Life-Span Human Development

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Each Learning Module features narrated concept overviews with key terms
highlighted in red, explanatory art and videos, critical thinking applica-
tions, drag-and-drop games for review of key terms and concepts, section
quizzes, and a final test. The CD-ROM also includes a video selector,
multimedia glossary, and links to the Internet for further study.
Also available:
Book Companion Website
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PSYCH This outstanding site features tutorial quizzes, web links, and flashcards
Understanding the Data:
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Exercises on the Web for every chapter! New exercises, titled "Understanding the Data: Exercises
For additional insight on the data presented in this
on the Web,55 test your understanding of the data represented in the
chapter, try the exercises for these figures at htif:/,'psychology
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L i f e - S p a n Human Development
Fifth Edition
Carol K. Sigelman
The George Washington University
Elizalietk A . Rider
Elizahethtown College
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To the students who liave inspired us

1 I Inderstanding Life-bpan H u m a n Development 1
2 Theories of Human Development 26
3 Genes, Environment, and Development 55
4 Prenatal Development and B i r t h 83
5 T h e Physical Self 111
6 Perception 143
7 Cognition 171
8 Memory and Information Processing 199
9 Intelligence and Creativity 225
10 Language and Education 254?

*
11 Self and Personality 286
12 G e n d e r Roles and Sexuality 322
13 Social Cognition and Moral Development 351
14 Attachment and bocial Relationships 3 84
15 T l i e F a m i ly 42.1
16 Developmental Psychopatliology 455

9
17 T l i e F inal Challenge: Death and Dying 484
Epilogue: Pitting the Pieces Together 511

CHAPTER I Strengths and Weaknesses of the Longitudinal
Design 19
Sequential Designs: The Best of Both Worlds 19
Understaxiclin^ Life-S p a n
H u m a n Development 1 H o w D o W e P r o t e c t tlie R i g h t s o f R e s e a r c h
Participants? 2 0
H o w S h o u l d W e 1 h i n h aLout
Develo pment? 2
How D o We U n d e r s t a n d Development in Its
Defining Development 2 Ecological Context? 21
Conceptualizing the Life Span 3 SUMMARY POINTS 24
Framing the Nature-Nurture Issue 5 CRITICAL T H I N K I N G 24
EXPLORATIONS: Historical Oranges in Periods of the Life KEY TERMS 24
Span 6 M E D I A RESOURCES 25
W h a t Is t h e S c i e n c e o f L i f e - S p a n
D eve lo p m e n t ? 8 CHAPTER 2
Goals of Study 8
Tlieories of H u m a n
The Modern Life-Span Perspective 9
EXPLORATIONS: Pioneers of the Study of Life-Span
Development 10
D e v e l o p m e n t a l T l i e o r i e s an d tllie Issues
Mow Is D e v e l o p m e n t a l R e s e a r c h I hey Raise 27
Conducted? J1 EXPLORATIONS: Where Do You Stand on Major Developmental
Issues? 28
The Scientific Method II
Nature and Nurture 28
Sample Selection I1
The Goodness and Badness of Human Nature 29
Data Collection 12
Activity and Passivity 29
Verbal Reports 12
Behavioral Observations 12 Continuity and Discontinuity 29
Physiological Measurements 13 Universality and Context Specificity 30
The Experimental and Correlational Methods 13
The Experimental Method ] 4 Freud: Psychoanalytic T heory 30
The Correlational Method 15
Instincts and Unconscious Motives
Developmental Research Designs 17
Age, Cohort, and Time of Measurement Effects 17 Id, Ego, and Superego 30
Cross-Sectional and Longitudinal Designs 17 Psychosexual Development 31
Strengths and Weaknesses of the Cross-Sectional
Design .18
Strengths and Weaknesses 32 Individual Heredity 57
EXPLORATIONS: Freud on Teenage Pregnancy 33
The Genetic Code 57
Erikson: Neo-Freudian Psychoanalytic EXPLORATIONS: The Human Genome Project 58
Genetic Uniqueness and Relatedness 59
T h e orv 33
Determination of Sex 60
Psychosocial Stages 34 Translation of the Genetic Code 60
EXPLORATIONS: Erikson on Teenage Pregnancy 35 Mechanisms of Inheritance 61
Strengths and Weaknesses 35 Single Gene-Pair Inheritance 61
Sex-Linked Inheritance 62
Learning' T h e o r i e s Polygenic Inheritance 62
35
Mutations 63
Watson: Classical Conditioning 36
Chromosome Abnormalities 63
Skinner: Operant Conditioning 36
Genetic Diagnosis and Counseling 65
Bandura: Social Cognitive Theory 39 EXPLORATIONS: Prenatal Detection of Abnormalities 66
EXPLORATIONS: Bandura on Teenage Pregnancy 40
Strengths and Weaknesses 40 Studying' G e n e t i c a n d E n v i r o n m e n t a l
Influences 68
Cognitive Developmental Theory 41
Experimental Breeding 68
Piaget: Constructivism 41
Twin, Adoption, and Family Studies 69
Stages of Cognitive Development 42
Estimating Influences 69
EXPLORATIONS: Piaget on Teenage Pregnancy 43
Molecular Genetics 70
Strengths and Weaknesses 43
Contextual—Systems Theories 44 A c c o u n t i n g f o r I n o. ivicinal D i f f e r e n c e s
Intellectual Abilities 71
Vygotsky: A Socioculturai Perspective 44
Temperament and Personality 72
Gottlieb: An Evolutionary ^pigenetic Systems View 45
Psychological Disorders 73
Strengths and Weaknesses 47
EXPLORATIONS: Gottlieb on Teenage Pregnancy 48 The Merit ability of Different Traits 74
Influences on Heritability 75
Theories in Perspective 49
APPLICATIONS: Using Developmental'Theories to Prevent Heredity and E n v i r o n m e n t Conspiring
7eenage Pregnancy 50
SUMMARY POINTS 53 Gene-Environment Interactions 76
CRITICAL T H I N K I N G 53 Gene-Environment Correlations 76
KEY T E R M S 53 Passive Gene-Environment Correlations 77
M E D I A RESOURCES 53 Evocative Gene-Environment Correlations 77
Active Gene-Environment Correlations 77
Genetic Influences on Environment 77
CHAPTER 3 Controversies Surrounding Genetic Research 78

APPLICATIONS: Prevention and Treatment of Genetic
Conditions 79
Genes, E n v i r o n m e n t , SUMMARY POINTS 80
a n d Development 55 CRITICAL T H I N K I N G 80
KEY TERMS 81
M E D I A RESOURCES 81
Evolution and Species Heredity 56
CHAPTER 4 CHAPTER 5
P r e n a t a l I ) evel o p m e n t T k e Physical Self 111

and Birth Building B l o c k s of G r o w t h and
1 3 renatal D evelop m e n t 8 4 1) e v e l o p m e n t 112
Conception 84 The Endocrine System S12
EXPLORATIONS: Reproductive Technologies: New Conceptions of The Nervous System 113

Conception 85 Brain Development 115
Prenatal Stages 85 The Aging Brain 116
EXPLORATIONS: Can Brain Development Explain Why
The Germinal Period 86
The Embryonic Period 86 Adolescents lake More Risks Than Adults? 117
The Fetal Period 87 Principles of Growth 118
1 lie P r e n a t a l J h n v i r o n m e n t 91 T k e Infant 119
Teratogens 91 Rapid Growth I 19

Drugs 91 Newborn Capabilities I 19
Diseases 96 Reflexes 119
Environmental Hazards 97 Behavioral States 121
The Mother's State 98 Sensing and Learning 121
APPLICATIONS: Getting Life Off to a Good Start 98 EXPLORATIONS: Are Today's Children (and Adults) Sleep
Age 98 Deprived? 122

Emotional Condition 99 Physical Behavior 124
Nutritional Condition 99 Locomotor Development 124
The Father's State 100 Manip ulating Obj ects 125
Emergence of Motor Skills 1.26
file Perinatal E n v i r o n m e n t 101
The C U d 127
Possible Hazards 101
Anoxia 101 Steady Growth 127
Complicated Delivery 101 Physical Behavior 128
Medications 103 APPLICATIONS: Promoting Lifelong Health with Phys
The Mother's Experience 103 Activity 128
Cultural Factors 103
Postnatal Depression 104 T k e Adolescent 130
The Father's Experience 105
The Growth Spurt 131
I lie N e o n a t a l E n v i r o n m e n t 105 Sexual Maturation 131

Psychological Implications 133
Identifying At-Risk Newborns 106
Early versus Late Development 134
Risk and Resilience 108
Physical Behavior 134
SUMMARY POINTS 109
CRITICAL T H I N K I N G 109 h-:
KEY TERMS 109

r k e Adult 135
Physical Changes 135
Appearance and Structure 135
Functioning and Health 136
Psychological Implications 136
The Reproductive System 137
Female Menopause 137
EXPLORATIONS:Cultural Differences in the Experience T k e Adult 160
of Menopause 138
Male Andropause 139 Vision 161
Physical Behavior 139 Changes in the Pupil 161
Slowing Down 139 Changes in the Lens 161
Disease, Disuse, and Abuse 140 Retinal Changes 163
SUMMARY POINTS 141 Attention and Visual Search 163
CRITICAL T H I N K I N G 141 EXPLORATIONS: Aging Drivers 164
KEY TERMS 141 Hearing 164
MEDIA RESOURCES 141 Basic Capacities 164
Speech Perception 165
APPLICATIONS: Aiding Adults with Hearing Impairments 166
Taste and Smell 167
CHAPTER 6
Touch, Temperature, and Pain 168
The Adult in Perspective . 168
P e r c e p t i o n 1 4 3
SUMMARY POINTS 169
CRITICAL T H I N K I N G 169
Issues o f N a t u r e a n d N u r t u r e 144 KEY T E R M S 169
T h e Infant 145
Assessing Perceptual Abilities 145 CHAPTER 7

Habituation 145
Preferential Looking 145
Evoked Potentials 145
Operant Conditioning 145
P l a c e t ' s C o n s t r u c t ! vis I A p p r o a e k 1 72
Vision 146
Basic Capacities 146 What Is Intelligence? 172
Pattern Perception 147
How Does Intelligence Develop? 173
Depth Perception 148
Organizing a World of Objects 149
The Infant as an Intuitive Theorist 150 T l ie H i t a n t 174
EXPLORATIONS: Can Babies Count? 150
Substages of the Sensorimotor Stage 174
Hearing 152
The Development of Object Permanence 175
Basic Capacities 152
Speech Perception 152 The Emergence of Symbols 177
Taste and Smell 153

APPLICATIONS: Aiding Infants and Children with Hearing
TlieClliM 178
Impairments 154
The Preoperational Stage 178
Touch, Temperature, and Pain 156 EXPLORATIONS: Can There Really Be a Santa Clans? 178
Integrating Sensory Information 156 Lack of Conservation 179
Influences on Early Perceptual Development 157 Egocentrism 181
Early Experience and the Brain 157 Difficulty with Classification 181
The Infant's Active Role 158 Did Piaget Underestimate the Preschool Child? 181
Cultural Variation 158 The Concrete Operations Stage 182
Conservation 182
Tlie Child 159 Seriation and Transitivitv 182 /
Other Advances 183

The Development of Attention 159
Longer Attention Span 159 T k e Adolescent 183
More Selective Attention 159
More Systematic Attention 159 The Formal Operations Stage 183
Hypothetical and Abstract Thinking 183
T k e Adolescent 160
Problem Solving 183 Tke Ckild 205
Progress toward Mastery 184
EXPLORATIONS: Children's Humor and Cognitive Explaining Memory Development 205
Development 185 Do Basic Capacities Change? 205
Implications of Formal Thought 186 Do Memory Strategies Change? 206
Does Knowledge about Memory Change? 207
T h e Adult 188 Does Knowledge of the World Change? 208
Revisiting the Explanations 208
Limitations in Adult Cognitive Performance 188 Autobiographical Memory 209
Growth beyond Formal Operations? 189 When Do Autobiographical Memories Begin? 209
Aging and Cognitive Skills 190 Scripts 210
Eyewitness Memory 210
Piaget in Perspective L Problem Solving 21 I
Piaget's Contributions 191

T k e A do l e s c e n t 213
Challenges to Piaget 191
Vygotsky's S o c i o e u l t u r a l P e r s p e c t i v e 192 T k e Adult 214

Developing Expertise 214
Culture and Thought 192
Autobiographical Memory 215
Social Interaction and Thought 193
Memory and Aging 215
Tools of Thought 194
EXPLORATIONS: Forgetting: What Is Normal and What
APPLICATIONS: Improving Cognitive Functioning 194
Is Not? 216
Evaluation ofVygotsky 196 Areas of Strength and Weakness 216
SUMMARY POINTS 197 Explaining Declines in Old Age 218
CRITICAL T H I N K I N G 197 APPLICATIONS: Improving Memory and Study Skills 270
KEY TERMS 197
Problem Solving and Aging 222
SUMMARY POINTS 223
KEY T E R M S 224
CHAPTER 8 M E D I A RESOURCES 224
Memory and Information

Pr CHAPTER 9
1 lie I n f o r m a t i o n - P r o c e s s i n g ' A p p r o a c h 200 &>
Memory Systems 200

and Creativity 225
Implicit and Explicit Memory 201
W k a t Is I lite Hi cfence i 226
Problem Solving 202
The Psychometric Approach 227
The Infant 202 Gardner's Theory of Multiple Intelligences 227
EXPLORATIONS: Measuring Intelligence 228
Memory 202
Sternberg's Triarchic Theory 230
Imitation 202
Habituation 203
Operant Conditioning 203 Tlie Infant 232
Recall 204
Developmental Quotients 232
Problem Solving 204
Infant Intelligence and Later Intelligence 232
c
Tke Ckild 233 C H A P T E R 10
How Stable Are IQ Scores during Childhood? 233

Causes of Gain and Loss 233
EXPLORATIONS: Early Intervention for Preschool Children 234
The Adolescent 234 Mastering Language 2bO
What Must Be Mastered 255

Continuity between Childhood and Adulthood 234
IQ and School Achievement 235 The Course of Language Development 256
Before the First Words 256
The First Words 257
T h e Adult 236
Telegraphic Speech 258
IQ and Occupational Success 236 Later Language Development 259
DQ and Health 236 How Language Develops 260
Change in IQ with Age 237 The Learning Perspective 260
The Nativist Perspective 261
Predictors of Decline 238
The Interactionist Perspective 262
APPLICATIONS: IQ Training for Aging Adults 239
A Critical Period for Language? 263
Potential for Wisdom 239 EXPLORATIONS: Language Acquisition among Deaf
Children 264
F a c t o r s 'That I n f l u e n c e I Q S c o r e s 241
The Infant 265
Genes 241
Home Environment 241 Mastery Motivation 265
EXPLORATIONS: Family Size and Birth Order 243 Early Education 266
Social Class 243
Race and Ethnicity 244 T k e Ckild 267
Culture Bias 244
Achievement Motivation 267
Motivational Factors 244
Age Differences 268
Genetic Influences 245
Parent Contributions 268
Environmental Influences 246
School Contributions 269
T h e E x t r e m e s of I n t e l l i g e n c e 246 Learning to Read 269

Mastering the Alphabetic Principle 269
Mental Retardation 246 Emergent Literacy 270
Skilled and Unskilled Readers 271
Giftedness 247
How Should Reading Be Taught? 271
W h a t Is C r e a t i v i t y ? 249 Effective Schools 272

Less Important Factors 272
Creativity in Childhood and Adolescence 249 Factors That Matter 272
EXPLORATIONS: Making Integration and Inclusion Work 274
Creative Achievement in Adulthood 250
SUMMARY POINTS 252
CRITICAL T H I N K I N G 252 T l xe A d o l e s c e n t 274
KEY T E R M S 253
Declining Levels of Achievement 275
Family Characteristics 276
Cognitive Growth 276
Negative Feedback 276
Peer Pressures 276
Pubertal Changes 276
Poor Person-Environment Fit 277
Science and Mathematics Education 277 EXPLORATIONS: Big Fish in a Little Pond 299
Integrating Work and School 279 Forging a Sense of Identity 300
Pathways to Adulthood 280 Developmental Trends 300
EXPLORATIONS: Forging a Positive Ethnic Identity 302
T k e Adult 281 Influences on Identity Formation 303
Vocational Identity and Choice 304
Achievement Motivation 281
h-i
Literacy 282 The Adult 305
Continuing Education 282
Self-Conceptions 305
APPLICATIONS: What Can Theory and Research Contribute to
9t2 Age Differences 305
Education? 283
Cultural Differences 307
SUMMARY POINTS 284
CRITICAL T H I N K I N G 284 Continuity and Discontinuity in Personality 307
KEY T E R M S 284 APPLICATIONS: Stereotypes of Aging and Self-Perceptions
M E D I A RESOURCES 284 in Old Age 308

Do People Retain Their Rankings? 308
Do Mean Personality Scores Change? 309
Why Do People Change or Remain the Same? 311
CHAPTER 1 I Eriksonian Psychosocial Growth 31 I
The Path to Adulthood 311
an Per Early Adult Intimacy 312
Midlife Generativity 313
Conceptualising the Self 287 Old Age Integrity 313
Midlife Crisis? 314
Perspectives on Personality Vocational Development and Adjustment 315
Development 287 Establishing a Career 315
The Aging Worker 316
Psychoanalytic Theory 287 Retirement 317
Trait Theory 288 Personality and Successful Aging 317
SUMMARY POINTS 319
EXPLORATIONS: A Brief Personality Scale 289
Social Learning Theory 289
KEY T E R M S 320
The Infant 290
The Emerging Self 290

Temperament 291
CHAPTER 12
Emotionality, Activity, and Sociability 291
Behavioral Inhibition 292
Easiness and Difficultness 292 ,er Ivoles
Goodness of Fit 293 an exuality 322
EXPLORATIONS: Goodness of Fit and the Case of Carl 293
Male and Female 323

The Ckild 294
Gender Norms and Stereotypes 324
Elaborating on a Sense of Self
Are There Gender Differences? 324
Self-Esteem 295
Influences on Self-Esteem 296
The Infant 326
Forming Personality 296
Differential Treatment
T h e Adolescent 297 Early Learning 327
Self-Conceptions 297
Self-Esteem 298
T k e Ckild 327 C H A P T E R S3
Acquiring Gender Stereotypes 327 Social C o g n i t i o n a n d M o r a l
Gender-Typed Behavior 328
Development 3 51
1 lie A d o l e s c e n t 329
Social Cognition 352
Adhering to Gender Roles 329
Developing a Theory of Mind 352
Explaining Gender-Role Development 329
First Steps 354
Biosocial Theory 330
Desire and Belief-Desire Psychologies 354
EXPLORATIONS: IS the Social Label Everything, or Is Biology
Destiny? 332
Psychoanalytic Theory 333 Describing Other People 357
Social Learning Theory 333 Role-Taking Skills 357
EXPLORATIONS: Are Single-Sex Schools Good for Girls? 335 Social Cognition in Adulthood 358
Cognitive Theories 336
An Attempt at Integration 338
P e r s p e c t i v e s on M o r a l D e v e l o p m e n t 359
T l ie A d L I It 338 Moral Affect: Psychoanalytic Theory and Beyond 360

Moral Reasoning: Cognitive Developmental Theory 361
Changes in Gender Roles 338
Piaget's View 361
Masculinity, Femininity, and Androgyny 339 Kohlbergs View 361
Changes with Age 340
Moral Behavior: Social Learning Theory 363
Is Androgyny Advantageous? 341
EXPLORATIONS: Sample Responses to the Mercy-Killing
Dilemma at Kohlbergs Three Levels of Moral Reasoning 364
b e x u a l i t y over t k e L i f e S p a n 341
Are Infants Sexual Beings? 341

The Infant 365
APPLICATIONS: Changing Gender-Role Attitudes
Early Moral Training 365
and Behavior 342
Prosocial Behavior 366
Childhood Sexuality 342
Knowledge of Sex and Reproduction 343
Sexual Behavior 343
T k e Ckild 366 «
Childhood Sexual Abuse 344

Weighing Intentions 366
Adolescent Sexuality 344
Understanding Rules 367
Sexual Orientation 345
Sexual Morality 345 Applying Theory of Mind 367
Sexual Behavior 346 Thinking through Kohlberg's Dilemmas 367
Adult Sexuality 347 Behaving Morally 368
SUMMARY P O I N T S 349 Nurturing Morality 368
KEY T E R M S 350
I lie A d o l e s c e n t 370
Changes in Moral Reasoning 370

Antisocial Behavior 371
Dodge's Social Information-Processing Model 371
Patterson's Coercive Family Environments 372
T k e Adult 375
Moral Development 375

Influences on Moral Development 375 First Peer Relations 401
APPLICATIONS: Combating Youth Violence 376
Kohlberg's Theory and Beyond 378 Tke Ckild 402
Culture Bias? 378
Liberal Bias? 378 Parent-Child Attachments 403
Gender Bias? 378 Peer Networks 403
EXPLORATIONS: Cultural Differences in Moral Thinking 379 Play 403
Supplementing Kohlberg 380 Play Becomes More Social 403
SUMMARY POINTS 382 Play Becomes More Imaginative 404
CRITICAL T H I N K I N G 382 Play Becomes More Rule-Governed 405
KEY T E R M S 383 What Good Is Play? 405
Peer Acceptance and Popularity 405
Friendships 406
CHAPTER 14 T l ie A d o l e s c e n t 407
Attachments to Parents 407

A t t a c h m e n t a n d Social
Friendships 407
Relationships 384 Changing Social Networks 408
Cliques and Crowds 408
Perspectives on Relationships 385 Dating 409
Attachment Theory 386 Parent and Peer Influence 410

Nature, Nurture, and Attachment 386
Implications of Attachment 387 T k e Adult 411
Peers and the Two Worlds of Childhood 387
Social Networks 41 I
Piaget 387
EXPLORATIONS: Emotional Experience in Adult
Sullivan 387
Relationships 412
Harris 388
Attachment Styles 413
Tile Infant 388 EXPLORATIONS: Internal Working Models of Attachment 414

Adult Friendships 416
Early Emotional Development 389
Adult Relationships and Adult Development 416
Nature, Nurture, and Emotions 389
APPLICATIONS: Building Stronger Social Relationships 417
Emotion Regulation 390
SUMMARY POINTS 418
An Attachment Forms 391 CRITICAL T H I N K I N G 419
The Caregiver's Attachment to the Infant 391 KEY TERMS 419
The Infant's Attachment to the Caregiver 392 M E D I A RESOURCES 419
Attachment-Related Fears 392
Exploratory Behavior 392
The Quality of the Attachment 392
EXPLORATIONS: Tips for Baby-Sitters Trying to Prevent Stranger
CHAPTER 05
Anxiety 393
The Caregiver's Contributions 394 Tlie F a m i l y 421
The Infant's Contributions 396
Contextual Contributors 396 U n d e r s t a n d i n g ' t k e F a m i ly 422
Implications of Early Attachment 397
The Family as a System 422
Effects of Social Deprivation 397
EXPLORATIONS: IS Day Care Good for In fant The Family as a System within Other Systems 423
Development? 398 The Family as a Changing System 423
Later Development of Securely and Insecurely Attached
A Changing System in a Changing World 423
Infants 400
t
T k e Infant 425 Remarriage and Reconstituted Families 448
Mother-Infant and Father—Infant Relationships 425 I lie P r o b l e m o f F a m i l y V i o l e n c e

Mothers, Fathers, and Infants: The System Why Does Family Violence Occur? 449
at Work 426 The Abuser 449
The Abused 450
Tke Ckild 426 The Context 450
What Are the Effects of Family Violence?
Parenting Styles 426 APPLICATIONS: Battling Family Violence 452
Dimensions of Child Rearing 426 SUMMARY POINTS 453
Social Class, Economic Hardship, and Parenting 427 CRITICAL T H I N K I N G 453
Models of Influence in the Family 429 KEY T E R M S 453
Parent Effects Model 429 M E D I A RESOURCES 454
Child Effects Model 429
Transactional Model 429
EXPLORATIONS: Genes, Culture, and Parenting 430
Sibling Relationships 430 CHAPTER D6
A New Baby Arrives 431
Ambivalence in Sibling Relationships 432
Contributions to Development 432
o gy
T !i e A d o l e s c e n t 433
W k a t M a k e s D evelop m e n t
Ripples in the Parent-Child Relationship ^normal?
Renegotiating the Relationship 433
DSM-IV Diagnostic Criteria 456
T k e Adult 435 Developmental Psychopathology 457

Psychopathologv as Development, Not as Disease 457
Establishing the Marriage 435 Considering Social Norms and Age Norms 458
Developmental Issues 458
The Diathesis-Stress Model 459
The Child-Rearing Family 437
The Empty Nest 437
T l ie I n f a n t 460
Grandparenthood 438
Changing Family Relationships 439
Suspected Causes 461
Marital Relationships 439
EXPLORATIONS: Is Autism an Extreme Version of the Male
Sibling Relationships 439
Parent-Child Relationships 440 Brain? 462
Developmental Outcomes and Treatment 464
Diversity i n F a m i l y L i f e 442 Depression 464

EXPLORATIONS: Failure to Thrive 465
Singles 442
Childless Married Couples 443 T k e Ckild 466
Dual-Career Families 443
Attention Deficit Hyperactivity Disorder 467
Gay and Lesbian Families 444 Developmental Course 467
Divorcing Families 444 Suspected Causes 468
Before the Divorce 44-4 Treatment 468
After the Divorce 445 Depression 469
EXPLORATIONS: "Good" and "Bad" Divorces: Factors APPLICATIONS: Challenges in Treating C en
Influencing Adjustment 446 and Adolescents 470
Nature, Nurture, and Childhood Disorders 471 T i i e E x p e r i e n c e of B e r e a v e m e n t 495
Do Childhood Problems Persist? 472
The Parkes/Bowlby Attachment Model 495
T h e Adolescent 473 Some Evidence 496
Storm and Stress? 473 Tlie Infant 497

Anorexia Nervosa 473
Suspected Causes 474 T l i e Clxi
Treatment 475
Depression and Suicidal Behavior 475 Grasping the Concept of Death 498
&
The Dying Child 499
T h e Adult 477 The Bereaved Child 500
Depression 47?
T l i e A d. d e s c e n t 500
Age and Sex Differences 477
Treatment 478
T k e Adult 501
Aging and Dementia 478
Alzheimer's Disease 4-79 Death in the Family Context 502
Other Causes of Cognitive Impairment 481 The Loss of a Spouse 502
SUMMARY POINTS 482 The Loss of a Child 503
CRITICAL T H I N K I N G 482 The Loss of a Parent 504
KEY T E R M S 4-83
Challenges to the Grief Work Perspective 504
Who Copes and Who Succumbs? 506
Personal Resources 506
The Nature of the Loss 506
CHAPTER 17 The Context of Supports and Stressors 506
Bereavement and Human Development 507
Tlie F m a enge: earn
T a k i n g tlie S t i n g O u t o f D e a t h 507
a n d D ym 484
For the Dying 507
L i f e and Death Issues 485 For the Bereaved 508
SUMMARY POINTS 509
What Is Death? 485
Biological Definitions of Death 485
KEY T E R M S 509
EXPLORATIONS: Should We Hasten Death? 486
Social Meanings of Death 487
What Kills Us and When? 488
T h e o r i e s o f A g i n g : W h y D o We Age EPILOGUE
and Die? 489
F i t t i n g tlie P i e c e s
Programmed Theories 489
Damage Theories 490
T o s'etlier 511
Nature and Nurture Conspiring 491
M a j o r Freiias i n Development 512
T h e E x p e r i e n c e of Dying 491 Infants (Birth to Age 2) 512

APPLICATIONS: Can We Delay Death? 492 Preschool Children (Ages 2 through 5) 513
Kiibler-Ross's Stages of Dying 492 School-Age Children (Ages 6 through 81) 5S3
Criticisms and Alternative Views 494 Adolescents (Ages 12 through 19) 514
Young Adults (Ages 20 through 39) 514
Middle-Aged Adults (Ages 40 through 64) 514
Older Adults (Age 65 and Up) 5S6
Major X hemes in H u m a n
Develop m en t 3 S8
Nature and Nurture Truly Interact

in Development 518
We Are Whole People throughout the Life Span 518
Development Proceeds in Multiple Directions 519
There Is Both Continuity and Discontinuity in
Development 519
There Is Much Plasticity in Development 519
We Are Individuals, Becoming Even More Diverse with
Age 519
We Develop in a Cultural and Historical Context 520
We Are Active in Our Own Development 520
Development Is a Lifelong Process 520
Development is Best Viewed from Multiple
Perspectives 520
r
Welcome to the fifth edition of Life-Span Human Develop- Finally, a predominantly topical approach is more com-
ment This new edition has many exciting changes, yet it re- patible with a life-span perspective, which views any period of
tains the core features valued by students and instructors over life in relation to what comes before and what is yet to come.
the years. We remain firmly committed to our unique inte- In chronologically organized textbooks, many topics are de-
grated topical-chronological approach and to a presentation scribed only in connection with the age group to which they
that is both research-oriented and relevant to the "real world." seem most relevant—for example, attachment in relation to
However, we cast an even brighter light on the all-important infancy or sexuality in relation to adolescence and adulthood.
nature-nurture issue, offer stronger and more up-to-date cov- A topical organization makes readers ask intriguing questions
erage of key topics and controversies in life-span human de- that they might otherwise not ask, such as these about attach-
velopment, and add new pedagogical features and supplement relationships:
ments to enhance the teaching-learning process.
• What do infants' attachments to their parents have in
common with, and how do they differ from, attach-
ments between childhood friends or between adult ro-
A Topical a n d C iironological mantic partners?
• Do securely attached infants later have a greater capacity
Approacli to form and sustain friendships or romantic partner-
ships than infants whose early social experiences are less
The most distinctive feature of this book is its unique inte- favorable?
grated topical-chronological approach. Almost all other life- • What are the consequences at different points in the life
span development textbooks adopt a chronological or span of lacking someone to be closely attached to?
"age-stage" approach, carving the life span into age ranges
and describing the prominent characteristics of individuals Attachments are important throughout the life span, and
within each age range. In contrast, we use a topical approach a topical organization helps make that clear.
for the overall organization of the book blended with a
chronological approach within chapters. Each chapter focuses
on a domain of development such as physical growth, cogni-
tion, or personality and traces developmental trends and in- We adopted a topical approach because we consider it the best
fluences in that domain from infancy to old age. Each chapter way to introduce the how and why of human development.
calls attention to age groups through major sections on in- We also appreciate the strengths of the chronological ap-
fancy, childhood, adolescence, and adulthood. proach, particularly its ability to portray the whole person in
each period of the life span. For this reason, we integrated the
age-stage approach with the topical organization, aiming to
have the best of both worlds.
Why have we fought the tide? Like many other instructors, we Each topical chapter contains major sections on infancy,
have typically favored topically organized textbooks when childhood, adolescence, and adulthood. The existence of these
teaching child, adolescent, or adult development courses. As a sections is proof that the chapters consider development in
result, it seemed natural to use that topical approach in intro- each of the domains covered across the whole life span. These
ducing students to the whole life span. Besides, chronologi- age-stage sections call attention to the distinctive qualities of
cally organized texts often have to repeat themselves as they each phase of life and make it easier for students to find ma-
remind readers of where development left off in an earlier age terial on an age period of particular interest to them. Our de-
period (covered several chapters ago). gree of emphasis on each period of the life span varies de-
More importantly, a topic-by-topic organization conveys pending on the topic.
the flow of development in each area—the systematic, and of- We believe that our integrated topical-chronological ap-
ten dramatic, transformations that take place and the devel- proach allows us to convey the flow of life-span development
opmental continuities. The topical approach also helps us em- in particular areas and the factors influencing it while high-
phasize developmental processes—how nature and nurture lighting the major physical, cognitive, and psychosocial devel-
interact over the life span to bring change. opments within any particular developmental period.
Adaptability of the Integrated help anyone analyze issues that we all face—including such
Topicai-ChronoSogical Approach practical matters as raising children, working with troubled
adolescents, or coping with Alzheimer's disease in the family.
Even though links among chapters are noted throughout the
book, instructors who are teaching short courses or who are
otherwise pressed for time can omit a chapter without fear of
rendering other chapters incomprehensible. For example:
• A cognitively oriented course might omit one or more

of the socially oriented chapters (Chapters 11, 12, and
14-17). The book begins by orienting students to the life-span perspec-
• A socially oriented course might omit one or more of tive on human development and to approaches to the scientific
the cognitive chapters (Chapters 6-10). study of development (Chapter 1), as well as to the central is-
Moreover, this approach allows instructors enough flexi- sues and theoretical perspectives that have dominated the field
bility to cover infancy, childhood, and adolescence in the first (Chapter 2). It then explores developmental processes in some
portion of the course, if they prefer, and to save the material depth, examining genetic influences (Chapter 3) and early en-
on adulthood for the end. vironmental influences (Chapter 4) on development. These
chapters show how genes contribute to typical changes and in-
dividual differences throughout the life span and how people
are products of their prenatal and postnatal environments.
Researcli- O r i e n t e d
a n d Real Coverage
Why has Life-Span Human Development continued to receive

Chapters on the growth and aging of the body and nervous
high praise from both faculty and students over the years? We
system (Chapter 5) and on the development of sensory and
think it is because we have worked to create a text that is rig-
perceptual capacities (Chapter 6) launch our examination of
orous yet readable and research-oriented yet "real" to stu-
the development of basic human capacities. Chapter 7 covers
dents. The fifth edition of Life-Span Human Development
Jean Piaget's perspective on cognitive development and the
continues in this tradition, tackling complex theoretical con-
quite different perspective offered by Lev Vygotsky; Chapter 8
troversies and presenting the best of both classic and contem-
views memory and problem solving from an information-
porary research from multiple disciplines in a way that is ac-
processing perspective; Chapter 9 highlights the psychometric
cessible and relevant to students' experiences.
approach to cognition, exploring individual differences in in-
We believe that it is critical for students to understand
telligence and creativity; and Chapter 10 explores language
how we know what we know about development—to appre-
development and the roles of language and cognition in edu-
ciate the research process. With that in mind, we describe il-
cational achievement.
lustrative studies and present their data in graphs and tables,
and we cite the authors and dates of publication for a large
number of books and articles, all fully referenced in the bibli-
ography at the end of the book. Some students may wonder Chapters S I to I 7
why they are there. It is because we are committed to the value The next three chapters concern the development of the self:
of systematic research, because we are bound to give credit changes in self-conceptions and personality, including voca-
where credit is due, and because we want students and their tional identity (Chapter 11); in gender roles and sexuality
professors to have the resources they need to pursue their in- (Chapter 12); and in social cognition and morality (Chapter
terests in human development during and after the course. 13). The self is set more squarely in a social context as we trace
We also appreciate that solid scholarship is of little good life-span changes in" attachment relationships (Chapter 14)
to students unless they want to read it and can understand it. and in roles and relationships within the family (Chapter 15).
We maintain that even the most complex issues in human de- Finally, we offer a life-span perspective on developmental
velopment can be made understandable through clear and or- problems and disorders (Chapter 16) and examine why peo-
ganized writing. ple die and how they cope with death (Chapter 17).
To make the material more "real," we clarify developmen-
tal concepts through examples and analogies, connect topics
in the text to topics in the news, and highlight implications for
everyday functioning. We also incorporate material relevant As in previous editions, we end with an epilogue that summa-
to students' current and future roles as parents, teachers, psy- rizes major developments in each of seven periods of the life
chologists, nurses, day care workers, and other human service span and broad themes in life-span development that are em-
professionals. And we help students see that major theories of phasized throughout the book. This conclusion focuses atten-
human development do not just guide researchers but can tion on the whole person and serves as a handy reference
throughout the course for students who want the big picture.
Some instructors assign this at the beginning of their courses
to help ground students; others use it both to start the course
To reinforce students' understanding of current research data,
and to stimulate discussion at the end.
these interactive online exercises link the text's research-
oriented figures and tables to critical thinking exercises on the
Book Companion Website (http://psychology.wadsworth
New to Tliis Edition .com/sigelman_rider5e). Icons next to selected figure and
table captions in the text, and prompts at the end of each
In this edition, we put the nature-nurture issue on center chapter, guide students to online exercises for specific figures
stage, introduce "Summing Up" sections within chapters, and and tables.
bring to life several new topics and research findings.
Highlighting the Mature-Murture issue As always, the book has been thoroughly updated from start
If students gain nothing else from their study of human de- to finish; it conveys the most recent discoveries and insights
velopment, we hope they gain a deeper understanding of the developmentalists have to offer. We take pride in having writ-
nature-nurture issue and of the many interacting forces act- ten a well-researched and wTell-referenced book that professors
ing on, and being acted on by, the developing person. We want and students can use as a resource. We added some exciting
students to understand that human development is an incred- new topics and greatly expanded and updated coverage of
ibly complex process that grows out of transactions between a other topics. A sampling follows.
changing person and a changing world and out of dynamic re-
lationships among biological, psychological, and social influ- C h a p t e r 1 * U n d e r s t a n d i n g Life-Span H u m a n
ences. No contributor to development—a gene, a tempera- Development
ment, a parent, a culture—acts alone and is unaffected by • New section, "Framing the Nature-Nurture Issue," to
other influences on development. put this all-important issue in a starring role from the
In this edition, we introduce the nature-nurture issue in start of the book
Chapter 1. Each subsequent chapter includes one or more il- ° Concrete illustration of research methods with a study
lustration of the intertwined con tributions of nature and nur- that uses verbal report, behavioral observation, and
ture to development. These topics are listed for easy reference physiological measures
in the theme index that appears on the books endpapers. ° Inclusion of Urie Bronfenbrenner's bioecological model
Along the way, we 'describe some exciting studies involving in the first chapter to call attention to issues in under-
molecular genetics that compare individuals with and without standing diversity in human development
particular genes and with and without particular life experi-
ences to bring home what it means to say that genes and envi- C h a p t e r 2 . T h e o r i e s of H u m a n D e v e l o p m e n t
ronment interact to influence development. For example, it • New coverage of Gilbert Gottlieb's evolutionary-epigenetic
becomes clear in Chapter 3 that the odds of depression be- systems perspective, including material on ethology
come high only when a person is at genetic risk for depression 0 New twists on this chapter's attempt to show how each
and experiences multiple stressful events. In the process of major theorist would explain teenage pregnancy
writing these nature-nurture segments—which cover topics
ranging from physical growth and the effects of prenatal alco- C h a p t e r 3. Genes, E n v i r o n m e n t , and
hol exposure, to temperament and theory of mind, to autism Development
and aging—we expanded coverage of evolution, genes, hor- • The latest from the Human Genome Project and the po-
mones, and other biological forces in development, enriched tentials of new molecular genetics research
descriptions of social and cultural influences on development, • New emphasis on how genes turn on and off over the
and, most importantly, illuminated the complex interrelation- course of development partly in response to environ-
ships between biological and environmental influences that mental influences
are at the heart of the developmental process. • New evidence of social class differences in the heritabil-
ity of intelligence
• Descriptions of both the contributions and the limita-
tions of behavioral genetics
Another feature new to this edition is "Summing Up" para-
graphs at the end of each major section of each chapter to C h a p t e r 4• Prenatal D e v e l o p m e n t and B i r t h
supplement the "Summary Points" at the conclusion of each • The latest research on prenatal development and te-
chapter. We believe that these internal summaries will help ratogens
students consolidate what they are learning when they read a • Expanded coverage of birthing practices
chapter and when they review the material afterward. • New reproductive technologies
C h a p t e r 5 . T h e Physical Self • Coverage of the controversy over the degree of continu-
• More material on early and later brain development, in- ity in adult personality
cluding a separate section that covers brain plasticity C h a p t e r 12, G e n d e r Roles and Sexuality
• A dynamic systems perspective on the emergence of mo-
• Clarification of which gender differences are not sub-
tor skills
stantiated by research
• Adolescent risk taking in relation to brain development
• The latest research on gender-role development includ-
during adolescence
ing the contributions of biology and environment
• The latest research on teens and sleep
C h a p t e r 6* Perception C h a p t e r 13. Social Cognition and M o r a l

Development
• Issues in assessing hearing impairment across the life span
• Reorganized and updated coverage of the perceptual ca- • The roles of biology and culture in the development of a
pacities of adults theory of mind
° Interventions for both infants and elderly adults with • The importance of a mutually responsive orientation
hearing impairments between parent and child in the early development of
conscience
C h a p t e r 7. Cognition • In-depth coverage of the multiple roots of youth vio-
• New research on the infant's mastery of object perma- lence and a new integrative model of influences on ag-
nence gression
• Expanded coverage of Vygotsky's perspective, including
a comparison of his theory with that of Piaget C h a p t e r 14. A t t a c h m e n t and Social Relationships
° Cognitive development in relation to children's humor ° Coverage of a major National Institute of Child Health
and belief in Santa Claus and Human Development study of the effects of day
care
C h a p t e r 8, M e m o r y and I n f o r m a t i o n Processing
• Emphasis on connections between attachment and emo-
• A sharper focus on developments in memory and infor- tional regulation
mation processing ° New research on the effects of early social deprivation
• Coverage of autobiographical memory with references on the quality of later relationships and social develop-
to scripts and eyewitness memory ment
• A description of what is "normal" forgetfulness in old • New findings concerning the emotional lives of older
age and what is not adults
C h a p t e r 9. Intelligence and C r e a t i v i t y
C h a p t e r 15.The Family
° Information on modern intelligence tests including the
0 Trends in family life and the issue of whether the family
Kaufman Assessment Battery for Children and Reuven
is in decline
Feuerstein's Learning Potential Assessment Device
° Contributions of nature and nurture to differences be-
° Historical changes in average intelligence quotient (IQ)
tween mothers and fathers
scores
• New research linking attachment styles to adjustment
• The effectiveness of early intervention programs for pre-
during the transition to new parenthood
school children and IQ training for elderly adults
• A new empowerment approach to preventing abuse
C h a p t e r 10. Language and Education
C h a p t e r 16. D e v e l o p m e n t a l Psychopathology
• Relationships between language skills, reading, and aca-
demic achievement • Expanded coverage of the developmental psychopathol-
• Trends in science and mathematics education ogy perspective
• A section on integrating school and work during adoles- ° New illustrations of the diathesis-stress model of psy-
cence chopathology
° Integrated description of the educational implications of • Leading hypotheses about the core problem in autism,
the theories and research in Chapters 6 through 9 including the extreme male brain hypothesis
° The latest breakthroughs in understanding of attention
C h a p t e r I I . Self and Personality deficit hyperactivity disorder, anorexia nervosa, depres-
• Clarification of links between early temperament and sion, and Alzheimer's disease
later personality
C h a p t e r I 7.The Final Challenge: D e a t h
• Continued emphasis on the concept of goodness of fi t
and Dying
between person and environment in relation to both
personality development and vocational development ° Controversies over whether aging and death are geneti-
• New information on nature, nurture, and personality in cally programmed or are the result of haphazard
different cultures damage
• The dying experience in different cultures The "Key Terms" section lists the new terms introduced
• The latest challenges to traditional assumptions about in the chapter in the order in which they were intro-
how people grieve duced and (new to this edition) with the page number
• The latest in the quest to extend life and questions about on which they were introduced. The terms are printed in
the merits of that quest boldface, defined when they are first presented in a
chapter, and included in the glossary at the end of the
Epilogue. Fitting t h e Pieces Together book.
• Summary of major developments in each of seven peri-
The "Media Resources" section describes selected web-
ods of the life span
sites that offer further information about chapter topics
• Integration of physical, cognitive, personal, and social
and are accessible from the book's website at http://
aspects of the whole person
psychology.wadsworth.com/sigelman_rider5e. Students are
• Reinforcement of the book's messages about life-span
also directed to the other resources available at that site,
development
on the Wadsworth Psychology website (http://
psychologywadsworth.com), and on the Wadsworth Life-
span CD-ROM.
Ckapter Organization
The chapters of this book use a consistent format and contain

the following: Supplements
A chapter outline orients students to what lies ahead.
Introductory material stimulates interest, lays out the plan The fifth edition of Life-Span Human Development is accom-
for the chapter, and introduces key concepts, theories, and panied by a better array of supplements prepared for both the
issues relevant to the area of development to be explored. instructor and the student to create the best learning environ-
ment inside and outside the classroom. All the continuing
Developmental sections (Chapters 5-17) describe-key
supplements have been thoroughly revised and updated, and
changes and continuities, as well as the mechanisms un-
several are new to this edition. Especially noteworthy are the
derlying them, during four developmental periods: in-
new media and Internet-based supplements. We invite in-
fancy, childhood, adolescence, and adulthood.
structors and students to examine and take advantage of the
ccExplorations" boxed features allow more in-depth inves- teaching and learning tools available.
tigation of research on a topic (for example, perception
and the performance of aging drivers, adolescent brain
development and adolescent risk taking, language acqui-
sition among deaf children, the big fish-little pond effect Instructor's Manual with Test Bank. Revised by Bradley
on academic self-concept, ethnic identity, genetic and Caskey, University of Wisconsin, River Falls. This manual con-
cultural influences on parenting styles, and issues sur- tains chapter-specific outlines; a list of print, video, and online
rounding euthanasia). resources; and student learning objectives. The manual has a
special emphasis on active learning with suggested student ac-
ccApplications" boxed features examine how knowledge
tivities and projects for each chapter. The test bank, in both
has been used to optimize development in a domain of
print and computerized form, consists of 135 multiple-choice,
development (for instance, to treat genetic defects, pro-
20 true or false, 20 fill-in-the-blank, and 10 essay questions for
mote lifelong health, improve cognitive functioning
each chapter, all with page references. Each multiple-choice
across the life span, combat the effects of stereotypes of
item is categorized based on type (factual or conceptual).
aging on the self-perceptions of older adults, treat ag-
gressive youth, help social isolates, prevent family vio- Exam View® Computerized Testing. Create, deliver, and cus-
lence, and lengthen life). tomize printed and online tests and study guides in minutes
with this easy-to-use assessment and tutorial system.
The "Summing Up" sections within and the "Summary
Exam View includes a Quick Test Wizard and an Online Test
Points" section at the end of each chapter give an
Wizard to guide instructors step by step through the process
overview of the chapter's main themes to facilitate stu-
of creating tests. The test appears on screen exactly as it will
dent learning and review of the material.
print or display online. Using ExamView's complete word-
The new " Understanding the Data: Exercises on the Web" processing capabilities, instructors can enter an unlimited
test students' comprehension of current research data number of new questions or edit questions included with
with online critical thinking exercises based on select ExamView.
figures and tables in the text.
Multimedia Manager Instructor's Resource CD-ROM. With
"Critical Thinking" questions challenge students to think the one-stop digital library and presentation tool, instructors
about or apply the chapter material in new ways. can assemble, edit, and present custom lectures with this
Microsoft PowerPoint tool The Multimedia Manager con- Current Perspectives: Readings from InfoTrac® College
tains lecture outlines for each chapter of the fifth edition of Edition. Compiled by Gabriela Martorell, Portland State
Life-Span Human Development, figures and tables from the University. This new reader includes at least one article per chap-
text, and animations. Instructors can use the material or add ter exploring the Nature/Nurture debate discussed throughout
their own material for a truly customized lecture presentation. the text. Each article is followed by 2 to 3 critical thinking ques-
This CD-ROM also contains the electronic Instructor's tions for class discussion or homework assignments.
Manual with Test Bank files.
CNN Today Life-Span Development Video Series, Volumes

3-4. Illustrate the relevance of developmental psychology to
WebTutor™ Advantage on WebCT and Blackboard. This
everyday life with this exclusive series of videos for the life-
web-based software for students and instructors takes a course
span course. Jointly created by Wadsworth and CNN, each
beyond the classroom to an anywhere, anytime environment.
video consists of approximately 45 minutes of footage origi-
Students gain access to a full array of study tools, including
nally broadcast on CNN and specifically selected to illustrate
chapter outlines, chapter-specific quizzing material, interac-
important developmental psychology concepts. The videos
tive games, and videos. With WebTutor Advantage, instructors
are divided into short 2- to 7-minute segments, perfect for use
can provide virtual office hours, post syllabi, track student
as lecture launchers or as illustrations of key developmental
progress with the quizzing material, and even customize con-
psychology concepts. Special adoption conditions apply.
tent to meet students' needs. Instructors can also use the com-
Wadsworth Developmental Psychology Video Library. Bring munication tools to set up threaded discussions and conduct
developmental psychology concepts to life with videos from real-time chats. "Out of the box" or customized, WebTutor
Wadsworth s Developmental Psychology Video Library, which Advantage provides a powerful tool for instructors and stu-
includes thought-provoking offerings from Films for dents alike. The software is also available with an eBook on
Humanities and other excellent educational video sources. WebTutor Advantage + on WebCT and Blackboard.
This extensive collection illustrates important developmental
psychology concepts covered in many life-span courses. InfoTrac College Edition. With InfoTrac College Edition, in-
Certain adoption conditions apply. structors can stimulate discussions and supplement lectures
with the latest developments in developmental psychology.
Available as a free option with newly purchased texts, InfoTrac
College Edition gives instructors and students 4 months of
Study Guide. Written by coauthor Elizabeth A. Rider of free access to an extensive database of reliable, full-length ar-
Elizabethtown College, the study guide is designed to promote ticles (not just abstracts) from hundreds of top academic
active learning through a guided review of the important journals and popular periodicals.
principles and concepts in the text. The study materials for
Wadsworth Psychology Website at http://psychology
each chapter include a comprehensive multiple-choice self-
.wadsworth.com. This website provides instructors and stu-
test and exercises that challenge students to think about and to
dents with a wealth of free information and resources, such as
apply what they have learned.
the following:
Life-Span: A Multimedia Introduction to Human Develop-
° Journals
ment (CD-ROM). This comprehensive CD-ROM explores the
• Associations
major developmental milestones from conception to death
° Conference listings
through seven interactive learning modules:
• Psych-in-the-News
• Prenatal Development, Birth, and the Newborn a Hot topics
• Infancy and Toddlerhood

/
• Book-specific student resources including practice quiz
9 Early and Middle Childhood questions, Understanding the Data exercises, interactive
• Adolescence activities, Internet links, critical-thinking exercises, and
• Early and Middle Adulthood discussion forums, at this book's website (http://psychology
0 Late Adulthood . wadsworth. corn/sigelman_rider5e)
0 Death, Dying, and Bereavement
Additional instructor resources include the following:
Each learning module explores physical and cognitive de-
• Research and Teaching showcase
velopment, language development, learning, personality de-
° Resources for Instructors archives
velopment, social-emotional development, and moral devel-
• Book-specific instructor resources
opment. Each learning module features narrated concept
overviews, explanatory art and videos, critical-thinking appli- Developmental PsychologyNow. This interactive, online stu-
cations, drag-and-drop games for the review of key terms and dent learning tool uses diagnostic Pre- and Post-Tests, along
concepts, section quizzes, and a final test. Life-Span also fea- with media-rich Personalized Study Plans (which include
tures a video selector, a multimedia glossary, and links to the Integrated Learning Modules, text pages, weblinks, and videos),
Internet for further study. to help students identify those topics in the text that they need to
review. Although any student can use Developmental Psycho- Fullerton, Timothy Shearon of Albertson College of Idaho,
logyNow without any instructor setup or involvement, an and Luis Terrazas of California State University at San Marcos.
Instructor Grade Book is available to monitor student progress. Reviewers of the fifth edition were Howard Bierenbaum of
FREE when ordered with a new copy of the text. the College of William & Mary, Cheryl Bluestone of
Queensborough Community College, Elaine H. Cassel of Lord
Fairfax Community College, Jody S. Fournier of Capital
Acknowledgments University, Rebecca J. Glover of University of North Texas,
Cheryl Hale of Jefferson College, Linda Jones of Blinn College,
We are very grateful to five "cohorts" of reviewers for the con- Susan Magun-Jackson of the University of Memphis, Gabriela
structive criticism and useful suggestions that have helped us A. Martorell of Portland State University, Bridget C. Murphy-
make each edition of this book better than the one before. Kelsey of University of Oklahoma, Susan L. O'Donnell of
Reviewers of the first edition were Fredda Blanchard- George Fox University, Shirley M. Ogletree of Southwest Texas
Fields of Louisiana State University, Janet Fritz of Colorado State University, Rob Palkovitz of University of Delaware,
State University, John Klein of Castleton State College, Louise Perry of Florida Atlantic University, Pamela Schuetze of
Rosanne Lorden of Eastern Kentucky University, Robin Buffalo State College, and Robin Yaure of Penn State Mont Alto.
Palkovitz of the University of Delaware, Suzanne Pasch of the We would like to thank David Shaffer of the Universi ty of
University of Wisconsin at Milwaukee, and Katherine Van Georgia for all that his work did to make the first and second
Giffen of California State University at Long Beach. editions of this book a success. And for all that they did to as-
Reviewers of the second edition were David Beach of the sist with the preparation of this edition, we are appreciative of
University of Wisconsin-Parkside, Charles Harris of James our student assistants James Bach, Aaron Dusso, and Victoria
Madison University, Malia Huchendorf of Normandale Indivero.
Community College, Vivian Jenkins of the University of Credit for excellent supplementary materials goes to
Southern Indiana, Nancy Macdonald of the University of Bradley Caskey, who revised the Instructor's Manual and Test
South Carolina-Sumter, Jim O'Neill of Wayne State Bank; coauthor Elizabeth Rider, who wrote the Student Guide;
University, Marjorie Reed of Oregon State University, and Cheryl Hale, who wrote the critical thinking questions for
Ruth Wilson of Idaho State University. j Understanding the Data: Exercises on the Web; Jori Reijonen,
Reviewers of the third edition were Bob Bornstein, Miami who wrote the Pre- and Post-tests for Developmental
University-Oxford; Donna Brent, Hartwick College; Mary PsychologyNow; and Kathy Trotter and Michie Swartwood,
Ann Bush, Western Michigan University; Shelley Drazen, who wrote the material for the Life-Span CD-ROM that ac-
Binghamton University (SUNY); Suzanne Krinsky, University of companies this book.
Southern Colorado; Becky White Loewy, San Francisco State Producing this book required the joint efforts of
University; Russell Miars, Portland State University; Elizabeth A. Wadsworth and Graphic World Publishing Services. We thank
Rider, Elizabeth town College; Eileen Rogers, University of Texas our editor, Michele Sordi, for her capable leadership of the proj-
at San Antonio; Timothy Shearon, Albertson College of Idaho; ect, and Kristin Makarewycz, the development editor, for help-
Polly Trnavsky, Appalachian State University; and Catherine ing make this edition the most visually appealing and pedagog-
Weir, Colorado College. Catherine Weir also deserves thanks for ically effective edition yet. We thank Denise DeLancey and her
her substantive contributions to the revision of several chapters. assistants Sara Blackwell and Nicole Sneed at Graphic World for
Reviewers of the fourth edition were Denise Ann outstanding management of the books production; Cheryl
Bodman of Arizona State University, Kim G. Brenneman of Whitley, Kelly Hinch, Craig Beffa, Linda Balestreri, Jackie
Eastern Mennonite University, Mary Ann Bush of Western Favazza, and Sandy Brown at Graphic World for composition of
Michigan University, Yiwei Chen of Bowling Green State the book; Jennifer Dunn for her creative work on the graphic
University, Michelle R. Dunlap of Connecticut College, design; and Terri Wright and Austin MacRae for photo re-
Marion Eppler of East Carolina University, Dan Florell of search. All of these pros were a joy to work with, and the book
Eastern Kentucky University, James N. Forbes of Angelo State is much better because of them. We are grateful, as well, for the
University, Claire Ford of Bridgewater State College, Charles able assistance of Paul Wells, production project manager;
Harris of James Madison University, Karen Hartlep of Vernon Boes, art director; Erik Fortier, technology project man-
California State University at Bakersfield, Debra L. Hollister of ager; Jennifer Wilkinson, assistant editor; and Jessica Kim, edi-
Valencia Community College, Stephen Hoyer of Pittsburg torial assistant. We also appreciate the strong support of Tami
State University, David P. Hurford of Pittsburg State Strang, advertising project manager; Dory Schaeffer, marketing
University, Wayne G. Joosse of Calvin College, Bridget C. manager; and Nicole Morinon, marketing assistant.
Kelsey of the University of Oklahoma, Brett Laursen of We remain deeply indebted to sponsoring editors past—to
Florida Atlantic University, Sherry Loch of Paradise Valley C. Deborah Laughton, who insisted that this project be under-
Community College, Becky White Loewy of San Francisco taken, and to Vicki Knight, who skillfully shepherded the first
State University, Ann K. Mullis of Florida State University, edition through its final stages and oversaw the second edition.
Ronald L. Mullis of Florida State University, Robert F. Marcus Finally, Lee Sigelman has coped superbly again with a distracted
of the University of Maryland, Mark Rafter of College of the and unamusing partner, and Corby Rider has learned creative
Canyons, Mark Runco of California State University at ways to help rather than hinder his morns work.
CAROL K. SIGELMAN is associate vice president for research and gradu-
ate studies and professor of psychology at the George Washington
University. She has also been on the faculty at Texas Tech University, Eastern
Kentucky University (where she won her college's Outstanding Teacher
Award), and the University of Arizona. She has taught courses in child, ado-
lescent, adult, and life-span development and has published research on
such topics as the communication skills of individuals with developmental
disabilities, the development of stigmatizing reactions to children and ado-
lescents who are different, and children's emerging understandings of dis-
eases and psychological disorders. Through a grant from the National
Institute of Child Health and Human Development, she studied children's
intuitive theories of AIDS and developed and evaluated a curriculum to
correct their misconceptions and convey the facts-of HIV infection.
Through a grant from the National Institute on Drug Abuse, she and her
colleagues have conducted similar research on how well children and ado-
lescents of different ages understand the effects of alcohol and drugs on
body, brain, and behavior and how to change their understandings. For fun,
she bikes with her husband and walks her cat, Doughy.
ELIZABETH A. RIDER is professor of psychology and Registrar at

Iv.'vV.V
Elizabethtown College in Pennsylvania. She has also been on the faculty
at University of North Carolina at Asheville. She earned her undergrad-
uate degree from Gettysburg College and her doctorate from Vanderbilt
University. She has taught courses on child and life-span development,
women and gender issues, applied developmental psychology, and ge-
netic and environmental influences on development. She has published
research on children's and adults' spatial perception, orientation, and
y&t
MWCC««Mna»0aKMIMl»2al{ 5HB ability to find their way. Through a grant from the Pennsylvania State
System for Higher Education, she studied factors associated with aca-
demic success. The second edition of her text on the psychology of
women, Our Voices, was published by John Wiley & Sons in 2005. When
she is not working, her life revolves around her son and a fun-loving
springer spaniel.
C H A P T E R o n e
H o w S h o u l d We T l1111R H o w Is D e v e l o p m e n t a l Strengths and Weaknesses

about 1 )evelopment? of the Cross-Sectional Design
i
Strengths and Weaknesses
Defining Development The Scientific Method of the Longitudinal Design
Conceptualizing the Life Span Sample Selection Sequential Designs: The Best
of Both Worlds
Framing the Nature-Nurture Issue Data Collection
Verbal Reports
Behavioral Observations H o w D o We P r o t e c t
W h a t Is t h e b c i e n c e
Physiological Measurements t h e R i g h t s o:l R e s e a r c h
of Life-Span Development? The Experimental Participants?
Goals of Study and Correlational Methods
The Experimental Method
The Modern Life-Span Perspective H o w D o We I J n f l e r s t a n a
The Correlational Method
Developmental Research Designs •opmeiiu i n i t s
Age, Cohort, and Time E c o l o gtr>
ical Context?
of Measurement Effects
Cross-Sectional and Longitudinal
Designs
W H E N R O B E R T D O L E RAH f o r president in 1 9 9 6 at This book is about the development of humans like Ella
age 73, Ella Miller, nearing age I 16, did n o t think he was t o o Miller—and you—from conception to death. Among the fas-
old. Although she voted f o r Bill Clinton, she figured age was cinating and important questions it addresses are these: What
an advantage f o r D o l e : " I think h e s just beginning t o b e a man. does the world look like to newborn infants? Does the divorce
I've learned m o r e since I've b e c o m e o l d " (Tousignant, 1996). of a child's parents have lasting effects on the child's personal-
Born in T e n n e s s e e in 1 8 8 0 — 1 5 years after t h e Civil War, ity or later relationships with the other sex? Why do some col-
2 years b e f o r e Franklin D e l a n o R o o s e v e l t was b o r n , and lege students have more trouble than others deciding on a ma-
years b e f o r e t h e a u t o m o b i l e , much less t h e I n t e r n e t — M r s . jor or committing themselves to a serious relationship? Do
Miller was t h e eldest daughter o f f o r m e r slaves. S h e had only most adults really experience a midlife crisis in which they
t w o dresses as a child, and s h e recalls seeing h e r first airplane question what they have done with their lives? How do people
and thinking it was going t o fall on h e r (Tousignant, 1995). She typically change as they age, and how does retirement affect
received no formal education. She married but had no chil- them? It also takes on more fundamental questions: How does
dren. A f t e r her husband, Isaac, died at age 7 0 , s h e w o r k e d as a single fertilized egg cell evolve into an adult human being?
a d o m e s t i c helper f o r t w o elderly w o m e n until she retired How do genetic and environmental influences shape human
(at age 107!). O n e o f t h e growing n u m b e r o f c e n t e n a r i a n s development? How can we optimize development?
(people age 100 o r o l d e r ) in t h e United States, Mrs. Miller Do any of these questions intrigue you? Probably so, be-
spent her last years with her niece, remained active in cause we are all developing persons interested in ourselves and
church, spoke t o e l e m e n t a r y s c h o o l children a b o u t life in t h e the other developing people around us. Most college students
late 1800s, and s t o c k e d up on candy and c o o k i e s w h e n e v e r want to understand how they and those they know have been
she w e n t g r o c e r y shopping. S h e b e c a m e a celebrity, hosting affected by their experiences, how they have changed over the
Martin Luther King Jr. in h e r h o m e , meeting Presidents Bush years, and where they may be headed. Many students also have
(Sr.) and Clinton, and talking t o O p r a h W i n f r e y and Bill practical motivations for learning about human development—
C o s b y on t h e p h o n e (Frost, 2 0 0 0 ) . for example, a desire to be a better parent or to work more ef-
Mrs. Miller a t t r i b u t e d h e r long life t o n e v e r w o r r y i n g : " ! fectively as a psychologist, nurse, teacher, or other human ser-
t r y t o make life m o r e jolly than s a d " (Tousignant, 1 9 9 6 ) . S h e vices professional.
was pleased t o s h a r e h e r rules o f living:"Be o n t i m e , save This introductory chapter lays the groundwork for the re-
y o u r money, c a r e a b o u t o n e another, love life, love p e o p l e mainder of the book by addressing some of these basic ques-
and have a d e s i r e t o b e s o m e b o d y . All living is a b o u t love. tions about the nature of life-span human development and
Joy is in helping o t h e r s " ( F r o s t , 2 0 0 0 ) . Just e n t e r i n g h e r third describing ways to study it.
century, s h e died in 2 0 0 0 o f h e a r t failure at age I 19, as old
as humans g e t ("Ella Galbraith Miller," 2 0 0 0 ) .
H o w Slxould We Tliixil?
f all o u t Development?
We begin by asking what it means to say that humans "de-

velop" over the life span, how we can conceptualize the life
span, and how we can approach the single biggest issue in the
study of development, the nature-nurture issue.
Development can be defined as systematic changes and conti-

nuities in the individual that occur between conception and
death, or from "womb to tomb." Development entails many
changes; by describing these changes as systematic, we imply
that they are orderly, patterned, and relatively enduring—not
fleeting and unpredictable like mood swings. Development
also involves continuities, ways in which we remain the same
or continue to reflect our pasts.
The systematic changes and continuities of interest to stu-
dents of human development fall into three broad domains:
1. Physical development The growth of the body and its or-

gans, the functioning of physiological systems, the ap-
pearance of physical signs of aging, the changes in mo-
([ Centenarian Ella Miller, daughter of former slaves, at age I 15. tor abilities, and so on.
2. Cognitive development. The changes and continuities in
perception, language, learning, memory, problem solv-
ing, and other mental processes.
3. Psychosocial development The changes and carryover in
personal and interpersonal aspects of development, such
as motives, emotions, personality traits, interpersonal
skills and relationships, and roles played in the family
and in the larger society.
Even though developmentalists often specialize in one of

these three aspects of development, they appreciate that hu-
mans are whole beings and that changes in one area affect the
others. The baby who develops the ability to crawl, for exam-
ple, has new opportunities to develop her mind by exploring
the contents of shelves and cabinets and to hone her social
skills by trailing her parents from room to room.
How do you picture typical changes from birth to old
age? Many people picture tremendous positive gains in capac-
ity from infancy to young adulthood, little change during
early adulthood and middle age, and loss of capacities in the
later years. This stereotyped view of the life span is largely, al-
though not entirely, false. Nevertheless, it has some truth with
respect to biological development, for example. Traditionally,
biologists have defined growth as the physical changes that oc-
cur from conception to maturity. We indeed become biologi-
cally mature and physically competent during the early part of
the life span. Biological aging is the deterioration of organ- $iSm
isms (including humans) that leads inevitably to their death. mm
mm
Biologically, then, development involves growth in early life,

stability in early and middle adulthood, and declines associ-
ated with aging in later life.
Most modern developmental scientists have rejected this
([ The child is not the oniy developing person in this photo. Younger
simple model of the life span, however. They recognize that de-
members of the family contribute to the ongoing development of
velopmental change at any age involves both gains and losses.
their older relatives.
They appreciate, too, that people do not always improve or
worsen but instead become different (as when a child who once
feared loud noises comes to fear hairy monsters under the bed
instead). Development clearly means more than positive
growth during infancy, childhood, and adolescence. And aging What periods of the life span do you distinguish? Table 1.1
involves more than biological aging; it refers to a range of lists the periods that many of today's developmentalists regard
changes, positive and negative, in the mature organism. Because as distinct. You will want to keep them in mind as you read
both positive and negative changes—gains and losses—occur in this book, because we will constantly be speaking of infants,
every phase of the life span, we should not associate child de- preschoolers, school-age children, adolescents, and young,
velopment only with gains (Baltes, Lindenberger, & Staudinger, middle-aged, and older adults. Note, however, that the given
1998). For example, adults are more competent in many ways ages are only approximate. Age is only a rough indicator of
than children, but they are also more prone to depression level of development, and there are many differences among
(Gotlib & Hammen, 1992). Nor should we associate aging only individuals of the same age. This is especially true of elderly
with loss: expertise and wisdom often grow from early adult- adults, whom some people stereotype as "all alike" when they
hood to middle and later adulthood (Baltes, Lindenberger, & are probably more diverse than the members of any other age
Staudinger, 1998), and adults age 60 and older score higher on group (Andrews, Clark, & Luszcz, 2002).
vocabulary tests than adults ages 18 to 30 (Verhaeghen, 2003). Table 1.1 represents only one view of the periods of the
The common view is that in later life, "We fall apart and theres life span. Age—like gender, race, and other significant human
nothing to be done about it" (Cruikshank, 2003, p. 2). This is characteristics—means different things in different societies.
simply not true; for many,". . . old age is a time of ripening, of Each society has its own ways of dividing the life span and of
becoming most ourselves" (Cruikshank, 2003, p. 203). In short, treating the people who fall into different age groups. Each so-
development involves gains, losses, neutral changes, and conti- cially defined age group in a society—called an age grade or
nuities in each phase of the life span. age stratum—is assigned different statuses, roles, privileges,
J)
O
Table I . I An 0v<arview of Periods of the Life Span
Period of Life Age Range
Prenatal period Conception to birth

