CHAPTER-II

BRIEF HISTORY OF COLONIAL FORESTRY

IN INDIA
 CHAPTER-II
A BRIEF HISTORY OF COLONIAL
FORESTRY IN INDIA

Geographically, India is a land of tremendous diversity — from

bare and snowy mountains in the North to tropical rain forests in the

south, from arid desert in the west, to alluvial flood plain in the east.

The culture of India has exhibited diverse modes of resource control,

corresponding to different agro-climatic and vegetative zones.

Forests have been the traditional abode of man especially in

India where the rishis and acharyas, the hermits and the monks have

produced a forest culture by living along rivers and streams on the

Himalayan heights. To the ancient Indians, therefore, a forest

represented the mother and the queen - ''Aranyani". It is under such a

revered name that the forest history of India is heightened by an

attempt to study British colonial rule, which marks an important

watershed in the ecological history of India.

During the pre-colonial period, the economic condition of the

so-called forest dwellers (those people whose existence depends on a

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close and ecologically sustainable relationship with the forest) was

uncertain. It would seem, however, that by and large, they enjoyed

unlimited use of forests and wastes in their vicinity who directly

depended on the forest habitat, in a multitude of ways.

It has often been mentioned, that the significance of colonial

forestry was induced partly by its political superiority and availability

of technologies of resource use, which were new to India. But what is

well recognized is that a major imperative of colonial forestry was

basically dictated by the commercial utility rather than the broader

social or environmental consideration.

Early Period of British Rule

During the first few decades of its rule, the colonial policy in

India was characterized by a total indifference towards the needs of

forest conservancy. In fact, it was not until the middle of the

nineteenth century, that the Raj witnessed a "fierce onslaught" on

India's forest. (Stebbing, 1923:26) Indian teak, which turned out to be

the most durable and most sought after for ship building, was used

extensively for the Royal Navy in the Anglo-French wars of the early

nineteenth century, and by merchant ships in the later period of

maritime expansion. The teak forests of the Western Ghats were

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devastated, as much of Western Europe had been deforested by the

sixteenth century. This led to the first instance of forestry in the form

of reservation of teak forests in Malabar in 1806^

Introduction of Railways

' It was a turning point in the history of Indian forestry when the

railway network was introduced, in the last decades of the nineteenth

century. This was in response to meet the needs of colonial trade after

the mutiny and to enable the export and import of primary

commodities and finished goods. In the fifty years between 1860 and

1910 railway track increased fi-om 1349 kms. to 51,658 kms.

(Government of India, 1964).^

The expansion of railway network in India was a costly

proposition as wooden sleepers had to be imported from Norway.

This threw open a vast market for British manufactures and it

provided a surplus British capital in seeking outlets abroad. |There was

wanton destruction of forests, especially during the early years of

railway expansion and this led to an unprecedented assault on the

more accessible forests just to meet the demands of railway sleepers^

No provision was exercised over the felling operations and great

chunks of forests were uselessly felled whose logs could not be

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utilized. The worst hit areas were the sub-Himalayan forests of

Garhwal and Kumaon where thousands of trees were not spared even

to desolation.,

It was in this situation, that the colonial authorities were finally

awakened to the fact that India's forests were not inexhaustible.

Forest administration, which had so far suffered a "melancholy

failure", was now accorded a subject of administrative importance^

The Governor General, Lord Dalhousie, while utilizing the early

attempts at forest conservation in 1862, observed, "the subject of

forest conservancy is an important administrative questioi^'^

(Jameson, Unpublished). The railways were built to facilitate both

troop movement and trade. Finally, the need was felt to establish a

separate department, which would ensure the sustained availability of

the enormous requirements of the different railways for sleepers.^As

Gadgil and Guha point out, for the new Forest Department to function

effectively, what was required was a legislation that curtailed the

hitherto unrestricted access of rural communities to forest. Ten years

after the British had first issued a memorandum that regulated the

movement of forest dwellers within the forests of India, the Forest

Act of 1865 was introduced. The Act empowered the Government to

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appropriate any land covered with trees, however notification could

only be effected, if existing rights of the individuals and communities

were not impinged upon. This large-scale annexation of Indian forests

by the Colonial State constituted a critical turning point, politically,

socially and ecologically.)Politically, because the monopolistic claim

to the forests represented an unprecedented expansion of state power

and intervention, with a correspondent curtailment of local

communities' rights. Socially, in that traditional patterns of resource

use were disrupted by the restrictions to local access, and

ecologically, as the forests were undergoing a process of co

modification, which would transform their nature.

This major task of starting the Imperial Forest Department was

then left to the expertise of German Foresters in 1864, as Britain itself

had no tradition of managing forests for timber production. This

assistance by the German foresters was accompanied by the need to

curtail to the previously exercised unlimited rights of the users. It was

indeed a difficult task to ensure an effective legislation that would not

hurt or run contrary to the traditional rights of the villagers and tribal

communities, nor go against the colonial policy in India. (Guha and

Gadgil, 1988) While, by and large, the British followed a laissez-faire

 54

policy that allowed the villagers to freely roam about in the forests

and utilize its produce, there is also definite evidence fi-om certain

areas that "all land of every description was made even in absolute

right to the community, subjects only to the yearly payment of rent

fixed."(Superintendent Dehradun, to Commissioner, Meerut

Division,dated:22.5.1897,No.l997/iv a-244 of 1897)File No.244 List

No.2 (UPRA)

The first comprehensive piece of legislation asserting state

monopoly right over forest was through the Indian Forest Act of

186^, which was replaced 13 years later by the more stringent

provisions of the Indian Forest Act of 1878. This is the first formal

Act, which deals with the details of forest conservancy. The

provisions of the 1878 Act were to serve as a model not only for India

but for other British colonies as well, but, while some officials within

the colonial administration were sharply critical of the new

legislation, calling it an act going against the customary use of forest

by normal people in India, their objections were swiftly over-ruled.

