Architecture in The Anthropocene

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Title Architecture in the Anthropocene: Encounters among design, deep time,

science and philosophy
Editor(s) Turpin, Etienne
Publication date 2013
Original citation Turpin, E. (ed.) (2013). Architecture in the Anthropocene : Encounters

Among Design, Deep Time, Science and Philosophy. Ann Arbor: Open
Humanities Press. doi: 10.3998/ohp.12527215.0001.001
Type of publication Book
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Rights © 2013, Etienne Turpin, chapters by respective Authors. This is an

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Architecture in the
Anthropocene
Encounters Among Design, Deep Time,
Science and Philosophy
Edited by Etienne Turpin
Architecture in the
Anthropocene
Critical Climate Change
Series Editors: Tom Cohen and Claire Colebrook
The era of climate change involves the mutation of systems beyond 20th
century anthropomorphic models and has stood, until recently, outside
representation or address. Understood in a broad and critical sense, climate
change concerns material agencies that impact on biomass and energy,
erased borders and microbial invention, geological and nanographic time,
and extinction events. The possibility of extinction has always been a latent
figure in the textual production and archives; but the current sense of deple-
tion, decay, mutation and exhaustion calls for new modes of address, new
styles of publishing and authoring, and new formats and speeds of distri-
bution. As the pressures and re-alignments of this re-arrangement occur, so
must the critical languages and conceptual templates, political premises and
definitions of ‘life.’ There is a particular need to publish in timely fashion ex-
perimental monographs that redefine the boundaries of disciplinary fields,
rhetorical invasions, the interface of conceptual and scientific languages,
and geomorphic and geopolitical interventions. Critical Climate Change is
oriented, in this general manner, toward the epistemo-political mutations
that correspond to the temporalities of terrestrial mutation.
Architecture in the
Anthropocene
Encounters Among Design, Deep Time,
Science and Philosophy
Edited by Etienne Turpin
OPEN HUMANITIES PRESS
An imprint of Michigan Publishing

University of Michigan Library, Ann Arbor
2013
First edition published by Open Humanities Press 2013
Freely available online at http://dx.doi.org/10.3998/ohp.12527215.0001.001
Copyright © 2013 Etienne Turpin, chapters by respective Authors.
This is an open access book, licensed under Creative Commons By Attribution

Non-Commercial No-Derivatives license. Under this license, authors allow anyone
to download, display, print, distribute, and/or copy their work so long as; the
authors and source are cited, the work is not altered or transformed, and the
purpose is non-commercial. No permission is required from the authors or the
publisher in these cases. Statutory fair use and other rights are in no way affected
by the above. Read more about the license at: creativecommons.org/licenses/
by-nc-nd/3.0/
Cover Art, figures, and other media included with this book may be under
different copyright restrictions. Please see the Permissions section at the back of
this book for more information.
ISBN-978-1-60785-307-7
Open Humanities Press is an international, scholar-led open access

publishing collective whose mission is to make leading works of contemporary
critical throught freely available worldwide. Books published under the Open
Humanities Press imprint at Michigan Publishing are produced through
a unique partnership between OHP ’s editorial board and the University of
Michigan Library, which provides a library-based managing and production
support infrastructure to facilitate scholars to publish leading reearch in book
form.
Cover Image Details: Bourke-White, Margaret (1904-1971) © VAGA, NY. Wind

Tunnel Construction, Fort Peck Dam, Montana. 1936. Gelatin silver print, 13 x 10”
(33.0 x 25.4 cm). Gift of the photographer. The Museum of Modern Art, New York,
NY, U.S.A. Digital Image © The Museum of Modern Art / Licensed by SCALA / Art
Resource, NY
OPEN HUMANITIES PRESS

www.publishing.umich.edu www.openhumanitiespress.org
Contents
1 Acknowledgments
3 Who Does the Earth Think It Is, Now?
introduction by Etienne Turpin
11 AnthroPark
design project by Michael C.C. Lin
15 Matters of Observation:
On Architecture in the Anthropocene
John Palmesino and Ann-Sofi Rönnskog in Conversation with
Etienne Turpin
25 Radical Meteorology
design project by Nabil Ahmed
29 Three Holes: In the Geological Present

essay by Seth Denizen
47 Episodes from a History of Scalelessness:

William Jerome Harrison and Geological Photography
essay by Adam Bobbette
59 Inquiries and Interpretations Concerning the Observations

and Findings from Atmosphere-Investigating, Landscape-
Exploring, Universe-Tracking Instruments, Their Experiments,
Studies, Etc.
design project by Emily Cheng
63 Matters of Calculation: The Evidence of the Anthropocene
Eyal Weizman in Conversation with Heather Davis and Etienne Turpin
83 Landscapes of San Francisco Bay: Plates from Bay Lexicon

design project by Jane Wolff
87 Architecture’s Lapidarium:
On the Lives of Geological Specimens
essay by Amy Catania Kulper
111 Erratic Imaginaries: Thinking Landscape as Evidence

essay by Jane Hutton
125 Swimming in It
design project by Chester Rennie
129 Time Matters: On Temporality in the Anthropocene

Elizabeth Grosz in Conversation with Heather Davis
and Etienne Turpin
139 Fortune Head Geologies

photo essay by Lisa Hirmer
143 Utopia on Ice: The Climate as Commodity Form

essay by Mark Dorrian
153 The Mineralogy of Being

essay by Eleanor Kaufman
167 Amplitude Modulation

design project by Meghan Archer
171 Matters of Cosmopolitics: On the Provocations of Gaïa

Isabelle Stengers in Conversation with Heather Davis and
Etienne Turpin
183 In the Furnace of Disorientation:

Tragic Drama and the Liturgical Force of Metal
essay by Guy Zimmerman
193 Tar Creek Supergrid

design project by Amy Norris and Clinton Langevin
197 Matters of Fabulation:

On the Construction of Realities in the Anthropocene
François Roche in Conversation with Etienne Turpin
209 The Geological Imperative:

On the Political Ecology of the Amazonia’s Deep History
essay by Paulo Tavares
241 Contributors
248 Permissions
Acknowledgments
If a book can be said to begin in a place, this collection surely has its point of
origin in the office of Professor Jane Wolff, then the Director of the University of
Toronto’s graduate programme in Landscape Architecture, who asked me, rather
provocatively, why I had not yet considered the trajectory of my recent doctoral
research in relation to the Anthropocene thesis. Prompted by her insistence that I
more carefully investigate this relationship, I can say without any doubt that most
of my philosophical, design-based, and activist work has, since that crystalizing
conversation, been an attempt to more fully comprehend the implications of our
planetary geological reformation. In early 2011, with the financial support of both
the Walter B. Sanders Fellowship at the Taubman College of Architecture and Urban
Planning, and a grant from the Institute for the Humanities, I curated a symposium
at the University of Michigan titled The Geologic Turn: Architecture’s New Alliance.
While the title was at first intended to be more suggestive than scientific, the lec-
ture presentations and panel conversations left little doubt that if the geological
and stratigraphic sciences were themselves becoming more speculative by way of
their consideration of the Anthropocene thesis, then design could also benefit from
a similar turn toward a much broader but no less urgent paradigm for contempo-
rary practice. During this symposium, the support of my students in the Master of
Science in Design Research programme—a post-professional degree programme
the College sadly decided to eliminate, despite its tremendous success—helped
execute the event without a hitch through their concerted, convivial participation. I
owe a debt of gratitude to all the students and faculty who supported and attended
this event, as well as everyone who participated, especially those whose work
appears in this book, as well as Edward Eigen, D. Graham Burnett, Jamie Kruse and
Elizabeth Ellsworth of smudge Studio, and Peter Galison, all of whom enlivened
our discussion and imparted insights that have carried over into this collection.
A thanks also to my colleagues from the College who facilitated the panel discus-
sions, including Rania Ghosn, Meredith Miller, and Rosalyne Shieh, all of whom
shared their expertise while opening the discussion toward new directions and
concerns. During my two years at the University of Michigan, while this collection
was beginning to take shape, I was incredibly fortunate to both teach and learn
alongside a group of generous, challenging, and thoughtful colleagues, including
Robert Adams, McLain Clutter, Robert Fishman, Andrew Herscher, Perry Kulper,
Kathy Velikov, Jason Young, and Claire Zimmerman. As I was moving from Michigan
to Jakarta, I also incurred a significant debt of gratitude to my colleagues at the
Haus der Kulturen der Welt in Berlin, both for their organization of the Synapse:
International Curators’ Network workshop, and for their ongoing support and
interest in my research. This workshop was incredibly transformative, and every
presentation challenged and encouraged me in unique ways. I would like to thank
curators Xiaoyu Weng, Vincent Normand, Nabil Ahmed, and Anna-Sophie Springer
for their continued friendship, conversation, and advice as this book project came
to fruition. To our Synapse special guest, Richard Pell, I would also like to extend
my gratitude for sharing insights, strategies, and support. To Scott Sørli, who has
both curated my artistic work on the Anthropocene, and taught together with
me as a co-instructor for our graduate seminar on landscapes of extraction—a
critical test for much of this project—I am especially grateful for mentorship and
provocation. Farid Rakun, my fixer who quickly became a dear friend, and without
whom I would have not made it a single day in Jakarta, is owed a special thanks for
his ongoing patience and direction. I would also like to thank my new mentors at
the University of Wollongong, especially Dr. Pascal Perez, Research Director of the
SMART Infrastructure Facility, and Dr. Ian Buchanan, Director of the Institute for
Social Transformation Research, both of whom have encouraged my scholarship
and pushed me to develop my work on the Anthropocene through new practices
and protocols of research. At SMART, I am also grateful to all my colleagues,
especially Research Fellows Dr. Tomas Holderness and Dr. Rohan Wickramasuriya,
who, as part of our Urban Resilience Research Group, have inspired me to devel-
op new tools and techniques adequate for addressing the urban condition of the
Anthropocene. This book would not exist if not for the advice of John Paul Ricco,
my advisor, mentor, and friend, who suggested that the Critical Climate Change
series was the proper vehicle for disseminating this collection of research on the
Anthropocene. I am also deeply indebted to my friend and colleague Heather Davis,
who was essential in both conceptualizing and conducting many of the conversa-
tions in this book, and with whom I have already begun co-editing a second volume,
Art in the Anthropocene: Encounters Among Aesthetics, Politics, Epistemologies and
Environments, which we hope will further extend and intensify the concepts and
concerns of the present collection. To each and every contributor whose work
inspired this collection, I owe you all more than any edited volume could ever
deliver for what you have shared with and inspired in me. To my copy editors,
Lucas A.J. Freeman and Jeffrey Malecki, I owe a debt for their precision, patience,
and superhuman attention. As series editors, Claire Colebrook and Tom Cohen have
been fundamental in seeing this project through with their generous advice and
encouragement; Sigi Jottkandt and David Ottina of Open Humanities Press have
likewise been thoughtful and tireless advocates. Because this book departs signifi-
cantly from previous OHP projects in terms of its demanding graphic design, I would
like to extend my sincere gratitude to Sara Dean, whose prolific skill as a graphic
designer allowed this project to be realized, and whose patience and support have
been unflinching from start to finish. This collection would not have been possible
without the stalwart support of my friends and family who, as generous as always,
tolerated my often frustrating commitment to solitary research while encouraging
me with care, love, and important reminders to sleep. Finally, as a gesture of deep,
enduring gratitude, I would like to dedicate this book to my mentor, Jane Wolff, who
taught me—and no doubt many others—to see the landscape as made, not given.
2
Introduction
by Etienne Turpin
Who Does the Earth Think It Is, Now?
What amazed them more than anything was that earth, as an element,
does not exist.
—Flaubert, Bouvard and Pécuchet (1881)
While the Anthropocene thesis has recently received significant attention in both
the news media and academic scholarship—certainly drifting well beyond its orig-
inal loci of consideration within the meetings of the International Commission on
Stratigraphy and the International Union of Geological Sciences—there remains a
fundamental ambivalence about the value of the concept from the point of view
of both cultural theory and design practice. Is the Anthropocene not just another
assertion, typical of European society, of the ascendancy of man over nature? Is the
Anthropocene, when read through the lens of cultural criticism, not just another
appropriation of a properly scientific nomenclature for the purposes of provoking
aesthetic or moral shock? Is the Anthropocene not an apolitical, even fatalistic idea,
given that it implicates all humanity equally in the production of a geophysical
stratigraphy that is, and has been—since the “beginning” of the era, which is also
a matter of debate—asymmetrically produced according to divisions of class, race,
gender and ability? Is there really any role for the theoretical humanities after the
division between nature and culture is erased by a geological reformation?
The present collection of essays, conversations, and design projects and proposals
responds to these questions by problematizing the very terms of their address.
While each of the contributions in this volume operates on the Anthropocene thesis
through the specificity of its own particular considerations and concerns, several
important premises might first be summarized here. Regardless of the eventual
conclusion arrived at by the geo-scientific community of experts considering the
merit of this new era, the concept of the Anthropocene affords contemporary
scholars, activists, and designers a unique opportunity to reevaluate the terms of
theory and practice which have been inherited from modernity. Not least among
these inheritances is the assumption of an ontological distinction between human
culture and nature. The Anthropocene thesis not only challenges this inherited
assumption, but demands of it a fatal conceit: with the arrival of the Anthropocene,
this division is de-ontologized; as such, the separation between nature and culture
appears instead as a epistemological product mistakenly presumed as a given fact
of being. If the will to knowledge characteristic of modernity provided the assur-
ance that the fault line between human culture and nature was indeed factual, the
production of the Anthropocene counter-factually relieves our contemporaneity
the burden of perpetuating this epistemic illusion.
A second inheritance worthy of reconsideration in light of the Anthropocene thesis

is the climate of the Earth System. The overwhelming and irrefutable evidence of
planetary climate change has, so far, cast only the faintest shadow on planning
and policy, this despite the notable increase in devastating weather events whose
unprecedented intensity has become well known over the last decade. Climate
is an outcome, not a given; it is the result of a vast co-production of forces, both
human and nonhuman, which produce, through a complex series of interactions,
the patterns we call weather. The predictability of these patterns, and the anticipa-
tion of regularized changes in their intensity, allows for the production of seasonal
agriculture and attendant practices upon which the vast human population relies
for survival. The aggressive and irreversible destabilization of these patterns—cli-
mate change—guarantees the disproportionate increase of exposure to weather
extremes and their attendant risks for the planet’s most economically and geo-
graphically vulnerable communities. Whether the response to this exacerbated
vulnerability will be greater hostility, conflict, and violence, or more radical forms
of political solidarity and mutual aid, the record of our planetary reaction to climate
change is presently being written into the geological archive of the Anthropocene.
Not unlike climate, human societies also tend to inherit from previous generations
any number of tools and techniques for the management, modification, and assumed
emendation of their proximate natural environments. In this respect, architecture
is a well-regarded tradition usually tasked with the organization of spatial adjacen-
cies—inside and outside, sacred and profane, sick and healthy, natural and cultural.
These organizational patterns can be leveraged to either reify distinctions and sep-
arations, or to complicate the divisive categories used to manage the assemblages
of habit and settlement that we call societies. The establishment of distinction was
thus a common concern for both philosophical modernism and its shorter-lived
architectural double. But, as a practice just as capable of complicating divisions as
securing them, architecture has tended to challenge ways of working, thinking, and
relating in a given society with the help of historical, geographical, and speculative
strategies: Have things always been done, thought, or produced this way? Are
things done, thought, or produced this way differently in other places? And, can we
imagine other ways in which things could be done, thought, or produced in the fu-
ture? Such simple questions—whether posed by design or scholarship—can begin
to undermine the assumed givenness of inherited situations and their intolerable
circumstances. The Anthropocene thesis offers contemporary architects, theorists,
and historians an occasion to encounter the urgency of these modes of inquiry and
unfold their consequences with the effort and attention required by struggles for
greater social-environmental justice.
4
With the scale of the planet as the spherical horizon for such activities, it is not
surprising that problem-formations are, within the condition of the Anthro-
pocene, necessarily multi-disciplinary. How might architecture encounter this
multi-disciplinary, multi-scalar, and multi-centered reality? This question is the
core concern of this book. It is my conviction that by discovering affinities and
alliances with both the sciences and the theoretical humanities, architecture as a
practice can begin to reassess its privilege, priorities, and capacities for inscription
within the archive of deep time. In what remains of the introduction, I explain the
editorial organization of the contributions to this volume and very briefly describe
their content. I then conclude these introductory remarks by considering how
strategies of problematisation used to approach the Anthropocene thesis enlist
philosophy, politics, science, and architecture to engender an ecology of practices
adequate to the contemporaneity of deep time.
Encounters
This collection is arranged according to a rhythm of interaction among the three
types of contributions which comprise it—essays, conversations, and design
projects and proposals—each of which produce distinct encounters through their
specific concerns and their textual adjacencies. The essays, which help produce
new ways of navigating the interconnected trajectories of deep time and design, as
well as the history and theory of architecture, offer a range of concerns, narrative
strategies, and politics positions, each of which attends to a particular perspective
elicited by the Anthropocene thesis. The essays begin with “Three Holes: In the
Geological Present,” a text by Seth Denizen, which endeavors to provoke the prag-
matic and speculative questions of geological contemporaneity. By asking how the
soil of the earth becomes evidence—both of other processes and, eventually, of itself
as a process—Denizen invites the reader to travel with the question of contempo-
raneity as a political and epistemological problem accessed through the manifold
technologies of vision and taxonomic classification. Following these considerations,
Adam Bobbette’s essay “Episodes from a History of Scalelessness: William Jerome
Harrison and Geological Photography,” offers a reading of the singular history of the
geological photograph, noting how the forces of photographic production suggest a
minor repetition of cosmic forces which are inscribed throughout the solar econo-
my into the archive of deep time. In her contribution to the volume, “Architecture’s
Lapidarium: On the Lives of Geological Specimens,” Amy Catania Kulper considers
the role of the geological specimen within the history of the architectural imaginary.
According to Kulper, this collection of specimens affords us a glimpse into the en-
tangled history of architecture and vitalism—strangely operative on even the most
static objects—that also connects to biographical and philosophical conceptions
of “a life.” In “Erratic Imaginaries: Thinking Landscape as Evidence,” Jane Hutton
analyzes the political landscape of contingency, mapping the diverse modes of
appropriation that have produced the theory of glaciation and its attendant social
effects. What we encounter here is the peculiar refrain of geological time which
Introduction | Etienne Turpin 5

marks its place, however obliquely, within practices of leisure and science. Mark
Dorrian’s essay, “Utopia on Ice: The Climate as Commodity Form,” offers another
approach to the leisurely landscape and its architectural ambitions by examining
the history of climate modification as a manifestation of utopian design. The cur-
rent commodification of the climate, in Dorrian’s estimation, is thus suggestive of a
longer history of architectural projections which imagined social emancipation to
be inherently tied to the emendation of the natural environment. The distinction
between the human and non-/inhuman is then taken up by Eleanor Kaufman in
her essay “The Mineralogy of Being,” which argues for a revaluation of the philo-
sophical lineage that refused to admit any continuity between the registers of the
animate and inanimate. Kaufman here contends that this denial of continuity may
actually be more attentive to the obdurate inertia of inanimate objects than con-
temporary theoretical trends promoting their continuity, whether as thing-power
or object oriented-ontology. The social and cultural valences of metal—that
peculiar “thing” which obeys its own rules of transformation—is taken up in
Guy Zimmerman’s essay, “In the Furnace of Disorientation: Tragic Drama and the
Liturgical Force of Metal.” Zimmerman considers the theatricality of material trans-
formation, which he examines through the historical emergence of the deities of
the stage whose role was that of mediating the radical revelation of the inner life of
metal revealed by ancient smelters. Finally, in his essay on the history of cultivation
and conflict in Amazonia, Paulo Tavares contributes a series of remarkable insights
on the politics and violence which have produced the Anthropocene. His essay, “The
Geological Imperative: Notes on the Political-Ecology of Amazonia’s Deep History,”
is a provocation to rethink the terms with which nature is constructed as well as the
policies and planning that manifest the ideology of political regimes, because, as he
contends, “nature is not natural.”
These eight essays are organized in relation to another series of conversations and
a series of design projects and proposals which clarify, extend, and intensify each
other. “What is the use of a book, thought Alice, without pictures or conversations?”
In the conversations gathered together for this collection, architects and theorists
offer insights into how their practices have encountered the Anthropocene thesis,
and, more importantly, how this encounter affords architects, activists, and the-
orists the opportunity to transform, through design, narration, and interference,
the trajectory of the Anthropocene. The multiplicity of these matters of discussion
are intended to signal a certain intensive variability among architecture practices;
between matters of fact and matters of concern, we are exposed to a heterogeneous
meso-sphere where strategy and speculation become complimentary modes of
inquiry. In conversation with John Palmesino and Ann-Sofi Rönnskog of Territorial
Agency, we are encouraged to consider the practice of architecture with a more
precise, historical specificity; in so doing, we discover that architecture does not
require an expanded field or a new imperialism, since, “The object of research
and practice is architecture, and the means is architecture.” In the subsequent
conversation with Eyal Weizman—“Matters of Calculation: The Evidence of the
Anthropocene”—Heather Davis and I take up the question of architecture research
6
in relation to calculative violence and the production of evidence. Understanding
more precisely how these asymmetrical co-productions operate can help us avoid
the philosophical and political pitfalls of both actor-network theory and object-ori-
ented ontology; where the former approach valorizes the connectivity of the net-
work, and the latter position emphasizes the irreducibility of nodes as the primary
constituents of the network, a more coherent and politically operative analysis
requires a multi-scalar and multi-centered approach, where agency is negotiated
as a co-production among vertical pressures (from both above and below) and
heterogeneous lateral affinities. In this discussion, we discover new approaches to
the urgent problems of multilateral violence as it is modulated by international
humanitarian law, environmental law, and non-human rights. These approaches
are, of course, inevitably marked by the fundamental philosophical problem of
temporality. In conversation with Elizabeth Grosz—“Time Matters: On Temporality
in the Anthropocene”—Davis and I attempt to further interrogate the chronotope of
the Anthropocene by engaging the question of evolutionary time. Throughout this
discussion, Grosz offers a series of insights that compel our reconsideration of the
emergence, futurity, and precarious duration of the human species. The precarity
of the human species is likewise at stake in our conversation with Isabelle Stengers.
In “Matters of Cosmopolitics: On the Provocations of Gaïa,” Davis and I question the
role of the human in relation to Gaïa as a force, which, for Stengers, both suggests
a way out of the “reign of man” and “intrudes upon the use of the Anthropocene
in trendy and rather apolitical dissertations.” How then to fabulate the narratives
capable of carrying the human species beyond the limited horizon of reactionary
architecture culture? In “Matters of Fabulation: On the Construction of Realities in
the Anthropocene,” I discuss this question with François Roche of New-Territories,
R&Sie(n), and [eIf/bʌt/c], who suggests that architects should not attempt to work
directly with concepts; instead, architects can benefit from a dosage of vulgarity,
deception, nostalgia, and the forbidden, all of which allow for expressions of human
pathology and emotion that have been largely excluded from architecture in recent
decades.
In addition to these conversations, the book includes a series of design projects

and proposals which attempt, as Aby Warburg suggested, to “abolish de facto
the distinction between accumulation of knowledge and aesthetic production,
between research and performance.”1 These projects and proposals respond
to and extend the content of the essays and discussions, suggesting productive
adjacencies and disjunctions. In Michael C.C. Lin’s exhibition project AnthroPark,
we are invited to imagine a menagerie of primate visions that question the hier-
archical ordering of nature as a linear line of (evolutionary) progress. Likewise,
in Lisa Hirmer’s photo essay Fortune Head Geologies, we encounter the park as
a planetary condition, where stratifications of meaning are extracted from the
heaps of refuse and debris that accompany our human will to progress. Yet, such
stratigraphic mixtures are not only of the earth; they are also atmospheric, as
the projects by Nabil Ahmed and Emily Cheng make especially clear. In Ahmed’s
video installation, Radical Meteorology, we are beckoned to consider the politics

Fig. 01 Harold Norman Fisk, Geological Investigation of the Alluvial Valley of the Lower Mississippi River
(Vicksburg, Miss.: 1945), M.R.C. print. Plate 22-5.
8
of a tropical cyclone that struck the Bay of Bengal, connecting it forever to the
“genocide and war of national liberation for present-day Bangladesh.” In Cheng’s
mixed media work, Inquiries and Interpretations Concerning the Observations and
Findings from Atmosphere-Investigating, Landscape-Exploring, Universe-Tracking
Instruments, Their Experiments, Studies, Etc., drawings and models suggest how the
hygienic, anesthetized architecture of the weather station might be appropriated
and inverted to produce sensual, embodied rituals for physio-knowledge produc-
tion. The production of knowledge is then also examined from the perspective
of landscape literacy. In her illustrated field guide to San Francisco’s shoreline,
Bay Lexicon, a project developed in collaboration with the Exploratorium of San
Francisco, Jane Wolff creates “a nuanced, place-based vocabulary that makes the
hybrid circumstances of San Francisco Bay apparent and legible” to a range of
audiences concerned with the future of this postnatural landscape. Similarly, in her
speculative mixed media design proposal, Amplitude Modulation, Meghan Archer
imagines how design interventions could offer other narratives to the southern
coal towns of Appalachia, where the industrial and geological scales have already
become indelibly intermixed. Finally, projects by Chester Rennie and Amy Norris
and Clinton Langevin of Captains of Industry both suggest, through a kind of
speculative pragmatism, modes of adaptive reuse that challenge the hierarchies of
traditional redevelopment. By focusing on a derelict iron mine long abandoned by
its former owners, Rennie suggests—with rhetoric reminiscent of the later land art
proposals of Robert Smithson—that by Swimming in It, a leisurely reappropriation
of the site would also afford a space of aesthetic meditation on the violent legacies
of our industrial heritage. For Norris and Langevin, their proposal for a Tar Creek
Supergrid is supported by extensive research on landscapes disturbed by human
industry, which carry with them the latent potential for new patterns of human
settlement and innovation.
Among the three series of inquiries—scholarly essays, contemporary conversa-

tions, and design proposals and projects—the potential of the Anthropocene thesis
as both a discourse to embolden design and theory, and as a condition within
which these practices must struggle for social-environmental justice, begins to
emerge. While the work collected here does not exhaust the many new vectors of
research animated by concerns regarding climate change, environmental crises,
political ecology or land use interpretation, it is nevertheless exemplary of how
the Anthropocene thesis encourages a mode of problematisation that is especially
valuable for design practice in our all-too-human era.

Problematisation
A philosophy is never a house; it is a construction site.
—Georges Bataille
If the Anthropocene can be understood as a chronotope specific to the moment when

the human species begins to recognize its impact not only on spaces of settlement
and habitation, but also on the scale of geological time, then we might conclude
these introductory remarks by speculating on how the strategies of problematisa-
tion used to approach the Anthropocene thesis can generate collaborations among
philosophy, politics, science, and architecture. In his essay “On the Earth-Object,”
Paulo Tavares remarks: “‘Global nature’ is therefore and above all a space defined
by a new socio-geological order in which the divisions that separated humanity
and the environment, culture and nature, the anthropological and the geological
have been blurred.”2 The problematisation made possible by this blurred reality is
one that undoes the givenness of our inherited assumptions about the earth as an
object of knowledge; that is, the confusion created by the act of de-ontologizing the
separation between humans and nature allows contemporary theorists, activists
and designers to develop problem-formations adequate to the politics of hyper-
complexity that accompany our postnatural inhabitations of the earth. In nearly
every book he wrote, including those he co-authored with Félix Guattari and Claire
Parnet, Gilles Deleuze managed, in one way or another, to integrate his favored
refrain: problems get the solutions they deserve according to the terms by which they
are created as problems. The varied repetition of this notion is certainly not meant
as a slogan; for Deleuze, the work of producing problems, that is, of problem-forma-
tion, is a fundamental task of philosophy. With the provocation of the Anthropocene
thesis, philosophy can produce new constructions that transform trajectories of
thought; by developing affinities and collaborations through multi-disciplinary,
multi-scalar, and multi-centered approaches, architecture too can discover its
unique capacity to transform the present and future condition of the Earth System.
In the Anthropocene, designers, activists, and philosophers will all have the earth
they deserve; we hope this collection contributes to the conversation about how it
might be constructed.
Notes
1 Philippe-Alain Michaud, Aby Warburg and the Image in Motion (New York: Zone Books,
2004), 229-230.
2 Paulo Tavares, “On the Earth-Object,” in Savage Objects, edited by Godofredo Pereira
(Guinarães, Imprensa Nacional-Casa da Moeda, 2012), 219.
10
AnthroPark (2012)
Michael CC Lin
Mixed Media Installation
AnthroPark is an entertainment and educational facility dedicated to

the advancement of knowledge and public appreciation of the Middle
Anthropocene, the third epoch of the Quartenary Period, following the
Holocene and Pleistocene, or the eighth epoch of the Cenozoic Era.
“For a time they calmly drink a cup of tea...”
The Anthropocene is a yet-to-be formalized term designating an epoch in

which human impact is considered to be significant enough to constitute
a new geological era for its lithosphere. For instance, chlorine from atomic
weapons testing has been found in ice core samples, as have mercury traces
from coal plants. The beginning of this epoch can be linked to the industrial
revolution, after which it developed rapidly through the trinity of efficiency,
consumption, and enjoyment, which together suggest a machinic modus
operandi of the epoch.
Meanwhile, individuals in late capitalist society are estranged from social

relationships as we respond to incessant injunctions to “Enjoy!”—we can
say “no man is an island,” except in enjoyment. Such an injunction both
distracts and distances human beings from each other, creating a network
of islands that co-produce contemporary reality.
But the island is an illusion. In our inexorable interconnection, each action

on each island has both direct and indirect consequences; as such, each
is implicated in producing or dissolving our veils of isolation. Through
telemorphosis, all distances begin to collapse as separations entangle to form
a twisted knot of the contemporary.1 Progress and atrocity, excess and lack,
even culture and nature begin to appear as merely two sides of the same
coin of modernity. Just as inevitably, false dichotomies beget false projects
12
“...All of a sudden, they’ll go apeshit and start to smash everything up
because they can’t stand the boredom, the absence of incident.”
—The Primate Tea Party
for synthesis. Where lines are drawn, we reveal difference, perspective, and
the multiplicity of realities.
AnthroPark is a theme park for line-drawing. The park form offers an

immersive experience and moves seamlessly from utilitarian to symbolic
moments, intensifying both corporeal and psychological perturbations. The
AnthroPark experience is co-produced by a collection of by-products from
Anthropocenic enjoyment, which, as they aggregate, become even more en-
tangled in the participatory jouissance that reveals the tragicomedy of past
and present enjoyments.
Like an institutional chimera, AnthroPark brings together a mosaic of dis-

parate objects to form a specialized repository of attractions suited for an
epoch of telemorphic implications. The dynamic forces of managed life are
celebrated among the collection of interactive assemblages that provide
curious visitors with an unusual, hands-on experience of the Anthropocene.
In its original sense, the term “amusement park” referred to a garden open
to the public for pleasure and recreation, often containing attractions
beyond the plantings and landscape. Likewise, the particular form of the
“menagerie,” a pleasure garden containing a collection of common and
exotic animals, is housed in some architectural structure. These historical
AnthroPark | Michael CC Lin 13

products can be read as precedents for the AnthroPark and its contempo-
rary ambition to provoke both zoological and political responses to the
Anthropocene.
Notes
1 See Tom Cohen, ed., Telemorphosis: Theory in the Era of Climate Change, Volume 1
(Ann Arbor: Open Humanities Press/MPublishing, 2012).
14
Matters of Observation
John Palmesino and Ann-Sofi Rönnskog in Conversation
with Etienne Turpin
On Architecture in the Anthropocene
Territorial Agency is an independent organization that promotes innovative

and sustainable territorial transformations. It is engaged in strengthening
the capacity of local and international communities with regards to compre-
hensive spatial transformation management. Territorial Agency’s projects
channel available spatial resources towards the development of their full
potential, and work to establish instruments and methods for ensuring high-
er architectural and urban quality in contemporary territories. This work
builds on wide stakeholder networks, combining analysis, advocacy and ac-
tion. The activities of Territorial Agency are grounded in extensive territorial
analysis, which focuses on complex representations of the transformations
of physical structures in inhabited territories, and lead to comprehensive
projects aimed at strengthening regional performance through seminars and
public events as a process of building capacity to innovate.1
During their visit in April 2013 to the SYNAPSE: International Curators’

Network workshop at the Haus der Kulturen der Welt (HKW) in Berlin, John
Palmesino and Ann-Sofi Rönnskog gave our group of curators a tour of the
Anthropocene Observatory, a project they developed (as Territorial Agency)
with Armin Linke and Anselm Franke. Following this tour of the Observatory,
I spoke with John and Ann-Sofi about their ambition for the project and its
relation to the discipline of architecture in the era of the Anthropocene;
part way through our conversation, we were joined by the curator, artist,
and writer Nabil Ahmed, whose work is included later in this volume; what
follows is an edited transcript of our conversation.
Etienne Turpin I am trying to understand why so much architecture today is

ultimately afraid of the world. We can see this through reactionary commitments
to the building-scale as the “proper” index of the discipline. I am interested in
how the Anthropocene thesis might challenge this reactionary tendency. Without
making any argument for an “expanded field” for architecture—many others have
already done so, with greater or lesser degrees of imperialist ambition—do you
think that the Anthropocene occasions a rethinking, or reconceptualization, of the
field of architecture? How does Territorial Agency see the relation between the
Anthropocene thesis and the discipline today?
John Palmesino I think it might be an issue of viewpoint and perspective. In the

sense that there is a possibility of thinking that if architecture is setting up the
perspective, then it can easily fall into the conceptual trap of conceptualizing itself
as being on the outside, and as looking at an object; from this view, the object is
the point of reference and it is what architecture tries to shape. Yet, in structuring
a perspectival space, both the point of view and the object are established at the
same time: there is no outside. So I don’t think there is a need for re-conceptual-
izing anything, but there is a need to be a little bit more clear about what we are
talking about when we talk about architecture.
The conceptual misunderstanding that architecture is an “object”—that it is sitting

within the perspective drawing, rather than creating the perspective drawing itself—I
think this might be the problem you are referring to. At least since the fourteenth
century, architecture has produced the possibility of understanding horizons, van-
ishing points, and of setting views and view heights. So it’s not necessary to re-con-
ceptualize architecture. Architecture is not buildings; buildings are mainly stuff.
Architecture is an active connection, a practice which activates a relation between
material spaces and their inhabitation; and, it structures that relation, it structures
what we call the relation between space and polity, as well as the construction of
polities themselves.
This is a problem with many levels; it relates to sets that are in movement relative
to one another, as well as to spaces being modified by shifting infrastructural proce-
dures, political decisions, and social dynamics. Modifications of space and material
configurations all eventually reshape (and possibly hinder) many of our spaces of
cohabitation. Conceptually, I don’t think we need to do much more than that. The
question is, then: from whose perspective does this occur? Whose point of view?
What we are working on, as Territorial Agency, is a project that is both about the
territory of agency and the agency of territories. We are trying to understand how
to engage with this condition, or situation, which is apparently a conundrum of
points of view, different territories, different agencies, etc. In this sense, the work
that we are putting forward for discussion, evaluation, and possible testing is
that of re-tracing different territories according to different polities, and trying to
understand how those re-tracings, and the reorganization of points of view, can
activate paths toward the re-appropriation of resources, the reorganization of ac-
tion, and so on. The point for us is to start with a horizon and multiply that horizon;
it is not about fields or about reconceptualization because I think, somehow, it is
very important for us as architects and urbanists to insist that this project is not
about making something more about architecture; this is architecture. There is no
reconceptualization needed. The object of research and practice is architecture,
and the means is architecture.
ET Does the Anthropocene thesis pressurize that claim, or perhaps give it more
leverage? Does it allow us to insist on architecture as a practice more precisely?
Like architecture, the Anthropocene can be read through everything, but it is not
just anything, as you have said.
16
JP I really want to resist any pressure of urgency. We are really not interested in
claiming that there is a new land that might allow us to go on and do new work and
be more and more contemporary about it. That is exactly the paucity of the disci-
pline; we have something happening outside the discipline, let’s go and conquer it!
This reveals how precariously the practice is in its current conceptualization. It also
outlines architecture’s condition of imperialism and with it the greed to occupy
more and more space for the sake, I guess, of many academic careers. We must
resist any conceptualization of a new land to be claimed. Contrary to geographical
expansion, what we are actually seeing is a shift in intensity.
Ann-Sofi Rönnskog Through this approach, what we are trying to do with many
of our current projects is to look at the management of projects themselves. In the
last few decades, the architect has been the one who gets instructions at the end of
a particular decision chain. The architect is told to address given parameters, meet
certain requirements, etc. What we are trying to do is to look through the territory
and determine where the architect can intervene earlier, before being given the
object to design. Instead, we are considering how we can also work to design the
overall perspective, that is to set up the instruction of design and briefs, to structure
relations from the very outset of a project.
ET I would like to ask about the figure of Gilles Deleuze and the role of his phi-
losophy in your practice. Much of Deleuze’s work was drawn into a very formal
architectural language and ended in so many dead ends. Could you say more about
the role of Deleuze’s philosophy in shaping your practice and what you try to devel-
op through your engagement with his work?
JP It is happening on many levels. There is usually, as we know, a distinction

between theory and practice. What we are interested in is how to see theory as
a practice, and a very specific kind of practice in the sense that it does not outline
the framework, the reference, or the margins within which you can operate and
to which you have to refer in order to make sense; I think what it does, instead, is
unhinge the reference points. Theory, as Irit Rogoff would say, undoes. What is a
theorist? One who undoes.
I think that the possibility of thinking of architecture as a practice of the project

has, on one hand, enabled it to claim a central position as the master of the arts,
and of the organization of transformation; on the other, this has put it in a deadlock
situation in the sense that architecture is never really the master. Such a position
does not allow other practices to configure themselves in relation to architecture,
even though it claims to be open to this negotiation. Architecture operates among
other practices, and we are interested in this as a disorienting condition. Somehow
we can take the discipline away from the central condition it imagines and have it
negotiate with other practices. In that sense maybe, it is important to understand
that a negotiation is a situation which ends up in a transformation.
Matters of Observation | A Conversation with John Palmesino and Ann-Sofi Rönnskog 17

ET Transformation on both sides...
JP In order to negotiate, you have to be able to give up something and you have
to be willing to change what your claims are. It is not a game of who will win, a
competition; rather, it’s a transformative relation. In that sense, for us, the role
of making so many projects in collaboration with schools, or within schools, and
with different schools, is not because we want to be teaching, but because we are
learning.
You mentioned Gilles Deleuze, and I think our position is approximating the wild
condition, the wild creation of concepts, the possibility of a feral condition for ar-
chitecture that tries many ways to come to grips with the world; it is about trying to
make a claim for a central position without having to occupy this central position in
stability. To use an expression that we like a lot, it is to be inter-alia, among things,
out there among radically different practices that all claim a certain form of cen-
trality. Anthropology, sociology, politics—all of these claim centrality. Architecture,
meanwhile, has had this enormous energy in recent years, all dedicated to defining
the discipline, and not one of these definitions or demarcations actually looks at
the other disciplines also claiming the same centrality. There is no real concep-
tualization of a multi-centred organization for the transformation of space, or a
multi-centred transformation of the social. This is remarkable! It is a situation that
is symptomatic, at least on one side, since it becomes the visible element of the un-
derlying tension in the discipline; on the other side, it is interesting because I think
it indicates a complete circularity and internalization of architecture. If there is no
other possible way of organizing the discipline of architecture as architecture, why
even bother to practice it? It starts to sound a lot like Don Quixote fighting against
the windmills, or breaking through open doors. To understand what architecture
does, we do not need to accept this stable definition of the discipline.
ET We often try to bring in people for our studio reviews who are outside of the
discipline for precisely this reason—we don’t want to waste all the time in the re-
view talking about “Architecture” and spoil the conversation. But it is still difficult
to explain why there is just so much empty talk about the discipline in nearly every
review in the United States and Europe.
JP Architecture has recently become more self-referential, and through this

process has oriented itself toward a sectorial condition. It has become a sector, sep-
arated and inserted only in clearly outlined possibilities of knowledge production,
diversion, mixture, departure, and even closure. It is mainly producing discourses
of similarity and closure. It reasserts models of authority that quite clearly have a
centralizing position; this is not something that interests us.
ET How was the Observatory conceptualized in relation to your practice and the
project on the Anthropocene thesis at the HKW?
18
JP The Observatory is a collaborative project with the filmmaker and photog-
rapher Armin Linke and curator Anselm Franke. We are trying to make a project
with someone who, by insisting so much on the production of images, might be
mistaken as the observer. But, what we are interested in is exactly that thing—put-
ting forward a little space, in the HKW—that observes the making, unfolding, and
transformation of practices, including image-production and architecture, as they
are variously charged by the thesis of the Anthropocene. It that sense, we concep-
tualize the observatory as part of the institution of the HKW. It is not just a project
hosted by them; it is a part of the HKW, and it operates as both a sensor and a
producer of background images. We are interested in the behind-the-scenes, in the
procedures, complex machines, and “vast machinery,” to quote Paul Edwards, of this
very beautiful and word: the Anthropocene.2 It is a word that puts so many people
in an uneasy situation because it completely reconfigures the distinction between
humans and nonhumans; it also calls into question the project of the humanities,
which is also why so many people feel uncomfortable with it. How to conceptualize
the distinction between the sciences and the humanities? Suddenly, this invitation
by science offers a way of creating and taking apart boundaries, borders, fractures
and an array of evidence. This is what we are trying to trace and chart with the
Observatory. At the same time, we are trying to intervene in the making and un-
making of those boundaries.
ET This is really important. For you, it is not just a matter of reflecting on, but also
a question of intervening into, this situation, in relation to these reflections.
JP For instance, we are interested in understanding what are the images that
architecture can produce of the Anthropocene? What does it look like? Where
is it? Is this building [the HKW] part of the Anthropocene, or is it just before the
Anthropocene? Which part of the building? Perhaps the railing, because it was add-
ed after 1951? This year is now being considered as demarcating the Anthropocene.
ET Is the year 1951 related to the sought-after Golden Spike?3
JP I am talking about the time. There is the possibility of the Golden Spike in a
place; that discussion is about whether or not it will be in a lake in Ontario, Canada.4
That is just one example. The Observatory is in the early stages, but this is what
we are aiming for. To somehow show that the relationship is not one of document-
ation, of things that are happening outside; instead, it is a relationship of inter-
ference. Margaret Mead, for example, in the first installment of the Observatory,
epitomizes this figure of interference. You have to negotiate; you have to relate to
other groups and people you are working with.
ET Do you see the relationship between the Anthropocene thesis and the disci-
pline of architecture as productively undoing some of the reactionary aspects of the
discipline?

JP On many levels I am afraid that it does not. I am afraid that the Anthropocene
thesis, on the contrary, is reasserting certain conditions within architectural di
course, as if we are the ones changing the surface of the earth—as if it is about
architecture.
ET That architects read the Anthropocene as a valorization of architecture?
JP That suddenly it is a new time for architecture. It reminds me a lot of 1930s

and 1940s discourses on the “manmade landscape.” The signs we are seeing within
architecture discourse, with the exception of a very few cases, go in that direction. At
the same time—and this is a very interesting thing—other explorations in architec-
ture are wild, and are taking completely unexpected turns, completely unexpected
conditions, and hypotheses with radical transformations that are rethinking what
a practice can be and how to organize a practice. That is the interesting thing—you
don’t have a middle ground—you either have a very conservative take that says this
has always been the case and remains reactionary, or you have people who are very
excited about the Anthropocene and producing new concepts and practices. But,
there is very little gradient in between these two positions.
But another interesting element of the conservative understanding of the

Anthropocene thesis for architecture is the question of scale. Scalarity, but es-
pecially multi-scalarity, is now what is at stake. I think the possibilities are very
close, in that sense, to thinking multi-scalarity and the multiplication of relations
to what the practices of organizational theory and management theory have been
working on for the last ten or fifteen years with respect to “integrated approaches.”
It is quite interesting that the integrated assessment report is the practice of large
institutions like the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change. The integration,
the possibility of bringing everything together within one overarching system and
ordering capacity, is what fascinates the most conservative people in architecture.
Suddenly, through the Anthropocene, there is a framework which allows us to think
at the largest scale possible, allowing us to think of levels of agency that go from
one to the other and somehow trace the entire supply chain of possibilities and
mediations.
ET But this tends to remain entirely representational.
JP It doesn’t work, that’s the problem, the entire take on architecture as repre-
sentation; as opposed to interference, constructive practice, and making things up.
It is quite interesting because it is reestablishing and locking in a lot of the recent
discourse in a conservative way. Take, for instance, the entire problem of ecological
architecture. On many levels, it asserts the claim: “Look, we told you so! You have to
be green.” This is interesting as a completely circular take on what architecture can
do. Again, environmentalism as conservatism.
20
ET This is also where we see so much work that is just aestheticizing data and
creating fantasies of ecological infrastructure that become the “wish-images” of
architecture’s agency. There are so many examples, which we know, but these proj-
ects do not interfere—they are architecture as a wish-image, in Walter Benjamin’s
sense of the term.
Nabil Ahmed Except that some of these projects are also redrawing the lines of
conflict; these are very real politics implicating states of war.
JP What is interesting in this claim of reshaping the chessboard of politics is that

there is also a growing incapacity for negation, or of having something to negate.
We have been a part of many of these kinds of projects that try to re-imagine how
conflictual conditions are represented and made in the conflict. What we have seen
is the difficulty, almost an incapacity, of acting. There is no consequence in that
there is no moment when the consequences are immediately traceable. What is
interesting, of course, is that at the same time as you start to see this incapacity
to articulate consequences, there is a theorization of multi-causality. Somehow
we hear the claims, “Look, this is it! We found the perfect solution. We will claim
complete agency over the entire world, but without consequences for our actions
because the world goes on by itself.” This is the strange dream of self-organization
that Anselm Franke and Diedrich Diederichsen highlight in the in Whole Earth
exhibition.5 We can think of self-organization as the ultimate vanishing point of
contemporary architecture. It will organize itself, and we will be a part of that
self-organization through our institutions, through our representations, through
our architecture, through our political stances. It is really interesting, but I am
bothered by this because I don’t think that one can keep the circle open without
some kind of negation.
ET You have suggested that the paradox is now quite clear—at the moment where
we can recognize the maximum human impact on the world, we also discover a
minimum human agency that would be able to do anything about it.
JP This is Bruno Latour’s position on the Anthropocene: “Suddenly, agency and

historicity are in the glacier!”
ET But, you also look at institutions, or the various relations between architecture
and institutions. What is the impetus for this line of inquiry with respect to the
Anthropocene thesis?
JP It is not so formalized. I think that the simultaneous positioning of the

Observatory as a space where the telescope is turned both toward the intensified
ground of the Anthropocene and toward the theatre of this experiment is important.
One of the main aims of the project is to create a theatre of experimentation. From
this perspective, it becomes really difficult to think of the Anthropocene, and of the
architecture of the Anthropocene, as possibilities that are given. The institutions of

the Anthropocene are not given; the publics and the audiences of the Anthropocene
are in the making. They are being shaped, carved, and molded as the discourse
is unfolding. We are interested in this process, in seeing how the background is
reshaping the frame of polities. For instance, we were recently in a discussion about
how to organize multi-lateral policies in relation to logistics in a large metropoli-
tan area of Europe. Typically, the background, as conceived by architects, is both
geological and institutional space; these spaces, for most architects, are just given.
Mountains and institutions are given; these are what you cannot touch.
ET Architects only put the figure, as object, in front of this backformation?
JP Yes, exactly. In a way, following Le Corbusier and Modernism, you have the
construction of the window that will build a new view. For architecture, this act
of framing is the maximum engagement with the background. The construction of
the history of the context indicates that it is a project; but architecture is not the
only variable, while the context is merely a given. What I think is elucidated in the
initial work on the Anthropocene is that institutions, like geology, are not given.
They have agency—multiple and conflicting forms of agency. They create different
territories, which can be mobilized and reconnected, but also blocked, as agencies.
But not in the sense of Gaia as a self-regulating system; on the contrary, there is no
clear object. We gave the first installation of the Anthropocene Observatory the title
“Plan the Planet.”6 Today it is no longer possible to plan the planet; it was a dream,
an aspiration that was meant to enable the mid-twentieth century. I don’t think we
are in that situation any longer.
NA This period also witnessed the formulation of our planetary institutions as

well, such as the United Nations.
ET It is also the time when architects still accepted the brief from the client with-
out questioning the condition, instead assuming that it was given.
AS We understand that this is a new process, where architects accepting those

givens form the dominant culture. Bruno Latour, in his Gifford lectures, says
something that relates to scale for the architect quite nicely when he explains that
we have been understanding the world as something that expands, out there for
humans to go and colonize, but that now, in the Anthropocene, this has to do in-
stead with intensities.7 It is a big challenge for architects to remove this extensive
distance; it is a completely new configuration, and that is one of the interesting
aspects of Anthropocene thesis.
JP It might be similar to an aesthetic shift like that of thinking of the world as a

conservation of energy. Latour mentions in the Edinburgh lectures that we might
be back in the sixteenth century; but we might be back in the late nineteenth cen-
tury on this level as well, in the sense that thermodynamics was such a major shift.
We are no longer in a situation where we can see things like Galileo, who could
22
point at the slope and indicate that the two spheres were falling at the same rate of
acceleration; the thermodynamic shift, from the point of view of aesthetics, means
that there is nothing to point at, there is no object. Instead, it is about how you
look at things. The Anthropocene is a similar situation in the sense that there is
no object—there are only intensities. This is very difficult for architects to think
because intensities cannot be measured against other things; you cannot measure
temperature against external measurements; you can only measure temperature
against a transition point of water, when it solidifies or when it melts, but this is not
a measure of temperature, it is a measure of transformation. That is the interesting
thing for us—intensity is a necessary concept of the Anthropocene because you can
only understand it through transformation. That is a constructive practice, and it is
something architecture is good at.
ET One curiosity I have about the role of the Observatory is that when we try to
return to the question of politics, even a politics of intensity, we encounter the diffi-
culty of negation, or the vanishing horizon of the negative as a requirement of pol-
itics, which, at least historically, requires some form of assertion through negation
as one of its constitutive components. How does politics appear in this cartography
of intensity, given that when we talk about climate modeling, the conflict is already
included in the model and there is no way outside of it?
JP It is completely within the model itself. The Schmittian enemy is what stabiliz-
es an ecological move; it is an engagement of information between irreconcilable
conditions. This is an ecological model. But, for the politics of non-action, of not
acting, we have a model for that as well. It has a name, which is neutrality—not to
act, not to take a position, not to engage with conflicts, not to partake in territorial
conditions and the reorganization of factions and parties. We hope that we are of-
fering this space of the Observatory for looking on, inquiring into the making of the
thing, but also hopefully holding back claims for the larger implications, actually
allowing a discourse to take place, but in a neutral space. Similar to the space of
the high seas, where the claims of sovereignty and territoriality are open. We hope
the Anthropocene Observatory will give due respect to the Anthropocene thesis; it
is only a small thing, really, but the point is that we have to take into consideration
what it means to hold back on claims about the Whole Earth. When is it that we can
claim the earth? Who can claim the whole earth as their perspective? Let’s build a
space for the discussion about this. This is the difficult task of architecture today—
where can this discussion happen? In which space? In which architecture? Who will
be involved?
AS But let’s not try to rush it...
JP Yes, we cannot rush it. There is time, we have to give it time—geological time.

Notes
1 Excerpted from the Territorial Agency mission statement, http://www.territorialagency.
com/, accessed 1 May, 2013.
2 Paul Edwards, A Vast Machine: Computer Models, Climate Data, and the Politics of Global
Warming (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 2010).
3 A “golden spike” refers to a specific, distinct marker—typically a consistent chemical,
magnetic, climatic or fossil trace—that distinguishes a geological period globally; in this
case, the golden spike would separate the geological period of the Holocene from the
Anthropocene.
4 Gordon W. Holtgrieve et. al., “A Coherent Signature of Anthropogenic Nitrogen Deposition
to Remote Watersheds of the Northern Hemisphere,” Science 334, no. 6062 (16 December
2011): 1545–1548. For a poetic reading of the golden spike in relation to the Anthropocene,
see Don Mackay, “Ediacaran and Anthropocene: Poetry as a Reader of Deep Time,” Prairie
Fire 29, no. 4 (Winter 2008–9); see also Lisa Hirmer’s “Fortune Head Geologies” in this
volume.
5 The Whole Earth: California and the Disappearance of the Outside, curated by Diedrich
Diederichsen and Anselm Franke, Haus der Kulturen der Welt, Berlin, Germany, 26 April
– 1 July, 2013.
6 John Palmesino and Ann-Sofi Rönnskog, “Plan the Planet,” in The Whole Earth: California
and the Disappearance of the Outside (Second Edition), ed. Diedrich Diederichsen and
Anselm Franke (Berlin: Sternberg Press, 2013), 82–90.
7 Bruno Latour, Facing Gaia: Six Lectures on the Political Theology of Nature, 2013 Gifford
Lectures on Natural Religion, http://www.bruno-latour.fr/node/486.
24
Radical Meteorology (2013)
Nabil Ahmed
Video. 5’53”, 3’46’’ and 4’12’’

Solar energy raises the temperature of the tropical ocean to 26 degrees
Celsius. Heat passes into the air above through conduction. Warm, moist
rising air creates a centre of depression intensifying the trade winds that
blow diagonally towards the equator from the northeast and southeast.
Portuguese explorers had unlocked the trade winds and planetary currents
in the tropics as far back as the fifteenth century. Like a conveyor belt, they
made possible the fast movement of ships from Europe to Africa and Asia,
a colonial technology which for hundreds of years enabled the exploitation
of resources, as well as the enslavement and slaughter of local populations.
Released from the evaporated warm water of the tropical seas, massive
amounts of energy are stored in water vapour, which transforms into ter-
rifying columns of clouds and rain as it condenses. Warm air caused by the
release of heat energy further decreases the pressure; more warm water
from the sea is drawn up, creating a positive feedback loop—a heat engine
always moving clockwise in the Southern hemisphere.
26
A tropical cyclone in the Indian Ocean was captured in the iconic “Blue
Marble” image of the Earth. The unnamed storm struck the city of Cuddalore
on the coast of the Bay of Bengal the same week of the launch of the Apollo
mission in December 1972. Chennai, almost 200 kilometres away, was also
flooded. Combined in the cyclone are the violence of the wind, sun, and the
spinning of the earth, their continual variation captured in a single, striated
image and calculated in the coldness of space. Icy, deep water summoned
from phantom depths, spellbound, foaming, murderous wind and sea. The
cyclone in this image is from the same tropical storm system that produced
Bhola, which devastated the coast of East Pakistan in November 1970. In its
aftermath followed a genocide and war of national liberation for present-day
Bangladesh. After Bhola, looking at a cyclone will never be the same; the
potential for political violence and an ever-circling wind are united as one.
Radical Meteorology | Nabil Ahmed 27

Radical Meteorology takes as a point of departure the cyclone captured in
the “Blue Marble” image to emphasize the entanglement between natural
and political violence in Bangladesh in 1970-71. In the following year the
US launched its Landsat program, which first used satellite images to map
earth’s resources. It technically facilitated the Green Revolution, a form of
neo-colonial system of agriculture imposed on the planet’s hungry and poor,
including a war-ravaged Bangladesh. The agricultural and hydraulic inter-
ventions in agrarian ecology dramatically increased the fledgling state’s rice
production and population. It also provided laboratory conditions for the
ushering in of neoliberal policies and practices of international development
and debt finance. Several decades on, Bangladesh, along with other south-
ern states of the megadelta, is a frontier zone facing the hostile effects of
climate change in the Anthropocene. In 2012, I interviewed two members of
the Cyclone Preparedness Program (CPP) in the coastal Cox’s Bazaar region,
who warn the most vulnerable populations of incoming storms and bring
them to the safety of cyclone shelters. In the interview one of the volunteers,
Hossain M., told me how he senses depressions in the Bay of Bengal through
his body. The cyclone returns as affect.
28
Three Holes
by Seth Denizen
In the Geological Present
En construcción (Under Construction), directed by José Luis Guerín (2001) Fig. 01
Derived from the Latin forensis, the word “forensics” refers at root to “forum.”
Forensics is thus the art of the forum—the practice and skill of presenting an
argument before a professional, political, or legal gathering. Forensics is in this
sense part of rhetoric, which concerns speech. However, it includes not only
human speech but also that of things.
— Eyal Weizman, Forensic Architecture1
The talent the geological sciences have for placing humans on unfathomable time
lines—in which human history appears as little more than a gracious footnote
to forces too powerful to measure and too slow to watch—seems to be exercised
less and less as images of melting glaciers and exponential curves produce a very
different kind of feeling. The image of the city, in particular, as a thing that is made
of geology or on geology, increasingly has to contend with the idea of the city as a
thing that makes geology, in the forms of nuclear fuel, dammed rivers, atmospheric
carbon, and other metabolic products of urbanization whose impacts will stretch
into future epochs.2 The geological sciences—atmospheric and ocean chemistry,
Fig. 02 Hiroshi Sugimoto, Ordovician Period Photo (1994). Photo 81 x 71 cm
soil science, geophysics, physical geography and geology—seem to be more often

summoned to review evidence at the scene of a crime than to record the annals of a
former world. In this sense, there has been a convergence between the forensic sci-
ence of war crimes tribunals as described by Eyal Weizman’s Forensic Architecture
project and the geological sciences as they are confronted for the first time by
an urgent futurity in their work. In the testimony of scientists, the expertise that
is called upon is the epistemological power to make matter speak. What do the
rocks say? What do the bones tell us? At the moment geology is asked to testify on
behalf of its materials, regarding issues that concern the unfolding of ecological
catastrophes, it becomes a forensic science in the legal sense. However, unlike the
materials of forensic science, the geological materials that are brought to trial have
not stopped speaking. Even the nature of the crime is in question. In short, geolo-
gists are increasingly being asked to answer the question what’s going on? rather
than what happened?
In this way, the geological sciences are not only called on to reconstruct the past,
but also participate in the construction of the present. Recent calls for the establish-
ment of a geological epoch known as the Anthropocene are, in fact, calls for the pro-
duction of what cultural critic Laurent Berlant has named a “genre of the present,”
in which a geological catastrophe too slow to watch could be rendered present
and, perhaps, intelligible.3 For Berlant, the present is something that has a history
because it is produced. Crucially, “we understand nothing about impasses of the
political without having an account of the production of the present.”4 One might
see the political impasse of current climate change debates as hinging precisely on
30
Hiroshi Sugimoto, Earliest Human Relatives (1994). Photo 81 x 71 cm Fig. 03
this problem: how to produce the geological present. The production of geological
materials as things also requires the concomitant production of unexpected geolog-
ical relations, such as those between aerosol cans and the ozone layer, which come
to participate in the production of the present as a time of perpetual crisis.
What seems clear is that the ways in which a geologist becomes contemporaneous
with her materials—insofar as the geological relations that bring them into being
are still changing—will require new methodologies. The ways these methodologies
participate in the production of the present also beckons careful examination.
To say this in another way, the dioramas in natural history museums are serious
business. In the dioramas of Ordovician sea life or the “Earliest Human Relatives,”
photographed by Hiroshi Sugimoto, the geological past is a place of tension and
drama that is filled at every moment with the differences that make it distinct from
our own time. [Figs. 02, 03] Its actors strike a pose in their tableau that suggests
where we are, now, in relation to those differences; in this way, the diorama pro-
duces an image of the geological present. Certainly, these speculative engagements
with empirical objects are always fully animated by contemporary concerns. In
speculating on what a methodology for the production of the geological present
would look like today, this essay pursues an intimate relation with the venerable
tradition of the diorama. What follows is an attempt to work in this genre by taking
three geological holes, and their attendant stratifications, as the empirical objects
to be animated or re-animated for the production of the geological present.
Three Holes | Seth Denizen 31

Hole #1: The Forum
“There’s no need to get upset. That’s all we are, with all our obsessions. Look
at what we are.”
“Yeah…”
“So much irritation in life.”
“We all fit in the same hole.”
“All of us.”
“Everyone, both rich and poor. There’s no difference.”
“Yes, there is no distinction. Luckily, or it would be too much.”
“What a thing, we live directly over bodies and don’t even know it.”
José Luis Guerín’s documentary film En construcción [Under Construction] begins

with conversations among residents of Barcelona’s District V, also known as “El
Raval,” about a hole in their neighbourhood. [Fig. 01] Literally, the demolition of
a housing block to make way for an urban renewal project has left a large hole
in the ground. While first imagined as a temporary inconvenience, the discovery
of medieval ruins at the base of the excavation has halted construction, affording
the hole an improbable permanence. In a strange reversal, the demolition that
promised a break with the neighbourhood’s past (as Barcelona’s red light district)
has instead produced an archeological site. Rather than looking up at the construc-
tion of the future city, Guerín documents the moment in which the residents of El
Raval find themselves looking down at the bones and buildings of the former city.
Everyone in Guerín’s film has a different explanation of what they see:
“To me, it’s Arabian.”