Infancy First 2 years of life
Preschool period 2 to 5 or 6 years (some prefer to describe
as toddlers children who have begun to
walk and are age 1 to 3)
Middle childhood 6 to about 12 (until the onset of
puberty)
Adolescence Approximately 12 to 20 (when the
individual is relatively independent of
parents and assumes adult roles)
Early adulthood 20 to 40 years € Each January 15 in Japan, 20-year-olds are officially pro-
Middle adulthood 40 to 65 years nounced adults in a national celebration and enter a new age
grade. Young women receive kimonos, young men receive suits,
Late adulthood 65 years and older
and all are reminded of their responsibilities to society. Young
adults also gain the right to drink, smoke, and vote.The modern
ceremony grew out of an ancient one in which young samurai
and responsibilities. We, for example, grant "adults" (18-year-
became recognized as warriors (Reid, 1993).The age-grading
olds by law in the United States) a voting privilege not granted system in Japanese culture clearly marks the beginning of
to children and give retail discounts to older adults but not to adulthood.
young or middle-aged adults. We also segregate children into
grades in school based on age. Just as high schools have "elite"
seniors and "lowly" freshmen, whole societies are layered into of when things should be done and when a person is ahead of
age grades. or behind the schedule dictated by age norms. Prompted by
Different societies have their own ways of dividing the life the social clock, for example, an unmarried 25-year-old may
span into socially meaningful periods, or age grades (Fry, feel thai lie should gel married before il is loo lale, or a child-
1999). In Western industrialized societies, the life span is often less 35-year-old might fear that she will miss her chance at
visualized as a straight line extending from birth to death. In parenthood unless she has a baby soon. Second, age norms af-
some cultures, however, the recognized phases include a pe- fect how easily people adjust to life transitions. Normal life
riod before birth and an afterlife, or the life span may be pic- events such as having children typically affect us more nega-
tured as a circle that includes reincarnation or some other way tively when they occur "off time" than when they occur "on
of being "recycled" and born again (Fry, 1985; Kojima 2003). time," at socially appropriate ages (McLanahan & Sorensen,
The St. Lawrence Eskimo simply distinguish between boys 1985). It can be challenging indeed to experience puberty as
and men (or girls and women), whereas the Arusha people of either an 8-year-old or an 18-year-old or to become a new
East Africa have six socially meaningful ages for males: youths, parent at 13 or 48.
junior warriors, senior warriors, junior elders, senior elders, Like age grades, age norms and the meaning of age differ
and retired elders (Keith, 1985). not only from culture to culture but also from subculture to
Once a society has established age grades, each society de- subculture. Our own society is diverse socioeconomically,
fines what people should and should not be doing at different racially, and ethnically, and African American, Hispanic
points in the life span. According to Bernice Neugarten and American, Native American, Asian American, and European
her colleagues (Neugarten, Moore, & Lowe, 1965), these ex- American children are likely to have different developmental
pectations, or age norms, are society's way of telling people experiences. Within each of these broad racial and ethnic
how to act their age. In our culture, for example, most people groups there are immense variations associated with such fac-
agree that 6-year-olds are too young to date or drink beer but tors as specific national origin, length of time in North
are old enough to attend school. We also agree that adults America, degree of integration into mainstream society, lan-
should leave home between the ages of 18 and 25, marry guage usage, and socioeconomic status. Generally, individuals
around age 25, and retire around age 65 (Neugarten, Moore, from lower-income families in this society tend to reach mile-
*
& Lowe, 1965; Settersten, 1998). In less-industrialized coun- stones of adulthood such as starting work, marrying, and
tries, where couples typically have children in their teens and having children earlier than individuals from middle-income
often become ill, disabled, and unable to work in middle age, families do (Shanahan, 2000).
age norms typically call for earlier achievement of such mile- Consider one example: Linda Burton (1996a) studied age
stones (Shanahan, 2000). norms in a low-income African American community and
Why are age norms important? First, they influence peo- found it is considered appropriate for a young woman to be-
ple's decisions about how to lead their lives. They are the basis come a mother at 16 and a grandmother at 34—earlier than
for what Neugarten (1968) termed the social clock—a sense in most middle-class communities, white or black. Teenage
mothers in this community looked to their own mothers and, brain contribute to cognitive changes such as increased mem-
especially, their grandmothers to help them care for their chil- ory skills and to psychosocial changes such as increased un-
dren. Similar norms prevail among low-income European derstanding of other people's feelings. Genetically influenced
Americans in rural Appalachia. It may seem unusual from a maturational processes guide all of us through many of the
middle-class perspective for children to be born to mothers so same developmental changes at about the same points in our
young and then to be raised largely by people other than their lives.
mothers and fathers. Yet it is not unusual in cultures around On the nurture side of the nature-nurture debate are
the world for child care responsibilities to be shared like this those who emphasize change in response to environment—all
with grandmothers and other relatives (Rogoff, 2003). Nor is the external physical and social conditions and events that can
there evidence that such care is damaging to development. affect us, from crowded living quarters and polluted air, to so-
As the Explorations box on page 6 illustrates, the mean- cial interactions with family members, peers, and teachers, to
ings of childhood, adolescence, and adulthood have also the broader cultural context in which we develop. Rather than
changed from historical period to historical period. Not until seeing maturation as the process behind development, those
the 17th and 18th centuries in Western cultures were children on the nurture side of the nature-nurture debate emphasize
viewed as innocents to be protected rather than as potential learning—the process through which experience (an aspect of
workers who should grow up quickly; not until the late 19th environment) brings about relatively permanent changes in
century was adolescence recognized as a distinct phase of the thoughts, feelings, or behavior. A certain degree of physical
life span; and not until the 20th century has our society de- maturation is clearly necessary before a child can dribble a
fined a period of middle age in which the nest is emptied of basketball, but careful instruction and long, hard hours of
children and a period of old age characterized by retirement. practice are just as clearly required if the child is to excel in
The broader message is clear: We must view development basketball.
in its historical, cultural, and subcultural context. We must If nature is important in development, we would expect
bear in mind that each social group settles on its own defini- all children to achieve similar developmental milestones at
tions of the life span, the age grades within it, and the norms similar times because of maturation, and we would expect dif-
appropriate to each age range, and that each grade experiences ferences among individuals to be largely caused by differences
its own set of life events. We must appreciate that the major in genetic makeup. If nurture or environment is important in
periods of the life span recognized today—adolescence, mid- development, we would expect humans to be alike if their en-
dle age, and so on—have not always been considered distinct vironments are alike but also expect human development to
and that they bring with them different experiences in differ- take different forms depending on the individuals life experi-
ent cultures. One of the most fascinating challenges in the ences. As you will see repeatedly in this book, developmental
study of human development is to understand which aspects changes are generally the products of a complex interplay be-
of development are universal and which aspects vary from so- tween nature (genetic endowment, biological influences, and
cial context to social context. maturation) and nurture (environmental influences, experi-
ences, and learning). It is not nature or nurture; it is nature
and nurture. To make matters more complex, it is nature af-
Framing the Nature-Nurture issue fecting nurture and nurture affecting nature. Much of the ex-
Developmental scientists want to understand the processes citement of developmental research comes from trying to de-
that shape human development, which means grappling with termine how these two forces combine to make us what we are
the nature-nurture issue, or the question of how biological (for example, see Ge, Donnellan, & Harper, 2003).
forces and environmental forces act and interact to make us Ponder this sample nature-nurture question. In the
what we are. We highlight this central issue in development United States, there is consistent evidence that, on average,
throughout the book. boys are more likely than girls to engage in physically aggres-
On the nature side of the debate are those who emphasize sive behavior and men commit m o r e violent crimes than
the influence of individual heredity, universal maturational women (Hyde, 1984; Knight, Fabes, & Higgins, 1996). Does
processes guided by the genes, biologically based predisposi- this sex difference reflect nature (biological differences be-
tions produced by evolution, and biological influences such as tween the sexes, such as different hormone balances) or nur-
hormones and brain growth spurts. To those who emphasize ture (for example, a tendency of parents to tolerate or even
nature, development is largely a process of maturation, the bi- encourage aggression in boys but to suppress it in girls)? How
ological unfolding of the individual according to a plan con- might you try to answer this nature-nurture question?
tained in the genes (the hereditary material passed from par- One approach is to find out whether sex differences in
ents to child at conception). Just as seeds turn into mature physical aggression are evident in different societies. This is
plants through a predictable process, humans "unfold" wi thin what prompted Robert Munroe and his colleagues (2000) to
the womb (assuming that they receive the necessary nourish- study aggression among 3- to 9-year-old children in four non-
ment from their environment). Their genetic program then industrialized societies from diverse parts of the globe: Belize,
makes it likely that they will walk and utter their first words at Kenya, Nepal, and American Samoa. In each society, 24 girls
about 1 year of age, achieve sexual maturity between 12 and and 24 boys were studied. Residents of the communities stud-
/
14, and gray in their 40s and 50s. Maturational changes in the ied were trained to observe children's social behavior, includ-
E very human lives and develops in a historical c o n t e x t . Being
a developing person today, therefore, differs from being a
developing person in o t h e r times. Moreover, the quick histor-
(Aries, 1962). Moreover, a 10-year-old convicted of stealing
could be hanged (Kean, 1937).
It is now clear that it is an exaggeration t o say that
ical t o u r that you are about t o take should convince you that p r e - 1 7 t h - c e n t u r y adults held a miniature-adult view o f child-
the phases o f the life span recognized today w e r e not always hood (Cunningham, 1996; Hanawalt, 2 0 0 3 ) . Parents through-
perceived as distinct and may not always be perceived as o u t history seem t o have recognized that children are differ-
distinct. ent from adults. Nevertheless, before t h e 17th and 18th
centuries, people in W e s t e r n societies pressured children t o
Childhood grow up, adopt adult roles, and contribute economically t o the
Phillippe Aries ( 1 9 6 2 ) conducted an ambitious historical analy- family's survival as soon as possible. During t h e 17th and 18th
sis and concluded that, before 1600, European societies had centuries, t h e modern c o n c e p t of childhood gradually c a m e
little c o n c e p t o f childhood as w e know it. Until then, he be- into being. Children c a m e t o be seen as m o r e distinctly
lieved, children w e r e viewed as miniature adults. In medieval childlike—as innocent beings w h o should be protected, given
Europe (A.D. 500-1500), for example, 6-year-olds were a proper moral and religious education, and taught skills such
dressed in miniature versions o f adult clothing and e x p e c t e d as reading and writing so that they would eventually b e c o m e
t o w o r k alongside adults at home, at a shop, o r in t h e fields good w o r k e r s (Cunningham, 1996).
T h e historical c o n t e x t of child development continues t o
change. S o m e o b s e r v e r s argue that modern society has been
reverting t o a medieval view of childhood—asking children t o
grow up quickly and t o c o p e with terrorists, drugs dealers,gun
violence, and o t h e r social ills (Efkind, 1992; Koops, 2 0 0 3 ) .
O t h e r s note that parents are m o r e anxious than ever before
a b o u t how t o raise children and less confident of their abili-
ties, given the challenges of modern life (Stearns, 2 0 0 3 ) . Might
w e be exposing children t o t o o many "adult" issues and situ-
ations t o o early in life? Maybe, but consider that children in
colonial America often slept in t h e same r o o m with their par-
ents and probably learned a bit about human sexuality in the
process, o r consider that the age of c o n s e n t for sexual rela-
tions was 12 o r younger as late as t h e end of the 19th cen-
tury ( C o o n t z , 2 0 0 0 b ) . Historians have discovered that the ex-
perience o f childhood is not clearly b e t t e r o r w o r s e than it
was in past eras; it is merely different. In all eras, it seems, par-
ents have tried t o be good p a r e n t s — b u t they have often
treated their children badly (Colon, 2 0 0 1 ) .
Adolescence
If t h e m o d e r n c o n c e p t of childhood a r o s e only during t h e
17th and 18th centuries, perhaps it is n o t surprising that
a d o l e s c e n c e — t h e transitional period b e t w e e n childhood
and adulthood that begins with puberty and ends when the in-
dividual has acquired adult competencies and responsibilities—
came t o be viewed as a distinct period of the life span in
W e s t e r n societies only at t h e end of the 19th century and be-
C Although medieval children were pressured to abandon their ginning o f t h e 2 0 t h c e n t u r y (Hine, 1999; Kett, 1977). B e f o r e
childish ways as soon as possible and were dressed like minia- t h e industrial revolution, w o r k t o o k place within t h e family
ture adults, it is doubtful that they were really viewed as minia- household; families farmed, built furniture, o r engaged in
ture adults. o t h e r trades at h o m e . Children c o n t r i b u t e d as they b e c a m e
able; age m a t t e r e d little (Gillis, 2 0 0 3 ) . Early in the industrial dramatically during this century in many c o u n t r i e s — a t first
revolution, factories needed cheap labor. At first they could because m o r e babies survived infancy and early childhood
make do with children; later they used immigrants. But as in- and m o r e recently because m o r e people are living into old
dustry advanced, it needed an educated labor f o r c e , so laws age (National Research Council, 2 0 0 1 ) . In 1900, the average
w e r e passed restricting child labor and making schooling life e x p e c t a n c y f o r a newborn born in the United States was
compulsory. By t h e middle of t h e 2 0 t h century, a d o l e s c e n c e a b o u t 4 7 years. By 2 0 0 1 , the life expectancy had climbed t o
had b e c o m e a distinct life stage in which youths spent their 7 7 years o v e r a l l — 8 0 for a white female, 75 for a black female,
days in s c h o o l — s e p a r a t e d from t h e adult world, living in 75 f o r a white male, and 6 9 for a black male (Freid e t al.,
their own p e e r culture, and s u b j e c t t o s t r o n g e r p e e r influ- 2003).
e n c e (Furstenberg, 2 0 0 0 ) . T h e makeup of t h e U.S. population also changed signifi-
As adolescents began t o attend college in large numbers cantly in t h e 20th century. In 1900, about 4 % of the population
after W o r l d W a r II, t h e age of entry into the adult world was was 6 5 and older. By t h e mid-1990s, the percentage was close
postponed further (Furstenberg, 2 0 0 0 ; Keniston, 1970).Today, t o I 3 % and climbing (Hobbs, 2 0 0 1 ) . Census takers are closely
many "emerging" adults spend years taking steps forward and watching t h e baby b o o m generation—the huge number of
steps backward (for example, leaving their parents' h o m e only people born between 1946 and 1 9 6 4 — m o v e into middle age.
t o return t o it) before they finally b e c o m e autonomous with By 2 0 3 0 , when m o s t baby b o o m e r s will have retired from
respect t o such key markers of adulthood as completing an work, an estimated 2 0 % of the U.S. population—one of five
education, leaving t h e nest, making a living, and forming a ro- Americans—will be 6 5 o r older (Hobbs, 2 0 0 1 ) . N o w o n d e r
mantic relationship ( C o h e n e t al., 2 0 0 3 ) . w e hear a lot about the challenges t o society that an aging
population will present.
Adyfthood W h a t are s o m e implications of t h e s e changes? As 20th-
Adulthood is also different today than it was in past eras. In century parents began t o bear fewer children and live long
ancient R o m e , t h e average age of death was 2 0 t o 30 years enough t o s e e their children empty t h e nest, W e s t e r n soci-
old; in t h e late 17th century, it was 35 t o 4 0 years (Dublin & eties began t o recognize middle age as a distinct period be-
Lotka, l 9 3 6 ) . T h e s e figures, which are averages, are low mainly tween early adulthood and old age (Moen & Wethington,
because so many m o r e infants died in t h e past. However, even 1999). Interestingly, middle age has been stereotyped as either
t h o s e lucky enough t o make it through early childhood had a time of midlife crisis and turmoil o r a time of stability and
relatively low odds, by modern standards, o f living t o be 65 o r little developmental change. It is now understood t o be a time
older. T h e average life e x p e c t a n c y has continued t o increase of good health, stable relationships, many responsibilities, and
high satisfaction for m o s t people. It is also a time when peo-
ple c o p e successfully with changes such as menopause and
o t h e r signs of aging and achieve peak levels of cognitive func-
tioning (Squires, 1999;Willis & Schaie, 1999).
T h e e x p e r i e n c e of old age also changed during t h e 20th
century, with the introduction of Social Security, Medicare, and
o t h e r such programs for t h e elderly (Cole, 1992). In earlier
centuries, people w h o survived t o old age literally worked un-
til they dropped; now they retire in their 60s. As a result, we
have c o m e t o define old age as t h e retirement phase of life.
Today's elderly adults also have fewer chronic diseases and dis-
abilities, and are less affected by t h e o n e s they have, than eld-
erly adults even a century ago (Costa, 2 0 0 2 ) . Kenneth Manton
estimated that today's 85-year-old is about as healthy as a 65-
year-old just 2 5 years ago (Trafford, 1996).
In sum, a g e — w h e t h e r it is 7, 17, o r 7 0 — h a s meant s o m e -
thing different in each historical era. And m o s t likely, the ex-
<T How might your childhood have been different if you had perience o f being 7, 17, o r 7 0 will be different in t h e 21 st cen-
worked in the coal mines like these boys? tury than it was in t h e 2 0 t h .
:
ing their aggressive behavior. Aggressive behavior was defined understand more fully why males, especially in some cultural
as assaulting (hitting, kicking, or otherwise attacking some- contexts, are more aggressive than females.
one), horseplay (roughhousing), and symbolic aggression >
(making insulting or threatening gestures or statements). Surnmir&g Up

As Figure 1.1 shows, boys exhibited more aggression than
Development is systematic changes and continuities over
girls in all four societies studied. Overall, about 10% of boys'
the life span, involving gains, losses, and neutral changes in
social behaviors, compared with 6 % of girls' behaviors, were
physical, cognitive, and psychosocial functioning; it is more
aggressive. Boys, and girls too, were especially likely to behave
than growth in childhood and biological aging in adulthood.
aggressively when they were in a group with a relatively large
It takes place in an historical and cultural context and is in-
number of boys. Munroe and his colleagues noted that male
fluenced by age grades, age norms, and social clocks.
play groups in which young males compete for dominance are
Concepts of the life span and its distinctive periods have
observed in primate species other than human beings.
changed over history and differ from culture t o culture. In
Establishing dominance in the peer group gives males an edge
the 17th-and 18th centuries, children came t o be seen as
in competing for mates and reproducing. As a result, genes
innocents; in the late 19th century, adolescence emerged as
that predispose males to be aggressive may have been built
a distinct phase; and only in the 20th century have we rec-
into the human genetic code over the course of evolution
ognized a middle-aged "empty nest:'" period and an old age
(Barash, 2002).The evidence in support of nature in Munroes
characterized by retirement. Finally development is brought
study is not strong, but it hints that genes could contribute to
about by the interaction of nature (biology and maturation)
gender differences in aggression.
and nurture (environment and learning). M
However, cultural differences in aggression—as well as in
the extent of gender differences in aggression—were also evi-
dent in this study. The two most patrilineal cultures (cultures
in which families are organized around male kin groups) were
Kenya and Nepal. These proved to be the cultures in which ag-
gressive behavior was most frequent (10-11% of social acts, as
opposed to 4 - 6 % in Belize and American Samoa). Moreover,
sex differences in aggression were sharpest in these patrilineal If development consists of systematic changes and continu-
cultures. The Black Carib of Belize, by contrast, are known as a ities from conception to death, the science of development
nonviolent people; they proved to be the least aggressive group consists of the study of those changes and continuities. In this
of children studied and the group in which boys and girls dif- section we consider the goals of the science of life-span devel-
fered least. As is often the case when we ask whether nature or opment, its origins, and the modern life-span perspective on
nurture is more important in development, these findings, like development.
those of other studies, suggest that both nature and nurture
contribute to gender differences in aggression—and make us
want to conduct more research, including studies examining
both biological and cultural differences between the sexes, to Three broad goals guide the study of life-span development: the
description, explanation, and optimization of development
(Baltes, Reese, & Lipsitt, 1980). To achieve the goal of descrip-
tion, developmental scholars characterize the behavior of hu-
mans of different ages and trace how that behavior changes
with age. They describe both normal development and individ-
Boys ual differences, or variations, in development. Although average
Girls trends in human development across the life span can be de
scribed, it is clear that no two people (even identical twins) de-
velop along precisely the same pathways. Some babies are con-
8
siderably more alert and active than others. Some 80-year-olds
are out on the dance floor; others are home in bed.
Description is the starting point in any science, but scien-
tists want to achieve their second goal, explanation. De-
velopmentalists seek to understand why humans develop as
they typically do and why some individuals develop differ-
ently than others. To do so, developmentalists study the con-
m tributions of nature and nurture to development.
Nepal Kenya American Belize The third goal is optimization of human development.
Samoa
How can humans be helped to develop in positive directions?
Figure h i Aggression among children in four cultures. How can their capacities be enhanced, how can developmen-
SOURCE: Based cn means reporlsc in Munroe et al. (2000) tal difficulties be prevented, and how can any developmental
problems that emerge be overcome? Pursuing the goal of op- may be because mental stimulation forms new connections
timizing development might involve evaluating ways to stim- among neurons in the brain, even an aging brain.
ulate intellectual growth in preschool programs, to prevent al- 5. Development is shaped by its historical-cultural context.
cohol abuse among college students, or to support elderly This theme, which has been introduced already, is illustrated
adults after the death of a spouse. well by the pioneering work of Glen Elder and his colleagues on
how the Great Depression of the 1930s affected the later life
courses and development of the era s children and adolescents
The Modern Life-Span Perspective (Elder, 1998; Elder, Liker, & Cross, 1984). A few years after the
Some early pioneers of the study of human development, the stock market crashed in 1929, one of three workers was unem-
subject of the Explorations box on page 10, viewed all phases ployed and many families were tossed into poverty (Rogler,
of the life span as worthy of study. However, the science of hu- 2002). Although many families survived the hardships of the
man development began to break into age-group specialty ar- Great Depression nicely, this economic crisis was harder on
eas during the 20th century. Some researchers focused on in- children than on adolescents, especially if their out-of-work
fant or child development, others specialized in adolescence, and demoralized fathers became less affectionate and less con-
and still others formed the specicilization called gerontology, sistent in disciplining them. When this was the case, children
the study of aging and old age. In the 1960s and 1970s, how- displayed behavior problems and had low aspirations and poor
ever, a true life-span perspective on human development records in school. As adults, the men had erratic careers and un-
began to reemerge. Paul Baltes (1987) has laid out seven stable marriages, and the women were seen by their own chil-
key assumptions of the life-span perspective (see Baltes, dren as ill tempered. Clearly the trajectories our lives take can be
Lindenberger, & Staudinger, 1998, for an elaboration). These affected for years by the social context in which we grow up.
are tremendously important themes that you will see echoed 6. Development is multiply influenced. Pioneers of the
throughout this book. study of development believed that development is caused by
1. Development is a lifelong process. Todays developmen- genetically programmed maturational processes. Learning
talists appreciate that human development is not just "kid theorists have argued just as strongly that how we develop is
stuff," that we change throughout the life span. They also be- the result of our unique learning experiences. It may be hu-
lieve that development in any period of life is best seen in the man nature to look for simple explanations of complex phe-
context of the whole life span. For instance, our understand- nomena. For example, many of us try to explain inexplicable
ing of adolescent career choices is bound to be richer if we events such as school shootings in terms of one cause, whether
concern ourselves with formative influences in childhood and it is a gene for aggression, permissive parenting, the availabil-
the implications of such choices for adult development. ity of guns, or too much violence in the media (Wachs, 2000).
2. Development is multidirectional. To many pioneers of Development is not so simple. Today s developmental scien-
its study, development was a universal process leading toward tists appreciate that human development is the product
more "mature" functioning. Today s developmentalists recog- of many interacting causes—both inside and outside the
nize that humans of any age can be experiencing growth in person, both biological and environmental. It is the often-
one set of capacities, decline in another set, and no change in unpredictable outcome of ongoing interactions between a
still another. changing person and her changing world.
3. Development involves both gain and loss. As noted ear- 7. Understanding development requires multiple disciplines.
lier, development at every age involves both growth and de- Because human development is influenced by everything from
cline. Gaining a capacity for logical thought as a school-age biochemical reactions to historical events, it is impossible for
child may mean losing some capacity for fanciful, imaginative
thinking the child had as a preschooler, for example.
4. Development is characterized by lifelong plasticity
Plasticity refers to the capacity to change in response to posi-
tive or negative experiences. Developmental scholars have long
known that child development can be damaged by a deprived
environment and optimized by an enriched one. It is now un-
derstood that this plasticity continues into later life—that the
aging process can be altered considerably depending on the in-
dividual's experiences. For example, elderly adults who have
been losing intellectual c\bilities can, with special training and
practice, regain some of those abilities (Baltes, Lindenberger, &
Staudinger, 1998). What is more, older adults who regularly
engage in mentally stimulating activities such as playing chess,
playing a musical instrument, and dancing (the dancer has to
think about the steps) are less likely than their mentally inac-
tive peers to develop Alzheimer's disease and other forms of <[ The plasticity of the brain is evident even in old age if people re-
dementia (Verghese et a!., 2003). Studies of animals tell us this main intellectually active.
^ 1 1 S S l ' v W - : ]
^J|J:t P i o n e e r s o f tlie S t u d y o f Li:Ee-Sgan Devel o p m e n t
J
ust as human development has changed through the ages, in studying people with rare conditions and disorders, when it
attempts t o understand development have evolved over is simply not possible t o assemble a large sample of people t o
time. Although philosophers have long expressed their views study, and it can be a good s o u r c e of hypotheses that can be
on t h e nature of humans and the proper methods of raising examined further in larger-scale studies.The main limitation of
children, it was not until the late 19th century that t h e first case studies is that conclusions based on a single case may not
scientific investigations of development w e r e undertaken. hold t r u e for o t h e r individuals; researchers cannot necessarily
Several scholars began t o carefully o b s e r v e t h e growth and generalize beyond the single case.
development o f their own children and t o publish their find- W e can give Darwin and o t h e r eminent baby biographers
ings in the form o f baby biographies. Perhaps t h e m o s t in- much credit for making human development a legitimate topic
fluential baby biographer was Charles Darwin (1809-1882), of study and influencing early views of it. Still, the man m o s t
w h o made daily r e c o r d s of his son's development (Darwin,
1877; see also Charlesworth, 1992). Darwin's curiosity a b o u t
child development s t e m m e d from his interest in evolution.
Q u i t e simply, he believed that infants share many characteris-
tics with their nonhuman a n c e s t o r s and that understanding
the development of t h e individual e m b r y o and child can offer
insights into t h e evolution o f t h e species. Darwin's evolution-
ary perspective strongly influenced early theories of human
development, which emphasized universal, biologically based
maturational changes (Cairns, 1998; Parke et al., 1994).
Baby biographies left much t o be desired as w o r k s of sci-
ence, however. Because different baby biographers emphasized
different aspects of their children's behavior, baby biographies
w e r e difficult t o compare. Moreover, parents are n o t entirely
objective o b s e r v e r s of their own children, and early baby bi-
ographers may have let their assumptions a b o u t evolution and
development bias their observations. Finally, each baby biogra-
phy was based on a single child—often the child of a distin-
guished family.The case study method—an in-depth exam-
ination o f an individual that often involves compiling and
analyzing information from a variety of sources, such as ob-
servation, testing, and interviewing the person o r people w h o
know her—is still used today.The case study method can pro-
vide rich information about the complexities o f an individual's <L G. Stanley Hall is widely recognized as the founder of the sci-
development and t h e influences on it. It is particularly useful entific study of human development.
one discipline to have all the answers. A full understanding of baby biographies w r i t t e n by Charles D a r w i n and others.
human development will come only when many disciplines, Through his use o f surveys and his attention t o all phases o f
each with its own perspectives and tools of study, join forces. t h e life span, including t h e s t o r m and stress o f adolescence,
Anthropologists, biologists, historians, psychologists, sociolo- A m e r i c a n psychologist G. Stanley Hall came t o be regarded
gists, and many others have something to contribute. Some as t h e f o u n d e r o f developmental psychology. By adopting
universities have established interdisciplinary human develop- t h e m o d e r n life-span perspective on human development
ment programs that bring members of different disciplines to- set f o r t h by Baltes, w e assume that development ( I ) occurs
gether to forge more integrated perspectives on development. t h r o u g h o u t the life span, (2) can take many different direc-
tions, (3) involves gains and losses at every age, (4) is char-
acterized by plasticity (5) is affected by its historical and cul-
5ymmiog Up
tural c o n t e x t (6) is influenced by multiple interacting causal
T h e study o f life-span d e v e l o p m e n t guided by t h e goals o f factors, and (7) can best be understood if scholars f r o m
description, explanation, and optimization, began w i t h t h e multiple disciplines join forces t o understand i t H
H
HsaSm There is nothing mysterious about the scientific method. It
is both a method and an attitude—a belief that investigators
should allow their systematic observations (or data) to de-
termine the merits of their thinking. For example, for every
"expert" who believes that psychological differences be-
tween males and females are largely biological in origin,
often cited as t h e founder of developmental psychology is
there is likely to be another expert who just as firmly insists
G . Stanley Hall ( 1 8 4 6 - 1 9 2 4 ) , t h e first president of t h e
that boys and girls differ because they are raised differently.
American Psychological Association. Well aware of the
shortcomings of baby biographies, Hall attempted t o collect
Whom should we believe? It is in the spirit of the scientific
m o r e objective data on large samples of individuals. He de- method to believe the data—that is, the findings of re-
veloped a now all-too-familiar research tool, the question- search. The scientist is willing to abandon a pet theory if the
naire, t o explore " t h e c o n t e n t s of children's minds" (Hall, data contradict it. Ultimately, then, the scientific method
1891). By asking children questions a b o u t every conceivable can help the scientific community and society at large weed
topic, he discovered that children's understanding of t h e out flawed ideas.
world grows rapidly during childhood and that t h e "logic" o f The scientific method involves a process of generating
young children is often not logical. ideas and testing them by making observations. Often, pre-
Hall w e n t on t o write an influential book, Ado/escence liminary observations provide ideas for a theory—a set of
(1904).Strongly influenced by Darwin's evolutionary theory, concepts and propositions intended to describe and explain
Hall drew parallels between adolescence and t h e turbulent some aspect of experience. Jean Piaget, for instance, observed
period in the evolution of human society during which bar- his own children's development and used these observations
barism gave way t o modern civilization. Adolescence, then, as the basis for his influential theory of cognitive development
was a t e m p e s t u o u s period of the life span, a time of e m o - (see Chapter 7).
tional ups and downs and rapid changes—a time of what
Theories generate specific predictions, or hypotheses, re-
Hall called storm and stress. Thus it is Hall w e have t o
garding a particular set of observations. Consider, for exam-
thank for the notion that m o s t teenagers are emotionally
ple, a theory claiming that psychological differences between
unstable—a largely inaccurate notion, as it turns out
the sexes are largely caused by differences in the ways that par-
(Arnett, 1999). Yet as Chapter 5 and o t h e r parts of this
ents and other adults treat boys and girls. Based on this the-
b o o k will reveal, Hall may have been right t o mark adoles-
ory, a researcher might hypothesize that if parents grant boys
c e n c e as a time of dramatic changes because substantial
changes in t h e brain and in cognitive functioning take place
and girls the same freedoms, the two sexes will be similarly in-
during this period. dependent, whereas if parents let boys do more things than
they let girls do, boys will be more independent than girls.
Hall capped his remarkable c a r e e r by turning his atten-
tion t o the end of the life span in Senescence ( 1 9 2 2 ) , an
Suppose that the study designed to test this hypothesis indi-
analysis of how society t r e a t s (or, really, mistreats) its older cates that boys are more independent than girls no matter
m e m b e r s . Although his methods w e r e limited by modern how their parents treat them. Then the hypothesis would be
standards, and although his ideas about evolution and its re- disconfirmed by the findings, and the researcher would want
lation t o periods o f human development w e r e flawed, he to rethink this theory of sex-linked differences. If other hy-
deserves much credit for stimulating scientific research on potheses based on this theory were inconsistent with the facts,
t h e entire human life span and for raising many important the theory would have to be significantly revised or aban-
questions about it (Cairns, 1998). doned in favor of a better theory.
This, then, is the heart of the scientific method: Theories
generate hypotheses tested through observation of behavior,
and new observations indicate which theories are worth keep-
ing and which are not (see Figure 1.2).
H o w Is D e v e l o p m e n t a l
Any study of development focuses on a particular research
Researcn Conducted? sample (the group of individuals studied) with the intention
of generalizing to a larger population from which the sample
How do developmental scholars gain understanding of the is drawn (a well-defined group such as premature infants,
complexities of life-span development? Through the scientific American high school students, or Chinese elders). Although
method used in any physical or social science. Let us review it is probably advocated more than it is used, the best ap-
for you, briefly, some basic concepts of scientific research and proach is to study a random sample of the population of
then turn to research strategies devised specifically for de- interest—a sample formed by identifying all members of the
scribing, explaining, and optimizing development. larger population and then, by a random means (such as
approaches. Hubbard was interested in the relationship be-
Initial Formulate Propose
tween anger and two styles of aggression among 8-year-olds,
observations theory hypothesis
*as determined by teachers' responses to questions about chil-
dren's behavior in the classroom: a "hot" kind of aggression in
Keep which children hit, pinch, and otherwise abuse other children
Reject when provoked, and a cooler, more calculating style of aggres-
and/or refine
current theory current theory sion in which children use aggression to get what they want.
The researchers expected aggressive children of the first type
to be more likely than aggressive children of the second type
to become angry in a laboratory situation in which another
child (a confederate of the researchers) cheated shamelessly in
Do research data a board game about astronauts and won.
confirm hypothesis? Obviously the researchers needed a way to measure anger
in the anger-provoking situation. How would you measure it?
t Verbal Reports
New observations
(research data) Interviews, written questionnaires or surveys, and tests and
scales designed to measure abilities or personality traits all in-
t volve asking people questions either about themselves (self-
Design research report measures) or about someone else (for example, child be-
to test havior as reported by parents or teachers). These verbal report
hypothesis measures are often standardized, meaning that they ask the
same questions in precisely the same order for everyone so that
Figure L 2 The scientific method in action. the responses of different individuals can be directly compared.
Hubbard's research team used a verbal report measure-
ment to assess anger. The researchers had the children in the
study watch a videotape of all the turns in the game they
drawing names blindly), selecting a portion of that popula- played with Lhe cheating confederate, stopped the tape at each
tion to study Random sampling increases confidence that the turn, and asked each child, "How angry did you feel now?"
sample studied is representative of the larger population of in- The child responded on a four-point scale ranging from 1 (not
terest and therefore that conclusions based on studying the at all) to 4 (a lot). The researchers were able to use these rat-
sample will be true of the whole population. ings to calculate for each child an average degree of self-
In practice, developmentalists often draw their samples— reported anger over the entire game and to look at changes in
sometimes random, sometimes not—from their local com- degree of anger as the game progressed.
munities. Thus, researchers might survey a random sample of Although self-report and other verbal report methods are
students at local high schools about their drug use but then be widely used to study human development, they have short-
unable to make statements about American teenagers in gen- comings. First, self-report measures typically cannot be used
eral if, for example, the school is in a suburb where drug-use with infants, young children, or other individuals who cannot
patterns are different than they might be in an inner-city area. read or understand speech well. Informant surveys, question-
They would certainly be unable to generalize about Kenyan or naires, or interviews are often used in these situations instead.
Brazilian high school students. As a result, researchers must be Second, because individuals of different ages may not under-
careful to describe the characteristics of the sample they stud- stand questions in the same way, age differences in responses
ied and to avoid ovcrgcneralizing their findings to populations may reflect age differences in comprehension or interpreta-
that might be socioeconomically or culturally different from tion rather than age differences in the quality of interest to the
the research sample (Rogoff, 2003). researcher. Developmental researchers always face the chal-
lenge of ensuring that their data-gathering tools measure the
same thing at all ages they intend to study. Finally, respon-
dents may try to present themselves (or those they are provid-
No matter what aspect of human development we are inter- ing information about) in a positive or socially desirable light.
ested in—such as the formation of bonds between infants and
their parents, adolescent drug use, or memory skills in elderly Behavioral Observations
adults—we must find appropriate ways to measure what in- Naturalistic observation involves observing people in their
terests us. Look briefly at some pros and cons of three major common, everyday (that is, natural) surroundings (Pellegrini,
methods of data collection used by developmental re- 1996). Ongoing behavior is observed in homes, schools, play-
searchers: self-report measures, behavioral observations, and grounds, workplaces, nursing homes, or wherever people are
physiological measurements. We illustrate them with a study going about their lives. Naturalistic observation has been used
by Julie Hubbard and her colleagues (2002) that used all three to study child development more often than adult develop-
ment, largely because infants and young children often cannot quently wear sensors when they go into space!). Emotionally
be studied through self-report techniques that demand verbal aroused people, including angry ones, often have sweaty
skills. The greatest advantage of naturalistic observation is palms and show low skin conductance, or electrical resistance
that it is the only technique that can tell what children or of the skin, as measured by electrodes attached to the hand.
adults do in everyday life. Their emotional arousal is also given away by a high heart
Yet naturalistic observation has its limitations. First, some rate, measured through electrodes on the chest.
behaviors (for example, heroic efforts to help other people) Physiological measurements have the advantage of being
occur too infrequently and unexpectedly to be observed in hard to fake; the person who tells you she is not angry may be
this manner. Second, it is difficult to pinpoint the causes of the aroused, and the adolescent who claims not to take drugs may be
behavior, or of any developmental trends in the behavior, be- given away by a blood test. Physiological measurements are also
cause in a natural setting many events are usually happening particularly useful in the study of infants because infants cannot
at the same time, any of which may be affecting behavior. tell us verbally what they are thinking or feeling. The main lim-
Finally, the mere presence of an observer can sometimes make itation of physiological measurements is that it is not always
people behave differently than they otherwise would. Children clear what they are assessing. In Hubbard's study, for example,
may "ham it up" when they have an audience; parents may be skin conductance was related to the other measures of anger as
on their best behavior. Therefore, researchers sometimes expected but heart rate was not. The researchers noted that indi-
videotape the proceedings from a hidden location or spend viduals' heart rates slow when they are interested in something,
time in the setting before they collect their "real" data so that so in the Hubbard study a slow heart rate may have meant either
the individuals they are observing become used to their pres- high interest or low anger, making its meaning ambiguous.
ence and behave more naturally These, then, are the most commonly used techniques of
To achieve greater control over the conditions under collecting data about human development: verbal report
which they gather behavioral data, researchers often use struc- measures (interviews, questionnaires, and tests), behavioral
tured observation; that is, they create special conditions de- observation (both naturalistic and structured), and physiolog-
signed to elicit the behavior of interest. Hubbard used struc- ical measures. Because each method has its limitations, knowl-
tured observation by setting up the astronaut game situation edge is advanced the most when multiple methods are used to
and having the confederate cheat to provoke children's anger. study the same aspect of human development and these differ-
The confederate was carefully trained to behave exactly the ent methods lead to similar conclusions. In the Hubbard study,
same with each of the 7.7?. participants in the study. Sessions the use of multiple methods of assessing anger allowed the re-
were videotaped; Hubbard then trained graduate and under- searchers to distinguish between children showing "hot" and
graduate students to code second by second whether the par- "cool" types of aggression, but only on some scales (especially,
ticipants5 facial expressions were angry, sad, happy, or neutral the structured observations of nonverbal behavior and the
and whether they showed nonverbal signs of anger (for exam- physiological skin conductance measurement).
ple, slamming game pieces on the table). Pairs of observers
coded some of the same videotapes to ensure that they would
come to similar conclusions about what facial emotion or
nonverbal behavior was being expressed. (Some other studies
of emotional expression use coding systems that measure dis- Once developmental scientists have formulated hypotheses,
crete movements of parts of the face.) chosen a sample, and figured out what they want to measure
Structured observation permits the study of behaviors
rarely observable in natural settings. By exposing all research
participants to the same stimuli, this approach also increases
the investigator's ability to compare the effect of a stimulus on
different individuals. Concerns about this method center on
whether conclusions based on behavior in specially designed
settings will generalize to behavior in natural settings.
Physiological M e a s u r e m e n t s
Finally, developmental scientists sometimes take physiological
measurements to assess variables of interest to them; for ex-
ample, they use brain scanning techniques to measure the ac-
tivity in particular parts of the brain while individuals engage
in learning tasks, chart changes in hormone levels in
menopausal women, or collect measurements of heart rate
and other signs of arousal to assess emotions.
Hubbard's team collected data on two physiological € Physiological measurement techniques include measuring brain ac-
measures of anger by attaching electrodes to children's hands tivity through electrodes attached to the scalp as infants respond to
and chests (after convincing the children that astronauts fre- different stimuli.
and how to measure it, they can test their hypotheses. The
most powerful research method for explaining behavior and
identifying the causes of developmental changes in behavior is
the experiment. When experiments cannot be conducted, cor-
relational research techniques may suggest answers to impor-
tant why questions.
The Experimental Method

In an experiment, an investigator manipulates or alters some
aspect of the environment to see how this affects the behav-
ior of the sample of individuals studied. Consider an exper-
iment conducted by Lynette Friedrich and Aletha Stein
(1973) some years ago to study how different kinds of televi-
sion programs affect the social behavior of preschool chil-
dren. These researchers divided children in a nursery school
€ Many studies demonstrate that observational learning of aggression
into three groups: one group was exposed to violent car-
occurs among children who watch a lot of violence on television.
toons such as Superman and Batman (aggressive treatment
condition), another group watched episodes of Mister
Rogers' Neighborhood portraying many helpful and coopera- This study has the three critical features shared by any
tive acts (prosocial treatment condition), and a third group true experiment:
saw programs featuring circuses and farm scenes with 1. Manipulation of the independent variable. Investigators
neither aggressive nor altruistic themes (neutral control must arrange for different groups to have different experi-
condition). ences so that the effects of those experiences can be assessed.
The goal of an experiment is to see whether the different If investigators merely compare children who already watch a
treatments that form the independent variable—the variable lot of violent television and children who watch little, they
manipulated so that its causal effects can be assessed—have cannot establish that violent television watching causes in-
differing effects on the behavior expected to be affected, the creased aggression.
dependent variable in the experiment. The independent vari- 2. Random assignment of individuals to treatment condi-
able in Friedrich and Stein s experiment was the type of tele- tions. Random assignment of participants to experimental
vision children watched—a variable with three possible values conditions (for example, by drawing names from a jar) is a
in their study: aggressive, prosocial, or neutral. One depend- way of ensuring that the treatment groups are similar in all re-
ent variable that Friedrich and Stein chose to study was ag- spects at the outset (in previous tendencies to be aggressive or
gressive behavior. Any variable represents one specific way of helpful, in socioeconomic status, and in all other individual
measuring a concept of interest. Friedrich and Stein chose to characteristics that could affect social behavior). Only if ex-
use a complicated naturalistic observation system to count perimental groups are similar in all respects initially can re-
several types of aggression actions toward classmates in the searchers be confident that differences among groups at the
nursery school. Behavior was observed before each child spent end of the experiment were caused by differences in the ex-
a month watching daily episodes of one of the three kinds of perimental treatments they received.
television programs and was recorded again after that period 3. Experimental control In a true experiment with proper
to see if it had changed. The independent variable is the hy- experimental control, all factors other than the independent
pothesized cause, and the dependent variable is the effect, variable are controlled or held constant so that they cannot
when cause-effect relationships are studied. Similarly, if re- contribute to differences among the treatment groups.
searchers were testing drugs to improve memory function in Friedrich and Stein ensured that children in the three treat-
elderly adults with Alzheimer's disease, the type of drug ad- ment conditions were treated similarly except for the type of
ministered (for example, a new drug versus a placebo with no television they watched. It would have ruined the experiment,
active ingredients) would be the independent variable and for example, if the children exposed to violent programs had
performance on a memory test battery would be the depen- to watch them in a small, crowded room where tempers might,
dent variable. flare but the children in the other two groups watched in
So, did the number of aggressive behaviors observed "de- larger, less crowded rooms. The variable of interest, the type of
pend on" the independent variable, the type of television TV watched, would then be confounded, or entangled, with
watched? Children who watched violent programs became the degree of crowding in the room, and the researchers would
more aggressive than children who watched prosocial or neu- have been unable to separate the effects of one from those of
tral programs—but only if they were already relatively aggres- the other.
sive. Thus, this experiment demonstrated a clear cause-effect The greatest strength of the experimental method is its
relationship, although only for some children, between the ability to establish unambiguously that one thing causes an-
kind of behavior children watched on television and their own other—that manipulating the independent variable causes a
subsequent behavior. change in the dependent variable. When experiments are
properly conducted, they contribute to our ability to explain and Stein's experiment on this topic? In a well-designed cor-
human development and sometimes help us to optimize it. relational study, L. Rowell Huesmann and his colleagues
Does die experimental method have limitations? (2003) correlated elementary school children's TV viewing
Absolutely! First, the findings of laboratory experiments do with their aggressive behavior as adults 15 years later. Children
not always hold true in the real world, especially if the situa- picked their favorites from lists of TV programs and indicated
tions created in laboratory experiments are artificial and un- how often they watched so that a self-report measure of the
like the situations that people encounter in everyday life. Urie amount of violent TV watched could be created. The re-
Bronfenbrenner (1979), who has been critical because so searchers then correlated the TV-watching measure with a
many developmental studies are contrived experiments, once measure of adult aggressive behavior that combined in one in-
charged that developmental psychology had become "the sci- dex criminal behavior, traffic violations, spouse abuse, physi-
ence of the strange behavior of children in strange situations cal aggression, and other such behavior.
with strange adults'5 (p. 19). Experiments often show what can Huesmann and his colleagues were then able to deter-
cause development but not necessarily what does most mine the strength of the relationship between these two vari-
strongly shape development in natural settings (McCall, ables by calculating a correlation coefficient—a measurement
1977). of the extent to which individuals' scores on one variable are
A second limitation of the experimental method is that it systematically associated with their scores on another variable.
cannot be used to address many significant questions about A correlation coefficient (symbolized as r) can range in value
human development for ethical reasons. How would you con- from +1.00 to —1.00. A positive correlation between TV
duct a true experiment to determine how older women are af- viewing and aggression would indicate that as the number of
fected by their husbands' deaths, for example? You would need hours of TV children watch increases, so does the number of
to identify a sample of elderly women, randomly assign them aggressive acts they commit (see Figure 1.3, Panel A). A posi-
to either the experimental group or the control group, then tive correlation of r = +0.90 indicates a stronger, more pre-
manipulate the independent variable by leaving the control dictable positive relationship than a smaller positive correla-
group participants alone but killing the husband of each tion such as r = +0.30. A negative correlation would result if
woman in the experimental group. Ethical principles obvi- the heaviest TV viewers were consistently the least aggressive
ously demand that developmentalists use methods other than children and the lightest viewers were the most aggressive
true experimental ones to study questions about the effect of children (see Panel B). A correlation near 0.00 would be
widowhood—and many other important questions about de obtained if there was no relationship between the two
velopment. variables—if it was impossible to predict how aggressive chil-
Researchers sometimes study how a program or interven- dren would be based on their TV-viewing habits (see Panel C).
tion affects development through a quasi experiment—an Huesmann's team found the positive relationship they
experiment-like study that evaluates the effects of different predicted between watching violent TV as a child and engag-
treatments but does not randomly assign individuals to treating in aggressive and antisocial behavior as an adult. People
ment groups. A gerontologist, for example, might conduct a who watched a great deal of violent TV as children, whether
quasi experiment to compare the adjustment of widows who they were male or female, had higher composite aggression
choose to participate in a support group for widows and those scores as adults than did people who had watched less violence
who do not. When individuals are not randomly assigned to as children. But does this correlational study firmly establish
treatment groups, however, uncontrolled differences among that watching action-packed programs causes children to be-
the groups studied could influence the results (for example, come more aggressive? Or can you think of alternative expla-
the widows who seek help might be more sociable than those nations for the correlation between watching TV and aggres-
who do not). As a result, the researcher is not able to make sion?
strong statements about what caused what, as in a true exper- One possibility in correlational studies is that the direc-
iment. tion of the cause-effect relationship is reversed. That is, expo-
sure to violent TV may not cause children to become aggres-
T h e Correlational Method sive, but aggressive children may be more likely than other
Largely because of ethical issues, most developmental research children to seek blood and gore on TV. However, this problem
today is correlational rather than experimental. The correla- of determining the directionality of causation was not as
tional method generally involves determining whether two or bothersome in Huesmann's study as it is in correlational stud-
more variables are related in a systematic way. Researchers do ies that measure both variables of interest at the same time. It
not randomly assign participants to treatment conditions, is difficult to argue that aggression in adulthood caused vio-
manipulate the independent variable, or control other factors, lent TV watching in childhood. Moreover, Huesmann col-
as in an experiment. Instead, researchers take people as they lected data on how aggressive children in his sample were dur-
are and attempt to determine whether there are relationships ing childhood. He was then able to demonstrate that,
among their experiences, characteristics, and developmental although more aggressive children watch more violent TV
outcomes. than other children do, watching violent TV predicts becom-
How might a correlational study of the effects of televi- ing an aggressive adult even controlling for how aggressive
sion on children's aggressive behavior differ from Friedrich, these adults were as children.
A second possibility in correlational studies is that the as-
sociation between the two variables is caused by some third vari-
able. An example of such a third variable might be parental re-
jection. Some children might have parents who are harsh and
rejecting, and they might watch more TV than most children
to avoid unpleasant interactions with their parents. They may
be aggressive because they are angry and upset about being
rejected. If so, watching TV did not cause these children
r = +0.60 to become more aggressive than their peers. Rather, a third
variable—parental rejection—may have caused both their ag-
gressive ways and their TV-viewing habits.
Thus, the correlational method has one major limitation:
it cannot unambiguously establish a causal relationship be-
tween one variable and another the way an experiment can.
Hours of TV watched per week Correlational studies can suggest that a causal relationship ex-
ists, however. Indeed, Huesmann s team used complex statisti-
cal techniques in which a correlation is corrected for the in-
fluence of other variables to show that watching violent
television in childhood probably contributed to aggression in
adulthood. Several potential third variables, including
parental rejection, low socioeconomic status, and low intelli-
gence quotient (IQ)—all correlated with both watching vio-
lent TV and aggression—were ruled out as explanations of the
relationship between TV viewing and aggression. Still, despite
all their efforts to establish that the direction of the cause-
r = -0.60
effect relationship is from watching violent TV to aggression
rather than vice versa, and to rule out possible third variables
that could explain the TV-aggression relationship, Huesmamfs
team could not establish a definite cause-effect link because of
the correlational nature of the study.
Despite this key limitation, the
„ correlational method is
Hours of TV watched per week -r
extremely valuable. First, as already noted, many problems can

be addressed only through the correlational method (or
through quasi experiments) because it would be unethical to
conduct'certain experiments. Second, correlational studies al-
low researchers to learn about how multiple factors operating
in the "real world" conspire to influence development.
Because life-span development is influenced by multiple fac-
tors rather than one factor at a time, experiments are not
enough. Today's developmental researchers rely on complex
correlational designs and statistical methods to understand
r= 0.00 relationships among potential causal factors such as life expe-
riences and personal characteristics and to understand their
joint contributions to good or poor developmental outcomes
(Wachs, 2000). See Table 1.2 for a comparison of experimen-
tal and correlational methods.
Overall, the ability to understand why humans develop as
(C) Hours of TV watched per week they do is advanced the most when the results of different
Figure 3.3 Plots of hypothetical correlations between the amount kinds of studies converge—when experiments demonstrate a
of TV children watch and the number of aggressive acts they display. clear cause-effect relationship under controlled conditions
Each dot represents a specific child who watches a high, medium, or and correlational studies reveal that the same relationship
low amount of TV and commits a high, medium, or low number of seems to be operating in everyday life, even in the context of
aggressive acts. Panel A shows a positive correlation between televi- other possible causes. The results of multiple studies address-
sion watching and aggression: the more TV children watch, the more ing the same question can be synthesized to produce overall
aggressive they are. Panel B shows a negative correlation: the more
conclusions through the research method of meta-analysis
TV children watch, the less aggressive they are. Finally, Panel C shows
(Glass, McGaw, & Smith, 1981; Lipsey & Wilson, 2001). As one
zero correlation: the amount of TV watched is unrelated to the
meta-analysis of research on the link between watching vio-
amount of aggression displayed.
Table 1.2 A Comparison of the Experimental Method and the Correlational Method
Experimental Method Correlational Method
Manipulation of an independent variable (investigator Study of people who have already had different experiences
exposes participants to different experiences)
Random assignment to treatment groups to ensure Assignment by "nature" to groups (groups may not be similar in all
similarity of group respects)
Experimental control of extraneous variables Lack of control over extraneous variables
Can establish a cause-effect relationship between Can suggest but not firmly establish that one variable causes another
independent variable and dependent variable
May not be possible for ethical reasons Can be used to study issues that cannot be studied experimentally for
ethical reasons
May be artificial (findings from contrived experimental Can study multiple influences operating in natural settings (findings
settings may not generalize well to the "real world") may generalize better to the "real world")
lence on television and behaving aggressively showed, there Finally, time of measurement effects in developmental
was a reliable relationship between the two (Anderson & research are the effects of historical events and trends occur-
Bushman, 2002; Bushman & Anderson, 2001). The magnitude ring when the data are collected (for example, effects of 9/11
of the correlation is usually between +0.10 and +0.30. That or of the creation of the World Wide Web). Time of measure-
may seem small, but it is larger than the average correlation ment effects are not unique to a particular cohort but can
between calcium intake and bone mass or between time spent affect anyone alive at the time. Once you are aware that
doing homework and academic achievement (Bushman & age, cohort, and time of measurement can all influence devel-
Anderson, 2001). Moreover, the relationship shows up in opmental research findings, you can appreciate that both the
studies using the correlational method and in studies using cross-sectional and the longitudinal designs have their
the experimental method and in both laboratory and natura- limitations.
listic settings.
Cross-Sectional and Longitudinal Designs
In a cross-sectional design, the performances of people of dif-
ferent age groups, or cohorts, are compared. A researcher in-
Along with the experimental and correlational methods used terested in the development of vocabulary might gather sam-
by all kinds of researchers to study relationships between vari- ples of speech from several 2-, 3-, and 4-year-olds; calculate
ables, developmental researchers need specialized research de- the mean (or average) number of distinct words used per
signs to study how people change and remain the same as they child for each age group; and compare these means to describe
get older. To achieve the goal of describing development, re- how the vocabulary sizes of children age 2, 3, and 4 differ. The
searchers have relied extensively on two types of research de- cross-sectional study provides information about age differ-
signs: the cross-sectional design and the longitudinal design. ences. By seeing how different age groups differ, researchers
A third type of design, the sequential study, has come into use can attempt to draw conclusions about how performance
in an attempt to overcome the limitations of the other two changes with age.
techniques. First look at three influences on the outcomes of In a longitudinal design, the performance of one cohort
developmental studies, then explore the strengths and weak- of individuals is assessed repeatedly over time. The language
nesses of the cross-sectional and longitudinal designs. development study just described would be longitudinal
rather than cross-sectional if a researcher identified a group of
A g e , C o h o r t , and T i m e of M e a s u r e m e n t Effects 2-year-olds, measured their vocabulary sizes, waited a year
Developmental studies can be influenced by three factors: age until they were age 3 and measured their vocabularies again,
effects, cohort effects, and time of measurement effects. Age did the same thing a year later when they were age 4, then
effects are the effects of getting older. What interests re- compared the mean scores of these same children at the three
searchers in any developmental study is the relationship be- ages. In any longitudinal study, whether it covers only a few
tween age and an aspect of development. Cohort effects are months in infancy or 50 years, the same individuals are stud-
the effects of being born in a particular historical context. Any ied as they develop. Thus, the longitudinal design provides in-
cohort is a group of people born at the same time, either in formation about age changes rather than age differences.
the same year or within a specified span of years (that is, as Now, does it matter whether researchers choose the cross-
part of a particular generation). People who are in their 80s sectional or the longitudinal design to describe development?
today not only are older than people in their 50s and 20s but Suppose a team of researchers was interested in whether atti-
also belong to a different cohort or generation and have had tudes about the roles of men and women in society typically
different formative experiences. become more traditional or more liberated over the adult
years. Suppose they conducted a longitudinal study by admin-
istering the gender-role questionnaire three times to a group o
Q_
of men and women: in 1960 (when the men and women were E
CD Cross-sectional
30); in 1980 (when they were 50), and in 2000 (when they H—1
c
o
were 70). But in 2000, another research team conducted a GO O
0
cross-sectional study of this same question, comparing the -o
gender-role attitudes of adults 30, 50, and 70 years old at that cci
time. Figure 1.4 illustrates these two designs, and Figure 1.5 o
0
portrays the hypothetical age trends they might generate. 1
CD
What is going on in Figure 1.5? The cross-sectional study "O