Dietrich Brandis was appointed as the first Inspector General of

Forests, and is regarded as laying the foundations of modem forestry;

indeed, he is often paid tribute as the, "Father of Indian Forestry".

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Brandis was a botanist from Bonn University and Germany was

considered as the leading European country in Forest Management of

the time. One of the first tasks undertaken by the newly formed Forest

Department was to survey and map the forests of India. ^^

According to the 1878 Forest Act, three types of forest were to

be designated - Reserved, Protected and Village Reserved forests -^

were deemed the most commercially valuable and amenable to

sustained exploitation. Overall state control of reserved forests was

sought, which involved either the relinquishment or transferral of

other claims and rights, although very occasionally, limited access

was granted. Legally, channels to contest the reservation of forests

existed, though rural communities had little experience with legal

procedures, and illiterate villagers were often unaware that a survey

and demarcation was in process. Protected forests were similarly state

controlled, but some concessions were granted, conditional to the

reservation of commercial tree species, when they became valuable.

Protected forests could also be closed to fuel wood collection and

grazing, whenever it was deemed necessary to do so, As timber

demand for the empire increased, it was found that the state had

limited control and therefore granted itself to be inadequate as a result

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of which many protected forests were designated as reserved forests.

The Act also provided for a third designation of forests in its

constitution - Village forests - though according to Gadgil and Guha

(1992), this was not exercised by the colonial government over most

of India, The area of forest appropriated by the State in 1878 was

14,000 square miles, which had increased to 81,400 and 3,300 square

miles for Reserved and Protected forests respectively, by 1900

(Stebbing, 1992).^

The framework of the 1878 Act was designed basically to cater

to the strategic imperial needs at that time - the supply of large timber

for the railways. Some of the provisions of the Indian Forest Act 1878

ensured the following rights:

1. The state could be demarcated valuable tracts of forest needed

especially for railways purposes.

2. Retain enough flexibility over the remaining extent of forestland

to revise its policy from time to time.

3. Monopoly right was established by a legal sleight of hand, which

sought to establish that the customary use of the forest by the

villagers, based not on 'right' but on 'privilege' and that

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'privilege' was exercised only at the mercy of the local rulers (the

British were then the local rulers).

4. There were provisions for demarcation of 'Reserved' and

'Unreserved' forests with a list of reserved trees being drawn.

Persons were to be notified to record their claims over land and

forest produce in the proposed reserved and unreserved forests.

Consequences that followed after Enactment of the Indian Forest

Act, 1878

The most immediate consequence of the Indian Forest Act of

1878 was visible in the discontented minds of the forest communities,

who now totally lost control over their habitat. This evolved a sharp

reaction from the forest communities who rose in popular revolts in

an attempt to restore a 'golden past' where the tribal roamed freely in

his forest habitat. What was even worse was the feeling of alienation

that the forest dwellers felt towards their own home - the forest^ This

alienated feeling further intensified the gap and started weakening the

link between man and forest. Commenting on the attitude of the

villagers of Jaunsar Bawar towards the forest settlement, the

Superintendent of Dehra Dun said: "Not altogether without reason,

the villagers believe that any self-denial or trouble they may exercise
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is preserving and improving their third class forests, will end in

appropriation of the forests by the (forest) department as soon as they

become commercially valuable". (Sinha, 1988:40) The anthropologist

Verrier Elwin too has talked about the melancholy effect forest

renovation had on the tribals of Middle India, for whom nothing

aroused more resentment against the government than the taking

away of the forests they regarded as 'their own property'. (Voelcker,

1897:14)

It was under such conditions of discontentment, that a series of

results, conflicts and struggles manifested themselves and centred

around the question of forests. To cite an example, even the "timid

and submissive" Garos, a matrilineal tribal community of the North

East of India, resented the British over-lordship and joined their

brethren in a movement for its dereservation. After the government of

Assam considered the question of forest reservation in Garo Hills in

1879, one Mr. Fisher was deputed with the rank of an Assistant

Conservator of Forest, in 1881. His report based on an extensive tour

of the Hills, formed the basis of forest conservancy. However, there

were many cases filed by the Garos and one prominent Garo leader

Sonaram Sangma was briefly imprisoned. Out of desperation, Sona

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ram Sangma and about one lakh Garos addressed a memorial to Lord

Minto, the Viceroy and Governor General of India, in February 9,

1906. They petitioned that their ancestors had enjoyed the privilege of

living in the forests in the Garo Hills, made use of the forest products,

sold them for their benefit besides cultivating and having rights of

pasturage. With the passing of the Indian Forest Act VII of 1865 and

1878 and its subsequent enactments, they had been deprived of their

age-old privilege and advantages without having been compensated in

any way (Sinha, 1993:115).

