Feminism:

The global idea of feminism refers to the belief that men and women deserve equality in all
opportunities, treatment, respect, and social rights. Hence in general, feminists are people who try to
acknowledge social inequality based on gender and stop it from continuing. Feminists point out that
in most cultures throughout history men have received more opportunities than women.
While this basic idea of feminism seems simple enough, there are many people who misunderstand
what the goal of feminism is. Some people imagine that all feminists are angry, bitter women who
only want to subjugate men! Of course, this stereotype offends actual feminists.
Four Types of Feminism:
1. Radical feminism, 2. Socialist feminism, 3. Cultural feminism and 4. Liberal feminism.
RADICAL FEMINISM
Perhaps the stereotype of feminists that we discussed before is most closely associated with our first
type of feminism, called radical feminism. Radical feminism is a movement that believes sexism is so
deeply rooted in society that the only cure is to eliminate the concept of gender completely.
Radical feminists suggest changes, such as finding technology that will allow babies to be grown
outside of a woman's body, to promote more equality between men and women. This will allow
women to avoid missing work for maternity leave, which radical feminists argue is one reason
women aren't promoted as quickly as men. In fact, radical feminists would argue that the entire
traditional family system is sexist. Men are expected to work outside the home while women are
expected to care for children and clean the house. Radical feminists note that this traditional
dichotomy maintains men as economically in power over women, and therefore, the traditional family
structure should be rejected. Accordingly, Radical feminism is the most extreme form.
Radical feminism considers the male-controlled capitalist hierarchy, which it describes as sexist, as
the defining feature of women's oppression. Radical feminists believe that women can free
themselves only when they have done away with what they consider an inherently oppressive and
dominating patriarchal system. Radical feminists feel that there is a male-based authority and power
structure and that it is responsible for oppression and inequality, and that, as long as the system and
its values are in place, society will not be able to be reformed in any significant way. Some radical
feminists see no alternatives other than the total uprooting and reconstruction of society in order to
achieve their goals.
Over time a number of sub-types of radical feminism have emerged, such as cultural
feminism, separatist feminism, trans-exclusionary radical feminism, and anti-pornography feminism,
the last opposed by sex-positive feminism.

SOCIALIST FEMINISM
The second type of feminism, called socialist feminism, is slightly less extreme but still calls for
major social change. Socialist feminism is a movement that calls for an end to capitalism through a
socialist reformation of our economy. Basically, socialist feminism argues that capitalism strengthens
and supports the sexist status quo because men are the ones who currently have power and money.
Those men are more willing to share their power and money with other men which means that
women are continually given fewer opportunities and resources. This keeps women under the
control of men.
In short, socialist feminism focuses on economics and politics. They might point out the fact that in
the United States women are typically paid only $0.70 for the exact same job that a man would be
paid a dollar for. Why are women paid less than men for the same work? Socialist feminists point out
that this difference is based on a capitalist system.

CULTURAL FEMINISM
Cultural feminism is a movement that points out how modern society is hurt by encouraging
masculine behavior, but society would benefit by encouraging feminine behavior instead.
Cultural feminism is the ideology of a "female nature" or "female essence" that attempts to revalidate
what they consider undervalued female attributes. It emphasizes the difference between women and
men but considers that difference to be psychological, and to be culturally constructed rather than
biologically innate. Its critics assert that, because it is based on an essentialist view of the
differences between women and men and advocates independence and institution building, it has
led feminists to retreat from politics to "life-style". One such critic, Alice Echols (a feminist historian
and cultural theorist), credits Redstockings member Brooke Williams with introducing the
term cultural feminism in 1975 to describe the depoliticisation of radical feminism
LIBERAL FEMINISM 
Liberal Feminism asserts the equality of men and women through political and legal reform. Traditi\
onally, during the 19th and early 20th century, liberal feminism had the same meaning as "bourgeois
feminism" or "mainstream feminism," and its broadest sense the term liberal feminism overlaps
strongly with mainstream feminism. Liberal feminists sought to abolish political, legal and other forms
of discrimination of women to allow them the same opportunities as men. Liberal feminists sought to
alter the structure of society to ensure the equal treatment of women.
More recently, liberal feminism has additionally taken on a more narrow meaning which emphasizes
women's ability to show and maintain their equality through their own actions and choices. In this
sense, liberal feminism uses the personal interactions between men and women as the place from
which to transform society. This use of the term differs from liberal feminism in the historical sense,
which emphasized political and legal reforms and held that women's own actions and choices alone
were not sufficient to bring about gender equality.
Issues important to modern liberal feminists include reproductive and abortion rights, sexual
harassment, voting, education, "equal pay for equal work", affordable childcare, affordable health
care, and bringing to light the frequency of sexual and domestic violence against women.