C
o Longitudinal
seems to say that as people get older, their attitudes about gen- CD
ctf
der roles become more traditional. The longitudinal study c
o
suggests precisely the opposite: as people get older, their atti- "'O
tudes about gender roles seem to become more liberated. How
could a cross-sectional study and a longitudinal study on the
same topic lead to such different conclusions? 30 50 70
Age (years)
Strengths and W e a k n e s s e s
of t h e Cross-Sectional Design Figure 1.5 Conflicting findings of hypothetical cross-
sectional and longitudinal studies of gender-role attitudes.
In the cross-sectional study of gender attitudes, the three age
How could the two studies produce different age trends?
groups being compared represent three cohorts of people. The
70-year-olds were born in 1930, the 50-vear-olds in 1950, and
the 30-year-olds in 1970. The cross-sectional study tells how gender-role attitudes early in life and retained those liber-
people of different ages (cohorts) differ, and this can be useful ated attitudes as they grew older. Perhaps, then, what initially
information. But the cross-sectional technique does not nec- looked like a developmental trend toward greater tradition-
essarily tell how people develop as they get older. Do 70-year- alism (an age effect) is actually a cohort effect resulting from
olds hold more conservative gender-role attitudes than 30- differences in the formative experiences of the different gen-
year-olds because they are older or because they are members erations studied.
of a different cohort raised in a more traditional period when The problem of cohort effects is the central problem in
women mainly stayed home and raised children? We cannot, cross-sectional research. As you will see in Chapter 9, cross-
tell. Age effects and cohort effects are confounded, or entangled. sectional studies of performance on intelligence tests once ap-
Possibly, then, older adults5 unliberated responses to the peared to indicate that people experience significant declines
questionnaire in 2000 reflect views they learned early in life in intellectual functioning starting in middle age. Yet the older
and maintained for the rest of their lives. Perhaps their views adults in these studies grew up in a time when many people
did not become more traditional as they got older. And did not graduate from high school. Subsequent studies have
perhaps the 30-year-old cohort, which grew up when the shown that these older people probably did not lose intellec-
women's movement was in full swing, formed liberated tual abilities in old age (a true developmental or age effect);
they merely performed less well than younger cohorts because
they received less education in their youth (a cohort effect).
1990 r -
Despite this central problem, developmentalists still com-
Cross-sectional study
monly use the cross-sectional design. Why? Because it has the
great advantage of being quick and easy: researchers can go
c out this year, sample individuals of different ages, and be done
o 1970
rj cgiliM with it. Moreover, this design should yield valid conclusions if
w
CS vs. the cohorts studied are likely to have had similar growing-up
=3
"O
•> experiences—as when 3- and 4-year-olds rather than 30- and
1950 50-year-olds 40-yecir-olds are compared. It is when researchers attempt to
H—
Longitudinal study
make inferences about development over the span of many
o
years that cohort effects become a serious problem.
o
JZ
o The second major limitation of the cross-sectional design
O 50-year-olds 70-year-olds
1930 _ 30-year-olds is that, because each person is observed at only one point, re-
searchers learn nothing about how each person changes with
age. They cannot see, for example, whether different people
1960 1980 2000
show divergent patterns of change in their gender-role atti-
Time of measurement
tudes over time or whether individuals especially liberated in
Figure 1.4 Cross-sectional and longitudinal studies of develop- their attitudes as 30-year-olds are also especially liberated at 70.
ment from age 30 to age 70. To address issues like these, they need longitudinal research.
related changes observed are true developmental trends or
whether they reflect historical events occurring at a particular
point of assessment or between assessments during the study.
The problem, then, is that researchers may not be able to
generalize what they find in a longitudinal study to people de-
veloping in eras different than the ones in the study. Gender-
role attitudes became more liberal in the United States from
the 1970s to the 1990s. For example, in 1977, more than half
of respondents to a survey said it was more important for a
wife to help her husband s career than to have her own; by
1996, only about one in five agreed (Brewster & Padavic,
2000). But perhaps we would obtain different "developmen-
tal" trends if we did a hypothetical longitudinal study in an era
in which sexism suddenly became popular again.
The longitudinal design has other disadvantages. One is
fairly obvious: this approach is costly and time-consuming, par-
ticularly if it is used to trace development over a long span and
at many points in time. Second, because knowledge is con-
stantly changing, measurement methods that seemed good at
the start of the study may seem dated or incomplete by the end.
Third, participants drop out of long-term studies; they may
move, lose interest, or, especially in studies of aging, die during
the course of the study. The result is a smaller and often less rep-
resentative sample on which to base conclusions. Finally, there
may be effects of repeated testing; sometimes simply taking a
test improves performance on that test the next time around.
Are both the cross-sectional and the longitudinal designs
£ For baby boomers growing up in the I 9o0s, sex roles were more hopelessly flawed, then? That would be overstating their
traditional than they are now. weaknesses. Cross-sectional studies are very efficient and in-
formative, especially when the cohorts studied are not widely
different in age or formative experiences. Meanwhile, longitu-
Strengths and W e a k n e s s e s dinal studies are extremely valuable for what they can reveal
of t h e Longitudinal Design about changes in performance that occur as individuals get
Because the longitudinal design traces changes in individuals older—even though it must be recognized that the cohort
as they age, it can tell whether most people change in die same studied may not develop in precisely the same way that an ear-
direction or whether different individuals travel different de- lier or later cohort does. Still, in an attempt to overcome the
velopmental paths. It can indicate whether the characteristics limitations of both cross-sectional and longitudinal designs,
and behaviors measured remain consistent over time—for ex- developmentalists have devised a more powerful method of
ample, whether the bright, aggressive, or dependent young describing developmental change: the sequential design.
person retains those same traits in later life. And it can tell
whether experiences early in life predict traits and behaviors Sequential Designs:The Best of B o t h W o r l d s
later in life. The cross-sectional design can do none of these. A sequential design combines the cross-sectional approach
What, then, are the limitations of the longitudinal design? and the longitudinal approach in a single study (Schaie,
In the hypothetical longitudinal study of gender-role atti- 1994). A sequential study of gender-role attitudes might be-
tudes, adults were first assessed at age 30, then reassessed at gin as a cross-sectional study comparing the attitudes of dif-
age 50 and age 70. The study centered on one cohort of indi- ferent age groups of adults (say groups of 30-, 40-, and 50-
viduals: members of the 1930 birth cohort. These people were year-olds in 1980). It might then repeatedly assess the
raised in a historical context in which gender-role attitudes attitudes of the individuals in these cohorts as they age (for
were traditional and then saw the women's movement change example, in 1990 and 2000). As shown in Figure 1.6, re-
many of those attitudes considerably. Their responses in 2000 searchers would then have three longitudinal studies of three
may have been more liberal than their responses in 1960 not cohorts, as well as three cross-sectional studies of different
because gender-role attitudes typically become more liberal as age groups, to analyze.
people get older but because major societal changes occurred Sequential designs, by combining the cross-sectional and
from one time of measurement to the next during the time longitudinal approaches, improve on both. They can tell re-
frame of the study. In the longitudinal study, then, age effects searchers (1) which age-related trends are truly developmen-
and time of measurement effects are confounded. The re- tal in nature and reflect how most people, regardless of co-
searchers would not be able to tell for sure whether the age-c hort, can be expected to change over time (age effects);
Summing Up
1950 - 30-year-olds 40-year-olds -^50-year-olds The scientific method involves formulating theories and
c testing hypotheses by conducting research with a sample
c (ideally a random sample) from a larger population. Com-
O
_Q
(f) mon data collection methods include verbal reports, be-
CO
=3 havioral observations, and physiological measures.The goal
•g
:> 1940 - 40-year-olds 50-year-olds - > - 60-year-olds of explaining development is best achieved through ex-
"O
periments; in correlational studies, it is difficult to deter-
o mine the direction of influence and to rule out third vari-
b ables. Developmental research designs seek to describe
sz
O
o age effects on development. Cross-sectional studies com-
1930 - 50-year-olds — • 60-year-olds — • 70-year-olds pare different age groups but confound age effects and co-
hort effects. Longitudinal studies confound age effects and
1980 1990 2000 time of measurement effects. Sequential studies combine
Time of measurement
the cross-sectional and longitudinal approaches. H
Figure 1.6 A sequential research design combines the cross-

sectional and longitudinal approaches.This design starts with a
cross-sectional study in 1980 and reassesses the same people every
10 years.
(2) which age trends differ from cohort to cohort and suggest
that each generation is affected by its distinct growing-up ex-
periences (cohort effects); and (3) which trends suggest that
events during a specific period similarly affect all cohorts alive Developmental researchers must be sensitive to issues involv-
at the time (time of measurement effects). In short, sequential ing research ethics—the standards of conduct that investiga-
designs can begin to untangle the effects of age, cohort, and tors are ethically bound to honor to protect their research
time of measurement and to indicate which age trends are participants from physical or psychological harm (Sales &
truly developmental in nature. Yet they are extremely complex Folkman, 2000). Remember the study by Hubbard and col-
and expensive and are not always able to provide definitive an- leagues (2002) described earlier in this chapter, in which 8-
swers. See Table 1.3 for a summary of the three basic develop- year-olds were deliberately provoked to become angry after
mental designs. witnessing another child cheat them and win a board game
:•••> •..'•[••'•Ui
Table 1.3 Crass-Sectional, Longitudinal, and Sequential Developmental Designs MmmMmmm
Cross-Sectional Method Longitudinal Method Sequential Method
Procedure Observe people of different Observe people of one age group Combine cross-sectional and longitudinal
cohorts at one point in time repeatedly over time approaches; observe different cohorts on
multiple occasions
Information Describes age differences Describes age changes Describes age differences and age changes
Gained
Advantages Demonstrates age differences Indicates how individuals are alike Helps separate the effects of age, cohort,
in behavior and hints at and different in the way they change and time of measurement
developmental trends over time Indicates whether developmental changes
Takes little time to conduct Can reveal links between early experienced by one generation or cohort
and is inexpensive behavior or experiences and later are similar to those experienced by other
behavior cohorts
Disadvantages Age trends may reflect cohort Age trends may reflect time of Complex and time-consuming
effects rather than true measurement effects during the Despite being the strongest method, may
developmental change study rather than true developmental leave questions about whether a
Provides no information about change developmental change can be generalized
change in individuals over time Relatively time-consuming and
expensive
Measures may later prove inadequate
Participants drop out
Participants can be affected by
repeated testing
unfairly? The researchers recognized that their study raised dividual's behalf—for example, the parent or guardian of a
ethical issues. As a result, they arranged for the following: child or the legal representative of a nursing home resident.
(1) children's parents observed the session through a one-way Investigators must not pressure anyone to participate and
mirror so that they could call a halt to it if they thought their must respect participants' right to refuse to participate, to
child was becoming too upset; (2) so that children would not drop out during the study, and to refuse to have their data
leave with bad feelings about losing, they played another game used by the investigator.
with the confederate that was rigged so that they would win; 2. Debriefing. Researchers generally tell participants about
(3) children were debriefed about the real purposes of the the purposes of the study in advance, but in some cases doing
study; and (4) children enjoyed snack and play time with the so would ruin the study. If you told college students in ad-
confederate (who, by the way, was concerned that the partici- vance that you wTere studying cheating and then gave them an
pants would leave thinking that he or she was a cheater). opportunity to cheat on a test, do you think anyone would
Many such ethical issues arise. For example, is it ethical to cheat? Instead, you might set up a situation in which students
tell children that they performed poorly on a test to create a believe they can cheat without being detected and then debrief
temporary sense of failure? Is it an invasion of a family's pri- them afterward, explaining the true purpose of the study. You
vacy to ask adolescents questions about conversations they would also have an obligation to make sure that participants
have had with their parents about sex? Should a study of how do not leave feeling upset about cheating.
a hormone replacement pill affects menopausal women be 3. Protection from harm. Researchers are bound not to
halted if it appears that the drug is having harmful effects? If harm research participants either physically or psychologi-
a drug to treat memory loss in elderly adults with Alzheimer's cally. Infants may cry if they are left in a room with a stranger,
disease appears to be working, should it be withheld from the adolescents may be embarrassed if they are asked personal
control group in the study? questions, and investigators must try to anticipate such conse-
Such issues have led the federal government (through the quences (Koocher & Keith-Spiegel, 1994). If harm to the par-
Office of Human Research Protections), the American Psy- ticipants seems likely, the researcher should consider another
chological Association (1982), the Society for Research in way of answering the research question. If participants be-
Child Development (1990), and other organizations and come upset or are harmed, the researcher must take steps to
agencies to establish guidelines for ethical research with hu- undo the damage.
mans. Federal regulations require universities and other or- 4. Confidentiality. Researchers also have an ethical respon-
ganizations that conduct research with humans to have insti- sibility to keep confidential the information they collect. It
tutional review boards that determine whether proposed would be unacceptable, for example, to tell a child's teacher
research projects conform to ethical standards and to approve that the child performed poorly on an intelligence test or to
the projects only if they comply. The federal government has tell an adult's employer that a drinking problem was revealed
tightened its oversight of research in recent years as a result of in an interview. The confidentiality of medical records con-
past abuses (Fisher, 1999; Sales & Folkman, 2000). cerning a person's physical and mental health is now particu-
Deciding whether a proposed study is on safe ethical larly well protected by the Health Insurance Portability and
ground involves weighing the possible benefits of the research Accountability Act of 1996, or HIPPA (Gostin, 2001). Only if
(gains in knowledge and potential benefits to humanity or to participants give explicit permission to have information about
the participants) against the potential risks to participants. If them shared with someone else, or in rare cases in which the law
the potential benefits greatly outweigh the potential risks, and requires disclosure of information (such as when child abuse is
if there are no other, less risky procedures that could produce suspected), can that information be passed on.
these same benefits, the investigation is likely to be viewed as
ethical. The investigator's ethical responsibilities boil down to Symmiog Up
respecting the rights of research participants by (1) allowing
Researchers must adhere to standards of ethical research
them to make informed and uncoerced decisions about taking
practice, with attention to ensuring informed consent,
part in research, (2) debriefing them afterward (especially if
debriefing individuals from whom information has been
they are not told everything in advance or are deceived),
withheld, protecting research participants from harm, and
(3) protecting them from harm, and (4) treating any informa-
maintaining confidentiality of data. •
tion they provide as confidential.
1. Informed consent Researchers generally should inform
potential participants of all aspects of the research that might
affect their decision to participate so that they can make a vol-
H o w D o We Unci er stand
untary decision based on knowledge of what the research in- i n
volves. But are young children or mentally impaired children
or adults capable of understanding what they are being asked 2olodii c a l ?Q
to do and of giving their informed consent? Probably not.

Therefore, researchers who study such "vulnerable" popula- We conclude this chapter by bringing up an issue that will con-
tions should obtain informed consent both from the individ- cern you throughout this book. If we take seriously the idea that
ual (if possible) and from someone who can decide on the in- human development occurs in a cultural and historical context,
our studies of development must be sensitive to the ecology of child may also experience other microsystems such as a day care
human development (Rogoff, 2003). To help you think about center or grandmother's house. We have much evidence that the
what this really means, consider an influential conceptual family environment is an important influence on child develop-
model of development formulated by American psychologist ment and are coming to appreciate the importance of peer
Urie Bronfenbrenner. Many years ago, he became disturbed that groups, schools, and neighborhood environments.
many developmentalists studied human development out of 2. The mesosystem consists of the interrelationships or
context, expecting it to be universal and failing to appreciate linkages between two or more microsystems. For example, a
how much it could vary from culture to culture, from neigh- marital conflict in the family (one microsystem) could make a
borhood to neighborhood, and from home to home. child withdraw from staff members and other children at the
Bronfenbrenner formulated an ecological model, later renamed day care center (a second microsystem) so that her experience
a bioecological model, of development in an attempt to portray there becomes less intellectually stimulating. A loving home
how nature and nurture interact to produce development environment, by contrast, is likely to allow an individual to
(Bronfenbrenner, 1979, 1989; Bronfenbrenner & Evans, 2000; benefit more from experiences in the day care center or later
Bronfenbrenner & Morris, 1998). in the classroom or at work.
In Bronfenbrenner s view, the developing person, with his 3. The exosystem consists of linkages involving social set-
biological and psychological characteristics, is embedded in a tings that individuals do not experience directly but that can
series of environmental systems that interact with one another still influence their development. For example, children inter-
and with the individual over time to influence development. acting with their parents at home can be affected by their par-
Bronfenbrenner described four environmental systems that ents' work experiences and their parents' social relationships
influence, and are influenced by, the developing person, as outside the home (such as a distant but critical mother-in-law
shown in Figure 1.7. or an accepting and helpful best friend).
1. The microsystem is the immediate environment in which 4. The macrosystem is the larger cultural context in
the person functions. The primary microsystem for a firstborn which the microsystem, mesosystem, and exosystem are em-
infant is likely to be the family—perhaps infant, mother, and fa- bedded. The shared understandings and ways of life that we
ther, all reciprocally influencing one another. The developing call culture include beliefs and practices concerning the na-
Macrosystem
Exosystem
Mesosystem
Home
Microsystems
Person with
CHRONOSYSTEM
Patterning of events biological Peer
over time and group
psychological
characteristics
School
s°°ial networks
Figure 1.7 Urie Bronfenbrenner's bioecological model of development pictures environ-

ment as a series of nested structures.The microsystem refers to relations between the devel-
oping person and her immediate environment the mesosystem to connections among mi-
crosystems, the exosystem to settings that affect but do not contain the individual, the
macrosystem to the broader cultural context of development, and the chronosystem to the
patterning overtime of historical and life events. Researchers face many challenges in studying
the developing person in context.
SOURCE: Adapted from Kopp & Krakow (1982)
ture of humans in different phases of the life span, what chil- measurements. Ensuring that questionnaire and interview
dren need to be taught to function in society, and how people questions and testing and observation procedures mean the
should lead their lives as adults. same thing in different cultures can be extremely challenging
In addition, Bronfenbrenner introduced the concept of the (Rogoff, 2003). To illustrate, when one organization trans-
chronosystem to capture the idea that changes in people and lated a survey into 63 languages and then had the questions
their environments occur in a time frame and unfold in partic- translated back into English, strange things happened: "mar-
ular patterns or sequences over a persons lifetime. We cannot ried or living with a partner" was translated as "married but
study development by taking snapshots; we must use a movie have a girlfriend," and "American ideas and customs" became
camera and understand how one event leads to another. Thus "the ideology of America and border guards" (Morin, 2003).
conflict between husband and wife leads to divorce and to When another team sought to conduct a cross-cultural study
changes in family members and their relationships, or societal of caregiver-infant interactions, they faced a dilemma about
events such as economic depressions, wars, and technological whether to observe such interactions when the caregiver and
breakthroughs alter individual development while individuals infant were alone (typical in American homes) or when the
affect the course of history (Model! & Elder, 2002). Each of us caregiver and infant were in a group (typical in Micronesia).
functions in particular microsystems linked through the They settled on observing in both social contexts to avoid
mesosystem and embedded in the larger contexts of the exosys- findings that might be biased toward one group or the other
tem and the macrosystem, all in continual flux. (Sosteket al., 1981).
What does the bioecological model imply for the study of Finally, researchers who attempt to study cultural influ-
human development? First, it suggests the need for complex ences on development or racial, ethnic, and socioeconomic
longitudinal and sequential designs and complex statistical differences must work hard to keep their own cultural values
techniques capable of assessing the many interacting influ- from biasing their perceptions of other groups. Too often, for
ences 011 development portrayed in Bronfenbrenner's model. example, researchers in the United States have judged minor-
When there is reciprocal or mutual influence operating—for ity group children and adults according to white middle-class
example, between parent and child—it is not meaningful to standards and have labeled them "deficient" when they would
think only of the one-directional influence of an independent better be described as "different" (Ogbu, 1981; Phinney, 2000).
variable on a dependent variable. More and more developmentalists today appreciate the im-
Second, Bronfenbrenner^ model points to the need to portance of understanding human development in its ecolog-
study samples of developing persons from a variety of ecological context, but doing so is a tremendous challenge.
ical settings, not just white middle-class America. A particu- Clearly, developmental researchers have some serious is-
larly important aspect of the ecology of human development sues to weigh if they want their research to be not only well
is socioeconomic status (SES), the status in society of an indi- designed but also ethically responsible and culturally sensi-
vidual or family based on such indicators as occupational tive. Understanding life-span human development and the
prestige, education, and income. We know that the develop- complexities of interactions between nature and nurture is an
mental experiences and trajectories of children are signifi- incredibly complex undertaking. It would be impossible if re-
cantly affected by whether they grow up in poverty or afflu- searchers merely conducted study after study without guiding
ence. On average, although there are many exceptions, parents ideas. Theories of human development provide those guiding
high in socioeconomic status tend to provide more stimulat- ideas; they are the subject of Chapter 2.
ing and supportive home environments for their children
than low-socioeconomic status (low-SES) parents do. The re-
sult is higher academic achievement, better adjustment, and
other positive outcomes (Bornstein & Bradley, 2003).
In one especially well-designed experimental study, fami-
lies living in low-income housing projects were randomly as-
signed to move to middle-income neighborhoods, move to
other low-income neighborhoods, or stay in their low-income
housing projects. Both parents and children who moved to the
higher-SES neighborhoods benefited, as shown by measures
of their physical and emotional health and levels of achieve-
ment (Leventhal & Brooks-Gunn, 2003). Similarly, aging
tends to be a more positive experience for affluent adults than
for adults living in poverty, who are disproportionately fe-
males and minority group members (Cruikshank, 2003). And, Ww •
as we have already explained, it is important to study different

national, racial, and ethnic groups to understand how their
developmental experiences differ. <[ Developmental findings established through the study of a sample
Third, the bioecological model highlights the impor- of middle-class European American children may not hold true for
tance of using culturally sensitive research methods and these Bedoin nomad children living in the Egyptian desert
Summing Up
Developmental researchers have more awareness than time (chronosystem). Researchers must use complex,
ever of the need t o appreciate and study the influences longitudinal research designs; study samples from diverse
of the ecological context of development, as portrayed populations (for example, groups differing in ethnicity
in Bronfenbrenners bioecological model in which the in- and socioeconomic status); develop culturally sensitive
dividual (including his o r her biological characteristics) in- methods and measures; and keep their o w n cultural val-
teracts with environmental systems called the microsys- ues from biasing their conclusions. M
tem, mesosystem, exosystem, and macrosystem over
Summary Points 2. You are interested in developmental changes in moodiness

from age 12 to age 20. Design both a cross-sectional and a longitudi-
1. Life-span human development involves systematic changes nal study of this question, and weigh the advantages and disadvan-
and continuities between conception and death. Developmental tages of the two designs. Also, using the material on verbal report,
changes involve growth and aging and gains, losses, and neutral observational, and physiological measurements, develop two distinct
changes in the physical, cognitive, and psychosocial domains. They approaches to measuring moodiness for use in your research.
are the result of both nature and nurture. 3. Does the adequacy of the nutrition a child receives during the
2. Concepts of the life span and its distinctive periods (or age prenatal period affect the child's IQ test performance at age 5?
grades and their corresponding age norms and social clocks) have Suggest both an experimental design and a correlational design to
changed greatly over history and differ greatly from culture to culture study this question. What features make the two designs different,
today. and what are their pros and cons? Hint: Do not forget to consider
3. The science of life-span development has three goals: the de- ethical issues.
scription, explanation, and optimization of development. It started 4. You want to interview elderly women shortly after the death
in the late 19th century with baby biographies and G. Stanley Halls of their husbands about their emotional reactions to widowhood.
questionnaires; it is now guided by Paul Baltes's life-span perspective. Based on the material on ethical issues in developmental research,
4. The scientific method involves formulating theories based on what ethical issues would you be concerned about? What steps would
observations, using theories to generate specific hypotheses, testing you take to make your study as ethical as possible?
hypotheses by collecting new observations, and using the data so ob- 5. Using Bronfenbrenner5s bioecological model, characterize the
tained to evaluate the worth of theories. environmental systems in which you are developing.
5. Researchers study a sample, ideally a random sample, from
a population, using data collection techniques such as verbal report
measures (interviews, questionnaires, and tests), behavioral obser-
Key Terms
vations (naturalistic or structured), and physiological measure-
centenarian, 2 case study method, 10
ments.
6. To explain development, researchers rely on experiments with development, 2 storm and stress, 11
the manipulation of an independent variable, random assignment, growth, 3 scientific method, 11
and experimental control. In the correlational method, it is more dif- biological aging, 3 theory, 11
ficult to determine the direction of causal influence and to rule out
third variables. aging, 3 hypothesis, 11
7. Developmental researchers rely principally on cross-sectional age grade, 3 sample, 11
designs (with cohort effects) and longitudinal designs (with histori- age norms, 4 population, 11
cal effects) to describe development, or they combine the two ap-
social clock, 4 random sample, 11
proaches in more powerful sequential designs.
8. Developmental researchers must adhere to standards of ethi- nature-nurture issue, 5 naturalistic observation, 12
cal research practice with attention to informed consent, debriefing, maturation, 5 structured observation, 13
protection from harm, and confidentiality. genes, 5 experiment, 14
9. Developmental researchers face issues in appreciating the im-
environment, 5 independent variable, 14
portance of and in the study of the ecological context of develop-
ment, as captured in Urie Bronfenbrenner's bioecological model. learning, 5 dependent variable, 14
adolescence, 6 random assignment, 14
Critical Thinking baby boom generation, 7 experimental control, 14

gerontology, 9 quasi experiment, 15
1. Given the age grades and age norms that prevail in our soci- life-span perspective, 9 correlational method, 15
ety, how would you compare the advantages and disadvantages of be-
plasticity, 9 correlation coefficient, 15
ing (a) an adolescent as opposed to a young adult, or (b) an elderly
adult as opposed to a young adult? baby biographies, 10 meta-analysis, 16
age effects, 17 bioecological model, 22 Bronfenbrenner
cohort effects, 17 microsystem, 22 Urie Bronfenbrenner, emeritus professor at Cornell University and
developer of the bioecological model, maintains a website, in which
cohort, 17 mesosystem, 22
he outlines his current interests and lists his recent publications. His
time of measurement effects, 17 exosystem, 22 recent interests range from the "growing chaos" in children's envi-
cross-sectional design, 17 macrosystem, 22 ronments today to developmental processes in middle adulthood
longitudinal design, 17 culture, 22 and old age.
sequential design, 19 chronosystem, 23 Understanding the Data:

research ethics, 20 socioeconomic status (SES), 23 Exercises on t h e Web
chapter, try out the exercises for these figures at http://psychol.ogy
. wadsworth.com/sigelman_rider5e:
Websites t o Explore Figure 1.1 Aggression among children in four cultures
Visit Our Website Figure 1.5 Conflicting findings of hypothetical cross-sectional
For a chapter tutorial quiz and other useful features, visit and longitudinal studies of gender-role attitudes
the book's companion website at http://psychology.wadsworth.com/
$igelman_rider5e. You can also connect directly to the following sites: Life-Span CD-ROM
Go to the Wadsworth Life-Span CD-ROM for further
Census Data
study of the concepts in this chapter. The CD-ROM in-
The website of the U.S. Census Bureau provides a wealth of statisti-
cludes narrated concept overviews, video clips, a multimedia glos-
cal information about the population of the United States, including
sary, and additional activities to expand your learning experience.
information about different age groups.
DEVELOPMENTAL
Resources in Life-Span Developmental Psychology H TM
Child and Adolescent Development

Developmental PsychologyNow is a wTeb-based, intelli-
For a large menu of resources on life-span human development and
gent study system that provides a complete package of diagnostic
child and adolescent development, explore the "Developmental
quizzes, a personalized study plan, integrated multimedia elements,
Psychology Links" on the Social Psychology Network, maintained by
Scott Pious of Wesleyan University. This web page links you to pro- and learning modules. Check it out at http://psychology, wadsworth
fessional organizations such as the Society for Research in Child . com/sigelman_rider5e/now.
Development and to journals in the field, as well as to selected web
resources on infancy and childhood, adolescence, and aging.
Gerontology Resources
For a comprehensive directory of web resources on statistics, profes-
sional organizations, and literature on aging, Alzheimer's disease,
and death and dying, try exploring the "Gerontology Resources"
links listed on the InfoQuest! Information Services gerontology page.
CHAPTER t w o
eve
D e v e l o p m e n t a l 1 lieories Erikson: Neo-Freudian C o n t e x t n al—S y s t e m s

a n d t h e Issues l l i e y R a i s e P s y c h o a n a l y t i c 1 lieory r lieories
Nature and Nurture Psychosocial Stages Vygotsky: A Sociocultural

The Goodness and Badness of Strengths and Weaknesses Perspective
Human Nature Gottlieb: An
Activity and Passivity Evolutionary-Epigenetic
L e a r n i n g ' 1 lieories
Systems View
Continuity and Discontinuity
Watson: Classical Conditioning Strengths and Weaknesses
Universality and Context
Specificity Skinner: Operant Conditioning
Bandura: Social Cognitive Theory T l i e o r i e s i n P e r Speetive
b r e n d : P s y c 1ioan aly tie Strengths and Weaknesses
I lieory
Cognitive Developmental
Instincts and Unconscious Motives
Tlieories
Id, Ego, and Superego
Psychosexual Development Piaget: Constructivism
Strengths and Weaknesses Stages of Cognitive Development

Strengths and Weaknesses
SHERRY IS A N A T T R A C T I V E 15-year-old w h o s e rela-
tionship with R o b e r t has b e c o m e t h e c e n t e r o f h e r life. S h e
g e t s by in s c h o o l , b u t m o s t o f w h a t g o e s on in t h e class- a n d t k e Issues Tlxey R a i s e
r o o m b o r e s her. H e r relationship with h e r parents has b e e n
strained, partly b e c a u s e h e r m o t h e r d o e s n o t w a n t h e r t o
As noted in Chapter 1, a theory is a set of ideas proposed to
spend s o much t i m e with R o b e r t . R o b e r t , age 16, is also
describe and explain certain phenomena—in this book, of
struggling at s c h o o l and juggling his p a r t - t i m e j o b , family r e -
human development. In science, it is not enough simply to
sponsibilities, and t i m e with Sherry. And t h e s e t w o
catalog facts without organizing this information around
t e e n a g e r s have a m o r e s e r i o u s p r o b l e m : S h e r r y is pregnant.
some set of concepts and propositions. Researchers would
T h e s e x " j u s t h a p p e n e d " o n e night a f t e r a party and c o n t i n -
soon be swamped by meaningless data and become trivia ex-
ued t h e r e a f t e r . N e i t h e r S h e r r y n o r R o b e r t w a n t e d a baby;
perts who lack "the big picture." A theory of human develop-
n e i t h e r used a c o n t r a c e p t i v e .
ment provides needed organization, offering a lens through
which researchers can interpret any number of specific facts
Having children is a normal part of human development during or observations. A theory also guides the collection of new
the adult years, but how can we explain unwanted pregnancies facts or observations, making clear (1) what is most important
during adolescence from a developmental perspective? What is to study, (2) what can be hypothesized or predicted about it,
your theory of the developmental origins of this particular and (3) how it should be studied. Because different theorists
teenage pregnancy? What explanations might the leading theo- often have different views on these critical matters, what is
ries of human development offer? More practically, what can be learned in any science greatly depends on which theoretical
done to reduce the high rate of teenage pregnancy in U.S. soci- perspectives become dominant, which rests on how well they
ety? We attempt to answer these questions in this chapter to il- account for the facts.
lustrate that different theories of human development offer dif- All of us hold some basic beliefs about human develop-
ferent lenses through which to view the same events. ment—for example, about the importance of genes versus
good parenting in healthy development. Reading this chapter
should make you more aware of your own assumptions about
human development and how they compare with those of the
major theorists. Scientific theories are expected to be more
rigorous than our everyday theories, however. A good devel-
opmental theory should be the following:
• Internally consistent. Its different parts and propositions

should tie together and should not generate contradic-
tory hypotheses or predictions.
° Falsifiable. It can be proved wrong; that is, it can gener-
ate specific, testable hypotheses that can be studied and
either supported or not supported by data. If a theory is
vague or generates contradictory or ambiguous hypo-
theses, it cannot guide research, cannot be tested, and
therefore will not be useful in advancing knowledge.
• Supported by data. A good theory should help us better
describe, predict, and explain human development; its
predictions should be confirmed by research results.
Theories that fail to meet these evaluation criteria—

theories that are not internally consistent, falsifiable, and sup-
ported by data—need to be revised or discarded.
In this chapter, we examine four major theoretical view-
points:
1. The psychoanalytic viewpoint developed by Sigmund
CO
Freud and revised by Erik Erikson and other followers
CD
O)
CC,
E 2. The learning perspective developed by 13. F. Skinner,
o> Albert Bandura, and others
CD
_o>
CL
CL
3. The cognitive developmental viewpoint associated with
oc : Jean Piaget
coc 4. The emerging contextual-systems approach, exemplified
@
by Urie Bronfenbrenner (see Chapter 1), Lev Vygotsky,
C Teenage pregnancy is one of many facts of human development. and Gilbert Gottlieb
Each theory makes particular assumptions or statements propositions to make sense of your own and other people's
about the nature of human development. development.
To aid comparison of these theories, we outline five key
developmental issues on which theorists—and people in gen-
Nature and Murture
eral—often disagree (P. H. Miller, 2002; Parke et a l , 1994):
nature and nurture, the goodness and badness of human na- Is development primarily the product of nature (biological
ture, activity and passivity, continuity and discontinuity, and forces) or nurture (environmental forces)? As you saw in
universality and context specificity We invite you to clarify Chapter 1, the nature-nurture issue is the most important and
your stands on these issues by completing the brief question- most complex issue in the study of human development. A
naire in the Explorations box 011 this page. Later in the chap- strong believer in nature—in individual genetic makeup, uni-
ter, Table 2.4 on page 52 indicates how the major develop- versal maturational processes guided by genes, biologically
mental theorists might answer the questions, so you can based predispositions built into genes over the course of
compare your assumptions with theirs. In Explorations boxes evolution, and other biological influences—would claim that
throughout this chapter, we pretend to speak for the theo- all normal children achieve the same developmental mile-
rists, imagining what each might say about the causes of stones at similar times because of maturational forces, that
teenage pregnancy. We suggest that you predict what each major changes in functioning in late adulthood are biologi-
theorist will say before you read each of these boxes to see cally based, and that differences among children or adults
whether you can successfully apply the theories to a specific are largely because of differences in genetic makeup and phys-
problem. It is our hope that as you grasp the major theories, iology. By contrast, a strong believer in nurture would em-
you will be in a position to draw 011 their concepts and phasize environment—the range of influences outside the
C hoose one option for each statement, and write down

the corresponding letter o r fill it in at the end of the box.
Compare your results with those in Table 2.4 on page 52.
3. People are basically
a. active beings w h o are t h e prime d e t e r m i n e r s of
their own abilities and traits.
b. passive beings w h o s e characteristics are molded
1. Biological influences (heredity and maturational
either by social influences (parents, o t h e r signifi-
f o r c e s ) and environmental influences (culture, par-
cant people, and outside events) o r by biological
enting styles, and learning e x p e r i e n c e s ) are t h o u g h t
changes beyond their c o n t r o l .
t o c o n t r i b u t e t o development. Overall,
Development proceeds
a. biological f a c t o r s c o n t r i b u t e far m o r e than envi-
a. through stages so that t h e individual changes
ronmental factors.
r a t h e r abruptly into a different kind of person
b. biological f a c t o r s c o n t r i b u t e s o m e w h a t m o r e than
than she was in an earlier stage.
environmental factors.
b. in a variety of w a y s — s o m e stagelike and s o m e
c. biological and environmental f a c t o r s are equally
gradual o r continuous.
important.
c. continuously—in small increments w i t h o u t abrupt
d. environmental f a c t o r s c o n t r i b u t e s o m e w h a t m o r e
changes o r distinct stages.
than biological factors.
W h e n you c o m p a r e t h e development o f different in-
e. environmental f a c t o r s c o n t r i b u t e far m o r e than
dividuals, you s e e
biological f a c t o r s .
a. many similarities; children and adults develop
2. Children are innately
along universal paths and e x p e r i e n c e similar
a. mostly bad; they are born with basically negative,
changes at similar ages.
selfish impulses.
b. many differences; different people often undergo
b. n e i t h e r good n o r bad; they are tabula rasae (blank
different s e q u e n c e s o f change and have widely dif-
slates).
ferent timetables of development.
c. both g o o d and bad; they are born with predispo-
sitions t h a t are both positive and negative. Statement
d. mostly good; they are b o r n with many positive 1 2 3 4 5
tendencies. You pattern of choices:
person. Nurture includes influences not only of the physical in creating and influencing their own environments and, in
environment but also of learning experiences, child-rearing the process, in producing their own development.
methods, societal changes, and the cultural context in which
the person develops. Like the English philosopher John Locke
(1632-1704), a strong believer in nurture would argue that
human development can take many forms depending on the Do you believe that humans change gradually, in ways that
individual's experiences over a lifetime. leave them similar to the ways they were before, or do you be-
lieve they change abruptly and dramatically? One aspect of the
continuity-discontinuity issue concerns whether the changes
people undergo over the life span are gradual or abrupt.
Continuity theorists view human development as a process
Are people inherently good, inherently bad, or neither? Well that occurs in small steps, without sudden changes. In con-
before modern theories of human development were pro- trast, discontinuity theorists picture the course of develop-
posed, philosophers of the 17th and 18th centuries were ment as more like a series of stairsteps, each of which elevates
taking stands on the nature of humans. Thomas Hobbes the individual to a new (and often more advanced) level of
(1588-1679), for one, portrayed children as inherently selfish functioning. When an adolescent boy rapidly shoots up 6
and bad and believed that it was society's responsibility to inches in height, gains a bass voice, and grows a beard, the
teach them to behave in civilized ways. By contrast, Jean change seems discontinuous (see Figure 2.1).
Jacques Rousseau (1712-1778) argued that children were in- A second aspect of the continuity-discontinuity issue
nately good, that they were born with an intuitive under- concerns whether changes are quantitative or qualitative in
standing of right and wrong, and that they would develop in nature. Quantitative changes are changes in degree and indi-
positive directions as long as society did not interfere with cate continuity: a person gains wrinkles, grows taller, knows
their natural tendencies. In the middle was Locke, who main- more vocabulary words, or interacts with friends more or less
tained that infants are tabula rasae, or "blank slates," waiting frequently. By contrast, qualitative changes are changes in kind
to be written on by their experiences. That is, children were and suggest discontinuity. They are changes that make the in-
*
neither innately good nor innately bad but could develop in dividual fundamentally different in some way. The transfor-
any direction depending on their experiences. mations of a caterpillar into a butterfly rather than just a big-
These different visions of human nature are all repre- ger or smarter caterpillar, of a nonverbal infant into a
sented in one or more modern theories of development and speaking toddler, and of a prepubertal child into a sexually
have radically different implications for how people should mature adolescent are examples of qualitative changes.
raise children (Pinker, 2002). In teaching children to share, for So, continuity theorists typically hold that developmental
example, should people assume that their innate selfish ten- changes are gradual and quantitative, whereas discontinuity
dencies must be battled at every step, that they are predis- theorists hold that they are more abrupt and qualitative.
posed by nature to be helpful and caring, or that they have the Discontinuity theorists often propose that people progress
potential to become either selfish beasts or selfless wonders through developmental stages. A stage is a distinct phase of
depending on how they are brought up? the life cycle characterized by a particular set of abilities, mo-
tives, emotions, or behaviors that form a coherent pattern.
Each stage is viewed as qualitatively different from the stage
before or the stage after. Thus, the preschool child may be said
Are people active in their own development, or are they pas- to solve problems in a different manner than that of the in-
sively shaped by forces outside themselves? With respect to fant, adolescent, or adult.
this activity-passivity issue, some theorists believe that hu-
mans are curious, active creatures who orchestrate their own
development by exploring the world around them and shap- Continuity in development Discontinuity in development
ing their own environments. The girl who asks her mother for
dolls at the toy store and the boy who clamors instead for toy
trucks are actively contributing to their own gender-role de-
velopment.
Other theorists view humans as passive beings largely the
products of forces beyond their control—usually environ-
mental influences but possibly strong biological forces. From Little frog Bigger frog Tadpole Frog
this vantage point, children's academic failings might be (A) (B)
blamed on the failure of their parents and teachers to provide Figure 2.1 Is development continuous (A) or discontinuous (B)?
them with the proper learning experiences, and the problems That is, do people change quantitatively, becoming different in degree
of socially isolated older adults might be attributed to societal (as shown in Panel A with size), or do they change qualitatively, be-
neglect of the elderly rather than to deficiencies within the in- coming different in kind (as shown in Panel B when a tadpole be-
dividual. Theorists disagree about how active individuals are comes a frog)?
reu Clio a n a
Finally, developmental theorists often disagree on the
universality-context-specificity issue—on the extent to T l i eory
which developmental changes are common to all humans
(universal) or different from person to person (context spe- It is difficult to think of a theorist who has had a greater effect
cific). Stage theorists typically believe that the stages they on Western thought than Sigmund Freud, the Viennese physi-
propose are universal. For example, a stage theorist might cian who lived from 1856 to 1939. This revolutionary thinker
claim that virtually all children enter a new stage in their in- challenged prevailing notions of human nature and human
tellectual development as they enter adolescence or that development by proposing that people are driven by motives
most adults, sometime around age 40, experience a midlife and emotions of which they are largely unaware and that they
crisis in which they raise major questions about their lives. are shaped by their earliest experiences in life (Hall, 1954). His
From this perspective, development proceeds in certain uni- psychoanalytic theory continues to influence thinking about
versal directions. human development, even though it is far less influential to-
But other theorists believe that human development is far day than it once was. Because you have undoubtedly been in-
more varied. Paths of development followed in one culture troduced to this theory before, we cover it only briefly.
may be different from paths followed in another culture. For
example, preschool children in die United States sometimes
believe that dreams are real but give up this belief as they age.
By contrast, children raised in the Atayal culture of Taiwan Central to Freudian psychoanalytic theory is the notion that
have been observed to become more convinced with age that humans have basic biological urges or drives that must be sat-
dreams are real, most likely because that is what adults in their isfied. Freud viewed the newborn as a "seething cauldron," an
culture believe (Kohlberg, 1966b). Even within a single cul- inherently selfish creature "driven" by instincts, or inborn bi-
ture, sequences of developmental change may differ from sub- ological forces that motivate behavior. These biological in-
cultural group to subcultural group, from family to family, or stincts are the source of the psychic (or mental) energy that
from individual to individual. fuels human behavior and that is channeled in new directions
over the course of human development.
Now that you are familiar wTith some major issues of hu-
Freud strongly believed in unconscious motivation—the
man development that different theories resolve in different
power of instincts and other inner forces to influence behav-
ways (see Table 2.1), we will begin our survey of the theories,
ior without awareness. A teenage boy, for example, may not
starting with Freud s well-known psychoanalytic perspective.
realize that his devotion to body building could be a way of
channeling his sexual or aggressive urges. So, you immediately
Summing Up
see that Freuds theory emphasizes the nature side of the
Theories are concepts and propositions that organize nature-nurture issue: biological instincts—forces that often
and explain the facts of human development They are provide an unconscious motivation for actions—are said to
adequate t o the extent that they are internally consis- guide human development.
tent, falsifiable, and supported by data.The five major is-
sues in the study of human development confronted by
developmental theorists are nature and nurture, the
goodness and badness o f human nature, activity and pas- According to Freud (1933), each individual has a fixed
sivity, continuity and discontinuity, and universality and amount of psychic energy that can be used to satisfy basic
context specificity. U urges or instincts and to grow psychologically. As a child de-
Table 2.1 Issues in
Issue Description
1. Nature-Nurture Is development primarily the product of genes, biology, and maturation—or of experi-
ence, learning, and social influences?
2. Goodness-Badness of Human Nature Are humans innately good, innately bad, neither (tabula rasae), or both?
Do humans actively shape their own environments and contribute to their own develop-
3. Activity-Passivity ment—or are they passively shaped by forces beyond their control?
Do humans change gradually and in quantitative ways—or do they progress through
4. Continuity-Discontinuity qualitatively different stages and change dramatically into different beings?
Is development similar from person to person and from culture to culture—or do path-
5. Universality-Context Specificity ways of development vary considerably depending on the social contexts?
Conflict among the id, ego, and superego is inevitable,
Freud said. In the mature, healthy personality, a dynamic balance
operates: the id communicates its basic needs, the ego restrains
the impulsive id long enough to find realistic ways to satisfy these
needs, and the superego decides whether the ego's problem-
solving strategies are morally acceptable. The ego must strike a
balance between the opposing demands of the id and the super-
ego while accommodating the realities of environment.
According to Freud (1964), psychological problems often
arise when the individual's limited amount of psychic energy
is unevenly distributed among the id, the ego, and the super-
ego. For example, a person diagnosed as an antisocial person-
ality, or sociopath, who routinely lies and cheats to get his way,
may have a weak superego, whereas a married woman who
cannot undress in front of her husband may have an overly
strong superego, perhaps because she was made to feel deeply
CO
CQ ashamed about any interest she took in her body as a young
o
CC
CJ
cz
c:
girl. Through analysis of the dynamics operating among the
e
03
three parts of the personality, Freud and his followers at-
CD
tempted to describe and understand individual differences in
CQ
5ZD1
© personality and origins of psychological disorders.
C Sigmund Freud's psychoanalytic theory was one of the first, and

one of the most influential, theories of how the personality develops
from childhood to adulthood.
Freud (1964) maintained that as the child matures biologi-
cally, the psychic energy of the sex instinct, which he called li-
velops, this psychic energy is divided among three compo- bido, shifts from one part of the body to another, seeking to
nents of the personality: the id, the ego, and the superego. At gratify different biological needs. In the process, as outlined in
birth, all psychic energy resides in the id—the impulsive, irra- Table 2.2, the child moves through five psychosexual stages:
tional part of the personality whose mission is to satisfy the oral, anal, phallic, latent, and genital.
instincts. It seeks immediate gratification, even when biologi- Freud emphasized the role of nature over that of nurture
cal needs cannot be" realistically or appropriately met. If you in development, maintaining that inborn biological instincts
think about it, young infants do seem to be all id in some drive behavior and that biological maturation guides all chil-
ways. When they are hungry or wet, they fuss and cry until dren through the five psychosexual stages. Yet he also viewed
their needs are met. They are not known for their patience. nurture—especially early experiences within the family—as
The second component of the personality is the ego, the an important contributor to individual differences in adult
rational side of the individual that tries to find realistic ways of personality. At each psychosexual stage, the id's impulses and
gratifying the instincts. According to Freud (1933), the ego be- social demands come into conflict. Harsh child-rearing meth-
gins to emerge during infancy when psychic energy is diverted ods can heighten this conflict and the child's anxiety.
from the id to energize cognitive processes such as perception, To defend itself against anxiety, the ego adopts uncon-
learning, and problem solving. The hungry toddler may be able scious coping devices called defense mechanisms (Freud,
to do more than merely cry when she is hungry; she may be 1964). Consider the defense mechanism of fixation—arrested
able to draw on the resources of the ego to hunt down Dad, lead development in which part of the libido remains tied to an
him to the kitchen, and say "cookie." However, toddlers' egos are early stage. A baby boy who was rarely allowed to linger at the
still relatively immature; they want what they want now. As the breast, was screamed at for mouthing and chewing paychecks
ego matures further, children become more capable of post- and other fascinating objects left lying around the house, or
poning their pleasures until a more appropriate time and of de- was otherwise deprived of oral gratification might become
vising logical and realistic strategies for meeting their needs. fixated at the oral stage. He would then seek to satisfy unmet
The third part of the Freudian personality is the super- oral needs and to avoid the potentially more agonizing con-
ego, the individual's internalized moral standards. The super- flicts of the anal stage. He might display this oral fixation by
ego develops from the ego as 3- to 6-year-old children inter- becoming a chronic thumb sucker and, later in life, by chain-
nalize (take on as their own) the moral standards and values smoking, talking incessantly (as college professors are prone
of their parents. Once the superego emerges, children have a to do), or depending too much on other people.
parental voice in their heads that keeps them from violating Similarly, the 3-year-old who is harshly punished for toi-
society's rules and makes them feel guilty or ashamed if they leting accidents may become fixated at the anal stage and turn
do. The superego insists that people find socially acceptable or into an inhibited or stingy adult. Or she may deal with her
ethical outlets for the id's undesirable impulses. anxiety through another defense mechanism, regression,
Table 2.2 The Stage Theories of Freud and Erikson
Freud's Psychosexual Theory EriJkson's Psychosocial Theory
Stage (Age Range) Description Stage (Age Range) Description
Oral stage Libido is focused on the mouth as a Trust vs. mistrust Infants must learn to trust their
(birth to 1 year) source of pleasure. Obtaining oral (birth to 1 year) caregivers to meet their needs.
gratification from a mother figure is Responsive parenting is critical.
critical to later development. Autonomy vs. shame Children must learn to be
Anal stage Libido is focused on the anus, and and doubt (1 to 3 years) autonomous—to assert their wills
(1 to 3 years) toilet training creates conflicts and do things for themselves—or
between the child's biological urges they will doubt their abilities.
and the society's demands. Initiative vs. guilt Preschoolers develop initiative by
Phallic stage Libido centers on the genitals. (3 to 6 years) devising and carrying out bold
(3 to 6 years) Resolution of the Oedipus or the plans, but they must learn not to
Electra complex results in identifi- impinge on the rights of others.
cation with the same-sex parent and Industry vs. inferiority Children must master important
development of the superego. (6 to 12 years) social and academic skills and keep
Latent period Libido is quiet; psychic energy is up with their peers; otherwise, they
(6 to 12 years) invested in schoolwork and play will feel inferior.
with same-sex friends. Identity vs. role confusion Adolescents ask who they are and
Genital stage Pubertv reawakens the sexual
/
(12 to 20 years) must establish social and vocational
(12 years and older) instincts as youths seek to establish identities; otherwise, they will re-
mature sexual relationships and main confused about the roles they
pursue the biological goal of repro- should play as adults.
duction. Intimacy vs. isolation Young adults seek to form a shared
(20 to 40 years) identity with another person but
may fear intimacy and experience
loneliness and isolation.
Generativity vs. stagnation Middle-aged adults must feel that
(40 to 65 years) they are producing something that
will outlive them, either as parents
or as workers; otherwise, they will
become stagnant and self-centered.
Integrity vs. despair Older adults must come to view
(65 years'and older) their lives as meaningful to face
death without worries and regrets.
which involves retreating to an earlier, less traumatic stage of difficulty accepting their new sexuality, may reexperience
development. She may revert to infantile behavior—cooing some conflicting feelings toward their parents that they felt
like a beiby and demanding juice from a baby bottle. Similarly, during the phallic stage, and may distance themselves from
the man who has had a terrible day at work may want his wife their parents to defend themselves against these anxiety-
to act like his mother and "baby" him. In this way, Freud ar- producing feelings. During adulthood, people may develop a
gued, early experiences may have long-term effects on person- greater capacity to love and typically satisfy the mature sex in-
ality development. stinct by having children. However, Freud believed that psy-
The phallic stage from age 3 to age 6 is an especially chosexual development stops with adolescence and that the
treacherous time, according to Freud. Youngsters develop an individual remains in the genital stage throughout adulthood.
incestuous desire for the parent of the other sex. (The boy's In the Explorations box on page 33, we imagine what
Oedipus complex and the girl's Electra complex are explained Freud might have said about the causes of teenage pregnancy
in Chapter 12.). If all goes well, they resolve the emotional and about the case of Sherry and Robert described at the start
conflict they experience by identifying with the same-sex par- of the chapter. What might you say if you were Freud?
ent and in the process incorporating that parent's values into
the superego. After the lull of the latent period, during which
sexual urges are tame and 6- to 12-year-olds invest psychic en-
ergy in schoolwork and play, adolescents experience new psy- Many developmentalists fault Freud for proposing a theory
chic conflicts as they reach puberty and enter the final stage of that is ambiguous, internally inconsistent, difficult to pin
psychosexual development, the genital stage. They may have down and test, and therefore not easily falsifiable (Fonagy &
I w e l c o m e this opportunity t o return t o life t o c o m m e n t
on the problem of teenage pregnancy. As you know, I was
always fascinated by sex! W e must realize that teenagers e x -
sought immediate gratification of their sexual urges with no
thought of future c o n s e q u e n c e s and no sense of guilt.
Possibly t h e s e teenagers w e r e motivated by inner conflicts
perience intense emotional conflicts during t h e genital stage that had their roots in infancy o r t h e preschool years. For
of psychosexual development. T h e i r new sexual urges are instance, girls from homes without fathers are m o r e likely
anxiety-provoking and may reawaken t h e sexual conflicts of than o t h e r girls t o get pregnant (Ellis e t al., 2 0 0 3 ) . Perhaps
earlier psychosexual stages. Sherry never fully resolved her phallic stage issues and was
I would need t o find out m o r e about the early child- unconsciously seeking t o possess her father by possessing
hood experiences and psychic conflicts of Sherry and R o b e r t . R o b e r t might have been seeking t o gratify his un-
R o b e r t t o pinpoint the specific causes of their risky sexual conscious desire for his m o t h e r through Sherry. T h e s e
behavior, but basically I and o t h e r psychoanalytic theorists reawakened feelings of love for t h e o t h e r - s e x parent are
would tend t o view teenage pregnancy as an expression of c o m m o n and often cause adolescents t o distance them-
the a d o l e s c e n t s emotional needs o r psychological prob- selves from their parents.Teenagers are especially likely t o
lems (Farber, 2 0 0 3 ) . For example, stressful e x p e r i e n c e s in engage in risky sex, though, if they have significant psycho-
the family in early childhood have been found t o contribute logical problems (Lavan & Johnson, 2 0 0 2 ) .
t o teenage pregnancy (Russell, 2002).Teenagers w h o engage In short, teenage pregnancy is likely t o result from diffi-
in risky s e x may n o t have strong enough egos and superegos culty managing sexual urges because of personality prob-
t o keep their selfish ids in check (Babikian & Goldman, lems r o o t e d in early childhood experiences.
1971; Hart & Hilton, 1988). Perhaps Sherry and Robert
Target, 2000). Testing hypotheses that require studying un- ten slighted emotional development, focusing instead on ob-
conscious motivations and the workings of the unseen id, ego, servable behavior or on rational thought processes.
and superego has been challenging. Freud himself offered lit-
tle hard evidence to support his theory. Moreover, when the Summing Up
theory has been tested, many of its specific ideas have not been
Freud's psychoanalytic t h e o r y characterizes humans as ir-
supported (Crews, 1996; Fisher & Greenberg, 1977). As a re-
rational beings largely driven by i n b o r n biological instincts
sult, one critic called it "a theory in search of some facts''
o f w h i c h t h e y are largely unconscious; p a r t i t i o n s t h e per-
(Macmillan, 1991, p. 548).
sonality into t h e id, ego, and superego ( w h i c h e m e r g e in
To illustrate, Freud initially uncovered evidence that
t h a t o r d e r ) ; and p r o p o s e s t h a t libido is rechanneled
many of his patients had been sexually or physically abused
across five psychosexual stages: oral, anal, phallic, latent,
during childhood. Because he could not believe it, he said that
and genital. Each stage involves conflicts t h a t create t h e
children in the phallic stage wished for and fantasized about,
n e e d f o r defense mechanisms and have lasting effects o n
but did not experience, seduction by their parents (Gleaves &
personality. Parents significantly affect a child's success in
Hernandez, 1999; Masson, 1984). This claim has received lit-
dealing w i t h these conflicts, usually by being overly re-
tle support (Crews, 1996). We now know that child sexual
strictive. A l t h o u g h Freud called a t t e n t i o n t o t h e uncon-
abuse is widespread and can contribute to lasting psychologi-
scious, early experiences in t h e family and e m o t i o n a l de-
cal difficulties (see Chapter 12).
v e l o p m e n t , his t h e o r y is n o t easily falsifiable and many o f
Although many of Freud's specific ideas have been diffi-
its specifics lack s u p p o r t 0
cult to test or have not been supported by research, many of
his general insights have stood up well and have profoundly
influenced theories of human development and psychother-
apy (Fonagy & Target, 2000). First, Freud called attention to Erikson: Neo-Freudian
unconscious processes underlying human behavior; some of his
insights in this area are supported by modern neuropsycho- Psychoanalytic Theory
logical research (Guterl, 2002). Second, he was one of the first
to highlight the importance for later development of early ex- Another sign of Freud's immense influence is that he inspired
periences in the family. Finally, he pointed out the important so many disciples and descendants to contribute to the under-
role of emotions in development. Developmentalists have of- standing of human development. Among these well-known
neo-Freudians were Alfred Adler, who suggested that siblings (Erikson's psychosocial stages are next to Freud's in Table 2.2.)
(and rivalries among siblings) are significant in development; Whether the conflict of a particular stage is successfully re-
Carl Jung, a pioneer in the study of adult development who solved or not, the individual is pushed by both biological mat-
claimed that adults experience a kind of midlife crisis (see uration and social demands into the next stage. However, the
Chapter 11) then become freer to express both the "mascu- unsuccessful resolution of a conflict will influence how subse-
line" and the "feminine" sides of their personalities; Karen quent stages play out.
Horney, who challenged Freud's ideas about sex differences; For example, the first conflict, trust versus mistrust, revolves
Harry Stack Sullivan, who argued that close friendships in around whether or not infants become able to relv on other peo-
childhood set the stage for intimate relationships later in life ple to be responsive to their needs. To develop a sense of trust,
(see Chapter 14); and Freud's daughter Anna, who developed infants must be able to count on their primary caregivers to feed
techniques of psychoanalysis appropriate for children. them, relieve their discomfort, come when beckoned, and return
But the neo-Freudian who most influenced thinking their smiles and babbles. Whereas Freud focused on the signifi-
about life-span development was Erik Erikson (1902-1994; cance of the caregiver's feeding practices, Erikson believed that
see Chapter 11 for more detail). Erikson studied with Anna the caregiver's general responsiveness was critical to later devel-
Freud and emigrated from Germany to the United States opment. If caregivers neglect, reject, or respond inconsistently to
when Hitler rose to power (Friedman, 1999). Like Sigmund infants, the infants will mistrust others. A healthy balance be-
Freud, Erikson (1963,1968, 1982) concerned himself with the tween the terms of the conflict must be struck for development
inner dynamics of personality and proposed that the person- to proceed optimally. Trust should outweigh mistrust, but an el-
ality evolves through systematic stages. However, Erikson's ement of skepticism is also needed: an overindulged infant may
point of view differed from Freud's in the following ways: become too trusting (a gullible "sucker").
So it goes for the remaining stages of childhood. If all
• Erikson placed less emphasis on sexual urges as the drivers
goes well as children confront and resolve each conflict, they
of development and more emphasis on social influences
will gain a sense of self and learn to be autonomous, develop
such as peers, teachers, schools, and broader culture.
the initiative that allows them to plan and tackle big projects,
• Erikson placed less emphasis on the irrational, selfish id
and acquire the sense of industry that will result in mastering
and more on the rational ego and its adaptive powers.
important academic and social skills. This will position ado-
• Erikson held a more positive view of human nature, seeing
lescents to successfully resolve the conflict for which Erikson
people as active in their development, largely rational, and /
(1968) is best known, identity versus role confusion. Erikson

able to overcome the effects of harmful early experiences.
characterized adolescence as a time of "identity crisis" in
• Erikson maintained that human development continues
which humans attempt to define who they are (in terms of ca-
during adulthood.
reer, religion, sexual identity, and so on), where they are head-
ing, and how they fit into society. As part of their search, they
P s y c h o s o c i a l Stages often change their minds and experiment with new looks, new
majors, newT relationships, and new group memberships.
Erikson believed that humans everywhere experience eight
Whereas Freud's stages stopped with adolescence,
major psychosocial stages, or conflicts, during their lives.
Erikson believed that psychosocial growth continues during
the adult years. Successfully resolving the adolescent conflict
of identity versus role confusion paves the way for resolving
the early adulthood conflict of intimacy versus isolation and
for becoming ready to participate in a committed, long-term
relationship. Successful resolution of the middle age conflict
of generativity versus stagnation involves individuals gaining
a sense that they have produced something that will outlive
them, whether by successfully raising children or by doing
something meaningful through work or volunteer activities.
Finally, elderly adults who resolve the psychosocial conflict of
integrity versus despair find a sense of meaning in their lives
that will help them face death.
Erikson clearly did not agree with Freud that the personal-
ity is essentially "set in stone" during the first 5 years of life. Yet
he, like Freud and other psychoanalytic theorists, believed that
people everywhere progress through systematic stages of devel-
opment, undergoing similar personality changes at similar ages.
Individual differences in personality presumably reflect the dif-
ferent experiences individuals have as they struggle to cope with
(C Erik Erikson built on Freudian theory and proposed that people the challenges of each life stage. Both biological maturation and
experience eight psychosexual crises over their life span. demands of the social environment influence the individual's
progress through Erikson's sequence of psychosocial stages. As timistic view of human nature and people's ability to
an illustration, the Explorations box on this page expresses what overcome early problems; and theorized about the life
Erikson might have said about teenage pregnancy. span. According to Erikson, development proceeds
through eight psychosocial stages involving issues of trust,
autonomy initiative, industry, identity, intimacy, generativ-
Strengths and Weaknesses ity, and integrity. Parents, peers, and the larger culture in-
.Many people find Erikson's emphasis on our rational, adap- fluence how conflicts are resolved.The theories of both
tive nature and on an interaction of biological and social in- Freud and Erikson have been influential but are difficult
fluences easier to accept than Freud's emphasis on uncon- t o test and tend to describe development better than
scious, irrational motivations based in biological needs. they explain it. M
Erikson also seems to have captured some central develop-
mental issues in his eight stages. He has had an especially great
effect on thought about and research on adolescent identity
formation and changes during adulthood (see Chapter 11). L ear mil: Tl,eories
Still, Erikson's theory has many of the same shortcomings as
Freud's. It is sometimes vague and difficult to test. And al- Give me a dozen healthy infants, well formed, and my
though it provides a useful description of human personality own specified world to bring them up in, and I'll guaran-
development, it does not provide an adequate explanation of tee to take any one at random and train him to become
how this development comes about. Important psychoana- any type of specialist I might select—doctor, lawyer,
lytic theorists such as Erikson continue to shape understand- artist, merchant, chief, and yes, even beggar-man and
ing of human development (Austrian, 2002), but many devel- thief, regardless of his talents, penchants, tendencies, abil-
opmentalists have rejected the psychoanalytic perspective in ities, vocations, and race of his ancestors. (Watson, 1925,
favor of theories that are more precise and testable. p. 82)
There is a bold statement. It reflects a belief that nurture