The social unrests manifested in different tribal areas thus

evoked a sharp reaction to forest administration. This brought a

disparity between the revenue and law and order administration on

the one hand and the forest department on the other. There also grew

a sharp criticism about the exclusion of agrarian population from the

benefits of forest management.

v \rhe colonial approach to forestry was then strengthened in

1894, on the advice of the German Agricultural Chemist Voelcker,

who stressed the importance of good forest cover to avoid

environmental degradation that might otherwise impact upon taxable

agricultural output. The legislation generated from this advice became

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known as the 'Voelcker Resolution' and followed the previous

designations of forests as Reserved, Protected, Village plus another,

Private) Commercial production of timber was the main policy thrust,

but some concessions to the ecological function of forest were also

tacitly acknowledged. This act consequently served as a model for

forest policies in other colonies.

Criticizing the objectives of the Forest Department, Dr. J.A.

Voelcker, an Agricultural Chemist stated in his report Improvement of

Indian Agriculture, 1893:

"The forest department's objects were in no sense

agricultural, and its success was gauged mainly by fiscal ^
consideration; the department was to be revenue paying
one. Indeed, we may go so far as to say that its interests
were opposed to agriculture, and its intent was rather to
exclude agriculture than to admit it to participate in its
benefits."

The forest department was criticized for not serving the

interests of the rural population in general and agrarian population in

particular. Dr. Voelcker, while stating an alternative solution to this,

advocated the creation of "Fuel and Fodder Reserves". He justified

this policy on the grounds that in the long run any "possible

diminution" of forest revenue may be attended by increased revenue

to the state from cultivated land.

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Thus, it was clear that the organization of a Forest Department

might have been desirable from a financial and agricultural points of

view but it did promote a great amount of irritation in various parts of

India. The Indian Forest Act, 1878 came to be identified as the

general law relating to forest in British India, though it suffered from

ambiguity in its provisions up to 1947, the administration of forest

"estate" of British India was centred around strategic imperial

interests. During the period of railway expansion, India's forests

proved to be important strategic raw materials in the imperial scheme

of things. The ipipact^fjhe Second World War was more severely

felt on the Indian forests. Timber and bamboo were supplied for

construction of bridges, piers, wharmes, buildings, huts and lines and

ships. (Sinha, 1994:59) India's forests were being requisitioned for

imperial causes. Nevertheless, the Forest Department generated an

adequate source of revenue to justify its existence and effects were

made to find markets for the rich and multiple species of India's

tropical forests. This was made possible by the requirements of urban

centres for fuel wood, furniture, building materials, etc., while supply

was facilitated by the improved communications the railway network

brought about ecological, economic and political watershed in Indian

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forest history. The British rulers were reluctant to limit the individual

rights over forests and they sought to restrict only those rights, which

were inconsistent with the material (imperial) interests. The British

Forest Policy was based on the communication that the claims of

forest preservation and so, commercial interest at the cost of the forest

dwellers were the sole objective.

The Indian Forest Act 1927

The conditions that led to the framing of the Indian Forest Act

of 1927 were clear. The earlier Act of 1878 was identified as facing

operational problems and it was ambiguous in its provisions. ^Thus, it

was replaced by the enactment of the Indian Forest Act 1927, which

incorporated all the major provisions of the earlier Acts.]Accordingly,

this Act repealed the Indian Forest Act VII, 1878, the Indian Forest

Act V, 1901, the Indian Forest (Amendment) Act XV, the Indian

Forest Amendment Act, 1918, and the Devolution Act XXXVIII,

1920. This was the legal provision [till independent India came out

with her forest policy in 1952, which was replaced by another one

after three decades.*)

' Individuals were expected to file their claims on forestland and forest produce before the Forest
Settlement Officer (FSO), who was to enquire into these claims. Rights in respect of which no
claims were preferred were to be extinguished unless the individual claiming them satisfied the
Forest Settlement Officer.
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The Indian Forest Act, 1927, was a very comprehensive Act

including all earlier amendments and major provisions of the Acts

enacted before 1927. Among the major provisions of the Act, the

most prominent ones were as follows:

1. The Forest Act, 1927, omitted wrongfiil arrests as granted by

the previous Act of 1865 and 1878.

2. The subject of community rights over forest was dropped by

the 1927 Act.

In this Act 1927, important terms about forest are defined as

follows:

Forest-produce means -

(a) The following whether found in or brought fi-om a forest

or not, that is to say: timber, charcoal, cautchouc, catechu,

wood-oil, resin, natural varnish, lac, mahua-flowers,

mahua-seeds, kuthand myrabolams, and

(b) The following when found in or brought fi-om a forest,

that is to say:

1) Trees and leaves, flowers and fruits, and all other parts

or produce not here in before mentioned of trees;

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2) Plants not being trees (including grasses, creepers,

reeds and moss), and all parts or produce of such

plants;

3) Wild animals and skins, tusks, horns, bones, silk,

cocoons, honey and wax and all other parts or produce

of animals;

4) Peat, surface soil, rock and minerals (including

limestone, laterite, mineral oils and all products of

mines or quarries);

5) "River" includes any stream, canal, creek or other

channels, natural or artificial;

6) "Timber" includes trees when they have fallen or have

been felled, and all wood whether cut up or fashioned

or hollowed out for any purpose or not; and

7) "Tree" includes palms, bamboos, stumps, brushwood

and canes.