ANTI-FEMINISM AND CRITICISM OF FEMINISM

Anti-feminism is opposition to feminism in some or all of its forms.
In the nineteenth century, anti-feminism was mainly focused on opposition to women's suffrage.
Later, opponents of women's entry into institutions of higher learning argued that education was
too great a physical burden on women. Other anti-feminists opposed women's entry into the
labour force, or their right to join unions, to sit on juries, or to obtain birth control and control of
their sexuality.
Some people have opposed feminism on the grounds that they believe it is contrary to
traditional values or religious beliefs. These anti-feminists argue, for example, that social
acceptance of divorce and non-married women is wrong and harmful, and that men and women
are fundamentally different and thus their different traditional roles in society should be
maintained other anti-feminists oppose women's entry into the workforce, political office, and the
voting process, as well as the lessening of male authority in families.[
Writers such as Camille Paglia, Christina Hoff Sommers, Jean Bethke Elshtain, Elizabeth Fox-
Genovese, Lisa Lucile Owens[ and Daphne Patai oppose some forms of feminism, though they
identify as feminists. They argue, for example, that feminism often promotes misandry and the
elevation of women's interests above men's, and criticize radical feminist positions as harmful to
both men and women. Daphne Patai and Noretta Koertge argue that the term "anti-feminist" is
used to silence academic debate about feminism. Lisa Lucile Owens argues that certain rights
extended exclusively to women are patriarchal because they relieve women from exercising a
crucial aspect of their moral agency.
Secular humanism
Secular humanism is an ethical framework that attempts to dispense with any unreasoned dogma,
pseudoscience, and superstition. Critics of feminism sometimes ask "Why feminism and not
humanism?". Some humanists argue however that the goals of feminists and humanists largely
overlap, and the distinction is only in motivation. For example, a humanist may consider abortion in
terms of a utilitarian ethical framework, rather than considering the motivation of any particular
woman in getting an abortion. In this respect it is possible to be a humanist without being a feminist,
but this does not preclude the existence of feminist humanism

Imagine you get a new job. On the first day of work, you're getting a tour of the office building, and
you notice something strange: only men work here! You wonder where the women are, and you ask
your new boss. He looks surprised at the question and says, 'What are you, some kind of feminist?'
If this happened to you, what would you think? Would you be offended by the implication that you're
a feminist? What exactly is feminism, anyway?
First, let's define feminism in general. The global idea of feminism refers to the belief that men and
women deserve equality in all opportunities, treatment, respect, and social rights. In general,
feminists are people who try to acknowledge social inequality based on gender and stop it from
continuing. Feminists point out that in most cultures throughout history men have received more
opportunities than women.
While this basic idea of feminism seems simple enough, there are many people who misunderstand
what the goal of feminism is. Some people imagine that all feminists are angry, bitter women who
only want to subjugate men! Of course, this stereotype offends actual feminists. Why is there such a
big difference between stereotype and reality when it comes to feminists? One of the reasons for this
discrepancy might be because there are, in fact, lots of different, specific types of feminism. Let's
cover four of those types now - radical feminism, socialist feminism, cultural feminism, and liberal
feminism. Maybe you are a feminist, and you didn't even know it!

Radical feminism believes in eliminating the concept of gender entirely

Radical Feminism
Perhaps the stereotype of feminists that we discussed before is most closely associated with our first
type of feminism, called radical feminism. Radical feminism is a movement that believes sexism is
so deeply rooted in society that the only cure is to eliminate the concept of gender completely. How
would this be possible?
Radical feminists suggest changes, such as finding technology that will allow babies to be grown
outside of a woman's body, to promote more equality between men and women. This will allow
women to avoid missing work for maternity leave, which radical feminists argue is one reason
women aren't promoted as quickly as men. In fact, radical feminists would argue that the entire
traditional family system is sexist. Men are expected to work outside the home while women are
expected to care for children and clean the house. Radical feminists note that this traditional
dichotomy maintains men as economically in power over women, and therefore, the traditional family
structure should be rejected.

Socialist Feminism
Socialist feminism calls for an end to capitalism

Radical feminism is the most extreme form. The second type of feminism, called socialist
feminism, is slightly less extreme but still calls for major social change. Socialist feminism is a
movement that calls for an end to capitalism through a socialist reformation of our economy.
Basically, socialist feminism argues that capitalism strengthens and supports the sexist status quo
because men are the ones who currently have power and money. Those men are more willing to
share their power and money with other men, which means that women are continually given fewer
opportunities and resources. This keeps women under the control of men.
In short, socialist feminism focuses on economics and politics. They might point out the fact that in
the United States women are typically paid only $0.70 for the exact same job that a man would be
paid a dollar for. Why are women paid less than men for the same work? Socialist feminists point out
that this difference is based on a capitalist system.

Cultural Feminism
The third type of feminism we'll discuss in this lecture is cultural feminism. Cultural feminism is a
movement that points out how modern society is hurt by encouraging masculine behavior, but
society would benefit by encouraging feminine behavior instead.
Judith Lorber distinguishes between three broad kinds of feminist discourses: gender reform
feminisms, gender resistant feminisms, and gender revolution feminisms. In her typology, gender
reform feminisms are rooted in the political philosophy of liberalism with its emphasis on individual
rights. Gender resistant feminisms focus on specific behaviors and group dynamics through which
women are kept in a subordinate position, even in subcultures which claim to support gender
equality. Gender revolution feminisms seek to disrupt the social order through deconstructing its
concepts and categories and analyzing the cultural reproduction of inequalities.[1]

Movements and ideologies[edit]

Mainstream feminism[edit]
"Mainstream feminism" as a general term identifies feminist ideologies and movements which do not
fall into either the socialist or radical feminist camps. The mainstream feminist movement
traditionally focused on political and legal reform, and has its roots in first-wave feminism and in the
historical liberal feminism of the 19th and early-20th centuries. In 2017, Angela Davis referred to
mainstream feminism as "bourgeois feminism". [2]
The term is today often used by essayists[3] and cultural analysts[4] in reference to a movement made
palatable to a general audience by celebrity supporters like Taylor Swift.[5] Mainstream feminism is
often derisively referred to as "white feminism," [6] a term implying that mainstream feminists don't
fight for intersectionality with race, class, and sexuality.
Mainstream feminism has also been accused of being commercialized, [7] and of focusing exclusively
on issues that are less contentious in the western world today, such as women's political
participation or female education access. Radical feminists sometimes criticize mainstream feminists
as part of "a system of patriarchy".[8][need quotation to verify] Nevertheless, major milestones of the feminist
struggle—such as the right to vote and the right to education—came about mainly as a result of the
work of the mainstream feminist movement, which emphasized building far-reaching support for
feminist causes among both men and women.

