Asia Department (SEGF-SERD), and Thomas
Crouch, Country Director of the Philippines Country Office (PhCO), supervised this work for the Asian
Development Bank. The authors gratefully acknowledge the cooperation and hospitality extended by
development agency representatives and consultants, national and local government officials, academics,
civil society representatives, and other study stakeholders. The research assistance of Armi Manuguid,
Agnes Nonog, Michael Tumanut, Carina Bengzon, and Jose Tiu Sonco II is also gratefully acknowledged.

† Laura Walker died on 7 December 2004.

vii
Executive Summary
The absence of good governance is the reason why many countries—especially in the third world
(also referred to as developing member countries or DMCs by the Asian Development Bank [ADB])—
continue to fail in their efforts at poverty reduction and in their quest for economic and human
development. This assessment of governance in the Philippines focuses on seven areas that play a key
role in attaining good governance: (i) civil service and the bureaucracy; (ii) public financial management
and fiscal administration; (iii) legal and judicial systems; (iv) local governance and decentralization;
(v) electoral systems; (vi) legislative system; and (vii) civil society and governance. Each section provides
an overview and background of the area of governance; a discussion of the status or current conditions
thereof; emerging issues and concerns that may be addressed as areas for reform; and, finally, strategic
directions that may contribute to bringing about good governance.
This assessment was undertaken over 2.5 months. It relied primarily on an extensive review of
literature, drawn mostly from published documents and also from the Internet. Focused group discussions
with key stakeholders as well as interviews were conducted.
The need for reform for good governance has been recognized at various levels and sectors.
Numerous efforts, at least at the policy level, are being pursued to promote good governance in the
Philippines. For instance, in general public administration including the civil service and the bureaucracy,
the Philippine administrative experience shows that reforms have been introduced since the early 1950s
beginning with the Presidential Survey on Government Reorganization that sought to reorganize the
bureaucracy for good governance. The latest initiative established the Presidential Commission on
Effective Governance (PCEG), which was given the responsibility for developing an integrated reform
action plan that would identify specific administrative reforms. Among other things, PCEG has advocated
the passage of the Reengineering the Bureaucracy Bill and supported the proposed Civil Service Code
now pending in both houses of Congress. In the Judiciary, a blueprint of action for Judicial Reform has
been prepared. Identified in the document are many areas for reform in the judicial system, including
those that target the internal and external environments of the system. In local governance and
decentralization, a Local Government Code was enacted in the early 1990s that ushered in massive
reforms in the local government system and hastened the decentralization process of governance. The
electoral system has been the focus of much needed reforms including the need for massive
computerization. Patently, as far as introducing reforms for good governance is concerned, the
Philippines is not lacking in policy or policy reform initiatives. The problem is in implementation. Failure in
implementation has been attributed to many factors, including the lack of political will, heavy partisan
politics, inadequate financial resources, and graft and corruption. Grindle, as early as 1980, pointed out
that the success or failure of implementation can be evaluated in the capacity to actually deliver programs
as designed. It is in this context that good governance is, at the end of the day, all about building,
strengthening, and sustaining capacities to deliver programs, projects, and basic services.
This Executive Summary outlines the major issues and concerns raised by each specific sub-
section of governance including areas for strategic direction.

General Public Administration and the Civil Service System

A succession of Philippine presidents attempted to reform the public administrative system. For
nearly half a century, administrative reform initiatives sought to address bureaucracy-wide concerns on
policies, structures, human resources, finances, and systems and procedures. The efforts produced
uneven results and largely fell short of addressing endemic bureaucratic pathologies that impeded
economic growth and sustainable development.
Strategic administrative governance reforms should focus on program interventions that
complement and build upon the gains of past and existing initiatives in developing institutional capacities
in (i) strengthening planning and policy making; (ii) streamlining the administrative structure; (iii) improving
human resource management; (iv) pursuing a decentralized system of administration; (v) managing the
fight against corruption; (vi) institutionalizing performance-based management; (vii) effectively utilizing
information and communication technologies; (viii) depoliticizing key public institutions; (ix) procedural
reforms; and (x) enhancing cooperation with the wider public, civil society organizations, and the private
sector.

viii
The Legislative System

As the principal policy-making branch of government, the Legislature performs a crucial role in
the pursuit of good governance. Laws create the legal and institutional frameworks through which
transparency, accountability, participation, and predictability of rules and regulations can be ensured in
government.
Among the current issues and concerns in the Legislative system are the following:
(i) democratizing representation in Congress; (ii) enhancing accountability and legislative policy making;
(iii) strengthening legislative oversight; (iv) transparency; (v) safeguarding legislative independence;
(vi) rationalizing the committee system and improving legislative performance; (vii) strengthening
mechanisms for citizen participation; (viii) overcoming interchamber policy gridlocks; (ix) rationalizing pork
barrel allocation; and (x) improving legislative policy-making competence and capability.
The concern for enhanced citizen participation in legislative policy making is fueled by
constitutional mandates and institutional commitments toward concretizing participatory democracy in the
arena of legislation. Citizen participation is seen as a means to ensure that legislation is responsive to
social needs and aspirations. The pork barrel issue remains controversial not only because appropriate
mechanisms to ensure transparency and accountability in its allocation and use remain inadequate, but
also because there has not been a publicly acceptable rationalization of the need for pork barrel to be
allocated to each legislator. Continuing education and capacity-building programs for both legislators and
technical staff to enhance their policy and management knowledge base, structural reforms in the
committee system, and the harnessing of appropriate information technology must be put in place to
enhance overall legislative performance. Interchamber policy gridlocks that adversely affect legislative
performance can be addressed by crafting joint rules of the House and the Senate that will provide
efficacious procedural guidelines for processing legislative initiatives by both chambers.

Public Financial Management

Public financial management in the Philippines involves four major phases that move in a cycle:
(i) planning and programming, (ii) budget preparation and approval, (iii) budget execution and accounting,
and (iv) audit and evaluation. In spite of the detailed rules and regulations that govern each phase, the
public financial management in the Philippines has not fared well in meeting its goals of (i) fiscal
discipline, (ii) strategic allocation of resources, and (iii) operational efficiency. A major challenge in
promoting strategic allocation of resources is reconciling the different and at times conflicting priorities of
the Executive and Congress, which often results in uncertainty and delays in program and project
implementation. The utilization rate of official development assistance has been very low, which entails
not only the payment of commitment fees but also lost opportunities in foreign assistance and growth
potential.
In summary, the basic foundations for the improvement of public financial management appear to
be already in place. However, at this stage the information, knowledge, and capability pertinent to the key
institutional reforms still reside mainly with the planning and oversight agencies of the government:
National Economic and Development Authority (NEDA), Department of Budget and Management (DBM),
Department of Finance (DOF), and Commission on Audit (COA). Moreover, as the task of overseeing the
financial management system is dispersed among these different agencies, the reform initiatives will need
to be properly coordinated to ensure complementarity and synergy. The next step is to gain the
acceptance and support of other key actors and stakeholders, which would include line agencies, civil
society, and Congress. Corollary to this would be the development of their organizational and technical
capability (and the appropriate institutional linkages) to carry out and institutionalize the reforms.

Local Governance and Decentralization

Since the enactment of the Code in 1992, significant strides have been made in decentralization
and devolution in particular, and local empowerment in general. If there is any single lesson that stands
out in the Philippine experience of devolution over the past decade, it is that capacity building for local
governments should be a continuing effort. Capacity building can be operationalized in three levels: at the
level of personnel, at the level of financial resources, and at the level of intra- and intergovernmental
relations. Because of the massive devolution of powers to local governments, capacity building should be
a high priority in the agenda for local governance.

ix
 Issues and concerns in local governance and decentralization simply highlight the critical
importance and urgency of building upon the hard earned gains over the past decade, if only to sustain
advances made in the devolution process and contribute toward democratization and empowerment. It is
therefore imperative that strategic interventions at the local level contribute to this general goal. This
would be strengthening the local government policy framework, which means amending the local
government code and continuously building the capacities not only of local governments but of national
governments as well, with both sectors moving toward the common goal of local government capacity
building and sustaining the gains of devolution. More specific still, and within the context of the
aforementioned broad strategic directions, the following specific areas of action and interventions must be
considered: (i) reexamining the Internal Revenue Allotment (IRA) shares of local governments;
(ii) developing an integrated master plan for capacity building and training for local governments at
various levels; (iii) professionalizing and strengthening the secretariats of the various leagues of local
governments, including that of the Union of Local Authorities of the Philippines; (iv) encouraging local
governments to enter into interlocal cooperation and collaboration for good governance; (v) encouraging
local governments to enter into partnerships with the private sector, civil society, and nongovernment
organizations (NGOs); (vi) helping local governments address the imperatives of urbanization; and
(vii) developing performance indicators for local governance.

The Legal and Judicial System

The Philippine legal system has enough legal safeguards to ensure good governance. Public
accountability, transparency, and participation are constitutionally enshrined. Substantive and procedural
laws were designed for predictability. While the Philippines has sufficient laws, presidential issuances,
and administrative rules and regulations to assure good governance, their successful enforcement seems
to be hindered by an ineffective and inefficient judicial system. Past reform efforts proved to be
inadequate to address the following issues: (i) threats to judicial independence, (ii) fiscal autonomy and
judicial integrity, (iii) the need to upgrade judicial competence, (iv) inefficient administration of justice, and
(v) limited judicial accessibility.
To address these issues, specific recommendations have been put forward. These include the
review and assessment of the role and functions of the Judicial and Bar Council (JBC) in the selection
and appointment of judges and justices. In so doing, efforts to professionalize the JBC must be pursued.
The study also proposes the review of the codes of judicial conduct to minimize corrupt practices in the
Judiciary. At the same time the disciplinary process must be improved. Allowing anonymous complaints is
one way of encouraging lawyers and litigants to report erring judges. Another way of improving judicial
integrity is through proper recognition of judicial excellence. Awards can be given to courts based on
standards of efficiency, competence, accessibility, and integrity. Involving the stakeholders in the reform
process is also another way of addressing this concern.
To enhance judicial competence, the exemption of the Judiciary from the Salary Standardization
Law is a crucial requisite. The institutional capacity of the Philippine Judges’ Association (PHILJA) to
provide continuing judicial education must also be enhanced. Concerns that should be looked into include
the composition of its faculty members, teaching methodologies, and improvement of its training facilities.
Changes in the curriculum of law schools may be studied. To improve court access, an assessment of the
Barangay Justice System to identify means to strengthen it—e.g., through the provision of regular training
for the members of the Lupong Tagapamayapa (conciliators)—is in order. Assistance to the Public
Attorney’s Office (PAO) will also be crucial in ensuring access of poor litigants to the courts. PAO lawyers
could be provided with training seminars and litigation manuals.

The Electoral System

For the past four decades, the conduct of elections in the Philippines has remained largely the
same, both in the process and the practices of those involved in the exercise, especially the candidates. It
is altogether very simple but highly manualized, and includes the registration process, voting, ballot
counting, and canvassing procedures. Election outcomes, however, are easily manipulated through
massive cheating, intimidation, and bribery, which have reached sophisticated levels. Slow vote tally in
precincts and slow canvass at the municipal/city level also contribute to the problem. Laws that call for
election modernization meanwhile remain unimplemented because of insufficient funds and/or the
inefficiency of the Commission on Elections (COMELEC). The Philippines also does not have a strong
party system, a vital institution in a representative form of government. Parties are seen as personal tools

x
of self-seeking politicians rather than as social vehicles of collective interests. Political financing, which is
the primary source of corruption in the country, is not effectively regulated by the poll body. Election
education and information campaign are weak and have failed to improve the quality of citizen
involvement in the electoral processes, and/or to ensure the election of quality leaders.
The following strategic directions have been proposed to address the issues identified above.
There is a need to strengthen and rationalize the administrative and regulatory capability of COMELEC.
Reorganizing COMELEC and rationalizing its functions may be looked into. Technical assistance may
also be provided to COMELEC to enable it to review its rules governing the filing of electoral protests, the
conduct of education and information campaigns, and training of personnel and prosecutors on the
enforcement of election laws. Problems encountered during elections can be easily addressed through
the computerization of the voters’ registration list and the automation of the tallying and canvassing
process. The enactment of a law that provides the legal framework for the operation of political parties
must be considered. Such a law should enable COMELEC to strengthen its regulating capacity in
campaign financing and expenditure. The participation of civil society organizations in the conduct of
elections should be supported and encouraged. It should not be limited to mere poll watching functions. In
many countries with weak institutional enforcement, civil society has responded by creating watchdog
organizations that monitor campaigns and elections, uncover and publicize violations, and mobilize public
opinion against candidates who grossly overstep the laws. Civil society can be involved in education and
information campaigns and be effective advocates of political and electoral reform.

Civil Society and Governance

The participation of civil society in the delivery of basic services to the public and in the advocacy
of significant reform initiatives has contributed to a redefinition of governance in the Philippine context.
Governance processes have traditionally been the sole domain of government. However, because of
government’s fundamental limitations including the lack of resources, both personnel and financial,
excessive red tape and even graft and corruption, government as an institution has generally been unable
to adequately deliver. Hence, it is within this context that governance in the Philippines has been
redefined to include the private sector, NGOs, and people’s organizations, and civil society in general.
Civil society institutions have provided complementary, supplementary, or even alternative ways of
delivering basic services to the people. In addition, they have catalyzed public support for various
advocacies of social, political, and economic reforms.
Based on the Philippine experience over the past decade, the following are among the concerns
that must be addressed in operationalizing active civil society involvement in governance. For one, the
kinds and modalities of partnerships between government and nongovernment organizations must be
defined and refined. Still in relation to the issue of partnerships, the nature and kind of partnerships
between NGOs themselves must also be clarified and refined as they collectively deal with government.
Another issue pertains to the extent of autonomy and independence of NGOs, which were always the
comparative advantage of this sector. Their ability to be “impartial” has contributed to their integrity.
However, given the imperatives to partner and engage government in various phases of the development
process and the project cycle, the extent and nature of their independence and impartiality may somehow
be in danger of being compromised.
There are possible strategic directions for active civil society participation in good governance. In
general terms, this means supporting efforts to promote partnerships between government and civil
society. These may be in designing, implementing, monitoring, and evaluating programs and projects.
This can also mean identifying areas where civil society can either complement or supplement the efforts
of the Government to deliver services, or even serve as alternative mechanisms altogether. Thus, existing
reform efforts within the civil society sector to build capacities for good governance should be supported.
More specifically, these can be targeted at the following areas. As in the case of local governments and
decentralization, efforts can be made to support civil society-initiated capacity-building programs and
projects. For one the coalition of NGOs have begun a program called the Successor Generation Program.
This recognizes that NGO leaders and pioneers have moved on. Some have been recruited into
government. Some have retired or taken on other jobs. There is a need, therefore, to attract, recruit, and
train what has been referred to as a “successor generation” of NGO leaders to carry on the work started
by the earlier generation.

xi
I. Introduction to Governance Assessment
of the Philippines
A. Assessment Framework

Governance is broadly defined as the sound exercise of political, economic, and administrative
authority to manage a country’s resources for development. It involves the institutionalization of a system
through which citizens, institutions, organizations, and groups in a society articulate their interests,
exercise their rights, and mediate their differences in pursuit of the collective good (ADB 1995).
Governance embraces the affairs of a government and the proactive role of the private sector and
civil society in national development. Governance is, thus, not the sole province of government. Instead,
its functions are delegated to, or are assumed by, other institutions and organizations in the business
sector and civil society (UNDP 1997b). A government’s concern with the sound exercise of authority
underscores its ethical moorings. Thus, the basic elements of governance are accountability,
participation, predictability, and transparency, which are also the key principles of sound development
management (ADB 1995).
Accountability relates to making public officials answerable to the citizenry for the actions and
decisions of a government and ensuring that in the performance of their functions and their actions public
officials are responsive to and faithfully safeguard the welfare and interests of the people. Promoting
accountability involves establishing criteria to measure performance of public officials and
institutionalizing mechanisms to ensure that these criteria or standards are met.
Participation refers to enhancing the people’s access to and involvement in all levels and facets
of policy and decision making, including facilitating processes of free and open dialogue and building
consensus between a government and the people to ensure that development is pursued for, with, and by
the people.
Predictability relates to the consistent and equal application of laws, regulations, and policies. It
involves establishing and sustaining appropriate legal and institutional arrangements to uphold the rule of
law and maintain consistency of public policies and programs.
Transparency refers to the availability and accessibility of information to the public and clarity of
government rules and regulations. It ensures swift access to accurate and timely information about
government policies, programs, and activities.
Table 1 shows the basic elements and key dimensions of governance and specific areas of
action.
Good governance or sound development management identifies the roles of a state as
(i) creating a conducive economic environment; (ii) protecting the vulnerable; (iii) improving government
efficiency and responsiveness; (iv) empowering people and democratizing the political system;
(v) decentralizing the administrative system; (vi) reducing gaps between rich and poor; (vii) encouraging
cultural diversity and social integration; and (viii) protecting the environment.
Table 2 presents the key milestones in promoting effective governance for each of the
aforementioned roles.
This assessment examines seven selected areas of governance to arrive at a sufficiently
informed determination of strengths and/or weaknesses in government policies, institutional
arrangements, organizational mechanisms, and operational processes that impact capabilities to attain
accountability, participation, transparency, and predictability in governance. Insights derived in the
process are used as indicators in appraising capabilities of government to fulfill its roles in the context of
good governance or sound development management and in identifying strategic directions for reform.

1
Table 1: Basic Elements of Good Governance

Basic Elements of Good Key Specific Areas

Governance Dimensions of Action
1. Accountability means • Establishing criteria to measure • Public sector management
making public officials performance of public officials • Public enterprise management
answerable for government • Institutionalizing mechanisms to • Public financial management
behavior and responsive to ensure that standards are met • Civil service reform
the entity from which they
derive authority
2. Participation refers to • Undertaking development for and • Participation of beneficiaries
enhancing people’s access by the people and affected groups
to and influence on public • Interface between government
policy processes and the private sector
• Decentralization of public and
service delivery functions
(empowerment of local
government)
• Cooperation with
nongovernment organizations
3. Predictability refers to the • Establishing and sustaining • Law and development
existence of laws, appropriate legal and institutional • Legal frameworks for private
regulations, and policies to arrangements sector development
regulate society and the fair • Observing and upholding the rule
and consistent application of of law
these • Maintaining consistency of public
policies
4.
Transparency refers to the • Ensuring access to accurate and • Disclosure of information
availability of information to timely information about the
the general public and clear economy and government
government rules, policies
regulations, and decisions
Source: Asian Development Bank 1995.

B. Rationale, Objectives, and Scope

Without good governance or sound development management, many countries, especially

developing countries, fall short in their poverty reduction efforts and in their quest for economic and
human development. Bad governance is the reason why broad economic intervention strategies are
unable to trickle down and effect positive changes in the quality of life of the people. The absence or lack
of good governance is manifested by the persistence of graft and corruption and related administrative
problems, such as overregulation and red tape.
The promotion of good governance presents opportunities as well as challenges in bringing
together the public sector, civil society, private sector, and community members in the tasks of evolving
policies and programs and organizational and operational mechanisms and institutional arrangements
that can effectively respond to the needs of the people, ensure the judicious and transparent use of public
funds, encourage the growth of the private sector, promote effective delivery of public services, and
uphold the rule of law. This assessment is an effort toward this direction.
The document presents the results of a 2.5-month rapid assessment of the state of governance in
the Philippines, focusing on the following:
(i) general public administration and the civil service system,
(ii) legislative system,
(iii) public financial management,
(iv) local governance and decentralization,
(v) legal and judicial system,
(vi) electoral system, and
(vii) civil society participation.

2
Table 2: Roles of the State and Key Milestones in Governance

Sound Development
Management Roles
of the State Key Milestones
1. Creating a conducive • Enact and enforce laws that promote economic competition
economic environment • Decentralize economic decision making and stabilize inflation
• Reduce public deficit and free market to set prices for privately produced
goods and services
2. Protecting the vulnerable • Ensure the survival of pension systems
• Create or maintain reasonable unemployment benefits
• Establish and maintain a system of private health and social insurance
• Maintain social assistance programs for the disabled and disadvantaged
3. Improving government • Attract qualified, competent, honest, and realistically paid individuals into
efficiency and public service
responsiveness • Establish a civil service system that relies on merit-based recruitment and
promotion, incentive-based compensation, and reward-oriented career
paths that are clearly defined
• Attract and retain a corps of professionals who are responsible for
formulating and implementing economic policies and support them with
good training, appropriate degree of independence, and professional
reward structures
• Protect professional civil servants from political interference in carrying
out their responsibilities
• Establish a civil service system that is flexible enough to facilitate
communication between the public and private sectors
4. Empowering people and • Establish a conducive institutional environment comprising properly
democratizing the political functioning parliaments, legal and judicial systems, and electoral
system processes
5. Decentralizing the • Respond quickly to local needs and conditions
administrative system • Redistribute authority, responsibility, and finances for public services
among different government levels
• Strengthen subnational units of government
• Respect traditional structures of authority as well as traditional
mechanisms for resolving conflicts and managing common property in
society
6. Reducing gaps between • Reduce social disparities
rich and poor
7. Encouraging cultural • Maintain cultural identity and roots while promoting social cohesion
diversity and social • Ensure political systems are accessible to all and that legal systems
integration afford equal opportunities
8. Protecting the environment • Integrate economic and environmental accounting
• Promote intergenerational equity
Source: Asian Development Bank 2003.

Using existing references, documents, interviews, and focus group discussions, the assessment
specifically aims to identify (i) weaknesses and gaps in policies and programs and organizational
mechanisms and institutional arrangements, among others, that hamper good governance; and
(ii) strategic directions and/or interventions for reform to address these weaknesses and gaps.
The document is divided into 10 chapters. The first chapter provides the overall framework and
objectives of the study. The second chapter presents an overview of the political history and system of
government in the Philippines. Chapters III–IX present the key observations and findings on each of the
seven governance areas earlier identified, with each part containing discussions on the historical, legal,
and policy context; current conditions; major issues and concerns; and strategic directions for reform in a
particular governance area. Chapter X draws a general agenda of priorities in strategic reforms to
address key governance concerns and issues.

3
4
II. Political History and Government Structure
A. Introduction

Significant historical events that shaped the political and social milieu of the Philippines1 from
precolonial times to the post-Marcos era are presented in this chapter, as are key features of the
country’s system of government, including government structure and allocation of government powers.2

B. Political History

The first inhabitants of the Philippines were diverse groups of people that included Arabs,
Chinese, and Malays. Among these groups, the Malays were dominant until the Spanish arrived in the
16th century. Spanish explorers first landed in the country in 1521. The first Spanish settlement was
established in 1565, which began Spain’s almost 400-year colonial rule of the Philippines.
Filipinos mounted numerous uprisings against Spanish rule. In 1896, under the leadership of
Emilio Aguinaldo, Filipino revolutionary forces unleashed their fiercest challenge against Spanish rule as
they engaged Spanish forces in armed clashes, starting in several provinces around Manila. In May 1898,
with the victory of Filipino revolutionary forces imminent, Americans claimed victory over the Spanish in
the Battle of Manila Bay. Thereafter, on 12 June 1898, Aguinaldo declared Philippine independence from
Spain. However, the Americans occupied the Philippines and imposed their rule over the country
immediately after claiming victory over the Spanish. On 10 December 1898, through the Treaty of Paris,
Spain ceded the Philippines to the United States. Under the leadership of Aguinaldo, revolutionary
resistance was waged against American rule. In March 1901, Aguinaldo was captured by American
forces, and thereafter, resistance to American colonial rule was irretrievably weakened.
Under American rule, efforts were undertaken to develop representative institutions in a
democratic government, to prepare the Philippines for eventual independence. In 1907, the first
legislative assembly in the Philippines was elected, and a bicameral legislature was established, largely
under Philippine control. The process of democratization was rapid compared with other Western
colonies in Asia. On 15 November 1935, under the terms of the Tydings-McDuffie Act, the Philippines
became a self-governing commonwealth, to usher in a 10-year transition period toward independence
from American rule. The interruption of the transition period by the Japanese occupation of the country in
1942, during World War II, did not delay the birth of the Republic of the Philippines on 4 July 1946.
Philippine Independence Day was celebrated on 4 July until 1962, when a presidential directive changed
the date to 12 June, to commemorate the Filipinos’ declaration of independence from Spain on 12 June
1898.
In November 1965, Ferdinand Marcos was elected president. In 1969, he won another term to
become the first Philippine President ever to be reelected. In September 1972, he declared martial law,
citing growing lawlessness, insurgency, and rebellion that threatened the survival of the republic. During
the martial law period, democratic rights and freedoms were suppressed, and democratic institutions were
controlled by the Marcos dictatorship. While the martial law decree was lifted in 1981, Marcos held firm
control over the Government, and in an election criticized as a sham, he was reelected President and
given another 6-year term that would have ended in 1987.
Philippine politics and economy have long been dominated by a small landholding elite who
resists any change in the status quo, thus hindering national development. The Marcos dictatorship
further hindered the country's political and economic development. In the late 1970s and early 1980s,
while most Southeast Asian countries were flourishing economically, the Philippines was stuck in the mire
of economic stagnation.
The assassination on 21 August 1983 of opposition leader Benigno Aquino, on his return to the
Philippines after 3 years of exile in the United States, intensified popular dissatisfaction with the Marcos
regime. This dissatisfaction eventually compelled Marcos to call a snap presidential election in February

1
This section is drawn from Republic of the Philippines 1987, Republic of the Philippines 1991,
http://www.countrywatch.com, and http://geocities.com/philippinepresidents.
2
This chapter was created using information drawn from Republic of the Philippines 1987, Republic of the
Philippines 1991, and http://www.countrywatch.com, http://geocities.com/philippinepresidents/.

5
1986. Corazon Aquino, the slain opposition leader's widow, ran as the candidate of a coalition of
opposition parties. Election results officially listed Marcos as the winner. But, overwhelming popular
opposition support by religious and military forces eventually drove Marcos out of power. Corazon Aquino
was installed as President on 25 February 1986, in the wake of what is now called the People Power
Revolution. The Aquino administration contended with a festering communist insurgency and a
recalcitrant secessionist movement and economic mismanagement.
In 1992, Fidel Ramos was elected President. He declared that national reconciliation was the
highest priority of his administration. During his term, the communist party was legalized, and the National
Unification Commission was established to pursue peace negotiations with communist insurgents, Muslim
secessionists, and military rebels. In October 1995, the Philippine Government signed a peace
agreement with the military rebels. In 1996, a peace agreement was signed with the Moro National
Liberation Front, a major Muslim secessionist group.
In May 1998, the incumbent Vice-President Joseph Estrada overwhelmingly won in the
presidential elections on a convincing populist platform. President Estrada’s movie career and charisma
and no-nonsense approach to crime busting during the Ramos administration sealed his popularity with
the masses. During his term, the nation witnessed modest economic growth, as inflation and interest
rates decreased, despite the Asian financial crisis. Peace and order and successful foreign policies
marked his first year in office. The poverty situation, however, was not swiftly and decisively addressed,
even as social justice topped his administration’s agenda. Conflicts within the Cabinet and rumors of
corruption involving his close associates diminished the credibility of his leadership. In October 2000, a
former close friend implicated the President in illegal gambling payoffs and kickbacks. This led to his
impeachment by the House of Representatives. The impeachment trial at the Senate, aborted by a
prosecutors’ walkout, did not establish Estrada’s culpability on the charges against him. But he was
forced to leave Malacañang and was ousted from power as military leaders and heads of departments
withdrew their support and joined civilian and religious groups demanding his resignation in a manner
reminiscent of the 1986 People Power Revolution.
Current President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo was elected to the Senate in her first political race in
1992. She was reelected to the Senate in 1995 (garnering nearly 16 million votes, the highest number of
votes cast for a Senator in Philippine history) and was elected vice-president in 1998 (garnering almost
13 million votes, the highest number of votes ever cast for a vice-presidential candidate). After the ouster
of former President Estrada, on 20 January 2001, she was installed as President and became the second
woman to hold the office. She pledged to stabilize and revive the economy and lay the foundation for
effective and lasting poverty reduction.

C. Government Structure

Section 1, Article II of the Constitution of the Republic of the Philippines declares that the country
is “a democratic and republican state” and that all government authority emanates from the people. A
republic is a representative government where public officials derive their mandate from the people, act
on their behalf, and are at all times accountable to them on the principle that their office is a public trust.
Three equal branches of government exist—executive, legislative, and judicial—and operate under the
doctrine of separation of powers and a system of checks and balances. Executive power is vested in the
president. Legislative power is vested in a bicameral Congress that consists of the House of
Representatives and the Senate. Judicial power is vested in the Supreme Court and such lower courts as
may be created by law. The branches of government, constitutional commissions, and local governments
and autonomous regions are examined in the following paragraphs. Figure 1 shows the organizational
structure of the Philippine Government.
Executive Branch. Executive power is the power to execute laws and rule the country as chief
executive, administering the affairs of government (Nolledo 1996). The president heads the executive
branch. The vice-president replaces the president when the latter dies, is permanently disabled, or is
removed from office or resigns. The president and vice-president are elected by a direct vote of the
people and may only be removed by impeachment. The former is limited to one 6-year term, while the
latter is prohibited from serving for more than two successive 6-year terms.

6
 Figure 1: Organizational Structure of the Philippine Government

LEGISLATIVE BRANCH EXECUTIVE BRANCH JUDICIAL BRANCH

HOUSE OF SENATE PRESIDENT

REPRESENTATIVES SUPREME COURT

VICE COURT OF
NATIONAL PRESIDENT APPEALS
SECURITY
COUNCIL

REGIONAL
TRIAL
COURTS
CABINET MAJOR
COMMISSIONS
AND OFFICES

MUNICIPAL METROPOLITAN
TRIAL COURTS TRIAL COURTS
IN CITIES
PROVINCES HIGHLY
URBANIZED
CITIES
MUNICIPAL
TRIAL COURTS MUNICIPAL
MUNICIPALITIES CITIES CIRCUIT TRIAL
COURTS

BARANGAYS BARANGAYS BARANGAYS

Note: Barangays are the smallest local government units.

Source: http://lcweb2.loc.gov/frd/cs/philippines/ph04_01b.pdf
7
 The heads of executive departments comprise the Cabinet. They are nominated and, with the
consent of the Commission on Appointments, appointed by the president, who has full control of all
executive departments, bureaus, and offices. The vice-president may be appointed to the Cabinet without
any need for such appointment to be confirmed by the Commission on Appointments. Two of the four
vice-presidents who served in the post-Marcos period held the foreign affairs portfolio.
At the opening of every regular session of Congress, the president delivers the State of the
Nation Address that principally discusses current political and socioeconomic conditions and outlines the
administration’s policy and program targets for the year, including its legislative agenda. Within 30 days
thereafter, the president has a duty to submit to Congress a budget message and a proposed national
budget consisting of a budget of expenditures and sources of financing and revenues that will serve as
the basis for the annual general appropriations bill.
The president also has the power to contract or guarantee foreign loans on behalf of the country,
with the prior concurrence of the Monetary Board, and to enter into treaties or international agreements
that become effective only with the concurrence of the Senate. The president is also the commander-in-
chief of the armed forces. The president may suspend the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus and place
the country or any part thereof under martial law, under limited conditions prescribed by the Constitution
of the Republic of the Philippines that also include mechanisms for congressional revocation and
Supreme Court review of the factual basis thereof. A state of martial law does not suspend the operation
of the Constitution of the Republic of the Philippines or supplant civil courts and legislative assemblies.
Legislative Branch. Legislative power, or the power to make laws, is vested in the bicameral
Congress consisting of the Senate and the House of Representatives. However, under the Initiative and
Referendum Act (Republic Act. No. 6735), the people can directly propose, amend, or repeal laws or any
provision thereof.
The Senate is composed of 24 senators elected at-large nationwide. Unless otherwise provided
by law, the membership of the House of Representatives should not be more than 250, consisting of
elected representatives of legislative districts and those elected through the party-list system, as provided
in the Party-List Act (Republic Act. No. 7941).
The Senate is headed by the senate president, while the House of Representatives is headed by
the speaker of the house. The senate president and the speaker are elected by a majority vote of all the
members of their respective chambers. The senate president is assisted by the senate president pro
tempore, and the speaker of the house is assisted by three deputy speakers. Members of both houses
may elect such other officers as they deem necessary. Each house has the power to determine the rules
governing their respective proceedings and internal organization.
All proposed legislation undergoes study and processing in the committee system and three
readings in plenary in both houses. When necessary, proposed legislation is studied and processed in
bicameral conference committees composed of representatives of both houses. A bill passed by
Congress becomes a law when the president signs it. A bill vetoed by the president may still become a
law if Congress decides to override the president’s veto by a two-thirds vote of all its members. A bill may
also lapse into law when the president after 30 days from the time a bill is presented for his or her
signature neither signs nor vetoes it.
By constitutional fiat, all bills regarding appropriation, revenue, or tariff; bills authorizing the
increase of the public debt; bills of local application; and bills that are private must originate exclusively
from the House of Representatives. Aside from its power over the public purse or its appropriations
power, Congress also exercises investigative powers in aid of legislation and oversight powers designed
to ensure that laws are implemented effectively by mandated government agencies and instrumentalities.
Through a question hour, heads of executive departments may also appear before and be heard by either
house on any matter pertaining to their departments, upon their request or when compelled to do so by
Congress.
The electoral tribunal of each house serves as the sole judge of all contests relating to elections,
returns, and qualifications of its members. The Commission on Appointments is composed of members
from both houses and acts on appointments submitted to it by studying whether or not they merit
confirmation.
Judicial Branch. Judicial power is vested in the Supreme Court and in lower courts as may be
established by law. Section 1, Article VII, of the Constitution of the Republic of the Philippines states that
judicial power includes the duty of the courts of justice to settle actual controversies involving rights that

8
are legally demandable and enforceable and the power of judicial review to determine whether or not an
abuse of discretion occurred that amounted to a lack or excess of jurisdiction on the part of any branch or
instrumentality of government.
The Supreme Court is composed of a chief justice and 14 associate justices. The members of the
Supreme Court and judges of lower courts are appointed by the president without need for confirmation
and hold office during good behavior until they are 70 years of age or cannot discharge their duties due to
incapacitation. Judges are chosen from a list of nominees prepared by the Judicial and Bar Council,
whose principal function is to recommend appointees.
The Supreme Court exercises original jurisdiction over cases affecting ambassadors and other
public ministers and consuls and petitions for certiorari, prohibition, mandamus, quo warranto, and
habeas corpus. The Supreme Court has appellate jurisdiction over final judgments and orders of lower
courts in such cases as are enumerated in the Constitution of the Republic of the Philippines. It
promulgates rules on pleading, practice, and procedure in all courts and admission to the practice of law.
Moreover, the Supreme Court exercises administrative supervision over all courts and their personnel.
The Constitution of the Republic of the Philippines also vests the Judiciary with fiscal autonomy.
According to Section 2 and Section 3, Article VII, of the Constitution of the Republic of the Philippines,
appropriations for the Judiciary may not be reduced by Congress below the amount appropriated for the
previous years and, after approval thereof, shall be automatically and regularly released. These sections
also state that no law can be passed to reorganize the Judiciary when it undermines the security of tenure
of its members.
Constitutional Commissions. The constitutional commissions, namely the Civil Service
Commission, Commission on Audit, and Commission on Elections, are empowered to appoint their own
personnel in accordance with law, exercise fiscal autonomy, and promulgate their own rules concerning
pleadings and practices before them or before any of their offices.
The Civil Service Commission, headed by a chairperson and two commissioners, is the
Government’s central personnel agency and is tasked with establishing a career service, strengthening
the merit and rewards system, integrating all human resource development programs, and
institutionalizing a management climate conducive to public accountability in the bureaucracy.
The Commission on Audit, headed by a chairperson and two commissioners, examines, audits,
and settles all accounts pertaining to the revenue and receipts of, and expenditures or uses of, funds and
property owned and held in trust by the Government.
The Commission on Elections, headed by a chairperson and six commissioners, enforces and
administers all laws and regulations relative to the conduct of elections, plebiscites, initiatives, referenda,
and recalls. The Constitution of the Republic of the Philippines provides for the evolution of a free and
open party system according to the free choice of the people.
The respective chairs and commissioners of constitutional commissions serve for terms of
7 years without reappointment.
Local Governments and Autonomous Regions. The territorial and political subdivisions of the
country are barangays (smallest local government units). The barangay is the basic political unit. A group
of barangays forms a municipality or a city. A city may be classified as a component or a highly urbanized
city, depending on its population and income level. A group or cluster of contiguous municipalities or
municipalities and component cities comprises a province. At present, there are 41,943 barangays, 1,495
municipalities, 115 cities, and 79 provinces.3
Barangays are created by ordinances passed by city or municipal sanggunians (councils).
Municipalities, cities, and provinces are created by laws enacted by Congress. The creation of a local
government or its conversion to another type is based on three criteria: income, population, and land
area.
Under the 1991 Local Government Code, barangays serve as the primary planning and
implementing units of government policies and forums where collective views may be expressed and
disputes amicably settled. The municipality and the city are general-purpose governments that coordinate
and deliver basic, regular, and direct services to their inhabitants. A province is a political and corporate
government unit providing a mechanism for development processes and effective governance.
Local government powers are vested in officials who are elected to serve 3-year terms. Chief
executives are the punong barangay (barangay chairman), municipal mayors, city mayors, and provincial

3
Taken from www.dilg.gov.ph.

9
governors. The legislative bodies are the sangguniang barangay (barangay council), sangguniang bayan
(municipal council), sangguniang panglungsod (city council), and sangguniang panlalawigan (provincial
board).
Local governments enjoy local autonomy, with the president exercising general supervision over
them. Provinces, with respect to component cities and municipalities, and cities and municipalities, with
respect to component barangays, also exercise general supervision over their component local
governments and ensure that the acts of the latter are within the scope of prescribed powers and
functions.
Autonomous regions in Mindanao and the Cordilleras also exist. These regions consist of
provinces, cities, municipalities, and geographical areas that share common and distinctive historical and
cultural heritage and economic and social structures. The organic acts that govern these regions provide
that they exist and function within the framework of the Constitution of the Republic of the Philippines and
that they uphold national sovereignty and preserve national territorial integrity. The president also
exercises general supervision over the autonomous regions to ensure that laws are faithfully executed.

10
III. General Public Administration
and the Civil Service System
A. The Context of and Imperatives for Good Governance

Good governance is essential to achieving sustainable human development. In recent years,

governments worldwide have therefore sought to promote sound development management that is
founded on good and honest public administration. This relatively new framework in exercising public
authority and meeting development requirements presents very encouraging results, especially for
nations similar to the Philippines, which have tinkered with various models and approaches that produced
uneven results and generally fell short of expectations. Administrative reform was never a cure-all for the
Philippines, despite the fact that every political administration included civil service reform in its
government agenda. After all that has been said and done to address the issues of government
efficiency, effectiveness, and economy in the Philippines, the failure to put in place the elements of good
governance in the change process made it difficult to achieve the desired outcomes.
The Integrated Reorganization Plan (IRP) of 1972, under President Marcos, promised the most
extensive and wrenching effort at administrative reform in the country’s history. The IRP provided for
decentralizing and reducing the bureaucracy, and standardizing departmental organization. The IRP also
sought to introduce structural changes and reforms to strengthen the merit system as well as
professionalize the civil service system. In retrospect, one could not really have expected the landmark
innovations of the IRP to take root, since they unfolded in an environment of authoritarianism and
oppression, where the interests of a few rich and powerful individuals reigned over the welfare of the
people.
The IRP was the handiwork of a few trusted technocrats of President Marcos, and it was a
framework that the civil service system at that time had to accept. The stakeholders, who were to be
affected by the program, were not involved. For that reason, a sense of ownership of and popular support
for the program could never have been achieved, especially when implementation faltered because erring
political leaders and their cohorts increasingly undermined the system and violated set standards and
procedures. The bureaucracy under Marcos became more subservient than at any other time in
Philippine history (Endriga 2001). Under the guise of pursuing the objectives of nation building and
institutional strengthening, Marcos purged thousands of government employees and restructured the
Government as he deemed fit. The Government was shielded from public scrutiny and criticism. To make
matters worse, most, if not all, of these irresponsible acts were perpetuated, tolerated, and unpunished.
Under President Aquino, another wave of administrative reforms was introduced. Aside from
restoring democratic institutions and ratifying the new Constitution of the Republic of the Philippines,
guidelines for promoting public participation and private initiative in state affairs were established. Apart
from fiscal discipline, decentralization, accountability, and efficiency of frontline services were likewise
pursued. Accountability institutions, such as the Civil Service Commission (CSC), Commission on Audit
(COA), and Tanodbayan (an independent office of the ombudsman), which were established during the
Marcos era, were given expanded powers under the new Constitution. Aquino also created the
Presidential Committee on Public Ethics and Accountability and the Presidential Commission on Good
Government, to restore government integrity and public confidence. Civil society organizations became
more visible in government decision making and program implementation.
The performance record of these initiatives, however, fell short of their promise. Aiming to
streamline the bureaucracy, thousands of civil servants were removed from their positions during the
Aquino administration. Later, however, most vacancies were filled by new appointees (many of them from
the private sector) who did not enter through the traditional career system. This led to the tradition of
creating new positions to accommodate political appointees.
Reorganization under Aquino took place with minimal participation of those affected.
Paradoxically, while layoffs were justified in the name of downsizing the bloated Government, the number
of civil servants and political appointees increased considerably. The proliferation of political appointees
blurred the merit and career system of the civil service and hindered, in many instances, the continuity
and stability of policies and programs. The number of public agencies and offices also grew, resulting in
an extended and fragmented government structure.
There were no major civil service reform efforts during the presidential tenures of Ramos and
Estrada. The Ramos administration nonetheless sought to give life to the concept of new public
11
management by creating a blueprint for reengineering the bureaucracy in 1995 (DBM 1995a). In addition
to the desired key result areas in the public administrative system identified by his predecessors, Ramos
extended local governance and decentralization, promoted a privatization program by divesting
government-owned and -controlled corporations (GOCCs), and continued to implement an attrition law
that was designed to ensure that the correct number of civil servants were employed.
Imbued with constitutional and legal mandates to deliver various goods and services that the
public demands, the civil service system is a strategic instrument for policy making and analysis, program
development and evaluation, program and project implementation, and results coordination. However,
little public confidence exists in the Government’s ability to successfully carry out its functions. Unwieldy,
wasteful, uncoordinated, corrupt, inept, incapacitated, and financially burdened are just few of the images
associated with a bureaucracy run by close to 1.5 million civil servants in over 600 agencies, offices,
institutions, and schools and colleges (Vicerra undated). The Philippine bureaucracy is generally weak
and not fully designed to cope with the needs of development or successfully undertake reform efforts. In
fact, its lack of administrative capacity made institutionalizing much-needed reforms extremely difficult.
For nearly half a century, the Philippines was caught in an endless cycle of reform exercises that
hardly produced tangible and lasting results. Structural issues—such as (i) duplicated functions and
overlapped jurisdictions, (ii) outdated and slow government procedures, (iii) various loopholes in
administrative procedures, and (iv) limited capacity for policy analysis and strategic long-range planning
that caused delays and higher costs in handling business—made maintaining objectivity, accountability,
and transparency in decision making and government operations difficult and gave rise to a host of other
problems, including poor implementation and coordination.
Administrative reform efforts in the Philippines did not fully succeed because of the following:
(i) lack of acceptance of and commitment to the need for reform by political authorities and different
affected entities; (ii) lack of stakeholder appreciation and agreement concerning administrative reform
being a long, strategic, and continuous process; (iii) lack of understanding that reform objectives are
specific, measurable, realistic, and time bound; (iv) lack of good reform implementation strategies and
adequate resources to carry them out; (v) lack of an established central agency tasked with formulating,
coordinating, and monitoring reforms and providing corrective measures; (vi) lack of reform procedures
and regulations that are fairly and consistently applied; (vii) lack of meaningful stakeholder participation in
the entire reform process; (viii) lack of strong and sustained support of political leaders; (ix) lack of an
established and enforced system of accountabilities; and (x) lack of safety nets for groups and individuals
who may be disenfranchised by interventions.
The Philippine civil service system faces tougher challenges, given the pressures of globalization,
the growing trend toward greater civil society and private sector participation in the management of state
affairs, and the paradigm shift in the Government’s role from command and control to facilitation and
flexibility. Increasingly, stakeholders are realizing and accepting that the Government cannot fulfill its
mandate effectively if it operates in isolation. A positive trend toward strengthening existing institutions will
enhance cooperation within the public sector and between government agencies and civil society and
government agencies and the private sector. In this context, institutional reform efforts require capacity-
building strategies to mainstream good governance, not just as an end in itself but also as a process for
improving the performance of public services. This leads to two questions: What is the state of
governance in the Philippines? What is the plan of action that needs to be undertaken?
Based on the six governance indicators used in a World Bank study (World Bank et al. 2002) that
involved 175 countries in 1997–1998 and 2000–2001, the Philippines scored relatively low in 1997–1998
in all indicators, on a scale of negative 2.50 to positive 2.50. The country’s ratings obtained during the
said period even worsened in 2000–2001, except in control of corruption. In terms of voice and
accountability, the country scored 0.63 and 0.53 for 1997–1998 and 2000–2001, respectively. The ratings
for political stability were 0.27 and negative 0.21 for 1997–1998 and 2000–2001, respectively, while those
for government effectiveness were 0.13 in 1997–1998 and 0.03 in 2000–2001. Scores of 0.57 in
1997–1998 and 0.21 in 2000–2001 were registered for regulatory quality. Rule of law had the biggest
negative difference, from negative 0.08 in 1997–1998 to negative 0.49 in 2000–2001. The only area
where the country showed positive significant change was in control of corruption, which moved from
negative 0.23 in 1997–1998 to positive 0.49 in 2000–2001. Table 3 shows the scores of selected
countries in the six indicators for the two periods concerned.

12
Table 3: Comparison of Governance Estimates of Selected Countries

VA PS GE RQ RL CC
Country 1997– 2000– 1997– 2000– 1997– 2000– 1997– 2000– 1997– 2000– 1997– 2000–
1998 2001 1998 2001 1998 2001 1998 2001 1998 2001 1998 2001
Australia 1.63 1.70 1.18 1.26 (0.65) (1.03) 0.96 1.18 1.60 1.69 1.60 1.75
Indonesia (1.13) (0.40) (1.29) (1.56) (0.53) (0.50) 0.12 (0.43) (0.92) (0.87) (0.80) (1.01)
Japan 1.14 1.03 1.15 1.20 0.84 0.93 0.39 0.64 1.42 1.59 0.72 1.20
Korea, 0.91 0.98 0.16 0.50 0.41 0.44 0.22 0.30 0.94 0.55 0.16 0.37
Rep. of
Philippines 0.63 0.53 0.27 (0.21) 0.13 0.03 0.57 0.21 (0.08) (0.49) (0.23) 0.49
Thailand 0.22 0.37 0.25 0.21 0.01 0.10 0.19 0.56 0.41 0.44 (0.16) (0.46)
United 1.52 1.24 1.10 1.18 1.37 1.58 1.14 1.19 1.25 1.58 1.41 1.45
States
CC = control of corruption, GE = government effectiveness, PS = political stability, RL = rule of law, RQ = regulatory
quality, VA = voice and accountability.
Source: World Bank 2002. Governance Matters II: Updated Indicators for 2000–2001. Washington, DC.

Mainstreaming good governance requires building capacity of individuals and institutions and
creating the appropriate policy environment to institutionalize the principles of participation, transparency,
accountability, and predictability in the delivery of public goods and services that will promote better
quality of life in the long term. At the individual level, capacity building for good governance focuses on
the process of equipping civil servants and stakeholders with understanding; skills; and access to
information, knowledge, and training that will enable them to work together and perform effectively. At the
institutional level, governance reforms involve the elaboration and establishment of enabling management
systems, structures, processes, and procedures within organizations and the management of
relationships between and among different organizations and sectors. At the systemic level, capacity
building includes making legal and regulatory changes that enable organizations, institutions, and
agencies at all levels and in all sectors to enhance their capacities. Figure 2 presents the critical
components of developing capacity for good governance.
Strategic governance reforms should pursue program interventions that complement and build
upon the gains of past and existing initiatives, particularly in (i) improving planning and public policy
making; (ii) strengthening the administrative structure; (iii) rationalizing human resource management;
(iv) pursuing local autonomy and decentralization; (v) managing the fight against corruption;
(vi) institutionalizing performance-based management; (vii) effectively using information and
communication technologies; (viii) depoliticizing key public institutions; (ix) reforming procedures; and
(x) enhancing cooperation with the wider public, civil society organizations, and the private sector.
This section therefore presents the recent innovations and major initiatives being pursued by the
Government to improve the quality of its services to citizens by institutionalizing good governance, which
was deficient in most of the previous reform programs. In addition, this section identifies not only the
positive aspects of the current reform efforts but also the weak points that need to be addressed.

B. Policy Support for Governance

1. Constitutional and Statutory Support

The 1987 Constitution of the Republic of the Philippines provides strong and explicit support for
good governance. It establishes a democratic Government where civilian authority over the military is
guaranteed. It declares that the prime duty of the Government is to serve and protect the citizenry. It also
mandates that public officers and employees must be always accountable to the people, and civil
servants and elective officials must render full disclosure of their financial and business interests. The
Constitution of the Republic of the Philippines values life preservation, cultural diversity and social
cohesion, popular participation, and people empowerment. It also allows access by any citizen to
government documents and operations. Moreover, it prohibits political dynasties and nepotism in the
public sector and provides that the Government is duty bound to value the dignity of every citizen and
guarantee full respect for human rights.

13
Figure 2: Critical Components of Developing Capacities for Good Governance

• Legal Framework
• Supporting Policies
System Level

• Goals, Objectives, and

Strategies
• Structures, Processes,
and Procedures
• Resources (Human,
Institutional Physical, and Financial)
Capacity for Good
Level • Communications and
Governance
Information Systems
• Performance Measures
• System of
Accountabilities
• Institutional Links and
Coordinative Mechanisms

• Knowledge
• Skills
• Attitudes
Individual Level
• Work ethic

Source: Astillero and Mangahas 2002.

In keeping with the principle of checks and balances, the Constitution of the Republic of the
Philippines also upholds the separation of powers of the three equal branches of government (Executive,
Legislature, and Judiciary). The Legislature has the power to make laws while the Executive implements
these laws. Actions of both the legislative and the executive branches are subject to judicial review in
appropriate cases.
The Local Government Code of 1991 is a landmark piece of legislation that provides the legal
framework for institutionalizing popular participation in local development administration. It puts forth the
State’s clear commitment to local autonomy and decentralization. Citizens groups are encouraged to
directly undertake community development programs and participate in decision-making processes.
Citizens have substantial representation in local policy-making and planning bodies, such as local
development councils, local prebid and awards committees, local health boards, local school boards, and
local peace and order councils.

2. Governance in the Development Agenda

The Macapagal-Arroyo administration’s commitment to pursuing good governance and curbing

graft and corruption was incorporated in the Government’s development agenda (the Medium-Term
Philippine Development Plan [MTPDP]). With the primary objective of winning the battle against poverty,
the MTPDP identifies three interrelated principles on which the pursuit of good governance rests: (i) a
sound moral foundation, (ii) a philosophy of transparency, and (iii) an ethic of effective implementation.
Recognized therein is that good governance is the collective responsibility of the Government, civil
society, and private sector toward the improvement of the lives of all Filipinos (NEDA 2001). The MTPDP

14
calls for institutional reforms that will heighten accountability and better serve the public interest. The
MTPDP identifies the Bureau of Internal Revenue (BIR) and the Bureau of Customs (BOC) as showcases
of initiatives in fighting corruption. Anchored on the MTPDP’s policy guidelines, the working panel on
good governance of the Socioeconomic Summit of 2001 identified strategies and measures to promote
sound development management. Appendix 1 summarizes these strategies and measures.

C. Policy Issues, Concerns, and Challenges

Most people agree that the constitutional and legal frameworks in the Philippines provide the
foundations for good governance. The policy environment allows people’s participation and public
scrutiny and criticism of government operations and outputs. Further, the country has adequate laws,
rules, and regulations to establish order and move forward. While underdevelopment can easily be
attributed to a lack of institutional capacity and professional competencies to implement policies and
enforce laws, certain lessons learned and issues related to public policy making deserve mention. The
Philippine public policy-making process bears the following features: (i) policy decisions and programs
are arrived at through institutional mechanisms provided for in the Constitution of the Republic of the
Philippines and other laws; (ii) policy-making process is then characterized as precedent bound, based
on laws and forged by such structures as a bicameral legislative body and the executive branch of the
Government; (iii) legislative branch is composed of the Senate and the House of Representatives, while
the president heads the executive branch of the Government and is the prime initiator and implementer of
policies and programs; and (iv) the decisions of the legislative and executive branches are subject to
judicial review by the Supreme Court and inferior courts on questions of constitutionality and statutory
construction.
Different sets of forces each influence the different stages of public policy making, namely,
decisions on (i) including items in the agenda, (ii) developing any particular agenda item, (iii) passing
legislation, and (iv) implementing new laws. Different constituencies exert their influences at different
stages of policy development and execution. Many policies have nonetheless missed out in giving
importance to meaningful public consultations, constructive debate and criticism, and needed consensus
building and development of a sense of ownership of different stakeholders. Without these elements, and
with extensive graft and corruption in the country (which undermines and subverts the rule of law), many
policies fail to command respect and compliance
It should also be made clear that policy initiatives for governance reforms could be undertaken by
the Government even without legislation. In these cases, one might consider whether legislation is useful
or not. The value of legislation is that it binds public institutions to certain decreed directions. If one wants
to assure the future sustenance of any initiative currently carried out by the Government, legislation may
be considered. However, the Government tends to be too legalistic and rule bound in addressing most of
its problems.
Legislation is complicated, not under the complete control of any person or group, and may have
unpredictable results. Embarking on a campaign to get something legislated cannot be a decision taken
lightly or casually. In addition, successful legislation generally occurs when the problems deemed
important meet the solutions deemed highly probable by political personalities or groups in positions of
power. Problems, policies, and politicians have to intersect for proper action to occur.
Legislation as an instrument for achieving desirable societal goals and institutionalizing reforms is
advisable when the underlying assumptions of policies have any or all of the following characteristics:
(i) policies can only be optimally effective when adopted by the whole Government and supported by
stakeholders; (ii) policies can yield best results only when implemented over the life of several
administrations; (iii) policies can be accomplished only with adequate and judicious use of resources;
(iv) policies can be accomplished by the Government’s applying cost-effective measures and using
available technology and resources; (v) policies, when deliberated and agreed, would create a framework
for many people and groups to assume broader responsibilities on an institutional basis.
A policy needs to be very clear and specific about the (i) nature and magnitude of the problem
being addressed; (ii) basic mechanism for responding to the problem; (iii) standards and provisions for
making the mechanism work; (iv) system of responsibilities and accountabilities for coordination,
implementation, control, and review of results; and (v) organizational and budgetary implications. These
elements are often deficient in many public policies. It is common to have layers of rules and regulations
to clarify policy provisions, not to mention sets of procedures to inform and guide implementers and
stakeholders.

15
 Some policy initiatives may not be ready to be pursued because the data and analysis necessary
to make a decision may be unavailable. In these cases, research is probably more appropriate than
formulating a new policy or draft legislation. Some policies are haphazardly and hastily developed and
scarcely take into account deliberate and careful planning and effective use of objective and accurate
information. Public policy making in the Philippines boldly underscores the need to improve its capacities
in undertaking knowledge-based policy analysis and development.
Access to timely and correct information about public policies also precludes overall efficiency,
effectiveness, and productivity. Those who are affected may sometimes be unaware of or improperly
informed about their rights, duties, and responsibilities provided for in relevant policies.

D. Recent and Current Initiatives on Governance Reforms

1. Organizational Mechanisms for Reforms

Improving government performance was the battle cry of every political administration. The
Ramos administration planned to reengineer the bureaucracy and set the guiding principles for
reorganizing and improving government operations. Under the Estrada administration, the Presidential
Commission on Effective Governance (PCEG) was created through Executive Order (EO) No. 165, dated
19 October 1999, to formulate an institutional strengthening and streamlining program for the executive
branch, including GOCCs and state universities and colleges. PCEG crafted the Integrated Administrative
Reform Plan, to identify specific administrative reforms affecting the missions, functions, structures,
systems and operations, staffing, training and development, and compensation and benefits packages for
personnel of government agencies. The turbulent conditions leading to the ouster of President Estrada
led to the suspension of the PCEG’s operations. Upon President Macapagal-Arroyo’s assuming office,
she reactivated PCEG.
PCEG is an interagency body mandated to oversee and coordinate the overall implementation of
public sector reform programs. It is cochaired by the executive secretary and budget and management
secretary, with the NEDA director-general, chairperson of CSC, and head of the Presidential
Management Staff as members. On 10 March 2000, Memorandum Order No. 93 was issued by President
Macapagal-Arroyo, which directed the creation of six subcommittees to assist PCEG in (i) service
delivery, (ii) organizational structuring and staffing, (iii) financial management, (iv) personnel
management, (v) change management, and (vi) information technology. As the technical working groups
of PCEG, these subcommittees review government policies, structures, operations, and programs and
recommend solutions to identified gaps and weaknesses in government systems and practices.
PCEG took the lead role in implementing EO No. 72 in February 2002, which sought to rationalize
the organization and supervision of agencies under and/or attached to the Office of the President. PCEG
is currently overseeing the reorganization of the Office of the President, a task that involves the transfer of
13 agencies from the Office of the President to other government offices, abolition of 61 agencies, and
possible abolition of 16 other agencies. PCEG also commissioned the Development Academy of the
Philippines (DAP) to review systems and procedures undertaken by key agencies in the issuance of
passports and business permits, retirement benefits, veterans’ claims, land registration certificates, and
professional licenses. It approved the Public Sector Institutional Strengthening and Streamlining Agenda
and is currently advocating the passage of the Reengineering the Bureaucracy Bill and reviewing the
Code of Conduct for Civil Servants (Republic Act No. 6713). PCEG also drafted EO No. 20, which directs
heads of GOCCs, government financing institutions (GFIs), and subsidiaries exempted from or not
following the Salary Standardization Law to implement pay rationalization in all senior positions, suspend
the grant of any salary increases and new benefits not covered by the Salary Standardization Law, and
reduce the actual compensation package of senior officials and members of boards of directors and/or
trustees of GOCCs and GFIs.
Administrative Order No. 114 was also signed on 23 March 2000, amending Administrative Order
No. 109 and Administrative Order 111, and provides for the rationalization of systems and procedures of
the Office of the President.
After her State of the Nation Address in July 2001, President Macapagal-Arroyo tasked the
Presidential Commission on Good Government (PCGG), which was formed under the Aquino
administration and given the primary function of recovering the ill-gotten wealth of the Marcos family, to
undertake similar recovery efforts, but PCGG was this time directed to recover the alleged ill-gotten
assets of former President Estrada. The MTPDP under the Macapagal-Arroyo administration likewise

16
aims to reorient the government bureaucracy, minimize overlaps in public programs and projects, and
check the expansion of government activities. President Macapagal-Arroyo’s second State of the Nation
Address in 2002 further called for building a strong republic that is capable of delivering public service
that is free from class and sector interests. She likewise stressed the importance of building strong
institutions capable of implementing good policies and delivering responsive essential services.