The Act also stated that the State Government may constitute any

forest-land or waste-land which is the property of the Government or

which the government has proprietary rights, or to the whole or any

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part of the forest-produce of which the Government is entitled, a

reserved forest in the manner hereinafter provided.

Forest Administration in British Assam

Assam, known in ancient lore as Kamarupa, has been an ideal

meeting ground of diverse races. The trends of civilization and

distinct cultures are still evident in this ancient state, whose history

goes back to the puranic days. Assam was the home of the Ahoms,

during the 13 century that was responsible for the change in the

course of its history. Later Assam passed into the hands of the

Burmese and with the Treaty of Yandaboo in 1826; the Burmese

vacated Assam leaving the British in possession. The Assamese in the

plains maligned as the opium eating indolent community by the

British were proud of their wet paddy cultivation, history, culture,

language and destiny (Sinha, 1994:46).

The physiography of Assam is dominated by the mighty

Brahmaputra river, the mythological son of the greater Brahma.

Rainfall in the region is one of the highest in the world and the state

experiences floods and droughts. Analyzing certain popular views

pertaining to heavy rain and humidity in the region, it was

figuratively said, "If you leave your walking stick after your evening
 66

walk outside your house in the open, it will turn into a plant next

moming"(Sinha, 1994: 47). This popular opinion leads one to

examine the forest wealth of the region that has a strong ecological

history.

Forest conservancy as a subject that faced many anomalies in

India and Assam in the year 1870 forms a typical example. It was the

very nature of civil administration and the varying condition of

forests in the region that set such irregularities in forest conservancy.

Assam was then not an independent province and a commissioner

under the orders of the Governor of Bengal governed it.

The first completely published memorandum of the forests of

Assam was included in the Resolution of the Government of Bengal

on the 1869-70 report, dated 12^ December 1870. However, the first

mention made on the subject of conserving the forests was in the year

1850. In a report to the commissioner, the collector of Kamrup

suggested that a tax should be levied on all timbers felled instead of

allowing the timber contractors to fell where they pleased. Most of

the wood carried fi-om Bengal and had now made their appearance in

Kamrup, in search of valuable species of trees such as sal timber, sal

forests. As such, it was felt that a check should be established on the

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felling of young trees of valuable species in order to prevent waste

and ensure the regeneration of the forests. The proposal was that the

income derived from such taxes would reach a sum of Rs.500 to

Rs.600 annually although the tax was a small one of Rs.l5 per 100

logs on the approval of the Commissioner and Deputy Governor of

Bengal the new tax system was approved but it did not survive long.

In the year 1852, the Board of Revenue abolished this system and a

new policy system was introduced, which supported the cause of the

farmers. This new policy was more common in other provinces of

India where the farmers were left at liberty to weaken the forests they

pleased provided they proved themselves to be the highest bidders for

a period of five years.

The conservancy matters related to the new policy included

certain orders that were the steps in the right direction, for example,

in 1863, the Commissioner recommended that the fiscal officers

should protect the forests from spoliations and prevent the felling of

small trees of certain noted species. Another name was the

preservation the Nambor Forest and the deputation of Forest officers.

It was in the year 1868 that a new revenue system was

introduced under which the Mouzadars (small tahsildars) were given

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the charge of forest and their protection. The appointment of an

Assistant Conservator of Forests Mr. Gustav Mann who was specially

deputed for preparing a general map of all the forests in the lower

provinces of Bengal was another important step. This inspection

commenced at the Sunkosh Rivers, the western boundary of the

Province north of the Brahmaputra and was carried out during the

years 1868-69 and 1869-70, the results being recorded in the Annual

Forest Administration Reports of Bengal for these years.

In what was supposed to be an adequate protection to the

forests or realizing the proper revenue from them, the 1868 Revenue

System too proved a failure. The First Annual Progress Report of

Assam, prepared by the Assistant Conservator, Mr. Gustav Mann in

1874-75 projected certain loopholes in the Revenue System. Most of

the valuable sal forests were being felled, forests were devastated and

it was the Mouzadars who were making a lucrative business out of it.

Over and above this, two saw mills Deehing and Dibrugarh, were

working in the forests and the Mouzadars who were actually

supposed to be the guardians for the government's interest, were

themselves supplying timber to the saw mills. The advent of the tea

industry also proved to be a great cause of threat to the forests of

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Assam as large areas of natural forestlands were deforested for

cultivation of tea. This also posed a real problem to the forest

department as to which classes of forestland might be sold or leased

out for tea industry.

Under this backdrop, the forest conservancy slowly dawned

over Assam when government examined selection, classification of

Assam forest. The Reports of the Assistant Conservator, Mr. Gustav

Mann noted that the forest areas of Assam reached the 7800 square

miles mark, including vast areas of Jhum cultivation in tribal belts,

such as Garo Hills and also excluded grassland areas with scattered

trees over them.