Anarchist[edit]

Emma Goldman, pioneer anarcha-feminist author and activist.

Anarcha-feminism (also called anarchist feminism and anarcho-feminism) combines anarchism with

feminism. It generally views patriarchy as a manifestation of involuntary hierarchy. Anarcha-feminists
believe that the struggle against patriarchy is an essential part of class struggle and of
the anarchist struggle against the state.[9] In essence, the philosophy sees anarchist struggle as a
necessary component of feminist struggle and vice versa. As L. Susan Brown puts it, "as anarchism
is a political philosophy that opposes all relationships of power, it is inherently feminist". [10][11]
Important historic anarcha-feminists include Emma Goldman, Federica Montseny, Voltairine de
Cleyre, Maria Lacerda de Moura, and Lucy Parsons. In the Spanish Civil War, an anarcha-
feminist group, Mujeres Libres ("Free Women"), linked to the Federación Anarquista Ibérica,
organized to defend both anarchist and feminist ideas.
Contemporary anarcha-feminist writers/theorists include Germaine Greer, L. Susan Brown, and
the eco-feminist Starhawk. Contemporary anarcha-feminist groups include Bolivia's Mujeres
Creando, Radical Cheerleaders, the Spanish anarcha-feminist squat La Eskalera Karakola, and the
annual La Rivolta! conference in Boston.

Black and womanist[edit]

Angela Davis speaking at the University of Alberta on 28 March 2006

Black feminism argues that sexism, class oppression, and racism are inextricably bound together.

[12]
 Forms of feminism that strive to overcome sexism and class oppression but ignore race can
discriminate against many people, including women, through racial bias. The National Black
Feminist Organization (NBFO) was founded in 1973 by Florynce Kennedy, Margaret Sloan, and
Doris Wright, and according to Wright it, "more than any other organization in the century launched a
frontal assault on sexism and racism". The NBFO also helped inspire the founding of the Boston-
based organization the Combahee River Collective in 1974 which not only led the way for crucial
antiracist activism in Boston through the decade, but also provided a blueprint for Black feminism
that still stands a quarter of a century later. Combahee member Barbara Smith’s definition of
feminism that still remains a model today states that, "feminism is the political theory and practice to
free all women: women of color, working-class women, poor women, physically challenged women,
lesbians, old women, as well as white economically privileged heterosexual women. Anything less
than this is not feminism, but merely female self-aggrandizement." [13] The Combahee River
Collective argued in 1974 that the liberation of black women entails freedom for all people, since it
would require the end of racism, sexism, and class oppression. [14] One of the theories that evolved
out of this movement was Alice Walker's womanism. It emerged after the early feminist movements
that were led specifically by white women, were largely white middle-class movements, and had
generally ignored oppression based on racism and classism. Alice Walker and other womanists
pointed out that black women experienced a different and more intense kind of oppression from that
of white women.[15]
Angela Davis was one of the first people who articulated an argument centered around the
intersection of race, gender, and class in her book, Women, Race, and Class (1981).[16] Kimberle
Crenshaw, a prominent feminist law theorist, gave the idea the name intersectionality in the late
1980s as part of her work in anti-discrimination law, as part of describing the effects of compound
discrimination against black women.[17]

Cultural[edit]
Cultural feminism is the ideology of a "female nature" or "female essence" that attempts to revalidate
what they consider undervalued female attributes. [18] It emphasizes the difference between women
and men but considers that difference to be psychological, and to be culturally constructed rather
than biologically innate.[19] Its critics assert that, because it is based on an essentialist view of the
differences between women and men and advocates independence and institution building, it has
led feminists to retreat from politics to "life-style". [20] One such critic, Alice Echols (a feminist historian
and cultural theorist), credits Redstockings member Brooke Williams with introducing the
term cultural feminism in 1975 to describe the depoliticisation of radical feminism.[20]

Difference[edit]
Difference feminism was developed by feminists in the 1980s, in part as a reaction to "equality
feminism". Although difference feminism still aimed for equality, it emphasized the differences
between men and women and argued that identicality or sameness are not necessary in order for
men and women, and masculine and feminine values, to be treated equally. [21] Some strains of
difference feminism, for example Mary Daly's, argue not just that women and men were different,
and had different values or different ways of knowing, but that women and their values were superior
to men's.[22]