2. Combating Corruption

Corruption is an important crosscutting theme that impedes service delivery and undermines the
country’s ability to pursue its development objectives. Understandably, the failure of the Philippines to
control corruption negatively affected the country’s well-being. There are economic, institutional, and
social costs of corruption. Corruption pulls down the economy as it distorts and deters trade and
investments, reduces revenues, increases costs, and propagates wasteful allocation and use of scarce
resources.
Corruption also has negative consequences to institutions. It distorts public policies, since it tends
to favor vested or selfish interests that, more often than not, are detrimental to serving the public interest.
Corruption leads to poor quality of programs, services, and projects; breeds mediocrity; and renders
administrations inefficient and ineffective. It further undermines merit and fitness in public personnel
administration and inhibits civil servant motivation. Moreover, corruption weakens implementation,
encourages tolerance of negative bureaucratic behavior, and ruins public trust and confidence in the
Government.
The social costs of corruption include undermining the rule of law and political legitimacy.
Corruption diverts relief from the poor, deprives them of fair treatment, and increases poverty. Corruption
also increases risks to national security and peace and order. Furthermore, corruption threatens the
welfare of the people.
Opportunities that exist to tackle corruption include (i) ensuring the presence of a legislative
framework to check corruption, (ii) supporting active and vigilant civil society groups, (iii) protecting a free
media, (iv) forming nationally accredited citizens’ watch group, (v) increasing public demands for more
accountability in government, (vi) promoting ongoing initiatives to involve people in the fight against
corruption, and (vii) accepting support from international development agencies. Existing threats to such
measures include (i) dispersed population and unfavorable geographical composition, (ii) government
credibility that is lacking, (iii) uninformed and apathetic population, (iv) corrupt element resistance, and
(v) institutional weaknesses (Martinez 1999).
Current initiatives and desired strategic directions underscore an anticorruption framework that
involves strengthening and sustaining institutional capacities of government agencies for sound
development management and oversight of the public sector by responsible citizens and civil society
groups. The framework also stresses enhancing civil society’s capacity to effectively engage the public
sector in strengthening institutional integrity, transparency, and accountability (RoP-UNDP4 2002).
Specific approaches include prevention of corruption occurrences, prosecution of corruption cases, and
promotion of a corruption-intolerant culture.
Numerous laws addressing graft and corruption exist in the Philippines, and these date back to
1955. At present, the main references are the Revised Penal Code of 1960, referred to as the Anti-Graft
and Corrupt Practices Act, and Article XI of the 1987 Constitution of the Republic of the Philippines. Box 1
presents a summary list of related laws, presidential decrees and proclamations, and other regulations on
corruption prevention.

4
Republic of the Philippines-United Nations Development Programme.

17
Box 1: List of Laws Related to Graft and Corruption
1946–1971
• Republic Act (RA) 1379 (1955). This act declared forfeiture in favor of the state any property
found to have been unlawfully acquired by any public officer or employee, and provided for the
proceedings.
• RA 3019 (1960). This act provided for the repression of certain acts of public officers and
private persons alike, which constitute graft or corrupt practices or which may lead thereto, also
known as Anti-Graft and Corruption Practices Act.
• RA 6028 (1969). This act provided for the promotion of higher standards of efficiency and
justice in the administration of laws as well as to better secure the right of the people to petition
the government for redress of grievances, creating the office of the citizen’s counselor.
1972–1986
• Presidential Decree (PD) 6 (1972). This decree amended certain rules on discipline of
government officials and employees.
• PD 46 (1972). This decree made it punishable for public officials and employees to receive and
for private persons to give gifts on any occasion, including Christmas.
• PD 677 (1975). This decree amended Section 7 of RA 3019 (as amended).
• PD 749 (1975). This decree granted immunity from prosecution to givers of bribes and other
gifts and to their accomplices in bribery and other graft cases against public officers.
• PD 807 (1975). This decree provided for the organization of the Civil Service Commission, in
accordance with provisions of the Constitution of the Republic of the Philippines (repealed
under President Aquino’s administration).
• PD 1606 (1978). This decree revised PD 1486 (creating a special court to be known as
Sandiganbayan—the main antigraft court that adjudicates criminal cases brought to it by the
Office of the Ombudsman (OMB); it deals only with cases filed against high-ranking
government officials.
1987–Present
• 1987 Constitution of the Republic of the Philippines. Article XI, Accountability of Public
Officers; Article II, Section 27 and Section 28 policy of the State to maintain honesty and
integrity in the public service and take positive and effective measures against graft and
corruption; and Article III, Section 7, provides for the right of people to have access to public
information.
• 1987 Administrative Code (Executive Order [EO] No. 292). This code instituted the
administrative code of the Philippines.
• EO 243 (1987). This order created OMB and restated its composition, powers, functions, and
other salient features in the 1987 Constitution of the Republic of the Philippines.
• RA 6713 (1989). This act established a Code of Conduct and Ethical Standards for Public
Officials and Employees.
• RA 6770 (1989). This act provided for the functional and structural organization of OMB and
delineated its powers and functions.
• RA 7055 (1991). This act strengthened civilian supremacy over the military by returning to the
civil courts the jurisdiction over certain offenses involving members of the armed forces, other
persons subject to military law, and members of the Philippine National Police.
• RA 7080 (1991). This act defined and penalized the crime of plunder.
• RA 8249 (1997). This act further defined the jurisdiction of the Sandiganbayan, amending PD
1606 (as amended).
• Proclamation 189 (1999). This proclamation declared war against graft and corruption and
authorized the Philippine Jaycee Senate, through the Graft Free Philippines Foundation, Inc.,
to institutionalize public awareness of clean, efficient, and honest governance.
• EO 317 (2000). This order prescribed a code of conduct for relatives and close personal
friends of presidents, vice-presidents, and members of the Cabinet.
• EO 12 (2001). This order created the Presidential Anti-Graft Commission and provided for its
powers, duties, and functions and for other purposes to investigate complaints or hear
administrative cases filed against presidential appointees.

18
 • EO 25 (2001). This order established The Governance Advisory Council to encourage more
active involvement of the business sector in curbing graft and corruption.
• Code of Corporate Governance (2002). This code further provided to actively promote
corporate governance reforms aimed to raise investor confidence, develop capital market, and
help achieve high sustained growth for the corporate sector and the economy.
• Code of Judicial Conduct (1989). This code provided for the appropriate conduct of judges in
performing their duties; otherwise known as the Code of Judicial Conduct.
• RA 9160 (2001). This act defined the crime of money laundering and provided for the penalties
of such act.
• RA 9184 (2002). This act provided for the modernization, standardization, and regulation of
procurement activities of the Government, also known as the Government Procurement
Reform Act.
• EO 38 (2001). This order reorganized and extended the life of the Special Task Force created
under EO 156 dated 7 October 1999 entitled "Creating a Special Task Force to Review,
Investigate and Gather Evidence Necessary to Successfully Prosecute Irregularities
Committed at the Bureau of Internal Revenue, Bureau of Customs and Other Government
Offices or Agencies Under or Attached to the Department of Finance.”
• EO 40 (2001). This order consolidated procurement rules and procedures for all national
government agencies, government-owned or -controlled corporations, and government
financial institutions, and required the use of the Government electronic procurement system.
• EO 72 (2002). This order rationalized the agencies under or attached to the Office of the
President.
• EO 109 (2002). This order streamlined the rules and procedures on the review and approval of
all contracts of departments, bureaus, offices, and agencies of the Government including
government-owned or controlled corporations and their subsidiaries.
• EO No. 114 (2002). This order restructured the Bureau of Internal Revenue toward a
Taxpayers’ Focused Organization.
• EO No. 251 (2003) This order required the Bureau of Internal Revenue to furnish OMB with
income tax returns filed.
• RA 9194 (2003). This act amended RA 9160 (Anti-Money Laundering Act).

Source: http://www.tag.org.ph/phillaw

Some notable anticorruption initiatives are the public procurement reforms spearheaded by the
Department of Budget and Management (DBM), which include the issuance of executive orders to
facilitate increased competition and reduce delays in bidding, the implementation of the electronic
procurement system, and the creation of Procurement Watch, Inc., a civil society-based monitoring body
on procurement. In October 2001, EO No. 40 was issued to standardize government procurement
procedures, shorten the time frame for bidding, provide the Bids and Awards Committee with a
permanent secretariat, and institutionalize the representation of civil society organizations in the Bids and
Awards Committee.5 EO No. 40 also facilitated the functioning of Procurement Watch, Inc. The passage
of the Government Procurement Reform Act in 2002 brought a lot of promise to efforts designed at
combating corruption.
Under the leadership of COA, key financial management reforms were undertaken, including
simplification and computerization of the Government’s accounting system, shift from residency auditing
to the audit team approach, and introduction of participatory audits with civil society organizations.
The fight against corruption is generating increased involvement of civil society, private sector,
and various media representatives, as they noticeably become more active in demanding public
accountability and transparency from the Government. Critical alliances were formed via projects that
support anticorruption programs (e.g., Transparent and Accountable Governance Project [private sector
and civil society alliance], government and budget watch projects [government and civil society alliances],
and Transparency and Accountability Network [civil society, private sector, and academe alliance]).

5
The Implementing Rules and Regulations of EO 40 were signed in February 2002.

19
 In response to the World Bank’s corruption fighting proposals, DAP formulated a comprehensive
framework and program strategy that featured long-term sequencing of anticorruption activities and a
centerpiece 10-point jump-start program for immediate implementation, which guided the
conceptualization and execution of different program interventions. Development partners also increased
support for anticorruption programs. They used their ongoing development assistance programs to
intensify support for and assistance to anticorruption programs in the public sector as well as
nongovernment actors.
The Presidential Anti-Graft Commission (PAGC) was created on 16 April 2001, through EO 12.
PAGC is mandated to investigate complaints or hear administrative cases filed against presidential
appointees. It succeeds the National Anti-Corruption Commission of the Estrada administration and the
Presidential Commission Against Graft and Corruption of the Ramos administration. As of April 2002,
PAGC resolved 791 out of the 932 cases filed before it.
On 18 July 2001, through EO 25, President Macapagal-Arroyo created the Governance Advisory
Council (GAC) to encourage more active involvement of the business sector in curbing graft and
corruption. GAC is a privately funded body comprising representatives from the business sector. Its
members are appointed for a fixed term and receive no remuneration from the Government.
The Inter-Agency Anti-Graft Coordinating Council (IAAGCC) was formed in January 2002 to
strengthen the checks and balances mechanisms in oversight agencies. IAAGCC consists of
representatives from COA, CSC, Department of Justice, National Bureau of Investigation, Office of the
Ombudsman (OMB), and PAGC. On 20 March 2003, IAAGCC membership was expanded to include the
Catholic Bishops Conference of the Philippines—National Secretariat for Social Action, Transparency and
Accountability Network, Citizens National Network Against Poverty and Corruption, United People Against
Crime, Citizens Battle Against Corruption, Philippine Government Employees Association, National
Association of Corruption Prevention Units, National Youth Commission, Philippine National Police,
Intelligence Service of the Armed Forces of the Philippines, and the Presidential Anti-Organized Crime
Commission.
OMB is mandated to investigate, prosecute, and adjudicate administrative cases and submit
criminal cases against public officials and employees (depending on a government official’s rank) to
appropriate courts or the Sandiganbayan.6 From 1993 to 2000, the annual number of criminal cases
received by OMB ranged from 4,502 (1995) to 6,755 (1994). During the same period, the total number of
administrative cases per year brought to OMB ranged from 1,620 (1995) to 3,836 (2000). Table 4 and
Table 5 show the figures on criminal and administrative cases, respectively, that were forwarded to OMB
for appropriate action. OMB sought to enhance its performance by fast-tracking the adjudication of cases
and intensifying its anticorruption programs. One notable initiative of OMB is the assignment of a resident
ombudsman in every key government agency. OMB also accredited 384 nongovernment organizations as
corruption prevention units and appointed 1,204 junior graft watch units (JGUs) to monitor and report graft
and corrupt activities in the Government.
COA conducts independent audits of government agencies and refers financial
irregularities discovered in audits to OMB. COA resolved 13 administrative cases involving
32 respondents. Six respondents were found guilty and 24 were exonerated. Two cases were archived.
COA’s Legal Office submitted for the approval of management 13 decisions and/or resolutions involving
cases of dishonesty and grave misconduct, completed the investigation of 32 administrative cases, and is
investigating 46 other administrative cases.

6
The Sandiganbayan is the main antigraft court that adjudicates criminal cases brought to it by OMB. It deals only
with cases filed against high-ranking government officials.

20
Table 4: Statistical Report on Criminal Cases Submitted to the Office of the Ombudsman
(1993–2000)

Types of Cases 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000
OMB Cases Received During the Year 6,159 6,755 4,502 5,761 5,454 5,444 6,261 5,903
Cases Reverted back to Pending 11 80 25 9 41 606
Old Tanodbayan Cases 105 154 47 552
Cases Carried over from the Previous Year 8,505 10,235 11,233 10,010 9,788 6,209 4,288 4,436
Total Workload of Criminal Cases 14,769 17,144 15,793 16,403 15,267 11,662 10,590 10,945
and /or Complaints
Disposed 4,534 5,911 5,783 6,615 9,058 7,374 6,154 7,971
Dismissed or Closed and Terminated 3,605 4,851 4,262 5,109 6,848 5,208 4,137 5,762
Prosecution 929 1,060 1,521 1,506 2,210 2,166 2,017 2,209
With Regular Courts 569 430 968 1,265 1,772 1,800 1,638 1,938
With Sandiganbayan 360 630 553 241 438 366 379 271
Pending 10,235 11,233 10,010 9,788 6,209 4,288 4,436 2,974
OMB = Office of the Ombudsman.
Notes: Tanodbayan is an independent office of the ombudsman. The Sandiganbayan is the main antigraft court that adjudicates
criminal cases brought to it by OMB. It deals only with cases filed against high-ranking government officials.
Source: Office of the Ombudsman.

Table 5: Statistical Report on Administrative Cases Submitted to the Office of the Ombudsman
(1993–2000)

Types of Cases 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000
OMB Cases Received During the Year 2,013 2,726 1,620 2,356 2,696 3,107 3,563 3,836
Cases Reverted back to Pending 8 12 3 9 25 17
Cases Carried over from the Previous Year 1,423 2,554 3,419 2,965 2,685 2,950 2,624 3,131
Total Workload of Administrative Cases 3,436 5,280 5,047 5,333 5,384 6,066 6,212 6,984
and/or Complaints
Disposed 882 1,861 2,082 2,648 2,434 3,442 3,081 4,125
Dismissed or Closed and Terminated 809 1,768 1,987 2,469 1,549 3,189 2,758 3,611
Penalty Imposed 73 93 95 179 885 253 323 514
Pending 2,554 3,419 2,965 2,685 2,950 2,624 3,131 2,859
OMB = Office of the Ombudsman.
Source: Office of the Ombudsman.

CSC plays a preventive role in the fight against corruption by setting standards for government
appointments and a punitive role by meting out penalties for violations of civil service rules. From 1997 to
the end of March 2002, CSC received 163 administrative cases, of which 104 were resolved to effect the
dismissal from service of erring employees. Table 6 presents the number of cases filed at CSC.

Table 6: Administrative Cases at the Civil Service Commission

Action on Cases 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 Total

Case Dismissed 8 10 1 1 20
Dismissal from Service 44 26 13 14 6 1 104
Exonerated 5 3 1 2 1 12
Fined 2 2
Formally Charged 8 3 2 1 14
Reinstated 1 1 3 5
Reprimanded 1 1
Suspended 3 1 1 5
Total 67 48 17 18 11 2 163
Note: Data for 2002 are as of 31 March 2002 only.
Source: Office of Legal Affairs, Civil Service Commission.

Government efforts to promote corporate governance and prevent private sector corruption are
further strengthened by the joint initiatives of the Securities and Exchange Commission, Bangko Sentral
ng Pilipinas (central bank), and Anti-Money Laundering Council. Table 7 presents the different
government agencies involved in the fight against corruption.

21
 Table 7: Philippine Government Anticorruption Agencies

Agency Mandate
Office of the Ombudsman Investigates and prosecutes. Adjudicates administrative cases and takes
Legal Status: Constitutional criminal cases to court or Sandiganbayan, depending on a government
Established: 1986 official’s rank.
Commission on Audit Conducts independent audits of government agencies and refers financial
Legal Status: Constitutional irregularities discovered in audits to Office of the Ombudsman (OMB).
Established: 1986
Civil Service Commission Plays preventive role in setting standards and norms for civil service
Legal Status: Constitutional appointments and punitive role for meting out penalties and punishments
Established: 1986 for violations.
Sandiganbayan As main antigraft court, adjudicates criminal cases brought to it by OMB.
Legal Status: Constitutional Deals only with cases brought against high-ranking government officials.
Established: 1986
Judiciary (headed by the Supreme Court) Adjudicates law in all areas.
Legal Status: Constitutional
Established: 1901
Department of Justice Acts as Government’s primary criminal prosecution arm.
Legal Status: Executive Branch
Department of Budget and Management Oversees reforms in procurement systems, tax and expenditure
Legal Status: Executive Branch management, bureaucracy streamlining, and civil service.
Commission on Elections Tasked with promoting free, orderly, honest, peaceful, and credible
Legal Status: Constitutional elections and handling expeditiously every action brought before it.
Established: 1986
Presidential Commission on Good Assigned at its inception with recovering ill-gotten wealth from the Marcos
Governance family. Now also tasked with similar recovery from President Estrada.
Legal Status: Executive Order No. 1
Established: February 1986
Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas Performs central banking functions. Replaced old central bank created in
Legal Status: Constitutional (New Central 1946.
Banking Act); Established: 1993
Securities and Exchange Commission Oversees registration of securities, evaluation of financial condition and
Legal Status: Commonwealth Act No. 83 operations of applicants for security issues, and supervision of stock and
(Securities Act); Established: October 1936 bond brokers and stock exchanges. Tasked with strengthening corporate
governance.
Inter-Agency Anti-Graft Coordinating Council Shares information and resources to enhance coordination of its members’
Legal Status: Executive Order No. 79 activities (Civil Service Commission, Commission on Audit, Department of
Established: August 1999 Justice, National Bureau of Investigation, Office of the Ombudsman, and
Presidential Commission Against Graft and Corruption)
National Bureau of Investigation Gathers evidence for probable cause hearings and files appropriate
Legal Status: Executive Order No. 94 charges.
Established: October 1947
Presidential Commission on Effective Formulates public sector institutional strengthening and streamlining
Governance agenda. Chaired by executive secretary, vice-chaired by Department of
Legal Status: Executive Order No. 165 Budget and Management. Members include heads of Civil Service
Established: October 1999 Commission, Commission on Audit, Department of Finance, National
Economic and Development Authority, and Presidential Management Staff.
Presidential Anti-Graft Commission Investigates violation of antigraft laws by presidential subappointees and
Legal Status: Executive Order No. 12 can recommend suspension of individual to presidents. (Same mandate as
Established: April 2001 the Ramos administration’s Presidential Commission against Graft and
Corruption, which it superseded.) Also superseded the Estrada
administration’s National Anticorruption Commission.
Governance Advisory Council Advises presidents in formulating governance reform agendas. Consists of
Legal Status: Executive Order No. 25 private sector appointees.
Established: July 2001
Anti-Money Laundering Council Consists of governor of Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas, commissioner of
Legal Status: Republic Act No. 9160 Insurance Commission, and chairman of Securities and Exchange
Established: September 2001 Commission. Receives reports on covered transactions and can freeze
suspicious accounts 15 days without recourse to courts.
Source: World Bank 2001b.

There is little public confidence in the Government’s capacity to fight corruption. By and large, a
need exists for government agencies, particularly those that are tasked to fight corruption, to cooperate
with each other and effectively work as a team. These agencies tend to operate alone and are sometimes
constrained by jurisdiction issues. IAAGCC, which has been established to facilitate interagency antigraft

22
bodies, was fully involved, since its inception, in finalizing the guidelines for cooperation and has yet to
produce significant results in the fight against corruption.
Insofar as the rate of successful prosecutions is low, major offenders appear to go unpunished.
The apparent impunity of such phenomena gives rise to widespread public cynicism. Prosecution of graft
and corruption cases is severely constrained by the lack of competent investigators and prosecutors,
huge backlog of court cases, lack of financial resources, and corruption of OMB personnel and judges.
Preventive programs, which prove to be more cost-effective, should be emphasized and
enhanced. Over the past years, OMB prided itself on six graft prevention programs: (i) instructional
materials development program on graft and corruption prevention education for elementary and high
schools; (ii) project synergy—a joint program with the Movie and Television Review and Classification
Board (MTRCB) and JGUs; (iii) JGUs and corruption prevention units (CPUs) organization and
cooperation; (iv) graft and corruption databank establishment and maintenance, through the research
and/or thesis assistance program and learning resource center; (v) new government entrants’ seminar on
public accountability; and (vi) values orientation workshop.
A review of these programs reveals that practically nothing has been realized. The instructional
materials development program and project synergy failed to materialize after years of discussions on
collaborative arrangements with the Department of Education and MTRCB, which are no longer held. The
effectiveness of cooperating with civil society through CPUs and JGUs has yet to be established. The
databank is nonexistent. The seminar on public accountability and the values orientation workshop are
yet to be offered on a regular and continuous basis, notwithstanding the need to improve program content
and delivery.
Concerns over institutionalizing and sustaining effective corruption programs, as exemplified by
the laudable experience of BOC under Commissioner Guillermo L. Parayno, Jr., from 1992 to 1998. By
involving BOC constituents and the transacting public in analyzing and solving corruption issues, Parayno
was able to lead a reform program that significantly addressed systemic and institutional weakness of
BOC that propagated corrupt acts. Electronic governance was likewise applied extensively in a range of
customs operations. In effect, the opportunities for corruption were lessened and the risks of being caught
were heightened. After Parayno’s term in office, BOC began moving back to its infamous image.

E. Government, Private Sector, and Civil Society Partnerships

The Philippine experience in governance presents encouraging results in establishing

collaborative links among government, private sector, and civil society organizations in the
implementation of various programs and projects. Such collaborative links are manifest in programs
implemented on the environmental protection front.
One such program, Bantay Kalikasan (Environment Watch) is spearheaded by the ABS-CBN
Foundation, Inc. Under this environmental program are four projects: (i) Bantay Usok (Smoke-Belching
Watch), (ii) Bantay Baterya (Battery Watch), (iii) Bantay Basura (Garbage Watch), and (iv) Adopt-A-Tree
(Save the La Mesa Watershed) Program. The ABS-CBN Foundation, Inc., coordinates with different
government agencies and secures the assistance of private organizations and nongovernment
organizations to realize the objectives of these projects.
Bantay Usok. This is a joint project of the Land Transportation Office (LTO) and concerned
citizens, with the assistance of the Asian Development Bank (ADB). This project encourages the public to
report by short message service7 (text message), e-mail, or telephone messages the vehicles emitting
excessive exhaust. The plate number of offending vehicles are reported to LTO. The owners concerned
are then summoned by LTO for appropriate action, if their vehicles are reported for emitting excessive
exhaust five times or more.
Bantay Baterya. This is a project of Philippine Recyclers, Inc., in partnership with the
Environment Management Bureau of the Department of Environment and Natural Resources (DENR).
Bantay Baterya is one of the first projects under the Government’s Philippine Environmental Partnership
Project. It aims to create sustained public awareness of health and environmental hazards posed by the
indiscriminate disposal and handling of junk batteries. It also seeks to provide a long-term mechanism to
significantly reduce the number of improperly disposed junk batteries and ensure a steady supply of raw
materials for the production of new batteries. Through Philippine Recyclers, Inc., the first and largest lead

7
SMS refers to the ability to send and receive text messages to and from mobile telephones.

23
recycler in the Philippines, junk batteries are reprocessed in an environmentally safe manner. Bantay
Baterya is also supported by Bantay Kalikasan.
Bantay Basura. This is a project of the ABS-CBN Foundation, Inc., which envisions a
sustainable community-based solid waste management program. Basic tenets on recycling are taught to
community leaders for implementation in their respective localities. Active partners in implementation
include The Recycling Movement of the Philippines, Mother Earth Unlimited, Metro Manila Linis Ganda,
and Jollibee Foods Corporation.
Adopt-A-Tree (“Save the La Mesa Watershed”) Program. This is a community-based
watershed rehabilitation, development, and protection project targeting the 2,700-hectare Metropolitan
Waterworks and Sewerage System’s La Mesa Watershed, covering the cities of Caloocan, Marikina, and
Quezon and the province of Rizal. The La Mesa Watershed, one of the three watersheds supplying water
to Metro Manila, is seriously threatened. The destruction of the watershed is projected to aggravate the
water crisis and flooding in Metro Manila. The immediate objective of the program is to reforest about
1,200 hectares of the watershed over 5 years (roughly 200 hectares per year). The long-term goal is to
convert the La Mesa watershed into a nature park and biodiversity reserve for educational purposes and
the appreciation particularly of school children and the general public. The establishment of a nature
center within Metro Manila may help heighten and propagate environmental consciousness among
people in Metro Manila. Individual and corporate partners are being tapped to raise funds for the project.
Partnership for Clean Air. This is a multisector alliance of concerned individuals, public and
private organizations, and government agencies that aim to increase public involvement in the
implementation of clean air programs in Metro Manila. Its creation is an offshoot of a multisector public
information campaign planning initiative undertaken by the Metro Manila Air Quality Improvement Sector
Development Program. The Air Quality Awareness Program is a component of the Metro Manila Air
Quality Improvement Sector Development Program funded by ADB, and it implements a 3-year air quality
awareness campaign in Metro Manila intended to serve as a model for other regions in the country. The
Public Affairs Office of DENR, in cooperation with the Partnership for Clean Air, is spearheading the
implementation of the program. In collaboration with civil society groups and other government agencies,
DENR continues its awareness raising activities and step-up efforts to apprehend smoke-belching
vehicles and industrial firms (http://www.denr.gov.ph/article/view/2569).

F. Improving Efficiency, Effectiveness, and Economy

Promoting Results-Based Management. To strengthen fiscal discipline and enhance

transparency and accountability in the budget process, DBM, in coordination with the National Economic
and Development Authority, formulated and began implementing the Public Expenditure Management
Improvement Program (PEMIP), which features three key innovations: (i) Medium-Term Expenditure
Framework, (ii) Sector Effectiveness and Efficiency Review, and (iii) Organizational Performance Indicator
Framework.
The Medium-Term Expenditure Framework, introduced in the 2001 budget process, provides for
a 3-year rolling budget that departs from the short-term view of budgeting, which weakens the link
between budgeting and planning. It is aimed at enhancing the sustainability of the Government’s
economic plan and expenditure program over the medium term and rationalizing the Government’s
planning process and improving allocation efficiency.
The Sector Effectiveness and Efficiency Review is expected to sharpen the setting of government
priorities and strengthen monitoring and evaluation within government agencies by providing tools and
techniques for assessing the effectiveness of agency programs.
The Organizational Performance Indicator Framework8 emphasizes the shift of focus in the
budget process from inputs to outputs and outcomes and provides a framework for focusing on the
delivery of high-priority, high-quality, and cost-effective government programs. To further strengthen its
implementation, DBM introduced the Filipino Report Card Survey in 2001, which will be regularly
undertaken to provide useful feedback and information inputs on public service delivery.
Civil Service Commission Strategic Plan: Recreating the Civil Service System. The CSC
Plan is a comprehensive strategic plan to address gaps and weaknesses in the bureaucracy. The plan is
intended to change the mind-set and attitudes of those in the Government in regard to the Government’s

8
The Organizational Performance Indicator Framework espouses the basic principles of results-based management
or performance-based management.

24
role, functions, structure, and processes. Table 8 summarizes the planned paradigm shift in the civil
service system.

Table 8: Required Shifts in Paradigm

Paradigm Shift
Area of Concern From To
Role of Civil Servants Followers and Source of expertise and institutional memory
implementer
Recruitment of Civil Servants Aptitudes and skills Service value orientation and integrity of
character
Role of Third-Level Officials Administrators and Visionaries, technocrats, and experts
managers
Appointment and Promotions Bias toward Competitive process that is insulated from
to Third Level managerial skills politics, with major considerations being
character, competence (encompassing
managerial and technical skills), and potential
Management Style Subservience to Participatory and consultative
hierarchy
(authoritarian)
Operating Perspective of the Regulation Assistance and service
Government

Civil Service Relationships Being an adjunct of Autonomy from the will of political regimes
with Other Branches of the other branches
Government
Source: Civil Service Commission Strategic Plan 2002–2004.

CSC identified six key result areas of public sector reform: (i) effective and efficient administrative
justice, (ii) professionalized civil service, (iii) improved public service delivery, (iv) enhanced participation
of public sector unions, (v) strengthened external relations, and (vi) appropriate and adequate
management and support services (Appendix 2).
In promoting public accountability, CSC seeks to streamline its procedures in resolving cases.
Thus, it is intensifying its involvement in the Government’s anticorruption programs; implementing new
initiatives, such as Women Against Graft; and taking a more proactive role in preventing political
interference in public administration by institutionalizing a new work culture that is knowledge-based and
customer-oriented.
CSC also intends to emphasize customer service as the Government’s service delivery
philosophy. It aims to create in the Government a working environment of less paper work, least waiting
time, and simplest procedures for the transacting public. It further envisions that the Government will
involve the public by getting feedback on government performance and actively harness public sector
unionism in effecting good governance. Moreover, CSC aims to be more active in rendering technical
advice to the president in legislative deliberations and in supporting decentralization on matters pertaining
to human resource development in the Government. It also seeks to establish itself as an example for
other government agencies to follow and will undertake an internal realignment of its organizational
structure for better management of its programs and better use of its resources, institutionalize
performance-based operations, and implement a staff development program to support its new priorities
and thrusts.
Establishing Feedback Mechanisms. CSC has also taken the lead in establishing feedback
mechanisms. Launched in 1994, the Mamamayan Muna, Hindi Mamaya Na (Citizens Now, Not Later)
Program is essentially a client feedback mechanism meant to improve the delivery of public service. It is
designed intently to reduce if not totally eradicate discourtesy, arrogance, and inefficiency in the delivery
of public service. Through the Mamamayan Muna, Hindi Mamaya Na Program, the public can relay
commendations, requests for assistance, complaints, and suggestions. Table 9 shows a tally of feedback

25
Table 9: Feedback and Comments Sent through the Mamamayan Muna,
Hindi Mamaya Na Program (1997–2002)

Type of Feedback or Comment

Year Commendation Assistance Complaint Suggestion Total
1997 426 221 2,848 3,495
1998 315 364 2,262 2,941
1999 307 460 1,559 2,326
2000 447 3,452 1,577 29 5,5057
2001 1,003 2,419 1,498 38 4,958
2002 70 919 88 3 1,080
Total 2,568 7,835 9,832 70 20,305
Note: Figures for 2002 are until end of March 2002.
Source: Civil Service Commission.

and comments sent to CSC from 1997 to the end of March 2002. Table 10 shows that complaints are on
a downward trend while commendations are on an upswing.

Table 10: Number of Text Messages Received through the

Text Civil Service Commission Program (June 2002)

Type of Message Total Percentage

Queries 299 41.24
Complaints 321 44.28
Assistance 63 8.69
Suggestions and 1 0.14
Recommendations
Commendation 41 5.66
Total 725 100.00
Source: Civil Service Commission.

Another innovative feedback mechanism is the Text CSC Program, which commenced in April
2002 but was formally launched on 3 June 2002. Anchored on the principles and objectives of the
Mamamayan Muna, Hindi Mamaya Na Program, the Text CSC Program encourages the public to use
mobile phones to relay messages and queries related to government operations and public service
delivery.
Using Information Technology and Online Transactions. Many government agencies, local
government units (LGUs), civil society groups, and good governance organizations have developed their
Web sites to facilitate information exchange and use. COA publishes its guidelines and circulars online.
COA also introduced Fraud Alert, a program that enables the public to report or file complaints against
erring and corrupt government employees through the Internet. The Bureau of Internal Revenue also
improved its database systems and recently launched the electronic tax filing and payment system.
Similarly, other agencies are using information technology in offering their services to the public. Online
transactions are the trend in the National Statistics Office and the Department of Foreign Affairs. Those
seeking to secure a National Statistics Office-authenticated birth, marriage, or death certificate can now
do so by using the Internet or the telephone. The same is true in the renewal of passports. People can log
on to the Internet or dial the Department of Foreign Affairs hotline to request passport renewal.
Another milestone in promoting electronic governance9 is the launching of the Electronic
Procurement System, which aims to promote a more open, transparent, and competitive environment in
public sector procurement of goods, supplies, materials, and services by providing government agencies
and suppliers and contractors with an Internet-based system managed by DBM’s Procurement Service.
Established by virtue of EO 322, dated 22 November 2000, the electronic procurement system offers
direct access to public bidding opportunities for suppliers and contractors as well as the platform for
government agencies to post their procurement notices and specifications on the Internet. With the

9
Electronic governance refers to the use of information and communication technology to promote good
governance.

26
promulgation on 18 December 2002 of Republic Act 9184 (a law providing for the modernization,
standardization, and regulation of government procurement), the Electronic Procurement System faces
higher expectations and greater challenges, as plans are under way to extend it to support other aspects
of the procurement process, including direct purchases, bid submissions, central accreditation, and bill
payments.
Critical issues and concerns that need to be addressed include (i) ensuring the security, integrity,
and confidentiality of the documents and information submitted through the system; (ii) professionalizing
the bids and awards committee members and support staff members; (iii) providing stakeholders timely
and equal access to information; (iv) enhancing cooperation with the wider public, civil society
organizations, business groups, and other government agencies; (v) building capacities for more effective
management of the Electronic Procurement System; and (vi) sustaining logistical support.
Gaining Legislative Support. Legislative support for public sector reform has also been
palpable. House Bill (HB) 978, filed by Rep. Rodolfo Albano, seeks to authorize the reorganization of the
executive branch. HB 191 filed by Rep. Jose de Venecia, Jr., aims to reengineer the government
bureaucracy through a joint legislative-executive commission on government reengineering and
guarantees adequate safety nets for affected civil servants.
Sponsored by senators Aquilino Pimentel, Jr., and Teresa Aquino-Oreta, the proposed new Civil
Service Code10 embodied in Senate Bill 2132, which was filed in the 12th Congress, aimed to upgrade,
modernize, and strengthen all facets of the public personnel administration system. The proposed Code
calls for the continuous streamlining and application of performance-based operations and tenure in
government. If enacted, the Code will address various concerns on the status of permanent and
contractual government employees, management and allocation of scholarship opportunities in
government, the right of government employees to organize and to strike, and humanizing the civil
service system.
The proposed Code stresses careerism in government as it seeks to eliminate or minimize
patronage, especially at the level of the Career Executive Service (CES) by making appointments or
conferment based on rank instead of position, and by creating a dynamic pool of career executive service
officers (CESOs). It also seeks to eliminate the problem of lobbying for positions of power by ascribing
security of tenure as well as compensation to position rather than rank; and to promote government-wide
mobility of CESOs by assigning them either from one position to another within the same agency
regardless of rank, or cross-posting them to different agencies for special assignments or missions
depending on civil service needs. Moreover, the Code emphasizes merit and insulates the civil service
system from political influence by requiring that 50% of the undersecretaries and assistant secretaries be
taken from the CES, with each level accordingly represented.
The Code also aims to reinforce the implementation of national polices on decentralization and
local autonomy as embodied in the Local Government Code. It mandates the creation of a personnel
office in all LGUs. In addition to its thrust to “depoliticize” LGUs, the proposed Code promotes
professionalism and skills training in the public service system to help maintain stability within the civil
service despite changes in the political leadership. Equal employment opportunity in government is
likewise guaranteed by the proposed Code in addition to providing for measures to instill discipline,
strengthen performance management, rationalize compensation and benefits package, and improve the
administrative justice system in government. These bills have been put in the backburner in the face of
more sensational issues such as charter change and other priority bills. It may take a while before the
proposed Code will be passed. Meanwhile, CSC has to contend with and operate within the existing legal
framework.

G. Trends and Patterns in Public Sector Employment and Expenditures

The size of the Government’s bureaucracy and the national budget provide strong indications of
national priorities and performance. As of 1999, a total of 1.445 million personnel were employed in
national government agencies, GOCCs, and LGUs. The figure is almost the same as that of 1991
(Table 11). Despite the repeated policy pronouncements of the Government to reduce the number of its
employees and rationalize their distribution, the record shows that these pronouncements were not
realized (Table 12). About 65% of all government employees are assigned to national government

10
Senators Oreta and Pimentel initially filed the proposed Civil Service Code in the Senate during the 12th Congress
on 15 May 2002. The Bill may be refiled in the 13th Congress.

27
agencies and only 27% to LGUs. The trend should be reversed under decentralization. Table 13 shows
the total number of authorized permanent government positions, including those in four major national
government agencies.

Table 11: Inventory of Government Personnel

(1990–1999)

Year NGAs GOCCs LGUs Total

1990 902,167 128,098 227,185 1,257,450
1991 1,050,515 158,106 237,159 1,445,780
1992 870,050 123,743 243,642 1,237,435
1993 773,349 128,466 293,558 1,195,373
1994 796,795 112,858 316,023 1,225,676
1995 853,982 120,382 353,654 1,328,018
1996 894,056 111,707 353,897 1,359,660
1997 913,951 97,142 367,551 1,378,644
1998 913,593 126,498 365,437 1,405,528
1999 959,966 94,971 390,561 1,445,498
GOCC = government-owned and -controlled corporation, LGU = local
government unit, NGA = national government agency.
Source: Civil Service Commission.

Table 12: Inventory of Permanent National Government Positions

(1986–2001)

Actual No. of Permanent Positions a

Major Agencies (Filled Positions)

Fiscal Authorized
Year Positions Unfilledb Filled DND DILG DECS SUCs
1986 953,983 237,089 4,762 358,059 43,708
1987 1,002,026 291,790 5,528 360,047 43,011
1988 1,092,357 317,457 5,850 407,943 43,898
1989 1,136,701 353,228 5,944 411,521 45,006
1990 1,173,407 362,605 5,944 427,115 45,119
1991 1,109,278 267,688 16,400 444,601 45,212
1992 1,122,542 211,414 94,836 437,366 43,225
1993 1,020,006 21,331 998,675 164,546 121,748 434,186 45,128
1994 1,025,914 16,044 1,009,870 149,074 125,919 441,250 46,439
1995 1,038,682 24,396 1,014,286 148,706 125,935 460,098 47,252
1996 1,036,615 37,598 999,017 134,036 127,066 465,606 48,757
1997 1,056,655 36,853 1,019,802 134,030 127,087 466,441 49,487
1998 1,092,757 33,521 1,059,236 138,130 145,662 475,842 50,953
1999 1,102,168 39,655 1,062,513 134,248 147,415 478,829 53,878
2000 1,110,084 38,563 1,071,521 135,513 147,915 482,163 55,926
2001 1,112,357 50,725 1,061,632
DECS = Department of Education, Culture and Sports, DILG = Department of Interior and Local Government, DND
= Department of National Defense, No. = number, SUCs = State universities and colleges.
a
Includes uniformed personnel.
b
Funds used to be provided for all authorized positions until 1993.
Source: Department of Budget and Management 2002 and 2003.

28
 In terms of national government expenditures (Figure 3), about 35%–40% are channeled to
personnel services and less to maintenance and other operating expenses, capital outlay, and internal
revenue allotment (IRA) (Table 13). Although Figure 4 shows that more money is spent in the social
sector, much of that money goes to compensation and benefits. Debt service is also on the rise, triggering
a crowding out effect on services to people. The Government is also spending more than what it earns,
as shown in Table 14 and Figure 5. The trend and patterns obviously stress the need to rationalize
national expenditures, since there seems to be less money spent on actual goods and services for the
people. There should be more funds to support local autonomy and governance. Details of financial
management issues are discussed in Chapter V.

Figure 3: Patterns of National Government Expenditures

(1981–2001)
Percentage of Expenditures

50
45.00%
40.00%
40
35.00%
30.00%
30
25.00%
20.00%
20
15.00%
10.00%
10
5.00%
0.00%0
81

83

85

87

89

91

93

95

97

99

01
19

19

19

19

19

19

19

19

19

19

20
Year

PS MOOE CO IRA Debt Interest Payments

Source: Department of Budget and Management 2002a, 2002b, and 2002d.

H. Issues and Challenges

Various studies and forums have examined the Philippine bureaucracy to identify and solve its
problems. The perceived gaps and weaknesses are rooted in policies, performance standards, structure,
procedures, processes, behavior, and values that govern and surround public administration.
Planning Mechanisms. The Government needs to institutionalize effective mechanisms for
planning, agenda setting, and policy making. Plans are haphazardly prepared under very unrealistic
schedules and without the benefit of relevant and accurate information. The number of databases and
information systems is insufficient to support policy decisions and public administration. Deficient planning
leads to unclear goals and poor implementation.
Performance Measures. An appropriate and workable performance management and
measurement system needs to be crafted, implemented, and maintained. Attempts to put in place such a
system were marred by limited consultations with affected agencies and sectors, insufficient political
support, and general resistance from those who will implement and use the system.
Government Reorganization. The scope of responsibility and accountability of agencies and
instrumentalities in the Government is very difficult to determine. The administrative machinery is weighed
down by unclear delineation of functions among agencies, which leads to duplicated and overlapping
programs and activities, uncoordinated policy and program implementation, poor sector management,
and wasteful use of resources.
Bureaucratic Behavior. Bureaucratic behavior tends to be very hierarchical and rule bound,
rather than performance oriented, to emphasize productivity improvement and attainment of targeted
results. The strong predisposition toward rigid implementation of rules has perpetuated red tape and
enhanced opportunities for graft and corruption.

29
30

Table 13: Summary of National Expenditures

(major expense classa and obligation basis [1981–2001])

Internal Revenue
__Personnel Servicesb Mode Capital Outlay _ Allotment ___ _Interest Payments_
% of % of % of % of % of
Year Amount Total Amount Total Amount Total Amount Total Amount Total Total

1981 13,184 27.7% 9,684 20.3% 18,975 39.9% 1,743 3.7% 2,429 5.1% 47,615
1982 13,583 27.3% 12,381 24.9% 14,934 30.0% 2,291 4.6% 3,560 7.1% 49,810
1983 14,282 27.3% 11,714 22.4% 15,479 29.6% 2,598 5.0% 4,997 9.5% 52,360
1984 18,329 28.6% 10,410 16.3% 16,655 26.0% 2,795 4.4% 10,409 16.3% 64,037
1985 22,046 30.1% 13,780 18.8% 15,758 21.5% 3,522 4.8% 14,652 20.0% 73,311
1986 28,527 26.4% 15,885 14.7% 22,039 20.4% 3,382 3.1% 21,612 20.0% 108,138
1987 31,537 25.9% 20,498 16.9% 20,261 16.7% 3,835 3.2% 36,905 30.3% 121,622
1988 43,596 30.6% 22,686 15.9% 18,238 12.8% 4,363 3.1% 45,865 32.2% 142,462
1989 52,006 30.0% 28,814 16.6% 27,363 15.8% 3,337 1.9% 54,714 31.5% 173,634
1990 64,289 28.8% 33,300 14.9% 38,236 17.1% 4,746 2.1% 71,114 31.8% 223,473
1991 69,327 27.9% 36,061 14.5% 49,637 20.0% 6,754 2.7% 74,922 30.1% 248,679
1992 77,554 29.6% 38,632 14.7% 43,105 16.4% 16,244 6.2% 79,571 30.4% 262,042
1993 76,948 27.8% 39,571 14.3% 44,981 16.2% 29,379 10.6% 76,491 27.6% 276,859
1994 92,573 28.0% 39,694 12.0% 64,822 19.6% 37,452 11.3% 79,123 24.0% 330,203
1995 113,151 30.4% 53,163 14.3% 80,655 21.7% 41,634 11.2% 72,658 19.5% 371,888
1996 138,333 33.2% 65,714 15.8% 78,757 18.9% 45,275 10.9% 76,522 18.4% 416,139
1997 178,930 36.4% 70,380 14.3% 95,312 19.4% 56,839 11.6% 77,971 15.9% 491,783
1998 205,430 38.2% 66,905 12.4% 93,158 17.3% 61,553 11.5% 99,792 18.6% 537,433
1999 215,352 37.1% 69,863 12.0% 96,580 16.6% 76,234 13.1% 106,290 18.3% 580,385
2000 235,249 34.5% 83,880 12.3% 111,119 16.3% 91,422 13.4% 140,894 20.6% 682,460
2001 247,665 35.0% 83,123 11.8% 74,793 10.6% 122,733 17.4% 174,834 24.7% 707,093
a
Does not include other subsidies, Oil Price Stabilization Fund (OPSF), and net lending.
b
Include all personnel service items (i.e., salaries, wages, bonuses, allowances, premiums, pensions, others) for permanent (civilian and uniformed) and nonpermanent
personnel.
Source: Department of Budget and Management 2002a, 2002b, and 2002d.
Figure 4: Sector Allocation of National Government Expenditures
(percentage of total [1981–2001])

50
50%
Percentage of Total

40%
40
30%
30
20%
20
10%
10
0%
0
81
82
83
84
85
86
87
88
89
90
91
92
93
94
95
96
97
98
99
00
01
19
19
19
19
19
19
19
19
19
19
19
19
19
19
19
19
19
19
19
20
20
Year

Economic Social Defense

General Net Lending Debt Service
Source: Department of Budget and Management 2002a, 2002b, and 2002d.

Table 14: National Government Expenditures and Revenues

(1981–2001)

Fiscal Total Expenditures Revenue Collections GNP

Year Amount % of GNP Amount % of GNP (nominal)
1981 47,615 17.0 35,933 12.9 279,625
1982 49,810 16.0 38,206 12.3 311,232
1983 52,360 14.5 45,632 12.6 361,066
1984 64,037 12.7 56,861 11.3 503,820
1985 73,311 13.3 68,961 12.5 551,428
1986 108,138 18.4 79,245 13.5 588,391
1987 121,622 18.3 103,214 15.5 665,443
1988 142,462 18.2 112,861 14.4 782,069
1989 173,634 19.2 152,410 16.8 905,459
1990 223,473 20.9 180,902 16.9 1,071,433
1991 248,679 19.8 220,787 17.6 1,254,562
1992 262,042 19.1 242,714 17.7 1,374,838
1993 276,859 18.5 260,405 17.4 1,500,287
1994 330,203 19.0 336,160 19.4 1,736,382
1995 371,888 19.0 361,220 18.4 1,958,555
1996 416,139 18.4 410,450 18.2 2,261,339
1997 491,783 19.5 471,843 18.7 2,528,321
1998 537,433 19.2 462,516 16.5 2,802,132
1999 580,385 18.5 478,503 15.3 3,136,168
2000 682,460 19.5 514,762 14.7 3,491,134
2001 707,093 18.4 563,733 14.6 3,853,300
GNP = gross national product.
Source: Department of Budget and Management 2002a, 2002b, and 2002c.

31
Figure 5: National Government Expenditures as Percentage of Gross National Product
(1981–2001)

Expenditure as Percentage of 22%

Gross National Product
20%
18%
16%
14%
12%
10%
81

83

85

87

89

91

93

95

97

99

01
19

19

19

19

19

19

19

19

19

19

20
Year

Expenditures Revenues

Source: Department of Budget and Management 2002a, 2002b, and 2002c.

Political Influence. The civil service system remains vulnerable to political influence that
compromises its role as an independent institution. Appointments and promotions to senior and other key
career positions are influenced by patronage politics. A World Bank study cites the Philippines as the only
country where political appointees in the public bureaucracy extend down to the director level.
Competencies, Compensation, and Morale. The bureaucracy lacks the required managerial
and technical competencies to successfully carry out its functions. Existing qualification standards barely
ensure competence. Combined with the reality of political interference and the level of discretion allowed
in career service appointments, competency rarely figures for one to be employed in government.
Recruitment of competent and qualified people to join the civil service and making them stay in the
service is also constrained by existing uncompetitive compensation levels. Low morale also persists. In a
work environment where civil servants perceive that they are powerless to formulate and implement
decisions, that good performance is rewarded in the same manner as poor performance, that people can
get away with misconduct and dishonesty, that arbitrariness and self-interest are either encouraged or
tolerated, and that performance standards and appraisal systems are not working to encourage
performance, there is no incentive to perform and deliver results in terms of service to the people.
Manpower Distribution and Representativeness. The distribution of civil service officials and
employees nationwide needs to be rationalized. Neighboring Asian countries have higher government
personnel to population ratios, but they deploy the greater number of their civil servants to local areas and
frontline services. The Philippine Government would benefit greatly from evaluating its manpower
distribution. The bureaucracy is top-heavy, and it is too concentrated at the national level.
The issue of representativeness in the Government also needs to be addressed. Females
dominate the national civil service, at a female to male ratio of 5:3.5. In the second-level position, the ratio
is 4:1.4. Notably fewer females are in the third–level civil service ranks. The National Capital Region,
Central Luzon, Ilocos, and Southern Luzon are overrepresented in the national bureaucracy. Various
minority ethnic groups, many of them non-Christian, are also underrepresented, a condition cited as one
of the reasons why these groups are economically and educationally inferior to Christians (Endriga 2001).
With devolution, geographical representation should be a matter of concern, with LGUs giving priority to
putting in place people residing in their areas of jurisdiction (Endriga 2001).

32
I. Strategic Directions

Since the birth of the Philippine republic in 1946, civil service reform has been undertaken at least
five times,11 each bringing the promise of improved government performance and responsive public
service. Ironically, results of all these efforts failed expectations. The public sector continues to suffer from
various systemic and institutional gaps and weaknesses that perpetuate perceptions of the bureaucracy
as inefficient, wasteful, ineffective, dishonest, and corrupt.
Promoting good governance requires authentic and appropriate transformation of systems,
structures, and institutions in the Philippine bureaucracy to enable it to efficiently and effectively carry out
policy formulation, fiscal management, provision of goods and services, and the creation of an enabling
environment for private sector growth and meaningful partnerships with civil society.
Reforms should strengthen capacities of government agencies in planning, coordination,
monitoring, revenue administration, programming and budgeting, and delivery of frontline services that
meet the basic needs of Filipinos. Civil service reforms must strategically pursue the fulfillment of the
following conditions for sound development management: (i) sound regulatory framework, (ii) coherent
planning, (iii) effective organizational structure, (iv) effective management information systems,
(v) effective processes, (vi) effective intergovernmental relations, (vii) adequate financial and other
resources, (viii) appropriate policy framework, (ix) quality management and leadership, (x) quality and
sufficient infrastructure, (xi) adequate and competent staff members, and (xii) improved access to and
reliability of services (ADB Explanatory Overview and Toolkit for Governance and Capacity Building).
There are about 206 completed, ongoing, or proposed projects on governance in the country.
These are supported by 12 international funding institutions (Table 15). The projects are grouped into
15 areas of concern. Of these areas, maintaining peace and order has the greatest number of projects,
with a count of 34 (mostly in Mindanao). This area is followed by reforms in budgetary and accounting
and/or auditing systems, with 32 projects (mostly funded by the United Nations Development Programme
[UNDP] and the United States Agency for International Development [USAID]). The third area with the
greatest number of projects is strengthening anticorruption in LGUs, with 26 projects (largely funded by
UNDP and USAID). This area is followed by strengthening anticorruption content of the legislative
agenda, with 25 projects (seven of which are funded by the Australian Agency for International
Development). The areas of public participation oversight and private sector management have 18
projects each (the former mostly funded by UNDP and USAID and the latter by ADB). Corporate
governance and judicial reform have 14 projects each (mostly funded by USAID). USAID and UNDP have
the most number of projects, 41 and 25, respectively. Appendix 3 presents the governance map of
initiatives and interventions in the Philippines.
Enduring reforms can take root if the nation’s key players have the will to challenge the deeply
entrenched spoils system in the bureaucracy and commit to implementing changes and recognizing that
sound governance cannot be attained overnight. Reforms must be strategic, emphasizing sustained
initiatives that yield small but progressive increments of net value added to the overall performance of the
public sector over the long term.
Taking off from the content and directions of civil service reform, as identified by CSC,12 coupled
with the observations and findings on the recent and current initiatives in promoting good governance,
interventions need to be strengthened in the following areas: (i) developing a new work culture,
(ii) achieving better planning and management of governance initiatives, (iii) streamlining the
bureaucracy, (iv) improving public personnel administration, (v) designing and implementing performance-
based management systems, (vi) strengthening administrative justice, and (vii) providing the needed
policy environment for reforms.

11
These were undertaken during the administrations of President Roxas, President Quirino, President Magsaysay,
President Marcos, and President Aquino.
12
As mentioned earlier, these are (i) effective and efficient administrative justice, (ii) professionalized civil service,
(iii) improved public service delivery, (iv) enhanced participation of public sector unions, (v) strengthened external
relations, and (v) appropriate and adequate management and support services.

33
34

Table 15: Summary Statistics of Foreign and Development Partner-Assisted Governance Projects

Development Agency
Governance Area UNDP CIDA AusAID ADB WB USAID WB/IMF USAID/WB UNICEF EC GTZ-GDC JBIC Others
Public Participation Oversight 5 1 - 2 3 7 - - - - - - -
Sustained Procurement Reform - 1 - 2 2 - - - - - - - -
Reforms in Budgetary and Accounting/Auditing Systems 7 - 3 3 4 7 - - 1 1 1 - 5
Corporate Governance - 2 1 1 2 7 - - - - - - 1
Design and Implementation of Anticorruption Plans 1 2 - - - - - - - - - - 1
Judicial Reform 1 1 2 1 1 4 - 1 - - - - 3
Strengthening Corruption Content of the Legislative Agenda - - 1 1 1 1 - - - - - - -
Strengthening Anticorruption at LGUs 7 4 5 1 2 5 1 1 - - - - -
Recognizing and Rewarding Good Governance Performance - - - - - - - - - - - - 5
Public Administration - 4 7 - - 1 - - - - 1 1 11
Public Resource Management - 1 1 - - - - - - - - - -
Public Sector Management - 1 1 - - - - - - - - - -
Private Sector Management 2 1 3 6 1 3 - - - - - - 2
Maintaining Peace and Order 1 3 - 1 1 4 - - - - - - 24
Economic Management 1 - - - - 2 - - - - - - 1
Land Administration - - - - 1 - - - - - - - -
Total 25 21 24 18 18 41 1 2 1 1 2 1 53
ADB = Asian Development Bank, AusAID= Australian Agency for International Development, CIDA = Canadian International Development Agency, EC= European Commission, GTZ =
German Agency for Technical Cooperation, IMF = International Monetary Fund, JBIC = Japan Bank for International Cooperation, LGU = local government unit, UNDP = United
Nations Development Programme, UNICEF = United Nations Children’s Fund, USAID = United States Agency for International Development, WB = World Bank.
Source: Asian Development Bank and National Economic and Development Authority.
 1. Promoting a New Work Culture

The civil service system must move toward a new work culture that emphasizes a strong client
orientation and excellence, integrity, and management that is knowledge based. The bureaucracy must
adopt institutional behavior that values less paper work, minimum waiting time, simplest procedures for
transacting business, and public participation in providing feedback on how to improve public policies and
frontline services.
Notable initiatives in this area include the Australian Agency for International Development’s
project with CSC to humanize government frontline services, which essentially seeks to improve customer
focus in the civil service. UNDP also has an ongoing project with CSC that will promote ethics and
accountability. The project develops and disseminates training modules on transparency and
accountability. ADB has a proposed project with CSC to strengthen the civil service by building a
professional and motivated workforce. Since 1999, the Canadian International Development Agency has
assisted the Government in developing internal mechanisms and structures for increased efficiency in
policy formulation, planning, implementation, and evaluation. This project involves technical assistance
and training, missions to Canada, conferences, workshops, and information exchanges.