Forest Operations in Assam after June 1873

In June 1873, Mann submitted to the Commissioner a

memorandum of proposed forest operations in Assam. At the same

time, Schlich, Conservator of Forests, Bengal and Assam was touring

in Assam and the Commissioner asked the Conservator if he would

give him the benefit of his advice on the memorandum. Schlich

compiled with the suggestion and drew up a memorandum

embodying his views regarding forest operations in Assam, dated 10

July 1873. This memorandum is of high interest, since it displays the

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position from which the whole matter was regarded by the

Commissioner and the Conservator.

The forestry proposals for Assam under Schlich briefly

suggested the following records:

(1) To bring the total up to an area of 700 square miles, the rest of

the forest areas being left entirely open, only sal, rubber and

soom {Machilus odd ratissimd) being declared reserved trees.

(2) Another question of importance at this time was the formation

of plantations and the methods of collecting and protecting

rubber or casutchouc.

(3) Schlich also records that the first step towards forest

conservancy in Assam was the reservation of the Nambor

Forest in the Sibsagar and Naga Hills Districts during the time

when colonel Jenkins was Commissioner of Assam.

(4) Experimental plantations were carried out on teak that was

planted in several established stations. Experimental

plantations had been established adjacent to the Kulsi River

(July 1872) where it leaves the Khasi Hills, and at Makoom, on

the Deehing River. However, Schlich was never enthusiastic

about the success of teak and the Makoom plantation was

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already a failure. Schlich thought that the cold dampness of

Upper Assam was possibly against the growth of teak.

(5) Schlich was not very optimistic to the possibilities of Assam

forests from the revenue point of view since he felt that Assam

was provided with much more timber and wood than was likely

to be required for local use. However, there were good

prospects for conserving and extending the pine forests of

Upper Khasi Hills. He also considered that an export trade in

timber from Assam was impossible because very little labour is

available and in the process, the expenditure in exporting the

timber is too high in proportion to its value. The Commissioner

agreed to this.

(6) Schlich was particularly interested in the rubber question,

which was one of the most troublesome subjects with regard to

forests in Assam. The high commercial value of this article had

led to ruining the trees by over tapping and smuggling without

any supervision. Thus, Schlich was of the view of levying

revenue on rubber by imposing an export duty, leaving a

collection free. It was also proposed to create a Government

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Monopoly which apparently proved to be the Commissioner's

own idea.

(7) On the subject of labour supply, Schlich's memorandum was in

favour of paying the current rate to every coolie (local labour)

who came and by giving them perfect liberty to go again when

they liked, a policy which was adopted by Mr. Aylmer, the then

forest officer in lower Assam.

(8) The other question, which Schlich considered, was in

connection with the Soom {Machilus odoratissuria) forests and

the silkworm industry. Schlich did not consider that the

Revenue Department should interfere because the out turn of

silk product comes from the forest and therefore it should be

credited as forest revenue. To this, the Commissioner took the

strongest objection stating that as the Revenue Authorities had

created the industry they should benefit by the results of their

labours.

In consideration of the 1874-75-forest report, a few cases were

settled with regard to the forests of Cachar, which was then

transferred to Assam. Accordingly, the first Annual Administrative

forest report for Assam was drawn up for the year 1874-75 and the
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Chief Commissioner sanctioned the following five forest divisions for

the province - (1) Goalpara, (2) Guwahati, (3) Tezpur, (4) Golaghat,

(5) Cachar.

(1) Goalpara - The Goalpara Division comprised of the

Government open forest in the Eastern Division of the Goalpara

district, covering an area of 422 square miles, out which, about 80

square miles were sal forests.

(2) Gauhati - The Gauhati Division comprised of the Forest

Reserves in the Kamrup District and the western half of the Nowgong

District all of which, were sal forests.

(3) Tezpur - The Tezpur Divion comprised Forest Reserves

in the Darrang District covering an area of 179.59 square miles, out of

which, only 1 square mile was sal forest, all the rest being mixed

lower hill and mixed plain forests. This area included the Nowduar

Reserves and the Charduar rubber plantation.

(4) Golaghat - Golaghat comprised of the Nambor Reserve

of 389.25 square miles in the Sibsagar and Naga Hills District and the

Mikir Hills Reserve of 65 square miles in the eastern half of the

Nowgong District.
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(5) Cachar - The Cachar Division comprised an area of 825

square miles in the Cachar District and 273 square miles in the Sylhet

District which it had been proposed to declare reserves under Act VII

of 1865 to be managed by the Divisional Forest Officer.

Thus the post colonial period was characterized by a change in

forestry regulations, which led to the widespread expansion of forest

industries in consonance with the greatly expanded nature of

industrial development since independence. Another interesting

feature was that much of the history of Indian forestry has been

strength of evolution of system of intervention in the processes of

natural generation to upgrade the value of forests for the Raj.^

Post Colonial Forestry in India

With the attainment of independence, India adopted a Centrally

Plarmed Economy model of development. Five Year plans were

launched that set out priority areas in each sector. Thrust areas in

forestry were often found to reflect the dominant theme of the general

plan, thus the First Five Year Plan to be implemented after

Independence was mostly concerned with food security (not long

after the severe famines in east India), while the Second and Third

Five Year Plans reflected a drive towards industrialization.