Ecofeminism[edit]
Ecofeminism links ecology with feminism. Ecofeminists see the domination of women as stemming
from the same ideologies that bring about the domination of the environment. Western patriarchal
systems, where men own and control the land, are seen as responsible for the oppression of women
and destruction of the natural environment. Ecofeminists argue that the men in power control the
land, and therefore are able to exploit it for their own profit and success. In this situation,
ecofeminists consider women to be exploited by men in power for their own profit, success, and
pleasure. Thus ecofeminists argue that women and the environment are both exploited as passive
pawns in the race to domination. Ecofeminists argue that those people in power are able to take
advantage of them distinctly because they are seen as passive and rather helpless. [23]
Ecofeminism connects the exploitation and domination of women with that of the environment. As a
way of repairing social and ecological injustices, ecofeminists feel that women must work towards
creating a healthy environment and ending the destruction of the lands that most women rely on to
provide for their families.[23]
Ecofeminism argues that there is a connection between women and nature that comes from their
shared history of oppression by a patriarchal Western society. Vandana Shiva claims that women
have a special connection to the environment through their daily interactions with it that has been
ignored. She says that "women in subsistence economies, producing and reproducing wealth in
partnership with nature, have been experts in their own right of holistic and ecological knowledge of
nature's processes. But these alternative modes of knowing, which are oriented to the social benefits
and sustenance needs are not recognized by the capitalist reductionist paradigm, because it fails to
perceive the interconnectedness of nature, or the connection of women's lives, work and knowledge
with the creation of wealth."[24]
However, feminist and social ecologist Janet Biehl has criticized ecofeminism for focusing too much
on a mystical connection between women and nature and not enough on the actual conditions of
women.[25]

French[edit]
French feminism is a branch of feminist thought from a group of feminists in France from the 1970s
to the 1990s. It is distinguished from Anglophone feminism by an approach which is more
philosophical and literary. Its writings tend to be effusive and metaphorical, being less concerned
with political doctrine and generally focused on theories of "the body." [26] The term includes writers
who are not French, but who have worked substantially in France and the French tradition, [27] such
as Julia Kristeva and Bracha Ettinger.
In the 1970s, French feminists approached feminism with the concept of Écriture féminine, which
translates as 'feminine writing'. [28] Hélène Cixous argues that writing and philosophy
are phallocentric and along with other French feminists such as Luce Irigaray emphasizes "writing
from the body" as a subversive exercise.[28] The work of the feminist psychoanalyst and
philosopher, Julia Kristeva, has influenced feminist theory in general and feminist literary criticism in
particular. From the 1980s onwards, the work of artist and psychoanalyst Bracha Ettinger has
influenced literary criticism, art history, and film theory. [29][30] Bracha Ettinger conceived of a feminine-
maternal dimension she has named the matrixial, and she works toward changing the definition of
the human subject to include it, as well as on the "matrixial" space, object and gaze (in art) [31] and on
the importance of the matrixial feminine dimension for the fields of psychoanalysis and ethics.
  However, as the scholar Elizabeth Wright pointed out, "none of these French feminists align
[32]

themselves with the feminist movement as it appeared in the Anglophone world." [28][33]

Liberal[edit]
Liberal feminism asserts the equality of men and women through political and legal reform.
Traditionally, during the 19th and early 20th century, liberal feminism had the same meaning as
"bourgeois feminism" or "mainstream feminism," and its broadest sense the term liberal feminism
overlaps strongly with mainstream feminism. Liberal feminists sought to abolish political, legal and
other forms of discrimination of women to allow them the same opportunities as men. Liberal
feminists sought to alter the structure of society to ensure the equal treatment of women.
More recently, liberal feminism has additionally taken on a more narrow meaning which emphasizes
women's ability to show and maintain their equality through their own actions and choices. In this
sense, liberal feminism uses the personal interactions between men and women as the place from
which to transform society. This use of the term differs from liberal feminism in the historical sense,
which emphasized political and legal reforms and held that women's own actions and choices alone
were not sufficient to bring about gender equality.
Issues important to modern liberal feminists include reproductive and abortion rights, sexual
harassment, voting, education, "equal pay for equal work", affordable childcare, affordable health
care, and bringing to light the frequency of sexual and domestic violence against women. [34]

Libertarian[edit]
According to the Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy, "Classical liberal or libertarian feminism
conceives of freedom as freedom from coercive interference. It holds that women, as well as men,
have a right to such freedom due to their status as self-owners."[35]
There are several categories under the theory of libertarian feminism, or kinds of feminism that are
linked to libertarian ideologies. Anarcha-feminism combines feminist and anarchist beliefs,
embodying classical libertarianism rather than contemporary minarchist libertarianism.
Recently, Wendy McElroy has defined a position, which she labels "ifeminism" or "individualist
feminism", that combines feminism with anarcho-capitalism or contemporary
minarchist libertarianism, and she argued that a pro-capitalist and anti-state position is compatible
with an emphasis on equal rights and empowerment for women. [36] Individualist anarchist-feminism
has grown from the United States-based individualist anarchism movement.[37]
Individualist feminism is typically defined as a feminism in opposition to what writers such as Wendy
McElroy and Christina Hoff Sommers term political or gender feminism.[38][39][40] However, there are
some differences within the discussion of individualist feminism. While some individualist feminists
like McElroy oppose government interference into the choices women make with their bodies
because such interference creates a coercive hierarchy (such as patriarchy), [41][42] other feminists
such as Christina Hoff Sommers hold that feminism's political role is simply to ensure that
everyone's, including women's, right against coercive interference is respected. [35] Sommers is
described as a "socially conservative equity feminist" by the Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy.
[35]
 Critics have called her an anti-feminist.[43][44]