Symming Up
is everything and that nature, or genetic endowment, counts
Neo-Freudian Erikson adopted much of Freud's thinking for nothing. It was made by John B. Watson, a strong believer
but emphasized biological urges less and social influences in the importance of learning in human development and a
more; emphasized id less and ego more; held a more op- pioneer of learning theory perspectives on human develop-
ISIiSS
I am not as obsessed by s e x as my inspiration, Dr. Freud,

but I can agree with him on s o m e things. I agree that e m o -
tional conflicts rooted in early e x p e r i e n c e can affect later
every semester, and yes, have sex—all t o forge a firm sense
of identity. I should know: I was t h e tall, blond stepson of a
Jewish d o c t o r and wandered all over Europe after high
behavior. For example, if either R o b e r t o r Sherry had unre- school, trying o u t a c a r e e r as an artist and several o t h e r
sponsive caregivers when they w e r e infants, they could have possibilities before I ended up studying child psychoanalysis
had difficulty resolving t h e psychosocial conflict of t r u s t under Anna Freud and finally found my calling in my mid-20s
versus mistrust.Adolescents w h o never developed a strong (Friedman, 1999).
sense o f trust in o t h e r people may fear being abandoned So, perhaps Sherry and R o b e r t w e r e simply searching
and may try t o use s e x t o keep that from happening. for their identities when they began their sexual relation-
Ah, but why focus on infancy? I agree with Dr. Freud that ship. O r maybe they tried t o find an easy resolution t o their
accepting one's self as a sexual being is an important task of role confusion by latching prematurely o n t o an identity as
adolescence, but that's just o n e aspect of t h e broader ado- t h e other's boyfriend o r girlfriend rather than going through
lescent psychosocial conflict of identity versus role confu- t h e hard w o r k of experimenting t o find out w h o they are
sion. Adolescents change rapidly, physically and cognitively, (Erikson, 1968). If this is t h e case, I must be pessimistic
and they are asked by society t o establish w h o they are as about their future. I maintain—and research bears me
individuals and as m e m b e r s o f society. Many adolescents o u t — t h a t o n e must know oneself before o n e can love
seek a sense of identity by experimenting with different s o m e o n e else; that is, o n e must find one's t r u e identity and
roles and behaviors t o s e e what suits t h e m . T h e y t r y drugs, end role confusion before o n e can resolve the conflict be-
dye their hair orange, join radical groups, change majors tween intimacy and isolation (Orlofsky, 1993).
merit. Early learning theorists emphasized that human behav-
ior changes in direct response to environmental stimuli; later
learning theorists grant humans a more active and cognitive
role in their own development but still believe that their de-
velopment can take different directions depending on their
experiences.
Watsons (1913) behaviorism rested on his belief that conclu-

sions about human development and functioning should be
based on observations of overt behavior rather than on spec-
ulations about unobservable cognitive and emotional
processes. Watson rejected psychoanalytic theory and devoted
a good deal of his time to trying to explain Freud's fascinating
discoveries about humans in terms of basic learning principles
(Rilling, 2000). He maintained that learned associations be-
tween external stimuli and observable responses are the build-
ing blocks of both normal and abnormal human develop-
ment. Like John Locke, Watson believed that children have no
inborn tendencies and that how they turn out depends en-
tirely on the environment in which they grow up and the ways
([ John B.Watson was the father of behaviorism.
in which their parents and other significant people in their
lives treat them.
To make his point, Watson and colleague Rosalie Raynor tioning can be unlearned if the feared stimulus is paired with
(1920) set out to demonstrate that fears can be learned—that an unconditioned stimulus for happy emotions (Jones, 1924).
they are not necessarily inborn as was commonly thought. Classical conditioning is undoubtedly involved when in-
They used the principles of classical conditioning, a simple fants learn to love their parents, who at first may be neutral
form of learning in which a stimulus that initially had no ef- stimuli but who become associated with the positive sensa-
fect on the individual comes to elicit a response through its as- tions of receiving milk, being rocked, and being comforted.
sociation with a stimulus that already elicits the response. The And classical conditioning helps explain why adults find cer-
Russian physiologist Ivan Pavlov called attention to classical tain songs on the radio, scents, or articles of clothing "turn
conditioning. In a famous experiment, he demonstrated how them on." A range of emotional associations and attitudes are
dogs, who have an innate (unlearned) tendency to salivate at acquired through classical conditioning.
the sight of food, could learn to salivate at the sound of a bell According to the learning theory perspective, then, it is a
if, during a training period, the bell was regularly sounded just mistake to assume that children advance through a series of
before they were given food. distinct stages guided by biological maturation, as Freud,
Watson and Raynor presented a gentle white rat to a now- Erikson, and other stage theorists have argued. Instead, learn-
famous infant named Albert, who showed no fear of it. ing theorists view development as nothing more than learn-
However, every time the rat was presented, Watson would slip ing. It is a continuous process of behavior change that is con-
behind Albert and bang a steel rod with a hammer. The loud text specific and can differ enormously from person to person.
noise served as an unconditioned stimulus (UCS)—that is, an Watson's basic view was advanced by B. F. Skinner.
unlearned stimulus for fear—which in turn is an automatic,
unlearned, or unconditioned response (UCR)to loud noises
(babies are naturally upset by them). During conditioning, the
stimuli of the white rat and the loud noise were presented to- Skinner (1905-1990), whose name is as well known as that of
gether several times. Afterward, Watson presented the white any American psychologist, had a long, distinguished career at
rat to Albert without banging the steel rod. Albert now whim- Harvard University. Through his research with animals,
pered and cried in response to the white rat alone. His behav- Skinner (1953) gained understanding of another important
ior had changed as a result of his experience. Specifically, an form of learning, operant (or instrumental) conditioning, in
initially neutral stimulus, the white rat, had become a condi- which a learner's behavior becomes either more or less prob-
tioned stimulus (CS) for a conditioned response (CR), fear, as able depending on the consequences it produces. A learner
shown in Figure 2.2. This learned response generalized to first behaves in some way then comes to associate this action
other furry items such as a rabbit and a Santa Claus mask. By with the positive or negative consequences that follow it. The
today's standards, Watson's experiment would be viewed as basic principle behind operant conditioning makes sense:
unethical, but he had made his point: emotional responses can people tend to repeat behaviors that have pleasant conse-
be learned. Fortunately, fears learned through classical condi- quences and cut down on behaviors that have unpleasant con-
and reinforcement means that the behavior is strengthened.
Thus a positive reinforcer is an event that, when introduced
following a behavior, makes that behavior more probable.
(Note that the effect on the child's behavior defines a conse-
leads to quence as reinforcing, not the belief that the child might find
a hug reinforcing.)
Behaviorists have found that it is best to provide contin-
uous positive reinforcement when a new skill or habit is first
being learned, reinforcing every occurrence. Then, to main-
Unconditioned Unconditioned
stimulus response tain the behavior, it is best to shift to a partial reinforcement
schedule in which only some occurrences of the behavior are
reinforced and the pattern is unpredictable. Then the learner
is likely to continue performing even if reinforcement stops.
elicits Negative reinforcement (which is not a fancy term for
punishment) occurs when a behavioral tendency is strength-
ened because something negative or unpleasant is removed
from the situation, or is escaped or avoided, after the behavior
Loud noise occurs. Have you been in a car in which an obnoxious buzzer
sounds until you fasten your seat belt? The idea is that your
2. Conditioning phase "buckling up" behavior will become a habit through negative
Neutral stimulus reinforcement: buckling your seat belt allows you to escape
the unpleasant buzzer. No candy or hugs follow the action, so
negative rather than positive reinforcement makes you likely
to buckle your seat belt. Many bad habits allow people to es-
White
+ rat cape or avoid unpleasantness and were learned through nega-
Unconditioned tive reinforcement. Teenagers may learn to lie to avoid long
stimulus
lectures from their parents or to drink because it allows them
to escape feelings of anxiety at parties. In each case, a behav-
ior is strengthened through negative reinforcement—through
the removal or elimination of something unpleasant.
Contrast reinforcement, whether it is positive or nega-
tive, with punishment: Whereas reinforcement increases the
strength of the behavior that preceded it, punishment de-
Loud noise
creases the strength of, or weakens, that behavior. Two forms
of punishment parallel the two forms of reinforcement.
3. Postconditioning phase -
* Conditioned Positive punishment occurs when an unpleasant event is
response
Conditioned
stimulus
Cy^riCS^: elicits
White rat
Fear
FSgore 2.2 The three phases of classical conditioning.
sequences. Through operant conditioning, individuals learn

new skills and a range of habits, both good and bad.
In the language of operant conditioning, reinforcement
occurs when a consequence strengthens a response, or makes
it more likely to reoccur. If a preschool child cleans his room,
receives a hug, then cleans his room more frequently, the hug
provided positive reinforcement for room cleaning. Positive ([ B,F. Skinner's operant conditioning theory emphasized the role of
here means that something has been added to the situation,. environment in controlling behavior
added to the situation following a behavior (for example, a ministered consistently after each offense, (3) is not overly
cashier is criticized for coming up short of cash at the end of harsh, (4) is accompanied by explanations, (5) is administered
the day). Negative punishment occurs when something pleas- by an otherwise affectionate person, and (6) is combined with
ant is removed from the situation following the behavior (the efforts to reinforce more acceptable behavior (Domjan, 1993;
amount she was short is deducted from her pay). Both posi- Gershoff, 2002; Perry & Parke, 1975). Frequent physical pun-
tive and negative punishment decrease the likelihood that the ishment can have undesirable effects, however. Although re-
punished behavior will be repeated. searchers cannot always be sure whether punishment causes
The four possible consequences of a behavior are sum- problem behavior, problem behavior causes punishment, or
marized in Figure 2.3. In addition, some behavior has no con- both, research suggests that physical punishment may make
sequence. Behavior that is ignored, or no longer reinforced, children resentful and anxious and may breed aggression by
tends to become less frequent through a process called extinc- teaching them that hitting is an appropriate way to solve prob-
tion. Indeed, a good alternative to punishing a child's misbe- lems. The negative effects of punishment are especially clear
havior is ignoring it and reinforcing desirable behavior in- when the child punished is older than 6 years (Benjet &
compatible with it. Too often, the well-behaved child is Kazdin, 2003).
ignored and the misbehaving child gets the attention—attention In sum, Skinner, like Watson, believed that the course of
that serves as positive reinforcement for the misbehavior. human development depends on the individual's learning ex-
Skinner and other behavioral theorists have emphasized periences. One boy's aggressive behavior may be reinforced
the power of positive reinforcement and have generally dis- over time because he gets his way with other children and be-
couraged the use of physical punishment in child rearing. By cause his parents encourage his "macho" behavior. Another
contrast, many parents believe that physical punishment of boy may quickly learn that aggression is prohibited and pun-
bad behavior is necessary in raising children; indeed, 80% of ished. The two may develop in different directions based on
American adults believe that children sometimes need a their different histories of reinforcement and punishment.
"good, hard spanking" (Flynn, 1994). What does research say Skinner's operant conditioning principles can help ex-
about who is right? plain many aspects of human development and are still stud-
Although it is generally best to use more positive ap- ied by psychologists (Staddon & Cerutti, 2003). Yet some de-
proaches before resorting to punishment, punishment makes velopmentalists believe that Skinner placed too much
children comply with parents' demands in the short run emphasis on a single type of learning and too little emphasis
(Benjet & Kazdin, 2003). Spanking or another form of physi- on the role of cognitive processes such as attention, memory,
cal punishment can be effective in changing behavior in the and reflection in learning. Therefore, today's developmental
longer run if it (1) is administered immediately after the act scholars are more attracted to Albert Bandura's cognitive
(not hours later when the child is being an angel), (2) is ad- brand of learning theory than to Skinner's.
PLEASANT STIMULUS UNPLEASANT STIMULUS
Positive reinforcement, adding Positive punishment, adding

a pleasant stimulus an unpleasant stimulus
(strengthens the behavior) (weakens the behavior)
Dad gives in to the whining and lets Dad calls Moosie a "baby." Moosie
Moosie play Nintendo, making does not like this at all and is less
whining more likely in the future. likely to whine in the future.
WITHDRAWN Negative punishment, Negative reinforcement,

withdrawing a pleasant stimulus withdrawing an unpleasant
(weakens the behavior) stimulus
(strengthens the behavior)
Dad confiscates Moosie's favorite
Nintendo game to discourage Dad stops joking with Lulu. Moosie
whining in the future. gets very jealous when Dad pays
attention to Lulu, so his whining
• M M M I M enables him to bring this
iisiilHMi unpleasant state of affairs to an end.
Figure 2.3 Possible consequences of whining behavior. Moosie comes into the TV room
and sees his father talking and joking with his sister; Lulu, as the t w o watch a football game.
Soon Moosie begins to whine, louder and louder, that he wants them to turn off the television
so he can play Nintendo games. If you were Moosie's father how would you react? Here are
four possible consequences of Moosie's behavior Consider both the type of consequence—
whether it is a pleasant or aversive stimulus—and whether it is administered ("added to" the
situation) or withdrawn. Notice that reinforcers strengthen whining behavior, or make it more
likely in the future, whereas punishers weaken it.
In his social cognitive theory (formerly called social learning
theory), Stanford psychologist Bandura (1977, 1986, 1989,
2000) claimed that humans are cognitive beings whose active
processing of information plays a critical role in their learn-
ing, behavior, and development. Bandura argues that human
learning is very different from rat learning because humans
have far more sophisticated cognitive capabilities. He agrees
with Skinner that operant conditioning is an important type
of learning, but he notes that people think about the connec-
tions between their behavior and its consequences, anticipate
the consequences likely to follow from their behavior, and of-
ten are more affected by what they believe will happen than by
the consequences they actually encounter. Individuals also re-
inforce or punish themselves with mental pats on the back ([ A person is never too old to learn by observing others.
and self-criticism, and these cognitions affect behavior. More
generally, Bandura wanted his position to be called social cog-
must pay attention, construct and remember mental repre-
nitive theory rather than social learning theory for a reason: to
sentations (images and verbal summaries) of what they saw,
distance himself from some early, behavioral learning theories
retrieve these representations from memory later, and use
and to emphasize that his theory was about the motivating
them to guide behavior. It is an especially important form of
and self-regulating role of cognition in human behavior
learning in less industrialized societies, where children learn
(Bandura, 1986).
not in schools where they are segregated from adults and
Bandura s cognitive emphasis was clear when he called
given formal instruction but through participation in every-
attention to observational learning as the most important
day activities in which they actively observe and listen to their
mechanism through which human behavior changes.
elders and learn skills such as weaving and hunting without
Observational learning is simply learning by observing the
adults intentionally teaching them (Rogoff et al., 2003).
behavior of other people (called models). By imitating other
In a classic experiment, Bandura (1965) set out to
people, a child may learn how to speak a language and tackle
demonstrate that children could learn a response neither
math problems, as well as how to swear, snack between meals,
elicited by a conditioned stimulus (as in classical condition-
and smoke. Observational learning is regarded as a more cog-
ing) nor performed and then strengthened by a reinforcer (as
nitive form of learning than conditioning because learners
in operant conditioning). He had nursery school children
watch a short film in which an adult model attacked an inflat-
able "Bobo" doll: hitting the doll with a mallet while shouting
<c
Sockeroo," throwing rubber balls at the doll while shouting
cc
Bang, bang, bang," and so on. Some children saw the model
praised, others saw him punished, and still others saw no con-
sequences follow his violent attack. After the film ended, chil-
dren were observed in a playroom with the Bobo doll and
many of the props the model had used to work Bobo over.
What did the children learn? The children who saw the
model rewarded and the children in the no-consequences
condition imitated more of the model's aggressive acts than
did the children who had seen the model punished. But inter-
estingly, when the children who had seen the model punished
were asked to reproduce all of the model's behavior they could
remember, they showed that they had learned just as much as
the other children. Apparently, then, children can learn from
observation without necessarily imitating (performing) the
learned responses. Whether they will perform what they learn
depends partly on the process of vicarious reinforcement in
which learners become more or less likely to perform a be-
havior based on the consequences experienced by the model
they observe.
In recent years, Bandura (2000) has called attention to the
€ Albert Bandura highlighted the role of cognition in human learn- concept of human agency, ways in which people deliberately
ing. He is on the faculty at Stanford University. exercise cognitive control over their environments and lives.
People form intentions, foresee what will happen, evaluate Like Watson and Skinner, Bandura doubts that there are
and regulate their actions as they pursue plans, and reflect on universal stages of human development. He maintains that
their functioning. These cognitions play a real causal role in 'development is context specific and can proceed along many
influencing behavior. Most importantly, individuals develop a paths. It is also continuous, occurring gradually through a
high or low sense of self-efficacy about their ability to control lifetime of learning. Bandura acknowledges that children's
themselves and their environments in different areas of life. cognitive capacities mature, so they can remember more
Whether you undertake an action such as going on a diet or about what they have seen and can imitate a greater variety of
studying for a test and whether you succeed depend greatly on novel behaviors. Yet he also believes that children of the same
whether you have a sense of self-efficacy with respect to that age will be dissimilar if their learning experiences have dif-
behavior. fered considerably.
Watson and Skinner may have believed that people are Obviously/ there is a fundamental disagreement
o between
passively shaped by environment to become whatever those stage theorists such as Freud and Erikson and learning theo-
around them groom them to be, but Bandura does not. rists such as Bandura. Learning theorists do not give a general
Because he views humans as active, cognitive beings, he description of the normal course of human development
holds that human development occurs through a continuous because they insist that there is no such description to
reciprocal interaction among the person (the persons bio- give. Instead, they offer a rich account of the mechanisms
logical and psychological characteristics and cognitions), the through which behavior can change. They ask people to use
person's behavior, and the environment—a perspective he principles of learning that are universal in their applicability
calls reciprocal determinism. As Bandura sees it, environ- to understand how each individual changes with age in
ment does not rule, as it did in Skinner's thinking: people unique ways (Goldhaber, 2000). These learning principles can
choose, build, and change their environments; they are not certainly help you understand teenage pregnancy; we imagine
just shaped by them. Nor does biology rule; genetic influ- what Bandura would say about it in the Explorations box on
ences on human behavior are evident, but cultural forces this page.
also change human environments. This influences biological
evolution by influencing which traits increase the odds of
survival (Bandura, 2000). People's personal characteristics
and behaviors affect the people around them, just as these Watson's and Skinner's behavioral learning theories and
people are influencing their personal characteristics and fu- Bandura's modern social cognitive theory have contributed
ture behaviors. immensely to the understanding of development and con-
L et me begin by building on t h e w o r k of a learning t h e o -

rist w h o preceded me. B. F. Skinner would undoubtedly
get right t o the h e a r t o f it and say that teenagers have sex
forcing than costly, they are likely t o do what their friends
are doing (Benda & DiBlasio, 1994). Having sexually active
o r pregnant older siblings also increases an adolescent's risk
because sex is reinforcing—and that they b e c o m e pregnant of pregnancy (B. C. Miller, 2 0 0 2 ) . A d o l e s c e n t s also watch sex
because using a contraceptive is not! O n e team of re- on T V all t h e t i m e — o f t e n exploitive s e x with hardly a men-
searchers put it well: "It is quite likely that if teenagers had tion of birth control o r such c o n s e q u e n c e s as HIV infection
t o take a pill t o b e c o m e pregnant, early childbearing would o r the stresses of teenage parenthood.
quickly vanish as a social p r o b l e m " (Furstenberg, Lincoln, & Finally, let me emphasize that people's expectations
Menken, 1981). a b o u t t h e c o n s e q u e n c e s of their actions are often m o r e im-
This is t r u e enough, but my social cognitive brand of portant than t h e reinforcers and punishers actually operat-
learning t h e o r y offers additional insights into teenage preg- ing in their lives. If R o b e r t , for example, believes that using
nancy. Sherry and R o b e r t have been discovering a great deal a c o n d o m will decrease his sexual enjoyment, o r if Sherry
about sexual behavior through observational learning. believes that R o b e r t will get mad if she asks him t o use a
Todays adolescents live in a social world filled with mes- c o n d o m , t h o s e beliefs will surely decrease the chances that
sages about sex from their peers, t h e media, and t o a lesser they will use protection. In subcultures in which adolescents
extent, their parents.They actively process this information believe that early parenthood has many positive and few
for future use. If they learn that their friends are sexually ac- negative effects on their lives, w e should not be surprised t o
tive, and if they think that their friends find sex m o r e rein- s e e many young parents (Unger, Molina, &Teran, 2 0 0 0 ) .
tinue to be influential. Learning theories are precise and
testable. Carefully controlled experiments have shown how
C o g n i t i v e Developmental
people might learn everything from altruism to alcoholism. :ieory
Moreover, learning principles operate across the life span and
can be used to understand behavior at any age. Finally, learn-
After behavioral learning theories dominated the study of de-
ing theories have practical applications; they have been the ba-
velopment in the 1950s and 1960s, many developmentalists
sis for many highly effective techniques for optimizing devel-
begem to look for a theory that was both more cognitive and
opment and treating developmental problems.
more clearly developmental. They found what they wanted in
Still, learning theories, even Bandura's social cognitive
the remarkable work of Jean Piaget. No theorist has con-
theory, leave something to be desired as explanations of hu-
tributed more to the understanding of children's minds than
man development. Consider the following demonstration.
Piaget (1896-1980), a Swiss scholar who began to study chil-
Paul Weisberg (1963) reinforced 3-month-old infants with
dren's intellectual development during the 1920s. This re-
smiles and gentle rubs on the chin whenever they happened to
markable man developed quickly himself, publishing his first
make babbling sounds such as "bababa." He found that these
scientific work (a letter to the editor about an albino sparrow)
infants babbled more often than did infants who received the
at age 11. Eventually, Piaget blended his interest in zoology
same social stimulation randomly rather than only after each
and the adaptation of animals to their environments with his
babbling sound they made. But does this mean that infants
interest in philosophy. He then devoted his career to the study
normally begin to babble because babbling is reinforced by
of how humans acquire knowledge and use it to adapt to their
their caregivers? Not necessarily. All normal infants, even deaf
world.
ones, babble around 4 months of age. Moreover, no matter
Piaget's lifelong interest in cognitive development
what experiences are provided to newborns, they will not be
emerged while he worked at the Alfred Binet laboratories in
maturationally ready to babble. We must suspect, then, that
Paris on the first standardized IQ test. IQ tests estimate indi-
the maturation of the neural and muscular control required
viduals' intelligence based on the number and types of ques-
for babbling has more than a little to do with the onset of bab-
tions they answer correctly. Piaget soon became interested in
bling during infancy.
children's wrong answers and noticed that children of about
This example highlights two criticisms of learning theories the same age gave the same kinds of wrong answers. By ques-
as theories of human development. First, learning theorists tioning them to find out how they were thinking about the
rarely demonstrate that learning is responsible for commonly problems presented to them, he began to realize that young
observed developmental changes; they show through their ex- children do not simply know less than older children do; in-
periments only that learning might have resulted in develop- stead, they think in a qualitatively different way. Eventually
mental change. Some critics wish that learning theorists would Piaget developed a full-blown theory to account for changes
provide a fuller account of normal changes across the life span. in thinking from infancy to adolescence.
Second, early learning theorists, and even Bandura, probably
put too little emphasis on biological influences on development
such as genetic endowment and maturational processes that af-
fect how people respond to learning experiences. We may learn
Influenced by his background in biology, Piaget (1950) viewed
to fear snakes, for example. However, probably because snakes
intelligence as a process that helps an organism adapt to its
were a threat to our ancestors, we have evolved so that we learn
environment. The infant who grasps a cookie and brings it to
to fear snakes more easily than we learn to fear bunnies or flow-
ers (Ohman & Mineka, 2003).
Summing Up
Learning theorists maintain that humans change gradually

and can develop in many directions depending on envi-
ronmental influences. Behaviorist Watson focused on the
role of classical conditioning in the learning of emotional
responses; Skinner highlighted operant conditioning and
the roles of reinforcement and punishment. Banduras
social cognitive theory emphasizes the importance of
cognitive processes in observational learning, human
agency, self-efficacy, and reciprocal determinism among a
person, his behavior; and his environment. Learning theo-
ries are well supported and applicable across the life
span, but they do not necessarily explain normal devel-
opmental changes and they underemphasize biological € Swiss psychologist Jean Piaget revolutionized the field of human
influences on development M development with his theory of cognitive growth.
her mouth is behaving adaptively, as is the adolescent who
solves algebra problems or the mechanic who fixes cars. As
humans mature, they acquire ever more complex cognitive
structures, or organized patterns of thought or action, that aid
them in adapting to their environments.
Piaget insisted that children are not born with innate
ideas about reality, as some philosophers claim. Nor are they
simply filled with information by adults, as learning theorists
tend to claim. Instead, Piaget took a position called construc-
tivism, claiming that children actively construct new under-
standings of the world based on their experiences. Some pre-
school children, for example, develop on their own the idea
that the Sun is alive because it moves across the sky, that chil-
dren may get diseases if they tell lies or otherwise misbehave,
and that babies come from the baby store.
How do children construct more accurate understand-
ings of the world? By being curious and active explorers:
watching what is going on around them, seeing what happens
when they experiment on the objects they encounter, and rec-
ognizing instances in which their current understandings are
inadequate to explain events. Children use their current un-
derstandings of the world to help them solve problems, but
they also revise their understandings to make them fit reality
better (Piaget, 1952). The interaction between biological mat-
uration (most importantly, a developing brain) and experi-
ence (especially discrepancies between the child's understand-
ing and reality) is responsible for the child's progress from one
stage of cognitive development to a new, qualitatively differ-
ent, stage.
Stages of Cognitive Development € Jean Piaget believed that children are naturally curious explorers
Piaget proposed four major periods of cognitive development: who try to make sense of their surroundings.
the sensorimotor stage (birth to age 2), the preoperational
stage (ages 2 to 7), the concrete operations stage (ages 7 to 11), The key features of each stage are summarized in Table
and the formal operations stage (ages 11 to 12 or older). These 2.3; we will describe them in depth in Chapter 7. The core
stages form what Piaget called an invariant sequence; that is, all message is that humans of different ages think in qualitatively
children progress through the stages in the order they are different ways (Inhelder & Piaget, 1958).
listed without skipping stages or regressing to earlier stages. Infants in the sensorimotor stage deal with the world di-
The ages given are only guidelines. rectly through their perceptions (senses) and actions (motor
Table 2.3 Jean Piagiit's Four Stages of Cognitive Deveiopinent

Stage (Age Range) Description
Sensorimotor Infants use their senses and motor actions to explore and understand the world. At the start they have
(birth to 2 years) only innate reflexes, but they develop increasingly "intelligent" actions. By the end, they are capable of
symbolic thought using images or words and can therefore plan solutions to problems mentally.
Preoperational Preschoolers use their capacity for symbolic thought to develop language, engage in pretend play, and
(2 to 7 years) solve problems. But their thinking is not yet logical; they are egocentric (unable to take others' perspec-
tives) and are easily fooled by perceptions because they cannot rely on logical operations.
Concrete operations School-age children acquire concrete logical operations that allow them to mentally classify, add, and
(7 to 11 years) otherwise act on concrete objects in their heads. They can solve practical, real-world problems through a
trial-and-error approach but have difficulty with hypothetical and abstract problems.
Formal operations Adolescents can think about abstract concepts and purely hypothetical possibilities and can trace the
(11 to 12 years or older) long-range consequences of possible actions. With age and experience, they can form hypotheses and sys-
tematically test them using the scientific method.
abilities). They are unable to use symbols (gestures, images, or school-age children. They can define justice abstractly, in
words representing real objects and events) to help them solve terms of fairness, rather than concretely, in terms of the cop
problems mentally. However, they learn a great deal about the on the corner or the judge in the courtroom. They can for-
world by exploring it, and they acquire tools for solving prob- mulate hypotheses or predictions in their heads, plan how to
lems through their sensory and motor experiences. systematically test their ideas experimentally, and imagine the
The preschooler who has entered the preoperational stage consequences of their tests. It often takes some years before
of cognitive development has the capacity for symbolic adolescents can adopt a thoroughly systematic and scientific
thought but is not yet capable of logical problem solving. The method of solving problems and can think logically about the
4- or 5-year-old can use words as symbols to talk about a prob- implications of purely hypothetical ideas. Then they may be
lem and can mentally imagine doing something before actually able to devise grand theories about what is wrong with par-
doing it. However, lacking the tools of logical thought, preop- ents, the school system, or the federal government.
erational children must rely on their perceptions and as a result Obviously, children's cognitive capacities change dramat-
are easily fooled by appearances. For example, they tend to ically between infancy and adolescence as they progress
think that large objects will sink in water, even if they are through Piagets four stages of cognitive development. Young
lightweight. According to Piaget, preschool children are also children simply do not think as adults do. And even adoles-
egocentric thinkers who have difficulty adopting perspectives cents do not always use their cognitive capacities, as illustrated
other than their own. As a result, they may cling to incorrect in the Explorations box on this page, where we imagine what
ideas simply because they want them to be true. Piaget might say about teenage pregnancy.
School-age children who have advanced to the concrete
operations stage are more logical than preschoolers. They use
a trial-and-error approach to problem solving and do well on
problems that involve thinking about concrete objects. These Like Freud, Piaget was a true pioneer whose work has left a
children can perform many important logical actions, or oper- deep and lasting imprint on thinking about human develop-
ations, in their heads on concrete objects (hence, the term con- ment. You will see his influence throughout this text, for the
crete operations). For example, they can mentally categorize or mind that "constructs" understanding of the physical world
add and subtract objects. They can also draw sound, general also comes, with age, to understand sex differences, moral val-
conclusions based on their observations. However, they have ues, emotions, death, and a range of other important aspects
difficulty dealing with abstract and hypothetical problems. of the human experience. Piagets cognitive developmental
Adolescents who have reached the formal operations perspective dominated the study of child development for 2 or
stage are able to think more abstractly and hypothetically than 3 decades, until the information-processing approach to
W$m4
•••
:: >' K
MM
T eenagers must decide w h e t h e r o r n o t t o have s e x and
w h e t h e r o r not t o use a c o n t r a c e p t i v e . T h e s e decisions

fail t o anticipate that they will need a contraceptive, act im-
pulsively without thinking about t h e c o n s e q u e n c e s of their
behavior, misunderstand their risks of becoming pregnant,
demand cognitive abilities, and that, of course, is w h e r e my and have many misconceptions (pardon the pun!) about sex
t h e o r y c o m e s in. Now, you might think that an adolescent and contraception (Aarons & Jenkins, 2 0 0 2 ; Cobliner, 1974;
w h o has reached my stage o f formal operations would be Morrison, 1985). In o n e study, 13- t o 15-year-olds averaged
ready t o consider all t h e possible c o n s e q u e n c e s of his o r only 4 0 % c o r r e c t on a t e s t a b o u t reproduction, contracep-
her actions and make sound decisions. T h a t is true. tion, and sexually transmitted diseases; m o r e than 6 0 % did
However, different children achieve formal-operational not know that urinating after s e x will not prevent preg-
thinking at different rates. Sherry and R o b e r t are not doing nancy, for example ( C a r r e r a e t al., 2 0 0 0 ) .
well in school and may be slow developers still functioning I conclude, then, that the cognitive limitations,failures t o
in t h e stage of c o n c r e t e operations. O r they may have be- think ahead, and knowledge gaps of many teenagers have
gun t o show early signs of formal-operational thought but much t o do with today's high rate of teenage pregnancy.
do not yet have t h e m o r e advanced cognitive skills required T h e s e adolescents are not necessarily in the t h r o e s of per-
t o consider all t h e long-term implications of the alternatives sonality conflicts, as Dr. Freud would have you believe. N o r
they face. are they deprived of the proper learning experiences, as
Adolescents may also get in trouble because they don't Drs. Skinner and Bandura argue.They may simply be cogni-
use the cognitive abilities they have o r because their under- tively immature and uninformed.
standings are inaccurate. Studies s h o w that many teenagers
studying cognition took command in the 1980s (P. H. Miller, world (see, for example, Li, 2003; Riegel, 1979; Wachs, 2000).
2002). This approach emphasizes processes such as attention, Changes in the person produce changes in his environment;
memory, decision making, and the like. It will be the focus of changes in the environment produce changes in the person.
Chapter 8 and has guided research on gender, social cognition, The individual and the physical and social contexts with
and other topics addressed in this book. More recently, the so- which he interacts are part of a larger system. Moreover, de-
ciocultural perspective on cognitive development offered by a velopment does not always leads in one direction toward some
contemporary of Piaget, Lev Vygotslcy, has received a good mature endpoint like formal-operational thought, as stage
deal of attention, as you will see next in the section on theorists tend to believe. It can proceed in a variety of direc-
contextual-systems perspectives on development. tions and take a variety of forms depending on the complex
Despite the rise of rival theories, most developmentalists dynamics between biological and environmental influences.
today accept Piaget's basic beliefs that thinking changes in Urie Bronfenbrenner's bioecological model, introduced
qualitative ways during childhood, that children are active in in Chapter 1, illustrates a systems perspective on develop-
their own development, and that development occurs through ment; the individual is embedded in and interacts with four
an interaction of nature and nurture. Piaget's description of environmental systems. Here, consider two different theorists
intellectual development has been tested and has been largely, who emphasize the importance of the context in which devel-
although not wholly, supported. Finally, Piaget's ideas have in- opment takes place and the idea that development grows out
fluenced education and child rearing by encouraging teachers of systems of interacting influences: Lev Vygotsky, who high-
and parents to pitch their educational programs to children's lighted influences of the sociocultural environment on cogni-
level of understanding and to stimulate children to discover tive development, and Gilbert Gottlieb, who emphasizes that
new concepts through their own firsthand experiences. development takes place in the context of our evolutionary
Still, Piaget has had his share of criticism (Lourenco & history as a species and arises from ongoing interactions be-
Machado, 1996; also see Chapter 7). For example, critics fault tween biological and environmental influences.
him for saying too little about the influences of motivation
and emotion on thought processes. Based on research evi-
dence, they also question whether Piaget's stages really hang
together as coherent modes of thinking applied to a range of Vygotsky (1962, 1978) was a Russian psychologist who was an
problems; instead, specific cognitive skills seem to be acquired active scholar when Piaget was formulating his theory and
at different rates. Critics also conclude that Piaget underes- who took issue with some of Piaget's views. lie died before he
timated the cognitive abilities of young children. And they could fully develop his own theory, but his perspective has at-
challenge the idea that all humans in every culture develop tracted much interest among developmental scientists in the
through the same stages toward the same endpoints. As a re- past 2 decades, especially among those looking for alternatives
• , -J a "f
sult, developmentalists began to seek theoretical perspectives to Piaget's theory.
that allowed more diversity in the pathways that human de-
velopment could take but retained Piaget's theme that nature
and nurture interact to produce developmental change.
Summing Up
Piaget's cognitive developmental perspective holds that

intelligence is an adaptive process in which humans cre-
ate new understandings of the w o r l d through their active
interactions with it (constructivism).The interaction of bi-
ological maturation and experience causes children t o
progress through four universal, invariant, and qualita-
tively different stages of thinking (sensorimotor^ preoper-
ational, concrete operational, and formal operational).
Despite Piaget's immense influence, developmentalists
question whether development is as stagelike and uni-
versal as he claimed. M
Contextual—Systems Tlieories
Contextual-systems theories of development (some are

called contextual theories, some systems theories) generally
hold that changes over the life span arise from the ongoing
transactions between a changing organism and a changing € Lev Vygotsky.
Vygotsky challenged Piaget's view that humans develop passed on to future generations more frequently than genes
through universal stages of cognitive development. Instead, that do not. Evolutionary theory therefore makes us ask how
his sociocultural perspective maintains that cognitive devel- the characteristics and behaviors we commonly observe in hu-
opment is shaped by the sociocultural context in which it oc- mans today may have helped our ancestors adapt to their en-
curs and grows out of children's interactions with members of vironment and may therefore have become part of the shared
their culture. Each culture provides its members with certain genetic endowment of our species.
tools of thought—most notably a language, but also tools Inspired by Darwin, the field of ethology arose and took
such as pencils, art media, mathematical systems, and com- as its mission the task of understanding the evolved behavior
puters. The ways in which people in a particular culture ap- of various species in their natural environments (J. Archer,
proach and solve problems are passed from generation to 1992; Hinde, 1983). Noted ethologists Konrad Lorenz and
generation through oral and written communication. Hence Niko Tinbergen asked how many apparently innate animal
culture, especially as it is embodied in language, shapes behaviors might be adaptive in the sense that they contribute
thought. As a result, cognitive development is not the same to species survival. Because behavior is adaptive only in rela-
universally; it varies across social and historical contexts de- tion to a particular environment, ethologists have used natu-
pending on the tools of thinking the culture makes available. ralistic observation as a method of study. So, for example, they
In Vygotsky's view, then, cognitive development is a social have recorded birdsongs in the wild, analyzed their features
process. Piaget tended to see children as independent explorers carefully, explored how male birds learn the songs character-
developing their minds through their experiments with the istic of their species, and attempted to understand how7 songs
world of objects. Vygotsky saw them as social beings who de- aid birds in reproduction and survival.
velop their minds through their interactions with parents, Ethologists suggest that humans, too, display species-
teachers, and other knowledgeable members of the culture. If, specific behaviors that are the products of evolutionary his-
for example, Mom coaches Ben on how to fold paper to make a tory. In Chapter 3, you will look at the basics of Darwinian
paper airplane, Ben may repeat her words to himself later when evolutionary theory, and in Chapter 14, you will encounter at-
he tries to construct a plane. Through such social dialogues, tachment theory, an influential ethological theory that views
children learn how skilled problem solvers in their society go the formation of close relationships between human infants
about tackling problems and gradually internalize the language and their caregivers as evolved behavior that increases the
used by their mentors so that it becomes part of their own odds that the young will survive.
thinking. Adults continue to learn this way through dialogues While some researchers have been examining the evolu-
between themselves and other members of their culture. tionary roots of human behavior, others have been studying in
Notice that the socialization process of interest to elaborate detail how products of evolution such as genes and
Vygo tsky is similar to Bandura's observational learning. But in hormones interact with environmental factors to guide the
Vygotsky's view, children do not just imitate models. Instead, course of an individual's development (Gottlieb, Wahlsten, &
they and their social partners are true partners in develop-
ment. They coconstruct knowledge as they collaborate on
problem-solving tasks. In the process, what begins as social in-
teraction using the tool of language becomes individual
thought. As you will see when we return to Piaget and
Vygotsky in Chapter 7, Vygotsky's ideas have had a strong ef-
fect on education, serving as a basis for educational ap-
proaches in which children are tutored or coached by more
knowledgeable mentors. Yet Vygotsky may have been so in-
trigued by social processes in development that he paid too lit-
tle attention to biological influences and to differences among
individuals who develop within* the same cultural context.
Gilbert Gottlieb's evolutionary-epigenetic systems perspective
gives both biological and environmental influences their due.
Gottlieb's perspective on development grew out of earlier

work by evolutionary biologists, psychologists, and psychobi-
ologists attempting to look at human development in the con-
text of evolutionary theory (Bjorklund & Pellegrini, 2002;
Gottlieb, 2000, 2002, 2003; Li, 2003). In his influential theory
of evolution, Charles Darwin (1859) maintained that genes € Gilbert Gottlieb seeks to understand how biology and environ-
that aid their bearers in adapting to their environment will be. ment interact to produce development.
(L Similarities between animals and humans make us suspect that many aspects of human development are the product of evolution.
Lickliter, 1998; Lickliter & Honeycutt, 2003). Developmental bi- nurture,'genes and environment, jointly bring forth develop-
ologist Gilbert Gottlieb (1992,2000,2002; Gottlieb, Wahlsten, & ment in ways difficult to predict at the outset. In describing
Lickliter, 1998) is one, and he has put forth a modern evolution- the epigenetic process, Gottlieb emphasizes mutual influences
ary-epigenetic systems perspective on development. According over time involving (1) the activity of genes, which turn on
to this perspective, development is the product of complex in- and off at different points during development; (2) the activ-
terplays between nature and nurture—that is, between interact- ity of neurons; (3) the organisms behavior; and (4) environ-
ing biological and environmental forces that form a larger sys- mental influences of all kinds, as shown in Figure 2.4.
tem. Researchers can focus on the interplay of nature and Gottlieb accuses biologists of the past of wrongly claim-
nurture both at the level of the species interacting with its envi- ing that genes dictate development in a one-directional and
ronment over the course of evolution and at the level of the in- deterministic way. They need to appreciate that environmen-
dividual, with her unique genetic makeup, interacting with her tal factors influence the activity of genes just as genes influ-
unique environment over the course of a lifetime (Li, 2003). ence environment. The biochemical environment of a cell, as
The starting point in the evolutionary-epigenetic per- influenced by factors such as nutrition received, can influence
spective is recognition that evolution has endowed us with a whether and how the genes in that cell express themselves and,
human genetic makeup. We do not start out as tabula rasae. in turn, how they influence an individual's emerging traits.
Rather, we are predisposed to develop in certain directions Sensory stimulation, gained partly through the infant's ex-
rather than in others—for example, to develop so that we ploratory behavior, not only produces neural activity and
master language, use tools, display guilt, act aggressively, mate changes the brain but also affects the activity of genes, which
and bear children, and do the other things that humans do then influence the production of proteins that contribute to
(Pinker, 2002). However, genes do not dictate anything; they the building of the neural networks necessary for normal sen-
only make certain developmental outcomes more probable sory systems (Johnston & Edwards, 2002). If an individual
than others. What happens in development depends on the grows up in a typical environment that supplies normal sen-
epigenetic process, the process through which nature and sory experiences, all is likely to go well in development, but if
BIDIRECTIONAL INFLUENCES and begins to eat them (Johnston & Gottlieb, 1990). Eating the
seeds would be tough work, and the bone tissue of the mice's
Environment jaws and teeth might grow in response—a change in anatomy
(physical, social, cultural)
brought on by a change in the animals' environment and activ-
Behavior ity, not by a change in their genetic makeup. Chewing hard could
also activate genes that had been dormant. Over time, if seed-
Neural activity eating rodents survived and reproduced more often than leaf-
eating rodents, their genes would become more common in the
Genetic activity
Individual development over time population and the course of evolution would be affected. Thus,
a change in environment and behavior in one generation could
Figure 2A Gottlieb's model of bidirectional influences. Genes do not change the genetic makeup of a species over several generations.
determine development; rather, genetic influences interact with environ- Now think about humans. We actively and deliberately change
mental influences, the individual's behavior^ and activity at the neural level our environments by farming, urbanizing, polluting, fighting in-
to make certain developmental outcomes more or less probable in the
fectious diseases, and so on. As we change our environments
epigenetic process. Psychologists often focus on behavior-environment
through cultural evolution, we may change the course of biolog-
interactions, and biologists on genetic-neural interactions, but ALL parts
ical evolution because our new environments may make differ-
of the system influence every other part (Gottlieb, 2003). Can you think
of an example of each type of influence? ent genes critical to survival. An intriguing example: a gene as-
SOURCE: From Gottlieb, G . { 1 9 9 2 ) . Individual development and evolution: The genesis of novel behavior. N e w York:
sociated with a high tolerance of the lactose in milk is far more
Oxford University Press, p. 136. Copyright © 1991 by Oxford University Press, Inc. Used by permission of Oxford prevalent in human populations that have a tradition of dairy
University Press, Inc.
farming than in other human populations (Aolci, 1986).
Because genes only make particular developmental out-
an individual is deprived of sensory stimulation, the outcome comes more or less probable in epigenesis, we cannot tell how
may be different. the developmental story will end until we see what emerges
Gottlieb has made his case by demonstrating that behavior from the long history of interactions among the multiple
that most people assume is innate or instinctive—etched in the factors influencing development. We cannot easily predict
genetic code of all members of a species in the course of evolu- the specific directions in which a particular person will de-
tion—may or may not express itself depending on environ- velop; we must plan on being surprised. The evolutionary-
mental influences. He showed, for example, that the tendency of epigenetic systems perspective helps us appreciate that each
young ducks to prefer their mothers' vocal calls to those of person s development takes place in the context of our evolu-
other birds such as chickens is not as automatic as you might tionary history as a species. That is, we share certain genes
guess (Gottlieb, 1991). Duckling embryos that were exposed to with other humans because those genes enabled our ancestors
chicken calls before they hatched, then were preven ted from vo- to adapt to their environments. This perspective also helps us
calizing at birth, came to prefer the call of a chicken to that of a appreciate that the development of the individual arises from
mallard duck. Similarly, baby rats do not instinctively seek wa- complex interactions over time among genetic, neural, behav-
ter when they are dehydrated. They need to have had at least ioral, and environmental influences—interactions in which
one previous experience of being dehydrated and then being genes affect environment and, importantly, environment af-
able to drink water (Hall, Arnold, & Myers, 2000). A behavior as fects the ways in which genes are expressed.
basic as drinking water when thirsty, then, requires not only a No matter how contextual-systems theorists define the
biologically based sensitivity to dehydration but also specific forces that interact to shape development, they believe that
and early learning experience that allows the organism to asso- people and their environment are in continual flux, and that
ciate drinking with dehydration. changes in one inevitably produce changes in the other be-
The message is clear: genes do not determine anything. cause they are all part of a larger system. Modern theorists
They are partners with environment in directing organisms, cannot ignore that people develop in a changing cultural and
including humans, along certain universal developmental historical context—something that Piaget and other stage the-
pathways as well as in unique directions (Gandelman, 1992; orists tended to do. Nor can they focus all of their attention on
Gottlieb, Wahlsten, & Lickliter, 1998). Even seemingly instinc- environmental influences and ignore that humans are biolog-
tive, inborn patterns of behavior will not emerge unless the ical organisms whose genes contribute to their development
individual has both normal genes and normal early experi- and influence the experiences they have—something that
ences. And there is no point trying to figure out how much of early learning theorists tended to do. Some thoughts Gottlieb
an individuals traits and behavior is caused by nature and might have about contributors to teenage pregnancy are pre-
how much is caused by nurture because genes and environ- sented in the Explorations box on page 48.
ment "coact."
More recently, Gottlieb has argued that experiences during
the lives of organisms can influence genetic activity in those or-
ganisms and, ultimately, the course of biological evolution in Contextual-systems perspectives on development are com-
their species, imagine that a colony of rodents used to eating soft plex, but that is because life-span human development is com-
vegetation encounters some hard, but tasty and nutritious, seedst plex. We can applaud Gottlieb, Vygotsky, Bronfenbrenner, and
nancy
W hat do mallard ducks have t o do with teenage preg-

nancy? I'll tell you! I believe that Sherry and R o b e r t
are faced with a pregnancy because of the workings of mul-
that, in interaction with their neural activity, behavior, and
environment, shapes their development. They are experi-
encing rapid physical, hormonal, neural, cognitive, and psy-
tiple, interacting forces within themselves and their envi- chosocial change, and their environments are changing as
ronment. According t o my evolutionary-epigenetic systems they mature. W e must consider all t h e possibilities for mu-
theory, teenage pregnancy is unlikely t o be r o o t e d in o n e tual influence among the many aspects o f t h e developmen-
simple cause, such as a weak superego o r delayed cognitive tal system.
development. W e must look at Sherry's and Robert's devel- For example, adolescent couples actively influence and
o p m e n t from an evolutionary perspective and then analyze are influenced by t h o s e around them, including each o t h e r
carefully the ongoing interactions between t h e s e changing ( C o r c o r a n , 1999). T h e y also live in a cultural c o n t e x t . T h e
young people (their genes, neural activity, and behavior) and United States has undergone several important social
the changing world in which they are developing (their changes in r e c e n t years that have altered t h e adolescent
physical, social, and cultural environment). experience—for example, greater sexual permissiveness
W e know that sexual behavior is basic t o human nature and more single-parent families and working mothers
and that t w o basic mating strategies have evolved that opti- (Bronfenbrenner & Morris, 1998). Consider, t o o , social and
mize t h e chances of having children and passing on one's political controversies about w h e t h e r t h e Food and Drug
genes (Belsky, Steinberg, & Draper, 1991; Geary, 2 0 0 0 ) . In the Administration should approve the morning-after contra-
parental investment strategy, both parents invest much en- ceptive pill that has already been approved in many
ergy in the care of a small number of children. In the mating European countries, about w h e t h e r abortion should con-
strategy, individuals have s e x with many partners, bear many tinue t o be legal, and about w h e t h e r s e x education should
children, and do not invest much energy in the care o f any of emphasize abstinence o r safe sex. Sherry and R o b e r t have
them. Fathers often d e s e r t their families, for example. undoubtedly been influenced by t h e s e social forces. Indeed,
Evolutionary psychologists theorize that human chil- s o m e o f t h e s e factors may explain why, even though t h e
dren notice, based on their early experiences, which mating teenage pregnancy rate in t h e United States has been
strategy is m o s t c o m m o n and adaptive in their environment declining for a number of years, it is still 9 times higher
and then adopt it themselves later in life.Thus, I suspect that than rates in m o s t W e s t e r n European nations (Meschke,
Sherry and R o b e r t did not grow up with their fathers, did Bartholomae, & Zentall, 2 0 0 2 ; Singh & Darroch, 2 0 0 0 ) . T h e
not receive attentive care from either parent, and observed rate is especially high among African American and Latina
their parents dating multiple partners. Seeing little parental adolescents living in low-income urban areas w h e r e educa-
investment in child rearing at home, they may have adopted tional and vocational opportunities are limited and early
t h e mating strategy of having s e x with multiple partners m o t h e r h o o d is c o m m o n and accepted as normal (Farber,
starting early in life. In support of this view, father absence, 2 0 0 3 ) . Indeed, in s o m e cultures early childbearing is a de-
especially early in a child's life, has been linked t o high rates sired o u t c o m e rather than a problem (Davies e t al., 2 0 0 3 ) .
of both early sexual activity and teenage pregnancy, even So, a multitude of interacting factors, both biological and
when researchers hold constant o t h e r factors associated cultural, contribute t o the high adolescent pregnancy rate. If
with father absence, including third variables such as low s o - my evolutionary-epigenetic systems perspective on devel-
c i o e c o n o m i c status (Ellis et al., 2 0 0 3 ) . o p m e n t s e e m s complex, that's because human development
It's also worth noting that Sherry and R o b e r t , like o t h e r is complex!
adolescents, are biological beings with a genetic e n d o w m e n t
like-minded theorists for emphasizing some important truths contextual-systems perspectives may never provide any coher-
about human development. Development is the product of ent developmental theory. Why? If we take seriously the idea
both biological and environmental forces interacting within a that development can take a range of paths depending on a
complex system. And we cannot always predict how it will range of interacting influences both within and outside the
turn out unless we look more closely at the ongoing transac- person, how can we ever state generalizations about develop-
tions between the person and the environment. ment that will hold up for most people? If change over a life-
This means that contextual-systems theorists can be time depends on the ongoing transactions between a unique
faulted for failing to provide a clear picture of the course of hu- person and a unique environment, is each life span unique?
man development and for being only partially formulated and The problem is this: "For the contextualist, often the only gen-
tested at this point. But a more serious criticism can be made: eralization that holds is, cIt depends."' (Goldhaber, 2000, p. 33).
In light of these concerns, some theorists propose com- a learning theory model of human development are not likely
bining contextual-systems perspectives with the best features to trust genetically guided maturational forces to ensure that
of stage theories that propose universal paths of development their children develop in healthy directions. Such parents may
(Lerner & Kauffman, 1985). Researchers might then see hu- assume that their children will not develop (or at least will
mans as moving in orderly directions in some aspects of their never be Harvard material) unless they are systematically ex-
development, yet they could also try to understand how posed to particular learning experiences. These parents are
that developmental course differs in different social contexts. likely to take deliberate steps to shape desirable behaviors and
They might view developmental attainments such as formal- eliminate undesirable ones in their offspring.
operational thinking not as inevitable achievements but as at- Finally, contextual-systems theorists emphasize both bi-
tainments that are more or less probable depending on the in- ology and environment as components of a larger system.
dividual's genetic endowment and life experiences. Humans contribute actively to the developmental process (as
stage theorists such as Piaget maintain), but environment is also
Summing Up an active participant in the developmental drama (as learning
theorists maintain). The potential exists for both qualitative
Contextual-systems theories view development as the
(stagelike) change and quantitative change. Development can
product of ongoing transactions and mutual influence be-
proceed along many paths depending on the intricate interplay
tween the individual and his environment Vygotsky's so-
of nature and nurture. Parents who adopt a contextual-systems
ciocultural perspective called attention to collaborations
model of development, such as Vygotsky's sociocultural per-
between children and mentors that allow children to in-
spective or Gottlieb's evolutionary-epigenetic systems view, are
ternalize the tools of thinking available in their culture.
likely to appreciate that their children are influencing them just
Ethology asks how species-specific behaviors may have
as much as they are influencing their children. They are likely to
evolved, and Gottlieb's evolutionary-epigenetic systems
view themselves as partners with their children in the develop-
perspective highlights mutual influences among genesr
mental process.
neural activity, behavior; and environment both over the
It is because different theories rest on different basic as-
course of evolution and during the epigenetic process.
sumptions that they offer such different pictures of human de-
Contextual-systems theories are incomplete, however,
velopment and its causes. Theorists who view the world
and do not provide a coherent picture of human devel-
through different lenses not only study different things but are
opment m
likely to disagree even when the s a m e "facts" are set before
them because they will interpret those facts differently. This is
the nature of science. Our understanding of human develop-
Tlieories in Perspective ment has changed, and will continue to change, as one prevail-
ing view gives way to another. From the beginning of the study
That completes this survey of some grand and emerging the- of human development at the turn of the 20th century through
ories of human development. These theories can be grouped the heyday of Freud's psychoanalytic theory, a stage theory
into even grander categories based on the broad assumptions perspective prevailed, emphasizing biological forces in devel-
they make about human development (Pepper, 1942; Reese 8c opment (Cairns, 1998; Parke et al, 1994). In the 1950s and
Overton, 1970; Goldhaber, 2000). 1960s, learning theories came to the fore, and attention shifted
Stage theorists such as Freud, Erilcson, and Piaget form from biology toward environment and toward the view that
one broad group and have much in common. They believe children are blank tablets to be written on. Then, with the ris-
that development is guided in certain universal directions by ing influence of cognitive psychology and Piaget's theory of
biological-maturational forces within the individual Humans cognitive development in the late 1960s and 1970s, a stage the-
unfold—much as a rose unfolds from its beginnings as a ory model emphasizing the interaction of nature and nurture
seed—according to a master plan carried in their genes, as- gained prominence. Finally, in the 1980s and 1990s, we gained
suming that they grow up in a. reasonably normal environ- a fuller appreciation of the roles of both biological-genetic and
ment. They evolve through distinct or discontinuous stages cultural-historical influences on development.
that are universal and lead to the same final state of maturity. Where are we today? The broad perspective on key devel-
Parents who subscribe to the stage theory perspective on de- opmental issues taken by contextual-systems theorists such as
velopment are likely to be supportive but not pushy in their Vygotsky and Gottlieb is the perspective that most 21st-
efforts to enhance their children's development. They would century developmentalists have adopted. The field has moved
tend to trust their children to seek the learning opportunities beyond the extreme, blaclc-or-white positions taken by many
they most need at a given stage in their growth. They would of its pioneers. We now appreciate that humans, although not
respond to their children's changing needs and interests but tabula rasae, have evolved so that they have the potential to
would not feel compelled to structure all their children's develop in good and bad directions; that human development
learning experiences. is always the product of nature and nurture; that humans and
By contrast, learning theorists such as Watson, Skinner, their environments are active in the developmental process;
and Bandura emphasize the role of environment more than that development is both continuous and discontinuous in
the role of biology in development. Parents who subscribe to form; and that development has both universal aspects and
I n 1 9 9 5 , 4 9 % o f females and 5 5 % of males ages 15 t o 19 had
had s e x (U.S. Census Bureau, 2 0 0 0 ) . Although t h e teenage
pregnancy rate has dropped since it peaked in 1991, almost I
Adopting Jean Piaget's cognitive developmental
tive might make us pessimistic that young teenagers can learn
t o engage in long-term planning and rational decision making
perspec-
in 10 females ages 15 t o 19 b e c o m e s pregnant each year, al- about sexual issues until they are solidly into the formal oper-
m o s t half o f t h e s e pregnant teenagers give birth, and m o r e of ations stage of cognitive development. However, if we could
them than ever are n o t married (Farber, 2 0 0 3 ) . Although the identify the kinds of faulty cognitive structures o r misunder-
c o n s e q u e n c e s vary greatly from family t o family and are not as standings that young adolescents have about their risks o f
bad as many people believe, they s o m e t i m e s include an inter- pregnancy and about contraceptive methods, w e could attempt
rupted education, low income, and a difficult start for both t o c o r r e c t their mistaken ideas using c o n c r e t e examples and
new parent and new child (Furstenberg, 2 0 0 3 ; Farber, 2 0 0 3 ) . simple explanations. T h e solution t o teenage pregnancy, then,
Meanwhile, sexually transmitted diseases, including AIDS, are would be improved s e x education programs—programs that
epidemic among adolescents; yet all t o o many continue t o en- provide teenagers with accurate information and help them
gage in risky s e x (Hogan, Sun, & Cornwell, 2 0 0 0 ) . W h a t prac- think clearly about t h e long-term consequences of their sexual
tical solutions t o t h e problem o f unwanted teenage pregnancy decisions. Sex education programs that are carefully designed
might different developmental theorists offer? and teach decision-making and communication skills can suc-
Psychoanalytic t h e o r i s t s tend t o locate the problem ceed in increasing t h e use of contraception and reducing preg-
within t h e p e r s o n . Sigmund Freud might w a n t t o identify and nancy rates (Franklin & C o r c o r a n , 2 0 0 0 ) . However, education
t a r g e t f o r intervention t e e n a g e r s w h o have especially strong alone is often not enough, s o perhaps w e need t o consider s o -
ids and w e a k egos and s u p e r e g o s o r w h o a r e experiencing lutions that locate the problem in the environment rather than
e x t r e m e s o f anxiety and strained relationships with t h e i r in t h e individual's psychological weaknesses or cognitive
parents. Erik Erikson might identify t e e n a g e r s w h o a r e hav- deficiencies.
ing significant p r o b l e m s resolving the crisis o f identity ver- Learning theorists strongly believe that changing t h e envi-
sus role confusion. High-risk teenagers might then be r o n m e n t will change t h e person. In support o f this belief, it ap-
t r e a t e d through psychoanalysis; t h e aim would be t o help pears that t h e m o s t effective approach t o teenage pregnancy
t h e m resolve t h e inner conflicts t h a t might g e t t h e m in prevention is t o make contraceptives readily available t o t e e n s
t r o u b l e . This approach might w o r k with t e e n a g e r s w h o are through health clinics and t o teach them how t o use them
psychologically d i s t u r b e d . T h e only problem is t h a t pregnant (Franklin & C o r c o r a n , 2 0 0 0 ; Kirby, 2 0 0 2 ) . This approach re-
t e e n a g e r s do n o t have much higher rates o f psychopathol- flects a Skinnerian philosophy of encouraging t h e desired be-
ogy overall than those who do not become pregnant havior by making it m o r e reinforcing and less punishing.Albert
(Farber, 2 0 0 3 ) . Bandura's social cognitive t h e o r y suggests that it might also
aspects particular to certain cultures, times, and individuals. you define a problem determines how you attempt to solve
In short, the assumptions and theories that guide the study of it. To illustrate, take one last look at teenage pregnancy. As
human development have become increasingly complex as the you have seen, different theorists hold radically different
incredible complexity of human development has become opinions about the causes of teenage pregnancy. How do you
more apparent. think each would go about trying to reduce the rate of
As we have emphasized, a main function of theories in teenage pregnancy? The Applications box on this page offers
any science is to guide research. Thus Freud stimulated re- some ideas.
searchers to study inner personality conflicts, Skinner inspired We hope you are convinced that theories are not just use-
them to analyze how behavior changes when its environmen- less ideas. Developmental researchers need theories to guide
tal consequences change, and Piaget inspired them to explore their work, and every parent, teacher, human services profes-
children's thinking about every imaginable topic. Different sional, and observer of humans is guided by some set of basic
theories stimulate different kinds of research and yield differ- assumptions about how humans develop and why they de-
ent kinds of facts. velop as they do. We hope that reading this chapter will stim-
Theories also guide practice. As you have seen, each the- ulate you to think about your own theory of human develop-
ory of human development represents a particular way of ment. One way to start is by comparing the answers you gave
defining developmental issues and problems. Often, how to the questions in the Explorations box on page 28 with the
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help t o provide teenagers with m o r e role models of respon-

sible sexual behavior. T h r o ugh the right observational learning
experiences, teenagers might develop m o r e sexually responsi-
ble habits and learn that the c o n s e q u e n c e s of safer s e x are
likely t o be m o r e desirable than t h e c o n s e q u e n c e s of early
parenthood (Unger, Molina, &Teran, 2 0 0 0 ) .
C o n t e x t u a l - s y s t e m s t h e o r i s t s such as LevVygotsky and
G i l b e r t G o t t l i e b would aim t o change both t h e person and
t h e e n v i r o n m e n t — t o change w h o l e systems of interacting
biological and environmental f o r c e s . Q u i c k fixes are unlikely
t o w o r k . T h e solution may require changing t h e b r o a d e r s o -
cial c o n t e x t in which a d o l e s c e n t s develop, with attention t o
parent, peer, and p a r t n e r influences on a d o l e s c e n t s . T e e n a g e
pregnancy in poverty areas may n o t be reduced significantly
until p o o r parents face fewer s t r e s s e s , s c h o o l s are safe and
stimulating, jobs are available, and m o r e disadvantaged young
people gain hope that they can climb o u t of poverty if they
pursue an education and postpone parenthood (Farber,
2003).
You can see, then, that t h e theoretical position an individ- i s i t w o t t r r t i i e s c o r e r
... . , ... •
ual takes has a profound effect on how that person attempts Four out of 10 giris get pregnant at (east once by age 20
t o optimize development.Yet, as you have also seen, each the- The onty way to be sure you don't get pregnant —
o r y may offer only a partial solution t o t h e problem being ad- or get someone pregnant — is If you don't have sex.
dressed. In all likelihood, multiple approaches will be needed
But If you do, use contraception.
•'.. Every time. V," ./
t o address c o m p l e x problems such as t h e high rate of teenage
pregnancy—and t o achieve t h e larger goal of understanding The National Campaign to Prevent Teen Pregnancy
human development. www.teenpregnancy.org -
C This ad is designed to prevent teenage pregnancy. Do you

think it will be effective?
summary information in Table 2.4 and seeing which theorists' Summing Up

views are most compatible with your own.
D u r i n g t h e 2 0 t h century, stage t h e o r i e s such as Freud's
You need not choose one theory and reject others.
emphasizing biological forces gave way l o learning t h e o -
Because different theories often highlight different aspects of
ries emphasizing e n v i r o n m e n t a l influences. Piaget's cogni-
development, one may be more relevant to a particular issue
tive d e v e l o p m e n t a l t h e o r y emphasized t h e interaction o f
or to a particular age group than another. Many develop-
nature and n u r t u r e , b u t its c o n c e p t o f universal stages
mentalists today are theoretical eclectics who rely on many
has given w a y t o m o r e c o m p l e x c o n t e x t u a l - s y s t e m s t h e -
theories, recognizing that no major theories of human de-
ories such as t h o s e o f V y g o t s k y and G o t t l i e b . T h e s e t h e -
velopment can explain everything but that each has some-
orists e x p e c t certain o u t c o m e s t o be m o r e o r less p r o b -
thing to contribute to our understanding. In many ways,
able d e p e n d i n g o n mutual influences b e t w e e n a p e r s o n
emerging contextual-systems perspectives on development
and a social c o n t e x t and b e t w e e n biological and envi-
provide the broadest point of view yet proposed. There is no
r o n m e n t a l f a c t o r s . T h e o r i e s influence b o t h research and
reason many of the insights offered by Erikson, Piaget,
practice, and many developmentalists are theoretical
Bandura, and others cannot be incorporated within this per-
eclectics. M
spective to help us understand changing people in their
changing worlds.
Table 2 0 ; Compare Yourself with the | h e ^ i | | |
In the Exploration box on page 28, you were asked to indicate your position on basic issues in human development by answering five
questions. If you transcribe your answers (a, b, c, d, or e) here, you can compare your stands with those of the theorists described in this
chapter (and review the theories). With whom do you seem to agree the most?
Question
1 2 3 4 5
Your pattern of answers:
Theory: Theorist
Contextual
Systems
Theories:
Vygotsky's
Sociocultural
Cognitive and Gottlieb's
Psychoanalytic Psychoanalytic Learning Theory: Developmental Evolutionary-
Theory: Freud's Theory: Erikson's Skinner's Learning Theory: Theory: Epigenetic
Psychosexual Psychosocial Behavioral Bandura's Social Piaget's Systems
Theory Theory Theory Cognitive Theory Constructivism Perspectives
MESSAGE Biologically based Humans progress Development is Development is Development Development

sexual instincts through eight the product of the product of proceeds through takes many di-
motivate behavior psychosocial con- learning from the cognition, as il- four stages of rections depend-
and steer devel- flicts, from trust consequences of lustrated by ob- cognitive devel- ing on transac-
opment through vs. mistrust to in- one's behavior servational learn- opment, from tions between a
five psychosexual tegrity vs. despair through operant ing and human sensorimotor to changing person
stages, oral to conditioning agency formal operations and a changing
genital -
environment
NATURE- b. More nature c. Nature and e. Mostly nurture d. More nurture b. More nature c. Nature and
NURTURE (biology drives nurture equally (maturation nurture equally
development; interacting with
early experience experience guides
in the family in- all through the
fluences it, too) same stages)
*
GOODNESS- a. Bad (selfish, d. Good (capable b. Neither good b. Neither good d. Good (curious) c. Both good and
BADNESS OF aggressive urges) of growth) nor bad nor bad bad (people have
HUMAN biologically based
NATURE predispositions
toward both)
ACTIVITY- b. Passive a. Active b. Passive a. Active (humans a. Active a. Active