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Considerable administrative and legislative changes were

accompanied by an intense drive to industrialise under Nehru. Such

fundamental changes impacted upon the forests of India. There were

many factors that contributed to the acceleration of forest loss and

deforestation in the newly independent state. New legislations were

introduced which altered land tenure systems notably the Zamindari

(landlord) Abolition Acts, provided an incentive for large-scale

felling of trees on land that was to be nationalized. The intensity of

deforestation increased particularly in cases where the ex-zamindars

were ready to fell the trees "to make a quick buck" thereby leading to

commercial exploitation of forests.»forest was also a casualty as a

result of the people and politicians. Between the 1950's and 1970's

millions of hectares were leased out to industries at heavily

subsidized rates and were able to continue with unsustainable

silvicultural practices subject to generous contributions to the

politicians offers, who would then influence the Forest Department to

turn a blind-eye (Gadgil and Guha, 1992). In this way, ^'contractors

were able to over-fall their allotted coupes to maximize profits, with

little redress. There was a sharp increase in production of industrial

and fuel wood leading to the rapid growth of forest industries.] The
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paper industry, for example, recorded an increase from 98,800 tonnes

in 1948 to over one million tones in 1978 (Guha, 1983: 18).

Communication network was spread out even to the far-flung isolated

forest areas and all-weather roads and major highways were built to

facilitate increased extraction. All these changes brought forward a

call to the Forest Department to discard its earlier "conservative

approach" in favour of a more "dynamic" one. Such a dynamic

approach towards production forest laid emphasis on large-scale

plantations of quick growing, high yielding tree species, which would

give a boost to the economy of the country. This could be clearly

visible in the 1961 massive programme, which represented a

significant departure from earlier forest management practices.

Concurrent with the drive for a wood-based industry was the

growing awareness that dwindling natural forests would have to be

supplemented with biomass specially produced for industrial

consumption. The thrust of the Second and Third Plans, therefore,

were concerned with the production of fast growing species, such as

eucalyptus and plantations which consequently sprang up, often over

the clear fell of the less productive indigenous forests. By 1980, over

2.2 million hectares of plantations had been grown (CSE, 1982).

 77

\Newly independent India, was experiencing an acceleration of

forest loss, and appeared increasingly unable to provide for rural,

subsistence needs. That rural needs were actually relegated in order to

meet the needs for industry,) indeed as a matter of policy, is illustrated

in the National Forest Policy of 1952, which stated:

"Village communities in the neighbourhood of forest

will naturally make greater use of its products for the

satisfaction of their domestic and agricultural needs.

Such use, however, should in no event be permitted at

the cost of national interest. The accident of a village

being situated close to a forest does not prejudice the

right of the country as a whole to receive the benefits of

a national asset" and:

"Restrictions should be imposed in the interests not only

of the existing generation but also of posterity." (Kumar,

1992: 63).

The post colonial period saw the continued control over

management of forests and utilization of resources by the

administrators, which was an imprint of its colonial post. \ This is

evident from the first forest policy of 1952, which affirms the claim
 78

that the poUcy shares with its predecessor some important features,

one of which is the state monopoly right at the expense of the forest

conimunities.(lt is understood that first colonial forestry today is still

characterized by the passive acceptance of colonial norms especially

with regard to the use and management of forests.^ Closer home still

existing dichotomy between District Council and State Goverrmient

in terms of management of forests presents a sorry state of affairs.

Added to this is the superior attitude of national laws and policies,

which did not seem to cater to the problems of the tribes.

The Forest Policy of 1952

After India attained independence in 1947, the need for a new

forest policy was felt. Thus, to incorporate the changed conditions,

the Board of Forestry, Government of India, formulated a national

forest policy in consultation with the State governments. A resolution

No. 13-1/52F was adopted and India's new National Forest Policy was

evolved and declared on 12* May 1952. {The new Forest Policy of

1952 recognized the protective functions of the forest and aimed at

maintaining one-third of India's land area under forest.^The following

guiding principles were laid down at the VI Conference of FAO in

1951:
 79

(a) Each country should determine and set aside areas to be

dedicated to forests, whether at present forested or not;

(b) Each country should apply the best practicable techniques

in seeking to derive the maximum benefits available from

the protective, productive and accessory values of its

forests.

(c) Adequate knowledge of all aspects of forest resources and

forest management, including consumption and utilization

of forest product is indispensable.

(d) Public consciousness of forest values should be developed

by all means.

Forest Conservation Act 1980

This Act was again not subservient to the needs of the tribes,

though it aimed at changing the existent commercialisation of forest.

The tribes still felt the need of an Act that would secure their rights

over the forests. The Forest Conservation Act 1980 provided for:

1) The strict restriction of wanton destruction of forests for

developmental purposes by the State Governments.

2) Tribes were restricted from changing the forestland or any

section of land for agriculture or other productive purposes.

 80

The Forest Conservation Act 1980 was further amended in

1988 with a view to:

(1) Imposing a ban on the conferment of forestland or any

portion to an individual agency or corporation not owned,

managed or controlled by the government.

(2) The plantation of tea, coffee, spices, rubber, plants, oil-

bearing plants, horticultural crops or medical plants on

forestland was prohibited on grounds that they constitute

non-forest activity.