Multiracial[edit]
Multiracial feminism (also known as "women of color" feminism) offers a standpoint theory and
analysis of the lives and experiences of women of color. [45] The theory emerged in the 1990s and was
developed by Dr. Maxine Baca Zinn, a Chicana feminist, and Dr. Bonnie Thornton Dill, a sociology
expert on African American women and family.[45][46]
Though often ignored in the history of the second wave of feminism, multiracial feminists were
organizing at the same time as white feminists. Not only did they work alongside other women of
color and white feminists, but multiracial feminists also organized themselves outside of women only
spaces. In the 1970s women of color worked mainly on three fronts, "working with white dominated
feminist groups; forming women’s caucuses in existing mixed-gender organizations; and forming
autonomous Black, Latina, Native American, and Asian feminist organizations" [13] The perspective of
Multiracial Feminism attempts to go beyond a mere recognition of diversity and difference among
women, to examine structures of domination, specifically the importance of race in understanding
the social construction of gender. [47]

Post-structural[edit]
Post-structural feminism, also referred to as French feminism, uses the insights of
various epistemological movements, including psychoanalysis, linguistics, political theory (Marxist
and post-Marxist theory), race theory, literary theory, and other intellectual currents for feminist
concerns.[48] Many post-structural feminists maintain that difference is one of the most powerful tools
that women possess in their struggle with patriarchal domination, and that to equate the feminist
movement only with equality is to deny women a plethora of options because equality is still defined
from the masculine or patriarchal perspective.[48][49]

Postcolonial[edit]
Postcolonial feminism, sometimes also known as Third World feminism, partly draws
on postcolonialism, which discusses experiences endured during colonialism, including "migration,
slavery, suppression, resistance, representation, difference, race, gender, place and responses to
the influential discourses of imperial Europe."[50] Postcolonial feminism centers on racism, ethnic
issues, and the long-lasting economic, political, and cultural effects of colonialism, inextricably bound
up with the unique gendered realities of non-White non-Western women. [51] It sees the parallels
between recently decolonized nations and the state of women within patriarchy—both
postcolonialism and postcolonial feminism take the "perspective of a socially marginalized subgroup
in their relationship to the dominant culture." [50]
Western feminists universalize women's issues, thereby excluding social classes and ethnic
identities,[52] reinforcing homophobia,[53] and ignoring the activity and voices of non-White non-
Western women,[53][54][55] as under one application of Orientalism. Some postcolonial
feminists criticize radical and liberal feminism and some, such as Chandra Talpade Mohanty, are
critical of Western feminism for being ethnocentric.[53] Black feminists, such as Angela
Davis and Alice Walker, share this view.[15] Another critic of Western perspectives is Sarojini Sahoo.
Postcolonial feminists can be described as feminists who have reacted against both universalizing
tendencies in Western feminist thought and a lack of attention to gender issues in mainstream
postcolonial thought.[56]
Colonialism has a gendered history. Colonial powers often imposed Western norms on colonized
regions. Postcolonial feminists argue that cultures impacted by colonialism are often vastly different
and should be treated as such. In the 1940s and '50s, after the formation of the United Nations,
former colonies were monitored by the West for what was considered "social progress". Since then,
the status of women in the developing world has been monitored by organizations such as the
United Nations. Traditional practices and roles taken up by women—sometimes seen as distasteful
by Western standards—could be considered a form of rebellion against colonial oppression. [57] That
oppression may result in the glorification of pre-colonial culture, which, in cultures with traditions of
power stratification along gender lines, could mean the acceptance of, or refusal to deal with, issues
of gender inequality.[58] Postcolonial feminists today struggle to fight gender oppression within their
own cultural models of society rather than through those imposed by the Western colonizers. [59]
Postcolonial feminism is closely related to transnational feminism. The former has strong overlaps
and ties with Black feminism because both respond to racism and seek recognition by men in their
own cultures and by Western feminists.[51]
Postmodern[edit]

Judith Butler at a lecture at the University of Hamburg.

Postmodern feminism is an approach to feminist theory that incorporates postmodern and post-

structuralist theory. Judith Butler argues that sex, not just gender, is constructed through language.
[60]
 In her 1990 book, Gender Trouble, she draws on and critiques the work of Simone de
Beauvoir, Michel Foucault, and Jacques Lacan. Butler criticizes the distinction drawn by previous
feminisms between biological sex and socially constructed gender. She says that the sex/gender
distinction does not allow for a sufficient criticism of essentialism. For Butler, "woman" is a debatable
category, complicated by class, ethnicity, sexuality, and other facets of identity. She states
that gender is performative. This argument leads to the conclusion that there is no single cause for
women's subordination and no single approach towards dealing with the issue. [60]

Donna Haraway, author of A Cyborg Manifesto, with her dog Cayenne.

In A Cyborg Manifesto, Donna Haraway criticizes traditional notions of feminism, particularly its

emphasis on identity, rather than affinity. She uses the metaphor of a cyborg in order to construct a
postmodern feminism that moves beyond dualisms and the limitations of traditional gender,
feminism, and politics.[61] Haraway's cyborg is an attempt to break away from Oedipal narratives
and Christian origin myths like Genesis. She writes, "The cyborg does not dream of community on
the model of the organic family, this time without the oedipal project. The cyborg would not recognize
the Garden of Eden; it is not made of mud and cannot dream of returning to dust." [61]
A major branch in postmodern feminist thought has emerged from contemporary
psychoanalytic French feminism. Other postmodern feminist works highlight stereotypical gender
roles, only to portray them as parodies of the original beliefs. The history of feminism is not important
in these writings—only what is going to be done about it. The history is dismissed and used to depict
how ridiculous past beliefs were. Modern feminist theory has been extensively criticized as being
predominantly, though not exclusively, associated with Western middle class academia. Mary Joe
Frug, a postmodernist feminist, criticized mainstream feminism as being too narrowly focused and
inattentive to related issues of race and class.[62]