“That? Arabian?”
“On TV they said it’s Roman. But who knows?”
“They used to die on the street. I remember, here in this area, during the war,
they’d die right on the street.”
In these conversations, the hole bears witness to an astonishing diversity of evi-

dence, which overlaps and proliferates among the chance encounters of passersby.
It is a vestige of the Arabian occupation of Barcelona in the eighth century, a burial
site for the “crimes committed by Spain” in the twentieth century, a Roman ruin
from the sixth century, a legal entity under religious law, a scientific discovery to be
analyzed, a burial site for kings, a former factory, a psychic shadow of the civil war.
What Guerín is documenting is clearly not the hole as it appears in the street.
Aside from a few short images of skulls and stone roofs, Guerín never actually films
the hole. Instead, he places the hole between his camera and the residents of El
Raval, always just out of sight. Through this documentary technique, what we see
instead is the hole in its capacity to produce the present. In this sense, what Guerín
presents us with is the moment of the hole’s formation—the moment at which a
hole becomes this hole, rather than just another ephemeral moment blurred by the
32
rapid pace of urban renewal. The hole becomes this hole by taking on a duration in
time that has suddenly become capable of forensic speech through its relation to
human bones.5
The process by which the contours of a hole are discerned will always bear this
hallmark moment of recognition—what could be called its “forensic recognition”—
that is, the passage from something that was not presumed to have its own unique
duration in time to something that suddenly does. At this moment the recognition
is not only that there is a hole, but also that it was already there; that there was a
hole all along: “We live directly over bodies and don’t even know it.”
Hole #2: Forensic Rhetoric

Guerín’s film gives us a clear image of the
production of the “forum” in “forensics,” in which
the production of the present through the speech
of things is brought about by a proliferation of
forensic science on the streets of Barcelona. This
hole has as its empirical analogue the largest
hole to have ever appeared in the twentieth
century, the ozone hole, which also came into
being as a hole through the discovery of its
unique duration and the human artifacts that
caused it—its forensic recognition.6 [Fig. 04]
A brief account of this history is instructive. The Ozone hole measured 5 September, 2012. Fig. 04
ozone hole was discovered in 1985 by three Ozone Hole Watch, National Aeronautics
scientists from the British Antarctic Survey and Space Administration, Goddard
Space Flight Center. http://ozonewatch.
(BAS) who were just as surprised as the general gsfc.nasa.gov/
public by the existence of a hole currently the
size of North America.7 At the time of this dis-
covery, they were in Antarctica to find ways to
improve theories of weather forecasting. The ozone data that the team recorded,
even once it was plotted, still did not appear as a hole: it was scattered, showing no
definite trend. Jonathan Shanklin, who was on the team that discovered the ozone
hole, recalls first presenting the same data that later led to its discovery as evidence
that the hole was not there:
The popular press was reporting at the time on studies suggesting that aero-
sol spray cans and exhaust gases from Concorde flights could destroy the
ozone layer. Models showed, however, that the expected loss of ozone thus
far was only a few per cent. I wanted to reassure the public by showing that
our ozone data from that year were no different from 20 years earlier. The
graph we presented to the public showed that no significant change in ozone
had been detected over the years, which was true overall—but it seemed that
the springtime values did look lower from one year to the next.8

The springtime values Shanklin refers to are now called “the ozone hole.”9 The con-
tours of this hole only began to take shape when the members of the team looked
at these springtime values specifically, ignoring what happened in the ozone layer
for the rest of the year: the hole turned out to be seasonal. What the data showed
was a steady decrease in the springtime ozone levels, year by year, at a rate that
was rapid enough to suggest the existence of a strong causal relationship. Since
the work identifying chlorofluorocarbons (CFCs) as a catalyst for ozone depletion
had already been done, the team decided to publish an overlay of the two trends
in a very unorthodox way, so as to make the image of the hole appear to the rest
of the world.10 To do this, they plotted the springtime ozone values between 1954
and 1984 on a scale that decreased from top to bottom on the graph, and then over-
laid this with the CFC concentration in the atmosphere on a scale that increased
from top to bottom.11 [Fig. 05] The combination of the two different scales, in two
different orientations, produced a graph that looked for the first time like a hole
and contained within it the human artifacts that gave it duration: CFCs. Even from
the beginning, Shanklin seems to have been aware of the power of their forensic
rhetoric: “In retrospect, that was a really good thing to call it, because an ozone hole
must be bad. Almost automatically, it meant that people wanted something to be
done about it. The hole had to be filled in.”12
But why does a hole have to

be filled in? It seems clear
that there is something
reversible about a hole.
Since a hole is made, it can
be unmade. This property
of holes distinguishes
them from gaps: in a gap
something is merely miss-
ing. Without the CFCs, the
ozone hole would just be a
gap, a seasonal thinning of
the ozone, in the same way
that without a cemetery
the hole in El Raval would
just be en construcción. It is
precisely this reversibility
of holes that the American
minimalist sculptor Carl
Andre was describing in
his famous claim: “A thing
Fig. 05 J. C. Farman, B. G. Gardiner and J. D. Shanklin, “Large Losses of Total is a hole in a thing it is
Ozone in Antarctica Reveal Seasonal ClOx/NOx Interaction,” Nature not.” The distinction Andre
315 (May 1985): 207–210.
draws between things
and holes should not be
34
understood simply as a relation between absence and presence, as this would be
the spatial relation that defines gaps. Rather, holes are always produced as “things”
through a process of individuation in which a skull, or chlorofluorocarbon, sudden-
ly produces the distinct duration that defines it as a “not” in Andre’s axiom. In other
words, duration in a hole is not produced from an absence, but from a thing that
does the digging.
From the history of the production of the ozone hole, it becomes clear that the
“forum” in forensis is just as much a place of rhetoric in the empirical sciences as
it is on the streets of Barcelona. What also becomes clear through the work of Carl
Andre is that the relation defined by a hole and its contents is simply a general
description of matter itself, and in this sense, the production of the material as a
“thing” is the first act of rhetorical speech in the forum of forensics.
Hole #3: A New Look at Hole #1

The hole in El Raval seems to keep getting deeper: each time the bottom would ap-
pear to be in sight, another hole opens up. But, to understand this hole, we have to
reconsider the fact that the soil itself did not enjoy the status of a “thing” until it was
empirically produced in the late nineteenth century. The history of its production
also happens to be a history of the very question that is being asked in relation to
El Raval—what do the bones really reveal about the hole? Is it a human image that
is discovered in the geological material of the hole, or is it a geological image that
is discovered in human bones? And, what do these trajectories of meaning reveal
about the present? The third hole, which we will now examine for its power to
produce the present through an anthropogenic geology, will be the same hole as the
first, but in this iteration the forensic lens will be focused on the soil itself.
Before soil was produced empirically as a thing, it was conceptually identical to

rock. In geological descriptions of rocks, the internal heterogeneity of all the el-
ements and mineral formations is consolidated into a single term—for instance,
“granite”—and that term then stands in for the heterogeneity of the mixture. In
the stratigraphic sections of geological profiles, these heterogeneous mixtures
are represented as homogenous bodies so that the “strata” which characterize the
profile can be differentiated.
The earliest texts on soil science apply this geological method directly to soil, with
the understanding that soil comes from rock. An 1820 geological survey of Albany
County, New York, elevates this understanding to the philosophical standard of
common sense: “That all the earthy part of soil consists of minute fragments of
rock does not require argument, or need proof, but inspection merely to determine
it. We have only to place specimens under the magnifier and their rocky origin
will become manifest.”13 Giving form to this understanding of soil, John Morton’s
1843 treatise The Nature and Property of Soils deploys a series of drawings to

compliment the manuscript.14 [Fig. 06] In these drawings, the soil is depicted at the
scale of geological sections, in which it appears as a thin, homogenous layer at the
surface of a section hundreds of feet deep. Morton’s intention was to show a genetic
relationship between this soil layer and the geology underneath.
In contrast, F. A. Fallou’s later work, from

1862, elevates soil to the status of geology it-
self; the soil is not simply a sub-category of its
underlying rock, but is instead given the same
kind of existence in time, and stratographic
complexity, as rock sections. [Fig. 07] Here,
the alternating layers and wavy lenses that
flow through the soil profile have the capacity
to be in nonconformity with adjacent soil lay-
ers, which appear to have been offset from one
another as if by some tectonic shift. In giving
soil the status of rocks, however, Fallou denies
soil its own duration distinct from rocks; soil
has yet to be produced as a thing.
Fig. 06 Nevertheless, for Fallou, nothing escapes the

From John Morton, The Nature and Property
of Soils, 4th ed. (London, 1843), in Alfred E.
tooth of time: “Soil is considered to be the
Hartemink, “The Depiction of Soil Profiles
product of weathering, formed as the tooth
since the Late 1700s,” Catena 79 (2009):
113–127.
of time incessantly grinds the solid covering
of our planet and gradually decomposes and
destroys its solid mass.”15 This image of soil as
a kind of plaque on the tooth of time, or terminal residue of the geological destruc-
tion of the earth, derives from the uniformitarian geology of the nineteenth century,
which saw the process of erosion as a plausible theory for long-term changes in the
appearance of the Earth. In the uniformitarian narrative, the life of soil
appears as the death of rock. As rocks are given a date of birth corresponding to
the historical moment they are constituted as a body, the dissolution of this body—
the production of soil—constitutes its empirical death. This dissolution becomes
responsible for explaining the formation of soils, which is achieved through an
analysis of the many differences in the rock’s material durations. Whereas Henri
Bergson’s well-known sugar cube consisted of a single duration, rocks generally
consist of multiple durations. The sodium, potassium, and magnesium found in the
feldspars and micas of granite are dissolved at different rates while in contact with
the climate, whereas the iron and quartz remain relatively insoluble. The tooth of
time may grind incessantly, but the solid mass it chews is not uniformly affected;
soil is thus the product of difference which time encounters in the mastication of
the Earth’s crust.
The modern, or post-mastication, theory of soils begins with the idea that soil is not
the residue of a process, but rather a process in itself, in which a system of layers
36
From F. A. Fallou, Pedologie oder Allgemeine und besondere Bodenkunde (Dresden: Schöenfeld, 1862), in Fig. 07
Alfred E. Hartemink, “The Depiction of Soil Profiles since the Late 1700s,” Catena 79 (2009): 113–127.
critical to life on Earth grows out of fine rock particles. The Russian geologist Vasily
Dokuchaev is given credit for producing the earliest comprehensive description of
these layers, which he termed the soil “body.”16 What Dokuchaev’s work describes
is the soil as a thing, in Andre’s sense, rather than a residue, which can only be stud-
ied as a postscript to some other process. That is, Dokuchaev’s soil is a thing with
its own process, composed of many different parts, and its consistency as a body
comes from its capacity to be recognized by a system of resemblances that repeat,
and whose repetition is produced by soil’s specific duration in time and space.
This concept of soil formation begins its story where Fallou left off. The granite
that met its sad end as soil in nineteenth-century uniformitar an geology suddenly
springs to life again. The tiny weathered particles of feldspar take on a new geo-
logical identity as the clay mineral kaolin. Over the course of 50 to 100 years, the
resistant quartz sand and weathered kaolin will form kind of clay loam, and the
untransformed iron in the original granite will give the soil a reddish hue. During
this time it becomes a refuge for bacteria, fungi, and a diversity of soil fauna, from
amoebae to arthropods. These organisms fundamentally affect the structure of soil,
causing the clay to form larger aggregates that have a greater capacity to resist
wind erosion and retain moisture. Over time this process creates distinct layers in
the soil, produced by differences in the way the soil is weathered, as well as by the
work of organisms. When this process does not occur the soil is called young, and is
homogenous like a sand dune.17 When it does occur, it produces a pattern of layers,
and these are the essential repetition required for the production of a system of
resemblances known as soil taxonomy.

Fig. 08 Curtis F. Marbut, “Color Profiles of Representative Soils of the Great Soil Groups,” in Atlas of American
Agriculture: Physical Basis including Land Relief, Climate, Soils, and Natural Vegetation of the United
States, ed. Oliver E. Baker, Plate 3 (Washington DC: United States Government Printing Office, 1936),
www.davidrumsey.com.
The complete transformation of a material from something that was simply the
leftover detritus of rocks to something that is itself a body, complete with organs,
something that grows and develops and is capable of being young or elderly, is
a kind of alchemical transformation in the empirical understanding of soils that
undoubtedly merits a historical marker. The difference in the understanding of
soil before and after this turn can be clearly discerned by comparing the images
of soil in Morton and Fallou [Figs. 06 & 07], with those of Curtis F. Marbut [Fig.
08], who worked as the Director of the Soil Survey Division at the United States
Department of Agriculture from 1910 until his death in 1935. Marbut published
these paintings as a part his landmark soil taxonomy, which classified all soils of
the United States into 13 “Great Groups.” Each painting is a “typical” or general-
ized soil profile, which not only shows the set of layers and layer thicknesses that
characterize that soil, but also the processes that produce the layers over time.
For instance, in the painting of the Grundy Silt Loam Great Group [Fig. 08], the
vertical striations and blotchy light and dark brown colours depict a soil process
known as “mottling,” which is produced by a rising and falling water table. In this
painting, the lower limit of the uppermost soil layer is not shown as a clean and
distinct line separating the brownish red from the black, as in the layers of the
Kalkaska or Sassafras Great Groups, for example, but is rather an indistinct gradient
38
of asymmetrical intensities. The blotchy colours and vertical striations in the lower
layer are meant to evoke the anaerobic chemistry produced by periodic inundation.
In order to make this taxonomy visible, Marbut produced paintings, rather than
mechanically representing the surface of the soil profiles through photography; the
paintings attempt to reproduce an image of the latent diagnostic criteria of messy
geological processes, such as periodic inundation, in the quantifiable colours of
the Munsell system.19 The paintings that Marbut produced for his taxonomy are an
attempt to represent the new durations specific to soil, and distinct from rock that
had become so important to soil classification. Marbut’s taxonomy had incorporat-
ed the insights of Dokuchaev and the Russian school by organizing all soil knowl-
edge into the new form of the soil profile.18 Soil in this taxonomy was no longer
something that could be picked up in a handful; it was something that could only be
known as a system of layers between six and ten feet deep, created by the forces of
climate, parent material, relief, organisms, and time. For Marbut, and every other
soil scientist at the time, messy geological processes—as they exist in relation to
the production of recognizable forms in the soil profile—mark the proper duration
of soil, necessarily distinct from the duration of rock.
At this point in the history of soil, we find a structure analogous to that of the ozone
hole in its production as a thing. Just as CFCs established a geological relation
internal to the structure of the ozone hole (it gets bigger seasonally with CFC emis-
sions), the production of the soil profile established the geological relation internal
to the structure of soil (it grows layers over time). However, just as in the previous
two holes, the production of a material as a thing and its investment with forensic
speech are processes that emerge through the many voices of the forum, and as
such are rhetorical and cosmopolitical, rather than immutable.20
According to soil scientist Roy Simonson, Marbut’s Sassafras Great Group would
be broken up into more than 50 different soils through subsequent revisions of the
USDA taxonomy.21 While each of these revisions changed the things that were said
by the forensic speech of the soil, there was no fundamental revision of the way in
which soil was capable of forensic speech. Such a fundamental revision to the con-
cept of soil would remain unthinkable for almost a century, and would only come
about through a reconsideration of the human relation to geological production.
In 1995, a committee within the USDA’s National Resource Conservation Service

was created to investigate the relation between human-made soils and soils pro-
duced solely by geological and biological conditions. Until this time, there was no
way to classify the layers in urban soil, and by 1995 the hole this left in the soil
survey was large enough to merit some attention. In every soil map the USDA had
ever made, the city limit defined the perimeter of this hole, where soil suddenly
ceased to have layers—and as such also ceased to have duration.22 It had taken
almost a century to systematically organize the complex durations of soil into a tax-
onomy that was capable of taking into consideration the diverse effects of climate,

Fig. 09 Venezia 2003, Societa Italiana di Geologia Ambientale. Scale = 1:50,000.
plant and animal life, the slope of the ground, geologic parent material, and the
scales of time relevant to each element in the soil body. As the world has become
increasingly urbanized since the 1860s, this body became contingent on a new set
of processes. Things like trash, construction debris, coal ash, dredged sediments,
petroleum contamination, green lawns, decomposing bodies, and rock ballast not
only alter the formation of soil but themselves form soil bodies, and in this respect
are taxonomically indistinguishable from soil. Thus the third hole in the anthropo-
genic geology of the present is also every hole in the soil survey that takes the shape
and size of the city. [Fig. 09]
To illustrate the problem of inserting human bodies into the taxonomy of soil bod-
ies more clearly, one could simply ask a more direct question: what kind of soil does
a cemetery make?23 In the case of a cemetery, a layer of commodities of various
durations is deposited with a dense mass of organic material below the level in the
soil profile at which aerobic decomposition can take place. [Fig. 10] In the United
States, this amounts to roughly 30 million board feet of hardwood caskets, 104,272
tons of steel caskets, 2,700 tons of copper and bronze, and 1.8 million bodies per
year.24 These bodies contain approximately 827,060 gallons of formaldehyde and
11,905 pounds of mercury, primarily from tooth fillings.25 The layer structure of the
soil above this deposition is mixed into homogeneity by gravediggers or backhoes,
and effectively returned to a state of youth whereby the process of differential
weathering is reset. In roughly 20 years, the only organic material remaining will
40
be bone, and in 30 to 40 years, a wooden coffin will also break down, leaving a thin
and distinct layer of organic material and commodities in the profile. The formal-
dehyde will break down in the first few years of decomposition, but the average
amount of mercury in a human body will remain in the soil for around 2,600 years.
In other words, the layer structure that forms the profile of cemetery soil has a set
of complex material durations that change and, as is evident from El Raval, will be
clearly diagnostic of a recognizable soil structure for thousands of years.
Among the most common soils to repeat throughout the city are soils that form
in construction debris. [Fig. 11] The basic metabolic functions of construction and
demolition in urban areas produce a huge amount of waste material in the form
of concrete, asphalt, brick, masonry blocks, drywall, steel, rebar, ceramic, etc.
This material is expensive to remove, so it is typically mixed with fill or simply
buried. Like the soil sediment deposited by rivers, the building materials mixed
into the soil create a clear geographical and even architectural specificity to the
soil. In at least this sense, the soil and the city are mirror images of each other,
not only in the negative image of extraction, as has often been pointed out, but
also in the positive image of deposition. The current forensic muteness of soils
in urban areas—a large hole in the USDA soil taxonomy—is all the more strange
given that the richness of the material relations such soils could speak of comes
directly from a geologic reciprocity with the city. The reason for this muteness
is clear enough, however, as present day descriptions of soil date to the original
geological relations used to define soil against rock. It also comes from the lack of
interest in these urban processes, as the usefulness of soil knowledge has histori-
cally been defined by its relation to agricultural production.
Recently, in an effort to understand the useful properties of its soil in

relation to the real soil horizons produced by urban processes, the City of
New York has taken a different approach. This involved digging a series of
holes and describing the varying, and at times especially bizarre, results. For
example, a USDA survey team in the city discovered that “Fishkill” soil, which “has
formed in a thick mantle of industrial ‘fly ash’ mixed with demolished construction
debris,” is “good” for use as a wildlife habitat for freshwater wetland plants.26 The
“typical soil profile” for Freshkills Landfill, also now included on the map, consists
of 30 to 80 inches of “extremely cobbly sandy loam” which is “20% cobble-size bio-
degradable artifacts, 45% cobble-sized non-biodegradable artifacts, and 5% cob-
bles.” Its Soil Taxonomy classification is “Coarse-loamy, mixed, active, hyperthermic
Typic Dystrudepts.” Classifying Freshkills Landfill in the Great Group “Dystrudept”
means that it is dystrophic (infertile for agriculture), udic (regarding its moisture
regime), and of the order Inceptisol (meaning it has poorly developed subsurface
horizons). These subsurface horizons are up to 75% trash, but classifying Freshkills
Landfill as Inceptisol has led the USDA to the curious conclusion that this soil has
much in common with forests on the steep slopes of North Carolina’s Appalachian
Mountains.

Temporal Displacement: soil forming factors RELEASE START YEAR Spatial Displacement:
RELEASE END YEAR materials buried ceremonially per year in the US
WEATHERING: 30 MILLION BOARD FEET OF HARDWOODS (CASKETS)
0.6mm surface 0.9mm surface
LIMESTONE reduction reduction
TOMBTONE 0.9mm surface NEW YORK SAN FRANCISCO ANCHORAGE
0.6mm surface 2,906 MILES 5,681 MILES
ARKOSIC reduction reduction 1.53 MILLION FEET 30 MILLION FEET
TOMBSTONE -1 104,272 TONS OF STEEL (CASKETS)

120 g/yr
CARBON
(BODY) 40 g/yr -1 skeletonization skeletal dissolution = 174 M1 Abrams tanks @ 65 tons each
NITROGEN 827,060 US gallons of embalming fluid (BODIES) 10'

(BODY) 5.5 g/yr
-1 x bona fide
PHOSPOROUS
(BODY) 2480 g/yr
-1
= 50,000 gallons of embalming fluid
(formaldehyde, surfactants, antioxidants, buffers, pink dyes, and pre-1905 arsenic)
CARBON
(COFFIN) 190 g/yr
-1
wood coffin dissolution 5'
NITROGEN 1.8 MILLION PEOPLE BURIED IN A COFFIN IN 2008
(COFFIN) 62mg of 3000mg corporal -3 -1
1.1 X 10 g/yr
mercury degredation
MERCURY =2600yrs
(BODY) x citified
0'
FORMALDEHYDE
(BODY) 50 g/yr
-1
FORMALDEHYDE
(COFFIN)
0 20 40 TIME, YEARS 80 90 100 = 5000 people

Source: Harker, Alexandra. "Landscapes of the Dead: an Argument for Conservation Burial." Berkeley Planning Journal 25, no. 1, 2012
Source: Environment Agency (2005) Potential Groundwater Pollutants from Cemeteries
Diagnostic Elements Soil Survey: Green-Wood Cemetery

e
A B C D J K ain
or
m
al
in
m
t er
L
E F G
M N O
H I
ERRATICS
A) Federal (complex) style tablet
B) rectangular tablet
glacial till
C) Gothic-point tablet
D) rounded-top tablet glacial outwash
E) glacial erratics: SM,M,LG
F) cross-vault obelisk
G) obelisk
H) raised inscription
I) slant-block
ORGANIC MATTER
J) pet carcass
K) fibers: nylon, polyester
L) coffin: wood or steel
M) pelvis Location of Glacial Till Soils:
N) scapula Montauk-Forest Hills Complex
O) tibia
Fig. 10 Seth Denizen, “Adams Family Series,” Eighth Approximation: Urban Soil in the Anthropocene
(MLA Thesis: University of Virginia, 2012).
What better diorama of the emerging geology of the present could be

produced? The convergence of mountains of trash and Piedmont Mountains
in the USDA’s taxonomy is a convergence of resemblances in which the
geological relation of newness, with respect to processes of soil formation,
is privileged over the difference between human trash and naturally formed
mountains. Each of these soils is subject to very rapid and powerful forces
of deposition and removal which result in a young soil (Inceptisol) that is
infertile. In this description, there is both an understanding of soil as a system of
layers, and as a useful thing produced by an analysis of geologic relations, rather
than anthropocentric descriptions of geological origins. This focus on geological
relations assumes that all matter is geological, insofar as it has a duration in time,
and that this duration is produced in another forum of forensics: taxonomy.
The practical necessity of mapping the surface geology of cities has encouraged a
deeper understanding of the stratigraphic relations between human beings and the
geological present. Understanding the extent to which patterns of urbanization,
domesticity, burial, recreation, architecture, horticulture, and warfare are factors
of soil formation has produced a new set of possibilities for the production of the
geological present. As both an historical archive and a living body, soil exists at
42
Typical Profile
Construction debris soil Inward marble Glacial till Sand, Glacial outwash Air
1895 - Marble Hill soils 1914 - Marble Hill soils
Seth Denizen, “Robert Moses Series,” Eighth Approximation: Urban Soil in the Anthropocene Fig. 11
(MLA Thesis: University of Virginia, 2012).
precisely that interval between the geological past and future that is bracketed by
the term “Anthropocene.” And as a material in direct reciprocal relation to all the
material processes that define daily life, soil constitutes an immense forum, and
an immense hole, around which a lot of things could be said about the present—if
only in passing.
Notes
1 Eyal Weizman, Forensic Architecture: Notes from Fields and Forums, 100 Notes, 100
Thoughts No. 062 (Ostfildern: Hatje Cantz, 2012).
2 The damming of rivers has produced a measurable alteration of the speed of the rotation
of the Earth. For an excellent primer on the city as a geologic force, see Smudge Studio’s
Geologic City: A Field Guide to the GeoArchitecture of New York (2011).
3 The term “Anthropocene” was coined by atmospheric chemist Paul Crutzen and ecologist
Eugene Stoermer (independently) to refer to the present—since 1800 CE—as geological-
ly distinct from everything that has happened since the end of the last ice age 11,700 years
ago. This geological distinction comes from the global scale of human alteration of the en-
vironment, from things like dams, agricultural erosion, ocean acidification, urbanization,
and atmospheric change. The formalization of this term by the International Commission
on Stratigraphy (ICS) would mean the end of the current geological epoch, the Holocene.
The current target date for this decision is 2016.
4 For Berlant, “emergency is another genre of the present.” See Cruel Optimism (Durham:
Duke University Press, 2011), 294, note 14. For an account of the construction of the
historical present, see Chapter 2, “Intuitionists.”

5 The use of the term “duration” as a property attributable to things comes from the French
philosopher Henri Bergson. In Bergson’s 1907 book Creative Evolution, he observes that
the only thing that distinguishes “sugar” from other forms of matter in the universe is that
it makes him wait. That is, his idea of sugar doesn’t come from its shape or the space it
takes up as a volume, but rather from the unalterable duration of time it takes for the sug-
ar to dissolve in his glass, which he must live, and in this case, experience as impatience.
Sugar is a duration that he has to mix with the duration of his own finite life. The usage of
the term duration in this text will refer to the property of a thing having such an existence
in time.
6 Ozone is what atmospheric chemists call “odd oxygen,” or O3. When odd oxygen loses its
third oxygen atom to become O2, it is no longer ozone, and ceases to perform the func-
tions associated with ozone, like protecting the Earth from ultraviolet radiation. Chlorine,
known for being among the most reactive elements on the periodic table, is a powerful
catalyst for the reaction that breaks O3 down into O + O2. The result of this process is not
only the breakdown of O3, but also the liberation of the same chlorine atom that initiated
the reaction. This leaves it free to begin the reaction again with another ozone molecule,
and as such, creates a chain reaction in the stratosphere in which a single element of
chlorine can convert huge amounts of ozone. The set of equations that explain this earned
Paul Crutzen, Mario Molina, and F. Sherwood Rowland the 1995 Nobel Prize in Chemistry,
but oddly enough, didn’t lead to the discovery of the ozone hole. The problem was under-
standing how it is even possible for an element as highly reactive as chlorine to ever reach
the stratosphere, after passing through more than 20 kilometers of atmosphere from the
surface of the earth. This anthropogenic chemistry turned out to involve some extremely
beautiful and very rare high altitude clouds, called nacreous or polar stratospheric clouds,
whose icy surface provides a site for chemical reactions. This was not understood until
after the ozone hole’s discovery.
7 The 2011 ozone hole recorded average between 7 September and 13 October was 24.7
million square kilometres. Source: NASA Ozone Watch, Ozone Hole Watch, National
Aeronautics and Space Administration Goddard Space Flight Center, 7 September 2011,
http://ozonewatch.gsfc.nasa.gov.
8 Jonathan Shanklin, “Reflections on the Ozone Hole,” Nature 465 (May 2010): 34–35.
9 Spring in the southern hemisphere is from September to November.
10 Crutzen, the inventor of the term “Anthropocene,” shared the Nobel Prize for this work in
1995. See Paul Crutzen, Nobel Lecture: My Life with O3, NOx and Other YZOxs, http://www.
nobelprize.org/nobel_prizes/chemistry/laureates/1995/crutzen-lecture.html.
11 J. C. Farman, B. G. Gardiner and J. D. Shanklin, “Large Losses of Total Ozone in Antarctica
Reveal Seasonal ClOx/NOx interaction,” Nature 315 (May 1985): 207–210.
12 Jonathan Shanklin, interview from documentary, The Antarctic Ozone Hole: From Discovery
to Recovery, a Scientific Journey, United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) Division
of Technology Industry and Economics (DTIE), 2011. The film was produced as part of
the UNEP’s work program under the Multilateral Fund for the Implementation of the
Montreal Protocol, www.unep.org/ozonaction.
13 A. Eaton and T. R. Beck, A Geological Survey of the County of Albany (Albany: Agricultural
Society of Albany County, NY, 1820).
14 John Morton, The Nature and Property of Soils, 4th ed. (London: 1843).
15 F. A. Fallou, Pedologie oder Allgemeine und besondere Bodenkunde (Dresden: Schöenfeld
Buchhandlung, 1862).
16 There is some dispute as to what precisely to credit Dokuchaev with. Tandarich et. al. (see
below) argue that that Orth’s 1875 manuscript Die geognostisch-agronomische Kartirung
contained the soil profile concept in the term “boden-profil.” In Dokuchaev’s 1879
44
publication, he used the terms “zaleganiya chernozem,” (stratification of the chernozem)
and “stroenie chernozem” (structure of the chernozem) to describe the soil profile. His
descriptions of the soil as a body do not appear until his major work Russian Chernozem
(1883), in which he cites both Orth and Fallou as having influenced his own thinking.
However, it was in this work that Dokuchaev published his famous ABC system for soil
profile layers, which is still in use today. The biologist and evolutionary theorist Charles
Darwin also published an ABC system of soil layers in his book on earthworms in 1881,
which contained detailed drawings of the soil layers. See: Charles Darwin, Earthworms
and Vegetable Mould (London, 1881); Vasily, Dokuchaev, Tchernozeme (terre noire) de la
Russie D’Europe, Societe Imperiale Libre Economique (Moscow: Imprimeric Trenke &
Fusnot, 1879); A. Orth, Die geognostisch-agronomische Kartirung (Berlin: Verlag von Ernst
& Korn, 1875); and John P. Tandarich, Robert G. Darmody, Leon R. Follmer and Donald L.
Johnson, “Historical Development of Soil and Weathering Profile Concepts from Europe to
the United States of America,” Soil Science Society of America 66, no. 2 (March-April 2002):
335–346.
17 This is known as the “pedological age” of soil, which refers to the amount of weathering,
and therefore layer formation that the soil has undergone. Weathering is most rapid
where there is an abundance of water and heat. Soils in the tropical rainforest therefore
tend to be pedologically old, whereas soils in the arctic are forever young. Sand dunes are
also among the youngest soils.
18 Marbut was a keen reader of Russian soil science, and considered it to be far more
advanced than American soil research at the time. He was particularly influenced by
Dokuchaev’s student Konstantin Glinka, whom he translated into English.
19 The Munsell system is a taxonomy for the classification of colours that was adopted by
the USDA under Marbut for the specification of soil colour. It’s taxonomic criteria are hue,
value, and chroma, which form the axes of a three-dimensional colouration space that can
be used to locate colours perceptible to the human eye. For example, 2.5YR 4/3 would
specify a reddish brown.
20 Isabelle Stengers develops the idea of cosmopolitics in a three-volume work by that
title. For Stengers, atomic particles like the neutrino participate in the production of
the present through the cosmological commons they create. Just as soil is brought into
being by a consensus that it is different from rock, the neutrino is brought into being by a
consensus that it is different from the atom. These cosmological commons are precisely
the forum of forensics referred to by Weizman. For Stengers, the consensus about what a
material says—its forensic speech—constitutes a community of believers, who then live
by the social and political implications of this cosmos: “The neutrino is not, therefore, the
‘normal’ intersection between a rational activity and a phenomenal world. The neutrino
and its peers, starting with Newton’s scandalous force of attraction, bind together the
mutual involvement of two realities undergoing correlated expansions: that of the dense
network of our practices and their histories, and that of the components and modes of
interaction that populate what is referred to as the ‘physical world.’ In short, the neutrino
exists simultaneously and inseparably ‘in itself’ and ‘for us,’ becoming even more ‘in itself,’
a participant in countless events in which we seek the principles of matter, as it comes
into existence ‘for us,’ an ingredient of increasingly numerous practices, devices, and pos-
sibles.” That is: “If something is to be celebrated or must force others to think, it is not the
neutrino but the coproduction of a community and a reality of which, from now on, from
the point of view of the community, the neutrino is an integral part.” See Isabelle Stengers,
Cosmopolitics I, trans. Robert Bononno (Minneapolis: Minnesota Press, 2010), 26.
21 Roy Simonson, “Concept of Soil,” in Advances in Agronomy, Vol. 20, ed. A. G. Norman
(Waltham, Mass.: Academic Press, 1968), 1-47.
22 There have been four soil surveys in the history of the USDA which attempt to map a city:
Soil Survey Report of Washington, DC (Smith 1976), Soil Survey Report of St. Louis County

(Benham, 1982), Soil Survey Report of Montgomery County (Brown and Dyer, 1985), and
Soil Survey Report of the City of Baltimore (Levine and Griffin, 1998). In each of these
surveys, the soil is described in very broad terms such as “urban land,” “human-made,” or
“disturbed,” without any reference to the soil profile of these urban soils. Without the soil
profile, soil is effectively returned to its origin as geology.
23 For an excellent paper on the soil a cemetery makes, see: Przemysław Charzyński, Renata
Bednarek and Beata Solnowska, “Characteristics of the Soils of Toruń cemeteries,” (paper
presented at the Nineteenth “World Congress of Soil Science, Soil Solutions for a Changing
World,” Brisbane, Australia, 2010).
24 All figures from Alexandra Harker, “Landscapes of the Dead: An Argument for Conservation
Burial,” Berkeley Planning Journal 25, no. 1 (2012): 150–159.
25 Mercury figures from A. Hart and S. Casper, “Potential Groundwater Pollutants from
Cemeteries,” Science Report, (December 2004): 29–35.
26 All soil descriptions from New York City Soil Survey Staff, New York City Reconnaissance
Soil Survey, Soil Survey, Staten Island, NY (United States Department of Agriculture
Natural Resources Conservation Service, 2005).
46
Episodes from a History of Scalelessness
by Adam Bobbette
William Jerome Harrison and

Geological Photography
H.T. Hildage, “Mining Operations in New York City and Vicinity,” in Transactions of the American Fig. 01
Institute of Mining Engineers (New York: Institute of Mining Engineers, 1908), 392, Fig. 18.
If we now put the question, how we are to explain the riddle that by means of
such illogical, indeed senseless concepts, correct results are to be obtained, the
answer lies in what we found to be the general law of fictions, namely in the
correction of the errors that have been committed.
—Han Vaihinger, The Philosophy of ‘As If’ (1924)
The ponderance of temporal scale is foundational for any consideration of the

Anthropocene thesis. As we know, this thesis would demarcate our epoch on that
imprecise though pervasively referenced scale called “geological time,” which ren-
ders sensible an earthly duration from the outer limits of the conceivable. This es-
say pursues such limits by considering several of the technical and poetic practices
by which they were explored in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.
These practices have, to borrow Latour’s term, “translated” the vast temporality of
the geologic, typically by way of a spatial translation into the hardness of stone or,
for instance, the gradations of erosion.1 However, as with any translation, remain-
ders persist. The literary apparatus will provide our first brief encounter with this
remainder.
In Lewis Carroll’s 1876 nonsense poem The

Hunting of the Snark (An Agony in 8 Fits) we are
told of a nautical crew in search of an incon-
ceivable creature. At sea, the Bellman, provides
the crew with the following directions: a blank
map. It is the ocean, he claims. “And the crew
were much pleased when they found it to be /
A map they could all understand / What’s the
good of Mercator’s North Poles and Equators
/ Tropics, Zones, and Meridian Lines?”/ So the
Bellman would cry: and the crew would reply /
“They are merely conventional signs!” As a map,
it is a “perfect and absolute blank,” the form
most appropriate for translating the ocean’s
content as a vast undoing of direction, position,
and scale.2
What the Bellman does to the ocean, Virginia

Woolf applies to the body: “We are edged with
Fig. 02 G. Bingley, Baldersby Park, near Thirsk.
Large Boulder of Carboniferous Grit, 1891.
mist. We make an unsubstantial territory,” she
Courtesy of the British Geological Survey writes.3 The first chapter of The Waves (1931)
depicts a morning as the frenzied, excessive
minutiae of the world begin wiggling together into a whir. A faucet begins to run;
“Mrs. Constable pulls up her thick black stockings”; a door unlocks; the church
bell rings, once at first, then again; a sauce pan crackles with oil. Louis, one of the
characters, is left suddenly alone in the garden and his scale begins to transform.
He stands looking at the grass under his feet becoming an ocean of green. He holds
and then becomes the stem of a flower, but longer and deeper. He presses into the
earth, passing mines of lead and silver. “I am all fibre. All tremors shake me, and
the weight of the earth is pressed to my ribs. Up here my eyes are green leaves,
unseeing.” But, “down there my eyes are the lidless eyes of a stone figure in a desert
by the Nile. I see women passing with red pitchers to the river; I see camels swaying
and men in turbans. I hear trampling’s, trembling’s, stirrings round me.” A parental
yell from the house causes him to return to his recognizable form.4
And, again, in 1931: “Où est l’homme qui n’a pas exploré en esprit la nature abys-
sale?” [“Where is the man who has not explored the abyssal nature of the mind?”]5
Paul Valéry’s Cahiers incessantly return to the territory of the insubstantial to
which he often arrives through this particular scene: the telescoping of the world’s
48
detail as the body moves through space. Each thing we see is a one-sided surface
hiding an infinity of details that expands and contracts according to our changing
positions and their relations to each other. Valery’s paintings and drawings dwell
on this very schema through an endless unravelling of the same objects. For in-
stance, in one painting an island is pictured as a lump, in another, the same island
becomes a geology of crisp, defined perimeters.6 Scale snaps the world in and out
of focus, while the insubstantial is at the edge, on the backside, and in the recesses
of every scene.
Fifty years later, we return to the Bellman’s boat. In A Thousand Plateaus, Gilles
Deleuze and Félix Guattari adapt Carroll’s image of the sea as “the archetype of
smooth space.”7 Deleuze and Guattari devote this plateau to describing the smooth
space of the sea and the various iterations it has afforded science, mathematics,
art, and philosophy—each encounter either proliferating or evading its menacing
qualities. In one memorable example, they offer an explication of the image of
Wacław Sierpiński’s puzzling sponge: a cube precisely hollowed out by smaller
cubes. Each cube is surrounded by eight cubes a third the size of the larger one;
each smaller cube is similarly surrounded in turn by a constellation of eight other
smaller cubes. “It is plain to see,” they suggest, “that this cube is in the end infinitely
hollow. It’s total volume approaches zero, while the total lateral surface of the
hollowings infinitely grows.”8 The authors included an image of this cube. It is an
impossible image in that it attempts to represent all that it is not. It is an infinite,
scaleless object; it is an arresting of the object unfolding across countless scales.
The image appears through, departs from, and returns to its own scalelessness like
an infinite circuit.
These four episodes, spanning a century of curiosity about the inexorable problem
of scale, might be productively aggregated to initiate a fictional history of scaleless-
ness. What can we find in common among them? From even this cursory collec-
tion, two important characteristics are evidently given: the unconventionality of
direction and the withering of boundaries that could determine a location. Spatial
coordinates disappear into an unfathomable depth in Carroll; the body expands
beyond its corporeal limits in Woolf; discrete objects lose their definition in Valéry;
surface and depth become hollow in Deleuze and Guattari. In each, time and space
are manifestly and corporeally infinite. That is, for each of these poetic concre-
tions, the infinite becomes materialized and actual. Could there be other qualities
of scalelessness constructed by different literatures? Can we see, at particular
historical moments, more or less of a concern with this perplexing experience of
scale? Is the confusion of scale intertwined with some particular historical phe-
nomena, a reaction to something off stage? No less problematic than such queries
are the definitional limitations when considering such a fictional history. How does
scalelessness relate to concepts of void, the negative, or nothingness? Are these
concepts each a way of describing the same experience of the irresolvable within
their particular metaphysical configuration? In what follows, I attempt to open this
history, engage some of these troubling questions, and trace some of the contours
Episodes from a History of Scalelessness | Adam Bobbette 49

Fig. 03 From John A., Dresser and T. C. Denis, Geology of Quebec (Quebec: Rédempti, 1944), Plate v.
of scalelessness by examining a single case study comprised of a series of photo-

graphs. My approach is neither exhaustive nor definitive; instead, it is an attempt
to open up a history of poetic vexation through a focused analysis of the image of
scale itself.
The photographs were taken in 1886 by the geologist and photographer William
Jerome Harrison, admittedly a minor figure in the history of geology, and an even
less significant contributor to the history of photography. But these particular, un-
studied photographs—all taken on the same day by this doubly minor character—
are of interest because they appear to be the first specimens of a new type of image:
photographs of everyday objects and rocks. No humans appear in these images,
only manufactured objects and rocks: pocket knives, watches, hammers, basalt,
granite, flint. If the manufactured objects had not appeared in the photographs, the
rocks would appear without scale, the rocks could be read by observers just as eas-
ily as images of mountains or pebbles. This type of photograph would proliferate
in the twentieth century as geologists began to regularly incorporate photography
into their practice. But long before this trend emerged, Harrison’s photographs
stand out as the first series of compositions to remove humans from the frame of
the image and replace them with objects. Through this act, as the camera moves
toward the technological destiny of the “close-up,” a quality of scalelessness is both
subtly produced and carefully negotiated. This nimble encounter is what we can
now examine in detail.
Nineteenth-century geology is an especially intriguing moment of investigation

when cultivating a history of scalelessness. Its practitioners were deeply concerned
50
with the nature of temporal and spatial scales and the possibility of experiencing
the eventualities of deep time that verged on infinity. Geologists, including Harrison,
were eager to account for how processes distributed over vast distances could be
made legible by singular, localized marks and signs. The absolutely “scaleless” is
a limit which their science must constantly negotiate; it is likewise a limit that
Harrison’s work, both photographic and geological, necessarily occupies and navi-
gates. However, these images are worthy of consideration for an additional reason.
For Harrison, both photography and geology are constituted by similar processes.
The technical and the geological are entangled with one another, and the human
artifacts that populate his photographs are similarly imbricated in these processes
as well. To be entangled is not to come away from a relation unaffected but contam-
inated. What Harrison thus contributes to the history of scalelessness is the use
of scale itself as a medium to create improbable and unexpected entanglements
among technical, geological, and human registers.
Not surprisingly, the history of scale is more easily assembled than that of the
scaleless. For instance, the architectural linear scale bar, which is related to the
linear scale on maps, is a technology that locks objects into a fixed spatial relation
so that they can be translated from two to three-dimensional space. It appears at
the intersection of the history of metric systems (and more broadly, systems of
divisible numbers) and the production of precision instruments. While there are
numerous examples of different types of rods and staffs used by builders, car-
tographers, and sailors to determine base units and translate size accurately
across scales, it is not until the eighteenth century that the dramatic increase in
the production of precision instruments for determining scale finally occurs.
According to Pyenson and Sheets-Pyenson, this technological trajectory was
driven by the new desire for accuracy that determined both the production of
scientific instruments, the machines that made them, and how these instruments
read the world. They write, “With Jesse Ramsden’s [...] dividing engine at the close
of the eighteenth century, unusually precise scales could be turned out in great
quantities. These were the scientific equivalent of mass-produced metal pots and
pans at the dawn of the First Industrial Revolution.”9 The metric system of calcu-
lation, through which mutually agreed upon base units assure a smooth transition
across scales in powers of ten, was adopted throughout France in 1799 and be-
came the standard grammar of measurement for engineering and architecture,
which spoke its exactitude through manipulations in both landscape and building
architecture.
William Jerome Harrison’s photographic and geological work is heavily influenced

by this history of accuracy; it can be seen in his use of the instruments and con-
ventions of precision, such as the scaled map, and through his advocacy for the
visual accuracy of photography. However, his work also exceeds such a narrow
preoccupation with accuracy. He was a nineteenth-century polymath who spent
much of his life in Leicester and Birmingham, travelling extensively within the
region to document its geology. He taught and developed the science curriculum

at the Birmingham school board and, in 1877, published A Sketch of the Geology
of Leicestershire and Rutland.10 In 1888, he published the History of Photography.
Both photography and geology were still relatively new inventions at the time,
and Harrison was one of the earliest to integrate the two, as well as consider the
implications of both practices upon one another; for him, they were two distinct
but fundamentally related trajectories.
In History of Photography, Harrison characterizes the protagonists of the art form

as apprentices of impressions. According to his assessment, “impressioning” is a
process as ancient as the tanning of human skin under the sun, or the bleaching
of wax by the sun. In each case, the sun has created an impression on a body. For
Harrison, this was the earliest and most basic form of photography. Such a logic
would also extend to Fabricius’ observations in the seventeenth century that mined
silver and chlorine compounds would turn black when left in the sun, and neces-
sarily include Charles’ 1780 anecdote suggesting he “obtained profiles of the heads
of his students by placing them so that the required shadow of the features was
cast by a strong beam of sunlight upon a sheet of paper coated with chloride of
silver.”11 However, this fine art of impressions enters its most crucial historical pe-
riod, according to Harrison, with the emergence of the camera obscura. Developed
by John Baptista Porta in the middle of the sixteenth century, the camera obscura
was a darkened room with a single “window shutter” through which an inverted
image from outside was projected by sunlight onto a white wall. Porta later added
double convex glass lenses to the aperture and fixed a mirror outside to brighten
and sharpen the image.12
When the camera obscura was combined with the chemical experiments of
Nicéphore Niépce, the enclosure allowed for a greater control of sunlight’s contact
with impressive media. Niépce, the under-celebrated collaborator of Daguerre,
discovered the “bitumen process in photography in 1825.”13 For Harrison, Niépce’s
experiments entangle the geological enterprise with the combined architectural
history of the camera obscura and the use and control of lighting conditions. Niépce
studied lithographic forms of image reproduction, the geological implications of
which are evident: litho is Greek for stone, and lithography is the process of im-
printing an image onto a stone. In the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, it was
common to use limestone as the substance best suited for receiving such impres-
sions. Niépce considered, radically, that light could be substituted for human labour
as the agent for copying images into stone. To transfer an image from a sheet of
paper to a limestone surface, he first covered the limestone in a layer of bitumen,
then laid the image on top and exposed it to sunlight. When exposed to light, the
bitumen hardens, creating a positive imprint of the image on the surface of the
stone. Niépce moved on from limestone to working with metals such as tin, and
later integrated the camera obscura in the process, placing metal sheets covered in
bitumen in the interior of his small camera obscura: “When exposed to the action
of the light forming the picture within a camera, the bitumen became insoluble in
proportion to the intensity of the light by which the various parts of the image were
52
produced, an effect which we now know to be due to the oxidation, and conse-
quent hardening of this resinous substance.”14 The solubility of the bitumen on the
surface created a new kind of physical landscape on the surface of the metal by
fusing a stratum of bitumen to the metal. This process was named heliography—
literally, “sun writing.” The only one of Niépce’s heliographs still in existence is a
landscape portrait.
Harrison reads photography according to the residues of deep time contained with-
in it; while the photograph may appear as a new technical entity, it is in reality an
intensification of very old physical processes. His materialist disposition led him to
tell the history of photography as a natural history rather than a history of signifi-
cation or representation, as one might encounter in aesthetic or technical accounts.
For Harrison, the contemporary photograph is a long accumulated history of the
entanglements between techniques and material relations. The photographer is
an apprentice to impressions enabled by the technical-material apparatus of the
camera, plate, chemicals and light. This conception of impressions remarkably ap-
proximates another natural process, namely, that of fossilization. If fossilization is
the impression of softer organisms onto harder geological forms, then photography
is its modern, mediated extension. It is the impression of gradations of light and
shadow onto stone, metallic, or glass surfaces—themselves the elder products of
geologicial forces. This new technology is written back into the earth’s deep history.
Yet such a reading is not, for Harrison, a way of naturalizing photography by wiping
away its embeddeness in social relations or remove it from history by making it
immemorial; it is instead a means to place the photograph deep within the history
of the earth, and conversely, to treat the earth as a source of invention through the
entanglements of form and matter.
Harrison’s estimation of geology is made remarkably clear in his Geology of the

Counties of England and of North and South Wales (1882). It was published only a
few years before his history of photography and declares many of his speculative
interests. In addition to his history of photography as the art of impressions, his
reading of geological time as it appears in the Geology lays the conceptual ground-
work for his photographs of objects and rocks. The Geology is first and foremost
an encyclopedic compendium of existing geological knowledge; it does not claim
to be a presentation of new research. Its comprehensive scope is aimed at a mixed
audience of both novices and experts, and it seems as though Harrison imagined
a copy of the book in every British household as a way to anchor the specificity of
their place within a broader narrative of geological time and transformation. In
over 400 pages, the Geology accounts for every county of England and Wales in its
topographical uniqueness and its deepest physical recesses. It covers the changes
and re-arrangements of the ground from its distant past to its arrival in the present.
The landscape becomes the physical inscription of deep time, both the result of
and generator of change. It is the unthinkable immensity of time made legible and
inhabitable. For Harrison, “it is certain that our earth is of exceeding antiquity,” and,
in fact, “we believe in its great age because the evidence given by the rocks reveals

changes, for whose accomplishment periods of time would be required, which we
may attempt to estimate in figures, but whose real significance the human mind
can scarcely appreciate.”15 Even with such a caveat, Harrison remains convinced
that reading, and thus appreciating, the landscape should not be restricted to
specialists. In fact, while much of his research, he admits, freely builds upon and
extends the work of the National Geological Survey—which was still in progress
across the country at the time of the publication
of Geology—it is his unique vocation to gather
the results of this work and make them available
to a non-specialist audience.
Harrison’s conception of the landscape present-

ed in the Geology is the impression of a temporal
and spatial scalelessness. While Harrison tends
to assume a distinction between the fossil and
the ground or landscape that contains it, his the-
ory of impression simultaneously begins to undo
such a distinction. When he cites Charles Lyell’s
well-known definition of a fossil as “any body, or
the traces of the existence of any body, whether
animal or vegetable, which has been buried in
the earth by natural causes,” there is an assump-
tion that a rock or a mineral cannot, as such, be
such a body.16 However, there is evidence in both
Lyell and Harrison that they understand miner-
alization and the formation of rocks to be made
of vegetable masses, or the deep compressions
Fig. 04 William Jerome Harrison, Sheringham
Beach. Paramoudra in Chalk, 1886.
of gasses, liquids, and solids under the surface
Courtesy of the British Geological Survey of the earth. The fossil is no longer an object
contained in a rock; within this logic, it becomes
Fig. 05 William Jerome Harrison, Beeston Beach.
Paramoudra, 1886. Courtesy of the
the entirety of the earth itself—the fossil is nec-
British Geological Survey essarily that which we inhabit and that which we
read. The landscape crosses over to the order of
the photograph, and vice versa; each an impression, each a fossil. But where light
creates the impression that constitutes the form of the photograph, the form of the
landscape is co-produced by the infinity of temporal and spatial scales impressed
into the crevices, holes, uplifts, and protrusions over which we pass and climb, and
through which we burrow.
The archives of the British Geological Survey contain a series of thirteen photo-
graphs, dated 1 January 1886, which Harrison took at Sheringham Beach, Norfolk.
This is the series that signals the emergence of a new form of geological photogra-
phy: it includes the appearance of everyday, banal objects as scale devices. Prior to
this series, human beings had been ghostly inhabitants of geological photographs,
their bodies providing a scale device. However, here the close-ups of the camera
54
capture geologic impressions at a scale too detailed for the presence of a human
figure. Within geological photography this type of image does not become com-
monplace until some years later, largely due to the delayed uptake of the practice
by field geologists. Cameras were often too cumbersome to carry on expeditions,
and exposure time too lengthy to be practical. In the late nineteenth century, geo-
logical photography largely followed the conventions of landscape painting, and
was mostly practiced by colonial explorers only partially familiar or interested in
the emerging field of geology. By the early twentieth century, however, this type of
photograph could be considered a common place in geological photography and a
minor genre within photographic history; humans were replaced with a plethora of
different objects in, on, or around rocks: small handbags, hammers, pocket watches,
knives, picks, etc. Geologists on the hunt for resources, for instance, would photo-
graph a small sachet, likely holding samples, or money, sitting on the shaft wall.
Other photos were taken from a pit in the earth’s surface, where a small pickaxe
leans on clumps of dirt. What is uncertain in these photographs is their subject:
is it the object or the rocks? Rarely appearing as a mere background, the objects
are given an equal compositional treatment to the geology. For instance, a small
bag or a watch sit on top of a pile of rocks, a hammer shares the middle ground
with the rock it leans on. Nothing in the image signifies a hierarchy of subjects.
This hierarchy could only emerge through the invocation of the scale as parerga, a
device subservient (and self-effacing) to guaranteeing the realism of the image, just
as a scale bar on a map is only partially part implicated in the image, without shar-
ing the status of the map itself.17 While this tradition asserts a strong conviction,
a closer investigation of Harrison’s photos reveals a strong sense that the sacks,
hammers, and umbrellas in his photographs are lousy at effacement. They persist
as productive remainders.
From the January 1st series, two photographs stand out. They are both of pecu-
liar, taurus-shaped flint formations called Paramoudras. [Figs. 04 & 05] Quoting
Lyell again in the Geology, Harrison describes the Paramoudra as “often hollow,
and [they] seem to have been formed by the accumulation of flint around gigantic
decaying sponges.”18 How the flint could have gained its form is only imprecise-
ly described. The photographs show the smooth surfaces of the Paramoudras
bulged and cracking. In one photo, a small hammer leans against a well-formed
Paramoudra set within a field of cracked bits and pieces of other Paramadouras.
It is clear that it is on the threshold of a shoreline: on the left is an accumulation
of rounder stones leading towards land, while to the right the ground is more ad-
vanced in its erosion and moist from the tide. The split surface of the Paramadoura
reveals a darkened, thick interior. The fore-grounded Taurus stands out from the
others as a more complete formation in a field of pieces that blend into the distance
of the dark, wet beach stones and sand. The threshold between beach and ocean
that creates the central axis of the photo is a threshold between relative rates of
erosion. It suggests the gradual deformation of the rounded stones into the mud
and sand that the ocean carries away, stirs up, and deposits. It is “in this way,” he
says later on, that “the whole coast is receding.” The sea, he notes, “by dashing

Fig. 06 William Jerome Harrison, W. of Sheringham. Pinnacle of Chalk, embedded in drift, 1886. Courtesy of the
British Geological Survey
against the base of the cliffs, using as missiles the fallen stones, rapidly undermines
them, when the upper part falls and is swept away by the waves: the spring slowing
along the junction of pervious beds (sands) with impervious ones (clays) loosens
the adhesion of the beds and the upper part slides down on to the beach.”19 The
erosion of the landscape from the coast—by rain and wind—both impresses the
land into its shape while simultaneously exposing the layers of geological strata
which could identify the history of its making. Naturally, the very same process that
gives shape also deforms. In its deformation, the coastal landscape reveals layers of
sea shells, uncovers ancient tools, and exposes settlements of communities whose
organization and culture Harrison and others would speculate on. It reveals ancient
water courses and the plants and animals that fed on them. Erosion both impresses
and loosens, or more correctly, impresses in its loosening. Foregrounded by this
deep temporality of impressioning is the paramoudra: Is it too a fossil? Lyell sug-
gests that massive, ancient sponges gave them their form; from his perspective, and
as difficult as it is to imagine, they are the negative of a mysterious, missing animal.
Additionally, the photograph of the Paramoudra is an impression on a glass plate,
a higher order of impression than the sponge’s impression in the Paramoudra, but
fundamentally related. This is a photograph of fossils nested within fossils.
The hammer touching the right side of the Paramoudra connects it to the ground,
and the ground to it, while the hammer itself is the connection between its metal
56
head and wooden handle. There is nothing in the photo to suggest the usefulness of
the hammer in the scene, no wood or nails, no construction, only shattered pieces
of Paramoudra. It could be that the background has been broken as a comparative
specimen to the foreground. We can also understand that the hammer, too, is a fos-
sil, poised beside other fossils, found among the debris of the shore. Undoubtedly,
it is placed in an uncertain relation with them, neither better or worse, nor more
or less advanced, just touching, bridging two materialities in different states of the
same process of erosion and exposure. As a fossil, the hammer is the impression of
the machinic processes that formed both the wood and metal head, just as it is the
impression of the person (perhaps Harrison) who placed it in the picture. Rather
than a scale which would allow us to translate the accurate size of the objects in the
scene, the hammer is an object poised in relation to the story of impressions and
fossilization found on the beach and in the act of taking a photograph.
Another photograph from the same day shows three different exposed geological
layers in a cross section. [Fig. 06] The cross section is one of the most preferred
projections for stratified layers, according to the common way rock layers become
exposed to the surface—either through geological forces such as uplift, or engi-
neered exposures such as road or rail cutting. Roughly in the centre of this sec-
tional photograph is an upright, closed umbrella leaning against a small patch of
withered, scraggly grass. The different layers of rock are noticeable both through
the different scales of their aggregates and their consistency. The top and bottom
layers are the finer and more fragile, while the central layer contains denser, and
what appear to be different, materials, slowly exposed by the erosion of the cliffs.
Like the hammer, the umbrella connects different conditions within the geological
strata while signaling the human. Also, like the hammer, nothing tells us that this
umbrella was not also found by Harrison. Nor is the umbrella simply standing in
for scale; it becomes part of the portrait. It does not disappear like a linear scale,
but instead insists on becoming part of the photographic assemblage. Here we can
detect the logic of material entanglements in the Anthropocene: semi-autonomous
trajectories, which, at particular junctures, interfere with each other, and through
their affective interference, co-produce events and their extended realities. The
human artifact of the umbrella, like the hammer, is captured by the logic of the
fossil, no longer set apart but instead entangled in the geological scene. The process
of fossilization, as a process of impressioning, thus becomes a way of conceiving
relations among the human object, the photographic apparatus, and geology. The
umbrella that appears without its human figure, and like the dark, linear band in
the centre of the image, becomes another geological strata.
There is in Harrison’s series a photograph which at first sight has no object or

identifying feature that could indicate the proper scale of the rocks. Three layers
of strata are identified, although the image appears scaleless. It is difficult to tell if
one is looking at a large landscape from above or at something the size of a human
hand. It is equally possible to imagine cities nestled into the crevices of the rock, or
a footprint crossing it. Yet, even if Harrison had placed an object in the frame of the

image, it would still not resolve the scale. Rather, it would entangle another scale,
further complicating the relations among scales. It would not produce accuracy, but
enfold the object within the logic of the actualization of scaleless time and scaleless
space produced by Harrison’s geology and photography. As such, the scalelessness
pursued in Harrison’s work is not defined by an absolute dissolution of boundaries
and direction, but follows a different course. It is an accumulation of fossilized
impressions expanding in space and time.
Notes
1 Bruno Latour, Reassembling the Social: An Introduction to Actor-Network-Theory (Oxford:
Oxford University Press, 2005).
2 Lewis Carroll, The Hunting of the Snark: An Agony in Eight Fits (London: Methuen, 2000),
45.
3 Virginia Woolf, Jacobs’s Room and The Waves (New York: Harvest Books, 1967), 9.
4 Ibid., 7–9.
5 Paul Valéry, “Pièces sur l’art,” Oeuvres, Vol. II (Paris: Gallimard, 1960), 1336. See also Paul
Ryan, “Paul Valéry: Visual Perception and an Aesthetics of Landscape Space,” Australian
Journal of French Studies 45, no. 1 (Jan/Apr 2008): 43–58.
6 Paul Veléry, Notebooks, ed. Brian Stimpson, (Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang, 2000). See in
particular vols. X, XIX, XX, and C.
7 Gilles Deleuze and Félix Guattari, A Thousand Plateaus, trans. Brian Massumi (Minnesota:
University of Minnesota Press, 1987), 474–499.
8 Ibid., 487.
9 Lewis Pyenson and Susan Sheets-Pyenson, Servants of Nature: A History of Scientific
Institutions, Enterprises, and Sensibilities (New York: W.W. Norton, 1999), 186.
10 Bill Jay, “William Jerome Harrison 1845-1909: Brief Notes on One of the Earliest
Photographic Historians,” The British Journal of Photography (9 January 1987).
11 William Jerome Harrison, A History of Photography Written as a Practical Guide and
Introduction to its Latest Developments (London: Trubner & Co., 1888), 7–12.
12 Ibid., 13–20.
13 Ibid., 21–27.
14 Ibid., 17.
15 William Jerome Harrison, Geology of the Counties of England and of North and South Wales
(London: Kelly & Co., 1882), v.
16 Ibid., xiii.
17 Jacques Derrida, The Truth in Painting, trans. Geoff Bennington and Ian McLeod (Chicago:
University of Chicago Press, 1987).
18 William Jerome Harrison, Geology of the Counties of England and of North and South Wales
(London: Kelly & Co., 1882), 188.
19 Ibid., 191.
58
Inquiries and Interpretations Concerning the
Observations and Findings from Atmosphere-
Investigating, Landscape-Exploring, Universe-
Tracking Instruments, their Experiments,
Studies, etc.1 (2012)
Emily Cheng
Mixed Media
Originally constructed in 1905, the Dominion Observatory in Ottawa was
Canada’s primary reference for time measurement. By tracking the move-
ments of the Sun relative to the Earth, a construction of time was determined
and dictated to the country. The observatory closed in 1974 when its duties
were succeeded by the more precise atomic clock. The shift from astronomi-
cal observations to the atomic clock meant a shift from an ontologically con-
tinuous experience to an analogical one. The observatory was abandoned
because its technological functions were no longer needed. However, as
Siegfried Gideon and Lewis Mumford have both noted, with the demands
of pure functionality comes the risk of only operating technology, rather
than also experiencing it. The distinction between pure functionality and
the pleasure of experience recalls architecture’s enduring goal of balancing
utilitarian and hedonistic human tendencies. Meanwhile, the distinction
between a model of nature and nature itself brings to mind the discipline’s
ongoing attempt to build reality from representation. The proposal for the
observatory is a reformulation of the relationship between experience and
abstraction; its instruments operate by registering the physicality of nature
and demonstrating this process as a scientific abstraction. Through their
operations, these instruments permit different interpretations of the archi-
tecture of the observatory and its consequences.
Notes
1 This title pays homage, through appropriation, to the artist Leah Beeferman.
60
Wind Rose De-Abstractuator
The observatory is notorious for being in one of the windiest areas in Ottawa.
Monthly wind rose diagrams for the area are translated into a 12-storey
staircase, each step aligned with a cardinal direction in plan. Fine leather
lashings are hung from the metal grating of the steps and translate the wind
directly onto the skin of the user.
Magnetic Meridian Fluctuator

The Canadian Prime Meridian is made tangible with a row of magnetic
benches that can be pivoted to momentarily break the longitudinal line. The
benches oscillate between true north and magnetic north.
Inverted Telescopic Solar Magnifier & Tracker

The disused observatory telescope is inverted to magnify the solar rays back
into the building to melt the installed wax surfaces. The result is an accu-
mulation of effects that render solar movements sensuous and inhabitable.
Zone of Intermittent Saturation Registrator

The copper dome of the former photo-equatorial building is inverted to
funnel rain into a cellulose sponge that stretches down into the water ta-
ble. Users circulate through the sponge’s cavities, which shrink and expand
in response to the surrounding saturation levels.
Micro-seismic / Micro-tremor Periscoping Amplifier

Micro-seisms and micro-tremors, normally imperceptible to humans, are
registered by geophones and amplified through an eight-sided periscopic
enclosure with spring-mounted mirrors that visually vibrate the surround-
ing buildings.
Inquiries and Interpretations | Emily Cheng 61