Forest Conservation Act (1988)

The Forest Conservation Act 1988 was a continuation of the

earlier Act, which basically created the exclusion of tribes from

forest. The Act of 1988 barred the leasing out of forestland or any

portion of the forest to any individual agency or corporation not

owned, managed or controlled by the government. There was also a

prohibition towards the plantation of horticultural crops or medicinal

plants and tea, coffee, spices, rubber plants etc., as they constitute

non-forest activity. It appears that the forest Act 1988 was clearly in

contrast to the interest of tribals who are a part and parcel of the forest

and dependent on forest economy.

 81

National Forest Policy (December, 1988)

For the first time in the history of forest legislation, this Act

focussed its attention on increasing the forest over in the country

through effective means like afforestation programmes and social

forestry. Tribal rights and customary practices in relation to forest

were protected by this Act realizing the inseparable link between

timber and forests. On whose the forest policy of 1988 has tried to

uphold the tribal needs and at the same time maintain the ecological

balance and meet the economic needs of the villagers residing in the

forest area.

• Forest legislation has today come a long way ever since the

British showed their first interest in forestry, which was undoubtedly

dictated by imperialist consideration. The overall needs of the rural

communities in general and tribals in particular have not actually

taken centre stage in all these legislations and the goals of forestry

legislations both in the colonial and post-colonial period have not

been realized.

Forestry under the Five-Year Plans

In March 1950, the Government of India set up a Planning

Commission to prepare a plan for the most effective and balanced

 82

utilization of the country's resources. The Planning Commission has

since been functioning as the kingpin of national development.

The various five-year plans have laid emphasis on accelerating

the speed of forestry development and creating fresh avenues for its

expansion.) The works carried out under various plans are:

The first Five-Year Plan (1951-56) was launched at a time

when the two world wars had drawn upon heavily on the forest

resources. Major river valley projects industrial development defence

and other projects vital for the development of the country also relied

heavily upon forests and forest areas. Thus the first plan encompassed

all these aspects while taking into account the further development of

forests and forestry. Under this plan, emphasis was laid upon the

following points:

1) Ensuring that the production of both flielwood and fodder is

maintained to meet the growing needs of the people.

2) Attaining a maximum sustained yield of timer for railways,

defence, industries and the common man.

3) Rehabilitation of forests, which had been over exploited in

the two world wars.

4) To raise plantation for industries.

 83

During the period of Second Plan (1956-61), emphasis was laid

on the survey, demarcation and rehabilitation of forest degraded areas

and development of the degraded forests. Priorities were also given to

prevention of soil erosion, forest plantation and increase of timber

yield for railways, defence and industries.

During the Third and the Fourth Plan period, special attention

was paid on increasing production of timbers through plantation of

fast growing species particularly for the pulp and paper industries.

The Third Plan also saw the introduction of the Indian Forest Service

in 1966 with a view to providing better and effective technical

supervision in forest conservation and development activities all over

India. An important event that took place during the Fourth Plan was

to appoint the National Commission on Agriculture in 1970, which

presented its report in 1976. The Commission recommended

launching of massive social forestry programme in order to meet the

growing requirement of timber, fodder and fuelwood to the

community. Social forestry schemes were, thus, extended all over

India through foreign aids like the World Bank, Swedish International

Development Authority, the U.S. Agency for international

development etc.
 84

During the Fifth Plan period the Government of India took a

significant step by inclusion of Social Forestry programmes in the

"20-Point Programme for Economic Development". Forest was also

included in the concurrent list with a view to giving special attention

under the supervision of the Central Government. Till date forest like

agriculture was a subject of State Government.

The Sixth Plan saw the replacement of the outdated Colonial

Act of 1927 with new and drastic legislation called Forest

Conservation Act, 1980 which prohibited de-reservation of forests

and diversion of forestland to non-forest use without prior

concurrence of the Central Government. As a result of the Act

diversion of forestlands that reduced forest cover was drastically

stopped.

The slogan - "Forest for Survival" was the theme of the

Seventh Five-Year Plan. It aimed at preserving biological diversity,

increasing the forest cover with massive afforestation programme and

constituting large-scale biospheric reserves. The creation of National

Wasteland Development Board in 1985 was another significant step

in this direction of reclaiming wastelands and greening the country.

 85

Towards the beginning of the Eighth Plan, the Government of

India adopted a National Forest Policy in 1988 with a view to give a

new direction and vision to country's forest development. The policy

envisaged the need for creating massive people's movement through

active involvement of village communities living close to the forest,

in protection and development of forest. Pursuant to this policy, the

Government of India issued notification to all state governments to

involve local communities in the management and protection of

forests. This has led to the development of Joint Forest Management

(JFM) programmes and a new drive with the help of various NGOs

for creating people's awareness on protection of environment. Other

areas identified by the National Policy are:

1) Non-regularisation of encroachments.

2) Deploying improved modem forest management practices

to deal with forest fires.

3) Increase in forest extension activities.

4) Emphasis on forest education and research activities.

The National Forest Policy 1988 aims at having a minimum of

one-third of Geographic area of the country under forest cover and

enjoin two-thirds of the area under forest in all hill areas.