Radical[edit]
Radical feminism considers the male-controlled capitalist hierarchy, which it describes as sexist, as
the defining feature of women's oppression. Radical feminists believe that women can free
themselves only when they have done away with what they consider an inherently oppressive and
dominating patriarchal system. Radical feminists feel that there is a male-based authority and power
structure and that it is responsible for oppression and inequality, and that, as long as the system and
its values are in place, society will not be able to be reformed in any significant way. Some radical
feminists see no alternatives other than the total uprooting and reconstruction of society in order to
achieve their goals.[63]
Over time a number of sub-types of radical feminism have emerged, such as cultural
feminism, separatist feminism, trans-exclusionary radical feminism, and anti-pornography feminism,
the last opposed by sex-positive feminism.

Separatist and lesbian[edit]

Separatist feminism is a form of radical feminism that does not
support heterosexual relationships. Lesbian feminism is thus closely related. Separatist feminism's
proponents argue that the sexual disparities between men and women are unresolvable. Separatist
feminists generally do not feel that men can make positive contributions to the feminist movement
and that even well-intentioned men replicate patriarchal dynamics.[64] Author Marilyn Frye describes
separatist feminism as "separation of various sorts or modes from men and from institutions,
relationships, roles and activities that are male-defined, male-dominated, and operating for the
benefit of males and the maintenance of male privilege—this separation being initiated or
maintained, at will, by women".[65]

Socialist and Marxist[edit]

Clara Zetkin and Rosa Luxemburg, 1910.

Socialist feminism connects the oppression of women to Marxist ideas about exploitation,

oppression and labor. Socialist feminists think unequal standing in both the workplace and
the domestic sphere holds women down.[66] Socialist feminists see prostitution, domestic work,
childcare, and marriage as ways in which women are exploited by a patriarchal system that devalues
women and the substantial work they do. Socialist feminists focus their energies on far-reaching
change that affects society as a whole, rather than on an individual basis. They see the need to work
alongside not just men but all other groups, as they see the oppression of women as a part of a
larger pattern that affects everyone involved in the capitalist system. [67]
Marx felt that when class oppression was overcome gender oppression would vanish as well; [68] this
is Marxist feminism. Some socialist feminists, many of Radical Women and the Freedom Socialist
Party, point to the classic Marxist writings of Frederick Engels[69] and August Bebel[70] as a powerful
explanation of the link between gender oppression and class exploitation. To some other socialist
feminists, this view of gender oppression is naive and much of the work of socialist feminists has
gone towards separating gender phenomena from class phenomena. Some contributors to socialist
feminism have criticized these traditional Marxist ideas for being largely silent on gender oppression
except to subsume it underneath broader class oppression. [71]
In the late nineteenth century and early twentieth century, both Clara Zetkin and Eleanor Marx were
against the demonization of men and supported a proletarian revolution that would overcome as
many male–female inequalities as possible.[72] As their movement already had the most radical
demands of women's equality, [according to whom?] most Marxist leaders, including Clara Zetkin[73]
[74]
 and Alexandra Kollontai[75][76] counterposed Marxism against feminism, rather than trying to
combine them.

Standpoint[edit]
Since the 1980s, standpoint feminists have argued that feminism should examine how women's
experience of inequality relates to that of racism, homophobia, classism and colonization.[77][78] In the
late 1980s and the 1990s, postmodern feminists argued that gender roles are socially constructed,[79]
[60][80]
 and that it is impossible to generalize women's experiences across cultures and histories. [81]

Third-world[edit]
Third-world feminism has been described as a group of feminist theories developed by feminists who
acquired their views and took part in feminist politics in so-called third-world countries.[82] Although
women from the third world have been engaged in the feminist movement, Chandra Talpade
Mohanty and Sarojini Sahoo criticize Western feminism on the grounds that it is ethnocentric and
does not take into account the unique experiences of women from third-world countries or the
existence of feminisms indigenous to third-world countries. According to Mohanty, women in the
third world feel that Western feminism bases its understanding of women on "internal racism,
classism and homophobia".[53] This discourse is strongly related to African feminism and postcolonial
feminism. Its development is also associated with black feminism, womanism,[15][83][84] "Africana
womanism",[85] "motherism",[86] "Stiwanism",[87] "negofeminism",[88] chicana feminism, and "femalism".

Transfeminism[edit]
Transfeminism (or trans feminism) is, as defined by Robert Hill, "a category of feminism, most often
known for the application of transgender discourses to feminist discourses, and of feminist beliefs to
transgender discourse".[89] Hill says that transfeminism also concerns its integration within
mainstream feminism. He defines transfeminism in this context as a type of feminism "having
specific content that applies to transgender and transsexual people, but the thinking and theory of
which is also applicable to all women". [citation needed]
Transfeminism includes many of the major themes of other third-wave feminism, including diversity,
body image, oppression, misogyny, and women's agency. It is not merely about merging trans
concerns with feminism, but often applies feminist analysis and critiques to social issues facing trans
women and trans people more broadly.[citation needed] Transfeminism also includes critical analysis
of second-wave feminism from the perspective of the third wave.[90]
Early voices in the movement include Kate Bornstein and Sandy Stone, whose essay The Empire
Strikes Back was a direct response to Janice Raymond.[91] In the 21st century, Susan Stryker[92]
[93]
 and Julia Serano[94] have contributed work in the field of transgender women. [relevant? – discuss][was work about
feminism?]