2. Strengthening Governance Plans and Programs

A coherent plan and strategy to guide actions and initiatives for securing popular and political
support to good governance initiatives must be formulated. The Government must initiate the process;
establish the necessary mechanisms for identifying governance priorities; and manage them accordingly,
incorporating therein mechanisms for benchmarking and monitoring work progress to enhance
accountability and transparency.
A variety of development agency support to governance initiatives exists. Great attention is
focused on the design and implementation of anticorruption programs directed at the national and local
government agencies. Substantial investments were made in expenditure and revenue reforms as well as
pursuing procurement reforms. Maintaining peace and order, pursuing judicial reforms, enhancing
participation, improving public enterprise management, and building capacities are other areas of interest
that received much support from international funding agencies.
Development agency support must also be encouraged for reform initiatives in developing
performance-based management and measurement systems and in rationalizing government
compensation and benefits packages, political and electoral reforms, legislative processes, information
systems and knowledge management, and law enforcement. The Presidential Committee on Effective
Governance or any of its member agencies could be the appropriate government entity where ownership
and control of the process of planning and programming governance initiatives may be located.

3. Restructuring the Bureaucracy

Streamlining the bureaucracy is an imperative. Redundant structures in the Government should

be abolished or subsumed or consolidated with other entities. Agency functions must be clearly
delineated to minimize overlaps and duplications. Streamlining should also be pursued in line with
decentralization objectives. The distribution of officials and employees should be such that the greater
mass serves in regional and local postings where it is most needed.
The proliferation of special task bodies or interagency committees, which only add bureaucratic
layers and obscure areas of responsibility and accountability, should also be addressed. These bodies
show the Government’s tendency to emphasize the tasks of coordination and monitoring over the job of
implementation. In the end, very little is accomplished. These special bodies, created on an ad hoc basis,
also perpetuate themselves, even after they have served their purpose, until they eventually become part
of the Government’s machinery.
The public sector has yet to benefit from a carefully prepared and integrated blueprint for
implementing civil service reforms. Efforts in the past tended to be influenced and tainted by politics.
Planning and execution were haphazard and usually rushed. Minimal consultation with and participation
of the bureaucracy occurred. Those who implement and are affected by reform initiatives have no sense
of ownership over the same, thereby compromising the processes and results of reforms. Knowledge on
how to improve overall government performance remains fragmented, disorganized, and contradictory.

35
 A possible area for strategic intervention is the study and establishment of appropriate
management structures, processes, procedures, and information systems within the civil service system,
including the necessary links and collaboration with the private sector, civil society, development
agencies, and foreign institutions.

4. Rationalizing Public Personnel Management

Recreating the civil service system necessitates a comprehensive, pragmatic, and workable
program of action, with corresponding policy support that will upgrade all facets of personnel
administration, such as recruitment and selection, training and development, personnel relations,
compensation, and employee security and safety. Although the proposed Civil Service Code promises a
significant improvement in the quality of public service, when the code will be passed is uncertain.
Meanwhile, the bureaucracy needs to put in place mechanisms to (i) get qualified, competent, and honest
individuals into public service and make them stay; (ii) ensure and maintain high work performance
among government employees; (iii) develop and implement strong staff development programs;
(iv) strengthen careerism and protect the civil service system from political patronage; (v) allow
government-wide mobility among career executive service officers; and (vi) institutionalize performance-
based security of tenure.
Reform efforts in this area may include strengthening staff development programs, enhancing the
merit system, improving job evaluation and compensation administration, pricing job values, and
designing the salary structure. Representativeness in the civil service system should also be studied.

5. Managing for Results

The institutionalization of a performance management system in the Government presents an

integrated and practical approach for effecting good governance. To enhance its overall efficiency,
effectiveness, and responsiveness, public administration needs to shift emphasis from the traditional
concern with inputs and immediate outputs toward a more vigorous commitment to attaining long-term
development benefits (i.e., outcomes and impacts) that effect authentic improvements in the quality of life
of Filipinos. Results-based management13 is a significant public sector reform that requires clear
articulation of and strong commitment to the core mission and priorities of the Government and the
imperatives of defining and realizing the principles of accountability, participation, transparency, and
predictability.
Results-based management necessitates a results- and service-oriented public sector that allows
civil servants to realize that they are accountable not to their supervisors or the organization but, more
importantly, to the clientele. The desired public sector management environment also requires an
empowered civil service that accepts responsibility for and has the capacity to influence outcomes.
Successful introduction and maintenance of a performance management system requires a
holistic and comprehensive package of civil service reforms that involves three key dimensions:
(i) promoting favorable implementation conditions, (ii) developing performance measurement systems,
and (iii) using performance information.
Results-based management in the Philippine bureaucracy is gaining attention. The most recent
and welcome development is the introduction of the Public Expenditure Management Improvement
Program (PEMIP), since it stresses public accountability by orienting government operations toward
realizing the desired outcomes and impacts. Certain elements of the PEMIP nonetheless need to be
reviewed and improved.
First, the PEMIP needs to align management systems and cultures of government agencies to
support the systematic collection, recording, analysis, and reporting of performance information. Second,
the PEMIP needs the support of top political leaders who are sincere and committed to making the
PEMIP work. Third, training and education of key stakeholders and users are needed. The fourth aspect
refers to the technical design of the PEMIP, which is actually very critical to its successful implementation
and sustainability. The design tends to be complex and difficult to understand, and this might inevitably
lead to implementation problems. Preliminary interviews on how the process of design took place reveal

13
The terms results-based management and performance management are used interchangeably in this report.

36
that agencies and stakeholders were not adequately consulted. Feedback from agencies concerned that
used the PEMIP in the 2001 budget process indicated difficulties in following the framework.
Improvements to the PEMIP therefore constitute an important area for technical assistance. In
this regard, DBM and/or the National Economic and Development Authority may take the lead role in this
effort. Alternatively or simultaneously, results-based management systems can be piloted in selected
government agencies, such as BOC, BIR, COA, CSC, and LTO.

6. Strengthening Administrative Justice

The bureaucracy finds it difficult to weed out incompetent and erring public employees, due to the
weaknesses in systems for the disposition of administrative cases. Possible areas for technical
assistance include developing mechanisms to track cases, enhancing capabilities for dispute resolution
such as conciliation and mediation, and strengthening competencies of legal counselors.

7. Promoting Electronic Governance

Electronic governance is the creative application of information technology in government

operations for transparent, accountable, efficient, and effective delivery of services to citizens. The
Government showed remarkable progress in simplifying the delivery of government services and
eliminating government layers and unnecessary management through online transactions and
propagation of government Web sites, as well as the use of geographical information systems in local
public administration. While the future of electronic governance in the country looks bright, the continued
adoption and promotion of electronic governance may lead to the electronic form of corruption. Efforts
should be undertaken to prevent electronic corruption before it becomes a significant issue.

8. Providing Policy and Institutional Support

Public sector reform initiatives require amendments to existing laws and policies as well as the
formulation of new laws and policies to provide requisite policy and institutional support for the successful
implementation of proposed reform strategies and intervention.

37
38
IV. The Legislative System
A. Historical Background14

The present Congress of the Philippines, created under the 1987 Constitution of the Republic of
the Philippines, represents a return to bicameralism after almost a decade of experimenting with the
unicameral Batasang Pambansa (National Legislature) that was mandated by the 1973 Constitution of
the Republic of the Philippines.
The Malolos Congress15 of the first Philippine Republic and the Philippine (Taft) Commission
during the early years of the American colonial regime (1900–1907) was unicameral. The Philippine Bill of
1902 mandated the creation of a bicameral legislature inaugurated in October 1907, with the Philippine
Commission as the upper house16 and the Philippine Assembly as the lower house. In 1916, the Jones
Law abolished the Philippine Commission and the Philippine Assembly and established the bicameral
Philippine Legislature consisting of the House of Representatives and the Senate.
The legislative system underwent another change when the 1935 Constitution (Commonwealth of
the Philippines) took effect. The bicameral Philippine legislature was replaced with the unicameral
National Assembly. In 1940, the 1935 Constitution was amended to reestablish a bicameral legislature
known as the Congress of the Philippines, consisting of the House of Representatives and Senate. In
1946, Republic Act No. 6 was enacted and provided that on the date of the proclamation of the Republic
of the Philippines, the existing Congress would be known as the First Congress of the Republic.
The 1973 Constitution of the Republic of the Philippines, crafted by the 1970 Constitutional
Convention, created a parliamentary form of government, abolished the bicameral Congress of the
Philippines, and established the unicameral Batasang Pambansa. At the time of its abolition, the
Congress of the Philippines was in its 7th Congress. Amendment No. 6 to the 1973 Constitution of the
Republic of the Philippines allowed the President to exercise legislative powers concurrently with the
Batasang Pambansa. This effectively modified the parliamentary system embodied in the 1973
Constitution of the Republic of the Philippines. The overarching influence and control of the Kilusang
Bagong Lipunan, or New Society Movement, the political party then headed by President Marcos, which
counted as members an overwhelming majority of the membership of the Batasang Pambansa,
strengthened executive control over the legislature and lent credence to the perception that the Batasang
Pambansa was a rubber stamp of the President.
The 1987 Constitution of the Republic of the Philippines, crafted by some 50 delegates appointed
by President Aquino through the exercise of revolutionary powers under the Freedom Constitution,17
restored the presidential system of government together with a bicameral Congress of the Philippines,
which consists of the House of Representatives and Senate. Upon its restoration, the Congress of the
Philippines proceeded to its 8th Congress (1987–1992), taking up where it left off during the 7th Congress,
when Martial Law was declared. Presently, the Congress of the Philippines is in its 13th Congress (2004–
2007).

B. Composition and Membership, Privileges, Limitations, and Discipline18

The Senate is composed of 24 senators elected at-large.19 To qualify for election as senator, one
must be a natural-born citizen and, on the day of the election, 35 years of age or older and able to read
and write; a registered voter; and a Philippine resident for not less than 2 years preceding the day of the

14
Cruz 1998 and Barua-Yap 2001.
15
The Congress of the first Philippine Republic, headed by President Emilio Aguinaldo, is called Malolos Congress to
denote the place of its establishment in Malolos, Bulacan.
16
Members of the Philippine Commission were appointed by the President of the United States.
17
When President Aquino assumed office through what is now known as the EDSA Revolution or People Power
Revolution, she declared the 1973 Constitution of the Republic of the Philippines without force and effect by virtue
of her exercise of revolutionary powers. Exercising the same powers, she promulgated the Freedom Constitution,
which was in effect until the ratification of a new constitution (the 1987 Constitution of the Republic of the
Philippines).
18
Article VI of the Constitution of the Republic of the Philippines.
19
Section 2, Article VI, of the Constitution of the Republic of the Philippines.

39
election.20 Senators each serve a 6-year term and can only be elected to two consecutive terms. After two
consecutive terms, senators are barred from running for another consecutive term. However, after
6 years from the end of a senator’s two consecutive 6-year terms, a former senator can run for a senate
post again. Voluntary renunciation of the office for any length of time shall not be considered as an
interruption in the continuity of service for the full term for which a senator is elected.21
The House of Representatives is composed of district representatives and party-list
representatives. The former are elected directly by qualified constituencies of specific political and
territorial units. The latter are elected at-large and indirectly, through the parties they represent, which are
qualified to participate in party-list elections and are able to garner the requisite percentage of votes,22 as
provided in RA 7941 (Party List Law). Congress can increase the number of districts nationwide and thus
the number of district representatives. Party-list representatives, by constitutional mandate, should
constitute 20% of the total membership of the House (including the total number of party-list
representatives). To date, in the 13th Congress (2004–2007), 212 district representatives and 24 party-list
representatives constitute the total membership of the House.
To qualify for election as a member of the House of Representatives, one must be a natural born
citizen who is at least 25 years of age on the day of the election and able to read and write, a registered
voter in the district in which he or she would be elected (except party-list representatives), and a resident
therein for at least 1 year immediately preceding the day of the election. Representatives each serve a
term of 3 years23 and can only be elected to serve three consecutive terms. After the third consecutive
3-year term, a representative cannot be elected for another consecutive term. Individuals seeking
reelection must wait 3 years from the day their three consecutive 3-year terms ended before running for
election again as representatives of their districts. Like senators, voluntary renunciation of their office for
any length of time shall not interrupt the continuity of service for the full term for which they were elected.
A vacancy created by the death or permanent incapacity of a senator or representative may be filled
through a special election. Anyone elected through such special election shall serve only the unexpired
term of his or her predecessor.
Salaries of legislators are determined by law. Any increase in their compensation can take effect
only after the expiration of the term of the legislators approving such an increase. This limitation does not
include allowances and other emoluments. The Constitution of the Republic of the Philippines also
mandates that records and books of accounts of Congress be open to public scrutiny. COA, empowered
to audit such books, is tasked to publish annually an itemized list of amounts paid to and expenditures of
every member of Congress.
Records and books of accounts of Congress are not, however, readily accessible even to
members of Congress. Recently, some members of the House demanded transparency in the
management of the accounts of the House, specifically regarding the matter of additional supervisory or
management-level appointments. Their call for opening the books was not favorably acted upon by the
Committee on Accounts. Annual publication of itemized expenditures of Congress members, however,
was faithfully complied with.
Members of Congress, while Congress is in session, enjoy the privilege of immunity from arrest.
This privilege covers civil arrests and arrests for criminal offenses punishable by not more than 6 years of
imprisonment, and the privilege of speech and debate that shields a legislator from being made to
account in any place other than Congress for remarks made while the legislature is in session or in
connection with legislative duties. Slanderous remarks in a private conversation with another person are
not covered by this immunity, and a member may be called to account for these remarks by his
colleagues and punished for disorderly behavior, when warranted.
Upon assumption of office, members of Congress are required to make a full disclosure of their
financial and business interests, and they must notify the chamber to which they belong of potential
conflicts of interest that may arise from their authorship and filing of proposed legislation,24 to prevent
members from using their positions for ulterior purposes and dispel suspicions of impropriety in the
performance of their functions.

20
Section 3, Article VI, of the Constitution of the Republic of the Philippines.
21
Section 4, Article VI, of the Constitution of the Republic of the Philippines.
22
Section 5, Article VI, of the Constitution of the Republic of the Philippines.
23
Section 6 and Section 7, Article VI, of the Constitution of the Republic of the Philippines.
24
Section 12, Article VI, of the Constitution of the Republic of the Philippines.

40
 Members of Congress cannot hold any other offices or be employed in or by the Government or
any government subdivision, agency, or instrumentality (including government-owned or -controlled
corporations or their subsidiaries) during their term without forfeiting their seats. Any such other office that
is held is known as incompatible office. Furthermore, members of Congress cannot hold any office that
may have been created or the emoluments of which were increased during the term for which they were
elected. These offices are known as forbidden office. Holding another office is not prohibited, but
simultaneously holding another office and a seat in Congress is prohibited. Legislators may hold other
government offices, but they must forfeit their seats in Congress.25 This forestalls the possibility of a
legislator owing loyalty to another branch of government, which could prejudice the independence of
Congress and infringe upon the doctrine of separation of powers.
Holding offices that are considered extensions of legislative positions or are in aid of legislative
duties are, however, allowed. Membership in the electoral tribunals is allowed by the Constitution of the
Republic of the Philippines. As to forbidden office, the intent is to prevent legislators from using their
position to secure their future in government by creating lucrative positions and ensuring their
appointment thereto during their incumbency.
Congress members are also prohibited from personally appearing as counsels before courts of
justice or before electoral tribunals or quasi-judicial and administrative bodies, to prevent members from
exerting undue influence on the tribunals or bodies before which they appear.26 This issue was raised in
the celebrated Vizconde Massacre trial, which involved the appearance therein of Senator Renato
Cayetano as private counsel for the plaintiff. Personal appearance alone is proscribed by the Constitution
of the Republic of the Philippines. Lawyer-legislators can engage in their profession and provide legal
services to anyone with a pending case before any judicial or administrative body, but they cannot
personally appear in trials and/or hearings related thereto. That the undue influence of legislators on
judicial proceedings can be prevented simply by inhibiting their personal appearance before judicial and
administrative bodies is, however, doubtful.
Legislators are similarly prohibited from having financial interests in any contract with the
Government or any subdivision, agency, or instrumentality thereof (including government-owned or
-controlled corporations) or any franchise or special privilege granted by any of these during legislators’
terms in office. Legislators are also prohibited from intervening in any matter before any office of the
Government for pecuniary benefit. These prohibitions are intended to prevent legislators from taking
advantage of their position to amass financial gain or profit from government service.27
Under Article VI, Section 16 (3), of the Constitution of the Republic of the Philippines, the Senate
and the House have the power to determine the rules of their proceedings; punish their members for
disorderly behavior; and, with the concurrence of two thirds of all members, suspend (for a period not
exceeding 60 days) or expel a member. Congress alone can determine what constitutes disorderly
behavior, and its determination cannot be judicially reviewed. The senate and house committees on
ethics and privileges have jurisdiction over all matters relating to the discipline of members, and only upon
their recommendation would a chamber vote be held to determine whether or not to impose disciplinary
action on any member. Finding members guilty of and punishing them for disorderly behavior depends on
the ability of complainants to secure enough votes in the committee and in plenary to adopt such a finding
and approve the imposition of disciplinary action. Without a consensus of the minority and majority,
members generally avoid disciplining their colleagues accused of disorderly behavior.

C. Organizational Structure and Officers28

The speaker leads and presides over the House of Representatives. This individual is elected by
a majority of all members of the House. Those who voted for the candidate who wins the post constitute
the majority, while those who voted for the elected speaker’s losing opponent(s) belong to the minority.
Political party affiliation is not determinative of a member being in the majority or the minority. Thus,
crossing party lines in various policy issues is a common practice.

25
Section 13, Article VI, of the Constitution of the Republic of the Philippines; Adaza vs. Pacana (135 SCRA 431).
26
Section 14, Article VI, of the Constitution of the Republic of the Philippines.
27
Section 14, Article VI, of the Constitution of the Republic of the Philippines.
28
Adopted from the rules of the House of Representatives and the rules of the Senate of the Philippines.

41
 The majority elects a majority leader, who automatically becomes the chair of the Committee on
Rules, which is the principal steering committee of the chamber. The minority also elects a minority
leader. The speaker is assisted by four deputy speakers (also elected by a majority vote of the members
of the House), one each for Luzon, Mindanao, and Visayas, and one for Central Luzon.
Nonmembers of the House who are elected by a majority of the members as house officers are
the secretary-general, who assists the speaker in the administrative management of the House and
oversees the operations of the House Secretariat, which is tasked with providing technical services to
members; and the sergeant-at-arms, who is responsible for the security requirements of the chamber and
its members.
The senate president, who leads and presides over the Senate, is elected by a majority of all
senators. This individual is assisted by the senate president pro tempore. Those in the majority in the
Senate also elect a majority leader, who automatically chairs the Committee on Rules, and those in the
minority elect a minority leader. Nonmembers of the Senate elected by a majority of senators as officers
of the chamber are the senate secretary, who oversees the operations of the Senate Secretariat, and the
sergeant-at-arms.
Committees, or small groups of legislators, headed by committee chairs, are the workhorses of
Congress. They study proposed laws and other measures presented for legislative action. They conduct
meetings and public hearings to elicit inputs from sectors or stakeholders concerned. Measures
recommended for approval by any committee are reported via committee reports that are then submitted
to the Committee on Rules, which, after deliberations, may calendar them for plenary action or recommit
them to the recommending committees, as warranted by the rules of each chamber. No committee
reports are prepared for measures that a committee does not recommend for approval by Congress.
Such measures are not reported. They are tabled.
Congress can create as many committees as it desires. The rules of each chamber contain
provisions specifying the kind, jurisdiction, number of members, proportion of majority and minority
membership, frequency of meetings, and other matters pertaining to committees. These rules can be
amended at any time by a majority vote of the members of each chamber. Through such amendments,
committees may be disbanded or created or their jurisdictions may be expanded.
Committees may be permanent standing committees or special committees. Special committees
have jurisdiction over special or sector concerns or urgent concerns that cannot be attended to with
needed dispatch by regular standing committees. Bicameral committees also exist, and they generally
perform oversight functions (i.e., monitoring the implementation of laws or formulating programs relating
to particular legislative concerns of both chambers). Committees are empowered to create
subcommittees, including subcommittees on oversight. In the 13th Congress, the House has 57 regular
standing committees and 15 special committees, while the Senate has 37 regular standing committees.
See Appendix 4 for a list of house and senate committees in the 13th Congress.
The number of committee memberships a legislator can hold is not limited but the leadership of
the majority decides which legislators become members or officers of specific committees. Committee
chairs and members are principally selected on political grounds, and only secondarily on the basis of
qualifications or expertise related to the jurisdictions of specific committees.
Each committee has a technical staff or secretariat headed by a committee director or secretary.
A committee’s technical staff includes at least one researcher, one administrative officer, one clerical
assistant, and one utility aide. A technical staff is mandated to provide needed administrative and
technical services, including research services, policy studies and analyses, and support services for the
conduct of meetings and public hearings.
The House of Representatives and the Senate concurrently exercise legislative powers. The
principal difference in their legislative mandates is that certain measures are constitutionally mandated to
originate only from the House, such as appropriation, measures related to tax and local matters, or
measures that apply to or affect only the interests of specific localities or LGUs (e.g., local bills). Similarly,
the Senate alone can perform certain functions, such as the ratification of all treaties and international
agreements.

42
D. Powers of Congress29

Congress exercises legislative and nonlegislative powers. Legislative power includes lawmaking,
appropriation, and taxation. The power of investigation and oversight are inherent to the power of
lawmaking. Nonlegislative power includes the power to canvass presidential elections, declare war,
concur with treaties and amnesties, propose constitutional amendments, and impeach officials.30 From
express powers granted by the Constitution of the Republic of the Philippines, Congress derives its
implied powers, such as the power to punish for contempt in legislative investigations.

1. Legislative Power

Legislative power is the power to enact laws and is exercised through the approval of a bill that,
upon such approval, becomes a law or statute. The power to make laws includes the power to amend
and repeal them. The legislative process, briefly, is as follows.
Bills are introduced or filed by members of the House or Senate in respective chambers.31 Each
bill must relate to only one subject, and this subject should be expressed in the title.32 Bills then undergo
first readings in plenary, where their numbers and titles and the names of the authors are read. The
speaker or senate president thereafter refers bills to the appropriate committees for study. Bills may be
tabled or dispatched in committees or recommended for approval, with or without amendments or in
consolidation with other bills of the same nature and/or purpose. In the latter case, bills are reported
through committee reports33 and are deliberated upon by the Committee on Rules, which decides
whether or not bills should be calendared for second readings.
On second reading, a bill is read in its entirety, on the floor by the chair of the sponsoring
committee and its authors, and subjected to debate and amendments as warranted. Amendments may be
submitted by the committee or by individual members. Thereafter, the bill is subjected to voting on second
reading. When approved on second reading, the bill is printed in its final form, and copies are distributed
to the members at least 3 days before the same can be calendared for third reading. A bill can be
recommitted to the committee of origin any time before its approval on third reading.34
On third reading, no further debate or amendment is allowed. Members register their vote and
may explain their votes in such manner as allowed by the rules of each chamber. After approval on third
reading, the bill is transmitted to the other chamber, where it undergoes the same process.35 If approved
by the other chamber, the bill is enrolled and printed as finally approved by Congress and transmitted to
the president for final approval.
The president may sign the bill into law or veto it. Should the president fail to act on a bill within
30 days of receiving it, that bill is deemed to have lapsed into law. If the bill is vetoed, the bill may still
become a law if Congress decides to override the veto by a two-thirds vote of all its members. Figure 6
graphically presents the legislative or policy process.

29
Cruz 1998.
30
Section 4, Article VII; Section 23, Article VI; Section 21, Article VII; Section 1, Section 2, and Section 3, Article XVII;
and Section 3, Article XI, of the Constitution of the Republic of the Philippines.
31
According to Section 24, Article VI, of the Constitution of the Republic of the Philippines, a bill may be introduced
either in the House or in the Senate. Bills concerning the same subject may also be filed simultaneously and
separately in the House and Senate. Bills concerning appropriation, revenue, or tariffs; bills authorizing increases in
the public debt; bills of local application; and bills that are private must originate exclusively in the House of
Representatives. The Senate, however, may propose or concur with amendments.
32
Section 26 (1), Article VI, of the Constitution of the Republic of the Philippines.
33
A committee prepares a report on a bill only if a committee decides to recommend a bill for approval by the House.
34
According to Section 26 (2), Article VI, of the Constitution of the Republic of the Philippines, a bill must undergo
three readings, on three separate days, except when the president certifies that bill as urgent to meet a public
calamity or emergency.
35
If a chamber has a counterpart bill to a bill passed by the other chamber and these bills have conflicting provisions,
a bicameral conference committee composed of representatives from each chamber is formed to harmonize the
conflicting provisions. Thereafter, a conference committee report is prepared for ratification or approval by both
chambers.

43
Figure 6: Legislative Process Flowchart

HOUSE SENATE

First Reading Reading of title and author’s referral to First Reading

the appropriate committee

Processing committee studies and

conducts hearing and meetings

Favorable Action: The report is submitted

to the Committee on Rules

Unfavorable Action: The bill is laid on the

table, author is informed

Committee on Rules calendars bills for

floor discussions

Second Reading Floor sponsorship, discussion and/or Second Reading

debates, amendments, voting

Third Reading Distribution of bill in final form, Third Reading

roll call vote

In case of conflicting provisions

Bicameral Conference Committee is

constituted to reconcile differences

Floor deliberation on the Bicameral

Conference Committee’s report, voting

Presidential action

Failure to act within 30 days after Vetoes

receipt, bills lapse into law

Approves Law
Returns to originating house with
explanation, Legislature may override
veto by 2/3 votes

Source: Committee on Rules, House of Representatives.

44
 The power of legislative investigation provided in Section 21, Article VI, of the Constitution of the
Republic of the Philippines is inherent in the legislative power and an essential and appropriate auxiliary
to the legislative function (Watkins vs. United States, 354 S 178 [1957]) with its exercise coextensive with
the range of legislative power (McGrain vs. Doherty [273 US 135]). Legislative power includes lawmaking,
representation, consensus building, legitimizing, policy clarification, and legislative oversight (Davidson et
al. 1987). Lawmaking is the traditional task of deliberating the actual content of policies; representation is
the process of articulating the demands or interests of various constituencies; consensus building is a
bargaining process through which various constituency demands are aggregated in such a way that no
significant constituency is severely or permanently disadvantaged; legitimizing is the ratification of a
measure or policy in a way that is appropriate, acceptable, and authoritative; policy clarification involves
the identification, publicizing, or ventilation of policy concerns and issues; and legislative oversight is the
review of the implementation of laws or legislative policies to either alter fundamental policies or introduce
equity in their application (Davidson et al. 1987).
The purposes of congressional investigations are roughly classified into three categories: (i) those
whose purpose is obtaining information bearing upon legislation; (ii) those that examine the operations of
the executive and administrative branches with a view to determining their efficiency; and (iii) those that
seek primarily to inform and mold public opinion (Rivera 1962).
This power can be abused by legislators for nonlegislative purposes, including grandstanding and
intimidating people who earned their displeasure. To stem abuse, the Constitution of the Republic of the
Philippines restrains the exercise of congressional investigations to aiding legislation. Furthermore, the
Constitution of the Republic of the Philippines mandates that Congress should conform to rules duly
published, so as to protect the rights of people affected by inquiries. Each chamber has rules governing
inquiries in aid of legislation. Anyone who fails or refuses to attend a legislative investigation upon proper
summons may be punished for contempt of court (Arnault vs. Nazareno, 87 Phil 29, [1950]).
Questions that may be raised in a legislative inquiry need not be relevant to any pending
measure. They need only be germane to the subject matter of the investigation, as the proceedings may
result in a proposed legislation based on the findings of the investigating committee. In effect, virtually
nothing is immune from legislative investigation. The Accelerated Growth, Investment, and Liberalization
with Equity (AGILE) investigations cannot be considered beyond the pale of legislative inquiry, as they
can be the basis for legislation on lobbying or the participation of foreign consultants in the policy process.
Under the Rules of the House governing Inquiries in Aid of Legislation, not even the filing or pendency of
a case before any court, tribunal, or quasi-judicial or administrative body can stop or abate any inquiry.
The Bill of Rights and the doctrine of separation of powers, however, can be invoked by any aggrieved
party to restrain the power of inquiry so that its exercise will not subvert a citizen’s rights or result in the
usurpation of powers constitutionally vested in the executive or judiciary branches.
Legislative power also embraces the power to summon heads of executive departments to
appear and be questioned before Congress in plenary sessions on any matter pertaining to their
departments, through the conduct of a question hour.36 Like the power of investigation, this power
strengthens legislative oversight or congressional watchfulness over an executive department to ensure
that laws are effectively implemented and enable the legislature to formulate remedial measures, should
laws fail to respond to the needs they were intended to address.
According to Section 25, Article VI, of the Constitution of the Republic of the Philippines,
Congress may not increase the budget recommended by the president for the operation of the
Government. Congress can, however, reduce the same, provided that the budget of the Judiciary will not
be reduced to a level lower than the preceding year’s appropriations.37 Moreover, to be valid, an
appropriation must be for a public purpose and not for the benefit of any private individual or interest. The
sum authorized to be released must be determinate or determinable. Even discretionary funds should be
disbursed for public purposes only and supported by appropriate vouchers.
According to the Constitution of the Republic of the Philippines, however, the president, the
president of the Senate, the speaker of the House of Representatives, the chief justice of the Supreme
Court, and the heads of constitutional commissions may, by law, be authorized to augment any item in
the general appropriations law for their respective offices from savings in other items of their respective
appropriations. But any transfer of funds from one branch or department to another by the president

36
Section 22, Article VI, of the Constitution of the Republic of the Philippines.
37
Section 3, Article VIII, of the Constitution of the Republic of the Philippines.

45
subverts the doctrine of separation of powers and the will of the Legislature that enacted the measure.
The president does not have the power to appropriate or to change the appropriations approved by
Congress through a general appropriations act. Only Congress can make such transfers through an
appropriations law.
Appropriation of public funds for sectarian purposes is also prohibited,38 and no public money or
property can be appropriated, applied, or used directly or indirectly for the benefit or support of any sect,
church, denomination, sectarian institution, or system of religion, or for the benefit or support of any
priest, preacher, minister, or other religious teacher or dignitary, except when such priest, minister, or
dignitary is assigned to the armed forces, penal institution, or government orphanage or leprosarium. This
upholds religious freedom and the separation of church and state.39

2. Power of Taxation

Congress alone exercises the power of taxation. Members decide what to tax, how to tax, and
how much tax will be imposed. The president only exercises such tax powers as may be delegated by
Congress. Without legislative authorization, the president cannot increase or reduce taxes or diminish or
expand the coverage of tax laws. The power of taxation is circumscribed by constitutional mandates
stating that taxation shall be uniform, equitable, and progressive.40 Uniformity in taxation means that
people or things belonging to the same class shall be taxed at the same rate. Equality in taxation means
that the tax imposed should be determined on the basis of the value of the property taxed. To be
equitable means that the tax burden should be imposed on the basis of a taxpayer’s capacity to pay. A
progressive system of taxation is essentially an equitable system of taxation and is suited to the economic
conditions of the people.

3. War Power and Power of Concurrence

Congress, by a vote of two thirds of both houses, in joint session assembled, voting separately,
has the sole power to declare the existence of a state of war.41 The war power of Congress proceeds
from a recognition that war has already begun or has been provoked by the enemy, and Congress is only
affirming its existence. Any amnesty granted by the president and any treaty or international agreement
the president entered into in behalf of the Government becomes valid and effective only upon
concurrence of at least two thirds of all the members of the Senate.42 The Constitution of the Republic of
the Philippines does not distinguish between a treaty and an international agreement. Both are subject to
the power of concurrence of Congress through the Senate. This underlies controversies on the validity of
the Mutual Logistics and Support Agreement between the United States and the Philippines. Billed as an
executive agreement, it is, nonetheless, an international agreement that, under the Constitution of the
Republic of the Philippines, requires Senate concurrence to be valid.

4. Impeachment Power

Cruz (1998) writes that impeachment is a method of national inquest into the conduct of public
men. In reality, however, except where there is a strong public outcry against the respondent, as in the
case of United States President Richard Nixon, the decision to impeach is usually blocked by a protective
majority on the basis of partisan or pragmatic considerations. Politics may also provoke the impeachment
of an official who has incurred the hostility of the party in power, as in the case of United States President
Andrew Johnson, who escaped conviction by only one vote. In the Philippines, the impeachable officers
are the president, vice-president, members of the Supreme Court, members of constitutional
commissions, and the ombudsman.43 The list is exclusive and may not be increased or reduced by
legislative enactment. The grounds for impeachment are culpable violation of the Constitution of the

38
Section 29 (2), Article VII, of the Constitution of the Republic of the Philippines.
39
Section 5, Article III, and Section 6, Article II, of the Constitution of the Republic of the Philippines.
40
Section 28 (1), Article VI, of the Constitution of the Republic of the Philippines.
41
Section 23 (1), Article VI, of the Constitution of the Republic of the Philippines.
42
Section 19 and Section 21, Article VI, of the Constitution of the Republic of the Philippines.
43
Section 2, Article XI, of the Constitution of the Republic of the Philippines.

46
Republic of the Philippines, treason, bribery, other high crimes, graft and corruption, or betrayal of public
trust.
Culpable violation of the Constitution of the Republic of the Philippines is the willful, wrongful, and
intentional disregard of the same. Treason is committed by any person who, owing allegiance to the
Philippine Government, levies war against it or adheres to its enemies, giving them aid and comfort.44
Bribery is committed by a public officer who agrees to perform any act, whether or not constituting a
crime; refrains from performing an act that he or she is officially required to perform, in consideration of
any offer, promise, gift, or present received by him or her, personally or through the mediation of another;
or accepts gifts offered to him or her by reason of his or her office.45 The term “other high crimes” refers to
offenses that are of so serious and enormous a nature as to strike at the very life of the orderly workings
of the Government. Graft and corruption are understood in the context of the Anti-Graft and Corrupt
Practices Act in force at the time of the adoption of the Constitution of the Republic of the Philippines.
Betrayal of public trust is a new ground for impeachment intended as a catch-all provision to cover all
offenses unbecoming a public functionary that are not punishable under criminal statutes, such as
inexcusable negligence of duty, tyrannical abuse of authority, cronyism, favoritism, and obstruction of
justice.46
The House of Representatives has the sole power to initiate impeachment by a vote of at least
one third of its members. Under the House Impeachment Rules following the Supreme Court ruling in the
case of Francisco, et al. vs. the House of Representatives (General Record [GR] No. 160261,
10 November 2003), impeachment is initiated when the complaint is filed and referred to the Committee
on Justice. Within 1 year from the time impeachment is initiated, no impeachment complaint can prosper
against the same official.
An impeachment complaint may be filed through a verified complaint of a member of the House
or through a verified complaint of any citizen that is endorsed via a resolution by a member of the House.
These complaints are processed by the Committee on Justice, which determines the sufficiency in form
and substance of such complaints. If it is found sufficient in form and substance, the impeachment
complaint is endorsed by the House through the articles of impeachment that the House then transmits to
the Senate, which has the power to try and decide the impeachment case.
For an impeachment complaint to be directly transmitted to the Senate, serving already as the
articles of impeachment, the complaint must be subscribed to and signed by at least one third of the
members of the House upon its filing.47 In the impeachment trial, the House, through a committee of
11 members (selected from among those who voted in favor of the impeachment), acts as the sole
prosecutor in the impeachment case.48 When the president is on trial, the chief justice of the Supreme
Court presides but shall not vote. A conviction requires the concurrence of two thirds of all members of
the Senate.
Impeachment proceedings are judicial and penal in character. Thus, the rights of the accused to
due process and against self-incrimination must be respected. The Rules of Court, while not strictly
applicable, are, nonetheless, observed. As in ordinary criminal actions, proof beyond reasonable doubt is
necessary for conviction (Cruz 1998). A judgment of conviction is not subject to judicial review. The
official so convicted is not subject to the pardoning power of the president.49

44
Article 114 of the Revised Penal Code (Republic of the Philippines 1938).
45
Article 210 and Article 211 of the Revised Penal Code (Republic of the Philippines 1938).
46
Volume 2, p.272 of the Records of the Constitutional Convention.
47
Section 15 of the Rules of Procedure in Impeachment Proceedings of the House of Representatives (12th
Congress).
48
The impeachment complaint against President Joseph Estrada, which was directly transmitted as articles of
impeachment to the Senate through the action of then Speaker Manuel Villar, was not subscribed to and signed by
one third of the total members at the time it was filed, as required by the House Impeachment Rules. Said
complaint was appropriately filed as a complaint accompanied by a resolution of endorsement of a House member,
which requires a finding of sufficiency in form and substance by the Committee on Justice, and approval by the
House in plenary before it could be transmitted, together with the articles of impeachment, to the Senate.
49
Section 19, Article VII, of the Constitution of the Republic of the Philippines.

47
 5. Power to Amend the Constitution

Amendments to or revision of the Constitution of the Republic of the Philippines may be proposed
by Congress by a vote of three fourths of all its members. By a vote of two thirds of all its members,
Congress can call a constitutional convention, or by a majority vote of all its members, submit to the
electorate the question of calling such a convention. Amendments refer to piecemeal changes, while
revision entails a wholesale rewriting of the document. Any amendment or revision must be ratified by a
majority of votes cast in a plebiscite, which shall be held not earlier than 60 days or later than 90 days
after the approval of such amendment or revision.

E. Current Issues and Concerns

1. Democratizing Representation in Congress

Party-List Representation. Party-list representation in the House of Representatives is

constitutionally mandated to comprise 20% of the total membership thereof. Of the current 221 members
of the House, the 12 party-list representatives constitute barely 5% of the total. The failure to have more
party-list representatives in Congress is attributed to the inability of the Commission on Elections
(COMELEC) to come up with clear guidelines on the qualifications of parties or organizations who can
participate in the party-list elections and guidelines on the qualification of the designees of party-list
organizations who will serve as representatives in the House.
Many political parties and organizations accredited by COMELEC in the party-list elections, in
accordance with Section 5 of the Party-List Law (Republic Act No. 7941), and allowed by COMELEC to
participate in the party-list elections of 2001 were disqualified by the Supreme Court, despite garnering
the required number of votes to qualify them for seats in the House.
The Supreme Court ruled in the case of Ang Bagong Bayani-OFW Labor Party vs. COMELEC, et
al. that political parties, organizations, or coalitions, to qualify for party-list representation in the House,
must represent the marginalized and underrepresented sectors and that their designees must themselves
belong to the ranks of the marginalized and underrepresented.
Justice Mendoza’s dissenting opinion asserted that the intent of Section 5 (1) and (2), Article VI,
of the Constitution of the Republic of the Philippines (providing for a party-list system), is not to
institutionalize sector representation for the marginalized and underrepresented or provide exclusive
representation for marginalized sectors in Congress. To support this opinion, Justice Mendoza cited
instances during the deliberations of the Constitutional Commission, which affirm that the idea of sector
representation or guaranteed representation for marginalized sectors was rejected by the framers of the
Constitution of the Republic of the Philippines (e.g., when then Commissioner Monsod explicitly stated
that party-list representation is “not exclusive to sectoral [sic] parties or organizations” and when
suggestions of Commissioner Tadeo and Commissioner Villacorta related to guaranteeing reserved seats
for the sectors of the poor and marginalized were similarly rejected). However, 25 of the seats allotted for
party-list representatives were allowed to be filled by selection or election from the labor, peasant, urban
poor, and youth sectors only for the first two terms after the ratification of the Constitution of the Republic
of the Philippines, to give marginalized and underrepresented groups enough time to gain the strength
needed to compete for electoral support with other political parties and groups in succeeding elections.
Questions continue to be raised concerning the Supreme Court decision that brought party-list
representation within the exclusive domain of the marginalized and underrepresented. Actor Richard
Gomez’s party was disqualified, despite garnering the highest number of votes among all party-list groups
in the 2001 elections, on the grounds that his party received government support and financing. The
grounds for disqualification enumerated in Section 6 of the Party-List Law do not include receiving
government support or financing. Rather, the law states that receiving support from any foreign
government, entity, or organization is ground for disqualification.
These developments underscore the need to review the Party-List Law and rationalize its
purpose and application in the context of an enlightened appreciation of the constitutional intent that
inspired its passage (that of democratizing membership in the lower house of Congress).
Term Limits. Term limits are intended to open opportunities for a wider cross section of citizens
to aspire for and win seats in Congress. Term limits are supposed to liberate congressional seats from

48
political families that have effectively transformed these seats into their private property, passed on from
one family member to another, from generation to generation.
A review of the profile of Congress members reveals that both chambers remain in the firm
control of the economic and political elite, with at least 50% thereof belonging to old political families or of
surrogates or extensions of these families. An immediate relative (i.e., a wife, son, daughter, or sibling)
takes the place of an incumbent who reaches the maximum of his or her term limit. The roster of house
members shows that at least 40% are related to their predecessors.
Moreover, extended webs of relations of affinity and consanguinity exist among representatives
from different districts who belong to different sides of the political fence. A significant factor why limiting
the terms of congress members has not worked to democratize the composition of Congress, especially
the House, is the failure to pass an antidynasty law, as mandated by the Constitution of the Republic of
the Philippines. Without an antidynasty law that can inhibit members of the same family or immediate
relatives from running for the same office successively, term limits will not free elective offices from the
control of political families.

2. Accountability and Transparency

The House and Senate have exclusive power to discipline their respective members. Given the
political character of the institution, political considerations (i.e., the need to protect peers belonging to the
same political party or coalition) inhibit the full and proper exercise of the power to discipline erring
members and exact from them full accountability for their actions.
The stock scam investigation in the Senate that placed then Senator Renato Cayetano under
public scrutiny because of accusations that he unduly profited from alleged questionable acquisition and
disposition of BW Resources stocks is illustrative. Because the report on the investigation was not
brought to the plenary for debate as required by the Rules of the Senate, stock scam allegations that
political considerations prevailed over the public duty of ensuring transparency and accountability in the
proceedings of the Senate were raised.
Cases of legislators being charged with violations of the Anti-Graft and Corrupt Practices Act are
also rife. Their preventive suspension pending the resolution of their cases, under conditions warranted
by law, however, could not be steadily implemented. Given the doctrine of separation of powers, where
each branch of the Government functions independently and beyond the intervention of any other branch,
the court or a quasi-judicial body cannot compel the House or the Senate to immediately implement
suspension orders, because each chamber has the exclusive power to suspend or expel its members.
However, Congress is duty bound to enforce final judgments against legislators, as in the case of
Representative Romeo Jalosjos. Pending final judgment on rape cases against Representative Jalosjos,
resolutions calling for his expulsion were not adopted, principally because the acts for which
Representative Jalosjos was sought to be expelled were committed prior to the said Congress and final
judgment has been rendered by the court on the rape cases filed against him. His strong political ties with
many house members and political parties belonging to the ruling coalition may have also contributed to
the lack of support for the resolutions demanding his expulsion from the House.
These actions render Congress vulnerable to public condemnation as a so-called old boys’ club
that will not punish or exact accountability from one of their own and as an enclave of the powerful who
can ignore the law.
To meet the constitutional duty of fully disclosing their financial and business interests and the
duty of notifying the chamber to which they belong of a potential conflict of interest that may arise from
the filing of proposed legislation of which they are authors, filing a statement of assets and liabilities
appears to be the standard mode of compliance for most legislators.
Full disclosure, however, is rarely made to allow for accurate assessment of the extent or
magnitude of financial and business interests of legislators. Public access to these statements of assets
and liabilities is also difficult. The duty to notify Congress of a possible conflict of interest, as
contemplated in the constitutional prohibition, appears to apply only to legislators who author bills that
may directly or indirectly favor their business or financial interests.
Records of both chambers show that no legislator ever complied with this constitutional duty.
Also, legislators can always request their colleagues to sponsor bills that favor their interests and
circumvent the constitutional prohibition. Moreover, they can secure memberships in committees through
which bills affecting their interests would be processed. Through skillful negotiations and strategic use of

49
committee processes, legislators can successfully maneuver the passage of bills favorable to their
interests via the committees in which they secured memberships.
In the same manner, legislators can circumvent prohibitions against financial interest in any
contract with the Government or any of its subdivisions and instrumentalities or in any franchise or special
privilege granted during their term of office. No foolproof system exists that will ensure that legislators will
be effectively prevented from having any interest in any contract with the Government. Indeed, a need
exists for more effective mechanisms to prevent legislators from using their positions for personal gain.
Existing constitutional and statutory limitations can serve as benchmarks for formulating, monitoring, and
accountability systems that the citizenry or civil society can use to exercise vigilant watchfulness over the
conduct of legislators.
It must be emphasized, however, that elected officials, such as legislators, are subject to the
same disclosure requirements as appointed officials or those in the bureaucracy. Public officials,
appointed or elected, are not individually audited. However, institutional and program or project audits are
conducted by the Commission on Audit (COA). The problem is that results of COA audits are not released
as soon as desired and do not provide timely information that can enable immediate remedial measures.
The statement of assets and liabilities is the standard disclosure form for all appointed officials, who are
subject to the same restrictions in terms of conflict of interest and financial interests in any contract with
the Government or any of its instrumentalities.
The operative applicable law that can exact accountability from both elected and appointed
officials is principally the Anti-Graft and Corrupt Practices Act. Anti-graft bodies, inclusive of the
ombudsman, can use the law to undertake appropriate action against those suspected of graft and
corruption. While these bodies have the power to act motu proprio (on their own initiative), they have not
displayed their willingness to proceed against suspected erring officials and are generally perceived to be
acting only upon the behest of the president.

3. Legislative Independence

From the 8th to the current 13th Congress, whoever gets elected or assumes power as the
president exerts tremendous influence on the alignment of political forces in Congress, as well as on the
process and outcome of choosing the leadership of both chambers. Legislators tend to affiliate
themselves with the political party of the incumbent President.
President Aquino took pride in not belonging to a party, but the Laban ng Demokratikong Pilipino
(Struggle of Democratic Filipinos), to which legislators flocked for membership during her incumbency,
was openly identified with the President because among its key officers was her brother, then
Representative Jose Cojuangco, Jr. Her administration’s support swept Representative Ramon V. Mitra to
the speaker’s seat, as Laban ng Demokratikong Pilipino held sway in both houses of Congress.
The Lakas ng EDSA-National Union of Christian Democrats (LAKAS-NUCD), prior to the 1992
elections, counted only a handful of members in Congress. With President Ramos’ accession to power,
the ranks of LAKAS-NUCD swelled with the exodus of members from political parties that were no longer
identified with the new Malacañang occupant. Representative Jose C. De Venecia, a LAKAS-NUCD
stalwart, became speaker.
When Joseph Estrada was elected President, parties identified with his coalition, which
comprised the Partido ng Masang Pilipino (Party of the Filipino Masses); Nationalist People’s Coalition;
Laban ng Demokratikong Pilipino (LDP—Struggle of Democratic Filipinos), the faction identified with
Senator Angara; and splinters of LAKAS-NUCD, also held sway in Congress. Again, the choice of
leadership of both houses was heavily influenced by the new President.
The same pattern occurred when Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo assumed the powers of the
presidency. She supported the People Power Coalition (an agglomeration of political parties, among
which are LAKAS-NUCD and Aksyon Demokratiko (Democratic Action), Promdi (Probinsya Muna
Development Initiative), which eventually controlled both houses. In 2002, amid rising perceptions of
cracks in the People Power Coalition, President Macapagal-Arroyo acceded to being the titular head of
the LAKAS-NUCD, whose members, to date, constitute the largest chunk of the total membership of the
House of Representatives.
This pattern of influence of the president over the leadership and the alignment of political forces
in both houses has raised questions on the independence of Congress as a separate branch of the
Government. The president’s virtual control of the leadership of both houses and the majority of their

50
members, places him or her in a position to dictate the legislative agenda and control both houses. This
situation, however, may be viewed as facilitating the smooth interface of executive and legislative
coordination that eliminates gridlocks in the passage of legislation and supports the national development
agenda.
The elimination of legislative and executive gridlocks in policy and program decisions that impact
national development planning was the ostensible rationale behind the creation of the Legislative-
Executive Development Advisory Council (LEDAC) during the term of President Ramos, through the
passage of RA No. 7640 (RoP 1992). LEDAC is chaired by the president. The executive branch is
represented therein by seven members of the Cabinet, while Congress is represented by the senate
president and the speaker of the House and three house members. The remaining members of LEDAC
are appointees of the president. One represents LGUs, two represent the private sector, and one
represents young people.
LEDAC meetings, however, are attended by nonmembers, including key officials of the Senate
and House and cabinet members, depending on the policy issues or concerns being discussed. The
president is empowered to call LEDAC meetings. During the term of President Ramos, LEDAC meetings
were held weekly. President Estrada convened LEDAC only during the second year of his term. Under
President Arroyo, LEDAC has been observed to be convening at least once a month.
LEDAC, indeed, brings the executive and legislative branches together. A common legislative
agenda (the product of dialogue and consensus of the executive and the legislative branches) is the most
tangible result of this interface. The common legislative agenda focuses the energies of both chambers
on the same list of priorities in legislation, thereby minimizing policy dissonances that stall the passage of
measures deemed important for national development.
Executive dominance is, however, apparent in the composition and overall purpose of LEDAC.
That LEDAC is chaired by the president and is intended to advise the president on matters of national
development, with its membership predominantly consisting of cabinet members and presidential
appointees, can render LEDAC an executive tool that can make Congress more receptive of or compliant
to the legislative priorities of the president, which will further strengthen the president’s influence in
legislative policy making.50

F. Rationalizing the Committee System and Improving Legislative Performance

The number of committees in the Senate has been fairly stable for the past 15 years. A few
committees were created or merged with others. The Committee on Electoral Reforms, Suffrage and
People’s Participation was created in the 9th Congress, dissolved in the 10th Congress, and created again
in the 11th Congress. The Committee on Illegal Drugs in the 10th Congress was merged with the
Committee on Public Order in the 11th Congress.
In contrast, the number of house committees ballooned from 27 standing committees in the
7th Congress to 47 standing committees and 20 special committees in the 10th Congress, 48 standing
committees and 11 special committees in the 11th Congress, 52 standing committees and 14 special
committees in the 12th Congress, and 57 standing committees and 15 special committees in the
13th Congress. Committees were split to create new committees, and entirely new committees were
created.
Since committees are the workhorses of the House, increasing the number of committees
conveys the impression that operational capabilities of the House are also being enhanced to respond to
the growing spectrum of concerns in the sociopolitical environment as illustrated by the case of the
Judiciary Committee in the 7th Congress, which was transformed into the Committee on Justice, Human
Rights and Good Government in the Batasang Pambansa, and eventually became three separate
committees: the Committee on Justice, Committee on Human Rights, and Committee on Good
Government in the 8th to the 13th Congress. In addition, the splitting of the Committee on Education to
create the Committee on Basic Education and the Committee on Higher Education in the 11th Congress
can be similarly viewed as manifesting the sharpened focus of legislative concerns on two major
elements of the educational system.

50
The constitutional mandate that the House acts as sole prosecutor in the impeachment trial put to question the
hiring of private lawyers to act as prosecutors in the Estrada impeachment trial.

51
 The increase in the number and kind of committees was accompanied by increases in the
number of members per committee. The biggest increases in committee memberships occurred in the
11th Congress, most markedly in the agriculture, appropriations, education, transportation and
communication, public works, and ways and means committees, which have jurisdiction over departments
that traditionally enjoy bigger shares of the national budget.
Legislative outputs from the 8th to the 11th Congress, however, tell a different story. House
performance in terms of measures processed51 left much to be desired. From the 8th to the 11th Congress
(from July 1987 to March 2001), 81,186 measures were filed. Of that number, only 5,139 (or 6.0%) were
approved or adopted. In the 8th Congress, the number of measures approved or adopted was 3.0% of the
total; in the 9th Congress, 6.6% of the total; in the 10th Congress, 10.0% of the total; and in the 11th
Congress, 8.0% of the total (Table 16). The Senate’s performance is not any better. A total of 10,618
measures were filed therein from the 9th to the 11th Congress. Only 823 measures (or 7.0%) were
approved or adopted (Table 17).
About P20 billion was spent from the 8th to the 11th Congress to finance the operations of the
House of Representatives (Table 18). The disparity of cost of operations and output is significant. Using a
simplistic approved measure to peso cost ratio, one approved measure appears to have cost taxpayers
P3 million pesos to process. With 60% of the approved measures being local bills that sail through the
legislative process without debate, the disparity of cost and output becomes more significant. In the
Senate, about P6.9 billion was spent to finance its operations from the 9th to the 11th Congress (Table 19).
Given its output of 823 measures for the period, each measure cost taxpayers P8.4 million.
More and bigger committees, specifically in the House of Representatives, were not intended to
enhance legislative performance. Rather, they were intended to fulfill promises made in return for political
favors. The choice of committee chairs and members hinged on political considerations, instead of on
their expertise in the fields covered by the jurisdictions of committees. Thus, instead of rationalizing the
technical support system per committee, to ensure competence to undertake technical support work and
provide for equipment, facilities, and financial support for efficient committee operations, focus was on
accommodating demands for employing political protégés on each committee’s staff or hiring technical
assistants to be assigned to the personal staff of members. Technical staff members were reduced to
performing clerical and administrative work, rather than providing policy inputs.

G. Citizen Participation

Committees offer the best channels of access for citizens to participate in legislative policy
making (as individuals or representatives of private sector groups or organizations or of nongovernment
or people’s organizations). Considering that laws impact the rights and lives of citizens, citizens should be
given adequate access to opportunities for participate in legislative policy making. While no institutional
rules inhibit the participation of citizens in committee proceedings, no existing institutional mechanisms
encourage or facilitate such participation. Standard operating procedures for committees do not include
maintaining an inventory of nongovernment organizations (NGOs), people’s organizations (POs), and
other community organizations whose interests may be affected by measures referred for their action.
The prevailing norm and practice is to put a premium on the attendance of officials concerned from the
executive department who may, should a particular measure become a law, be tasked with implementing
such a measure. Committee secretaries will not recommend the approval of a measure without the inputs
of executive department officials concerned, but these secretaries will make such a recommendation
without the inputs of citizen stakeholders.

51
In a privilege speech delivered on 18 February 2003, Representative Aniceto Saludo (Southern Leyte) condemned
the abdication of legislative authority to the President by some congress members evidenced in what he alleged
was a “railroading” of the National Authority for Revenue Administration (NARA) Bill, which seeks to privatize
revenue collection in the country and abolish the Bureau of Internal Revenue, as a “gift to President Macapagal-
Arroyo.”

52
Table 16: Comparative Data of Measures Processed in the House of Representatives
(8th–11th Congresses)

8th 9th 10th 11th

Item Congress Congress Congress Congress Total

A. Measures Filed 37,997 16,089 12,175 14,925 81,186

1. Bills 35,420 14,632 10,551 12,923 73,526
a. National 5,237 3,184 3,785 4,194 16,400
b. Local 30,185 11,448 6,766 8,714 57,113
2. Resolutions 2,577 1,457 1,624 2,002 7,660
a. House Resolutions 2,505 1,381 1,540 1,924 7,350
b. House Concurrent 72 52 57 57 238
Resolutions
c. House Joint - 24 27 21 72
Resolutions
B. Measures Approved 1,444 1,062 1,313 1,320 5,139
1. Bills 1,287 911 1,135 1,111 4,444
a. National 400 361 305 237 1,303
b. Local 887 550 830 874 3,141
2. Resolutions 157 151 178 209 695
a. House Resolutions 115 123 148 181 567
b. House Concurrent
Resolutions 42 26 27 26 121
c. House Joint
Resolutions 0 2 3 2 7

Source: Bills and Index Division, House of Representatives.

Table 17: Comparative Data of Measures Processed in the Senate of the Philippines
(9th–11th Congress)

9th 10th 11th

Item Congress Congress Congress Total

A. Measures Filed 3,426 3,761 3,431 10,618

1. Bills 2,078 2,514 2,283 6,875
2. Resolutions 1,316 1,202 1,130 3,648
3. Othersa 32 45 18 95
B. Measures Passed 294 270 259 823
1. Bills Approved on 3rd Reading or 19 30 29 78
Adopted
2. Resolutions Approved on 3rd 146 107 127 380
Reading or Adopted
3. Others Approved on 3rd Reading or 32 45 18 95
Adopted
4. Bills, Resolutions, and Others 97 88 85 270
Enacted into Law
C. House Bills Approved 573 626 430b 1,629
1. Local 469 530
2. National 104 96
a
Concurrence to treaties/international agreements.
b
No breakdown on local/national bills.
Source: Accomplishment Reports of the Senate of the Philippines.

53
Table 18: Comparative Data on the Annual Budgets
of the House of Representatives (1988–2002)

Increase or
Total Budget Decrease
Year (P) (%)
1988 665,000,000a
1989 894,043,000 34.0
1990 848,560,000 (5.0)
1991 826,234,000 (3.0)
1992 960,975,000 16.0
1993 1,182,074,000 23.0
1994 1,171,924,000 (0.8 )
1995 1,264,282,000 8.0
1996 1,477,000,000 17.0
1997 1,530,424,000 4.0
1998 1,841,184,000 20.0
1999 1,827,486,000 (0.7)
2000 2,380,624,000 30.0
2001 2,380,624,000b 0.0
2002 2,625, 952,000 10.0
Total 19,250,434,000
a
Total budget of the Senate and the House of Representatives.
b
Reenacted FY2000 budget.
Source: General Appropriations Act for fiscal years 1988–2002.