 86

Forest Cover Information for the Country

Forest cover includes all lands more than 1 ha area having tree

canopy density of 10 per cent and above. The basic data for forest

cover is obtained from the remote sensing satellite whose sensor

captures reflectance of sun light from the tree canopy in multiple

bands. In such data, with present technique and skills, no distinction

with respect to the trees species has been attempted. Thus all species

of trees (including bamboos, fruits or palms etc.) and all types of

lands (forest, private, community or institutional) satisfying the basic

criteria of canopy density of more than 10 per cent have been

delineated as forest cover while interpreting satellite data.

According to the 2001 FSR Report of forest cover in the

country, the total forest cover is 675,538 km and this constitutes

20.55 per cent of the geographic area of the country. Of this, 416,809

km or 12.68 per cent is dense forest cover while 258,729 km is open

forest cover. The non - forest includes scrub estimated to cover an

area of 47,318 km.

 87

Table 2.2: Forest cover iii the country

Percent of
Class Area(km^ Geographic
Area
Forest Cover
a) Dense 416,809 12.68
b)Opeii 258,729 7.87
Total Forest Cover * 675,538 20.55
Non - forest
Scrub 47,318 1.44
Total Non - forest ** 2,611,725 79.45
Total Geographic Area 3087^63 100.00

* Includes 4,482 km^ under mangroves (0.14 % of

countiy''s geographic area)
•* Includes Scrub

1Z68%

7.87%

7S45K

PIE CHART: Forest Cover in the covntry

There are duee inqxinant analysis diat can be anals^zed widi

regard to forest cover in die country, namefy, (I) forest cover in die

hill districts of the country, (2) forest cover in the tribal districts of the
 88

country, and (3) distribution of forest cover within and outside

recorded forest areas.

These have been discussed in detail as follows:

1. Forest Cover in Hill Districts

The National Forest Policy (1988), aims at having a minimum

of one third of geographic area of the country under forest and tree

cover and enjoins maintaining two third of the area in hills under

forest cover in order to prevent erosion and land degradation and also

to ensure mainteniance of ecological balance and environmental

stability. It is therefore felt desirable to know the extent of forest

cover in the hill districts in the country.

According to the Planning Commission, the classification of

hill states, hill districts and talukas is based on the criterion of an area

having an elevation of more than 500 meters above mean sea level. In

accordance to this, there are 123 districts in the country that can be

classified as hill districts. The total forest cover in the hill area of the

country is 271,326 km constituting 38.34 per cent of the geographic

area, against the goal of 66 per cent as laid down in the National

Forest Policy 1988. Out of total 123 hill districts, only 51 districts

have forest cover more than 66 per cent. Of the rest, 33 hill districts
 89

have forest cover less than 66 per cent but more than 33 per cent and

the remaining 39 districts have even less than 33 per cent forest cover.

2. Forest Cover in Tribal Districts

Importance of forests in tribal economy is well known, as they

are a source of subsistence and livelihood for the tribal communities.

Out of a total of 593 districts in the country, 187 districts have been

identified as tribal districts. The total forest cover in these tribal

districts is 404,087 km., which constitutes 59.8 per cent of the total

forest cover of the country. The following table shows the distribution

of forest cover in the tribal districts of the country.

TABLE 2.3
State / UT wise forest cover in Tribal Districts

Geographic Forest Cover

No. of Percent
area in
State / UT Tribal Forests
Tribal Dense Open Total
Districts Cover
District
Andhra Pradesh 8 87,090 17,062 8,339 25,401 29.17
Arunachal
13 83,743 53,932 14,113 68,045 81.25
Pradesh
Assam 16 50,137 7,233 5,073 12,306 24.54
Chhattisgarh 9 90,134 27,852 13,322 41,174 45.68
Gujarat 8 48,650 5,085 2,486 7,571 15,56
Himachal
3 26,764 2,120 1,023 3,143 11.74
Pradesh
Jharkhand 8 44,413 7,826 5,803 13,629 30.69
Kamataka 5 26,597 10,009 2,419 12,428 46.73
Kerala 9 27,228 9,274 3,042 12,316 45.23
Madhya Pradesh 18 139,448 27,883 13,935 41,818 29.99
Maharashtra 11 138,272 18,656 10,126 28,782 20.82
Manipur 9 22,327 5,710 11,217 16,927 75.81
State / UT ^orest Cover
 90

No. of Percent
Tribal Dense Open Total Forests
Districts Cover
Meghalaya 7 22,429 5,681 9,903 15,584 69.48
Mizoram 8 21,081 8,936 8,558 17,494 82.98
Nagaland 8 16,579 5,393 7,952 13,345 80.49
Orrisa 12 86,124 19,008 13,832 32,840 38.13
Rajasthan 5 38,218 2,343 3,709 6,052 15.84
Sikkim 4 7,096 2,391 802 3,193 45.00
Tamil Nadu 6 30,720 3,198 2,807 6,005 19.55
Tripura 3 10,486 3,502 3,563 7,065 67.38
Uttar Pradesh 1 7,680 1,113 350 1,463 19.05
West Bengal 11 69,403 6,108 4,220 10,328 14.88
Andaman &
2 8,249 6,593 337 6,930 84.01
Nicobar
Dadra & Nagar
1 491 151 68 219 44.60
Haveli
Daman & Diu 1 72 1 2 3 4.17
Lakshdweep 1 32 27 0 27 85.91
Total 187 1,103,463 257,048 147,039 404,087 36.62