62
Matters of Calculation
Eyal Weizman in Conversation with Heather Davis and Etienne Turpin1
The Evidence of the Anthropocene
The Guardian recently reported that the US has set up a predator drone
base just outside of Niamey, Niger, extending its surveillance regime while
providing another base for extra-judicial killings and internationalized
terror.2 Meanwhile, US Secretary of State John Kerry is trying to reinvigorate
peace talks between Israel and Palestine amidst rumours of a new intifada
and renewed rocket fire from Gaza. To confront these and similar realities
without accepting their terms as given, Eyal Weizman’s work as an architect,
professor, theorist, and activist addresses the use of systems of surveillance,
mapping, NGOs, and international human rights law. His ongoing work and
collaborations with artists, architects, and theorists in Forensic Architecture
(FA), the Decolonizing Architecture Art Residency (DAAR), and the Centre for
Research Architecture (CRA), navigate current political economic realities
through a direct engagement with, and elaboration of, incommensurable
positions. Weizman’s concept of forensic architecture analyzes the contradic-
tory role of critical thought within international humanitarian law, using the
tools of journalistic investigation and conceptual theorization that remain,
perpetually, co-constitutive of his practice. In both his writing and ongoing
architecture projects, Weizman demonstrates that the division between
amelioration and revolution is false; instead, his practice shows that we must
learn to negotiate intense and radical contradictions in order to restructure
our political reality. He insists on a political strategy that names specific in-
dividuals for their culpability in the deaths of others in ongoing colonial and
frontier wars, while at the same time articulating the ways in which force,
materials, and nonhuman actors diffuse and exacerbate these differential
conditions. Weizman and his wide network of collaborators use counter-sur-
veillance methods and the figure-ground relation as the beginning of a new
topological articulation, linking cracks in architecture to geological fissures,
within the field of immanent power.
Heather Davis & Etienne Turpin Perhaps a good place to begin is with your
agile reading of the sequence of disasters that constitute the itinerary of Voltaire’s
Candide (1759). From our position in the humanities, we know that the epoch of the
European Enlightenment was not universally celebrated; in fact, Voltaire’s ridicule
of Liebniz’s theological optimism—wherein the best of all possible worlds was
guaranteed by a divine calculus that permitted forms of destructive evil in order
to optimize the invisible and mysterious good occurring elsewhere—is a key to
understanding the violence of this period. Although less subject to ridicule, but
certainly no less pernicious, is the contemporary condition wherein the optimal
forms of destruction called for by new standards of international humanitarian
law shield criminal perpetrators whose precise violence increases alongside the
suffering of those oppressed by calculated violence, coercion, and collective pun-
ishments. What led you to return to Voltaire’s critique of Leibniz? And how does
this metaphysical disposition persist in what you call the “humanitarian present”?
Eyal Weizman It might be interesting to start this conversation with a little

thought experiment. How would we, if we could, intervene in the “debate” between
Leibniz, Rousseau, and Voltaire, about the meaning of the 1755 Lisbon earthquake
(which is alluded to in the best-known part of Candide) from the point of view of the
Anthropocene? Leibniz’s theodicy was of course used (he was already dead when
the earthquake struck) to explain this disaster as the result of a divine calculus
that forever generates an optimal/optimist “best of all possible worlds.” Voltaire
mocked him and this concept, arguing instead that natural phenomena—which are
never benign—could be better explained by rational science. Writing in a rather
cheeky tone in reaction to Voltaire’s response to his poem on Lisbon, the young
Rousseau came to the defense of nature, using the earthquake to rehearse his argu-
ment against cities—he particularly faulted Lisbon’s density—as part of his quest
for a “return to nature.” So, if we were to intervene rather gently in the controversy,
we could start by giving some support to Rousseau: we know now that after the
earthquake a tidal wave was created that broke through the embankments that for-
tified, and therefore made less porous, the edges of the Rio Tejo. It is this aspect of
the earthquake that brought devastation to the dense dockyards and buildings that
had proliferated in direct proportion to increased colonial wars and trade based in
the port. When these waterways and buildings collapsed, fire broke out in several
districts, multiplying the death toll. However, rather than aggravating the divide
between a corrupt humanity and a benevolent nature, as Rousseau tried to do,
we can see the Lisbon event as perhaps the first message from the Anthropocene,
occurring, in fact, a quarter century before Paul Crutzen’s date of origin.3 In this
conception, human action and what insurance companies still call “acts of god” are
entangled on a planetary-scale construction site.
But we could also intervene in qualified support for Leibniz. Yes, our world is also
described and thought to be controlled by an endless calculus, but this calculation
is not undertaken by God alone; rather, it is aided by an increasingly complex bu-
reaucracy of calculations that include sensors in the subsoil, terrain, air, and sea, all
processed by algorithms and their attendant models. This reality might necessitate
a different ethico-political response, as well as a different conception of universality
not built on leveling the difference between cultures and people, but one that would
also include the ocean. And, just to follow the circuit of polite discussions—we are
among the pantheon of the Enlightenment after all—we could say something in
support of Voltaire. Don’t forget that, as a repost to Pangloss’s Leibnizian mantra of
all the best in the best of all possible worlds, Voltaire concluded Candide with “we
must cultivate our garden.” Now the garden is the size of the planet.
64
So, to answer your question more seriously now, what led me to return to
Voltaire, and Lisbon, is the relation between calculus and disaster. It is a relation of
crisis that we can see in so many fields now, from a humanitarianism that seeks to
calculate the least of all possible evils (as war-making is reduced to acting on calcu-
lations of immanent risk) to financial speculation. In these fields and many others,
instruments designed to reduce risk—derivatives, targeted killings, humanitarian
aid—end up amplifying it exponentially.
HD&ET How has your thinking and approach to the neocolonial occupation of
Palestine by Israel changed over time? We are particularly interested in the move-
ment of your thought from Hollow Land (2007) and its elaboration of “political
plastic” to your more recent development of forensic architecture in The Least of
All Possible Evils (2011), Forensic Architecture (2012), and Mengele’s Skull (2012),
where the subject as witness is being replaced and surpassed by an emergent fo-
rensic sensibility, an object-oriented juridical culture. How much of this movement
is influenced by the changing situation itself?
EW I think the latter works are to a certain extent a set of methodological reflec-
tions on Hollow Land. I had to find the language to understand—and it took some
time and effort—in what ways materiality and territoriality participate in shaping
conflict, rather than simply being shaped by it. Hollow Land was already structured
around various material things at different scales, so the logic of a kind of forensic
investigation was already present there. I guess I was personally attracted to the
investigative intensity in forensics, less to the legal context in which its findings are
presented, which are oftentimes quite skewed, especially in an international legal
context, as I showed in the latest books. As well, the shift from Hollow Land to The
Least of All Possible Evils also marks a shift in my attention from the West Bank to
Gaza. This has obviously been shaped by events. In Gaza, one can notice a system
of rule based on humanitarian violence, a form of control that operates through the
calculation and modulation of life-sustaining supplies, the application of standards
of the humanitarian minimum, and the seeming conduct of war by human rights
(HR) and international humanitarian law (IHL) principles. So some of my attention
shifted from the mechanisms of territorial control to “humanitarian” government.
Although, of course, materiality is a fundamental category in the latter book, albeit
in a different way, as I tried to show how it activates law and its forums through
forensics.
In any case, the investigation that culminated in my recent work started with a
certain refusal of spatial research methodologies, commonly held at the time, de-
rived mainly from certain readings of Henri Lefebvre. I thought they needed a more
dynamic, elastic, topological, and force-field-oriented understanding of space, as
well as an understanding of the immanent power of constant interaction between
force and form. Across what I describe as the “political plastic,” space is continu-
ously in transformation—political forces slowing into form. I tried to describe war
as a dynamic process of space-making. Frontier colonization is a slowed-down war,
Matters of Calculation | A Conversation with Eyal Weizman 65

but still very elastic; the frontier is very different from a city like Paris, which has
figured as the imaginary for a lot of spatial theory and thus often misplaced and
applied to the frontier. Paris is a planned city, a very hard city, and its hardness has
haunted the imagination of some spatial scholars studying very different realities
today. I thought we had to get rid of Paris to liberate Palestine. And then I kept
pushing toward the idea of immanent materiality on different scales; not only on
the scale of the territory, but on a micro-scale, through an analysis of details and
substances—water, fields, forests, hills, valleys—which all play a role in shaping
conflicts, and therefore have an effect on the forensic imagination.
So, to refer to an idea you brought up in our earlier conversation, the idea of “elas-
ticity,” or what you called “plasticity”—ending at a moment of a bomb blast—I
would say that I think that a blast is simply an acceleration of relations of force and
form in the same way that wars in the city are an actualization and acceleration of
the latent and slower processes of conflict and negotiation that define urban life
and every form of development in the city. I think it is more interesting to think of
the continuities between elasticities and explosions than about the differences. I
was working very closely with analysts of bomb blast sites, and you see millisecond
by millisecond—there is a description of this in the last chapter of the Lesser Evil
book—what happens to a building when it is bombed. It is like taking on 15 years
of gradual disintegration, which is what every building is undergoing from the
moment it is built, in 5 milliseconds.
HD&ET So what you have called “the pyramids of Gaza” are just the sped-up force
of the “natural” collapse of a building?4
EW The destruction of refugee houses has generated the pyramids of Gaza. There
are many pyramids throughout the strip, mainly in the camps and neighbourhoods
that ring Gaza City and along the short border with Egypt. They are a new typology
that has emerged out of the encounter between a three-storey residential building,
of the kind that provides a home for refugees, and an armored Caterpillar D9 bull-
dozer. The short shovel of the bulldozer can destroy only the columns closer to the
façade of the building, but the single centre column is left intact, and it makes the
peak of the pyramid. The fact that the centre column remains is what makes this
new type of ruin; it is important because one can actually enter the ruin itself—
very carefully—as some forensic architects have done. There are irregularities that
register differences in the process of construction, the uneven spread of concrete,
or the various modes of destruction, such as the inability or reluctance of the bull-
dozer operator to go completely around the building. A particular irregularity could
be the result of a previous firefight, for example. The task is obviously to connect
the differences in the patterns of destruction of concrete to the general process of
war—or in this case, an attack on Gaza—to connect the micro-details to a larger,
systemic violence.
66
Here is another example where an analysis of the composition of building materials
is crucial: geological formations exist both inside and outside buildings. They are
obviously the ground on which buildings stand, but also appear in construction ma-
terials, as stones or the gravel within concrete. A denser concentration of minerals
within a rock will often become the line of least resistance, along which a crack will
tear it, and likewise the building, apart. So seismic cracks are interesting because
they connect the geological, the urban, and the architectural. Cracks are a fantastic
demonstration of a shared materiality of the planet, moving from geology to ar-
chitecture, and studying cracks, which is one of the tasks of forensic architecture,
demonstrates the necessity to rid our thinking of the figure-ground relation—a
building is not ontologically or epistemologically different from the rock or gravel
in which it is anchored.
For example, Dara Behrman, a member of the Centre for Research Architecture,
looked at how pirate archaeological excavations—for a biblical history project
undertaken directly beneath the Palestinian neighbourhood of Silwan in occupied
Jerusalem—generated cracks that travelled from bedrock formations through the
voids of the underground archaeological sites, to roadwork and walls of buildings
above. The cracks appear and disappear, translating force into lines of least resis-
tance. Residents brought photos of these cracks to court, but their political and
legal meaning, part of the underground colonization of Palestine, was not admitted.
If Forensic Architecture refers to the presentation of structural analysis within
contemporary legal and political forums, the task of this collection is to extend its
scope beyond the context of property and insurance disputes to become an analyti-
cal frame and a new mode of practice, bearing upon different scales of investigation
in engaging the material consequences of the most urgent political issues and
contemporary struggles for justice.
HD&ET The material analyses of Forensic Architecture, such as those you men-
tioned, are always part of a multi-scalar, multi-centred approach. We believe that
such an itinerant methodology differs from the dominant trajectory of Science
and Technology Studies (STS), by its explicit relation to, or explication of, political
realities. Of course, we do not mean to suggest here that scholarship in the field of
science studies is not political, but instead that the work of Forensic Architecture,
and more broadly, the work produced at the CRA, seems much more “intervention-
ist,” if we might use this term. Does the intervention, or interference, in political real-
ities shape the practice of Forensic Architecture? And, presuming it does somehow
inform these practices, we are interested in how such interference helps to advance
certain interdisciplinary strategies.
EW Yes, we see research as a form of political intervention. It is crucial for us to be

actively involved in the processes that we write (or exhibit or film) about. This is for
two reasons: first, because we engage in activist research and take sides; second, be-
cause being in close proximity—in fact, being part of the subject of our research—is
the only way for us to undertake the research. Political and legal activism allows

one to gain unparalleled access to institutions and thus enables epistemological
inquiries as well. Forensics was not the first, nor is it the only research we conduct
at the Centre, although it has become the most productive because it is precisely
structured by the act of taking sides, without compromising the intensity and
seriousness of the research. It created a productive bridge between research and
intervention, or what we call field work and forum work.
We have recently started to refer to our practice as forensis, which is a Latin word
that means “pertaining to the forum.” This is a more general term than forensic
architecture: forensis is a new aesthetico-political condition in which research and
science are employed in an activist mode as a part of a political struggle. We choose
our cases to demonstrate both new methods of inquiry, and how the production
of new forms of evidence can expand the political imagination and articulate new
claims for justice in relation to violent conflict and climate change. But our research
practice also involves raising critical questions about the role of new technologies
of capture and representation in the creation and articulation of public truths.
So forensis departs from the methods of STS on account of the way in which
political activism acts as the engine and the enabler of epistemological inquiry.
In fact, we do two things that are both interdependent and contradictory. On
the one hand, our members engage by practicing forensic architecture on differ-
ent scales and locations, including concentration camps in former Yugoslavia,
drone warfare sites in Pakistan, Yemen and Palestine, migrant movements in
the Mediterranean, and environmental damage in Bangladesh, Brazil, Chile,
and Ecuador, among other examples. Each of these investigations was chosen
because of the urgency of the situation; however, each investigation also allows
us to demonstrate how methodological innovations in the production of new
types of evidence can intervene in the process. Our investigations, conducted
with groups of political activists, prosecution teams, human rights organizations,
and the United Nations, allow us to construct a critical epistemology that can
theoretically evaluate the very assumptions, protocols, processes, and politics of
knowledge production. In short, the research uses forensics both to pose political
challenges and examine the tools of contemporary forensic practices.
The two modes of practice at the core of our research method—producing evi-
dence and querying its nature—continuously pose a series of challenges that both
strengthen and threaten its component parts. As we defend our findings as the
truth of what has happened, our opponents could surely point to our writing on
the elastic nature of truth-claims, the audacity of truth-speech, and the complexity
of truth-making. And, when we are in more critical discussions, our colleagues can
rightly point out that we were often in danger of becoming complicit with the very
institutions and processes we have previously criticized. We see the tension between
these component parts as the condition of our work. Rather than resolve these
contradictions by pushing the pendulum one way or the other, we recognize the
68
tension as productive. This is not a problem that could ever arrive at a satisfactory
solution, but a mode of problematization that intensifies the research process.
As critical scholars and practitioners, we arrived at this project armed to the teeth
with critique, but the only way for us to conduct meaningful research was in close
proximity—in critical proximity—with the subjects of our investigation and with
the empirical rigour that could only be generated through such proximity. “Critical”
as a mode of practice requires a high level of self-reflexivity as we begin to inhabit
the terrain of our own inquiries; but, for us, critical also means vital, urgent, and
decisive.
There is another aspect. Because the CRA program is nested in the context of
Goldsmiths, which is an especially multidisciplinary institution, it is also a peda-
gogical experiment that attempts to bring critical education together with activism
using science and technology. So, another main difference with STS is that the
original kernel of the multidisciplinary field for STS is anthropology or sociology
of science; the kernel of our multidisciplinary field is architecture, and architecture
with an activist core.
At the CRA, our research considers the role of spatial analysis and representation.
Of course, when doing forensic architecture, the frame of architecture is used to
refer to a more extensive set of relations and spatializations, including buildings,
cities, oceans, and territories, because these fields describe the pathologies of our
contemporary situation. Our scale of operation expands the frame of analysis and
intervention from the house—such as when we do “building surveyor” work on
houses in war zones—to the planet, through the work of some of our members,
including Paulo Tavares, Nabil Ahmed, Godofredo Pereira, and Adrian Lahoud, who
see the earth as both a construction site and a ruin.
Speaking about the whole earth—and I’m thinking here of the exhibition work
of Anselm Franke—the starting point for our investigations was much more
modest; it was inspired by the work of building surveyors, by their careful
and systemic analysis of the structural and infrastructural conditions of a
building.5 The practice of Forensic Architecture starts with the presentation
of such surveys in a legal forum. In relation to both war zones and the
environment, surveys cannot always maintain a haptic dimension, but also
rely on all sorts of sensing and measuring technologies. The single surveyor
is replaced by an ad hoc network of collaborations between architects,
scientists, and activists. The surveyor’s snapshot, used to document the localized
damage that has occurred, is then superseded by mathematical models to predict
the risk of damage that will have occurred. Similarly, the forum may no longer
necessarily be a particular courthouse, but may instead be comprised of a rather
diffuse network of communications and assemblies connected through the media.
Despite these transformations, and across the diverse scales and epistemic fields

that the project traverses, there is still something of the relation between the sur-
veyor, structural analysis, and the forum that remains.
HD&ET In an interview with Robin Mackay, you said in relation to the occupation
of Palestine by Israel: “Every form that the occupation has taken since 1967 has
been presented as an attempt to end the occupation. Perhaps the only constant
thing about the occupation is that there are always attempts to end it. […] The
occupation is finally nothing but its constant end. […] Therefore we need to be
suspicious of anyone that runs under the slogan ‘end the occupation’—they must
have yet another spatial apparatus in mind.”6 In Decolonizing Architecture (DAAR),
a residency project started by Sandi Hilal, Alessandro Petti, and yourself in Beit
Sahour, you take the approach that the occupation, and its interminable end, should
be reconfigured as a question of “decolonization.” Can you say more about what
you mean by decolonization here? Toward what kind of a future does a practice of
decolonization move if there is no end to the occupation?
EW I think that one of the biggest problems in thinking about the future of Palestine,
a problem that somehow defines one’s “camp” within the Israeli or Palestinian
anti-colonial left, is defined by what “state” you support as a solution. So we get the
positions of one-statists versus two-statists versus no-statists, and a lot of very
important and creative discussions are organized in relation to that. Surely, think-
ing politically, we are one-statists, but in DAAR, the studio that Sandi, Alessandro
and I set up, we try to propose a different relation to the future, articulated through
the process of decolonization.7
To do architecture in an area of such intense conflict is always to engage in a

less-than-ideal world. This has to do not only with the violence that contaminates
every aspect of life there, but also with determining the point from which specu-
lation can begin. Conflicts create a sense of postponement and hence these future
projections; we wait for the post-conflict to begin imagining. But the Palestine
conflict is an endless conflict, so we feel that the “x-state solutions” are trapped
in a top-down perspective. We did not start the project from the utopia of an end
state in order to move backwards to the present; instead, we started from “real
existing colonialism,” from the trash, buildings, infrastructure, and law that it cre-
ates. Our approach has been to reuse, rather than reject, the material conditions
of the present. So we want to mobilize architecture as an optical device through
actually existing structures—such as a military base, a settlement, the Palestinian
parliament building, a particular Palestinian house in Battir, different houses in
Jaffa in what is called ’48 Palestine—to study the conflict and to act within it.
HD&ET Can you talk a little more about the project where you proposed to re-
purpose an evacuated settlement for public use by Palestinians? One of the things
that We are especially curious about is how you decide what kinds of public spaces
might be useful. In the refugee camps, where most public space has been eliminat-
ed, how do you rebuild? What sort of community consultation does DAAR engage
in?
70
EW The project started with the Palestinian Ministry of Planning in 2005, which
had to advise on the fate of the settlements that were about to be evacuated in Gaza.
The Palestinian Ministry of Planning became the centre of intense meetings between
Palestinians and a variety of NGOs, different UN agencies, the World Bank, foreign
governments, and international investors, all of whom outlined their proposed
uses for the evacuated settlements. I was called on to advise. At the time we did not
know whether they were going to be evacuated intact or whether they would be de-
stroyed. We thought, or assumed at least, that they would be left intact, and because
of this assumption the ministry wanted experts, or quasi-experts—architects—to
partake in these discussions that were otherwise political and diplomatic. The main
problem we were facing was that the land division in the West Bank and Gaza is
such that most of the land is private (for many different reasons, not just the system
of Israeli domination); it is owned by private families, and people do not sell land,
so to have the settlements evacuated would give a precarious basis and infrastruc-
ture for a set of common areas. So this was the idea we were working with. Sandi,
Ale, and I were working a lot with NGOs. They function as a kind of government,
because the military rule doesn’t want to deal with the occupied population, and
the Palestinian government is very absent and incompetent, so a network of NGOs
somehow emerges, and it was really with those NGOs that we were deciding the
uses of land. And then there is another aspect, I mean, what you plan is one thing
and what happens on the ground is often another. In the end, the settlement was
destroyed, so we could not repurpose the buildings. We did other things instead.
But there was a lot of resistance to this project, which was not really surprising.
Many Palestinians said Israel should “dismantle the houses and take them away.” Or
they wanted to “have a big bonfire,” which at DAAR we thought was great, because
access to the colonies or military outposts should be experienced differently by all
people who were at this place at that time. This popular impulse for destruction
sought to give a sense of relief; architecture had to burn. Through this process of re-
possession we were experiencing a radical condition of architecture—the moment
power is unplugged, when the old use is gone and new uses are not yet defined. It
is the limit condition of architecture. But whatever may happen on the ground, the
possibility of further evacuation should be considered. We were also worried that
the infrastructure would simply be reused to reproduce colonial power relations:
colonial villas to be inhabited by new financial elites, etc. In this sense, historical
decolonization never truly did away with the spatialized power of colonial domina-
tion. So we acted according to a different option that sought to propose subversion
of the originally intended use, repurposing it for other ends.
HD&ET The artist Adam Harvey has developed what he calls “Stealth Wear”: he
manipulates the double ability of fashion to both reveal and conceal, creating cloth-
ing that shields the wearer from drone attacks by using a reflective material that
effectively seals in the heat of the body so that it cannot be detected from the air.8
You write that all architecture is a process of making and unmaking, an ideological
restructuring of surfaces, yet so much of your work seems to be about making

things visible, bringing injustices to light. Is it sometimes more desirable to create
a surface of invisibility?
EW Yes, I understand what you are saying. I think that rather than operating on
a single trajectory of increased visibility, mapping is always an intervention in the
field of the visible. What is being foregrounded, what is being shown, and what is
being “un-shown”—these are choices that we have to make with every map. When
one thinks about the logic of sensing and aesthetics, one can understand the logic of
disappearance as an aesthetics as well. For example, the resolution of commercially
available satellite imagery of the kind we see in newspapers, such as suspected
nuclear sites in Iran or destroyed villages in Darfur or Gaza, are limited to a reso-
lution of half a metre per pixel, which means the size of a pixel is exactly the size,
or the box, in which a human body fits. Within that logic of visibility, there is also a
structured, built-in lacuna: the loss of the figure, or the human.
When one looks at facial recognition software, one understands that there are
pretty simple ways of creating camouflage that is no longer a visual camouflage for
the eye, but camouflage from algorithms, which now do a lot of the seeing. There
are ways in which algorithms can be disturbed and confused with techniques that
a human eye might have picked up on, but that an algorithm cannot discern. For
example, there was a very strange accident in Dubai in 2010 where Israelis were
trying to kill a Hamas operative who was using camouflage from the eye and from a
certain face-recognition algorithm. Hamas thought they were camouflaged against
one algorithm without realizing that the algorithm had changed! The Dubai police
used different software and they were exposed. There are all sorts of counter-
forensic practices.
HD&ET These counter-forensic practices seem especially related to the politics

of visibility. In William Haver’s recent essay on sense and the commons, he seems
to argue against Rancière’s analysis of the distribution of the sensible, suggesting
that what is urgently needed is not a politics that reveals what is hidden—which is
how Rancière’s work is often read—but a philosophy that allows us to see what we
already see.9 Haver quotes Foucault to help explain that the role of philosophy “is to
render visible precisely what is visible, that is, to make appear that which is so near,
that which is so immediate, so immediately bound to ourselves that we for that very
reason do not perceive it. Then if the role of science is to make known that which
we don’t see, the role of philosophy is to make us see what we see.”10 It seems to us
that Forensic Architecture could be located precisely at this intersection, between
science and philosophy; how does such a position relate to the politics of visibility?
Of evidence? Of the Anthropocene?
EW One aspect of the idea of counter-forensics is the inversion between the state
and the police. Previously, criminals were conceived as individuals or groups; the
state was the police. This also meant that, in most cases, the state had a technological
72
and epistemological advantage over criminals. In our form of forensics, it is the
state that is typically the criminal, and the individuals and groups—human rights
organizations, environmental activists, NGOs, etc.—who act as the “police.” But
this means that those perpetuating the violence also tend to control the scene of
the crime. They also have an optical advantage. They can see places better, and
can negate or deny by mobilizing state resources that are difficult to see. So, in
a similar way to how you phrased it, we had to reveal what is invisible but also
collect and analyze what is already in the public domain—visible but not seen, or
seen and not well understood, like photos in social media and the low-resolution
commercial satellite images from Google Earth. This means working around the
evidence, not only with it. So, I identify with the way that Haver has framed the
question, although this might be more complementary to the work of Rancière than
you suggest, since in his philosophy and work on aesthetics and politics he has
precisely called for reorganizing the way we see what is there but is not seen.
In FA, we undertake a number of investigations that are all about looking again
at what exists in the public domain, organizing it, conceptualizing it, and cross-
referencing it with other sources. When a killing happens in North Waziristan, there
are echoes in local Pakistani media. Little of this is picked up by Western media. One
of our researchers, Jacob Burns, has been trawling through these news media sites
to find spatial patterns. How many homes were hit? How many people died in build-
ings, in cars, in cities, etc.? This requires making connections and cross-referencing
different pieces of information from different media regarding these killings. All this
information is in the public domain, but it is invisible because people only view
this information in a cursory manner and do not sufficiently interrogate the
connections.
For example, another aspect of our work on drones is to analysis mobile phone
videos and still footage. Very little documentation has been smuggled out of
Waziristan, which is under a state of siege, and where no one with a camera is
allowed in or out. Whatever does come out is hard to trace and difficult to locate in
both space and time. We have conducted an analysis of a specific strike in Miransha,
evidence of which was smuggled out to US media through four different people.
But the footage that was released just showed a blurry pile of rubble. We took the
clip frame by frame and stuck them together to create a spatial panorama from
this mobile phone sweep. Once we had the contour of the site, we analyzed it and
measured the shadow to find the time of the day, then searched for the form of
the building within the entire fabric of the town; we discovered the place with a
high degree of probability. A part of the footage was of the room in which people
died when a rocket entered through the ceiling. We analyzed the rubble and located
the spread of fragmentation. We measured the pattern and density of the fragmen-
tation and discovered gaps within them; we can assume that these gaps are the
shadow of people that died in this room. There is so much data that exists in the
public domain, but we need to develop ways of seeing it, ways of conceptualizing

what we look for, and ways of mobilizing it. These ways of seeing rely, as you say,
both on a theoretical conception and also on technological innovations. Together
they turn noise into sound.
HD&ET In The Least of All Possible Evils, you identified a shift from thinking
about genocide through primary effects toward the secondary effects outlined in
a number of cases. We see this as a particularly powerful way to think about the
relationships of complicity in warfare and of escaping some of the problems of
“acceptable” deaths—because they have been calculated in advance—in acts of
war. It also opens up the possibility of thinking about environmental catastrophe as
a type of inflicted and purposeful genocide. Can you talk about this framework and
how Forensic Architecture takes it up through the project on oceanic forensics and
the “left-to-die boat”?
EW You are referring to the work of Charles Heller and Lorenzo Pezzani, who
worked with Situ Studio on this project. Charles and Lorenzo are PhD students at
the CRA and research fellows on the Forensic Architecture project, and Situ Studio
is an emerging architectural firm in New York. Together with FA, they have set up
an important project of accountability in the Mediterranean.11 The “left-to-die boat”
that Charles, Lorenzo, and Situ have been mapping and writing about has become
an issue within IHL because, to a certain extent, it is the first time the trace of a boat
on water has been mapped. Things moving in water usually leave no trace. The team
discovered GPS coordinates by tracing phone calls and then worked with an ocean-
ographic institute to re-create the drift pattern of the Mediterranean. The migrants
on board were drifting in one of the most cluttered parts of the Mediterranean, in
the middle of a siege with a lot of military and NATO vessels—and nobody inter-
vened. So their idea was to reverse the regime of surveillance: if Western states
claim this is the most surveyed sea in the world, they also have the responsibility to
protect those people who might drown in it. According to international laws of the
high seas, if you hear an SOS call you must intervene. So, there is a series of legal
challenges now based on the very unique ability to trace the movement of the boat
in the sea.
This research represents an important and paradigmatic moment in the forensic

architecture project that I run with a great team of artists, architects, and filmmak-
ers—including Susan Schuppli and Thomas Keenan—in which various fellows,
students, and Situ Studio are developing different abilities to visualize, map, and
sense events, as well as advance political and legal claims, or political claims in the
form of legal claims.
As critical scholars and practitioners we arrived at this project armed with critique.
We felt confident in our ability to detect, unveil, and analyze instances where power
is camouflaged as benevolence. Not only in the fields in which we investigated war
crimes, but in the operation of the forums that administered this evidence and
arbitrated on the basis of it. We have no illusions about the forums: we know they
74
internalize the power field external to them, and that they are skewed towards the
powerful. We have no illusions about the politics of international humanitarian
law. We know that human rights forensics can become an extension of western
surveillance practices. We have seen the way in which the HR and the legal process
can be abused by states to amplify violence. We assumed, however, that the only
way to conduct critical research in the world today is in close proximity to, and
even complicity with, the subjects of our investigation. Like the traditional Operaist
motto, we wanted to act inside and against!
HD&ET There seems to be a tension in your work between wanting to mobilize

investigative journalism to denounce individuals publicly, as in the case of the
Guatemalan genocide when you listed the accused (José Efraín Ríos Montt, Héctor
Mario López Fuentes, Óscar Humberto Mejía Victores, and José Mauricio Rodriguez
Sánchez), but also to articulate the diffused networks of responsibility, across
human and nonhuman actors, through forensic architecture. When thinking about
whether you are going to take one tactic or another, is it just a question of the par-
ticular forum in which you are presenting?
EW This issue has already erupted in the context of my previous work on critical
theory in the military. In 2008, one of the military commanders I was writing about
hired one of the largest legal firms in Israel to threaten me and my publishers
in Israel for libel. The accusations were frankly ridiculous and concerned with
technical matters.12 I had research to support my allegations, but the real aim, I
think, was to scare me and my peers from further publishing critical material that
involved such detailed analyses of the military that named names and suggested
personal responsibility and even liability. What this suit did was to remind us in the
anti-colonial Israeli left of the power of this type of investigation. Indeed, within
the controversy that ensued, one of the things that was brought to the forefront
was our tendency to generalize and concentrate analysis on large, depersonalized
systems—the military, the state, etc.—rather than concentrating our attention on
the role that certain characters might have within these systems. It is exactly this
interaction between larger forces and individual intention that is necessary to
examine. In order to operate simultaneously, in one text, we needed to have two
machines, so to speak, a theoretical one and a journalistic one, with the latter fero-
ciously investigating certain issues and then placing them within a large theoretical
frame of the former. But we did not have the legal infrastructure, nor the money to
defend ourselves (even against the most spurious of libel claims), for the journalis-
tic machine to work completely.
So this connects to your question about forensics and the relation between the
individual and larger, shaping forces. Human rights have what we call a figure-
ground problem. On the one hand, human rights discourse operates very much
through a process of foregrounding individual victims and perpetrators. It is a con-
ception that is based on a single human figure who is tortured or killed, repressed
by an authoritarian regime. This is a process of figuration, the extraction of a figure

from a political background. The individual is the subject of human rights analysis
and her or his testimony is the way of getting into the logic of the event. Retribution
is too often seen as the punishment of individual perpetrators, rather than as the
dismantling of all structural, shaping forces within which injustice is perpetrated.
This is figuration. An individual extracted from a political field and particular histo-
ry narrated as a crime—as if it were a “simple” criminal case.
However, war crimes investigations call for a more complex analysis than
those in the context of domestic criminal law. War crimes, like other war-
time events, are produced by a multiplicity of agents woven together by
networks that further distribute action and responsibility, using technologies
that now increasingly have semi-autonomous decision-making capacities.
For example, militaries are themselves diffused bodies that are, in turn,
governed by political, institutional, and administrative logics.
On the other hand, some current human rights techniques have shifted
attention to the ground. Satellite imagery, as Laura Kurgan beautifully shows
in her new book, has become a relatively recent tool for HR investigators.13
In satellite imagery, we no longer see figures. What becomes visible in
these images is the background to human action—the land, the landscape,
the built fabric, the destroyed buildings, the burnt fields, deforestation,
flooding, etc. Instead of the figure, we have the ground that now stands for the
condition of the human. This challenges an important principle within HR
work, which is traditionally about the human (state of the individual) by
the human (testimony). Given that viewing is now not only undertaken by
prosthetic sensors, but interpreted by algorithms, it is no longer strictly a human
domain. So, by inverting figure and ground in this gestalt, we have turned the
ground into the object of study. We have “figured” the ground.
In our analysis of Operation Sofia—what is called “the last Indian massacre”—

during the Guatemalan Civil war in the early 1980s, our team (including Situ Studio,
Paulo Tavares, Daniel Pasqual, and myself) has sought to extend the understanding
of genocide by shifting our attention to the ground condition, using maps and
remote sensing of the region. We are trying to produce maps of the processes of
large-scale deforestations, of road-building, and concentration-towns, of destruc-
tion of the villages of the native Ixil people, of fencing and “privatizing” their mode
of cultivation in fields that were common property, to account for the changing of
plant species, especially maize, that led to the massive destruction of this protected
group and their way of life. We seek to account for the reorganization of people and
material that has resulted in the destruction of the conditions that would sustain
life. Indirect killing, which occurs more slowly and not by direct trauma such as
bullet holes or machete wounds, challenges traditional forensic work.
This is what we call field causality, which is tied to debates around the entangle-
ment of politics and the environment. Unlike the direct linear causality of criminal
76
law, field causality does not seek to connect a chain of events. Instead, causes are
understood as diffused aggregates that act simultaneously in all directions. They
are shaping forces and they affect the formation of larger territories and political
events. In other words, rather than looking simply at mortality, we take an epidemi-
ological approach and look at patterns.
From the mid-nineteenth to the beginning of the twentieth century, the most im-
portant foundation of forensic science was the understanding that every contact
leaves a trace and therefore if something touches something, one can actually
recreate the moment of encounter. Adrian Lahoud, my successor at the Centre
and member of our research team, has continuously insisted that we must look at
the ways in which contact and trace have become separated and scattered, that is,
that an action might happen in a certain place—an emission, for example—but its
consequences might be felt across oceans and air currents.
This goes beyond the simple gestalt that concentrates on the human figure. We have
lost sight of the ground, the political and environmental context; but while looking
at the ground, we have lost the figure, as in the lacunae in satellite surveillance that
I mentioned earlier. The task is to articulate new relationships between figure and
ground, to find ways of understanding and illustrating rapid shifts in scale and the
importance of events.
In the case of Guatemala, as in previous work on Palestine, this brings in all kinds of
different actors—architects, road builders, agriculturists, farmers, bankers—who
are all a part of a much more diffuse responsibility that must be addressed in a
fashion outside of the usual legal system. Indirect, aggregate, or field causality
seeks to undo another important distinction between different kinds of values
we attach to death. There were people that were killed and people that died. To
die, in this discourse, implies a secondary, non-intentional death. Recently, more
work has been undertaken by epidemiologists in relation to non-direct mortality in
wars. There was even an attempt by Luis Moreno-Ocampo, the first prosecutor of
the International Criminal Court (ICC), to include indirect mortality figures in his
controversial charging of the president of Sudan, Omar al-Bashir, with genocide in
Darfur.
HD&ET It is an incredibly poignant argument to say that genocide is not just the
barrel of a gun, but that it involves, instead, a network of diffused responsibility;
still, aren’t there only a few legal venues to enforce these arguments? It makes us
wonder what other avenues for redress there could be.
EW I agree. Moreno-Ocampo faced huge criticism for his decision to do that, as well
as accusations of “inflating numbers” in the context of a very politicized campaign
against Sudan. And I partially agree, but I think that this is the frontier of conflict
investigation, and the consequences of such developments could be felt in different
forums, as you say, not only in legal ones. Field causalities have a very different

implication than direct causes for the way the forums have been made. Indeed,
field causality could be the bastard’s best defense in court. It would be what every
perpetrator would like to claim in order to avoid conviction, and is therefore not
enough as a single line or argumentation; we need to learn how to link singularity
to structural conditions. However, it is very important to insist on this because field
causality describes a political diagram that must be dismantled, and not just by
courts. It does not necessarily imply a judgment, but rather a more radical action in
changing the political force field.
HD&ET Have the kinds of arguments developed through forensic architecture

been used outside of the context of recent genocides and IHL? This kind of analy-
sis, for example, could do a lot of justice in the context of the ongoing genocide of
indigenous people in North America—how governments and industry force people
into settlements, the ongoing contamination of lands, and the hazardous exploita-
tion of resources through oil and mining practices, etc. Has the project of FA been
advanced in these situations?
EW The senior person on our project, Susan Schuppli, is a Canadian theorist and
artist, and she is looking at new claims brought up by indigenous communities in
northern Canada and the new forums that have emerged to deal with these issues.
She is also helping convene a group of M.A. members at our Centre who are working
with the American NGO Three Degrees Warmer on a case brought by the Native
Village of Kivalina, Alaska against Exxon Mobil Corp. These are, strictly speaking,
outside of the legal frames of human rights and international humanitarian law,
but as other members in our research groups have shown, and as I briefly alluded
to above, environmental issues are increasingly resembling states of conflict. And,
environmental law increasingly resembles the laws of war.
HD&ET In The Least of All Possible Evils, you explain that part of the justification
for the use of drones is that they are “emotionless.” As Ronald Arkin, an American
scientist and a leader in the field of weaponized robotics explained, robots have no
joy in violence. It seems to me that part of the ongoing justification for extra-judicial
killings by states rests not only on processes of rationalization, but also the dimin-
ishment of excess. There is, then, a fantasy about the elimination of the excesses of
war. What has become distasteful to certain forms of state power in late capitalism
is not “evil” or “violence,” but excess, Arkin’s “joy in violence.” To a certain extent,
the materials you are dealing with in forensic architecture, as in any environment,
are also inherently excessive, they spill over their boundaries and defy easy clas-
sification. How does your work negotiate these two different ways of dealing with
excess?
EW Yes, in The Least of All possible Evils, the argument is that dealing with the
excesses of war, rather than its more structural political causes, could be abused
by militaries and states. The calculated conception of violence it puts forth can
justify almost any atrocity. In this way the logic of the “least of all possible evils”
78
is invoked to justify the use of a lesser violence to prevent the excesses you men-
tioned. This is the principle of proportionality, which is about the “too much”
of war, without ever saying how much is too much. So, the argument conjures
a cold calculus, a kind of economy of ethics where good and evil are traded like
commodities, and speculated on in the financial economy. But economies are
dangerous and volatile, as we have seen again recently. So, proportionality always
has a relation to the disproportional, or the excess you mentioned—violence be-
yond reason, beyond calculation, the war of the mad, like the one Israel declared
when it said that they were going to apply disproportional violence to Lebanon. In
other words, they were going to break the law to maintain it. But disproportional
violence is also the violence of the weak, those who cannot calculate, or wish not
to, and those who are kept outside the economy of calculations. This violence is
disproportional because it cannot be measured or calculated, and because, ulti-
mately, when justice is not answered by the law, violence will continuously seek to
altogether restructure the basis of law.
HD&ET Anselm Franke, whom you mentioned earlier, is curating the forthcom-
ing Forensic Architecture exhibition as part of the Haus der Kulturen der Welt’s
(HKW) ongoing Anthropocene-Project, an initiative involving cooperation with
the Max Planck Gesellschaft, Deutsches Museum, the Rachel Carson Center for
Environment and Society, and the Institute for Advanced Sustainability Studies.
We are interested in how a venue like the HKW is another forum for the public
consideration of the forensic practices that you have developed in architecture.
While the work of Forensic Architecture seems to frequently engage the forum
of the law, whether through IHL or environmental law, the forum of the public
exhibition at the HKW seems to engage a different type of forum. Do you see
these various forums as complementary? How does the public response to
Forensic Architecture relate to its politico-juridical potential? And, how does work-
ing with a curator like Anselm Franke transform research that would otherwise be
disseminated in legal or academic contexts?
EW Maybe there is an analogy to make between the presentation of spaces, land-

scapes, and objects in a courtroom, or in other political forums and assembly spac-
es, and a curatorial practice—such as Anselm’s—which uses the exhibition space
as a laboratory for presenting, thinking through, gathering, and re-arranging forms
of knowledge. Of course, every forum in which political speech is articulated has its
own sort of protocol by which a relationship between people and things—that is,
politics—is organized, mediated, and reorganized. However, it is also true that pre-
senting things in each of these forums, whether forensic or curatorial, has something
important in common: the presentation rearranges what can be said and heard in
each of them; and, in both cases, such presentations can even call for making a new
forum.
The intersection with Anselm’s work occurred much earlier than the Anthropocene
Project. In 2003, we started working together on the exhibition “Territories” as a

way of developing a research and curatorial practice that tried to be political and
interventionist and used the exhibition, and its budget, to support research work in
Palestine. The exhibition toured, and we managed to use the infrastructure of the
art world to provide the research that was later recorded in Hollow Land.
Among other things, the conception of the forensic research was inspired by
Anselm’s project on Animism, which he developed as a major part of his PhD at the
CRA. What was important in this project was how he asked a series of questions
regarding the ways in which claims for the agency of objects were part of very
specific political situations. Rather than a general claim, his was a call to analyze
the specificity of those situations.
The first public test of the forensics project was the exhibition Mengele’s Skull that
Anslem curated with Tom Keenan, Nikolaus Hirsch, and myself. Later, several of our
members were involved in events like the Anthropocene Project at HKW, where we
sought to intervene by insisting on the missing politics, that is, on the way the reality of
the Anthropocene must be understood through multiple conflicts that were missing
from an analysis of the bureaucracies of science foregrounded in this project. Later
on, several of our members participated in The Whole Earth exhibition, which Anselm
curated at the HKW, which also helped frame our attempts, within the group, of
taking the scale of forensic investigation to that of the planet itself.
I think there are probably several lessons to learn from the entanglement of exhi-
bition and forensic practices; one of the most important, however, would be in re-
lation to ongoing discussions about the immateriality of curating practices. I think,
in fact, that a very precise empirical and material presentation is the best mode
to instigate and mobilize political situations because politics is itself a process of
materialization on different scales.
Notes
1 After a series of advanced seminars at Duke University in February 2013, Eyal gen-
erously agreed to sit down with Heather Davis to discuss his recent work on forensic
architecture, international human rights law, and the relation of critical thinking and
artistic practice to political interventions. A partial transcript of this conversation ap-
peared as “Proportionality, Violence, and the Economy of Calculations: Eyal Weizman in
Conversation with Heather Davis,” Scapegoat: Architecture | Landscape | Political Economy,
Issue 05 – Excess, ed. Etienne Turpin (Summer/Fall 2013): 130–147. Eyal, Heather, and
Etienne later developed the concepts and concerns further for this publication.
2 Craig Whitlock, “Drone Warfare: Niger Becomes Latest Frontline in US War on Terror,”
The Guardian, 26 March 2013, http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2013/mar/26/
niger-africa-drones-us-terror.
3 Jan Zalasiewicz, Mark Williams, Will Steffen, Paul Crutzen “The New World of the
Anthropocene,” Environmental Science & Technology 44, no. 7 (2010): 2228–2231.
4 For a detailed description, analysis, and illustrations of the “pyramids of Gaza,” see Eyal
80
Weizman, Forensic Architecture: Notes from Fields and Forums (Ostfildern: Hatje Cantz,
2012), 4–5.
5 Diedrich Diederichsen and Anselm Franke, eds., The Whole Earth California and the
Disappearance of the Outside (Berlin: Sternberg Press, 2013).
6 Eyal Weizman, “Political Plastic (Interview),” Collapse VI (January 2010): 279–80.
7 For a full list of DAAR projects, as well as theoretical reflections on those projects, see
http://www.decolonizing.ps/site.
8 This project can be found at http://ahprojects.com/projects/stealth-wear.
9 William Haver, “A Sense of the Common,” The South Atlantic Quarterly 111, no. 3 (Summer
2012): 439–452.
10 Michel Foucault, “La philosophie analytique de la politique,” in Dits et écrits, 1954–1988,
Vol. 3, 1976–1979, ed. Daniel Defert and François Ewald (Paris: Gallimard, 1994), 540–41.
11 “In the case of what is now referred to as the ‘left-to-die boat,’ 72 migrants fleeing Tripoli
by boat on the early morning of 27 March 2011 ran out of fuel and were left to drift for
14 days until they landed back on the Libyan coast. With no water or food on-board, only
nine of the migrants survived. In several interviews, these survivors recounted the vari-
ous points of contact they had with the external world during this ordeal. This included
describing the aircraft that flew over them, the distress calls they sent out via satellite
telephone and their visual sightings of a military helicopter which provided a few packets
of biscuits and bottles of water, and a military ship which failed to provide any assistance
whatsoever.” For their complete analysis, see Forensic Oceanography, http://www.foren-
sic-architecture.org/investigations/forensic-oceanography.
12 For a complete analysis of these events, see David Cunningham, “Walking into Walls:
Academic Freedom, the Israeli Left and the Occupation within,” Radical Philosophy
150 (July–August 2008): 67–70, http://www.radicalphilosophy.com/news/
walking-into-walls-academic-freedom-the-israeli-left-and-the-occupation-within.
13 Laura Kurgan, Close Up at a Distance: Mapping, Technology, and Politics (Cambridge, Mass.:
Zone Books, 2013).

82
Landscapes of San Francisco Bay:
Plates from Bay Lexicon
Jane Wolff
Mixed Media
San Francisco lives on borrowed water.
The city’s watershed is defined twice, once by topography and once by en-
gineering. The steep west slope of the Sierra Nevada sends rain and melting
snow to San Francisco Bay. Water travels in streams and rivers down the
Central Valley, through the California Delta, and past the Carquinez Strait,
always moving toward the ocean. Since the 1920s, an aqueduct has carried
some of that current on a different route. The Tuolumne River is captured
behind Hetch Hetchy Dam and gradually released into pipes that run straight
to San Francisco. Every spigot in the city is connected to the mountains.
The aqueduct is good and bad. It protects San Francisco from local scarcity,
and it provides clean water, uncontaminated by the farms and factories that
lie between the mountains and the coast. But what comes out of the tap is
used at the expense of the estuary. Before plumbing stretched across the
state, that water belonged to the fish.
5e
How are islands made?
d
a
a. shoal: a place where the bay floor is close to the surface of the water.
b. seawall: a wall built to contain filled land and protect it from erosion.
c. dredge: a boat equipped with machinery to lift and transport sediment from the bay floor.
d. bedrock: solid rock that lies below the surface of the ground. The bedrock of the Coast Ranges was pushed into
low mountains by the movement of tectonic plates that underlie the Pacific Ocean and North America.
Yerba Buena Island and Treasure Island make a pair, but they are not twins.
Yerba Buena belongs to the geological formation of the Coast Ranges,

a consequence of the movement of tectonic plates that make up Earth’s
outer layer. Thirty million years ago, the plate under the Pacific Ocean
began to slide northward against the edge of the plate that supports
North America. Folded and crumpled by the friction, the North American
sea floor was pushed up into a line of low mountains on the edge of the
continent. Ten thousand years ago, when the last ice age ended, Yerba
Buena was separated from its neighbors by rising water in San Francisco
Bay. The mountain became an island.
Treasure Island is a younger construction, the product of dredges and

siphons. Until the 1930s it was Yerba Buena Shoals, a high patch of bay
floor just north of Yerba Buena Island. It presented a significant navigation
hazard—some parts lay just a few feet below the water—and in 1936, the
federal government’s Works Progress Administration undertook its trans-
formation into useful ground. Sand and sediment dredged from around
the bay were piled behind a seawall built of rubble blasted from the Yerba
Buena Tunnel. The new land was dedicated almost exactly a year after
the Bay Bridge had connected San Francisco to Oakland. Treasure Island
is a closer relative of the bridge than of the old island: both projects were
undertaken to expand the territory of a watery metropolis.
84
1w
How do tall buildings make new land?
c
a. vertical land: new surfaces constructed as the multiple floors of high-rise structures.
b. underground land: new surfaces excavated from fill and contained in the bases of towers.
c. foundation: the lowest part of a tall building, constructed to transfer its weight from the ground’s unstable
surface to the solid rock that lies below soil, fill, gravel, and mud.
Once, new land at the edge of the bay was built horizontally. Piers extend-
ed streets into the mudflats of Yerba Buena Cove. Rubble and sand were
placed beside and between the piers to raise the surface of the flats. The
seawall was constructed to stop the filled ground from eroding. Land was
made for access to the water because the city lived on maritime commerce.
Today, new land is made vertically. The stacked floors of the Embarcadero
Center multiplied the surface of the ground dozens of times, and its
garages made inhabitable space underground. Built between 1967 and
1981, as ship traffic was moving from San Francisco to Oakland, the
center’s towers defined a new world on the waterfront. Office workers
replaced longshoremen, and access to the bay was less important than
easy connections to subways and freeways. Sometimes cities are remade
gradually, but the Embarcadero Center was part of a rapid process of ur-
ban renewal fueled by suspicion of the old, enabled by public policy that
swept away anything decrepit, and bankrolled by real estate speculation.
The compound and its neighbors, high-rise buildings linked by walkways
two stories above the street, crowded out the warehouses of the Produce
District.
In this vertical city, the filled land at the shore is uncertain ground. It does
not have the structural strength to support tall buildings, and earthquakes
have the power to shake it into a liquid. The Embarcadero Center’s towers
extend far below the surface of the waterfront. Their foundations reach
through sixteen stories’ worth of rubble and mud to bedrock, and their
bases are designed as giant shock absorbers.
Landscapes of San Francisco Bay: Plates from Bay Lexicon | Jane Wolff 85
Like many iconic places, San Francisco Bay is loved better than it is un-
derstood. Its power as scenery has obscured its ecological complexity, its
natural and cultural dynamics, and its ongoing evolution as a metropolitan
centrepiece. The products of long, reiterative interactions among human
intentions, geographic circumstances, and environmental processes, its
landscapes are ecological hybrids. They are hard to describe, and so they are
hard to apprehend: language is the first tool for perception, and we cannot
recognize what we cannot name. An illustrated field guide to San Francisco’s
shoreline, Bay Lexicon offers a nuanced, place-based vocabulary that makes
the hybrid circumstances of San Francisco Bay apparent—and legible—to
the range of audiences with a stake in the landscape’s future.
A collaboration with the Exploratorium of San Francisco, this project emerged

from work over the last five years with curator Susan Schwartzenberg to
develop exhibition content and teaching materials for a new museum
gallery about the landscape and ecology of San Francisco Bay. Bay Lexicon
uses illustrated flash cards to examine and define elements of the landscape
visible from the gallery and along San Francisco’s Embarcadero. It builds on
the principles of the Exploratorium’s founder, physicist Frank Oppenheimer,
who believed that a citizenry informed about science comprised the best
defence against the catastrophe of nuclear warfare. Today, as we face the
spectres of immediate and long-term ecological disaster, environmental
literacy is an essential skill. Events like Superstorm Sandy and Hurricane
Katrina demonstrate this need. The havoc that the storms created was
the predictable outcome of reciprocal influences between dynamic en-
vironments—the Hudson River estuary and the Mississippi Delta—and
engineering interventions people made in order to live there. No surprise
to landscape scholars and ecologists, the catastrophes came as shocks to the
general public. Few people had the ability to read the landscape, to translate
its physical circumstances into representational terms that could explain
what had happened or suggest how to move forward more sustainably.
Using methods and tools from landscape scholarship, design, and science
education, Bay Lexicon aims to encourage observation and enquiry about
the natural world and its relation to culture. By defining and questioning a
series of sights and situations along San Francisco’s shoreline, the lexicon
articulates relationships between visible, tangible artefacts and the complex
(and often invisible) processes that shape the bay and its edges. It asks how
the physical landscape has been transformed by practices of inhabitation
and because of ideas about meaning and value. It locates observations of
local conditions in the context of the region, and it reminds readers that the
present always contains traces of the past and clues to the future. The proj-
ect uses a specific place to raise general questions: Bay Lexicon considers
San Francisco Bay as a subject, but it raises issues that exist in every hybrid
landscape.
86
Architecture’s Lapidarium
by Amy Catania Kulper
On the Lives of Geological Specimens
As intelligence and language, thought and the signs of thought, are united by
secret and indissoluble links, so in like manner, and almost without our being
conscious of it, the external world and our ideas and feelings melt into each
other.
—Alexander von Humbolt, Cosmos (1849)
I Vital Matter: Architecture’s Material Life

Written over ten years before its publication in
1981, Aldo Rossi’s A Scientific Autobiography
constitutes a peculiar point of departure for
an essay in a collection devoted to architec-
ture in the Anthropocene. On the first page of
the text, Rossi writes:
Certainly a very important point of

reference is Max Planck’s Scientific
Autobiography. In this book, Planck re-
turns to the discovery of modern physics,
recapturing the impression made on
him by the enunciation of the principle
of the conservation of energy; he always
recalled this principle in connection with
the schoolmaster Mueller’s story about
a mason who with great effort heaved a
block of stone up on the roof of a house.
The mason was struck by the fact that
expended energy does not get lost; it
GEOLOGICAL SPECIMEN ONE
remains stored for many years, never
diminished, latent in the block of stone,
until one day it happens that the block
“The Parthenon, Athens,” figure 17 from Fig. 01
slides off the roof and falls on the head of Aldo Rossi’s A Scientific Autobiography,
a passerby, killing him.1 1981
Though Rossi’s anecdote constitutes an inauspicious beginning for an autobiogra-

phy, his capacity to draw autobiographical, physical, and building practices com-
pellingly into each other’s orbit succinctly establishes the claims of this essay. In
the following architectural investigation of ten geological specimens, the collected
examples will support the following arguments. First, a vitalist theme historically
emerges at the intersection of architectural, scientific, and philosophical discourse.
Second, as a result of these vitalist tendencies, the situation of architecture—that
which historically was conceptualized as “site,” and its material constitution—
ceased to be represented as a static or benign entity. Third, the influence of vital-
ism also introduced the term “life” as the chronological measure of agency, both
human and inhuman, organic and inorganic, facilitating the comparison of human
and geological agencies that is characteristic of the Anthropocene. Fourth, this
metric—“life”—emerges from the overlap between the introversion of biological
discourse (searching for the smallest unit manifesting life), and the inner inves-
tigations of autobiographical work (examining how a given character has come
into being, how an individual life acquires meaning). In biology and autobiography,
“life” is both the unit of measure and the evidence of immanence. And fifth, the
ten geological specimens in architecture’s lapidarium construct a foundation for an
understanding of life as the measure, and immanence as the operative condition, of
architecture in the Anthropocene.
Returning now to the first specimen, Rossi cites two primary influences for
his autobiography: Planck’s Scientific Autobiography (published in German as
Wissenschaftliche Selbstbiographie, in 1948, and in English in 1949), in which the
physicist narrates the events leading up to his formulation of the principle of the
conservation of energy; and Stendhal’s The Life of Henry Brulard (written between
1835 and 1836, and published posthumously in 1890), a thinly veiled fictitious
account of the author’s unhappy childhood.2 Stendhal’s work interested Rossi for
its strange mixture of autobiography and architectural plans—Stendhal elected to
illustrate this account of his life, not with perspectival vignettes, but rather with
planimetric fragments.3 Of Stendhal, Rossi writes:
It was perhaps through Stendhal’s drawings and this strange mixture of

autobiography and building plans that I acquired my first knowledge of ar-
chitecture; they were the first seeds of a notion which ultimately ends up in
this book. I was struck by the drawings of plans which seemed to be a graphic
variation of the handwritten manuscript, and principally for two reasons:
first, because handwriting is a complex technique that lies between writing
and drawing […] and second, because these plans disregarded or ignored
formal and dimensional aspects. In some of my recent projects, or ideas for
projects, I try to stop the event just before it occurs, as if the architect could
foresee—and in a certain sense does foresee—the unfolding of life in the
house.4
In this sense, the autobiographical account and the architectural plan are paral-
lel operations for Rossi in that both are activated by a vital energy, manifesting
itself either as an event or a formal configuration. Here, it may be worth noting
that Stendhal is a nom de plume for Marie-Henri Beyle, selected in hommage to
Johann Joachim Winckelmann, who was born in Stendal, Germany. Winckelmann
is known for bringing natural historical taxonomy to art historical discourse, and
in this sense his categorization of cultural artifacts into periods and styles could be
similarly characterized as a moment of fixity within a fluid historical continuity.5
88
What is the common ground between cultural artifacts and the categories that
house them, between disparate pseudonyms and the author who creates them,
between the architect and the spatial configurations he imagines, and between
the autobiographer and the narrative he recounts? In each of these instances,
the common ground resides in the conceptualization of “life” as the critical unit
of chronological measure. In his essay “Of Crystals, Cells, and Strata: Natural
History and Debates on the Form of a New Architecture in the Nineteenth Century,”
architectural historian Barry Bergdoll observes that the three defining texts of
nineteenth-century architectural theory—Ruskin’s Stones of Venice (1851–1853),
Viollet-le-Duc’s Dictionnaire raisonné de l’architecture française (1854–1868), and
Gottfried Semper’s Der Stil (vol. 1, 1861, vol. 2, 1863)—are all “shot through with
geological references that seek to bring the century’s fascination with the study of
the history of civilization into line with the new insights into the expanded time-
line of the history of the earth itself.”6 Bergdoll’s characterization of this desire for
the synchronization of human time and geologic time is supported by Martin J. S.
Rudwick’s reminder that geology and biology are terms both coined at the start of
the nineteenth century, and that their emergence occasioned a reorientation of the
map of knowledge.7 Rudwick writes: “The relations between the various natural
sciences, and between them and the social sciences and humanities […] are not in-
trinsic to the natural and human worlds: all our maps of knowledge are themselves
human constructions, embedded in the contingencies and specificities of history.”8
Rudwick’s framing of historical contingency as that which unites the sciences and
the humanities proffers a unit of measure for the attempted synchronizations of
nineteenth-century architectural theory—a life.
In his 1995 essay “Immanence: A Life…,” Gilles Deleuze draws the distinction be-
tween a life, and an immanent life: “A life is everywhere, in all the moments that a
given living subject goes through and that are measured by given lived objects: an
immanent life carrying with it the events or singularities that are merely actualized
in subjects and objects.”9 Somewhere in Deleuze’s formulation of immanent life
lurks Rossi’s desire to “stop the event just before it occurs”—both characteriza-
tions allude to potential, prior to its realization. In Jane Bennett’s interpretation
of Deleuze, her attention focuses on the philosopher’s use of the indefinite article
“a,” and his reference to “a life,” because, “[a] life inhabits that uncanny nontime
existing between the various moments of biological and morphological time.”10 Like
Bergdoll, Bennett points to the reckoning of human and geological time, but unlike
Bergdoll, she establishes “a life” as the potential interface between the two. Bennett
continues: “A life thus names a restless activeness, a destructive-creative force-pres-
ence that does not coincide fully with any specific body. A life tears the fabric of the
actual without ever coming fully ‘out’ in a person, place, or a thing. A life points
to what A Thousand Plateaus describes as ‘matter-movement’ or ‘matter-energy,’
a ‘matter in variation that enters assemblages and leaves them.’”11 Alternatively,
Giorgio Agamben’s interpretation of Deleuzean immanence concentrates not on
the indefinite article preceding life, but rather on the semantic connotations of
Deleuze’s punctuation, specifically the colon and the ellipsis in his title. Agamben
Architecture's Lapidarium | Amy Catania Kulper 89

argues: “If we take up Adorno’s metaphor of the colon as a green light in the traffic
of language, […] we can say that between immanence and a life there is a kind of
crossing with neither distance nor identification, something like a passage without
spatial movement.”12 For Agamben then, the colon intimates a departure from im-
manence as a state of being towards something like “immanation” (Deleuze’s term):
activated possibility that is not yet actualized, catalyzed potentiality that is not yet
realized—in other words, virtualization. With respect to the ellipsis dots following
“a life” in Deleuze’s title, Agamben reasons: “Here the incompletion that is tradi-
tionally thought to characterize ellipsis dots does not refer to a final, yet lacking,
meaning […] [R]ather, it indicates an indefinition of a specific kind, which brings
the indefinite meaning of the article ‘a’ to its limit.”13 According to Agamben, taking
the colon and ellipsis together, “a life…” is “pure potentiality that preserves without
acting.”14 Thus, to conclude the interpretation of this first geological specimen, if
the vital force that inhabits Max Planck’s example of the schoolmaster Mueller’s
stone is conserved energy, and the vital force that Rossi identifies in Stendhal’s
plan fragments resides in its capacity to stop an event before it has occurred, then
Rossi’s geological specimen frames this vitalist immanent life as pure potentiality.
II Geological Life: Some Mythological Narratives

The second specimen explores the notion of geological life through four mytholog-
ical (or at least mythical) narratives that consider the intertwining of the earth’s
history with human history. The mythological account is a useful vehicle for explor-
ing the idea of geological life, largely because it is pre-scientific, so its tendency is
to narrate through engagement, rather than to explain from a distance. The subject
of Louis-Ernst Barrias’ sculpture is the Egyptian goddess Isis, identifiable by the
green scarab perched upon the cloth beneath her breasts. Isis was a seminal figure
for the Romantics, and Friedrich Schiller wrote about her in the poem “The Veiled
Image at Saïs,” published in 1795 and translated into English by Sir Edward Bulwer
Lytton in 1866. In the poem a young man travels to Egypt and is told that behind
the veil of Isis lays the truth, but he is cautioned not to lift it. Why this admonition
against lifting the veil? Jean-Paul Sartre writes: “What is seen is possessed; to see is
to deflower. If we examine the comparisons normally used to express the relation
between the knower and the known, we see that many of them are represented
as being a kind of violation by sight.”15 For Sartre, visual examination is critical to
the scientific paradigm, and the Romantic caution against lifting the veil is directly
linked to the desire to preserve the participatory, connective, and immersive di-
mensions of knowing affiliated with the mythological paradigm. Similarly, Karsten
Harries writes:
The look tends to degrade the seen by transforming it into an object. Objects
have their foundation in the subject. To wish to know or see something as
object is to wish to appropriate and process it. The desire to see the truth is a
desire to be its master and thus master of all. The young man in the poem is
90
GEOLOGICAL SPECIMEN TWO
Ferdinand Cheval, Palais Idéal (1879-1912), Louis-Ernest Barrias, Nature Unveiling Herself Fig. 02
Before Science (1899), John Collier, Priestess of Delphi (1891), Sir Edward Coley Burne-Jones,
Sisyphus (c. 1870)
unwilling to accept the fact that man, although transcending known objects,
is in turn transcended by an unknown reality and is not the author of his
being. By knowing all, he wants to become his own foundation and to put
himself as pure knowing subject in the place of God. 16

The Romantic obsession with the veil of Isis, then, is a cautionary tale about the
human desire for omnipotence, a desire that in Barrias’ sculpture is combined with
the scientific gaze. And yet, this representation of Isis seems to willingly and with-
out coercion lift her veil, as if nature is eager to reveal her secrets to the inquiring
scientist. What the narrative of Isis demonstrates is the precariousness of mytho-
poeic propinquity in the modern advent of the distanced scientific gaze.
John Collier’s depiction of the Priestess at Delphi represents the oracle perched on
a tall stool, hovering above a chasm in the earth that appears to be emitting steam
or gas. In his discussion of the Delphic oracle, Steven Connor observes that the
association of females with the earth is commonplace in many cultures. He writes:
“The female earth is thought of as valuable enclosures or interiorities. In particular,
vases which hold grain, oil, or wine, and ovens that transform grain into bread.
This emphasis upon valuable interiority made openings in the earth extremely
significant. Such openings, in the form of chasms and caves, were at once the con-
firmation and transgression of the earth’s power to hold and store items of value.”17
The oracle’s power is derived from her proximity to the earth, both physically and
metaphorically, and from this proximity comes her ability to speak for the earth, to
interpret its emissions. Page duBois alludes to the tradition of the oracle being a
post-menopausal woman, a figure who “must remain pure potential, never having
their interior filled up by sex or pregnancy, so that other processes of thesaurization
can occur.”18 Poised upon a golden-footed stool that straddles a fissure in the earth’s
surface and ensconced in the emitted vapours, Collier’s oracle is a metaphysical
trope, translating and rendering immanent the unleashed generative potential of
the earth.
Another mythological narrative that takes up this theme is Albert Camus’ The Myth
of Sisyphus (published in French in 1942, and English in 1955). Captured in Edward
Burne-Jones’ painting (c.1870), Sisyphus is condemned, by the gods, to the futile
physical labour of continually pushing a boulder up a hill. Upon reaching the apex,
his onerous task accomplished, he is then fated to witness the boulder’s retreat,
secure in the knowledge that his labour was entirely in vain. Camus writes:
It is during that return, that pause, that Sisyphus interests me. A face that
toils so close to stones is already stone itself! See that man going back down
with a heavy yet measured step toward the torment of which he will never
know the end. That hour like a breathing-space which returns as surely as his
suffering, that is the hour of consciousness. At each of these moments when
he leaves the heights and gradually sinks toward the lairs of the gods, he is
superior to his fate. He is stronger than his rock.19
In his analysis, Camus isolates this hiatus from labour, this moment of conscious-
ness, as an instance of affinity between the anthropological and the geological,
and moment of identity, or even empathy, between man and stone. The two are at
once the same and yet different—Sisyphus is already stone, yet he is stronger than
92
rock—and a vital exchange has occurred between the life of the boulder and the life
of the man whose fate is inseparable from this geological burden.
Finally, a mythical (if not mythological) exemplar of geological life resides in the
urban legend of the French postman, Ferdinand Cheval. In April 1879, Cheval
tripped on a stone along his typical route, and was so taken by it, that for the next
33 years he collected specimens during his mail rounds, and with them constructed
the Palais Idéal. Once again, the respective fates of man and rocks are inextrica-
bly intertwined. Embraced by the surrealists, and particularly by André Breton,
Cheval’s masterpiece came to epitomize the ambitions of automatism—a seamless
connection between reality and dream. If, in Camus’ hands, the myth of Sisyphus
encourages the reader to contemplate some sort of vitalist exchange between man
and rock, Cheval’s Palais Idéal conjures another manifestation of these generative
forces as they ignite the postman’s material imagination in the implementation of
a geological dream world.
III Generative, Taxonomical, and Mathematical Immanence
GEOLOGICAL SPECIMEN THREE
Eugène-Emmanuel Viollet-le-Duc, Disintegration of Crystalline Rock, Mont Blanc (1876) Fig. 03

Eugène-Emmanuel Viollet-le-Duc, Phenomena of Regelation, Mont Blanc (1876)

In 1876, French architect, theorist and resto-
ration specialist Eugène-Emmanuel Viollet-
le-Duc wrote a lengthy tome on Mont Blanc,
on its geological and geodesical formations
and transformations, as well as on the current
and past state of its glaciers.20 The first image
of Viollet-le-Duc’s text is neither scenic nor
pictorial; rather, it is a diagram depicting the
process of geological upheaval in its before
and after states. This is significant in that
Viollet-le-Duc elects first to demonstrate na-
ture’s behaviour before representing nature’s
appearance to his readers. In his description
of immanence, Deleuze writes: “Absolute
immanence is in itself: it is not in something,
to something; it does not depend on an object
GEOLOGICAL SPECIMEN FOUR or belong to a subject.”21 In his depiction of
this geological phenomenon, Viollet-le-Duc
is representing a process, the process of up-
Fig. 04 Gottfried Semper, “Temple of heaval, and in this sense his diagram of forces
Panhellenic Zeus at Aezani,” from has no subject—it is all verb. Viollet-le-Duc’s
Style in the Technical and Tectonic
other texts equally reveal this propensity for
Arts (1860-63)
the representation of immanent natures. His
1875 History of Human Habitation examines the perennial practices of domestica-
tion, while Learning to Draw (1879) and The History of a House (1873) are thinly
disguised Bildungsromans in which the process of cultivation is emphasized over
the cultivation of an individual.22
In “Disintegration of the Crystalline Rocks,” Viollet-le-Duc depicts the morpholog-

ical “life” of Mont Blanc. Interestingly, however, none of the four images depicted
in this mathematical regression is an actual representation of Mont Blanc. Viollet-
le-Duc renders this drawing as if the process of crystalline disintegration had a life
of its own, independent of Mont Blanc or the specificity of any other geological
formation. Similarly, his illustration of the phenomenon of regelation is revealing.
Here, Viollet-le-Duc attempts to taxonomically depict matter that is undergoing a
change of state. Anticipating Henri Bergson’s vitalist assertion that “form is only
a snapshot view of a transition,” Viollet-le-Duc produces stop-motion imagery at
both micro and macro scales, making the process of glacial formation immediately
intelligible.23 In thus depicting geological formation (the process of upheaval),
geological erosion (crystalline disintegration), and glacial changes of state (rege-
lation and compression), Viollet-le-Duc’s representations of Mont Blanc epitomize
Deleuzean “immanence”: a process that is always yet “in the making.”24
94
IV Technical and Tectonic Immanence
By contrast, in Gottfried Semper’s hands, the subject of geology is always already
categorized through the material specificity of stones of a particular sort, and
through the tectonic lens of stereotomy. In his seminal text, Style in the Technical
and Tectonic Arts or, Practical Aesthetics (1860–63), stone is conceptualized as a
building material inseparable from the techniques through which it is prepared
for construction. When Antoine Picon addresses architectural construction, he de-
scribes it as being “on the verge of speaking,” but in Semper’s case, the techniques
of stereotomy are both a priori and prescriptive, and in this sense, the stone already
knows what it is going to say. Paradoxically, Semper discusses the techniques of
stereotomy before he ever considers the materiality of stone, exacerbating this
omission by positing the question: “But did stereotomy, in fact, have no original
domain to it?”25 What follows this question is a historical discussion of the hearth,
indicating that Semper is operating under the assumption that the ontology of ste-
reotomic technique can be traced back to the central element of a primitive building
form.
Following a similar logic, Semper then discusses the foundation wall:
The lifeless crystalline-mineral quality that characterizes the foundation

wall makes it a formal manifestation of stone construction; its nature corre-
sponds completely to what is placed on top of it. The two combine to form
a self-contained whole, what one might call a representative of a crystalline
universe. Stone turns eurythmically inward on all sides and denies any ex-
ternal existence. We cannot contemplate it except as a regular and complete
form.26
With respect to the geological specimens under consideration, Semper’s prior-

itization of stereotomy and its attendant mathematization of stone epitomizes
technical and tectonic immanence. The characterization of a foundation wall as a
“lifeless,” “self-contained whole,” that “denies any external existence,” articulates
a moment in which technique eclipses material possibility, in which the “how” of
stereotomy’s mathematical capacity to fashion stone supplants the “what” of tra-
ditional material iconography. In Semper’s hermetic world of construction, in his
“crystalline universe,” any vitalist aspirations for the generative capacity of stone
are channelled into the mathematical proprieties of stereotomy; the stoniness of
stone capitulates to the human techniques through which it is fashioned towards
technical and tectonic ends. The life of Semper’s stone is mathematically prede-
termined as it succumbs to the exigencies of construction practices. For Semper,
geological knowledge is thus confined to the epistemological horizon of stone as
building material, and this horizon is squarely located between column base and
frieze in the mathematical and tectonic expression of stereotomy.