PASSIVITY (humans are (humans are influence their
influenced by shaped by environments)
forces beyond environment)
their control)
CONTINUITY- a. Discontinuous a. Discontinuous c. Continuous c. Continuous a. Discontinuous b. Both

DISCONTI- (stagelike) (stagelike) (habits gradually (stagelike) continuous and
NUITY increase or discontinuous
decrease in
strength)
UNIVERSALITY- a. Universal a. Universal b. Context b. Context a. Universal b. Context

CONTEXT (although stages specific (direction specific specific
SPECIFICITY may be expressed of development
differently in depends on
different cultures) experiences)
ing, cognitive developmental, and contextual-systems theory) only
one truly great insight into human development. What four ideas
L A theory is a set of ideas proposed to describe and explain cer- would you choose, and why?
tain phenomena; it is valuable if it is internally consistent, falsifiable,
and supported by data. Theories of human development address is-
sues concerning nature and nurture, the goodness and badness of
human nature, activity and passivity, continuity and discontinuity,
tabula rasae, 29 operant conditioning, 36
and universality and context specificity in development.
2. According to Sigmund Freud's psychoanalytic theory, hu- activity-passivity issue, 29 reinforcement, 37
mans are driven by inborn instincts of which they are largely uncon- continuity-discontinuity positive reinforcement, 37
scious and shaped by early childhood experiences as their ids, egos, issue, 29 negative reinforcement, 37
and superegos conflict and they progress through five psychosexual
developmental stage, 29 punishment, 37
stages.
3. According to Erik Erikson's more socially oriented, neo- universality-context-specificity positive punishment, 37
Freudian version of psychoanalytic theory, development is a lifelong issue, 30
negative punishment, 38
process involving eight psychosocial stages, beginning with trust ver- psychoanalytic theory, 30
extinction, 38
sus mistrust and concluding with integrity versus despair. instinct, 30
4. Learning theorists hold that different humans develop in social cognitive theory, 39
unconscious motivation, 30
many different directions because of environmental influences. John observational learning, 39
B. Watson emphasized classical conditioning, B. F. Skinner focused id, 31
vicarious reinforcement, 39
on operant conditioning. Albert Bandura's social cognitive theory ego, 31
human agency, 39
emphasizes observational learning, human agency, and reciprocal
superego, 31
determinism. reciprocal determinism, 40
libido, 31
5. Jean Piaget's cognitive developmental theory lays out four constructivism, 42
universal, invariant stages in which children actively construct in- psychosexual stages, 31
sensorimotor stage, 42
creasingly complex understandings by interacting with their envi- defense mechanisms, 31
preoperational stage, 43
ronments.
fixation, 31
6. Contextual-systems perspectives on development are illus- concrete operations stage, 43
trated by Lev Vygotsky's sociocultural perspective (with its emphasis regression, 31
formal operations stage, 43
on how culture shapes thought) and Gilbert Gottlieb's evolutionary- psychosocial stages, 34
contextual-systems theories, 44
epigenetic systems perspective (which emphasizes the evolutionary behaviorism, 36
context of development and views epigenesis as the product of sociocultural perspective, 45
classical conditioning, 36
mutual influences among genes, neural activity, behavior, and envi- ethology, 45
ronment). unconditioned stimulus, 36
evolutionary-epigenetic systems
7. During the 20th century, stage theories emphasizing forces unconditioned response, 36 perspective, 45
within the person and universal maturational processes gave way to conditioned stimulus, 36 epigenetic process, 45
learning theories emphasizing environmental factors, which in turn
conditioned response, 36
gave way to Piaget's cognitive developmental stage theory and, most eclectic, 51
recently, to contextual-systems theories that emphasize the dynamic
interaction between a person and an environment.
Media Resources
/? Websites to Explore
1. Jasper, age 6, has just started first grade and suddenly has a Visit Our Website
case of school phobia. Every morning he complains of headaches, For a chapter tutorial quiz and other useful features, visit
tummy aches, and foot aches and begs his mother to let him stay the book's companion website at http://psychology.wadsworth.corn/
home. His mother let him stay home almost all of last week and is sigelman_rider5e. You can also connect directly to the following sites:
trying desperately to understand why Jasper does not want to go to
school. Help her out by indicating what particular psychoanalytic,
Freud
learning, cognitive developmental, and contextual-systems theorists
This site of the Abraham A. Brill Library of the New York Psycho-
might propose as an explanation of school phobia.
analytic Institute and Society (see especially "Sigmund Freud on the
2. Matilda, age 78, fell and broke her hip recently and has be- Internet") offers biographical information and excerpts from a few of
come overly dependent on her daughter for help ever since, even the writings of the founder of psychoanalytic theory.
though she can get around quite well. How might particular psycho-
analytic, learning, cognitive developmental, and contextual-systems Piaget
theorists explain her old-age dependency?
The Jean Piaget Society provides biographical information, links to
3. Pick any two theorists from different theoretical camps and other Piaget resources on the web, and lists of suggested readings for
imagine what advice they might give to a room full of preschool those who would like to learn more about Piaget's research and
teachers about how best to enhance the social skills of their students.
writings.
4. You have decided to become an eclectic and to take from each
of the four major perspectives in this chapter (psychoanalytic, learn-
B. F. Skinner Life-Span CD-ROM
The B. F. Skinner Foundation works with Harvard University to
archive Skinner's literary estate and also publishes significant works
in the study of behavior Its website contains a brief biography of the
late behaviorist by his daughter, Julie S. Vargas, and a nontechnical
summary of operant conditioning.
DEVELOPMENTAL
Teenage Pregnancy PsychologyONow™

For those interested in the topic of teenage pregnancy, the website for
the National Campaign to Prevent Teenage Pregnancy offers a wealth Developmental PsychologyNow is a web-based, intel-
of statistics and information about approaches to preventing teenage ligent study system that provides a complete package of diagnostic
pregnancy. quizzes, a personalized study plan, integrated multimedia elements,
and learning modules. Check it out at http://psychology.wadsworth
. com/sigelman_rider5e/now.
C H A P T E R t h r e e
Evolution and Species Studying' G e n e t i c a n d

Heredity E n v i r o n m e n t a l Influences
Experimental Breeding Gene-Environment Interactions
Individual Heredity Twin, Adoption, and Family Studies Gene-Environment Correlations
The Genetic Code Estimating Influences Passive G e n e - E n v i r o n m e n t
Genetic Uniqueness and Correlations

Molecular Genetics
Relatedness Evocative G e n e - E n v i r o n m e n t
Determination o f Sex Correlations

Accounting for Individual Active G e n e - E n v i r o n m e n t
Translation of the Genetic Code
Correlations
Mechanisms of Inheritance
Differences
Genetic Influence on Environment
Single G e n e - P a i r I n h e r i t a n c e Intellectual Abilities
Sex-Linked Inheritance Controversies Surrounding Genetic
Temperament and Personality
Polygenic Inheritance Research
Psychological Disorders
Mutations
The Heritability of Different Traits
Chromosome Abnormalities
Influences on Heritability
Genetic Diagnosis and Counseling
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A N E W S P A P E R STORY A B O U T Jim Lewis and Jim e n v i r o n m e n t c a n m a k e any child develop well, and t h a t m o s t
Springer inspired T h o m a s B o u c h a r d Jr. and his a s s o c i a t e s o f t h e psychological differences a m o n g p e o p l e reflect their e x -
( B o u c h a r d , 1 9 8 4 ; B o u c h a r d e t al., 1 9 9 0 ) t o u n d e r t a k e a p e r i e n c e s over a lifetime. R e a d i n g this c h a p t e r s h o u l d increase
study in which t h e y reunited identical t w i n s w h o had b e e n y o u r appreciation o f g e n e t i c c o n t r i b u t i o n s t o d e v e l o p m e n t
s e p a r a t e d s o o n a f t e r birth and asked t h e m t o c o m p l e t e a a n d give y o u n e w insights into t h e i m p o r t a n c e o f e n v i r o n -
5 0 - h o u r b a t t e r y o f t e s t s . T o g e t h e r a f t e r spending all but t h e m e n t a l influences.
first 4 w e e k s o f t h e i r 3 9 years apart, Jim and Jim d i s c o v e r e d W e begin w i t h a b r i e f l o o k at ways in w h i c h genes m a k e
t h a t t h e y had b o t h married w o m e n n a m e d Linda—and t h e n h u m a n s similar in t h e i r c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s a n d development.
w o m e n named B e t t y . T h e y n a m e d t h e i r first s o n s J a m e s Alan T h e n t h e c h a p t e r t u r n s to what each p e r s o n i n h e r i t s at c o n -
and J a m e s Allan, had dogs n a m e d Toy, and liked Miller Lite c e p t i o n and h o w this g e n e t i c e n d o w m e n t c a n i n f l u e n c e traits.
b e e r and Salem c i g a r e t t e s . T h e n it explores research findings o n h o w genes a n d e n v i r o n -
B a r b a r a H e r b e r t and D a p h n e G o o d s h i p , also reunited m e n t m a k e individuals different f r o m o n e a n o t h e r in intel-
a f t e r 3 9 y e a r s apart, b o t h w o r e a beige d r e s s and a b r o w n ligence, personality, and other important characteristics.
velvet j a c k e t w h e n t h e y m e t f o r t h e first t i m e in L o n d o n . Finally, we draw s o m e general c o n c l u s i o n s a b o u t h e r e d i t y and
T h e y s h a r e d a habit o f "squidging" (pushing up t h e i r n o s e s ) , e n v i r o n m e n t f r o m a life-span perspective. W e start by f o c u s -
had fallen d o w n t h e stairs at age 15, laughed m o r e than any- ing o n t h e c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s all h u m a n s share.
o n e t h e y knew, and n e v e r v o t e d .
Yet identical twins J e s s i c a and Rachel W e s s e l l , despite
growing up t o g e t h e r and being c l o s e , a r e far f r o m identical.
O n e e x c e l s in math, t h e o t h e r in English. O n e has c e r e b r a l Evolution an ecies
palsy, possibly b e c a u s e o f oxygen deprivation o r damage t o
h e r brain at birth, and is in a w h e e l c h a i r ; t h e o t h e r w a s in
Heredity
t h e marching band in high s c h o o l ( H e l d e r m a n , 2 0 0 3 ) .
M o s t d e s c r i p t i o n s o f h e r e d i t y f o c u s o n its role in creating dif-
ferences a m o n g people. S o m e individuals i n h e r i t b l u e eyes,
o t h e r s b r o w n eyes; s o m e i n h e r i t b l o o d type O, o t h e r s b l o o d
Perhaps die i n f l u e n c e o f genes o n d e v e l o p m e n t m u s t b e taken
type A o r B. B u t it is r e m a r k a b l e that a l m o s t every o n e o f us
seriously. S o m u s t t h e i n f l u e n c e o f e n v i r o n m e n t . H o w d o n a -
has two eyes a n d t h a t we all have b l o o d c o u r s i n g t h r o u g h o u r
t u r e and n u r t u r e , h e r e d i t y and e n v i r o n m e n t , c o n t r i b u t e to t h e
veins. A n d virtually all o f us develop in similar ways at similar
s h a p i n g o f physical and psychological characteristics? T h a t is
a g e s — w a l k i n g and talking a r o u n d 1 year, m a t u r i n g sexually
t h e puzzle we grapple w i t h in this chapter. M a n y p e o p l e are
f r o m 12 t o 14, w a t c h i n g o u r skin w r i n k l e in o u r 4 0 s and 50s.
e n v i r o n m e n t a l i s t s at h e a r t , believing t h a t there is n o such
Such similarities in d e v e l o p m e n t a n d aging are a p r o d u c t o f
thing as a " b a d seed," t h a t p r o p e r p a r e n t i n g a n d a s t i m u l a t i n g
species h e r e d i t y — t h e genetic e n d o w m e n t that m e m b e r s o f a
species have in c o m m o n , i n c l u d i n g genes t h a t i n f l u e n c e m a t -
u r a t i o n a n d aging processes. H u m a n s c a n feel guilty but c a n -
n o t fly; birds c a n fly b u t c a n n o t feel guilty. E a c h species h a s a
distinct heredity. Species h e r e d i t y is o n e reason c e r t a i n pat-
terns o f d e v e l o p m e n t a n d aging are universal.
To u n d e r s t a n d w h e r e we got o u r species heredity, we
m u s t t u r n to e v o l u t i o n a r y theory. W e i n t r o d u c e d Gilbert
G o t t l i e b s m o d e r n e v o l u t i o n a r y - e p i g e n e t i c systems t h e o r y in
C h a p t e r 2, b u t h e r e we go b a c k to b a s i c s — t o t h e p a t h - b l a z i n g
w o r k o f C h a r l e s D a r w i n ( 1 8 0 9 - 1 8 8 2 ) . D a r w i n s t h e o r y o f evo-
l u t i o n s o u g h t t o explain h o w t h e c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f a species
c h a n g e over t i m e a n d h o w n e w species c a n evolve f r o m earlier
o n e s ( D a r w i n , 1 8 5 9 ) . It has b e e n a n d c o n t i n u e s t o b e t r e m e n -
dously i m p o r t a n t t o o u r u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f w h y h u m a n s d e -
velop as t h e y do. T h e m a i n a r g u m e n t s o f D a r w i n ' s t h e o r y are
as follows:
1. There is genetic variation in a species. S o m e m e m b e r s o f

t h e species have different genes ( a n d different genetically
i n f l u e n c e d characteristics a n d b e h a v i o r s ) f r o m others. I f
all m e m b e r s o f t h e species were genetically identical,
t h e r e w o u l d b e n o way f o r t h e g e n e t i c m a k e u p o f t h e
species t o c h a n g e over t i m e .
€ Identical twins share some remarkable similarities, even when sep- 2 . Some genes aid adaptation more than others do. S u p p o s e
arated early in life, but differ as well. that s o m e m e m b e r s o f a species have genes t h a t m a k e
t h e m s t r o n g and intelligent, w h e r e a s o t h e r s have genes A c c o r d i n g to e v o l u t i o n a r y theory, t h e n , h u m a n s , like any
that m a k e t h e m w e a k a n d d u l l T h o s e w i t h t h e genes for o t h e r species, are as t h e y are a n d develop as t h e y do partly be-
strength a n d intelligence w o u l d likely b e b e t t e r able to cause t h e y have a shared species h e r e d i t y that evolved t h r o u g h
adapt t o their e n v i r o n m e n t — f o r e x a m p l e , to w i n fights n a t u r a l selection. S o l u t i o n s t o p r o b l e m s faced by o u r ances-
for survival o r to figure o u t h o w to o b t a i n f o o d . tors t h o u s a n d s o f years ago in s u c h i m p o r t a n t areas as m a t e
3. Genes that aid their bearers in adapting to their environ- s e l e c t i o n , c h i l d b e a r i n g , a n d p a r e n t i n g m a y have b e c o m e built
ment will be passed to future generations more frequently i n t o the h u m a n g e n e t i c c o d e . N o t all h u m a n similarity is
than genes that do not. T h i s is t h e p r i n c i p l e o f n a t u r a l b e c a u s e o f genes, however; t h r o u g h the process o f cultural
s e l e c t i o n — t h e idea t h a t n a t u r e "selects," o r allows t o e v o l u t i o n , we " i n h e r i t " f r o m previous g e n e r a t i o n s a c h a r a c -
survive a n d r e p r o d u c e , t h o s e m e m b e r s o f a species teristically h u m a n e n v i r o n m e n t a n d ways o f adapting t o it
w h o s e genes p e r m i t t h e m t o adapt to their e n v i r o n m e n t . ( B j o r k l u n d & Pellegrini, 2 0 0 2 ) . T h e m o s t significant legacy o f
B y c o n t r a s t , genes t h a t r e d u c e t h e c h a n c e s t h a t an i n d i - b i o l o g i c a l e v o l u t i o n m a y b e a p o w e r f u l b r a i n that allows h u -
vidual will survive and r e p r o d u c e will b e c o m e rarer over m a n s to learn f r o m t h e i r e x p e r i e n c e s , t o find b e t t e r ways o f
t i m e b e c a u s e t h e y will n o t b e passed t o m a n y offspring. adapting to t h e i r e n v i r o n m e n t o r even c h a n g i n g it, and, w i t h
T h r o u g h n a t u r a l selection, then, t h e genetic m a k e u p o f a t h e help o f language, to share what they have l e a r n e d with fu-
species c a n slowly c h a n g e . ture g e n e r a t i o n s ( B j o r k l u n d & Pellegrini, 2 0 0 2 ) .
Consider a classic example of evolution. H. B. D.

S u m m S ti g Up
Kettlewell ( 1 9 5 9 ) carefully studied m o t h s in E n g l a n d . T h e r e is
genetic v a r i a t i o n a m o n g m o t h s t h a t m a k e s s o m e d a r k a n d Humans are similar and develop similarly partly because
o t h e r s light. B y placing light a n d d a r k m o t h s in several sites, of a shared species heredity produced by biological evo-
Kettlewell f o u n d t h a t in rural areas l i g h t - c o l o r e d m o t h s wrere lution. According to Darwinian evolutionary theory, if
m o s t likely to survive b u t t h a t in industrial areas dark m o t h s there is genetic variation in a species—and if some genes
were m o s t likely to survive. T h e e x p l a n a t i o n ? In r u r a l areas, aid members of the species in adapting to their environ-
l i g h t - c o l o r e d m o t h s b l e n d in well w i t h l i g h t - c o l o r e d trees a n d ment, surviving, and reproducing—-those genes will be-
are t h e r e f o r e b e t t e r p r o t e c t e d f r o m predators. N a t u r a l selec- come more common in the population over time
t i o n favors t h e m . However, in s o o t y industrial areas, light- through the process of natural selection. Humans are
c o l o r e d m o t h s are easy p i c k i n g s against t h e d a r k e n e d trees, also similar because they inherit a characteristically hu-
w h e r e a s dark m o t h s are well disguised. W h e n i n d u s t r y c a m e man environment through cultural evolution. B
to E n g l a n d , t h e p r o p o r t i o n o f d a r k m o t h s increased; as p o l l u -
tion was b r o u g h t u n d e r c o n t r o l in s o m e h i g h l y industrialized
areas, the proportion of light-colored moths increased
Individual Heredity
(Bishop & Cooke, 1975).
N o t i c e , t h e n , that e v o l u t i o n is n o t j u s t a b o u t genes. It is
To u n d e r s t a n d h o w genes c o n t r i b u t e to differences a m o n g h u -
a b o u t t h e interaction between genes and environment. A par-
m a n s , y o u m u s t start at c o n c e p t i o n , t h e m o m e n t w h e n an egg
ticular genetic m a k e u p m a y e n h a n c e survival in o n e k i n d o f
is fertilized b y a s p e r m . O n c e y o u u n d e r s t a n d what is i n h e r -
e n v i r o n m e n t b u t prove m a l a d a p t i v e in a n o t h e r . W h i c h genes
ited at c o n c e p t i o n , y o u can e x a m i n e h o w genes influence
are a d v a n t a g e o u s , a n d therefore b e c o m e m o r e c o m m o n i n fu-
traits.
t u r e g e n e r a t i o n s , d e p e n d s o n w h a t e n v i r o n m e n t s a g r o u p ex-
p e r i e n c e s a n d w h a t traits that e n v i r o n m e n t d e m a n d s .
A few h o u r s after s p e r m p e n e t r a t e s o v u m , the s p e r m cell b e -

gins to disintegrate, releasing its genetic m a t e r i a l . T h e nucleus
o f t h e o v u m releases its o w n g e n e t i c m a t e r i a l , a n d a n e w cell
KM®
SwJv n u c l e u s is c r e a t e d f r o m t h e genetic material p r o v i d e d b y
m o t h e r a n d father. T h i s n e w cell, called a zygote and o n l y the
size o f a p i n h e a d , is t h e b e g i n n i n g o f a h u m a n . C o n c e p t i o n
has o c c u r r e d .
T h e g e n e t i c m a t e r i a l c o n t a i n e d in t h e n e w zygote c o n -
sists o f 4 6 t h r e a d l i k e b o d i e s called c h r o m o s o m e s , which
f u n c t i o n as 2 3 pairs. B o t h m e m b e r s o f a c h r o m o s o m e pair
• - ;•
influence the same characteristics. Each chromosome is
m a d e u p o f t h o u s a n d s o f genes, t h e b a s i c u n i t s o f heredity.
G e n e t i c s c i e n t i s t s n o w believe a p e r s o n h a s a r o u n d 3 0 , 0 0 0
g e n e s ( P e n n i s i , 2 0 0 3 ) . E a c h is a s t r e t c h o f d e o x y r i b o n u c l e i c
(L Each species has its own species heredity, the product of natural acid ( D N A ) , the double helix molecule whose chemical code
selection. guides d e v e l o p m e n t . Specifically, genes p r o v i d e i n s t r u c t i o n s
O n June 26, 2 0 0 0 , Francis Collins, head of the
G e n o m e Project within the National Institutes of Health,
and J. Craig Venter, then head of Celera G e n o m i c s
Human
Corpo-
t h e s e chemical letters. Interestingly, only a b o u t 3 t o 4 % o f
t h e human g e n o m e — I inch o u t o f an e s t i m a t e d 6 f e e t of
D N A — i s believed t o consist o f genes, each of which is a
ration, a private company that launched its own furious effort specific s e q u e n c e of from 1000 to 1 0 0 , 0 0 0 bases ( W e i s s ,
t o unscramble the genetic code, jointly announced t h e c o m - 2 0 0 0 ) . T h e functions o f o t h e r s t r e t c h e s o f D N A are n o t en-
pletion of a draft version of t h e human g e n o m e (International tirely clear, but t h e y appear t o play a role in regulating t h e
Human G e n o m e Sequencing Consortium, 2 0 0 1 ) . In April 2 0 0 3 , activity of genes, turning them on and off (Plomin e t al.,
they announced that the sequencing project was essentially 2 0 0 3 ) . A b o u t 9 9 9 of 1000 bases are identical in all humans;
complete, 13 years after it had begun and 5 0 years after James it is t h e remaining I of 1 0 0 0 t h a t makes us different. W e
W a t s o n and Francis Crick discovered t h e structure of D N A share m o s t o f o u r g e n e s n o t only with humans o f o t h e r
(Pennisi, 2 0 0 3 ) . W h a t did this massive project involve, and what races but also with o t h e r primates and even with mice
has it told us? (Simpson & Elias, 2 0 0 3 ) .
Researchers at several universities and companies in t h e O n c e a g e n e associated with a disease o r disorder is lo-
United States and England mapped t h e s e q u e n c e of t h e chem- cated on a particular c h r o m o s o m e amid t h e DNA sur-
ical units o r " l e t t e r s ' ' that make up t h e strands of D N A in hu- rounding it, much remains t o be d o n e b e f o r e useful applica-
man c h r o m o s o m e s . They still needed t o do a good deal of tions of this information are possible. R e s e a r c h e r s may
"spell checking" when they made their initial announcement, a t t e m p t t o devise a t e s t for t h e gene, study t h e functions of
but they had a pretty good draft of t h e human g e n o m e (Weiss t h e g e n e s products so t h a t they can begin t o understand
& Gillis, 2 0 0 0 ) . T h e drudgery of this monstrous task was done how t h e disease o r disorder c o m e s about, and only then at-
by supercomputers and r o b o t s the size of small cars working t e m p t t o develop n e w drugs and o t h e r means o f preventing
alongside human technicians. T h e raw material analyzed was o r curing t h e dysfunction associated with t h e gene (Hawley
D N A samples from a few humans of diverse racial back- & Mori, 1999; Weiss, 2 0 0 3 b ) . As James W a t s o n , c o d i s c o v e r e r
grounds. of t h e double helix s t r u c t u r e of D N A , put it, " W e have t h e
T h e four basic units o f t h e genetic c o d e are t h e bases A book, and n o w we've g o t t o learn h o w t o read it" (Weiss &
(adenine), C (cytosine), G (guanine), and T (thymine). It is Gillis, 2 0 0 0 , p. A 1 2 ) .
n o w estimated t h a t t h e human g e n o m e has 3.1 billion o f
f o r t h e p r o d u c t i o n o f p a r t i c u l a r a m i n o acids, w h i c h in t u r n these t w o cells split again t o f o r m f o u r c e l l s — b u t in this step

f o r m p r o t e i n s , t h e b u i l d i n g b l o c k s o f all b o d i l y tissues a n d o f e a c h resulting cell receives o n l y 23 c h r o m o s o m e s . T h e e n d
essential s u b s t a n c e s s u c h as h o r m o n e s , neurotransmitters, p r o d u c t is o n e egg ( a n d t h r e e n o n f u n c t i o n a l b o d i e s ) in a fe-
and e n z y m e s . O u r u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f t h e m a k e u p o f o u r 4 6 m a l e o r f o u r s p e r m i n a m a l e . E a c h resulting s p e r m cell o r
c h r o m o s o m e s h a s b e e n greatly a d v a n c e d b y t h e Human o v u m t h u s has o n l y o n e m e m b e r o f each o f t h e parent's 2 3
G e n o m e P r o j e c t a massive, g o v e r n m e n t - s p o n s o r e d e f f o r t t o pairs o f c h r o m o s o m e s .
d e c i p h e r t h e h u m a n g e n e t i c c o d e , as t h e E x p l o r a t i o n s b o x o n T h e single-celled zygote f o r m e d at c o n c e p t i o n b e c o m e s a
this p a g e s h o w s . m u l t i p l e - c e l l e d o r g a n i s m t h r o u g h t h e m o r e usual p r o c e s s o f
A s p e r m cell a n d a n o v u m c o n t r i b u t e 23 c h r o m o s o m e s cell division, m i t o s i s . D u r i n g mitosis, a cell ( a n d each o f its 4 6
each t o t h e zygote. T h u s , o f each c h r o m o s o m e p a i r — a n d o f c h r o m o s o m e s ) divides t o p r o d u c e t w o identical cells, e a c h
each p a i r o f genes l o c a t e d o n c o r r e s p o n d i n g sites o n a c h r o - c o n t a i n i n g t h e s a m e 4 6 c h r o m o s o m e s . As the zygote m o v e s
m o s o m e p a i r — o n e m e m b e r c a m e f r o m the father and o n e t h r o u g h t h e fallopian t u b e t o w a r d its p r e n a t a l h o m e in t h e
m e m b e r c a m e f r o m t h e m o t h e r . S p e r m a n d ova, unlike o t h e r uterus, it first divides i n t o t w o cells; t h e n , t h e two t h e n b e c o m e
cells, have o n l y 2 3 c h r o m o s o m e s b e c a u s e t h e y are p r o d u c e d four, t h e f o u r b e c o m e eight, a n d so o n , all t h r o u g h mitosis.
t h r o u g h t h e specialized process o f cell division called m e i o s i s . E x c e p t for s p e r m a n d ova, t h e n , all h u m a n cells c o n t a i n copies
At t h e start o f this process, a r e p r o d u c t i v e g e r m cell in the o f the 4 6 c h r o m o s o m e s p r o v i d e d at c o n c e p t i o n . M i t o s i s c o n -
ovaries o f a female o r t h e testes o f a m a l e c o n t a i n s 4 6 c h r o - t i n u e s t h r o u g h o u t life, creating n e w cells t h a t e n a b l e us t o
m o s o m e s . It splits to f o r m two 4 6 - c h r o m o s o m e cells, a n d t h e n g r o w and replacing old cells t h a t are d a m a g e d .
Strand of DNA
t*
Nucleus
A=Adenine (always pairs with T)

T=Thymine
C=Cytosine (always pairs with G)
G=Guanine
Chromosome
The chromosomes in each cell consist of strands of DNA made up of sequences of the bases
A,T, C, and G, some of which are functional units called genes.
SOURCE: Adapted from Weiss, R. (2000, May 231. For DNA, a defining moment: W i t h code revealed, challenge will be to find its meaning and uses.
Washington Fost, p. A16.
G e n e t i c U n i q u e n e s s and Relatedness duce. In s h o r t , it is i n c r e d i b l y unlikely that there ever was or

To u n d e r s t a n d h o w p e o p l e are b o t h different f r o m a n d like ever will b e a n o t h e r h u m a n exactly like y o u genetically. T h e
o t h e r s genetically, c o n s i d e r t h a t w h e n a pair o f p a r e n t a l c h r o - o n e e x c e p t i o n is i d e n t i c a l t w i n s ( o r identical triplets, a n d so
m o s o m e s separates d u r i n g m e i o s i s , w h i c h o f t h e t w o c h r o m o - o n ) , w h i c h result w h e n o n e fertilized o v u m divides t o f o r m
s o m e s will e n d u p in a p a r t i c u l a r s p e r m o r o v u m is a m a t t e r two or m o r e genetically identical individuals, as h a p p e n s in
o f c h a n c e . A n d , b e c a u s e e a c h c h r o m o s o m e pair separates i n - a b o u t 1 o f every 2 5 0 b i r t h s ( P l o m i n , 1 9 9 0 ) .
d e p e n d e n t l y o f all o t h e r pairs, a n d b e c a u s e each r e p r o d u c t i v e H o w genetically alike are p a r e n t a n d child o r b r o t h e r and
cell c o n t a i n s 2 3 pairs o f c h r o m o s o m e s , a single p a r e n t c a n sister? You a n d e i t h e r y o u r m o t h e r o r y o u r father have 5 0 % o f
p r o d u c e 2 2 3 — m o r e t h a n 8 m i l l i o n — d i f f e r e n t s p e r m or ova. y o u r genes i n c o m m o n b e c a u s e y o u received h a l f o f y o u r
A n y c o u p l e c o u l d t h e o r e t i c a l l y have 6 4 trillion b a b i e s w i t h o u t c h r o m o s o m e s ( a n d genes) f r o m each p a r e n t . B u t i f y o u have
p r o d u c i n g 2 children w i t h identical genes. followed o u r m a t h e m a t i c s , y o u will see that siblings m a y have
T h e genetic u n i q u e n e s s o f children o f t h e s a m e p a r e n t s is m a n y genes in c o m m o n o r few d e p e n d i n g o n w h a t h a p p e n s
even greater t h a n this b e c a u s e o f a q u i r k o f m e i o s i s k n o w n as d u r i n g m e i o s i s . B e c a u s e siblings receive h a l f o f their genes
c r o s s i n g over. W h e n pairs o f c h r o m o s o m e s line up b e f o r e f r o m t h e s a m e m o t h e r a n d h a l f f r o m t h e s a m e father, their ge-
t h e y separate, t h e y cross each o t h e r a n d p a r t s o f t h e m are e x - n e t i c r e s e m b l a n c e t o each o t h e r is 5 0 % , t h e s a m e genetic re-
c h a n g e d , m u c h as i f y o u were t o e x c h a n g e a c o u p l e o f fingers s e m b l a n c e as t h a t o f p a r e n t a n d child. T h e critical difference
w i t h a f r i e n d d u r i n g a h a n d s h a k e . C r o s s i n g over increases t h e is t h a t t h e y share h a l f o f t h e i r genes on the average; s o m e sib-
n u m b e r o f distinct s p e r m o r ova t h a t an individual c a n p r o - lings share m o r e a n d o t h e r s fewer. I n d e e d , we have all k n o w n
s o m e siblings w h o are a l m o s t like twins a n d o t h e r s w h o c o u l d ological events t h a t result in m a l e sexual o r g a n s ( H a w l e y &
n o t b e m o r e different if t h e y tried. M o r i , 1 9 9 9 ) . I f a s p e r m c a r r y i n g an X c h r o m o s o m e reaches
F r a t e r n a l t w i n s result w h e n two ova are released at ap- the o v u m first, t h e result is an X X zygote, a genetic female.
p r o x i m a t e l y the s a m e t i m e and e a c h is fertilized b y a different P e r h a p s i f these facts had b e e n k n o w n in earlier eras, w o m e n
s p e r m , as h a p p e n s in a b o u t 1 o f every 125 b i r t h s . F r a t e r n a l w o u l d n o t have b e e n criticized, t o r t u r e d , divorced, a n d even
twins are n o m o r e alike genetically than b r o t h e r s a n d sisters b e h e a d e d for failing to b e a r m a l e heirs.
b o r n at different t i m e s a n d n e e d n o t even be o f the s a m e sex. So, a genetically u n i q u e b o y o r girl has r o u g h l y 3 0 , 0 0 0
G r a n d p a r e n t and grandchild, a u n t o r u n c l e a n d n i e c e or genes on 4 6 c h r o m o s o m e s a r r a n g e d in 2 3 pairs. H o w d o these
nephew, and h a l f - b r o t h e r s and half-sisters have 2 5 % o f t h e i r genes i n f l u e n c e the i n d i v i d u a l s characteristics a n d d e v e l o p -
genes in c o m m o n o n average. T h u s , e v e r y o n e except an i d e n - m e n t ? It is still a mystery, b u t we have several clues t o t h e
tical twin is genetically u n i q u e , b u t each p e r s o n also shares answer.
genes w i t h k i n t h a t c o n t r i b u t e t o f a m i l y r e s e m b l a n c e s .
O f the 2 3 pairs o f c h r o m o s o m e s t h a t each individual inherits, As you have seen, genes p r o v i d e i n s t r u c t i o n s for d e v e l o p m e n t
2 2 (called autosomes) are similar in males a n d females. T h e b y calling for t h e p r o d u c t i o n o f c h e m i c a l s u b s t a n c e s . F o r ex-
c h r o m o s o m e s o f the 2 3 r d pair are t h e sex c h r o m o s o m e s . A a m p l e , genes set in m o t i o n a process that lays a p i g m e n t called
m a l e child has o n e l o n g c h r o m o s o m e called an X c h r o m o - melanin in the iris o f t h e eye. S o m e people's genes call f o r
s o m e b e c a u s e o f its shape, a n d a s h o r t , s t u b b y c o m p a n i o n m u c h o f this p i g m e n t , a n d the result is b r o w n eyes; o t h e r p e o -
with fewer genes called a Y c h r o m o s o m e . F e m a l e s have two X p l e s genes call for less o f it, a n d the result is b l u e eyes.
c h r o m o s o m e s . T h e illustration o n this page shows c h r o m o - G e n e t i c a l l y c o d e d p r o t e i n s also guide the f o r m a t i o n o f cells
s o m e s that have b e e n p h o t o g r a p h e d t h r o u g h a p o w e r f u l m i - t h a t b e c o m e n e u r o n s in t h e b r a i n , i n f l u e n c i n g p o t e n t i a l intel-
c r o s c o p e , t h e n a r r a n g e d in pairs a n d r e p h o t o g r a p h e d in a pat- ligence.
tern called a k a r y o t y p e . G e n e s i n f l u e n c e a n d are i n f l u e n c e d b y t h e b i o c h e m i c a l
B e c a u s e the m o t h e r has o n l y X c h r o m o s o m e s a n d t h e fa- e n v i r o n m e n t s u r r o u n d i n g t h e m d u r i n g d e v e l o p m e n t a n d the
ther's s p e r m cell has either an X or a Y c h r o m o s o m e ( d e p e n d - b e h a v i o r o f t h e developing o r g a n i s m ( G o t t l i e b , 2 0 0 2 ) . As a re-
ing o n h o w t h e sex c h r o m o s o m e s sort o u t d u r i n g m e i o s i s ) , it sult, a p a r t i c u l a r cell c a n b e c o m e p a r t o f an eyeball o r p a r t o f
is the father w h o d e t e r m i n e s a child's gender. I f an o v u m w i t h a k n e e c a p d e p e n d i n g o n w h a t cells are n e x t t o it d u r i n g e m -
its o n e X c h r o m o s o m e is fertilized by a s p e r m bearing a Y b r y o n i c d e v e l o p m e n t and what t h e y are d o i n g . You s h o u l d
c h r o m o s o m e , t h e p r o d u c t is an X Y zygote, a g e n e t i c male. A t h e r e f o r e t h i n k o f t h e genetic " b l u e p r i n t " as w r i t t e n in erasa-
single gene o n t h e Y c h r o m o s o m e t h e n sets in m o t i o n the bible p e n c i l r a t h e r t h a n in indelible i n k and o f genes as active
(B)
<[ The male karyotype (A) shows the 22 pairs of autosomal chromosomes and the 2 sex
chromosomes—an elongated X and a shorterY chromosome.The photographic arrangement
of a female's chromosomes (B) shows 2 X chromosomes.
forces in d e v e l o p m e n t t h r o u g h o u t the life span. A m u l t i t u d e As an illustration o f t h e p r i n c i p l e s o f M e n d e l i a n heredity,
o f e n v i r o n m e n t a l factors n o t o n l y in the w o m b b u t also c o n s i d e r the r e m a r k a b l e fact t h a t a b o u t t h r e e - f o u r t h s o f us
t h r o u g h o u t life i n f l u e n c e w h e r e a n d w h e n genes are activated can curl o u r t o n g u e s u p w a r d into a tubelike shape, whereas
and h o w t h e y are expressed. As a result, n o o n e c o m p l e t e l y u n - o n e - f o u r t h o f us c a n n o t . It h a p p e n s that there is a gene asso-
derstands t h e r e m a r k a b l e process that t r a n s f o r m s a single cell ciated with t o n g u e curling; it is a d o m i n a n t gene, m e a n i n g
into m i l l i o n s o f diverse c e l l s — b l o o d cells, n e r v e cells, skin that it will b e expressed w h e n paired with a recessive gene, a
cells, a n d so o n — a l l organized i n t o a living, behaving h u m a n . weaker gene that can b e d o m i n a t e d like t h e o n e associated
N o r do we fully u n d e r s t a n d h o w genes help b r i n g a b o u t with the a b s e n c e o f t o n g u e - c u r l i n g ability.
certain developments at c e r t a i n points in the life span. T h e p e r s o n w h o inherits o n e " t o n g u e - c u r l " gene (label it
C u r r e n t t h i n k i n g is that gene pairs with specific messages to U ) and o n e " n o - c u r l " gene (call it —) would be able to curl his
send are r e g u l a t e d — t u r n e d o n o r o f f — b y o t h e r stretches o f t o n g u e (that is, w o u l d have a t o n g u e - c u r l i n g p h e n o t y p e ) b e -
D N A over the c o u r s e o f d e v e l o p m e n t ( P l o m i n et al., 2 0 0 1 ; cause t h e d o m i n a n t , t o n g u e - c u r l gene overpowers t h e reces-
P l o m i n et al., 2 0 0 3 ) . It is b e c o m i n g clearer that genes are a c - sive, n o - c u r l gene. Using the p h o t o and diagram on page 62 as
tive players in the d e v e l o p m e n t a l p r o c e s s and t h a t having spe- a guide, y o u can calculate the o d d s that parents w i t h different
cific genes m a y b e less i m p o r t a n t in h u m a n d e v e l o p m e n t t h a n g e n o t y p e s for t o n g u e c u r l i n g will have children w h o c a n o r
w h i c h are activated and w h e n . c a n n o t curl their tongues. A father will c o n t r i b u t e o n e o f his
Ultimately, e n v i r o n m e n t a l factors have a great deal to d o t w o genes t o a s p e r m , and the m o t h e r will c o n t r i b u t e o n e o f
with which genetic potentials are t r a n s l a t e d i n t o physical a n d h e r two genes to an o v u m . Each c h i l d inherits o n e o f the
psychological realities. C o n s i d e r the genes that influence m o t h e r s genes and o n e o f the father s.
height. S o m e p e o p l e inherit genes calling for exceptional D o m i n a n t genes t r i u m p h over recessive genes. I f a father
height, and o t h e r s i n h e r i t genes calling f o r a s h o r t stature. B u t with the g e n o t y p e U U (a t o n g u e c u r l e r ) and a m o t h e r with
g e n o t y p e , the g e n e t i c m a k e u p a p e r s o n inherits, is different the g e n o t y p e (a n o n - t o n g u e c u r l e r ) have children, e a c h
from p h e n o t y p e , t h e c h a r a c t e r i s t i c or trait t h e person e v e n t u - child they p r o d u c e will have o n e gene for t o n g u e curling and
ally has (for e x a m p l e , a height o f 5 feet 8 i n c h e s ) . A n i n d i v i d - o n e f o r a lack o f t o n g u e curling ( g e n o t y p e U - ) , a n d e a c h will
ual w h o s e g e n o t y p e calls for exceptional height m a y o r m a y b e a t o n g u e curler. B e c a u s e t h e t o n g u e - c u r l gene d o m i n a t e s ,
not b e tall. Indeed, a child w h o is severely m a l n o u r i s h e d f r o m y o u can say that this c o u p l e has a 1 0 0 % c h a n c e o f having a
the prenatal p e r i o d o n w a r d m a y have the g e n e t i c p o t e n t i a l to t o n g u e - c u r l i n g child. N o t i c e t h a t two different g e n o t y p e s , U U
b e a basketball c e n t e r b u t m a y end up t o o short to m a k e the and U—, b o t h p r o d u c e the s a m e p h e n o t y p e : an acrobatic
team. E n v i r o n m e n t a l i n f l u e n c e s c o m b i n e with genetic influ- tongue.
ences to d e t e r m i n e h o w a p a r t i c u l a r g e n o t y p e is translated A t o n g u e - c u r l i n g m a n a n d a t o n g u e - c u r l i n g w o m a n can
i n t o a p a r t i c u l a r p h e n o t y p e — t h e way a person looks, thinks, surprise e v e r y o n e a n d have a child w h o lacks this a m a z i n g tal-
feels, and behaves. ent. T h e s e two parents m u s t b o t h have t h e U — g e n o t y p e . If
the father's recessive gene a n d the m o t h e r ' s recessive gene
happen to u n i t e in the zygote, t h e y will have a n o n - t o n g u e -
Mechanisms o f I n h e r i t a n c e
curling child (with the g e n o t y p e ). T h e c h a n c e s are
A n o t h e r way t o a p p r o a c h the riddle o f h o w g e n e s i n f l u e n c e 2 5 % — o n e o u t o f f o u r — t h a t this c o u p l e will have such a
p e o p l e is to c o n s i d e r the m a j o r m e c h a n i s m s o f i n h e r i t a n c e — child. O f c o u r s e , the laws o f c o n c e p t i o n are m u c h like t h e laws
h o w parents' genes i n f l u e n c e their children's traits. T h e r e arc o f cards. T h i s c o u p l e c o u l d b e a t the o d d s a n d have a w h o l e
three m a i n m e c h a n i s m s o f i n h e r i t a n c e : single g e n e - p a i r i n - family o f n o n - t o n g u e - c u r l i n g children o r could have n o n e .
h e r i t a n c e , sex-linked i n h e r i t a n c e , and polygenic ( o r m u l t i p l e Because p e o p l e w h o c a n n o t curl t h e i r t o n g u e s must have the
gene) i n h e r i t a n c e . — genotype, two n o n - t o n g u e - c u r l i n g p a r e n t s will have o n l y
non-tongue-curling ( ) children.
Single Gene-Pair Inheritance Table 3.1 lists several o t h e r e x a m p l e s o f d o m i n a n t and re-
T h r o u g h single g e n e - p a i r i n h e r i t a n c e , s o m e h u m a n c h a r a c - cessive traits associated with single g e n e - p a i r inheritance.
teristics are influenced b y o n l y o n e pair o f g e n e s — o n e f r o m S o m e physical characteristics in this table ( s u c h as eye c o l o r
the m o t h e r , o n e f r o m the father. A l t h o u g h he k n e w n o t h i n g o f a n d hair c o l o r a n d curliness) are i n f l u e n c e d b y m o r e than a
genes, a 1 9 t h - c e n t u r y m o n k named Gregor Mendel con- single pair o f genes. Also, in s o m e cases, a d o m i n a n t gene in-
t r i b u t e d greatly to o u r k n o w l e d g e o f single g e n e - p a i r i n h e r i - c o m p l e t e l y d o m i n a t e s a recessive p a r t n e r gene, so the recessive
tance and earned his place as t h e father o f genetics by cross- gene is expressed to s o m e extent, as when c r o s s i n g red and
b r e e d i n g different strains o f peas a n d carefully o b s e r v i n g the white flowers p r o d u c e s pink o n e s — a p h e n o m e n o n called in-
o u t c o m e s ( H e n i g , 2 0 0 0 ) . He n o t i c e d a predictable p a t t e r n t o c o m p l e t e d o m i n a n c e . In still o t h e r cases o f single g e n e - p a i r
t h e way in which two alternative characteristics would appear heredity, two genes i n f l u e n c e a trait but n e i t h e r d o m i n a t e s the
in t h e offspring o f c r o s s - b r e e d i n g s — f o r e x a m p l e , smooth o t h e r ; instead, both are expressed. T h i s is called c o d o m i n a n c e
seeds o r wrinkled seeds, g r e e n p o d s o r yellow p o d s . He called b e c a u s e the p h e n o t y p e o f the p e r s o n with two distinct genes
s o m e characteristics ( f o r e x a m p l e , s m o o t h seeds) dominant in a pair is a c o m p r o m i s e between the two genes. F o r e x a m p l e ,
b e c a u s e t h e y appeared m o r e often in later g e n e r a t i o n s than an A B b l o o d type is a m i x o f A and B b l o o d types. Single gene-
their o p p o s i t e traits, which h e called recessive. pair i n h e r i t a n c e is m o r e c o m p l e x t h a n it l o o k s at first glance.
Mother
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& Recessive (absence of tongue curl)
O
-y -
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-C CD : > Dominant (tongue-curling ability)
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Figure 3 J Can you curl your tongue as shown? Tongue-curling ability is determined by a
dominant gene; if you can curl your tongue, then either your mother or your father can, be-
cause one of them must have the dominant might still be able t o curl their tongues. All possi-
bilities are shown in the figure; each of the nine boxes shows the gene combinations of the
four possible children a particular mother and a particular father can have.
However, m a n y genetically linked diseases a n d defects are en- source o f his X c h r o m o s o m e . H e m o p h i l i a , a deficiency in the
tirely caused b y two recessive genes, o n e i n h e r i t e d f r o m each b l o o d s ability to clot, is also far m o r e c o m m o n a m o n g males
parent, as y o u will see shortly. t h a n females b e c a u s e it is associated with a gene on X c h r o -
mosomes.
Sex-Linked Inheritance
S e x - l i n k e d c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s are influenced b y single genes lo- Polygenic Inheritance
cated o n t h e sex c h r o m o s o m e s rather t h a n o n t h e o t h e r 22 S o far we have considered only t h e influence o f single genes o r
pairs o f c h r o m o s o m e s . Indeed, y o u c o u l d say X-linked rather gene pairs o n h u m a n traits. Every week, it seems, we read in
t h a n sex-linked b e c a u s e m o s t o f these attributes are associated t h e newspaper t h a t researchers have identified " t h e g e n e " for
with genes located only o n X c h r o m o s o m e s . cancer, bedwetting, happiness, o r s o m e o t h e r p h e n o m e n o n .
W h y do far m o r e males t h a n females display r e d - g r e e n However, m o s t i m p o r t a n t h u m a n characteristics are influ-
c o l o r blindness? T h e inability to distinguish red f r o m green is e n c e d b y multiple pairs o f genes, interacting with environ-
caused by a recessive gene that appears o n l y o n X c h r o m o - m e n t a l factors, rather t h a n b y a single pair o f genes; that is,
somes. Recall t h a t Y c h r o m o s o m e s are s h o r t e r than X c h r o - t h e y are p o l y g e n i c traits. E x a m p l e s o f polygenic traits include
m o s o m e s and have fewer genes. I f a b o y inherits t h e recessive height, weight, intelligence, t e m p e r a m e n t , a n d susceptibility
c o l o r - b l i n d n e s s gene on his X c h r o m o s o m e , there is n o color- to c a n c e r a n d depression ( P l o m i n et al., 2 0 0 1 ) .
vision gene on t h e Y c h r o m o s o m e that c o u l d d o m i n a t e the W h e n a trait is i n f l u e n c e d b y m u l t i p l e genes, there are
c o l o r - b l i n d n e s s gene. H e will be c o l o r blind. B y contrast, a girl m a n y degrees o f the trait d e p e n d i n g on w h i c h c o m b i n a t i o n s
w h o inherits t h e gene usually has a n o r m a l c o l o r - v i s i o n gene o f genes individuals inherit. T h e trait (for example, intelli-
on her other X chromosome that d o m i n a t e s the color- gence) tends to b e distributed in t h e p o p u l a t i o n according t o
blindness gene (see Figure 3 . 2 ) . S h e w o u l d have to inherit two the familiar bell-shaped o r n o r m a l curve. M a n y p e o p l e are
o f the recessive c o l o r - b l i n d n e s s genes ( o n e f r o m each p a r e n t ) n e a r the m e a n o f the distribution; fewer are at the extremes.
to b e color blind. W h i c h parent gives a b o y w h o is c o l o r b l i n d T h i s is t h e way intelligence and m o s t o t h e r m e a s u r a b l e h u m a n
his c o l o r - b l i n d n e s s gene? Definitely his m o t h e r , for she is t h e traits are distributed. At this p o i n t , we do n o t k n o w h o w m a n y
associated with sickle-cell disease, a b l o o d disease c o m m o n
Table I M
a m o n g A f r i c a n A m e r i c a n s in w h i c h red b l o o d cells take on a
and Recessive Genes
sickle shape, is a g o o d e x a m p l e (this is described further later
Dominant Trait Recessive Trait in t h e c h a p t e r ) . It probably arose as a m u t a t i o n but b e c a m e
m o r e prevalent in Africa, C e n t r a l A m e r i c a , a n d o t h e r tropical
Brown eyes Gray, green, hazel, or blue eyes
areas over m a n y g e n e r a t i o n s b e c a u s e having o n e o f t h e reces-
Dark hair Blond hair
sive sickle-cell genes p r o t e c t e d p e o p l e f r o m malaria and al-
Nonred hair Red hair lowed them t o live longer a n d p r o d u c e m o r e children than
Curly hair Straight hair people w i t h o u t t h e protective gene. Unfortunately, the sickle-
Normal vision Nearsightedness cell gene does m o r e h a r m t h a n g o o d where m a l a r i a is n o
Farsightedness Normal vision longer a p r o b l e m . T h u s , m u t a t i o n s c a n be either beneficial o r
h a r m f u l , d e p e n d i n g o n their nature a n d o n the e n v i r o n m e n t
Roman nose Straight nose
in which their bearers live.
Broad lips Thin lips
Extra digits Five digits
Double jointed Normal joints
Pigmented skin Albinism G e n e t i c e n d o w m e n t can also i n f l u e n c e h u m a n characteristics
Type A blood Type O blood t h r o u g h c h r o m o s o m e a b n o r m a l i t i e s , in w h i c h a child receives
t o o m a n y or t o o few c h r o m o s o m e s ( o r a b n o r m a l c h r o m o -
Type B blood Type O blood
s o m e s ) at c o n c e p t i o n . M o s t such a b n o r m a l i t i e s are because o f
Normal hearing Congenital deafness
errors i n c h r o m o s o m e division d u r i n g meiosis. T h r o u g h an
Normal blood cells Sickle-cell disease*
accident o f n a t u r e , an o v u m o r s p e r m cell m a y be p r o d u c e d
Huntington's disease* Normal physiology with m o r e or fewer t h a n t h e usual 2 3 c h r o m o s o m e s . In m o s t
Normal physiology Cystic fibrosis* cases, a zygote with t h e w r o n g n u m b e r o f c h r o m o s o m e s is
Normal physiology Phenylketonuria (PKU)* s p o n t a n e o u s l y a b o r t e d ; c h r o m o s o m e a b n o r m a l i t i e s are t h e
m a i n cause o f p r e g n a n c y loss. However, a r o u n d 1 child in 160
Normal physiology Tay-Sachs disease*
is b o r n with m o r e or, rarely, fewer c h r o m o s o m e s than the n o r -
* Condition described in this chapter. m a l 4 6 ( S i m p s o n & Elias, 2 0 0 3 ) .
SOURCES: Burns & Bottino, 1989; McKusick, 1990.
O n e familiar c h r o m o s o m e a b n o r m a l i t y is D o w n syn-
d r o m e , also k n o w n as trisomy 21 b e c a u s e it is associated with
three rather t h a n two 2 1 s t c h r o m o s o m e s . Children with
gene pairs influence intelligence o r o t h e r polygenic traits. D o w n s y n d r o m e have distinctive eyelid folds, short s t u b b y
W h a t we c a n say is t h a t u n k n o w n n u m b e r s o f genes, interact- limbs, and t h i c k tongues (see p h o t o page 6 4 ) . Their levels o f
ing with e n v i r o n m e n t a l forces, create a range o f individual intellectual f u n c t i o n i n g vary widely, b u t t h e y are typically
differences in m o s t i m p o r t a n t h u m a n traits.
Mother
(carries the recessive color-blindness
W e have described t h e three m a j o r m e c h a n i s m s b y w h i c h the g e n e on o n e X c h r o m o s o m e )
genes i n h e r i t e d at c o n c e p t i o n influence traits: single gene-

pair, sex-linked, a n d polygenic inheritance. Occasionally,
however, a n e w gene appears as i f o u t o f n o w h e r e ; it is n o t
Normal gene Color-blindness g e n e
passed o n by a parent. A m u t a t i o n is a c h a n g e i n t h e structure
o r a r r a n g e m e n t o f o n e o r m o r e genes that produces a n e w
p h e n o t y p e . F o r e x a m p l e , experts believe that the recessive
gene for t h e sex-linked disorder h e m o p h i l i a was first i n t r o -
d u c e d into the royal families o f E u r o p e by Q u e e n V i c t o r i a . No color-vision g e n e N o r m a l son Color-blind son
B e c a u s e n o cases o f h e m o p h i l i a c o u l d be f o u n d in the q u e e n s 0)
JC
ancestry, the gene m a y have b e e n a m u t a t i o n t h a t she passed CO
to h e r offspring (Massie & Massie, 1 9 7 5 ) . N e w cases o f h e m o -

philia, t h e n , can b e caused by either s p o n t a n e o u s m u t a t i o n s o r
sex-linked inheritance. T h e odds that m u t a t i o n s will o c c u r are
Normal g e n e Normal d a u g h t e r Carrier d a u g h t e r
increased by e n v i r o n m e n t a l hazards such as radiation, t o x i c
industrial waste, a n d agricultural c h e m i c a l s in f o o d ( B u r n s 8c
Bottino, 1989).
S o m e m u t a t i o n s have beneficial effects and b e c o m e m o r e F i g u r e 3 , 2 The workings of sex-linked inheritance in red-green
c o m m o n in a p o p u l a t i o n t h r o u g h natural selection. T h e gene color blindness.
m e n t a l l y retarded to s o m e degree and therefore develop and
learn at a slower pace than m o s t children. I m p r o v e d m e d i c a l
care has l e n g t h e n e d their lives, a n d special e d u c a t i o n and
o t h e r training p r o g r a m s have i m p r o v e d their functioning
( R o i z e n & Patterson, 2 0 0 3 ) . A l t h o u g h they have m o r e trouble 100
gaining acceptance b y their peers as they get older, p e o p l e with
D o w n s y n d r o m e generally have pleasant personalities and are
well adapted w i t h i n their families later in life ( H a n s o n , 2 0 0 3 ) .
80
W h a t d e t e r m i n e s w h o has a D o w n s y n d r o m e child and - White
who does not? C h a n c e , partly. T h e errors in m e i o s i s responsi- o - Black
o
ble for D o w n s y n d r o m e can o c c u r in anyj m o t h e r — o r father. o - Hispanic
*
However, t h e y are especially likely i f a parent is older. T h e 0~
60
chances o f having a b a b y w i t h the s y n d r o m e are a b o u t 1 in a>
Q_
1 0 0 0 for m o t h e r s under 3 0 b u t c l i m b to a b o u t 1 in 140 for C1)
m o t h e r s age 4 0 o r older (see Figure 3 . 3 ) . A father's age has a cc
CO
b e a r i n g o n t h e odds o f a D o w n s y n d r o m e b i r t h b u t n o t as 40
m u c h as the m o t h e r s age (Hawley & M o r i , 1 9 9 9 ) . T h i s is
p r o b a b l y because ova, w h i c h begin f o r m i n g d u r i n g the p r e n a -
tal period, have m o r e years in w h i c h to degenerate than
s p e r m , which do n o t begin to be p r o d u c e d until puberty, are 20
p r o d u c e d continuously, and m a t u r e in only a b o u t 7 5 days
(Hawley & M o r i , 1 9 9 9 ) . Older m o t h e r s a n d fathers are also
m o r e likely t h a n y o u n g e r ones to have b e e n exposed to envi-
r o n m e n t a l hazards that can d a m a g e ova o r s p e r m , such as ra- 0
20-24 25-29 30-34 35-39
diation, drugs, chemicals, a n d viruses (Strigini et al., 1 9 9 0 ) .
Maternal age (years)
M o s t o t h e r c h r o m o s o m e a b n o r m a l i t i e s involve cases in
which a child receives either t o o m a n y o r t o o few sex c h r o m o - Figure 3.3 The rate of Down syndrome births increases steeply
somes. Like D o w n s y n d r o m e , these sex c h r o m o s o m c a b n o r - as the mothers age increases.
malities can be attributed m a i n l y to errors in m e i o s i s t h a t b e - SOURCE: "Down Syndrome Prevalence st Birth" (1994)
c o m e increasingly likely in older parents and in parents w h o s e

c h r o m o s o m e s have been d a m a g e d by e n v i r o n m e n t a l hazards.
O n e w e l l - k n o w n e x a m p l e is T u r n e r s y n d r o m e , in w h i c h a fe- typically favor traditionally f e m i n i n e activities, and often have
m a l e ( a b o u t 1 in 3 0 0 0 ) is b o r n w i t h a single X c h r o m o s o m e lower-than-average spatial and m a t h e m a t i c a l reasoning abili-
( X O ) in each o f her cells. T h e s e girls r e m a i n small a n d often ties ( D o w n e y et al., 1 9 9 1 ) .
have s t u b b y fingers and toes, a " w e b b e d " n e c k , a b r o a d chest, A n o t h e r e x a m p l e is K l i n e f e l t e r s y n d r o m e , in which a
a n d underdeveloped breasts. T h e y are u n a b l e to reproduce, m a l e (1 in 2 0 0 ) is b o r n with o n e o r m o r e extra X c h r o m o -
s o m e s ( X X Y ) . Klinefelter males tend to be tall a n d generally
m a s c u l i n e in appearance, b u t they are sterile and at p u b e r t y
develop f e m i n i n e sex characteristics such as enlarged breasts.
M o s t have n o r m a l general intelligence test scores, b u t m a n y
are b e l o w average in language skills and s c h o o l a c h i e v e m e n t
(Mandolci et al., 1 9 9 1 ) .
Finally, fragile X s y n d r o m e is w o r t h n o t i n g because it is
t h e m o s t c o m m o n hereditary cause o f m e n t a l retardation
(Kingston, 2 0 0 2 ; O ' D o n n e l l & W a r r e n , 2 0 0 2 ) . S o m e affected
individuals have large jaws a n d ears; m o s t are m e n t a l l y re-
tarded. In this c o n d i t i o n , o n e a r m o f t h e X c h r o m o s o m e is
only barely c o n n e c t e d to the rest o f the c h r o m o s o m e a n d
l o o k s as i f it is a b o u t t o b r e a k o f f ( h e n c e the term fragile). The
c o n d i t i o n is caused b y sex-linked i n h e r i t a n c e a n d therefore is
m o r e c o m m o n a m o n g males t h a n females; in females, a n o r -
m a l gene o n t h e s e c o n d X c h r o m o s o m e overrides t h e recessive
gene responsible f o r fragile X . T h e r o o t o f t h e p r o b l e m is t o o
m a n y repeats o r duplications o f a s e q u e n c e o f three letters in
the genetic code. T h e result is lack o f a protein i m p o r t a n t to
C Children with Down syndrome can live rich lives if they receive the f o r m a t i o n o f c o n n e c t i o n s between n e u r o n s o f t h e b r a i n
appropriate educational opportunities and support ( O ' D o n n e l l & W a r r e n , 2 0 0 2 ) . T h e n u m b e r o f repeats o f the
D N A s e g m e n t responsible for fragile X s y n d r o m e increases that they o r their u n b o r n children are at risk for s o m e geneti-
f r o m g e n e r a t i o n to g e n e r a t i o n , causing m o r e serious m e n t a l cally based p r o b l e m .
retardation in later generations. Today's g e n e t i c c o u n s e l o r s have access to m o r e i n f o r m a -
t i o n t h a n ever a b o u t t h e n a t u r e , d e t e c t i o n , and t r e a t m e n t o f
g e n e t i c defects. N o w that it is possible t o q u i c k l y a n d i n e x -
pensively analyze a p e r s o n s D N A f r o m a c h e e k swab, genetic
To set p a r e n t s - t o - b e at ease, we begin this description o f ge- testing is easier t h a n ever. H u n d r e d s o f specific genetic
n e t i c diagnosis and counseling by n o t i n g that 9 7 % o r m o r e o f tests—the number is g r o w i n g daily—have been devised
babies will not b e b o r n with m a j o r b i r t h defects ( S i m p s o n & ( S i m p s o n & Elias, 2 0 0 3 ) . W i t h i n a d e c a d e o r so, it m a y be
Elias, 2 0 0 3 ) . However, there are s o m e 5 0 0 0 diseases a n d disor- possible to s e q u e n c e a person's e n t i r e g e n o m e f o r less t h a n
ders associated with a single gene o r pair o f genes, m a n y m o r e $ 1 0 0 0 ( G u t t m a c h e r & C o l l i n s , 2 0 0 3 ) . To illustrate issues in
polygene disorders, and several c h r o m o s o m e abnormalities modern genetic diagnosis and c o u n s e l i n g , we focus on
t h a t can affect h u m a n d e v e l o p m e n t ( B r o w n , 2 0 0 3 ; S i m p s o n & sickle-cell disease a n d H u n t i n g t o n ' s disease. Several o t h e r
Elias, 2 0 0 3 ) . G e n e t i c c o u n s e l i n g is a service t h a t provides in- genetic diseases, including cystic fibrosis, hemophilia,
f o r m a t i o n o n t h e nature, inheritance, and effects o f genetic phenylketonuria (PKU), and Tay-Sachs disease, are de-
disorders a n d offers guidance to p e o p l e w h o suspect or learn s c r i b e d i n Table 3 . 2 .
Table 3.2 Some Genetic Disorders

mWBtL
Disease Description Genetic Mechanism Diagnosis and Treatment
CYSTIC Glandular problem results in mucus Recessive gene pair; carri- DNA test can identify most carriers,
FIBROSIS buildup in lungs that makes breathing ers were protected from but so many mutations are possible
difficult and shortens life; common epidemics of diarrhea in that tests for all are not feasible; hours
among Caucasians Europe of physical therapy and antibiotics to
keep lungs clear can prolong life, and
experimental gene therapy has had
some success
PHENYL- Lack of enzyme needed to metabolize Recessive gene pair Routinely screened for with a blood
KETONURIA phenylalanine in milk and many other test at birth; special diet low in
(PKU) foods results in conversion of phenyl- phenylalanine prevents brain damage
alanine into an acid that attacks the
nervous system and causes mental re-
tardation
HEMOPHILIA Deficiency in blood's ability to clot; Sex-linked inheritance DNA analysis of cells obtained
more common in males than in females (gene on X chromosome) through CVS or amniocentesis can
detect it; blood transfusions can im-
prove clotting and reduce the negative
effects of internal bleeding
HUNTINGTON'S Deterioration of the nervous system in Dominant gene Test enables relatives to find out
DISEASE middle age, associated with dementia, whether they have the gene; preim-
jerky movements, personality changes plantation genetic diagnosis of em-
bryonic cells may be used to assure a
healthy child
SICKLE-CELL Blood cells are sickle-shaped rather Recessive gene pair; carri Blood test can determine whether
DISEASE than round, stick together, make ers were protected from parents are carriers (newborns in the
breathing difficult, and cause painful malaria in Africa United States are screened with a
swelling of joints; common in African blood test); antibiotics and blood
Americans transfusions relieve symptoms
TAY-SACHS Metabolic defect results in accumula- Recessive gene pair Blood test can determine whether
DISEASE tion of fat in a child's brain, degenera- parents are carriers, and fetal DNA
tion of the nervous system, and early analysis can determine whether a
death; common in Jewish people from child is affected; medication may
Eastern Europe help, but .most victims die in child-
hood
SOURCES: Davidson, 2002; Kingston, 2002; Simpson & Elias, 2003.