Table 19: Comparative Data on the Annual Budgets

of the Senate of the Philippines (1988–2002)

Increase or
Total Budget Decrease
Year (P) (%)
1988 191,542,000
1989 298,141,000 55.0
1990 335,749,000 12.0
1991 340,669,000 1.4
1992 368,429,000 8.0
1993 478,747,000 29.0
1994 472,000,000 (1.0)
1995 516,670,000 9.0
1996 562,926,000 8.0
1997 703,084,000 24.0
1998 918,648,000 30.0
1999 903,302,000 (1.0)
2000 1,008,295,000 11.6
2001 1,008,295,000a 0.0
2002 1,206,628,000 19.0
Total 9,313,1255,000
a
Reenacted FY2000 budget.
Source: General Appropriations Acts for fiscal years 1988–2002.

Also, while formal notices to executive officials concerned are sent to apprise them of measures
to be taken up by a committee, no efforts are made to make public announcements of measures to be
taken up to encourage interested citizens to attend committee meetings or hearings. In cases where
citizens do attend committee meetings, the rules of procedure, language used, manner by which

54
committee meetings are conducted, and atmosphere generally prevailing in the halls of the House and
the Senate (where committee proceedings are generally conducted) deter participation, as these are
intimidating to ordinary citizens who have no mastery of the intricacies of legislative processes. In effect,
an effort is made to bring together the makers of policy and the prospective policy implementers, but the
citizens whose interests are at the cutting edge of policies are excluded from the policy loop.

H. Enhancing Legislative Oversight

Oversight power is intended to ensure effective implementation of laws and enable Congress to
adopt appropriate remedial measures should laws fail to address the needs and concerns they are
intended to address. Oversight power embraces the power of investigation and the power of requiring
department heads to appear before Congress and answer queries on matters concerning their
departments through the conduct of the question hour. Legislative oversight, thus, can facilitate early
discovery and institution of remedial measures against fraud, graft, corruption, inefficiency, and
mismanagement.
Public perception, however, is that investigations are conducted for purposes other than exacting
from government officials and agencies concerned, accountability in the performance of their duties and
in the use of public resources. Solons are seen as using investigations for grandstanding, to get back at
those who earned their displeasure or to wangle concessions, financial or otherwise, from parties
subjected to investigation. Of the 991 resolutions filed in the 11th Congress seeking legislative inquiry,
only 70 were reported out. This means that of the total number of investigations conducted, a mere 7%
thereof were completed or resulted in specific findings relative to the subject of the inquiry. Of the 70
reports, 22 were archived, which means that Congress is not pursuing any legislative action on the
matters investigated. These findings indicate that most legislative investigations do not result in concrete
legislative action or policy recommendations on the concerns and issues investigated.
The question hour was largely forgotten and is in disuse as an oversight tool. Political
considerations generally make the leadership of both chambers hesitant to approve requests for the
question hour. Considering that some department heads are alter egos of the president, summoning the
former to answer questions of congress members may be similar to summoning the president to account
for her actions and decisions before Congress. As the president is the titular head of the ruling coalition in
both chambers (i.e., the party to whom the leaders of both houses belong), not holding the question hour
is politically expedient. A recent illustrative instance is the bipartisan request for the question hour to have
Finance Secretary Camacho answer plenary questions regarding the galloping budget deficit and the
dismal revenue collection performances of BIR and the Bureau of Customs. The proponents from the
majority were convinced to withdraw the request, and a closed-door briefing by the Department of
Finance on the financial condition of the Government was instead conducted.52
Representative Joey Salceda, Chairman of the House Committee on Legislative Oversight,
asserts that serious attention to undertaking legislative oversight activities has been lacking because of
low political returns, lack of expertise of members and staff member support to conduct oversight
activities, and inadequate data and information to support oversight activities. He also attributes to the
failure of oversight the fact that 23 national laws that were enacted in 1991 were not implemented and
that hundreds more affecting the welfare of local communities suffered the same fate because of
inadequate funds. He intends to make his committee the vanguard of a more purposive pursuit of
oversight activities in the House, to curb graft and corruption in the Government; promote efficiency,
effectiveness, and economy in the use of public resources; and promote transparency and accountability.

I. Interchamber Policy Gridlock

Despite LEDAC, the priorities of the two chambers generally differ as they tackle LEDAC’s
common legislative agenda. Different sets of measures from the common agenda are given priority by the
Senate and the House. Thus, even measures in LEDAC’s agenda take a long time to move through the
legislative mill in both chambers.

52
The request for a question hour was made by Representative Rodolfo B. Albano, 1st District, Isabela, on 14 August
2002 and was endorsed for approval by representatives Francis Escudero, Felix Fuentabella, and Constantino
Jaraulla of the Committee on Rules.

55
 Experience also affirms that measures from one chamber (aside from those in LEDAC’s agenda)
are not acted upon immediately by the other chamber and are only tackled after pending measures
originally filed in the receiving chamber are processed. In many instances, instead of simply proposing
amendments to house bills received, senators file their own counterpart bills, thus, further protracting the
process. Gaining credit for the authorship of bills may be causing these maneuvers, especially when the
bills at issue are popular and would generate substantial public impact and voter support. The Senate has
also been exercising a virtual veto on many local bills (bills affecting specific localities or local interests
only), as most of those transmitted to the Senate end up not being acted upon. Indeed, the Senate may
approve or reject local bills, but it should officially act on every local bill transmitted to it, to enable
proponents in the House to undertake remedial action, since the interests of local constituencies are at
stake.
Bicameral conference committees harmonize conflicting provisions of bills on the same subject
matter approved by the Senate and the House. As in the Absentee Voting Bill, policy dissonances can be
very pronounced. That compromises are eventually forged affirms the viability of conference committees
as tools to smooth out interchamber policy differences. However, in many instances, conference
committees introduce into the final version of a bill such provisions that were never contemplated or
contained in the original bills. Thus, conference committees have been tagged as virtual third chambers
legislating beyond the will of the Senate and the House. A bicameral conference committee report that
covers the final version of a bill is presented for ratification in both chambers. If a chamber does not ratify
the report, a new bicameral conference committee may be convened to further improve the bill and make
it acceptable to both chambers. Otherwise, the bill is deemed to have been disapproved.

J. Pork Barrel

Congress members have been criticized for using the Priority Development Assistance Fund
(PDAF), which is otherwise known as “pork” and is similar to the erstwhile Countrywide Development
Fund (CDF) institutionalized during the Aquino administration. The PDAF was institutionalized during the
term of President Estrada to fulfill his campaign promise to do away with the CDF. Unlike the CDF, the
PDAF could only be used for specific projects listed by the Department of Budget and Management
(DBM), in consultation with the House Committee on Appropriations. In the National Expenditure Program
submitted by the president to Congress, each house member, including party-list representatives, is
allowed to identify projects to be financed by the PDAF and public works funds. Senators are not given
PDAF allocations but are each allowed to identify at least P100 million worth of public works projects.
Allocations given to House members and Senators from other funds are called congressional insertions.
Not all solons can have insertions. Those who have more influence with the ruling coalition in both
chambers and with the administration have better chances at making these insertions. These allocations
are incorporated in the General Appropriations Act (GAA) and are included in the process of budgetary
approval.
PDAF and public works funds are channeled to implementing agencies, depending on the type of
projects identified by solons. The listings of these projects are available at and can be verified with DBM
and the Department of Public Works and Highways. While solons do not directly receive any of these
allocations, public suspicion persists that their intervention extends beyond the identification of projects to
be financed and that they have a hand in identifying contractors and in wangling commissions from
projects financed by their PDAF and public works allocations.
The wisdom of granting solons these fund allocations continues to be an issue. Some have
asserted, however, that PDAF and public works allocations for solons are the only fund allocations
guaranteed to give at least every district in the country a yearly share of the national budget. If localities
rely on budget allocations of departments alone, the majority of them would not be able to gain a share
from the national budget other than through the internal revenue allotment (IRA) of LGUs, which cannot
suffice to finance local program and project requirements. Local constituencies would have to go through
the travails of going all the way to Manila to request funds, as they did before the CDF and PDAF were
institutionalized. Solons argue that until such time that a better system of guaranteeing access to national
funds of local constituencies is put in place, the CDF and PDAF will remain. Of late, however, LGUs,
through the League of Municipalities, have demanded the right to identify projects to be financed by the
PDAF and public works allocations of solons, since they claim they are in a better position to know the

56
needs of their constituencies. This portends a political tug-of-war for PDAF and public works funds
between LGUs and legislators.
PDAF and public works allocations have also been a source of irritation between Congress and
the president, because of the latter’s practice of impounding these funds (i.e., delaying their release or
suspending their release altogether for various reasons, which could include wangling political
concessions or ensuring that solons toe the administration’s line in local and national program and policy
thrusts). On average, PDAF and public works fund releases are at 70–75% annually, with the remainder
given out within the first quarter of the succeeding year. This has led to charges from members of
Congress that the president is usurping the Legislature’s power over the public purse. The president’s
impounding of funds by delaying their release or imposing conditions on their use is effectively a
subversion of legislative will in the disposition of public funds because it violates the GAA that already
directs how and for what purposes public funds are to be used.

K. Impeachment Power

Congress has been criticized for its failure to use its power of impeachment in two recent cases
involving two officials: the former Ombudsman Aniano Desierto and COMELEC Commissioner
Luzviminda Tancangco. It is alleged that the House has no moral and political will to exact accountability
from erring public officials. Apparently, public appreciation of the intricacies of filing and initiating
impeachment proceedings is inadequate. Technical requirements exist that must be fulfilled. Without a
resolution of endorsement from a house member, a verified complaint for impeachment cannot be filed,
as in the case of the impeachment complaint of Linda Montayre and the People’s Coalition against
President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo. Even when impeachment complaints are properly filed, requisite
formal procedures must be complied with to make the process legitimate and effective. Moreover,
Congress is a political, not a judicial, body. Therefore, partisan, political, or pragmatic considerations
come into play. The ruling party or coalition may be protective of a member or a leader of its political
fraternity, or initiating impeachment proceedings against a particular official may not be politically
expedient.

L. Legislative Policy-Making Competence and Capability

A review of the records of deliberations in committees and in plenary of priority legislative

measures shows that the majority of solons do not participate and/or have not displayed a depth of
understanding of the policy implications of measures being discussed. In the House, the majority of
members have parochial interests, as they are more focused on local bills and in securing program
allocations that they can bring home to their constituents. Local constituents still regard their legislators as
dispensers of public goods and services—not as lawmakers—and when house members can only bring
home laws they authored, they risk losing their seats in the next election. Thus, in regard to national
legislative policies, the tendency is generally to vote with the majority or to support the passage of bills
certified by the president, without conscious or intensive study, unless particular local interests are
affected. Since the president usually does not have so many legislative priorities (fewer than 30 per
Congress), the number of measures approved by both chambers is not as numerous as expected, given
the number of bills filed.

M. Strategic Directions for Reform

To democratize representation, three crucial reforms can be pursued: rationalizing the party-list
system, passing a measure to prevent dynasties, and strengthening the party system beginning with the
passage of a measure to prevent party switching.
The party-list system must be rationalized through amendments of the Party-List Law that would
clearly define qualifications of party-list representatives and those who are qualified to participate in party-
list elections. The Party-List Law does not categorically limit party-list representation to marginalized
sectors, nor does it provide that only those who belong to marginalized sectors can be designated as
party-list nominees who can represent party-list organizations in the House. Supreme Court decisions on
pertinent cases on these issues assert otherwise. To avoid confusion, the Party-List Law should be
amended to categorically establish qualifications and conditions for party-list representation in Congress.

57
 Advocacy for the passage of measure to prevent dynasties must also be renewed to liberate
elected offices from the control of powerful elite families and allow wider access to legislative office for
more people who have the competence and commitment for legislative office.
A measure to prevent party switching would help create the environment for political parties to
grow based on the commitment of their members to party platforms. By regulating the processes and
defining conditions under which a party member can change party affiliations and rendering it less
convenient to shift party allegiances at will, prospective party members may be encouraged to be more
discriminating in their choice of party allegiances, and existing party members may be more concerned
about the integrity of their party programs of governance, thereby gradually eliminating the highly
personalized nature of the existing party system in the country.
In addition, pertinent provisions of the Election Code should also be amended to revise existing
caps on election spending (as the existing legal limit of less than a peso per voter is unrealistic) and
rationalize allowable limits for campaign contributions.
To enhance accountability and transparency, the rules of the Senate and the House of
Representatives should be reviewed to incorporate more definitive provisions regarding the discipline of
members, specifically on the kinds and types of behavior that would be considered disorderly, so as to
delimit discretion in determining the culpability of members and the appropriate penalties that should be
imposed on those found to have committed disorderly behavior. The conflict of interest provisions of the
Constitution of the Republic of the Philippines, Anti-Graft and Corrupt Practices Act, and Code of Conduct
for Public Officials should be strictly implemented to ensure that legislators make a full disclosure of their
business and financial interests. Existing provisions in the rules of the Senate and the House to prohibit
their members from gaining membership in any committee whose jurisdiction may affect, directly or
indirectly, the financial or business interests of such members should also be strictly enforced. Since the
enforcement of the rules of both chambers is within the jurisdiction of the Committee on Rules, said
committee in each chamber should focus greater attention on this concern. Together with the Ethics
Committee, the Committee on Rules can craft oversight guidelines and procedures relating to the
enforcement of rules that would facilitate greater accountability of members and transparency of their
actions.
A necessary complement of these efforts would be the passage of a freedom of information act to
solidify the constitutionally guaranteed right of the people to access information on matters affecting their
interests, including the financial and business interests of solons. In addition, Congress should create
mechanisms that provide for the regular or periodic publication of programs and projects funded by PDAF
and public works allocations of solons, including the implementing agencies and contractors and
suppliers tapped. This would enable the public to verify the existence of these projects and programs and
ensure that public funds are used efficiently and effectively for public purposes.
To enhance legislative performance, the committee system should be rationalized to develop the
competence and expertise of committee members and officers in the fields of social concern covered by
the jurisdiction of the committee to which they belong. Since committee membership and chairmanship is
determined principally on the basis of political considerations of the dominant political group or coalition in
each chamber, the performance of committees can best be improved by enhancing the competence and
expertise of committee members and committee technical staff members. Emphasis should be greater on
enhancing and sustaining capacity-building programs for committee technical staff members, since they
constitute a permanent support system for committees, while committee members shift and change
depending on political conditions and as a consequence of membership turnovers in every Congress.
This should not, however, diminish the need to implement a continuing education program for legislators,
which designed specifically to enhance their knowledge base in various disciplines that impinge on policy
making and in managing the policy-making process. Institutional arrangements can be made for purposes
of the aforementioned capacity building with local academic institutions, such as a legislators policy
studies program or a development legislation program with the UP-NCPAG (University of the Philippines
National College of Public Administration and Governance) or fellowship or exchange programs in
cooperation with foreign educational institutions that would benefit legislators and technical staff
members.
In addition, legislative performance should be focused not on quantity but on the kind of bills
passed. Bills should respond to current national needs, advance development goals, and create or
strengthen institutions for democratic governance. In every Congress an avalanche of bills is filed, and
leaders of both houses view the volume or quantity of measures acted upon as a measure of

58
performance or accomplishment. Thousands of these bills are local bills, many of which never get
approved, or in the rare chance that they are, funds are not available to implement them. A surfeit exists
of laws covering similar subjects, and these laws need to be reviewed and rationalized.
While Congress should focus more attention on needed legislation to support national
development thrusts, such as those identified by LEDAC and those incorporated in the Medium-Term
Philippine Development Plan, equal attention must be given to the review of existing laws covering similar
subjects toward their integration and codification, which includes the repeal or amendment of those that
are no longer applicable to current situations. Specific areas are criminal laws, investment laws,
commercial laws, family law, property law, and others. Parsimony in new legislation to focus on the few
that support national development goals and a purposive focus on rationalizing existing laws toward
integration and codification may lead to a more cost-effective use of financial resources.
The use of information technology to enhance legislative performance should also be explored.
This should include harnessing appropriate technology for an information management system that
allows easy access and retrieval (by legislators and the public and a wide spectrum of users) of bills and
other legislative documents and other information on measures being processed in Congress. Harnessing
technology would also involve strategically planning for a paperless Congress that will put at the easy
access of legislators the information they require on concerns and issues being tackled by Congress and
interconnect them and the legislature as a whole with other sources of information, including other
parliaments in the world.
The oversight capabilities of Congress should be strengthened by enhancing the capabilities, in
terms of personnel, equipment, and facilities, of each committee to conduct oversight activities on their
counterpart departments in the executive branch.
The initiative in the House of Representatives of creating an oversight committee to coordinate
legislative policy making and executive development planning and monitor the implementation of priority
legislative measures by the president is a step in the right direction. Of equal importance, every
committee should be empowered to undertake its oversight functions effectively. This entails granting
committees sufficient financial support over which they can have a wider latitude of control in allocating
and programming consistent with committee performance targets and goals. Undertaking oversight
functions also entails providing committees with sufficient and efficient technical support personnel
complements and necessary equipment and facilities. To date, committees are given financial support to
conduct at most three public hearings or consultations per year, which is hardly sufficient to inform the
committees of public and stakeholders’ responses to measures filed for study and consideration. The
adequacy of technical support personnel is hampered by budgetary constraints that restrict the number
and quality of personnel to be recruited and hired.
Existing rules on legislative inquiries should be amended to incorporate more stringent
requirements for the conduct of investigations, specifically in specifying disciplinary actions on committees
who fail to comply with mandatory periods within which to terminate investigations.
Mechanisms to facilitate and institutionalize greater citizen participation in the legislative policy-
making process should be developed. These mechanisms should include providing, as a standard
operating procedure (via amendments to the rules of each chamber), the inclusion and participation of
NGOs and POs in committee deliberations. This may include establishing a registry of these
organizations and other groups that may wish to participate in committee deliberations or the creation in
each committee of a database or an inventory of nongovernment and government organizations each
committee can invite to meeting or harness during committee processing of measures.
In this regard, the use of information technology should be enhanced to widen public access to
information on legislative concerns and issues being tackled by the House, as a whole, and its
committees, as well as committee participation in the legislative process.
To minimize interchamber policy gridlock, the viability of crafting joint rules of the House and
Senate should be studied to provide for common rules and procedures in processing bills that will ensure
a chamber acts with dispatch and within specific periods on bills from the other chamber.
Given current conditions of executive intrusion into arenas of legislative prerogative, particularly in
the determination of legislative priorities, as well as in the exercise of the legislature’s power of
appropriation, a closer study may be in order on the viability of a return to the unicameral system to better
locate accountability in policy decisions and the use of public funds in the Government.
In a unicameral parliamentary system, the executive and legislative branches of the Government
are fused. Legislative-executive gridlock is avoided, as the ruling party or coalition assumes full

59
responsibility for governance. Parliament can be dissolved and an orderly change in leadership can be
undertaken when public confidence in an administration is eroded. This would forestall changes in
leadership that are vulnerable to constitutional infirmities.
The current initiative in the House of Representatives for charter change principally rests on the
aforementioned virtues of a unicameral or parliamentary system. However, a purely parliamentary form of
government, according to studies done by the Committee on Constitutional Amendments, may not be
acceptable to the majority of Filipinos, who still prefer to elect their president or head of government
directly, rather than allowing their duly elected representatives to elect a head of government from among
themselves. This brings back to the discussion table the Marcos-era Batasang Pambansa model, which
adopted the parliamentary form of government but retained a president directly elected by the people as
the head of the Government.
In addition, moves were also made to incorporate federalism into discussions on the change in
the form of the Government. In this regard, a decision must be made whether or not a parliamentary form
of government, if adopted, will incorporate regions as administrative and/or political subdivisions or as
federal states that can function semiautonomously. No firm consensus was reached on these concerns or
on such other concerns regarding a constitutional amendment, aside from the form of the government.
The shift to a unicameral system is not as easy as the proponents claim it to be. No consensus was also
reached on how charter change would be effected (via constituent assembly or via a constitutional
convention). But this concern requires intensive study, as it offers an opportunity to put into place a
system of governance that can address concerns regarding genuine accountability and transparency and
authentic democratization and people’s participation in the government.

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V. Public Financial Management
A. Components of Public Financial Management

The components of public financial management and the institutional arrangements that govern
them (i.e., organizational structure and roles assigned to various actors therein, procedural rules that
govern how and when decisions are made and information is generated or required by the system,
current conditions relating to public financial management capabilities to achieve fiscal discipline,
allocation efficiency and operational efficiency, and institutional reforms initiated and directions for needed
reform initiatives) are discussed in this chapter.

B. Process and Key Features

The public financial management process involves four major cyclical phases (Figure 7). The first
phase consists of planning and programming. The central planning agency, the National Economic and
Development Authority (NEDA), coordinates the preparation of the Medium-Term Philippine Development
Plan (MTPDP), a 6-year development plan that coincides with the term of each president. The plan sets
the development vision, goals, and objectives in line with each president’s platform of government. Based
on an analysis of macroeconomic and sector problems and challenges, the MTPDP identifies key
development areas, and maps out the policy framework and strategy to attain development goals and
objectives. It also presents selected key economic and social performance indicators or targets (e.g.,
gross domestic product [GDP] or gross national product [GNP] growth, inflation rates, balance of
payment, fiscal deficit, and poverty incidence.

Figure 7: The Financial Management Process

Planning and
Programming

Audit and Budgeting

Evaluation

Budget Execution
and Accounting

Source: Graham Scott 2001. Public Sector Management in New Zealand:

Lessons and Challenges.

The preparation of the MTPDP involves the participation of various departments and agencies of
the national Government, LGUs, NGOs, academe, and business. Selected members of both houses of
Congress also participate in preparing the plan. The MTPDP is approved by NEDA’s board and the
Cabinet in a joint session chaired by the president. The plan is updated annually and is the basis for
formulating the national budget.
The second phase involves the preparation and approval of the national budget.53 The president,
through the coordination of DBM, prepares the annual budget proposal. The Development Budget
Coordination Committee (DBCC)—composed of Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas, which is the independent

53
The budget process is governed by Executive Order No. 292 (the Administrative Code of 1987), which has similar
provisions to Presidential Decree No. 1177 (Revising the Budget Process in Order to Institutionalize the Budgetary
Innovations of the New Society), dated 10 October 1977.

61
central monetary authority; DBM; Department of Finance (DOF); and NEDA—recommends to the
president the level of aggregate revenue, expenditure, and debt.
These parameters determine the expenditure limit or budget ceiling. Based on the approved
budget ceiling, DBM issues a budget call requiring all national government agencies, including those
comprising the legislative and judicial branches and government-owned and -controlled corporations
(GOCCs), to submit their budgetary requests, taking into consideration the various requirements of the
regions in the country. All budgetary requests are subjected to technical budget hearings cochaired by
DBM and NEDA. DBM then consolidates all budgetary proposals and presents the overall budget to the
Cabinet for deliberation and the president for approval.
Congressional action on the president’s proposed budget begins at the House of
Representatives. Congress can reduce, but not increase, the amount of the proposed budget. The
various government departments and agencies defend their budget requests in the subcommittee
hearings organized by the Committee on Appropriations. After the House of Representatives approves
the proposed budget, the budget is transmitted to the Senate, where it undergoes a similar process. A
bicameral conference committee reconciles the appropriations bills passed by the two houses. After
ratification of the bicameral conference committee report by each house, the general appropriations bill is
submitted to the president for approval. The president can veto certain items in the bill, which is called a
line-item veto. The approved bill becomes a general appropriations act (GAA). If Congress fails to pass a
general appropriations bill by the end of a fiscal year, the preceding fiscal year’s GAA is deemed
reenacted and remains in force until the appropriations bill is passed by Congress.
The third phase is budget execution and accounting. The appropriations given to departments or
agencies in a GAA do not automatically provide them with the authority to spend. Departments and
agencies are required to submit an agency budget matrix to DBM, the agency mandated to oversee
budget implementation, for fund programming. Only when the agencies receive their allotment release
orders from DBM can they enter into contracts with suppliers and contractors, purchase materials, or hire
personnel for the implementation of approved projects and activities. Moreover, they can only start to
issue checks for the payment of their incurred obligations upon receipt of notice of cash allocations
(NCAs), which are issued by DBM in consultation with the Bureau of Treasury (BTr). All government
payments are made through designated government servicing banks that honor the checks issued by the
implementing agencies and debit them against the deposits of BTr.
Departments and agencies should maintain accounts on the status of their appropriations,
allotments, obligations incurred, disbursements, unexpended and not obligated balances, and results of
expended appropriations. They are to submit accountability reports before any release of NCAs can be
issued. DBM’s secretary prescribes the forms, schedule of submission, and other components of the
reporting system, subject to accounting rules and regulations issued by the Commission on Audit (COA).
DBM’s secretary has the authority to modify any allotment previously issued. Upon the approval of the
president, the secretary can impose, reserve, or reduce the amounts allotted to meet targeted budgetary
goals.
The last phase consists of audit and evaluation. Government departments and agencies must
submit financial and physical reports of operation to Congress and various oversight agencies, namely
COA, DBM, DOF, and NEDA. These reports contain information on the actual physical accomplishments
of an agency in relation to actual expenses incurred.
COA conducts independent financial and performance audits of the expenditures and uses of
funds and property of government branches, departments, and agencies, including LGUs and GOCCs. It
audits financial records to determine whether funds were spent legally, receipts were properly recorded
and controlled, and records and statements of finances were completed and are reliable. To a limited
extent, COA also conducts performance audits to evaluate the economy and efficiency of government
expenditures. COA submits to the president and Congress an annual report of its audit findings, together
with its recommended measures for improving the effectiveness and efficiency of the Government. The
audit and evaluation reports are supposed to feed into the updating of plans and the formulation and
implementation of succeeding budgets.

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C. Current Conditions, Issues, and Concerns

The public financial management process aims to promote fiscal discipline, strategic allocation of
resources, and operational efficiency in the public sector. The following paragraphs provide insights on
current conditions that affect capabilities to attain these goals and related concomitant issues and
concerns.

1. Fiscal Discipline

Budget Deficit. After posting surpluses during 1994–1997, the Government incurred a deficit of
P49.98 billion (1.88% of gross domestic product [GDP]) in 1998 (Figure 8). Since then, the Government
breached its annual deficit targets, despite adjustments to bring them to more realistic levels. The deficit
rose to P134.21 billion (4.06% of GDP) in 2000 and P147 billion (4.01% of GDP) in 2001. The
Government planned to reduce the deficit to P130 billion (3.30% of GDP) in 2002 and balance its financial
position in 2006. However, 2002 ended with a budget deficit of P213 billion (5.35% of GDP). The
Government’s failure to rein in the deficit stems from certain weaknesses on the revenue and expenditure
sides of the budget.

Figure 8: National Government Deficit as Percentage of GDP

(P billion [1990–2002])
P billion

Source: Budget of Expenditure and Sources of Financing (various issues).

Control of Expenditures. The burgeoning budget deficit is aggravated by the Government’s

inability to restrain its expenditures. The huge unmet demand for economic infrastructure and social
services increases the difficulty of controlling expenditures within levels that can be financed by revenues
generated by the Government. In addition, certain financial management practices and processes can
make attaining fiscal discipline doubly difficult.
Budget Discipline. Congress shares the blame for passing budgets that exceed the level of
revenue that can be collected by the Government. In the past, Congress reduced the amounts allocated
for debt service under automatic appropriations and reallocated the total amount of reduction made to
chosen programs and projects under new general appropriations. Recently, Congress blurred the
distinction between programmed appropriations and those that were not programmed.54 The foreign loan
and grant proceeds component of foreign assisted projects, properly classified under new programmed
appropriations, together with their local counterpart funds, were transferred into appropriations that were

54
Programmed appropriations are supported by identified revenue sources and/or financing. Their total consists of
the proposed budgetary expenditures for a given fiscal year. Appropriations that were not programmed, however,
are contingent on the realization of additional revenues. They can only be expended if actual revenue exceeds the
target. Thus, they are excluded in the computation of the proposed budget total.

63
not programmed, allowing for the inclusion of additional programs and projects identified by Congress in
the programmed appropriations.
Contingent Liabilities. Another factor that contributed to the growth of the Government’s deficit
is the realization of contingent liabilities that take the form of automatic appropriations when they
materialize. The contingent liabilities booked in national government accounts, which consist of
guarantees provided to GOCCs and government financial institutions, increased from P95.68 billion in
1991 to P493.35 billion in 2001. Based on rough estimates, total contingent liabilities of the Government,
including guarantees to various build-operate-transfer (BOT) projects may reach up to P2.50 trillion.
Appropriate accounting practices for BOT projects have not yet been established, and the contingent
liabilities and the monetary value of guarantees extended by the Government to BOT projects have yet to
be reflected in the financial statements of relevant government agencies (World Bank et al. 2002).
Revenue Collection Efforts. The uncontrolled growth in the Government’s deficit can largely be
attributed to weak revenue collection efforts. From an average of 18.8% of GDP during 1992–1997, the
Government’s revenue collection dropped to 14.2% of GDP in 2002 (Figure 9).

Figure 9: National Government Revenues and Expenditures

as Percentage of Gross Domestic Product (1990–2002)

Source: Budget of Expenditure and Sources of Financing (various issues).

Nontax revenue as a percentage of GDP declined from 2.5% in 1997 to 1.8% in 2002, primarily
due to the reduction in proceeds from privatization. Fewer government assets were left to be privatized,
and unfavorable economic conditions made their acquisition less attractive. Tax collection as a
percentage of GDP likewise weakened from 17.0% in 1996 and 1997 to 12.5% in 2002. BIR’s collection
as a percentage of GDP during the said period dropped from 13.0% to 9.9%, while that of BOC dropped
from 3.9% to 2.4%.
Figure 10 shows the steady decline in all the major types of taxes collected by the Government
starting in 1997. For import duties the decline started earlier in 1994. The decline in tax collection efforts
can be attributed to three major factors, namely, economic structure, tax policy flaws, and weak tax
administration.
Tax collection has not grown as fast as GDP, as the sectors responsible for economic recovery
are those that are largely tax-exempt or lightly taxed, such as agriculture and exports. The finance and
manufacturing sectors, which account for around 65% of the taxes collected by BIR, have not fully
recovered from the economic slowdown brought about by the Asian financial crisis. The peso
depreciation and the economic slowdown also resulted in a lower importation rate, which resulted in lower
collection of tariff duties by BOC.

64
Figure 10: Tax Effort on Selected Types of Tax as Percentage of Gross Domestic Product
(1990–2001)

Source: Budget of Expenditure and Sources of Financing (various issues).

Tax policy flaws also contributed to the decline in tax efforts. Lowering tariff rates under the
Government’s trade liberalization program significantly reduced import duties and taxes. The weakening
of excise tax effort, however, can be traced to the nonresponsiveness to price increases of the current
specific tax structure. Republic Act No. 8240, which mandated the shift in excise tax from ad valorem to
specific, does not allow for automatic indexation to inflation, as originally proposed by DOF.
The Comprehensive Tax Reform Program (CTRP) passed by Congress in 1997 may have also
contributed to the decline in tax efforts on net income and profits. The CTRP was designed to simplify tax
structure and reduce rates with the goal of clamping down on tax evasion and increasing the tax base.
However, certain key features of the original proposal were deleted in the law enacted by Congress.
Moreover, the CTRP is undermined by numerous tax exemptions and fiscal incentives provided in various
other laws. Republic Act 7716 and Republic Act 8424, on value-added tax (VAT) also list numerous
goods and services that are tax-exempt or zero-rated. Tax exemptions and fiscal incentives reduce the
tax base and make tax administration unwieldy.
The country’s low tax effort is also a result of weak tax administration. BIR and BOC are plagued
by major deficiencies, including corruption and political interference, inadequate audit programs, and
weak enforcement (Rodlauer et al. 2000). Drafting and issuing rules and regulations for the effective
implementation of tax laws take a long time. Information processing and management are weak.
Research for improving taxpayer compliance and pursuing the hard-to-tax groups is virtually nonexistent.
The database on taxpayers’ profiles and third party information for audit and assessment is hardly
organized. Audit is limited to package audit, and the selection of audit cases does not rely on revenue risk
assessment and financial evaluation of taxpayer data. Audits are conducted mainly through negotiation
and, thus, are highly prone to abuse and corruption.
DOF estimates tax collection leakage to amount to P242.5 billion. Rampant physical and
technical smuggling in private and public ports causes major leaks in trade tax collection. The VAT
evasion rate is estimated at more than 60%, largely attributed to weak monitoring of carryover input tax
credits, fake receipt issuance by taxpayers, underdeclaration of sales, and low VAT registration levels.
The individual income tax evasion rate is also about 60%, due largely to BIR’s inability to run after
professionals and businessmen who account for 23% of total individual income tax collection (Manasan et
al. 2000). Even the tax payment system is not secure, as demonstrated by a recent tax payment scam
involving the diversion of tax payments to fictitious private bank accounts.
To a large extent, the weakness of BIR’s and BOC’s tax administration capabilities can be traced
to at least three fundamental institutional constraints. First, their personnel management systems are not
based on merit and performance. Recruitment is weakly linked to appropriate qualifications, and

65
promotion is based almost entirely on loyalty and political connections. Performance hardly matters in
determining incentives and personnel movements or assignments. Second, their existing compensation
schemes seriously limit institutional capabilities to hire first-rate auditors, lawyers, and information
technology professionals who can efficiently undertake tax audits, prosecute tax offenders, and harness
information technology for tax administration, respectively. Third, the budgeting system operates on a
rigid line-item basis, hampering the effective and efficient use of funds in pursuing the bureaus’ goals and
objectives (House of Representatives, 12th Congress, House Bill No. 5054).
Revenue Forecasts. Despite the general downward trend in revenue collection efforts, DBCC
continues to make very optimistic revenue estimates for the budget as can be gleaned from the
comparison of the targets and actual collections (Table 20). The revenue estimates include expected
revenues from proposed legislative and administrative revenue measures that are not even sure of being
enacted and/or implemented during the fiscal year in which their proceeds are programmed in the budget.
The pressure to allow for a bigger government budget that would accommodate the expenditure needs of
all sectors contributes to the tendency to project higher revenues and authorize bigger budgets.

Table 20: Tax Revenues

(target vs. actual [1997–2002], P billion)

Item 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002

Original Target 450.6 513.1 507.2 551.8 549.3 624.3
Revised Target 448.0 436.0 441.1 498.4 498.9 528.4
Actual 412.2 416.6 431.7 460.0 489.9 495.0
Source: Budget of Expenditures and Sources of Financing 1998–2003.
Overoptimistic revenue forecasting harms the rationality and integrity of the budget. If actual
revenues fall short of target and the Government decides to fully implement the authorized budget, it risks
breaching the deficit target. However, if the Government decides to stick to its deficit target,
implementation of programs and projects authorized in the budget may be suspended, delayed, or
abandoned.
Revenue forecasting is very contentious. Revenue collecting agencies claim they are not fully
consulted and that the revenue estimation procedure is not clear and transparent. No sense of ownership
exists over revenue targets among revenue collecting agencies. Revenue targets become too unrealistic
and lose their relevance as benchmarks for evaluating agency and individual performance and for
exacting accountability.
Government Borrowing. The Government’s borrowing continues to increase because of the
chronic budget deficit. After retiring some of its debt in 1997, the Government’s net borrowing rose
dramatically to P203.80 billion in 2000 and P264.20 billion in 2002. From 1999 to 2002, the Government’s
net borrowing averaged 5.0% of GDP annually. The outstanding debt of the Government more than
doubled from P1.24 trillion in 1996 to P2.81 trillion in 2002. As a share of GDP, the Government’s debt
increased from 51.5% in 1997 to 70.5% in 2002. Thus, interest payment in absolute amount and as a
percentage of the total government budget increased dramatically starting in 1998, after steadily declining
from 1992 to 1997. From P78.00 billion or 16.6% of expenditures in 1997, interest payments increased to
P186.00 billion or 23.9% of expenditures in 2002.

2. Strategic Allocation of Resources or Allocation Efficiency

The growth of mandatory expenditures, such as interest payments on government debt, personal
services, and LGU allocation, severely constrained the Government’s budgetary flexibility, specifically in
providing for facilities and services that impact the quality of life of the people and the productivity of the
national economy. The alignment of budgetary allocations to the MTPDP’s thrusts and priorities remains
a major challenge.
Interest Payments. Rising interest payments are crowding out other important government
expenditures, particularly for economic services. The share of economic services in the Government’s
budget declined from an average of 25.5% during 1993–1998 to 21.0% in 2002 (Figure 11). As a
percentage of GDP, economic services expenditures declined from an average of 5.0% to 4.1% in the
said period. While social services continue to account for the highest share of the budget, at 31.0%, this

66
figure is way below the United Nations Development Programme norm of 40%. The Philippines lags
behind most of its East Asian neighbors in public spending in health and education, as shown by the
World Development Indicators compiled by the World Bank (Table 21).

Figure 11: Distribution of National Government Expenditures by Sector

(1990–2002)

Source: Budget of Expenditure and Sources of Financing (various issues).

Table 21: Public Expenditures on Basic Social Services

Health Education
(% of GDP [1990–1998]) (% of GNP [1997])
Indonesia 0.6 1.4
Malaysia 1.3 4.9
Philippines 1.7 3.4
Korea, Rep. of 2.5 3.7
Thailand 1.7 4.8
GDP = gross domestic product, GNP = gross national product.
Source: World Development Indicators 2000.

Personal Services. The biggest object of government expenditure is personal services,

averaging 35.0% of the total budget. These services effectively crowd out other objects of expenditure.
The share of capital outlay declined from an average of 18.9% during 1993–1998 to 14.3% in 2002. The
share of infrastructure in the budget was at single-digit levels, despite a huge backlog. A comparison of
government expenditures in selected Association of Southeast Asian Nations countries shows that as a
percentage of GDP, the Philippines spent less in capital outlays and more on current expenditures, which
goes largely to personal services. Maintenance and other operating expenses receive a very small share
of the budget, averaging around 12.0% in the last 10 years, which could result in the further premature
deterioration of the Government’s limited capital stock.
Allocation to LGUs. Among the fastest growing items of the national budget is the allocation to
LGUs, consisting largely of the internal revenue allotment (IRA). From 7.6% of the national budget in
1992, the allocation rose to 18.1% in 2002. Allocation to LGUs may have substituted for locally generated
revenue. LGUs’ own revenue efforts declined from an average of 3.3% of GDP in 1994–1998 to 1.2% in
1999–2001. Since no established and reliable monitoring and evaluation system exists for local
government finances and services delivery, no up-to-date information or database allowing in-depth
analysis of financial and functional performance of LGUs, especially in relation to the use of the IRA, can
be found. Duplication and overlapping services and lack of proper coordination between LGUs and the
Government still persist. As a result, some LGUs are able to shirk their responsibilities, while the

67
Government continues to shoulder the provision of many devolved services. This raises concerns on the
rationality of expenditures financed with IRA funds.
Planning and Budgeting Link. The link between the MTPDP and the annual government budget
is weak and difficult to establish. Hardly any strategic budget reallocation is effected in line with
development thrusts, and the budgets of most departments and agencies grow by mere accretion.
A major source of weakness in the planning and budgeting link lies in the preparation of the
MTPDP and the Medium-Term Public Investment Program (MTPIP). In trying to effect consultative and
participatory planning, the process unwittingly resulted in accommodating a wide spectrum of demands of
various sectors and interest groups, despite patent resource constraints. The MTPDP does not provide
clear prioritization of the strategies, policies, and programs it contains vis-à-vis the resources needed to
implement them. The same applies to the MTPIP, whose programs and projects are evaluated and
approved by the Investment Coordinating Committee (cochaired by the secretaries of DOF and NEDA)
before they become eligible for inclusion in the annual government budget. Thus, the MTPDP and the
MTPIP have been criticized as wish lists of programs and projects that departments and agencies may
propose for funding (World Bank et al. 2002)
Setting Priorities. Allocation efficiency assumes a strong link between strategic priorities and
budgetary allocation. The president and Congress, in practice, despite the existence of the Legislative-
Executive Development Advisory Council that mandated the harmonization of legislative and executive
development priorities, specifically in legislation, continue to have different priorities that affect the
allocation of resources. For example, Congress can substitute projects recommended in the president’s
proposed budget with other projects. This has been done, even when substitute projects required full
local financing and the president’s projects were foreign assisted. Although the president can exercise
line-item veto power to delete projects introduced by Congress, more often, for political expediency, these
projects are allowed to be part of the enacted budget. The president simply exercises his or her
prerogative to withhold or impound the funds for implementation. In the end, the enacted budget is not
fully funded and implemented. Worse, economic and technical considerations are sometimes subverted
by patronage politics in prioritizing projects for actual funding and implementation.
Program Cost Transparency. Another hindrance to the strategic reallocation of the budget is the
lack of or inadequate data on the cost of programs. Line agencies possess information on the actual cost
of the programs they implement. However, they often do not reveal this information, as this enables them
to get as much financing as they can from the budget. A common practice of line agencies is the toehold
approach for big programs and activities. To easily get the approval of DBM and Congress, a line agency
presents only part of the cost of its proposed program. Once approved, the agency is able to secure a line
item in the budget, making it easier for the agency to seek funding for the following years, to complete the
program (Campos 2002). This is how new programs and activities are added to the budgets of
departments and agencies without necessarily effecting any strategic budget reallocation from low-priority
to high-priority programs and activities.

3. Operational Efficiency

Operational efficiency refers to the provision of services at reasonable quality and cost. No
performance indicators or data are established on the unit cost of goods and services provided by the
Government to make a comprehensive assessment of its operational efficiency. However, information on
procurement, absorption capacity, cash management, and accounting and reporting practices raise
concern on the efficiency of government operations.
Procurement. Abundant anecdotal evidence shows huge leaks in government spending due to
corruption, particularly in procurement. Procurement Watch, Inc. estimates that potential leaks in
procurement due to corruption reached about P95.0 billion in 2001, equivalent to 68% of the budget
deficit that year. DBM estimated that corruption in procurement costs the Government around
P22.0 billion each year. According to the World Bank, the Government lost $48.0 billion in the last
20 years, an amount “greater than the country’s foreign debt of $40.6 billion during that period.” Lack of
transparency and competition, collusion, political interference, and delays, as well as excessive use of
discretionary criteria that lead to graft and corruption, afflict procurement practices in the country. The
situation is aggravated by disparate and inconsistent laws governing procurement (World Bank et al.
2002).

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 Official Development Assistance Use. Low usage rates of official development assistance
(ODA) translate to lost opportunities in foreign assistance and growth potential. Cumulative actual
disbursement of ODA, availed of as a percentage of scheduled disbursement, averaged only 62.5% in
2000 and 2001. ODA performance is also characterized by project delays of up to almost 2 years and
cost overruns of almost 20% of project costs. The low usage rate of the ODA was attributed to problems
of right-of-way acquisition, budget allocation inadequacy, procurement process slowness, inability to
provide counterpart funds, organization and staffing problems, project design weaknesses, and customs
taxes and duties requirements (NEDA 2001).
Cash Management. Idle cash balances or deposits outside the control of BTr pose certain risks
or opportunity costs to the Government. The total amount of deposit outside the control of BTr (i.e.,
deposits made by recipients of secondary allocation of NCAs outside of the four designated government
servicing banks) amounted to P69 billion in 2000. Cash advances to disbursing officers for payment of
salaries and other expenses are also made from government servicing banks. At the end of 2000, cash
advances amounting to P11 billion given to government disbursing officers remained unliquidated. On the
revenue side, delays also occurred in the reconciliation of tax and customs collection reports of BIR and
BOC, with the amount remitted to BTr by the accredited banks for tax and customs payment (World Bank
et al. 2002).
Accounting and Reporting Practices. Before the adoption of the New Government Accounting
System (NGAS), government accounting was too complex. Expenditure accounting was based on
obligations or commitments, while revenue accounting was on a cash basis. Thus, numerous additional
accounting entries had to be made to reconcile the revenue and expenditure accounts. In addition to the
chart of accounts prescribed by COA for its continuous postaudit activities, various government agencies
were also required to prepare and maintain a separate set of accounts on the status of their
appropriations, allotments, obligations, and disbursements in relation to their budget releases. The
Standard Government Chart of Accounts prescribed by COA was not linked directly to DBM’s budgetary
format, which is classified by program, project, and activity. These accounting and reporting requirements
were done manually, consuming the time of financial management staff members at the expense of the
more substantive task of financial management and performance monitoring (Diokno 2000 and World
Bank et al. 2002).

D. Reform Initiatives

1. Revenue Administration

The Government recognizes that its huge budget deficit can be addressed by improving its
revenue or tax collection efforts. Each year, BIR and BOC present a list of measures designed to
enhance tax administration and generate additional revenue for the Government. Some measures are
new, while others are recycled versions of previous measures that were implemented or relegated to the
backburner. Because revenue collection efforts continue to decline, the effectiveness of reform measures
in improving tax administration and revenue collection needs to be reexamined.
BIR’s administrative measures for 2002 address (i) systems and procedures improvement and
(ii) organizational restructuring. Measures to improve systems and procedures are primarily directed at
strengthening audit capabilities. These are designed to effect a shift from comprehensive and negotiation-
based audit to selective issue-oriented audit that is based on financial analysis and third party
information.
The VAT Reconciliation for Listing and Enforcement Program compares information on VAT
transactions (e.g., summary list of sales and purchases with the declarations on VAT returns). In the first
5 months of the program, the Reconciliation for Listing and Enforcement Program already uncovered
more than 600 taxpayers who underdeclared their sales, receipts, or income by more than 30%. These
taxpayers were sent notices by BIR that provided these taxpayers with an opportunity to settle their
assessed tax deficiencies under the Voluntary Abatement and Assessment Program before charges were
filed against them. VAT benchmarking is also in place. This involves developing industry benchmarks
(e.g., VAT-applicable purchases to VAT-applicable sales ratio and VAT liability to the total value of output
ratio) based on the input-output table for selecting VAT returns to be audited.
To prevent diversion of tax payment and enhance taxpayer compliance, BIR also introduced the
Electronic Filing and Payment System that allows filing of tax returns and payments through the Internet.

69
The system is convenient for some taxpayers and is more cost-effective for BIR. For taxpayers without
access to the Internet, a new payment system involving the creation of a BIR demand deposit account
with special numbers for tax payments only is being designed. The system will also provide a feedback or
confirmation mechanism that will enable taxpayers to verify the receipt of their tax payment through BIR’s
Web site, electronic mail, or call center.
BIR’s internal audit is also to be strengthened through a proposal to create the Audit Report
Evaluation Committee. The committee, to be composed of the commissioner and deputy commissioners
of BIR’s Legal Group and Operations Group, a DOF undersecretary, and a COA commissioner, shall
directly report to the secretary of finance. Among other activities, the committee will be responsible for
(i) investigating and reporting on how well BIR is administering tax laws and regulations, (ii) identifying
weaknesses and proposing improvements in BIR’s systems and procedures, and (iii) detecting and
investigating abuses by BIR’s employees.
Furthermore, BIR embarked on a reorganization program. Executive Order (EO) 114, dated
29 July 2002, aims to transform BIR from a function-based to a taxpayer-focused organization. At
present, BIR is structured primarily along functional lines (e.g., registration, assessment, collection, and
audit), except for the Large Taxpayer Service (LTS), which was created in 2000 and organized around a
particular segment of the taxpayer population consisting of the largest taxpayers. The LTS, which also
manages the Excise Tax Service, accounts for 58.0% of total taxes collected by BIR. EO No. 114
mandates the creation of additional taxpayer segment services, namely the Nonlarge Taxpayer Service,
Individual Taxpayer Service, and Government and Tax Exempt Service. The major reason for the shift to
taxpayer segmentation is that the different taxpayer segments have diverse service needs and different
revenue risks, requiring specially tailored programs of service, education, and enforcement for proper
compliance with tax laws.
The LTS, however, is currently not performing well, raising doubts about the wisdom of EO No.
114. It accounted for around 94.0% of BIR’s tax collection shortfall in 2002. Its tax collection for the said
period was 4.0% lower than the previous year’s collection for the same period, in contrast to the revenue
regions, which recorded an 8.4% increase in tax collection.
BIR has undergone several reorganizations since the 1970s, all to improve administration and
collection. While it succeeded in raising revenues in some instances, performance improvements were
not sustained. The series of reorganizations did not address institutional constraints.
Various bills seeking to address institutional constraints of BIR are now pending before Congress.
House Bill 5054, the first to be filed, seeks to transform BIR into a public organization with corporate
features to be known as the Internal Revenue Management Authority (IRMA). An internal revenue board,
consisting of government and private sector representatives, shall set policies and performance targets
for the effective implementation of the National Internal Revenue Code and other revenue laws. This
board shall appoint a chief executive officer (CEO) under a performance contract. The CEO’s stay in
office will depend on his or her ability to meet the targets in the contract. IRMA shall have fiscal and
administrative autonomy, giving it the flexibility to attract good people through competitive remuneration
packages. No preferential or prior right will be given to BIR employees. IRMA shall adopt a human
resource management system that is performance focused. The CEO and the managers shall be given
flexibility to reallocate budgeted funds so that they can deliver the outputs they committed to deliver in
their contracts.
House Bill 5465 and Senate Bill No. 2463 have essentially the same features as House Bill 5054,
except they mandate preferential absorption of existing BIR employees in the proposed authority and
separation incentives over and above gratuities and benefits under existing laws. These two bills were
apparently designed to meet the demands of BIR employees who protested and staged a walkout against
the filing of House Bill 5054, which threatened their employment status. The employee protest and
dwindling collection efforts eventually led to the resignation of the incumbent commissioner, who was
thought to have promoted the bill.

2. Budgeting

In 1999, the Government initiated the Public Expenditure Management Improvement Program
(PEMIP). The PEMIP, as it has evolved, consists of three major and interrelated components:
(i) Medium-Term Expenditure Framework (MTEF), (ii) Sector Effectiveness and Efficiency Review
(SEER), and (iii) Organizational Performance Indicator Framework (OPIF).

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 The MTEF aims to restructure the budget over the medium term to better support the
Government’s development plan and improve operational efficiency by ensuring predictability of
resources. The MTEF requires departments and agencies to formulate 3-year budgets consonant with the
3-year departmental baseline budgets issued by DBM.
The baseline budget refers to the minimum level of expenditure at which an agency will continue
to operate at the budget year’s level and be able to perform its basic mandate and functions (DBM 2000).
The budget provides the initial ceiling or resource envelope allocated by agencies to their various
programs, activities, and projects. The baseline budget of an agency may be augmented by above the
baseline allocations. Unlike the former, which is allocated by departments, the latter is allocated by sector
on the basis of priorities determined by DBCC. Departments and agencies within the same sector are
forced to compete for above the baseline sector allocations. The expenditure proposals of various
agencies are ranked in a technical budget hearing that is cochaired by DBM and NEDA.
The SEER aims to strengthen and systematize the budget prioritization process in line with the
MTPDP. Conducted by individual departments and agencies under the guidance of NEDA, the SEER
evaluates existing budgetary programs, activities, and projects on the basis of their importance in
achieving desired sector and department outcomes. Agencies are, thus, forced to (i) agree on sector
outcomes; (ii) specify major final outputs (MFOs) and links to sector outcomes; (iii) define the relation of
various programs, activities, and projects to MFOs; and (iv) rank these programs, activities, and projects
according to high, medium, or low priority. The SEER is used to improve and update the MTPIP and
prepare agency budget proposals.
Finally, the OPIF aims to shift focus from inputs to outputs and come up with performance
indicators. The OPIF requires departments and agencies to specify their outcomes and MFOs, indicators
of performance, and accomplishments and targets and corresponding budgetary allocations for related
programs, activities, and projects. The OPIF is directed by DBM and will eventually be tied to the
performance assessment of individual officials and employees of the Government.
The success of the PEMIP hinges on its approval by Congress and acceptance by the Government’s line
departments and agencies. The president and Congress should be able to forge an agreement with
respect to strategic priorities and minimize, if not eliminate, project switching and substitutions.

3. Budget Execution

The institutionalization of the MTEF and OPIF is expected to improve budget formulation and
implementation. The MTEF will help ensure the predictability and timeliness of the implementation of
programs and projects by taking into account their present and future funding requirements. The OPIF,
however, will help promote efficient cash management by strengthening the monitoring of programs,
activities, and projects. Only programs and projects that are being properly implemented will be assured
of continuous funding. DBM also adopted the policy of front-loading expenditures (i.e., the bulk of
allotments and NCAs are released at the start of a year) to take advantage of the dry weather and fast-
track the implementation of infrastructure projects. As a complementary measure, DBM and agencies
concerned conduct a midyear performance assessment that is used as a basis for releasing the balance
of the agencies’ budgets.
The use of budget controls and measures to economize cash use poses a major challenge in
budget implementation. These budget controls add to DBM’s bookkeeping and reporting system and
various line agencies often sidetrack their financial management staff members (budget officers and
financial analysts and accountants and cashiers) from attending to the more substantive financial analysis
and performance monitoring tasks (Diokno 2000). To address this, DBM initiated the Budget Execution
and Accountability Tracking System Project that provides for the automation of budget releasing and
tracking processes in all government agencies. The Budget Execution and Accountability Tracking
System Project is also intended to help reduce the problem of unliquidated cash advances and improve
cash management.

4. Procurement

EO No. 40, issued on 8 October 2001, consolidates various laws governing the procurement of
goods, supplies, materials, services, and infrastructure contracts by national government agencies,
GOCCs, and government financial institutions. The executive order and its implementing rules and

71
regulations require the use of the Government Electronic Procurement System that enables client-
agencies and the supplier community to conduct business online. The system allows transactions for
online payment, online bidding, and online ordering and the participation of private exchanges under
central and subportal concepts, as a means of fast-tracking and enhancing transparency of procurement
activities.
On 10 January 2003, President Arroyo signed into law the Government Procurement Reform Bill
(RA 9184). This law rationalizes and consolidates various laws, rules, and regulations on procurement, as
well as repeals outdated provisions thereof. The law mandates electronic procurement and requires
government agencies to post on their Web sites and in the Government Electronic Procurement System
all invitations to apply for eligibility and bids. The law mandates shifting emphasis from prequalification to
simple eligibility screening and postqualification and lowest calculated responsive bid and/or highest rated
responsive bid as award criteria. Further, the law provides for professionalizing procurement officials and
imposing criminal and civil liabilities on procurement-related offenses.
Procurement Watch, Inc., a civil society organization, was organized to study and advocate
procurement reforms and monitor their implementation. It is also involved in extensive and strategic
networking and coordination with other NGOs, business groups, government agencies, and policy
makers, and media in exposing inefficiencies in public procurement and pushing reforms that create more
opportunities for public bidding and eliminate corruption in government procurement.

5. Accounting and Auditing

COA Circular No. 2001/04, dated 30 October 2001, mandates national and local government
units to adopt the NGAS starting 1 January 2002. The NGAS aims to (i) simplify government accounting,
(ii) conform to international accounting standards, and (iii) generate periodic and relevant financial reports
for better performance monitoring. Among the significant features of the NGAS are
(i) shift from cash and obligation accounting to modified accrual accounting;
(ii) capitalization of all depreciable assets and their recognition in the income and
expenditure statements;
(iii) adoption of the one-fund concept;
(iv) adoption of a simplified three-digit chart of accounts that provides for responsibility
accounting;
(v) recognition of liability for goods and services based on delivery and, for assets under
construction, certificate of work completed;
(vi) accrual of interest income and expenses and their recognition in the book of accounts;
and
(vii) preparation by government agencies of annual financial reports consisting of trial
balance, balance sheet, statement of income and expenditures, and cash flow statement.

COA also initiated the computerization of the NGAS, program of which has seven major
subsystems that have both networking and stand-alone processing capability. The subsystems are
designed toward the future development of a government integrated financial management information
system. The seven subsystems are (i) General Ledger, (ii) Cash Management, (iii) Budget, (iv) Inventory,
(v) Fixed Assets, (vi) Payroll, and (vii) Accounts Payable and Accounts Receivable (World Bank et al.
2002).

E. Strategic Directions

The foundations for the improvement of public financial management were established with the
introduction of key reforms. In planning, programming, and budgeting, the Government started the
development of the MTEF and a performance budgeting framework, as embodied in the SEER and the
OPIF. In budget execution, the automation of the budget releasing and tracking mechanism, to promote
efficient cash management and facilitate the implementation and monitoring of programs and projects, is
in the initial stage. The overhaul of the Government’s procurement system, including the adoption of
electronic procurement, has started. The Government Procurement Reform Bill, designed to promote
transparency and accountability and fully rationalize and modernize the Government’s procurement

72
system, was already enacted into law. The Government began implementing the NGAS in accounting
and auditing, and the corresponding computer software is being developed.
At this stage, the information, knowledge, and capability pertinent to public financial management
reforms still reside mainly in the Government’s planning and oversight agencies, namely, COA, DBM,
DOF, and NEDA. As the task of overseeing the financial management system is dispersed among these
agencies, reform initiatives need to be properly coordinated to ensure complementarity and synergy.
Auditing was largely confined to financial and compliance audit. Performance audit remains far from
satisfactory. Designing a full performance audit with the participation of COA, Civil Service Commission,
and planning and oversight agencies of the executive branch needs to be undertaken.
The next step is to get the support of other key reform actors and stakeholders, including line
agencies and civil society and Congress. In addition, programs to develop organizational and technical
capabilities and establish appropriate institutional links, to carry out and institutionalize these public
financial management reforms, must be designed and implemented.