V Aesthetic Immanence
GEOLOGICAL SPECIMEN FIVE
Fig. 05 John Ruskin, Wall Veil Decoration, from The Stones of Venice (1851-53), John Ruskin, Peers, from The
Stones of Venice (1851-53), John Ruskin, Plans of Peers, from The Stones of Venice (1851-53)Joseph
Michael Gandy, Architecture: Its Natural Mode (1838)
The first chapter of John Ruskin’s The Stones of Venice (1851–53) is entitled “Quarry,”
a rubric that definitively established the inextricability of human and geological
history, given that the chapter is primarily concerned with the political and reli-
gious history of Venice. The first image of Ruskin’s book, a “Wall Veil Decoration,”
illustrates the story of an ambassador who arrived in Venice in the fifteenth century
and immediately recognized a change in its architecture. Here, Ruskin argues that
Greek architecture was “clumsily copied” by the Romans. Following on the heels
of this anecdote, Ruskin admits his desire to establish a law for architecture, like
the one that exists in painting, which would allow for a distinction to be drawn be-
tween good architecture and bad. He writes: “I felt also assured that this law must
be universal if it were conclusive; that it must enable us to reject all foolish and base
work, and to accept all noble and wise work, without reference to style or national
feeling. […] I set myself, therefore, to establish such a law.”27 Ruskin rationalizes his
search for such a law by revealing his aspiration to establish the very foundations
of architectural criticism.
Given that Ruskin would like these foundations to be discerning and capable of
eschewing the clumsy copy with which his text begins, his language then takes up
the tropes of geological formation: “And if I should succeed, as I hope, in making
the Stones of Venice touchstones, and detecting, by the mouldering of her marble,
poison more subtle than ever was betrayed by the rending of her crystal”—his de-
scription concludes with the promise to access a more vital truth.28 Here, Ruskin’s
language of geological decay (mouldering), geological examination (touchstones
are assaying tools used to identify precious metals), and geological formation (the
process of crystallization) lays the foundations for an aesthetic law that will not fal-
ter in the face of substandard stylistic copies. Though the operations of geological
formation and human cultural production may parallel one another, aesthetic judg-
ment should emulate nature’s generative processes in order to fulfill its universal
96
aspirations. Ultimately, the moralizing tone of Ruskin’s nascent architectural criti-
cism emanates from this desire for aesthetic law to mimetically replicate natural
law, ensuring historical continuity and safeguarding against stylistic anomaly.
VI Origins: The Inception of Immanence
GEOLOGICAL SPECIMEN SIX
Joseph Michael Gandy, from Architecture: Its Natural Mode (1838) Fig. 06
Architecture: Its Natural Model (1838), specimen six, is Joseph Michael Gandy’s
pictorial narrative on the entanglements of human and geologic time. In the
foreground, a group of primates (an obvious allusion to human evolution) crafts a
primitive hut through the bending and lashing of tree branches. In front of the hut, a
primate with a simian head and human body perches, “unaware of the basaltic frag-
ment on which he is seated, the faceted and monumental ruins of this Classicizing
geology spilling all around him.”29 Here, the primate evolving into a human before
our eyes occupies a “Classicizing geology”—a stone poised somewhere between
its geological formation and its cultural articulation as column. Behind this hut
looms Fingal’s Cave—a geological tourist attraction in Scotland—conveying the
message, “the future history of architecture was already written in the landscape,
merely waiting for human civilization to catch up.”30 The formal affinities between
the manmade shelter and the geologically wrought cave attest to this.

Gandy’s watercolour, the only surviving image of his Comparative Architecture
series at the Royal Academy in London, was exhaustively described in the exhibi-
tion catalogue. It is something of a geological capriccio, a collection of the world’s
most remarkable geological formations assembled as if they occupied a single site.
Etymologically linked to the word “capricious,” the capriccio emerged as a repre-
sentational genre in the seventeenth century, at a moment when the cosmological
paradigm was gradually being eclipsed by modern historical and scientific para-
digms, with their attendant notion of individual human agency. Here, the whimsy of
the geographical imprecision of Gandy’s collection—the image includes the natural
arch from Mercury Bay in New Zealand and the rock formations of Cappadocia
in Anatolia—meets the accuracy of the modern scientific gaze and the temporal
agency of the new historical worldview. Gandy wrote: “Men who traverse this earth
and examine the animal, mineral, and vegetable kingdoms find a succession of
models for his artificial fabricks. […] The philosophy of architecture is a sketchbook
from nature.”31 Though the capriccio genre was commonplace in Gandy’s time, the
paradox raised by the idea of a geological capriccio is compelling because it posits
the operations of geological formation between site-specificity and human agency.
Fig. 07 Joseph Michael Gandy, A Selection of Parts of Buildings, Public and Private, Erected from the Designs of
John Soane (1818)
Perhaps Gandy’s primary contribution to the genre resides in his acknowledgment

that the assembled collection need not be capricious; in fact, as an aggregate it has
the capacity to describe a life, as was the case in his homage to John Soane. In 1818,
Gandy produced a painting entitled A Selection of Buildings, Public and Private,
Erected from the Designs of John Soane, commemorating Soane’s contributions
as an architect and antiquarian. If in this case Gandy is describing an immanent
98
history, the life he alludes to in Architecture: Its Natural Model is a geological life. In
reference to such evocations of “life,” Deleuze writes: “The life of such individuality
fades away in favour of the singular life immanent to a man who no longer has a
name, though he can be mistaken for no other.”32 There is little wonder that Gandy
is possessed of a geopoetic imagination that allows him to speculate upon such a
geological life. “Matter-movement” stilled in the process of construction or halted
in the attrition of ruination had long been the ostensible subject of his represen-
tations, as evidenced by his seminal image A Vision of Sir John Soane’s Design for
the Bank of England as a Ruin (1830). With painstaking attention to detail, Gandy
represented immanent life—the life of a building, the life of an architect, the life of
a geological specimen—seamlessly eliding natural creation and human production,
and ultimately paving the way for an architecture of the Anthropocene.
VII Resource
Contained within the ideological rumina-
tions of Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels’ The
Communist Manifesto (1848), is this tribute to
the productive knowledge of the bourgeoisie:
The bourgeoisie, during its rule of scarce

one hundred years, has created more
massive and more colossal productive
forces than have all preceding gener-
ations together. Subjection of nature’s
forces to man, machinery, application of
chemistry to industry and agriculture,
steam navigation, railways, electric
telegraphs, clearing of whole continents
for cultivation, canalization or rivers,
whole populations conjured out of the
ground—what earlier century had even a
presentiment that such productive forces
slumbered in the lap of social labour?33
GEOLOGICAL SPECIMEN SEVEN

What Marx and Engels are witnessing, in this
and other passages, is the commodification
of the natural world into resources (to be Diderot and D’Alembert, Mineral Loads Fig. 08
used, and used up), as well as the reification or Veins and their Bearings, from
of its vital forces into labour and energy. What l’Éncylopedie, vol. 6 (1768)
transpired during this century of bourgeoisie
rule that occasioned such a massive reconceptualization of the natural world?
Between 1751 and 1777, Denis Diderot and Jean le Rond d’Alembert published the
32 volumes of the Encyclopédie, a comprehensive and exhaustive documentation of
modern knowledge.
Part of the project of the encylopedists was to classify geological and mineralogical
resources, and to document the various technologies deployed for extracting them
from the earth. As a result of eighteenth-century archeological and antiquarian
activities, the earth acquired a new perceptual depth, facilitating the conceptual-
ization of the natural as immanent history, and of the earth’s materials as resources
that could be extracted just like archeological artifacts. Natural dispositions were
reconfigured into productive knowledge, as
in geological specimen seven, an illustration
demonstrating the virtue of constructing
galleries and tunnels according to the incli-
nation of the veins being mined. Typically, in
these encyclopedia images, a sectional view
of an underworld of resource extraction
supports the unfolding perspective of a pro-
ductive landscape, in which the resources are
utilized towards highly differentiated ends
of cultural fabrication. In this sense, these
types of images constitute a thickening of the
epistemological horizon, as they cultivate new
territories for the imposition of productive
knowledge. Eventually, the technologies of ex-
traction begin to eclipse the commodification
of the earth’s resources in such a way that the
instrumentalization of the process and the
productive knowledge it proffers become the
ostensible subject of these images. The geo-
logical life depicted by the encyclopedists is a
GEOLOGICAL SPECIMEN EIGHT
life of resource extraction, energy production,
and commodity consumption, epitomizing
Fig. 09 Giovanni Battista Piranesi, Nietzsche’s “monster of energy” in the esca-
Foundations of the Theater of lating supply and demand of the emerging
Marcellus, from Antichità Romane
capitalist economy.34
(1756)
VIII Foundations
In the context of Venice, foundations consist of wooden piles made from the trunks
of alder trees, submerged in the waters of the Adriatic, sitting upon a soft layer
of sand or mud, then upon a harder layer of compressed clay. Giovanni Battista
Piranesi, born in Mogliano Veneto on Venetian terra firma, laboured under both a
Venetian preoccupation with foundations and an antiquarian curiosity about the
ground upon which he stood. His preoccupation with foundations, both literal and
figurative, is also attributable to the aftermath of the Quarrel of the Ancients and
Moderns, a late seventeenth-century literary and artistic debate over the origins
and foundations of modern European culture. It is as critical to historically situate
100
Piranesi’s work in its aftermath as it is to sit-
uate it geographically. Piranesi’s desire to ex-
cavate a legitimate and appropriate historical
past to substantiate his contemporary culture;
his ambition to make the unseen geological
substrate, laying beneath the horizon, into
a visible and intelligible traditional footing;
and his attempt to exaggerate archeological
legacies; all point to an explicit aspiration to
construct cultural foundations in a moment
of epistemological uncertainty. In 1756, he
produced a volume on the architecture of
Roman antiquity, Antichitá Romane, which
Piranesi, “Mausoleum of Cecilia Matella,” Fig. 10
warrants some comparison with Michel from Antichità Romane (1756)
Serres’ text Rome: The Book of Foundations.
Serres writes: “Ad urbe condita. Foundation
is a condition. The condition is union—that which is situated or put together,
stored away, held in reserve, locked up in a safe place, and thus hidden from the
gaze, beyond understanding.”35 If, for Serres, foundations are hidden from the gaze
beyond understanding, the horizon of epistemological intelligibility has expanded
into subterranean territories for Piranesi.
In her seminal text Body Criticism: Imaging the Unseen in Enlightenment Art and
Medicine, Barbara Maria Stafford describes the corrosive process of Piranesi’s etch-
ings as a parallel operation to an archeological imagination that sees under and
through, visually dismantling the surface of things. She writes: “Piranesi’s radical
experimentation with etching, a corrosive chemical process for biting a copper-
plate, permitted him to perform perceptual rescue work. He artistically unearthed
the mutilated corpse of Italian antiquity.”36 Aspects of Piranesi’s “perceptual
rescue work” can be seen in his “Foundations of the Theater of Marcellus,” (geo-
logical specimen number eight) in which the scalar exaggeration of the monument
manifests certain cultural foundational anxieties. Lurking beneath the sterilizing
tendencies of the Enlightenment tabula rasa and the new epistemologies it would
support, Piranesi literally unearths a history both experientially distant and im-
manently present. The intelligibility of human history parallels the intelligibility of
natural history—the foundations for both are accessible and understandable. As
Stafford eloquently states, “There was an intimate connection, then, between the
etching process and the exploration of hidden physical or material topographies.
Important, too, was the entire panoply of probing instruments, chemicals, heat and
smoke, revealing and concealing grounds.”37
In a quite different representation of foundations from the same text, Piranesi

stumbled upon a pile of rocks on the site of the ancient Mausoleum of Cecilia
Matella, and became curious about the peculiar notches carefully cut into the
discarded stones. These markings allowed Piranesi to reconstruct the monument

and speculatively represent the complex block-and-tackle system he imagined was
deployed in its construction. This depiction of foundations is consistent with the
enlightenment ethos in which progress began to slowly eclipse providence, and
technology took up the eschatological agenda of making a better world—a man-
made and immanent creation. For his part, Serres describes the foundations of
Rome not as a static system of support, but rather as a fluid and fecund cultural
substrate: “The foundation is the theory or practice of movement. Of fusion and
melange. Of the multiplicity of time. Indeed, all foundation is, in the original sense,
current. The dike was built between nature and culture. Along it one could easily
return.”38 For Piranesi, the intelligibility of the foundation stones of ancient Rome
manifest such a fusion or mélange—a current that renders history immanent and
foregrounds the elastic imagination of the architect.
IX Formations
On a visit to Messina
in 1638, Jesuit scholar
Athanasius Kircher wit-
nessed Vesuvius as it began
to reverberate and smol-
der. Overcome by curiosity,
he hiked to the rim of the
active volcano, and this is
what he later wrote about
the experience: “When
finally I reached the crater,
it was terrible to behold.
The whole area was lit up
by the fires, and the glow-
ing sulphur and bitumen
produced an intolerable
vapour. It was just like hell,
only lacking the demons
GEOLOGICAL SPECIMEN NINE
to complete the picture!”39
Despite this formative ex-
Fig. 11 Athanasius Kircher, The Eruption of Mount Etna, 1637, perience, Kircher’s geolog-
from Mundus Subterraneus (1664) ical imaginings, pursued
in his 1664 text Mundus
Subterraneus, decidedly tilted more in the direction of nature’s generative capacity
than its destructive tendency. In this text, he advanced a hermetic and interiorized
worldview of geologic formation: “Kircher repeated an ancient animistic theory
important to both British and French materialists that found support among
reputable eighteenth-century natural philosophers; namely, that all earthly bodies
grow and develop from within.”40 Kircher’s interest in the vital forces of geologic
102
formation shifted in scale from those forces that animated and shaped the earth’s
surface, to those that contributed to “physiographic metamorphoses”—the natural
appearance of images and pictograms on stones.41
In this scalar shift from the geologic forces animating the subterranean world to the
vital stimuli that produce physiographic expressions, Kircher articulates the oper-
ations of immanent life. Of these pictorial stones, Barbara Maria Stafford writes:
Thus the patterned moth or flower, like the fossil script, or even man himself,
exists nowhere else but in the particular and concrete container, envelope, or
carapace of its matter. Design is not a separable or removable imprint or im-
presa stamped on the surface. It does not rest on the plane but permeates the
medium and grows along with it. Design is a succinct picture or real symbol
of the actual development of that medium.42
In this sense, for Kircher, geological configuration is an act of design, and more
broadly, within the development of any medium resides this immanent formational
impulse. By explicating the process of formation in this way, he strongly anticipates
subsequent appropriations of the generative capacities of the natural world.
X Transmutations
GEOLOGICAL SPECIMEN TEN
Basil Valentine, The Twelve Keys (1678), Ernst Rutherford in his Laboratory Fig. 12
Perhaps nowhere is the thirst for the knowledge of creation more apparent than in
the alchemical pursuit of the Philosopher’s Stone, a legendary substance allegedly
capable of turning inexpensive metals into gold, and believed to be an elixir of life
useful for rejuvenation and possibly achieving immortality. For a long time, it was
the most sought-after goal in Western alchemy. Possession of the Philosopher’s

Stone, in the form of a yellow, red, or grey powder, was ultimately not about the pos-
sibility of accumulated wealth, but rather the power to transform. Precious metals
were merely the outcome of the transmutation. The vital force—the life within the
stone that facilitated the transformation—was either controlled for purposes of
transmutation, or simply possessed as a form of rejuvenation or immortality. The
outcome of the experimental procedure was far less important than the instrumen-
tal capacity to direct and control the vital force harnessed within the Philosopher’s
Stone.
Working together in a laboratory at McGill University in 1898, chemists Ernest

Rutherford and Frederick Soddy discovered that radium emits radioactive parti-
cles, developing the concept of half-life – a period of time over which half of the
substance is emitted and lost.43 It did not take long for the scientists to make the
connection between this material transformation of Radium, with that of their al-
chemical predecessors. Soddy, who apparently studied alchemy as a hobby, had the
temerity to describe the transformation they were witnessing as transmutation.
Rutherford responded: “For Mike’s sake, Soddy, don’t call it transmutation. They’ll
have our heads off as alchemists.”44 This tenth and final geological specimen in
architecture’s lapidarium, then, brings us full circle. In this case, the life depicted,
or perhaps more accurately, the half-life, conforms to Deleuze’s description of life
as “matter in variation that enters assemblages and leaves them.”45
Conclusion
This foray through ten specimens in architecture’s lapidarium has attempted to

advance the following five-point argument. First, a vitalist theme emerges histor-
ically at the intersection of architectural, scientific, and philosophical discourse.
Second, as a result of these vitalist tendencies, the situation of architecture typically
engaged through the category of “site” ceased to be represented as a static, mute,
or indifferent condition. Third, vitalism introduces the term “life” as a chronolog-
ical measure of existence, facilitating the elision of human and geological agency
characteristic of the Anthropocene. Fourth, in biology and autobiography, “life” is
both the unit of measure and evidence of immanence. The metric of life emerges
from the overlap of introverted biological discourse, searching for the smallest unit
manifesting life, and the inner investigations of autobiographical work, examining
how a given character came into being and how an individual life acquires meaning.
Fifth, these ten geological specimens construct a foundation for the understanding
of “life” as the measure, and immanence as the operative condition of architecture
in the Anthropocene era.
Within architecture’s lapidarium, “life” is explored as an incremental measure

of immanence—the life of a resource, the life of a material, the life of a building
and the respective lives of its inhabitants, the life of the architectural conceits of
“siting” and “material imagination,” and the historiographical life of a disciplinary
104
engagement with stone—all contribute to the constitution of geological life in the
Anthropocene. Each of the ten geological specimens represents such an immanent
life, and the exploration of each attempted to expose the particular vehicles of
immanence that attempt to explicate life’s vital generative forces through the lens
of the scientific paradigm, often translating formerly metaphysical concepts into
immanent ideas.
In the case of Aldo Rossi’s Scientific Autobiography, geological specimen one, the
plan and the autobiography are both examined as vehicles of immanence, through
the lens of parallel lives. Utilizing Max Planck’s conservation of energy, Rossi draws
his scientific autobiography into dialogue with that of the renowned physicist, as
well as Stendhal’s bildungsroman, The Life of Henri Brulard. For Rossi, Planck and
Stendhal influenced his architecture through the idea of the conservation of energy
and the notion that plans are integral to autobiographical narratives. In drawing
this comparison, Rossi moves the possibility of immanent life across three registers:
matter’s capacity to conserve energy, the archi-
tectural plan’s capacity to capture an event be-
fore it unfolds, and the autobiography’s capac-
ity to narrate without definitively concluding.
The mythological figures of Isis, the Delphic
Oracle, Sisyphus, and Ferdinand Cheval, geo-
logical specimen two, consider the recovery
of myth’s cyclical narratives in a historical
moment in which science’s linear narratives
dominate. The re-telling of these narratives
through the lens of the scientific paradigm
explicates numerous vehicles of immanence.
In the case of Isis, the veil that once mediated
between the Romantics and nature’s secrets
has been removed by the prying analysis of
Athanasius Kircher, detail from Pictorial Fig. 13
the scientific gaze. As for the Delphic Oracle, Stones with Human Faces (1664)
her ability to speak for the earth, translating
the desires of the gods, is rendered immanent
in a process of thesaurization that taxonom-
ically represents difference. In Camus’ hands, Sisyphus becomes a figure through
which anthropological identity and geological identity are elided in a single, if not
singular, immanent life. While in the urban myth of Ferdinand Cheval, the surreal-
ists identify a material imagination capable of operating between the real and the
oneiric.
Viollet-le-Duc’s images of Mont Blanc, geological specimen three, deploy the se-
rial representational strategies of morphology to capture the immanent life of a
mountain. In his hands, mathematics becomes a critical tool of abstraction, which
leads to speculation about geological decay and formation. The use of taxonomy
to represent material phase changes is another vehicle of immanence deployed

by Viollet-le-Duc, bringing the fixity of the categories of human knowledge into
dialogue with the fluid formation of matter.
Gottfried Semper’s discussion of the techniques of stereotomy in Style in the

Technical and Tectonic Arts (1860-63), geological specimen four, examines the
mathematical operations that impose form on matter as a vehicle of immanence.
Semper grounds the epistemology of the techniques of stereotomy upon the on-
tology of the hearth and foundation walls, theorizing a “crystalline universe” in
which the a priori mathematics of geological formation gives rise to architectural
tectonics.
John Ruskin’s Stones of Venice, geological specimen five, achieves immanence in

the attempt to formulate a universal aesthetic law capable of distinguishing good
architecture from “clumsy” copies. Ruskin’s law incorporates the tropes of geo-
logical decay (mouldering), mineralogical assaying (touchstones), and geological
formation (crystallization) as developmental models ensuring the legitimacy and
authenticity of the aesthetic outcomes.
Joseph Michael Gandy’s Architecture: Its Natural Model (1838), geological specimen
six, deploys hybrid logics as a vehicle of immanence, operating between the activi-
ties of humans and primates, and between the formal logics of geology and architec-
ture. Gandy’s capriccio is a collection of natural wonders that positions geological
“life” between the site-specificity of the individual formations and the agency of the
human imagination capable of gathering them together. Within this capriccio we
witness the seamless merging of natural creation and human production.
In geological specimen seven, Mineral Loads or Veins and their Bearings, from
Diderot and d’Alembert’s Encyclopédie, geological life is rendered immanent
through the commodification of the earth in terms of its resources and the human
labour required to extract them. The project of the Encyclopédie is fully entangled
with the instrumentalization of culture and the productive knowledge that it oc-
casions. Within the Encyclopédie, immanence is achieved through the exhaustive
cataloguing of disparate techniques of cultural production and their capacity to
establish new epistemological horizons.
In Piranesi’s examination of the foundations of ancient Roman culture, geological

specimen eight, immanence is located between the almost mythological exaggera-
tion of the “Foundations of the Theater of Marcellus” and the scientific explanation
of the construction of the “Mausoleum of Cecilia Matella.” Through the parallel sub-
tractive practices of archeology and etching, life (the life of a building, the life of a
ruin) is made immanent in Piranesi’s work, through its analogy with the processes
of discovery and representation.
Athanasius Kircher’s Mundus Subterraneus (1664), geological specimen nine,

presents an interiorized view of geological formation in which all development
106
emanates from within. In Kircher’s oeuvre, generative creation is mapped from the
scale of geological formation to the scale of physiographic metamorphosis, leading
to the conclusion that geological configuration is an act of design. Here, the vehicle
of immanence resides in the belief that within the development of every medium, a
formational impulse can be made intelligible.
Finally, in the transition from alchemical transmutation to nuclear physics,

geological specimen ten, the vehicle of immanence is scientific explication. The
Philosopher’s Stone was a trope that aligned the possibility of human transforma-
tion and change with the possibility for physical change in the material world—it
registered a condition of intrinsic development against a condition of extrinsic
development, utilizing the observation of one to theorize changes in the other. The
deployment of this same term in the context of nuclear physics produced a vehicle
of immanence that was ever more interiorized, and ever more radicalized in terms
of its implications.
In architecture’s lapidarium, the immanent life of geology is made manifest; the

complicity of mineralogical crystallization and human mathematization is ex-
pressed; the intelligibility of natural formation and human fabrication is articulat-
ed. Within this collection of geological specimens, the intermingling of the earth’s
generative forces and human productive ambitions become one, anticipating the
architecture of the Anthropocene.
Notes
1 Aldo Rossi, A Scientific Autobiography, trans. Lawrence Venuti (Cambridge, Mass.: The
MIT Press, 1981), 1.
2 Stendhal actually wrote two autobiographical accounts, and both were published
posthumously. The Life of Henry Brulard was published as a fiction, whereas Souvenirs
d’égotisme (The Memoirs of an Egoist), published in 1892, was framed as a more standard
autobiographical account. But there is agreement amongst scholars that The Life of Henry
Brulard, though posited as a fiction, is the more autobiographically accurate of the two.
For the purposes of this argument, the metric of “life,” even Stendhal’s own life, operates
seamlessly between fictional and realistic accounts.
3 Erich Auerbach persuasively argues that Stendhal’s writing is not influenced by the
pervasiveness of historicism; though he places the events of his life in perspective and
is aware of the constant changes around him, this does not result in an evolutionary
understanding. Auerbach writes: “[H]e sees the individual man far less as the product of
his historical situation and as taking part in it, than as an atom within it; a man seems to
have been thrown almost by chance into the milieu in which he lives; it is a resistance with
which he can deal more or less successfully, not really a culture-medium with which he is
organically connected.” Erich Auerbach, Mimesis: The Representation of Reality in Western
Literature (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1968), 463–465.
4 Rossi, A Scientific Autobiography, 6.
5 Beyle wrote under at least one hundred different pseudonyms, and in this fact resides
the relationship between a fluid life and the static name that stabilizes it for a moment in
time.

6 Barry Bergdoll, “Of Crystals, Cells, and Strata: Natural History and Debates on the Form of
a New Architecture in the Nineteenth Century,” Architectural History 50 (2007): 6.
7 Martin J. S. Rudwick, Bursting the Limits of Time: The Reconstruction of Geohistory in the
Age of Revolution (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 2005), 9.
8 Ibid.
9 Gilles Deleuze, Pure Immanence: Essays on a Life, trans. Anne Boyman (New York: Zone
Books, 2001), 29.
10 Jane Bennett, Vibrant Matter: A Political Ecology of Things (Durham: Duke University
Press, 2010), 53.
11 Ibid., 54.
12 Giorgio Agamben, Potentialities: Collected Essays in Philosophy, ed. and trans. Daniel
Heller-Roazen (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1999), 223. Agamben goes on to stip-
ulate that “the colon represents a dislocation of immanence in itself, a characterization
suggesting that this crossing or passing is not relational, but rather autonomous.
13 Ibid., 224.
14 Ibid., 234.
15 Jean-Paul Sartre, Being and Nothingness, trans. Hazel E. Barnes (New York: Simon &
Schuster, 1956), 738.
16 16 Karsten Harries, The Meaning of Modern Art (Evanston: Northwestern University
Press, 1968), 50.
17 Steven Connor, Dumbstruck: A Cultural History of Ventriloquism (Oxford: Oxford University
Press, 2000), 52.
18 Page duBois, Sowing the Body: Psychoanalysis and Ancient Representations of Women
(Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1988), 107–108. Elsewhere, duBois describes
thesaurization in this way: “It locates the female as a potential for producing goods
or protecting them. She becomes the locus of inscription, the folded papyrus that sig-
nifies the potential for deception.” See: Page duBois, “The Platonic Appropriation of
Reproduction,” in Feminist Interpretations of Plato, ed. Nancy Tuana (University Park, PA:
The Pennsylvania State University Press, 1994), 139.
19 Albert Camus, The Myth of Sisyphus and Other Essays, trans. Justin O’Brien (New York:
Vintage International, 1983), 121.
20 See Eugène Emmanuel Viollet-le-Duc, Mont Blanc: A Treatise on Its Geodesical and
Geological Constitution; Its Transformations; and the Ancient and Recent State of Its
Glaciers, trans. B. Bucknall (London: Sampson Low, Marston, Searle, & Rivington, 1877).
Originally published in French in 1876.
21 Deleuze, Pure Immanence, 26.
22 Histoire de l’habitation humaine, depuis les temps préhistoriques jusqu’à nos jours (1875),
published in English in 1876; Histoire d’un dessinateur: comment on apprend à dessiner
(1879); and Histoire d’une maison (1873).
23 Henri Bergson, Creative Evolution, trans. Arthur Mitchell (Lanham, Md.: University Press
of America, 1983), 302. (First published in French in 1907, and in English in 1911.)
24 John Rajchman, introduction to Pure Immanence: Essays on A Life, by Gilles Deleuze (New
York: Zone Books, 2001), 13. Rajchman writes: “For immanence is pure only when it is
not immanent to a prior subject or object, mind or matter, only when, neither innate nor
acquired, it is always yet ‘in the making;’ and ‘a life’ is a potential or virtual subsisting in
just such a purely immanent plane.”
108
25 Gottfried Semper, Style in the Technical and Tectonic Arts or, Practical Aesthetics, trans.
Harry Francis Mallgrave and Michael Robinson, Getty Texts and Documents Series (Los
Angeles: The Getty Research Center, 2004), 726.
26 Semper, Style in the Technical and Tectonic Arts, 728.
27 John Ruskin, The Stones of Venice (London: George Allen, 1896), 52.
28 Ibid., 48.
29 Brian Lukacher, Joseph Gandy: An Architectural Visionary in Georgian England (London:
Thames and Hudson, 2006), 189.
30 Ibid.
31 Ibid.
32 Deleuze, Pure Immanence, 29.
33 Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, The Communist Manifesto (London: Verso, 1998), 40.
34 In The Will to Power, Nietzsche describes the monster of energy as follows: “And do you
know what ‘the world’ is to me? Shall I show it to you in my mirror? This world: a monster
of energy, without beginning, without end; a firm, iron magnitude of force that does not
grow bigger or smaller, that does not expend itself but only transforms itself; as a whole,
of unalterable size, a household without expenses or losses, but likewise without increase
or income; enclosed by ‘nothingness’ as by a boundary; not something blurry or wasted,
not something endlessly extended, but set in a definite space as a definite force, and not
a space that might be ‘empty’ here or there, but rather as force throughout, as a play
of forces and waves of forces, at the same time one and many, increasing here and at
the same time decreasing there; a sea of forces flowing and rushing together, eternally
changing, eternally flooding back, with tremendous years of recurrence, with an ebb and
a flood of its forms; out of the simplest forms striving toward the most complex, out of
the stillest, most rigid, coldest forms striving toward the hottest, most turbulent, most
self-contradictory, and then again returning home to the simple out of this abundance,
out of the play of contradictions back to the joy of concord, still affirming itself in this
uniformity of its courses and its years, blessing itself as that which must return eternally,
as a becoming that knows no satiety, no disgust, no weariness: this, my Dionysian world of
the eternally self-creating, the eternally self-destroying, this mystery world of the twofold
voluptuous delight, my ‘beyond good and evil,’ without goal, unless the joy of the circle is
itself a goal; without will, unless a ring feels good will toward itself—do you want a name
for this world? A solution for all of its riddles? A light for you, too, you best-concealed,
strongest, most intrepid, most midnightly men?—This world is the will to power—and
nothing besides! And you yourselves are also this will to power—and nothing besides!”
Friedrich Nietzsche, The Will to Power, trans. Walter Kaufman and R. J. Hollingdale (New
York: Vintage Books, 1967), 549–550.
35 Michel Serres, Rome: The Book of Foundations, trans. Felicia McCarren (Stanford: Stanford
University Press, 1991), 259.
36 Barbara Maria Stafford, Body Criticism: Imaging the Unseen in Enlightenment Art and
Medicine (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1991), 58.
37 Stafford, Body Criticism, 70.
38 Serres, Rome, 275.
39 Paula Findlen, Possessing Nature: Museums, Collecting, and Scientific Culture in Early
Modern Italy (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1994), 186.
40 Barbara Maria Stafford, “Characters in Stones, Marks on Paper: Enlightenment Discourse
on Natural and Artificial Taches,” Art Journal 44, no. 3 (Autumn 1984): 233.

41 Ibid.
42 Ibid., 235.
43 David Orrell, Truth or Beauty: Science and the Quest for Order (New Haven: Yale University
Press, 2012), 72.
44 Ibid.
45 Bennett, Vibrant Matter, 54.
110
Erratic Imaginaries
by Jane Hutton
Thinking Landscape as Evidence
Kidston Lake Rocking Stone, Kidstone Lake, Nova Scotia. Gardner Collection of Photographs, Fig. 01
Harvard College Library
In 1882, the Rev. D. Honeyman wrote about a peculiar geological feature: “The
Rocking Stone of Spryfield has long been regarded as an object of interest. […] I was
astonished at its imposing appearance. Having reached its top by a ladder, which
is placed against it for the convenience of visitors, I enjoyed a strange rock in this
wonderful cradle. My conductor and companion, Simon D. Macdonald, F.G.S., seeing
me seated at the top, went to the end of a lever, also placed in position, and com-
menced operations. The mass began to move, the motion increased and the rocking
commenced, and was continued until I was satisfied.”1 A similarly pleasurable
experience of rocking the Rocking Stone at Kidston Lake in Spryfield, Nova Scotia,
was described 60 years previous in an article in The Glasgow Mechanics Magazine.
After “rocking and inspecting this wonderful stone for some time,” the author
recorded some observations. Pivoting on a flat stone, the Rocking Stone could be
moved by simply mounting it and shifting one’s weight from side to side. With a
short lever, the massive body could be moved about 12 inches in an east-northeast
to west-southwest direction “by a child of 12 years.”2 Noting that there were no
nearby rocks that the Rocking Stone could have broken from, the author concluded
that the anomaly “clearly evidences the skill and power of an Almighty hand!” By
Honeyman’s time, a tall, wooden ladder and a lever were on hand to help rockers
mount the stone and instigate movement. [Fig. 01] Picnickers laid out their spreads
on the flat top and enjoyed the gentle motion produced by their very presence. But
years of recreational rocking eventually wore down the base of the stone, and it
stopped moving. In the 1890s, one group of garrison soldiers allegedly rocked so
hard that the stone became lodged in place. In the 1990s, as part of a clean-up effort
of the surrounding land, members of the local heritage society removed impeding
materials from beneath the stone, freeing it to rock freely once more.3
Even without human force, the boulder was known to move; a strong gust of wind
could trigger its vibration.4 But long before, the Rocking Stone had moved, or had
been moved, even more significantly. In fact, it had been picked up, transported,
and deposited by retreating glaciers about 20,000-26,000 years ago at the end of
the Last Glacial Maximum, or Wisconsin Glaciation Period, when vast ice sheets
extended across North America, Northern Europe, Northwestern Asia and much of
the Andes.5 Honeyman, who was familiar with the local geology and the principles
of glacial transport that were well-known by 1882, took a hammer to the rock to
investigate its mineral composition and posited that the boulder had probably been
moved by some nine or ten miles.
Terrain Erratique
Landscapes conspicuously
strewn with boulders
of foreign origin in the
southern Jura Mountain
region were described by
German-Swiss geologist
Jean de Charpentier as ter-
rains erratiques.6 The term
was later used to describe
not the landscape, but
the individual thing—an
erratic. Charpentier him-
self lived not far from one
Fig. 02 Pierre des Marmettes, from Jean De Charpentier, Essai Sur Les Glaciers
et Sur le Terrain Erratique du Bassin du Rhone (Lausanne: Imprimerie
such rock—the Pierre des
et Librairie de Marc Ducloux, 1841). Marmettes—a ten-metre-
tall granite boulder in the
Swiss Rhône valley. [Fig. 02] Based on its unique granitic composition, the rock
appeared to have come from 30 kilometres up the valley.7 The supposed journey
of such a behemoth confounded expectations and served as the basis of inquiry,
and later as evidence, for Charpentier’s contributions to the development of glacial
theory. This aligns with the trajectory of discovery described by Thomas Kuhn,
who, in The Structure of Scientific Revolutions, writes that “discovery commences
with the awareness of anomaly, i.e. with the recognition that nature has somehow
violated the paradigm-induced expectations that govern normal science.”8 While
Charpentier investigated, public fascination with the boulder proliferated; a tourist
112
pavilion was erected on
top, a version of which
remains today.9 [Fig. 03]
When the rock went up
for sale to an extraction
company in 1905, a na-
tion-wide campaign was
launched to save it. The
ultimately successful case
for preservation was based
entirely on the rock’s
crucial role in the develop-
ment of glacial theory.10
Scientific and lay observa- Postcard, Pierre des Marmettes, (1905) Fig. 03
tions of erratic boulders R. Heyraudt, Publisher, St. Maurice, collection of Vincent Franzen
have served as critical, dis-
tributed evidence for the development of the theory of glaciation; by implication,
ideas of geologic time and the location of humans within it are also entangled in
such a theory. Erratics attracted a wealth of curiosity through their alien lithology
and their unexpected patterns of distribution, both of which were crucial aspects of
the evidence needed to reconstruct an Ice Age. Still, long after they played a role in
establishing modern geohistory, individual boulders persist as cultural artefacts for
provoking and inscribing ideas about time. Certain erratics maintain a dual status
as physical fragments of deep time and contemporary cultural objects that relay
more recent histories. They are curious things—in size, shape, and position. They
are visible and climbable relics of glacial processes too vast to otherwise experi-
ence. They are prone to being used as markers of human events and spaces, yet are
also markers of deep time, having travelled long distances in nearly unimaginable
environments. It is through this conflation of vastly different timescales that errat-
ics bridge a seemingly unbridgeable divide between geological time and human
action.
Flowing ice acts as a massive material conveyor, plucking and transporting frag-
ments of rock as it advances. Glacial melt water enters fractures in the earth’s sur-
face, freezing, expanding, and loosening angular fragments, or blocks, of bedrock.
Rather than being tumbled like river stones, blocks are dragged by the weight of the
glacier, honing angular surfaces. Bound tightly by the ice, they scour the surfaces
that they pass over, and abrade deep parallel grooves in the direction of the ice flow.
In North America, melt water from the toe of the shrinking Laurentide Ice Sheet
carved the Missouri and Ohio River systems, radically modifying the drainage pat-
terns of the whole continent. The rebound of land released from the weight of ice,
the action of melt water on different types of rock, and the deposition of conveyed
debris formed the moraines, drumlins, eskers, and kettle ponds that characterize
glacial surficial geology. The majority of this rock material is deposited near where
Erratic Imaginaries | Jane Hutton 113

it is picked up; a small fraction of it, usually composed of harder minerals, travels
further and ends up deposited elsewhere, often on bedrock with a totally different
mineralogical composition.11 When not embedded in local till, large boulders will
appear curiously on the surface of the land.
The Last Revolution

In the first half of the nineteenth century, efforts to reconstruct geologic time oscil-
lated between two predominant hypotheses: one according to which the earth had
existed for a very short time, estimated at 4000 B.C. by James Ussher; and another
that suggested the earth had an unlimited timescale of repeated cycles of geologic
change.12 Georges Cuvier, then a professor at Paris’s Museum of Natural History,
proposed in his Researches on Fossil Bones (1812) a middle-ground and modern
position, namely that the earth had a vast, non-repeated history, the great majority
of which had occurred before humans existed. Cuvier described successive periods
of calm, interrupted by periods of violent change, which he called “revolutions” and
analogized to the recent political revolution in France.13 The character of the “Last
Revolution” was the most urgent to understand, as it distinguished between the
present (human) world and a vaguely defined past.14
Among the most puzzling features of the Last Revolution were growing accounts
of far-displaced erratic blocks and underlying bedrock scratched with directional
markings. Massive boulders had been found on German plains originating in
Scandinavia, in Brandenburg from across the Baltic Sea, and in St. Petersburg
from somewhere near Finland.15 As early as 1787, Horace-Bénédict de Saussure
described “indicators,” boulders with such particular lithology that they could be
traced to the area from where they had likely originated.16 Straight lines could
then be drawn on a map between the site of an erratic and its probable origin. A
widely circulated explanation was found in William Buckland’s Relics of the Deluge
(1823), which credited the changes to a mega-tsunami or catastrophic flood (which
could be identified as Noah’s Flood) dating back no more than 5,000 years.17 That
scattered boulders, drifts, and U-shaped valleys were evidence of a global diluvial
event resonated strongly in the popular imagination. Thomas Cole’s painting The
Subsiding of the Waters of the Deluge (1829) depicts a scene after the rains of the
great flood have ceased, with a human skull in the foreground and erratic boulders
perched on high peaks signalling the destructive power of the waters.18
The everyday observations of erratic boulders and glacial processes by people

living near them proved valuable for the naturalists seeking answers. Alpine
shepherds remarked to early geologist visitors that large, angular boulders and
abraded surfaces below existing glaciers were evidence that they had once been
much larger. Field observations from one unnamed woodcutter from Meiringen
and a shepherd named Jean-Pierre Perraudin ultimately allowed Charpentier to
speculate that glaciers, not floods, had transported the boulders:19 “The shepherds
114
of the Alps have always had a better knowledge of the phenomena of the glacier
than most scientific men.”20 Similarly, the Swiss naturalist Louis Agassiz credited
Alpine shepherds, who had observed the landscape over time, with being the first
to measure the movement of glaciers and their rate of change.21 Eventually, the ex-
planation that attributed erratic terrain and scratched bedrock to ice floes prevailed
over the dilivual hypothesis. Building on the work of others, Charpentier suggested
that a giant glacier had once extended throughout the Alps. Agassiz’s Etudes sur
les glaciers (1840) expanded on Charpentier’s work, arguing that a single vast ice
sheet had in fact covered much of the continent. These hypotheses were seminal
in the development and communication of a widely accepted theory of glaciation.
“I hardly know anything more instructive to a student of geology,” Agassiz suggest-

ed in 1860, during a lecture in Cambridge, Massachusetts, “than to watch the small
physical phenomena which we see all about us, and by our imagination, conceive
of them as operating on a grand scale.”22 Geologists and artists used the familiar
landscape of glacial debris, erratic blocks, and scratched bedrock in New England to
communicate to the public new theories of the geological past. Landscape artists of
the Hudson River School socialized and conversed with geologists during the sec-
ond half of the nineteenth century, as American landscape painting shifted its focus
from the symbolic and allegorical to the study of natural phenomena with a more
scientific lens. William Haseltine’s painting Rocks at Nahant (1864) references the
directional glacial markings on the Massachusetts shoreline, where both he and
Agassiz spent time. The painting also depicts the same landscape where Agassiz’s
popular Sunday geology walks would take place, which Haseltine often attended.23
Scientific interest in erratics trailed off by the late nineteenth century, yet with their
indubitable physicality and weighty presence they maintain a dual status as objects
of scientific evidence. In Things that Talk, Lorraine Daston writes that such objects,
which both “talk” through the meaning that they produce and are persistent as
“things” in the world, “unsettle views about the nature of both.”24 The apparent
paradoxes that surround knowledge of erratic boulders make them objects of sus-
tained consideration. They are solid, insistent markers in space, yet they indicate a
remote origin, and therefore travel between these two registers of knowing. Their
movements are a result of both subsequent geologic forces and human forces, for
instance in the relocation of a celebrated boulder for its “conservation.” Their tran-
sient reputation destabilizes notions about the natural environment as static and
also challenges assumptions about indigeneity and rights to land. Doreen Massey
notes that in a campaign to promote immigration rights in Hamburg, Germany, a
large, beloved boulder was identified as “our oldest immigrant,” after being gla-
cially transported from modern-day Sweden.25 The campaign challenged residents’
political claims to land through their “intrinsic indigeneity” by calling into question
the stability of the very land upon which their claims were made.
Erratics refer to overlapping moments in scales of time: their original formation,

their glacial deposition, and different events in human history—sometimes they

are even literally carved with a date or name. Unlike the Pierre des Marmettes, the
individual erratic cases that follow were not singled out as demonstrative evidence
for the theory of glaciation in the nineteenth century, although their recorded histo-
ries overlap with the emergence and widespread dissemination of the theory. They
reflect instead a range of efforts to grapple with or manipulate ideas about different
geological time scales.
Rollstone Boulder, Fitchburg, Massachusetts

Just as the Pierre des Marmettes was almost sold and turned into dimensional
stone in 1905, the Rollstone Boulder, perched on Rollstone Hill in Fitchburg,
Massachusetts, was also vulnerable to imminent destruction. The vibrations of an
expanding hilltop quarry threatened to destabilize the 110-ton porphyritic granite
boulder, whose structural integrity had already been a longstanding and active
cause for concern by area residents. From downtown Fitchburg, the boulder’s
silhouette was visible on the hill’s ridgeline, making it an ever-present if somewhat
distant marker among the town’s natural scenography.26 It was a well-known
character that had “survived the ice age,” “held early pilgrims on [its] shoulders,”
“conversed with Mohawk Indian tribes, and observed the creation of Fitchburg and
its surrounding communities,” at least according to I Am The Boulder, a poem by
Robert Boucher.27
The boulder’s feldspar and iron sulphide varies from the granite that it had landed
on, but matched the composition of that found about 100 miles north, in central
New Hampshire. Despite understanding that the boulder had once been a part of
something much bigger, residents had been preoccupied with keeping the rock
whole, lest it break apart and lose the familiar shape by which they had come to
know it. To start, someone had filled the surface cracks with cement. At another
point, an expedition of geologists instigated the wrapping of the rock’s midriff
with a solid iron belt, “to prevent further disintegration.” The concern for the
rock’s wholeness passed between generations; in a 1902 report, a member of the
Fitchburg Historical Society expressed gratitude “to the person or persons whose
kindness and generosity” had taken such care to keep the rock intact.28 Multiple
postcards and photographs show the boulder in various states of repair and dis-
repair, surrounded by geologists, mounted with children, or being “held up” by a
comedic visitor hamming it up for the camera. [Fig. 04]
In the early 1930s, when the rock stood in the way of a derrick that the quarry
wanted to install, it was dragged 200 feet along the hill by a mechanical apparatus.
When quarrying operations expanded on Rollstone Hill in the late 1920s, a special
committee to save the rock was assembled.29 Newspaper clippings from 1930 show
the boulder’s surface marked with a network of white lines in preparation for being
dynamited and relocated downtown. Over the course of 13 weeks, 275 dynamit-
ed fragments were transported to Fitchburg’s Upper Common and reassembled
116
using the white lines as
guides “to assume again its
original famous contours.”
To this day the boulder
remains there adorned
with a plaque that details
its past. The Boston Daily
Globe did not fail to report
on the rock’s resting place
as a confluence of both
glacial and human forces:
“Having been moved only
twice since it was forsaken
by a cold and inhospitable
glacier, the Rollstone
Boulder has taken up its
Postcard, Rollstone Boulder, Fitchburg, Massachusetts Fig. 04
last abode nearer than ever Peter Cristofono collection
to the friendly and admir-
ing citizens of Fitchburg,
whose fortunes, although covering the merest instant in the history of the giant
monument, are doubtless the most interesting of which it has watched.”30
Babson Boulders, Dogtown, Massachusetts

On a visit to the landscape surrounding Dogtown, Massachusetts, in 1858, Henry
David Thoreau described “the most peculiar scenery of the Cape. […] We could see
no house, but hills strewn with boulders, as though they had rained down, on every
side.”31 The area, later known as Dogtown, was the Commons between significant
villages in the mid-seventeenth century; eventually people settled there amongst
the densely bouldered terrain erratique. Smaller glacial rocks were used to build
walls and houses, but larger boulders were steadfast and speckled the landscape.
The town prospered until the mid-eighteenth century, eventually reaching a
population of 80 families; it was only as residents migrated to the coast to take
advantage of abundant fish stocks that the population saw a decline. As the popula-
tion dwindled, buildings decayed, trees colonized the clearings, and dogs ran free,
giving the town its current name.32
Among the descendants of Dogtown’s first English settlers, Roger W. Babson, born
in 1875, maintained a connection with the mostly abandoned town. He built a sum-
mer cottage in the area and made telling its history a lifelong project. The Boston
millionaire businessman, presidential candidate for the Prohibition Party, author,
and founder of three colleges had famously predicted the 1929 stock market crash.
He found particular interest in studying the economic rise and decline of his famil-
ial land. “Connected with the story of Dogtown is a great economic lesson as well

as a story of romance,” he
wrote.33 His autobiography,
Actions and Reactions, in-
volved an especially direct
appropriation of Newton’s
eponymous theory, which
he applied to Dogtown as
an example of the causal
relationship between
morality and prosperi-
ty:34 “Dogtown teaches
me clearly that progress
comes only slowly and
from developing within
the individual self-control,
high ideals and other fun-
damental immunities.”35
Babson saw the landscape,
then associated with
decline and the subject
of ghost stories, as an
opportunity to record and
communicate his lessons.
Having located and

mapped all of the rem-
nant stone cellars from
Fig. 05 Babson Boulders Map pre-existing houses in the
village, Babson marked
Fig. 06 Babson Boulder, Courage, Dogtown, Massachusetts
them by hiring stone work-
ers to carve numbers into
nearby large erratic boulders. He later hired quarry workers to carve slogans into
the boulders, following a circuit through the woods surrounding his property. [Fig.
05] Among the slogans, always inscribed with capital letters to emphasize their
imperative nature, are the following: SAVE, IDEAS, STUDY, INTEGRITY, LOYALTY,
NEVER TRY / NEVER WIN, PROSPERITY FOLLOWS SERVICE, KEEP OUT OF DEBT,
USE YOUR HEAD, INTELLIGENCE, KINDNESS, COURAGE, WORK, INITIATIVE,
INDUSTRY, TRUTH, BE CLEAN, GET A JOB, BE ON TIME, BE TRUE, HELP MOTHER,
SPIRITUAL POWER, IF WORK STOPS VALUES DECAY. At a time when billboard
advertisements were beginning to sprout up everywhere, to which Babson was
adamantly opposed and called “debauching outdoor poster talk,” he constructed
a constellation of rock mottoes. He called the project his “Life’s Book,” and wrote
that, “my family says that I am defacing the boulders and disgracing my family with
these inscriptions, but the work gives me a lot of satisfaction, fresh air, exercise,
and sunshine. I am really trying to write a simple book with words carved in stone
118
instead of printed on paper.”36 [Fig. 06]
The erratic boulders of Dogtown were convenient media for Babson’s distributed
lessons. They insisted on personal moral responsibility at the exact moment of
systemic economic collapse in the United States. The boulders scaled appropriately
for such messages were those too large to be cleared or used for other construction
purposes; as such, they were pre-colonial and had witnessed the complete eco-
nomic cycle of the village. Babson enlisted their reference to the past generations’
economic decline as a way of provoking better moral action in the future.
Medicine or Prayer Rock, Ipswich, South Dakota

While Babson marked boulders to incite moral behaviour, the “Medicine
or Prayer Rock” in Ipswich, South Dakota, outside of the Marcus P. Beebe
Memorial Library, is marked as a static monument to a naturalized indige-
nous past, while patronizing its significance. The embossed sign standing
next to the rock reads: “Found near Mobridge, the impression was tediously
incised by some old Indian intent on building himself up as a medicine man.
Once formed it was a symbol of great power and was venerated by the Indian
who believed it was the work of the ‘Wakan’ or Great Spirit. – Erected 1962,
Ipswich Commercial Club.” The rock was removed from its location southeast of
Mobridge, and taken 68 miles to the main walkway of the public library. On one side
of the rock is an impression of two hands, spread apart as if the body they belonged
to was leaning heavily into the surface. A plaque bolted to the street-facing side of
the rock commemorates the library—not the rock—named in memory of Beebe,
the first president of the bank of Ipswich. [Fig. 07]
Other boulders with similarly incised handprints are on display at the Marshall City
Prayer Rock Museum in Britton, SD. Not only does their relocation raise serious
questions about rights and repatriation, display efforts sometimes assume the
need to physically preserve the rock in its “found state” by encasement or weather
proofing. Linea Sundstrom writes that this instinct is odds with northern Plains
conceptions of rock art, which is not understood as a static media: “Instead, it
changes constantly (or one’s perception of it changes), so that one sees something
different each time the rock art is examined.”37 It is expected to weather, deteriorate,
and eventually fall apart. Sundstrom distinguishes this overzealous preservation
from the importance of protection from desecration and vandalism.
The rock is featured as one of Ipswich’s main tourist attractions. It is in the fore-
ground of a local mural that depicts the elements central to the town’s history,
including the founding of the Yellowstone Trial and the extension of rail lines to the
town. Apart from tipis in the distant corner of the mural, all traces of the Lakota or
Dakota populations have been erased. At the library, not only does the installation
erase the rock’s significance by using it merely as a means to point to the building, it

assumes that the rock is no
longer of significance to the
populations from which it
came, and for whom it is
an important element in
creation myths. In a study
of rock art significant to
Native American groups in
South Dakota, Sundstrom
writes that such rocks
are, in certain cases, still
sacred to single or multiple
groups; accordingly, the
Ipswich library site and
other civic landscapes in
South Dakota are “not very
Fig. 07 Medicine or Prayer Rock, Ipswich, South Dakota appropriate locations for
Photo courtesy of J. Stephen Conn traditional religious activ-
ities.”38 The transportation
and representation of the Prayer Rock have manipulated and inverted time such
that the indigenous people confronted by both early colonial expansion and con-
temporary violence are erased and relegated to a naturalized pre-history.
Plymouth Rock, Plymouth, Massachusetts

The Yellowstone Trail, whose ambitious founder came from Ipswich, South Dakota,
imagined it as “A Good Road from Plymouth Rock to Puget Sound.” As in this slogan,
Plymouth Rock typically signifies much more than the rock itself. Visitors today are
often surprised by its modest size and complete encapsulation in a caged enclosure.
At the time of the arrival of British Separatists in Plymouth Harbour, the Plymouth
Rock, which may have been used to prop up a disembarkment plank, weighed 200
tons.39 As Alexander de Tocqueville wrote, “A few poor souls trod for an instant on
this rock, and it has become famous, it is prized by a great nation; fragments are
venerated, and tiny pieces distributed far and wide.”40 Over the course of 400 years,
the rock has been split so it could be displayed at alternate locations, fractioned and
sold, mortared, trimmed, and in 1920, waterproofed. Fragments of the rock reside
in Los Gatos, California, Brooklyn, the Nevada State Museum, the Smithsonian in
Washington D.C., and exist as paperweights, tie clips, and cufflinks.41
The piece that remains in Plymouth is a five-by-six-foot rounded fragment, enclosed

in a shrine within a granite and iron portico. [Fig. 08] The granite boulder’s origin
has been often traced close to Boston. John McPhee notes how claims that the rock
may have travelled from the area associated with British Canada caused enough
anxiety to elicit further official study.42 The rock’s symbolism is highly mutable and
120
transferable, being recalled as a symbol of stoicism by Daniel Webster, of freedom
from oppression by abolitionists, and signifying the protection of immigrants.43 At
the first meeting of the Organization of Afro-American Unity, Malcolm X also took on
the origin myth of the rock, quoting Cole Porter: “We didn’t land on Plymouth Rock.
The rock landed on us.”44
The first National Day

of Mourning was held
in 1970 overlooking the
fiftieth annual costumed,
re-enactment of the “Day of
Thanksgiving” at Plymouth
Rock. Wampanoag lead-
er Wamsutta, whose
speech had been invited
and then censored by
the Commonwealth of
Massachusetts, delivered
it on nearby Cole’s Hill
where a boulder monu-
Postcard, Massasoit Statue, Portico over Plymouth Rock, The Fig. 08
ment for the National Day Mayflower. 1930-45. The Tichnor Borthers Collection,
of Mourning has been in- Boston Public Library
stalled. [Fig. 09] Mahtowin
Munro and Moonanum James of The United American Indians of New England,
organizers of the Day of Mourning, refute the official history:
We object to the “Pilgrim Progress” parade and to what goes on in Plymouth

because they are making millions of tourist dollars every year from the false
pilgrim mythology. That money is being made off the backs of our slaugh-
tered indigenous ancestors. […] And no, they did not even land at that sacred
shrine called Plymouth Rock, a monument to racism and oppression which
we are proud to say we buried in 1995.45
In Charles Lyell’s Principles of Geology, under the heading, “Prejudices arising from
our peculiar position as inhabitants of the land,” the author acknowledges the diffi-
culty of inhabiting “almost exclusively a theatre of decay, and not of reproduction.”
In his words:
He who has observed the quarrying of stone from a rock, and has seen it
shipped for some distant port, and then endeavours to conceive what kind of
edifice will be raised by the materials is in the same predicament as a geolo-
gist, who, while he is confined to the land, sees the decomposition of rocks,
and the transportation of matter by rivers to the sea, and then endeavours to
picture himself the new strata which Nature is building beneath the waters.46

That we witness just frag-
ments of physical matter
at single moments of time,
yet seek to understand
the world of dynamic
materials over deep time,
is a perpetual conundrum
when visualizing and
understanding geological
processes. While confined
to the land and a particular
time, erratic boulders have
helped resolve some of the
paradoxes of geology by
allowing scientists to piece
Fig. 09 National Day of Mourning plaque, Plymouth, Massachusetts
Photo courtesy of Gerald Azenaro
together a cohesive theory
about the earth’s distant
past, as well as understand, ponder, and re-write time at multiple scales. Beyond
their role as scientific evidence, their glacial history, pervasive distribution, and cu-
rious shapes and sizes have made them enigmatic characters. These characteristics
include the ability to move or rock, thereby echoing their earlier glacial motion, as
with the Kidston Lake Rocking Stone; to become affectionate local characters and
produce human desires to maintain them as “whole” figures, as with the Rollstone
Boulder; to be media for the transmission of ideas about more recent cycles of
human history, as with the Babson Boulders; to be used to encapsulate, make
static, and efface a poorly understood indigenous history, as with the Medicine or
Prayer Rock; and finally as a tool for myth-making and myth-contesting, as with
the Plymouth Rock. While each of these boulders has been used in specific and
instrumental ways by humans, it is their concurrent references to multiple scales
of time, to multiple agents of change—both human and non-human, both scientific
and popular—that makes them potent figures.
Not long after the theory of glaciation had become widely accepted, George Perkins
Marsh’s 1868 publication Physical Geography as Modified by Human Action intro-
duced the idea of human action as a force of change at the scale of the landscape: “As
we have seen, man has reacted upon organized and inorganic nature, and thereby
modified, if not determined, the material structure of his earthly home.”47 The sci-
entific and lay interest in erratic boulders is nestled between Marsh’s observation
that humans had agency in the transformation of the world around them, and the
newly theorized proposition that glacial processes had transformed the world at
scales previously unimaginable. Through these two entry points, erratics manage
to link the seemingly irresolvable chasm between human and geological action.
122
Acknowledgments
Many thanks to Senta Burton for her assistance and insights, as well as to Joyce
Rosenthal and Shantel Blakely for their comments on the text. This project stemmed
from research for an exhibition that I curated in 2009, the theme for which was
originally proposed by Charles Waldheim, whom I’d like to thank introducing me
to the topic.
Notes
1 Rev. D. Honeyman, “Nova Scotia Geology (Superficial)”, Proceedings of the Nova Scotian
Institute of Science, Vol. 5, Part 4 (Halifax, 1882), 329.
2 “Description of the Rocking Stone, in Nova Scotia,” The Glasgow Mechanics Magazine; and
Annals of Philosophy, 1 (1824): 349.
3 Elizabeth Eve, “Rockingstone Road,” in Halifax Street Names: An Illustrated Guide, ed.
Shelagh Mackenzie and Scott Robson (Formac Publishing Company: Halifax, 2004), 137.
4 Ibid., 136.
5 Peter U. Clark et al., “The Last Glacial Maximum,” Science 325, no. 5941 (August 2009):
710–714.
6 Jean de Charpentier, Essai sur les glaciers et sur le terrain erratique du bassin du Rhone
(Lausanne: Imprimerie et Librairie de Marc Ducloux, 1841).
7 Martin J. S. Rudwick, Worlds Before Adam: The Reconstruction of Geohistory in the Age of
Reform (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2008), 510.
8 As pointed out in Timothy Mitchell, “Frederic Church’s ‘The Icebergs’: Erratic Boulders
and Time’s Slow Changes,” Smithsonian Studies in American Art 3, no. 4 (1989): 12.
9 Rudwick, Worlds Before Adam, 511.
10 E. Reynard, “Protecting Stones: Conservation of Erratic Blocks in Switzerland,” in
Dimension Stone, ed. R. Prikryl (London: Taylor & Francis, 2004), 5.
11 Richard Foster Flint, Glacial Geology and the Pleistocene Epoch (New York: J. Wiley & Sons,
1947), 75.
13 Ibid., 13.
14 Ibid., 190.
15 Ibid., 502.
16 Flint, Glacial Geology And The Pleistocene Epoch, 117.
18 Rebecca Bedell, “Thomas Cole and the Fashionable Science,” Huntington Library Quarterly
59, no. 2 & 3 (1996): 365.
19 Martin Rudwick, “Essay Review of Studies on Glaciers, preceded by the Discourse of
Neuchatel by Louis Agassiz, translated and edited by Albert V. Carozzi,” in The New Science
of Geology: Studies in the Earth Sciences in the Age of Revolution (Ashgate: Variorum, 2004),
142.
20 Ralph W. Dexter, “Historical Aspects of Agassiz’s Lectures on Glacial Geology (1860-61),”
Earth Sciences History 8, no. 1 (1989): 77.
21 Ibid., 78.