P regnant w o m e n today, especially t h o s e over 35 o r 4 0 , turn
t o a variety o f medical techniques t o tell them in advance
w h e t h e r their babies are likely t o be normal (Simpson & Elias,
ents often enjoy " m e e t i n g " their child and can find out (when
the pregnancy is far enough along) w h e t h e r their child is go-
ing t o be a girl o r a boy. Ultrasound is now widely used even
2003). The easiest and most commonly used method is when abnormalities are not suspected. It is safer than X-rays
ultrasound—the use of sound waves t o scan t h e w o m b and and is generally considered safe (Simpson & Elias, 2 0 0 3 ) .
c r e a t e a visual image of t h e fetus on a m o n i t o r screen. To d e t e c t c h r o m o s o m e abnormalities such as Down syn-
Ultrasound can indicate how many fetuses are in t h e w o m b d r o m e and t o determine w h e t h e r t h e genes for particular sin-
and w h e t h e r they are alive, and it can d e t e c t genetic defects gle gene-pair disorders are present, amniocentesis is c o m -
that produce visible physical abnormalities. Prospective par- monly used. A needle is inserted into t h e abdomen, and a
(( Ultrasound monitoring.
I f a c o u p l e c o n c e r n e d a b o u t a particular genetic disorder exerting themselves, experience painful swelling of their

seeks the advice o f a genetic counselor, t h e c o u n s e l o r m i g h t j o i n t s , and o f t e n die early f r o m h e a r t o r k i d n e y failure. A ge-
first o b t a i n a c o m p l e t e family h i s t o r y f r o m each p a r t n e r — o n e n e t i c c o u n s e l o r m i g h t tell t h e c o u p l e t h a t a b o u t 9 % o f A f r i c a n
that includes i n f o r m a t i o n a b o u t the diseases a n d causes o f A m e r i c a n s in t h e U n i t e d States have t h e g e n o t y p e we will call
death o f relatives, any previous p r o b l e m s in childbearing, a n d Ss; t h e y c a r r y o n e d o m i n a n t gene ( S ) t h a t calls for r o u n d
t h e c o u n t r i e s o f origin o f relatives. F o r s o m e defects a n d disor- b l o o d cells a n d o n e recessive g e n e (s) t h a t calls for sickle-
ders, especially those i n f l u e n c e d b y m u l t i p l e gene pairs, family shaped b l o o d cells ( T h o m p s o n , 1 9 7 5 ) . S u c h p e o p l e are called
histories m a y b e the o n l y basis for calculating t h e odds that a c a r r i e r s b e c a u s e , a l t h o u g h t h e y d o n o t have t h e disease, t h e y
p r o b l e m m a y occur. However, b l o o d tests or c h e e k swabs can can t r a n s m i t the gene for it t o t h e i r c h i l d r e n . T h e child w h o
d e t e r m i n e whether prospective parents c a r r y the genes for i n h e r i t s two recessive sickle-cell genes (ss) has sickle-cell dis-
countless single g e n e - p a i r a n d sex-linked c o n d i t i o n s . ease. T h e genetic c o u n s e l o r w o u l d t h e r e f o r e explain t h a t an Ss
S u p p o s e an A f r i c a n A m e r i c a n c o u p l e learns f r o m such a father a n d an Ss m o t h e r (two c a r r i e r s ) have a o n e - i n - f o u r , or
d i a g n o s t i c test t h a t t h e y are b o t h carriers o f t h e recessive g e n e 2 5 % , c h a n c e o f having a child w i t h sickle-cell disease (55).
for sickle-cell disease. Individuals w i t h this disease have sickle- T h i s c o u p l e also has a t w o - i n - f o u r , or 5 0 % , c h a n c e , o f
s h a p e d b l o o d cells t h a t t e n d t o cluster t o g e t h e r a n d distribute h a v i n g a child w h o will b e a carrier like themselves. T h i s is
less oxygen t h r o u g h t h e c i r c u l a t o r y system t h a n n o r m a l cells significant, t h e c o u n s e l o r w o u l d say, b e c a u s e the d o m i n a n t
do ( D a v i d s o n , 2 0 0 2 ) . T h e y have great difficulty b r e a t h i n g a n d gene associated w i t h r o u n d b l o o d cells shows incomplete
sample of amniotic fluid is withdrawn. Fetal cells that have ducting D N A tests on the first cells that result from mitosis
been shed can be analyzed t o determine the sex of fetus, t h e of each fertilized egg, and implanting in t h e mother's uterus
presence of a range o f chromosomal abnormalities, and, only eggs that do not have c h r o m o s o m e abnormalities or
through D N A analysis, t h e presence of t h e genes for many ge- genes associated with disorders (Simpson & Elias, 2 0 0 3 ) .
netic defects. Despite a risk of miscarriage in about I of 2 0 0 Although costly, this option may appeal t o couples w h o would
cases, amniocentesis is considered safe and is often r e c o m - not consider abortion but do not want t o have a child with a
mended for older m o t h e r s (Simpson & Elias, 2 0 0 3 ; Stefos, serious d e f e c t Preimplantation genetic diagnosis can now
2 0 0 2 ) . It is not very painful, although o n e m o t h e r described it screen for m o r e than 9 0 % o f the m o s t c o m m o n genetic dis-
as feeling like " s o m e o n e sticking a turkey baster through my o r d e r s (Adams, 2 0 0 3 ) . It is controversial because it could be
belly b u t t o n " (Hawley & Mori, 1999). Its main disadvantage is used n o t only t o prevent disorders but t o try t o c r e a t e " d e -
that it is not considered safe until the 15th w e e k of pregnancy signer" children with the characteristics parents want.
(Simpson & Elias, 2 0 0 3 ) . Finally, maternal blood sampling can yield fetal cells
Chorionic villus sampling (CVS) involves inserting a that slipped through t h e placenta and can be analyzed with no
c a t h e t e r through t h e mother's vagina and cervix (or, less c o m - risk t o the fetus (Simpson & Elias, 2 0 0 3 ; Yang, Kim, & Jung,
monly, through the abdomen) into t h e membrane called t h e 2 0 0 2 ) . T h e s e tests are not yet accurate enough for regular use
chorion that surrounds the fetus, and then extracting tiny hair in clinical practice, however. Fetal cells only rarely make it t o
cells from t h e chorion that contain genetic material from t h e the mother's bloodstream and may be hard t o distinguish from
fetus. Sample cells can then be analyzed for the same genetic fetal cells left from previous pregnancies. Still, this noninvasive
defects that can be detected using amniocentesis.The,differ- method o f prenatal diagnosis will probably improve and be-
ence is that chorionic villus sampling can be performed earlier, c o m e m o r e c o m m o n (Yang, Kim, & Jung, 2 0 0 2 ) . For s o m e time,
as early as the 10th w e e k of pregnancy, allowing parents m o r e maternal blood has been tested for t h e presence of abnormal
time t o consider the pros and cons of continuing t h e preg- levels of alpha-fetoprotein, an indicator of Down syndrome
nancy if an abnormality is d e t e c t e d (Simpson & Elias, 2 0 0 3 ) . and o t h e r abnormalities of brain development, especially with
T h e safety of CVS has improved t o t h e point that it is n o t o t h e r indicators (Mennuti & Driscoll, 2 0 0 3 ) .
much riskier than amniocentesis. Prenatal diagnostic techniques such as ultrasound, amnio-
Parents w h o have reason t o believe they are at high risk centesis, CVS, preimplantation genetic diagnosis, and maternal
t o have a baby with a serious condition can minimize their risk blood sampling can provide tremendously important informa-
by using new reproductive technologies (see C h a p t e r 4 f o r tion when t h e r e is reason t o suspect a problem.Yet m o s t cou-
m o r e examples). Preimplantation genetic diagnosis in- ples can look forward t o immense relief when they are told
volves fertilizing a mother's eggs with a father's sperm in t h e that their babies are just fine.
laboratory using in vitro fertilization (IVF) techniques, con-
d o m i n a n c e — t h a t is, it does n o t m a s k all the effects o f the re-

cessive sickle-cell gene. T h u s , carriers o f t h e sickle-cell gene
have m a n y r o u n d b l o o d cells a n d s o m e siclde-shaped cells (see
t h e p h o t o o n this p a g e ) . W h e n t h e y are at high altitudes, are
given anesthesia, o r are o t h e r w i s e deprived o f oxygen, carriers
may experience symptoms o f sickle-cell disease—painful
swelling o f the j o i n t s a n d severe fatigue.
After p r o v i d i n g t h e c o u p l e w i t h this i n f o r m a t i o n , t h e ge-
n e t i c c o u n s e l o r m i g h t discuss prenatal s c r e e n i n g p r o c e d u r e s
that c a n detect m a n y g e n e t i c a b n o r m a l i t i e s prenatally. T h r e e
widely used techniques (amniocentesis, chorionic villus
biopsy, a n d u l t r a s o u n d ) , as well as t h e n e w e r m e t h o d s of
p r e i m p l a n t a t i o n genetic diagnosis a n d m a t e r n a l b l o o d s a m -
pling, are d e s c r i b e d in the E x p l o r a t i o n s b o x o n pages 6 6 - 6 7 .
F o r t h e parents w h o s e tests reveal a n o r m a l e m b r y o or fetus,
the a n x i e t y o f u n d e r g o i n g t h e tests a n d waiting f o r t h e results <C Sickle-shaped (elongated) and normal (round) blood cells from a
gives way t o relief. F o r parents w h o l e a r n t h a t their fetus has a carrier of the sickle-cell gene.
serious defect, t h e e x p e r i e n c e can be a g o n i z i n g . T h e alterna- traits (phenotype) through the mechanisms of single
tives are a b o r t i o n , w h i c h m a y b e c o n t r a r y t o t h e couple's reli- gene-pair, sex-linked, and polygenic inheritance. A few in-
gious o r p e r s o n a l beliefs, o r t h e challenges o f raising a child dividuals are also powerfully affected by genetic muta-
w i t h a serious disorder. In t h e case o f sickle-cell disease, a tions or by chromosome abnormalities such as Down
b l o o d test is used t o screen n e w b o r n s f o r t h e disease, a n d af- (trisomy 21 ),'Turner (XO), Klinefelter (XXY), and fragile
fected children b e g i n a life o f t r e a t m e n t w i t h b l o o d t r a n s f u - X syndromes. Genetic counseling tells parents about
sions a n d a n t i b i o t i c s to prevent i n f e c t i o n s ( D a v i d s o n , 2 0 0 2 ) . their risks of having a child with a genetically based dis-
N o w c o n s i d e r t h e issues s u r r o u n d i n g H u n t i n g t o n ' s disorder; techniques of prenatal diagnosis include amnio-
ease, a f a m o u s ( a n d terrifying) e x a m p l e o f a g e n e t i c defect as- centesis. 0
sociated with a single d o m i n a n t gene. It typically strikes in
m i d d l e age a n d steadily deteriorates t h e n e r v o u s system.
A m o n g t h e effects are m o t o r d i s t u r b a n c e s s u c h as slurred
speech, an erratic a n d s e e m i n g l y d r u n k e n walk, g r i m a c e s , a n d Studying G e n e t i c a n d
jerky movements; personality changes such as increased
E n v i r o n m e n t a l Influences
m o o d i n e s s a n d irritability; and d e m e n t i a o r loss o f cognitive
abilities (Bishop & Waldholz, 1990; Sutton-Brown &
B e h a v i o r a l g e n e t i c s is t h e scientific study o f t h e extent to
Suchowersky, 2 0 0 3 ) . A n y child o f a p a r e n t w i t h H u n t i n g t o n ' s
w h i c h genetic a n d e n v i r o n m e n t a l differences a m o n g p e o p l e
disease is a l m o s t certain to develop the disease i f she receives
or animals are r e s p o n s i b l e for differences in their traits
the d o m i n a n t ( b u t f o r t u n a t e l y r a r e ) H u n t i n g t o n s gene r a t h e r
( P l o m i n et al., 2 0 0 1 ; P l o m i n et a l , 2 0 0 3 ) . It is i m p o s s i b l e to
t h a n its n o r m a l c o u n t e r p a r t gene at c o n c e p t i o n ; t h e risk for an
say that a given person's intelligence test score is the result of,
individual w h o has a p a r e n t with H u n t i n g t o n ' s disease is
say, 8 0 % , 5 0 % , o r 2 0 % h e r e d i t y a n d t h e rest e n v i r o n m e n t . T h e
therefore o n e o u t o f two, o r 5 0 % . (You m a y wish t o w o r k t h e
individual w o u l d have n o intelligence w i t h o u t b o t h g e n e t i c
odds for y o u r s e l f using t h e a p p r o a c h s h o w n in Figure 3.1 o n
m a k e u p a n d experiences. It is possible for b e h a v i o r a l geneti-
page 6 2 )
cists to e s t i m a t e t h e h e r i t a b i l i t y o f m e a s u r e d I Q a n d o f o t h e r
In 1 9 8 3 , J a m e s Gusella a n d his colleagues applied e m e r g -
traits o r behaviors. H e r i t a b i l i t y has a specific m e a n i n g : t h e
ing t e c h n i q u e s for l o c a t i n g specific genes o n specific c h r o m o -
p r o p o r t i o n o f all t h e variability in t h e trait w i t h i n a large s a m -
s o m e s to study a large f a m i l y w i t h m a n y cases o f H u n t i n g t o n ' s
ple o f p e o p l e t h a t c a n b e linked t o genetic differences a m o n g
disease and traced t h e gene for it to C h r o m o s o m e 4 ( B i s h o p &
t h o s e individuals. To say t h a t m e a s u r e d intelligence is herita-
Waldholz, 1 9 9 0 ) . T h i s discovery led to die d e v e l o p m e n t o f a
ble, t h e n , is to say t h a t differences in tested I Q w i t h i n a p a r t i c -
test t o e n a b l e the relatives o f H u n t i n g t o n ' s v i c t i m s t o find o u t
ular g r o u p o f p e o p l e are t o s o m e degree a t t r i b u t a b l e t o the
w h e t h e r or n o t t h e y i n h e r i t e d t h e gene so t h a t t h e y w o u l d n o t
different g e n e t i c e n d o w m e n t s o f these individuals. It is critical
have t o s p e n d a g o o d p a r t o f their lives fearing t h e w o r s t
t o u n d e r s t a n d t h a t estimates o f h e r i t a b i l i t y differ f r o m s t u d y
( S u t t o n - B r o w n & Suchowersky, 2 0 0 3 ) . N o t all p e o p l e at risk
t o study d e p e n d i n g o n w h a t s a m p l e is studied and how
for H u n t i n g t o n ' s disease c h o o s e to take t h e H u n t i n g t o n ' s test,
(Maccoby, 2 0 0 0 ) . '
b u t m a n y w h o d o take it feel better k n o w i n g o n e way o r t h e
It m a y seem f r o m their title that behavioral geneticists tell
o t h e r w h a t the future h o l d s ( W i g g i n s et al., 1 9 9 2 ) . Also, if o n e
us o n l y a b o u t genetic c o n t r i b u t i o n s to d e v e l o p m e n t , b u t in
prospective p a r e n t has t h e g e n e and t h e c o u p l e wishes to have
fact their w o r k tells us a b o u t the c o n t r i b u t i o n s o f b o t h genetic
children, p r e i m p l a n t a t i o n genetic diagnosis (see page 67 o f
and environmental factors to differences among people.
t h e E x p l o r a t i o n s b o x ) can b e used to test fertilized eggs f o r t h e
Variability in a trait t h a t is n o t associated w i t h g e n e t i c differ-
p r e s e n c e o f t h e gene, a n d the d o c t o r c a n t h e n i m p l a n t o n l y
ences is associated with differences in e x p e r i e n c e s . H o w do b e -
eggs w i t h o u t the gene in the m o t h e r ' s uterus. U n f o r t u n a t e l y ,
havioral geneticists g a t h e r evidence?
researchers still d o not understand the function of the
H u n t i n g t o n ' s gene a n d c a n n o t p r e v e n t b r a i n d e t e r i o r a t i o n in
affected individuals. Progress in p r e v e n t i n g a n d treating ge-
Experimental Breeding
n e t i c disorders is b e i n g m a d e rapidly, however, as you will see
later. M e a n w h i l e , we are ready to explore h o w h e r e d i t y a n d e n - To study t h e relative i n f l u e n c e o f genes and e n v i r o n m e n t o n
v i r o n m e n t c o n t r i b u t e to i m p o r t a n t p s y c h o l o g i c a l differences a n i m a l behavior, b e h a v i o r a l geneticists sometimes design
among humans. b r e e d i n g e x p e r i m e n t s , m u c h like t h o s e G r e g o r M e n d e l c o n -
d u c t e d to discover t h e w o r k i n g s o f h e r e d i t y i n plants. F o r ex-
a m p l e , selective b r e e d i n g involves a t t e m p t i n g t o b r e e d a n i -
Summing Up
m a l s f o r a p a r t i c u l a r trait to d e t e r m i n e w h e t h e r it is h e r i t a b l e .
Each person inherits at conception a unique genetic In a classic study, R. C. T r y o n ( 1 9 4 0 ) tested n u m e r o u s rats f o r
makeup, or genotype, contained in his or her 30,000 t h e ability t o r u n a c o m p l e x m a z e . Rats t h a t m a d e few errors
some genes arranged along 23 pairs of chromosomes were labeled maze bright; t h o s e t h a t m a d e m a n y e r r o r s were
(including the sex chromosomes, X X or XY). Parent and t e r m e d maze dull T h e n , across several g e n e r a t i o n s , T r y o n
child have 50% of their genes in common and siblings m a t e d b r i g h t rats w i t h b r i g h t rats a n d dull rats w i t h dull rats.
share 50% on average. The genotype influences actual I f differences in e x p e r i e n c e r a t h e r t h a n differences in genetic
m a k e u p held a c c o u n t e d f o r m a z e p e r f o r m a n c e differences in than to identifying e n v i r o n m e n t a l ones. It asks w h e t h e r twins
t h e first g e n e r a t i o n o f rats studied, selective b r e e d i n g w o u l d w h o share 1 0 0 % o f their genes are m o r e similar to o n e another
have h a d n o effect. Instead, across g e n e r a t i o n s , the differences than twins w h o share 5 0 % o f their genes, b u t it does n o t allow
in l e a r n i n g p e r f o r m a n c e b e t w e e n t h e m a z e - b r i g h t a n d m a z e - us to d e t e r m i n e w h e t h e r pairs o f individuals w h o share the
dull g r o u p s o f rats b e c a m e increasingly larger. T r y o n s h o w e d s a m e e n v i r o n m e n t are m o r e similar than pairs w h o share 5 0 %
t h a t m a z e - l e a r n i n g ability in rats is i n f l u e n c e d b y genetic o f their experiences (Turkheimer, 2 0 0 0 ) .
makeup. A s e c o n d c o m m o n l y used m e t h o d is t h e a d o p t i o n study.
Selective b r e e d i n g studies have also s h o w n t h a t genes Are children a d o p t e d early in life similar to their b i o l o g i c a l
c o n t r i b u t e t o such attributes as activity level, e m o t i o n a l i t y , ag- parents, w h o s e genes t h e y share, o r are t h e y similar to their
gressiveness, and sex drive in rats, m i c e , a n d c h i c k e n s ( P l o m i n adoptive parents, w h o s e e n v i r o n m e n t t h e y share? I f a d o p t e d
et a l , 2 0 0 1 ) . In recent years, researchers have b e e n c o n d u c t i n g children r e s e m b l e t h e i r b i o l o g i c a l p a r e n t s in intelligence o r
e x p e r i m e n t s with a n i m a l s t h a t involve inserting a p a r t i c u l a r personality, even t h o u g h t h o s e parents did n o t raise t h e m ,
v a r i a n t o f a gene in cells o r " k n o c k i n g o u t " a n o r m a l gene a n d genes m u s t b e influential. I f t h e y r e s e m b l e their adoptive p a r -
t h e n d e t e r m i n i n g t h e effect t h e gene has o n f u n c t i o n i n g by ents, even t h o u g h they are genetically unrelated t o t h e m , a
comparing the manipulated animals with control animals g o o d case can b e m a d e f o r e n v i r o n m e n t a l i n f l u e n c e . Like the
( W e h n e r & B a l o g h , 2 0 0 3 ) . B e c a u s e p e o p l e do n o t take k i n d l y twin m e t h o d , t h e a d o p t i o n m e t h o d has proved useful in esti-
t o t h e idea o f b e i n g selectively b r e d o r having their genes m a t i n g the relative c o n t r i b u t i o n s o f h e r e d i t y a n d e n v i r o n -
k n o c k e d o u t by e x p e r i m e n t e r s , such research c a n n o t b e d o n e m e n t to individual differences, b u t it also has b e e n criticized.
w i t h h u m a n s . Instead, research on genetic i n f l u e n c e in h u - R e s e a r c h e r s m u s t b e careful t o c o r r e c t f o r t h e t e n d e n c y o f
m a n s has relied p r i m a r i l y o n d e t e r m i n i n g w h e t h e r t h e degree a d o p t i o n agencies to place children in h o m e s similar t o t h o s e
o f genetic s i m i l a r i t y b e t w e e n two p e o p l e is associated w i t h the t h e y were a d o p t e d f r o m . Also, b e c a u s e adoptive h o m e s are
degree o f physical or psychological s i m i l a r i t y b e t w e e n t h e m . generally above-average e n v i r o n m e n t s , a d o p t i o n studies m a y
u n d e r e s t i m a t e t h e effect o n h u m a n differences o f t h e full
range o f v a r i a t i o n in t h e e n v i r o n m e n t s families provide for
Twin, A d o p t i o n , and F a m i l y Studies children (Stoolmiller, 1 9 9 9 ) .
Twins have long b e e n recognized as i m p o r t a n t sources o f evi- Finally, m o r e researchers are c o n d u c t i n g c o m p l e x family
dence a b o u t t h e effects o f heredity. A s i m p l e type o f twin study studies t h a t i n c l u d e pairs o f siblings w h o have different de-
involves d e t e r m i n i n g w h e t h e r identical twins reared t o g e t h e r grees o f genetic s i m i l a r i t y — f o r e x a m p l e , identical twins, fra-
are m o r e similar t o each o t h e r in certain traits than fraternal ternal twins, full b i o l o g i c a l siblings, h a l f siblings, and u n r e -
twins reared together. I f genes matter, identical twins should be lated siblings w h o live t o g e t h e r in stepfamilies (Reiss, 2 0 0 0 ;
m o r e similar because t h e y have 1 0 0 % o f their genes in c o m - Segal, 2 0 0 0 ) . T h e y are also m e a s u r i n g qualities o f these family
m o n , whereas fraternal twins share o n l y 5 0 % o n average. m e m b e r s ' e x p e r i e n c e s to d e t e r m i n e h o w similar o r different
Today, m o s t sophisticated twin studies include n o t o n l y t h e e n v i r o n m e n t s o f siblings are. R e s e a r c h e r s are even l o o k i n g
identical a n d fraternal t w i n pairs raised together b u t also iden- at all o f this l o n g i t u d i n a l l y so that t h e y c a n assess the extent t o
tical a n d fraternal twins reared a p a r t — f o u r groups in all, dif- w h i c h b o t h genes and e n v i r o n m e n t c o n t r i b u t e t o c o n t i n u i t y
fering in b o t h the extent to which t h e y share the same genes a n d a n d c h a n g e i n traits as individuals develop (Reiss, 2 0 0 0 ) .
the extent to w h i c h they share the same h o m e e n v i r o n m e n t
( B o u c h a r d & Pedersen, 1 9 9 9 ) . Identical twins separated near
b i r t h a n d b r o u g h t up in different e n v i r o n m e n t s — l i k e the twins
i n t r o d u c e d at the b e g i n n i n g o f the c h a p t e r — a r e particularly Flaving c o n d u c t e d a t w i n , a d o p t i o n , o r family study, b e h a v -
fascinating and informative because any similarities b e t w e e n ioral geneticists use statistical c a l c u l a t i o n s to tell w h e t h e r o r
t h e m c a n n o t b e attributed to c o m m o n family experiences. n o t a trait is genetically i n f l u e n c e d and t o e s t i m a t e the degree
However, the twin m e t h o d has been criticized. S o m e have to which h e r e d i t y and e n v i r o n m e n t a c c o u n t for individual
charged that identical twins are treated m o r e similarly than fra- differences in t h e trait. W h e n t h e y study traits that a p e r s o n ei-
ternal twins a n d that their m o r e similar e n v i r o n m e n t con- t h e r h a s o r does n o t have (for e x a m p l e , a s m o k i n g h a b i t o r di-
tributes to their greater similarity. Identical twins are treated abetes), researchers calculate and compare concordance
m o r e similarly. However, there appears to b e little relationship r a t e s — t h e p e r c e n t a g e o f pairs o f p e o p l e studied (for e x a m p l e ,
b e t w e e n h o w similarly twins are treated and h o w similar t h e y pairs o f identical t w i n s or adoptive p a r e n t s a n d c h i l d r e n ) in
t u r n o u t to b e psychologically (Loehlin, 1 9 9 2 ) , and there is n o w w h i c h , i f o n e m e m b e r o f a pair displays t h e trait, the o t h e r
a c c u m u l a t i n g evidence that the genetic similarity o f twins does, t o o . I f c o n c o r d a n c e rates are h i g h e r for m o r e genetically
causes t h e m to b e treated similarly (Reiss, 2 0 0 3 ) . Critics also related t h a n f o r less genetically related pairs o f people, t h e
charge that: behavioral geneticists underestimate t h e role o f pre- trait is heritable.
natal influences and the possibility that identical twins are m o r e S u p p o s e researchers are interested in w h e t h e r h o m o s e x u -
psychologically similar than o t h e r siblings, even i f t h e y are sep- ality is genetically i n f l u e n c e d . T h e y m i g h t locate gay m e n w h o
arated after birth, because t h e y shared the same w o m b (Devlin, have twins, either identical or fraternal, l o c a t e their t w i n sib-
Daniels, & Roeder, 1 9 9 7 ) . Finally, it has been charged that the lings, a n d find o u t w h e t h e r they, t o o , are gay. In o n e study o f
twin m e t h o d is m o r e suited t o identifying genetic influences this type ( B a i l e y & Pillard, 1 9 9 1 ) , t h e c o n c o r d a n c e rate for
STUDYING GENETIC AND ENVIRONMENTAL INFLUENCES 69

identical twins was 5 2 % ( 2 9 o f the 5 6 twins o f gay m e n were p o r t a n c e o f genetic m a k e u p . I f identical twins grow up in dif-
also gay), whereas t h e c o n c o r d a n c e rate for fraternal twins was ferent families, any similarity in their psychological traits
2 2 % ( 1 2 o f 5 4 twins o f gay m e n were also gay). T h i s finding m u s t be caused by their genetic similarity. T h e s e data suggest
and others suggest that genetic m a k e u p c o n t r i b u t e s to b o t h that e m o t i o n a l i t y is heritable; a b o u t a third o f t h e variation in
/ *
m e n s a n d w o m e n ' s sexual o r i e n t a t i o n (Bailey, D u n n e , & e m o t i o n a l i t y in this s a m p l e can b e linked to variations in ge-

M a r t i n , 2 0 0 0 ) . B u t n o t i c e that identical twins are not perfectly netic e n d o w m e n t .
c o n c o r d a n t . E n v i r o n m e n t a l factors m u s t also affect sexual ori- 2. Shared environmental influences. Individuals living in
entation. After all, Bailey and Pillard f o u n d that, in 4 8 % o f t h e the same h o m e environment experience shared environmen-
identical t w i n pairs, o n e twin was gay b u t t h e o t h e r was n o t , tal influences, c o m m o n experiences that work to m a k e t h e m
despite their identical genes. s i m i l a r — f o r example, a c o m m o n parenting style or exposure
W h e n a trait can be present in varying degrees, as is t r u e to the s a m e toys, peers, schools, and n e i g h b o r h o o d . D o y o u
o f height o r intelligence, c o r r e l a t i o n coefficients rather t h a n see evidence o f shared e n v i r o n m e n t a l influences in the c o r r e -
c o n c o r d a n c e rates are calculated (see C h a p t e r 1). I n a b e h a v - lations in Table 3.3? N o t i c e that both identical a n d fraternal
ioral genetics study o f I Q scores, a correlation would indicate twins are slightly m o r e similar in e m o t i o n a l i t y i f t h e y are
w h e t h e r the I Q score o f o n e twin is systematically related to raised together than i f t h e y are raised apart ( 0 . 3 7 exceeds 0 . 3 3 ,
t h e I Q score o f the other, such that i f o n e twin is bright, the 0 . 1 7 exceeds 0 . 0 9 ) . However, these correlations tell us that
o t h e r is bright, and i f o n e is n o t so bright, t h e o t h e r is n o t so shared e n v i r o n m e n t a l influences are weak: twins are a l m o s t as
b r i g h t . T h e larger t h e correlation for a g r o u p o f twins, t h e similar w h e n t h e y grew up in different h o m e s as when t h e y
closer the r e s e m b l a n c e between m e m b e r s o f twin pairs. grew u p in t h e s a m e h o m e .
To better appreciate t h e logic o f b e h a v i o r a l genetics stud- 3. Nonshared environmental influences. Experiences
ies, consider w h a t R o b e r t P l o m i n and his colleagues ( P l o m i n u n i q u e to the i n d i v i d u a l — t h o s e t h a t are n o t shared b y o t h e r
et al., 1 9 8 8 ) f o u n d when they assessed aspects o f p e r s o n a l i t y m e m b e r s o f the family and t h a t w o r k to m a k e individuals dif-
a m o n g twins in Sweden w h o s e ages averaged 59. O n e o f their ferent f r o m each o t h e r — a r e referred to as n o n s h a r e d envi-
measures assessed an aspect o f e m o t i o n a l i t y — t h e t e n d e n c y to r o n m e n t a l influences. W h e t h e r they involve being treated dif-
b e a n g r y o r q u i c k t e m p e r e d . T h e scale was given to m a n y pairs ferently b y parents, having different friends, undergoing
o f identical twins a n d fraternal t w i n s — s o m e pairs raised t o - different life crises, o r even b e i n g affected differently b y t h e
gether, others separated near birth and raised apart. same events, nonshared environmental influences make
Correlations reflecting t h e degree o f similarity b e t w e e n twins m e m b e r s o f t h e s a m e family different ( R o w c , 1 9 9 4 ) . In Tabic
are presented in Table 3 . 3 . F r o m such data, b e h a v i o r a l geneti- 3.3, notice that identical twins raised together are n o t the
cists c a n estimate the c o n t r i b u t i o n s o f three factors to indi- same; even t h o u g h t h e y share 1 0 0 % o f their genes and the
vidual differences in e m o t i o n a l i t y : genes, shared e n v i r o n m e n - s a m e family e n v i r o n m e n t ; a correlation o f + 0 . 3 7 is m u c h
tal influences, and n o n s h a r e d e n v i r o n m e n t a l influences. lower than a perfect correlation o f + 1.00. Any differences b e -
1. Genes. In this example, genetic influences are clearly tween identical twins raised t o g e t h e r m u s t b e either b e c a u s e
evident, for identical twins are consistently m o r e similar in o f differences in their u n i q u e , o r n o n s h a r e d , experiences o r
e m o t i o n a l i t y t h a n fraternal twins are. T h e c o r r e l a t i o n of b e c a u s e ' o f errors i n m e a s u r i n g t h e trait. Perhaps identical
+ 0.33 for identical twins reared apart also testifies to the i m - twins are treated differently s o m e h o w by their parents,
friends, a n d teachers, o r perhaps o n e twin experiences m o r e
stress t h a n the other, a n d this results in differences in their de-
grees o f emotionality. A n y o n e w h o has a b r o t h e r or sister can
Table 3.3 Correlations from a Twin Study of the attest that different children in the s a m e family are n o t always
Herilakbirity of treated identically b y their parents. T h e y do n o t have the s a m e
Raised Together Raised Apart experiences outside the h o m e , either.
T h r o u g h twin, a d o p t i o n , a n d family studies, then, re-
Identical twin pairs 0.37 0.33
searchers can learn a b o u t t h e c o n t r i b u t i o n s o f genes, shared
Fraternal twin pairs 0.17 0.09 e n v i r o n m e n t , and n o n s h a r e d e n v i r o n m e n t to similarities and
By dissecting this table, you can assess the c o n t r i b u t i o n s of genes, shared en- differences a m o n g h u m a n s . Yet s o m e developmentalists, b e -
v i r o n m e n t , and n o n s h a r e d e n v i r o n m e n t to individual differences in angry cause t h e y believe t h a t genetic a n d e n v i r o n m e n t a l influences
emotionality. are intertwined, fault t h e m e t h o d s used b y behavioral geneti-
Genes. Are identical twins m o r e similar t h a n fraternal twins? Yes: 0.37 is cists and their a p p r o a c h o f trying to separate the c o n t r i b u -
greater than 0.17, and 0.33 is greater t h a n 0.09; therefore greater genetic
t i o n s o f n a t u r e and n u r t u r e ( L e w o n t i n , Rose, 8c K a m i n , 1 9 8 4 ;
similarity is associated with greater emotional similarity.
Shared environment. Are twins w h o grow up together m o r e similar t h a n Gottlieb, 2 0 0 2 ) . W e will return to these criticisms later.
twins raised apart? Only a small effect of shared e n v i r o n m e n t is evident:
0.37 is slightly greater than 0.33, a n d 0.17 is slightly greater t h a n 0.09.
Nonshared environment. Are identical twins raised in the same h o m e dissim-
ilar, despite sharing 100% of their genes and the same environment? Yes: a
T h e H u m a n G e n o m e P r o j e c t , by providing a m a p o f t h e h u -
correlation of .37 is far less than a perfect correlation of 1.00, suggesting a
good deal of nonshared environmental influence. m a n g e n o m e , has o p e n e d t h e d o o r to exciting n e w a p p r o a c h e s
SOURCE: Plomin et al., 1988. to studying genetic cind e n v i r o n m e n t a l influence. M o l e c u l a r
genetics is t h e analysis o f p a r t i c u l a r genes a n d t h e i r effects, i n -
cluding t h e i d e n t i f i c a t i o n o f specific genes t h a t i n f l u e n c e par-
ticular traits a n d t h e c o m p a r i s o n o f a n i m a l s or h u m a n s w h o
have these specific genes w i t h t h o s e w h o d o n o t . S a m p l e s o f
D N A o b t a i n e d f r o m inside people's c h e e k s can b e analyzed,
for e x a m p l e , t o identify h o w t h e g e n o m e s o f p e o p l e w h o have
a p a r t i c u l a r c o n d i t i o n or trait differ f r o m t h e g e n o m e s o f p e o -
ple w h o d o n o t have it. M o r e o v e r , o n c e a gene's l o c a t i o n a n d
role are k n o w n , it is possible t o test a D N A s a m p l e for t h e
p r e s e n c e o f specific genes associated with a p a r t i c u l a r disease,
disorder, or o t h e r trait ( K i n g s t o n , 2 0 0 2 ) . As a result, r e -
searchers c a n study h o w p e o p l e w h o have a p a r t i c u l a r variant
o f a gene differ f r o m those w h o have different variants.
M e t h o d s based o n m o l e c u l a r genetics are b e i n g used t o
identify t h e m u l t i p l e genes t h a t c o n t r i b u t e t o polygenic traits
( P l o m i n et al., 2 0 0 3 ) . T h e goal is t o say things such as " t h i s
gene a c c o u n t s for 2 0 % o f t h e variation, a n d two o t h e r genes
a c c o u n t for 1 0 % o f t h e v a r i a t i o n each," in a p h e n o t y p e o r trait
(for e x a m p l e , reading ability o r d e p r e s s i o n ) . S o far, analyses
based o n m o l e c u l a r genetics suggest t h a t m a n y genes c o n -
t r i b u t e to each p o l y g e n i c trait or disorder and t h a t each gene
C If you have brothers or sisters, do you think your parents treated
m a k e s o n l y a small c o n t r i b u t i o n ( P l o m i n et al., 2 0 0 3 ) .
you better or worse than they treated your sibling? If so, what might
M u c h research is b e i n g d o n e , f o r e x a m p l e , o n a gene have been the effects of these nonshared environmental influences
called apolipoprotein o r apoE. O n e v a r i a n t o f a p o E , a p o E 4 , on your development?
has b e e n linked t o a h i g h e r - t h a n - n o r m a l risk o f A l z h e i m e r ' s
disease, t h e m o s t c o m m o n cause o f d e m e n t i a in later life
the contributions of shared environmental influences
( W i l l i a m s , 2 0 0 3 ; also see C h a p t e r 16). A l t h o u g h a p o E 4 is o n l y
(forces that make individuals in the same family similar)
o n e c o n t r i b u t o r to A l z h e i m e r ' s disease a n d m a n y A l z h e i m e r ' s
and of the nonshared environmental influences (unique
patients do n o t have it, researchers c a n n o w test research p a r -
experiences that make family members different).
ticipants for the p r e s e n c e o f a p o E 4 , then study differences b e -
Methods include selective breeding studies of animals
tween individuals with t h e g e n e a n d individuals w i t h o u t it. In
and twin, adoption, and family studies of humans in which
o n e s u c h study ( H o f e r et al., 2 0 0 2 ) , elderly adults w i t h t h e
concordance rates and correlation coefficients are calcu-
a p o E 4 gene showed greater m e m o r y d e t e r i o r a t i o n over a 7 -
lated. Today techniques of molecular genetics are being
year p e r i o d t h a n did individuals w i t h o u t it, even t h o u g h n o n e
used to analyze D N A samples to identify genes associ-
o f t h e p a r t i c i p a n t s h a d d i a g n o s a b l e A l z h e i m e r ' s disease yet.
ated with particular traits and to compare people who
O t h e r researchers are finding t h a t c e r t a i n e n v i r o n m e n t a l fac-
do or do not have specific genes. M
tors such as h e a d i n j u r y a n d a high c h o l e s t e r o l level increase
t h e odds that a p e r s o n w i t h t h e a p o E 4 gene will develop
A l z h e i m e r ' s disease ( W i l l i a m s , 2 0 0 3 ) . It has n o t b e e n possible
t o d i a g n o s e A l z h e i m e r ' s disease definitively until after death. A c c o u n t i n g f o r Individual
However, g e n e t i c research m a y s o o n m a k e it possible to i d e n -
tify early, b a s e d on their genetic m a k e u p and their cognitive Differences
f u n c t i o n i n g , p e o p l e w h o will develop A l z h e i m e r ' s disease a n d
w h o can b e n e f i t f r o m t r e a t m e n t (see C h a p t e r 16). F i n d i n g s f r o m b e h a v i o r a l genetics studies have d r a m a t i c a l l y
B e c a u s e it is possible to c o m p a r e large s a m p l e s o f p e o p l e c h a n g e d a n d challenged t h e way p e o p l e t h i n k a b o u t h u m a n
w h o do o r do n o t have p a r t i c u l a r g e n e variants, researchers d e v e l o p m e n t , as y o u will see t h r o u g h o u t this b o o k . W e give a
m a y n o t n e e d t o rely as m u c h in t h e f u t u r e o n studies o f t w i n s few e x a m p l e s here, d r a w n f r o m studies o f intellectual abilities,
a n d a d o p t e d individuals. T h e y will also b e b e t t e r able t o a n - t e m p e r a m e n t a n d personality, a n d psychological disorders
swer q u e s t i o n s a b o u t h o w specific genes a n d c o m b i n a t i o n s o f (see P l o m i n et al., 2 0 0 1 , 2 0 0 3 ; Rowe, 1 9 9 4 , f o r reviews). E x p e c t
genes i n t e r a c t w i t h specific e n v i r o n m e n t a l factors to s h a p e de- s o m e surprises.
v e l o p m e n t (Rowe, 2 0 0 3 ; H u t c h i n s o n et al., 2 0 0 4 ) .
S u m m i n g Op
H o w do genes a n d e n v i r o n m e n t c o n t r i b u t e to differences in
Behavioral genetics seeks to establish the heritability of intellectual f u n c t i o n i n g , a n d h o w do their relative c o n t r i b u -
traits (the percentage of variability in a trait that can be t i o n s c h a n g e over t h e life span? C o n s i d e r t h e average correla-
linked to genetic differences among individuals), as well as t i o n s b e t w e e n t h e I Q scores o f different pairs o f relatives pre-
sented in Table 3.4. T h e s e averages are p r i m a r i l y f r o m a review b e c a u s e powerful m a t u r a t i o n a l forces keep redirecting infants
by T h o m a s B o u c h a r d Jr. a n d Matthew 7 M c G u e ( 1 9 8 1 ) o f stud- b a c k to t h e s a m e species-wide d e v e l o p m e n t a l pathway, re-
ies involving 5 2 6 correlations based o n 1 1 3 , 9 4 2 pairs o f chil- gardless o f specific genetic m a k e u p or experiences ( M c C a l l ,
dren, adolescents, and adults. Clearly, these correlations i n - 1 9 8 1 ) . T h e i n f l u e n c e o f individual heredity began to s h o w
crease w h e n people are closely related genetically and are a r o u n d 18 m o n t h s o f age. Identical twins even e x p e r i e n c e d
highest w h e n t h e y are identical twins. Overall, t h e heritability m o r e similar spurts in intellectual d e v e l o p m e n t t h a n fraternal
o f I Q scores is a b o u t 0 . 5 0 , m e a n i n g that genetic differences ac- twins. T h e identical twins in t h e study stayed highly similar
c o u n t for a b o u t 5 0 % o f t h e variation in I Q scores and envi- t h r o u g h o u t c h i l d h o o d and into adolescence, t h e correlation
r o n m e n t a l differences a c c o u n t for t h e o t h e r h a l f o f the varia- between their I Q scores averaging a b o u t 0 . 8 5 . Meanwhile, fra-
t i o n in the samples studied ( P l o m i n , 1 9 9 0 ) . ternal twins b e c a m e less similar over the years; the c o r r e l a t i o n
C a n y o u detect t h e workings o f e n v i r o n m e n t ? N o t i c e that b e t w e e n their I Q scores h a d d r o p p e d to 0 . 5 4 b y adolescence.
( 1 ) pairs o f family m e m b e r s reared together are s o m e w h a t As a result, the heritability o f I Q scores increased f r o m i n f a n c y
m o r e similar in I Q t h a n pairs reared apart; ( 2 ) fraternal twins, to adolescence. T h e c o n t r i b u t i o n o f genes t o individual differ-
w h o s h o u l d have especially similar family experiences b e c a u s e ences in I Q r e m a i n s high during a d u l t h o o d a n d m a y b e even
they grow up at t h e same t i m e , t e n d to be m o r e alike t h a n sib- greater in old age t h a n earlier in life ( P o s t h u m a , de G e u s , 8c
lings b o r n at different times; a n d ( 3 ) t h e I Q s o f a d o p t e d chil- Boomsma, 2003).
dren are related to t h o s e o f their adoptive parents. All o f these W h e r e a s the heritability o f intelligence test p e r f o r m a n c e
findings suggest t h a t shared e n v i r o n m e n t a l influences t e n d to increases with age, shared e n v i r o n m e n t a l influences b e c o m e
m a k e individuals w h o live t o g e t h e r m o r e alike t h a n i f t h e y less significant with age, explaining a b o u t 3 0 % o f the varia-
lived separately. Notice, however, that genetically identical t i o n in I Q in c h i l d h o o d but close to 0 % in a d u l t h o o d ( M c G u e
twins reared together are n o t perfectly similar. T h i s is evidence et a l , 1 9 9 3 ; P l o m i n 8c S p i n a t h , 2 0 0 4 ) . W h y m i g h t this be?
t h a t their u n i q u e o r nonshared experiences have m a d e t h e m Siblings m a y b e exposed to similar (shared) learning experi-
different. ences w h e n t h e y are y o u n g , b u t as they age, partly because o f
D o the c o n t r i b u t i o n s o f genes and e n v i r o n m e n t to differ- their different genetic m a k e u p s , they m a y seek and have dif-
ences in intellectual ability c h a n g e over the life span? You ferent ( n o n s h a r e d ) life experiences. T h e y m a y elicit different
m i g h t guess that genetic influences w o u l d decrease as people reactions f r o m their parents, j o i n different peer groups, en-
a c c u m u l a t e experience, b u t y o u w o u l d be w r o n g : genetic e n - c o u n t e r different teachers, and so o n .
d o w m e n t appears to gain i m p o r t a n c e f r o m infancy to adult- D o e s this evidence o f the heritability o f I Q scores m e a n
h o o d as a source o f individual differences in intellectual per- that we c a n n o t i m p r o v e children's intellectual d e v e l o p m e n t b y
f o r m a n c e ( M c C a r t n e y , Harris, 8c Bernieri, 1990; M c G u e et al., e n r i c h i n g their e n v i r o n m e n t ? N o t at all. True, t h e I Q s of
1 9 9 3 ; P l o m i n 8c S p i n a t h , 2 0 0 4 ) . a d o p t e d children are, b y adolescence, correlated m o r e strongly
In a longitudinal study o f identical and fraternal twins with t h e I Q s o f their biological parents t h a n with the I Q s o f
c o n d u c t e d b y R o n a l d W i l s o n ( 1 9 7 8 , 1 9 8 3 ) , identical twins their adoptive parents. However, t h e level o f intellectual per-
scored n o m o r e similarly than fraternal twins o n a m e a s u r e o f f o r m a n c e that a d o p t e d children reach can increase d r a m a t i -
infant m e n t a l d e v e l o p m e n t during die first year o f life; thus, cally (by'20 points o n an I Q test) i f t h e y are a d o p t e d into m o r e
evidence o f heritability was lacking in infancy. T h i s m a y be intellectually stimulating h o m e s than those provided by their
biological parents ( S c a r r 8c W e i n b e r g , 1 9 7 8 , 1 9 8 3 ) . M o s t likely,
t h e n , stimulating e n v i r o n m e n t s help children realize m o r e
Table 3.4 Average Correlations between the IQ fully their genetically based potentials. It is critical for parents,
teachers, and others c o n c e r n e d with o p t i m i z i n g d e v e l o p m e n t
to u n d e r s t a n d t h a t genetically influenced qualities can still be
Raised Raised
altered.
Family Pairs Together Apart
Identical twins 0.86 0.72

Fraternal twins 0.60 0.52
As parents k n o w , different babies have different personalities.
Biological siblings 0.47 0.24
I n trying t o describe infant personality, researchers have fo-
Biological parent and child 0.42 0.22
cused o n aspects o f t e m p e r a m e n t — a set o f tendencies to re-
Half siblings 0.31
s p o n d in predictable ways, such as sociability, activity level,
Adopted siblings 0.34 and e m o t i o n a l reactivity, that serve as the building b l o c k s o f
Adoptive parent and adopted child 0.19 — later personality (see C h a p t e r 11 for a fuller description o f
Unrelated siblings (same age, same home) 0.26 —
temperament.) B e h a v i o r a l genetics research indicates that
genes c o n t r i b u t e to individual differences in t e m p e r a m e n t in
SOURCE: All but two of these averages were calculated by Bouchard and
i n f a n c y and b e y o n d (Ebstein, B e n j a m i n , 8c Belmaker, 2 0 0 3 ;
McGue (1981) from studies of both children and adults. The correlation for
P l o m i n et al., 2 0 0 1 ) .
fraternal twins reared apart is based on data reported by Pedersen et al.
(1985); that for unrelated children in the same h o m e is based on data re- F o r example, A r n o l d Buss and R o b e r t P l o m i n ( 1 9 8 4 ) re-
ported by Segal (2000). p o r t e d average correlations f r o m a r o u n d 0 . 5 0 to 0 . 6 0 between
r o n m e n t a l i n f l u e n c e s r a t h e r t h a n shared ones, along w i t h
genes, s e e m t o b e m o s t significant.
R e s e a r c h e r s w h o o n c e a s s u m e d t h a t p a r e n t s m o l d e d all
their children's personalities in similar directions are trying t o
figure o u t w h y b r o t h e r s a n d sisters have s u c h different per-
sonalities. It is increasingly clear t h a t siblings are treated dif-
ferently b y t h e i r parents, e x p e r i e n c e t h e i r relationships with
o n e a n o t h e r differently, a n d o f t e n have different experiences
w i t h peers, teachers, a n d o t h e r p e o p l e outside t h e home
( D u n n & P l o m i n , 1 9 9 0 ; Reiss, 2 0 0 0 ) . B u t c a n researchers s h o w
t h a t differences in e x p e r i e n c e are r e s p o n s i b l e f o r differences in
personality? S o m e t i m e s . I n o n e study o f identical twins, for
e x a m p l e , negative p a r e n t a l feelings t o w a r d a n d harsh disci-
pline o f o n e identical twin were linked t o m o r e acting o u t b y
that t w i n t h a n b y t h e t w i n treated m o r e positively b y parents
( A s b u r v et aL, 2 0 0 3 ) . B e c a u s e identical t w i n s have identical
genes, this finding c a n n o t be i n t e r p r e t e d as an e x a m p l e o f
€ The temperament of infants is genetically influenced. (These twins genes i n f l u e n c i n g p a r e n t s ' r e a c t i o n s to a child. T h e s e a n d
look a bit wary.) o t h e r studies suggest t h e value o f l o o k i n g m o r e closely at n o n -
s h a r e d e n v i r o n m e n t a l influences. D e v e l o p m e n t a l i s t s have as-
die t e m p e r a m e n t scores o f identical twins. T h e c o r r e s p o n d i n g s u m e d f o r t o o l o n g t h a t parents treat all their children m u c h
c o r r e l a t i o n s f o r fraternal twins were n o t m u c h greater t h a n t h e s a m e a n d steer t h e m a l o n g s i m i l a r d e v e l o p m e n t a l p a t h s
zero. T h i n k a b o u t that: a zero c o r r e l a t i o n is what you w o u l d ( H a r r i s , 1 9 9 8 ) . Increasingly, it s e e m s m o r e useful to ask h o w
e x p e c t i f t h e y were strangers living in different h o m e s r a t h e r genetic differences a n d n o n s h a r e d e x p e r i e n c e s , b o t h inside
t h a n fraternal twins w h o , o n average, share h a l f their genes, a n d o u t s i d e t h e h o m e , m i g h t e x p l a i n differences in t h e devel-
t h e s a m e h o m e , a n d o f t e n t h e s a m e b e d r o o m . It does h o t s e e m o p m e n t o f b r o t h e r s a n d sisters.
t o m a t t e r w h e t h e r researchers l o o k at fraternal twin pairs, o r -
d i n a r y siblings, o r unrelated children a d o p t e d i n t o t h e s a m e
family; living in the same home does not seem to make children
Psychological Disorders
more similar in personality (Dunn & Plomin, 1990). As y o u will see t h r o u g h o u t this b o o k , b o t h genes and envi-
S i m i l a r c o n c l u s i o n s have b e e n r e a c h e d a b o u t t h e c o n t r i - r o n m e n t c o n t r i b u t e t o psychological disorders across t h e life
butions of genes -and e n v i r o n m e n t to adult personality s p a n — t o a l c o h o l and drug abuse, depression, a t t e n t i o n deficit
( L o e h l i n et a l , 1 9 9 8 ; see also C h a p t e r 11). O f all t h e differ- hyperactivity disorder, eating disorders, c r i m i n a l behavior,
ences a m o n g adults o n m a j o r d i m e n s i o n s o f personality, a n d every o t h e r psychological disorder t h a t has been studied
a b o u t 4 0 % o f t h e v a r i a t i o n is a t t r i b u t a b l e to genetic differ- ( P l o m i n 8c M c G u f f i n , 2 0 0 3 ; State et a l , 2 0 0 0 ) . C o n s i d e r j u s t
ences ( L o e h l i n , 1 9 8 5 ) . O n l y 5 % o f t h e v a r i a t i o n reflects t h e ef- o n e e x a m p l e . S c h i z o p h r e n i a is a s e r i o u s m e n t a l illness t h a t in-
fects o f shared f a m i l y e n v i r o n m e n t . I n d e e d , identical t w i n s are volves d i s t u r b a n c e s in logical t h i n k i n g , e m o t i o n a l e x p r e s s i o n ,
a b o u t as similar in p e r s o n a l i t y w h e n t h e y are raised a p a r t as and social b e h a v i o r a n d that typically e m e r g e s in late adoles-
w h e n t h e y g r o w u p in t h e s a m e h o m e ( B o u c h a r d et al., 1 9 9 0 ) . c e n c e o r early a d u l t h o o d . In t h e 1 9 5 0 s a n d 1 9 6 0 s , experts were
T h e r e m a i n i n g 5 5 % o f the variability in adult personalities is c o n v i n c e d it was c a u s e d b y m o t h e r s w h o were cold a n d i n -
associated w i t h n o n s h a r e d e n v i r o n m e n t a l influences. c o n s i s t e n t in their p a r e n t i n g style ( R o w e & J a c o b s o n , 1 9 9 9 ) .
H e r e i n lies a significant m e s s a g e : T h e f a m i l y e n v i r o n m e n t N o w we k n o w t h a t genes c o n t r i b u t e substantially to this dis-
is i m p o r t a n t in personality d e v e l o p m e n t b u t usually n o t b e - order, a l t h o u g h it is n o t yet clear w h i c h genes are m o s t influ-
cause it has a s t a n d a r d effect o n all f a m i l y m e m b e r s t h a t ential. T h e average c o n c o r d a n c e rate f o r s c h i z o p h r e n i a a m o n g
m a k e s t h e m alike. Parents d o a p p e a r t o i n f l u e n c e their chil- identical t w i n s is 4 8 % ; that is, if o n e twin has t h e disorder, in
d r e n t o a d o p t attitudes a n d interests similar t o their o w n , at 4 8 % o f the pairs studied, t h e o t h e r has it, t o o ( G o t t e s m a n ,
least while t h e y are living at h o m e (Eaves et al., 1 9 9 7 ; P l o m i n 1 9 9 1 ; O w e n 8c O ' D o n o v a n , 2 0 0 3 ) . B y c o m p a r i s o n , t h e c o n -
et al., 2 0 0 1 ) . S h a r e d e n v i r o n m e n t also helps m a k e adolescent c o r d a n c e rate for fraternal twins is o n l y 1 7 % . In addition,
siblings s i m i l a r in the e x t e n t t o w h i c h t h e y engage in delin- children w h o have at least o n e biological p a r e n t w h o is schizo-
q u e n t b e h a v i o r (Rowe, 1 9 9 4 ) a n d s m o k e , d r i n k , a n d use o t h e r p h r e n i c have an i n c r e a s e d risk o f s c h i z o p h r e n i a even if they are
substances, m o r e b e c a u s e o f t h e i n f l u e n c e o f siblings o n o n e adopted away early in life ( H e s t o n , 1 9 7 0 ) . T h u s , the increased
a n o t h e r t h a n b e c a u s e o f p a r e n t a l influences (Hopfer, Crowley, risk these children face h a s m o r e t o d o w i t h their genes t h a n
8c H e w i t t , 2 0 0 3 ) . Yet behavioral geneticists have discovered re- w i t h b e i n g b r o u g h t up b y a s c h i z o p h r e n i c adult.
peatedly that e n v i r o n m e n t often plays a m o r e i m p o r t a n t role It is easy to conclude, mistakenly, that any child o f a schizo-
in creating differences a m o n g f a m i l y m e m b e r s t h a n in creat- p h r e n i c is d o o m e d to b e c o m e a schizophrenic. B u t here are the
ing similarities a m o n g t h e m (Reiss, 2 0 0 0 ; R o w e , 1 9 9 4 ) . W h e n facts: W h e r e a s a b o u t 1 % o f people in the general p o p u l a t i o n
it c o m e s to m a n y p e r s o n a l i t y traits, u n i q u e , n o n s h a r e d envi- develop schizophrenia, a b o u t 1 3 % o f children w h o have a
A C C O U N T I N G FOR I N D I V I D U A L DIFFERENCES 73
schizophrenic parent b e c o m e schizophrenic ( G o t t e s m a n , 1991;
C a r d n o & Murray, 2 0 0 3 ) . So, although children o f s c h i z o p h r e n -
ics are at greater risk for schizophrenia t h a n o t h e r children, 86 •Although genes c o n t r i b u t e to v a r i a t i o n in virtually all h u m a n
to 9 0 % o f the children o f o n e schizophrenic parent do n o t de- traits t h a t have b e e n studied, s o m e traits are m o r e h e r i t a b l e
velop t h e disorder. Even for the child o f two parents with t h a n others. Figure 3 . 4 p r e s e n t s s o m e c o r r e l a t i o n s o b t a i n e d in
schizophrenia o r for an identical twin w h o s e twin develops the the M i n n e s o t a T w i n S t u d y b e t w e e n t h e traits o f identical
disorder, the odds o f developing schizophrenia are o n l y a b o u t twins raised apart a n d r e u n i t e d later in life, a n d it m a k e s o u r
o n e in two. point.
Clearly, t h e n , e n v i r o n m e n t a l factors also c o n t r i b u t e sig- O b s e r v a b l e physical characteristics, f r o m eye c o l o r t o
nificantly to this m e n t a l illness. People d o n o t i n h e r i t p s y c h o - height, are s t r o n g l y associated w i t h individual g e n e t i c e n d o w -
logical disorders; t h e y i n h e r i t predispositions t o develop disor- m e n t . Even weight is heritable; a d o p t e d children resemble
ders. G e n e s a n d e n v i r o n m e n t p r o b a b l y i n t e r a c t so t h a t a their b i o l o g i c a l p a r e n t s b u t n o t their adoptive p a r e n t s in
p e r s o n w h o has i n h e r i t e d a g e n e t i c susceptibility t o schizo- w e i g h t ( G r i l o & P o g u e - G e i l e , 1 9 9 1 ) . C e r t a i n aspects o f physi-
p h r e n i a will n o t develop t h e disorder unless h e also has stress- ology, such as m e a s u r e d b r a i n activity a n d r e a c t i o n s to alco-
ful e x p e r i e n c e s t h a t trigger the i l l n e s s — f o r e x a m p l e , is ex- hol, are highly heritable, t o o (Lykken, Tellegen, & I a c o n o ,
posed to an infectious disease prenatally or experiences 1 9 8 2 ; Neale & M a r t i n , 1 9 8 9 ) . In addition, g e n e t i c differences
c o m p l i c a t i o n s d u r i n g delivery t h a t result in oxygen depriva- a m o n g older adults i n f l u e n c e b o t h levels o f p e r f o r m a n c e a n d
t i o n ( C a n n o n et al., 2 0 0 3 ) . M o r e o v e r , a d o p t e d children w h o c h a n g e s in p e r f o r m a n c e over t i m e in m a r k e r s o f aging s u c h as
have a b i o l o g i c a l p a r e n t with s c h i z o p h r e n i a are at greater risk l u n g c a p a c i t y a n d arterial b l o o d pressure ( F i n k e l et al., 2 0 0 3 a ) ,
o f developing s c h i z o p h r e n i a i f t h e y grow up in a dysfunctional a n d genes a c c o u n t f o r a b o u t h a l f o f the v a r i a t i o n in suscepti-
adoptive h o m e t h a n i f t h e y grow up in a h e a l t h y f a m i l y envi- bility t o diseases and death (Yashin, l a c h i n e , & Harris, 1 9 9 9 ;
r o n m e n t ( W a h l b e r g et al., 1 9 9 7 ) . see also C h a p t e r 17).
In s h o r t , y o u n o w k n o w that children m a y i n h e r i t predis- I f physical a n d physiological characteristics are s t r o n g l y
p o s i t i o n s t o develop several p r o b l e m s a n d disorders and that heritable, general intelligence is moderately heritable.
their e x p e r i e n c e s i n t e r a c t w i t h their g e n e t i c m a k e u p t o deter- S o m e w h a t less i n f l u e n c e d b y genes are aspects o f t e m p e r a -
m i n e h o w well adjusted t h e y t u r n o u t t o be. S u c h w o r k also m e n t a n d p e r s o n a l i t y and susceptibility t o m a n y psychologi-
indicates t h a t it is overly s i m p l e a n d often w r o n g t o a s s u m e cal disorders. G e n e t i c e n d o w m e n t c o n t r i b u t e s , b u t only m o d -
that any b e h a v i o r a l p r o b l e m a child displays m u s t be t h e result estly, t o d i f f c r c n c c s in attitudes a n d interests, w h i c h are
o f bad parenting. i n f l u e n c e d m a i n l y b y n o n s h a r e d e x p e r i e n c e s ( O l s o n et al.,
Characteristic
Height
Weight
Alpha activity in brain
Systolic blood pressure
IQ score
Personality traits
Occupational interests
Religiosity
Nonreligious social attitudes
0.00 0.10 0.20 0.30 0.40 0.50 0.60 0.70 0.80 0.90 1.00
Twin correlation
Figure 3>A Correlations between the traits of identical twins raised apart in
the Minnesota Twin Study.
SOURCE: Souchard ct al. (1990)
2 0 0 1 ; R o w e , 1 9 9 4 ) . Finally, t h e r e is t h e o c c a s i o n a l trait t h a t
d o e s n o t s e e m t o b e i n f l u e n c e d b y genes. Creativity is an ex-
a m p l e . Identical twins are n o t m u c h m o r e alike t h a n fraternal
twins, so h e r i t a b i l i t y is low. However, twins o f b o t h sorts are
similar t o o n e another, suggesting that the shared e n v i r o n -
m e n t is s o m e h o w i m p o r t a n t in n u r t u r i n g creativity, possibly
b e c a u s e c e r t a i n p a r e n t s give their children a g o o d deal o f free-
d o m to b e inventive a n d o t h e r s m a k e their children c o l o r
within t h e lines ( P l o m i n et al., 2 0 0 1 ; R e z n i k o f f et al., 1 9 7 3 ) .
In s u m , h e r e d i t y i n f l u e n c e s physical traits m o r e t h a n psy- Low SES High SES
c h o l o g i c a l o n e s and i n f l u e n c e s a few traits, such as creativity,
little. However, m o s t psychological traits are heritable t o s o m e
e x t e n t , w i t h genes a c c o u n t i n g for up t o h a l f o f t h e v a r i a t i o n in
Shared i i Nonshared
Genes environment environment
a g r o u p a n d e n v i r o n m e n t a l f a c t o r s (shared environmental
o n e s in c h i l d h o o d b u t m o r e often n o n s h a r e d e n v i r o n m e n t a l Figure 3.5 The proportions of variance in child IQ
o n e s ) a c c o u n t i n g f o r t h e o t h e r h a l f or m o r e o f the v a r i a t i o n scores explained by genes, shared environment, and
( P l o m i n et al., 2 0 0 1 ; W a c h s , 2 0 0 0 ) . nonshared environment differ for children from low or
high socioeconomic status (SES) environments.
SOIJRCF: Data are from TurkhGimer et al. { 2 0 0 3 ]
R e s e a r c h e r s are b e c o m i n g m o r e aware t h a t h e r i t a b i l i t y is n o t a n i c h e s t h a t suit their genetically based predispositions a n d

fixed quality; r a t h e r it varies d e p e n d i n g o n t h e s a m p l e stud- t h a t t h e n m a k e t h e m m o r e o r less intellectually i n c l i n e d de-
ied. First, it varies in relation t o t h e age o f t h e s a m p l e , as y o u p e n d i n g o n t h e i r u n i q u e g e n e t i c m a k e u p (Kendler, 2 0 0 3 ) .
have already seen. In a p a r t i c u l a r l y striking e x a m p l e o f this, an W h a t e v e r t h e e x p l a n a t i o n , it is clear t h a t t h e heritability o f a
eating disorders survey was a d m i n i s t e r e d t o f e m a l e t w i n s w h o trait is n o t c o n s t a n t ; it is affected by the age, s o c i o e c o n o m i c
were age 11 a n d p r e p u b e r t a l , age 11 a n d p u b e r t a l , a n d age 17 status, a n d o t h e r qualities o f t h e s a m p l e studied.
and p u b e r t a l . G e n e s e x p l a i n e d 5 4 % o f t h e v a r i a t i o n in survey
responses indicative o f h i g h risk f o r eating disorders a m o n g Sum m 5ng Up
girls w h o had r e a c h e d p u b e r t y b u t 0 % a m o n g the 11.-year-old
Behavioral genetics studies show that intellectual abilities
girls w h o h a d n o t yet r e a c h e d puberty. F o r p r e p u b e r t a l girls,
are heritable and that the contribution of genes increases
s h a r e d e n v i r o n m e n t a l factors were t h e m o s t i m p o r t a n t influ-
with age, whereas the contribution of shared environ-
e n c e o n responses' ( K l u m p , M c G u e , & l a c o n o , 2 0 0 3 ) . T h i s
ment decreases. Differences in infant temperament and
study h i n t s t h a t genes that help trigger eating disorders
adult personality are largely caused by genes and non-
in a d o l e s c e n c e m a y b e activated b y t h e b i o c h e m i c a l c h a n g e s
shared, but not shared, environment Susceptibility to psy-
associated with p u b e r t y a n d m a y n o t b e active b e f o r e adoles-
chological disorders such as schizophrenia is also herita-
cence.
ble, but it often takes a combination of genes and
S e c o n d , h e r i t a b i l i t y e s t i m a t e s differ d e p e n d i n g o n t h e e n -
environmental stressors t o produce a disorder Physical
v i r o n m e n t o f t h e individuals studied. M a n y classic t w i n a n d
and physiological characteristics are more strongly influ-
a d o p t i o n studies involved c h i l d r e n a n d adults f r o m m i d d l e -
enced by genes than are intellectual abilities and, in turn,
class e n v i r o n m e n t s , a n d t h e y s h o w e d t h a t genetic differences
personality and social attitudes; creativity does not seem
a m o n g c h i l d r e n have a lot t o d o w i t h I Q differences. However,
to be heritable. Finally, heritability differs depending on the
E r i c T u r k h e i m e r a n d his colleagues ( 2 0 0 3 ) r e c e n t l y s t u d i e d
age and socioeconomic status of the sample studied. 11
t h e heritability o f I Q in a s a m p l e t h a t i n c l u d e d m a n y c h i l d r e n
f r o m very l o w - i n c o m e families as well as children f r o m afflu-
e n t h o m e s . As s h o w n in Figure 3 . 5 , a m o n g children f r o m
wealthy families, genes a c c o u n t e d f o r 7 2 % o f the variation in Heredity a n d E n v i r o n m e n t
I Q , whereas shared e n v i r o n m e n t was n o t i m p o r t a n t — a s in
m o s t previous studies. B y c o n t r a s t , genes explained only
a b o u t 1 0 % o f t h e v a r i a t i o n in I Q a m o n g children f r o m p o o r
families; instead, shared e n v i r o n m e n t a l i n f l u e n c e s a c c o u n t e d W h a t s h o u l d y o u c o n c l u d e overall a b o u t t h e influences o f
f o r a l m o s t 6 0 % o f t h e v a r i a t i o n . O n e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f this genes a n d e n v i r o n m e n t a n d a b o u t t h e ways in w h i c h these two
finding is t h a t a deprived and u n s t i m u l a t i n g environment great forces in d e v e l o p m e n t c o n s p i r e t o m a k e us what w e are?
drags m o s t c h i l d r e n d o w n , regardless o f w h e t h e r their genetic G e n e s do n o t j u s t o r c h e s t r a t e o u r g r o w t h b e f o r e b i r t h and
p o t e n t i a l is h i g h o r low, b u t t h a t s o m e families living in t h e n leave us alone. Instead, t h e y are " t u r n i n g o n " a n d " t u r n -
p o v e r t y are able to offer a h o m e e n v i r o n m e n t t h a t helps their ing o f f " in p a t t e r n e d ways t h r o u g h o u t the life span, helping
children thrive despite their disadvantage. In m o r e affluent shape t h e attributes a n d b e h a v i o r a l p a t t e r n s t h a t we c a r r y
e n v i r o n m e n t s , children m a y have m o r e f r e e d o m t o b u i l d w i t h us t h r o u g h o u r lives a n d c h a n g i n g their activity in re-
s p o n s e to e n v i r o n m e n t a l s t i m u l i ( G o t t l i e b , 2 0 0 2 ) . A n evolved
and shared species heredity m a k e s us similar in t h e ways we
develop a n d age. U n i q u e individual g e n e t i c m a k e u p s cause us Two high-risk
genes
t o develop a n d age in o u r o w n ways. N o less i m p o r t a n t are e n -
O n e high-risk,
v i r o n m e n t a l influences, f r o m c o n c e p t i o n t o death.
one protective
F r o m i n f a n c y t h r o u g h c h i l d h o o d a n d adolescence, chil- gene
dren's u n i q u e genetic potentials increasingly show themselves
Two p r o t e c t i v e
in their behavior. Identical twins start o u t similar and r e m a i n genes
similar, b u t fraternal twins, like brothers and sisters generally, go
their own ways a n d b e c o m e increasingly dissimilar. Shared en-
v i r o n m e n t a l i n f l u e n c e s — t h e forces that m a k e children in t h e
same family a l i k e — a r e stronger early in life than they are later CL
1 2 3
in life. N o n s h a r e d e n v i r o n m e n t a l i n f l u e n c e s — t h o s e u n i q u e ex- N u m b e r of stressful life e v e n t s
periences that m a k e m e m b e r s o f t h e family d i f f e r e n t — r e m a i n