Women and feminism in the United States[edit]

Asian American feminism[edit]
The first wave of Asian women's organizing formed out of the Asian American movement of the
1960s, which in turn was inspired by the civil rights movement and the anti-Viet Nam War
movement.[95] During the Second Wave of feminism, Asian American women provided services for
battered women, worked as advocates for refugees and recent immigrants, produced events
spotlighting Asian women’s cultural and political diversity, and organized with other women of color.
Asian Sisters, which emerged in 1971 out of the Asian American Political Alliance, is an early Asian
American women’s group based out of Los Angeles that focused on drug abuse intervention for
young women. Networking between Asian American and other women during this period also
included participation by a contingent of 150 Third World and white women from North America at
the historic Vancouver Indochinese Women’s Conference (1971) to work with the Indochinese
women against U.S. imperialism.[13]
History[edit]
After World War II when immigration laws began to change, an increasing number of Asian women
began to migrate to the United States and joined the workforce. Asian women who worked in the
textile and garment industry faced gender discrimination as well as racism. [96]
Following the African American and Chicana feminist movements of the 1960s, Asian American
women activists began to organize and participated in protests with Asian American men to fight
racism and classism.[97] The first organized movement formed by Asian American women followed
the Asian American movement in the 1960s, which was influenced by the Civil Rights Movement and
anti-Vietnam War sentiment.[96] However, as Asian American women's participation became
increasingly active, they faced sexism and realized that many of the organizations did not recognize
their needs and struggles as women. [97]
While Asian American women believed that they face the same social and equality issues as Asian
American men, many Asian American men did not share the same sentiment. [96]
Important figures and movements[edit]
In the mid 1960s when more and more Asian women began immigrating to the United States, they
faced gender discrimination and racism in the workforce. Au Quon McElrath, who was a Chinese
labor activist and social workers, began organizing and advocating for increased wages, improved
working environments, additional health benefits, and maternity leaves for women workers. [96]
When Asian American women activists started to recognize a need for a separate movement from
the sexism that they faced, they began to develop a feminist consciousness and initialized
organizations to fight for women's rights and to fight against sexism. Some groups developed
caucuses within organizations like the Organization of Chinese American Women, which was an
already existing Asian American organization.[97]
Within the Asian American cultural arts movement, many artists such as poet Janice Mirikitani rose
to fame within the Asian American community.[96]
Modern Asian American feminism[edit]
Though recent decades, Asian American feminism and feminist identity continues to struggle with
the perception of Asian Americans as part of the Model minority, which has affected and shaped the
political identity of Asian American women as women of color in the United States. [98]
Additionally, globalized trade agreements like the North American Free Trade Agreement and
the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade have changed the dynamics of the labor force and work
environments in the United States.[96] In the free-trade capitalist global economy, protection of
workers' rights and working environment has weakened dramatically, disproportionately
disadvantaging women workers, especially women of color.[96]

Native American feminism[edit]

Women of All Red Nations (WARN) was initiated in 1974, and is one of the best known Native
American women’s organizations whose activism included fighting sterilization in public health
service hospitals, suing the U.S. government for attempts to sell Pine Ridge water in South Dakota
to corporations, and networking with indigenous people in Guatemala and Nicaragua. [13] WARN
reflected a whole generation of Native American women activists who had been leaders in the
takeover of Wounded Knee in South Dakota in 1973, on the Pine Ridge reservation (1973–76), and
elsewhere.[13] WARN as well as other Native American women's organizations, grew out of—and
often worked with—mixed-gender nationalist organizations.
The American Indian Movement was founded in 1968 by Dennis Banks, George Mitchell, and Mary
Jane Wilson, an Anishinabe activist.[13]
History[edit]
Native American feminist ideology is founded upon addressing two often overlooked issues: one,
that the United States as well as other Western nations are settler colonial nation states, and
second, colonialism is gendered.[99] United States colonialism and patriarchy disproportionately
impact the experiences of Native American women who face this "double burden" of both racism and
sexism and the resulting discrimination.[100] Thus, the history of Native American feminism has always
been intwined with the processes of colonialism and imperialism.
Important figures and movements[edit]
Because of strong anti-colonial sentiments and the unique experience of Native Americans as a
society that was colonized by American settlers, Native American feminist ideology is characterized
by the rejection of feminist politics and their background as indigenous women. In the early 1990s,
Annete Jaime, in "American Indian Women: At the Center of Indigenous Resistance in North
America," argues that only Native women who have assimilated consider themselves as feminists.
[101]
 Jaime states that supporting the equality and political freedom of Native American women
activists means the rejection of feminist politics as feminist politics is tied to the colonial history of the
United States.[101]
The indigenous movement of Native American women also involves the preservation of Native
spirituality by organizations such as Women of All Red Nations and the Indigenous Women's
Network.[100] Native spirituality includes the cultural contextualization of kinship roles through cultural
beliefs, rituals, and ceremonies, strengthening and preserving the fluid bond between the individual
and the "indigenous homeland."[100] The expectation of indigenous spirituality manifested in the
"feminine organic archetypes" such as images like the Corn Mother and Daughter, Spider Woman,
and Changing Woman of Southwest Pueblo lore found in Native creation myths. [100]
Modern Native American feminism[edit]
In the United States, more Native American women die from domestic violence than any other
women.[102] The issue of domestic violence has caused many Native American feminists to reject the
assumption and notion that women in Native American communities must continue to defend the
ideal of tribal nationalism when certain aspects of tribal nationalism ignore very pertinent problems of
sexism and women's liberation from colonization.[102]
Andrea Smith, an activist for women of color and especially Native American women, organized the
first "Color of Violence: Violence against Women of Color Conference." [102] During this conference,
notable African American scholar and activist Angela Davis spoke on the continual colonial
domination and oppression of indigenous nations, highlighting and emphasizing the experience of
violence towards Native women.[102] Davis also pointed out the gendered nature of the legislative and
judicial process in nation-states as well as the inextricable link between the federal government and
male dominance, racism, classism, and homophobia. [102]
In modern Native American feminism, there has been an emergence of politically significant art
forms and media. The art combines past and current history, addresses racism and sexism, and
breaks down the social and media representation and stigmas of persons of color. [103]