22 Ibid., 75.
23 Rebecca Bedell, The Anatomy of Nature: Geology & American Landscape Painting, 1825-
1875 (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2001).
24 Lorraine Daston, ed., Things That Talk (New York: Zone Books, 2008), 15
25 Doreen Massey, “Landscape as a Provocation: Reflections on Moving Mountains,” Journal
of Material Culture 11, no. 33 (2006): 33–48.
26 William Andrew Emerson, Fitchburg, Massachusetts, Past and Present (Fitchburg, Mass.:
Blanchard & Brown, 1887), 18.
27 Robert Boucher, “I Am the Boulder.”
28 Fitchburg Historical Society, Proceedings of the Fitchburg Historical Society and Papers
Relating to the History of the Town Read by Some of the Members, Vol 3 (Fitchburg, Mass.:
Sentinel Printing Company, 1902), 151.
29 “Rugged Rollstone Boulder Moved with Great Effort Now Wants Plaque Back,” Fitchburg
Sentinel, 20 December 1938, http://home.iprimus.com.au/metzke/rollstoneboulder.
html.
30 “Fitchburg’s Historic Bowlder Moved with Care to Site in Park,” Daily Boston Globe, 25
December 1930..
31 Bradford Torrey, The Writings of Henry David Thoreau, XI, July 2 1858-February, 1859,
(Boston: Houghton Mifflin and Company, 1906), 179.
32 Fred Woods, “Keep Out of Debt Help Mother,” Boston Globe, 19 August 1973.
33 Elizabeth Martin, “Deconstructing Marginality: Exploring the Foundations of Dogtown
Common, Massachusetts” (PhD diss., City University of New York, 2011), 141.
34 Roger W. Babson, Actions and Reactions: An Autobiography of Roger Babson (New York:
Harper & Brothers, 1935), 337.
35 Woods, “Keep Out of Debt Help Mother.”
36 Ibid.
37 Linea Sundstrom, “Rock Art and Native Americans: A View from South Dakota,” Plains
Anthropologist 44 (1999): 74.
38 Ibid., 71.
39 John McPhee, “Our Far Flung Correspondents: Travels of the Rock,” The New Yorker, 26
February 1990, 108.
40 Sargent Bush, “American’s Origin Myth: Remembering Plymouth Rock,” American Literary
History 12, no. 4 (Winter 2000): 745.
41 McPhee, “Our Far Flung Correspondents,” 130.
42 Ibid., 109.
43 Christiana Morgan Grefe, review of Memory’s Nation: The Place of Plymouth Rock, by John
Seelye, Journal of Popular Culture 38, no. 1 (Aug. 2004): 212–214.
44 Thanks to Amy Kulper for pointing this out.
45 Moonanum James and Mahtowin Munro, “Thanksgiving: A National Day of Mourning for
Indians,” United American Indians of New England, http://www.uaine.org/dom.htm.
46 Charles Lyell, Principles of Geology or, the Modern Changes of the Earth and its Inhabitants
(London: John Murray, 1854), 81.
47 George Perkins Marsh, Physical Geography as Modified by Human Action (New York:
Charles Scribner, 1864), 8.
124
Swimming in It (2012)
Chester Rennie
Mixed Media
3:00 AM 7:00 AM
3:00 PM 11:00 AM
7:00 PM 11:00 PM
The project Swimming in It is a site-specific exploration of the transition of

a former open-pit iron mine and current aggregate production site into a
hydro-electric pumped storage facility. The site was originally developed as
an iron mine by Bethlehem Steel but was decommissioned after 30 years of
production because of the incursion of water from the surrounding karst
landscape. In the time since its decommissioning, the pit has gradually filled
with water, trembling aspen and goldenrod have colonized the overburden,
and the remainders of equipment have rusted into ruin. Soon the pit and
overburden will be connected through the electrical grid to an entire prov-
ince of distributed electrical objects that will move the water into the upper
reservoir and back into the pit every day. This project creates two swimming
pools within the pit which provide visitors with amplified material and
physical access to the infrastructure of consumption which helped produce
the site.
126
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Swimming in It | Chester Rennie 127

128
Time Matters
Elizabeth Grosz in Conversation with Heather Davis and Etienne Turpin
On Temporality in the Anthropocene

Architecture is often, and for readily apparent reasons, considered through
spatial perspectives, but its intersection with the Anthropocene—what
the Anthropocene demands—is nothing less than a reconsideration of ar-
chitecture’s temporal qualities. In an era where we see intense changes in
weather, species, and geology at an unprecedented rate, the question of time
is increasingly impinging on us. Indeed, the ways that architecture shifts,
changes, transforms, degrades, breaks down, and evolves herald particular
kinds of futures through its various territorializations and movements over
time.
Elizabeth Grosz has been engaging with precisely these questions of dura-
tion, life, transformation, evolution, and time for at least the past decade.
In her own book on architecture, Architecture from the Outside: Essays on
Virtual and Real Space (2001), she suggests that architecture’s outside, that
which affords a perspective, is precisely the question of time. Time is that
which both subtends and expands or dilates space, and its consideration can
push spatial practices such as architecture in different directions, towards
different ways of living or inhabiting. Grosz tackles the subject of architec-
ture again in her 2008 book Chaos, Territory, Art: Deleuze and the Framing of
the Earth, but with a different emphasis. Here, architecture is placed as the
“first art,” in Deleuze’s sense, as the marking of a territory that temporarily
and provisionally allows chaos to slow enough for new intensities to be felt
and to emerge.1 This framing of the earth signifies the origins of architecture,
which provides the basis upon which other arts manifest themselves. It is,
like all the other arts, not exclusively human, but is a property of life itself—
its endless proliferation in and through difference.
Time, as the condition for the emergence of difference, is central to Grosz’s

thought. As she says in her most recent book, Becoming Undone, “I would
prefer to understand life and matter in terms of their temporal and dura-
tional entwinements. Matter and life become, and become undone. They
transform and are transformed.”2 It is this capacity for transformation, for
self-overcoming that, she insists, is the “condition for the emergence of art,
for the eruption of collective life, and for the creation of new forms of politics,
new modes of living.”3 It is precisely through the privileging of evolutionary
time that life can be understood through its excessiveness, through its
continual transformation, offering a mode of self-overcoming. And it is an
overcoming of philosophy, of the humanities, by way of thinking the human
in its place—as simply one species among many which emerged, flourished,
and will eventually go extinct—that Grosz asks us to consider. By looking
at the human through the lens of deep time, Grosz offers a new approach
to philosophy, as well as to architecture. Her clarity and unflinching vision,
which avoids both romantic and nihilistic pitfalls, continues to profoundly
mark contemporary philosophy. It was with considerable pleasure that we
posed to her these questions on how to think through architecture under
contemporary geologic conditions.
Heather Davis & Etienne Turpin In the essay “Technical Mentality,” Gilbert
Simondon advances a schema whereby processes of individuation occur on the
level of objects themselves. In his words, “if one imagines an object that, instead of
being closed, offers parts that are conceived as being as close to indestructible as
possible, and others by contrast in which there would be concentrated a very high
capacity to adjust to each usage, or wear, or possible breakage in case of shock, of
malfunctioning, then one obtains an open object that can be completed, improved,
maintained in the state of perpetual actuality.”4 In many ways, this objective of
being maintained in a state of perpetual actuality, in a continual process of indi-
viduation, seems to be one of the goals of architecture, or architectural projects
broadly speaking. At the same time, we live in an era where the obsolescence of
buildings is increasingly expedited, even as their accumulation, sedimentation, and
transformation into landfills becomes a contributor to what we have come to know
as the Anthropocene. In our contemporary moment, what is the evolutionary force
of architecture?
Elizabeth Grosz Architecture is both an evolutionary invention, one not made by

man but one that perhaps made man’s emergence possible (the human requires
architecture, protection, territory in its loosest sense, a non-possessable milieu, to
become man and perhaps even to move beyond man). And it is itself always open
to evolutionary forces, forces of destruction even more than of construction or
reconstruction, always being re-contextualized, transformed both within and in its
architectural and natural contexts. A building has a finite life, even if it extends be-
yond its currently living occupants; it tends to become rubble without active inter-
vention. What Simondon suggests about the technical object is that its parts may be
replaceable, but to the extent that an object can evolve, change its design, become
something else, it must still retain some kind of form, a plan, a finality, a functional-
ity. The object, whether a technical object or a natural or cultural object, is no less
prey to evolutionary forces than any other identity or form of cohesion. But as a
technical object (like a building), many of its parts can be “upgraded,” “renovated”
without fundamentally transforming it; or equally, it is capable of being thoroughly
transformed, a new building on an old foundation, a new building behind an old
façade, in a more or less continuous movement. Evolution, as opposed to invention,
always proceeds through continuity, just as invention involves the sudden cohesion
or a new way of operating of many parts that may preexist the invented object.
130
HD&ET In Architecture from the Outside, you write: “Architecture relies on a dou-
ble nature—nature as standing reserve, as material to be exploited and rewritten,
but also a nature that is always the supersession and transformation of limits and
thus beyond the passivity of the reserve or the resource, nature as becoming or
evolution.”5 In the time of the Anthropocene, a period that marks itself by human
intervention as much as by a surpassing of the human, how does the place of ar-
chitecture change? Given the current force of evolutionary momentum, torqued
and sped up to the point of human time, what futures can architecture create or
inhabit? Does this necessitate an engagement with the untimely in architecture and
design? Do the pressures of the Anthropocene force an evolutionary becoming of
architecture at the same rate as the rest of the biological world, or as a creative ges-
ture of futurity? Or, does our continued (biological, cultural, and economic) reliance
upon nature as standing reserve draw architecture back into a necessarily reactive
position?
EG This is a very complex set of questions. Architecture as we know it, human

architecture, is one of the products or creations of, as well as one of the precon-
ditions for, the age of man, if such a thing exists. It depends, of course, on how
long one dates the Anthropocene, whether from the industrial revolution or from
the emergence of human civilization in Africa, Asia and elsewhere. In linking the
Anthropocene to the industrial revolution and beyond, for example, architecture
becomes a possession; it becomes fixed, and linked less to the marking of territory
than to its inhabitation. It becomes the place where living becomes separated from
the lives of others. It becomes the place for the worker who produces commodities.
It becomes a commodity, and then one that signifies as well as functions, that can be
read just as much as it can be used or inhabited. Architecture, like all art, has the po-
tential, or capability, of addressing and bringing into existence new qualities, new
forces, new ways of living, new forms of connection and disconnection from social
relations. But equally, it tends to function, like most forms of art, as a commodity
more than as a mode of art. As such, the cheaper and more appealing to buyers
and renters, the more consumable architecture is; the more driven by commodity
production and consumption, the more “successful” it is. So architecture, in short,
has the capacity to both extend man’s destruction of the environment, but also,
at its best but much more rarely, it retains the capacity to invent new modes of
co-existence, more sustainable ways of living and more aesthetic experiences of
inhabitation.
Nature as standing reserve is nature as an endless resource to be consumed with-

out thought. Here nature is not seen as having a force of its own, but as raw material
for human ends or goals that may be imposed on or extracted from it. Clearly, we
are at an historical moment when this raw resource will no longer be capable of
sustaining billions of people in the same way that socially and nationally privileged
subjects live. It will be only through an invention, not only at an architectural but
also at agricultural and environmental levels, that new kinds of building, and new
kinds of coexistence, might become possible. I don’t want to suggest, however, that
Time Matters | A Conversation with Elizabeth Grosz 131

the age of man can be overcome by man. This is perhaps the very same arrogance
that produced the Anthropocene, the human tendency to believe in its own power,
its problem-solving capacities, even as it has undertaken ruinous activity that im-
perils other forms of life. It is only hubris that leads us to believe that if the human
has polluted and nearly destroyed vast environments, it can somehow restore what
it has destroyed. It may be that we have not only summoned up a new architecture,
new arts, new ways of living, but new forms of self-destruction, new ways of over-
coming the human, new ends for architecture.
HD&ET How do we think the time of the future without humans? In other words,
is the time of the future, that is, the becoming of humankind and its speculative
evolution, an encounter with the virtual of the human as species? Is the future of
humanity, as a nonhuman future, thus a time of the virtual? Does the nature of the
virtual change if there is no time of the present, at least to humans?
EG Time exists without us. It is we who cannot exist or conceive of ourselves

without it. Time continues whether we exist or not, for it is the condition of every
existence, every object, natural or technical, every universe, and even the origin of
all universes. The future may not involve an encounter with the human; its virtual-
ities may just as readily be left un-actualized as a future life form elaborates them
according to its interests. Will the human be an object of reflection for that which
replaces the human? Who is to know? The past, the present, and the future do not
require the human to exist and to function: just as the human emerged, gradually,
through the elaboration and evolution of primates, so too the human will disappear,
as an inevitability, given an indeterminate time span. Whatever the human provides
for the future, or for any future species, will only emerge from what that species
may require; otherwise the human will remain an un-actualized virtuality, no dif-
ferent than any other extinct species. Time, as simultaneously virtual and actual,
past and present, will continue in precisely its own way, even without the presence
of the human. The present abides, continuously, ceaselessly, whether observed, or
experienced, or not.
HD&ET What brings you back, again and again, to questions of time? For at least
the past decade, you have been reading and writing on Bergson, Darwin, Deleuze,
and Irigaray, talking about the evolutionary time that subtends other systems, but
with variation and difference in each of their iterations in your latest books. What
happens to thought itself in this process of durational unfolding? How does think-
ing change against, or in relation to, the changing horizon of deep time?
EG One of the things that attracted me to Bergson in particular was his idea that
the present contains all of the past within it, carrying it as it continuously trans-
forms itself. The earliest events—even those bound up with the very origins of the
universe, long before the evolutionary emergence of life—do not cease to have their
effects on everything that is subsequent, even if they are restructured, given new
impact and force, made meaningful, in their present effects. In other words, every
132
actual present is subtended by the virtual entirety of the past. So deep time, the
time of the universe’s unfolding, the construction of the earth and all that appears
on it, the eruption of life forms, all the momentous and unpredictable emergences
never cease; they function both as an historical horizon but also as unspent forces,
forces whose effects have not been used up by all the time that has separated the
present from its primordial past. Thinking can appear only at a certain moment
within this evolutionary framework, as an effect of a certain degree of complexity of
the body, or, as Simondon might suggest, as a result of a set of tensions at the level
of the organism that requires a new order, a new mode of existence to be invented
or individuated. Thinking is made in durational flow, but, as Bergson suggests,
that which can think does not necessarily think its own durational invention and
elaboration. Thinking is a product or effect of life lived in a hazardous world; its
emergence solves a problem by creating a new level at which the problem might
be addressed, if not solved. So it is not clear, as Bergson suggests of intelligence,
whether thought can adequately think duration, even as it exists only as an effect of
evolutionary duration. This is what I have struggled to address in the last decade:
how to think time, given that time’s force is more lived, more qualitative than it is
measurable, countable or mappable, which are all spatial qualities?
HD&ET Even within the writing itself—your particular aesthetic, that is—there
are moments when your texts feel like a kind of musical score, with a refrain that
gets repeated, both to induce a feeling of difference as well as produce something
new. Deleuze and Guattari talk about the refrain as a particular kind of repetition
that has the capacity to create thought, and mark the territory of thought. Is it pos-
sible to think of this kind of repetition in architectural terms—not as a scaffolding,
nor in the sense of infrastructure, but in the sense of processes of territorialization?
EG Yes, I do think that there is something of the refrain, and of rhythm, in archi-
tecture, in the flows of movement, of bodies, practices, but also of air, heat, cold,
electricity, and the internet, as well as the flow of materials that are used in con-
struction. Each of these forms a refrain, a melodic tracing out of space to form a
bounded territory within which qualities, particularly rhythms and temporalities,
can emerge. Repetition, or perhaps seriality, is a condition of architecture, and
there can be great beauty in the orders of repetition, through the spacing, materials,
and movements that architecture creates. It is significant, though, that Deleuze and
Guattari’s concept of the refrain places architecture in a different position than mu-
sic. As the “first art,” the art that enables all the other arts to emerge, architecture
has a more primordial connection to the earth, to location and territory, than any
other art. It is only through the “construction” or creation of a circle of safety that
the refrain can emerge as such and condition the eruption of music, painting, dance
and the other arts. This is architecture in its most primitive and animal form—the
marking of land, whether by scent, through walking trails or a fence, and its forms of
occupation, whether nomadic or sedentary. At this most elementary level, architec-
ture is rhythm attached to the earth, a rhythm that enables other rhythms to escape
their location, to deterritorialize themselves, to function elsewhere, anywhere.

HD&ET Since writing Architecture from the Outside, have you seen any shift in
the relationship of architecture to gender or political economy? The postcolonial
theorist Dipesh Chakrabarty, in his essay “The Climate of History,” emphasizes that
while the Anthropocene has consequences for the whole species—especially in
relation to climate change—it is perpetuated unevenly among the species.6 That
is, within a patriarchal, capitalist system, those who create new risks by acceler-
ating climate change are rarely those closest to their consequences. How would
you articulate the significance of gender in the context of the Anthropocene and its
political economic consequences?
EG The simple answer is no, I haven’t seen much of a change in the relationship
between architecture and gender, though no doubt there are more women in
architecture than ever before, and more women winning big commissions and
projects. But along with Irigaray, I would say that architecture and its associated
disciplines—design, urban planning, engineering—are just as male-dominated, as
gender-, race-, and class-privileged as any cultural practice, and more so than most
of the arts. There is no reason it must be this way, except for a history that has
privileged certain kinds of practices and certain kinds of subjects over other possi-
bilities. Climate change, the poisoning of the atmosphere, the extinction of count-
less species, has undoubtedly been effected by those who regulate large amounts
of energy, something rarely accessible to most women throughout human history.
The history of human accomplishment thus far is primarily both a history of self-
and other-destruction, and a history of masculine privilege (among other things).
If men and privileged masculine practices are responsible for climate change, this
does not mean that, as usual, women should be assumed to be those who nurture,
restore to health and heal the world (and humanity). Nor should be assumed that
masculine privilege can somehow fix or overcome the harm it has produced, even if
it could do so.
HD&ET The theorist Tom Cohen uses the term “telemorphosis”7 to describe
how, within the context of contemporary environmental collapse, the spatial and
temporal distance that humans once held between themselves and their actions
is rapidly diminishing. In your own work, you’ve argued, contra Kant, that “space
and time remain conceivable insofar as they become accessible for us corporeally.”8
While our corporeal experience of the Anthropocene seems to be largely at odds
with our biological survival (by way of chemical contamination, toxicosis, radiation,
extreme weather events, etc.), do you think there is an embodied relation that can
be productive of an ethics or a politics for the contemporary?
EG That is the question of the present. I don’t know. I don’t know how we can
mobilize, nor which ethical and political terms may be useful for such a mobiliza-
tion of human energy toward a given goal and the prevention of such a collapse.
All ethics and politics are always already embodied, lived and enacted by bodies of
various types in different social and geographical spaces. But we have not found an
ethics or politics adequate to the overwhelming problems the human—or at least,
134
the dominant forms of the human—has produced. No one seems to have provided
a strategy for collective action, as there seems to be no way these large, almost
intractable problems can be addressed without broad collective agreement. The
polarization and (party) politicization of responses to problems like climate change
ensure that there is no immediately foreseeable ways of addressing these questions
as shared dilemmas and collective responsibilities.
HD&ET Gilles Deleuze, in his reading of Spinoza, argues for the necessity of an
ethology of affects that can preserve the specificity of the body outside of more
abstract concepts of genera or species. This is precisely what Deleuze and Guattari,
in A Thousand Plateaus, call ethics. Just as you have inquired about an ethology of
language, we would like to ask if there could be an ethology of architecture? Can
architecture produce an ethics—perhaps an “untimely” ethics—that could leverage
a kind of ethology of buildings or the built environment?
EG The question of an ethics of affect in the field of architecture is a complex one,

one that at least some architects are attempting to address, in whatever inventive
ways they can—see, for example the adventurous architecture of Arawaka and Gins,
which challenges the body out of its habitual modes while bringing about a new,
almost counter-intuitive body—the way architecture impacts on and transforms
the body to bring out joyous affects and to diminish sad affects, to extend life or
inhibit it. This is not, however, typical of most architecture, which aims at a func-
tionality that is as inexpensive and open to ready transformation (including its own
redundancy) as possible. There are two quite different directions that an ethics or
ethology of architecture may take: one is the direction of responsible, sustainable
housing, in which the environment is impacted as little as possible and the costs
of production are as small as possible. This produces an architecture that tries to
serve a common good, to bring about a functionality that is practical for large and
growing populations. The other direction is more experimental, where buildings are
produced not as cheaply and functionally as possible, but rather through innovative,
often unrepeatable designs that address engineering, construction, or aesthetic
qualities in inventive ways. This is an ethics with a different orientation, without a
clear-cut moral imperative, an ethics of the new, aligned more with art than politics.
Sometimes—rarely—these two orientations are seen in a common project. More
commonly, though, they tend to be two ethical or ethological directions (perhaps
the two directions that also mark natural and sexual selection) between which arch-
itects must chose. The second approach is no doubt more untimely than the first,
which orients itself precisely to the needs of the present and the immediate future.
HD&ET Could architecture, in your view, produce evolutionary-becomings? You

have written that “[t]he living body is itself the ongoing provocation for inventive
practice, for inventing and elaborating widely varying practices, for using organs
and activities in unexpected and potentially expansive ways, for making art out of
the body’s capacities and actions.”9 The pressures that produce or provoke these
becomings are both internal and external to the body itself, and to the body’s own

processes of territorialization, which themselves could produce further becomings.
Is this an approach we can use to determine how architecture is interiorized, how
it is entangled in the evolutionary process itself?
EG Yes, I have no doubt. The built environment is for most of us in the developed
world the context in which “natural selection” occurs, the frame through which the
world impacts the body, whether it is through natural events, like various disasters,
hurricanes, earthquakes, storms, or cultural, economical or political events, wars,
and crises. Cities have become our “habitats,” putting as much external pressure
that we must internally regulate as natural selection does within a purely natu-
ral order. Social and cultural life does not transform natural selection; it simply
orients it to different criteria that are economic and social rather than biological.
Architecture produces at least some of the key elements that constitute the milieu
in which forces affect living beings. It is also one of the objects of evolutionary-be-
coming itself, always developing new forms, new materials in new ways. This is the
political and ethical potential of architecture that we discussed earlier.
HD&ET Despite the increasing tendency of architecture, as a discipline and pro-

fession, toward advertisement, spectacle, and self-promotion, there remains an
important struggle to articulate connections between architecture practices and
the world within which the human attempts to survive, which, at the same time,
it also produces. In this regard, can architecture contribute to the generation of
critical ecologies?
EG Of course it can. Architecture at its best is about providing a constructed envi-

ronment which, on the one hand, contributes as little as possible to further ecolog-
ical destruction, and on the other produces spatial and aesthetic experiences that
enable new forms of subjectivity and new forms of social engagement to emerge.
Architecture is capable of not only developing new forms of design, but also new
materials that are attentive to the habitat from which they are taken, as well as
the habitat to which they now contribute. This is an architecture in which humans,
designers and builders, as well as inhabitants, come to acknowledge the debt they
owe to the natural forces that make their endeavours possible. Such an architecture
is not only possible, but actual, even though it tends to defy the usual conditions
under which architecture is commissioned and built.
HD&ET The human, as a type of body (one that obviously contains a huge variety
of forms and variations), possesses the corporeal and technical capacities that
enable us to radically transform the earth in ways that were even a short time ago
quite unimaginable. This is due, in large part, to the scale of the human as a species.
In the turn to the Anthropocene, can we begin to see the collective enunciation of
the human? Could we read this as a kind of evolutionary death drive?
EG This capacity for radical transformation is a function of scales of population,

but even more it is a function of the scale of technologies that are now capable of
136
terra-forming any region, leveling everything to even out a terrain in a very rapid
period of time. We can now clear a forest in a matter of days, if not hours, with
drastic repercussions for all forms of life sustained there, including, indirectly, the
human itself. I don’t think that it is a death drive, although it is a drive that will in
the longer term result in extinction: in this situation, death—extinction—is an in-
evitable Malthusian conclusion from the rise in populations rather than an orienta-
tion or drive from within species and individuals. The concept of the Anthropocene,
in noting human exceptionalism, also participates in it. Man is not a more
dangerous species than any other; but like all other species, whose species-ex-
istence is finite, this species will inevitably, over time, evolve or become extinct.
Species come into existence and become extinct. Their activities may imperil the
lives of those that share their environment. Man is no different. His technology
increases the rate of change, the scale of change and the feedback consequences
of ecological upheaval; but it does not change the nature of extinction. We have
no need to posit an internal death drive that regulates humans from within, to the
extent that humans already have an external limit on the ability of any environment
to support their activities, for any sustained length of time.
HD&ET We are thinking here of how you describe Darwin’s account of evolution
as “each species, each bodily form, orients the world and its actions in it, according
to its ability to maximize action in the world, the kinds of action that its particular
evolved bodily form enables.”10 At the same time, the death drive is not a simple
desire for death; it is, at least according to the accelerationism of Nick Land, a
tendency to dissipate energy in ways “utterly alien to everything human.”11 Is this
creative, extravagant excess, this energetic dissipation, not also part of the evo-
lutionary process? Could it be a part of an ethology, or ethics, of the human as it
encounters itself, and its own aggregate force, in the Anthropocene?
EG Yes, I believe that it is: evolution is not only the operation of natural selection,
the struggle of life and death, the “survival of the fittest” (to use A.R. Wallace’s
definition of natural selection), but also the operation of sexual selection which
generates often extravagant, spectacular, and excessively perceptible organs, bodily
characteristics and capacities that are linked to attraction and taste, a tendency
not entirely compatible with natural selection. This means that not only is there an
excess of life over death in the existence of species (a function of natural selection),
but there is also an excess of features characterizing life that have little do with sur-
vival and much to do with sexual attractiveness. This is indeed part of evolution as
Darwin conceived it, although there is a strong tendency in contemporary biology
to reduce sexual selection to natural selection and to seek in such features a secret
discernment of survival and reproduction (beauty equals healthiness). I don’t
know how this might guide an ethics of ethology; it is very difficult to generate
an ethics that incorporates not only everyday relations of sociality but also sexual
and intimate relations, which perhaps function according to a different logic. Does
excess and extravagance generate the possibility or actuality of an ethology? And
what might such an ethology look like?

Notes
1 Elizabeth Grosz, Chaos, Territory, Art: Deleuze and the Framing of the Earth (New York:
Columbia University Press, 2008), 3.
2 Elizabeth Grosz, Becoming Undone: Darwinian Reflections on Life, Politics, and Art
(Durham: Duke University Press, 2011), 5.
3 Ibid., 8.
4 Gilbert Simondon, “Technical Mentality,” trans. Arne de Boever, Parrhesia 7 (2009): 4.
5 Elizabeth Grosz, Architecture from the Outside: Essays on Virtual and Real Space
(Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 2001), 101.
6 Dipesh Chakrabarty, “The Climate of History: Four Theses,” in Critical Inquiry 35 (Winter
2009): 197–222.
7 See Tom Cohen, ed., Telemorphosis: Theory in the Era of Climate Change, Volume 1 (Ann
Arbor: Open Humanities Press/MPublishing, 2012).
8 Grosz, Architecture from the Outside, 32.
9 Grosz, Becoming Undone, 20.
10 Ibid., 22.
11 Nick Land, Fanged Noumena: Collected Writings 1987–2007, ed. Robin MacKay and Ray
Brassier (London: Urbanomic, 2011), 283.
138
Fortune Head Geologies (2013)
Lisa Hirmer
Photographs from Fortune Head Ecological Reserve,
Newfoundland, Canada
Fortune Head is the location of a “Global Boundary Stratotype Section and
Point.” This means it is an internationally recognized reference point in the
geologic record, a moment in time and space marked by either a real or the-
oretical golden spike. A reference point, of course, permits the discussion
of one location by describing its relationship to another. In this case, the
reference is the line drawn between the Cambrian and Precambrian periods,
which provides a way for scientists to navigate the nebulous waves of deep
time as they crash together, hinting at the formation of the earth.
On a windy spring day I photograph the rocks, but I cannot see the dividing
line. Perhaps the golden spike is invisible to the untrained eye. The strata of
rock, like the ticks of a clock, suggest a great passage of time, but still appear
indistinct. The dark gray band near the bottom of the rocks is only the result
of waves crashing against them.
140
The Precambrian-Cambrian division is significant in the history of the earth.
The period preceding the Cambrian, the Ediacaran, was an era of soft-bod-
ied and frond-like creatures.1 The Cambrian was a period of great change;
it is even described as an explosion, although explosions in geological time
still take millions of years. It was a time of massive earthquakes and conti-
nental change. New landmasses, oceans, and mountains formed. The very
chemistry of the earth system changed. It was also a time of great evolution-
ary surges, an explosion of new life forms that brought to the world novel
biological features, including skeletons, predation, and sexual reproduction.
One important signal that confirms rocks from the Cambrian era is the
evidence of “bioturbating” organisms. These small, soft-bodied animals
burrowed through the ocean strata while eating the sediment that collected
there. Their burrow patterns leave distinctive, fossilized traces in the geo-
logic record, and are abundant in the rocks of Fortune Head.
Fortune Head Geologies | Lisa Hirmer 141

Our human burrowing activities are marked in the landscape here, too. A
rusty orange stain crumbles out of a gully between the grey strata and into
the ocean. The men in the lighthouse apologize for its presence, explaining
that it is the remains of an old garbage dump which served the town of
Fortune before the geological significance of the site was known, that is,
before it was re-marked as a reference point.
Notes
1 See Don McKay, “Ediacaran and Anthropocene: Poetry as a Reader of Deep Time,” in
Making the Geologic Now: Responses to Material Conditions of Contemporary Life, ed.
Elizabeth Ellsworth and Jamie Kruze (Brooklyn: Punctum Books, 2012), 46-54.
142
Utopia on Ice
by Mark Dorrian
The Climate as Commodity Form
Promotional image from the indefinitely postponed Sunny Mountain Ski Dome project, Dubai Fig. 01
In the lead-up to the 2008 Beijing Olympics, media outlets reported that
the Chinese government intended to use weather modification techniques
to ensure favourable conditions for the games. Playing on the story’s sci-
ence fiction-like strangeness, Western articles tended to locate it as lying
somewhere between an amusing manifestation of cultural eccentricity and a
much more worrying deployment of a weird and even alien technology, replete
with military implications. Such reports show that weather manipulation remains
something that is popularly imagined—like thought control, with which it has an
obscure relation—and situated within the phantasmagoric domain of the other.
Yet it is an idea that is deeply sedimented within the West’s intertwining utopian,
military, technological, and science fiction imaginaries. It is striking that in Thomas
More’s fable, Utopia is first established in an act of what we would today call geo-en-
gineering, the radical reconstruction of environment by culture, when the isthmus
connecting it to the mainland is severed by the legendary founder Utopus.1 As the
island was not already one, and had to be made so, Utopia is from the start present-
ed as a project, a society established within environmental conditions that are at
least specified, and might even be “designed.” And this in turn poses other ques-
tions, not least those concerning weather. It is an issue that would weigh ever more
on utopian speculation, to the point where we find Le Corbusier in 1933 declaring:
“But where is Utopia, where the weather is 64.4˚…?”2 In general terms, this increas-
ing centrality of atmospheric concerns for utopian thought was closely related to
the shifting environmental conditions and contexts to which modernization gave
rise and within which it was pursued; more specifically, it had much to do with the
post-Enlightenment social vision of Charles Fourier.
Fig. 02 Image from Buckminster Fuller and Shoji Sadao’s “Cloud Nine” project, ca. 1960
As is well known, the architectural fulcrum of Fourier’s social system was the
Phalanstery. Home to his associational community bound together through “pas-
sionate attraction,” it was a people’s palace that assumed the form of—in Walter
Benjamin’s characterization—a “city of arcades.”3 Importantly, however, it was also
a climatological mechanism that took its place within Fourier’s larger providen-
tialist schema, which envisaged the transformation of the global climate through
human cultivation.4 In other words, this was a vast, divinely ordained project of
planetary air-conditioning. In his treatise The Theory of the Four Movements (1808),
Fourier depicted the aurora borealis as a seminal effusion that could not enter into
creative conjunction with its southern counterpart until humankind completed
the requisite preparations. These involved increasing the global population to two
billion, and the subsequent cultivation of land as far as 65o north. This, Fourier de-
clared, would trigger the emergence of the “Northern Crown,” a fluidal ring, ignited
through contact with the sun, which would pass light and heat to the earth and
melt the northern ice. With new land thus released for cultivation, the destined
human population of three billion could be fully realized within a newly equalized
and temperate global climate.5 In a Land of Cockaigne-like touch, Fourier claimed
that grapes would be grown in St. Petersburg, while boreal fluid would infuse the
sea with citric acid, giving it the pleasant flavour of lemonade.6 All restrictions
having been removed, the epoch of the Earth’s harmonic creations could then, at
last, begin.
Commenting on Fourier’s followers in pre-Civil War America, William B. Meyer

notes that they “made ‘earth subduing’ one of their goals. [...] They looked forward to
the transformation of the planet, to the removal of ‘those excesses of climate which
144
make a scourge of so large a part of its surface,’
to the eradication of ‘the ices of the poles, and
the fatal heats and miasmas of the tropics.’”7 It
was a theme that would be taken up in science
fiction novels at the turn of the century, such
as A Journey in Other Worlds (1894), written
by the hotel founder, property tycoon, and
inventor John Jacob Astor IV. Set in 2088, the
book envisages various weather control tech-
nologies, including rain production induced
by atmospheric explosions, and so-called
“aeriducts,” tubes through which moist air is
sucked up then discharged to cool and con-
dense at great heights. Most interesting for a
discussion of the Anthropocene, how-
ever, is its idea of eradicating seasonal
extremes and stabilizing temperature
within given latitudes by straightening the
global axis, a feat that would be achieved
Rainmakers Irving Langmuir, Vincent Fig. 03
through moving ballast, in the form of Schaefer, and Bernard Vonnegut at work on
water, between the poles. Too much even for cloud seeding in a GE Laboratory. 1947
2088, this had not yet been accomplished, al-
though an association dedicated to the project—the Terrestrial Axis Straightening
Company—had been formed. Rather ironically, the ice that Astor’s protagonists
battle would also become their author’s nemesis, for he was to become the richest
fatality in the Titanic disaster.
Clearly, axis realignment was in the air at the time, for Astor’s scenario received a
twist only five years later in Jules Verne’s The Purchase of the North Pole (1899), in
which a group of American investors gains the right to mine the Arctic’s mineral de-
posits, entailing the melting of polar ice. Although they present this as a prodigious
and benevolent act of climatic engineering, public opinion turns against them when
it is revealed that they were artillerymen during the Civil War and that they plan
to reorient the world’s axis through the recoil of the world’s largest cannon, which
they propose to construct and fire.
Utopian climatology is, of course, only part of a much longer history of weath-
er control. Securing beneficent rainfall is one of the most familiar objectives
of archaic magic and ritual practices, in which the weather is influenced
through its emblems and homologues. Such was the “serpent ritual” of the
Pueblo Indians—subject of a celebrated lecture by the art historian Aby
Warburg—in which the lightning of the thunderstorm was induced through the
manipulation of its symbolic counterpart, the snake.8 Perhaps too, weather sup-
plies us with our most fundamental idea of weaponry; or at least that of the weapon
in its mythic, godlike form—the weapon that is instantaneous and kills at a distance
Utopia on Ice | Mark Dorrian 145

(close to the idea of being able to kill another by willing it) through some kind of
discharge. All those flashing spears of the epics carry implications of lightning, as
does, even more explicitly, the rifle’s thunderous discharge. In Western narratives
of contact with “primitive peoples,” such as Daniel Defoe’s Robinson Crusoe (1719),
it is the ability to use a gun—to will death across distances, to instantaneously kill
with thunder—that marks its possessor as divine in the eyes of the subaltern.9
It is, however, in Jonathan Swift’s Travels into Several Remote Nations of the
World, by Lemuel Gulliver (1726), a book in which utopian, scientific, satirical,
and travel literatures coalesce into something very much like science fiction,
that we find the first imaginings of a new kind of meteorological weaponry,
one that anticipates the “atmoterrorism” that Peter Sloterdijk has—surely too
restrictively—located in the twentieth century.10 The relevant section is the journey
to the levitating island of Laputa, an enormous, flying saucer-like landmass that
dominates the unfortunate kingdom beneath it, through, among other measures, a
form of bellicose weather control whereby the island hovers above the land under-
neath, modifying its climate by depriving it of sunlight and rainfall, thus subjecting
its inhabitants to drought and famine.
While the utilization of gas in World War I brought a new focus on battlefield
climatology, it was in the immediate aftermath of World War II that speculation
and research on the weaponization of weather escalated. At the end of 1945,
the Princeton University mathematician and game theorist John von Neumann
convened a meeting of leading scientists, who concluded that, with new climate
modeling techniques, intentional modification of the weather might be possible
and that this could have a major impact in another war, for example by forcing the
collapse of Soviet food supplies by creating drought.11 The military potential of
weather modification would find a powerful advocate in Irving Langmuir, whose
assistant at the General Electric Corporation’s research and development labora-
tory, Vincent Schaefer, had in 1946 discovered the still-controversial principle of
cloud seeding. Although research projects proliferated in the following decades,
public consciousness of the issue remained low until the early 1970s, when the
news broke that the US had used weather modification techniques in Vietnam.12
A strong domestic backlash followed, with the events the affair set in motion lead-
ing eventually to the framing of the UN Convention on the Prohibition of Military
or Any Other Hostile Use of Environmental Modification Techniques (known as
ENMOD), which entered into force on 5 October 1978 (though it did not come into
effect for the US until 17 January 1980).13
But it is clear, especially from the 1996 report “Weather as a Force Multiplier:
Owning the Weather in 2025”—one “chapter” of the multi-volume study Air Force
2025 commissioned by the US Air Force Chief of Staff to speculate on the future
of air war over a thirty-year period—that the story of the weather as a weapon
continues in contemporary forms of military violence. Significantly, this report is
concerned not just to set out what might be technologically possible, but also to
146
project political scenarios in which it could
become so, thus placing the question of in-
ternational treaties and public opinion at the
fore. Most striking here is that our contempo-
rary environmental crisis is imagined not as
a constraint, but rather a lubricant for public
acceptability, whereby civil concerns drive
cultural and technological developments to
the advantage of the military. In the narrative
constructed by the authors, the demands of
globalized business lead to the ever-greater
refinement of weather observation and pre-
diction mechanisms. Against this background,
the world experiences what are increasingly
intolerable stresses resulting from population
Promotional Poster for Dubailand Fig. 04
pressures and environmental degradation
(shortages of water and food, etc.). As the
report puts it: “Massive life and property losses associated with natural weather
disasters become increasingly unacceptable. These pressures prompt governments
and/or other organizations who are able to capitalize on the technological advances
of the previous 20 years to pursue a highly accurate and reasonably precise weath-
er-modification capability.”14 With states veritably forced by public opinion in the
direction of weather modification, old treaties are revised and less prohibitive new
agreements put in their place, opening the door to new military opportunities and
their attendant forms of capital accumulation.
Implicit in the phrase “owning the weather,” and explicit in the business-based
scenarios presented in the Air Force report, is not just mastery over the weather,
but also its commodification, a process that we can sharply bring into focus by
examining development strategies over the past decade in Dubai. In his celebrated
“retroactive manifesto for Manhattan,” Delirious New York, Rem Koolhaas charac-
terized the early twentieth-century amusement parks of Coney Island as proleptic
testing grounds for Manhattan and its “culture of congestion,” and it might be
supposed that in the Dubai developments we have been witness to the emergence
of a similar dreamscape, although one that this time anticipates a new, atmospheric
urbanism of the future. Interestingly—perhaps bizarrely—pre-credit crunch Dubai
seemed to channel aspects of the visual culture of the US that effloresced in the
period before the oil crisis of the early 1970s, which it absorbed and retooled for
the era of postmodern global finance. In the Palms developments, the state devel-
oper Nakheel took up land art, morphing Robert Smithson’s Spiral Jetty (1972) into
a brand image visible to satellites. In more specifically atmospheric terms, there
was Dubai Sunny Mountain Ski Dome, which, although eventually put on hold,
was to contain an artificial mountain range and a revolving ski slope together with
other—as the official description put it—“Arctic experiences” (which apparently
would have included polar bears).15 The ski dome in particular clearly expressed

the development idea of an array of different encapsulated “experiences” as con-
veyed in the advertising material for the vast Dubailand project, of which it was
to be part, but also that of weather control and escalated climate differential—the
conceit of a ski dome in the desert—as a commodity attraction in its own right.
The ski dome, although structurally dissimilar, is an afterimage of Buckminster

Fuller’s geodesics with all their complex connotations of autonomy, encapsula-
tion, and world imagery—expressed most potently in the floating globes of Fuller
and Shoji Sadao’s “Cloud Nine” project (ca. 1960). A recurring notion within the
political history of air-conditioning, in which Fuller’s work participates, is that of
weather control as a remedial activity. It is almost as if weather—at least in the
imaginations of certain white men—is alienation, or at least is a fundamental ex-
pression thereof, and that to make reparation, to get back together again, to melt
the ice in whatever way we mean (with one another, with nature, with ourselves),
we need to get the climate right. From this point of view, air-conditioning in its
utopic form might be said to aim at a climatological erotics. Air-conditioning
becomes necessary once we are outside paradise (le temps, weather and time,
beginning together), but it is also the technological remediation whose promise
is to either get us back there again or to deliver it to us for the first time. There
is something of this in the ice-cap melter Fourier’s otherwise unreasonable
emphasis on the glasshouse-like street galleries of his Phalansteries, but also in
Le Corbusier’s equally obsessive dream of an ideal internal temperature that should
be globally observed (which, in its aim of universal climatic equalization, is a kind of
glacial melting by proxy).16 This is equally evident in Fuller’s famous encapsulation
projects such as the Manhattan dome, which were intended to produce interiors
with, in his words, a “Garden of Eden” climate.17 And it comes as no surprise that
technologically facilitated returns to Eden are at the same time returns to Mother, as
unmistakably expressed in Reyner Banham and François Dallegret’s Environment
Bubble (1965), an inflatable amniotic sac in which the hum of Mother’s body is
replaced by that of the sustaining air-conditioning unit whose output keeps the
whole pneumatic structure inflated.
It is in this last project that we glimpse an important point, which is that climatic re-
mediation inevitably involves ideas of a “making free” of air. On the surface, it seems
a counterintuitive argument to make—that Banham and Dallegret’s project might
in some way be invested in a discourse of air and freedom, of air as the epitome and
emblem of freedom, given that it is clearly predicated on atmospheric engineering
and manipulation. So what is at stake is such a presupposition?
There is a very specific kind of anxiety associated with the subjugation of air, an
anxiety especially evident in responses to instances when air is commodified,
privatized, or militarized. At the core of this lies air’s enduring role as a cipher for
radical freedom, such that the poignancy of its incremental but ever-increasing sub-
mission to technology arises from the sense of a final historical closing-off of what
it has stood for—that is, of an externality beyond instrumental manipulation. As
148
Adorno might have put it, in the unease we feel at air’s subjugation, there endures
a protest against domination, no matter how mythically grounded our belief in
air’s freedom is.18 Moreover, perhaps what contributes most importantly to this felt
significance of air’s enchainment is its status
as the pre-condition for terrestrial life: some-
thing that in being free is also freely given,
and, by extension, a commons that, through
its nature, seemed hitherto unencloseable,
unable to be stockpiled, and indeed beyond all
object-relations. This anterior availability of
air is stressed in Luce Irigaray’s well-known
reflections on Heidegger’s “forgetting of air.”
Here Heidegger’s “clearing of the opening” in
which thought begins is characterized not as
an emptiness, but as a “field, or open space,
where air would still give itself.”19 Irigaray
writes: “No other element is to this extent
opening itself—to one who would not have
forgotten its nature there is no need for it to
open or re-open. No other element is as light,
as free, and as much in the ‘fundamental’
mode of a permanent, available ‘there is.’”20
It is suggestive to articulate these reflections Airborne Laputa preparing to menace the Fig. 05
along with those of the American sanitary citizens of Balnibarbi. From a 1930 edition of
reformer John H. Griscom, who, in his 1848 Gulliver’s Travels [Whistler Laputa]
book The Uses and Abuses of Air, asked: “When
was a deficient supply of air ever known, except through the agency of man himself,
in his folly and ignorance? Providence has furnished us with an ocean of it, fifty
miles deep, and placed us at the bottom, where its pressure enables us to obtain
it in exhaustless profusion, and perfect purity.” When a child is hungry, he goes
on, its wailing must be heard by its mother, but “as to the air, without a care or
a thought, without labor or sensation, the little animal instinctively expands its
chest, and lives.”21 The implication here is clear. Our relationship with the air, in its
free givenness, is the point at which something of the paradisiacal condition of the
prenatal seems to continue to endure, even after birth: that is to say, an immediate
and freely given plenitude, in which conditions of lack and excess are unknown, and
thus the necessity for such “external” forms of communication such as the infant’s
cry of discomfort has not yet arisen. Banham and Dallegret’s project seems to take
up this understanding and rhetorically converges air, air’s meaning—or at least
the meaning of air’s freedom—as prenatality, and the fantasy of a technologically
enabled return to that state. The paradox of engineered freedom is filtered through
the underlying logic of technological remediation. It is the same with Le Corbusier,
who could present his fanatically engineered “exact air” as “good, true God-given
air,” opposed to the “devil’s air” of cities.22

We are now in a place from which we can circle back to Dubai’s ski dome in order
to examine its value as an allegory of the future, a reading that would develop along
several interwoven threads. The techno-utopian ideal that we have been discuss-
ing is the reconciliation, within a renovated atmosphere, of individuals with one
another and with their environment. The ski dome, in its re-performance of the
symbols associated with this utopian tradition, ironically reverses the practices and
metaphorics of thawing in which it was so heavily invested. In so doing, the dome
presents us with a depiction of the freezing over of those aspirations, of utopia “on
ice.” Part and parcel of this is the ski dome’s divisive spectacularization of climate
differential, which visibly dramatizes the question of who will be cool and who will
be hot in the new global dispensation: that is to say, the difference between “cool
consumption” (which is, increasingly, the consumption of coldness) and the ever
“hotter” labour (or labour in the heat) upon which the former is predicated.
In the extreme climatic juxtaposition that it effects, the ski dome allegorizes the
interiorization of “nature” characteristic of the Anthropocene, at least if by that we
mean “pristine nature” (and for nature to be nature as it is conventionally differen-
tiated from culture, it must always be pristine: that is, nature always appears to be
most itself when it is “untouched”). Through the paradoxical logic of technological
remediation, the ski dome reproduces nature as an interior condition—more pure,
less polluted, and hence more “itself” than in the world beyond, albeit now as
commodity. It is revealing that the advertising for the ski dome promises “Arctic
experiences” rather than those offered by a resort like St. Moritz or Chamonix. Who,
after all, skis in the Arctic? The reason for this displacement is that, ideologically,
the development is an interiorization of a climatic zone as much as it is a resort,
one that, in a broader sense, becomes emblematic of the future interiorization of
nature itself, insofar as the Arctic stands for it in its most pure, untouched, virginal,
and whitest state.
Moreover, it is striking how the figure of a ski dome in the desert uncannily re-
turns us to the arid landscapes in which the encapsulated, climatic utopias of the
1960s and 1970s were characteristically set. At the time, this iconographic motif
intersected with both Cold War survivalist anxieties and fantasies of interplanetary
colonization: the desert might be that of a post-nuclear earth or an alien planet, or
even a combination of the two—a post-apocalyptic earth become alien. The project
to implant a piece of the Arctic in the desert reproduces this gesture, but re-codes
it in terms of contemporary ecological catastrophe and prospective environmental
collapse. The cynicism of the project is the direct and instrumental connection
between the refrigerated interior as the space of consumption and the decay of
the exterior environment as the space of labour. Is it too much to claim that in the
fundamental conceit of this project—that is, hyperbolic climatic differential as
commodity—this destruction is incorporated as a pleasure principle?
But perhaps what the ski dome ultimately points to is a shift in the “human park”—
effected by pushing the logic of air conditioning to its limit—away from the utopic
150
and singular Garden of Eden (a communal space of dedifferentiation) and toward
divergent spaces of climatic simulation and consumption. This, in turn, suggests
a genealogy of visual form that might have as much to do with the history of the
zoological diorama or “habitat group” as anything else. The tendency has been to
see the Dubai developments as radically unresponsive to present environmental
realities, and one cannot help but agree with this. However, one must also admit
that they represent a commodity form whose logic is absolutely attuned to them,
capitalizing on the anxieties and desires that attend life on an atrophying planet. As
part of Dubai’s development strategy, the ski dome gives us an intimation of what a
new, atmospherically based statecraft would look like, one calibrated to emergent
conditions of scarcity within a planetary environment and economy.
Notes
1 Sir Thomas More, Utopia (New York: W.W. Norton & Company, 1975), 34–35.
2 Le Corbusier, The Radiant City, trans. Pamela Knight, Eleanor Levieux and Derek Coltman
(London: Faber and Faber, 1967), 42.
3 Walter Benjamin, “Paris, Capital of the Nineteenth Century,” in The Arcades Project, ed.
Rolf Tiedemann, trans. Howard Eiland and Kevin McLoughlin (Cambridge, Mass.: Belknap,
1999), 17.
4 Jonathan Beecher, Charles Fourier: The Visionary and His World (Berkeley: University of
California Press, 1986), 224.
5 Charles Fourier, The Theory of the Four Movements and of the General Destinies (Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 1996), 47–48.
6 Ibid., 50.
7 William B. Meyer, “Edward Bellamy and the Weather of Utopia,” Geographical Review 94,
no. 1 (January 2004): 43–54.
8 Aby Warburg, “A Lecture on Serpent Ritual,” Journal of the Warburg Institute 2, no. 4
(1939): 277–292.
9 See the discussion in Paul Baines, “‘Able Mechanick’: The Life and Adventures of Peter
Wilkins and the Eighteenth-Century Fantastic Voyage,” in Anticipations: Essays on Early
Science Fiction and Its Precursors, ed. David Seed (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press,
1995), 1–25.
10 Peter Sloterdijk, Terror from the Air, trans. Amy Patton and Steve Corcoran (Los Angeles:
Semiotext[e], 2009).
11 Spencer Weart, “Climate Modification Schemes,” American Institute of Physics, June 2011,
aip.org/history/climate/RainMake.htm.
12 Most prominently in Seymour Hersh’s article, “Weather as a Weapon of War,” New York
Times, 9 July 1972.
13 See chapter 6 of James Rodger Fleming, Fixing the Sky: The Checkered History of Weather
and Climate Control (New York: Columbia University Press, 2010).
14 Colonel Tamzy J. House et al., “Weather as a Force Multiplier: Owning the Weather in
2025” (1996), http://www.fas.org/spp/military/docops/usaf/2025/v3c15/v3c15-1.
htm#Introduction.

15 See skidubai.com/dubai/mountain-ski-dome. A much smaller ski resort located in the
Mall of the Emirates opened in 2005.
16 “The normal temperature of air fit for breathing is 64.4˚ Fahrenheit … But where is Utopia,
where the temperature is 64.4˚ … Let’s manufacture exact air: filters, driers, humidifiers,
disinfectors … Oslo, Moscow, Berlin, Paris, Algiers, Port Said, Rio or Buenos Aires, the
solution is the same,” Le Corbusier, The Radiant City, 40–42.
17 See, for instance, Fuller’s comments on his American Pavilion for Expo 67 in Montreal,
cited in John Allwood, The Great Exhibitions (London: Studio Vista, 1977), 169.
18 Making a similar point, he writes: “The universality of mediation has yet to be transformed
into living life; and this endows the traces of immediacy, however dubious and antiquated,
with an element of corrective justice.” Theodor Adorno, Aesthetic Theory, trans. Robert
Hullot-Kentor (London: The Athlone Press, 1997), 64.
19 Luce Irigaray, The Forgetting of Air in Martin Heidegger, trans. Mary Beth (London: The
Athlone Press, 1999), 5.
20 Ibid., 8.
21 John H. Griscom, The Uses and Abuses of Air: Showing Its Influences in Sustaining Life, and
Producing Disease; With Remarks on the Ventilation of Houses (New York: J. S. Redfield,
1848), 6–7.
22 Le Corbusier, The Radiant City, 40–41.
152
The Mineralogy of Being
by Eleanor Kaufman
Fraudulent fossils from Johann Bartholomew Adam Beringer’s Lithographiae Wirceburgensis (1726). Fig. 01
There has been a substantial interest for some time in interrogating the admittedly
hard to define human/inhuman polarity, and this alongside the longstanding cri-
tique of the mind-body split. From earlier works such as Donna Haraway’s “Cyborg
Manifesto” to Jean-François Lyotard’s The Inhuman, as well as through a recent
body of critical work devoted to the question of the animal, there has been a con-
tinuous call to decentre the species privilege accorded to the human and to suggest
instead that the human, like the embodied mind, is necessarily infiltrated by, and
coterminous with, the non-human, or, to use a term not exactly synonymous but
more expressive of the very violence of designation, the inhuman.1 While a certain,
latent Cartesianism comes under fire in the attack on the mind-body opposition, a
more implicit literary-philosophical humanism is the enemy of the interrogation
of the human/inhuman divide. In the latter context, someone like the purportedly
humanist Jean-Paul Sartre would be an enemy in no uncertain terms, and even a
thinker of such ontological finesse as Martin Heidegger would be too mired in the
division between a privileged human thought and what lies outside of it to be an
exemplary thinker of the inhuman. To the contrary, I will claim that it is those very
works that maintain the division or separation between the human and the inhu-
man that provide, somewhat in spite of themselves, the most detailed phenomenol-
ogy of something like inhuman perception. If it is not possible for the living being to
perceptively inhabit the realm of the non-living, it may still be possible to imagine
an ontology of the non-living—what I will refer to, following Jean-Luc Nancy, as a
“mineralogy of being”—in the very maintenance of the boundary between these
two realms.
It is first necessary to highlight, through a brief reading of early interventions in

the contemporary discourse of the “animal,” the peculiar dialectics of the friend/
enemy distinction that animates the dialogue on the animal. In other words, insofar
as a series of contemporary thinkers have tried to open the question of the animal
to re-evaluation and insist on the permeable boundaries between the animal and
the human, this insistence is bolstered by a drive to signal just where previous crit-
ics have failed by ultimately only exposing their latent anthropocentrism in spite
of their claims to the contrary. Such an argument takes the following form: even
though thinker X tries to reimagine the relation, or continuum, between the human
and the animal, X nonetheless cannot escape a human-centred logic. To be sure,
these are compelling and textually demonstrable arguments, all the more when
they are directly or indirectly affirmed by the thinker in question, in the fashion of
Heidegger who compares an animal “poor in world” with the “worldless” stone and
the human who is “plentiful in world” (Giorgio Agamben’s extensive discussion of
these Heideggerian demarcations will be taken up in what follows).
In another version of this critique, Cary Wolfe is critical of both Lyotard and Levinas,
among others, for basing their respective theories of posthuman ethics on a rubric
that would seem to exclude the animal. In Wolfe’s unassailable reading, it is Jacques
Derrida who comes the closest to successfully suspending an explicitly human-cen-
tred perspective.2 Indeed, and seemingly paradoxically, Derrida insists that one has
to respect the discontinuity between the human and what the human labels, after
his or her fashion, the animal; not to do so would be, for Derrida, beyond stupid, or
bête. I quote at length:
So it will in no way mean questioning, even in the slightest, the limit about
which we have had a stomachful, the limit between Man with a capital M
and Animal with a capital A. It will not be a matter of attacking frontally or
antithetically the thesis of philosophical or common sense on the basis of
which has been built the relation to the self, the presentation of the self of
human life, the autobiography of the human species, the whole history of the
self that man recounts to himself, that is to say the thesis of a limit as rupture
or abyss between those who say “we men,” “I, a man,” and what this man
among men who say “we,” what he calls the animal or animals. I won’t take
it upon myself for a single moment to contest that thesis, nor the rupture or
abyss between this “I-we” and what we call animals. To suppose that I, or
anyone for that matter, could ignore that rupture, indeed that abyss, would
mean first of all blinding oneself to so much contrary evidence; and, as far as
my own modest case is concerned, it would mean forgetting all the signs that
I have sought to give, tirelessly, of my attention to difference, to differences,
to heterogeneities and abyssal ruptures as against the homogeneous and
154
the continuous. I have thus never believed in some homogeneous continuity
between what calls itself man and what he calls the animal. I am not about to
begin to do so now. That would be worse than sleepwalking, it would simply
be too asinine [bête]. […] When that cause or interest begins to profit from
what it simplistically suspects to be a biologistic continuism, whose sinister
connotations we are well aware of, or more generally to profit from what is
suspected as a geneticism that one might wish to associate with this scatter-
brained accusation of continuism, the undertaking in any case becomes so
aberrant that it neither calls for nor, it seems to me, deserves any direct dis-
cussion on my part. Everything I have suggested so far and every argument
I will put forward today stands overwhelmingly in opposition to the blunt
instrument that such an allegation represents. […] For there is no interest to
be found in a discussion of a supposed discontinuity, rupture, or even abyss
between those who call themselves men and what so-called men, those who
name themselves men, call the animal. Everybody agrees on this, discussion
is closed in advance, one would have to be more asinine than any beast [plus
bête que les bêtes] to think otherwise. Even animals know that [...].3
Although Derrida suggests that what might be taken to be the limits of the animal—
the lack of self-consciousness, the inability to tell a complex lie—are also the limits
of the human, he takes pains to distinguish this questioning of limits from an idea
of some kind of simple human-animal continuum. In other words, as emphasized
in the passage quoted above, he is careful to assert, and in the strongest of terms,
that the division or separation between human and animal must remain in place for
any well-founded interrogation of these terms to take place. Indeed, he submits the
very naming of the animal, the very calling of the animal in the singular, to critical
scrutiny.
Yet there is a tension that resides at the heart of this discourse, between, on the one
hand, the need to assert the distinction between the human and the animal (for it
would be stupid [bête] not to) and, on the other hand, the simultaneous need to
assert that other thinkers make too much of a distinction, that they are too forth-
right in creating demarcations between the human and the animal. In “And Say the
Animal Responded,” another early formulation of Derrida’s work on the question
of the animal, from the 1997 Cerisy conference on “The Autobiographical Animal,”
the other thinker making too much of a distinction is none other than Jacques
Lacan, whom Derrida accuses of falsely distinguishing the human from the animal.
According to Derrida, Lacan makes such an overstrong distinction in the Écrits as
well as The Four Fundamental Concepts of Psycho-analysis, where he affirms that
the animal is incapable of the pretense of pretense (as opposed to simple pretense),
something on the order of telling the truth to deceive the other, since the other is
expecting a lie. This is a second-order lie, which requires an understanding specific
to our purportedly human psychology.4 Derrida contends, however, alluding to his
own work on inscription, the trace, and the difficulty of making absolute distinc-
tions, that “it is as difficult to assign a frontier between pretense and pretense of
The Mineralogy of Being | Eleanor Kaufman 155

pretense, to have an indivisible line pass through the middle of a feigned feint, as it
is to assign one between inscription and erasure of the trace.”5 While attacking the
notion of a continuity between the human and the animal by underscoring the line
between the two—and noting that he has always been working against such hom-
ogenizing operations—Derrida simultaneously accuses Lacan of holding too firmly
to an indivisible line, holding up the counterexample of his concepts of inscription
and trace, concepts that challenge such an absolute division.
Derrida’s reading of the multivalence of pretense of pretense of follows directly

from his citation of Lacan’s anecdote of the sardine can in The Four Fundamental
Concepts of Psycho-analysis. This story is narrated as a recollection of Lacan’s ex-
perience as a young intellectual working a summer job with fishermen in Brittany.
There is clearly a class awkwardness that pervades Lacan’s relations with the other
fishermen, leading to one of them to remark, in a fashion both jovial and barbed:
“You see that sardine can, well it doesn’t see you.” The mature Lacan gives this
anecdote a famously enigmatic gloss: “To begin with, if what Petit-Jean said to me,
namely, that the can did not see me, had any meaning, it was because in a sense,
it was looking at me all the same. It was looking at me at the level of the point
of light, the point at which everything that looks at me is situated—and I am not
speaking metaphorically.”6 Although Derrida expresses an implicit objection to the
too human-centred and uni-directional focus of Lacan’s notion of the gaze, it is in
no way clear where he situates this anecdote of the sardine can, which would seem
to go well beyond even the realm of the animal, to that of the inanimate object and
its eyeless gaze.7 Staged here by Lacan in its full social and ontological complexity is
the inanimate, non-human object, the detritus of the canning industry upon which
the fishermen depend, staring back: not a metaphorical gaze coming from a con-
scious agent, but one situated at the level of the point of light, from a vantage point
reminiscent of Husserl’s phenomenological reduction, yet even less encumbered by
the limiting perspective of the human observer.
Thus, on the one hand, Derrida’s criticism of Lacan highlights what I am signalling
as the philosophical trap of accusing other thinkers of making too strong a distinc-
tion, which is an observation directed at the form of the argument—although in
Derrida’s case, it also reflects an earlier moment in his career, one more intensely
grounded in critical engagements with other thinkers such as Foucault, Saussure,
Lévi-Strauss, Levinas, and Lacan (in the case of the latter, Derrida undermines in
dramatic fashion Lacan’s equally dramatic reading of Poe’s “The Purloined Letter,”
with Lacan emphasizing how a “letter always arrives at its destination,” and Derrida
how it “never arrives at its destination”8). On the other hand, and this goes more to
the heart of the matter, it is puzzling that Derrida both addresses and leaves aside
the anecdote of the sardine can, given that it stages—if ever it was staged in French
thought—the inanimate inhuman object looking back.
Before returning to this question of the inanimate object, I wish to consider very
briefly Agamben’s concept of the animal in The Open. Far more than any text
156
Fraudulent fossils from Johann Bartholomew Adam Beringer’s Lithographiae Wirceburgensis (1726). Fig. 02
written by Derrida, Agamben’s reading lends itself quite readily to the criticism
that it is merely a probing meditation of the animal that ultimately serves to under-
score the singularity of the human. While I do not necessarily take issue with such
a critique, I nonetheless want to highlight an attribute of the animal that is, for
Agamben, a superior one and therefore one that makes the animal-human relation
more complex. This attribute is none other than “the open” itself, or the idea of
openness. Agamben broaches the concept of the open in the chapter on Heidegger’s
seminar on The Fundamental Concepts of Metaphysics. He writes: “The ontological
status of the animal environment can at this point be defined: it is offen (open) but
not offenbar (disconcealed; lit. openable). For the animal, beings are open but not
accessible; that is to say, they are open in an inaccessibility and an opacity—that
is, in some way, a nonrelation. This openness without disconcealment distinguishes
the animal’s poverty in world [Heidegger’s term] from the world-forming which
characterizes man.”9 Crucial for Agamben is the two-part, relational aspect of the
open. He describes it several times as an “openness to a closedness,”10 not unlike
the double structure of Lacan’s pretense of pretense. What distinguishes the hu-
man is the movement of opening to what is stuck, whereas the animal is simply
stuck. Or, as Agamben puts it, “This awakening of the living being to its own be-
ing-captivated, this anxious and resolute opening to a non-open, is the human.”11
We might question, as Derrida does with Lacan, whether this double movement of
recognition of closedness, and the subsequent opening to it—what for Agamben
makes “something like a polis and a politics…possible”12—is even fully accessible
to the human. If the animal cannot accede to the double structure, is it always the
case that the human can?