1. Beginning with BIR and BOC

A major hindrance to the institutionalization of public financial management reforms is the weak
revenue performance of BIR and BOC. The huge shortfall in revenue collection compromises the
planning and budgeting process and jeopardizes the integrity of the Government’s PEMIP components,
such as the MTEF, which depends on stable and predictable revenue flows.
Strategic and operational planning capabilities in BIR should be improved, along the lines of the
OPIF, as advocated by DBM. BIR should be able to clearly identify key result areas and their
corresponding outputs and performance indicators. These indicators should then be filtered down to
every individual official and employee, to enhance performance accountability.
In addition, BIR’s capabilities to conduct various types of audits (desk checks, period audits,
specific audits, etc.) and efficiently manage arrears to avoid the aging of tax arrears need to be
enhanced. Internal audit systems covering financial, procedural, and management functions,
complemented by effective external audit provisions and a management information system, should also
be strengthened to ensure that managers and decision makers are supplied with and have ready access
to key operational, staffing, and financial performance data. These efforts should be complemented by a
sustained computerization program designed to enhance efficiency, facilitate monitoring, and curb
corruption.
Procedures and processes need to be simplified and made more transparent, to facilitate
monitoring and reduce official discretion.
Revenue forecasting must be improved in two major areas: (i) technical design of revenue
forecasting models and (ii) institutional arrangements between DBCC and revenue-generating agencies.
Persistent huge shortfalls in revenue collection relative to goals underscore the need to improve the
design of revenue forecasting models that should also ensure transparency in forecasting process and
accountability for the forecasts generated and their subsequent revision. Greater participation of revenue-
generating agencies in DBCC’s revenue forecasting and goal setting tasks should also be instituted to
promote accountability for meeting performance targets. Macrolevel forecasting should be complemented
by microlevel forecasting at the regional and district offices. Microlevel forecasting can start with a
taxpayer census, to establish the tax potentials of the different revenue regions and districts.
In addressing the institutional constraints of revenue-generating agencies, the following should be
seriously considered: transforming them into corporate entities, as contemplated in various bills pending
before Congress; enabling them to be flexible in using their resources to efficiently meet their revenue
goals; offering competitive compensation packages to attract and retain the best people; and pursuing
performance-based personnel management programs.
Finally, in tax policy reform, strategic initiatives are needed to (i) rationalize the numerous fiscal
incentives and tax exemptions granted under various laws to eliminate tax leaks and make tax obligations
transparent; (ii) integrate price indexation to specific taxes to prevent their erosion due to inflation;
(iii) rationalize the taxation of financial intermediation; (iv) facilitate presumptive taxation of hard-to-tax
groups, such as professionals and small businesses; and (v) simplify tax processes, structures, and
systems to make tax calculations simpler, reduce the discretion of taxpayers and tax assessors, reduce
compliance costs of honest taxpayers, facilitate tax administration, and curb opportunities for corruption.

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 2. Popularizing and Institutionalizing Public
Expenditure Management Reforms in Line Agencies

As previously mentioned, the knowledge, information, and capabilities pertinent to public financial
management reforms rest largely with planning and oversight agencies. The challenge is to promote the
acceptance of these reforms and disseminate the corresponding knowledge and capabilities to line
agencies and LGUs. This would require training and educative programs and developing and publishing
information materials and operation manuals for MTEF, NGAS, OPIF, SEER, and procurement systems,
among others. Another major challenge in this regard is designing incentive mechanisms from agency
level down to individual employee level that would help employees absorb the performance culture
embodied by these reforms and provide the wherewithal needed for the incentives.
Strengthening internal controls and upgrading skills and professional status of financial
management staff members in line agencies should also be given due attention. In this regard,
establishing a comptroller general or accountant general function and/or a single agency that oversees
the whole financial management of government should be studied.

3. Mustering Support from and Enhancing the Capability of Congress

Because of its omnibus powers of appropriation and oversight, Congress plays a critical role in
the public financial management process and in any effort designed to reform this process. Thus, a need
exists to enhance the public financial management capabilities of members of Congress and their
technical staff members, particularly those related to public expenditure management that focuses on
budget analysis and oversight through education and training programs that would also disseminate
public expenditure management reforms to these individuals.

4. Crafting a New Budget Law

The provisions of EO No. 292 (1987) on budgeting were drawn mainly from Presidential Decree
No. 1177 (1977), which was issued during the early years of Martial Law. Since then, there have been
significant changes in the country’s political and socioeconomic landscape and budget orientation,
systems, and processes. A new budget law can bring together imperative budget reforms appropriate and
responsive to prevailing conditions and needs and would consolidate and rationalize existing piecemeal
legislation that does not comprehensively address budgetary issues and concerns.

5. Mustering Civil Society Participation

The participation of civil society in various areas of public financial management must be
encouraged and strengthened.
The increasing acceptance worldwide of viewing constituents as customers or clients and public
services as products whose provision is subject to regular market forces has led to the development of
mechanisms that integrate civil society concerns in public financial management, particularly on the
expenditure side. The modes of participation of civil society in public financial management range from
budget inspection and performance monitoring to actual allocation of public resources and revenue
mobilization (Songco undated, and World Bank 2001b).
For civil society to meaningfully and effectively contribute to public financial management,
working knowledge of sector processes, such as budgeting, procuring, and auditing, is required. Civil
society constitutes just one of the many stakeholder groups in public financial management. As such, civil
society needs to establish working relationships with other stakeholder groups and, more importantly, with
government agencies mandated to steer the processes involved in public financial management.
Owing to the urgency of problems in public financial management and how their resolution
impacts the Government’s development agenda, targeting has to be applied in the design of capacity-
building programs for civil society groups. NGOs and citizen groups with reasonable potential or good
records in advocacy work, interagency planning, and similar activities can be the focus of training
programs. These groups, in turn, can pass on new knowledge to affiliated groups.
The following are key points that training programs should cover.

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 (i) Intricacies of the budget process. There should be familiarity with the budget process
at the national and local levels. This will enable civil society groups to identify specific
points in the cycle where their participation can be most useful. Likewise, they should be
able to identify the mode of participation suitable to each phase of the budget cycle.
(ii) Data and information gathering techniques. The integrity of any policy critique is partly
hinged on its data and information gathering techniques. The data gathered must be
relevant and fully representative and balanced.
(iii) Techniques for analyses. Proposals should be backed by quantitative analyses
conducted within rational policy frameworks. Alternatives offered should be specific with
their targets and manner of implementation.
(iv) Information dissemination techniques. The inputs of civil society groups, such as
budget analyses and proposed alternative programs, need to be disseminated within their
ranks to government agencies and other players in the public financial management
process. This will clarify issues, allow information sharing, and facilitate consensus
building.

Finally, formal links with national and local government agencies, as well as the academe, will
permit full interaction of policy makers and stakeholders and other players involved in the process.
Although forums incidental to the mandated budget process, such as committee and public hearings,
would serve the purpose, assistance in organizing related forums, such as integrative workshops among
various civil society groups advocating similar measures and lectures for the general public or focus
groups, would also be helpful.

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VI. Local Governance and Decentralization
A. Introduction

In 1991, the nature of the relationships between the national Government and local governments
in the Philippines was radically transformed with the enactment of a far-reaching local government code.
The code devolved significant functions, powers, and responsibilities to the thousands of local
governments in the country that have long been operating under a highly centralized regime. This chapter
discusses the highlights of the Philippine experience in local autonomy and decentralization over the past
decade since the enactment of the 1991 Local Government Code. Major issues and concerns
encountered in the implementation of local autonomy and decentralization are pointed out, and some
recommendations to enhance and sustain the gains of local governance and decentralization are also
discussed.
Local governments essentially are the bedrock of Philippine democracy. Being the government
structures and institutions closest to the people, they are at the frontline of governance. Local
governments play a especially significant role in distant and isolated areas of the country, since these
governments are the links in the chain of governance that connect the people with the central
Government. Their role as frontline institutions is even more significant in the Philippines than it is in other
countries, because the Philippines is an archipelagic country composed of more than 7,000 islands.

B. The Local Government System of the Philippines

The president supervises the whole country and its political subdivisions—79 provinces, 115
cities, 1,495 municipalities, and 41,943 barangays.55 These political subdivisions enjoy autonomy but, as
mentioned previously, are under the supervision of the president through the secretary of the Department
of Interior and Local Government (DILG). Local governments act as agencies of the national Government
in tax collection, law enforcement, and other government functions that may be delegated by the national
Government to local units. The province is the largest political unit in the Philippines, and the country has
79 provinces. They are classified according to their average income for 5 consecutive years. The local
government executives and officials (governor, vice-governor, and members of the provincial board) are
elected while all other provincial officials are appointed by the appropriate departments of the national
Government. Under the 1991 Local Government Code, these officials are under the administrative control
of the provincial governor. The provincial board is the lawmaking body, and the provincial governor sits as
the presiding officer.
Figure 12 illustrates the structure of local governments in the Philippines. Each province is
composed of municipalities or towns. The Philippines has 1,495 municipalities. Municipalities are public
corporations created by Congress and are governed by the Municipality Law, which defines the duties
and powers of each. Municipalities are also classified according to their average annual income every 4
fiscal years and are autonomous units with elected and appointed officials. The elected officials are
municipal mayors—who are the chief executives of towns—vice-mayors, and councilors; while the
appointed officials are municipal secretaries, treasurers, justices of the peace, and chiefs of police.
Municipal boards are the lawmaking bodies of towns and are chaired by mayors and composed of vice-
mayors and councilors.
Another unit of local administration is the chartered city, which is especially created by law. The
Philippines has 67 chartered cities. The charter is the constitution of the city, and it defines its boundaries,
provides its system of government, and defines the powers and duties of its officials. The city’s elected
officials are the mayor, vice-mayor, and members of the board of councilors; they are assisted by the
appointed heads of various departments. The vice-mayor presides over the board while the city courts
exercise judicial functions. The council is the lawmaking body of the city.

55
For a broad description and background of the evolution of local governments in the Philippines, see Ocampo and
Panganiban 1985.

77
Figure 12: Structure of Local Governments in the Philippines

National
Government

Provinces Highly Urbanized Cities and

Independent Component Cities

Municipalities Component
Cities

Barangays Barangays Barangays

Source: Based on Ocampo and Panganiban 1985, and DILG 2002.

The barangay is the smallest local government unit and is headed by the barangay captain, who is
elected along with the barangay councilors. The barangay captain enforces all laws and ordinances
applicable to his or her constituency. Barangays are also public corporations and therefore can sue and
be sued in court, enter into contracts, acquire and hold all kinds of property, and exercise such powers or
perform such acts as provided by law.

C. Historical Context

Most political historians agree that the Philippines has had a long tradition of centralized
government. Ever since the arrival of the Spanish in 1521, the Philippine Islands have been ruled from
the national capital, Manila, to a point that because of the excessive centralization, it has been derisively
referred to by some as imperial Manila.
Almost 500 years later, the vestiges of centralization remain, due largely to the inertia brought
about by deeply rooted centralized administrative and bureaucratic procedures and hierarchical and
organizational arrangements. Undoing centuries-old centrally oriented institutions, structures, procedures,
practices, behaviors, mind-sets, and culture has been difficult.
Laurel (1926)56 traces the roots of autonomy among local units and institutions as existent even
before the arrival of the Spanish. The following are among the milestones in Filipino local autonomy
identified by Laurel.
(i) Barangays existed before the arrival of the Spanish. These barangays were for all intents
and purposes autonomous territorial and political units headed by monarchical chieftains
called datu, panginoo, or pangolo (Ortiz 1996). With the arrival of the Spanish, these
barangays and tribal organizations were adopted by the colonial authorities to become
administrative units, each headed by a cabeza de barangay (head of the barangay)
whose main responsibility was collecting taxes. As they expanded and grew, some
barangays evolved into pueblos (towns). Poblaciones (town centers), barrios (rural
settlements), and visitas (municipal districts) were parts of pueblos (Ocampo and
Panganiban 1985).
(ii) In 1893, the Maura Law was enacted by the Spanish colonizers. Described by Laurel as
"Spain's belated and half-hearted tribute to Filipino ability in self-government," the Maura
Law included the establishment of tribunales municipals (municipal tribunals) and juntas

56
Then Senator (later President) Jose P. Laurel.

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 provinciales (provincial juntas). However, despite the law, a centralized regime still
prevailed with the "retention of rights and prerogatives by the principalia class, the
straight laced centralization of powers, the continued intervention of the church in state
affairs, the limited franchise granted, the inadequate election method devised and
enforced, and the defected [sic] financial system instituted."
(iii) In 1898, in the backdrop of the Philippine revolution against Spain, the first (but short
lived) Philippine Republic, under the Malolos Constitution, was established. Officials were
elected on a popular basis and decentralization and administrative autonomy were
among the rallying cries of the period. Local lawmaking bodies, namely the municipal and
provincial assemblies, were instituted.

The American occupation of the Philippines (1902–1935) saw the promulgation of policies
promoting local autonomy. These included the organization of municipal and provincial councils based on
general suffrage. Other pronouncements indicative of the thrust toward local autonomy included the
following: the instructions of President McKinley to the Taft Commission;57 the incorporation of the City of
Manila (Act 183 of the Philippine Commission in 1902); the establishment of the Moro Province (Act 787
in 1903); the organization of provincial governments (Act 1396 in 1905); and the extension of popular
control, including the elimination of appointed members from provincial boards.58
Despite the enactment of these policies, purportedly supportive of local autonomy, the Americans
maintained a highly centralized politico-administrative structure. Largely because of security
considerations, local affairs had to be under the control of the Americans (Ocampo and Panganiban
1985).
The commonwealth period (1935–1946) saw local governments in the Philippines placed under
the general supervision of the president, as provided for under Article VII, Section II, of the 1945
Constitution. Additionally, the president, by statute, could alter the jurisdictions of local governments and
in effect create or abolish them (Laurel 1926). Ocampo and Panganiban (1985) note that the
constitutional provision limiting the president's power to general supervision was a compromise measure
substituted for the stronger guarantee of local autonomy proposed during the constitutional convention.
President Quezon preferred to appoint the chief officials of cities and would brook no "democratic
nonsense."
Philippine political independence was granted by the Americans in 1946. The first local autonomy
act (RA 2264) was implemented in 1959 and entitled An Act Amending the Laws Governing Local
Governments by Increasing their Autonomy and Reorganizing Provincial Governments. This act vested in
city and municipal governments greater fiscal, planning, and regulatory powers. It broadened the taxing
powers of the cities and municipalities within the framework of national taxing laws.
The year 1959 also saw the passage of another landmark piece of legislation as far as local
autonomy is concerned. The Barrio Charter Act (RA 2370) sought to transform the barrios, then the
smallest political unit of the local government system, into quasi-municipal corporations by vesting in them
some taxing powers. Barrios were to be governed by elective barrio councils.
Less than a decade later, the Decentralization Act of 1967 (RA 5185) was implemented. It further
increased the financial resources of local governments and broadened their decision-making powers over
administrative (mostly fiscal and personnel) matters. More specifically, the Decentralization Act provided
that it will do the following.
…grant local governments greater freedom and ampler means to
respond to the needs of their people and promote prosperity and
happiness to effect a more equitable and systematic distribution of
governmental power and resources. To this end, local governments
henceforth shall be entrusted with the performance of those functions
that are more properly administered in the local level and shall be

57
Among other things, McKinley’s instructions included the formulation of the 1901 Municipal Code that lays the
foundation for participative local governance with the provision for popularly elected presidents, vice-presidents and
councilors to serve on municipal boards. The municipal board members were responsible for collecting taxes,
maintaining municipal properties, and undertaking necessary construction projects. They also elected provincial
governors.
58
For an extensive and detailed discussion of these various initiatives, see Laurel 1926 pp. 289–293.

79
 granted with as much autonomous powers and financial resources as
are required in the more effective discharge of their responsibilities.

By any measure, the imposition of Martial Law in 1972, which abolished local elections and
vested in President Marcos the powers to appoint local officials who were beholden to him, was a great
setback for the local autonomy movement in the Philippines. Notwithstanding the highly centralized
dictatorial setup, the 1973 Constitution of the Republic of the Philippines rhetorically committed itself to a
policy of local autonomy when it stated that “The State shall guarantee and promote autonomy of LGUs,
especially the barrio, to ensure their fullest development as self-reliant communities.”
The document likewise made constitutional the taxing powers of LGUs when it stated that “Each
local government unit shall have the power to create its own sources of revenue and to levy taxes subject
to limitations as may be provided by law.”
However, the President continued to exercise supervision and control over local governments.
The authoritarian government promulgated the Local Government Code of 1983 (also known as Batas
Pambansa Bilang 337), which reiterated the policy of the State to “guarantee and promote the autonomy
of local government units to ensure their fullest development as self-reliant communities and make them
effective partners in the pursuit of national development.” Genuine autonomy, however, could not be
realistically implemented under the authoritarian regime.
The overthrow of Marcos in 1986 and the installation of President Corazon Aquino saw the
creation of the freedom Constitution. It provided that "the President shall have control and exercise
general supervision over all local governments." It was this provision that enabled President Aquino,
through the minister of local government, to remove local officials throughout the country whose loyalties
were questionable and replace them with officers-in-charge. Seen as an isolated act, the appointment of
officers-in-charge may be seen as a setback to the cause of local autonomy, but viewed in its proper
historical and political context, it may be appreciated as a necessary measure in stabilizing the immediate
post-dictatorship transition government.
A year later, the 1987 Constitution of the Republic of the Philippines was promulgated. It included
specific provisions guaranteeing autonomy to local governments. Among the major state policies
articulated was the policy that "The State shall ensure the autonomy of local governments." Additionally,
Article X, Section 3 of the 1987 Constitution of the Republic of the Philippines provides that the following
will occur.
The Congress shall enact a local government code which shall provide
for a more responsive and accountable local government structure
instituted through a system of decentralization with effective mechanisms
of recall, initiative, referendum, allocate among the different local
government units their powers, responsibilities and resources, and
provide for the qualifications, election, appointment and removal, term,
salaries, powers and functions and duties of local officials, and all other
matters relating to the organization and operation of local units.

Philippine politico-administrative history is replete with examples of tensions between a highly

centralized governmental structure and the demands for autonomy among various component local units.
At one level, there is an imperative for a dominant and assertive leadership necessary for the
consolidation and even the very survival of a weak state. At another level, there is demand among
component local institutions for autonomy from the central Government, to enable them to become more
responsive to local situations and, paradoxically, strengthen a weak state.
Earlier historical attempts to decentralize power and authority to local institutions through various
means are testimony to the fact that the problem of overcentralization is one that has been recognized
through the years, even though it persisted. For instance, the decentralization of administrative authority
(but conspicuously unaccompanied by political decentralization) was a hallmark of the Marcos
dictatorship. A local government code was in fact enacted in 1983. But these attempts at decentralizing
government remained simple administrative formalisms. Power continued to be concentrated in Manila,
with local units heavily dependent upon the central Government. In fact, before the enactment of the 1983
code, local governments were beginning not only to be restive but also assertive, demanding that the
umbilical cord that tied them to Manila be severed because they considered this the cause of their stunted
growth and underdevelopment.

80
D. The Local Government Code of 1991

In 1991, a local government code was enacted in the Philippines. As suggested at the outset, it
was by far the most radical and far-reaching policy that addressed the decades-old problem of an
overcentralized politico-administrative system, which ensured that most significant political and
administrative decisions were made in Manila.
The promulgation of the said code was actually in accordance with a 1987 constitutional provision
that declared, "the state shall ensure the autonomy of local governments." It was toward making this
policy operational that the Constitution of the Republic of the Philippines mandated Congress to legislate
a local government code that would devolve substantial political and administrative authorities to LGUs
long held in check by central government authorities.
Most sectors of society welcomed the enactment of the code. It finally transferred the
responsibility for the delivery of basic services to LGUs, including appropriate personnel, assets,
equipment, programs, and projects.
The following are the major features of the code.
(i) It devolves to LGUs responsibility for the delivery of various aspects of basic services that
earlier were the responsibility of the national Government. These basic services include
the following: health (field health and hospital services and other tertiary services) and
social services (social welfare services); environment (community-based forestry
projects) and agriculture (agricultural extension and on-site research) projects and public
works undertakings (locally funded); education projects (school building program);
tourism activities (facilities, promotion, and development); telecommunications services
and housing projects (for provinces and cities); and other services, such as investment
support.
(ii) It devolves to LGUs the responsibility of enforcing certain regulatory powers, such as
reclassifying agricultural lands; enforcing environmental laws; inspecting food products
and imposing quarantines; enforcing a national building code; operating tricycles;
processing and approving subdivision plans; and establishing cockpits and holding
cockfights.
(iii) It also provides the legal and institutional infrastructure for expanded participation of civil
society in local governance. More specifically, it allocates to NGOs and POs specific
seats in local special bodies. These special bodies include local development councils,
local health boards, and local school boards. Because of their ability to organize and
mobilize people, one door is wide open for NGOs and POs participation in governance in
promoting local accountability and answerability, specifically through the recall and
people's initiative provisions.59
(iv) It increases the financial resources available to LGUs by (i) broadening their taxing
powers; (ii) providing them with a specific share in the national wealth exploited in their
area (e.g., mining, fishery, and forestry charges); and (iii) increasing their share in the
national taxes (i.e., internal revenue allotments [IRAs] from a previous low of 11% to as
much as 40%). The 1992 code also enhances the ability of LGUs to generate revenue
from local fees and charges. Since 1991, their IRA shares have increased significantly,
from P9.4 billion in 1991 to an estimated P141 billion in 2003. However, as will be
discussed later, the fundamental issue of whether the amounts transferred are sufficient
to cover the costs of devolution, including salaries of devolved personnel, cost for the
responsibility of the delivery of basic services, and other costs, has to be continually
addressed. Another accompanying issue pertains to the amount of IRA in relation to the
national budget. Admittedly, the amounts transferred to LGUs over the past decade have
increased significantly. However, viewed from a broader context (i.e., in relation to the
national budget), the amount allocated is still relatively small. In 1991, the share of LGUs
was only 3.79% of the national budget.

59
Chapter IX focuses on the role of civil society and people participation in governance.

81
 (v) It laid the foundation for the development and evolution of more entrepreneurial LGUs.
For instance, the code provides the foundation for LGUs to enter into build-operate-
transfer (BOT) arrangements with the private sector, float bonds, obtain loans from local
private institutions, etc., all within the context of encouraging them to be more
businesslike and competitive in their operations, which is a change from traditional
government norms and operations.

Table 22 shows the growth in IRA shares of LGUs since the enactment of local autonomy in
1991.

Table 22: Internal Revenue Allotment Shares of Local Government Units

(1991–2003)

Fiscal Allotment Increase Total Percentage

Year (P billion) (%) Budget Share
1991 9.841 259.50 3.79
1992 20.305 106 295.20 6.08
1993 36.724 81 331.70 11.07
1994 46.815 27 369.00 12.69
1995 52.042 11 372.10 13.99
1996 56.594 9 445.10 12.71
1997 71.049 25 491.80 14.45
1998 76.941 8 537.40 14.32
1999 96.780 26 593.60 16.30
2000 111.778 25 651.00 17.17
2001 121.778 9 669.88 18.18
2002 134.422 10 780.80 17.22
2003 141.600a 4
a
Estimated.
Sources: Department of Budget and Management and Union of Local
Authorities of the Philippines.

Indeed, local autonomy would mean less reliance upon the national Government, including
national government allotments, and increased reliance upon resources either internally generated or with
other institutions, be they other LGUs, private institutions, etc. It is within this context that the 1992 code
encourages LGUs to be more aggressive and entrepreneurial. Going into business with the private sector
and, where appropriate, adopting private sector strategies, techniques, and technologies to generate
resources and thereby enable them to deliver much-needed basic services to the people are encouraged
by the 1992 code.
The code was implemented in the Philippines over a decade ago. The past 10 years has also
seen the emergence of best and good practices at the local level, which would not have been possible
had there been no comprehensive law on devolution. Best practices were seen in resource mobilization,
revenue generation, infrastructure and housing, health services, people participation, livelihood
generation, and environment and ecological management. They were also seen in improved
management and reinvention of LGUs, improved local human resource management, increased interlocal
cooperation, and improved social services. To a certain extent, many such good and best practices
illustrate that the process of local autonomy and devolution to LGUs has somehow contributed to efforts
at reducing poverty at the local level.

E. Issues and Challenges

Decentralization was seen as a major mechanism that would hasten the process of
democratization and development. In fact, former President Ramos referred to the five Ds of
decentralization as deregulation, devolution, decentralization, democratization, and development. Hence,
among the fundamental attributes of decentralization is its direct contribution to good governance by
providing the context for citizen participation in governance and bringing the Government closer to the

82
people, making institutions more accountable and transparent. Based on experience over the past
decade, the following are among the major decentralization issues and concerns that must be
addressed.60
Issue One. The Philippine experience, with lack of financial decentralization, greatly hampers
efforts at operationalizing a meaningful devolution in the country. Among other things, the past 10 years
has seen LGUs in the Philippines being forced to absorb personnel devolved by the national Government
to them without the accompanying financial resources. During the years immediately following the
enactment of the 1991 Local Government Code, close to 65,000 personnel were devolved.61
The transfer of personnel to LGUs mandated them to pay their salaries. This became a problem
for most LGUs, considering that many could not afford to cover the so-called cost of devolution. For
instance, the devolution law mandated that the thousands of health and agriculture personnel transferred
to LGUs shall not suffer from diminution of their current salaries. Thus, upon the transfer of devolved
personnel, their salaries (formerly paid by the national Government) were even higher than those of LGU
personnel, including mayors. Over and above this were the many unfunded mandates, including various
magna carta laws guaranteeing and requiring higher salaries for devolved personnel, such as the health
workers transferred from national government agencies to LGUs. They could not afford to pay these
salaries because of limited financial resources. Such a situation essentially destabilized the ecology of
LGUs, with many unable to afford to pay the higher salaries of erstwhile national government officials.
It is therefore imperative to support and continue the process of transferring financial resources to
LGUs, including the following.
(i) Support the amendments to the 1992 Local Government Code that will increase IRA
shares of LGUs to enable them to cover the costs of devolved functions. Additionally, this
means looking into various modalities of restructuring the IRA sharing formula; modifying
the traditional land area-population equal sharing formula; and including other variables,
such as a poverty index, to enable more focused targeting of the transfers to LGUs that
need the money more.
(ii) Continue exploring options to generate alternative sources of revenue to finance local
development. These may range from BOT options to joint ventures with the private sector
to floating bonds. Examples of other LGUs that were successful should be studied and
lessons learned extracted.62
(iii) Examine the continuing impact of the pork barrel funds—also referred to as priority
development assistance funds (PDAF) or countrywide development funds (CDF)
administered by congressmen in LGUs. Such projects should be supportive and aligned
with the overall area development plan of the LGU. Hence, such CDF-financed projects
should have the approval of the LGU before being implemented.

Issue Two. Because of the massive devolution of powers to local governments, capacity building
should be a high priority in the agenda for local governance. Capacity-building efforts that include skills
and capability building and training for local officials should be targeted at LGUs and national government
agencies concerned. Capacity building for LGUs has taken on various dimensions. The following should
therefore be considered for action.
(i) Training program designs for LGUs should be made with their participation. This means
that they should be intensively consulted about their training needs.
(ii) Training plan formulation for LGUs may be initiated by the national government agency
that has the mandate to do so, in this case the Local Government Academy. Within this
context, intense consultations and networking by the Local Government Academy must
be completed, including networking with other major stakeholders in the local government

60
These notes are based on presentations and discussions with LGU officials and the leagues of local governments
of the Philippines, and have been discussed in various local and international forums.
61
This is broken down approximately as follows: 40,000 from the Department of Health, 17,000 from the Department
of Agriculture, 5,000 from the Department of Social Services and Development, and less than 1,000 from the
Department of Environment and Natural Resources.
62
Exploring additional revenue generation and resource mobilization strategies for LGUs is important, as these could
obviate a situation wherein they are highly dependent upon IRA transfers. Indeed, the situation is such that budgets
of the majority of LGUs, especially municipal governments, are constituted by national government IRAs.

83
 community. These include various leagues of LGUs and many training institutions.
Special emphasis must be placed on working with locally based training institutions (such
as the institutes of local government administration [ILGAs] or Center for Local
Governance [CLG] as part of the overall effort to develop local capacities).
(iii) Information and communication technology must be given emphasis in building the
capacities of LGUs. They should be able to cope with rapid advancements in this area
and should learn to apply these technologies to the management of local affairs.
(iv) Capacity building also means strengthening the capabilities of national government
agencies concerned within the context of a devolved setup. Indeed, if another lesson was
learned over the past 10 years, it is that capacity building was neglected for national
government agencies concerned in the devolution process. This means that while
capacity-building efforts were targeted at LGUs, accompanying efforts at developing the
capabilities of national government agencies concerned, which would include clarifying
their role under a decentralized setup, were either neglected or not emphasized. This
also includes efforts on the part of DILG to continue to redefine and refine its role under a
devolved setup.
(v) Regulation and accreditation of training programs has emerged as an issue. After
considering the merits of having an agency accredit or even regulate the various training
programs offered for LGUs, it was found that at the very least some kind of a minimum
accreditation scheme might be developed in partnership with the LGUs themselves,
through their leagues.
(vi) It may also be worthwhile to study the impact of various training and capacity-building
interventions. This is necessary to enable stakeholders to determine which
methodologies work and which do not. This knowledge will result in the sharpening and
focusing of training interventions.

Issue Three. LGUs have become more assertive and effective in articulating their concerns over
the past 10 years. They have successfully organized themselves into leagues at various levels, under
umbrella organizations, such as the Union of Local Authorities of the Philippines. Indeed, if there was
another major institutional development initiative that has occurred over the past 10 years, it is the
emergence of LGUs themselves as advocates in the cause of local governance. This was manifested in
the increased impact of such associations on local government concerns that ranged from resisting
efforts of the national Government at withholding IRAs and supporting omnibus amendments to the 1992
Local Government Code. Thus, the following should be considered.
(i) Institutionalize and strengthen the capacities of the leagues at various levels. This means
studying various options of professionalizing league staff members, looking into the
possibility of having full-time staff members paid for by LGUs, and guaranteeing the
tenure of staff members to survive regime and political changes.
(ii) Strengthen the policy analysis capabilities of league staff members, to enable them to
respond to problem-oriented issues and concerns. When the member LGUs see the
value of leagues in providing needed information and technical assistance, financial
support from LGUs in paying regular dues will follow.
(iii) Strengthen links with appropriate national government agencies, such as DILG, including
agencies and bureaus, such as the Local Government Academy. A logical entry point
would be in the design and implementation of joint capacity-building and training
programs.

Issue Four. LGUs in the Philippines have recognized the value of interlocal cooperation and
collaboration, as provided for in the code. Many have recognized that challenges encountered at the local
level can be met only if they cooperate or collaborate with LGUs contiguous to them. Problems such as
marine resources preservation and management, watershed preservation, flood control, and pollution
control can only be successfully carried out if these were done in collaboration with neighboring LGUs.
Thus, the following must be supported.
(i) Encourage LGUs to enter into collaborative arrangements with neighboring localities to
address a common purpose, such as those already mentioned. Again, this can be done
by studying and examining the experiences of others. Among the examples are Metro

84
 Naga; Bagiuo, La Trinidad, Itogon, Sablan (BLIST) in Luzon; Cagayan-Iligan Corridor;
Caloocan City, Malabon City, Navotas, and Valezuela City (CAMANAVA); Calamba,
Laguna (CALA); and various provincial and intermunicipal agro-industrial initiatives of
municipalities that are supported by the Local Government Support Program in Davao.
Cooperation is mostly based on trade and other areas, and is horizontal and vertical.
Parenthetically, similar efforts at clustering, though on a larger scale, are also observable
in other parts of Asia. These include Brunei Darussalam, Indonesia, Malaysia, and
Philippines East ASEAN63 Growth Area (BIMP-EAGA); Penang-Haadyai Growth Triangle
in Malaysia and Thailand; and Singapore, Johore, Riau Islands, and Batan (SIJORE).
(ii) Examine the possibilities of amalgamation among LGUs within the context of
intergovernmental collaboration. Political and administrative amalgamation will certainly
not be popular among politicians, considering that this would mean a loss of a
geographical turf. On the contrary, the Philippine experience is replete with examples of
gerrymandering (wherein political units are carved out to accommodate political
preferences of local politicians). That said, it may however be time for stakeholders to
seriously consider amalgamating many local units that are simply not viable and are quite
administratively costly to maintain. Moving in this direction would certainly prove the
continuing maturity of local governance in the Philippines.

Issue Five. LGUs have begun to increasingly enter into partnerships and collaboration with civil
society. Largely because of the code, the context for local government, civil society, private sector, and
NGO partnerships has been laid out. Examples of successful partnerships abound, making the
Philippines a leading model in government-civil society collaboration. It is within this context that many
have referred to the Philippine experience as one that has redefined governance at the local level. The
following are some of the action points that can be considered.
(i) Governments should make efforts to work in close partnership with civil society through
their coalitions and identify programs and projects that can be conducted together. This
can also include giving the responsibility to monitor and evaluate the implementation of
projects to civil society.
(ii) Governments should document successful partnerships with civil society at the local level
and disseminate information about these.

Issue Six. The field of governance in general and local governance in particular is an area that
has generated high interest among international development agencies operating in the Philippines.
Indeed, as early as the late 1980s and early 1990s, the United States Agency for International
Development (USAID), through its Local Development Assistance Program, identified local autonomy and
the passage of policy reforms to support local autonomy as a major area of assistance. The Local
Resource Management Program was an earlier effort. The Local Government Support Program, through
the Canadian International Development Agency, is an example of another successful initiative that
encouraged and supported clustering among LGUs. Other institutions—including Asia Foundation, Asian
Development Bank, Ford Foundation, Friedrich Ebert Foundation, German Development Foundation,
Konrad Adenauer Foundation, United Nations Development Programme, and World Bank—especially
after the passage of the code, also focused on capacity building for local governance. The Australian
Agency for International Development also has local governance as a major thrust in its operations in the
Philippines. The action agenda should therefore include the following.
(i) Local governance initiatives in the country should be supported by continuing to harness
the support of international institutions. Thus, a master plan for parceling out various
aspects of capacity building for local governance may be formulated. This will enable
development partners to buy into certain aspects of the plan, minimizing overlap in the
work of other development agencies. This will also encourage closer cooperation,
coordination, and complementarity among various initiatives of these international
institutions.
(ii) Regular meetings similar to the development agency forum convened in the early 1990s
are good venues for linking and networking. Over recent years, participants in that

63
Association of Southeast Asian Nations.

85
 development agency forum have been meeting regularly with the basic objective of
sharing information as a mode of coordinating work and development interventions. The
forum has been relatively institutionalized through the efforts of the United Nations
Development Assistance Forum for Governance, which was initiated by the United
Nations Development Programme’s Philippine office.

Issue Seven. Awards programs have been instruments in successfully disseminating and
encouraging good and best practices at the local level. Since the enactment of the code, various awards
programs recognizing local initiatives and innovations have been launched. These included the Galing
Pook (Excellence in Local Governance) Award of the Local Government Academy and the Asian Institute
of Management; the Hamis Award of the Department of Health; the Deutsche Gesellschaft für Technische
Zusammenarbeit (German Agency for Technical Cooperation) and Konrad Adeanauer Medal of
Excellence; and various awards of DILG, such as the Clean and Green, Gawad Pamana ng Lahi (Local
Government Heritage Presidential Award), the Sajid Bulig64 Presidential Award for Heroism, and others.
From the testimonies of local chief executives, the sharing of good and best practices has become very
effective for LGUs in their search for new ways of approaching good governance under a regime of
autonomy.65 The agenda for action may include encouraging LGUs to participate and submit applications
to such awards. This is one mechanism that would spread the good news about innovations at the local
level, inspire others to either replicate or adopt such innovations, or encourage competition in a positive
sense.
Issue Eight. Urbanization is development that should be increasingly addressed at the local
level. Estimates indicate that over 50% of the Philippine population will have been living in urban areas by
2002. Thus, the problems of urbanization, including pollution, traffic, and environment degradation, will
have to be confronted. It must be noted though, that consultations with LGUs have shown relatively high
environmental consciousness among them. The action points that may be considered are the following.
(i) Prepare LGUs to address increasing challenges brought about by rapid urbanization.
(ii) Examine and learn from the experiences (successes and failures) of other LGUs as they
confronted problems brought about by urbanization, including environment degradation,
pollution, congestion, and others.

Issue Nine. Globalization issues and concerns are being increasingly addressed by LGUs. Many
LGUs in the Philippines participated in international forums and were invited to present their initiatives
and innovations and have adopted the relevant paradigm of thinking globally yet acting locally. In this day
and age of rapid developments in telecommunication and computers, local governments have begun to
cross the so-called digital divide. Among the activities that can be considered in the action agenda are the
following.
(i) Local government roles in the global environment must be defined. Some issues that
need to be considered are the roles of local governments in the economic community of
Asia and the Pacific, in general tariff and trade agreements, and in the international
economic order. Whether or not LGUs in the Philippines can deal directly and bilaterally
with LGUs in other countries should also be examined.
(ii) LGUs must continue their efforts to get online and cross the digital divide. They should
harness the potential of the Internet, to be able to actively participate in this new digital
global order.

Issue Ten. Performance indicators and benchmarks for good governance are an emerging
concern for governance in general and local governance in particular. This is particularly true as efforts
are being made to prepare formulas to determine, say, the IRAs of LGUs. DILG has the local productivity
performance management system and former Secretary Lina has always advocated the development of a

64
Sajid Bulig is the name of a young boy who died while rescuing a playmate from drowning. His heroism was
recognized by DILG, hence, an award was named after him.
65
Among LGUs whose approaches to local governance have been replicated and adopted are the many winners of
the Galing Pook Program. Various environmental and ecological projects, financial management projects, and
revenue generation and mobilization projects have been showcased by winning LGUs and adopted by others.

86
process that would come up with some kind of an ISO (International Organization for Standardization) for
LGUs. Included in the proposed action agenda are the following.
(i) Test various indicators of performance for good local governance, in partnership with the
leagues of LGUs and DILG.
(ii) Study the capacities of the leagues to implement performance indicators for LGUs. While
DILG’s Local Productivity Performance Measurement System is an attempt on the part of
LGUs to examine themselves, the ISO for LGUs could be one wherein a third party, such
as the leagues, for instance, would determine and rate the performance of the LGUs.
Indicators for good local governance can therefore be applied.

F. Strategic Directions

Taking off from the issues and concerns mentioned, numerous areas may be identified and
considered in designing the strategic directions for local governance in the Philippines. These are all
basically directed at building upon the hard-earned gains of the past decade, with the overall objective of
further strengthening the capacities and capabilities of LGUs. The strategies to attain this end include
conducting a comprehensive review of the 1992 code and designing and crafting innovative and creative
mechanisms to enable LGUs to generate more financial resources at the local level and mobilize
resources to strengthen local capacities. These include the following.
Reexamine the Internal Revenue Allotments to LGUs. Given the experience over the past
decade, reexamining the formula for the distribution of the IRA to LGUs is timely. This can be made
operational at two levels. The first direction would involve examining and reexamining the formula for
financial transfers to LGUs, which would include other considerations, such as performance and poverty.
This can also include the development of performance indicators that may be used to evaluate LGUs.
The second major direction would be to explore alternative options for raising revenue at the LGU level.
These may range from traditional (such as improvements in real property tax administration) to
nontraditional ways of revenue generation and resource mobilization (such as user’s fees and bond
flotation and public-private partnerships).
Develop an Integrated Master Plan for Capacity Building and Training for LGUs at Various
Levels. Since the enactment of the code, the demand for capacity building and training interventions for
LGUs has increased tremendously. Hence, government and nongovernment institutions, including
academic institutions, had to respond to the demands. It was within this context that the Local
Government Academy was created within DILG to design a comprehensive integrated capacity-building
program and orchestrate and monitor its implementation. Obviously, because of its limited resources, the
Government cannot perform the task alone. Thus, it must enter into partnerships and collaborative
arrangements with other institutions to maximize resource use and also avoid wasteful duplication and
overlap. The other dimension of this development is the emergence of healthy competition among
providers, which is good for LGUs, as they are able to choose the best and most appropriate service for
their needs. All these could be incorporated into the Integrated Master Plan for Capacity Building for Local
Governments that may be initiated by the Local Government Academy.
A major feature of the plan would be an assessment of various strategies for the delivery of
capacity-building interventions that include working with local institutions. It can also include a
comprehensive inventory of service providers based in Metro Manila and in other regions. While national
agencies and institutions66 play a key role in designing and implementing capacity-building programs for
LGUs, including monitoring their implementation, working with locally based institutions, including
academic institutions, is also critical. This is part of the overall strategy to develop local capacities.
Professionalize and Strengthen the Secretariats of the Various Leagues of LGUs, including
that of the Union of Local Authorities of the Philippines. The strategic direction would be directed at
contributing to the professionalization of the offices and staff members of various leagues of LGUs. The
objective would be to enable the leagues to respond to the technical needs of LGUs, say, in the policy
analysis capabilities of the leagues and in preparing position papers and financial analyses. The
experience of other associations of LGUs in other countries (such as those in Australia, Canada,

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These include the Ateneo School of Government, Center for Local Governance of the Development Academy of
the Philippines, Center for Local and Regional Governance of the National College of Public Administration of the
University of the Philippines, and Local Government Academy of DILG.

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Germany, Sweden, and United States) could be studied and serve as indicative models for improving and
strengthening the Philippine leagues of LGUs. Where possible and feasible, exchange programs can also
be considered.
Encourage LGUs to Enter into Interlocal Cooperation and Collaboration for Good
Governance. Apart from documenting the factors that determine successful interlocal cooperation, there
is a need to address the related issue of amalgamation and merger of LGUs at various levels. It will be
recalled that a major (negative) trend in local governance is the tendency to create LGUs at various levels
(barangay, municipal, city, and provincial), regardless of their economic viability. It may be useful to
devise and propose certain criteria that may make amalgamation necessary. Finally, the experiences of
other amalgamated LGUs (such as those in Australia and Canada) could also be examined to draw
lessons from.
Encourage LGUs to Enter into Partnerships with the Private Sector, Civil Society, and
Nongovernment Organizations. Toward the general objective of promoting good governance through
meaningful partnerships for the delivery of basic services at the local level, supporting efforts of LGUs to
enter into cooperation and collaboration with civil society institutions is imperative. This will include
documenting cases and models and identifying areas and modalities of collaboration, such as in the
delivery of basic services ranging from health to education and even peace and order.
Recognize the Implications and Impacts of Increased Urbanization on Local Governance.
The changes brought about by urbanization and the need to cope with its demands are other factors that
LGUs must consider in crafting broad strategic directions. Indeed, one major trend in local governance is
rapid urbanization. The challenges this brings include rapid population growth, increased numbers of
squatters, reduced numbers of available houses, increased traffic, reduced flood control, increased
pollution, and increased solid waste management problems. These are becoming the problems that have
to be confronted by an increasing number of LGUs. This strategic intervention can be launched in
collaboration with other international agencies (such as the United Nations Development Programme and
the World Bank) and the League of Cities of the Philippines. Related to this would be developing
performance indicators for LGUs.
Develop, Evolve, and Improve Performance Indicators for Local Governance. Various
stakeholders are concerned with the development of indicators of good governance, both at the local and
national levels. It may therefore be imperative to provide the overall framework for performance indicators
and rationalize these. The indicators can also become operational at various levels and dimensions, such
as from self-assessment to assessment by independent third parties. A survey and analysis of initiatives
to develop performance indicators, including those of DILG and various local and international academic
and development and financial institutions may be included. The recent Filipino Report Card on Pro-Poor
Service prepared by the World Bank may also be applied at the local level.

G. Conclusion

The role of LGUs as frontline units in the battle for good governance must always be recognized.
This will affect various strategic directions that the Asian Development Bank (ADB) might design and
adopt. ADB will likewise recognize that devolution and autonomy are processes and cannot be fast-
tracked. The key therefore is to build upon the hard-earned gains of the past decade. Finally, learning
from the LGUs themselves, as evidenced by the emergence of many good and best practices should gird
the strategy, if these are practices that (i) have been designed by LGUs themselves and (ii) have actually
worked. National government agencies and development institutions can therefore contribute to the
overall capacity building of local institutions by creating partnerships with them and abandoning the
conventional top-down approach of presuming to teach them. Instead, these agencies and institutions
should be willing to work with LGUs and at times be taught by them.

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VII. The Legal and Judicial System
A. Background

Examined in this chapter are judicial power, judiciary functions, court system and court system
administration, various judicial reform efforts undertaken, various issues and challenges faced by the
judiciary, and strategic directions for judicial reform.

1. Constitutional Framework

The Constitution of the Republic of the Philippines vests judicial power in the Supreme Court and
in all lower courts as may be created by law. Judicial power consists of the duty “to settle actual
controversies involving rights which are legally demandable and enforceable, and to determine whether
or not there has been a grave abuse of discretion amounting to lack or excess of jurisdiction on the part of
any branch or instrumentality of the Government” (Section 1, Article VIII, 1987 Constitution). The power to
settle actual controversies is otherwise referred to as adjudicative power, while the power to inquire into
whether or not other branches of the Government acted in grave abuse of discretion is the power of
judicial review. The Constitution of the Republic of the Philippines also confers on the Supreme Court
administrative and disciplinary powers over judges, employees of courts, and members of the Philippine
Bar Association and the power to promulgate rules governing admission to the bar, practice of law, and
court proceedings.
The functions of the Philippine Judiciary are defined in the constitution (Article VIII) and can be
classified into the following five major tasks.
(i) The Judiciary determines when appropriate cases are filed before it, whether or not the
acts of other government branches were committed in grave abuse of authority or
discretion. When the judiciary performs this function, it is, along with elections, the central
accountability mechanism of the modern state. The judiciary is empowered to declare
any act of the Government illegal and/or unconstitutional and, if warranted, hold liable,
either civilly, administratively, or criminally, erring public officials. The power of judicial
review was intended to protect the civil rights of citizens and restrict the ability of the
Government to infringe on such rights.
(ii) The Judiciary helps maintain law and order by punishing criminal offenders in
collaboration with the other pillars of the criminal justice system. Depending on the nature
of the offense and facts of the case, courts can impose the penalty of imprisonment,
fines, or death.
(iii) The Judiciary decides the constitutionality of laws, treaties, agreements that are
international, and programs of the Government. As discussed earlier, the basic duty of
the courts is to make sure that the policies enunciated by the Government do not conflict
with the basic law of the land. This and other activities help guarantee predictability and
stability in the policies and policy-making processes of the Government.
(iv) The Judiciary decides disputes involving violations of private rights. Through its powers of
adjudication, the judiciary helps maintain stability in contractual relations and commercial
transactions. The judiciary protects property and contractual rights by providing aggrieved
parties with mechanisms for legal redress.
(v) The Judiciary administers the judicial system. The Supreme Court has administrative
supervision over all courts and their personnel, and this power includes the power to
appoint all court officers and personnel. The judiciary also has the power to discipline the
bench and the bar (and promulgate rules concerning admission to the bar and court
proceedings).

2. The Philippine Court System

The Philippine court system consists of (i) a four-level hierarchy of regular courts called the
integrated judicial system, (ii) the special courts, and (iii) the quasi-courts. Collectively, they are also
referred to as the expanded or total court system in the Philippines.

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 At the lowest level of the integrated judicial system are the metropolitan trial courts (in Metro
Manila), municipal trial courts (in cities outside Metro Manila and select municipalities), and municipal
circuit trial courts (for municipalities grouped as a circuit). These are courts of first instance that hear and
decide selected criminal and civil cases committed within their respective jurisdictions. At the second level
are the regional trial courts (RTCs), which have general jurisdiction to try and decide cases prescribed by
law that are not within the jurisdiction of the municipal or metropolitan courts and appellate jurisdiction
with respect to cases decided by the courts at the first level. An RTC composed of several branches is in
each of the 13 regions in the country. At the third level is the Court of Appeals consisting of a presiding
justice and 68 associate justices, who are all appointed by the president. At the fourth level is the
Supreme Court. The Supreme Court sits either en banc (full court membership of 15 justices) or in three
divisions of five members each. As a review court, the Supreme Court exercises appellate jurisdiction
over cases decided by the Court of Appeals or RTCs. This is the court of last resort, as its judgments and
final orders cannot be appealed. As a rule, only questions of law may be raised in appeals to the
Supreme Court.
There are special courts and quasi-courts aside from the regular courts. These consist of judicial
tribunals exercising limited jurisdiction over particular or specialized cases. They include the
Sandiganbayan (the Anti-Graft Court) and the Court of Tax Appeals. The Sandiganbayan has jurisdiction
over criminal cases involving violations of the Anti-Graft and Corrupt Practices Act, while the Court of Tax
Appeals reviews decisions of the Bureau of Internal Revenue and Bureau of Customs in cases that
involve violations of tax laws. In 1997, the family courts were created by law, but to present, no funding
has been allocated for their establishment. In some provinces in Mindanao, where the Muslim Code on
Personal Laws is enforced, the law provides for five shari'a district courts, which are equivalent to RTCs,
and 51 shari'a circuit courts, which are equivalent to municipal circuit trial courts, in the municipalities
therein (Supreme Court of the Philippines 2001).
In addition, certain RTCs were designated as special courts to hear cases involving family and
domestic problems, heinous crimes, illegal drugs, intellectual property, and commercial disputes.
The Philippines also has quasi-courts. They are not considered courts of justice but are
empowered by the Constitution of the Republic of the Philippines or statute to hear and decide certain
categories of cases. Examples of quasi-courts are (i) constitutional commissions, namely the Civil Service
Commission, Commission on Audit, and Commission on Elections, and (ii) those created by statute,
namely the Land Registration Authority, National Labor Relations Commission, and Securities and
Exchange Commission. Decisions of these quasi-courts can be brought to the Court of Appeals (except
those of the Commission on Audit and the Commission on Elections) and may be elevated to the
Supreme Court for review on questions of law.
Although not part of the formal court system, informal village courts play an important role in the
administration of justice. These are the lupong tagapamayapa, otherwise referred to as barangay courts,
which principally employ a mediation system to help resolve conflicts at the local level. These informal
courts also serve as a primary screening mechanism for referral to the courts of disputes between
residents of the same municipal unit. Not all cases, however, are cognizable by barangay courts. Among
the disputes excluded from the jurisdiction of barangay courts are cases where one party is the
Government; cases where one party is a public officer and the dispute relates to the performance of his or
her work; cases involving real property located in different cities or municipalities; cases involving a
complaint against a juridical person; cases involving parties residing in different cities or municipalities;
cases involving offenses with a maximum penalty exceeding 1 year imprisonment or a fine exceeding
P5,000; cases involving offenses where no private offended party exists (e.g., jaywalking, littering,
gambling, or prostitution); cases that require urgent legal action to prevent injustice; cases involving the
Agrarian Reform Law; cases involving labor disputes and actions to annul judgment upon a compromise;
and such cases that the president may prescribe.
The Supreme Court, in administering the court system, performs a host of administrative
functions, ranging from taking care of court physical facilities to disciplining justices, judges, and court
personnel.67 The Supreme Court also has control over the judiciary budget. It has a fiscal management
and budget office that prepares the judiciary’s annual budget.

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Administration and supervision of the lower courts have been delegated to the Office of the Court Administrator.

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 3. Judicial Administration

As a general rule, only natural born citizens of the Philippines may be appointed to the judiciary.
Justices of the Supreme Court and the Court of Appeals must be at least 40 years of age and must have
been, for 15 years or more, judges of a lower court or engaged in the practice of law in the Philippines.
For Sandiganbayan justices, the required experience is 10 years. For lower court judges, the required
experience is 5 years. In addition, they are mandated to undergo a judicial training course prior to
assuming their posts. The Salary Standardization Law determines their respective compensation levels.
While the president makes judicial appointments, he or she can only choose from a list submitted
by the Judicial and Bar Council. This council is a constitutional body, the main function of which is to
screen and select prospective appointees to any judicial post (Section 8, Article III, 1987 Constitution).
The council is composed of the chief justice, as ex officio chair; the secretary of justice; a representative
each from the Senate and the House of Representatives, as ex officio members; a professor of law; a
retired member of the Supreme Court; and a representative of the private sector.
Justices and judges can serve in the judiciary until they reach the mandatory retirement age of
70. Members of the Supreme Court can only be removed via impeachment initiated by the House of
Representatives, one third of the membership of which should vote to endorse the impeachment
complaint to the Senate. At least two thirds of the membership of the Senate should vote to remove a
sitting justice after the conduct of the impeachment proceedings. All the other members of the court, from
the Court of Appeals justices to the lower court judges, are under the administrative control of the
Supreme Court and hence can be removed by the Supreme Court.
Assignment of cases is determined by raffle, except in cases like ex parte applications for
temporary restraining orders. In such cases, the executive judge may initially handle such applications to
determine whether temporary restraining orders can be issued. A temporary restraining order is effective
only for 72 hours, and the case has to be raffled thereafter.
The Philippine Judicial Academy provides continuing judicial education for appellate and trial
court judges, court personnel, and various lawyers and aspirants to judicial posts. Prior to its creation,
judicial education in the Philippines was conducted on an ad hoc basis by judges’ organizations, and this
was augmented by continuing legal education training and seminars offered by the University of the
Philippines Law Center and later by the Institute of Judicial Administration. It was only in 1996 that the law
creating the academy was passed (Hudes et al. 2002).
Court infrastructure and facilities are inadequate to ensure efficient administration of justice. A
recent ADB study reported severe deficiencies in building infrastructure for court halls and court support
functions, court equipment and supplies, and court personnel as the major factors affecting the ability of
the courts to efficiently administer justice. Problems such as lack of money to pay for the transportation
expenses of sheriffs delivering summonses and notices, lack of access by judges to new court rules, or
lack of personnel to undertake legal research hamper the provision of a sound judicial system (ADB
2002b).
Current information technology has not been harnessed for court management and case
administration. ADB’s study noted that obsolete systems and procedures, together with outdated
information technology, seriously hamper the capacity to monitor, evaluate, and manage performance on
a case-by-case and aggregate basis and at court and oversight levels. An automated case management
system could quickly give judges and court personnel needed data on the status and age of cases,
programmed activities of cases, and overall performance of the court. The Supreme Court’s Management
Information Systems Office acts as the computer technology arm of the Supreme Court and is tasked with
providing technical expertise on the formulation of system design studies, application system
development, and support services on hardware maintenance (SCP 2000a). The Management
Information Systems Office maintains the Web site of the Supreme Court, which has a web address of
www.supremecourt.gov.ph.