Chicana feminism[edit]
Chicana feminism focuses on Mexican American, Chicana, and Hispanic women in the United
States. Hijas de Cuauhtemoc was one of the earliest Chicana feminist organizations in the Second
Wave of feminism founded in 1971, and named after a Mexican women’s underground newspaper
that was published during the 1910 Mexican revolution. [13] The Comisión Femenil Mexicana Nacional
was founded in October 1970. The Comisión Femenil Mexicana Nacional is an organization of
women who enhance and promote the image of Chicana/Latina women in all levels of society. [104]
History[edit]
The movement highlighting the struggles and issues experienced by Chicanas, as women of color in
the United States, emerged primarily as a result of the politics and dynamics of the national Chicano
movement.[105] During the 1960s, the Chicano movement, characterized by a nature of protest, fought
for equality, social justice, and political and economic freedoms, and during this period in time, many
other struggles and organizations were sparked by the movement. [105] The Chicano movements and
protests also saw the participation of Chicanas, who through the movement, became aware of the
potential rewards as well as their own roles within the movement and society. As a result, Chicana
feminism developed towards the end of the 1960s and early 1970s. [105] Through the subsequent
movement, Chicanas publicized their struggle for equality with Chicano men and questioned and
challenged their traditional cultural, societal, and familial roles. [105]
Important figures and movements[edit]
The primary movement which saw the emergence of Chicana feminism in the United States began
in the 1960s and 1970s following the Chicano movement. Chicana feminism, built upon and
transformed the ideologies of the Chicano movement, was one of the United States' "second wave"
of feminist protests.[106] Like many prominent movements during the 1960s-1970s error, "second
wave" Chicana feminism arose through protests across many college campuses in addition to other
regional organizations.[106] Youth participation in the movements was more aggressive due to
influence from active civil rights and black liberation protests occurring nationally. [106]
Modern Chicana feminism[edit]
Since the "second wave" Chicana feminist movement, many organizations have developed in order
to properly address the unique struggles and challenges that Chicanas face. In addition, Chicana
feminism continues to recognize the life conditions and experiences that are very different from
those that white feminists face. As women of color, Chicanas continue to fight for educational,
economic, and political equality.[106]

Causes of diversity[edit]
Some argue that every feminist has an altered standpoint on the movement due to the varying
hurdles women of different backgrounds come across.[107]

Shared perspectives[edit]
Movements share some perspectives while disagreeing on others.

Men as oppressed with women[edit]

Some movements differ on whether discrimination against women adversely affects men.
Movements represented by writers Betty Friedan and Gloria Steinem consider men oppressed
by gender roles. Friedan argued that feminism would benefit both genders and was part of
the human rights movement.[108] Steinem suggested that liberation was for both genders, as men's
burdens would be shared.[109] Susan Faludi wrote, in Stiffed, that men, while not currently rebelling,
can rebel on a scale with women and liberate both genders toward a more humane world. [110] Ellen
Willis, weighing economics and feminism, considered an alliance with men necessary to women's
liberation.[111] Florynce Kennedy wrote, "Men are outraged, turned off, and wigged out, by threats that
women might withdraw consent to oppression, because they—men—subconsciously (and often
consciously) know that they—men—are oppressed." [112] Mary Wollstonecraft wrote, "From the respect
paid to property flow ... most of the evils and vices which render this world such a dreary scene to
the contemplative mind.... One class presses on another; for all are aiming to procure respect on
account of their property .... [M]en wonder that the world is almost, literally speaking, a den of
sharpers or oppressors."[113] She argued for the usefulness of men "feel[ing] for" men; [114] while she
objected to men wanting of women only that they be "pleasing" to men. [115] She said, "To say the
truth, I not only tremble for the souls of women, but for the good natured man, whom everyone
loves."[116] According to Kristin Kaisem, a common interest in the upward mobilization of women as a
whole has prompted a desire for a more inclusive and universal feminist movement. [117]

Men as oppressors of women[edit]

Other movements consider men primarily the causative agents of sexism. Mary Daly wrote, "The
courage to be logical—the courage to name—would require that we admit to ourselves that males
and males only are the originators, planners, controllers, and legitimators of patriarchy. Patriarchy is
the homeland of males; it is Father Land; and men are its agents." [118] The Redstockings declared
that men, especially a few leading men, oppress women and that, "All men receive economic,
sexual, and psychological benefits from male supremacy. All men have oppressed women."[119] In a
somewhat less clear-cut position, Kate Millett wrote in Sexual Politics that our society, like others in
the past, is a patriarchy, with older men generally being in charge of younger men and all females