Figure 3o6 The odds of a depressive episode at age
i m p o r t a n t t h r o u g h o u t t h e life span. In short, as we m o v e out o f 26 are highest for individuals who: (I) inherit two genes
t h e h o m e and into t h e larger world, we seem to b e c o m e , i n - known to increase the risk of depression rather than
creasingly, products o f o u r u n i q u e genes a n d o u r u n i q u e expe- two genes known to protect against depression, and
riences. But the t w o do not operate independently. G e n e s and (2) experience four or more stressful life events between ages 21
e n v i r o n m e n t are interrelated in interesting and i m p o r t a n t ways. and 26.This is an example of gene-environment interaction: the ef-
As y o u have seen t h r o u g h o u t this chapter, b e h a v i o r a l ge- fects of genetic makeup on depression depend on how stressful a
person's environment is, and the effects of stressful life events de-
neticists try to establish h o w m u c h o f t h e v a r i a t i o n o b s e r v e d
pend on the person's genotype.
in h u m a n traits such as intelligence can b e a t t r i b u t e d t o indi-
SOURCE: Reprinted w i t h permission from Casai et al. (2003, July 18). Influences of life stress on depression.
vidual differences in genetic m a k e u p a n d h o w m u c h c a n b e at- Science, 301, p 383, Figure 1B. Copyright <£) 2003 M A S . http://www.sciencemag.org.
t r i b u t e d to individual differences in e x p e r i e n c e . Useful as t h a t
research is, it does n o t take you far in u n d e r s t a n d i n g t h e c o m -
plex interplay b e t w e e n genes a n d e n v i r o n m e n t over the life T h e real message in the figure, however, is e m b o d i e d in
span ( T u r k h e i m e r , 2 0 0 0 ) . As A n n Anastasi ( 1 9 5 8 ) asserted the concept o f g e n e - e n v i r o n m e n t interaction: how our geno-
years ago, instead o f asking how much is b e c a u s e o f genes a n d types are expressed d e p e n d s o n w h a t k i n d o f e n v i r o n m e n t we
h o w m u c h is b e c a u s e o f e n v i r o n m e n t , researchers s h o u l d b e e x p e r i e n c e , and h o w we r e s p o n d t o e n v i r o n m e n t d e p e n d s o n
asking how h e r e d i t y a n d e n v i r o n m e n t w o r k t o g e t h e r t o m a k e w h a t k i n d o f genes we have. In Figure 3 . 6 , you see that indi-
us w h a t w e are. W i t h that i n m i n d , c o n s i d e r t h e w o r k i n g s o f viduals with t w o o f t h e h i g h - r i s k variants o f t h e gene are m o r e
g e n e - e n v i r o n m e n t i n t e r a c t i o n s and g e n e - e n v i r o n m e n t c o r r e - v u l n e r a b l e t o depression t h a n p e o p l e w i t h two o f t h e p r o t e c -
lations (Ge, D o n n e l l a n , 8c H a r p e r , 2 0 0 3 ; R o w e , 2 0 0 3 ) . tive variants o f t h e g e n e — b u t only i f t h e y e x p e r i e n c e m u l t i p l e
stressful events. B y c o m p a r i s o n , even m u l t i p l e stressful events
will n o t easily cause p e o p l e w i t h t h e protective genes to b e -
c o m e depressed. T h u s t h e genes p e o p l e have m a k e a difference
G e n e s d o n o t d e t e r m i n e anything; instead, t h e y provide us o n l y w h e n an e n v i r o n m e n t is stressful, and a stressful envi-
w i t h potentials t h a t are realized o r n o t d e p e n d i n g o n t h e q u a l - r o n m e n t has an effect o n l y o n individuals with a g e n o t y p e
ity o f o u r e x p e r i e n c e s . C o n s i d e r an interesting study using t h a t predisposes t h e m t o depression. G e n e s a n d e n v i r o n m e n t
m o d e r n m o l e c u l a r genetics t e c h n i q u e s . A v s h a l o m Caspi a n d interact. It m a y t u r n o u t to b e this way for m a n y disorders: it
his colleagues ( 2 0 0 3 ) s o u g h t to u n d e r s t a n d w h y stressful ex- m a y take a c o m b i n a t i o n o f h i g h - r i s k genes a n d a h i g h - r i s k e n -
periences cause s o m e p e o p l e b u t n o t o t h e r s to b e c o m e de- v i r o n m e n t t o trigger p r o b l e m s (Caspi et al., 2 0 0 3 ) .
pressed. Using a large s a m p l e o f N e w Z e a l a n d e r s w h o had
b e e n studied longitudinally, Caspi s t e a m p e r f o r m e d DNA
analysis to d e t e r m i n e w h i c h v a r i a n t s o f a gene k n o w n to affect
levels o f the n e u r o t r a n s m i t t e r s e r o t o n i n in t h e b r a i n e a c h per- Each p e r s o n s genetic m a k e u p also influences t h e lands o f ex-
son in the s a m p l e had ( s e r o t o n i n has b e e n linked t o depres- periences she seeks a n d has. S a n d r a Scarr and Kathleen
sion in p r e v i o u s r e s e a r c h ) . T h e y also a d m i n i s t e r e d surveys to McCartney (1983), drawing on the t h e o r i z i n g of Robert
m e a s u r e t h e stressful events each p e r s o n had e x p e r i e n c e d b e - P l o m i n , J o h n DeFries, a n d J o h n L o e h l i n ( 1 9 7 7 ) , have p r o p o s e d
tween ages 21 and 2 6 , a n d whether, at age 26, e a c h p e r s o n re- three kinds o f g e n e - e n v i r o n m e n t c o r r e l a t i o n s , o r ways in
p o r t e d a d i a g n o s a b l e case o f depression in t h e past year. In w h i c h a p e r s o n s genes and his e n v i r o n m e n t or experiences are
Figure 3.6, y o u can see t h a t genes m a t t e r ( h a v i n g genes that systematically interrelated: passive, evocative, a n d active. T h e
predispose a person t o d e p r e s s i o n results in a slightly h i g h e r c o n c e p t o f g e n e - e n v i r o n m e n t interactions tells us t h a t p e o p l e
p r o b a b i l i t y o f depression overall t h a n having genes t h a t p r o - w i t h different genes react differently to t h e e n v i r o n m e n t s t h e y
tect against d e p r e s s i o n ) . You also see that e n v i r o n m e n t m a t - encounter. By contrast, the concept o f gene-environment cor-
ters (overall, depression b e c o m e s m o r e likely as t h e n u m b e r o f relations says that people with different genes e n c o u n t e r differ-
stressful events a person e x p e r i e n c e s increases). ent e n v i r o n m e n t s ( L o e h l i n , 1 9 9 2 ) . As an illustration, i m a g i n e
children w i t h a genetic p o t e n t i a l t o b e highly sociable a n d child and, h e n c e , the k i n d o f social e n v i r o n m e n t t h a t t h e child
o t h e r children w h o s e genes m a k e t h e m shy. will e x p e r i e n c e .
Passive G e n e - E n v i r o n m e n t C o r r e l a t i o n s Active Gene-Environment Correlations

T h e k i n d o f h o m e e n v i r o n m e n t t h a t p a r e n t s provide for their Finally, children's g e n o t y p e s i n f l u e n c e t h e kinds o f e n v i r o n -
children is i n f l u e n c e d partly by the parents' genotypes. m e n t s t h e y seek. T h e individual w i t h a genetic p r e d i s p o s i t i o n
B e c a u s e parents provide c h i l d r e n n o t o n l y with a h o m e envi- to b e extraverted is likely t o seek parties, invite friends to the
r o n m e n t b u t also w i t h their genes, t h e rearing e n v i r o n m e n t s h o u s e , j o i n o r g a n i z a t i o n s , and o t h e r w i s e build a " n i c h e " that
t o w h i c h children are e x p o s e d are c o r r e l a t e d w i t h ( a n d are is highly socially stimulating. T h e child with genes for shyness
likely t o suit) their genotypes. m a y actively avoid large g r o u p activities a n d instead develop
F o r instance, s o c i a b l e p a r e n t s n o t o n l y t r a n s m i t their " s o - solitary interests.
c i a b l e " genes to t h e i r children b u t also, b e c a u s e t h e y have " s o - Passive, evocative, a n d active g e n o t y p e - e n v i r o n m e n t c o r -
c i a b l e " genes, create a social h o m e environment—inviting relations can all operate to influence a particular trait.
their friends over frequently, taking t h e i r children t o m a n y s o - However, S c a r r and M c C a r t n e y suggest that the b a l a n c e o f t h e
cial events, a n d so o n . T h e s e children i n h e r i t genes f o r s o c i a - three types o f g e n o t y p e - e n v i r o n m e n t c o r r e l a t i o n s shifts dur-
bility, b u t t h e y also e x p e r i e n c e an e n v i r o n m e n t t h a t m a t c h e s ing d e v e l o p m e n t . B e c a u s e i n f a n t s are at h o m e a g o o d deal,
their genes a n d t h a t m a y m a k e t h e m m o r e s o c i a b l e t h a n t h e y their environment is largely i n f l u e n c e d by their parents
w o u l d o t h e r w i s e be. B y c o n t r a s t , t h e child w i t h shy parents is t h r o u g h passive genetic influences. Evocative i n f l u e n c e s o p e r -
likely to receive genes f o r shyness and a correlated e n v i r o n - ate t h r o u g h o u t life; o u r c h a r a c t e r i s t i c , genetically influenced
m e n t — o n e w i t h o u t m u c h social s t i m u l a t i o n . traits consistently p r o m p t c h a r a c t e r i s t i c r e a c t i o n s in o t h e r
people. Finally, as h u m a n s develop, t h e y b e c o m e increasingly
Evocative G e n e - E n v i r o n m e n t Correlations able to b u i l d their o w n n i c h e s , so active g e n e - e n v i r o n m e n t
A child's g e n o t y p e also evokes c e r t a i n kinds o f r e a c t i o n s f r o m c o r r e l a t i o n s b e c o m e increasingly i m p o r t a n t .
o t h e r people. T h e smiley, sociable b a b y is likely to get m o r e
smiles a n d social s t i m u l a t i o n t h a n t h e w i t h d r a w n , shy baby.
Similarly, t h e sociable child m a y b e s o u g h t m o r e o f t e n as a
p l a y m a t e b y o t h e r children, t h e s o c i a b l e adolescent m a y b e i n - Is there e v i d e n c e s u p p o r t i n g S c a r r and M c C a r t n e y ' s claim that
vited t o m o r e parties, and t h e s o c i a b l e adult m a y b e given people's genes are correlated with, a n d possibly influence,
m o r e j o b a s s i g n m e n t s involving p u b l i c relations. I n s h o r t , ge- their e x p e r i e n c e s in life? I n d e e d . B e h a v i o r a l geneticists are dis-
n e t i c m a k e u p m a y affect the r e a c t i o n s o f o t h e r p e o p l e t o a covering t h a t m e a s u r e s o f e n v i r o n m e n t are themselves h e r i t a -
ble. W h a t this m e a n s is that identical t w i n s are m o r e similar
than fraternal twins, a n d biological siblings are m o r e similar
t h a n adoptive siblings, in t h e e n v i r o n m e n t s t h e y e x p e r i e n c e
a n d in their p e r c e p t i o n s o f these e n v i r o n m e n t s , for e x a m p l e :
° B o t h o b j e c t i v e a n d perceived aspects o f p a r e n t i n g style,

such as w a r m t h a n d t h e quality o f t h e paren t - c h i l d rela-
mm®
^mm
t i o n s h i p ( P l o m i n & B e r g e m a n , 1 9 9 1 ; Reiss, 2 0 0 3 )
• T i m e spent w a t c h i n g television ( P l o m i n et al., 1 9 9 0 )
0 N u m b e r o f stressful life events e x p e r i e n c e d ( K e n d l e r et
al., 1 9 9 3 )
I f o u r genetically i n f l u e n c e d p e r s o n a l i t y traits affect h o w

o t h e r s treat us a n d w h a t e x p e r i e n c e s we seek a n d have, these
findings m a k e sense. F o r e x a m p l e , identical twins w h o are ir-
ritable a n d difficult could help create a c o n f l i c t - r i d d e n f a m i l y
e n v i r o n m e n t , whereas c a l m a n d c o n t r o l l e d children could
oo
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help create a cohesive f a m i l y e n v i r o n m e n t , even if t h e y are
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o raised apart (Krueger, M a r k o n , & B o u c h a r d , 2 0 0 3 ) .
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Such findings challenge s o m e o f o u r m o s t f u n d a m e n t a l
a s s u m p t i o n s a b o u t h u m a n d e v e l o p m e n t . After all, t h e y say
that w h a t we regard as p u r e l y e n v i r o n m e n t a l influences o n de-
v e l o p m e n t partly reflect the w o r k i n g s o f h e r e d i t y (Reiss, 2 0 0 0 ;
(( If the son of a basketball player turns out to be a good basketball
player, is it because of genetic endowment or experience? We can- Rowe, 1 9 9 4 ) . R o b e r t P l o m i n ( 1 9 9 0 ) suggests t h a t we m u s t
not say because genes and environment are correlatec.Through pas- q u e s t i o n o u r a s s u m p t i o n s . S u p p o s e we find that p a r e n t s w h o
sive gene-environment correlation, the children of athletes not only read to their c h i l d r e n have b r i g h t e r children t h a n p a r e n t s w h o
inherit their parent's genes but also grow up n sports-oriented fam- d o n o t read t o their children. In the n o t - s o - d i s t a n t past, m o s t
ily environments. d e v e l o p m e n t a l i s t s w o u l d have interpreted this finding r a t h e r
uncritically as evidence t h a t p a r e n t s m a k e i m p o r t a n t c o n t r i -
b u t i o n s t o t h e i r children's intellectual d e v e l o p m e n t b y reading
t o t h e m . W i t h o u t d e n y i n g the i m p o r t a n c e o f parents, s u p p o s e
we offer this alternative i n t e r p r e t a t i o n : Parents a n d children
w h o s e genes predispose t h e m t o b e highly intelligent are m o r e
likely t o seek o p p o r t u n i t i e s to read t h a n p a r e n t s a n d children
w h o are less intellectually i n c l i n e d . I f this is t h e case, c a n we be
so sure t h a t reading t o children causes t h e m t o b e brighter?
W o u l d we be able to s h o w t h a t r e a d i n g t o children is b e n e f i -
cial even w h e n t h e parents and children involved are geneti-
cally unrelated? O n e m o r e e x a m p l e : I f w e o b s e r v e t h a t aggres-
sive children t e n d to have parents w h o are negative a n d hostile
toward t h e m , c a n we be sure that the children's aggression is
b e c a u s e o f t h e e x p e r i e n c e s t h e y have h a d g r o w i n g up w i t h
negative parents? Is it n o t also possible t h a t t h e y i n h e r i t e d
genes f r o m their irritable and aggressive p a r e n t s t h a t predis-
posed them to be irritable and aggressive themselves
( O ' C o n n o r et al., 1 9 9 8 ) ?
Perhaps t h e m o s t convincing evidence o f the i m p o r t a n c e
o f g e n e - e n v i r o n m e n t correlations c o m e s f r o m an a m b i t i o u s
study b y David Reiss, Jenae Neiderhiser, E. Mavis H e t h e r i n g t o n ,
and Robert Plomin, summarized in their book, The
Relationship Code ( 2 0 0 0 ) . T h e sample for this study consisted o f
7 2 0 pairs o f s a m e - s e x adolescents w h o differed in their degree
o f biological relationship f r o m identical twins to biological sib-
lings to unrelated stepsiblings. T h e researchers m e a s u r e d envi-
r o n m e n t a l factors such as p a r e n t - c h i l d a n d sibling-sibling
interaction and adolescent a d j u s t m e n t variables such as self-
esteem, sociability, depression, a n d antisocial behavior.
T h i s m a j o r study suggested that family processes are i m -
p o r t a n t , b u t n o t for the reasons developmentalists have tradi-
tionally assumed. F a m i l y processes, Reiss a n d his colleagues ar-
C It is no surprise that identical twins look alike even as adults. Note
gue, appear to b e a m e c h a n i s m t h r o u g h which the genetic c o d e
that they often have similar facial expressions and stances.
is expressed. Repeatedly, t h e study revealed t h a t genes shared
b y parents and children partly or even largely a c c o u n t e d for re-
lationships between children's experiences a n d their develop-
mental o u t c o m e s — f o r e x a m p l e , b e t w e e n negative p a r e n t i n g
tactics and antisocial b e h a v i o r b y adolescents. In 4 4 o f 52 i n -
stances in which significant relationships b e t w e e n m e a s u r e s o f
t h e family e n v i r o n m e n t a n d adolescent a d j u s t m e n t were de-
tected, genes i n f l u e n c e d b o t h family e n v i r o n m e n t and adoles- S o c i e t y will have to grapple w i t h t h e c o m p l e x a n d t r o u b l i n g
cent a d j u s t m e n t a n d a c c o u n t e d for m o s t o f t h e relationship ethical issues t h a t have arisen as geneticists have g a i n e d t h e ca-
between t h e two (Reiss & Neiderhiser, 2 0 0 0 ) . p a c i t y t o identify t h e carriers a n d p o t e n t i a l v i c t i m s o f diseases
T h i s research suggests t h a t genes a n d e n v i r o n m e n t c o n - a n d disorders, to give parents i n f o r m a t i o n t h a t m i g h t p r o m p t
spire to shape d e v e l o p m e n t . G e n e s i n f l u e n c e h o w parents, t h e m t o a b o r t a pregnancy, a n d to e x p e r i m e n t with t e c h n i q u e s
peers, and o t h e r s treat children. T h e s e e n v i r o n m e n t a l influ- for altering t h e genetic c o d e t h r o u g h gene therapy. As t h e
e n c e s — u s u a l l y n o n s h a r e d o n e s that differ f r o m sibling t o sib- A p p l i c a t i o n s b o x o n page 7 9 illustrates, a p p l i c a t i o n s o f g e n e
ling—then influence the individual's development, often t h e r a p y to h u m a n s have n o t yet b e e n successful b u t are likely
working to reinforce genetically based predispositions to b e p u r s u e d m o r e vigorously as k n o w l e d g e e x p a n d s . S o m e
(Lytton, 2 0 0 0 ; Reiss, 2 0 0 0 ) . As a result, b e h a v i o r a l geneticists, observers w o r r y a b o u t Nazi-like a t t e m p t s t o create a s u p e r r a c e
w h o o f t e n e m p h a s i z e t h e i m p o r t a n c e o f genes, a n d socializa- o f clones. F o r these a n d o t h e r reasons, g e n e t i c research is c o n -
t i o n researchers, w h o stress t h e role o f e x p e r i e n c e s in devel- troversial and will r e m a i n so.
o p m e n t , are b o t h right. T h e practical i m p l i c a t i o n is t h a t care- Likewise, b e h a v i o r a l genetics research is controversial
givers sensitive t o a child's genetically based p r e d i s p o s i t i o n s a m o n g d e v e l o p m e n t a l scientists. O n t h e o n e h a n d , it has p r o -
will b e in a g o o d p o s i t i o n t o s t r e n g t h e n t h e child's adaptive vided s o m e i m p o r t a n t insights i n t o h u m a n d e v e l o p m e n t : t h a t
t e n d e n c i e s a n d suppress o r w o r k a r o u n d t h e maladaptive genes are i m p o r t a n t , t h a t t h e u n i q u e e x p e r i e n c e s o f siblings
ones. are m o r e influential t h a n t h o s e t h e y share, t h a t c h i l d r e n influ-
U ltimately, genetic researchers want t o know how the
damaging effects of genes associated with diseases and
disorders can be prevented, cured, o r at least minimized.
person t o die in a gene therapy trial, is illustrative. His im-
mune system attacked the viruses that w e r e t o carry nor-
mal genes into his malfunctioning liver and destroyed not
O n e of the greatest success stories in genetic research in- only the virus but his own organs (Fischer, 2 0 0 0 ) . T h i s 1999
volves phenylketonuria (PKU), a disorder caused by tragedy resulted in stricter controls on gene therapy re-
mutations in a single pair of recessive genes. Affected chil- search.
dren lack a critical enzyme needed t o metabolize phenylala- Although effective gene therapies undoubtedly will be
nine, a c o m p o n e n t of many foods (including milk). As phe- developed, it is simpleminded t o think that gene therapies
nylalanine accumulates in the body, it is converted t o a will prevent o r cure m o s t diseases and disorders. Why?
harmful acid that attacks t h e nervous system and causes Because m o s t conditions are the product of genes and en-
children t o be mentally retarded and hyperactive. vironment interacting. Researchers not only must deliver
In the mid-1950s, scientists developed a special diet low the right genes t o t h e body in sufficient number t o have the
in phenylalanine,and in 1 9 6 1 , t h e y developed a simple blood desired effect but must get them t o turn on and off when
t e s t that could d e t e c t PKU soon after birth, before any they should t o produce normal functioning, which is influ-
damage had been done.Today, newborn infants are routinely enced partly by the environment surrounding cells (Weiss,
screened for PKU, and affected children are immediately 2 0 0 3 a ) . Preventing o r curing polygenic disorders such as
placed on t h e special (and, unfortunately, distasteful) diet schizophrenia will be especially hard because this will re-
(Miller, 1 9 9 5 ) . T h e y must stay on it for their entire lives o r quire a b e t t e r understanding of how multiple genes and
risk deterioration in cognitive functioning (National Insti- multiple environmental risk factors contribute t o disorders.
tutes o f Health, 2 0 0 0 ) . Here, then, genetic research led t o N o "quick fix" such as t h e PKU diet will be possible. Still,
the prevention of o n e of the many causes of mental retar- t h e pace o f breakthroughs in gene therapy research will in-
dation. And here is a clear-cut example of the interaction crease, and societies must grapple with the ethical issues
between genes and environment: a child will develop t h e t h e s e advances raise (Petersen & Bunton, 2 0 0 2 ) .
condition and b e c o m e mentally retarded only if he inherits
the PKU genes and eats a normal (rather than a special)
diet.
Aided by information generated by t h e Human G e n o m e
Project, researchers are actively experimenting with gene
therapy—interventions that involve substituting normal
genes for t h e genes associated with a disease o r disorder o r
otherwise altering a p e r s o n s genetic makeup. In s o m e e x -
periments, viruses are used t o carry normal replacement
genes into an individual's cells (Hay, 2 0 0 3 ; Hawley & Mori,
1999). G e n e therapy experiments t o t r e a t such genetic dis-
o r d e r s as hemophilia (through infusions of normal genes
into the blood) and cystic fibrosis (using aerosol sprays t o
deliver normal genes t o the lungs) are under way and are
having s o m e success (Driskell & Engelhardt, 2 0 0 3 ; Hay, 2 0 0 3 ;
Walsh, 2 0 0 3 ) .
Yet progress in gene therapy has been slow because of
a host of problems (Hay, 2 0 0 3 ; Weiss, 2 0 0 3 a ) . T h e death of <[ Gene therapy experiments with mice promise to yield
J esse Gelsinger,a young man from Arizona w h o was the first treatments that could benefit humans.
e n c e parents j u s t as parents i n f l u e n c e c h i l d r e n . N o n e t h e l e s s , combination of genetic and environmental influence

m a n y respected researchers c o n t i n u e to q u e s t i o n t h e validity ( M c C a r t n e y , 2 0 0 3 ; van O s & S h a m , 2 0 0 3 ) . T h e y d o u b t that
o f s o m e b e h a v i o r a l genetics research surveyed in this chapter. t h e i n f l u e n c e s o f genes a n d e n v i r o n m e n t o n individual differ-
T h e y believe t h a t t e c h n i q u e s for calculating heritability a t t r i b - ences c a n ever b e cleanly separated a n d m a i n t a i n that parents
ute t o o m u c h i m p o r t a n c e t o genes a n d t o o little to e n v i r o n - have far m o r e i m p o r t a n t effects on t h e i r children's develop-
m e n t b e c a u s e t h e y credit t o genes s o m e v a r i a n c e caused b y a m e n t t h a n s o m e b e h a v i o r a l geneticists a c k n o w l e d g e ( C o l l i n s
et al., 2 0 0 0 ; Lerner, 2 0 0 3 ) . T h e y also emphasize t h a t b e h a v - Summing Up
ioral genetics research tells ns little a b o u t what we should re-
Both genes and environment are at w o r k over the life
ally w a n t to u n d e r s t a n d : the long and complex process
span, but from infancy t o adolescence genetic influences
t h r o u g h w h i c h genotypes are translated i n t o phenotypes
gain importance and shared environmental influences be-
(Gottlieb, 2 0 0 3 ) .
come less significant Genes help determine not only how
Still, p a r e n t s m a y b e i n a b e t t e r p o s i t i o n to b e g o o d p a r -
we respond t o experiences (through gene-environment
ents i f t h e y u n d e r s t a n d t h e i r children's genetically b a s e d pre-
interactions) but also what experiences we have (through
d i s p o s i t i o n s a n d h o w to r e s p o n d a p p r o p r i a t e l y t o them.
passive, evocative, and active gene-environment correla-
Providing c h i l d r e n with o p t i m a l e x p e r i e n c e s d e p e n d s on
tions). N o w you can understand why todays develop-
knowing which environments stimulate healthy develop-
mentalists regard it as foolish t o ask whether nature or nur-
m e n t a n d w h i c h do n o t . It is fitting, t h e n , t h a t t h e n e x t c h a p -
ture is responsible for human development People are
ter takes a closer l o o k at early e n v i r o n m e n t a l i n f l u e n c e s o n
shaped by an incredibly complex interplay of genetic and
development.
environmental influences from conception t o death. M
on personality are minimal. Similarly, psychological disorders such as

schizophrenia have a genetic basis.
1. As humans, we share a species heredity that, as Darwin's the- 8. Overall, physical and physiological characteristics are more
ory of evolution holds, is the product of the natural selection of traits strongly influenced by individual genetic endowment than are intel-
over the course of evolution. Species heredity and cultural evolution lectual abilities and, in turn, personality traits or social attitudes. In
make some aspects of development and aging universal. addition, certain traits such as creativity do not seem to be genetically
2. Each human also has an individual heredity provided at con- influenced.
ception, when sperm and ovum, each with 23 chromosomes because 9. Overall, both genes and nonshared environmental influences
of meiosis, unite to form a single-cell zygote with 46 chromosomes, are influential over the life span, whereas shared environmental in-
containing some 30,000 genes mapped by the Human Genome fluences become less important after childhood. Gene-environment
Project. interactions mean that environment influences how genes are ex-
3. The genetic basis for development is not completely under- pressed and that genes influence how people react to their environ-
stood, but we know that genes provide a "code" that influences, with ment. Passive, evocative, and active gene-environment correlations
environmental factors, how cells are formed and how they function; suggest that people experience and seek environments that match
that regulator DNA turns genes "on" and "off" throughout the life and reinforce their genetic predispositions.
span; and that environmental factors influence how a genotype (ge-
netic makeup) is translated into a phenotype (actual traits).
4. There are three main mechanisms of inheritance: single gene-
pair inheritance, sex-linked inheritance, and polygenic (multiple
gene) inheritance. Most important human traits are influenced by 1. Hairy knee syndrome (we made it up) is caused by a single
polygenic inheritance. Some children are also affected by noninher- dominant gene, H. Using diagrams such as those in Figure 3.1 and
ited changes in gene structure (mutations); others, because of errors Figure 3.2, figure out the odds that Herb (who has the genotype Hh)
in meiosis, have chromosome abnormalities. Genetic counseling of- and Harriet (who also has the genotype Hh) will have a child with
fers information and guidance to people at risk for genetic condi- hairy knee syndrome. Now repeat the exercise, but assume that hairy
tions, and abnormalities can be detected prenatally through amnio- knee syndrome is caused by a recessive gene, hy and that both parents
centesis, chorionic villus sampling, ultrasound, and preiiiiplaiitation again have an Hh genotype.
genetic diagnosis. 2. Suppose you want to find out how much genetic endowment
5. Behavioral genetics researchers conduct twin, adoption, and influences the shyness of adolescents. Sketch two behavioral genetics
other family studies that describe resemblances between pairs of peo- studies that could be conducted to answer this question, and indicate
ple using concordance rates and correlation coefficients. They then what they would be able to tell you about the contributions of genes,
estimate the heritability of traits and the contributions of shared and shared environment, and nonshared environment to shyness.
nonshared environmental influences. More recently, they are using 3. Researchers have found evidence that children who are phys-
molecular genetics to identify and study particular genes and their ically punished by their parents tend to behave more aggressively
implications. around their peers than children who are not. What explanation for
6. Performance on measures of intelligence is a heritable trait. this finding might a social cognitive learning theorist such as Albert
Infant mental development is strongly influenced by a species-wide Bandura (Chapter 2) propose? What alternative explanations does
maturational plan, but over the course of childhood and adolescence, research on behavioral genetics, including work on gene-environ-
individual differences in mental ability more strongly reflect both in- ment correlations, suggest?
dividual genetic makeup and nonshared environmental influences. 4. Alans biological mother developed schizophrenia and was
7. Aspects of temperament, such as emotionality, and personal- placed in a mental hospital when he was only 1 year old. He grew up
ity are also genetically influenced; shared environmental influences with his father and stepmother (neither of whom had psychological
disorders) from then on. Based on the material in this chapter, what fects and diseases, check out the website for the National Human
would you tell Alan about his chances of becoming schizophrenic if Genome Research Institute.
you were a genetic counselor?
Genetic Education and Counseling
The Genetics Education Center at the University of Kansas Medical
Center also has a website with a wealth of good materials on the
Human Genome Project and on genetic disorders and conditions. It
species heredity, 56 fragile X syndrome, 64
is aimed at educators and genetic counselors. Among its features are
natural selection, 57 genetic counseling, 65 a glossary of genetic terms; a page on the ethical, legal, and social im-
conception, 57 cystic fibrosis, 65 plications of genetic research; and up-to-date information about the
Human Genome Project.
zygote, 57 lay-Sachs disease, 65
chromosome, 57 carrier, 66 Cracking the Code of Life
Human Genome Project, 58 ultrasound, 66 This Public Broadcasting Service (PBS) program, originally aired on
meiosis, 58 amniocentesis, 66 NOVA in April 2001, chronicles the race to complete the human
genome map. You can watch the entire 2-hour program on its com-
mitosis, 58 chorionic villus sampling
panion website, which contains links for learning more about DNA
crossing over, 59 (CVS), 67
sequencing, exploring the issues surrounding genetic manipulation,
identical twins, 59 preimplantation genetic and revisiting the nature versus nurture debate.
diagnosis, 67
fraternal twins, 60
maternal blood sampling, 67 GeneTests
X chromosome, 60
Huntington's disease, 68 To learn about a particular disease and its diagnosis and symptoms
Y chromosome, 60 and to find whether a test for it exists, consult GeneTests, which, al-
behavioral genetics, 68
karyotype, 60 though aimed at doctors, is readable. Click on "Gene Reviews" and
heritability, 68 search for a disease.
genotype, 61
selective breeding, 68
phenotype, 61
concordance rate, 69
Huntington's Disease
single gene-pair inheritance, 61 »
For a closer look at this devastating and deadly disease caused by a
shared environmental single dominant gene, visit the website of the Huntington's Disease
dominant gene, 61
influences, 70 Advocacy Center. Stories of people who have lived with Huntington's
recessive gene, 61
nonshared environmental disease, as well as recent news and research findings, are provided.
incomplete dominance, 61 influences, 70 Under the link to "Answers to HD Questions," the etiology of
codominance, 61 molecular genetics, 70 Huntington's disease is explained.
sex-linked characteristic, 62 temperament, 72
Sickle-Cell Disease
hemophilia, 62 schizophrenia, 73 The American Sickle Cell Anemia Association s website has much in-
polygenic trait, 62 gene-enviro n men t formation about this disease of special interest to African Americans.
mutation, 63 interaction, 76
sickle-cell disease, 63 gene-environment Understanding t h e Data:
correlation, 76 Exercises on t h e Web
chromosome abnormalities, 63
Down syndrome, 63 phenylketonuria (PKU), 79 For additional insight on the data presented in this
gene therapy, 79 chapter, try the exercises for these figures at http:/'/psychology
Turner syndrome, 64
.wadsworth.com/sigelrnan_rider5e:
Klinefelter syndrome, 64
Table 3.4 Average Correlations between the IQ Scores of Pairs of
Individuals
Figure 3.5 The proportions of variance in child IQ scores ex-
plained by genes, shared environment, and nonshared environ-
ment differ for children from low or high socioeconomic status
Websites to Explore (SES) environments
Figure 3.6 The odds of a depressive episode at age 26 are high-
Visit Our Website
est for individuals who: (1) inherit two genes known to increase
For a chapter tutorial quiz and other useful features, visit the book's
the risk of depression rather than two genes known to protect
companion website at http://psychology. wadsworth.com/sigelman_
against depression, and (2) experience four or more stressful life
riderSe. You can also connect directly to the following sites:
events between ages 21 and 26. This is an example of gene-
environment interaction: the effects of genetic makeup on de-
The Human Genome Project
pression depend on how stressful a person's environment is, and
The Human Genome Project is an international research effort
the effects of stressful life events depend on the person's geno-
aimed at characterizing the makeup of all 46 human chromosomes
type
by mapping sequences of their DNA. For a look at how this is done,
as well as the latest in efforts to understand and prevent genetic de-
Life-Span CD-ROM DEVELOPMENTAL
Psychologyf|Now
TM

study of the concepts in this chapter. The CD-ROM in- Developmental PsychologyNow is a web-based, intelli-
cludes narrated concept overviews, video clips, a multimedia glos- gent study system that provides a complete package of diagnostic
sary, and additional activities to expand your learning experience. quizzes, a personalized study plan, integrated multimedia elements,
For this chapter, check out the following clip, and others, in the video and learning modules. Check it out at http://psychology.wadsworth
library: . com/sigelman_rider5e/now.
VIDEO Environmental Influences on Early Brain Development
C H A P T E R I O U r
Prenatal J )evelopment The Mother's State The Mother's Experience

Age Cultural F a c t o r s
Conception
Emotional Condition Postnatal Depression
Prenatal Stages Nutritional Condition The Father's Experience
T h e Germinal Period
The Father's State
T h e Embryonic Period
T h e Fetal P e r i o d Neonatal E n v i r o n m e n t
P e r i n a t a l Gnvi r o n m e r i t
Identifying At-Risk Newborns
P r e n ata. I E n v i r o n m e n t Possible Hazards Risk and Resilience
Anoxia
Teratogens
C o m p l i c a t e d Delivery
Drugs
Medications
Diseases
E n v i r o n m e n t a l Hazards
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55th floor of the south t o w e r of t h e W o r l d Trade C e n t e r
w h e n s h e realized s o m e t h i n g w a s t e r r i b l y w r o n g . S h e P e r h a p s at n o t i m e in the life span d o e s d e v e l o p m e n t o c c u r
m a d e it d o w n t h e 5 5 flights o f s t a i r s , t h e last 2 0 in d a r k - faster, o r is e n v i r o n m e n t m o r e i m p o r t a n t , t h a n b e t w e e n c o n -
n e s s and s u r r o u n d e d by t h i c k c l o u d s o f dust, following t h e c e p t i o n and b i r t h . W h a t m a t u r a t i o n a l m i l e s t o n e s n o r m a l l y
i m p a c t o f U n i t e d A i r l i n e s flight 175. A f t e r r e a c h i n g t h e o c c u r d u r i n g this period?
s t r e e t , Engoran ran a l o n g s i d e o t h e r s trying t o e s c a p e t h e
falling d e b r i s following t h e c o l l a p s e o f t h e huge building
until s h e fainted and w a s t a k e n t o a hospital. D e s p i t e a
f e w c o n t r a c t i o n s t h a t day, a t t r i b u t e d t o s t r e s s and dehy- M i d w a y t h r o u g h the m e n s t r u a l cycle, every 2 8 days or so, fe-
d r a t i o n , Engoran c a r r i e d h e r baby t o t e r m . F o r w e e k s , m a l e s ovulate: A n o v u m (egg cell) ripens, leaves t h e ovary, a n d
though, she e x p e r i e n c e d anxiety related t o t h e events of b e g i n s its j o u r n e y t h r o u g h die fallopian t u b e to t h e uterus.
t h a t day. Usually t h e egg disintegrates a n d leaves t h e b o d y as p a r t o f the
m e n s t r u a l flow. However, i f t h e w o m a n has i n t e r c o u r s e w i t h a
fertile m a n a r o u n d t h e t i m e o f ovulation, t h e 3 0 0 m i l l i o n o r
What are the possible effects of prenatal exposure to so s p e r m cells in his s e m i n a l fluid swim, t a d p o l e style, in all
m a t e r n a l stress? H o w m i g h t E n g o r a n ' s d a u g h t e r E m i l y b e directions. O f t h e 3 0 0 t o 5 0 0 s p e r m that survive t h e long, 6 -
affected by h e r mother's exposure to the dust, debris, h o u r j o u r n e y i n t o the fallopian tubes, 1 m a y m e e t a n d p e n e -
a n d a s b e s t o s r e l e a s e d t h a t day? T h e s e are t h e s o r t s o f q u e s - trate t h e o v u m on its descent f r o m t h e o v a r y (Sadler, 2 0 0 4 ; see
t i o n s t h a t w e address in t h i s c h a p t e r as w e e x p l o r e first also Figure 4 . 1 ) . O n c e this 1 s p e r m penetrates the egg cell, a
prenatal development and then the e n v i r o n m e n t o f the b i o c h e m i c a l r e a c t i o n o c c u r s t h a t repels o t h e r s p e r m and keeps
womb. t h e m f r o m e n t e r i n g t h e already fertilized egg. As e x p l a i n e d in
Fallopian tube
Segmentation
process
mm
Morula
Mature ovum
Mature follicle
Developing
follicles^
Uterus
Blastocyst
—.
F i g u r e 4.1 F e r t i l i z a t i o n a n d i m p l a n t a t i o n . ( A ) Millions o f s p e r m cells have e n t e r e d t h e vagina a n d

are finding t h e i r w a y i n t o t h e uterus. (B) S o m e s p e r m a t o z o a a r e m o v i n g u p t h e fallopian t u b e ( t h e r e
is a similar t u b e o n t h e o t h e r side) t o w a r d t h e o v u m . ( C ) F e r t i l i z a t i o n o c c u r s . T h e f e r t i l i z e d o v u m
drifts d o w n t h e t u b e , d i v i d i n g a n d f o r m i n g n e w cells as it goes, until it i m p l a n t s itself in t h e w a l l o f t h e
u t e r u s ( D ) by t h e s e v e n t h o r e i g h t h day a f t e r f e r t i l i z a t i o n .
C h a p t e r 3, c o n c e p t i o n , the b e g i n n i n g o f life, o c c u r s when t h e
genetic material o f the sperm a n d egg unite to f o r m a single-
celled zygote. T h e process m a y s o u n d simple, but, as y o u can T h e zygote c o n t a i n s t h e 4 6 c h r o m o s o m e s that are the genetic
see in the E x p l o r a t i o n s b o x o n this page, m a n y couples c a n n o t b l u e p r i n t for t h e individual's d e v e l o p m e n t . It takes a b o u t 2 6 6
conceive a child, m u c h as t h e y w a n t to, and seek m e d i c a l help. days ( a b o u t 9 m o n t h s ) f o r t h e zygote to b e c o m e a fetus o f bil-
M any couples have no trouble conceiving children, but

approximately 8% experience difficulties conceiving a
child despite desperately wanting one. Infertility is equally
ferred t o the woman's uterus in hopes that one will implant
on the wall of the uterus.The first such " t e s t tube baby" was
Baby Louise, born in England in 1978. Many variations of IVF
likely t o be traced t o the man as the woman and stems from are possible, depending on who provides the eggs and the
a variety of causes. For example, adolescents and adults sperm. A couple wanting t o have a child (the would-be bio-
who have contracted sexually transmitted diseases may be- logical m o t h e r and father) could donate both eggs and
c o m e infertile (Steinberg e t al., 1998). Many of these couples sperm. At the o t h e r e x t r e m e , an infant conceived through
turn to assisted reproduction technologies (ARTs) to IVF could wind up with five "parents": a sperm donor, an egg
try t o have a child. S o m e couples are helped in relatively donor, a surrogate m o t h e r in whom the fertilized egg is im-
simple ways. A man may be advised t o wear looser pants planted, and a caregiving m o t h e r and father (Beck, 1994).
and underwear (because an unusually high temperature in Couples who s e e k IVF had b e t t e r bring their checkbooks;
the testes interferes with sperm production).A woman may it costs at least $ 1 0 , 0 0 0 a try and is successful only about
be asked t o take her temperature t o determine when she one time out of five (Kowalski, 2 0 0 0 ) .
ovulates and is therefore m o s t likely t o b e c o m e pregnant. W h a t are t h e implications for t h e new family of using
W h e n simpler methods fail, s o m e couples move on t o IVF and o t h e r reproductive technologies? Infertile couples
more elaborate (and expensive) technologies. T h e s e typi- may experience many heartbreaks in their quest for par-
cally start with o r include prescription drugs for the woman enthood if try after try fails. But what if they succeed? To
t o stimulate her ovaries t o produce m o r e eggs. Although find out, Chun-Shin Hahn and Janet DiPietro ( 2 0 0 1 ) com-
this is the least invasive and least expensive ART, it has re- pared mother-child pairs in which the children w e r e con-
cently c o m e under fire because of its connection t o multi- ceived through IVF with mother-child pairs in which the
ple births (Gleicher e t al., 2 0 0 0 ) . Several highly visible cases children w e r e conceived the usual way. T h e children were
of multiple births—Kenny and Bobbi McCaugheys septu- ages 3 t o 7 at the time of the study, and mothers and teach-
plets in 1997 and lyke Louis Udobi and Nkem Chukwu's oc- ers completed a variety of measures assessing developmen-
tuplets in D e c e m b e r 1998—resulted after the mothers had tal o u t c o m e s of t h e children.
taken "fertility drugs" Chukwu's eight babies all weighed T h e two groups of mothers were remarkably similar in
less than 2 pounds at birth (the smallest o n e — j u s t over 10 their parenting behaviors, and the t w o groups of children
ounces—died soon after birth) and racked up medical bills w e r e similar in their behaviors. Teachers thought that the
of about $ 4 0 0 , 0 0 0 each before going home (Nichols, 1999). IVF m o t h e r s w e r e m o r e openly affectionate with their chil-
Health problems are likely with such births. Two of the dren. And IVF mothers reported greater protectiveness t o -
McCaughey children, for example, suffer from cerebral ward their children, possibly because they had tried so hard
palsy.The health of Chukwu's surviving children is unknown. and paid s o much t o b e c o m e parents and undoubtedly
To reduce the chances of such risky higher-order multi- wanted their children very much. In o t h e r research, parents
ple births, many physicians suggest "selective reduction" in reported caring just as much for children conceived with
which some embryos are aborted t o improve the o u t c o m e the help of s o m e o n e else's sperm o r egg (and therefore ge-
for the remaining embryos. Both Chukwu and the netically unrelated t o them) as for children conceived
McCaugheys refused this option for personal o r religious through IVF using their own sperm and egg ( G o l o m b o k e t
reasons. However, when Z o e Efsthatiou of Cyprus con- aL, 1995).
ceived I I babies using fertility drugs, she elected t o reduce Thus, children conceived through today's reproductive
the number t o 4. technologies do not appear t o be handicapped by their
A n o t h e r ART is a r t i f i c i a l i n s e m i n a t i o n , which in- unique start in life, but they also do not seem t o benefit
volves injecting sperm, either from a woman's partner o r from their parents' greater emotional involvement with
from a donor, into her uterus. In in v i t r o f e r t i l i z a t i o n them. Ultimately, how a child is conceived may be inconse-
( I V F ) , several eggs are removed from a woman's ovary, fer- quential relative t o how a child is raised.
tilized by sperm in a Petri dish in the laboratory, then trans-
lions o f cells that is ready to be b o r n . T h i s prenatal develop-
Table 4.2 Events of the Embryonic Period
m e n t is divided into t h r e e stages o r periods: t h e germinal pe-
riod, the e m b r y o n i c p e r i o d , a n d the fetal p e r i o d . Week Event
3 Now an embryo, the person-to-be is just 1/10 of

T h e G e r m i n a l Period
an inch (2 mm) long. It has become elongated,
T h e g e r m i n a l p e r i o d lasts a p p r o x i m a t e l y 2 weeks; the i m p o r - and three layers emerge—the ectoderm, meso-
tant events o f this period are o u t l i n e d in Table 4 . 1 . F o r the first derm, and endoderm.
week o r two, t h e zygote divides m a n y t i m e s through mitosis,
4 The embryo is so curved that the two ends almost
f o r m i n g the b l a s t o c y s t , a h o l l o w ball o f cells a b o u t 150 cells touch. The outer layer (ectoderm) folds into the
t h a t is t h e size o f t h e head o f a pin. W h e n t h e blastocyst neural tube. From the mesoderm, a tiny heart
reaches the uterus a r o u n d day 6, it i m p l a n t s tendrils f r o m its forms and begins to beat. The endoderm differen-
o u t e r layer i n t o the b l o o d vessels o f t h e uterine wall. T h i s is tiates into a gastrointestinal tract and lungs.
quite an a c c o m p l i s h m e n t ; o n l y a b o u t h a l f o f all fertilized ova Between days 21 and 28, eyes develop.
are successfully i m p l a n t e d in the uterus. I n addition, n o t all 5 Ears, mouth, and throat take shape. Arm and leg
i m p l a n t e d e m b r y o s survive t h e early phases o f prenatal devel- buds appear. The handplate from which fingers
o p m e n t . A p p r o x i m a t e l y 1 5 % o f recognized pregnancies e n d will emerge appears. The heart divides into two re-
in miscarriage, and many unrecognized pregnancies— gions, and the brain differentiates into forebrain,
perhaps as m a n y as 5 0 % — a r e believed to t e r m i n a t e with m i s - midbrain, and hindbrain.
carriage (Sadler, 2 0 0 4 ) . M a n y o f these early losses are b e c a u s e 6-7 The embryo is almost 1 inch long. The heart
o f genetic defects. divides into four chambers. Fingers emerge from
the handplate, and primitive facial features are evi-
T h e E m b r y o n i c Period dent. The important process of sexual differentia-
tion begins.
T h e e m b r y o n i c p e r i o d o c c u r s f r o m t h e t h i r d to t h e eighth
week after c o n c e p t i o n . D u r i n g this short t i m e , every m a j o r o r - 8 Most structures and organs are present. Ovaries
and testes are evident. The embryo begins to
gan takes shape, in at least a primitive f o r m , in a process called
straighten and assumes a more human appearance.
organogenesis. The layers o f the blastocyst differentiate,
f o r m i n g structures that sustain d e v e l o p m e n t . T h e outer layer
b e c o m e s b o t h t h e a m n i o n , a watertight m e m b r a n e that fills
with fluid that c u s h i o n s and protects the e m b r y o , a n d the tects t h e developing child f r o m m a n y h a r m f u l substances, b u t
c h o r i o n , a m e m b r a n e that s u r r o u n d s the a m n i o n a n d attaches as y o u will see shortly, it is n o t infallible; s o m e dangerous s u b -
rootlike extensions called villi t o the uterine lining t o gather stances slip t h r o u g h .
n o u r i s h m e n t for the e m b r y o . T h e c h o r i o n eventually b e c o m e s Meanwhile, the cells in the interior o f the blastocyst give
the lining o f the placenta, a tissue fed b y b l o o d vessels f r o m rise to the ectoderm, m e s o d e r m , and e n d o d e r m . T h e s e will
the m o t h e r a n d c o n n e c t e d to the e m b r y o b y the u m b i l i c a l eventually evolve into specific tissues and organ systems, in-
cord. T h r o u g h the placenta and umbilical cord, t h e e m b r y o cluding the central nervous system (brain and spinal cord) from
receives oxygen a n d n u t r i e n t s f r o m t h e m o t h e r a n d eliminates the ectoderm; muscle tissue, cartilage, b o n e , heart, arteries, kid-
c a r b o n dioxide and m e t a b o l i c wastes into t h e m o t h e r s b l o o d - neys, a n d gonads from the m e s o d e r m ; and gastrointestinal
stream. A m e m b r a n e called the placental barrier allows these tract, lungs, and bladder f r o m the e n d o d e r m (Sadler, 2 0 0 4 ) .
small molecules to pass t h r o u g h , b u t it prevents the large D e v e l o p m e n t proceeds at a breathtaking pace (see Table
b l o o d cells o f e m b r y o a n d m o t h e r f r o m mingling. It also pro- 4 . 2 ) . T h e b e g i n n i n g s o f a b r a i n are apparent after o n l y 3 t o 4
weeks, w h e n t h e neural plate folds u p to f o r m the neural t u b e
(see Figure 4 . 2 ) . T h e b o t t o m o f t h e t u b e b e c o m e s the spinal
Table 4.1 Events of the Germinal Period cord. " L u m p s " e m e r g e at t h e top o f t h e t u b e and f o r m the
forebrain, m i d b r a i n , and h i n d b r a i n (see Figure 4 . 3 ) . T h e so-
Day Event
called primitive o r lower p o r t i o n s o f the b r a i n develop ecirli-
1 Fertilization usually occurs within 24 hours of est. T h e y regulate such biological f u n c t i o n s as digestion, res-
ovulation. p i r a t i o n , and e l i m i n a t i o n ; t h e y also c o n t r o l s l e e p - w a k e states
2 The single-celled zygote begins to divide 2 4 - 3 6 a n d p e r m i t simple m o t o r reactions. T h e s e are t h e parts o f the
hours after fertilization. b r a i n t h a t m a k e life possible.
I n as m a n y as 5 o u t o f 1 0 0 0 pregnancies, t h e neural t u b e
3-4 The mass has 16 cells and is called a morula; it is
traveling down the fallopian tube to the uterus. fails t o fully close ( B i r n b a c h e r , M e s s e r s c h m i d t , & Pollak,
2 0 0 2 ) . W h e n this h a p p e n s at the b o t t o m o f t h e tube, it can
5 An inner cell mass forms; the entire mass is called
lead to spina bifida, in which part o f the spinal c o r d is n o t fully
a blastocyst and is the size of a pinhead.
encased in the protective covering o f t h e spinal column.
6-7 The blastocyst attaches to the wall of the uterus.
Failure to close at t h e t o p o f the neural t u b e can lead to a n e n -
8-14 The blastocyst becomes fully embedded in the wall
cephaly, in which the m a i n p o r t i o n o f t h e brain above t h e
of the uterus. It now has about 250 cells.
b r a i n stem fails to develop, o r encephalocele, in which a p o r -
a r m s and legs. D u r i n g t h e s e c o n d m o n t h , a primitive nervous
Future brain
Neural system also m a k e s newly f o r m e d muscles contract. O n l y 6 0
plate days after c o n c e p t i o n , at the close o f t h e e m b r y o n i c period,
Neural Developing
heart bulge t h e o r g a n i s m is a little over an i n c h long a n d has a distinctly
fold
h u m a n appearance.
T h e i m p o r t a n t process o f sexual differentiation begins
Neural tube during t h e seventh and eighth prenatal weeks. First, undiffer-
entiated tissue b e c o m e s either m a l e testes o r female ovaries: I f
t h e e m b r y o i n h e r i t e d a Y c h r o m o s o m e at c o n c e p t i o n , a gene
Neural
o n it calls for the c o n s t r u c t i o n o f testes; in a genetic female
groove
with two X c h r o m o s o m e s , ovaries f o r m instead. T h e testes o f
a male e m b r y o secrete t e s t o s t e r o n e , the p r i m a r y m a l e sex h o r -
m o n e that stimulates the d e v e l o p m e n t o f a m a l e internal re-
productive system, a n d a n o t h e r h o r m o n e that inhibits t h e de-
F i g u r e 4.2 The nervous system emerges from the neural plate,
v e l o p m e n t o f a female internal reproductive system. In the
which thickens and folds t o form the neural groove. When the edges
absence o f these h o r m o n e s , the e m b r y o develops the internal
of the groove meet, the neural tube is formed. All of this takes place
reproductive system o f a female.
between 18 and 26 days after conception.
Clearly, the e m b r y o n i c p e r i o d is d r a m a t i c a n d highly i m -
p o r t a n t b e c a u s e it is w h e n the structures that m a k e us h u m a n
t i o n o f t h e b r a i n p r o t r u d e s f r o m the skull. Neural tube defects evolve. Yet m o s t p r e g n a n t w o m e n , either b e c a u s e they do n o t
are m o r e c o m m o n w h e n the m o t h e r is deficient in folic acid, yet k n o w t h e y are p r e g n a n t or do n o t appreciate the value o f
illustrating t h e i m p o r t a n c e to d e v e l o p m e n t o f g o o d m a t e r n a l early prenatal care, do n o t go to a d o c t o r until after the eighth
n u t r i t i o n (Hall, 2 0 0 0 ) . W e will have m o r e to say a b o u t n u t r i - week o f prenatal d e v e l o p m e n t , too late to prevent the damage
t i o n in a later section. that can be caused b y an unhealthy lifestyle.
O t h e r critical organs are also taking shape. Just 4 weeks
after c o n c e p t i o n , a tiny heart n o t o n l y has f o r m e d b u t also has The Fetal Period
b e g u n to beat. T h e eyes, ears, nose, a n d m o u t h rapidly take T h e fetal p e r i o d lasts f r o m t h e n i n t h week o f p r e g n a n c y until
shape in the s e c o n d m o n t h , and b u d s appear that will b e c o m e birth (see Table 4 . 3 ) . Proliferation o f n e u r o n s c o n t i n u e s at a
Midbrain Midbrain Hindbrain
Forebrain
Hindbrain
Forebrain
Spinal cord
3 weeks after conception 7 weeks after conception
Midbrain
Forebrain
Forebrain
Hindbrain
Cerebellum
Medulla
Midbrain
(hidden) 1
11 weeks after conception At birth
F i g u r e 4.3 The brain at four stages of development, showing hindbrain, midbrain, and
forebrain.
grate to the visual c o r t e x o f an animal's brain is transplanted
i n t o the area o f the c o r t e x that c o n t r o l s hearing, it will differ-
entiate as an a u d i t o r y n e u r o n instead o f a visual n e u r o n
( J o h n s o n , 1 9 9 7 ) . T h e s e early cells that have n o t yet specialized
are k n o w n as s t e m cells. I n 1998, researchers discovered h o w
to separate stem cells f r o m h u m a n e m b r y o s and grow these
cells in the laboratory. T h i s p r o c e d u r e has b e e n controversial
b e c a u s e o f its use o f h u m a n e m b r y o s , b u t it shows great
promise for someday treating serious diseases such as
P a r k i n s o n s disease, diabetes, and Alzheimer's disease b y engi-
neering specialized cells f r o m stem cells.
Organ systems that formed during the e m b r y o n i c period
continue to grow and begin to function. H a r m f u l agents will n o
longer cause m a j o r m a l f o r m a t i o n s because organs have already
formed, but they can stunt the growth o f the fetus and interfere
with the wiring o f its rapidly developing nervous system.
In the third m o n t h o f pregnancy, distinguishable external
sex o r g a n s appear, the b o n e s and muscles develop, a n d the fe-
tus b e c o m e s frisky: B y t h e end o f the third m o n t h (that is, b y
the end o f the first third o f pregnancy, o r trimester), it moves
its arms, kicks its legs, m a k e s fists, a n d even t u r n s somersaults.
T h e m o t h e r p r o b a b l y does n o t yet feel all this activity because
the fetus is still only a b o u t 3 i n c h e s long. Nonetheless, this tiny
b e i n g can swallow, digest food, and urinate. All this " b e h a v -
ing" c o n t r i b u t e s to the p r o p e r d e v e l o p m e n t o f the n e r v o u s
system, digestive system, and o t h e r systems o f the body
(Smotherman & Robinson, 1996).
€ By 5 t o 6 w e e k s a f t e r c o n c e p t i o n , head, t o r s o , a n d limbs have