4. Legal System

The Philippine legal system bears significant influences of three major legal systems: the Roman
system, common law system, and Islamic system. Philippine substantive law traces its origins to the
substantive law of Spain, which in turn was shaped by Roman law. The new Civil Code and Revised
Penal Code are basically of Spanish origin. The procedural laws and commercial laws, however, are

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influenced by and/or are copied from American law that, in turn, is based on the common law system. The
Code of Muslim Personal Laws is influenced by the Islamic legal system.
The constitution ordains that public officers and employees must at all times be accountable to
the people (Section 28, Article II). Many laws and presidential issuances seek to ensure government
accountability, such as the Anti-Graft and Corrupt Practices Act, Plunder Law, Revised Penal Code, Code
of Conduct and Ethical Standards for Public Officials and Employees, and various executive orders
creating antigraft bodies and commissions.
All public officials are subject to civil and criminal laws. However, the president, vice-president,
justices of the Supreme Court, ombudsman and chairpersons, and commissioners of constitutional
commissions cannot be prosecuted either civilly or criminally for acts done in connection with their office
during their tenure and can only be removed from office through impeachment. The president and vice-
president enjoy absolute immunity from prosecution during their incumbency. Legislators are immune
from prosecution for any speech or debate made in Congress or for acts done in connection with their
work as legislators, and they cannot be arrested for offenses punishable by not more than 6 years
imprisonment while Congress is in session (Section 11a, Article VI, 1987 Constitution).
Citizens are afforded administrative remedies against erring government officers and employees.
Administrative cases may be filed before the Civil Service Commission and the Office of the Ombudsman
(OMB). Rules of procedure of the Civil Service Commission and the Ombudsman discourage anonymous
complaints, as no action thereon will be taken unless there is obvious truth or merit to them (Section 3,
Rule XIV, Civil Service Rules). Rules of the Ombudsman provide that “a complaint which does not
disclose the identity of the complainant will be acted upon only if it merits appropriate consideration or
contains sufficient leads or particulars to enable the taking of further action” (Republic Act No. 6770).
Structures are also in place to enforce laws. The Ombudsman Act of 1989 (Republic Act No.
6770), which defines the functional and organizational structure of OMB, mandates the agency to act
promptly on complaints filed in any form or manner against officers or employees of the Government or of
any subdivision, agency, or instrumentality thereof, including GOCCs, and enforce their administrative,
civil, and criminal liability in every case where the evidence warrants, to promote efficient service by the
Government to the people (Section 16, R. A. No. 6770).
The ombudsman is tasked with investigating, on its own or upon complaint by any person, any
act or omission of any public official, employee, office, or agency when such an act or omission appears
to be illegal, unjust, improper, or inefficient. (Section 13, Article XI, 1987 Constitution) The ombudsman
may also direct, upon complaint or at its own instance, any officer or employee of the Government or of
any subdivision, agency, or instrumentality thereof, as well as GOCCs with original charters, to perform
and expedite any act or duty required by law or to stop, prevent, or correct any abuse or impropriety in the
performance of duties (Section 15, Republic Act No. 6770). If the complaint is found meritorious, the
ombudsman is mandated to file the necessary criminal case in court. Thereafter, the ombudsman or the
provincial or city prosecutor, whichever is applicable, will prosecute the case.
The Government has a witness protection program (Republic Act No. 6981). Despite its
perceived weaknesses, it proved to be helpful in the successful prosecution of high-profile cases involving
prominent personalities. Children of influential families in Cebu, for example, were convicted of heinous
crimes (kidnapping and rape) after a witness was placed in the witness protection program of the
Department of Justice. The program was also instrumental in prosecuting a son of a senator who was
convicted of raping and killing a student in Metro Manila.
Over the past few years, several public officials were punished and censured for illegal acts. A
former congress member was convicted of rape and a mayor was convicted of raping and killing a
University of the Philippines student. Former President Joseph Estrada went on trial for the crime of
plunder, and a conviction for the offense may result in the death penalty or life in prison.
Various laws to improve the legal system and the existing regulatory regime were recently
enacted. In 2000, Congress passed into law the Securities Regulation Code, which seeks to develop the
Philippine capital market; promote self-regulation in the securities industry; ensure protection for all
investors; encourage full and fair disclosure; and eliminate fraud and manipulation, which creates market
distortions. The code allows the Securities and Exchange Commission to completely reorganize and
improve the compensation package for its employees and enables the commission to hire better-trained
staff members. The code also gives the commission additional powers to address market abuses and the
power to regulate other types of trading markets. It affords better protection to minority shareholders,

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codifies the new full-disclosure approach to regulation, and establishes mechanisms for the
demutualization of the stock market.
Also enacted is a new General Banking Law (GBL) that amends the 52-year-old General Banking
Act of 1948, which provides for the regulation of the organization and operations of banks, quasi-banks,
and trust entities. The GBL enhances the supervisory capability and enforcement powers of the Bangko
Sentral ng Pilipinas (Central Bank of the Philippines), raises prudential standards to international norms,
and fosters greater competition in the banking system. The GBL also provides more teeth to the exercise
of the Monetary Board’s regulatory powers. From a previous limit of 60%, foreign banks are now allowed
to acquire up to 100% of the voting stock of a single domestic bank, while the Monetary Board adopts
measures to ensure that 70% of the total resources of the banking system will remain in banks that are
mostly owned by Filipinos.68
On 29 September 2001, the Philippines passed Republic Act No. 9160, also known as the Anti-
Money Laundering Act. The law criminalizes money laundering, to ensure that the Philippines shall not be
used as a laundering site for proceeds of any unlawful activity (Section 1, R. A. No. 9160). The Electronic
Commerce Act (Republic Act No. 8792) was also enacted, to promote electronic commerce. This act
lends to electronic documents the same legal weight as paper-based documents, thus removing a major
impediment to the growth of electronic commerce in the country. The act also criminalizes hacking and
other computer-related crimes.
Significant pieces of legislation were also enacted to respond to the challenges of globalization.
The Retail Trade Liberalization Act of 2000 (Republic Act No. 8762) replaces RA 1180, which closed the
retail trade to foreign competition for 46 years. This act was passed on the premise that the best way to
achieve increased competition in retail trade was to open up the local market to certain types of foreign
retailers. To protect domestic industries against unfair competition and trade practices, Congress also
passed the Anti-Dumping Law, Countervailing Duties for Subsidized Imports Act, and Safeguard
Measures Act. Most recently, Congress passed the Securitization Act and the Special Purpose Vehicle
Act.
Much still remains to be done to improve the existing regulatory framework in the country.
Philippine insolvency laws are a cacophony of outdated and often inconsistent bankruptcy rules and
procedures contained in the Insolvency Act of 1909, various provisions of the Civil Code, presidential
issuances, and Supreme Court pronouncement. Efforts to pass a new law on corporate rehabilitation are
under way, with foreign development partner assistance. While the Constitution of the Republic of the
Philippines contains specific provisions that lay the foundation for an effective competition policy, a
comprehensive antitrust law has not been enacted. However, existing laws penalize unfair trade
practices, monopolies, and combinations in restraint of trade. Various laws were passed seeking to make
the business environment more competitive by deregulating vital industries and breaking up monopolies.
Provision of Legal Assistance. The right to adequate legal assistance and access to the justice
system is guaranteed by the 1987 Constitution of the Republic of the Philippines. This document provides
that “free access to the courts and quasi-judicial bodies and adequate legal assistance shall not be
denied to any person by reason of poverty." Pursuant thereto, the Government constituted the Public
Attorney’s Office (PAO), which is the principal government agency tasked to provide free legal assistance
to indigent clients in all kinds of cases. PAO likewise provides counseling, prepares legal documents, and
administers oaths on affidavits and pleadings. PAO assigns lawyers to police stations to assist persons
under investigation and conducts jail visits to interview prisoners and discuss their legal problems
(Medina 2001). In some instances, in the absence of a PAO lawyer, a counsel de officio may be
designated by the court to represent a litigant who cannot afford the services of a lawyer.
Furthermore, some government agencies provide legal aid to beneficiaries of a government
program. For instance, the Department of Agrarian Reform has a special unit that helps farmers in land
reform cases. The Philippine Overseas Employment Agency provides legal aid to overseas Filipino
workers. Finally, the Commission on Human Rights is mandated by the Constitution of the Republic of the
Philippines to extend legal assistance to the underprivileged whose rights have been violated or need
protection (Section 18, Article XIII, 1987 Constitution).
The Integrated Bar of the Philippines (IBP) also has legal aid programs for the poor. IBP is
composed of all Philippine attorneys, now numbering about 40,000. IBP is a semigovernment entity,
because it receives funding from the Government, but essentially IBP is a private organization endowed

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This privilege expires after 7 years of the effectivity of the act.

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with certain government attributes. IBP is organized into chapters that cover the entire country, and each
IBP chapter has a legal aid office for indigent litigants (IBP 2003).
Alternative law organizations also exist, and these are “private legal organizations formed for the
defense and empowerment of disadvantaged sectors such as the urban poor, workers, women,
prisoners, fisherfolk, peasants, indigenous people, children, and victims of human rights violations”
(Medina 2001). They address issues that are public rather than private (i.e., issues that affect big groups
or communities in general, including environment issues, human rights, and sector issues). To attain their
objectives, alternative law organizations engage in the following activities: litigating, particularly impact
cases; educating and training sector and grassroots groups; and reforming and advocating policy. Some
organizations have internship programs that employ law student volunteers in their work. Most, if not all,
of these organizations have working relationships with government agencies (Medina 2001).
Law schools also provide legal assistance to poor litigants. The University of the Philippines
College of Law, for example, maintains the Office of Legal Assistance to give free legal aid to indigent
clients. Pursuant to the Law Student Practice Rule, senior students of the College of Law dispense legal
advice, draft legal documents, and represent litigants in legal proceedings.

B. Current Conditions

The forced change of administration in 1986 ushered in various reform efforts to address the
weaknesses and gaps in the judicial system. Many piecemeal reform initiatives were introduced in the
past, but only in 1987 were comprehensive, integrated, and sustained judicial reform efforts undertaken.
These included constitutional and administrative reforms, institutional and capacity-building initiatives,
and improved accessibility of the justice system.
The 1987 Constitution of the Republic of the Philippines guarantees judicial independence and
fiscal autonomy. To safeguard judicial independence, the selection and appointment of judges is shielded
from political influence through the creation of the Judicial and Bar Council, which nominates three
candidates for appointment by the president. Prior to the 1987 Constitution of the Republic of the
Philippines, the prevalent perception was that political patronage interfered with judicial selection
processes. During the Martial Law era, President Marcos had the sole power to appoint and remove
judges and the authority to reorganize the judiciary in the exercise of his legislative powers under
Amendment No. 6 of the 1973 Constitution of the Republic of the Philippines.
The 1987 Constitution of the Republic of the Philippines also sought to remedy the problem of
court delays by prescribing periods within which cases were to be decided (24 months for the Supreme
Court, 12 months for the lower collegiate appellate courts, and 3 months for all other lower courts). These
periods, however, were counted from the date of submission for decision or from the filing of the last
pleading, brief, or memorandum required by the Rules of Court or by the court itself, thus diluting their
effectiveness at addressing court delays.
Pursuant to constitutional mandates, the Supreme Court, starting with Chief Justice Claudio
Teehankee in 1986, issued various circulars to strengthen the judicial system and remove the factors that
tended to subvert the administration of justice. Supreme Court Circular No. 13 prescribed Guidelines on
the Administration of Justice to avoid delay and repudiate dilatory tactics (Sison 2000). Subsequent
circulars were also issued to make the court system more efficient in the disposition of cases such as
those mandating the semester inventory of cases and the strict enforcement of procedural rules
governing petitions to the Supreme Court.
Chief Justice Marcelo Fernan likewise undertook several structural reforms during his term. First,
he sought to address the worsening docket congestion by conceptualizing and implementing a framework
for a continuous trial system and established 84 pilot courts preparatory to a nationwide implementation.
Second, he initiated reforms in the court procedures that included various amendments to the Rules on
Criminal Procedure, Rules on Summary Procedure, and Rules on Evidence. Third, he also spearheaded
the drafting and passage of a new Code of Judicial Conduct.
The Fernan court (from 1988 to 1991) sought to improve the competence of judges by
institutionalizing continuing judicial education, conducting mandatory orientation seminars for new judges
and career enhancement training programs for judges, and revitalizing the Institute of Judicial
Administration. He also created the judicial planning and implementation panel to systematize monitoring
and feedback mechanisms on the performance of judges. Corollary thereto, a citizenry information
campaign was initiated through public dissemination of information on the workings of the justice system.

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 Chief Justice Andres Narvasa continued and strengthened the reforms introduced by his
predecessors. In particular, during his term, the Philippine Judicial Academy was established through a
Supreme Court circular, which subsequently was enacted into law. As the training and education arm of
the Supreme Court, the Philippine Judicial Academy has been very effective in its job despite its limited
resources.
The Narvasa court (1991 to 1998) simplified and systematized court proceedings with the
promulgation of the 1997 Rules of Civil Procedure, rules governing the issuance of temporary restraining
orders and preliminary injunctions, and guidelines in the archiving of cases. Owing to the increasing
complexity of some legal issues and the need for specialization, a number of courts were constituted or
designated to hear heinous crimes, including kidnapping, robbery, hijacking vehicles, and drug offenses.
Special courts were likewise designated to handle violations of intellectual property rights, commercial
and corporation laws, and environmental and forestry laws.
During the incumbency of Chief Justice Hilario G. Davide, Jr., a comprehensive judicial reform
program was formulated. Davide enunciated his vision for the judiciary, known as the Davide Watch,
which outlined general and specific goals69 for judicial reform and became the basis of the Blueprint of
Action for the Judiciary. The blueprint focuses on four areas of reform: (i) ensuring the independence,
integrity, and accountability of the judiciary; (ii) enhancing knowledge-based adjudication of members of
the judiciary; (iii) ensuring fairness and efficiency of judicial actions; and (iv) enhancing the accessibility of
the justice system by all sectors.
Building on these reform efforts and diagnostic studies conducted with support from development
partners,70 the Supreme Court adopted the Action Program for Judicial Reform (APJR) in August 2001.
The APJR is a 5-year reform program aimed at enhancing judicial conditions and performance for the
improved delivery of judicial services. The program seeks to achieve the following objectives: (i) impartial
judicial systems and improved access to and speed of these systems; (ii) judicial autonomy and self-
governance; (iii) streamlined institutional structure and operations; (iv) decentralized judiciary;
(v) information systems-based operations, planning, performance management, and decision making;
(vi) competitive and equitable remuneration; (vii) continued capability improvement; (viii) transparent and
accountable appointments to the bench; and (ix) improved consensus building and collaboration with civil
society (Republic of the Philippines 2000).
Concrete steps are being undertaken in support of the APJR. ADB is currently providing technical
assistance to the Supreme Court to strengthen the independence of the judiciary. The Supreme Court
and the Philippine Judicial Academy—with technical assistance from development partners that include
the Asia Foundation, the Canadian International Development Agency, and USAID—have also been very
active in pursuing court-annexed mediation. This mode of dispute resolution has proved to be successful
and of great help in unclogging court dockets.
An electronic case flow management system is being pilot tested in the trial courts of a city in
Metro Manila. A counterpart case administration management information system is also now being used
by the Office of the Court Administrator.
The World Bank is also providing assistance to the Supreme Court through the Judicial Reform
Support Project (SCP 2003a). It intends to help achieve the following objectives: (i) improve case
adjudication efficiency and access to justice; (ii) enhance the integrity infrastructure of the Judiciary; and
(iii) strengthen capacity of the Supreme Court to manage the Judiciary
http://www.neda.gov.ph/odamon/ProjectProfile.asp?ProjectId=136). The Supreme Court is also
streamlining the Rules of Court to increase efficiency. This is a continuing activity being carried out
through the Committee on the Revision of the Rules of Court. Other efforts to increase judicial efficiency
and reduce backlogs in case disposition include implementing mandatory pretrial processes and the
Speedy Trial Act, Continuous Trial Act, and Barangay Justice System.

69
General goals included judicial independence, expeditious delivery of fair justice, and fiscal autonomy; specific
goals are unclogging court dockets, reviewing the criteria for judicial positions, continuing support for the Philippine
Judicial Academy, and reviewing law curriculum and bar subjects.
70
These diagnostic studies include the Assessment of Past Judicial Reform Efforts, Formulation of Administrative
Reforms, Review of the Criminal Justice System, Review of the Alternative Dispute Resolution Mechanism, Review
of the Barangay Justice System, Assessment of the Impact of Judicial Education and Directions for Change and
Development, and Formulation of a Medium-Term Public Investment Program for the Judiciary.

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 The Philippine Judicial Academy also partnered with USAID to look into the issue of predictability
in court actions, specifically in reviewing economic policies, issuing temporary restraining orders and
injunctive writs, and applying the doctrine of primary jurisdiction. The academy provides continuous
judicial education to judges to update them on new legislation and developments.
While judicial reform has been steadily gaining momentum, certain concerns must be attended to.
Without the support of the legislative and executive branches of the Government, the Supreme Court will
find securing the needed financial and logistical components of the APJR difficult. The APJR must also be
understood and supported by the principal parties in the administration of justice (the bench, the bar, and
the general public) as they play crucial roles in ensuring swift and efficient implementation of needed
reforms.

C. Issues and Challenges

The Judiciary is confronted by a wide array of challenges prevailing in its internal and external
environment. These include threats to judicial independence, fiscal autonomy, and judicial integrity.
Moreover, upgrading judicial competence, improving efficiency in the administration of justice, and
increasing judicial accessibility are also concerns.

1. Judicial Independence and Fiscal Autonomy

Judicial independence requires that judicial actions and decisions be free from influence,
political or otherwise. Independence is an indispensable requirement in the efficient and effective
administration of justice, as this ensures that rights can be protected and grievances can be resolved
fairly and impartially by the courts.
Threats to judicial independence beset the Philippine judiciary. The executive and legislative
branches of the Government considerably influence administrative and operational facets of the judicial
system. The president has the power to appoint justices and judges. Through the Department of Budget
and Management (DBM), the president determines financial resources available to the Judiciary through
budgetary allocation and release, and Congress determines the number of courts and their jurisdiction,
the permanent assignment of judges, and the Judiciary’s annual budget. A senator and house
representative sit as members of the Judicial and Bar Council, the body tasked to select and nominate
prospective appointees to the bench. Under these conditions, political influence and patronage impinging
on the processes of selection and appointment of judicial officials is the biggest threat to judicial
independence. Accusations have been rife in the media that the presidential power to appoint Supreme
Court justices has been exercised for political ends and to benefit political allies. The quality of judicial
appointments, especially in lower courts, has also been put to question due to alleged interference of
Congress members and local government executives in the choice of appointees.
Despite clear constitutional fiat, judicial fiscal autonomy remains illusory, as automatic release of
its budgetary allocations and full control over their disbursements have not been implemented. The
president, through DBM, treats the Judiciary like any other executive department or agency and retains
control of the Judiciary’s budget through obligation, cash, programming, and releasing controls. DBM also
approves the realignment of funds, use of savings, and use of funds for specific purposes. Limited fiscal
autonomy impacts on judicial independence, as it places the Judiciary and its operations under the
control and influence of another branch of the Government.
The Judiciary, at present, receives less than 1.25% of the national budget (Table 23), which is
hardly sufficient to sustain its operations and envisioned judicial reforms. As the third branch of the
Government, employing some 2,300 judges and around 25,000 court personnel in performing a crucial
function of the Government (the delivery and administration of justice), a Supreme Court justice believes
that it should receive at least 2% of the national budget (Panganiban 2002). There appears, however, no
solid basis for this amount. The Project Management Office of the Supreme Court’s Judicial Reform
Project clarified that it is not pushing at this point for a specific fixed percentage of the national budget.
ADB technical assistance on judicial independence may take a closer look at this issue.

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Table 23: The Annual Budget of the Judiciary as a
Percentage of the National Budget (P billion)

National Percent of
Year Budget Judiciary Total
2000 682.5 7.1 1.04
2001 706.9 7.4 1.05
2002 741.7 7.7 1.04
2003 824.8 7.7 0.93
Source: Program Management Office, Supreme Court 2004.

Enhancing judicial independence is currently the subject of an ADB technical assistance program.
The program seeks to come up with a comprehensive set of reforms to enhance the fiscal and
institutional autonomy of the Supreme Court and includes the design of an appropriate framework for the
fiscal and administrative independence of the judiciary, to ensure transparency in the nomination and
appointment processes of judges and justices and to enhance continuing judicial education (ADB 2001b).

2. Judicial Integrity

The Judiciary is suffering from an integrity crisis. Many believe that corruption in the public and
private sectors in the Philippines is pervasive and deep-rooted, touching even the Judiciary (World Bank
2001a). Past surveys, first in 1985 and then in 1993, consistently confirmed this perception with as high
as 50% respondents saying that judges can be bought and/or cannot be trusted (La Viña 1993). About
75% of the managers of foreign firms surveyed in 1997 called Philippine courts “capricious.” At one point,
the Judiciary was considered one of the most corrupt institutions in the country. In 2002, the US
ambassador to the Philippines complained of widespread corruption in the Judiciary. He was quoted as
saying that many investors are discouraged from investing in the country because of too much corruption
in the Government, especially in the judicial sector (Diaz 2002).
These perceptions are not entirely without basis. The Judiciary Reorganization Act of 1980
(Batasang Pambansa Bilang 129, roughly translated as National Law No. 129) was enacted to purge the
courts of incompetent and corrupt judges to bring back the people’s faith in the integrity of the courts. In
1993, responding to widespread accusations of judicial corruption, including those from then Vice-
President Joseph Estrada, who mentioned "hoodlums in robes," the Supreme Court created a committee
composed of Chief Justice Andres Narvasa and two retired justices to look into the allegations (Lopez
2002). Chief Justice Narvasa vowed not to “spare anyone, no matter who gets hurt” and “to let the
hammer fall where it may" (Coronel 1997a). The committee worked for 2 months, spoke to over 70
witnesses, and came out with a report that recommended the investigation and filing of complaints
against a few judges in Makati. The report was widely criticized in the press as a whitewash. For one, it
refused to entertain complaints against Supreme Court justices because they were unsubstantiated
(Coronel 1997b). It also exonerated Justice Hugo Gutierrez, who had been accused of passing off as his
own a decision allegedly written by the lawyer of the Philippine Long Distance Telephone Co., a party to a
case he was deciding. Responding to the public dissatisfaction with the report, 11 lawyers representing
the country's top law associations wrote to Narvasa, asking the Supreme Court to create an independent
commission to investigate cases against incompetent and corrupt jurists (Coronel 1997a). The suggestion
was however ignored. Judicial corruption persists as the present Supreme Court, to date, has censured a
Supreme Court justice, dismissed a Court of Appeals justice, and penalized about 350 trial court judges
over a 2-year period.

3. Judicial Competence

Judicial competence is a crucial requirement of a sound judicial system. Competence ensures

effective and efficient administration of justice and can help maintain (or restore) the people’s trust and
confidence in the Judiciary. Conversely, incompetent judges and justices create a host of problems that
include inefficient and delayed case resolution, clogged court dockets, and eroded judicial integrity.
Judicial competence contributes to good governance by ensuring accountability and predictability
in the legal system. With competent judicial officials, courts can give the legal system stability by uniformly

97
and predictably applying the law and jurisprudence to the disputes brought before them. A more
conducive environment is created where investors are able to rationally make economic forecasts and
investment decisions. In contrast, lack of predictability implies uncertainty, which inhibits investors from
making long-term decisions and commitments. A climate of uncertainty due to inconsistent judicial
interpretations of economic laws and policies will be a deterrent to economic growth (SCP 2001).
The Philippine Judiciary recently emerged as one of the most important actors in shaping
economic and business policies, as indicated by cases brought to court relating to liberalization of trade,
privatization, and regulation and deregulation, as well as intellectual property rights and the environment
(SCP 2001). To be able to respond to the challenges foisted by these cases, a judge must have sufficient
knowledge relating to the subject matter of these cases and adequate skills in the following areas:
decision writing and delivery; damage assessment; fact finding; court proceedings; case management
(i.e., maintenance of a dignified, orderly, and efficient pace of court proceedings; sensitivity to the needs
and rights of litigants, witnesses and the public; and computer training); and substantive and procedural
law application (SCP 2001). According to a Supreme Court justice, incompetence in the Judiciary can be
“seen in reports of some judges whose poor command of language make their pleadings and decisions
not only ungrammatical but also incomprehensible; and in accounts of some jurists whose knowledge of
elementary law, or the lack of it, appalls even a high school graduate” (Panganiban 2002).
The situation is exacerbated by a rapidly globalizing economy and social order. As global
interdependence deepens with agreements similar to the World Trade Organization, which redefine
norms and standards worldwide and even at national or local levels (SCP 1999), many issues can no
longer be adequately addressed by local laws alone, and government regulations have been rendered
almost outdated. Globalization will continue to impose upon judges the constant need to broaden their
knowledge and update their competencies in economic law, environmental laws and practices, social
reform, local autonomy, intellectual property rights, and other emerging fields.
Court officials also need to be familiar with trends and developments in information and
communication technology, to be able to adjudicate issues relating thereto and explore means using new
and better technologies to improve the court system and its operations. As this may require overhauling
rules and procedures, judges have to learn to appreciate legal principles and concepts in the context of
current issues and developments. To a large extent, the amendment to the Rules of Evidence following
the passage of the Electronic Commerce Act is a portent of things to come.
The growing number of laws that have been and will be enacted by Congress likewise pose a
formidable challenge to the competency of the courts. Many of these laws are highly technical, such as
the Securities Regulation Code, Anti-Money Laundering Act, General Banking Law, Countervailing Duties
for Subsidized Import Act, Anti-Dumping Act, Safeguard Measures Act, and Electronics Commerce Act.
Other bills that are now pending in Congress include the Securitization Law, Special Purpose Asset
Vehicle Law, Pre-Need Code, Corporate Recovery and Insolvency Act, and Anti-Terrorism Law.
Many laws enacted by Congress are criticized as contradictory and conflicting because of the
desire to cater to various needs of different sectors of society (SCP 1999). The Blueprint for Action in the
Judiciary points out that during the Aquino and Ramos administrations, many legislative measures were
enacted to embody the twin goals of social empowerment and economic advancement. Some laws
address the social concerns of specific basic sectors, while others seek to ensure economic growth
across the country. While both are critical to the survival of the country, potential flashpoints require
closer review and action. It is incumbent upon the courts to harmonize these laws, and often they would
find the absence of constitutional standards to guide them (Sereno 2001).
The Supreme Court was widely criticized for intruding into the field of policy making when it
reviewed certain policies enunciated by the two political branches of the Government. Critics are quick to
point out the courts rarely have any background in economics or business or competitive economic
systems71 and are therefore unable to appreciate the economic and financial implications of policies in
which legality and/or constitutionality are presented for determination. Some legal scholars observe that
the Judiciary traditionally steers clear of reviewing economic policy and largely adheres to the tradition of
deference to the wisdom of the executive and legislative branches in economic policy making. Of late,
however, the Supreme Court appears to have veered away from these traditions.

71
United States Trade Representative. Foreign Trade Barriers Report for the Philippines. Available:
http://www.ustr.gov/reports/nte/2002/ philippines.PDF.

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 In one case, the decision of the Board of Investment to allow a foreign company to amend its
certificate of registration was reversed by the Supreme Court. Observers noted that the Supreme Court’s
decision amounted to judicial interference (Garcia vs. BOI 1989). A dissenting Supreme Court justice
commented that the Supreme Court “has actually imposed its own views on matters falling within the
competence of a policy-making body of the government [sic].” The decision cost the country billions of
dollars in lost investments and lost employment opportunities for about 13,000 Filipinos.
The Supreme Court was also criticized in the Manila Prince Hotel vs. Government Service
Insurance System case, when it effectively invalidated the auction of the Manila Hotel and its assets won
by an international consortium headed by Malaysian investors, by allowing a Filipino company to match
the price quoted by the foreign bidder, on the grounds that the hotel is part of the national patrimony and
historical heritage. Critics pointed out that the Supreme Court should have not made factual declarations
on whether a property belongs to the national patrimony in the absence of an operative law by which a
factual determination can be made (Sereno 2001). At bottom, however, the case impaired the stability of
contractual transactions entered into by the Government and adversely affected the privatization and
liberalization policies then being implemented.
In the first oil deregulation case in 1997 (Tatad vs. Viray), the Supreme Court struck down as
unconstitutional the first Oil Deregulation Law, a major economic legislation that sought to deregulate the
downstream oil industry. Again, in this case, critics observed that the Supreme Court exceeded its powers
for it effectively enunciated its own economic policy regarding deregulation, disregarding the collective
wisdom of the legislative and executive branches.
These decisions of the Supreme Court, among others, are illustrative of judicial actions perceived
as judicial interference in policy making, prompting some sectors to call for a constitutional amendment
that will reduce the scope of judicial review. President Ramos and President Estrada had seriously
considered this move, with the latter creating the Preparatory Commission on Constitutional Change.
Among the recommendations of the commission was the review and redefinition, if warranted, of the
power of judicial review. The suggestion is worth looking into. As Sereno pointed out, if this tension
between the three branches is not resolved satisfactorily, it will create a climate of unpredictability as a
result of the following:
(i) an executive branch that is unsure of its own powers, hesitant in its resolve, and
absorbed in second-guessing possible court action in response to its programs and
projects;
(ii) a legislature that believes that it is not protected by sufficient constitutional guideposts,
and without any certainty as to the finality of the policy debates that properly should occur
within its halls; and
(iii) a court that will continually have to defend the exercise of its own powers against the
criticism of the principal stakeholders in the process of economic policy formulation: the
executive and legislative branches and the constituencies consulted on the particular
economic issue at hand (Sereno 2001).

Recent judicial decisions and actions have also been widely criticized for creating a climate of
unpredictability and uncertainty in the policy environment and commercial transactions. Among these, the
liberal issuance by the courts of temporary restraining orders and other injunctive relief measures drew
the most attention. While intended to minimize the possible adverse effects of one party’s action on
another’s pending resolution of the legal controversy between them, the abuse in the issuance thereof
has destroyed the reliability of contracts and predictability in the enforcement of obligations. Even
government projects and programs are not spared from the pernicious effects of unrestrained issuance of
temporary restraining orders, despite the passage of a law (Republic Act No. 8975) in 2000 that explicitly
prohibits trial courts from issuing these orders against national government projects.72 Projects were
delayed or altogether scrapped because of injunctive writs issued by trial courts. This has discouraged
many investors, both local and foreign, from partnering with the Government in development projects.
These are the major challenges that the Philippine courts have to respond to.

72
The law states that only the Supreme Court can issue temporary restraining orders against national government
infrastructure projects, except in cases that involve constitutional issues and if the matter involved is of extreme
urgency. Another law, Presidential Decree No. 1818, also prohibits the issuance of injunctive writs against
government projects.

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 The Philippine Judicial Academy is in the forefront of judicial education to assist the judges in
responding to these challenges. The academy was established to provide continuing judicial education. It
gives orientation and training seminars for appellate and trial court judges, court personnel, lawyers, and
aspirants to judicial posts. It is tasked with the administration of a “systematically planned and rationally
structured regiment of courses” for judicial officers and candidates for judicial office.
The Philippine Judicial Academy has been very active in providing judicial training. In 2001 alone,
it conducted a total of 92 training programs involving 2,673 judges, 3,901 court personnel, 3,711 officials
of quasi-judicial agencies, and 172 lawyers aspiring for judicial positions (Republic Act No. 8975). It has
developed six regular training programs for justices, judges, lawyers, and court personnel. These include
a prejudicature program for aspirants to judicial positions; an orientation program for newly appointed
members of the bench; a judicial career enhancement program for incumbent judges; a seminar and
workshop for executive judges on leadership and administrative skills and techniques; updating seminars
for judges and court personnel in each judicial region; and a few specialized programs for court
employees, such as court clerks, legal researchers, sheriffs, and others (SCP 2001). The courses
covered a wide array of subjects that included traditional subjects, such as criminal, civil, constitutional,
and procedural law; newly emerging fields of law, such as corporate rehabilitation, intellectual property,
electronic commerce, securities regulation, indigenous peoples’ rights; and other law, economics, and
judicial skills and techniques.
In addition to the training offered by the Philippine Judicial Academy, the court also produced the
Benchbook for Judges and the Benchbook on Penalties in printed and electronic formats. These books
contain relevant information that a judge may need to rule instantly on fine points of the law that may be
raised during a trial (Panganiban 2002). Currently, the Philippine Judicial Academy is developing similar
books on corporate rehabilitation and liquidation for commercial courts and a manual on primary
jurisdiction for trial courts.

4. Judicial Efficiency

Another serious problem plaguing the Judiciary is the delay in the disposition of cases at all
levels, the most evident manifestation of which is the worsening congestion of court dockets. At the end
of 1989, pending cases before the courts (excluding cases pending in the Supreme Court) totaled
292,414 (Blair et al. 1993). A decade later, the number grew to 825,706 cases (SCP 2000b). As of 30
June 2004, there are 837,436 pending cases before the courts (Table 24).
A study in 1999 showed that the general average of judicial disposition of cases annually is only
at 85.83% (Tadiar 1999). From January 2000 to December 2000 alone, 567,051 new cases were filed,
but the courts resolved only 357,644 cases during the same period.
Judicial delay has serious implications for good governance. The Judiciary, together with
elections, is an effective tool in maintaining accountability in the system. As discussed, the performance
of the courts leaves much to be desired, especially the Anti-Graft Court. The observation in the APJR
regarding the performance of the Sandiganbayan is worth mentioning.
According to the APJR, clearance rates in the Sandiganbayan remained the lowest among the
courts, averaging 24% annually from 1994 to 1998, while the lower courts had averages of more than
45% for the same period. The caseload of the Sandiganbayan remained the lowest among the courts,
averaging 4,402 cases annually from 1994 to 1998, while that of the lower courts were the heaviest, at
503,000 annually. And yet, the Sandiganbayan has more budgetary, human, and physical resources with
which to carry out its functions than the lower courts.
In 2001, the Sandiganbayan managed to dispose of only 767 cases from a total workload of
3,963 cases, leaving a balance of 3,196 pending. Perhaps because of the delay in the disposition of
cases in the Sandiganbayan, graft and corruption persist in the Government, despite the enactment of
antigraft laws.
Judicial delays also destroy transparency and predictability. Many investors are not able to make
long-term investment decisions in the absence of clear judicial pronouncements on major issues. In
rehabilitation cases, white knight investors are discouraged from committing to a rescue plan because of
court delays resolving debt-relief petitions. The French retailer Casino was reportedly interested in
infusing new capital to the distressed Uniwide Corporation, a major retailer, but pulled out because of
unresolved legal issues still pending in the courts.

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Table 24: Summary Report of Cases
(as of 30 June 2004)

Cases Cases
Pending Received Transferred Pending
Cases Cases from Cases to Other Cases
as of 31 Cases Revived/ Other Decided/ Cases Salas/ as of 30
Courts Dec 03 Filed Reopened Salas Resolved Archived Courts Jun 04
Supreme Court 6,662 2,371 0 0 2,628 0 0 6,868
Court of Appeals 22,603 3,780 0 0 3,777 0 0 22,606
Sandiganbayan 2,296 66 52 26 152 64 20 2,204
Court of Tax 525 138 0 0 74 0 0 589
Appeals
Regional Trial 330,940 81,118 6,128 3,558 49,956 19,740 4,706 347,342
Courts
Metropolitan Trial 162,160 48,454 8,080 920 29,982 21,008 506 168,118
Courts
Municipal Trial 136,516 36,826 6,130 1,084 29,172 14,480 1,648 135,256
Courts in City
Municipal Trial 83,242 19,314 768 806 14,850 2,920 2,024 84,336
Courts
Municipal Circuit 86,991 19,934 978 1,244 14,840 2,272 2,376 69,659
Trial Courts
Sharia District 72 20 0 0 32 4 0 56
Courts
Sharia Circuit 382 174 22 0 140 36 0 402
Courts
Total 812,389 212,195 22,195 7,638 145,601 60,524 11,280 837,436
Source: Case Management Office—Office of the Court Administrator, Supreme Court.

The Judiciary’s lack of independence also accounts for the problem. As noted earlier, the
Philippine Supreme Court and the lower courts continue to be susceptible to political interference. A weak
Judiciary will find it hard to battle well-entrenched political interests.
Various reasons have been cited to account for court delay. The enumeration made by the
Center for Development Information and Evaluation in its assessment of legal systems development in
the Philippines proves to be comprehensive and still valid (Blair et al. 1993). The key points follow.
First, there are general factors, which include the increase in the number of cases filed in courts
as the population has increased and as socioeconomic problems have intensified; the complexity of the
procedural rules under which the courts function; and a grossly inadequate budgetary outlay for the
Judiciary. The scarcity of resources relative to the caseload of the courts is particularly significant.
Historically, the executive branch has been slow to appoint replacements for vacancies on the bench.
Inadequate pay leaves many positions for court clerks, stenographers, and translators unfilled. Judges
often lack access to the legal materials they require to write their decisions. Some courts even lack
typewriters and filing cabinets.
Second, court delay is a function of the inadequacies of the presiding judges. Individual judges
exhibit incompetence and ignorance of the law. Their perfunctory use of the pretrial procedure misses
opportunities to expedite or eliminate the need for trial. Their lack of clarity and accuracy in the written
orders and decisions increases the likelihood that cases will be appealed to higher courts. And, their
management of cases is commonly inefficient.
Third, delay is also caused by the inadequacies of trial lawyers, including incompetence and
negligence, frequent use of dilatory tactics, and excessive requests for postponements. In fact, one
Institute of Judicial Administration study found that lawyers cause most of the delays (66% of the delay in
civil cases and 63% in criminal cases).
A fourth factor producing delay is the prevalence of virtually endless cases. For one thing, the
Supreme Court interprets the writ of certiorari so generously that it has in effect given itself a mandate to
grant appeals almost automatically. And probably more importantly, it shows a proclivity to grant motions
for reconsideration for little substantive reasons. The effect is that what should be the final decision on the
case by the nation’s highest court is all too often not really final.
Finally, a major factor is the piecemeal trial system, with testimony presented in short, hour-long
sessions and then interrupted for weeks, thereby aggravating the delay problem. Indeed, Chief Justice

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Fernan identified the piecemeal trial of cases as the real culprit behind the slow grind of the trial court
machinery.
Still another factor is the growing number of vacancies in the lower courts (Table 25). At the end
of 2000, 31.88% of the courts remain vacant, with as high as a 51.88% vacancy rate in the municipal
circuit trial courts. The Supreme Court is trying to resolve this problem by assigning judges to assist in
other salas with no judges. It is common for a judge in Metro Manila to go to a province in Luzon once a
week to preside in another court. Necessarily, this contributes to the delay in the disposition of cases
pending in the two courts where the judge is presiding.

Table 25: Existing Judicial Positions and Vacancies

(as of 31 July 2004)

Total Positions Percentage of

for No. of Incumbent No. of Vacant Vacant over Total
Courts Justices/Judges Justices/Judges Positions No. of Positions
Supreme Court 15 15 0 0.0%
Court of Appeals 69 67 2 2.89%
Sandiganbayan 15 14 1 6.67%
Court of Tax 6 3 3 50%
Appeals
Regional Trial 951 763 188 19.77%
Courts
Metropolitan Trial 82 68 14 17.07%
Courts
Municipal Trial 189 150 39 20.63%
Courts in City
Municipal Trial 389 212 177 45.50%
Courts
Municipal Circuit 470 218 252 53.62%
Trial Courts
Sharia District 5 0 5 100%
Courts
Sharia Circuit 51 31 20 39.22%
Courts
Total 2,242 1,541 701 31.27%
Source: Case Management Office—Office of the Court Administrator, Supreme Court of the Philippines.

The 1987 Constitution of the Republic of the Philippines guarantees the right of the accused to a
speedy disposition of cases before all judicial, quasi-judicial, and administrative bodies (Section 16,
Article III). Judicial delay results in a denial of justice, and it heightens other problems, such as missing
files; loss of interest of the witnesses; and heavier workloads for judges, which affect the quality of
decisions. Delay diminishes the trust and confidence of the public in the entire Judiciary.
There are ongoing initiatives that seek to deal with this problem. The World Bank, in partnership
with the Office of the Court Administrator, already finished its study of docket congestion in the lower
courts. USAID performed a similar study in the Court of Appeals and is now pilot testing mediation in that
court. Initial results of the pilot test are positive, and the Court is expected to institutionalize the system
should the pilot testing prove successful on a wider scale
In the lower courts, mediation was found to be effective in hastening the delivery of justice and in
decongesting the dockets of trial courts. Following the initial pilot projects in January–February 2000 and
July–August 2000, which yielded success rates of 40% and 80%, respectively, the Supreme Court and
the Philippine Judicial Academy were encouraged to rigorously embark on a mediation project.

5. Judicial Accessibility

Access to the judicial system is constitutionally guaranteed. The Constitution of the Republic of
the Philippines provides that no person shall be denied his day in court by reason of poverty. Yet, while
major reforms were introduced to make the Judiciary accessible to the poor, court access remained to be
a problem. Anecdotal evidence indicates that the poor are discouraged from resorting to courts by the

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high cost of litigation, delay in the disposition of cases, and perceived bias of the system in favor of rich
and educated litigants (Blair et al. 1993).
One of the most serious problems afflicting the Judiciary that greatly affects judicial accessibility
is the inefficiency of the courts in resolving disputes brought before it. The disadvantaged sectors of
society are the most gravely affected by delays in judicial proceedings. While this problem cuts across all
sectors of society, the powerlessness of the poor makes them most vulnerable to disenfranchisement
from access to the courts. Disenfranchisement can happen in two ways. First, the poor will be
discouraged from bringing their case to court because of the perception that it would take years before
they can achieve results. It also makes them lose interest in pursuing an already filed case. With their
meager resources, they cannot afford a protracted trial, and somewhere along the proceedings, they are
forced to drop their case or stop attending trial altogether (Buendia 1999). Second, the high cost of
litigation deters the poor from seeking redress from the courts. Cost refers to both monetary and
nonmonetary opportunities that a litigant has to forego in pursuing a case. Direct cost refers not only to
fees paid to the courts but also to out-of-pocket costs arising from litigation itself (e.g., lawyer’s fees and
compensation, transcript fees for stenographic notes, etc.). Indirect costs refer to lost opportunities arising
from delays in the resolution of cases and the time spent by a litigant attending and following up a case.
In a simple criminal case, for example, an average acceptance fee (the most common mode of
lawyer’s fee arrangements) is P20,000, after which the client has to pay an appearance fee of
P1,000 for every hearing, even if the hearing is postponed, as long as the client’s lawyer went to the court
to attend the hearing and it was not the client’s lawyer who asked for the postponement. The client also
pays for copies of transcripts of stenographic notes, which cost P10 per page.
While it is true that poor litigants can always tap the legal services of PAO, the latter can only do
so much. PAO lacks manpower and other resources to attend to the various legal needs of the poor.
While the agency needs additional lawyers and increase in the wages of existing lawyers, PAO’s budget
allocation is not enough to meet these needs.
PAO also can only represent one client in a case, even if both parties are indigents. In such case,
representation is on a first come, first served basis. Even the provision of the Rules of Court on poor
litigants that exempts them from legal fees is not of much help. Poor litigants normally receive the lowest
priority among court personnel. A stenographer, for example, would prioritize the transcript of
stenographic notes of paying litigants. Cases involving poor litigants have been known to not have
transcripts. The same is true in the service of court processes. If a party wants to hasten the service of
summons and other court processes, money must be given to the process server so that the case will be
given priority.
The poor sectors of society are also hampered by their lack of education. Formal court
procedures and rules intimidate them from pursuing their claims in court. Many are unaware of their right
to judicial access. One cannot assert a right one does not know exists. Poor litigants are also unable to
gain court access simply because courts are physically inaccessible by their distance in terms of location
or because of their infrastructure. People with disabilities may find it hard to attend a hearing in a regional
trial court because the building housing the court does not have facilities for physically incapacitated
parties. Similarly, a poor farmer from a barrio in a distant province will be discouraged from pursuing a
legal claim if the court that hears the case is 100 kilometers away from that farmer’s house.

D. Strategic Directions

Addressing Threats to Judicial Independence. Threats to judicial independence need to be

addressed. A review of the efficacy of the Judicial and Bar Council in insulating the process of judicial
appointments from political influence must be undertaken. More stringent and transparent processes of
judicial selection must be put in place to ensure that judicial appointees are chosen based on merit and
fitness. Mechanisms that deter current practices of seeking the endorsement of local and national political
figures among applicants to judicial positions need to be put in place. These and similar initiatives should
be pursued in harmony with a comprehensive program toward enhancing judicial independence, which is
the subject of an ongoing ADB technical assistance undertaking involving the Supreme Court.
Implementing the Constitutional Mandate for Fiscal Autonomy. The implementation of the
constitutional mandate for judicial fiscal autonomy must also be pursued. No sufficient and lawful
justification can be made for the president’s insistence on retaining control over the Judiciary’s fiscal

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affairs and budgetary resources. For the president to persist in doing so is tantamount to usurping a
power constitutionally vested in the Judiciary.
Strengthening Public Confidence in the Judiciary. Programs to strengthen public faith in the
Judiciary also need to be formulated. A review of the codes of judicial conduct needs to be made toward
creating clear, adequate, and enforceable standards of judicial behavior. Inadequate and unclear
standards on ethical behavior for justices, judges, lawyers, and court personnel and gaps in the
disciplinary system (SCP 2001) are major factors that account for the problem of judicial corruption. The
standards of judicial conduct must also be widely disseminated to the public to catalyze active citizen
involvement in relevant oversight activities.
The judicial disciplinary process must be improved. While the Supreme Court has been active in
disciplining the bench, this may not be enough. Many cases of bribery and other illegal activities go
unreported because of fears of possible retribution. Reporting mechanisms and processes may be
designed to encourage lawyers and litigants to report erring judges and justices, without having to worry
about repercussions. Allowing anonymous complaints to encourage victims of judicial corruption must be
looked into. For example, a system of reporting via short message service against judges who start their
hearings late was implemented. A representative of the Civil Service Commission reported that this
scheme proved to be successful in encouraging its clientele to report erring public officials. Yet, at the
same time, current systems and processes in filing complaints against judicial officials must be
reexamined to filter out those that are purely harassment. Under the present system, when complaints
are pending resolution, accused judges are ineligible for promotion or retirement benefits. Such a system
can be used against even a hardworking and honest judge (Hudes et al. 2002). Transparency is lacking,
and proceedings are protracted, as no specific time limitations are prescribed for the resolution of cases.
Moreover, suspicions of patronage add to perceptions that erring judicial officers with strong political
connections or political, professional, and filial ties to influential members of the court easily escape
disciplinary sanctions.
The Judiciary can also improve its image through increased transparency. The failure of the
Judiciary in the past to deal with persistent issues like graft and corruption, delay, and judicial
inaccessibility has considerably damaged its reputation. It may have adopted a culture of
nontransparency in its desire to project and maintain an image of impartiality, fairness, and
independence. The Supreme Court may be served well if the policy and program proposals contained in
the United Nations Development Programme Issue Paper entitled “Enhancing Communication Between
the Judiciary and the Citizenry,” are pursued and implemented. The establishment of the Public
Information Office proved to be a step in the right direction. Through this office, the Supreme Court can
now immediately respond to major issues affecting the Judiciary and inform the public of significant
decisions that it has promulgated.
Finally, public perception of the courts can be further improved if stakeholders will be involved in
the reform process that the Supreme Court is currently undertaking. Judicial reform projects should be
conducted through a participatory approach. Among the benefits of having a more participative approach
are the early buy-in of stakeholders, improved performance and sustainability of programs, and enhanced
capacity and skills of stakeholders. “Participation is needed to gain ownership and commitment by the
Government and stakeholders; some of the stakeholders include different branches of Government, bar
associations, law schools, NGOs [nongovernment organizations], and the citizens” (World Bank 2000).
The Supreme Court appears to have recognized the importance of stakeholder participation in
the reform process. While it used to be very zealous in guarding its judicial independence from outside
influences, the preparation of the Blueprint of Action for Judicial Reform and the APJR evidenced the
readiness of the Supreme Court to listen to civil society and other stakeholders. Records from the
Program Management Office of the Supreme Court showed extensive consultations with various groups;
individuals; organizations; and members of the Judiciary, media, and government agencies (Supreme
Court 1999 and Supreme Court 2001). In an unprecedented act, the Supreme Court embarked on a
broad-based, nationwide initiative to listen to suggestions of various sectors on how to improve the
delivery of justice. Justice Panganiban recounted that for 18 months the justices of the Supreme Court
patiently listened to complaints and recommendations of more than 1,000 individuals from the basic
sectors, NGOs, government units, educational institutions, media groups, religious groups, business
organizations, and various components of the judiciary (Panganiban 2000). In this context, the Blueprint
of Action for the Judiciary, while principally authored by the Supreme Court, is in reality coauthored by
over 1,000 individuals who participated in the consultation processes (Panganiban 2000).

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 Improving Administrative Systems. The Judiciary’s administrative systems and capacity should
be reassessed. Legal and organizational frameworks governing the court system are already outdated
(Panganiban 2000). The Supreme Court’s heavy caseload and its many other responsibilities strain its
ability to efficiently administer the lower courts and discipline erring magistrates, court personnel, and
lawyers. Under the current centralized administrative system, approval of the Supreme Court is needed in
almost all transactions, including the appointment of utility personnel and the purchase of office supplies.
A review of the current system and processes may lead to overhauling the Judiciary’s administrative
systems toward regionalizing or localizing certain administrative operations to increase efficiency in the
performance of functions.
It has been suggested by Hudes that the solution to the corruption problem is better recruits
(Panganiban 2000). Better recruits, in turn, are made possible by a more attractive compensation
package. Currently, the Salary Standardization Law (SSL) prescribes salaries of judges and court
personnel (Table 26). Under the SSL, the monthly take-home pay of a first level court judge, including
allowances, ranges from P30,000 to P38,000. This is equivalent to the salary given by major law firms to
new law graduates from reputable law schools. It is not surprising, therefore, that the vacancy rate in the
Judiciary is more than 30% of existing courts. Hopefully, Republic Act No. 9227 passed in 2003, which
grants additional compensation in the form of special allowances for justices and judges, would
encourage more lawyers to join the judiciary.

Table 26: Salaries of Justices and Judges

(based on the Salary Standardization Law)

Annual Salary Monthly Salary

Justices and Judges (P) (P)
Supreme Court Chief Justice 480,000 40,000
Associate Supreme Court Justices 420,000 35,000
Presiding Justice of the Court of Appeals 420,000 35,000
Justices of the Court of Appeals 300,000 25,000
Regional Trial Court Judge (SG 29) 263,206 21,934
Shari’a District Court Judge (SG 29) 263,206 21,934
Metropolitan Trial Court Judge (SG 28) 253,080 21,090
Municipal Trial Court in Cities (SG 27) 243,348 20,279
Municipal Trial Court (SG 26) 233,988 19,499
SG = salary grade.
Source: Salary Standardization Law.

Enhancing Judicial Competence. Ensuring judicial competence, however, can only be

addressed through continuing judicial education, a task that at present is competently performed by the
Philippine Judicial Academy. However, the institutional capacity of the Philippine Judicial Academy
remains a foremost concern in sustaining current efforts at judicial education. Since 1996, the Philippine
Judicial Academy has taken on several assignments in addition to its mandated function, without any
increase in its human and financial resources. Its fiscal and budgetary limitations result in inadequate
training facilities and equipment and difficulty in attracting qualified professors and personnel, as its
employment terms are noncompetitive compared with the private sector. Similarly, the development of
new curricula is dependent on the availability of resources (SCP 2001).
The composition of the Philippine Judicial Academy’s faculty must also be addressed, because
this has some implications for its long-term projects. Currently, most of its faculty members are in the age
bracket of 65 years and above, who are retired justices and judges. Many are professors of law schools
who use law-school methods of instruction. Other concerns listed in the APJR include centralization of
judicial education in Metro Manila or Tagaytay, the inability of legal educational institutions to carry out
reforms to complement judicial education, and the need to maximize coordination between the Philippine
Judicial Academy and the Institute of Judicial Administration. Its training facility in Tagaytay also requires
improvement if judicial education is to be enhanced. This calls for building a new and bigger structure,
renovating the current structure, and upgrading training facilities.
Rationalizing the designation of certain courts as specialized tribunals may also be undertaken.
While there appears to be no official policy regarding court specialization, numerous courts have already

105
been designated as such (i.e., as commercial courts, intellectual property courts, family courts, heinous
crimes courts, and others). Given the increasing complexity of the legal system, the court may evaluate,
for example, the capability of the designated commercial courts to handle complex and technical cases,
including violations of the Anti-Money Laundering Law or laws on trade liberalization and globalization,
foreign investment, or others. Specialization in the Court of Appeals, which has to review all cases
coming from the lower courts and quasi-judicial agencies, may similarly be considered.
Addressing Court Delays and Unclogging Court Dockets. The worsening docket problems of
the courts require an immediate solution. The implementation of the mandatory continuous trial system
and Speedy Trial Act must be looked into. Generally, court trials are still conducted on a piecemeal basis,
which is the major cause of delays in case disposition. The pilot test of the continuous trial in the early
1990s showed its potential in addressing court delays. However, judges who were consulted on this issue
believed that a continuous trial system would not work well in the Philippines, given the number of
vacancies in the court system. They complained that many of them have to attend to two and sometimes
three courtrooms.
Another scheme worth looking into is caseflow management. This scheme seeks to involve
judges in the active management of the cases pending in their courts, from filing to disposition. The
system essentially entails the strict enforcement of the existing rules of procedure, the stern observation
of procedural deadlines prescribed therein, as well as the close monitoring of the progress or status of
each case to pinpoint and curb the causes of delay. Electronic tracking of cases is an essential
component of this system. At present, the Supreme Court is pilot testing caseflow management in Pasay
City. If it proves to be successful in reducing court delays and unclogging court dockets, its
implementation in other courts, such as the Sandiganbayan, should be looked into.
A parallel effort to improve the pretrial system in the country must also be undertaken. Effective
implementation of pretrial tools filter the cases that go into full-blown trial by getting litigants to settle their
differences amicably. This may be in the form of assistance to the court, through the Office of the Court
Administrator or the Philippine Judicial Academy, in strengthening discovery mechanisms, especially
using fact-finding procedures, such as depositions, interrogatories, and pretrial admissions. Early
disposition of cases, either through the use of alternative dispute resolution (ADR) mechanisms or
submission thereof on pure question of law adjudication (factual issues having already been resolved in
the pretrial conference) must be encouraged. Conversely, protracted litigation must be discouraged. In
this regard, the existing system on filing fees can be reviewed. Graduated filing fees may be considered
wherein cases that do not go into trial pay less while those that go into full-blown protracted litigation
should pay more, depending on the number of hearings that the courts have to devote to the case.
The bar, through the Integrated Bar of the Philippines (IBP), must be involved in these proposed
endeavors. As noted, lawyers have been identified as one of the main causes of delays.
The efficiency of OMB and the Sandiganbayan in case disposition has to be improved. The
performance of Sandiganbayan justices and the political context within which case processing is
undertaken and how it impacts case management performance have to be evaluated (SCP 2001).
Similarly, the administrative capability of the OMB to successfully prosecute and/or discipline erring
government officials has to be addressed. As the primary institutions tasked to enforce accountability in
the Government, their capacities have to be thoroughly diagnosed and subsequently upgraded.
To further address docket congestion, the gains of the ongoing program of the court on mediation
should be sustained and institutionalized. Currently, the court has already provided for the rules
governing court-annexed mediation at the trial level. It is available in Metro Manila, Metro Cebu, Metro
Davao, and other parts of the country. Pilot testing of mediation in the appellate court proved to be
successful. The challenge now is sustaining the use of mediation.
Furthermore, the use of ADR systems by government agencies legally tasked to do so should be
enhanced and maximized. More cases that are settled at the level of these agencies—such as the
Department of Agrarian Reform Adjudication Board, Intellectual Property Office, National Labor Relations
Commission, and others—mean less cases that will be brought to the courts on appeal or petition for
review. Assistance that may be provided includes training of mediators and arbitrators, rationalization of
ADR procedures, and implantation of campaigns to make ADR the preferred mode of dispute resolution
among litigants.
Enhancing Court Access. An assessment of the Barangay Justice System to identify means to
strengthen this system (e.g., through the provision of regular training for the members of the lupong
tagapamayapa or the peace council is one measure toward enhancing court access). In this connection,

106
a study may be conducted to look into the composition of the peace council, which are currently
composed of elected barangay officials and coordination between the Department of Interior and Local
Government and the Department of Justice.
PAO can also play a crucial role in improving judicial access for the poor. Improving the capability
of its lawyers in representing poor litigants, especially in heinous crimes cases, is an important parallel
effort that can be pursued to ensure adequate legal representation for the poor. Inadequate legal
representation by a PAO lawyer of a person convicted in a trial court of a death sentence offense is
frequently cited as a ground for appeal in the Supreme Court.
Support for alternative law groups must also be maintained, to enable them to continue their
developmental legal assistance to the basic sectors. In distant areas, alternative lawyers are the only
means of accessing the legal and judicial system of the country.
Addressing the Challenges of Judicial Review. There is need for a comprehensive study of
the implications of the power of judicial review on the ability of the Government to pursue national
development goals in the context of recent Supreme Court rulings affecting national economic policies. At
the same time, the policy formulation capability of Congress must be strengthened and the ability of the
Government to defend its economic agenda must be enhanced. This may include appropriate training for
legislative staff members of Congress in drafting economic legislation and upgrading the capability of the
Office of the Solicitor General in defending major policies and programs of the Government, especially
economic laws.
Review and Codification of Laws. A comprehensive evaluation and inventory of major laws that
have been passed by Congress in the past decade to determine whether or not they are being
implemented effectively can be pursued. Laws pertaining to a particular sphere of human activity or
relations can be reviewed toward the repeal or amendment of outdated provisions and laws and their
systematic codification to facilitate their efficient application by the courts in appropriate cases.

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108
VIII. The Electoral System
The constitutional and legal framework of the Philippine electoral system, the role and functions
of the Commission on Elections (COMELEC) in election administration, the problems hounding electoral
processes, and strategic directions for electoral reform are presented in this chapter.

A. Constitutional and Legal Framework

The 1987 Constitution of the Republic of the Philippines provides the framework for broad democratic
representation. It mandates the election by the people of leaders who would exercise sovereign powers in
their behalf. Section 6, Article IX (C) of the 1987 Constitution of the Republic of the Philippines also
requires the development of a free and open party system, to make available to as many people or
groups as possible the opportunity to serve in the Government or at least make as many ideas as
possible represented in policy and decision making. Furthermore, the 1987 Constitution of the Republic of
the Philippines provides for a system of people’s initiative and referendum, a party-list system for
marginalized and underrepresented sectors, and the right of suffrage for overseas Filipinos as well as
autonomous regions for Muslim Mindanao and the Cordilleras, local sector representation, public service
opportunity guarantees and prohibition of political dynasties, NGO recognition and participation in
governance, and various human rights safeguards (2002 National Electoral Reform Summit).
The Philippines is a republican and democratic state, with a representative type of government.
The country has a presidential form of government, which it copied from the United States, a former
colonizer. The Government is composed of three branches: the Executive, Legislative, and Judicial. The
president is elected directly by the majority of the electorate taking part in a presidential election that is
held every 6 years. The president is banned from running for reelection by the Constitution of the
Republic of the Philippines.
The legislative branch is composed of two houses, the Senate and the House of Representatives.
As mandated by the Constitution of the Republic of the Philippines, the Senate is composed of
24 members who are elected at large and serve a term of 6 years. Senators cannot serve for more than
two consecutive terms.
The House of Representatives has 250 members, composed of district and sector
representatives. The first group is elected by different legislative districts in the country while the second
is elected through party-list representation. The 1987 Constitution of the Republic of the Philippines
introduced the party-list system to enhance democratic representation, and consequently democratize the
electoral process (Section 5 [1] and [2], Article VI). This electoral mechanism seeks to ensure
representation to organizations and sectors without specific territorial constituencies in the House of
Representatives. By constitutional fiat, 20% of the membership of the House of Representatives should
be reserved for representatives of the marginalized sectors of the society through the party-list system.
The 1987 Constitution of the Republic of the Philippines lays down the requirements for the
highest office in the land. It prescribes that a candidate for the presidency must be a natural born citizen
of the Philippines and a registered voter who is able to read and write. A candidate must also be at least
40 years of age on the day of the election and a resident of the Philippines for at least 10 years
immediately preceding such election (Section 2, Article VII). No educational or other qualifications are
required. These qualifications are true for other elective positions, except for the age requirement
(Section 63, Section 64, and Section 65, Article IX of Eligibility of Candidates and Certificate of Candidacy
of the Omnibus Election Code). The Omnibus Election Code prescribes the manner by which the
president, vice-president, members of Congress, local officials, members of the regional assembly of the
autonomous regions, and leaders of barangays should be elected and proclaimed.
Local government officials of provinces (governors, vice-governors, and provincial board
members); cities; municipalities (mayors, vice mayors, and city or municipal councilors); and barangays
(barangay captains, council members, and Sangguniang Kabataan73) are likewise elected by the people.
The Constitution of the Republic of the Philippines and the Local Government Code prescribe a three-
term limit for all elected local government officials. Local sector representation was also institutionalized
through the Local Government Code.