Fig. 03 Fraudulent fossils from Johann Bartholomew Adam Beringer’s Lithographiae Wirceburgensis (1726).
158
Such a dynamic is also reminiscent of Sartre’s distinction in Being and Nothingness
between the “in-itself” and the “for-itself.”13 Whereas the for-itself is characterized
by its dialectic of relationality with the inert in-itself, the in-itself is more purely
non-relational. It seems that the merit of the for-itself for Sartre, and the human
for Agamben, is the complexity of being-in-relation, the dynamic of recognition
enjoyed by the for-itself and the human. But what if we were to follow the letter
of Sartre’s texts, and not their spirit? In doing so, we could begin to articulate a
phenomenology of the in-itself, or something like thing-being, that is not accorded
relationality from the perspective of the human observer. For this is what Sartre
does, eminently and in spite of himself, not with the animal but more radically with
the inanimate thing—represented by the stone—that Heidegger characterizes as
“worldless.”14 Sartre, avant la lettre, explores the worldless world, the inorganic
inanimate world of the stone, something that more contemporary thinkers, such as
Jean-Luc Nancy and Bernard Stiegler, challenge in Heidegger’s hierarchy of human,
animal, and stone. But it is toward an exploration of the thingness of the thing in all
its worldless, closed, stuck, and inert glory that both Sartre and Heidegger lead us,
for it seems that they—above and beyond those who follow with arguably more so-
phisticated meditations on the human and the animal—are actually stuck, stopped,
at the level of the thing.
Like Sartre, who takes care to affirm a logic of separation between the human and
the non-human, the animate and the inanimate, Heidegger, in his maintenance of
the division between human, animal, and stone, actually imagines a phenomenol-
ogy within which human perception might asymptotically approach something like
stone-perception. In his minutely detailed example of a lizard on a rock—where
the way the lizard perceives its world differs from both that of the human or the
rock—Heidegger envisions a mode not only of lizard-perception but beyond that,
and clearly in spite of himself, of mineral-perception and being:
The lizard basks in the sun. At least this is how we describe what it is doing,
although it is doubtful whether it really comports itself in the same way as we
do when we lie out in the sun, i.e. whether the sun is accessible to it as sun,
whether the lizard is capable of experiencing the rock as rock. Yet the lizard’s
relation to the sun and to warmth is different from that of the warm stone
simply lying present at hand in the sun. Even if we avoid every misleading
and premature psychological interpretation of the specific manner of being
pertaining to the lizard and prevent ourselves from “empathetically” pro-
jecting our own feelings onto this animal, we can still perceive a distinction
between the specific manner of being pertaining to the lizard and to animals,
and the specific manner of being pertaining to a material thing. It is true that
the rock on which the lizard lies is not given for the lizard as rock, in such a
way that it could inquire into its mineralogical constitution for example. It
is true that the sun in which it is basking is not given for the lizard as sun,
in such a way that it could ask questions of astrophysics about it and expect
to find the answers. But it is not true to say that the lizard merely crops up

as present at hand beside the rock, amongst other things such as the sun for
example, in the same way as the stone lying nearby is simply present at hand
amongst other things. On the contrary, the lizard has it own relation to the
rock, to the sun, and to a host of other things. One is tempted to suggest that
what we identify as the rock and the sun are just lizard-things for the lizard,
so to speak.15
This passage reveals a thought of the being of the rock in the very act of distinguish-
ing its “worldless” quality from the animal, which is merely “poor in world.” While
it is easy to critique Heidegger for his penchant for hierarchy and separation, and
to assert by contrast the human-animal-thing continuum (to put it in contemporary
parlance), what is less obvious is that Heidegger, much in the fashion of Aristotle,
poses the problem of non-human ontology with a richness unparalleled by subse-
quent readings that insist on the human/non-human continuum.16
To develop this claim, I will attend to Heidgger’s lizard-rock example in a very

particular fashion. Heidegger first asserts that it is “doubtful” that “the lizard is
capable of experiencing the rock as rock.” Yet, when there is doubt, there is the
concomitant possibility that the lizard might be capable of experiencing the rock
as rock, or perhaps the possibility that the rock could experience itself as rock.
Heidegger continues that, although it is doubtful that the lizard could experience
the rock as rock, still its “relation to the sun and to warmth is different from that of
the warm stone simply lying present at hand in the sun.” The lizard then is distinct
from the stone lying “present at hand,” but what does it mean to be so? Could there
be a lizard or rock consciousness of being “present at hand”? Might this in fact be
160
the point of light, here the sun-warmed stone, that gazes back in the fashion of
Lacan’s sardine can? Moreover, if we avoid the anthropocentric fallacy of empa-
thetic projection onto the lizard or rock—if it is even possible to avoid this, stuck
as we are in a state of humanness, just as it may be impossible for the lizard to
experience the “rock as rock”—we still need to acknowledge a “specific manner of
being” pertaining to animals and material things. But, even if we can acknowledge
it, can we perceive its specificity in the way that the animal or the rock inhabits this
specificity? Although the lizard cannot inquire into the “mineralogical constitution”
of the rock, it nonetheless “has it own relation to the rock.” What is its “own rela-
tion” from the perspective of the human who has a different relation to the rock?
Heidegger answers in a mode that is strikingly poetic, so I will parse the last sen-
tence from the above citation accordingly:
One is tempted to suggest

that what we
identify as the rock
and the sun
are just lizard-things

for the lizard,
so to speak.
[Man is versucht zu sagen:

Was wir da
als Felsplatte
und Sonne antreffen
das sind für die Eidechse

eben Eidechsendinge.]17
We have in this sentence-poem, this paean to the lizard, all the complexities of voice
and character to be found, as for instance, in a dramatic monologue. There is the
potentially unreliable narrator (“one” [man]) who may not really be suggesting
what he is “tempted to suggest,” or may not believe it. Yet he distances himself
from “we” (wir), presumably here the human in general, as if to indicate that he
has access to something beyond the realm of the dull sublunary “we,” the “we” that
simply identifies rock and sun as “the rock” and “the sun.” But the second stanza
reveals, with its enjambment of nature and being (“sun/are”), the break between
the human “we” (as narrated by the superior narrator/“one”) and the lizard-thing
realm, that place between the lizard and the thing as it were, the being “just” a
lizard-thing (not the rock or sun of the “we”) for the lizard. What does it mean to
imagine lizard perception of lizard-thinghood? Is lizard-thinghood separate, and
separate because impossible, from the realm of our narrator, who in his failure to

narrate it nonetheless gives it a startling approximation, one signalled only in the
English translation by the concluding line “so to speak” (and marked in the German
more by neologism, italicization, and so forth.) For in this addendum (in translation,
no less) we see staged the ambiguity and difficulty of speaking, the fact that the
haughty narrator, even in his superiority over the “we” of the people, acknowledges
that, with respect to the lizard and its lizard-thinghood, he can only speak approx-
imately in his language, “so to speak.” It seems that in asserting the separation of
human from lizard from rock, Heidegger imagines poetically a lizard-thinghood,
and in the theatrical play of its imaginative presence and structural distance comes
as close as might be had—indeed closer than those who might simply propose a
continuum—to an ontology of the inhuman from its own perspective.
What would it mean, then, to characterize this world-less world of the thing? Of
course, this is impossible from a human-mediated framework, something thinkers
after Sartre and Heidegger are all too anxious to concede. But it seems nonetheless
that this thing beyond mediation still lies at the outer limit of their thought, and is
perhaps none other than thought itself.
I would like to conclude by turning my attention to a quality of the thing that would
seem to set it decidedly apart from the human, as well as the animal: its stuckness,
its state of inanimation. To be sure, all things and all parts of things are not literally
immobile; if we were to examine them closely enough there would be all sorts of
movements and forces beneath our perception. But if we take the thing phenome-
nologically, at the level of perception, then what we confront most unsettlingly (or
most delightfully, depending on one’s perspective) is the thing’s extreme immobility.
This confrontation may be nowhere better captured than in Nancy’s chapter “The
Heart of Things” in The Birth To Presence. There, he evokes the “heart of things,”
where “one must not seek the living beat of a universal animation.”18 It seems
impossibly difficult to deflect a will to animation, to the perception of animation,
which might be equated with a perception of movement or becoming. Yet it also
seems that the “being-there” of the thing is beyond such animation. Nancy writes
that “this thing is nothing other than the immanent immobility of the fact that there
are things.”19 Indeed, for Nancy this very thinking of the thing, which is thought
itself, also participates in the immobility of the thing: “It is in the thought of the
thing that thought finds its true gravity, it is there that it recognizes itself, and there
that it collapses under its own weight. Thought finds itself at the heart of things. But
this heart is immobile, and thought, although it finds itself there and attunes itself
to that immobility, can still think itself only as mobility or mobilization. There, the
heart of things creates an obstacle; there, it remains unmoved.”20 In these passages,
Nancy touches on the obstacle that is inertia, the fact that for the human it is hard
to confront inertia, that almost all of human thinking about thought is modeled on a
logic of movement, on a thought that goes somewhere, travels elsewhere, becomes
something other. The stone, however, does not need to become more inert. It just is
inert; it has being and ontology on its side.
162
Even if such an approximation of inertia falls short, it strikes me that such a non-vi-
talist ontology—including Heidegger’s “lizard-thinghood” and Nancy’s “mineral-
ogy of being”—offers human thought a more decisive confrontation with inertia
than the hoped-for continuities of contemporary vitalism. “The heart of the stone,”
Nancy writes, “consists in exposing the stone to the elements: pebble on the road,
in a torrent, underground, in the fusion of magma. ‘Pure essence’—or ‘simple exis-
tence’—involves a mineralogy and a meteorology of being.”21 What is a mineralogy
of being if not the seemingly impossible event of pure being? It is the “it is” above
and beyond the “there is” (es gibt, il y a) of being. Nancy links the concept of event to
that of thinghood just after he evokes the mineralogy of being: “This is how a thing
takes place. That is how something comes to pass. The event itself, the coming into
presence of the thing, participates in this elementary essence.”22
While it is beyond the scope of this essay to map out the various ways in which “be-
ing” and “event” are linked and dissociated in twentieth-century French thought,
particularly in thinkers such as Nancy, Deleuze, Lyotard, and Badiou, it is useful here
to turn briefly to Deleuze’s Logic of Sense. Here, Deleuze situates the event within
the temporal logic of Aion, the past-future conjunction, as opposed to Chronos, the
time of the present. Deleuze writes of Aion, also considered as the time of the event,
that “the event in turn, in its impassibility and impenetrability, has no present. It
rather retreats and advances in two directions at once, being the perpetual object
of a double question: What is going to happen? What has just happened? The ago-
nizing aspect of the pure event is that it is always and at the same time something
which has just happened and something about to happen; never something which
is happening.”23 In mapping the conjunction of past and future that eclipses any
permanence of the present, Deleuze openly favours the movement of becoming
over the inertia of being. Yet in other works, he also gestures to a becoming of being,
or a movement toward being. In Cinema 1, for instance, Deleuze locates the small
as opposed to the large as the site of being, or more precisely, of “beginning to be”:
In both cases—the sublimation of the large form and the enfeeblement of

the small form—Herzog is a metaphysician. He is the most metaphysical
of cinema directors […]. When Bruno asks the question: “Where do objects
go when they no longer have any use?” we might reply that they normally
go in the dustbin, but that reply would be inadequate, since the question is
metaphysical. Bergson asked the same question and replied metaphysically:
that which has ceased to be useful simply begins to be. And when Herzog re-
marks that “he who walks is defenceless,” we might say that the walker lacks
any strength in comparison with cars and aeroplanes. But, there again, the
remark was metaphysical. “Absolutely defenceless” is the definition which
Bruno gave of himself. The walker is defenceless because he is he who is
beginning to be, and never finishes being small.24
Even in this somewhat rare paean to being, Deleuze situates it in the temporality
of becoming: “that which has ceased to be useful simply begins to be”; or, “the

walker is defenceless because he is he who is beginning to be.” It seems that to

be human, or even simply to be alive, requires the need for beginning. But to not
Public Domain, Google-digitized / http://www.hathitrust.org/access_use#pd-google
Generated for mlmmlm (University of Michigan) on 2013-09-21 18:37 GMT / http://hdl.handle.net/2027/ucm.5327672207
need to begin, to not need to move, to live entirely affirmatively in inanimation, is
a quite extraordinary quality; this quality requires the shift of perception that the
Stoics, and Deleuze following them, attributed to the mode of the incorporeal, the
modality opened by the corporeal event yet also entirely separate from it.
I would like to suggest that the oxymoronic quality of inanimate being is none other
than Sartre’s in-itself and Heidegger’s rock, pointing as they do toward a mineralo-
gy of being. This is a realm not fully delineable, but it is one that at the least poses
a challenge and a provocation to suspend the doubled register of human thought
thinking its difference from the animal or thing, and to perceive instead the singular
realm of the inhuman. This realm might also be considered a form of being as such;
as Nancy writes, “We can define it: a thing is a concretion, any one whatever, of
being.”25 The challenge is to perceive this concretion of being not so much as some-
thing distinct from the human but as simply what it is. I am who I am, God says;
Sartre says, “if [man] could encounter pure matter in experience, he would have to
be either a god or a stone.”26 This realm is, after all, a persistent literary refrain. It is
the haunting and inflappable stuckness of Melville’s Bartleby, who eats ginger nuts
from his immobile perch in his boss’ office, Kafka’s hunger artist who, having found
nothing he likes to eat, stays in his circus cage beyond the designated forty days,
and nearly all of the characters in the fiction of Maurice Blanchot, which reliably
restages scenarios where the protagonists are stuck in vexing houses, apartments,
infernal institutions, and hotel rooms.27 Why is the inert, thing-like quality of these
humans so fascinating? It is time to take the directives of Heidegger, Sartre, and
164
Nancy in their most literal sense and shift this fascination to things themselves.
Perhaps this might provoke a philosophy adequate to the event of our geological
epoch.
Notes
1 Donna Harraway, “A Cyborg Manifesto: Science, Technology and Socialist-Feminism in
the Late Twentieth Century,” in The Cybercultures Reader, ed. David Bell and Barbara M.
Kennedy (New York: Routledge, 2000), 291–324; Jean-François Lyotard, The Inhuman,
trans. Geoffrey Bennington and Rachel Bowlby (Stanford: Stanford University Press,
1991).
2 See Cary Wolfe, Animal Rites: American Culture, the Discourse of Species, and Posthumanist
Theory (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2003).
3 Jacques Derrida, “The Animal That Therefore I Am (More to Follow),” trans. David Wills,
Critical Inquiry 28 (Winter 2002): 398–399. This was reprinted in The Animal That
Therefore I Am, trans. David Wills (New York: Fordham University Press, 2008), 29 – 30.
4 The oeuvre of Slavoj Žižek abounds with examples of the second-order lie.
5 Jacques Derrida, “And Say the Animal Responded,” trans. David Wills, in Zoontologies:
The Question of the Animal, ed. Cary Wolfe (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press,
2003), 137. Reprinted in The Animal That Therefore I Am, 135. This discussion of Lacan is
again included in Derrida’s late course lectures on “The Beast and the Sovereign.” See The
Beast and the Sovereign, vol. 1, trans. Geoffrey Bennington (Chicago: University of Chicago
Press, 2009), “Fourth Session, January 23, 2002,” 97 – 135. For an extended discussion of
bêtise, see also “Fifth Session, January 30, 2002,” 136 – 163.
6 Jacques Lacan, Four Fundamental Concepts of Psycho-analysis, trans. Alan Sheridan
(London: W.W. Norton, 1981), 95.
7 For a treatment of the gaze outside the realm of the visual or the scopic per se, see Martin
Jay, Downcast Eyes: The Denigration of Vision in Twentieth-Century French Thought
(Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993).
8 See Jacques Derrida, “The Purveyor of Truth,” in The Purloined Poe: Lacan, Derrida, and
Psychoanalytic Reading, ed. John P. Muller and William J. Richardson, trans. Alan Bass
(Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1988), 173–212.
9 Giorgio Agamben, The Open: Man and Animal, trans. Kevin Attell (Stanford: Stanford
10 Ibid., 65, 68.
11 Ibid., 70.
12 Ibid., 73.
13 See Jean-Paul Sartre, Being and Nothingness, trans. Hazel Barnes (London: Routledge,
1989). For a full analysis of Sartre’s hidden ontology of objects, see my “Solid Dialectic in
Sartre and Deleuze,” in Deleuze, the Dark Precursor: Dialectic, Structure, Being (Baltimore:
The Johns Hopkins University Press, 2012), and “‘To Cut Too Deeply and Not Enough’:
Violence and the Incorporeal,” in Theology and the Political: The New Debate, ed. Creston
Davis, John Milbank, and Slavoj Žižek (Durham: Duke University Press, 2005).
14 Martin Heidegger, The Fundamental Concepts of Metaphysics: World, Finitude, Solitude,
trans. William McNeill and Nicholas Walker (Bloomington and Indianapolis: Indiana
University Press, 1995), see especially 185 – 209. Derrida provides extended and rich
readings of these passages, readings which I do not attempt to do justice to here, in
Of Spirit: Heidegger and the Question, trans. Geoffrey Bennington and Rachel Bowlby

(Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1989) and in his later course lectures. For the lat-
ter, see especially The Beast and the Sovereign, vol. 2, trans. Geoffrey Bennington (Chicago:
University of Chicago Press, 2011).
15 Ibid., 197–98.
16 See, for instance, Aristotle’s De Anima, in which separations are also made between hu-
man and animal kingdoms but all within the framework of maintaining that plants have
souls (albeit a usage of “soul”—psuchē—quite different from the modern one). See The
Basic Works of Aristotle, ed. Richard McKeon (Modern Library, 2001), esp. 552–559.
17 See Martin Heidegger, Die Grundbegriffe der Metaphysik: Welt—Endlichkeit—Einsamkeit
(Frankfurt am Main: Vittorio Klostermann, 1983), 291.
18 Jean-Luc Nancy, “The Heart of Things,” in The Birth to Presence, trans. Brian Holmes et al.
(Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1994), 169.
19 Ibid.
20 Ibid., 171.
21 Ibid.
22 Ibid.
23 Gilles Deleuze, The Logic of Sense, trans. Mark Lester and Charles Stivale (New York:
24 Gilles Deleuze, Cinema 1: The Movement-Image, trans. Hugh Tomlinson and Barbara
Habberjam (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1986), 185.
25 Nancy, “The Heart of Things,” 174.
26 Jean-Paul Sartre, Critique of Dialectical Reason, trans. Alan Sheridan-Smith (London: HLB,
1976), 181–82.
27 See my analysis of Maurice Blanchot and inertia, including a discussion of Deleuze’s evo-
cation of Herzog, in “Midnight, or the Inertia of Being,” parallax 12, no. 22 (2006): 98–111,
reprinted with revision in Deleuze, the Dark Precursor.
166
Amplitude Modulation (2012)
Meghan Archer
Mixed Media
Meghan Archer_Thesis_2012
168
Amplitude Modulation | Meghan Archer 169
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Meghan Archer_Thesis_2012
Amplitude Modulation seeks to engage with and expand the understanding

of American industrial heritage while addressing the contemporary condi-
tion of resource extraction. Through various techniques, the project re-as-
sembles the narrative of the southern coal towns of Appalachia, playing on
inadvertent gaps and disjunctions within overlapping geologic, industrial,
and cultural networks. The project contributes to an ecology of design prac-
tices that bridge scales from regional to local and apply friction to the cur-
rent circumstances. Through research and an exploration of the operations,
networks, and actors of southern Appalachia, Amplitude Modulation utilizes
architecture as a method for tactical adjustment and the development of
new strategies that question the outcomes of industrial progress.
170
Matters of Cosmopolitics
Isabelle Stengers in Conversation with Heather Davis and Etienne Turpin
On the Provocations of Gaïa
Isabelle Stengers’ varied research interests, compelling publications, and

breadth of influence make her one of the most important writers of our
time. Her early training as a chemist and her collaboration with physicist Ilya
Prigogine allowed her to productively and critically intervene in the discours-
es and practices of scientific knowledge production. She has published exten-
sively in collaboration with other writers on topics including psychoanalysis,
politics, feminism, philosophy, and science, although her primary concern re-
mains the relation of the latter two. Attending to the specificity of laboratory
work, Stengers considers this model of knowledge production to develop what
she calls an “ecology of practices,” thereby situating scientific knowledge as
specific, local, and evolving, while extending the idea of practices and prac-
titioners to other fields through her notion of “cosmopolitics.” “One aspect
of the cosmopolitical proposal,” according to Stengers, “is thus to accentuate
our own rather frightening particularity among the people of the world with
whom we have to compromise.”1 The strength and breadth of Stengers’ force
as a writer comes from her training as a philosopher, particularly her careful
explications of the thought of Alfred North Whitehead and William James.
From these early pragmatists, she has retained efficacy as a central, guiding
political principle, against more popular notions of choice or free will.
This philosophical position is also why her call to return to a notion of Gaïa,
and her corresponding suspicion of the Anthropocene thesis, requires further
consideration, especially among architects and designers. If the Anthropocene
thesis repositions “Man” as the terrible end-fate of his own destiny, such a
claim, in Stengers’ reading, problematically retains the narrative of the “reign
of Man.” Instead, her thinking calls for a hesitation—an interfering idiocy, in
Deleuze’s sense—that can slow down the thrill of acceleration, while also
insisting that what we, as humans, are facing is Gaïa, a force that interrupts
our all-too-modern dreams and aspirations; Gaïa cannot be ignored, nor
assimilated into our ideas of progress and knowledge. As in nearly every-
thing Stengers writes, she is quick to indicate the consequences of a practice,
and she is not afraid to discern between the worthwhile and the worthless. It
is the striking movement of her thinking that is so compelling, for she carries
with her a thorough understanding that it is the world that makes experience,
and that has consequences; she is thus unafraid to fight for this world. We are
extremely grateful to Isabelle Stengers for making the time for this interview,
which took place over email following the “Gestes Speculatifs” Colloque du
Cerisy in July 2013, an event she co-organized with Didier Debaise.
Heather Davis & Etienne Turpin We would like to begin with the question of
education, or, more importantly, learning. In your recent books, including Au temps
des catastrophes and Capitalist Sorcery, your writing is quite accessible; you take
especially complex philosophical thoughts, and the paradoxes of contemporary
political realities, and write about them in a way that is open and engaging. This
resonates with us, and we read it as an attempt to move beyond the solipsism of
the university system. As you are about to retire—we were told you are about to
officially leave the university—would you reflect on the position of the university in
relation to philosophical thought today? What concerns you at the moment regard-
ing the university as a relay of philosophical thought?
Isabelle Stengers The books you name are indeed meant to engage thought, not
to discuss philosophy. To me, this does not mean going beyond “the solipsism of the
university” because there is no solipsism involved in the only thing that matters in
my university job: contact with students, attempting to convey with and for them
what makes philosophy worth doing. In other words, teaching philosophy involves
arousing students’ appetite for the free and demanding creation of problems that
matter, being engaged by the consequences of the manner of creation, regardless
of the disciplinary boundaries you may happen to transgress (not for the sake of
transgression itself, but because unfolding the problem asks for it). Teaching is
an oral practice: intonations, laughter, hesitations, even off-hand treatments of
respected philosophers are part of my practice. My job is to make students feel that
thinking is a vital business; that you should never lend to philosophical authorities
the power to tell you what is worth thinking. That being said, I am not sure the
university is the adequate relay for philosophy, at least for the kind of philosophy
that turned me into a philosopher. Reading was the crucial relay for me, and it will
remain the main relay for philosophy. Oral teaching can do no more than awaken
the taste for thinking, which is a prerequisite for philosophical thought, but de-
mands that students then find their own way of doing philosophy.
Coming now to the two books you name, they are also meant to awaken thought, not
to try to relay what philosophy does to thought. But books also present problems
that an oral practice escapes from. I have seen physicist Ilya Prigogine, with whom
I worked for a long time, enthral an audience with really arcane, technical, physi-
co-mathematical problems; his passionate relation with the problem crossed the
seemingly insurmountable gap. However, in writing, artificial gaps can very easily
be created. Without even willing it, an author easily selects her readers. For exam-
ple, a reference to a philosopher may be sufficient for some to feel that since they
do not know him or her, the book is not for them. And those readers are precisely
the ones you wish to touch, not the “happy few” who use the references in order to
identify and situate you. In Au temps des catastrophes and Capitalist Sorcery, there
are no author references; rather, there are references to situations and experiences
that the readers these books address will likely be familiar with. This is the selec-
tion principle. They address experiences which are mostly questioning ones, when
one feels there is something wrong, inefficient, even lethal in the way a situation is
172
addressed, not by the “establishment”—this is trivial—but by those who present
themselves as struggling against it. Neither Capitalist Sorcery nor the Catastrophe
book is about “the” situation in and of itself. They are “intervention” books, each
corresponding to the conviction, right or wrong, that something may be “added”
to the situation, something that could provide a line of escape from dilemmas that
take us as hostages. I am thus not writing “as a philosopher” in this case, even if
philosophy is an irreducible part of what enabled these interventions. Only the
effects of the intervention matter, and if they work, they must be able to be relayed
without philosophical references.
HD&ET Your influence within academia is substantial, and still increasing in

North America as more of your work becomes available in translation. To return
to our question above, we are curious about your own desire to influence, shape,
or support non-academic discourses, especially those related to contemporary
political struggles. Do you see your work as migrating toward, or perhaps entering
into conversation with, more explicitly political assemblages outside the university
system?
IS Philosophy, as I learned to practice it, is very different from philosophy as it is

practiced in the English-speaking academy. There, it has always thrived on what you
call “conversation” with non-philosophy, with questions and practices that come
to matter at each epoch. But in reality, the philosophical tradition involves not so
much a “conversing with,” but is rather a risking of itself, risking its very meaning.
In France, the question “What is philosophy?” or “Is philosophy still worth doing?”
is asked again and again. My own starting point was to think in close contact with
scientific practices. For me, it was never “philosophy of science,” or “epistemolo-
gy.” It was about learning how to become a philosopher while not accepting the
usual philosophical positions about sciences—neither judgment, nor rivalry, nor
submission. Contact with political assemblages came partly through address-
ing the political role of sciences, partly through my discovery of how important
empowered groups (i.e. illicit drugs users) could be as interveners in a situation
appropriated by “experts,” and partly through political conjecture, during a time
when the Marxist-dominated rhetorical struggle weakened in Belgium, where I’m
from, allowing for the exploration of alternative ways to inherit ideas from Marx.
But again, I never had the impression of being “outside the university system.”
Matters are changing now with the new “management,” with ranking, evaluations,
etc. The trap is closing. But to me the outside was always what made me think, just
as philosophy was always what enabled me to think with the outside, or try to…
HD&ET Would you comment on the direction of contemporary philosophy out-

side the university system, particular in aesthetic debates in the art world? We have
recently seen an efflorescence of new philosophies, including the rising popularity
of “accelerationism,” “thing-power,” and “object-oriented ontology,” among other
trendy brands of philosophy (and so called “non-philosophy”). Many of these up-
start schools seem, at least to us, especially reactionary and politically naïve, not
Matters of Cosmopolitics | A Conversation with Isabelle Stengers 173

least because of a certain dismissive chauvinism in relation to the imminent effects
of our current ecological collapse. Do these directions of contemporary philosophy
concern you?
IS They do not concern me in the sense that they would interest me. I’m sorry that
the art world is so vulnerable to “trends” and “brands.” It seems that the so-called
“French Theory”—a pure export product—has a lot of “indigenous” successors,
rivalling each other to conquer such a market. But to me, they are mainly parasitic
symptoms of the quite unhealthy environment we are living in, where master-dis-
courses proliferate.
HD&ET Regarding contemporary politics, the uprisings and protests that

are spreading daily to different regions of the world, especially during the
past couple of years, tend to start out with a very clear demand; then, as the
movements recognize the interconnections of their demands, and perhaps
the incommensurability of the various demands themselves, move toward “no
demand in particular.” Instead, we hear a collective enunciation more along
the lines of your example, with people stating, “We are not happy at all.” How
do you understand this tendency in contemporary politics, that is, the tendency
towards claiming a collective position that refuses to clearly identify demands
(demands that could then be met, or partially met, and therefore pacified) in terms
of what you call “political creation”?
IS One of the only references to a philosopher I never hesitate to use is Gilles

Deleuze’s (oral) definition of what differentiates “left” and “right.”2 He defines the
left through a crucial need that people think; that is, that people produce their own
questions, their own formulation of problems that vitally concern them. To cry out
“we are not happy at all” may then be the necessary starting point, together with
the determinate disavowal of “pre-formatted” problems of order or priority (what
the “right,” including classic forms of revolutionary mobilization, needs people to
accept). Obviously, the demands may then seem “incommensurable”—the need
for some kind of arbiter will then be claimed. But incommensurability has nothing
final about it; it simply signals the need not to identify with initial formulations, to
transform one’s demands into vectors that enable one to learn and connect. I like
the term “divergences,” as used by Deleuze, who wrote that only diverging lines
communicate (meaning that communication here is creation, not redundancy). But
diverging is not “from something.” It designates what matters for you, and how it
matters (in the positive sense), and therefore allows for symbiotic alliances, always
lateral, never grounded on a “same” that would transcend or reconcile them.
Now, I know the new lateral character of the movements is something like an iden-
tity card, as well as the subject of many academic dissertations. But I would beg
to slow down and not be so easily self-satisfied. The trap may be a certain cult for
a phantom, transversality, devoid of consistence, where people connect and then
disconnect, while happily claiming that “seeds” have been planted, as if no active
174
concern for what is planted was needed. Some use the image of the rhizome, but
they take it, I’m afraid, in a rather individualist manner. These connections cannot
be taken for granted: once created, they need to be cared for. This does not mean
that clearly identified, unifying demands should not be formulated—every demand
matters. But the test—creation is always testing—is enduring, trustworthy con-
nections, liable to produce forms of innovative mobilization for people to gather
around an issue which a priori did not concern them, but which, they have learned,
matter. Capitalism is very innovative and divisive; to become able to resist it re-
quires becoming innovative as well. This is why I never intone refrains lauding the
“new transversality”—it is still to be created. I prefer to speak about those move-
ments, the neo-pagan reclaiming of witches, for instance, that have succeeded in
enduring and connecting with others for the past thirty years.
HD&ET We are also interested in the concept of “protection,” partially in relation

to self-protection, but also as a question of selection, evaluation, and decision. We
are particularly taken by your articulation of the way in which one must engage
with the horrors that exist in the world without letting that same horror destroy
oneself. How do we engage in practices of protection that resist this vulnerability to
capture?
IS The idea that we do not need protection typically refers to an idealistic

conception of truth: if we have truth on our side, it will protect us. One way
to circumvent this habit of thought is to never divide people into good and
bad, but to start instead from the fact that we all live in an unhealthy environ-
ment. We become especially vulnerable if we believe we are, by some miracle,
undamaged. The rituals of neo-pagan witches are both a protection and a resource
for action, for collectively becoming able to decipher what is “now” the “work of
the Goddess,” while never believing that they by themselves possess the capacity to
determine it. But the rituals are also needed to turn horror into power. Twice I felt
the need to end a book with one of their ritual songs:
Breathe deep
Feel the pain
where it lives deep in us
for we live, still,
in the raw wounds
and pain is salt in us, burning
Flush it out
Let the pain become a sound
a living river on the breath
Raise your voice
Cry out. Scream. Wail.
Keen and mourn
for the dismembering of the world.3

HD&ET In our estimation, the concept of protection is also related to the various
ways in which one could read our differential, anthropogenically transformed glob-
al ecology—perhaps in the sense that Félix Guattari would have imagined it—in
terms of psychic, social, and environmental components. Do you see the concept of
protection as a necessary aspect of political practice in the era of Gaïa?
IS Guattari’s Three Ecologies concurs with contemporary social justice move-

ments by proposing that we think and feel with a triple devastation: psychic,
social, environmental. This means giving central importance to the unknowns of a
situation, as the way we formulate questions may well derive from the absence of
the many voices that have already been irreversibly destroyed or silenced. Staying
with the trouble, as Donna Haraway formulates it, seems to me very necessary, as
does paying attention to what stories tell stories, which she takes from Marilyn
Strathern.4 The story that serves as the matrix for our stock of rather worn-out
stories may well be equating Guattari’s triple devastation with a kind of progress,
whatever its storied versions, putting “us,” their story-tellers, in a position of
“guardians of truth,” regardless of what this “truth” might be. Protection is, in this
context, critical to helping us get along. So, I am rather dubious about the new
Anthropocene story from this perspective. Who is anthropos?
HD&ET This concern is related to the reconsiderations of James Lovelock’s Gaïa

hypothesis in recent theoretical inquiry, especially in relation to the Anthropocene
thesis. You turn to Gaïa as a way of figuring our current ecological crisis, as both an
entity that demands a particular response and a personalization that is a form of
address, as well as a way to undermine the masculinist narrative that re-centres
the human as the ultimate form of destruction. But we are curious about what Gaïa,
in particular, suggests, as opposed to Donna Haraway’s concept of multi-critter
“Becoming-with,” for example? What work does this particular concept do for you?
Do you think it is undervalued in most contemporary philosophy? And how does
this concept resonate with what Bruno Latour calls a “political theology of nature”?
IS Gaïa does not suggest anything opposed to becoming-with. Haraway and

I are both inheriting, from James Lovelock and Lynn Margulis, resistance stories
that feature Man as this dangerous abstraction, as the ultimate anything. We both
pay the utmost attention to scientific stories that complicate “the story” and give
insistent presence to the messiness that our “theories” so easily forget. I am deeply
grateful to Haraway and her innumerable and densely entangled critter stories—
she daringly explores what needs to be thought, imagined, and speculated with. My
use of Gaïa, as the one who intrudes, is rather addressed to our deeply ingrained
habits of thought. It is distinct from Latour’s “facing Gaïa.” I make a strong distinc-
tion between a “Latourian us” to be composed, who might possibly become able
to “face” Gaïa—that is, face the difficult task of participating in an entanglement,
the ticklish, touchy character which we are just beginning to understand—and the
“us” (moderns, Euro-Americans, Western, whatever) for whom the very idea of this
176
task distastefully intrudes, for those whose hairs stick up when they hear the word
Gaïa. The Anthropocene, it should be noted, is much more agreeable for the mod-
erns, lending itself to meditations that respect their position as thinking ultimate
thoughts about Man, far, far away from the sordid situation we have created for
ourselves and other earthbound critters. “My” Gaïa also intrudes upon the use of
the Anthropocene in trendy and rather apolitical dissertations.
HD&ET Do you think that the hesitations about Gaïa in much contemporary
political theory—for example, in the political trajectory from Derrida to Rancière to
Badiou, where the “environment” remains a backformation for more fundamental
“human-centred” politics—are a result of a lingering modernism in philosophy?
More precisely, why, in your thinking, are many political theorists so afraid of eco-
logical positions that accept the inestimable complexity of earth systems?
IS As soon as you say the word “theory” you are in a modernist (or modern),
human-centred position. Modernism is not lingering; it has many versions which
concur in a quasi-negationist stance, regularly implying that what we should be-
ware of is not the recently discovered instability of what was taken for granted,
but rather the fact that this discovery could give strength to their traditional the-
oretical enemies. This is why I use this name Gaïa, in a deliberately provocative
way, in order to incite these “modernists” and their implicit or explicit strategy of
denial (their urge to deny) to come out into view. They feel that the intrusion of an
Earth—no longer “ours” to protect or to exploit, but gifted with daunting powers to
dislodge “us” from our commanding position—is very dangerous; not dangerous,
that is, in the usual terms, but dangerous because She has no right to do so! Gaïa,
as the bastard child of scientists and paganism, is encapsulating everything they
gave themselves the duty to guard “truth” against. She must be taken as a trick
of the Enemy, not as a question to be answered; it is part of the idealist character
of theories, especially theories haunted by the salvation/damnation dualism, to
identify what might confuse their perspective with such a trick. Their duty is to
keep steering the rightful course, to resist the temptation to betray it. Better death
than betrayal!
HD&ET In a recent article about “accelerationist aesthetics,” the critic Benjamin

Bratton suggested that the horizon for political thought today is thinking the
“post-Anthropocene,” because this trendy new diachronicism, at least in his es-
timation, would signal a move away from the human-centred view of the world.5
It seems problematic, for us, that many theorists believe that we humans can so
quickly slip out of the centre of things that we have so carefully and intricately
placed ourselves in. In fact, given the relationship between these extensive support
infrastructures and the species itself, it seems quite naïve to assume humans could
exit the centre stage without serious, devastating consequences. Do you believe
that this—what we could call “fear of anthropocentricism”— is creating a series of
reactionary and ethically dubious positions within theory today?

IS Well, it depends on what you call “humans.” Again, who is anthropos? Gaïa
clearly heralds—the very meaning of what I call her “intrusion”—that those who
believed they were at the centre desperately mess up what they, and many other
earthly critters, depend upon. Now those of us who were told stories since birth
that there is something really special in being “human” are at a bifurcation point:
either we furiously keep to that narrative, or we accept that if there is a post-An-
thropocene worth living in, those who will live in it will need different stories,
with no entity at the centre of the stage. This does not preclude “responsibility,”
but carries the sense of being able to respond. That being said, the link between
“aesthetic” and “critic” you use is not inspiring to me. The position of the critic will
not get humans out of the trap. On the contrary, it will probably produce new ways
of commenting on art, in a trendy race for the most radical manner of moving away
from a human-centred view. This is exactly what I fear with the Anthropocene the-
sis; it proposes a “future perfect continuous” tense, which puts theorists into a very
agreeable position. The mess can now be forgotten, swallowed in a continuity that
can be theorized in a single shot. Abysmal aporia will flourish, happily confronted
by theoreticians hunting down shades of anthropocentrism in other theoreticians’
writings—a beautiful prospect for generations of doctoral students and aesthetic
ventures in the art world. To me, science fiction is much more sustaining in this
respect, from the works of Ursula Le Guin to David Brin’s last novel, Existence. I
do not perceive a race in such science fiction for the “cutting edge,” but rather a
cooperative imaginative and speculative exercise addressed to readers who do not
need critics to grasp what is at stake in a novel.6
HD&ET Although often not explicitly stated along these lines in your writings, you
propose a profound engagement with feminism, the necessity of a feminism that
addresses the new ecological reality in which we find ourselves. What relation do
you think feminism has in philosophical accounts of irreversible and catastrophic
loss? What does it enable us to do in the face of Gaïa?
IS Feminism was a constitutive and vital part of my educational and affective

trajectories. In the 1980s, before its theorization, eco-feminism marked the cru-
cial beginning of “transformative politics,” which has inhabited my thinking and
yearning ever since. It seems that the feeling of irreversible and catastrophic loss
indeed offers affinities with feminist thought, which attempts to weave together
thinking, imagining, and practically enacting; that is to say, it can revitalize thinking
around stakes which are irreducible to a matter of academic rivalry. I would say
that the effective existence of feminism (beyond post-, queer-, and all that) depends
on a culture of resolute disloyalty for those abstractions which Virginia Woolf de-
scribed as turning a beloved brother into a “monstrous male, loud of voice, hard of
fist, childishly intent upon scoring the floor of the earth with chalk marks, within
whose mystic boundaries human beings are penned, rigidly, separately, artificial-
ly.”7 Such disloyalty must be protected in order not to produce other chalk marks,
other mystico-academic boundaries. But feminism may indeed help to face what is
threatening us because it dis-habituates, it dispels the anaesthesia that academic
abstractions produce.
178
HD&ET While “accelerationists” such as Nick Land imagine that we might need to
speed up to cross a threshold of capitalist exploitation, there are several reasons to
remain suspicious of such a position. First, it assumes that we can tell the direction
we are heading, and whether or not we are even speeding up, which seems difficult
to ascertain with any definitive evidence; second, the violence produced by such
an increase in velocity, if it is possible, would no doubt be levelled against the most
vulnerable and the most poor, as it has been throughout modernity. Do you have
concerns about the ethical tropes of political, aesthetic, or ontological acceleration-
ism? How would you define cosmopolitics against this nihilistic heroism and its
neglect of its own privilege?
IS I decline contrasting Cosmopolitics, whatever its shortcomings, with that

trash—they are male chauvinist pigs, that’s all. I am only sorry for the memory of
Félix Guattari, which they deface.
HD&ET Is this why you insist, in much of your writing, on slowing down thought?
We understand how this may guard against an overzealousness or a presumptu-
ousness of knowledge and action, but we are not sure exactly what “slowness” is for
you, particularly in an age when the Earth (biosphere, geology, etc.) is transforming
faster than previously imaginable. How do we know when we are speeding up or
slowing down? Even these referents seem capricious. In other words, what quality
of slowness is articulated by the idiot, in Deleuze’s sense, or the interstice, for
Whitehead? Is this rather a kind of disjunctive speed, a speed that may or may not
be “slow”? Why is the idea of slowness important to you, especially in relation to
the relative velocity of the Anthropocene?
IS When I am speaking of slowing down, I am equating speed with mobilization.

A mobilized army is an army that crosses the land with only one question—can we
pass?—indifferent to the damage it causes. Whatever may inspire hesitations or
attention must be banished within this framework of mobilization. What slows the
army down is seen only as an obstacle. And, indeed, I see as a major challenge this
sense of urgency that the fast transformation of the Earth may produce—we must
stop quibbling, no time for that, we must act! This approach seems parallel to the
demand to act in order to be competitive, to control market shares, or to rank our
institutions. Since the nineteenth century, the sciences have been mobilized, have
become “fast” sciences, with researchers regarding whatever concerns that do not
directly contribute to “the advancement of knowledge” as a sinful waste of time.
Now, within the knowledge economy, fast sciences are perceived as not fast enough;
they are making patents and launching fabulous promises of technological revolu-
tions that are attractive for investors but do not need reliable knowledge. The apo-
theosis of this paradigm is geo-engineering, the mobilization of technology against
the Earth. It can also be seen as a bureaucracy deciding who deserves to live, as, for
example, in Starhawk’s science fiction book, The Fifth Sacred Thing. Slowing down,
on the other hand, is multi-critter thinking, caring for entanglement, learning the
art of paying attention. And it is also a matter of joy, sometimes dolorous joy, but joy

indeed, when you feel your thought and imagination affected, put into (e)motion,
attached to what was previously indifferent.
HD&ET There seems to be an insistence in your writing to think from within the
historical present, from within our situatedness, or what Foucault called—quite
provocatively at the time—the historical a priori. How has this insistence on the
present and on a temporal immanence influenced your concept of an ecology of
practices? In other words, what is the link between time, how we think about time,
and how time influences thought as a practice?
IS I understand Foucault’s historical a priori as a matter of resistance: we must

give the present the power to resist the past. This also means revitalizing the past,
giving it the power to escape its classification as part of the progressive history
that leads to “us.” All the chapters about physics in Cosmopolitics were written from
within the historical present, turning what is heralded as the progress of physical
science discovering the laws of nature into passionate, contingent, amoral reinven-
tions of physics. I felt the need to do so in order to resist without deconstructing,
without bringing so-called “progress” back to a monotonous comedy of illusions.
Resistance was needed in this case because of the strong hold of the pseudo-ontol-
ogy associated with physics, with all the implications about “us” being able to earn
the title of the “thinking brain of humanity.” But the point was to address this hold
“now,” with the question: “Is it possible to do so without rekindling the disastrous
science war?” My bet was that physicists could give up physics as the epitome of
rationality if the adventurous, demanding, and surprising character of their his-
tory, as I try to tell it, came to interest them. The concept of practice is part of that
challenge. I do not mean practice in a general way, but in a speculative one; that is,
against the idea that physics is a practice like any other, I try to speculate about the
possibility of practitioners able to present their practice as diverging, separated
from any general attribute, irreducible to other practices. Your question of thought
as practice is thus a much too general one.8
HD&ET While many of Deleuze’s concepts were quite quickly taken up in archi-
tecture discourse and practice, there is a return to his work today with a much
more careful and measured sensibility. A key concept for practitioners today, and
we use this term in the widest sense, is that of immanence, which is also important
in your work. A second term, which is becoming increasingly important for think-
ing through the implications of the Anthropocene thesis (as with Bruno Latour) is
intensity. Does intensity figure in your thesis on the ecology of practices? Do you
agree with Latour when he suggests that the new horizon of exploration will be
intensive? And, if so, how does this relate back to the concept of immanence?
IS Quickly taken up indeed! I am one of those for whom it was a matter of great
unease, even suffering, as we could only imagine what Deleuze would have felt. For
him, as you know, concepts could certainly migrate out of philosophy, but as tools
to be engaged with, and thus transformed by the problems they would help create.
180
And once this transformation occurs, they would have a new life, that is, a new ne-
cessity of their own, without reference to philosophy. Some concepts from Deleuze
I am able to take as tools for problems rather foreign to him, problems concerned
with divergence or minority, or those of instauring a plane. Immanence is a concept
I learned to think with, but cautiously, as it too easily turns into a privilege of philos-
ophy. I take it as a constraint for the manner of divergence of philosophy. Intensity,
until now, has not been a tool for me. I understand it, but using it would be like
raising a Deleuzian banner. I would be grateful to hear the problems architecture
faces that require immanence and intensity, as it would be an interesting manner
to approach their own practice. As long as they are not banners putting them in
a position of thinking through the implications of the Anthropocene thesis… And
never forget that in my town, Brussels, architecture is an insult.
HD&ET In your writing about the cosmopolitical proposal, as you call it, you sug-
gest that the difference of a cosmopolitical approach is that practitioners must learn
to laugh “not at theory, but at the authority associated with [it].”9 We are struck by
the fact that you use laughter rather than another emotional or analytic response,
such as anger. However, later on you describe this relation as a shrug, and then
in Capitalist Sorcery, as a cry, writing, “We were wrong to have laughed.”10 What
role do these various emotional and affective registers have in the cosmopolitical
proposal? What “spell-casting” power might they have?
IS There are many kinds of laughter. The first one you allude to is the one I
learned thinking and living with the feminist adventure, in my twenties. Women
thinking under the rubric of the “personal is political” were laughing (and crying)
together as they felt the weight of judgments and of abstract ideals dissolving away.
The second one, a derisive one, is much more common. It was the laughter shared
by people who “know better,” judging on their own terms ideas which were indeed
stupid, but this approach caused them to overlook the obstinate working of the
machine which was capturing and dismembering their world. Only Foucault, as we
have learned from the published Cours du Collège de France, did not laugh. He was
unable to deal with the theme of his lesson of 1978–79, coming again and again to
what he had discovered the previous year, and what was to shape the new horizon
of “truth” in the years to come—truth, the question of which he would think with
until the end of his life.
Notes
1 Isabelle Stengers, “The Cosmopolitical Proposal,” in Making Things Public: Atmospheres of
Democracy, ed. Bruno Latour and Peter Weibel (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 2005), 999.
2 Gilles Deleuze, Negotiations: 1972-1990, trans. Martin Joughin (New York: Columbia
University Press, 1995), 126–127.
3 Starhawk, Truth or Dare (San Francisco: HarperSanFrancisco, 1990), 30–31.
4 See Donna Haraway, “Cosmopolitical Critters, SF, and Multispecies Muddles,” (paper pre-
sented at the Colloque de Cerisy, France, 3 July, 2013); and Marilyn Strathern “Taking Care

of a Concept: Anthropological Reflections on the Assisted Society,” (paper presented at the
University of Cambridge, 13 November, 2012).
5 See, for instance, e-flux #46 (June/2013) on the theme of accelerationist aesthetics.
6 For a further elaboration of Stengers’ position in relation to science fiction, see “La science
fiction comme exercice speculative,” March 13, 2013, http://www.erg.be/erg/?lang=fr.
7 Virginia Woolf, Three Guineas (New York: Harcourt, Brace and Company, 1938), 160.
8 For a further elaboration of Stengers’ concept of an ecology of practices, see “Introductory
Notes on an Ecology of Practices,” Cultural Studies Review 11, no. 1 (March 2005):
183–196.
9 Stengers, “The Cosmopolitical Proposal.”
10 Isabelle Stenger and Philippe Pignarre, Capitalist Sorcery: Breaking the Spell, trans. and
ed. Andrew Goffey (Basingstoke and New York: Palgrave MacMillan, 2011), 4.
182
In the Furnace of Disorientation
by Guy Zimmerman
Tragic Drama and the Liturgical Force of Metal
A. Ramage and P. Craddock, King Croesus Gold, Archaeological Exploration of Sardis Monograph 11 Fig. 01
(Cambridge, Mass.: 2000), Fig. 4.28
The whole mountainous world appeared to me like

an enormous theatre.
– Robert Walser, “A Little Ramble” (1914)
Two recent explosions, Fukushima and Facebook, underscore the relevance of

metallurgy to our historical moment. While Fukushima is analytical, based on the
act of splitting, Facebook is connective, an emergent social media that has arisen
from a vast meshwork of electronic interconnectivity laid down over the preceding
decades and centuries. Infused with the paradoxes of subjectivity, we can never-
theless interpret Fukushima as metallurgy taking the form of toxic opponent, while
Facebook—as an emergent expression of metal-based electronics—is metallurgy
taking form as curative saviour (albeit in a mode of ironic trivialization). Together,
these two developments support the “assertoric” nature of the modern subject as
an entity constituted in language and dependent on provisional acts of repetitive
self-declaration, as opposed to a solid and impermeable “apodeictic” entity.1 In
what follows, I examine some links between the assertoric quality of metal-as-sub-
ject and the “pharmacological” capacities—i.e. acting as both poison and cure—of
the stage; I then consider the roots of furnace metallurgy in ancient Canaan as a
way to gauge the potential of a contemporary metallurgical image of thought.
This inquiry begins with

the spatial aspect of the
tragic stage, and how
its capacity to actualize
the virtual inherently
undermines the claims of
what might be called the
“apodeictic,” or logically
certain, subject. We can
use Giorgio Agamben’s dis-
cussion of what the French
Fig. 02 Archaeoloical Research at Aphrodisias in Caria, 1994. R.R.R. Smith, linguist Émile Benveniste
Chrisopher Ratte, American Journal of Archeology, 100, no. 1 calls “shifters” to see how
(January 1996), Fig. 23
the on-stage space is the
space of “I, here and now,”
out of which this assertoric subject is constituted in the moment of discourse or
performance. The nature of the “off-stage” is crucial to our analysis because it links
the art form to metallurgical effects that, despite ancient roots, are perhaps only
now becoming clear. By the off-stage I mean that diegetic world of a play we do not
see and, by definition, can never see precisely because it is the world existing in the
wings, conjured by the text and the performances, but never represented directly
on stage.2 This off-stage is analogous to the unconscious in that, if you walk up
and look into the wings, you still won’t see “it.”3 Just as we only come to know the
unconscious mind by observing the ways it alters the behaviours we can observe,
we only know about the off-stage of a play by the shaping force it exerts on events
depicted on-stage. It is in the force this off-stage exerts on the space of the stage,
and then, secondarily, on the experience of the audience, that we can locate the
metallurgical effects of tragic drama.
The best way to grasp the operative role of the off-stage is through a Deleuzian
lens by which it may be seen as a virtual zone that is intensively different from
the relational space in which the performance unfolds onstage. Immediately, we
realize that both off-stage and on-stage spaces are also different intensively from
the “actual” space inhabited by the audience. For Deleuze, intensive differences
drive processes; similarly, the nested arrangement of these three intensive spaces
can be viewed as the driver of the cultural process we call “performance,” “theatre,”
or, in this case, “tragic drama.” Classically, the purpose of the tragic spectacle is to
amplify intensive suffering toward an affective threshold in which the recursive
operations of the self are brought to a temporary halt. Importantly, however, our
attention is then drawn to an underlying relational capacity that is being actualized,
through the action of the tragedy, toward a radical transformation. This “halting of
recursive operations” is arguably a non-Aristotelian way to view catharsis; at least,
184
such an operation suggests a drastic complication of Aristotle’s view of catharsis as
a purification or cleansing.
Mapping out a Deleuzian taxonomy of the stage, then, the three differential spaces
of theatre can be read as the virtual off-stage, the relational on-stage, and the actual
audience.4 The zone of the relational is connected to the zone of the actual through
the audience’s experience of what is performed on stage. Entrances from, exits to,
and reports about the off-stage, meanwhile, connect the world of the virtual to the
relational and, again, by way of these appearances on-stage, to the actual experience
of the audience. The three zones create a circuit that can have tragic or comedic
effects, depending on certain particulars, the division of the stage space into three
intensive zones echoing the basic arrangement of the metallurgical furnace:
Ore Furnace Metal

Off-stage Stage Audience
Virtual Relational Actual
In technical terms, the Dionysian capacity of tragic drama is actualized by this

tripartite system of intensive differences, involving the audience in a transforma-
tive process. The dynamic plays out in classical tragedies in the dissolution of the
protagonist’s reified identity as a social and psychological being or, once again, as
an “apodeictic subject.” On-stage, this entity registers as a resistance to disjunction
and assertoricity, a tyrannical insistence on the certainty that I-am-this-rather-
than-(all)-that. “I am King,” insists Oedipus, or Lear, and then the forces of the
differential off-stage begin their inexorable sparagmos via the trajectory of the plot.
Pursuing similar objectives, dramatists from Aeschylus to Beckett and beyond

arrange these three zones in different ways. Aeschylus puts the suffering phar-
makos in the off-stage, the virtual space beyond the doors of the palace where
Agamemnon (and, later, Clytemnestra) is killed.5 The sovereign murdered off-stage
creates a powerful intensive affect, drawing a disjunctive energy toward us from out
of that radically differential space. In The Bacchae, Euripides personified this dis-
junctive energy, representing it directly on-stage by making Dionysus a “relational”
character (who is this “Oriental upstart”?), rather than an off-stage virtual force.
With Shakespeare’s great cycle of tragedies we see Greenblattian self-fashioning as
an assertoric process of self-improvisation fuelled by the “monstrous double” of the
newly minted English language as it performs itself in the empty, relational space of
the stage.6 Beckett, in turn, energizes Dionysus in the audience. In Beckett, as noth-
ing at all happens off-stage; the stage of Endgame is suspended in the ironic void
described by Clov at his window. In Beckett’s theatre, there is a vacuum in the wings,
underscoring the autocatalytic aspect of performative appearance—the absurdity
emphasizes the assertoric aspect of the theatrical spectacle—and tragedy becomes
a way of investigating and embodying this process in public view. Whereas the aim
of Greek tragedy is to intensify the off-stage to draw something molten toward us,
Beckett reverses this process—we are intensified to draw something out of us into
the off-stage—to re-animate a dead space, a world that has been drained of life.
In the Furnace of Disorientation | Guy Zimmerman 185

Beckett does this by intensifying heuristic pressure, heating us through ironic apo-
ria. The riddle is posed to us rather than to the characters, who understand what
we do not, but whose self-knowledge is so infused with pharmacological irony it
cannot help them.
It is important to remember that with tragic drama we are dealing always with the
pharmakos, the figure in fifth-century Athens who has been, in René Girard’s words,
“maintained by the city at its own expense and slaughtered at the appointed festi-
vals as human sacrifice,”7 to cleanse the polis of this poison that is also a cure. Girard
goes on to address how the pharmakos relates to the term “pharmakon,” which
plays such a central role in Derrida’s critique of Plato, writing that “the Platonic
pharmakon functions like the human pharmakos and leads to similar results…All
difference in doctrines and attitudes is dissolved in violent reciprocity.”8 According
to Stephen Barker, Derrida (and, in a different way, also Deleuze) attempted to
“re-think the pharmakon” to emphasize the slippery aspects of phenomenon that
resists stable signification and therefore disrupts the operation of transcendent bi-
naries.9 This slippery quality is embodied in the deity figure associated with tragic
drama: Dionysus. From the start, the aim of tragic drama was the release of a new
type of consciousness—the tragic recognition of difference’s primacy—both for the
protagonist on stage and, via mimetic circuitry, for the audience as well.
A case can be made that both Plato and Aristotle attempted to put this cat back
in the bag, so to speak, if the “cat” is here understood to be the pharmacological
energy released by the great tragedies of the previous century during the height
of Athenian power. It is not representation that Plato feared, but rather what rep-
resentation brings with it: the empty frame, the stage, the “unnamable” opposite
of the binary of representation, its shadow, the mobile element, the pharmakon.
Because such stagings returned written texts to presence via performance, theatre
can be viewed as Plato’s great rival; in Derridean terms, tragic drama is a pharma-
kon-machine, an apparatus for the activation of simulacra, mobile elements, agents
of groundlessness, curative poisons, jokers-in-the-deck.
The means by which tragic drama releases these pharmacological energies re-
quires further illumination. As a metallurgical practice, the stage operates as a kind
of furnace in which the raw ore of the protagonist is heated by the mechanisms
of the plot and the breath of the audience over the course of the drama, finally re-
leasing the bright, pure flow of pharmacological recognition—that is, of anamnesis,
or unforgetting. Tragedy demands that a threshold be crossed. Intensive gradients
in the “ore” give way and the metal flows out in a differential flood of cathartic
awareness, the scapegoat’s recognition of his or her assertoric nature. Furnace and
stage are thus morphogenetic spaces in which such virtual and relational capacities
are actualized through the release of differential gradients. Importantly, the capac-
ity of the tragic hero to suffer relates to the capacity of audiences to be moved by
that suffering; our capacities for tragic recognition are interwoven and also extend
beyond the boundaries of the theatre.
186
A. Ramage and P. Craddock, King Croesus Gold Archaeological, Exploration of Sardis Monograph 11 Fig. 03
(Cambridge, Mass.: 2000), Fig. 10. 1
The interpretive framework outlined above helps explain the importance of the
recent work of Israeli archaeologist Nissim Amzallag, who links the emergence
of copper smelting with the genesis of the deity Dionysus. More intriguing still,
Amzallag goes on to position the god of the Canaanite smelters, Yahweh, also
known in late antiquity as Io or Iao10—“the god of magicians and sorcerers”—as
a homologue of Dionysus.11 Given the trajectory of Judeo-Christian theology, it is
surprising to locate evidence, controversial though it may be, of a common root
between these two crucial deity figures. We see here the beginning of the con-
test between tragic drama and philosophy chronicled by Nietzsche, between a

Judeo-Christian identification of the deity with “truth” or logos on the one hand
and, on the other, an expression of the kind of assertoric, Dionysian desire. That
these two deities have a common root, in turn, might help us understand metallur-
gy’s conspicuous role in the processes of industrial mineralization of the planet: the
Anthropocene.
In Amzallag’s account, copper first announced itself via pure depos-

its that could be chipped off and laboriously shaped through cold- and
heat-hammering. Later, around 5000 BCE, somewhere near the city of Seir in
Canaan,12 some individual or group happened upon the first proto-industrial
process for heating raw ore to release a bright snake of pure copper. With
this process, the enduring human relationship with metal crossed a crucial
threshold. In an analysis rich in implications for the tragic stage, Amzallag
identifies this as the moment when his two crucial deities are born. It is
evidently an auspicious
alchemical moment—the
release of a pure substance
from a baser one; interest-
ingly, the development of
alchemy would unfold in
the Indian subcontinent
under the influence of a
third divine homologue:
Shiva.13 The forge reveals
ore (matter) to be an
arrangement of intensive
gradients, an ovum that
Fig. 04 Archaeoloical Research at Aphrodisias in Caria, 1994. R. R. R. Smith, gives birth to metal; the
Christopher Ratte, America Journal of Archeology, Vol. 100, No. 1 stage, likewise, reveals a
(Jan., 1996), Fig. 23
person to be pregnant with
recognitions. Dionysus-
Yahweh is the deity who makes men god-like via techne, rather than simply deploy-
ing divine powers on their behalf; tragic drama is positioned astride the permeable
boundary that separates the physical from the metaphysical. The dual nature of the
god-human of metallurgy points toward a differential, disjunctive nature in keeping
with the tragic off-stage; an especially transformative mode of worshipping this
deity is the disjunctive performance of tragic drama.14
With the birth of metallurgy, the set of new capacities now adorning human sub-
jectivity included the mirroring properties of burnished copper—the mirror that
is also a weapon and a currency of exchange—capacities that have been actualized
over the succeeding millennia and continue into the present. But the cultural
impact of crossing this threshold cut much deeper, and with greater severity. One
is left to imagine those early smelters working to explain to each other what was
happening through their experimental metallurgical technologies on both affective
188
and cognitive levels, leading to the invention of incommensurable deities. With
metallurgy, the material created by the man-god is associated with a transitive
element; it is as if metal were the vowel concealed within the consonant of ore,
the vowel that in Hebrew cannot be depicted because it carries the divine spirit, or
like the breath that inspirits the body, which in turn conceals it. “Dionysus,” write
Jean-Pierre Vernant and Pierre Vidal-Naquet, “is a god whose elusive countenance,
though close at hand, leads his devotees along the paths of otherness, opening up
the way to a type of religious experience that is virtually unique in paganism, radi-
cal self-disorientation.”15 Vernant and Vidal-Naquet are particularly eloquent when
describing the alterity of this deity:
What the vision of Dionysus does is explode from within and shatter the
“positivist” vision that claims to be the only valid one, in which every being
has a particular form, a definite place, and a particular essence in a fixed
world that ensures each his own identity that will encompass him forever,
the same and unchanging. To see Dionysus, it is necessary to enter a different
world where it is the “other,” not the same, that reigns.16
Necessarily, to worship or celebrate the disjunctive “self-disorientation” described

above, humans needed an art form commensurate with a different kind of god, a
god who would be an Other within the pantheon—Dionysus. The art form of tragic
drama arose in response to this cultural necessity.
To worship a deity like Dionysus is to embrace contradiction. To reify Dionysus on

the one hand, or to view him as pure becoming on the other, are both distortions in
which the deity is seen only partially. This incommensurability is why we encoun-
ter, in both Yahweh and Dionysus, radical, oxymoronic demands for an encoded
musicality, a carnal dance, the concrete fluidity of the serpent, a semiology of breath
entrapped in words, a currency of metal, an itinerant means of entrenchment, a poi-
son that is also a cure, the man-god who is transcendently immanent, and a delirium
of clarity,17 of the kind explored so resonantly centuries later by Antonin Artaud.
Yahweh-Dionysus arose to explain the experiential capacity of matter, what Deleuze
and Guattari would identify as its morphogenetic properties, and what Whitehead,
in Steven Shaviro’s reading, would link to material “occasions” in their continuous
self-prehension.18 To give this figure concrete material form is already a deeply
paradoxical and transformative act; worshipping this kind of deity entails entering
a double bind, an internal sparagmos.
If sparagmos is the appropriate form of worship for a deity embodying the oth-
erness that is latent in all identity, what form—other than an orgiastic tearing of
flesh—might this cataclysmic disjunction take? Given the “monstrosity” and “rad-
ical otherness” of language, literary form suggests itself here.19 But, even more so,
this disjunction finds its clearest expression in theatrical form. Agamben’s recent
work on the performative force of language, and its liturgical and sacramental as-
pects, suggests here a contiguity between the literary and the theatrical as well.20

Surveying both Deleuze and Guattari’s thought
and Émile Benveniste’s work in linguistics,
Agamben focuses his inquiry on the illocution-
ary force of a set of “shifters”—specifically the
terms “I,” “here,” and “now”—whose meaning
depends entirely on where and when they
are spoken. These proximally demonstra-
tive terms are particularly striking because
they are also the degree zero utterances of
the stage. In this regard, it is interesting to
consider how Dionysus, as the deity of the
I-here-now, constitutes the focal point for a
celebration of the assertoric subject, thus dif-
fracting the celebratory worship into multiple
foci. Conversely, this I-here-now of assertoric
Fig. 05 G. M. A. Hanfmann, Sardis from Prehistoric to
Roman Times (Cambridge Mass., 1983), fig.
subjectivity can be viewed as an assertion
55 (reconstruction) paradoxically available to all agents—in other
words, pure difference. The cathartic moment
of tragic drama completes the affective circuit
so that the illocutionary force of this sparagmatic I-here-now can be relayed to the
audience. It is in our relationship to these terms that we suddenly find ourselves
identical to each other in an uncanny and unsettling way; this, in fact, is the basis
for the mimetic effects Girard views as a perennial source of violence that humans
have learned to keep at bay through the sacrificial or pharmacological mechanisms
of culture.21
For Agamben, the “shifters” described above carry the “liturgical force” of command-
ment by which the subject is constituted, a force that the different apparatuses of
culture—law, religion, the various arts—organize and deploy in the service of their
particular purposes. These non-lexical shifters are also legible as the subject-consti-
tuting signs pure metal seeks to embody when it emerges “assertorically” from ore
in fluid form, the evidence of a poetic and a liturgical force within the material itself.
The metal “performs” its emergence, the flow suggesting a subjectivity concealed
in material. To make this disjunctive emergence intelligible in a form that can be
celebrated, it had to be given a name: Dionysus. And with Dionysus, a furnace of dis-
orientation, we locate a mode of subjectivity (e.g. Oedipus) that asserts itself within
the intensive circuits of the stage in the moment of tragic disjunction. We see how
the tragic spectacle is designed to relocate this assertoric “I,” and all its relational
capacity, in the virtual space of the off-stage, flooding the “actual” audience with
a Dionysian experience of “here and now.” The pharmakos can be seen as vehicle
for this process, his or her disarticulation conveying differential energies from the
off-stage across the threshold to reach the actual audience. The tragic spectacle is
designed to restore, amplify, and bring into the open the contagious, assertoric flu-
idity of the non-apophantic “shifters” linked to Dionysus—non-lexical signs whose
meaning depends on the proximal demonstration of discourse itself.
190
What is clear, finally, is that a modern form of subjectivity—fundamentally divided
against itself in a dynamic, intensive way—was co-produced with ancient furnace
metallurgy; in fact, both Greek tragedy and the Platonic and Aristotelian reactions
to its Dionysian qualities mark important stages in the slow but steady rise of
this mode of subjectivity toward its cultural hegemony. While expressions of the
furnace continue to modulate the ongoing emergence of the human species, and
amplify our re-making of the planet and its geology, metallurgy has also thoroughly
conditioned our inner lives. Through human agents, metal has long been thinking
its own capacities—for tensile strength and electrical conduction, for sharpness
in weaponry and tools, for expressive use in crafts and arts, etc.—into actuality.
In the present, our world is defined by the continuous flow of information along
metallic circuits that supplement and, increasingly, obviate human thought. And
while metal continues to actualize its material capacities by driving the human
will to artifice, we should also bear in mind the tragic lessons of both furnace and
stage: to allow the disorienting reality of the virtual to be made intelligible, we may
require new cultural practices, narratives, and rituals—an enormous, planetary
theatre—to sustain the intensity of our collective experiences of alterity, violence,
and transformation.
Notes
1 Giorgio Agamben, Animal, Man, Language, European Graduate School, 2001, http://www.
youtube.com/watch?v=KNVvvslTO8s.
2 Michael Issacharoff, Discourse as Performance (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1989),
58.
3 I owe this insight to the playwright John Steppling, with whom I have frequently collabo-
rated as playwright and director.
4 The basic arrangement of the three intensive spaces involved in theatrical work con-
spicuously echoes Deleuze’s account of how capacities are actualized out of the virtual.
Unlike properties, capacities are limitless and unbounded, their actualization entails a
relational coupling. According to the Deleuzian philosopher of science Manuel De Landa,
the term “affect” in Deleuze and Guattari is always shorthand for “capacity to affect and be
affected.” Capacities are thus related to the virtual. Properties, by contrast, are certain and
“apodeictic” in nature—they can be exhaustively listed and are not in any crucial way re-
lational. For a further explanation of these distinctions, see Manuel De Landa, Philosophy
and Simulation: The Emergence of Synthetic Reason (London and New York: Continuum,
2011).
5 David Wiles, Tragedy in Athens: Performance Space and Theatrical Meaning (Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 1997), 58.
6 Stephen Greenblatt, Renaissance Self-Fashioning: From More to Shakespeare (Chicago:
University of Chicago Press, 1980), 245.
7 René Girard, Violence and the Sacred (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press, 1977), 9.
8 Ibid., 296.
9 Stephen Barker’s comment was delivered directly on an earlier draft of this essay present-
ed at University of California, Irvine, on 2 April 2012.