73
Youth Council.

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 The Constitution of the Republic of the Philippines mandates a system of recall for local
government officials. The Local Government Code fleshed out the system. The power of recall empowers
the people to remove elected officials even before their term is over. It is a method whereby the people
themselves can directly remove from office elected public officials. It is intended to make public officials
more responsive to the popular will through constant awareness of the power of the electorate to replace
them even before their terms expire. In 1993, in the first recall election under the code, voters of Bataan
Province successfully recalled their provincial governor. More local government officials have since been
removed through this process, although some of them won recall elections.
In addition, a system of initiative is also constitutionally mandated to enable the citizenry to
directly propose and enact laws or approve or reject any law or any part thereof through a petition signed
by at least 10% of the total number of voters registered nationwide. They can also directly propose
amendments to the Constitution of the Republic of the Philippines upon a petition signed by at least 12%
of the total number of voters nationwide (Section 2, Article XII, 1987 Constitution of the Republic of the
Philippines).
Generally, the Omnibus Election Code of 1984 governs the conduct of Philippine elections. It
implements the constitutional provisions laying down the framework for election administration in the
country. The code has undergone various amendments, which, among others, restructured COMELEC,
sought to automate the registration and electoral processes, provided for local and revised congressional
elections, and set the elections in the Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao. It was further amended
to provide for the first synchronized elections in May 1992, the election of party-list representatives, and
the mechanism for absentee voting. In 2001, the Fair Election Act was implemented.
The Omnibus Election Code likewise regulates the registration and accreditation of political
parties, defined in the law as “an organized group of persons pursuing the same ideology, political ideas
or platforms of government and includes its branches and divisions.” To acquire juridical personality, the
code requires political parties to register with and be accredited by COMELEC.
The code defines how campaigns and other partisan political activities should be conducted. For
example, under the code it is illegal to engage in an election campaign or partisan political activity outside
the campaign period. Foreign intervention is likewise strictly prohibited. Foreigners cannot aid any
candidate or political party, directly or indirectly, or take part in or influence in any manner any election or
contribute or make any expenditure in connection with any election campaign or partisan political activity.
The code further enumerates what constitutes illegal or prohibited campaign contributions,
solicitations, donations, and fund-raising. It limits the electoral expenditures of the candidates (P1.50 per
voter in the district the candidacy was filed) and the political parties (P1.50 per voter). In the 1992
presidential elections, candidates were allowed to spend P10 per voter or a total of P321 million
(Rocamora 1998a). Campaign contributors are required to report to COMELEC their contributions.
Similarly, candidates and political parties have to file with COMELEC a statement of contributions and
expenditures. Not filing this statement bars a candidate from assuming office.
Other laws were enacted to supplement, amend, strengthen, or repeal certain sections of the
code. In the mid-1990s, COMELEC embarked on a project to modernize the Philippine electoral system.
Republic Act No. 8046 was implemented on 7 June 1995 to establish a pilot program for modernizing the
registration and vote counting processes of the March 1996 elections in the Autonomous Region of
Muslim Mindanao. Congress also enacted the Continuing Registration Law (Republic Act No. 8189) and
the law authorizing COMELEC to use an automated elections system in the 11 May 1998 national or local
elections and in subsequent national and local exercises (Republic Act No. 8436). Collectively, these two
statutes are referred to as the modernization laws of COMELEC, and they have the following goals
(Benipayo 2001):
(i) creation of a national central file of voters registration records, and the generation of a
national computerized voters list;
(ii) establishment of a voters’ identification card system, using, as far as practicable, a
tamper-proof identification card; and
(iii) automation of the vote-counting process.

On 28 February 1995, Congress enacted The Party-List Law (Republic Act No. 7941) to increase
the representation of broad interests, particularly those of marginalized and underrepresented sectors in
the House of Representatives, and help move the electoral system toward program-based politics, where
the focus is not on personalities but on competent parties with comprehensive programs.

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 In 2001, Congress enacted the Fair Elections Act (Republic Act No. 9006) to enhance the holding
of free, orderly, honest, peaceful, and credible elections through fair election practices. Among others, the
act regulates the use of media and other vehicles for public information campaigns and among
candidates to guarantee equal opportunity among candidates, including access to media time and space
and the equitable right to reply (Section 2).
In February 2003, Congress passed the Absentee Voting Act (Republic Act No. 9189). This law
was designed to enfranchise millions of overseas Filipinos for the 2004 national elections and subsequent
polls. It allowed about 7.3 million overseas Filipinos, who are not disqualified and at least 18 years old, to
vote for candidates running for the offices of president, vice-president, and senator or those running as
party-list representatives. Immigrants and permanent residents are required to execute an affidavit of
intent to return. During the 2004 national elections, voting was done in person at the embassies,
consulates, and other designated voting areas. For Canada, Japan, and United Kingdom, voting was
done by mail. The voting period was 30 days for land-based voters and 60 days for sea-based voters. A
total of 138 precincts were set up in 81 embassies and consulates, three Philippine labor offices, three
Manila economic and cultural offices (MECOs) including 81 voting centers. From the 975,000 estimated
maximum number of registrants, 364,187 registered (equivalent to 37%). Voter turnout was 65% or
233,092 (Center for Migrant Advocacy Philippines 2004).

B. Current Condition

1. Commission on Elections

The enforcement and administration of all laws and regulations relative to the conduct of
elections, plebiscites, initiatives, referendums, and recalls are principally the tasks of COMELEC, an
independent constitutional body. Although originally created as a statutory body under the Department of
the Interior, it was transformed into an independent constitutional body in 1949 because of suspicions that
the conduct of elections serves the political interests of the party in power.
COMELEC functions independently from the executive, legislative, and judicial branches of the
Government and exercises the following functions: judicial, ministerial, reportorial, recommendatory, and
such other functions that the law may provide. It is composed of a chair and six commissioners, all of
whom serve 7-year terms without reappointment and can only be removed from office by impeachment.
The constitutional mandate of staggering the term of those first appointed precluded the appointment of
all the commissioners by a single president. The Constitution of the Republic of the Philippines also
requires confirmation of the appointees by the Commission on Appointments, as a legislative check to the
appointing power of the president. COMELEC has fiscal autonomy, which requires that such funds
certified by the commission as necessary to defray expenses for the holding of regular or special
elections, plebiscites, initiatives, referenda, and recalls would be provided in the regular or special
appropriations and once approved would be released automatically, upon certification by the chair.
Moreover, the salaries of the chair and commissioners cannot be increased or decreased during their
continuance in office.
The chair is the chief executive of COMELEC. Under this position is the executive director, whose
duty is to implement policies and decisions and take charge of the administrative affairs of COMELEC.
Assisting the executive director are two deputies: a deputy executive director for administration and a
deputy executive director for operations. In the field, there are 16 regional election directors, 79 provincial
election supervisors, and 1,609 election officers and their staff members. The election officers are based
in every city and municipality. Their main function is to supervise the conduct of electoral activities within
their areas of responsibility as field representatives of the commission. COMELEC has a complement of
more than 5,000 employees and can deputize other government agencies to assist it during the conduct
of elections.
COMELEC has exclusive charge of the enforcement and administration of all laws relative to the
conduct of elections to ensure free, orderly, and honest elections. It supervises regular and special
elections. Specifically, these consist of
(i) regular elections,74 including
(a) national elections for the office of president and vice-president every

74
Held regularly, as mandated by the Constitution of the Republic of the Philippines.

111
 6 years and for senators and party-list representatives every 3 years;
(b) local elections for members of the House of Representatives and provincial, city,
and municipal officials every 3 years;
(c) barangay elections every 6 years;
(d) Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao elections for regional governor,
regional vice-governor, and regional assembly members every 3 years; and
(e) Sangguniang Kabataan (Youth Council) elections.

(ii) special elections, including

(a) plebiscites,75
(b) referendums,76
(c) initiatives,77 and
(d) recalls.78

COMELEC also has quasi-judicial powers and exercises exclusive original jurisdiction over all
contests relating to the elections, returns, and qualifications of all elected regional, provincial, and city
officials and appellate jurisdiction over all contests involving elected municipal officials decided by trial
courts of general jurisdiction or involving elected barangay officials decided by trial courts of limited
jurisdiction. Decisions, final orders, or rulings of COMELEC contests involving elected municipal and
barangay offices are final and executory, and they cannot be appealed. Furthermore, the poll body is
empowered to decide, except those involving the right to vote, all questions affecting elections, including
determination of the number and location of polling places, appointment of election officials and
inspectors, and registration of voters.
In the exercise of its quasi-judicial functions, COMELEC can summon the parties to a controversy
pending before it, issue subpoenas and subpoena duces tecum79 take testimony in any investigation or
hearing, and delegate such power to any officer of the Commission who shall be a member of the
Philippine bar.
COMELEC can also deputize, with the concurrence of the president, any law enforcement
agencies and instrumentalities of the Government, including the Armed Forces of the Philippines, that it
deems necessary to ensure free, orderly, honest, peaceful, and credible elections.
COMELEC also acts as the registrar of all political parties and organizations. It registers, after
sufficient publication, political parties, organizations, or coalitions and can accredit citizens' arms to
monitor the conduct of elections. It may refuse to register or order the delisting of political parties for
violation of election laws.
COMELEC also has investigatory and prosecutorial powers. It can investigate and prosecute
cases of violations of election laws, including acts or omissions constituting election fraud, offenses, and
malpractice. Upon a verified complaint, or on its own initiative, COMELEC can file petitions in court for
inclusion or exclusion of voters.
To better perform its functions, COMELEC may recommend to Congress effective measures to
minimize election spending, including limitation of places where propaganda materials shall be posted,
and prevent and penalize all forms of election fraud, offenses, malpractice, and nuisance candidates. It
can also recommend to the president the removal of any officer or employee it has deputized or the
imposition of any other disciplinary action for violation or disregard of or disobedience to its directives,
orders, or decisions.
COMELEC is empowered to promulgate rules and regulations to implement the Omnibus Election
Code and other laws that the commission is required to enforce and administer. COMELEC has the sole

75
Election at which any proposed amendment to or revision of the Constitution of the Republic of the Philippines is
submitted to the people for their ratification.
76
Submission of a law passed by the national or local legislative body to the voting citizens for their ratification or
rejection.
77
Process whereby the people directly propose and enact laws. Amendments to the Constitution of the Republic of
the Philippines may likewise be directly proposed by the people through initiative.
78
Method by which a public officer may be removed from office during his or her tenure or before the expiration of his
or her term by a vote of the people after registration of a petition signed by a required percentage of the qualified
voters.
79
A command to a witness to produce documents.

112
power to prescribe the forms to be used in the election, plebiscite, or referendum; procure any supplies,
equipment, materials, or services needed for the holding of the election by public bidding; prescribe the
use or adoption of the latest technological and electronic devices, taking into account the situation
prevailing in the area and the funds available for the purpose; require the payment of legal fees and
collect the same in payment of any business done in the commission, at rates that it may provide and fix
in its rules and regulations; and fix other reasonable periods for certain preelection requirements, so that
voters shall not be deprived of their right of suffrage and certain groups of rights granted them.
COMELEC also has enforcement powers, as it can enforce and execute its decisions, directives,
orders, and instructions, which under the Omnibus Election Code have precedence over those emanating
from any other authority, except the Supreme Court, and those issued in habeas corpus proceedings. It
can prosecute.
Under the code, COMELEC is also mandated to carry out a continuing and systematic campaign,
through newspapers of general circulation, radios, and other media, to educate the public and fully inform
the electorate about election laws, procedures, decisions, and other matters relative to the work and
duties of the commission and the necessity of clean, free, orderly, and honest electoral processes. In this
regard, it can enlist nonpartisan groups or organizations of citizens from the civic, youth, professional,
educational, business, or labor sectors to undertake a coordinated operation and activity to ensure free,
orderly, and honest elections in any constituency. Box 2 lists the departments of COMELEC and the
various divisions under them, which perform the electoral body’s different tasks.

2. Electoral Process

As the oldest republic in Asia, the Philippines has undergone several elections. The first election
in the country was held in 1899, under American supervision. On 10 November 1902, the first election law
of the country was enacted through Republic Act No. 502. Since then, Philippine election laws have been
constantly amended, repealed, or codified.
The conduct of elections in the Philippines over the past four decades has remained largely the
same, both in terms of the process and the practices of those involved in the exercise, especially the
candidates. Elections are very simple but highly manual (Maambong 1997) and consist of the registering,
voting, counting, and canvassing procedures. The process follows two basic principles: secrecy and
publicity. Votes are cast in secret, and results are made public.
The Omnibus Election Law, as amended and administered by COMELEC, generally governs the
conduct of elections (Section 2, Article IX, 1987 Constitution). The election process spans three principal
phases: voting, canvassing, and proclaiming winning candidates. The election process and its flaws are
summarized below (Garber 1993).
Voting. Polls are open from 7:00 a.m. to 3:00 p.m. and are staffed by teachers who constitute the
Board of Election Inspectors (BEI). In the presence of BEI and poll watchers, voters locate their names on
the precinct list, sign in, provide a thumbprint, and receive a ballot. Voters manually write the names of all
candidates for whom they wish to vote, using a list of candidates posted in the polling place. The ballot is
folded for secrecy and placed in the ballot box. Each voter’s right forefinger is marked with indelible ink to
prevent duplicate voting.
Ballot Counting. When the polls close, BEI removes the ballots from the ballot box and begins to
determine for whom votes were cast. Because of the handwritten names, an intense and complicated
process of appreciation (interpreting and tallying the votes) ensues. Vagaries of handwriting spawn many
challenges (preproclamation controversies) by candidates’ representatives that delay the count for hours
and sometimes days. When all ballots are tallied, members of BEI must certify the results, sign and mark
them with their thumbprints, and distribute copies to party representatives. If quick-count watchers are
present, the vote precinct totals are also given to those representatives. The BEI chair and other official
observers deliver the precinct returns and the sealed ballot box to the municipal or city canvassing center.
Canvassing. At the municipal or city counting center, a canvassing board undertakes the lengthy
process of transcribing and totaling the individual precinct sheets to produce municipal results. These are
used to proclaim winning candidates for municipal or city offices and to convey the totals for provincial
and national candidates to canvassing boards at the next higher level, where the procedure is repeated.
The municipal or city canvassing board sends the results to the provincial canvassing board, which
further accumulates precinct returns and proclaims winners of provincial offices. The provincial
canvassing board then forwards the returns to the regional canvassing board, which in turn sends them to

113
 Box 2: Commission on Elections Departments and Corresponding Divisions

1. Law Department
a. Investigation and Prosecution Division
b. Legal Opinion and Research Division
2. Election and Barangay Affairs Department
a. Precincts Division
b. Registration Division
3. Electoral Contests Adjudication Department
a. First and Second Division
b. Judicial Records Division
4. Education and Information Department
a. Information Division
b. Public Relations Division
5. Election Records and Statistics Department
a. Records and Statistics Division
b. National Central File Division
c. Voters Identification Division
6. Administrative Services Department
a. Cash Division
b. Property Division
c. Data Processing Division
d. General Services Division
e. Internal Records Division
h. Library Division
7. Finance Services Department
a. Budget Division
b. Accounting Division
c. Voucher Processing Division
8. Personnel Department
a. Personnel Division
b. Manpower Development Division
c. Health Services Division
9. Planning Department
a. Planning and Programming Division
b. Management Systems Development Division
c. Management Information System Division

Note: Other offices include the Office of the Clerk of Court, Office of the Commission
on Elections Secretary, and Internal Audit Office.
Source: Commission on Elections.

COMELEC headquarters in Manila for final accumulation and proclamation of national office winners.
Congress acts as the National Board of Canvassers for the election of the president and vice-president.
The final decision on all legislative elections rests with the electoral tribunals of the Senate and
the House of Representatives. Each electoral tribunal is composed of nine members, three of whom are
members of the Supreme Court (designated by the chief justice). The remaining six are members of the
Senate or the House, chosen on the basis of proportional representation from parties in the chamber.

114
 3. Election Modernization

To address the inadequacies and limitations of the current electoral process, the poll body
embarked on an election modernization program. It commissioned international80 and local consultants to
conduct an assessment of the electoral system in the Philippines preparatory to a full modernization
program. A host of recommendations were presented to COMELEC.
On 11 July 1996, Congress enacted The Voter’s Registration Act of 1996 (Republic Act No.
8189), to systematize the present method of registration and establish a clean, complete, permanent, and
updated list of voters (Section 2). The computerization of the voters list is one of the major reform efforts
that COMELEC is undertaking. Computerization of the voters list was identified as a precondition to
prevent cheating during elections. Prior to the enactment of the law on continuous registration and the
nullification of the then padded voters list, the number of flying voters81 was substantial enough to
influence the outcome of the elections (Andersen Consulting 1993).
Pursuant to Republic Act No. 8189, COMELEC developed a voter registration software, installed
personal computers, and focused on large-scale training efforts to introduce the technology to more than
1,600 city and municipal election officers, many of whom had no exposure whatsoever to computers
(IFES 1995). The computerization of the voters list was pilot tested in the 1994 barangay elections in
6 cities and 51 municipalities with over 3 million registered voters. In early 1995, the nationwide
expansion reached some 1,500 election offices and over 30 million voters. The full computerization of the
voters list is expected to minimize and eventually stop the practice of multiple registrations. In 2000,
COMELEC bid out the Voters Registration and Identification System. A private company, Photokina
Marketing Corporation, won the bid. However, the then new COMELEC chairman, Alfredo Benipayo,
refused to honor the award on the ground that the bid (P6.558 billion) was far above the appropriated
budget (P1.2 billion). The COMELEC chairman was sustained by the Supreme Court and the award was
declared illegal (COMELEC vs. Quijano and Photokina 2002).
Another major feature of the modernization program is the automation of the counting and
canvassing system during elections to reduce the risk of human error or fraud and speed up the process
of arriving at and releasing electoral results. In 1997, Congress passed the Election Modernization Act
(Republic Act No. 8436), which authorized COMELEC to use an automated election system in the 11 May
1998 national and local elections and in subsequent national and local electoral exercises. The law calls
for the use of an optical mark reader to count ballots (a voter is given a ballot with preprinted candidates'
names and corresponding ovals to shade or broken arrows to connect, and the votes on the shaded
ballots would be scanned using an optical mark reader). With this technology, computerized vote tallying
will replace the current manual method. Computerized vote tallying is a means by which votes cast are
tallied and totaled by computer. It was pilot tested in the Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao
elections in 1996 (Figure 13).
Philippine elections were supposed to be automated during the 1998 elections following its
relatively successful pilot testing. The planned computerization however did not push through in the 1998
and 2001 national elections.
In 2004, barely 4 months before the national elections, election automation was again scrapped
after the Supreme Court ruled that the P1.7-billion contract awarded by COMELEC to Mega Pacific
Consortium to supply 1,991 automated counting machines (ACMs) was null and void.

4. Political Parties and Party-List Organizations

Political parties are not very popular in the Philippines. People do not trust political parties, much
in the same way they dislike traditional politicians. Parties are seen more as personal tools of self-seeking
politicians than as social vehicles of collective interests (IFES 1995). They are perceived as
nonideological vehicles for personal and factional political ambition. Their leaders are usually referred to
as trapo (traditional politician), which literally means “dirty dishrag” (Rocamora 1998a). Because of this
negative perception of political parties, they have marginal bases of popular support.

80
Includes Andersen Consulting, International Foundation for Election Systems (IFES), and international consultant
Marie Garber.
81
Flying voters are people brought in from outside a constituency to vote using the names of a genuinely registered
voter who has died or moved elsewhere.

115
Figure 13: Automated Counting and Canvassing (as per Republic Act No. 8436)

Voting (using ballots with

candidates’ names
START preprinted)

Close of voting

Transport ballots to
counting center

Machine counts ballots Election returns

Statements of votes by
Machine or computer precinct
consolidates returns
and generates soft
copy
City or town certificate
of canvass

Transport certificate of
canvass to the
provincial hall

Machine or computer Statements of votes by

consolidates provincial municipalities or cities
certificates of canvass
and generates soft
copy Provincial certificate of
canvass

Transport
certificates of
canvass to Manila

Statements of votes by
Machine or computer provinces
consolidates certificates of
canvass and generates
soft copy
National Certificate of
Canvass

END

Source: Commission on Elections.

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 It has been observed that the most important characteristic of Philippine political parties is that
they are parties of the elite (Rocamora 1998b). In the words of a noted political scientist, “Philippine
political parties are unabashed old boys clubs. There are nonelite individuals, mostly men, who identify
with one or another party, but all of them are followers (retainers might be a better word) of elite
individuals. These individuals are linked together in shifting coalitions from barangays all the way to the
national government in Manila. At the core of this system are wealthy families in the town centers united
downward with dominant barangay families and upward with similar families in other towns. Some of
these families are wealthy enough on their own to unite municipal political organizations and finance
provincial electoral battles, or battles for congressional seats at the district level. These families constitute
the provincial elite. The national elite differs from the provincial only in degree. Most importantly, the
national elites are those families which have attained a level of wealth and status practically immune from
the vicissitudes of political fortune” (Rocamora 1998b).
Other distinct characteristics of Philippine political parties, the shifting character of membership
and leadership, and the absence of ideological or programmatic differences between parties are linked to
the nature of differentiation in the elite. Historically, class factions have remained relatively small. No one
upper class group has attained a level of economic power sufficient for it to dominate other factions and
impose its interests and its program on the nation. This is in contrast with Latin America, for example,
where divisions among upper class groups have been expressed in differentiation between political
parties.
Framers of the 1987 Constitution of the Republic of the Philippines included an antidynasty
provision in reaction to the concentration of economic and political power of a few powerful families. It
explicitly provides that the “State shall guarantee equal access to opportunities for public service and
prohibit political dynasties as may be defined by law" (Section 26, Article II). Until now, Congress is yet to
pass the operative law to implement this provision. Although numerous initiatives to put this constitutional
ban into effect were filed in both houses, all did not prosper. “There is only one explanation for the death
of all anti-political dynasty bills: Congress is—and has always been—a center of political dynasties. Many
lawmakers are members of (or have always been closely identified with) the old political families. Hence,
it would be an act of self-immolation for lawmakers to pass any bill implementing the ban on political
dynasty building. Political self-preservation assumes greater importance than the constitutional mandate”
(Lustre 2001).
The structures of all major parties in the Philippines are almost all the same. The basic party unit
is at the municipal level. “Party units then go up the ladder to the provincial party committee, then the
national convention or directorate. These bodies are made up of prominent leaders of the party, former
and incumbent elected officials. Within these bodies there are central/executive committees made up of a
smaller number of top party leaders. Except for the ruling party, none have permanent party headquarters
or paid staff except during elections. In between elections, party headquarters are usually at the party
leader's home or office” (Rocamora 1998b).
A party’s presidential candidate and the key national players in the party have the most say in
candidate selection, down to local candidates. This centralization of the process of candidate selection
was the result of the synchronized national and local elections mandated by the 1987 Constitution of the
Republic of the Philippines and the increasing importance of money in elections. “Synchronized elections
make local candidates dependent on national candidates and their parties in contrast to the past where
local officials, already in place in local elections held earlier, are needed by national candidates in
subsequent national elections. Although local candidates still have to have their own campaign resources,
the rapidly increasing cost of election campaigns have made national party organizations stronger
because they have more access to larger pools of campaign donations“ (Rocamora 1998b).
The enactment of the Party-List Law (Republic Act No. 7941) paved the way for the emergence of
alternative political organizations. The party-list system was an innovation introduced in the 1987
Constitution of the Republic of the Philippines to broaden the base of congressional representation by
allowing the election of office seekers outside the vehicle of the traditional and established political
parties. The party-list system was intended to allow the infusion of ideas and proposals from groups that
do not come from the mainstream of the multiparty system and to ensure representation for the
marginalized and underrepresented sectors of society. For example, in the 2001 national elections,
Bayan Muna (Country First), a left-wing broad coalition of marginalized sectors, gathered the highest
number of votes for sector groups, beating other organizations identified with traditional political parties.
Its nominees to the House of Representatives are familiar faces in numerous protest actions on various

117
issues or concerns. They include a former spokesperson of the National Democratic Front, chair of the
militant Kilusang Mayo Uno (May 1 Movement), and head of the women's group Gabriela.
The implementation of the party-list system did not have a good start. When the first party-list
elections were held, in 1998, only 14 sector representatives were elected to the House, because most of
the accredited organizations failed to win at least 2% of the total votes cast for party-list candidates. In the
2001 elections, the number of accredited party-list organizations grew to 178, from 122, prompting some
sectors to criticize COMELEC. A seeming abuse of the party-list system is its use as a backdoor to
Congress for people who do not represent marginalized and underrepresented constituencies. The
controversy reached the Supreme Court, which decided that only marginalized and underrepresented
sectors could participate in the party-list elections, resulting in the disqualification of some organizations,
including the group that garnered the second highest number of votes.

5. Filipino Voters and the Political Culture

Under the 1987 Constitution of the Republic of the Philippines, the right of “suffrage may be
exercised by all citizens of the Philippines not otherwise disqualified by law, who are at least eighteen
[sic] years of age, and who shall have resided in the Philippines for at least one [sic] year and in the place
wherein they propose to vote for at least six [sic] months immediately preceding the election. No literacy,
property or substantive requirement shall be imposed on the right of vote” (Section 1, Article V, 1987
Constitution). According to COMELEC data as of April 2004, there were a total of 45,536,028 registered
voters nationwide.
There is a widespread perception that Filipino voters are easily influenced by the so-called three
G’s of politics: guns, gold, and goons. President Macapagal-Arroyo called upon the Filipinos to strive
harder to campaign on the basis of ideas and programs and not on the strength of personalities and the
notorious three Gs—guns, gold, and goons (www.opnet.ops.gov.ph/speech-2001may10.htm). This
formula has proved to be an indispensable ingredient for an electoral victory for traditional politicians.
Vote buying and/or intimidation are still rampant during election periods. At the same time, voters are also
known to offer their votes to the highest bidder. It is not unusual for the head of a big family to promise the
vote of his household to the politician who can pay him the highest. Stories abound that politicians wait
until the last minute before they engage in vote buying, to ensure that they can outbid their opponents.
Because of utang na loob (debt of gratitude), people, particularly at the grassroots level, would do
everything to push the candidacy of their leaders. This is further aggravated by the economic condition of
the country. Because of extreme poverty, many people are forced to sell their votes. Even those that
manned the polls succumbed to fraud in return for money or promises of promotion (Abandigo 1990).
Pakikisama (camaraderie) is another value that undermines not only the capability of the [sic]
COMELEC but the entire electoral process. Because of pakikisama, party mates especially at the local
level tended to resort to such anomalies as vote buying, terrorism, [sic] ballot box snatching, just to
ensure their victory” (Abandigo 1990).
In recent national elections, a new political phenomenon emerged. To a large extent, this explains
the relatively high electoral success of television and movie personalities who entered politics. A fourth ”g”
has been added to the formula. Some Filipinos call it glamour, that is, voters tend to vote for candidates
who are popular, regardless of their qualifications or lack thereof. To a large extent, this explains the
landslide victory of President Joseph Estrada and the clamor for another movie actor to run for
president.82 In the last national elections, for example, those coming from the movie and television
industries did not have a hard time securing victories, while a respected economist and a no-nonsense
antigraft lawyer and advocate did not even come close to winning a senate seat. It has thus been
observed that the most powerful political party in the country today is a television company, whose
employees and entertainers have won at least four senate seats and several more seats in the House.
Currently, it would not be unusual for elected, appointed, and hibernating politicians to have radio and/or
television programs. This has prompted a group of lawyers to file a suit in the Supreme Court questioning
such practices of elected politicians.

82
It must be pointed out, however, that some popular actors also lost in their gubernatorial and mayoral bids.

118
 6. Accredited Citizens’ Arms and Civil Society Organizations

Since the early 1980s, the National Movement for Free Elections (NAMFREL) has been assisting
COMELEC in ensuring the conduct of honest, open, and peaceful elections. NAMFREL is a nonpartisan,
national organization of individual citizens and civic, religious, professional, business, labor, education,
youth, and NGOs that voluntarily work for the cause of free, orderly, and honest elections. Formally
organized in October 1983, its roots can be traced back to 1957, with the establishment of the Operations
Registration Committee. The Citizens National Electoral Assembly, formed in the 1960s and 1970s, was
also a precursor of NAMFREL.
NAMFREL is governed by a national council, consisting of the heads of the major national
organizations participating in NAMFREL. It has over 120 participating organizations. It is organized into
78 provincial chapters and 1,608 city and municipal chapters throughout the country. Each chapter is
responsible for manning all polling places in all the voting centers within a city or municipality in the
conduct of NAMFREL's Operation Quick Count. According to its Web site, NAMFREL is funded neither by
the Government nor by any political party or partisan institution. It draws upon contributions made by
many civic-minded citizens who support its mission.
NAMFREL’s involvement in elections includes election observation and the conduct of Operation
Quick Count. In the 2001 Plebiscite in the Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao, NAMFREL engaged
in voter education and information dissemination activities. It forged a partnership with COMELEC, in an
effort to modernize the election system. Recently, however, COMELEC and NAMFREL are at odds on
how to computerize COMELEC’s election process. NAMFREL has been accusing COMELEC of dragging
its feet in modernizing the election system, which leaves plenty of opportunities and loopholes to
manipulate the outcome of an election. The chair of COMELEC was quoted as saying that if NAMFREL
cannot accept COMELEC's decision, the watchdog group should drop its application for accreditation to
monitor next year’s elections, as it has done in the past (http://www.newsflash.org/2003). The group also
sought the impeachment of COMELEC Commissioner Luzviminda Tancangco, whom they accused of
undermining the commission's modernization efforts. This, however, did not succeed, as Congress
dismissed the petition for lack of merit.
The Parish Pastoral Council for Responsible Voting is another group that received accreditation
from COMELEC as a citizens’ arm in the conduct of elections. The Parish Pastoral Council for
Responsible Voting is a national parish-based political, but nonpartisan, citizens’ movement for clean,
peaceful, meaningful, and credible elections and responsible citizenship and political activism and
renewal. It is led and run by the officers and members of the parish pastoral council from each parish and
has a partnership with the Catholic Church’s hierarchy. It was accredited as a citizens’ arm of COMELEC
in the 14 May 2001 national and local elections to perform voter education and poll watching functions.
Aside from the accredited citizens’ arms of COMELEC, civil society organizations exist in the
Philippines that actively advocate electoral reforms. The broadest network of local civil society
organizations advocating electoral and political reform in the Philippines is the Kilusang Mamamayan
Para sa Repormang Elektoral (Citizens' Movement for Electoral Reforms). The network is composed of
17 organizations. Among the organizations included in the network are the Caucus for Development NGO
Networks, Democratic Socialist Women of the Philippines, Federation of Free Workers, NAMFREL,
National Consultative Council for Local Governance, National Movement for Young Legislators, National
Peace Conference, Partnership of Philippine Support Service Agencies, Philippine Pastoral Council for
Responsible Voting, and Trade Union Council of the Philippines (Teehankee 2002).
The Institute for Electoral Reforms organized another network, the Consortium for Electoral
Reform. Other local think tanks and foundations have been active in electoral reform advocacy. Some are
identified with political parties. The Institute for Popular Democracy and Institute for Politics and
Governance, for example, are identified with the center-left party Akbayan (Citizens’ Action Party). The
National Institute for Policy Studies has supported organizations that espouse a liberal ideology, including
the Liberal Party. Its regional counterpart is the Council of Asian Liberals and Democrats. The defunct
Institute for Development Research and Studies was one of the think tanks supporting the cause of
Christian democracy and its party, the Lakas National Union of Christian Democrats-United Muslim
Democrats of the Philippines (Teehankee 2002).

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C. Issues and Challenges

The 1987 Constitution of the Republic of the Philippines failed to bring about the desired changes
in the electoral process and the democratization of the political system. Fifteen years after its ratification,
not all of the provisions on electoral reform have operative laws, and those enacted suffer substantive
weaknesses. Philippine elections continue to be vulnerable to manipulation and domination of traditional
politicians and vested interests. The party-list system failed to provide adequate representation to
marginalized sectors of society, and the system of recall has largely been used as an instrument for
political ends rather than to ensure good governance at the local level. The following have been identified
as basic problems afflicting the electoral system.

1. Outdated Electoral Process

Many problems during elections are caused by the country’s outdated electoral system, which
relies heavily on manual tallying and canvassing of votes. This requires too many human interventions,
which increase the opportunities for fraud and cheating (Maambong 1997). Human intervention also
results in an extremely slow vote tally in the precincts and slow canvass at the municipal and city levels.
Election outcomes are easily manipulated through various forms of electoral fraud, violence, intimidation,
and bribery. The entire electoral process suffers from a credibility problem. In the words of a COMELEC
commissioner, the system is characterized by mistrust (Maambong 1997). COMELEC does not trust
voters, hence the use of indelible ink to prevent flying voters from voting more than once. People do not
trust COMELEC, which is why citizens’ groups have to watch COMELEC perform its duties. Moreover, a
lack of trust exists in the veracity of election results.
In the synchronized elections of 2001, several days passed before all votes were tallied and
returns were delivered to the municipal election officer for canvass. Canvassing for the national positions
took weeks to finish. The slowness of the entire process marred the public perception of COMELEC’s
performance and raised questions as to whether such delays increase the likelihood of tampering.
Several factors that account for the delay have already been identified.83 For one, the process of
tallying and canvassing is entirely manual. To foil electoral fraud, election personnel have to fill out
different forms at the close of the polls, which are voluminous and time-consuming. The ballot is also very
long, because it contains local, provincial, and national posts. In addition, the number of candidates
running is many times the number of positions.
According to observers, names are not always legibly written and have to be interpreted or
deciphered by the tally takers, because voters handwrite the names of their choice for each office from a
posted list. This is further aggravated because the sequence in which voters list names in a multiposition
contest is not the same as the sequence in which the names are listed on the tally sheet. These factors
slow the recording of individual votes.
The reduction of the precinct size from about 400 voters to 200 voters (because COMELEC
feared that with a very long ballot the precincts might take a long time to finish tallies) is another cause of
delay, because it doubles the workload for the canvass at the municipal level. Essential resources were
also often in short supply. Some election officers said they would have added more canvassing teams,
but they had no more space. One election officer in a large urban district reported that she had only one
adding machine to total election returns from 1,279 precincts, and tabulation frequently had to be
suspended for several hours because of electric power outages.
More often than not, counting is interrupted by preproclamation protests. It was noted that
lawyers representing candidates whose vote counts showed them to be losing could always find a reason
to question the canvass process and stop the work while the case was pressed. Many legal actions of this
kind seem excessive, in that they are often based on allegations of very questionable merit.
In the May 1995 elections, electoral fraud reached high levels of sophistication. It was observed
then that the traditional election anomalies involving poll violence, individual vote buying, ballot box
snatching, and general cheating and intimidation were overshadowed by more sophisticated forms of

83
While the study was done in 1993, the same is still valid, as the basic law and procedures have largely been
maintained since then.

120
wholesale cheating best evidenced by what is popularly known as dagdag-bawas.84 Rather than
individually buying votes or paying voters to stay home, which is done by dabbing indelible ink on their
fingers the night before the elections to ensure that they do not change their minds after receiving
payoffs, it is far more efficient to change the results of canvass reports.
Fraudulent electoral practices in the Philippines are done in three stages: during the preelection
and registration period, during the voting process, and after the polls close. The common electoral
fraudulent acts during these phases are enumerated below (IFES 1995).
(i) Fraud during the preelection and registration period includes
(a) paying voters to register or not to register;
(b) implementing ghost registration;
(c) creating ghost precincts; and
(d) using flying voters.

(ii) Fraud before voting includes

(a) bribing voters (e.g., buying votes, abstentions, and negative votes; promising
jobs, loans, and promotions; and paying members of BEI to abstain from
performing their functions);
(b) intimidating voters (e.g., issuing threats against voters identified with a party,
families of voters, businesses and property, and members of BEI);
(c) using indelible ink illegally (applying ink on voters’ fingers before they go to the
polls, so that they will not be allowed to vote);
(d) kidnapping voters and holding them in a place so that they cannot vote;
(e) assigning registered voters identified with a party to places where they cannot
vote or that are far from their place of registration;
(f) disrupting means of transportation to the polling places;
(g) sowing fear and unrest to discourage voters from voting;
(h) spreading false reports about the withdrawal or disqualification of a candidate to
discourage voters from voting for such candidate;
(i) changing the numbering of polling places without notice to confuse voters;
(j) changing the location of polling places without notice to confuse voters; and
(k) marking the ballots so that they will be considered soiled ballots.

(iii) Fraud during voting hours includes

(a) assuming the identity of another voter and voting under his or her name;
(b) accompanying a voter to a voting booth to influence the casting of a vote for a
particular candidate, which is called Lanzadera;85
(c) using carbon or paraffin or a duplicating device to disclose the content of a ballot
to a buyer, intimidator, or leader;
(d) delaying delivery of the official ballots and other election paraphernalia to
discourage voters;
(e) disrupting the means of transportation of voters on election day to discourage
voters;
(f) delisting or transferring voters from the voters list (disenfranchisement);
(g) accompanying illiterate or disabled voters and voting for them irrespective of their
choice;
(h) taking or snatching the ballot boxes in polling places identified as a bailiwick of a
political party;

84
Literally means add and subtract. This involves the process of subtracting thousands, if not millions, of votes from
one candidate and adding them to a favored candidate.
85
This is done by a voter who first secures a blank ballot from another precinct or a fake ballot and smuggles this
ballot into the polling place. Before using the fake or illegally procured ballot, the voter receives a genuine ballot,
which is passed to another captive voter who fills it out outside the polling booth with the names of the candidates
of his or her choice. The next voter gets the ballot assigned but drops into the ballot box the ballot previously
completed. The voter then passes to the next voter his or her assigned ballot.

121
 (i) secretly substituting ballots during a simulated disorder designed to create
confusion in the polling place;
(j) stealing or destroying ballots, election returns, and other vital election
paraphernalia;
(k) bribing or intimidating the members of BEI to influence their decision on
challenges and protests made during the voting;
(l) stealing, tearing, smudging, or defacing the list of voters posted outside the
polling place to discourage voters from voting;
(m) delivering official ballots in excess of authorized quantities to facilitate the
manufacturing of votes; and
(n) handing out ballots prematurely or applying indelible ink before a voter’s proper
time to vote.

(iv) Fraud during counting includes deliberately

(a) misreading the contents of ballots;
(b) recording incorrect information on the tally sheet as the votes are read;
(c) substituting the ballots filled out for counting;
(d) miscopying the votes reflected on the tally sheet to the election returns;
(e) substituting the votes credited to a candidate in the election returns with the
votes of another candidate; and
(f) distorting the entries in the election returns by creating a variance in the words
and figures entered.

2. Failure to Implement Modernization Laws

Most problems identified can be addressed by the mandated modernization of the electoral
system. Preelection and registration fraud can be prevented by the computerization of the voters list, as
flying voters could be easily detected and apprehended. Engaging in dagdag-bawas would be difficult if
voting, counting, and canvassing are automated. And because the system can be more trustworthy and
efficient than the current manual procedure, there would be fewer electoral disputes, as it would be more
difficult to find grounds for an electoral contest.
There is much to be done before COMELEC can fully automate Philippine elections. As reported
by the former chair of COMELEC, a national computerized voters list still has not been generated; a voter
identification system still has not been established; and, apart from numerous pilot tests, the vote
counting processes of COMELEC is still carried out manually (Benipayo 2001).
Past modernization efforts of COMELEC suffered major setbacks because of internal squabbles
among commissioners. The much-publicized bickering has delayed the computerization efforts as the poll
body was polarized into two groups. The first group, led by its former chair, sought the immediate
computerization of the counting and canvassing process to speed up the process and minimize, if not
eliminate, cheating in the electoral process (Lagman 2001). It has the support of NAMFREL and other
NGOs.
The other group, consisting of four commissioners appointed by former President Estrada, seeks
to prioritize the computerization of the voters registration system to facilitate the updating of the voters list
and to cleanse it of flying voters and other illegitimate voters (Lagman 2001). In September 2000,
COMELEC awarded the Voters Registration and Identification System project to a consortium for
implementation. This was, however, declared illegal and against public policy by the Supreme Court
because its cost was well beyond the amount appropriated by Congress. The 2000 national budget
allotted only P1.2 billion, while the proposed project cost was more than P6 billion.86
The failed automation attempt in the 2004 national elections was largely because of COMELEC’s
failure to observe the requirements of the law. Glaring irregularities in the manner in which the bidding
process had been conducted was the basic ground raised in the Supreme Court. The Court observed that

86
The infighting also resulted in the nonconfirmation of Chair Alfredo Benipayo and delays in the confirmation of the
other two commissioners appointed by President Macapagal-Arroyo. Their confirmation was bitterly opposed by the
four sitting commissioners. President Macapagal-Arroyo was forced to withdraw the appointment of Benipayo and
appointed a former city mayor in Metro Manila as COMELEC chair.

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COMELEC awarded the contract in “inexplicable haste” and without adequately observing mandatory
technical and legal requirements. It also noted that COMELEC accepted delivery of the computer
hardware and software from Mega Pacific even though it had failed to pass eight “critical requirements
designed to safeguard the integrity of the election” (Information Technology Foundation of the Philippines
et al. vs. COMELEC 2004).
These setbacks suffered by COMELEC have cast doubts on its ability to conduct honest and fair
elections, and in particular, to implement an automated election system. As shown by the 2004 elections,
it took Congress several weeks to proclaim the elected president and vice-president because it had to
rely on tallies of certificates of canvass.

3. Limited Administrative and Regulatory Capability of COMELEC

The synchronized election system occurs every 3 years, when citizens choose national, regional,
provincial, and local officials at the same time. In the May 2004 elections, around 17,000 electoral posts
were contested. There are 41,972 barangays with 216,382 clustered precincts, and registered voters total
43,536,028. Table 27 shows other relevant statistics.

Table 27: Basic Data on Election Administration

(as of April 2004)

Item Number
Regions 17
Provinces 79
Cities 115
Municipalities 1,500
Registered Voters 43,536,028
Established Precincts 295,459
Clustered Precincts 216,382
Source: Commission on Elections.

Considering that COMELEC’s permanent bureaucracy is only 5,000, and even if it is

constitutionally authorized to call upon other government agencies for assistance in the conduct of
elections, it is simply beyond the capability of COMELEC to efficiently and effectively manage the conduct
of national elections and ensure that these are honest and orderly (Garber 1993). The size of the
electorate, the number of precincts nationwide, and the number of elective positions contested in a
synchronized national election are beyond the administrative capacity of COMELEC.
At the same time, Philippine elections are centralized and controlled almost wholly from
COMELEC’s central office in Manila. COMELEC has been found to be incapable of addressing many
electoral problems coming from different parts of the country. Too many people are bringing too many
problems to headquarters, and they are too dependent on headquarters for directives, supervision,
equipment, and materials to carry out their mission. This results in ineffective and inefficient
implementation of election laws, rules, and regulations.
COMELEC also has limited regulatory capability. An analysis of the Philippine legal system
shows that the system has sufficient laws to ensure clean, orderly, and peaceful elections. Many laws,
however, are not strictly enforced. Violators of election laws are rarely, if ever, prosecuted and punished.
The penalties have not produced the intended deterrent effects, because of a lack of meaningful
enforcement. For most candidates and their supporters, the risk of being caught, prosecuted, and
punished is not significant.
COMELEC’s Law Department is supposed to investigate and prosecute election offenses. But it
has fewer than 10 lawyers, most of whom are performing other tasks. Among other activities, the
department prepares pleadings and briefs in cases involving COMELEC; represents COMELEC in cases
before courts and other tribunals; provides legal and technical services to COMELEC in quasi-judicial
cases; reviews legal opinions and interpretations of election and referendum laws made by the regional
election directors; investigates and/or directs investigations on complaints relative to the conduct of
elections and submits recommendations thereon; and carries out a host of other functions. With a
complement of fewer than 10 lawyers, the department simply cannot focus only on prosecution of election

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offenses. While COMELEC can deputize public prosecutors, election-related offenses receive no priority
in investigation and prosecution. Besides, public prosecutors are most susceptible to political pressure
and influence.
The vulnerability of COMELEC commissioners to political pressure and influence was also raised
during consultations. One retired commissioner revealed that lawmakers put pressure on and/or try to
influence COMELEC officials during budget hearings.
The Education and Information Department of COMELEC is mandated to plan and carry out a
systematic and continuing campaign to educate the public and fully inform the electorate about the
election and referendum laws, decrees, procedures, decisions, and other matters relative to the work and
duties of COMELEC, as well as the need for free, orderly, and honest elections. This department is
mandated to develop informative and educational materials for multimedia use and to coordinate with
administrators of public and private educational institutions for the integration of COMELEC’s education
program within the school curriculum.
COMELEC’s information and education campaigns have not been effective in (i) improving the
quality of citizen involvement in electoral processes and (ii) ensuring the election of competent leaders.
There is no continuing campaign to educate the public about elections and related laws. Education and
information campaigns only take place during election periods. For example, it was noted that although
P110 million was allotted for an information campaign, COMELEC only began disseminating primers on
the party-list system during the last quarter of 1997, although the party-list law was passed in March
1995. That is why many Filipinos during the 1998 national elections either did not understand the concept
of the party-list system or never heard of the system and thus did not know what to do with the space
reserved for it on their ballot (Doyo 2001). It was also observed that some COMELEC officials and staff
members were themselves not properly oriented with the rules and guidelines governing the electoral
process. They were also unable to quickly resolve problems and respond to queries at the precinct level.

4. Weak Political Party System

As noted, the Philippines do not have a strong political party system. The party system in the
Philippines has been in crisis since the early 1970s and will continue to lose its relevance in the country’s
political development if parties fail to undergo reforms. The most important political events in the past two
decades (the removal from office of President Marcos and President Estrada), for example, were
spearheaded by people’s organizations (POs), nongovernment organizations (NGOs), civil society, and
religious groups, but not by political parties (David 1998). The absence of a legal framework to deal with
political parties is probably a major factor.
The absence of a law that will regulate political dynasties in the country is also another factor.
Political dynasties exist when a person who is the spouse of an incumbent elected official or a relative
within the first civil degree of consanguinity or affinity of an incumbent elected official runs for the same
office that the incumbent elected official is holding within the same province or occupies the same office
immediately after the term limit of the incumbent official. The continuing hold on power of some 60 to 80
political families has institutionalized various political ills, such as private armies, vote buying, and
patronage politics. Until 2001, 50% of the members of the 12th Congress are members of political families
(see Table 28). Qualified people cannot take part in legislation or administration because those political
families effectively block their participation (Lustre 2001).

Table 28: House Representatives Who Are Members of Political Families

12th Congress 11th Congress 9th Congress

Number % Number % Number %
107 50 78 35 145 72

The importance of the passage of an antidynasty law cannot be overemphasized. The following
excerpt from a report by the Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism is very instructive in this
regard.
Only three years ago, electoral politics in the Philippines seemed to have
taken a step forward. A generation of younger, better-educated

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 lawmakers was elected to the House of Representatives, loosening the
grip of political families that had dominated the legislature for
generations.
Such was a marked difference from the 9th House, which was in office
from 1992 to 1995. In that period, two in every three legislators belonged
to well-entrenched political families. In the 11th Congress, elected in
1998, only a third were members of political clans, prompting some
observers to think progressive provisions in the 1987 constitution were
having some effect, and the electoral playing field was being
democratized and letting new blood trickle in at last. (Datinguinoo et al.
2001)

5. Unaccountable Political Financing

The escalation of campaign costs puts a heavy financial burden on candidates. Because parties
do not have popular support to generate membership fees, candidates have to use their own money
and/or seek campaign contributions. It is generally recognized that a candidate must be rich or must have
a rich patron to win an election in the Philippines. It is, therefore, not surprising that politicians use their
office to recover their election expenses and/or prepare for the next election. Politicians are also
suspected of repaying their campaign contributors through contracts disadvantageous to the Government
(Rocamora 1998b).
Political finance is said to be the primary source of corruption in the country today,
notwithstanding that the Philippines has strict laws prohibiting campaign contributions from a variety of
economic interests, including financial institutions, public utilities, government contractors, government
employees, and armed forces members. Much of this problem is caused by the previously mentioned
weak regulatory capability of COMELEC.

6. Defective Party-List System

The past two elections demonstrated the weaknesses of the Party-List Law. Election results
showed that the law failed to open representation in the Legislature to marginalized and
underrepresented sectors. In the 1998 elections, out of the 50 allotted seats in the House of
Representatives, only 14 sector representatives qualified. The result of the 2001 elections was even
worse. Only 12 representatives made it to Congress. Of the 162 party-list organizations that participated,
only five groups met the requirements of the law. Some of those who obtained more than 2% of the total
votes cast were disqualified by COMELEC for not being truly representatives of underrepresented and
marginalized sectors. Others failed to garner the 2% threshold requirement. Thus, sector representatives
comprise only 5% of the House, instead of the constitutionally mandated 20%.

D. Strategic Directions

Given the issues and concerns discussed earlier, the following proposals are presented to
address these.
Strengthen and Rationalize the Administrative and Regulatory Capability of COMELEC.
There is a need to look deeper into the problems that undermine the capability of COMELEC to perform
its essential functions. Reorganization of the departments and rationalization of their functions may be
considered, and a personnel audit of COMELEC may be one way of doing this. Excess personnel from
other offices may be relocated to other departments that are undermanned. An obvious example in this
regard is COMELEC’s Law Department, which has fewer than 10 lawyers but performs many vital
functions, including the prosecution of election offenders. Unless this department is strengthened and
revitalized, laws that seek to make elections honest and orderly will be ignored by politicians and their
supporters because of ineffective or nonexistent efforts to prosecute.
Rules governing the filing of electoral protests must also be reviewed. Losing candidates and
their lawyers are abusing the process to delay the proclamation of a winning candidate. However,
legitimate protests take time before they are resolved. COMELEC must be able to create very strict
criteria to filter out nuisance suits and enable it to focus on valid election protests.

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 COMELEC, particularly its Education and Information Department, must intensify and sustain its
education and information campaigns. Creative ways to educate the public must be devised. COMELEC’s
collaboration with movie actors and actresses, using popular media, such as movies, television, and radio
during the early 1990s proved to be effective in this regard. This can be replicated and expanded.
COMELEC should also develop learning modules on the rights and responsibilities of voters. A
partnership with the Department of Education can be pursued to ensure that voter responsibilities are
incorporated in the regular curriculum of elementary and high school students.
Regular training programs must also be conducted by COMELEC. Congress has enacted a
number of election laws that have either repealed, amended, or revised existing laws. The Supreme
Court has also come up with substantial jurisprudence on election laws. COMELEC personnel, especially
its lawyers and frontline employees, must be updated on the latest legal developments, to be able to
respond to the queries of the electorate. During the 1998 and 2001 elections, for example, many voters
complained that COMELEC personnel could not answer their questions on the party-list law. Similar
training should be offered to prosecutors who are tapped by COMELEC to prosecute election offenders.
There must also be a way to shield commissioners from politicians who use their legislative
powers to exert pressures and influence. One suggestion worth looking into is to leave to DBM the task of
defending COMELEC’s budget during legislative deliberations. Once COMELEC is able to justify its
proposed budget to DBM, it should no longer be required to appear in Congress to defend it again.
Modernize Elections. There is an obvious and urgent need to immediately implement the
Electoral Modernization Law. There are two areas in the electoral system that should be computerized
pursuant to Republic Act No. 8189 and Republic Act No. 8436—the voters registration system and the
counting and canvassing processes. Both are important to ensure clean, honest, and orderly elections.
COMELEC, however, must be extra careful in implementing the mandates of the automation laws after
the rebuke it received from the Supreme Court.
Republic Act 8436, which specifies the use of the optical mark reader, however, must be
reviewed. COMELEC should be given a free hand to tap the appropriate technology it needs for the
voting, counting ballots, and canvassing results in national elections and not be limited to using costly
voting machines (Philippine Daily Inquirer 2003). It has been estimated that these machines will cost the
Government P1 billion, for ballots alone.
There is also a need to review COMELEC’s decision to adopt a tamper-proof voter identification
card as part of the effort to computerize the voter registration system. As illustrated by the Photokina
case, the proposed Voters Registration and Identification System is very costly. When this was bid out,
the lowest bid was P6.5 billion, resulting in a declaration by the Supreme Court of its invalidity because
Congress allocated only P1.2 billion for the project. The only way that the cost of the project could have
been justified, according to some, was if the card could be used for several purposes (e.g., as a voter
identification card, a social security card, a tax identification number card, and a driver’s license) (Lagman
2001).
In lieu of the expensive Voters Registration and Identification System, the creation and
maintenance of a computerized database of voters, as was done by COMELEC in the mid-1990s, can be
adopted (Lagman 2001). One estimate put its total cost at around P100 million. To purge the voters’ list of
flying voters, a computer consultant offered the following suggestions (Lagman 2001).
(i) Provide a list of voters by precinct to political parties and a citizens’ arm, such as
NAMFREL. The list can be given on diskettes, and the recipients can be asked to pay for
the cost of producing these. These groups, on their own, at no cost to COMELEC or
taxpayers, can and will conduct a house-to-house verification campaign to check if those
voters listed under each address actually live at each address. Exclusion procedures can
ensue from the campaign. It should be noted that NAMFREL actually offered to take on
this task many years ago, but COMELEC did not take the offer seriously.
(ii) If the first activity is not adequate, voters should be asked to dip a whole finger in a bottle
of ink, instead of using a dropper to apply indelible ink on each voter’s fingernail. This is
done in Cambodia and Indonesia, and is cost-effective.

Strengthen the Party System. Political parties play a vital role in a society. General distrust of
political parties is not healthy for a democracy. A democratic country must have a strong party system.
One way to strengthen the party system is to enact a law that would lay down the legal framework
for the operation of political parties that would complement the Omnibus Election Code. Among others,

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this law should ban party switching, provide for stricter punishment of illegal campaign contributions and
campaign expenses, and specify restrictions on individual campaign contributions (Declaration of the
2002 National Electoral Reform Summit). The Government must seriously consider the possibility of
financing qualified political parties. This may invite serious challenge from some sectors of the society,
considering the performance of traditional parties. But the experiences of some countries show that this is
necessary if a bona fide party system is to flourish.
COMELEC’s regulations regarding party registration and operations must be reviewed. The
review should also look into the rules pertaining to the requirements for reports. The reports submitted by
parties contain important pieces of information that include party finances, funding sources, and
campaign expenditures. Parties are not taking these requirements seriously because COMELEC does
not really bother to analyze them for possible violations of the Omnibus Election Code.
COMELEC should take these reports seriously. Effective regulation of political financing is a
major step toward curbing corruption. While it may not have sufficient auditors to analyze the reports,
COMELEC can make arrangements with the Commission on Audit in this endeavor. In this connection,
transforming the poll body’s Election Records and Statistics Department into a functioning registrar of
political parties can be studied. Like the Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC), which regulates
corporations, COMELEC, through its Election Records and Statistics Department, can be given more
regulatory powers to ensure effective compliance with the mandates of the law. Like SEC, COMELEC
can also be given power to delist political parties that fail to submit annual reports of their activities and
meetings, member lists, financial statements, and other information that COMELEC may deem sufficient
for proper monitoring.
The Party-List System Law should be amended. The threshold requirement has to be revised to
broaden representation of marginalized groups. Observers noted that it is mathematically impossible to fill
the 54 seats (20% of the membership of the House) allotted for party-list representatives with the 2%
threshold (Declaration of the 2002 National Electoral Reform Summit). A more fair and creative formula
for sector representation should be developed taking into account the lessons learned from the past three
national elections. At the same time, Congress should pass an enabling law on the constitutional ban
against political dynasties, if the constitutional edict of broadening participation is to be made operational.
This is one sure way of broadening public participation by opening positions to more citizens and limiting
monopolies of political power by a small number of families (Declaration of the 2002 National Electoral
Reform Summit).
Involve Civil Society in the Reform Process. The past elections showed the crucial role being
played by civil society. In more ways than one, groups like NAMFREL and the Parish Pastoral Council for
Responsible Voting have helped ensure clean, honest, and fair elections by monitoring the conduct
thereof from registration and voting to counting and canvassing. This kind of coordination between
government agencies, such as COMELEC, and the private sector must be further developed and
maintained.
But civil society’s participation in the reform process must be expanded and further developed.
Civil society should not be limited to regular poll watching functions. In many countries with weak
institutional enforcement, civil society has responded by creating watchdog organizations that monitor
campaigns and elections, uncover and publicize violations, and mobilize public opinion against
candidates who grossly overstep the laws (National Endowment for Democracy et al. 2001). Civil society
can effectively advocate political and electoral reform. Groups such as NAMFREL and the Consortium for
Electoral Reform have been in the forefront of these efforts. Their advocacy efforts can significantly alter
electoral behavior and, if necessary, political parties (Rocamora 1998b).
These groups can be involved in education and information campaigns. At this time, many of
them have Web sites dedicated to advocacy and education campaign efforts. Further assistance in these
efforts should be considered to enable these groups to assist COMELEC in voter education. In 1998, a
group called X-KOM produced a multimedia compact disk that featured election laws, electoral
processes, and other information on Philippine elections. Similar efforts can be supported.