10 Jean-Pierre Vernant and Pierre Vidal-Naquet, Myth and Tragedy in Ancient Greece, trans.
Janet Lloyd (New York: Zone Books, 1988), 389.
11 Nissim Amzallag, “Was Yahweh Worshipped in the Aegean?” Journal for the Study of the
Old Testament 35, no. 4 (2011): 404.
12 Ibid.
13 David Gordon White, The Alchemical Body: Siddha Traditions in Medieval India (Chicago:
University of Chicago, 1996), 54.
14 Amzallag, “Was Yahweh Worshipped in the Aegean?”, 404.
15 Vernant and Vidal-Naquet, Myth and Tragedy in Ancient Greece, 182.
16 Ibid., 394.
17 Amzallag, “Was Yahweh Worshipped in the Aegean?”, 391–397.
18 Steven Shaviro, Without Criteria: Kant, Whitehead, Deleuze and Aesthetics (Cambridge,
Mass: MIT Press, 2009), 28.
19 Julia Kristeva, Powers of Horror: An Essay on Abjection, trans. Leon S. Roudiez (New York:
20 Giorgio Agamben, “Animal, Man, and Language,” http://www.egs.edu/faculty/giorgio-
agamben/videos/animal-man-and-language/.
21 Girard, Violence and the Sacred, 147.
192
Tar Creek Supergrid (2012)
Amy Norris and Clinton Langevin (Captains of Industry)
PUBLIC LEVEL
COLUMNS
PERSONAL RAPID TRANSIT BEAMS
PEDESTRIAN TRANSIT ONLY BEAMS
HOUSING PODS
VERTICAL CIRCULATION
WATER TREATMENT/TOURIST CENTRE + VERTICAL CIRCULATION
WASTE ROCK PILES
TAR CREEK
The history of Picher, Oklahoma begins and ends with the Tar Creek lead
and zinc mines. Operational for nearly 80 years, the area’s mines provided
over 45 per cent of the lead and 50 per cent of the zinc consumed by the
U.S. during World War One.1 The by-products of this intense operation
transformed the local prairie geography, creating dozens of waste rock
heaps, known as “chat piles,” with some extending over 30m in height. In the
1970s, the discontinuation of the pumps required to clear water from the
underground shafts led to the gradual accumulation and eventual overflow
of water at the surface, carrying with it lead, zinc, cadmium, and arsenic.2
The mines that created Picher ultimately led to its downfall. Although billions
of dollars worth of ore was extracted from the Tar Creek area, the money
available to clean up the environmental fallout from mining activities—in
the form of the Comprehensive Environmental Response, Compensation,
and Liability Act of 1980 (commonly known as the Superfund)—is extreme-
ly limited, especially when compared to the scale of the mine’s impact on
194
the local environment. Lacking the funds to substantially remediate the site,
the majority of available Superfund money has been spent on relocating the
remaining inhabitants of the area.3
The Tar Creek Supergrid emerged from our proposition that landscapes
disturbed by human industry, such as abandoned mines, could become fron-
tiers for human settlement and innovation. Solar energy generation, as part
of a proposed national grid of clean energy research and development hubs,
is introduced as a financial catalyst for the site, but with a twist: the addition
of a structure that raises the solar energy infrastructure off the ground, cre-
ating an opportunity to host other activities on the site while treading lightly
on a landscape in repair. In addition to providing an armature for energy
generation, the concrete structure, pre-fabricated using waste rock material
from the site, also acts as a conduit to carry water, energy, and waste to and
from inhabited areas of the site.
Tar Creek Supergrid | Amy Norris and Clinton Langevin 195

The result is a three-tiered plan. The uppermost level is devoted to solar
energy development and production: testing the latest technology and
producing a surplus of energy for the site and its surroundings. This layer is
also the starting point for water management on the site, where rainwater
is collected and flows to one of several treatment plants around the radial
grid. The middle level is the place of dwelling and circulation. As the need for
space grows, beams are added to create an inhabitable layer: the beams act
as a pedestrian and cycling circulation system, but also the infrastructure for
dwelling and automated transit. Finally, the ground plane becomes a labora-
tory for bioremediation of both the soil and water systems. A combination of
active and passive treatment systems for both the waste water from the site
and the mine drainage are coupled with a connected system of boardwalks
to allow inhabitants and visitors to experience both the industrial inheri-
tance of the site and the renewed hope for its future.
Notes
1 Tri-State Lead and Zinc District,” Oklahoma Historical Society, http://digital.library.ok-
state.edu/encyclopedia/entries/T/TR014.html.
2 “Tar Creek – Ottawa County, Oklahoma,” United States Environmental Protection Agency,
http://www.epa.gov/region6/6sf/oklahoma/tar_creek/index.htm#infob.
3 Ibid.
196
Matters of Fabulation
François Roche in Conversation with Etienne Turpin
On the Construction of Realities in the

Anthropocene
As the principal of New-Territories, R&Sie(n), and [eIf/bʌt/c], François

Roche is based mainly in Bangkok, sometimes in Paris, and during the Fall,
in New York, for a research studio at the Graduate School of Architecture,
Preservation and Planning, Columbia University. Through these different
structures, his architectural works and protocols seek to articulate both real
and fictional geographic situations and the narrative structures that can
transform them. He was born in Paris in 1961, and first trained as a math-
ematician, later graduating from the School of Architecture of Versailles in
1987. In 1989, with French architects Stephanie Lavaux and Jean Navarro,
he founded R&Sie(n) architecture studio, which developed a range of work
experimenting with technological mutations, territorial transformations,
and distorted appropriations of nature. His work with New-Territories,
R&Sie(n), and [eIf/bʌt/c] has been exhibited widely at institutions and gal-
leries around the world, and he has held visiting professorships at a number
of universities, including, most recently, the Bartlett School in London, TU
Vienna, ESARQ (Barcelona), ESA (Paris), the University of Pennsylvania
in Philadelphia, Angewandte (Vienna), and USC-Los Angeles, in addition
to Columbia University’s GSAPP every Fall since 2006. In May 2013, I met
François in Bangkok’s controversial Pata Zoo—an aging, rooftop animal
prison overlooking the city’s Bang Phlat District from the sixth and seventh
floors of the Pata Department Store—where he was considering the possibil-
ity of a new design commission within the space that would re-locate human
visitors more conspicuously within the confines of the zoo’s enclosure. What
follows is an edited transcript of our conversation.
Etienne Turpin We are trying to consider perspectives on architecture from

outside of the dominant concept of nature (as opposed to culture) in relation to the
Anthropocene.
François Roche How is the Anthropocene thesis related to the concept of Gaïa?
ET The argument is basically that the aggregate effect of human beings on the
planet has reached a geological proportion. We believe this challenges many archi-
tects’ concepts of nature.
FR But we are not completely in control of what is happening. Humans are agents;
sometimes humans are slave agents, sometimes swarm agents, or even intelligent
agents. This is also the concept of Gaïa.
ET The Anthropocene thesis undermines any meaningful epistemological distinc-

tion between human beings and nature, or culture and nature. Bruno Latour has
recently brought the concept of Gaïa into a dialogue, through his own thinking on
political theology, with the Anthropocene thesis as well. Isabelle Stengers has also
used the concept of Gaïa to challenge the Anthropocene thesis.1 The projects that
you have done, and the particular alchemical position you take through your work,
as well as the evocation of biotopes in some of your design projects, all suggest a
certain characterization of nature.
FR It started very naively, simply by taking a “weak position” in the 1980s. We

wanted to develop a weak position as an attempt to avoid dominating the situation.
We began with a kind of contextualism—I know that the idea of context has been
very badly used by architects for the past 20 years—but a contextualism in terms
of the biotope. The biotope is pre-existing, before we modify it, using the material
substances of the biotope to be the vectors of their own transformation, the agents
of their own transformation. So we start with psychasthenia, if you know Roger
Caillois’s approach to psychasthenia, where the biotope can create its own orna-
mentation, becoming a flower, or a building, through an extra-vitalism that directly
extracts potential from its situation. But we reached a certain ambiguity, or kind of
trouble, which, in the last 10 years, made us start to question how the position we
were using not to dominate the situation was becoming a position of domination—
not in terms of aesthetics, but intellectually.
ET It was a kind of back-door domination?
FR Weakness, as a position, became its own intellectual position and a statement

of its own. This statement of weakness quickly became a vector of pretentious-
ness—of pretending you are over the situation because you consider the situation
as an exogenous system. So, we were thinking about whether the same weakness
could become endogenous. As an architect, how do you become a part of the sys-
tem? Not only as an architect, but as a human, as a body, as flesh, as a species, as a
breathing mammal? Are you able to take a position from inside, when you are in a
position of servitude to the system you are trying to transform? That is, to lose the
visibility of what you are doing and to accept a degree of uncertainty. That is why
we talk a lot about uncertainty, a concept developed by Cedric Price in the 1970s,
in order to accept a degree of missing knowledge, of driving horses without being
able to tame them. This requires negotiation, the negotiation through an embassy
between nature and yourself.
It is very interesting, the project of Ant Farm from the late 1960s, about the Dolphin
Embassy. Everyone knows this project now, but even 10 years ago it was not so easy
198
to talk about it in architecture. The possibility of making an embassy so that every-
body, every thing on every side, has the right to negotiate a zone where all relations
between the behaviours are plausible. Human and nature, human and dolphin, etc.
So we tried to define this kind of thing, to integrate the human as an animality, as a
degree, or as a vector of the Part maudite, as in Georges Bataille.2 We are working on
architecture as a Bataille-machine: psychology, physiology, history, temperament.
We want to consider a premedical system, before Hippocrates, where temperament
describes the body as a negotiation between the temperament of the black bile, the
blood, the phlegm, etc. The body is an emotional fluidity and therefore an emotion-
al machine. This is not so far away from Deleuze and Guattari’s desiring-machine,
or Antonin Artaud’s body-without-organs, a provocative argument that the body is
not merely a composition of organic machinery, but a constant transference of flux.
So, if we can integrate the desiring-machine, the body-without-organs, the animal

body, can we understand behaviour as acephalous—a fundamentally headless pro-
cess? Can we use the biochemistry, neurobiology, and nanotechnology of today to
understand the atavism of the reptilian part of the brain that is making Pavlovian
reactions—the will to survive—predicted by the DNA and the transmission of DNA,
but which, at the same time, cannot be so easily categorized. We are trying to pose
the question of architecture not in terms of function, but in terms of psycho-physio
phobias or philias. That is, as emotional reactions constituting case studies that lead
to a taxonomy and produce morphologies that can extract form from emotional
flux. To elicit a program that we cannot predict through knowledge, or the normal
tooling of an architect. The last 10 years was about that.
ET To go back a little bit, I am curious if you think the idea of the “weak posi-
tion” became dominant within your own practice or within the broader field of
architecture?
FR The so-called “weak position” became décor. It became the décor of taking
care of nature; it became just a green façade. It was then only a stereotype, the
merchandizing of architecture as a simulation of weakness and cooperation. But
nature is monstrous!
ET You responded with the slime building?
FR Exactly, because to use nature as décor, to simplify ecology in this way, is a kind
of domination through domestication. It produced a kind of Disney Land World Fair
of architecture justified by pseudo-ecological values. I am very worried by that. I
think we have to keep intact the intrinsic conflict of nature, especially of our own
nature. But for architecture, nature is typically conceived of as a peaceful thing
occasionally afflicted by catastrophes. This is a problem, because to negotiate with
nature is to negotiate with brutal forces. So you have to approach it delicately, with
courage, but without denying or erasing the danger.
Matters of Fabulation | A Conversation with François Roche 199

ET To leave a place for it to appear?
FR For something to appear between repulsion and curiosity. You are curious
about what is scaring you! Now nature is just a world garden, a domesticated gar-
den. But nature always produces its own revenge. I am a surfer, and in the last five
years shark attacks have also increased by a multiple of five around the world. Is
this the revenge of Gaïa? This psycho-parallel universe says Gaïa is the mistress of
the world and that we humans are only a part of a global equilibrium, even while
we keep thinking we will just enjoy our supremacy. In fact, even when we are de-
stroying something, it is for the benefit of Gaïa—we are never outside of this circuit.
The supreme forces of the Earth, of the planet, are not divinities, but the forces of a
global equilibrium in which we are just vectors, just citizens, but not controllers.
It is interesting that at the same time as ecology is developing, we are seeing the
self-completion of the human though the destruction of the planet but also, through
a recognition that we are destroying the planet, we realize the scale of destruction
humans are capable of. We recognize the potential danger of domination, but the
planet is capable of destroying us as well. So, while we desperately need to reorga-
nize the social contract, we also need to renegotiate it with nature.
ET This is the argument of Michel Serres.
FR Certainly, Le Contrat Naturel is about that.3 There is a simultaneity! We can’t

take care of the cats if we can’t take care of the neighbourhood! If you look at the
first political ecology, from the Germans in WWII, it was organized by the Nazi
General Hermann Göring. He was, at the same time, directing the Final Solution.
Modern ecology comes out of this incredible distinction between the suffering of
the people and protecting the domestic animal. This is similar to South Africa, un-
der the apartheid regime, where the animal reserves were incredibly sophisticated.
ET Eugenics has its counterpart in the preservation of nature.
FR Yes, and in this way people taking care of nature are very suspicious to me!
ET How do you see architecture, especially in the last ten years, in terms of its
response to planetary, ecological collapse?
FR The discipline is now a refugee unto itself, just an ivory tower. But I think a
lot about this concern, for instance, how the polar bear is becoming a hermaph-
rodite to increase its potential for reproduction because of global climate change.
There are examples in the fish as well. Nature responds to change by changing
its sexuality, its morphology, its physiology, its behaviour. So, architecture is not
about selling green products as new merchandise that can save Willy or save the
world! It is about modifying our own comportment between us and others. That
is a pretty strange complexity for architects to confront today. Architects want to
200
follow the mainstream production of global merchandise without questioning the
new reductionism that says we must consume to protect the planet. This is a total
antagonism; in fact, it is an absurdity—over-consuming with a green attitude! And
all without questioning our proximity or relationship to others, to other species,
to the environment. Architecture as green consumption is just green-washing, and
we know that architecture is completely involved in this green-washing of global
merchandise. Is there a way to have a voice, to say, “Perhaps we are wrong. Perhaps
there are other possibilities”? There is the mainstream image of architecture, which
is as univocal as a slab of concrete. Architecture then becomes a global lamentation
with a univocal voice, without any care for singularities, other practices, or other
ways of conducting our practice in the world.
It is terrible how the last 10 years were dedicated to the success story of the last
architect making the tower in Dubai. It is funny, but look at it now—the field is
entirely impoverished! The field of architecture is crashing everywhere, not just
in the US, and architects are becoming even more a part of the slavery system of
capitalism. Why? I don’t want to answer why, but we have to question why it is so
disastrous to be an architect in the world right now!
ET But do you see yourself as an architect?
FR I am like you! I am like the monkey in The Jungle Book, when the monkey says,
“I am like you, I want to be like you, I want to be like you.” I want to be like you, I
want to be an architect, but it doesn’t mean I am an architect. Just like you, I don’t
know what that means exactly.
ET Does it have to mean making building-sized advertisements for merchandise?
FR Louis Althusser described pretty well the difference between the heroic peri-
od, the classic period, and the communication period we are in now. In the heroic
period, the architect was both denouncing and producing. Perhaps we know too
well King Vidor’s The Fountainhead, based on Ayn Rand’s book about Frank Lloyd
Wright. We know it well, of course, but beyond the stereotype, there was a debate
between producing and denouncing. In the illusion of modernity, in the denunci-
ation of the system and its failures, as we see in Carlo Scarpa and others, there is
a denouncement and a possibility to produce through denouncement. The heroic
period was schizophrenic. It is interesting if we conserve—not in terms of preser-
vation—but if we travel a little bit with this kind of schizophrenic potential. You
can say “Fuck you,” and “I love you.” If you always say “I love you,” you forget how to
negotiate with an occasional “Fuck you!” So, you have to negotiate, you always have
to make room to negotiate.
The attitude of the smart architect today: working every day of the week, all the
time, never considering societies other than their own, never trying to denounce
the new economic imperialism or the situation of the system; finally, step by step,

this disqualifies architecture, its potential for narration, and its potential for acting.
Architects are no longer acting in society; they act within their field with incredible
knowledge about new tools and with a remarkably self-referential expertise, but
no one wants this knowledge outside of the field of architecture. So, we are like
monkeys in a cage who develop an incredibly sophisticated language, but no one
can understand the language outside the cage. The question of how to renegoti-
ate the porosity of the cage, of re-infiltrating the cage—in both directions—this
is exactly what we are trying to practice now. I am pretty optimistic. I don’t want
to be optimistic, but, on arrive à toucher le fond de la piscine [we’ve reached the
bottom of the swimming pool]! So, there is nothing more to do except come up
for air. It is a global condition that I wrote about in Log and there is no need to
repeat it.4 But we cannot separate research and politics. Artists are usually a lot
better at becoming engaged in the debates about their own society and, at the same
time, in the debates regarding the singularity of their own productions. Both have
a possibility of articulating knowledge transactions and transhistorical processes,
challenging what is outside of the field and what is inside, and thus negotiating the
boundaries. A boundary is an osmotic membrane. When the membrane becomes
entirely determined by advertising, it is no longer porous. The field of architecture
declared that its own knowledge was self-sufficient, became self-confident, and
stopped caring what happened outside the field. And, now we have such a deficit of
attention for what is outside the discipline.
We arrive at the last Venice Biennale (2012), with some stupid, social impres-
sions—a report on a vertical slum in Caracas that imagined, by simply reporting
on the slum, it would engage society in a new debate. But we are not reporters;
we are acting and transforming, and we are taking care of transformations as well.
Sometimes we have to break the system, and other times we need to encourage it.
But, we are not reporters; we are not sociologists reporting on miserable zones of
the planet to create a sympathetic consciousness about the horrors of the world.
For me, this is terribly vulgar. It was the most vulgar Biennale so far—architects
simulating a good conscience!
ET But can you admit that informality is an important question for architecture in
the Anthropocene?
FR I think informality is more interesting as a process in the construction of the

city. We could question informality in terms of design, but slums, like the slums
here in Bangkok, they don’t need architects! They don’t need you, they don’t need
me. They have incredible organization, social organization, which is not top down,
but about the delegation of micro-power in a constant movement, from the bottom
up. You don’t have time now, but I could show you how useless architects are for
the slums, but you know that already from Jakarta. We still have architects trying to
force it, like a degree of justification, as if people need them to validate a process or
a set of skills. This is a total vulgarity.
202
ET So is this position at all related to your work in film? Did you decide to move to
a different kind of production altogether, for example, with Hybrid Muscle?5
FR We started with film quite a long time ago now; the first was with Philippe
Parreno.
ET I have been very interested in the work of Hans Vaihinger, a German philoso-
pher who wrote The Philosophy of ‘As If.’ In this book, Vaihinger discusses the power
of fiction from a philosophical perspective, admitting the need for speculative
realities, upon which both fiction and science rely.
FR Before, it might have been possible to consider science as hardware, as a

kind of petrified knowledge—of course, this was unrealistic thinking—but we
know now science is marked by permanent speculation. From Ptolemy to Kepler,
among many others, there is a cosmic movement, and science was carrying with
it a concept of the world, or a concept of the organization of the world, through
this movement. And each time a choice was made to explain something, it was also
political. Science is politics. Science means you want to see what your synchronicity
is able to understand, able to accept, or able to justify. So, there is an incredible,
perpetual incest between the concept of the universe or the concept of the world,
and the will to knowledge coming from the sciences. We can try to use science to
prove something, or use politics to prove something, but there is a permanent flux,
and both micro- and macro-scale concerns continue.
Architects tend to have a very impressionistic understanding of science because

they consider it a tautology that contains all knowledge; on the contrary, we know
this is not the case. When I came to architecture from physics, there was a concern
with abstractions. But, in science we know abstractions, as axioms, rely on the
explanation of a reality that cannot be validated in nature or experience. This is the
duplicity of knowledge. We talk about this because fiction is akin to alchemy, when
the science of the Middle Ages invented its own grammar for a knowledge which is
not directly operative, but operates on itself, and by doing so, according to its own
logic, becomes a thesis on knowledge without direct practice, but with illusionary
practices for the mutation of substances. Alchemy has an incredible alphabet and
a deepness to its internal logic in order to prove that which cannot be proven real
about that which doesn’t exist. At the same time, we might consider the fiction of
architecture as a kind of pataphysics, as in the writing of Alfred Jarry.
ET Architecture as the solution to an imaginary problem?
FR To mix narration, illusion, science, and sensation, you must insinuate your-
self in the crack between the true and the false, between madness and rigor, and
then you can inhabit the forbidden, as described by Michel Foucault, as another
discourse. The pataphysical field is snaking; it is not a group of objects, but objects
that are subjects at the same time, subjects that lead our mind somewhere that

secures one zone by dislocating another. Pataphysics is a metaphor in the ety-
mological sense—a vehicle of transportation. You are in a vehicle that allows you
to go somewhere, and to return with a report of something you saw or touched,
which modifies the perception of reality in another zone. There is another parallel
with André Breton and Salvador Dalí, who used the paranoiac-critical method to
question perception through mental states, physiology, optical perspectives, per-
versions, etc., in order to understand the “je” as a form of negotiation, not in terms
of the individual, but in terms of the species. Me—“je”—as a term of negotiation
with others.
ET Is that negotiation of perspective not the work of architecture? Not that archi-
tecture is the only way to negotiate perspective…
FR We have lost what it means to be an architect; we have lost this notion. It does
not mean constructing a building. Many people construct buildings, but are they
necessarily architects? No! So why are we architects? To define a political-aesthetic
condition of construction where we produce something in order to destabilize the
habits of a situation. I don’t think there is anything else for us, because if we take the
job of an architect, it is not for the beauty of the building alone, or for the arrogance
of the discourse, or to become the master of ceremonies which so many young egos
want to become today, but to question the condition of production and the context
of practice.
For example, we are trying to do a building now, a contemporary art museum,

and we are trying to work within a fragment of forest in central Bangkok. We are
working to calculate all the positions of the main branching of the trees and their
trunks to make a building without cutting anything—a building with a “shy crown.”
In the forest, trees do not touch each other; they have a shy crown because their
leaves will not touch each other. Trees respect distances. In the forest, this is the
crack in between the tree canopies, which you can’t always see. They respect a
zone where they do not touch. We are developing this museum project through an
idea of timidity, developed through mathematics, where we resist touching nature.
Antipathy has become, for this project, a design strategy.
We are immediately questioning what an object is. An object, in the contemporary

situation, has to negotiate a relationship with other species. We respect the trees
not because we want to save the planet, but because we want to understand how
these relationships, correspondences, antagonisms, or conflicts produce both pa-
thology and geometry. That is, how these relations form an architecture.
ET What about the relationship of your work to Gilles Deleuze? There is a certain
crude appropriation of philosophy in architecture, but I am interested in how you
relate philosophy to your practice, which seems especially committed to theoretical
inquiry.
204
FR We take time. It is the only agent in our present condition that can develop a
degree of blurry knowledge. Time for becoming unsatisfying, time for dis-identifi-
cation. I think you cannot so clearly identify what we are doing in the studio. In the
end, yes, it is an object, diluted by a certain narration and through its own process
of objectification. But this is also not so clear.
Really, it is about taking time. For the museum I just mentioned, we asked for three
months to develop a draft design, but they wanted it in two weeks. This means that
we always try to slow down, we are very slow. We slow down production so that
we never answer a problem of design with concepts. I am very afraid of concepts,
and Deleuze said it perfectly—the only people who should work with concepts
are the philosophers, nobody else! Of course, the public relations people making
advertisements are not making concepts either—they are just selling production
within the field of merchandise.
But, to take time is an economic problem. This is why I am in Bangkok: because the
only way to take time is to minimize the daily cost of the studio, which was far too
high in Paris. The last few years in Paris, I was not able to take time on projects, and
I lost a lot of projects and clients trying to slow down. I could convince the client to
take time, but I can’t convince the bank to take time! That’s the problem! The banks
in Europe became worse and worse, and I ideologically bankrupted my studio in
Paris by saying no to the French banks. I lost a lot of profit and gained a lot of debt.
Now, in Bangkok, we are in a position where we can reconfigure the economy of
production and the economy of thinking.
But, honestly, I was really astonished when I went to Japan as a young architect. I
won a prize to go study in Japan and I decided to spend half of my time in a Buddhist
temple, in the winter, to understand the pain of being a Buddhist—it is not so com-
fortable to be a Buddhist in the middle of winter—and also to meet the architect
Kazuo Shinohara. Shinohara is maybe a surprising influence on me. He takes ten
years to make a project. The main issue in architecture today is architects trying to
brand themselves all over the world. But look at the number of projects of Mies van
der Rohe and the other heroic architects—not so many. They considered a work
of architecture as a way of creating themselves, not as industrial reproduction. I
think this is interesting—of course, perhaps I am totally romantic—but I think the
field of architecture has to be multiple. It is now purely dedicated to an industrial
vision, and the replication of an industrial vision; although, to be clear, I am not
saying that this should not exist. Just as in nineteenth-century Europe, there were
treatises to make a temple, to make a church, etc., and architects were to follow
the treatises to make proper, standard, public buildings. It is the same condition
right now. It might appear as if production is not standardized because of the fancy
décor of contemporary buildings, but the practice is highly standardized through
its relationship to capital. And now they are using an impoverished image of nature
as the outline for the treatises of today.

Okay, let me say that I think it is interesting to help some other practices. Other
practices are also tolerable. There are many possibilities. You can make something
very arrogant for the flagship store of some new merchandise, or you can make
something very timid. But, timid does not mean without ambition! It can be very
ambitious…think, for example, of Ingmar Bergman, Robert Bresson, or Dreyer’s La
Passion de Jeanne d’Arc—it is totally weak, but incredibly provocative.
So the weak, the timid, is not without ambition. We believe too much in the self-con-
fident, self-promotion of the architect, and it is the only kind of character promoted
in architecture, the architect as businessman; whether feminine or masculine, it is
the same.
So, I believe that a small practice, with modest production using antagonisms to
question the contemporary mode of production, is still valuable today. But, young
architects are not prepared for that. They are prepared only to succeed, in a very
standardized way, and when they don’t succeed, when they don’t get the value
that they expected from their degrees, they become incredibly bitter. You used to
become bitter in your 50s, or your 40s, but now we have bitter architects in their
early 30s! That is the field!
ET Within the higher education industry, the role of the profession is to help sell
an image of success that encourages student debt and maximizes industry profit. If
the profession helps sell the image, the discipline serves this industry.
FR Yes, exactly. It is connected to a kind of propaganda which was started by

Wallpaper in London, and Blueprint, which confused the character of the architect
with her own production. This is how branding became a kind of valuable self-pro-
motion for young architects. This is why R&Sie(n) had an avatar, to avoid becoming
a branding portrait, but it is not so useful now, perhaps.
But, I would like to say again that art practices negotiate much better than architec-
ture the kind of multiple possibilities of production, as well as accepting an expo-
sure to vulgarity. Architects are simulating, as best they can, that everything is fine.
They must maintain an attitude of hygienic thinking, a hygienic relation to a world
they repeatedly tell us is fine. This is architecture as a brand of permanent opti-
mism. But when we erase deception, nostalgia, the forbidden—all of these things
that are very important for understanding human pathology and emotion—we
have erased everything which could be a danger. We try to contain the whole world.
The last ten years of architecture have only been about efficiency and expertise—it
has been terrible! This erases everything that could elicit a degree of subjectivity
in the architect. But architecture wants to say, instead: we are building, we are con-
structing, we are making the future. How stupid is this? Everyone knows we are not
doing that, and we all know architecture is trapped. Except, you know, it’s great for
capitalism, which tells us: great, work for the future, work every day, and we don’t
206
need to pay you because you are working for the future! We know perfectly well
that the replication of the present as the production of the future is a catastrophe.
ET So you are going to reintroduce the subjective dimension of the architect by

going to find the Minotaur in Crete?
FR I think we have to find the Minotaur. We have to renegotiate metaphor, nostal-

gia, forbidden words, deception, weakness, and delusion in order to renegotiate a
relationship to the world that has been condemned. We need to bring the vocab-
ulary of the world back into architecture, which has tried to minimize the ways
that ideas can be expressed and limit the emotional flux of expression as much as
possible.
For now, R&Sie(n) is sleeping. After 25 years, we are taking a break from the
masochism of architecture. Of course, I am swimming in this masochism as well—I
think it is my biotope—but it is still a very interesting concept about negotiating,
through the contract, one’s dependence and one’s servitude. You accept a degree of
servitude on the condition that it is contractual, as in Deleuze’s book about Leopold
von Sacher-Masoch.
As New-Territories, we are now going to Crete. Within the Schengen Zone, Crete
is in a very strange situation.6 The Schengen Zone is a very peculiar barrier that
tries to protect the people on the inside by jailing them. This is both increasing the
temptation to get inside, but also creating a sensation of security and importance
that is a barrier to understanding the condition of the world. The planet, its energy,
and its refugees must be excluded from the zone, but the need to fight economic
imperialism still remains. I was thinking that a project could be more sophisticated
in Crete. They have a background as a philosophical and cultural foundation of
Europe, and they now have a fantastic conflict arising on the Mediterranean scene.
There is potential in antagonism and negotiation.
So, we are doing a project with students to construct the platform for one fiction-
al Greek citizen revolting against the barrier of the Schengen Zone, redefining a
second zone within his own house as a kind of Robinson Crusoe figure. Within the
second barrier is a kind of autonomous zone. We want to consider this intellectual-
ly and physically, and in relation to the “inter-zone” of William Burroughs. It could
be inside or outside, as a Klein bottle.
We are working in an area where people speak German, basically a vacation camp
for German tourists. Why do they go there? To relax, to siesta, to use the soft econ-
omy to quiet themselves. But why is the Greek economy so much trouble? Because
they are not producing enough! Germans demand the Greeks to be more like them,
sacrifice like them, while they expect to go on vacation to a quiet camp where ev-
eryone is smiling, relaxed, and not working!

We are in the absurd situation where in order to have a quality of life, an authentic
life, a relaxed life, you have to pay! It is only possible as a vacation camp; you cannot
try to live like that. In Europe today, you have to pay for it—freedom cannot be free!
Notes
1 See Bruno Latour, Facing Gaia: Six Lectures on the Political Theology of Nature, 2013
Gifford Lectures on Natural Religion, http://www.bruno-latour.fr/node/486; and,
Isabelle Stengers, in this volume.
2 Georges Bataille, The Accursed Share, Vol. 1, translated by Robert Hurley (New York: Zone
Books, 1991).
3 Michel Serres, The Natural Contract (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1995).
4 François Roche, ed., Log 25, ‘reclaim resis(lience)stance’ (Spring/ Summer 2012).
5 R&Sie, “Hybrid Muscle” (2003) in “Boys from Mars,” by Philippe Parreno (2003).
6 “The Schengen Area is a group of 26 European countries that have abolished passport
and immigration controls at their common borders. It functions as a single country for
international travel purposes, with a common visa policy. The Area is named after the vil-
lage of Schengen in Luxembourg where the Schengen Agreement, which led to the Area›s
creation, was signed. Joining Schengen entails eliminating internal border controls with
the other Schengen members, while simultaneously strengthening external border con-
trols with non-Schengen states.” Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Schengen_Area.
208
The Geological Imperative
by Paulo Tavares
On the Political Ecology of the

Amazonia’s Deep History
“The Fierce People”: Images from the ethnographic film The Ax Fight, which documents a conflict within Fig. 01
a Yanomami community witnessed during field-work research carried by North-American ethnologist
Napoleon Chagnon. Realized in collaboration with Timothy Ash, 1975.
Beginning in the late 1960s, a series of reports produced by various media and
non-governmental agencies around the world began to expose an international
public to the critical situation confronting the indigenous peoples of Amazonia,
whose territories, and cultural and physical survival, were under severe threat due
to the aggressive developmental programs being implemented in the region. Out
of this lineage of activist reports came The Geological Imperative: Anthropology
and Development in the Amazon Basin of South America, a 90-page compilation of
four articles written by the North American anthropologists Shelton H. Davis and
Robert O. Mathews and published in 1976. “An exercise in political anthropology,”
as the authors described it, the document presented an up-to-date cartography of
the depth of mining and oil-drilling activities in the former “isolated” areas of the
Amazonia. Since the early 1970s, such operations had been aggressively expanding,
particularly in Ecuador, Peru and Brazil, in a process that the authors associated
with a condition of generalized violence and human rights violations inflicted on
the indigenous communities inhabiting these lands. By offering a critical map of
the contemporary context within which ethnological fieldwork was taking place
in Amazonia, a situation that was representative of several other ethnographic
fronts in the Third World, The Geological Imperative made a case for political en-
gagement through anthropological practice. They contended that ethnographers
should consider this specific historical conjecture and position research alongside
the development program that was being deployed in the Amazon, which, at that
time, was largely carried out through partnerships established between powerful
multinational corporations, international financial institutions, and the militarized
states that ruled much of Latin America. The proposed exercise in political anthro-
pology did not, therefore, refer to the traditional concerns of ethnology regarding
the internal symbolic order and social hierarchy that shape “primitive societies,”
which the authors claimed was the dominant concern among North American an-
thropologists working in Amazonia. Rather, political anthropology was called on to
address the role of the discipline of anthropology itself, insofar as it was inevitably
immersed within, and most often complicit with, external arrangements of power
responsible for, according to Davis and Mathews, the process of “ethnocide” of
South American Indians.1
The Geological Imperative was published in the context of the contentious etho-po-
litical debates that unfolded in professional circles of North American anthropology
in the 1960s and 1970s following revelations that the US Army was applying eth-
nographic research in the design of counter-insurgency strategies in Latin America
and Southeast Asia. During WWII, with the official support and sponsorship of the
American Anthropological Association, anthropologists had openly employed their
expertise to help with the Allied campaign. Defined in reaction to the Nazi’s “sci-
entific” theories of racial superiority, this war-time politicization of anthropology
was accompanied by the growing militarization of ethnographic research and led
to the establishment of both intellectual links and institutional networks that, in
the subsequent Cold War era, would be less overtly yet more incisively applied in
the service of communism-containment strategies deployed by the United States
in Central and South America, Africa and Asia. Thanks to the work of the anthro-
pologist David Price, and to the rich archive of disclosed state-documents that he
collected, it is now evident how the discipline of anthropology became instrumen-
tal for US intelligence agencies in the post-war period. Ethnographic expertise was
especially useful to the CIA and the Pentagon when shaping counter-insurgency
campaigns. Less directly associated with warfare, but equally committed to the
anti-communist ideology that informed US foreign policy, anthropology also played
an important role within scientific research and development programs coordinat-
ed by private foundations such as Ford, Carnegie, and Rockefeller, often in close
alliance with the political economic interests of the US.2
In the case of Amazonia, during the Second World War, ethnographers working un-
der the auspices of the Office of Coordinator of Inter-American Affairs were respon-
sible for the production of maps that sought to identify potential Indian labour and
locate strategic natural resources, chiefly rubber.3 Julian Steward, a North American
anthropologist whose reinvigorated vision of environmental determinism was
210
responsible for the “cultural ecology” sub-field of anthropology, contended that The
Handbook of the South American Indian, a massive, influential ethnologic catalogue
he edited in the 1940s, was also a form of collaborating in the war effort. As the
director of the Institute of Social Anthropology founded in 1943 by the US State
Department, Steward oversaw anthropologists conducting research throughout
Latin America. He was also responsible for coordinating the compilation of large
sets of data that, as David Price notes, formed an important contribution to an
emergent knowledge-apparatus on “under-development, poverty and traditional
culture” that would come to occupy a central place within US foreign policy.4 Filtered
through the sort of ideas promoted by economist-turned-national-security-adviser
Walt Whitman Rostow and his 1960 publication The Stages of Economic Growth:
A Non-Communist Manifesto, this literature was fundamental to the elaboration of
modernization theories and development programs that the United States deployed
in Latin America with the aim of containing popular support for the socialist and
communist Left.5 While the use of ethnographic intelligence as a tool for control
is arguably constitutive of the science of anthropology itself and intrinsic to its
colonial origins,6 knowledge about the “culture of others” regained geo-political
importance as the US either indirectly or directly attempted to expand military and
political economic influence over the resource-rich, largely indigenous, frontiers of
the Third World.
This was the context from which The Geo-

logical Imperative emerged and in relation to
which its authors contended anthropological
practice should situate itself—the Cold War.
With the coup in Argentina in March 1976,
the United Stated added another entry to an
extensive list of collaborations with military
regimes that were responsible for deposing
democratically elected governments through-
out Latin America—Guatemala in 1954, Brazil
in 1964, Bolivia in 1971, Uruguay and Chile in
1973, among others—all of which imposed
murderous programs of political repression
supported by successive US administrations.
Overlapping interests between state and
capital defined the basic framework for US
interventions in Central and South America
during the Cold War, as compromises with
authoritarian regimes were measured both in
relation to the objective of containing the Left, The Geological Imperative: cover of the Fig. 02
as well as the advantages those governments report on Amazonia published by an-
thropologists Davis Shelton and Robert
provided for the penetration of US corporate
Matthews in 1976.
capital into regional markets.7 For their
part, the military juntas that governed Latin
The Geological Imperative | Paulo Tavares 211

America tended towards a form of “modernizing capitalism,” which combined
authoritarian control in planning and legislation with radical economic liberalism.
The impressive GDP-growth rates achieved with this model in the early 1970s were
driven by patterns of capital accumulation structurally dependant on international
financial loans, corporate investment, and large-scale exploitation of natural
resources for export. By the mid-1970s, when The Geological Imperative was pub-
lished, countries like Brazil and Peru were trying to expand their extractive-sector
economies. In parallel, the prospects of an international energy crisis triggered by
the Middle East oil-embargo and the subsequent escalation in prices of raw-ma-
terials had unleashed a global rush among multinational corporations to secure
supply-sources of strategic minerals and fossil fuels. The combination of these
factors led to unprecedented efforts to intervene in the subsoil of Amazonia and
open it to international markets.
Similar to reports produced by various

US-based documentation centres such as
INDIGENA, the North American Congress on
Latin America (NACLA), and the Brazilian
Information Bulletin (BIB), The Geological
Imperative was part of a wider network
that served to monitor and publicize infor-
mation about the participation of the US
government, international corporations,
and the World Bank and IMF in the policies
and projects being implemented by military
regimes in Latin America. At a moment when
political dissidence and freedom of speech
Fig. 03 Operation Amazonia: The overlap between
natural and political territories.
were severely curtailed across most of the
continent, these publications functioned to
document the human-rights record of military
governments and attempted to create public pressure against the international
networks that supported them. Equally significant, The Geological Imperative also
engaged in the internal debate concerning the role that Amazonian ethnology
was playing in the process. From mid-1960s on, in parallel to the escalation of the
United States politics of interventionism in the Southern Cone and the expansion
of resource-extraction activities in the Amazon Basin, Davis and Mathews noted
the increasing influence of theories of socio-evolutionism on the work of North
American anthropologists. They argued that the images produced and transmitted
by researchers associated with this lineage were helping legitimize the processes of
expropriation of indigenous territories. Exemplary socio-evolutionists included the
playwright-cum-anthropologist Robert Ardrey, whose widely read 1966 book The
Territorial Imperative provided Davis and Mathews with a critically appropriated
title for their report. In the case of Amazonia, they listed the 1968 best-seller The
Fierce People, an ethnographic account of Yanomami communities living at the
border between Brazil and Venezuela by anthropologist Napoleon Chagnon. These
212
texts promoted the notion that human societies evolve according to a naturalist
path of linear progress, which Davis and Mathews criticized for reproducing the
colonial logic of power that was responsible for generating Darwinist theories of
social evolution in the nineteenth-century.
Given the expansion of resource-frontiers into the lands of indigenous peoples,

Davis and Mathews argued that imaginaries such as those produced by Chagnon
became even more problematic. Through a series articles published in magazines
such as Time and National Geographic, as well as a series of films and television pro-
grams, Chagnon disseminated an image of the Yanomami as an extremely violent
society, whose isolation from the outside world had preserved inherent traits of hu-
man aggressiveness, supposedly demonstrative of their proximity to the “state-of-
nature” in the process of socio-biological evolution. In the hands of the modernizing
governments of Brazil and Venezuela, this imaginary served to reinforce the racist
perceptions driving the “civilizing” discourse that accompanied the occupation of
indigenous lands. In the context of the counter-insurgent ideological apparatus
nurtured by the US, such images effectively functioned as Cold War propaganda.
“It is hardly surprising,” Davis and Mathews noted, “that Professor Chagnon’s early
theories of Yanomamo ‘brinkmanship’ were first espoused at the highpoint of the
United States military involvement in Vietnam.”8 Like earlier ethnographic images
that served to grant moral legitimacy to the slaughter of indigenous peoples and
the colonization of their territories, the visions generated by Chagnon and Ardrey
were accomplices in masking the social and environmental violence of Cold War’s
“geological colonialism” as it expanded across the Third World. Rather than im-
posed by natural determinism, the imperative, Davis and Mathews concluded,
was decisively ethical and political: “In contrast to those who would describe this
phenomenon as a natural occurrence, i.e. as one of the inevitable results of social
progress and economic growth, we see the ‘geological imperative’ as a unique
historical phenomenon related to specific distribution of wealth and power which
presently exists in the world.”9
Operation Amazonia
Beyond its historical analogy with earlier forms of colonialism, the concept of the
“geological imperative” described a whole new geo-political space being shaped
through the Global Cold War. Moreover, the concept also pointed to the radical
reconfiguration of the natural terrain of Amazonia that took place during this pe-
riod. Until the 1960s, initiatives to colonize the Amazon Basin—first by imperial
powers and later by the independent nation-states that emerged in South America
in the early nineteenth-century—had typically abided by the spatial arrangements
dictated by the logic of territorial surface. Although there had already been some
exploration of mineral and oil deposits, the subsoil had been of much less impor-
tance than both the extraction of surficial products such as timber and rubber, and
the use of land for agricultural and livestock production. In the post-war decades,

however, Amazonia was visualized and interpreted in its “ecological depth”: a com-
plex environment composed of various geological and biophysical factors offering
unlimited economic potential. Novel ways of identifying, charting, and accessing
formerly unknown or unreachable resources created possibilities for intervention
in the region at an unprecedented scale. This objective was pursued with different
degrees of intensity, but largely similar spatial patterns, under the ubiquitous
developmental ideology adopted by the states of the continental basin. For the
governments of South America, the colonization of Amazonia played at least two
crucial roles. First, taming the vastness of the tropical forest became symbolically
important in the context of nationalist and modernizing discourses. “The incorpo-
ration of the jungle into the national economy,” wrote the Peruvian president and
architect Fernando Belaúnde Terry in 1965, “is the great battle yet to be waged
in the conquest of Peru.”10 On the other hand, the region’s sheer natural wealth
was considered a fundamental source for the primitive accumulation of capital that
would propel these countries out of underdevelopment. Further, the understand-
ing that Amazonia was a “continental void” to be conquered and developed was not
restricted to the nationalist elites and militarized technocracy of South America,
but formed part of a general perception also shared by policy makers and planners
working for bi-lateral and international agencies helping to foster development in
the Third World.
An extreme example of this perspective was a project promoted in the late 1960s
by the Hudson Institute to build a massive dam across the Amazon River that would
result in the formation of a “Mediterranean sea” at the interior of the basin. The
dam was intended to function as a giant energy reservoir for South America and
the US as well as a means to produce millions of migrants to populate the region.11
Another remarkable example was a study produced in 1971 by the Food and
Agricultural Organization of the United Nations suggesting that, in order to absorb
the impacts of the exponential global demographic increase, Amazonia should be
converted into vast agricultural fields of grain production.12 Inside the belligerent
rush for raw materials that characterized the Cold War, the Amazon Basin was
conceived as a vast, primordial reserve of natural resources, which, once properly
mastered with modern technologies, would serve to guarantee the development of
regional economies, help to meet growing rates of world consumption, and secure
steady flows of energy, strategic minerals, and fossil fuels to feed the expansion of
the global military-industrial complex. Observed from a contemporary perspective,
it may be difficult to imagine that such views formed the dominant development
sensibility. Nevertheless, and despite the intrinsic ecologically destructive poten-
tial embodied in these views, what was consolidated in the 1960s and 1970s was
a proper environmental understanding of Amazonia. Less associated with count-
er-cultural activism and more with neo-Malthusian manifestations of the ecological
discourse that emerged at the time, Amazonia was gradually apprehended as a
deep geo-physical terrain upon which a series of novel cartographic imaginaries,
governmental discourses, and grand planning strategies would be projected and
deployed, and which in turn would lead to dramatic changes in both its natural and
social landscapes.
214
The geopolitics of integration: Gal. Golbery do Couto e Silva’s influential territorial interpretation of the Fig. 04
National Security Doctrine.
The first map show the Brazilian territory divided into four regions: the “central nucleus” connected with
three “peninsulas” located at the south, center-west and northeast. Floating at the margins, the “Amazonian
Island”. The second map describes the “maneuver for the integration of the national territory.”
The clearest expression of this transformation was Operation Amazonia, a large-

scale program of development launched by the military government of Brazil, two
years after the 1964 coup, which sought to convert the entire region into a mas-
sive frontier of resource-extraction, agriculture and livestock production through
the implementation of a series of projects of continental proportions. The first
move in this operation was the establishment of a territorial jurisdiction named
“Legal Amazonia,” which covered the whole portion of the basin within Brazilian
sovereign borders—more than five million square kilometres, 59 percent of the
territory of Brazil, and practically 60 percent of the natural area of Amazonia—and
the placement of this vast zone under direct control of the federal government.
This juridical-political regime was, in fact, not completely new. Similar forms for
governing the Brazilian Amazon had already been used since the colonial period. In
the mid-eighteenth century, for example, when Portuguese administrators vowed
to modernize governmental practices, they instituted the “Companhia Geral de
Comércio do Grão-Pará e Maranhão,” a sort of Amazonian version of the East India
Company, which, like the Superintendence of Development of Amazonia (SUDAM),
the agency created by the military in 1966 to deal exclusively with Legal Amazonia,
functioned as a centralized administrative body directly subordinated to the execu-
tive departments of the State. Parallels between colonial and modern governmental
rationales are not fortuitous, especially when they testify to the unabated percep-
tion that Amazonia was characterized by a state of chronic territorial isolation
and demographic emptiness, detached from the social and political life of Brazil,
a situation which, in the eyes of colonial and post-colonial governments, made the

region prone to foreign invasion and economic stagnation, and which therefore
called for an orchestrated and forceful strategy of occupation—i.e., a politics of
modern colonization.
In the book Geopolítica do Brasil, a territorial

interpretation of Brazilian history that exert-
ed great influence on the armed forces during
the military dictatorship, General Golbery do
Couto e Silva, perhaps the most important in-
tellectual of the regime, described Amazonia as
a giant island floating at the margins of the na-
tional polity, “mostly unexplored, devitalized
by the lack of people and creative energy, and
which we must incorporate into the nation,
integrating it into the national community and
valuing its great physical expression which
today still is almost completely passive.”13
Although this perspective actualized older
colonial ideologies, there are obvious radical
differences that are important to demarcate.
The drive to “occupy and integrate” Amazonia
after the military coup was informed by
the combination of the Cold War National
Security Doctrine, the global hegemony that
the concept of development assumed in the
post-war period, and the unchallenged belief
in the powers of modern planning cultivated
by geographers, urbanists, economists, and all
sorts of technicians and bureaucrats. Until the
Fig. 05 Imaging Amazonia: SLAR remote sensing
image of the south-central regions of the
1960s, the spatial organization of Amazonia
basin. remained largely defined by territorial pat-
terns inherited from the “Atlantic Trade,” more
closely connected to the river and sea than the continent. Migrant communities,
towns, and cities were concentrated along major waterways and served mainly
as transit points for commercial exchange. The hinterlands, where indigenous
communities sought refuge, remained relatively safe beyond colonial projects and
mostly unmapped. Operation Amazonia initiated a campaign that would generate a
different image and completely alter the territorial logic of the Amazon watershed.
By projecting a nearly symmetrical relation between an artificial political space and
the natural boundaries of the basin, the operation could conceptualize and deploy
planning strategies that encompassed Amazonia as a bio-geographic unit; that is, it
enabled design interventions at the point where the “ecological scale” intersected
with the “legal scale” of Amazonia.
216
Deep Cartography
This overlap between political and natural space was forged through a peculiar
combination that included the introduction of new governmental and economic
frameworks (as exemplified by the creation of SUDAM and various others insti-
tutional and legal mechanisms dedicated exclusively to stimulating capital invest-
ment into the region), together with unparalleled efforts to map the geophysical
and biophysical aspects of the basin. The military’s perception that Amazonia
was a homogenous green void in need of occupation and modernization was also
a reflection of the lack of precise cartographic information. Starting in 1970, the
large-scale mapping survey conducted by NASA-trained researchers at the National
Institute of Spatial Research of Brazil named Radar Amazonia—or RADAM—was as
one of the most remarkable initiatives that contributed to the process of re-shap-
ing the ways by which Amazonia was visualized and interpreted. Coordinated by
the Brazilian National Department of Mineral Production, with the financial and
technical support of US-AID, the project aimed at identifying mineral resources
in the 44,000 km2 area along the Trans-Amazonian Highway, a major transport
artery cutting east-west across the entire basin. In the following years, RADAM was
gradually expanded to cover all of Legal Amazonia, and later the entire Brazilian
territory. Simultaneously, the project also grew in scope to incorporate detailed
geographical, geological, and soils mapping; surveys of agricultural and forest re-
sources; hydrology and fishing charts; and the identification of actual and potential
land-uses. By the mid-1970s, as one of the geologists involved in the project put it,
“the imaging of the whole nation was concluded.”14
Before RADAM, the mapping of Amazonia had been undertaken primarily by

on-the-ground surveys conducted by various military, scientific, or missionary
incursions and was therefore fairly limited by the trajectories of major water
channels that offered accessible routes into the harsh geography of the hinterlands.
Notable examples of this cartographic archive include the early-twentieth-century
charts produced by the Brazilian Army during expeditions to lay the ground for
telegraphic cabling, and the detailed maps signed by North American geographer
Alexander Hamilton Rice, who pioneered the use of aerial photography to map the
rainforest. More recent examples are related to large state-sponsored exploratory
campaigns, as in the case of the highly publicized incursions towards the Xingu
River initiated in 1943 by the Fundação Brazil Central [Central Brazil Foundation],
an agency created with the exclusive objective of opening up routes into southern
Amazonia. In all these enterprises, the act of mapping and effective territorial
control coalesced into a single practice. As such, they reproduced a long tradition
in the science of cartography, whose historical evolution is often indistinguishable
from the global history of colonization. Cartographic expeditions in Amazonia were
responsible for creating outposts and airfields that later would serve as nodes for
frontier-expansion, while at the same time they helped identify soil types, fauna,
flora, and other natural resources. Moreover, those exploratory missions became
important forms of gathering ethnographic information about the indigenous

populations they encountered. The attendant images they produced described a
fragmented mosaic of regional cartographies with little geological depth. Amazonia
was, from this vantage point, viewed as a sea-like space formed by extensive mac-
ro-bio-geographical surfaces, penetrated by an intricate hydrological network of
rivers and marshlands. Insofar as it was designed concomitantly to and in support
of the process of “occupation and integration” launched with Operation Amazonia,
RADAM helped to actualize a similar logic, but at the same time projected it on
completely new terms. Because of the modern technology that was employed, a
whole new picture of the natural terrain emerged, one which corresponded to the
militarized forms that the process of development/colonization of the Amazon
Basin assumed in the Cold War context.
By the early 1970s, following the rapid evolution of remote sensing systems de-
signed for military reconnaissance, a series of visual technologies—multispectral
aerial photography, airborne radars, and satellite scanners—became common
tools for the identification and location of natural resources. RADAM’s cartographic
inventory was expanded with the aid of these new Earth-sensing technologies.
Most important among them was radar-imaging made possible by Side-Looking
Airborne Radar [SLAR], a technology used extensively for patrolling missions at the
fringes of the Iron Curtain and for battlefield surveillance and reconnaissance in
Vietnam. The design of RADAM was based on a similar system pioneered in the ob-
servation-and-attack aircraft OV-10 Mohawk developed by the US Army during the
Vietnam War, without the weapons. While most optical devices are severely limited
both by climatic conditions and surface cover, SLAR is capable of penetrating the
moist atmosphere and dense foliage of tropical forests, providing high-quality,
real-time images of the terrain beneath.15 Radar-imaging technology thus allowed
for the rapid mapping of large areas of Amazonia despite the persistent cloudiness
and rainfall intensity that had obstructed previous attempts to collect data. In
parallel to the remote sensing efforts, the RADAM project also included scientific
expeditions to collect soil-samples and ground-proofing of vegetation patterns
and geological formations. With the support of the Brazilian Air Force, more than
six-hundred forests clearings were opened up to receive research crews arriving
with small aircraft. In total, this field-work covered more than three thousand
points distributed throughout the basin at an average of more than one point per
1200 km2.16 Samples from the ground were entered into a large database of soil
profiles, which, together with the cartographic analysis derived from aerial recon-
naissance, were then compiled into a bulky catalogue series that provided detailed
taxonomical descriptions of the biological and geophysical features of the whole
territory of Legal Amazonia.
This new image of the Amazon then served as the guide for the bellicose program
of economic and territorial integration put forward during the 1970s and 1980s.
After Operation Amazonia was launched, successive military governments vowed
to accelerate the process through the introduction of various basin-wide planning
schemes. Each time, these macro-strategies assumed different titles: in 1970, The
218
Deep terrain: Samples of the cartographic inventory produced by RADAM on the region between the Xingu Fig. 06 –
and Araguaia Rivers, southern tributaries of the Amazon. Respectively, the maps describe geology, land Fig. 09
potential, phytogeography, and agricultural suitability.
Plan for National Integration; in 1974, PoloAmazonia; each scheme perpetuated the
same spatial rationale, combining the imperatives of development, the aggressive-
ness of extractive capitalism, and the geopolitical concerns of the National Security
Doctrine. Sustained by these three powerful ideological pillars, the Brazilian mili-
tary dictatorship lasted more than twenty years. On the ground, the projects un-
leashed a radical process of “territorial design” based on a continental network of
highways overlaid with telecommunication channels and energy cables that linked
strategically located “development-poles.” The poles themselves were selected
according to the economic potential of the surface and the subsoil as identified
by RADAM, and were conceived as modernizing enclaves that would be equipped
with infrastructure, such as dams, airports, and seaports, to advance the capacity
needed to enable large-scale resource extraction. The road matrix was planned as
the primary means through which agricultural and cattle frontiers could expand
towards the interior, while simultaneously providing routes for the massive migra-
tion of labour force. A project of this magnitude could only be implemented by a
centralized and authoritarian state-apparatus, which guaranteed its enforcement

through bypassing democratic debate and minimizing dissidence. Operation
Amazonia, in its multiple forms and manifestations, was as much the result of the
generalized state of repression that characterized this period in Brazil as well as a
means deployed by the generals to achieve political containment. The discourses
of modernization, security, and nationalism that supported this planning strategy
played a decisive role in legitimizing the violent political order by which the mili-
tary ruled, and the radical process of territorial re-organization that they imposed.
The White Peace

Published at the moment
when this process was
at its greatest intensity,
The Geological Imperative
traced a counter-cartogra-
phy of the this new terrain,
identifying perpetrators
and collaborators, describ-
ing the forces and mecha-
nisms that were supporting
the military’s blueprint for
Amazonia onto the ground,
and calling attention to
the intrinsic ecological
and social violence of its
design. As noted above,
Fig. 10 Territorial design: The continental urban-matrix as planned in the Davis and Matthews were
Plan for National Integration, 1970. not isolated voices. Their
report was part of a larger
body of literature that began to circulate after the launch of Operation Amazonia.
One of the earliest and most famous manifestations was the report Genocide: From
Fire and Sword to Arsenic and Bullets, Civilization Has Sent Six Million Indians to
Extinction, written by journalist Norman Lewis and published by The Sunday Times
in February, 1969. It gained notoriety by being one of the first reports to direct
attention to what was happening in Amazonia at a moment when the human-rights
situation of indigenous peoples was already extremely acute. Lewis went to Brazil
to report on the findings of an Inquiry Commission established in 1967 by the
Brazilian Ministry of Interior, which was investigating allegations of crimes and
corruption among officials of the SPI, the Serviço de Proteção aos Índios [Service
for the Protection of the Indians], a state-agency responsible for implementing
and governing policies directed toward indigenous communities and overseeing
their welfare. Following his visit, Lewis listed a series of atrocities documented
in Genocide, the twenty-volume, 7000-page report that was released by the com-
mission in 1968, ranging from the massive usurpation of indigenous lands, to
220
Earthworks: Images of the Trans-Amazonian Highway being carved out in the middle of the jungle became Fig. 11
one of the most powerful symbols of the nationalist ideology of the military regime.
bacteriological warfare and the bombing of villages, to the abduction of children,

torture, and massacres. As evidences of these crimes started to circulate globally,
during the first United Nations International Conference on Human Rights, held
in Teheran in 1968, the Brazilian government was accused of being complicit in
the annihilation of its indigenous population, prompting more foreign observers
and journalists to travel to Amazonia. Because of this attention, other, lesser-known
reports also appeared around the same time as Genocide, including, for example,
the article Germ Warfare Against Indians is Charged in Brazil, published by the
medical attaché to the French Department of Overseas Territories at the Medical
Tribune and Medical News of New York in 1969.17 With few discrepancies, all of
these reports provided a similar, haunting picture, best synthesised by Norman
Lewis’s precise historical analogy: “The tragedy of the Indian in the USA in the last
century was being repeated,” he suggested, “but it was being compressed into a
shorter time.”18
Created in 1910, the SPI was a response to the escalation of bloody inter-ethnic
conflicts that were leading to the slaughter of entire tribes in southern Brazil. While
migrant settlers attempted to conquer new lands in order to expand coffee plan-
tations—at that time a highly lucrative commodity and the major product of the
Brazilian economy—they were met with fierce resistance from indigenous tribes.
Railroad works were interrupted and agricultural colonies that had been officially
established by the government were abandoned. For many people, the death of
indigenous populations was not only considered an unfortunate fatality caused by
the inexorability of progress, but the very means through which the hinterlands

Fig. 12 – Geological taxonomy: Sample images of the RADAM catalogue describing field-work research used for the
Fig. 15 geological classification of soil profiles in Amazonia.
would be modernized and incorporated within the national polity. As anthropolo-

gist Darcy Ribeiro wrote in his historical account about the SPI, “the extermination
of the Indians was not only practiced, but defended and claimed as a remedy which
was essential to the safety of those who were building a civilization in the interior
of Brazil.”19 Whether directly or indirectly informed by racist social theories, these
views were openly advocated in political and academic circles, as well as in the na-
tional press. The most infamous advocate, the zoologist-cum-ethnologist Hermann
von Ilhering, founder and first director of the Museu Paulista (the History Museum
of the University of São Paulo), claimed in a polemic published in the museum’s
1907 magazine that because “the savages were an obstacle to the colonization of
the regions of the interior where they live, there seems no other way we can call
upon if not their extermination.”20
In the early twentieth century, the urban elites of São Paulo and Rio de Janeiro, who
were geographically detached from the lawless frontier zones but whose desire to
emulate a Parisian cosmopolitan lifestyle was totally dependant on the financial
benefits generated by the coffee economy, were facing a modern dilemma: in the
name of progress and nation-building, the colonization of the hinterlands was
an unquestionable imperative; however, news of the slaughter of Indians, which
started to appear more frequently in the press, was also increasingly condemned
as excessively violent, contradictory to the humanistic values they were keen to
cultivate. For intellectuals like von Ilhering and his peers in academia and Congress,
222
Brazilian society was to be forged on the model of the frontier ideologies that shaped
the history of the United States, thus assuming the war against “hostile tribes” as a
full-fledged state-policy.21 In opposition to this expansionist view, a growing group
of scientists, philanthropists, politicians, and military officers began to advocate
for government policies based on the non-violent pacification and protection of
indigenous communities.
The SPI was ultimately the product of lobbying efforts carried out by the latter
group. Informed by the humanistic social evolutionism of Augusto Comte’s positiv-
ist philosophy, they argued that indigenous populations should be granted enough
space to develop at their own pace and gradually adapt to the paradigms of modern
civilization. It was therefore necessary for the State to assume legal protection over
the Indians and to create an institution that would operate as a mediator between
the fragile modes of life of the “primitives” and the violent forces of the expansion-
ist frontier. The SPI was responsible for establishing peaceful contact with isolated
tribes, securing lands for their survival and administering pedagogical programs
that would slowly prepare those populations to be assimilated into national society.
The origin of this humanitarian practice is located in the work Marshal Cândido
Mariano da Silva Rondon, a younger officer of indigenous descent, who, while in
command of military expeditions was dispatched to build telegraphic lines towards
the interior of Brazil, developed a series of innovative techniques to contact Indian
tribes without resorting to armed force. The founder and first director of the SPI,
Rondon’s famous motto was: “Die, if necessary; kill, never.” In the decades following
its creation, the SPI established over one hundred outposts across the Brazilian
territory. Initially serving as logistical centres where dispersed indigenous groups
could be attracted to in order to be pacified, these encampments latter developed
into agricultural and cattle farming colonies commanded by SPI officials, who
were then responsible for introducing modern labour techniques to the Indians,
providing medical care, and teaching them the habits of civilization and the senti-
ments of nationalism. The foundation of SPI marked a turning point in the relations
between the Brazilian State and its indigenous population because it was the first
time that indigenous cultural and territorial integrity were granted some sort of
legal and institutional protection. Yet, the humanitarian governmentality that the
agency instituted was hugely contradictory, to say the least. Although advocating
secularism and legitimized by positivism, the SPI-model shared similarities with
forms of political tutelage and territorial control employed by Jesuit missionaries
on behalf of the colonial administration since the sixteenth century. The “protec-
tionist intervention,” as Darcy Ribeiro has called it, which was promoted by the
ideologues of SPI to stop the slaughter of indigenous tribes, offered a fine solution
to the paradoxes imposed by the “question of the Indian” in relation to the pro-
cess of territorial expansion of the Brazilian modern nation-state: simultaneously
pacifist and expansionist, ideologically opposed to the extermination of indigenous
populations, while at the same time serving as one of the most efficient mecha-
nisms for opening up their lands for colonization.22

By the mid-1950s, when Brazil started building the modernist capital Brasília in the
middle of its territory—a powerful demonstration of the program to conquer the
hinterlands that accelerated exponentially in the following decades—there were
alarming signals that the pacifist program launched by the SPI had been severely
damaged. In a landmark report published in 1957, Darcy Ribeiro demonstrated
through detailed statistics that most of the 230 tribes known in 1900 were on the
verge of total disintegration, and that in the areas of expansion of cattle raising,
agricultural, and mineral-extraction activities, more than 80 tribes had completely
disappeared. In less than 60 years, the indigenous population of Brazil had dropped
from one million to two hundred thousand, and the communities that had survived
the process of contact were living in wretched conditions, facing poverty, malnutri-
tion, disease, and depopulation.23 Apart from a handful of experiences—the earlier
heroic years of Marshal Rondon; the remarkable ethnological documentation gath-
ered by the Studies Section founded in 1942 (in which Ribeiro worked between
1947 and 1957); and the creation of the Xingu Indigenous Park in 1961—the
history of SPI was less a success than one a series of failures. Under the powerful
influence of landowners and mining corporations, successive governments never
really granted the financial and political support that was necessary to accomplish
its ambitious protectionist mission and, with notable exceptions, the urban head-
quarters and frontier outposts of SPI were increasingly occupied by professional
bureaucrats who showed little commitment to its original ethos. The agency found
itself repeatedly threatened with extinction, accused of corruption and riddled
with complaints of inefficiency. After the coup of 1964, when frontier expansion
assumed the authoritarian face of the dictatorship, this situation worsened con-
siderably.24 As with the majority of governmental institutions, the command of
the SPI was assumed by a military officer, Major Luis Vinhas Neves, who turned
out to be one of the main perpetrators accused in the crimes documented by the
Inquiry Commission. Amidst mounting national and international public pressure,
in December 1967, a few months before the commission’s report was released,
Minister of Interior Gal. Albuquerque Lima dissolved the SPI and a new institution
was established, the FUNAI, the National Indian Foundation.
FUNAI was the response of the Generals to allegations that the Brazilian military
regime was complicit in a genocidal campaign against indigenous populations.
There were many promises of reforms that came along with the creation of the
new agency. Its statute incorporated a series of progressive elements, officially
endorsing the principles prescribed by the United Nations and the International
Labour Organization regarding the rights of ethnic minorities.25 In parallel, the
government issued a set of decrees to demarcate five large indigenous reserves
across the country, and Albuquerque Lima welcomed foreign fact-gathering ex-
peditions to assess the situation, including a medical mission of the International
Committee of the Red Cross to Amazonia in 1970 and another conducted by the
London-based NGO Survival International in 1971.26 The optimism generated by
those measures was nevertheless short-lived. The establishment of the SPI Inquiry
Commission and the subsequent creation of FUNAI came at a particular moment
224
Genocide: The first page of Norman Lewis reportage published in the Sunday Times in 1969. Fig. 16
in the history of the Brazilian military dictatorship which reflected the worldwide
political expectations of the late 1960s. While protests spread through the streets
of Paris and thousands marched against the Vietnam War in Washington and in
London, the urban squares of Rio de Janeiro were also filled with massive student
demonstrations. In 1968, militant workers staged the first major strikes since
the 1964 military coup, progressive members of the Catholic Church started to
publicly criticize the regime, and denouncements of torture of political prisoners
were openly voiced in Congress. From different corners, multiple manifestations of
dissent emerged, generating a volatile situation that prompted a swift crackdown
by hard-line military commanders. In December of 1968, President Gal. Artur da
Costa e Silva issued the infamous Institutional Act No. 5, a state-of-emergency law
that gave overwhelming powers to the “Supreme Command of the Revolution” over
every aspect of civilian life. From that point onwards, a much more pervasive sur-
veillance apparatus came into effect and Brazil descended into the most repressive
period of the dictatorship.27 This radical change in the political atmosphere also
had severe consequences for the indigenous populations of the country.
While the promised territorial reserves remained on paper, the philosophy of

FUNAI was re-oriented towards the tenets of the National Security Doctrine. On
the ground, the working agenda that the agency had to fulfil became totally sub-
ordinated to the program of “territorial design” that was deployed in Amazonia
after the launch of the Plan for National Integration in 1970. Commanded by Gal.
Bandeira Melo, a former intelligence officer who presided the institution between
1970 and 1974, FUNAI established a contract with SUDAM committing to the rapid

Fig. 17 The Protectionist Intervention: Still frames of the film archive of the SPI. Visual records of SPI activities
served both as state-propaganda as well as important ethnographic documentation.
pacification of the “hostile tribes” that inhabited the regions where the continen-
tal roads were being carved out, thus inaugurating a whole new phase in a long
history of colonization that arguably surpassed any previous efforts.28 It was clear
that the reforms promoted by the military regime had generated little change, and
if so, only for the worse. The comparison between SPI and FUNAI was even more
pertinent in the context of the recently opened frontier-zones of Amazonia, with a
substantial difference: in order to keep pace with the rapid advancement of devel-
opment schemes, the campaign of pacification in the region became increasingly
militarized. This situation was aggravated in December 1973, when dictator Gal.
Garrastazu Médice sanctioned Law 6001, also known as the Indian Statute.29 As
with the document that established FUNAI, the text of this law was permeated with
modern, liberal rhetoric claiming to further expand indigenous rights. However,
it ruled that “interventions” into indigenous lands could be enacted in order “to
realize public works” or “to exploit the wealth of the subsoil” if they were “of in-
terest for national security and development,” and in that manner converted the
violent process of territorial expropriation that was taking place in Amazonia into
a legitimate, official state-policy.
Much faster than before, the interventionist policies put forward by the military
regime were leading to outright extermination of entire tribes, but because
Brazilian society was under widespread media censorship and political repres-
sion, it was even more difficult to report on the situation than in previous years.
226
Yet again, attempts to mobilize international public attention started to emerge. A
few days after the approval of the Indian Statute, a group of bishops and Catholic
missionaries published a historical document titled Y-Juca Pirama, an expression
in Tupi language meaning “he who must die.” Through a detailed compilation of
facts and declarations that appeared in the Brazilian press, this report offered evi-
dence for the allegations that FUNAI was operating with “unprofessed support” of
the economic interests of multinational corporations and big landowners, further
claiming that, nonetheless, the responsibility for the ongoing process of extinction
of indigenous peoples in Brazil should not be attributed exclusively to the agency.
Its main causes lay much deeper, the authors contended, for the practices and
policies of FUNAI were in fact the result of a larger “global scheme.”30 By the term
“global scheme,” they referred to what was then known as the “Brazilian Model,”
a designation used by economists to describe the articulation between state in-
centives, international aid, and private capital that formed the triangular base for
the development program being implemented by the military regime. The violent
scenario that the combination of those actors and forces unleashed in Amazonia
was also denounced in another important document of this period, The Politics of
Genocide against the Indians of Brazil, which began circulating in September 1974
at an academic symposium in Mexico City. For the Brazilian anthropologists who
wrote this report, whose names were not revealed because they feared repression,
the post-FUNAI politics of pacification launched by the military amounted to acts
of genocide as defined in international law, and therefore they called on the United
Nations to conduct a fully fledged criminal investigation into the practices of the
Brazilian State.31 It was in this context that The Geological Imperative was published
two years later. While pointing to the participation of multinational corporations
and international financial institutions in the “global scheme” that sustained the
dictatorship, Davis and Matthews sought to assert their share of responsibility for
what the Brazilian anthropologists claimed to be a genocidal campaign, but which
they described with a slightly different concept—ethnocide.
“Genocide assassinates people in their bodies,” wrote the French anthropologist

Pierre Clastres, “ethnocide kills them in their souls.”32 Although closely related and
to a large extent inseparable, these concepts were created to give name to different
forms of violence, each originating in relation to a specific historical context. Coined
by jurist Raphael Lemkin in 1944 to describe the systematic extermination of the
European Jews by the Nazi regime, genocide was made an international crime
in 1948 after the Nuremberg Trials.33 In Lemkin’s original definition, genocide
referred to an overall strategy intended to destroy in whole or in part a national,
racial, religious or ethnic group; that is, the concept was invented to nominate
a form of violence that was directed towards a collective qua collective. As the
scholar Dirk Moses points out in a thorough analysis of the unpublished research
notes left by Lemkin, his early attempts to define genocide included both physical
and cultural annihilation, violence against the body and the soul. “Physical and
biological genocide are always preceded by cultural genocide,” Lemkin wrote, “or
by an attack on the symbols of the group or by violent interference with religious or

cultural activities.”34 The jurist considered “cultural genocide” an essential aspect of
the crime he was trying to name, but due to a series of political compromises and
diverging interests of different nation-states, and despite the fact that some drafts
of the 1948 UN Genocide Convention did included the term, cultural genocide was
erased from the codes of international law. This historical outcome, Moses argues,
“advantaged states which sought to assimilate their indigenous populations and
other minorities after World War II.”35
Fig. 18 The white peace: sample pages of a report disclosed from the archives of FUNAI describing a mission con-
ducted in northwestern Amazonia to “pacify” the Waimiri-Atroari.
By the early 1970s, while new resource frontiers were expanding throughout the
“isolated” territories of the Third World, militant ethnologists started to employ
the concept of ethnocide to describe the dimension of cultural violence that had
been left outside the legal definition of genocide. Not necessarily involving physical
annihilation but equally committed to the destruction of otherness, ethnocide
was the word invented to name what the Brazilian military called “integration.” It
was the anthropologist Robert Jaulin who contributed most to defining the term,
particularly in the book The White Peace: Introduction to Ethnocide (1970). While
conducting field-work among the Bari people on the border between Colombia and
Venezuela, Jaulin witnessed the campaign of assimilation to which the they were
being forced to succumb, similar to the situation in Brazil, carried out by armed
forces and civilizing missionaries in order to open up land for multinational oil
companies. “Integration is the right to life granted to the other with the condition
that they become who we are,” he concluded, “but the contradiction of this system is
precisely that the other, detached from himself, dies.”36 Whereas genocide express-
es the total negation of the other with the aim of physical destruction, ethnocide
is a form of violence that transforms that negativity into a positive, humanitarian
intent. As Pierre Clastres wrote, “the spirit of ethnocide is the ethics of humanism,”
a perverse ethos which has been historically mobilized, and is still, on behalf of
establishing the “white peace.”37
228
Ecocide
“After the end of World War II, and as a result of the Nuremberg Trials, we justly
condemned the wilful destruction of an entire people and its culture, calling this
crime against humanity genocide. It seems to me that the wilful and permanent
destruction of environment in which a people can live in a manner of their own
choosing ought similarly to the considered as a crime against humanity, to be
designated by the term ecocide.”38 North-American botanist Arthur W. Galston, a
pioneer inventor of defoliants and one of their harshest critics, made this statement
during a panel titled “Technology and American Power: The Changing Nature of
War,” at a conference organized in Washington in 1970 to debate the war crimes
that were being committed by the US Army in Vietnam.39 Words come into being to
nominate existing phenomena that have not yet been given a proper description,
enabling us to draw new understandings of the past and the present, and perhaps
to project different futures. As with genocide and ethnocide, the concept of ecocide
was invented to describe a form of violence which, although not completely new,
achieved unprecedented intensity during the scorched-earth campaign that the US
military forces deployed against the forests of Indochina. Certainly, the mobiliza-
tion of nature as a weapon of war is as old as the history of human conflict itself.
But what the conflict in Vietnam made visible was a heretofore unseen destruction
of entire ecologies in a short period of time, painfully demonstrating the potential
implications of the “environmental violence” intrinsic to the techno-scientific ap-
paratus being developed in support of the Cold War, whether applied in military
or civilian industries. Hence, Galston concluded his statement with the following
words: “I believe that most highly developed nations have already committed au-
to-ecocide over large parts of their own countries. At the present time, the United
States stands alone as possibly having committed ecocide against another country,
Vietnam, through its massive use of chemical defoliants and herbicides. The United
Nations would appear to be an appropriate body for the formulation of a proposal
against ecocide.”40 Amidst the burgeoning debate about the degradation of the
global environment by civilian offshoots of the war industry, throughout the 1970s
the concept of ecocide was widely debated by legal scholars, many of whom ad-
vocated that the UN should indeed follow Galston’s proposal and incorporate acts
of “deliberate environmental destruction” into the list of crimes against peace.41
Since then, discussions on whether or not to include ecocide into the frameworks
of international law have continued, but no resolutions have been implemented to
date.42
The novel methods and the unprecedented brutality of the violence unleashed
since WWII forced the creation of new concepts and defied established ethical and
legal codes. In the context of Amazonia, this new lexicon of destruction coalesced
into a single spatial strategy. Whether or not the Brazilian military regime was com-
plicit in acts of genocide against its indigenous populations is a highly controversial
question which is only now being properly investigated after the much delayed
truth commission of Brazil—the CNV, Comissão Nacional da Verdade—was finally

established in early 2011. Recent disclosures of military state-archives, as well as
the appearance of previously unheard testimonies, are unveiling new evidence of
the human-rights violations committed by state agents during the dictatorship. It
has been argued, for example, that during the construction of the BR-174 highway
in northwest Amazonia, an estimated two thousand Waimiri-Atroari Indians were
killed, a figure two times greater than the (contested) current official accounts
of the number of murdered and disappeared persons by the military regime in
Brazil.43 What is beyond doubt is that the militarization of the politics of pacifica-
tion attending Operation Amazonia was based on the logic of ethnocide, that its
implementation on the ground led to the physical destruction of hundreds if not
thousands of Indians and, no less important, that this process was accompanied by
widespread ecological destruction.
Before Operation Amazonia, most of the land in Amazonia lacked proper legislation
and was defined as terras devolutas, a form of property inherited from the colonial
period which, although belonging to the state, has no defined public use, thus re-
maining common but available for private appropriation. As roads opened up these
unlegislated areas for colonization, massive deforestation followed. The production
of pasturelands turned out to be one of the most effective means used by speculators
to claim and secure land titles, engendering a mechanism of “enclosure-by-destruc-
tion” that resulted in a vicious cycle of ecological and social violence that continues
today. Uprooted by the expansion of soya plantations in the South and sugar-cane
latifundia in the Northeast, hundreds of thousands of landless peasants migrated to
the frontier zones of Amazonia to settle near the highways, only to be expelled by
powerful landowners. Lacking adequate technical and financial support from the
government to produce in the harsh climatic and edaphic conditions of the rain-
forest, large contingents opted to move to urban centres. Around the sites where
large-scale extractive industries were installed and dams were constructed, old and
new towns grew uncontrollably, turning Amazonia in one of the fastest growing
urban frontiers in the world. Despite the grand planning strategies of the generals,
cities sprawled without the necessary infrastructure and facilities to accommodate
demographic increase. As Mike Davis sharply observed, in Amazonia “urbanization”
and “favelization” became practically synonymous.44
In the mid-1980s, when Brazil was entering into a process of gradual “transition to
democracy” and the ecological crisis had become an issue of broader public concern,
Amazonia was turned into a powerful symbolic space of the defence of the global
environment. While the decades-long development ideology was fractured by the
new paradigm of “sustainability,” the remote sensing technologies introduced by
RADAM were now being used to try to make sense of the scale of environmental
destruction caused by the planning schemes implemented during the dictatorship.
The urgent quest to monitor and preserve ecosystems became one of the most
important debates inside the new forums of environmental politics, both because
of the threat of biodiversity loss and because climate change was emerging as a
contentious problem. Tropical forests perform a crucial function in global climate
230
Environmental violence: before (1975) and after (2001) satellite images showing patterns of deforestation at Fig. 19
one of the “development poles” at southwestern Amazonia (image analysis by UNEP). Patterns of environmen-
tal degradation in Amazonia followed the blueprint elaborated by the militaries.
regulation, removing large amounts of CO2 from the atmosphere and locking it up
in a dynamic cycle of vegetation growth and decay. Amazonia is a giant reservoir of
carbon, containing roughly one-tenth of the global total.45 When burned, it is also
a powerful source of greenhouse gases emissions. In 1990, two years before the
first UN Earth Summit was convened in Rio de Janeiro and months after a pres-
idential election was held after more than twenty years of military dictatorship,
the Space Research Institute of Brazil published the first detailed quantification
of the scale of deforestation in Legal Amazonia. Through an analysis of LANDSAT
imagery, researchers demonstrated that between 1970 and 1989 nearly 400,000
square kilometres of the original forest cover of the Brazilian Amazon had been
cleared, at an average rate of 22,000 kilometres per year, equaling an area the size
Portugal and Italy combined.46 Patterns of environmental degradation in Amazonia
followed the blueprint elaborated by the military and its planners, moving deeper
into the jungle through the new highways and expanding in centrifugal movements
from the sites where so-called development polls were installed. Often portrayed
as a chaotic process resulting from lack of governmental control, the “ecocide” that
spread over the Brazilian Amazon was in fact produced by design. Conceptualized
and implemented at the conjunction between the natural and legal Amazonia, these
spatial strategies implied forms of state intervention at the scale of basin-wide
ecological dynamics, thus making the boundaries between environmental and
political forces practically indistinguishable. As such, insofar as Amazonia plays an
important function within the larger Earth-system, it also necessarily contained the
potential of unleashing ecological consequences of global scope.

The Archaeology of Violence
Although the proposed date marking the passage from the Holocene to the
Anthropocene was set to coincide with the industrial revolution in Europe, an
event to which we must add the parallel movement of massive colonial enclo-
sures and the consequential changes in land-use patterns that swept throughout
the Third World as the non-European peasantry was forcibly integrated into the
global market,47 the Cold War arguably stands out as a radical and decisive turning
point in the historical records of stratigraphy. At the scale of Earth’s deep time, the
late twentieth century is comparatively just a tiny, insignificant fragment. But if
measured in degrees of intensity, these short but extremely violent decades may
be seen as a moment of exponential geochronological acceleration. Potentialized
by the singular combination of the arms-race and resource-rush that character-
ized the Cold War, modern technology and science reached previously unknown
domains in their Promethean attempt to master planetary ecological dynamics,
trying to domesticate remote desert and forest lands, conquering polar ice caps
and ocean floors, altering atmospheric layers and intervening into previously
unchartered layers of the Earth’s crust. The capacity of anthropogenic-induced
environmental modifications increased significantly as the alliance between tech-
no-science, modern industry and militarism pushed innovations beyond the limits
of the imaginable. Informed by the doctrines of development and security, and the
theories of modernization and unlimited economic growth, scientists, technicians,
planners, and strategists advocated for grand schemes that sought to manipulate
bio-geo-physical dynamics at a planetary scale, from diverging the currents of the
open seas to chemically altering vast tracts of soils, purposefully inducing weather
modifications or creating an artificial Mediterranean at the middle of the Amazon
Basin.48 These geo-engineering designs were encouraged and legitimized by the
geopolitics of Cold War’s bi-polar world order, and to a large extent our current
perception of the nature of the globe is the product of epistemic models that were
forged under this dialectic of enmity. Within this bellicose ideology, the ultimate
casualty was the Earth itself. “We so-called developed nations are no longer fighting
among ourselves,” philosopher Michel Serres wrote in 1990, in the aftermath of
the conflict, “together we are all turning against the world. Literally a world war.”49
The global Cold War was fought at an environmental scale. At the same time, it
was a period during which states-of-exception and political violence turned into
the normalized form of governing, chiefly at the margins of the Third World,
where coup-enforced military regimes were responsible for widespread killings
and disappearances of innocent civilians. Most often, violence directed towards
human collectives and ecological destruction were condensed as two-sides of the
same rationale. Hence the paradigmatic importance of the attacks deployed by
the US Army against the forests of Indochina, which were strategically conceived
in terms of ecological metaphors such as “draining the water to kill the fish” or
“scorched-earth.” Insofar as the crucial question posed by the Anthropocene thesis
refers precisely to the impossibility of maintaining the divisions between natural
232
Geoglyphs, an urban forest: recent archeological evidences uncovered on deforested areas in Amazonia led to Fig. 20
a radical change in the perception of the nature of the forest. Large tracts of Amazonia are today considered
“human-made.”
and social forces that inform Western philosophy and politics, one of the crucial
questions that we must ask is how the histories of power have influenced, and have
been influenced by, the natural history of the Earth. The re-shaping of the nature of
Amazonia that took place during the military dictatorship in Brazil was the product
of entanglements between political and environmental violence, the fundamental
engines of by which the “geological imperative” could be enforced on the ground.
The collateral effects that ensued can be felt in the alterations of the global climatic
dynamics that we experience today, transformations that are as much natural as
social-political. The Anthropocene, indeed, is the product of military coups d’état.

***
In 1999, while flying over the south-western edges of the Amazonia, one of the
regions that had been most severely affected by the colonization schemes imple-
mented during the 1970s and 1980s, the Brazilian palaeontologist Alceu Ranzi
noticed traces of various geometric earthworks of large dimensions scattered
throughout the deforested areas of large cattle-ranches. The Amazonian geoglyphs,
as these structures became known, turned out to be one of the most significant
archaeological discoveries of recent times in Amazonia, for they are completely
reconfiguring the ways by which we understand both the nature and history of the
rainforest. Before Operation Amazonia, they were hidden underneath the vegeta-
tion cover. As the forest was cleared out and this region turned into a vast savannah
landscape, the earthworks became increasingly visible. Because of the enormous
size of the excavations, and also because they are filled with recent sedimentation,
it is hard to distinguish the geoglyphs when looking from the ground. Observed
from the sky, however, it is possible to identify their dimensions and territorial
patterns of distribution. Using remote sensing technologies, archaeologists have lo-
cated more than 210 geometric earthworks distributed over an area covering 250
km2 in western Amazonia. They are shaped in perfect circles or rectangles of 90 to
300 metres in diameter and sculpted by ditches of approximately eleven meters
wide and roughly one to three meters deep, which are surrounded by earthen walls
up to one meter high. Some of these giant structures are linked by walled roads,
and most of them are located near headwaters, strategically placed at elevated
plateaus above major river valleys from where it is possible to visually embrace
the surroundings in a panoramic perspective. Archaeologists are still debating the
function of these structures, some suggesting that they were ceremonial enclosures
or defensive fortifications, others arguing that the ditches could have been used
as resource management systems, for example, to store water or cultivate aquatic
fauna for human consumption. Radiocarbon analysis of soil samples date to the
year 1238, coinciding with the period of rapid urbanization of the medieval towns
in Europe. Geo-archaeological data of this sort demonstrate that only as 300 years
before the arrival of the Europeans colonizers, substantial populations inhabited
this region of Amazonia. The archaeologists who led this research contend that
many more similar structures are buried beneath the forests that remain standing,
and estimate that only ten per cent of the total of possible existent geoglyphs have
been identified. These impressive architectural forms are interpreted as evidence
of the ancient presence of “complex societies” that for centuries modified an envi-
ronment that until now we thought to be pristine. The consequent conclusion is
that Amazonia’s deep history is not natural, but human.50
Until the 1970s, the relations between nature and society in Amazonia were
framed by scientific descriptions dominated by socio-evolutionist theories, which
portrayed the region as a hostile environment populated by dispersed and de-
mographically reduced tribes, constrained by harsh environmental determinants
and therefore unable to overcome a primitive stage of social-political organization
234
Terra-preta: Black-earth soils, anthropogenic in origin, supply some of the most significant evidences Fig. 21
that the nature of Amazonia was gradually shaped by human interference. As archaeologist Michael
Heckenberger argues, “Much of the landscape was not only anthropogenic in origin but intentionally con-
structed and managed.” Today, we cannot assume that any part of Amazonia is pristine “without a detailed
examination of the ground.”
and develop larger polities. During the following decades, and increasingly so
in the last ten years, a series of archaeological findings such as the geoglyphs,
or the identification of many sites containing terra preta—anthropogenic
black-soils that are rich in carbon compounds and highly fertile—or the incred-
ible urban clusters mapped out by archaeologist Michael J. Heckenberger at the
Upper Xingu River Basin are radically transforming this image of Amazonia.51 In
a seminal article published in 1989, anthropologist William Balée estimated that
large portions of upland forests were human-made, concluding that “instead of
using the ‘natural’ environment to explain cultural infrastructures in the Amazon,
probably the reverse should be more apt.”52 The usual ethnological and ecological
perception of Amazonia is largely derived from the eighteenth century, forged
at a moment when the majority of the area’s population had already been wiped
out by the violence of colonial conquest. An important fact supporting these views
was the lack of physical indexes showing traces of urbanization. Heckenberger’s
recent archaeological excavations provide evidence that in the Upper Xingu region
there existed highly populous societies, spatially organized in regional networks
of fortified villages, forming a pattern that he calls “galactic urbanism.” Because
of the sophisticated resource management system developed by these societies in
relation to the ecological dynamics of tropical forests, he compares the Xinguano’s
“regional planning” and modes of settlement and land-use with Ebenezer Howard’s
model of the Garden City. “Much of the landscape was not only anthropogenic in
origin but intentionally constructed and managed,” Heckenberger explains, further

claiming that today we cannot assume that any part of Amazonia is pristine “with-
out a detailed examination of the ground.”53
Up to now, Amazonia has been the quintessential representation of what Western

civilization calls “nature.” New archaeological findings and studies are showing
that, in fact, this image is the product of colonial violence. The Amazon Basin was
conceived as ahistorical because of the multiple genocides and ethnocides that
ravaged the region, and it was this conception of pristine and virgin nature, and the
social-evolutionist imaginary that supported it, that legitimated the developmental
schemes designed by the Brazilian military regime. Just as patterns of deforestation
registered in Amazonia provide evidence of the social and environmental violence
of the politics of integration implemented by the military during the Cold War, the
earthworks unveiled by this process of ecological destruction provide evidence of
a moment in which the political violence of colonialism was immediately related
to radical social-environmental transformations. Their histories are separated
by hundreds of years, yet they are also entangled by a historical continuum that
collapses two different time-scales—the ancient and the recent temporality of
Amazonia, the archaeological and the historical, coloniality and modernity—which
converge into a novel natural-political territory that challenges pre-conceived
notions of both nature and politics. The violence of the Cold War allowed us see
the deep history of Amazonia, exposing the traces of an unknown deep past. While
we look back and learn from it, we may therefore conclude that human collectives
have been shaping the natural history of the Earth long before the “Anthropocenic
turn,” albeit in radically different directions. Amazonia’s deep geochronology en-
ables us to frame the Cold-War’s ecocides and genocides as an important chapter
of the historical process by which geo-power—through violence, destruction, and
death—came to produce a completely new natural terrain. And this is perhaps the
crucial paradox that the Anthropocene has brought to light: different regimes of
power will produce different natures, for nature is not natural; it is the product of
cultivation, and more frequently, of conflict.
Notes
1 Shelton H. Davis and Robert O. Mathews, The Geological Imperative: Anthropology and
Development in the Amazon Basin of South America (Cambridge, Mass.: Anthropology
Resource Centre, 1976), 4.
2 As, for example, in the case of the study conducted in 1964 by the army-sponsored Special
Operations Research Office (SORO) on the use of “witchcraft, sorcery, and magic” by rebel
militias in the Congo. See David Price, Anthropological Intelligence: The Deployment and
Neglect of American Anthropology in the Second World War (Durham: Duke University
Press, 2008), and “How the CIA and the Pentagon Harnessed Anthropological Research
during the Second World War and Cold War with Little Critical Notice,” Journal of
Anthropological Research 67, no. 3 (2011): 333–356. Price argues that the alignment
between anthropology and warfare established in the 1940s was “normalized” and to
a large extent silenced by the secrecy apparatus that surrounded military-scientific re-
search programs during the Cold War.
236
3 See Gerard Colby and Charlotte Dennett, Thy Will Be Done: The Conquest of the Amazon
(New York: HarperCollins, 1995).
4 On Julian Steward’s commitment to wartime ethnography, see Price, Anthropological
Intelligence, 113. On the influence of his work on Amazonian ethnology, see Eduardo
Viveiros de Castro, “Images of Nature and Society in Amazonian Ethnology,” Annual
Review of Anthropology 25 (1996): 79–200.
5 On the role played by anthropologists in the application of modernization-development
programs that formed part of US “low-intensity” counter-insurgency policies during the
Cold War, and the relation between Walt W. Rostow’s ideas and the work of anthropol-
ogists, see David Price, “Subtle Means and Enticing Carrots: The Impact of Funding on
American Cold War Anthropology,” Critique of Anthropology 23, no. 4 (2003): 373–401.
6 For example, in the case of the United States, ethnographic intelligence has been used by
the US Army since the American Indian Wars.
7 Guatemala, Brazil, and Chile are notable examples of “corporate-military” coups. On the
history of US interventionism in Latin America during the Cold War, see Greg Grandin,
Empire’s Workshop: Latin America, the United States and the Rise of the New Imperialism
(New York: Holt, 2006), and David Slater, Geopolitics and the Post-Colonial: Rethinking
North-South Relations (London: Blackwell, 2004). The origins of US imperialism over
the hemisphere can be traced back to the nineteenth-century Monroe Doctrine. Between
1889 and 1934, David Slater counted more than thirty US military interventions in Latin
America.
8 Davis and Mathews, The Geological Imperative, 9. What Napoleon Chagnon left outside his
portrait of the Yanomami as a pre-contact society whose mode of life was determined by
natural laws was in fact the very historical context within which his research was being
carried out. The patterns of violence that Chagnon witnessed among the Yanomami and
diffused through his films and texts were exacerbated, if not caused by, the rapid expan-
sion of mining frontiers into their lands, as well as, by the presence of Changon himself
and objects such as axes and machetes that he introduced into the villages in exchange for
ethnographic information. Chagnon also allegedly collaborated in bio-genetic research
sponsored by the US State Department conducted with the Yanomami. His work is now
counted as one of the most infamous episodes of ethical misconduct in the history of
modern anthropology. For a detailed account on Chagnon’s practice, see Patrick Tierney,
Darkness in El Dorado: How Scientists and Journalists Devastated the Amazon (New York:
W. W. Norton & Company, 2002). Marshal Sahlins wrote an important review of this book:
“Jungle Fever,” Washington Post Book World, 10 December 2000, http://anthroniche.com/
darkness_documents/0246.htm. Chagnon was recently appointed to the US National
Academy of Sciences, prompting Sahlins to resign in protest.
9 Davis and Mathews, The Geological Imperative, 3.
10 Fernando Belaúnde Terry, Peru’s Own Conquest (Lima: American Studies Press, 1965).
11 Darino Castro Rebelo, Transamazônica: integração em marcha (Brasília: Ministério dos
Transportes, 1973).
12 Walter H. Pawley, In the Year 2070: Thinking Now about the Next Century Has Become
Imperative, Ceres: FAO Review 4 (July–August 1971): 22–27. The article is a condensation
of Pawley’s book How Can There Be Secured Food for All—In This and the Next Century?
(FAO, 1971).
13 Golbery do Couto e Silva, Geopolítica do Brasil (Rio de Janeiro: Livraria J. Olympio, 1967),
40.
14 Claudio R. Sonnenburg, Overview of Brazilian Remote Sensing Activities, Report to the
NASA Center for Aerospace Information (CASI) (NASAA/INPE, August 1978).
15 J. K. Petersen, Handbook of Surveillance Technologies (CRC Press, 2012).
16 Sonnenburg, Overview of Brazilian Remote Sensing Activities, 16.

17 Several articles appeared in the international press, such as “Killing of Brazilian Indians
for their Lands Charged to Officials,” New York Times, 21 March 1968, and “Brazil Gets
Inquiries on Alleged Indian Slayings,” Los Angeles Times, 29 March 1968. Translations
of Norman Lewis’s reportage were published in the French newspaper L’Express, “Le
Massacre systematic des indiens,” April 1969, and in the German weekly news magazine
Der Spiegel, “Sie werden alle ausgerottet,” November 1969. For a more detailed account,
see Shelton H. Davis, Victims of the Miracle (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1977).
18 Norman Lewis, Genocide: From Fire and Sword to Arsenic and Bullets, Civilization Has Set
Six Million Indians to Extinction, The Sunday Times, 23 February 1969, 34–48.
19 Darcy Ribeiro, “A Intervenção protecionista”, in Os índios e a civilização (São Paulo:
Companhia das Letras, 1996), 148.
20 Herman von Ihering, “A antropologia no Estado de São Paulo,” Revista do Museu Paulista 7
(1907): 215. See also Ribeiro, “A Intervenção protecionista.”
21 Hermann von Ihering, “A Questão dos Índios no Brasil,” Revista do Museu Paulista 8
(1911): 112–40.
22 Antonio Carlos de Souza Lima, Sobre indigenismo, autoritarismo, e nacionalidade: consid-
erações sobre a constituição do discurso e da prática da proteção fraternal no Brasil (Rio de
Janeiro: PhD Thesis, Museu Nacional, 1987).
23 Darcy Ribeiro, “As Etapas da Integração”, in Os índios e a civilização (São Paulo: Companhia
das Letras, 1996): 254–293. Originally published as Culturas e Línguas Indígenas do Brasil,
Educação e Ciêcias Sociais (Rio de Janeiro, 1957): 1–102. A shorter version of this article
appeared as part of a report published by UNESCO in 1957, “Cultures en vie de dispari-
tion,” Bulletin International des Sciences Sociales 9, no. 3 (1957), and was later translated
in H. Hopper, Indians of Brazil in the Twentieth Century, (Washington, DC: Institute for
Cross-Cultural Research, 1967).
24 See Ribeiro, “As Etapas da Integração,” and specially Carlos de Souza Lima, Sobre indi-
genismo, autoritarismo, e nacionalidade.
25 As stated in the first article of the statute of FUNAI, these progressive measures included:
“respect to tribal institutions”; the “guarantee to the permanent possession of the lands
inhabited by Indians and the exclusive use of natural resources and all existing utili-
ties therein”; and the commitment to guard against “the spontaneous acculturation of
the Indian so its socioeconomic evolution proceeds safe from sudden change.” See the
Legislative Decree 62.196, 31 January 1968, available at: http://www6.senado.gov.br/
legislacao/ListaTextoIntegral.action?id=175883&norma=193337.
26 International Committee of the Red Cross, Report of the ICRC Medical Mission to the
Brazilian Amazon Region (Geneva, 1970); Robin Hanbury-Tenison, A Report of a Visit to
the Indians of Brazil (The Primitive Peoples Fund & Survival International, London, 1971).
See also the report Supysáua: A Documentary Report on the Conditions of Indian Peoples of
Brazil (INDIGENA and American Friends of Brazil, 1974).
27 Thomas E. Skidmore, The Politics of Military Rule in Brazil, 1964-1985 (New York: Oxford
University Press, 1988).
28 See Carlos Fausto, Inimigos fiéis: história, guerra e xamanismo na Amazônia (São Paulo:
Edusp, 2001), 89–93.
29 Law No. 6001, 19 December 1973, available at http://www.funai.gov.br/quem/legisla-
cao/estatuto_indio.html.
30 Pedro Casaldáliga et al., Y-Juca Pirama, o índio: aquele que deve morrer, (1973), 15.
31 A política do genocídio contra os índios do Brasil (Porto: AEPPA, Associação de Ex-presos
Políticos Antifascistas, March 1974).
32 Pierre Clastres, Arqueologia da violência (São Paulo, Cosac & Naify, 1974), 83.
33 Raphael Lemkin, Axis Rule in Occupied Europe: Laws of Occupation, Analysis of Government,
Proposals of Redress (Washington DC: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace,
238
1944). Genocide was established as crime in international law by the Convention on the
Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide adopted by the General Assembly of
the United Nations in 1948.
34 A. Dirk Moses, “Raphael Limkin, Culture, and the Concept of Genocide,” in The Oxford
Handbook of Genocide Studies, ed. Donald Bloxham and A. Dirk Moses (Oxford: Oxford
35 Moses, “Raphael Limkin, Culture, and the Concept of Genocide,” 38.
36 Robert Jaulin, La Paz blanca: introducción al etnocidio (Buenos Aires: Editorial Tiempo
Contemporaneo, 1973), 13. Originally published as La paix blanche (Paris: Editions du
Seuil, 1970).
37 Clastres, Arqueologia da violência, 84.
38 Arthur Galison, as quoted in Erwin Knoll and Judith Nies McFadden, War Crimes and the
American Conscience, (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1970), 71.
39 Knoll and Judith Nies, War Crimes and the American Conscience, 68.
40 Ibid.
41 See, for example, the proposal for an “Ecocide Convention” made by legal scholar Richard
Falk in 1973. See Falk, “Environmental Warfare and Ecocide: Facts, Appraisal, and
Proposals,” Bulletin of Peace Proposals 1 (1973).
42 William A. Schabas, Genocide in International Law (Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press, 2000), 464–468..
43 See the first report published by the Truth Commission of the State of Amazonas, The
Genocide of the Waimiri-Atroari People (Manaus, 2012). On the controversial number of
political assassinations and forcibly disappeared, see the article published at the daily
newspaper Folha de São Paulo, Lucas Ferraz, “Lista oficial de mortos pela ditadura pode
ser ampliada” [“Official List of Killed by the Dictatorship Can Be Enlarged”], 1 August
2012, http://www1.folha.uol.com.br/poder/1129485-lista-oficial-de-mortos-pela-dit-
adura-pode-ser-ampliada.shtml.
44 Make Davis, Planet of Slums (London: Verso, 2006), 17.
45 Nikolas Kozloff, No Rain in the Amazon: How South America’s Climate Change Affects the
Entire Planet, (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010), 2–4.
46 Philip M Fearnside, Antonio Tebaldi Tardin and Luiz Gylvan Meira Filho, Deforestation
Rate in Brazilian Amazonia (Manaus: INPE, 1990).
47 See Mike Davis, Late Victorian Holocausts (London: Verso, 2001).
48 For an important initiative to frame the history of the Cold War in relation to environmen-
tal histories, see J. R. McNeill and Corinna R. Unger (eds.), Environmental Histories of the
Cold War (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2010).
49 Michel Serres, The Natural Contract , trans. Elizabeth MacArthur and William Paulson
(Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1995), 32.
50 Martti Pärssinen, Denise Schaan and Alceu Ranzi, “Pre-Columbian Geometric Earthworks
in the Upper Purus: A Complex Society in Western Amazonia,” Antiquity 83 (2009):
1084–1095; and Denise Schaan, Martti Pärssinen, Alceu Ranzi and Jacó César Piccoli,
“Geoglifos da Amazônia ocidental: evidência de complexidade social entre povos da terra
firme,” Revista de Arqueologia 20 (2007): 67–82.
51 For a critical overview of the history of archeology in Amazonia, see Pärssinen, Schaan
and Ranzi, “Geoglifos da Amazônia occidental”; and Michael J. Herckenberger, The Ecology
of Power (New York: Routledge, 2005).
52 William Balée, “The Culture of Amazonian Forests,” Advances in Economic Botany 7
(1989): 1–21.
53 Herckenberger, The Ecology of Power, 23.

Contributors
Nabil Ahmed is a contemporary visual artist, writer, and curator. His works have
been presented internationally, including at The 2012 Taipei Biennale, Haus der
Kulturen der Welt in Berlin, The Centre for Possible Studies Serpentine Gallery,
Resonance FM, CCA Glasgow, Nottingham Contemporary, no.w.here, South Asian
Visual Arts Centre (SAVAC) in Toronto, and the Royal Geographic Society. He has
written for Third Text and Media Field Journal. He is co-founder of Call & Response, a
sound art collective and curatorial project based in London. He is currently a Ph.D.
candidate in Research Architecture at Goldsmiths University of London where he
also teaches. He lives and works in London.
Meghan Archer currently works as a designer at Payette Associates in Boston. She

was educated at Taubman College of Architecture and Urban Planning, University
of Michigan, where she graduated with a Masters in Architecture in 2012 with high
distinction. Her interests lie in design that operates on multiple scales and engages
the public realm, from infrastructure, to installation art. Meghan has served on
architectural design reviews at several colleges, and has lead youth programs on
architecture in the Boston metro area.
Adam Bobbette is a researcher, writer and designer based in Hong Kong with
training in landscape architecture, philosophy, and cultural studies. He currently
teaches at the University of Hong Kong. He has published widely and his work
has been included in exhibitions at the Canadian Centre for Architecture, Graham
Foundation, Architectural Association, Storefront for Art and Architecture, and
Eyebeam, among others. Currently, his research focuses on international com-
parative histories and theories of civic infrastructures and the urban ecologies of
contingency, care, and danger. He is working on a monograph about the history of
air in Indonesia. He is a co-founder and editor of the journal Scapegoat: Architecture
| Landscape | Political Economy.
Emily Cheng lives in Toronto, Canada, where she designs architecture, objects, and
graphics. www.emcheng.com
Heather Davis is a researcher, writer, and community-based artist from Montreal.

She is currently a FQRSC postdoctoral fellow in the Department of Women’s Studies
at Duke University, where she is working on a project which traces the ethology of
plastic as a materialization of the philosophic division of the subject and object.
She completed her Ph.D. in the joint program in Communication at Concordia
University in 2011 on the political potential of community-based art. In 2010, she
was a visiting scholar with the Hemispheric Institute of Performance and Politics at
NYU and the Department of Women’s and Gender Studies at Rutgers University. She
explores and participates in expanded art practices that bring together researchers,
activists, and community members to enact social change. She is the co-founder of
Ouvert/Open, an art and activist collective which seeks to re-envision public space
and circulation in Montreal and is an active member of Kabane 77, a radical art,
film and education collective. She has written about the intersection of art, politics,
and community engagement for Fibreculture, Public, Politics and Culture, Canadian
Women’s Studies Journal, The Encyclopedia of Social Movement Media, No More
Potlucks, Scapegoat and Reviews in Cultural Theory.
Sara Dean is an architectural and graphic designer in the Detroit area, and the
designer of Architecture in the Anthropocene. Her work examines the implications
of digital methodologies on design and activism practices. She has a Master of
Architecture and a Master of Science in Design Research from the University of
Michigan. Some of her work can be found at www.linch-pin.org
Seth Denizen is a designer and researcher trained in landscape architecture and

evolutionary biology. Since completing research on the sexual behavior of small
Trinidadian fish, his work has focused on the aesthetics of scientific representa-
tion, madness and public parks, the political ecology of desertification, and most
recently the design of taxonomies for the mapping and historical analysis of urban
soil. He currently lives in Hong Kong, where he teaches in the Division of Landscape
Architecture at Hong Kong University.
Mark Dorrian holds the Forbes Chair in Architecture at the University of Edinburgh
and is Co-Director of the art, architecture and urbanism atelier Metis. His books
include (with Adrian Hawker) Metis: Urban Cartographies (2002), (with Gillian
Rose) Deterritorialisations: Revisioning Landscapes and Politics (2003), (with Jane
Rendell, Jonathan Hill and Murray Fraser) Critical Architecture (2007), Warszawa:
Projects for the Post-Socialist City (2009), and (with Frédéric Pousin) Vues aériennes:
Seize études pour une histoire culturelle (2012). Recent essays include ‘Clouds of
Architecture’, Radical Philosophy 144 (2007), ‘The Way the World Sees London’ in A.
Vidler, ed, Architecture Between Spectacle and Use (2008), ‘Transcoded Indexicality’,
Log 12 (2008), ‘The Aerial Image: Vertigo, Transparency and Miniaturization’, par-
allax 15(4) (2009), ‘Falling Upon Warsaw: the Shadow of Stalin’s Palace of Culture’,
The Journal of Architecture 15 (1) (2010), ‘On Google Earth’, New Geographies, 4
- Scales of the Earth (2011), and ‘Adventure on the Vertical’, Cabinet 44 (2011/12).
He is member of the advisory board of the Institute for Advanced Studies in the
Humanities at the University of Edinburgh, where he is organizing a research theme
on ‘Atmospheres and Atmospherics.’ www.iash.ed.ac.uk/themes.atmospheres.html
Elizabeth Grosz is Jean Fox O’Barr Women’s Studies Professor in Trinity College
of Arts and Sciences at Duke University. She is the author of Chaos, Territory, Art.
Deleuze and the Framing of the Earth (Columbia University Press, 2008) and has
written widely on French Philosophy.
Lisa Hirmer is an artist, writer, and designer based in Guelph, Canada. Her work can
be divided between two main practices, though the thematic overlap is significant:
242
she is an emerging photographer and writer producing work that reflects her
background in architecture and is primarily concerned with examining material
traces found in complex landscapes, especially those that act as evidence of unseen
forces. She is also a co-founder and principal of DodoLab, an experimental arts-
based practice that has been producing innovative public research and socially
engaged projects since 2009. DodoLab’s work is focused on investigating, engaging
and responding to the public’s relationship with contemporary issues. Hirmer has
a Master of Architecture from the University of Waterloo.
Jane Hutton is a landscape architect and Assistant Professor in Landscape

Architecture at the Harvard Graduate School of Design. She is director of the GSD
Materials Collection in the Frances Loeb Design Library, and her research focuses
on the expanded relations of construction materials used in landscape architecture.
In 2010, she curated Erratics: A Genealogy of Rock Landscape, an exhibition that
looked at the cultural and scientific antecedents to contemporary design’s interest
in geology.
Eleanor Kaufman is professor of Comparative Literature, English, and French

and Francophone Studies at the University of California, Los Angeles. She is the
author of The Delirium of Praise: Bataille, Blanchot, Deleuze, Foucault, Klossowski
(Johns Hopkins, 2001), Deleuze, the Dark Precursor: Dialectic, Structure, Being
(Johns Hopkins, 2012), and At Odds with Badiou: Politics, Dialectics, and Religion
from Sartre and Deleuze to Lacan and Agamben (forthcoming, Columbia University
Press); and co-editor of Deleuze and Guattari: New Mappings in Politics, Philosophy,
and Culture (Minnesota, 1998).
Amy Catania Kulper is an assistant professor of architecture at the University

of Michigan Taubman College of Architecture and Urban Planning, where she
teaches theory and design. For the 2010-2011 academic year she was the Steelcase
Research Professor at the University of Michigan’s Humanities Institute, working
on a book manuscript entitled Immanent Natures: The Laboratory as a Paradigm
for Architecture’s Experimental Practices. She is a three-time recipient of the
Donna M. Salzer Award for teaching excellence. Kulper is the Design Editor of
the Journal of Architectural Education (JAE). Her publications appear as chap-
ters in Experiments: Architecture Between Sciences and the Arts edited by Ákos
Morávansky and Albert Kirchengast; and Intimate Metropolis: Urban Subjects in the
Modern City edited by Diana Periton and Vittoria di Palma. Her articles appear in
the Journal of Architecture, Candide: Journal of Architectural Knowledge, and Field:
Journal for Architecture. Kulper holds masters’ degrees from both the University of
Pennsylvania and Cambridge and a Ph.D. in the history and philosophy of architec-
ture from Cambridge University. She is currently co-editing a special issue of the
Journal of Architecture on the subject of ‘City Air.’
Clint Langevin and Amy Norris co-founded the research and design studio
Captains of Industry after completing professional degrees in architecture at the
Contributors 243
University of Toronto in 2011. The studio investigates the problems and potentials
of our industrial heritage. Their work has been exhibited internationally at the
2012 International Architecture Biennale Rotterdam and Arup’s Phase 2 Gallery
in London, and featured in publications such as OnSite Review 29: Geology, Volume
#31: Guilty Landscapes, and the forthcoming BRACKET [at extremes]. Their most
recent work includes an installation at Toronto’s Harbourfront Centre as part of
the exhibition titled Rapid Response - Architecture Prepares for Disaster, where they
explored the relationship between human activity and natural ecosystems, and our
own complicity in the occurrence of natural disasters. www.captainsofindustry.ca
Michael CC Lin is a Toronto-based designer working in the field of Architecture &

Design. Having graduated from University of Toronto with a Master of Architecture,
and from the University of Waterloo with a Bachelor of Architectural Studies,
Michael is embarking on a long journey in a medium that engages and challenges
him continuously in new and exciting ways. His Master of Architecture Thesis,
AnthroPark, is a labour of love borne from Michael’s passion for stories, films, art,
and philosophy over the course of his studies. AnthroPark won the Kuwabara-
Jackman Architecture Thesis Gold Medal (2012), was featured in Scapegoat journal
(2012), and was exhibited in Here Be Monsters (2012), as well as inspiring various
commissions. Working with Omar Aljebouri under the alias ccomma design, the duo
has exhibited work such as Cabinet of Curiosities: Toronto Expedition 001 (2011-
2012), testing the theme of identity and the city. www.anthropark.com
Territorial Agency is established by John Palmesino and Ann-Sofi Rönnskog.

Territorial Agency is an independent organisation that promotes and works for
integrated sustainable territorial transformations. Its works combine analysis,
contemporary architecture and urbanism, advocacy and action. Projects include
the Anthropocene Observatory, Museum of Infrastructural Unconscious, North,
Unfinishable Markermeer, Kiruna, Taiwan Project, The Coast of Europe. They con-
vene Diploma unit 4 at AA Architectural Association School of Architecture, London
and have initiated the AA Think Tank. They are research fellows at the Centre for
Research Architecture, Goldsmiths, University of London, where John also con-
venes the MA studio seminar and researches for his PhD. He has been Research
Advisor at the Jan van Eyck Academie, Maastricht, and previously led the research
activities of ETH Zurich/Studio Basel – Contemporary City Institute, and he is a
founding member of Multiplicity. Ann-Sofi has been a researcher at ETH Zurich/
Studio Basel – Contemporary City Institute. She is a research fellow at AHO Oslo
School of Architecture.
Chester Rennie works as a designer at Public Work, a Toronto-based design studio

engaged in building the contemporary city.
François Roche is the principal of New-Territories (R&Sie(n) / [eIf/bʌt/c]). He is

based mainly in Bangkok, [eIf/bʌt/c], sometimes in Paris, R&Sie(n), and during
the Fall in New York, with his studio of research at GSAPP, Columbia University.
244
Through these different structures, his architectural works and protocols seek to
articulate the real and/or fictional, the geographic situations, and narrative struc-
tures that can transform them. His architectural designs and processes have been
show at, among other places, Columbia University (New York, 1999-2000), UCLA
(Los Angeles, 1999-2000), ICA (London, 2001), Mori Art Museum (Tokyo, 2004),
Centre Pompidou (Paris, 2003), MAM / Musée d’Art Moderne (Paris, 2005, 2006),
the Tate Modern (London 2006) and Orléans/ArchiLab (1999, 2001, 2003). Work
by R&Sie(n), New-Territories were selected for exhibition at the French pavilion
at the Venice Architecture Biennales of 1990, 1996, 2000 and 2002 (they rejected
the invitation that year), and for the international section in 2000, 2004, and 2008,
and, in 2010, for both the International and Austrian Pavilion; in 2012, for Dark
Side Curating, Slovenian Pavilion, and Writing Architecture. Among the teaching
positions held by Roche over the last decade are guest professor at the Bartlett
School in London in 2000, the Vienna TU in 2001, the Barcelona ESARQ in 2003-04,
the Paris ESA in 2005, the University of Pennsylvania in Philadelphia in 2006, the
Angewangde in Vienna in 2008, the USC-Los Angeles in 2009-10-11 and currently
Columbia, GSAPP every Fall since 2006. In 2012, François Roche was the guest
editor of Log #25, NY Critical Revue, for the issue released in July 2012 reclaim
resis(lience)stance. www.new-territories.com
Isabelle Stengers (b. 1949) teaches philosophy at the Université Libre de

Bruxelles, in Brussels, Belgium. She began her career in collaboration with Nobel
Prize Laureate Ilya Prigogine, co-authoring La Nouvelle Alliance, which presents
physics as a passionate adventure rather than as the triumph of objective knowl-
edge. She has gradually extended her approach, resisting a model of scientific ob-
jectivity that silences the diverging multiplicity of scientific practices. Instead, she
emphasizes the need for these practices to cultivate the risks of relevance, develop-
ing the concept of an active ecology that embeds scientific practices in democratic
and politically demanding environments. She is the author of numerous books,
many of which have been translated into English, including Order out of Chaos with
Ilya Prigogine, A Critique of Psychoanalytical Reason with Léon Chertok, A History
of Chemistry with Bernadette Bensaude-Vincent, Power and Invention: Situating
Science, The Invention of Modern Science, Capitalist Sorcery: Breaking the Spell with
Philippe Pignarre, Cosmopolitics I and II, and Thinking with Whitehead.
Paulo Tavares is a Brazilian architect and urbanist based in Quito/London. He is

currently developing a project on the violence of planning and the politics of ecol-
ogy in Amazonia at the PhD Programme of the Centre for Research Architecture,
Goldsmiths, UK. Tavares teaches architecture at the Universidad Católica de
Ecuador - Facultad de Arquitectura, Diseño y Arte, Quito, and previously held teach-
ing posts at the Centre for Research Architecture - Goldsmiths, and at the Visual Lab
of the MA in Contemporary Art Theory, also at Goldsmiths, UK. Writings appeared
in many publications worldwide and his work has been exhibited in various venues
including CCA: Centre for Contemporary Arts - Glasgow, Haus der Kulturen der
Welt - Berlin, Portikus - Frankfurt and the Taipei Biennial 2012.
Contributors 245
Etienne Turpin is the director of anexact office, a design research practice com-
mitted to multidisciplinary urban activism, artistic and curatorial experimentation,
and applied philosophical inquiry. Etienne is also a Vice Chancellor’s Postdoctoral
Research Fellow with the SMART Infrastructure Facility, Faculty of Engineering
& Information Sciences, and an Associate Fellow with the Institute for Social
Transformation Research, Faculty of Law, Humanities, and The Arts, University
of Wollongong, Australia. With the support of this joint appointment, Etienne is
living and working in Jakarta, Indonesia, where his research helps produce strat-
egies for community resistance and resilience among informal settlements of the
urban poor facing the combined violence of climate change and rapid development.
www.anexact.org
Eyal Weizman is an architect, Professor of Spatial & Visual Cultures, and director
of the Centre for Research Architecture at Goldsmiths, University of London. Since
2011, he also directs the European Research Council (ERC) funded project - Forensic
Architecture - on the place of architecture in International Humanitarian Law. Since
2007, he is a founding member of the architectural collective DAAR in Beit Sahour/
Palestine. Weizman has been a Professor of Architecture at the Academy of Fine Arts
in Vienna and has also taught at the Bartlett (UCL) in London, at the Städelschule
in Frankfurt, at the Berlage Institute in Rotterdam, and is a Professeur invité at
the École des hautes études en sciences sociales (EHESS) in Paris. He lectured,
curated, and organised conferences in many institutions worldwide. His books
include Mengele’s Skull (with Thomas Keenan at Sternberg Press 2012), Forensic
Architecture (dOCUMENTA13 notebook, 2012), The Least of all Possible Evils
(Nottetempo 2009, Verso 2011), Hollow Land (Verso, 2007), the co-edited A Civilian
Occupation (Verso, 2003), the series Territories 1, 2 and 3, Yellow Rhythms and
many articles in journals, magazines, and edited books. He has realized a number
of architectural and design commissions including the Ashdod Museum of Arts, set
design for Electra (with Rafi Segal), the installation Page in Berlin (with Zvi Hecker
and Mich Ullman), and a permanent pavilion for Gwangju, South Korea, amongst
other projects. Weizman is a regular contributor and an editorial board member for
several journals and magazines including Grey Room, Humanity, Inflexions, Political
Concepts, and Cabinet where he is an editor at large, and has also edited a special is-
sue on Forensics (Issue 43, 2011). He has worked with a variety of NGOs worldwide
and was member of B’Tselem (the largest Israeli human rights organization) board
of directors. He is currently on the advisory boards of the Institute of Contemporary
Arts (ICA) in London, the Human Rights Project at Bard in NY, as a jury member for
architecture at the Akademie Schloss Solitude and of other academic and cultural
institutions. Weizman is the recipient of the James Stirling Memorial Lecture Prize
for 2006-2007, a co-recipient of the 2010 Prince Claus Prize for Architecture (with
Sandy Hilal and Alessandro Petti for DAAR), and was invited to deliver many key
note addresses and memorial lectures for Nelson Mandela (Bob Hawkes Prime
Ministerial Centre, Adelaide), Edward Said (University of Warwick), Rusty Bernstein
(University of The Witwatersrand), Paul Hirst (Birkbeck College), the Edward H.
Benenson Lectures (Duke), and the Mansour Armaly (MESA), amongst others. He
246
studied architecture at the Architectural Association in London and completed his
Ph.D. at the London Consortium/Birkbeck College.
Jane Wolff is associate professor and former director of the landscape architec-
ture programme at the Daniels Faculty of Architecture, Landscape, and Design,
University of Toronto. She was educated as a documentary filmmaker and land-
scape architect at Harvard University. Ms. Wolff’s research interests deal with the
hybrid landscapes formed by interactions between natural process and cultural
intervention. The author of Delta Primer: a field guide to the California Delta, she is
a partner in the Gutter to Gulf initiative, which provides information about urban
infrastructure and ecology in New Orleans through its website, www.guttertogulf.
com. Her current projects include an exhibit at the Exploratorium of San Francisco
on the cultural landscape of San Francisco Bay and initial studies for an atlas of
Toronto’s landscape as infrastructure. In addition to her academic work, she also
serves as a member of the Design Review Board of Waterfront Toronto and on
the board of the Landscape Architecture Foundation. Ms. Wolff’s work has been
supported by two Fulbright scholarships and by research grants from the Harvard
Graduate School of Design, the Graham Foundation, the Great Valley Center, the LEF
Foundation, the Ohio State University, the University of Toronto, the Exploratorium
and the Seed Fund of San Francisco. In 2006, she was Beatrix Farrand distinguished
visiting professor at the University of California, Berkeley.
Guy Zimmerman is a playwright and director, and has served as the artistic direc-
tor of Padua Playwrights in Los Angeles since 2001. Under his direction, Padua has
staged over 35 productions of new plays, moving several to venues in New York
City, Atlanta and abroad, and garnering a host of LA Weekly, Ovation, Garland, and
Los Angeles Drama Critics Circle awards and nominations. As a playwright, his
critically acclaimed work includes the plays La Clarita, The Inside Job, Vagrant, and
The Black Glass, which opened at the Ballhaus OST in Berlin in February 2013. He is
also the Supervising Editor of Padua Press, which has published six anthologies of
new work by such nationally prominent playwrights as Maria Irene Fornes, Murray
Mednick, John Steppling and John O’Keefe. His essays about film, theatre, art, and
politics have appeared in Theater Forum, LA Weekly, LA Theater Magazine, the LA
Citizen, and Times Quotidian, where he serves as Associate Editor. Zimmerman
received a BA in History from the University of Pennsylvania; he is currently com-
pleting a doctorate in Drama and Theatre at UC Irvine.
Contributors 247
Permissions
AnthroPark, design project by Michael C.C. Lin

Copyright retained by the author/designer.
Radical Meteorology, design project by Nabil Ahmed

Three Holes: In the Geological Present, essay by Seth Denizen

Fig. 01. En construcción (Under Construction), directed by José Luis Guerín (2001). Courtesy of Ovideo TV.
Fig. 02. Hiroshi Sugimoto, Ordovician Period Photo (1994). Photo 81 x 71 cm. © Hiroshi Sugimoto,
courtesy Pace Gallery.
Fig. 03. Hiroshi Sugimo, Earliest Human Relatives (1994). Photo 81 x 71 cm. © Hiroshi Sugimoto, courtesy
Pace Gallery.
Fig. 05. J. C. Farman, B. G. Gardiner and J. D. Shanklin, “Large Losses of Total Ozone in Antarctica Reveal
Seasonal ClOx/NOx Interaction,” Nature 315 (May 1985): 207–210.
Fig. 07. From F. A. Fallou, Pedologie oder Allgemeine und besondere Bodenkunde (Dresden: Schöenfeld,
1862), in Alfred E. Hartemink, “The Depiction of Soil Profiles since the Late 1700s,” Catena 79 (2009):
113–127.
Fig. 09. Venezia 2003, Societa Italiana di Geologia Ambientale. Scale = 1:50,000.
Fig. 10. Seth Denizen, “Adams Family Series,” Eighth Approximation: Urban Soil in the Anthropocene
(MLA Thesis: University of Virginia, 2012). Copyright retained by the author/designer.
Fig. 11. Seth Denizen, “Robert Moses Series,” Eighth Approximation: Urban Soil in the Anthropocene
(MLA Thesis: University of Virginia, 2012). Copyright retained by the author/designer.
Episodes from a History of Scalelessness: William Jerome Harrison and Geological Photography,
essay by Adam Bobbette
Fig. 01. H.T. Hildage, “Mining Operations in New York City and Vicinity,T” in Transactions of the American
Institute of Mining Engineers (New York: Institute of Mining Engineers, 1908), 392, Fig. 18.
Fig. 02. G. Bingley, Baldersby Park, near Thirsk. Large Boulder of Carboniferous Grit, 1891. Courtesy of the
British Geological Survey. © NERC. All rights reserved.
Fig. 03. From John A., Dresser and T. C. Denis, Geology of Quebec (Quebec: Rédempti, 1944), Plate v.
Fig. 04. William Jerome Harrison, Sheringham Beach. Paramoudra in Chalk, 1886. Courtesy of the British
Geological Survey. © NERC. All rights reserved.
Fig. 05. William Jerome Harrison, Beeston Beach. Paramoudra, 1886. Courtesy of the British Geological
Survey. © NERC. All rights reserved.
Fig. 06. William Jerome Harrison, W. of Sheringham. Pinnacle of Chalk, embedded in drift, 1886. Courtesy of
the British Geological Survey. © NERC. All rights reserved.
Inquiries and Interpretations Concerning the Observations and Findings from Atmosphere-
Investigating, Landscape-Exploring, Universe-Tracking Instruments, their Experiments, Studies,
Etc., design project by Emily Cheng
Landscapes of San Francisco Bay: Plates from Bay Lexicon, design project by Jane Wolff
Architecture’s Lapidarium: On the Lives of Geological Specimens, essay by Amy Catania Kulper
Fig. 02. Ferdinand Cheval, Palais Idéal (1879-1912), Louis-Ernest Barrias, Nature Unveiling Herself Before
Science (1899), John Collier, Priestess of Delphi (1891), Sir Edward Coley Burne-Jones, Sisyphus (c. 1870).
Fig. 05. Joseph Michael Gandy, Architecture: Its Natural Mode (1838).
Fig. 06. Joseph Michael Gandy, from Architecture: Its Natural Mode (1838).
Fig. 07. Joseph Michael Gandy, A Selection of Parts of Buildings, Public and Private, Erected from the Designs
248
of John Soane (1818).
Fig. 09. Giovanni Battista Piranesi, Foundations of the Theater of Marcellus, from Antichità Romane (1756).
From the Collection of the Toledo-Lucas County Public Library.
Fig. 10. Piranesi, “Mausoleum of Cecilia Matella,” from Antichità Romane (1756). From the Collection of
the Toledo-Lucas County Public Library.
Fig. 11. Athanasius Kircher, The Eruption of Mount Etna, 1637, from Mundus Subterraneus (1664).
Fig. 12. Basil Valentine, The Twelve Keys (1678), Ernst Rutherford in his Laboratory. Ernst Rutherford
and Hans Geiger, Physics Laboratory. Manchester University, England. Marsden, Lady Joyce: Assorted
photographs and negatives from the papers of Sir Ernest Marsden. Ref: PA Coll-0091-1-011.Alexander
Turnbull Library, Wellington, New Zealand.
Fig. 13. Athanasius Kircher, detail from Pictorial Stones with Human Faces (1664).
Erratic Imaginaries: Thinking Landscape as Evidence, essay by Jane Hutton

Fig. 01. Kidston Lake Rocking Stone, Kidstone Lake, Nova Scotia. Gardner Collection of Photographs,
Harvard College Library.
Fig. 02. Pierre des Marmettes, from Jean De Charpentier, Essai Sur Les Glaciers et Sur le Terrain Erratique
du Bassin du Rhone (Lausanne: Imprimerie et Librairie de Marc Ducloux, 1841).
Fig. 03. Postcard, Pierre des Marmettes, (1905) R. Heyraudt, Publisher, St. Maurice, collection of Vincent
Franzen.
Fig. 04. Postcard, Rollstone Boulder, Fitchburg, Massachusetts Peter Cristofono collection.
Fig. 05. Babson Boulders Map. Courtesy of Jane Hutton.
Fig. 06. Babson Boulder, Courage, Dogtown, Massachusetts. Courtesy of Jane Hutton.
Fig. 07. Medicine or Prayer Rock, Ipswich, South Dakota Photo courtesy of J. Stephen Conn.
Fig. 08. Postcard, Massasoit Statue, Portico over Plymouth Rock, The Mayflower. 1930-45. The Tichnor
Borthers Collection, Boston Public Library.
Fig. 09. National Day of Mourning plaque, Plymouth, Massachusetts Photo courtesy of Gerald Azenaro.
Swimming in It, design project by Chester Rennie

Fortune Head Geologies, photo essay by Lisa Hirmer

Utopia on Ice: The Climate as Commodity Form, essay by Mark Dorrian

This essay is reprinted, with some modifications, with the permission of Cabinet magazine; it first
appeared in Issue 47 - Logistics, pp. 25-32.
Fig. 01. Promotional image from the indefinitely postponed Sunny Mountain Ski Dome project, Dubai.
Fig. 02. Image from Buckminster Fuller and Shoji Sadao’s “Cloud Nine” project, ca. 1960. Courtesy of the
Estate of Buckminster Fuller.
Fig. 03. Rainmakers Irving Langmuir, Vincent Schaefer, and Bernard Vonnegut at work on cloud seeding in
a GE Laboratory. 1947.
Fig. 04. Promotional Poster for Dubailand.
Fig. 05. Airborne Laputa preparing to menace the citizens of Balnibarbi. From a 1930 edition of Gulliver’s
Travels [Whistler Laputa]. ©Artist Rights Society (ARS), New York/ DACS, London.
Amplitude Modulation, design project by Meghan Archer

In the Furnace of Disorientation: Tragic Drama and the Liturgical Force of Metal, essay by
Guy Zimmerman
Fig. 01. A. Ramage and P. Craddock, King Croesus Gold, Archaeological Exploration of Sardis Monograph 11
(Cambridge, Mass.: 2000), Fig. 4.28. ©Archaeological Exploration of Sardis/Harvard University.
Fig. 02. Archaeoloical Research at Aphrodisias in Caria, 1994. R.R.R. Smith, Chrisopher Ratte, American
Journal of Archeology, 100, no. 1 (January 1996), Fig. 23. Courtesy of Archaeological Institute of America/
Permissions 249
American Journal of Archaeology.
Fig. 03. A. Ramage and P. Craddock, King Croesus Gold Archaeological, Exploration of Sardis Monograph 11
(Cambridge, Mass.: 2000), Fig. 10. 1. ©Archaeological Exploration of Sardis/Harvard University.
Fig. 04. Archaeoloical Research at Aphrodisias in Caria, 1994. R. R. R. Smith, Christopher Ratte, America
Journal of Archeology, Vol. 100, No. 1 (Jan., 1996), Fig. 23. Courtesy of Archaeological Institute of America/
American Journal of Archaeology.
Fig. 05. G. M. A. Hanfmann, Sardis from Prehistoric to Roman Times (Cambridge Mass., 1983), fig. 55
(reconstruction). ©Archaeological Exploration of Sardis/Harvard University.
Tar Creek Supergrid, design project by Amy Norris and Clinton Langevin
The Geological Imperative: Notes on the Political-Ecology of Amazonia’s Deep History, essay by
Paulo Tavares
Fig. 01. Still from the The Ax Fight, 1975. Courtesy of Documentary Educational Resources, Inc.
Fig. 02. Cover of the report on Amazonia published by Davis Shelton and Robert Matthews, 1976.
Fig. 03. Operation Amazonia: the overlapping between natural and political territories. Map by Paolo
Tavares.
Fig. 04. Gal. Golbery do Couto e Silva’s influential territorial interpretation of the National Security
Doctrine.
Fig. 05. SLAR remote sensing image of the south-central regions of the basin.
Figs. 06 – 09. Samples of the cartographic inventory produced by RADAM. Courtesy of IBGE - Brazilian
Geographic Institute.
Fig. 10. Continental urban-matrix as planned in the Plan for National Integration, 1970. Courtesy of
INCRA – National Institute for Colonization and Agrarian Reform.
Fig. 11. Transamazônica Highway. Manchete Magazine, 1973.
Figs. 12 – 15. Sample images of the RADAM catalogue describing field-work research. Courtesy of IBGE -
Brazilian Geographic Institute.
Fig. 16. First page of Norman Lewis reportage published in the Sunday Times in 1969.
Fig. 17. Still frames of the film archive of the SPI. Courtesy of the Museu do Índio, Brasil.
Fig. 18. The white peace: sample pages of a report disclosed from the archives of FUNAI.
Fig. 20. Geoglyphs, an urban forest. Courtesy of Diego Gurgel.
Fig. 21. Terra-preta: black-earth soils, anthropogenic in origin.
250
Architecture/Philosophy
Research regarding the significance and consequence of anthropogenic transformations of

the earth’s land, oceans, biosphere and climate have demonstrated that, from a wide variety
of perspectives, it is almost certain that humans have initiated a new geological epoch, their
own. First labeled the Anthropocene by the chemist Paul Crutzen, the consideration of the
merits of the Anthropocene thesis by the International Commission on Stratigraphy and the
International Union of Geological Sciences has also garnered the attention of philosophers,
historians, and legal scholars, as well as an increasing number of researchers from a range
of scientific backgrounds. Architecture in the Anthropocene: Encounters Among Design, Deep
Time, Science and Philosophy intensifies the potential of this multidisciplinary discourse by
bringing together essays, conversations, and design proposals that respond to the “geological
imperative” for contemporary architecture scholarship and practice.
Although architecture has a sense of its place within broader socio-political and cultural systems, it has
not, until very recently, acknowledged itself as part of the earth’s geology, despite the fact that it is a forceful
geological agent, digging up, mobilizing, transforming and transporting earth materials, water, air and
energy in unparalleled ways. With the Anthropocene thesis, architecture is called to think itself as a
geological actor capable of radically transforming the earth’s atmosphere, surface morphology, and future
stratigraphy. This extraordinary and provocative collection of essays, design projects, and conversations
plots out what the planetary condition of the Anthropocene might mean for architecture, architectural
theory, and design practice.
— Lindsay Bremner, Director of Architectural Research, University of Westminster
The ground on which we stand—physically, conceptually, even ontologically—is becoming increasingly

unstable. The same goes for our political, scientific, and planetary atmospheres. The histories of “civilisation”
and “nature” are crossing paths. But how to live up to the transformation called the Anthropocene? Vectors
of critical thought that align planetary politics with questions of the planning, organisation, the design
of physical space and the making of environments have become urgent. This volume brings leading and
emerging scholars and design practitioners together, allowing the most exciting edges of new research to
speak to each other. It is a major contribution to an emerging field of study and will shape the direction of
the expanded field in architectural and spatial research.
— Anselm Franke, Head of Visual Arts and Film Department, Haus der Kulturen der Welt
Series: Critical Climate Change
978-1-60785-307-7 $18.00

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Title Architecture in the Anthropocene: Encounters among design, deep time,

Editor(s) Turpin, Etienne

Publication date 2013

Original citation Turpin, E. (ed.) (2013). Architecture in the Anthropocene : Encounters

Type of publication Book

Link to publisher's https://openhumanitiespress.org/

Rights © 2013, Etienne Turpin, chapters by respective Authors. This is an

Item downloaded http://hdl.handle.net/10468/5644

Edited by Etienne Turpin

OPEN HUMANITIES PRESS

An imprint of Michigan Publishing

Copyright © 2013 Etienne Turpin, chapters by respective Authors.

This is an open access book, licensed under Creative Commons By Attribution

Open Humanities Press is an international, scholar-led open access

Cover Image Details: Bourke-White, Margaret (1904-1971) © VAGA, NY. Wind

OPEN HUMANITIES PRESS

29 Three Holes: In the Geological Present

47 Episodes from a History of Scalelessness:

59 Inquiries and Interpretations Concerning the Observations

83 Landscapes of San Francisco Bay: Plates from Bay Lexicon

111 Erratic Imaginaries: Thinking Landscape as Evidence

129 Time Matters: On Temporality in the Anthropocene

139 Fortune Head Geologies

143 Utopia on Ice: The Climate as Commodity Form

153 The Mineralogy of Being

167 Amplitude Modulation

171 Matters of Cosmopolitics: On the Provocations of Gaïa

183 In the Furnace of Disorientation:

193 Tar Creek Supergrid

197 Matters of Fabulation:

209 The Geological Imperative:

Who Does the Earth Think It Is, Now?

—Flaubert, Bouvard and Pécuchet (1881)

A second inheritance worthy of reconsideration in light of the Anthropocene thesis

Introduction | Etienne Turpin 5

In addition to these conversations, the book includes a series of design projects

Introduction | Etienne Turpin 7

Among the three series of inquiries—scholarly essays, contemporary conversa-

Introduction | Etienne Turpin 9

If the Anthropocene can be understood as a chronotope specific to the moment when

Mixed Media Installation

AnthroPark is an entertainment and educational facility dedicated to

The Anthropocene is a yet-to-be formalized term designating an epoch in

Meanwhile, individuals in late capitalist society are estranged from social

But the island is an illusion. In our inexorable interconnection, each action

AnthroPark is a theme park for line-drawing. The park form offers an

Like an institutional chimera, AnthroPark brings together a mosaic of dis-

AnthroPark | Michael CC Lin 13

On Architecture in the Anthropocene

Territorial Agency is an independent organization that promotes innovative

During their visit in April 2013 to the SYNAPSE: International Curators’

Etienne Turpin I am trying to understand why so much architecture today is

John Palmesino I think it might be an issue of viewpoint and perspective. In the

The conceptual misunderstanding that architecture is an “object”—that it is sitting

JP It is happening on many levels. There is usually, as we know, a distinction

I think that the possibility of thinking of architecture as a practice of the project

Matters of Observation | A Conversation with John Palmesino and Ann-Sofi Rönnskog 17