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IX. Civil Society and Governance
A. Introduction

If there is any major significant development in governance in the Philippines over the past
decades, especially after the overthrow of the Marcos administration, it is the emergence of civil society
as a key actor that made operational many aspects of good governance, including transparency,
accountability, and participation. This chapter will examine the role of civil society in governance within
the context of decentralization, democratization, and empowerment.87 It will look at the policy context for
this, including the constitutional and legal bases, current conditions, and issues and concerns in
mobilizing and strengthening civil society for good governance.88
The United Nations Development Programme defines civil society as follows: Civil society, lying
between the individual and the state, comprises individuals and groups (organized or unorganized)
interacting socially, politically, and economically—regulated by formal and informal laws (UNDP 1997a).
Civil society organizations are the host associations around which voluntary society organizes.
They include trade unions; NGOs; gender, language, cultural, and religious groups; charitable institutions;
business associations; social and sports clubs; cooperative and community development organizations;
environmental groups; professional associations; and academic and media outlets. Political parties are
also included, although they straddle civil society and the Government, if they are represented in
parliament.
Abad (2001) provided a definition of civil society within the Philippine context: Civil society is the
range of POs, NGOs, church groups, sociocivic organizations, and other interest groups that participate in
the national debate. These groups represent the various points of view on certain issues of national and
local importance. They operate within the public sphere but are separate from formal structures. This is to
say that although they are not part of the formal decision-making structures, they can add their input
because of their numbers and organization.

B. Historical Background

The notion of civil society participation in governance is actually not new. Through the years, civil
society has been referred to by various generic labels, including nonprofit sector, voluntary sector, NGOs,
and POs. Many times, such labels are liberally used interchangeably. The whole idea here is that the
delivery of basic services that were traditionally the responsibility and domain of formal structures of the
Government have been assumed by structures and institutions that are not formally part of the
Government. Civil society involvement in governance processes has been manifested in a many areas,
including the provision of social services and the advocacy for economic and political change.
Cariño in Nonprofit Sector and Civil Society in the Philippines (2002) provides a background of
the emergence of civil society organizations and POs. The origins of modern volunteerism and assistance
can be traced to indigenous cultural traits borne from situations of subsistence production and
intercommunity relations of trade and war. The advocacy of revolutionary ideals resisting colonialism was
also an area where civil society participation was manifested. Through time, various forms and
dimensions of voluntarism evolved in different areas, most especially in the provision of social services,
welfare, and charitable initiatives. The martial law period in the 1970s saw a variation of voluntarism and
people participation, as seen in the protest movement, especially among student activists and the urban
poor. Eventually, all these mass protests forged alliances and networks of various organizations that
resulted in the overthrow of the Marcos administration in 1986. This was once more manifested in 2001
and resulted in the massive mobilization of the civil society movement that resulted in the overthrow of the
Estrada administration. The democratic space that emerged after the overthrow of the Marcos
administration resulted in the emergence of many NGOs and POs, collectively referred to as civil society.

87
Chapter VI, Local Governance and Decentralization, also identifies the increased role of civil society in local
governance as a major development over the past decade.
88
The interrelated terms nongovernment organizations, people’s organizations, voluntary sector, the third sector, the
private sector, business to refer to “civil society” have sometimes been used interchangeably.

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 Policy Context: The 1987 Constitution of the Republic of the
Philippines and the Local Government Code

No less than the Philippine Constitution provided the policy framework for civil society
engagement in the process of governance. One basic state policy enunciated in the Philippine
Constitution of 1987 pertains to NGOs. Specifically, Section 23, Article II provides that “The state shall
encourage nongovernment [sic] organizations, community-based or sectoral [sic] organizations that
promote the welfare of the nation.”
The Philippine Constitution likewise devotes an entire article specifically to the roles and rights of
POs. Section 15, Article XIII provides that “The state shall respect the role of independent POs to enable
the people to pursue and protect, within the democratic framework, their legitimate and collective interests
and aspirations through peaceful and lawful means.” And, Section 16, Article XIII provides that “The right
of the people and their organizations to effective and reasonable participation at all levels of social,
political, and economic decision making shall not be abridged. The state shall, by law, facilitate the
establishment of adequate consultation mechanisms.”
To a certain extent, the policy framework provided by the Philippine Constitution led to a
flourishing of NGO participation in the processes of governance. For instance, in 1986, President Aquino
launched a massive job creation program called the Community Employment and Development Program
to prime the economic pump. Among the features of the Community Employment and Development
Program was the attempt to harness NGOs in monitoring the implementation of the infrastructure projects
implemented by the Government. As early as 1986, the role of civil society in the promotion of
transparency and accountability by encouraging their active participation in governance was already
recognized. The Government allowed NGOs to directly negotiate with government organizations for
funding of projects through official development assistance. At the local level, a significant portion of local
special bodies, including the planning council, was allocated specifically for NGOs.
In the late 1980s, alliances and networks in the NGO community emerged. For instance, the
Caucus of Development NGO Networks (CODE-NGO) was established in 1989 and became the largest
network of development NGOs in the Philippines. Other similar alliances were organized in various parts
of the country, including those based in Northern Luzon, the Visayas, and Mindanao. The legitimacy of
civil society and the unprecedented organizing of advocacy groups and cooperatives were described by
Alegre (1996) as the “golden age of coalition building” for civil society organizations. This is further
discussed in the later part of this chapter.
It was also in 1989 when the National Economic and Development Authority, chaired by the
President, issued Board Resolution No. 2, which recognized the need for NGO certification and
accreditation, if only to enhance NGO participation in the development process.
However, the aggressive role of civil society in governance processes also had a downside.
Unscrupulous parties took advantage of the opportunity to get their hands on a portion of the
Government’s budget. This led to a movement within the NGO community to police their ranks and
promote internal accountability and answerability within the movement. Legitimate NGOs distanced
themselves from those perceived to practice unacceptable activities. It was within this context that the
Philippine Council for NGO Certification was formed, in 1999, to address the problem of escalating
numbers of bogus and fly-by-night NGOs. The Philippine Council for NGO Certification aimed to promote
transparency in NGO operations and use of funds, as well as serving as a deterrent for dishonest NGOs.
The concern of the majority of NGOs is to become more formal institutions through the
registration with appropriate agencies providing accreditation. In short, NGOs want to become
institutionalized and provide people with a viable career choice as part of the nonprofit sector (Cariño et
al. 2002).

C. Current Conditions

The involvement of civil society, through NGOs and POs, in the process of local development has
led to a redefinition of governance. The old concept of governance mostly referred to the Government as
the primary institution expected to deliver basic services. The Government was responsible for the design
and implementation of development efforts, especially at the local level. However, due primarily to various
factors, such as lack of resources, significant graft and corruption, and overcentralization, the
Government, especially at the local level, has failed to govern, mostly in delivering basic services. The

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notion of governance has therefore expanded to include complementary and even alternative service
delivery mechanisms and institutions. In other words, notions of the Government and governance have
ceased to be essentially synonymous as made operational by traditional constructs, with governance
seen more broadly to go beyond the formal structures and processes of the Government. Government,
civil society, and business partnerships were at the heart of the notion of governance. Internationally,
there has been a shift toward reexamining the core functions of the Government, to identify activities that
could be more effectively provided by the private or nonprofit sector.
Another way of understanding civil society participation in governance in the Philippines is to
locate it within the framework of decentralization. It will be recalled that decentralization is a process that
can hasten and enhance democratization by bringing down the locus of decision making to the lowest
level possible and also by expanding the base of participation of the people in the process of governance.
Among the major types of decentralization are the following: (i) deconcentration, which is mostly
administrative in nature; (ii) devolution, which is mostly political in nature and also commonly referred to
as local autonomy; and (iii) debureaucratization, which is the process of transferring the responsibility for
the delivery of basic services to the private sector, NGOs, and POs, which are sometimes lumped
together as civil society. It is within this context that decentralization and civil society participation in
governance make their contribution to the realization of democratization.
In the Philippines, the emergence of NGOs in areas that traditionally belonged to the Government
can also be seen not so much as a result of the process of expansion (or contraction) of the Government
but as a recognition of the Government’s inability to deliver services, primarily because of limited
resources. This is mostly true in the delivery of social services, where many voluntary and welfare
organizations and institutions have come in to supplement government efforts. The Government’s inability
to fully meet the demands to provide basic services has been exacerbated by bureaucratic problems,
including red tape and graft and corruption. This has therefore created an imperative for NGOs to
participate in areas that traditionally belonged to the realm of the Government. This would not be difficult
to understand if properly located within the proper historical context.
Another question that has been repeatedly raised concerns the number of civil society
organizations. Theoretically, the listing of registered organizations with SEC should readily provide
estimates on the size of Philippine civil society. Various estimates exist. These can be drawn from the
records of various agencies, including the Department of Interior and Local Government (DILG) and SEC.
Others have also made some estimates. Depending on the types of organizations included, estimates
range from as low as 20,000 to a high of close to 200,000.
SEC does not have an accurate estimate of civil society organizations, considering that there is
no classification as such, owing to its relative newness as a category in Philippine public administration.
As noted at the outset, the notion of civil society is so broad that it can encompass practically all
organizations and institutions that are not part of the formal structure of the Government. These can be
disaggregated into business, private, nonprofit, voluntary, and people’s organizations. The task is to come
up with aggregate numbers based on specific criteria. Additionally, SEC does not update its records. It
does not check organizations complying with requirements, monitor the status of these organizations, and
classify the types of registered nonstock corporations. These infirmities have led researchers to develop
their own reasonable estimates of the nonprofit sector, in lieu of the supposed apposite statistics from
SEC. Additionally, some civil society organizations, particularly those in rural areas, do not take the
trouble of registering with SEC.
Brillantes (1992), drawing from figures from DILG, writes that in 1991 the number of NGOs
ranged from 15,000 to 30,000, depending on the specialization and thrust of the organization. These were
potential NGOs and POs that could be members of various local development councils. Aldaba (1993)
estimates that there were about 20,000 NGOs in 1993. Serrano (1993) believes that NGOs “probably
exceed 20,000, projecting from the 1986 baseline of 18,000, as noted in the Securities and Exchange
Commission.” Lerma and Los Baños (1998), using SEC records, report 95,974 nonstock corporations as
of October 1996. Miralao and Bautista (1993) also report that SEC registered 58,927 domestic nonstocks
between 1980 and 1993. Furthermore, Garde and Navarro (1996) note that SEC registered more or less
60,000 nonstock organizations in the country in 1995. These numbers, according to Cariño et al. (2002),
would suggest “an average annual increase of 12,000–30,000 or about 108,000–126,000 nonstocks as of
1997.” Buendia (2001) writes that the Cooperatives Development Authority registered 41,865 primary
cooperatives and 9 national federations as of 1998. Lerma and Los Baños (1998) estimate that there
were 35,000 cooperatives in 1996. In 1997, the National Statistical Coordination Board reported that there

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were 173,889 organizations that include nonprofit institutions serving households and nonstock
corporations listed by SEC, which according to Cariño (2002) is also the “biggest single estimate of the
size of the [third] sector.” However, Cariño noted that the estimate did not include cooperatives and many
POs.
According to the inventory of Buendia (2001), government agencies accredited 71,034 POs in the
country between 1987 and 1999. He explains that there may be overlaps in the list. The breakdown of
Buendia’s inventory is presented in Table 29.

Table 29: Primary-Level People’s Organizations Registered, Accredited,

and Recognized by the Government

Name Number Data Source Year

Fisherfolk Organizations 2,205 Department of Agriculture 1999
(est.)
4-H Clubs 4,303 Department of Agriculture 1999
Agrarian Reform Beneficiaries 2,464 Department of Agrarian 1999
Associations Reform
Agrarian Reform Beneficiaries 829 Department of Agrarian 1999
Women’s Organizations Reform
Rural Workers Associations 14,039 Department of Labor and 1999
Employment
Trade Unions 9,326 Department of Labor and 1999
Employment
Rural Improvement Clubs 7,257 Department of Agriculture 1987
Working Women’s 1,714 Department of Labor and 1999
Organizations Employment
Working Youth Organizations 1,474 Department of Labor and 1999
Employment
Senior Citizens Associations 22,393 Department of Social Welfare 1997
and Development
Indigenous Peoples’ Councils 1,607 National Commission on 1999
Indigenous Peoples
Urban Poor Organizations 3,524 Presidential Commission for 1998–
the Urban Poor 1999
Total 71,304
Note: Total may not be accurate due to double counting across agencies.
Source: Modified from Buendia 2001.

Table 29 suggests that institutions based in rural areas and imbued with energies and
commitment to development are out there and should be seen as potential partners of the Government in
the continuing quest for good governance. As will be discussed later, this is one strategic direction that
must be pursued, considering the limitations of formal structures and processes of the Government.
The next section discusses some specific examples of civil society involvement in the process of
governance. It illustrates that there are indeed initiatives among civil society groups in the Philippines that
are at the forefront in promoting the values of good governance (participation, transparency, and
accountability) and whose efforts and activities may be tapped and built on by institutions, such as at
ADB, in the design of good governance interventions in the Philippines.
The Philippine Rural Reconstruction Movement (PRRM) was a big NGO established as early as
the 1950s to promote development in rural areas. It epitomizes people’s participation in the design,
development, and implementation of rural development projects. If anything, people’s participation is the
key factor behind the success of development projects and activities of PRRM. The Social Weather
Station (SWS) is another big NGO that encourages transparency and accountability for good governance.
Another asset of SWS is its integrity. It has made special efforts to be nonpartisan and has relied
on rigorous and scientific methods in coming up with its surveys. It has come to a point where many major
decision makers in Philippine politics, from the president to the cabinet members, to members of the
legislature, rely on SWS to feel the public pulse and craft policies and programs that would address

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various needs. The Transparency and Accountable Governance Project initiated by the business sector
likewise underscores the critical role of promoting transparency and accountability to address the
problems of graft and corruption in Philippine society.

1. Philippine Rural Reconstruction Movement

PRRM is an NGO engaged in the design and implementation of community and habitat
development programs across the archipelago. PRRM’s mission is to enhance the capacity of rural
communities in the planning, advocacy, and implementation of sustainable development through an
integrated program of education, livelihood, health, habitat, environment, and self-governance. PRRM is
likewise engaged in the demonstration of sustainable area development models in various geographic
areas and sociocultural milieus.
PRRM’s approach has several core features, the first of which is being rooted in the community.
PRRM has involved itself in community-building and voluntary associations, thus grounding its inputs in
public policy dialogues and debates. The movement cultivates active citizenship and organized village
men, women, and youth into rural associations long before POs and community-based organizations
became terminologies. PRRM complements its field programs with policy advocacy and continually
strengthens its support for issues concerning environmental, economic, and social development and
citizens’ participation and the rights of women, children, and young adults. The movement is driven by the
volunteer spirit of civic-minded professionals who seek to work for sustainable development in the
Philippine countryside.

2. Social Weather Station

SWS was established in August 1985 as a private, nonstock, nonprofit social research institution.
Its members, called fellows, are social scientists in economics, political science, sociology, statistics,
market research, and other fields. SWS’s basic functions include performing social analysis and research,
with an emphasis on social indicators and developing new data sources; designing and implementing
social, economic, and political surveys, including public opinion polls; and disseminating research findings
through publications, seminars, briefings, and other channels.
SWS operates as a self-supporting, nonsubsidized, academic institute for survey research on
topics of public interest. It conducts regular social weather surveys, to which it invites public subscriptions.
The general concept is that funds from survey users are pooled together and used to defray the expenses
for a continuing series of social surveys.

3. Transparent and Accountable Governance

The Transparent Accountable Governance Project attempts to summarize how, why, and to what
degree corruption exists in Philippine society. The project uses an integrated approach through public
opinion survey research, investigative reports, case studies, and briefings to engage the public in
discussions on corruption. It documents perspectives among various sectors of the business community
and general public concerning corruption and identifies and analyzes key areas of corruption to quantify
their economic costs and focus public attention on how particular areas of corruption affect the conduct of
business and economic growth in the Philippines. The work has now extended to promoting good
governance in selected cities and municipalities of Mindanao through capacity-building efforts.
The Transparent Accountable Governance Project Web site also presents the initiatives of the
Government and private sector in addressing corruption.

4. Networking: Caucus of Development Nongovernment Organization Networks

As discussed earlier, networking or coalition building among NGOs has been a major trend in the
Philippines in the past decades. This has been seen as an imperative if NGOs are to deepen their impact
on society and effectively pursue causes and initiatives where they may have some kind of comparative
advantage. This may be in poverty reduction, environmental management and sustainable development,
and other specific causes, such as human rights. Over the recent years, the positive impact of NGOs in
certain areas of development has been felt and recognized. Some have said that this is an indicator of

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the failure of the Government to address areas that it has the mandate to address. However, some have
also said that the success of NGOs in comparison with the Government is more apparent because NGOs
can choose the areas (sectors and geographic areas) where they operate, as opposed to the
Government, which has no choice.
CODE-NGO was organized in 1991 by 10 of the largest networks in the Philippines, making it the
largest coalition of development NGOs in the country. Eighty percent of its members are development,
justice, and advocacy NGOs. CODE-NGO mediates the discussion and consensus-building of issues
among its members and aims to regionalize the NGO community across the country to effect a
decentralized system of operations, most significantly in Mindanao and the Visayas. CODE-NGO
represents its government and development agency members in advocating the concerns of NGOs, POs,
and sectors and communities they assist. Currently, CODE-NGO is comprised of seven national networks
and five regional networks, representing more than 2,500 NGOs, POs, and cooperatives nationwide.
In accordance with a constitutional provision, the 1991 Local Government Code provides the
legal foundation to institutionalize the participation of civil society in local governance within the broad
context of people empowerment. Under the code, LGUs are encouraged to promote the establishment
and operation of POs and NGOs to become active partners in the pursuit of local autonomy. The role of
NGOs in local development should be seen as complementary and supplementary to, and supportive of
the efforts of LGUs. This is the essence of partnership between the Government and the private sector.
Over the past 10 years, we have witnessed fruitful collaboration between the Government and civil
society in many sectors. For instance, the Philippine Council for Sustainable Development has a leader
from civil society as its cochair. The National Anti-Poverty Commission has actively sought partnerships
with civil society groups and, like the Philippine Council for Sustainable Development, has a distinguished
representative from civil society as its cochair. The ideology of partnership between the Government and
civil society is the spirit that runs through the organization from the national to local levels.
At the local level, there are several modes by which direct NGO involvement in governance can
be made solid, as provided for in the code. For instance, NGOs are allocated specific seats in local
bodies. These include the local development council that is contemplated to be the primary policy-making
and planning body for the area. Where before, NGOs could occupy up to a maximum of one fourth of the
seats in said councils, under the present code, the minimum is placed at one fourth. It is not
inconceivable to see a situation where NGOs may occupy more than one fourth of the seats on local
development councils. However, such a situation has to be placed in its proper context, more specifically
in defining the proper role of NGOs in local development.
Other local bodies in which NGOs are allocated specific seats are the local prebid and awards
committees, local health boards, local school boards, and local peace and order councils. The code also
provides that LGUs may enter into joint ventures and undertakings and cooperative arrangements with
POs and NGOs. Such joint undertakings include delivering basic services, capacity-building projects, and
livelihood projects; developing local enterprises to improve productivity; diversifying agriculture, spurring
rural industrialization; promoting ecological balance; and enhancing the economic and social well-being of
the people. Such provisions have far-reaching implications. They provide opportunities for NGOs to get
directly involved in the delivery of basic services to communities within the framework of local
governance. Thus, aside from being complementary and supplementary mechanisms to local
governments, NGOs can even be alternate sources of basic services. Indeed, as a privatization strategy,
it is possible for NGOs to provide the necessary services in a more efficient and cost-effective manner.
Another major mode that would make operational joint undertakings between local governments
and the private sector, including NGOs, is the so-called build-operate-transfer (BOT) mode, as provided
for in the BOT Law (Republic Act 6957). The BOT scheme is a contractual arrangement entered into
between an LGU and a private contractor, wherein the latter undertakes the construction, including the
financing, of an infrastructure facility and, depending on the arrangement with the LGU, the contractor
either operates and maintains and/or transfers it to the LGU upon completion of the project or after a
certain period of its operation. Examples of infrastructure projects include the construction of highways,
roads and bridges, railways, ports, and wharves, etc.
A related provision to the code on LGU-NGO partnership enjoins an LGU, through its local chief
executive and with the concurrence of the sanggunian (council) concerned, to provide assistance,
financial or otherwise, to POs and NGOs for economic, socially oriented, environmental, or cultural
projects to be implemented within local territorial jurisdiction. Indeed, civil society has come a long way in
its involvement in the process of participating in democratic governance in the Philippines.

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D. Issues and Challenges

This section discusses some emerging issues and concerns that must be addressed by civil
society groups as they continue to perform their role in the broader process of democratic governance.

1. Developing and Strengthening Partnerships

Partnerships and collaborative mechanisms must be developed to improve and enhance

democratic governance. This may be made operational at several levels, i.e., partnership between the
Government (national and local) and civil society and partnerships and coalitions between and among
NGOs themselves.
There is therefore a need to overcome traditional suspicions between the Government and
NGOs. Both sectors must recognize the potential of synergizing their efforts toward the general goal of
development and democratic governance. This may necessitate the need in both sectors for some
retooling within the context of such a partnership, including the need to develop their capabilities to
recognize and appreciate the nuances of each other’s unique cultures.
At the level of inter-NGO relationships, there is a need to maintain inter-NGO cooperation to
address some emerging problems of their own growing competition at a healthy level, instead of wasting
their energy on protecting their own turf, and also to focus on synergizing their efforts through coalitions to
obviate any possible divide and rule tactics among some sectors of the Government. There is likewise a
need for NGOs to address some of their emerging problems, such as their own expanding bureaucracies,
which include the imperative to professionalize their operations to the relatively fast personnel turnover,
provide incentives for their staff members, and decrease red tape and even corruption.89 It is also
necessary to promote and sustain civil society accountabilities.
At the level of NGO-PO relations, there is a need for NGOs to avoid communicating a patronizing
attitude to POs, a tendency of many centrist and Manila-based NGOs. They should recognize that their
ultimate objective is people empowerment, which will be realized when POs become self-reliant and
relatively independent, not only from NGOs but also from government structures.
Another concern that must be addressed is the lack of familiarity of NGOs with the structures,
processes, and procedures of the Government. This lack of familiarity has led to stereotyping,
consequently leading to needless animosities between both sectors. Because of their lack of familiarity
with the intricacies of formal government, NGOs are also seen to lack the capability and readiness to
assume government organization-related responsibilities. The so-called leftist orientation of some NGOs
was seen by some of their counterparts in the Government as an obstacle to their participation (to a
certain extent, this can be appreciated within the historical context of government organization-NGO
relations under the authoritarian administration of Marcos).

2. Autonomy and Independence of NGOs

NGOs have always prided themselves with their independence and ability to get things done on
their own with minimal or no interference by and assistance from the Government. Their being NGOs
liberates them from the common problems encountered by government bureaucracies, such as red tape
and even graft and corruption. The argument goes like this: if they participate in formal structures and
mechanisms of government, will they not be compromising their independence and in effect be coopted
by the very structures they are wary of? This paradigm has led to heated debates within the civil society
community, especially in the late 1980s and early 1990s, whether or not to be directly part of government
structures and processes. Other sectors in the community have opted to remain out of government,
others have opted to maintain critical collaboration with government, while others have opted to be part of
government and work from within.
The independence or the autonomy of NGOs has to be placed within its proper context. A factor
that should be recognized is the extent of institutionalization of NGOs. An NGO with strong roots
(historical, organizational, and commitment-based) need not worry about being coopted by the state. After

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Recently, however, the NGO community suffered negative publicity when CODE-NGO was accused of rent
seeking by floating so-called peace bonds worth P1.2 billion using its connections with those in power. Their
colleagues in the NGO community declared that “it has set back the entire civil society struggle.”

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all, if it were firmly rooted in its own basic ideals, mission, and vision, the loss of its autonomy and even
being coopted should be the least of its concerns.
A related issue that must be addressed is that of cooptation: Does the use of resources made
available by the Government to NGO’s compromise their autonomy and thereby coopt them? Does using
government funds or availing of government assistance necessarily lead to an NGOs loss of
independence? These are questions that must be answered.

3. Deepening the Bench of NGO Leaders

Deepening the bench of NGO leaders has become an imperative in the NGO community over the
recent years. Prominent and pioneering leaders in the NGO community have begun to move on. Some
have been recruited to take leadership positions in the Government, others have become cabinet
members during the Aquino, Ramos, and Macapagal-Arroyo administrations. Some have retired from
active involvement in civil society. Deepening the bench therefore involves recruitment and training of
what has been called a successor generation, to take on leadership and responsible positions in the
movement. Given the active involvement of civil society in governance processes, it is not inconceivable
to see this trend continue with civil society serving as a one of the major recruitment grounds for leaders
and officials in the Government.

4. Dependence on External Development Partners

Another major concern within the civil society community is sustainability vis-à-vis dependence on
support of the development partner community. In other words, this is mostly true for so-called
development partner-driven NGOs, whose main source of support is the development partner community.
The question is raised: what will happen when fund sources are withdrawn or dry up? Will the initiatives
and advocacies of such NGOs be sustained and continued?
Indeed, many civil society organizations have long been enjoying financial assistance from the
international community. Silliman (1998), however, deems that Philippine NGOs are facing a challenge
that imperils their autonomy. According to Silliman, “Foreign financial assistance is the lifeblood of the
NGO community, but ironically, grassroots support organizations face the dilemma that, while they are
encouraging self-reliance among their beneficiary groups, they are themselves becoming more
dependent on donor agencies in the developed countries.... Additionally, the acceptance of grants from
external donors carries with it a loss in program autonomy.”
Silliman also notes that although grassroots support organizations may be willing to partake in
transnational activities (i.e., to secure wherewithal from foreign benefactors), these organizations are
“sensitive to any loss of autonomy ... [such that] leaders [of these organizations] engage their respective
‘partners’ in dialogue over the issue and, if possible, they try to “shape donor policies.”

5. Making Participation Operational: Sector and Party-List Representation

The 1987 Constitution of the Republic of the Philippines identified civil society participation
through sector representatives as one way by which NGOs and POs can be involved in the formal
political processes of the Government. This has been done mostly through the involvement of party-list
and sector representatives at the national and local levels. The issue that has come up over recent years,
with the appointment of sector representatives not only in the national congress but also in local
legislative bodies, is the quality, qualifications, and manner of selection of sector representatives. Some
sector representatives themselves at the national and local levels have been accused of representing
only their particular factions and blocks of their sector. Acceptability to the whole sector representing said
sector (e.g., urban poor, agriculture, fisherfolk, women, etc.) has been hounded by controversies. At the
local level, sector representation has been a contentious issue for some local government officials who
have said that the appointment of sector representatives may be superfluous (and even expensive)
considering that representation in the local legislative body is sufficient, according to this school of
thought, for all sectors. Hence, the purpose and value of sector representation has to be clarified,
especially at the level of local governments.
Given the political and partisan nature of the selection of party-list representatives, it is obviously
a concern that should be a purely domestic concern, and international involvement in such an aspect

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should be avoided. Given political sensitivities in the Philippines, it may be misconstrued as foreign
intervention. After having said that, though, it may be mentioned that one political party in the Philippines
that has international ties and has drawn support and technical assistance from the development partner
community is the Liberal Party. The Friedrich Nauman Foundation of Germany has openly supported
training and capacity-building assistance to the party.

E. Strategic Directions

The active participation of civil society, NGOs, and POs in the process of governance is a positive
trend that must be recognized and encouraged. If anything, civil society involvement in governance
makes operational the values of participation, transparency, and accountability. In most general terms,
therefore, the fundamental strategy to further bring to life citizen engagement in the process of
governance is to identify and nurture areas for meaningful partnership between civil society and the
Government. These may be in the areas of identification and design of projects, to their implementation,
monitoring, and evaluation. Joint service delivery with civil society playing a supplementary and
complementary role, or even as alternative mechanisms altogether in the delivery of services may
contribute to the general strategy of cementing the civil society-government partnership.
The following areas may therefore be considered in developing strategic partnerships that would
encourage civil society involvement in governance.

1. Building Capacities for NGOs and POs

The past decade has shown positive developments in civil society engagement in the process of
governance. It has also revealed the need for capacity building on the part of civil society, especially
among NGOs and POs, to enable them to constructively and confidently participate in institutions and
processes that were once the exclusive domain of the Government. It is within this context that strategic
directions may be focused at developing civil society capacities in identifying areas and modalities of
collaboration between the Government and civil society. In the light of the peace bonds incident, part of
capacity building may be in further training civil society leaders in the nuances of the politico-
administrative system.

2. Supporting the Successor Generation Program of Civil Society

In relation to this, it may be imperative to develop strategies to support the efforts of civil society
organizations, to train what they have referred to as successor generation leaders for the NGO and PO
community.

3. Developing Strategies for Active Citizen Engagement in Governance

The past years have seen how members of civil society and NGOs have taken the fundamental
step to get actively engaged in the formal structures and processes of the Government, to influence policy
and actively get involved in implementation. Thus, we have seen civil society leaders get recruited into
various levels of the bureaucracy. It may therefore be appropriate for such leaders to create a forum for
sharing success stories and best practices of such engagements, with a clear recognition that a tour of
duty in government service is actually a realistic option in the career paths of members of civil society.

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X. Toward an Agenda for
Collective Good Governance
This chapter discusses general observations on governance capacities in the seven governance
areas studied, within the context of attaining accountability, participation, predictability, and transparency
and in enabling the State to perform its sound development management roles and pursue strategic
directions in addressing capacity gaps and weaknesses.

A. General Observations

Policy support for good governance in the Philippines exists and is embodied in various
constitutional provisions, statutes, executive orders, administrative rules and regulations, and policy
pronouncements embedded in or putting forth national development goals or agendas. In fact, the recent
and current medium-term Philippine development plans have devoted specific sections solely to the
concerns of governance.
However, existing organizational structures and mechanisms, administrative and operational
systems and processes, and overall institutional arrangements in each of the governance areas studied
reveal vulnerabilities in existing capacities for attaining accountability, participation, transparency, and
predictability in governance.
Enforcing or solidifying accountability is principally hampered by inadequacies in existing
standards or criteria to measure performance, and this consequently affects the effectiveness of
mechanisms intended to ensure that desired standards of performance are met.
In the civil service system, performance targets are identified via programs and projects, but
appropriate and adequate performance measures that would provide benchmarks for assessing overall
efficiency and effectiveness in the performance of tasks in program and project implementation, as well
as of the effectiveness of programs and projects themselves in addressing social needs they are intended
to address, still have to be further developed and refined.
Existing performance measures are generally quantitative in focus (i.e., number of school
buildings constructed, number of rolling stores operating, etc.). The preoccupation with numbers in
measuring performance diminishes agency attention to the importance of developing indicators that
determine whether or not services were delivered to the intended program and project beneficiaries and
able to address identified needs in a timely and appropriate manner. Are school buildings being
constructed where and when they are needed most? Is it the poor who benefit from the sale of cheaper
basic commodities by rolling stores? The answers to these questions impact not only on the effectiveness
and reliability of monitoring and evaluation systems but also the efficiency of allocation and use of
resources.
At the macro level, effective control of expenditures, budget discipline, and sustainable deficit
management would be difficult to attain and sustain as long as appropriate performance benchmarks are
inadequate or inappropriate and mechanisms to enforce them are not operational and do not ensure
strong links between planning and budgeting and between the level of expenditures and the kind and
quality of goods and services delivered to the people.
Reporting and prosecution of officials to exact accountability for unethical or unlawful conduct is
hampered by weak institutional mechanisms to protect whistleblowers, systemic inadequacies, and
investigative and prosecutorial agency inefficiencies ranging from meager resources to incompetence and
the intractability of rules and procedures that confound prospective complainants and delay, rather than
facilitate, investigation and prosecution.
Access to and representation and involvement of the broadest cross section of the national
constituency in all facets and levels of decision and policy making remain limited, despite constitutional
mandates and policy pronouncements that recognize the need to enhance democratization of the political
system and allow meaningful representation of marginalized sectors and civil society in national and local
policy-making bodies.
Party-list representation in the House of Representatives has not reached the mandated 20% of
total house membership because of the Commission on Elections (COMELEC)’s failure to decide with
dispatch who is entitled to party-list representation, owing to gaps in the implementing rules and

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regulations of the Party-list Law that are of COMELEC’s own making. Sector representation in local
legislative bodies, as mandated by the Local Government Code, has been marred by the resistance of
local government executives who assert that sectors are already sufficiently represented by elected
council members and by the capture of sector representation by the ruling political interests in various
localities through local executives who secure the election of their own choices to sector seats in their
respective sanggunians (local councils).
While more seats have been allocated for civil society groups in various local special bodies, the
nature of these special bodies and their operations are not such that they could significantly affect the
substance and direction of local development policies that remain in the firm control of ruling political
forces. The practice of some local executives of creating their own NGOs, which are then given the seats
allocated to authentic NGOs in local special bodies, further weakens civil society capabilities to
meaningfully participate in local policy making. Internal dissensions among civil society groups (i.e.,
between urban-based NGOs and POs), among those with divergent ideological and/or political
persuasions, and among civil society organizations, and the lack of mechanisms with which viable and
appropriate modes of collaborative engagements of civil society with the Government can be clarified and
defined, further limit their effective harnessing of existing opportunities to meaningfully influence and
participate in policy making.
Equal, fair, and consistent application of laws, rules, and policies to attain predictability in
governance cannot be ensured by a judicial system afflicted with organizational and systemic
weaknesses that impair its capabilities to deliver justice swiftly and fairly. Gaps in judicial competence,
outdated court systems and procedures, weaknesses in court administration and case management, and
lack of resources and facilities, among others, converge to diminish the court system’s capabilities to
deliver justice swiftly and fairly. With the processes of judicial appointments from the lowest court to the
highest tribunal vulnerable to political pressure and patronage, the judicial system is also rendered
vulnerable to capture by vested interests, thus impairing its independence. Judicial independence is
further threatened by the Judiciary’s lack of fiscal autonomy that renders it beholden to the executive
branch of the Government in terms of needed resources for its operations. The power of judicial review
remains a threat to the stability of the policy environment, and its exercise affects the capabilities of the
Government to maintain consistency in its development policies.
As regards transparency in governance, institutional arrangements, systems, and processes
generally limit public access to timely, complete, and clear information on government programs and
policies. On the demand side, the public’s capability to access information is hampered by its lack of
knowledge or understanding of procedures designed to allow such access. On the supply side, there is
no proactive effort from government instrumentalities to provide the people with information that would
enable them to participate meaningfully in policy making. For example, information relating to public
financial management (i.e., budget deficit, government borrowing, etc.), whose dynamics directly affect
the lives of the people, is rarely available in such form and through such manner as would be understood
by the greater number.
The inadequacy of performance measures to determine public accountability, the constriction of
avenues for citizen and civil society participation in policy making, the lack of mechanisms to ensure full
disclosure of the financial and program involvements of NGOs, and a legal system that has a surfeit of
contradictory laws and unevenly implemented rules that are rarely comprehensible to the people all
contribute to limit capacities to ensure transparency in governance.
Diminished or weak capacities to effectively secure accountability, participation, predictability, and
transparency in governance also diminish and weaken the capacity of the state to perform its governance
roles.
The capacity of the Government to create a robust economic environment is impaired. The
tendency to accommodate the widest spectrum of politically motivated needs and interests at the
expense of authentic social and economic priorities leads to spiraling budget levels, runaway budget
deficits, excessive government borrowing, unmanageable deficit spending, and others. In turn, these
create an environment of economic malaise that does not encourage investments, domestic or foreign,
and diminishes the competitiveness of the national economy. Resources that would enable the State to
protect the vulnerable become severely restricted. Huge budget deficit and debt servicing allotments
crowd out expenditures for social services that could only result in the denial of needed resources to
alleviate the conditions of the poor and marginalized. The ultimate consequence is to widen rather than
reduce the gap between the rich and the poor and to deepen, rather than minimize, social disparities.

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 The capacity of the Government to improve its overall efficiency and responsiveness in delivering
services to the people and in undertaking necessary reforms in its organizational, operational, and
institutional structures, systems, and processes is also compromised. Resources needed to attract
qualified and competent personnel, to provide appropriate training to government employees to enhance
their capabilities, to secure needed facilities and equipment, and to undertake such other programs to
enhance overall efficiency and effectiveness of the civil service would not be available, as is evidenced by
current situations.
Also restricted is the Government’s capacity to expand opportunities for people’s empowerment
and democratize the political system. An institutional environment can persist where the legal and judicial
systems are not functioning as desired, in delivering justice and ensuring that laws and policies are
applied and/or implemented fairly, equally, and consistently, and the electoral processes are vulnerable to
manipulation and capture by vested interests, which ultimately leads to the systematic subversion of the
people’s sovereign will in the choice of their leaders and representatives in the Government. Under such
conditions, political systems become captive to vested interests rather than democratized to afford access
to the people, thus, compromising the capacities of the Government for social integration. Again, current
realities reflect these vulnerabilities in the institutional environment.
Various reform initiatives are being undertaken in the six areas of governance that were surveyed
and assessed. These reform initiatives share common thrusts: creating and/or establishing organizational
structures; adopting appropriate administrative and operational systems and procedures; recruiting and
training a competent human resource corps; rationalizing institutional rules and regulations; and securing
the availability of requisite resources to enable efficient, effective, and responsive performance of
functions. Embedded in the pursuit of efficiency, effectiveness, and responsiveness in the performance of
functions is strengthening capacities for accountability, participation, predictability, and transparency in
governance.
In the past two decades, reform initiatives have evolved to sharpen their focus toward specifically
addressing identified governance weaknesses, and these steadily gained ground in establishing more
efficient task and/or systems management mechanisms. Initiatives in fiscal management are illustrative,
as are government efforts to systematically manage anticorruption programs by establishing
organizational mechanisms that would harmonize, integrate, and rationalize existing agency mandates
and activities toward combating corruption, which have facilitated the identification, reporting,
investigation, and filing of cases against public officials accused of graft and corruption. While political
interference, meager investigative resources, and even incompetence still persist to stymie the efficiency
and effectiveness of investigative and prosecutorial mechanisms, the framework for efficient interagency
collaboration in combating corruption has been put in place.
Best and good practices and innovative program strategies involving focused targeting of
beneficiaries and coordinated convergence of agency efforts via collaborative mechanisms in the
implementation of programs and projects are also effectively bringing the intended benefits of the
Government’s antipoverty program to the poor. The MBN-CIDSS (Minimum Basic Needs—
Comprehensive and Integrated Delivery of Social Services) experience is proof that the strategy works
and is inspiring replication in other areas of governance.
Reform efforts to bring about more responsive governance structures at the local level have been
given a tremendous boost with the implementation of the Local Government Code of 1991. The decade-
long experience with devolution has brought with it proposals to further empower local governments and
local communities. These include significantly increasing local governments’ capacities not only to access
grants and resources from the national Government through increased internal revenue allocations, but,
equally important, through increasing their capacities to generate local resources through innovative
means apart from taxation. Good and best practices and innovations in various areas (revenue
mobilization, intergovernmental cooperation, basic services delivery, government-civil society
partnerships, and others) have shown that there is hope to indeed empower local communities through
good local governance.
While civil society’s participation in governance is still limited in terms of formal engagement in
institutional processes of decision making, its ability to influence government action continues to grow in
the social arena, as it has displayed sustained abilities to generate public pressure on the Government to
address critical social and political issues. Proposed amendments to the Local Government Code now
pending in the Senate and the House of Representatives and targeted for approval include provisions that

141
further enhance civil society participation in local governance not only in terms of representation in local
special bodies but also in terms of institutionalizing collaborative mechanisms for the delivery of services.
Judicial reforms are also gaining headway in the area of improving judicial competence through a
continuing legal education program that enhances knowledge of the law and court management skills of
judicial officers. The Supreme Court’s purposive determination to rid the court system of inefficient and
corrupt judicial officials—as evidenced by the dispatch with which it has imposed disciplinary action on
accused judges this past 3 years, and a judicial monitoring system that makes judges comply with case
disposition targets, among others—is working to enhance court discipline and efficiency.
In sum, current reform initiatives are responding to the challenge to attain accountability, participation,
predictability, and transparency in governance. What is needed is to fine-tune their integration and
develop stronger mechanisms to secure their sustainability in the long term.
Reform initiatives have been rife from the birth of the Republic to the present. The thrusts of
reform initiatives across past administrations have generally remained unchanged, albeit a marked
difference in degree of emphasis is evident in regard to concerns on democratization, people’s
empowerment, and/or civil society participation in the post-Marcos era. But while essentially the same
weaknesses still exist in institutional efficiency, effectiveness, and responsiveness in the judicial system,
the civil service, the electoral system, the local governments, and the relationship between the
Government and the private sector and civil society, efforts to address these weaknesses have become
more focused, coordinated, and sustained in the past two decades. The impact of the reform initiatives of
the past two decades may appear largely piecemeal and incremental, but they have laid the groundwork
for the pursuit of more comprehensive reform efforts by identifying crucial governance areas where
institutional mechanisms to secure accountability, participation, predictability, and transparency can be
strategically focused to sustain reform efforts in the long term.

B. Crafting a National Good Governance Agenda or Plan

Good governance is, at the end of the day, an open, committed, accountable, and collaborative
engagement of all social forces in the pursuit of the common good. It is a socially integrative process that
ultimately builds and strengthens a people’s sense of community. It rests on the consciousness of the
interrelatedness of social factors and actors that affect the common good. It cannot, therefore, be a
fragmented or piecemeal pursuit independently undertaken by various social forces, sectors or groups, or
government instrumentalities. Rather, it necessarily involves a carefully planned, systematically integrated
and coordinated, and sustainable collective effort of all key actors in the arena of governance (the
Government, private sector, and civil society).
It is within this context that initiatives at strengthening capacities for governance must be similarly
pursued in a systematically integrated and coordinated manner, strategically focusing on key areas that
could best enhance capacities for governance in the long term, rather than on politically convenient
concerns selected piecemeal to generate immediate public impact. Convergence, integration, and
sustainability must, therefore, be the key imperatives of reform for good governance.
To illustrate, government reorganization cannot be pursued separately from civil service reform.
Legislating a government reorganization act without enacting a civil service code diminishes the efficacy
of the former. Both concerns are inextricably interrelated with reforms pertaining to local autonomy and
decentralization and the institutionalization of citizen participation in government policy-making, legal, and
judicial reforms and reforms in the electoral system. These are all interrelated concerns that impact on the
overall terrain of governance.
Unintegrated and piecemeal efforts addressing one or two concerns separately have not
succeeded in effecting change that enhance governance in the long term. Various reorganization efforts
are proof of this, as are the series of civil service reforms and the succession of judicial reforms pursued
by stewards of the Judiciary. The lessons of past experiences point to the imperative of formulating a
national agenda or plan for good governance that would bring together all reform initiatives being
gestated in governance areas and provide the overall framework for coordinated action of government
agencies and instrumentalities concerned, the private sector, and civil society.
The envisioned national good governance agenda or plan would be a comprehensive plan to be
implemented in the long term (for a minimum of 25 years [2004–2029]). Similar to past Philippine
development plans, it would be in the nature of a rolling plan that is subject to review every 5 years, to be
able to adjust targets or modify programs and projects depending on developments.

142
 Thus, 5-year plans will be formulated to incorporate results of reviews conducted every 5 years.
The national governance agenda or rolling plan would contain long-term targets, while the 5-year plans
would embody short-term targets leading to the attainment of long-term targets. The 5-year plans would
be integrated as a separate component or as a companion plan adopting the overall principles, priorities,
and thrusts of a Philippine medium-term development plan. Good governance should be a specific priority
component of the national development agenda, rather than merely a part of a specific program agenda,
such as the national antipoverty effort, as it currently is in the Philippine Medium-Term Development Plan.
The governance areas assessed in this study (i.e., bureaucracy, financial management, local
governments, judiciary, electoral reforms, and civil society engagement in governance),90 can form the
core of governance areas to be incorporated in the national governance agenda or plan, and the reform
initiatives and strategic directions for reform identified in each governance area can serve as initial inputs
to the process of crafting the agenda or plan for such governance areas.
The process of crafting a national good governance agenda or plan is as important as the agenda
or plan itself. It must necessarily involve broad consultations at all levels. Authentic participation of all
affected sectors and agencies in the consultation and planning processes creates a sense of ownership
that propels committed involvement in the implementation, monitoring, and evaluation of programs and
projects. It also promotes transparency that facilitates access to and dissemination of information
necessary not only for the benefit of participants, to enable them to make informed choices on programs,
projects, and strategies, but also for the benefit of the public whose support is crucial to the attainment of
good governance goals.
A wide popular base of support for the agenda or plan would ensure sustainability. Changes in
national leadership that usually result in overhauling initiatives of previous administrations would be
forestalled as the incoming administration would then hesitate to tamper with an agenda or plan that
enjoys popular or widespread citizen support. Sustainability can further be secured through the passage
of an enabling legislation that mandates the implementation of the agenda or plan in the long term.
The process would also provide an opportunity for rethinking current governance reform
assumptions and strategies. For example, the prevailing common advocacy is that there is a need to
enhance compensation and benefits packages in government to be able to recruit and retain competent
personnel in government service. While competitive compensation and benefits packages can certainly
lure many into government service, attention must also be given to the need to use existing personnel
efficiently and effectively. Making merit and fitness the cornerstone of the civil service system requires
that personnel be deployed to jobs that fit their skills and competence. Initiatives to achieve this end must
also be pursued with equal zeal.
Current reform initiatives are also generally inward-looking, as they are focused on internal
structures, systems, and processes that impact on capacities for governance. The action environment
within which reform initiatives would be implemented should also be studied (i.e., the political dynamics
that affect the substance and acceptability of policy as well as the strength and reach of the influence of
policy makers; ideological and/or political persuasions of key policy actors; developments in the
international sociopolitical and economic arenas, particularly those that affect economic relationships with
other countries; and cultural factors that impact on the acceptability and feasibility of reform initiatives, as
all of these affect the prioritization of performance targets, the thrust and substance of reform initiatives,
and the availability of resources to support their implementation).
In the process, a more holistic, integrated, multidimensional, and participatory approach to
crafting and implementing an agenda for reform, to enhance capacities for accountability, participation,
predictability, and transparency, can be evolved.
Toward this end, the challenge is to pursue every opportunity and effort to integrate and ensure
the sustainability of reform initiatives. The other equally important challenge is to be able to build upon the
hard-earned reforms and gains of the past toward the collective goal of bringing about good governance
in the Philippines.

90
As indicated earlier, the Legislature should also be included among the major institutions that should be assessed.
This was not covered in this study.

143
144

Policy Framework, Strategies, and Measures for Good Governance

Appendix 1
Goal MTPDP Strategies Specific Measures
Improve service • Reengineer the bureaucracy • Review performance of all existing projects prior to approval of
delivery new ones
• Facilitate access to frontline services through the issuance of a
common card
• Establish complaints desks
• Simplify procedures and reduce processing period to at least half
• Rationalize compensation and benefit package in the • Conduct job rationalization program
government • Study the possibility of providing government agencies an
equitable share of their income
• Ensure prudent expenditure management

• Implement government accounting and auditing reforms • Pass the Revised Government Accounting and Auditing Code
• Strengthen the check and balance mechanism in oversight
agencies (e.g., COA, DBM, DOJ, etc.)
• Establish common database for CSC, DBM, GSIS, and BIR re
information on government employees
• Institutionalize government procurement reforms • Issue an Executive Order to rotate work assignments of
procurement officers to avoid collusion with suppliers
• Expand information and communication technology (ICT) in • Develop Web sites of different government agencies
government • Establish e-courts on a pilot basis to speed up getting and
documenting the testimonies of witnesses
• Make COA guidelines and circulars in the interpretation of audit
rules and regulations available online
• Finance development • Study possibility of providing complementation fund for local
projects in the 2003 budget
• Sustain devolution • Pass a law that would rationalize the scope and functions of
government agencies and further devolve functions of LGUs
• Further decentralize the responsibilities to field units
• Revisit the Salary Standardization Law with priority to hard-to-fill-
up positions
• Rationalize use of corporate form
• Define regulatory role of government • Strengthen the regulatory powers of different professions
• Create a favorable business environment • Clear up major roads of ambulant vendors and other
obstructions
• Prepare template in coordination with local leagues for tracking
the adoption of local governance best practices consistent with
international standards
 Goal MTPDP Strategies Specific Measures
• On Solid Waste Management
ƒ Review and amend the Clean Air Act to allow the entry of
other methods in addressing the garbage problem
ƒ Local executives to develop, design, and implement their
respective waste management schemes
• On Human Resource Development – strengthen the third level
through the development of technical/administrative skills;
review/enhance recruitment and examination standards; and
promote through rank rather than position
Improve ethical • Promote leadership by example • Depoliticize appointments to managerial positions in government
standards in (50% of positions in the undersecretary and assistant secretary
society levels should be career)
• Provide assistance to the OP in installing a performance
evaluation system of the corporate governance practices of the
Board of Directors of GOCCs and GFIs
• Pursue electoral reforms
• Provide information, education, and advocacy campaign against • Conduct training on ethics and accountability
corruption
• Reform systems, structures, and mechanisms • Pilot the implementation of an integrated accountability system
from the employee to the agency level
• Shift the direct control and supervision over the prosecution of
criminal cases filed before regular courts against lower level
government officials and employees from DOJ to OMB
• Pass the amendments to the Local Government Code
• Direct LMB to submit land area estimates to be used in IRA
decisions by the Executive and the Congress
• Establish a unit responsible for setting ethical/competency
standards/guidelines for appointees to public office, including
lifestyle
• Pass the CSC
• Pass a law on the prisoner swap system
• Engage the private sector and civil society in the fight against • Require CSOs to declare transparency and accountability
corruption systems when dealing with government and development
agencies
• Require CSOs to declare their own system of transparency and
accountability (code of conduct)
• Coordinate with civil society spot or selected audit of government
programs and projects

Appendix 1
• Harness public sector unions as antigraft watchdogs
• Conduct business only with accredited CSOs
Strengthen • Reform corporate governance and promote social responsibility
institutions in the private sector
145
146

Goal MTPDP Strategies Specific Measures

Appendix 1
• Nurture the collective conscience through civil society • Strengthen the monitoring and evaluation of government
operations
• Require CSOs to go through accreditation process conducted by
the Philippine Council for NGO Certification
• Require CSOs to develop and declare their own code of conduct
• Provide assistance to the Professional Regulation Commission
in the review of professional codes of ethics and
operationalization in each profession of an effective enforcement
mechanism
• Institutionalize CSOs to monitor procurement process
• Improve institutional capacity of government
• Encourage partnership building in national development
BIR = Bureau of Internal Revenue, COA = Commission on Audit, CSC = Civil Service Commission, CSO = civil society organization, DBM = Department of Budget and
Management, DOJ = Department of Justice, GFI = government financing institution, GOCC = government-owned and -controlled corporation, GSIS = Government
Service Insurance System, LGU = local government unit, LMB = Land Management Bureau, NGO = nongovernment organization, OMB = Office of the Ombudsman,
OP = Office of the President
Source: National Economic and Development Authority, Medium-Term Development Plan 2001–2004; Socioeconomic Summit 2001.
 Summary of Key Result Areas and Strategies for Civil Service Reform

Key Result Areas

Effective and Efficient Professionalized Civil Improved Public Service Enhanced Participation Strengthened External Appropriate Management
Administrative Justice Service Delivery of Public Sector Unions Relations and Support Services
Strategies
• Facilitate disposition of • Strengthen third level • Enhance rewards and • Strengthen coordination • Strengthen advisory role • Reorganize CSC
administrative cases • Develop policies granting sanctions and partnership with to the president on all structure to rationalize
• Develop monitoring CSC authority to appoint • Implement Service other agency members matters pertaining to functions and
mechanism to track and discipline those Delivery Excellence • Review rights and human resource strengthen
cases below assistant secretary Program (SDEP) privileges as well as management in coordination among
• Institute mechanisms level • Implement “Text CSC existing mechanisms government offices for efficient
to declog case • Rethink and intensify Project” with respect to labor- • Take a lead role in inter- delivery of public
dockets HRD interventions • Monitor “Process Flow management relations agency committees services
• Intensify conciliation • Enhance merit system Chart, Service Pledge, • Intensify education and involved in good • Develop prudent
and mediation • Design incentive and Service Standards” information campaign governance expenditure
• Strengthen capacity of packages to attract the by agencies on responsible Public • Develop and implement management program
legal counselors best and the brightest to • Create common Sector Unionism (PSU) a civil service public • Strengthen internal
• Strengthen CSC’s the government and database for CSC, GSIS, • Strengthen PSUs to information audit system
contempt power make them stay DBM, and BIR for easy serve as watchdog in communication plan • Develop efficient and
• Take lead role in • Integrate gender and access on government every agency • Develop programs that effective model of
IAAGCC development concepts in personnel information • Encourage unions to will follow through governance within
• Enhance CSC quasi- CSC policies and • Develop programs for register and accredit CSC’s “jump-start” CSC
judicial functions programs LGUs to improve with CSC programs for LGUs • Create
• Implement special • Rationalize policies on services at local levels • Implement more • Devolve personnel feedback/monitoring
project on “Women engaging contractuals, and to increase effective conciliation management functions mechanism for
Against Graft” job orders, and awareness of CSC rules and mediation services to agencies particularly delegated /devolved
• Ensure consistency of consultancy services • Develop proactive and at the regional, functions
decisions across quick reaction provincial, and • Develop and
regional offices mechanisms for municipal levels implement an
resolving labor- • Review relationship organization public
management conflicts between CSC and the information and
OSG re handling of education plan
appealed cases before (OPIEC) for CSC
the CA and SC • Expand use of IT in all
CSC operations
• Rationalize fiscal
policies on CO
assistance to CSRO
• Revisit performance

Appendix 2
evaluation monitoring
system (PMES)
• Ensure passage of civil
147

service code
148

Key Result Areas

Appendix 2
Effective and Efficient Professionalized Civil Improved Public Service Enhanced Participation Strengthened External Appropriate Management
Administrative Justice Service Delivery of Public Sector Unions Relations and Support Services
Strategies
• Review structure of
and support to field
offices
• Develop relevant and
needs-based staff
development programs
CA = Commission on Appointments, CO = capital outlay, CSC = Civil Service Commission, CSRO = civil society resource organization, DBM = Department of Budget and
Management, GSIS = Government Service Insurance System, HRD = human resource development, IAAGCC = Inter-Agency Anti-Graft Coordinating Council, IT = information
technology, LGU = local government unit, OSG = Office of the Solicitor General, SC=Supreme Court.
Source: Civil Service Commission Strategic Plan, 2002–2004.
 Governance Map of the Philippines
Accountability (Building Government Capacity) Predictability (Legal Framework)

Public Financial Management Public Enterprise

ƒ Public expenditure reform Management Providing Policy Support for Governance Reform
ƒ Growth promotion ƒ Complete ƒ Legislative support
ƒ Debt management privatization
ƒ Revenue generation
ƒ Economic development

Public
Sector Management Administration of Justice
ƒ Combat corruption ƒ Maintain peace and order
ƒ Build capacities

Civil Service Reform Improving

ƒ Protect bureaucracy for political Human
patronage Conditions
ƒ Establish performance
management system Judicial System
ƒ Expand use of information ƒ Combat corruption
technology
ƒ Streamline the bureaucracy
ƒ Rationalize public personnel
management

Local Public Administration

ƒ Sustain local
autonomy
ƒ Combat corruption
ƒ Build capacities

Appendix 3
ƒ Combat corruption
ƒ Public-private partnership
Civil Society Governance Corporate Governance Popularizing and Disseminating Knowledge Management
149

Information

Participation (Participatory Development Process) Transparency (Information Openness)

Note: List of initiatives/interventions is not exhaustive.

Appendix 4

List of House and Senate Committees in the 13th Congress

Standing Committees, 13th Congress

1. Accounts 30. Local Government
2. Agrarian Reform 31. Mindanao Affairs
3. Agriculture Reform 32. Muslim Affairs
4. Aquaculture and Fisheries Resources 33. National Cultural Communities
5. Appropriations 34. National Defense and Security
6. Banks and Financial Intermediaries 35. Natural Resources
7. Basic Education 36. Oversight
8. Civil Service and Professional Regulation 37. People’s Participation
9. Constitutional Amendments 38. Population and Family Relations
10. Cooperatives Development 39. Poverty Alleviation
11. Dangerous Drugs 40. Public Information
12. Ecology 41. Public Order and Security
13. Economic Affairs 42. Public Works and Highways
14. Energy 43. Railways and Ro-Ro System (Roll On-Roll Off)
15. Ethics 44. Revision of Laws
16. Foreign Affairs 45. Rules
17. Games and Amusement 46. Rural Development
18. Good Government 47. Science and Development
19. Government Enterprises and Privatization 48. Small Business and Entrepreneurship Development
20. Government Reorganization 49. Social Services
21. Health 50. Suffrage and Electoral Reforms
22. Higher and Technical Education 51. Tourism
23. Housing and Urban Development 52. Trade and Industry
24. Human Rights 53. Transportation
25. Information Communication Technology 54. Veteran Affairs
26. Inter-Parliamentary Relations and Diplomacy 55. Ways and Means
27. Justice 56. Women
28. Labor and Employment 57. Youth and Sports Development
29. Legislative Franchises
Source: Committee on Rules, House of Representatives.

Special Committees, 13th Congress

1. Bases Conversion
2. Bicol Growth Area
3. East Asian Growth Area
4. Education and Welfare of Special Children
5. Export Promotion
6. Food Security
7. Globalization—World Trade Organization (WTO)
8. Metro Manila Development
9. Mount Pinatubo
10. Northwest Luzon Growth Quadrangle
11. Overseas Workers Affairs
12. Peace, Reconciliation and Unity
13. Reforestation
14. Southern Tagalog
15. Priority Provinces
Source: Committee on Rules, House of Representatives.

150
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