f o r m e d , a t i n y h e a r t has b e g u n t o beat, a n d t h e umbilical c o r d ( l o w e r
Table 4.3 Events M Ihe Fetal Period
c e n t e r ) has t a k e n shape t o t r a n s p o r t nutrients. By t h e e n d o f t h e
e m b r y o n i c p e r i o d (8 w e e k s ) , all m a j o r organs have f o r m e d . Week Event
Bone tissue emerges and the embryo becomes a

staggering rate during this period; b y o n e estimate, t h e n u m - fetus. The head of the fetus looks huge relative to
ber o f n e u r o n s increases b y 2 5 0 , 0 0 0 every m i n u t e t h r o u g h o u t the rest of the body—it takes up about half of the
all o f pregnancy, with a c o n c e n t r a t e d p e r i o d o f prolifera- total length of the fetus. The fetus can open and
close its mouth and turn its head.
tion o c c u r r i n g between 10 a n d 2 0 weeks after c o n c e p t i o n
(Aylward, 1 9 9 7 ) . As a result o f this rapid proliferation, t h e 10-12 Fingers and toes are clearly formed. External
young infant has a r o u n d 100 billion n e u r o n s . A n o t h e r period genitalia have developed. Movements have in-
creased substantially—arms and legs kick vigor-
o f proliferation takes place after b i r t h , b u t this p r o d u c e s an in-
ously, but the fetus is still too small for the
crease in glial cells, n o t nerve cells. Glial cells f u n c t i o n p r i m a -
mother to feel all these movements. The fetus
rily as s u p p o r t cells for n e u r o n s . O n c e f o r m e d , n e u r o n s m i -
also shows "breathing" movements with its chest
grate f r o m their place o f origin to particular l o c a t i o n s w i t h i n and some reflexes.
the brain where t h e y will b e c o m e part o f specialized f u n c -
13-16 The heartbeat should be audible with a stetho-
tioning units. T h e i m p e t u s for m i g r a t i o n is influenced b y ge-
scope. Fetal movements may become apparent to
netic i n s t r u c t i o n s a n d b y the b i o c h e m i c a l e n v i r o n m e n t in
the mother. The skeleton is becoming harder.
which brain cells find themselves. N e u r o n s travel along the
17-22 Fingernails and toenails, hair, teeth buds, and
surface o f glial cells and detach at p r o g r a m m e d destinations
eyelashes grow. Brain development is phenome-
in the developing b r a i n . N e u r o n s m i g r a t e to the closest or in-
nal, and brain waves are detectable.
n e r m o s t parts o f the brain first a n d to the farthest or outer-
23-25 These weeks mark the age of viability, when the
m o s t parts last. M u c h n e u r o n a l m i g r a t i o n o c c u r s between 8
fetus has a chance of survival outside the womb.
and 15 weeks after c o n c e p t i o n .
26-32 The fetus gains weight, and its brain grows. The
In addition to proliferation a n d m i g r a t i o n o f cells, differ-
nervous system becomes better organized.
e n t i a t i o n is o c c u r r i n g . Early in development, every n e u r o n
33-38 The last 6 weeks of a full-term pregnancy bring
starts with t h e potential to b e c o m e any specific type o f n e u -
further weight gain and brain activity. The lungs
ron; what it b e c o m e s — h o w it d i f f e r e n t i a t e s — d e p e n d s on
mature and begin to expand and contract.
where it migrates. T h u s , i f a n e u r o n t h a t w o u l d n o r m a l l y m i -
i n f a n t s b o r n this early d o n o t survive, a n d o f t h o s e w h o do,
m a n y experience c h r o n i c health or neurological problems
(Hack & Fanaroff, 1999).
D u r i n g t h e third trimester (the seventh, eighth, and
n i n t h m o n t h s ) , t h e fetus g a i n s w e i g h t rapidly. T h i s t i m e is
also c r i t i c a l in t h e d e v e l o p m e n t o f t h e b r a i n , as is the e n t i r e
p r e n a t a l p e r i o d (see C h a p t e r 5 ) . E a r l y in p r e g n a n c y , t h e b a -
sic a r c h i t e c t u r e o f t h e n e r v o u s system is laid d o w n . D u r i n g
t h e s e c o n d h a l f o f p r e g n a n c y , n e u r o n s n o t o n l y m u l t i p l y at
a n a s t o n i s h i n g rate ( p r o l i f e r a t i o n ) b u t t h e y also i n c r e a s e in
size a n d d e v e l o p an i n s u l a t i n g cover, m y e l i n , t h a t i m p r o v e s
t h e i r a b i l i t y t o t r a n s m i t signals rapidly. M o s t i m p o r t a n t l y ,
g u i d e d b y b o t h a g e n e t i c b l u e p r i n t a n d early s e n s o r y e x p e r i -
ences, neurons c o n n e c t with one another and organize into
working groups that control vision, m e m o r y , m o t o r behav-
ior, a n d o t h e r f u n c t i o n s . F o r g o o d r e a s o n , p a r e n t s s h o u l d be
c o n c e r n e d a b o u t d a m a g e to t h e d e v e l o p i n g h u m a n d u r i n g
€ By 16 weeks, the fetus has a distinctly human appearance. the first t r i m e s t e r , w h e n t h e b r a i n a n d o t h e r o r g a n s are
forming. However, they should not overlook the significance
o f t h e s e c o n d a n d t h i r d t r i m e s t e r s , w h i c h are c r i t i c a l t o n o r -
D u r i n g t h e second trimester ( t h e f o u r t h , fifth, a n d sixth
mal brain functioning and therefore to n o r m a l development
m o n t h s ) , m o r e r e f i n e d activities a p p e a r ( i n c l u d i n g t h u m b
(Diaz, 1997).
s u c k i n g ) , a n d b y t h e end o f this p e r i o d t h e s e n s o r y o r g a n s
As the brain develops, the behavior o f the fetus b e c o m e s
cire f u n c t i o n i n g : P r e m a t u r e i n f a n t s as y o u n g as 2 5 w e e k s r e -
m o r e like t h e organized and adaptive behavior seen in the new-
s p o n d t o l o u d n o i s e s a n d b r i g h t lights (Allen & C a p u t e ,
born. F o r example, Janet D i P i e t r o and her colleagues ( 2 0 0 2 ) as-
1 9 8 6 ; Sadler, 2 0 0 4 ) . At a b o u t 2 4 t o 2 5 w e e k s after- c o n c e p -
sessed heart rates a n d activity levels in 52 fetuses at 24, 30, and
t i o n , m i d w a y t h r o u g h the fifth m o n t h , t h e fetus reaches t h e
3 6 weeks following conception a n d at 2 weeks following birth.
age o f viability, w h e n survival o u t s i d e the u t e r u s is p o s s i b l e
if t h e b r a i n a n d r e s p i r a t o r y system are well e n o u g h devel-
o p e d ( L o r e n z , 2 0 0 0 ) . T h e age o f viability is earlier t o d a y t h a n
at a n y t i m e in t h e past b e c a u s e m e d i c a l t e c h n i q u e s f o r k e e p -
ing fragile b a b i e s alive have i m p r o v e d c o n s i d e r a b l y over t h e
p a s t few decades. Still, s o m e w h e r e b e t w e e n 4 2 a n d 8 3 % o f
(( During the fetal period, growth is substantial and there is little <L At 24 weeks of gestation, this fetus has reached the age of viabil-
room for the fetus to move in the womb.This 20-week-old fetus is ity when it might have a chance to survive outside the womb if born
curled into the classic "fetal position" in its tight quarters. early.
O n l y at 3 6 weeks o f gestation did heart rate activity a n d m o v e -
m e n t b e c o m e increasingly organized into coherent patterns o f
waking and sleeping k n o w n as i n f a n t states. Fetuses whose heart
rates and m o v e m e n t s were c o n c o r d a n t (that is, they m a t c h e d ) at
3 6 weeks showed better regulation o f their behavioral states 2
weeks after birth. T h e y were m o r e alert, less irritable, better able
to sustain their attention, and m o r e likely t o maintain control
even during stressful parts o f the postnatal e x a m i n a t i o n .
In o t h e r research b y D i P i e t r o a n d her colleagues ( 1 9 9 6 b ) ,
t h e y f o u n d that, with age, fetal h e a r t rates b e c o m e increasingly
responsive to such stimuli as a v i b r a t o r placed o n the m o t h e r s
a b d o m e n . Fetuses m o v e d , o n average, a b o u t o n c e a m i n u t e and
were active 2 0 to 3 0 % o f t h e t i m e . As Figure 4 . 4 shows, at
2 0 weeks, fetuses spent o n l y a b o u t 1 7 % o f their t i m e in o n e o r
a n o t h e r organized i n f a n t state such as quiet sleep, active sleep,
o r active waking. B y the e n d o f t h e prenatal period, t h e y were
in o n e distinct state o r a n o t h e r at least 8 5 % o f the t i m e . T h e y
spent m o s t o f their t i m e s n o o z i n g , especially in active sleep.
W h e r e a s in the 2 0 t h week o f p r e g n a n c y t h e y were a l m o s t never
active a n d awake, b y the 3 2 n d week they spent 11 t o 1 6 % o f
their t i m e in a n active, w a k i n g state. T h e patterns detected in
this a n d o t h e r studies suggest that i m p o r t a n t c h a n g e s in t h e
n e r v o u s system o c c u r 2 8 t o 3 2 weeks after c o n c e p t i o n , w h e n
p r e m a t u r e infants are typically well e q u i p p e d to survive. As t h e
n e r v o u s system b e c o m e s m o r e organized, so does behavior.
Interestingly, different fetuses displayed c o n s i s t e n t differ- € As it nears the end of the gestational period (38-40 weeks for a
ences in their patterns o f h e a r t rate and m o v e m e n t , a n d t h e full-term infant), the fetus engages in many behaviors observed in
researchers detected c o r r e l a t i o n s b e t w e e n m e a s u r e s o f fetal newborns (here, it sucks its thumb).
physiology a n d b e h a v i o r and m e a s u r e s o f i n f a n t t e m p e r a m e n t
( D i P i e t r o et al., 1 9 9 6 a ) . F o r e x a m p l e , active fetuses t e n d e d
to be active, difficult, a n d u n p r e d i c t a b l e babies, and fetuses
w h o s e states were b e t t e r o r g a n i z e d were also b e t t e r regulated
100 I- at 3 m o n t h s after b i r t h , as i n d i c a t e d b y t h e i r waking fewer
t i m e s d u r i n g t h e n i g h t . T h e message is clear: N e w b o r n b e h a v -
v:
f«l ior does n o t spring f r o m n o w h e r e ; it e m e r g e s long before
80
b i r t h . T h e r e is a g o o d deal o f c o n t i n u i t y b e t w e e n prenatal b e -
(D h a v i o r a n d p o s t n a t a l behavior.
E
H-J
60 B y t h e m i d d l e o f t h e n i n t h m o n t h , t h e fetus is so large
o
CD t h a t its m o s t c o m f o r t a b l e p o s i t i o n in c r a m p e d quarters is
O)
CO
4—' h e a d d o w n w i t h l i m b s curled in ( t h e "fetal p o s i t i o n " ) . T h e
c
CD
O 40 m o t h e r s uterus c o n t r a c t s at irregular intervals d u r i n g t h e last
0)
CL m o n t h o f pregnancy. W h e n these c o n t r a c t i o n s are strong, fre-
q u e n t , a n d regular, the m o t h e r is in the first stage o f l a b o r a n d
20
the p r e n a t a l p e r i o d is drawing t o a close. U n d e r n o r m a l cir-
c u m s t a n c e s , b i r t h will o c c u r w i t h i n h o u r s .
0
20 24 28 32 36 Term
Su mmSrag Up
W e e k of p r e g n a n c y
Following conception, development during the prenatal
Quiet sleep
BBSSB
I Active awake period proceeds through three stages at an astonishing
rate. During the germinal stage, the zygote divides many
Active sleep No c o h e r e n t state
times, forming a blastocyst, which makes its way t o the
Figure 4A The percentage of time the fetus spends in uterus where it implants itself.The embryonic stage oc-
different states from the 20th week until the end of preg- curs from the third t o the eighth week after conception.
nancy.Time in one coherent state or another increases During this time, every major organ begins t o take shape
with age, and most time is spent in a state of sleep. through the process of organogenesis. During the last
SOURCE: From DiPietro, J . A . . Hodgson, D . M . , Costigen, K . A . , Hilton, S . C . , & Johnson, T. R. B. (1996b). Fetal stage, the fetus increases in size and undergoes tremen-
neurobehavioral development. Child Development, 67,2553-2567. Copyright © 1996 Society for Research in
Child Development, Inc. Reprinted by permission. dous brain development H
g o o d — d e m a n d serious a t t e n t i o n . S u c h influences interact
T k e Prenatal Environment w i t h genetic m a k e u p t h r o u g h o u t t h e life span to m a k e us w h o
we are. I f a c o m m o n g e n e t i c heritage c a n m a k e different h u -
T h e m o t h e r ' s w o m b is t h e p r e n a t a l e n v i r o n m e n t f o r t h e u n - m a n b e i n g s alike in s o m e respects, so c a n similar e n v i r o n -
b o r n child. Just as c h i l d r e n are i n f l u e n c e d b y t h e i r physical m e n t s . I f u n i q u e genes m a k e o n e p e r s o n different f r o m an-
and social e n v i r o n m e n t s , so t o o is t h e fetus affected. Physical other, so d o u n i q u e experiences.
e n v i r o n m e n t includes everything f r o m the molecules that
r e a c h t h e fetus's b l o o d s t r e a m b e f o r e b i r t h t o t h e a r c h i t e c t u r e
o f a h o m e to t h e c l i m a t e o u t s i d e it. Social e n v i r o n m e n t i n -
c l u d e s all t h e p e o p l e w h o c a n i n f l u e n c e a n d b e i n f l u e n c e d b y
A teratogen is any disease, drug, or other environmental agent
the developing person and the broader culture. Although
that can h a r m a developing fetus (for example, b y causing de-
early t h e o r i s t s t e n d e d to v i e w e n v i r o n m e n t as a set o f forces
formities, blindness, brain damage, or even death). T h e list o f
t h a t s h a p e d t h e individual, as t h o u g h a p e r s o n were j u s t a
teratogens has grown frighteningly long, and the e n v i r o n m e n t
l u m p o f clay to b e m o l d e d , we n o w k n o w this is n o t t h e case.
contains m a n y potential teratogens whose effects o n develop-
Recall t h e e x p l a n a t i o n f r o m C h a p t e r 2 o f reciprocal influences:
m e n t have n o t yet b e e n assessed. Before considering the effects
p e o p l e shape t h e i r physical a n d s o c i a l e n v i r o n m e n t s a n d are,
o f s o m e m a j o r teratogens, however, let us emphasize that only
in turn, a f f e c t e d b y t h e e n v i r o n m e n t s t h e y have h e l p e d create.
1 5 % o f n e w b o r n s have minor p r o b l e m s and even fewer—
F o r e x a m p l e , if a w o m a n uses c o c a i n e d u r i n g p r e g n a n c y , h e r
perhaps 5 % — h a v e m o r e significant anomalies (Sadler, 2 0 0 4 ) .
n e w b o r n m a y b e e x t r a o r d i n a r i l y fussy: E n v i r o n m e n t has af-
W e will start with a few generalizations a b o u t the effects o f ter-
f e c t e d d e v e l o p m e n t . B u t a fussy b a b y is likely t o affect his e n -
atogens, which we will t h e n illustrate with examples (Sadler,
v i r o n m e n t b y i r r i t a t i n g his m o t h e r , w h o t h e n expresses h e r
2004):
tenseness in h e r i n t e r a c t i o n s w i t h h i m ; this m a k e s him
fussier, w h i c h aggravates his m o t h e r even m o r e , a n d h e r ag- • Critical period. T h e effects o f a t e r a t o g e n i c agent are
g r a v a t i o n , in t u r n , m a k e s h i m even c r a n k i e r . S u c h t r a n s a c - w o r s t d u r i n g t h e critical p e r i o d w h e n an organ system
tions b e t w e e n p e r s o n a n d e n v i r o n m e n t b e g i n at the m o m e n t grows m o s t rapidly.
of conception. • Dosage and duration. T h e greater t h e e x p o s u r e a n d the
T h e d e v e l o p i n g e m b r y o - t h e n - f e t u s is a v u l n e r a b l e little l o n g e r t h e e x p o s u r e to a t e r a t o g e n , t h e m o r e likely it is
c r e a t u r e . H o w can its d e v e l o p m e n t b e o p t i m i z e d ? W h a t h a z - t h a t serious d a m a g e will occur.
ards d o e s it face? " E x p e r t s " t h r o u g h o u t h i s t o r y have o f f e r e d ° Genetic makeup. Susceptibility to h a r m is d e t e r m i n e d b y
several o d d ideas a b o u t t h e effects o f t h e prenatal physical the u n b o r n child's a n d b y the m o t h e r ' s genetic m a k e u p .
e n v i r o n m e n t o n g r o w t h . F o r e x a m p l e , it was o n c e believed T h e r e f o r e , n o t all e m b r y o s a n d fetuses are affected, n o r
that pregnant w o m e n could enhance their chances o f bear- are t h e y affected equally, b y a t e r a t o g e n .
ing s o n s i f t h e y ate red m e a t a n d salty s n a c k s , w h e r e a s e a t i n g ° Environment. T h e effects o f a t e r a t o g e n depend o n the
vegetables a n d sweet s n a c k s w o u l d s u p p o s e d l y i n c r e a s e t h e quality o f b o t h t h e p r e n a t a l a n d t h e p o s t n a t a l e n v i r o n -
likelihood o f having daughters (Springen, 2 0 0 4 ) . And until ments.
t h e early 1 9 4 0 s , it was w i d e l y — a n d w r o n g l y — b e l i e v e d t h a t
t h e p l a c e n t a was a m a r v e l o u s s c r e e n t h a t p r o t e c t e d the e m - L o o k m o r e closely at the first generalization, w h i c h is p a r -
b r y o a n d fetus f r o m n i c o t i n e , viruses, a n d all k i n d s o f o t h e r ticularly i m p o r t a n t . A p e r i o d o f rapid g r o w t h is a c r i t i c a l pe-
hazards. Today, we u n d e r s t a n d t h a t t r a n s a c t i o n s b e t w e e n t h e r i o d for an o r g a n s y s t e m — a t i m e d u r i n g w h i c h t h e develop-
o r g a n i s m a n d its e n v i r o n m e n t b e g i n at c o n c e p t i o n . W h e n all ing organism is especially sensitive to environmental
is r i g h t , the p r e n a t a l e n v i r o n m e n t p r o v i d e s j u s t t h e s t i m u l a - influences, positive o r negative. As y o u will recall, o r g a n o g e n -
t i o n a n d s u p p o r t n e e d e d f o r t h e fetus t o m a t u r e physically esis takes place d u r i n g the e m b r y o n i c p e r i o d (weeks 3 to 8 o f
a n d t o d e v e l o p a r e p e r t o i r e o f b e h a v i o r s t h a t a l l o w it to seek prenatal d e v e l o p m e n t ) . As Figure 4 . 5 shows, it is d u r i n g this
m o r e s t i m u l a t i o n , w h i c h i n t u r n c o n t r i b u t e s to t h e d e v e l o p - t i m e — b e f o r e m a n y w o m e n even realize t h e y are p r e g n a n t —
m e n t o f m o r e sophisticated behavior. W h e n the prenatal en- t h a t m o s t o r g a n systems are m o s t v u l n e r a b l e to damage.
v i r o n m e n t is a b n o r m a l , d e v e l o p m e n t c a n b e steered far o f f M o r e o v e r , e a c h o r g a n has a critical p e r i o d t h a t c o r r e s p o n d s to
t r a c k , as y o u will n o w see as we e x a m i n e t h e i n f l u e n c e o f v a r - its o w n t i m e o f m o s t r a p i d d e v e l o p m e n t ( f o r e x a m p l e , weeks
i o u s s u b s t a n c e s . B u t j u s t as e x p o s u r e to s o m e s u b s t a n c e s c a n 3 t o 6 for t h e h e a r t a n d 4 to 7 for t h e a r m s a n d fingers). O n c e
place c h i l d r e n at risk, o t h e r f a c t o r s c a n e n h a n c e t h e i r devel- an organ o r b o d y p a r t is fully f o r m e d , it is usually less suscep-
o p m e n t a l o u t c o m e , as y o u will see in later s e c t i o n s o f this tible to d a m a g e . However, b e c a u s e s o m e organ systems—
chapter. above all, t h e n e r v o u s s y s t e m — c a n b e d a m a g e d t h r o u g h o u t
Your m a i n m i s s i o n here is t o discover t h e extent t o w h i c h pregnancy, sensitive periods m i g h t b e a b e t t e r t e r m t h a n criti-
early e n v i r o n m e n t a l influences, i n t e r a c t i n g w i t h g e n e t i c i n f l u - cal periods.

ences, m a k e o r b r e a k later d e v e l o p m e n t . T h e n a t u r e - n u r t u r e
issue, t h e n , is the c e n t r a l issue to c o n s i d e r t o u n d e r s t a n d pre- Drugs
natal d e v e l o p m e n t and its i n f l u e n c e o n t h e developing p e r s o n . T h e principles o f t e r a t o l o g y c a n b e illustrated by surveying
Early e n v i r o n m e n t a l i n f l u e n c e s o n d e v e l o p m e n t — b a d and j u s t a few o f t h e m a n y d r u g s — p r e s c r i p t i o n , over t h e counter,
Period of the embryo Period of the fetus
Prenatal week
Heart Palate
Site of birth defect

(the part of the embryo
or fetus where damage
is most likely to occur)
Heart External
genitalia
Central nervous system
Arms
Severity of defects
(dark orange shading
indicates the most highly
sensitive period for
teratogenic effects)
Teeth
Palate
External genitalia
Physiological defects and

Major structural abnormalities
- -a- ^ minor structural abnormalities
Figure 4.5 T h e critical p e r i o d s o f p r e n a t a l d e v e l o p m e n t T e r a t o g e n s are m o r e likely t o p r o -

d u c e m a j o r s t r u c t u r a l a b n o r m a l i t i e s d u r i n g t h e t h i r d t h r o u g h t h e eighth p r e n a t a l w e e k N o t e ,
h o w e v e r ; t h a t m a n y o r g a n s a n d b o d y p a r t s r e m a i n sensitive t o t e r a t o g e n i c agents t h r o u g h o u t
t h e 9 - m o n t h prenatal p e r i o d .
SOURCE: Adapted from Moore, K. L. (1988). The developing human. Philadelphia: W. 3. Saunders.
and s o c i a l — t h a t c a n disrupt prenatal d e v e l o p m e n t . More noses, and hearts (Rodier, 2 0 0 0 ) . It s o o n b e c a m e clear t h a t

than h a l f o f p r e g n a n t w o m e n take at least o n e p r e s c r i p t i o n o r t h e r e are critical p e r i o d s f o r different d e f o r m i t i e s . I f t h e
over-the-counter drug during pregnancy (Kacew, 1999). m o t h e r h a d t a k e n t h a l i d o m i d e 2 0 to 2 2 days after c o n c e p t i o n
U n d e r a doctor's close supervision, m e d i c a t i o n s used t o treat ( 3 4 to 3 6 days after t h e first day o f a w o m a n s last m e n s t r u a l
a i l m e n t s and m e d i c a l c o n d i t i o n s are usually safe for m o t h e r p e r i o d ) , h e r b a b y was likely t o b e b o r n w i t h o u t ears. I f she had
a n d fetus. However, c e r t a i n individuals e x p o s e d t o certain taken it 22 t o 27 days after c o n c e p t i o n , t h e b a b y often h a d
drugs in c e r t a i n doses at certain t i m e s d u r i n g t h e prenatal pe- m i s s i n g o r small t h u m b s ; i f t h a l i d o m i d e was taken between 27
riod arc d a m a g e d for life. a n d 33 days after c o n c e p t i o n , the child was likely to have
stunted legs o r n o legs. A n d i f t h e m o t h e r waited u n t i l 3 5 o r
Thalidomide. In t h e late 1 9 5 0 s , a W e s t G e r m a n drug c o m - 3 6 days after c o n c e p t i o n b e f o r e using t h a l i d o m i d e , h e r b a b y
p a n y sold large q u a n t i t i e s o f thalidomide, a p o p u l a r t r a n q u i l - was usually n o t affected. T h u s , t h a l i d o m i d e h a d specific ef-
izer said t o relieve m o r n i n g sickness ( t h e p e r i o d i c n a u s e a fects o n d e v e l o p m e n t , d e p e n d i n g o n w h i c h structures were
m a n y w o m e n e x p e r i e n c e during the first t r i m e s t e r o f preg- developing w h e n the drug was taken.
n a n c y ) . Presumably, t h e drug was safe; it h a d n o ill effects in Thalidomide, banned f o r years, is again b e i n g pre-
tests o n p r e g n a n t rats. Tragically, however, t h e d r u g had ad- s c r i b e d b y p h y s i c i a n s , this t i m e f o r t r e a t m e n t o f c o n d i t i o n s
verse effects o n h u m a n s . I n d e e d , m o r e t h a n any o t h e r drug, a s s o c i a t e d w i t h leprosy, a c q u i r e d i m m u n o d e f i c i e n c y syn-
t h a l i d o m i d e alerted t h e w o r l d t o t h e dangers o f taking drugs drome (AIDS), tuberculosis, and some forms of cancer
during pregnancy. ( W r i g h t , 2 0 0 0 ) . G i v e n its t r a g i c past a s s o c i a t i o n w i t h b i r t h
T h o u s a n d s o f w o m e n w h o used t h a l i d o m i d e d u r i n g t h e defects, the manufacturers o f t h a l i d o m i d e have stamped
first 2 m o n t h s o f p r e g n a n c y gave b i r t h to b a b i e s w i t h all o r each pill w i t h a d r a w i n g o f a p r e g n a n t w o m a n i n s i d e a circle
parts o f their l i m b s m i s s i n g , w i t h the feet o r h a n d s a t t a c h e d w i t h a d i a g o n a l l i n e t h r o u g h it ( t h e u n i v e r s a l ( < no" symbol)
directly to the t o r s o like flippers, o r w i t h d e f o r m e d eyes, ears, a n d have i n c l u d e d a p i c t u r e o f a b a b y w i t h t h e c h a r a c t e r i s t i c
( S I D S ) , in w h i c h a sleeping b a b y suddenly stops b r e a t h i n g
a n d dies (Gressens, L a u d e n b a c h , & M a r r e t , 2 0 0 3 ) . S o m e stud-
ies also l i n k m a t e r n a l s m o k i n g to at least m i l d cognitive diffi-
culties a n d t o b e h a v i o r a l p r o b l e m s such as impulsivity a n d hy-
peractivity ( H e l l s t r o m - L i n d a h l & N o r d b e r g , 2 0 0 2 ; K o t i m a a et
al., 2 0 0 3 ) . T h e s e effects appear t o last at least i n t o c h i l d h o o d .
Finally, findings f r o m l o n g i t u d i n a l studies have led s o m e re-
searchers t o c o n c l u d e that c h r o n i c prenatal e x p o s u r e to n i c o -
t i n e — a legal s u b s t a n c e — h a s m o r e negative effects o n central
n e r v o u s system d e v e l o p m e n t t h a n s p o r a d i c e x p o s u r e to the il-
legal drug c o c a i n e ( F r a n k et al., 2 0 0 1 ; S l o t k i n , 1 9 9 8 ) .
In s u m , maternal s m o k i n g during p r e g n a n c y is unwise be-
cause it slows fetal growth a n d c o n t r i b u t e s to respiratory and,
possibly, cognitive difficulties. T h e s e effects m a y b e caused not
only by n i c o t i n e and other c h e m i c a l s in cigarettes but also by
toxic b y - p r o d u c t s o f s m o k i n g , such as c a r b o n m o n o x i d e , that
© reduce the flow o f b l o o d a n d oxygen to the fetus.
C This m o t h e r uses h e r leg t o h u g h e r d a u g h t e r because she w a s

Alcohol. A l c o h o l c o n s u m e d b y t h e m o t h e r readily crosses the
b o r n w i t h o u t arms, H e r m o t h e r t o o k t h e d r u g t h a l i d o m i d e early in
placenta, w h e r e it c a n directly affect fetal d e v e l o p m e n t a n d dis-
pregnancy w h e n a r m buds w e r e forming.
rupt h o r m o n e f u n c t i o n s o f t h e placenta ( G a b r i e l et al., 1 9 9 8 ) .
Prenatal a l c o h o l exposure disrupts the n o r m a l process o f n e u -
s t u n t e d l i m b s o n t h e p a c k a g i n g a c c o m p a n y i n g t h e pills. r o n a l m i g r a t i o n , leading t o several o u t c o m e s depending o n the
C r i t i c s , however, w o r r y t h a t t h e s e m e a s u r e s will n o t be severity o f t h e effects. T h e m o s t severe is a cluster o f s y m p t o m s
e n o u g h t o p r e v e n t f u t u r e b i r t h defects. d u b b e d fetal a l c o h o l s y n d r o m e ( F A S ) , with noticeable physical
«
s y m p t o m s s u c h as a small h e a d and distinctive facial a b n o r -

Tobacco. Despite w a r n i n g s o n cigarette packages t h a t s m o k - malities (see Figure 4 . 6 ) . Children with FAS are smaller and
ing m a y d a m a g e fetuses, a b o u t 1 5 % of pregnant women lighter t h a n n o r m a l , a n d their physical g r o w t h lags b e h i n d that
s m o k e d u r i n g p r e g n a n c y (Pollack, Lantz, & F r u h n a , 2 0 0 0 ) . o f their age mates ( C o r n e l i u s et al., 2 0 0 2 ; D a y et al., 1 9 9 9 ) .
S o m e studies r e p o r t t h a t as m a n y as 3 0 % o f p r e g n a n t w o m e n Children with FAS also s h o w signs o f c e n t r a l n e r v o u s sys-
s m o k e a n average o f 9 cigarettes per day ( W i s b o r g et al., t e m d a m a g e . As n e w b o r n s , t h e y are likely t o display excessive
2 0 0 0 ) . W o m e n w h o s m o k e e x p e r i e n c e h i g h e r rates o f m i s c a r - irritability, hyperactivity, seizures, o r t r e m o r s . M o s t children
riage t h a n n o n s m o k e r s ( E r n s t , M o o l c h a n , & R o b i n s o n , 2 0 0 1 ) . with FAS score well b e l o w average o n I Q tests t h r o u g h o u t
T h e b a b i e s o f m o t h e r s w h o s m o k e t e n d to g r o w m o r e slowly c h i l d h o o d and a d o l e s c e n c e , a n d m a n y are m e n t a l l y retarded
in the w o m b a n d are likely t o b e b o r n p r e m a t u r e l y a n d small ( K o r k m a n , K e t t u n e n , & A u t t i - R a m o , 2 0 0 3 ; Streissguth et al.,
( H a b e k et al., 2 0 0 2 ) . S m o k i n g restricts b l o o d flow to t h e fetus 1 9 9 9 ) . Hyperactive b e h a v i o r a n d a t t e n t i o n deficits are also
and reduces the level o f g r o w t h factors in the u m b i l i c a l cord c o m m o n a m o n g these c h i l d r e n . L o n g i t u d i n a l research indi-
(Sagall, 2 0 0 3 ) . T h e m o r e a m o t h e r s m o k e s , t h e greater t h e cates t h a t m o r e t h a n 9 0 % o f t h e m have m e n t a l h e a l t h p r o b -
g r o w t h r e t a r d a t i o n a n d the m o r e significant t h e n e u r o l o g i c a l l e m s later in life; t h e y are likely to get i n t o t r o u b l e at s c h o o l ,
p r o b l e m s (Law et al., 2 0 0 3 ) . M o r e t h a n h a l f o f i n f a n t s b o r n t o b r e a k t h e law, lose j o b s , a n d e x p e r i e n c e drinking p r o b l e m s
w o m e n s m o k i n g 2 0 or m o r e cigarettes a day e n d up in n e o n a - ( B a e r et al., 2 0 0 3 ; A u t t i - R a m o , 2 0 0 0 ; C o l b u r n , 1 9 9 6 ) .
tal intensive care a n d e x p e r i e n c e s o m e central n e r v o u s system As m a n y as 3 0 % o f p r e g n a n t w o m e n d r i n k s o m e alcohol
i m p a i r m e n t ( H a b e k et al., 2 0 0 2 ) . "Passive s m o k i n g " m a y b e d u r i n g p r e g n a n c y ; 1 2 % a d m i t t o "risk d r i n k i n g " (seven o r
risky as well; birth weights are lower w h e n b o t h p a r e n t s s m o k e m o r e drinks per week or five drinks o n o n e o c c a s i o n ) ; and up
t h a n w h e n o n l y m o t h e r s s m o k e ( H a u g et al., 2 0 0 0 ) . B u t i f fa- to 4 % abuse a l c o h o l ( O ' C o n n o r & Whaley, 2 0 0 3 ; Stratton,
thers s m o k e a n d m o t h e r s do n o t , the risk o f low b i r t h w e i g h t H o w e , & Battaglia, 1996; W i s b o r g et aL, 2 0 0 0 ) . As a result, 3 in
is n o greater t h a n w h e n n e i t h e r p a r e n t s m o k e s . O f t e n the 1 0 0 0 babies in the U n i t e d States are b o r n w i t h FAS and suffer
small babies o f s m o k e r s e x p e r i e n c e c a t c h - u p g r o w t h after t h e y its s y m p t o m s all their lives. C h i l d r e n w h o were exposed p r e n a -
are b o r n a n d reach n o r m a l size b y late infancy, b u t t h e m o r e tally to a l c o h o l b u t d o n o t have FAS e x p e r i e n c e milder alcohol-
their m o t h e r s s m o k e , t h e less likely it is t h a t t h e i r g r o w t h will related effects labeled either fetal alcohol effects o r alcohol-
catch up c o m p l e t e l y (Streissguth et al., 1 9 9 4 ) . As t h e y age, related neurodeveloprnental disorder. T h e s e individuals do n o t
these children are at greater risk o f b e c o m i n g overweight have all t h e features o f FAS b u t have physical, behavioral, cog-
( W i d e r o e et al., 2 0 0 3 ) . nitive, o r a c o m b i n a t i o n o f these p r o b l e m s ( H a n k i n , 2 0 0 2 ) .
T h e b a b i e s o f s m o k e r s are also m o r e susceptible t h a n H o w m u c h d r i n k i n g does it take to h a r m an u n b o r n baby?
o t h e r babies t o r e s p i r a t o r y i n f e c t i o n s and b r e a t h i n g difficul- In keeping w i t h the dosage principle o f teratology, m o t h e r s
ties (Diaz, 1 9 9 7 ) . T h e m o r e a w o m a n s m o k e s d u r i n g preg- w h o c o n s u m e larger quantities o f a l c o h o l are at greater risk for
nancy, t h e greater t h e odds o f s u d d e n i n f a n t d e a t h s y n d r o m e having children w i t h alcohol-related c o m p l i c a t i o n s (Roccella
Facial Characteristics of Fetal Alcohol Syndrome
Epicanthal folds
Small eye o p e n i n g s
Low nasal b r i d g e
Flat m i d f a c e
M i n o r ear a n o m a l i e s
Short nose T h i n u p p e r lip
Indistinct g r o o v e b e t w e e n
nose and mouth
(A) in the young child
F i g u r e 4.6 ( A ) C h a r a c t e r i s t i c f e a t u r e s o f a child w i t h fetal a l c o h o l s y n d r o m e (FAS).

(B) C h i l d w i t h FAS, illustrating m a n y features in t h e d r a w i n g . Such c h i l d r e n m a y also have car-
diovascular a n d l i m b defects.
SOURCE: T. W . Sadler [2004, p. 156}.
8c Testa, 2 0 0 3 ; Streissguth et a l , 1 9 9 9 ) . T h e pattern o f drinking

is also i m p o r t a n t . Binge drinking ( c o n s u m i n g five or m o r e
drinks during a single session) has m o r e negative effects o n fe-
tal development than c o n s u m i n g the s a m e n u m b e r o f drinks
across multiple sessions (Jacobson 8c Jacobson, 1999).
C o n s u m i n g five drinks in o n e evening results in higher b l o o d
alcohol levels for b o t h m o t h e r and fetus than c o n s u m i n g o n e
drink o n each o f five evenings. Finally, in keeping with the crit-
ical-period principle o f teratogens, t h e effects o f alcohol de-
pend o n which systems are developing at the time o f exposure.
T h e facial a b n o r m a l i t i e s associated with FAS result f r o m c o n -
s u m p t i o n during the first trimester, when t h e face a n d skull
b o n e s are f o r m i n g . D u r i n g the second and third trimesters,
there is m u c h fetal growth as well as rapid brain development;
thus, alcohol c o n s u m p t i o n during this latter part o f p r e g n a n c y
is likely to stunt growth and brain development.
N o a m o u n t o f d r i n k i n g seems to b e entirely safe (Rolater,
2 0 0 0 ) . Even a m o t h e r w h o drinks less t h a n an o u n c e a day is
at risk to have a sluggish o r placid n e w b o r n w h o s e m e n t a l de-
v e l o p m e n t is slightly b e l o w average ( J a c o b s o n et al., 1 9 9 3 ) .
W h a t is m o r e , there is n o w c l l - d c f i n c d critical p e r i o d b e f o r e o r
(B)
after which fetal alcohol effects c a n n o t o c c u r ; drinking late in
p r e g n a n c y can be as risky as drinking s o o n after c o n c e p t i o n principle o f teratogenic effects, t h e embryo's genetic m a k e u p
( J a c o b s o n et a l , 1 9 9 3 ) . a n d physical c o n d i t i o n influence its ability to resist and re-
W h y do s o m e b a b i e s o f drinking m o t h e r s suffer ill effects cover f r o m damage. So, for example, o n e fraternal twin m a y
b u t others do not? To answer this, y o u n e e d to consider the s h o w all the physical a b n o r m a l i t i e s associated with FAS b u t
n a t u r e - n u r t u r e issue again. First, t h e chances o f d a m a g e de- the o t h e r twin, although exposed t o t h e same prenatal envi-
pend partly o n t h e m o t h e r ' s p h y s i o l o g y — f o r example, o n h o w r o n m e n t , m a y s h o w a l m o s t n o n e ; b y contrast, identical twins
efficiently she metabolizes alcohol and, therefore, h o w m u c h is respond similarly when exposed to alcohol prenatally
passed to the fetus ( S h e p a r d 8c Lemire, 2 0 0 4 ) . C o m p l i c a t i n g (Streissguth 8c D e h a e n e , 1 9 9 3 ) . As the third principle o f tera-
t h e situation, p r o b l e m drinkers often have o t h e r p r o b l e m s tology states, b o t h t h e child's and the m o t h e r ' s characteristics
that can aggravate the effects o f a l c o h o l o n the fetus o r cause influence t h e extent to w h i c h a given teratogen proves d a m a g -
d a m a g e — a m o n g t h e m , m a l n u t r i t i o n , use o f drugs o t h e r t h a n ing. T h u s , t h e genetic m a k e u p o f b o t h t h e m o t h e r a n d the
alcohol, cigarette smoking, and lack of prenatal care child interact with e n v i r o n m e n t a l forces to d e t e r m i n e the ef-
( A r m s t r o n g , 2 0 0 3 ) . In addition, consistent with the third fects o f alcohol on d e v e l o p m e n t .
Finally, n o t e that it is n o t j u s t t h e m o t h e r ' s use o f alcohol proportion of babies born to cocaine users experience
that c a n adversely affect d e v e l o p m e n t . S o m e research i n d i - withdrawal-like s y m p t o m s such as t r e m o r s and e x t r e m e irri-
cates that a father's use o f a l c o h o l can influence fetal develop- tability and have respiratory difficulties (Diaz, 1 9 9 7 ) .
m e n t . O t h e r research, however, shows that paternal drinking C o c a i n e - e x p o s e d infants s h o w deficits on several meas-
does n o t affect fetal d e v e l o p m e n t but adversely affect later de- ures o f i n f o r m a t i o n processing (Singer et al., 1 9 9 9 ) and sen-
v e l o p m e n t through p o o r parenting ( L e o n a r d & Das Eiden, sory m o t o r skills during their first year (Arendt et al., 1 9 9 8 ) .
2 0 0 2 ) . A n d fathers w h o abuse a l c o h o l o r drugs are often with Fortunately, m o s t p r o b l e m s caused by prenatal cocaine expo-
p a r t n e r s w h o a b u s e alcohol o r drugs, m a k i n g it difficult to sure do n o t persist into childhood (Frank, Jacobs, et aL, 2 0 0 2 ) .
separate t h e effects o f the m o t h e r ' s use o f these substances F o r p r o b l e m s t h a t persist, it is unclear whether they are caused
f r o m t h e father's use ( F r a n k , B r o w n , et aL, 2 0 0 2 ) . So re- b y the prenatal exposure to c o c a i n e or to other prenatal or
searchers really do n o t k n o w w h e t h e r a father's c o n s u m p t i o n postnatal risk factors affected infants m a y experience as the
o f alcohol causes the p r o b l e m s or w h e t h e r t h e p r o b l e m s arise children o f substance-abusing parents. F o r instance, m a n y
f r o m things often associated with a father's abuse o f alcohol. pregnant w o m e n w h o use c o c a i n e also t e n d to s m o k e o r drink
alcohol during p r e g n a n c y ( F r a n k , Jacobs, et aL, 2 0 0 2 ; Klitsch,
Cocaine. A l t h o u g h there is n o " c o c a i n e s y n d r o m e " w i t h 2 0 0 2 ) . O t h e r research shows that c o c a i n e - u s i n g m o t h e r s are
characteristic physical a b n o r m a l i t i e s such as t h o s e associated less attentive to their babies and engage in fewer interactions
with FAS, c o c a i n e use can d a m a g e t h e fetus (Van Beveren, with t h e m at 3 a n d 6 m o n t h s than n o n - d r u g - u s i n g m o t h e r s or
Little, & Spence, 2 0 0 0 ) . It can cause s p o n t a n e o u s a b o r t i o n in m o t h e r s w h o use drugs o t h e r t h a n c o c a i n e (Mayes et a l , 1 9 9 7 ) .
the first t r i m e s t e r o f p r e g n a n c y a n d p r e m a t u r e d e t a c h m e n t o f Table 4 . 4 catalogs several substances and their k n o w n o r
t h e placenta o r fetal strokes later in p r e g n a n c y (Diaz, 1 9 9 7 ) . suspected effects on t h e child. W h a t s h o u l d you m a k e o f these
C o c a i n e also c o n t r i b u t e s to fetal m a l n o u r i s h m e n t , retarded findings? You n o w u n d e r s t a n d that drugs do n o t damage all
growth, and low b i r t h weight (Klitsch, 2 0 0 2 ) . At birth, a small fetuses e x p o s e d to t h e m in a simple, direct way. Instead, c o m -
Table 4A Some Drug;s Taken by the Mother That Affect the Fetus or Newborn
Drug Effects
Alcohol Results include a small head, facial abnormalities, heart defects, low birth weight, and intellectual retarda-
tion (see main text).
Antiepileptic drugs Drugs such as Dilantin, Luminal, and Tegretol, used to treat seizures, increase the incidence of cleft lip
and palate, neural tube defects, and restricted growth.
Aspirin and nonsteroidal An occasional low dose is OK, but used in large quantities, such drugs may cause neonatal bleeding and
anti-inflammatory drugs gastrointestinal discomfort. Large amounts of these over-the-counter pain killers have been associated
(e.g., Advil) with low birth weight and increased risk of miscarriage (Li, Liu, & Odouli, 2003).
Such drugs cross the placenta and attack rapidly dividing cells. They can increase malformations and lead
Chemotherapy drugs to miscarriage.
Heavy use of marijuana has been linked to premature birth, low birth weight, and mild behavioral abnor-
Marijuana malities such as irritability at birth, but it does not cause physical abnormalities or have long-lasting ef-
fects on most children (Fried, O'Connell, & Watkinson, 1992).
Narcotics Addiction to heroin, codeine, methadone, or morphine increases the risk of premature delivery and low
birth weight. The newborn is often addicted and experiences potentially fatal withdrawal symptoms; e.g.,
vomiting and convulsions. Longer-term cognitive deficits are sometimes evident.
Sex h o r m o n e s Birth control pills containing female hormones have been known to produce heart dcfccts and cardiovas-
cular problems, but today's pill formulas are safer. Progesterone in drugs used to prevent miscarriage may
masculinize the fetus. Diethylstilbestrol, once prescribed to prevent miscarriage, increased the risk of cer-
vical cancer and created infertility and pregnancy problems in exposed daughters (DESAction, 2000;
Kaufman et a l , 2000).
Stimulants Heavy caffeine use has been linked to miscarriages (Cnattingius et a l , 2000), higher heart rates (Schuetze
& Zeskind, 1997), and abnormal reflexes and irritability at birth (Jacobson et al., 1984), but it does not
seem to have long-lasting effects on development (Barr & Streissguth, 1991). Cocaine use can cause pre-
mature delivery, spontaneous abortion, and low birth weight, and it may result in later learning and be-
havioral problems (see main text). Amphetamine use has been linked to aggressive behavior and low
school achievement (Billing et al., 1994).
Tobacco Babies of smokers tend to be small and premature, have respiratory problems, and sometimes show intel-
lectual deficits or behavioral problems later in development (see main text). Sons whose mothers smoked
during their pregnancy may later have fertility problems (Storgaard et al., 2003).
SOURCES: Based partly on information from Batshaw, 2002; Diaz, 1997; Friedman & Polifka, 1996; Winn & Hobbins, 2000.
plex t r a n s a c t i o n s between an individual with a certain genetic m o s t dangerous during t h e first trimester, a critical period in
m a k e u p and the prenatal, perinatal, a n d p o s t n a t a l environ- which the eyes, ears, heart, a n d brain are rapidly f o r m i n g . Yet
m e n t s influence w h e t h e r o r n o t prenatal drug e x p o s u r e does n o t all babies w h o s e m o t h e r s h a d rubella, even during the
lasting d a m a g e (Van Beveren, Little, & Spence, 2 0 0 0 ) . Still, m o s t critical p e r i o d o f prenatal d e v e l o p m e n t , will have p r o b -
w o m e n who are planning to b e c o m e p r e g n a n t or w h o are lems, Birth defects o c c u r in 6 0 to 8 5 % o f babies w h o s e m o t h -
p r e g n a n t should avoid all drugs unless t h e y are prescribed by ers held the disease in t h e first 2 m o n t h s o f pregnancy, in a b o u t
a physician and essential to health. 5 0 % o f those infected in t h e third m o n t h , and in o n l y 1 6 %
o f t h o s e infected in t h e f o u r t h o r fifth months (Kelley-
Diseases B u c h a n a n , 1 9 8 8 ) . C o n s i s t e n t with the critical-period p r i n c i -
Just as drugs can jeopardize the prenatal e n v i r o n m e n t , so can ple, d a m a g e to t h e nervous system, eyes, a n d heart is m o s t
diseases. Here, we take a l o o k at three diseases that illustrate likely during that part o f t h e first 8 weeks o f p r e g n a n c y when
principles o f teratogens—rubella, syphilis, and A I D S . Table 4 . 5 each o f these organs is f o r m i n g , whereas deafness is m o r e
summarizes these and o t h e r m a t e r n a l c o n d i t i o n s that m a y af- likely w h e n t h e m o t h e r c o n t r a c t s rubella in weeks 6 to 13 o f
fect prenatal development. t h e pregnancy. Today, d o c t o r s stress that a w o m a n s h o u l d n o t
try to b e c o m e p r e g n a n t unless she has b e e n immunized
Rubella. In the early 1940s, a d o c t o r discovered t h a t m a n y against rubella o r has already h a d it. As a result o f successful
infants b o r n to w o m e n affected by r u b e l l a ( G e r m a n measles) i m m u n i z a t i o n p r o g r a m s , 8 5 % o f w o m e n are n o w i m m u n e to
during p r e g n a n c y h a d o n e o r m o r e o f a variety o f defects, in- this previously c o m m o n i n f e c t i o n (Sadler, 2 0 0 4 ) .
cluding blindness, deafness, h e a r t defects, and m e n t a l retarda-
tion. B e c a u s e rubella was fairly c o m m o n , there were e n o u g h Syphilis. Now consider another teratogen, the sexually
cases for d o c t o r s to see that the e n v i r o n m e n t o f t h e w o m b t r a n s m i t t e d disease syphilis. Syphilis during p r e g n a n c y can
leaves the fetus vulnerable to outside influences. Rubella is cause miscarriage or stillbirth ( G e n e & Ledger, 2 0 0 0 ) . Babies
Table 4.5 Maternal Dise ases and Conditions Thai May Affect an Embiryo, Fetus, or Newborn
Disease or condition Effects
SEX.UAJjy TRANSMITTED DISEASES (STDs)

Acquired immunodeficiency If transmitted from mother to child, AIDS destroys defenses against disease and-may lead to death.
syndrome (AIDS) Mothers can acquire it through sexual contact or contact with contaminated blood (see main text).
Chlamydia can lead to premature birth, low birth weight, eye inflammation, or pneumonia in
Chlamydia newborns. This most common STD is easily treatable.
This STD attacks the eyes of the child during birth; blindness is prevented by administering silver
Gonorrhea nitrate eyedrops to newborns.
This disease may cause eye and brain damage or death in the first trimester. Mothers with active
Herpes simplex (genital herpes) herpes are advised to undergo cesarean deliveries to avoid infecting their babies during delivery, be-
cause 8 5 % of infants born with herpes acquire the virus during birth.
Syphilis Untreated, it can cause miscarriage or serious birth defects such as blindness and mental retarda-
tion (see main text).
OTHER MATERNAL CONDITIONS OR DISEASES

Chicken pox Chicken pox can cause spontaneous abortion, premature delivery, and slow growth, although fewer
than 2 % of exposed fetuses develop limb, facial, or skeletal malformations.
Cytomegalovirus This common infection shows mild flulike symptoms in adults. About 2 5 % of infected newborns
develop hearing or vision loss, mental retardation, or other impairments, and 10% develop severe
neurological problems or even die.
Influenza (flu) The more powerful strains can cause spontaneous abortions or neural abnormalities early in
pregnancy.
Rubella Rubella may cause vision and hearing loss, mental retardation, heart defects, cerebral palsy, and
microcephaly (see main text).
Toxemia Affecting about 5 % of mothers in the third trimester, its mildest form, preeclampsia, causes high
blood pressure and rapid weight gain in the mother. Untreated, preeclampsia may become eclamp-
sia and cause maternal convulsions, coma, and death of the mother, the unborn child, or both.
Surviving infants may be brain damaged.
Toxoplasmosis This illness, caused by a parasite in raw meat and cat feces, leads to blindness, deafness, and mental
retardation in approximately 4 0 % of infants born to infected mothers.
SOURCES: Based partly o n information f r o m Batshaw (2002); Ratcliffe, Byrd, 8c Sakornbut, (1996); Simpson & Creehan, (1996); and Winn & Hobbins (2000).
b o r n alive to m o t h e r s w h o have syphilis, like those b o r n to (Kodama, Mabuchi, & Shigematsu, 1996; Vorhees & Mollnow,
m o t h e r s w h o have rubella, o f t e n suffer blindness, deafness, 1 9 8 7 ) . Even clinical doses o f r a d i a t i o n , s u c h as those used in
h e a r t p r o b l e m s , o r b r a i n d a m a g e . T h i s shows t h a t different X - r a y s a n d c a n c e r t r e a t m e n t , are capable o f causing m u t a -
t e r a t o g e n s — h e r e , syphilis a n d r u b e l l a — c a n b e r e s p o n s i b l e f o r tions, s p o n t a n e o u s a b o r t i o n s , and a v a r i e t y o f b i r t h defects,
t h e s a m e p r o b l e m . However, whereas rubella is m o s t d a m a g - especially i f t h e m o t h e r is e x p o s e d b e t w e e n weeks 8 a n d 15
ing in t h e early stage o f pregnancy, syphilis is m o s t d a m a g i n g (Hill & Haffner, 2 0 0 2 ) . T h e r e f o r e , e x p e c t a n t m o t h e r s are r o u -
in t h e m i d d l e a n d later stages o f pregnancy. T h i s is b e c a u s e tinely advised to avoid X - r a y s unless t h e y are essential to their
syphilitic o r g a n i s m s c a n n o t cross t h e placental b a r r i e r until o w n survival, a n d w o m e n w h o w o r k w i t h X - r a y e q u i p m e n t
t h e 18th p r e n a t a l week, p r o v i d i n g a w i n d o w o f o p p o r t u n i t y m u s t take p r o p e r p r e c a u t i o n s . D e s p i t e s o m e c o n c e r n a b o u t it,
f o r treating the m o t h e r - t o - b e w h o finds o u t she has t h e dis- b y t h e way, a w o m a n w h o w o r k s in f r o n t o f a c o m p u t e r screen
ease. Even w i t h a p p r o p r i a t e t r e a t m e n t — p e n i c i l l i n — s o m e i n - all day d o e s n o t a p p e a r t o place h e r fetus at risk (Parazzini et
fants are i n f e c t e d or die ( G e n e & Ledger, 2 0 0 0 ) . al., 1 9 9 3 ) .
AIDS. T h e sexually t r a n s m i t t e d disease o f greatest c o n c e r n Pollutants. Pollutants in the air we b r e a t h e a n d t h e water

in r e c e n t decades is a c q u i r e d i m m u n o d e f i c i e n c y s y n d r o m e w e d r i n k i n c l u d e " h e a v y m e t a l s " such as lead, w h i c h are dis-
( A I D S ) , t h e l i f e - t h r e a t e n i n g disease c a u s e d b y t h e h u m a n i m - c h a r g e d b y s m e l t i n g o p e r a t i o n s a n d o t h e r industries a n d m a y
m u n o d e f i c i e n c y virus ( H I V ) . A I D S destroys t h e i m m u n e sys- be present in paint, dust, or w a t e r pipes in old houses.
t e m a n d m a k e s v i c t i m s susceptible t o " o p p o r t u n i s t i c " i n f e c - C h i l d r e n e x p o s e d t o lead prenatally s h o w i m p a i r e d intellec-
tions t h a t eventually kill t h e m unless t h e y are treated w i t h tual f u n c t i o n i n g as infants in p r o p o r t i o n to t h e a m o u n t o f
m u l t i p l e drugs. H I V - i n f e c t e d m o t h e r s c a n t r a n s m i t t h e virus lead in their u m b i l i c a l cords (Bellinger et al., 1 9 8 7 ; Canfield et
to their b a b i e s ( 1 ) prenatally, i f the virus passes t h r o u g h t h e al., 2 0 0 3 ; see also Figure 4 . 7 ) . T h i s finding h o l d s t r u e even af-
placenta; ( 2 ) perinatally, w h e n b l o o d m a y b e e x c h a n g e d b e - ter c o n t r o l l i n g f o r o t h e r differences a m o n g children, such as
tween m o t h e r a n d child as t h e u m b i l i c a l c o r d separates f r o m s o c i o e c o n o m i c status. Lead e x p o s u r e p o s t n a t a l l y is also d a n -
t h e placenta; or ( 3 ) postnatally, i f t h e virus is t r a n s m i t t e d d u r - gerous. It is e s t i m a t e d that o n e in f o u r children u n d e r age 6 in
ing breast-feeding. S o m e w h e r e b e t w e e n 15 a n d 3 5 % o f b a b i e s t h e U n i t e d States lives in a h o m e with lead dust f r o m old paint
b o r n t o H I V - i n f e c t e d m o t h e r s are i n f e c t e d (Newell, 2 0 0 3 ; ( R o g a n & W a r e , 2 0 0 3 ) . Even e x p o s u r e to low levels o f l e a d —
T h o r n e & Newell, 2 0 0 0 ) . T h e rate is m u c h lower if these lower t h a n p r e v i o u s l y t h o u g h t to be s a f e — i s associated w i t h
m o t h e r s take a z i d o t h y m i d i n e , also called A Z T o r zidovudine, I Q decreases o f 4 to 7 p o i n t s ( R o g a n & Ware, 2 0 0 3 ) .
to treat the H I V o r i f t h e i r n e w b o r n s are given a n e w drug Clearly, t h e r e is a critical n e e d for m o r e research a i m e d at
called n e v i r a p i n e , w h i c h helps b l o c k t r a n s m i s s i o n o f H I V at identifying a huge n u m b e r o f c h e m i c a l s , wastes, a n d o t h e r e n -
b i r t h (Newell, 2 0 0 3 ; S t r i n g e r et al., 2 0 0 4 ) . B o t t l e - f e e d i n g fur-
t h e r reduces t h e f a t e o f H I V t r a n s m i s s i o n from affected
m o t h e r s to their i n f a n t s ( B r o w n , 2 0 0 0 c ) . I n f e c t e d infants n o w
live l o n g e r t h a n t h e y did at: t h e o u t s e t o f t h e A I D S e p i d e m i c
because o f the development o f appropriate t r e a t m e n t s — 6 4 %
are alive at age 6, a n d m a n y survive i n t o a d o l e s c e n c e ( F r e n c h
Pediatric H I V Infection Study Group, 1997).
M o t h e r - t o - c h i l d t r a n s m i s s i o n o f H I V in the U n i t e d States
has decreased m o r e than 4 0 % since p e a k i n g in 1 9 9 2 , (Key &
D e N o o n , 1 9 9 8 ; L i n d e g r e n et a l , 1 9 9 9 ) . B u t m o t h e r - t o - c h i l d
t r a n s m i s s i o n c o n t i n u e s t o b e a t r e m e n d o u s p r o b l e m in A f r i c a
and o t h e r parts o f the w o r l d w i t h A I D S e p i d e m i c s . I n 2 0 0 3 ,
for e x a m p l e , a b o u t 7 0 0 , 0 0 0 infants b e c a m e infected w i t h H I V
f r o m their m o t h e r s a n d m o s t o f these cases o c c u r r e d in s u b -
S a h a r a n Africa (Avert, 2 0 0 4 ) .
Eravironrrieotai Hazards
Radiation. A m o t h e r can c o n t r o l w h a t she ingests, but
s o m e t i m e s she c a n n o t avoid a h a z a r d o u s external e n v i r o n -
m e n t . After a t o m i c b o m b s were d r o p p e d o n H i r o s h i m a a n d
Nagasaki in 1 9 4 5 , n o t o n e p r e g n a n t w o m a n w h o was within A g e at t e s t i n g ( m o n t h s )
o n e - h a l f m i l e o f t h e blasts gave b i r t h t o a live child, a n d 7 5 %

Figure 4.7 Mental development scores of infants
o f t h o s e w h o were w i t h i n a m i l e and a q u a r t e r o f t h e blasts
with low, medium, or high levels of lead in their umbilical
had stillborn infants o r seriously h a n d i c a p p e d children w h o
" cords before birth.
died s o o n after birth (Apgar & B e c k , 1 9 7 4 ) . Surviving children SOURCE: Adapted with permission from Bellinger, D.. Leviton, A.. Waternaux, C.. Nsedleman, H.. & Rabinowitz,
o f these m o t h e r s had a h i g h e r - t h a n - n o r m a l rate o f m e n t a l re- M . (1987). Longitudinal analyses of prenatal and postnatal lead exposure and early cognitive development. New
England Journal of Medicine, 316,1037—1043. Copyright © 1987 by Massachusetts Medical Society. All rights
tardation a n d greater i n c i d e n c e o f leukemia and cancers, reserved.
v i r o n m e n t a l hazards that m a y affect u n b o r n children. O n e ex- affect the quality o f the prenatal e n v i r o n m e n t — a g e , emo-
pert estimates that there are 7 0 , 0 0 0 synthetic c h e m i c a l s " o u t tional state, and n u t r i t i o n a l status.
t h e r e " that children m a y be exposed to, and fewer t h a n 2 0 % o f
these have b e e n evaluated for toxicity ( M o r r i s , 1 9 9 9 ) . Age
T h e message is u n m i s t a k a b l e : T h e c h e m i s t r y o f the pre- At o n e e n d o f t h e age s p e c t r u m , 11- and 12-year-old girls have
natal e n v i r o n m e n t often d e t e r m i n e s w h e t h e r an e m b r y o o r fe- given birth; at t h e o t h e r e n d o f t h e s p e c t r u m , a w o m a n gave
tus survives a n d h o w it looks and f u n c t i o n s after b i r t h . A va- b i r t h to twins just days b e f o r e h e r 5 7 t h b i r t h d a y ( C N N News,
riety o f teratogens can affect d e v e l o p m e n t , a l t h o u g h as y o u 2 0 0 4 ) . T h e s e are, however, unusual cases. T h e safest, a n d m o r e
have learned, the i n f l u e n c e o f teratogens varies. Effects are typical, time to b e a r a child appears to b e from a b o u t age 16
worst w h e n o r g a n systems are growing m o s t rapidly; n o t all to age 3 5 ( A m i n i et a l , 1 9 9 6 ; Gilbert, Nesbitt, & D a n i e l s e n ,
e m b r y o s o r fetuses are equally affected b y the s a m e teratogen; 1999; O r v u s et al., 1 9 9 9 ) . Very y o u n g m o t h e r s have h i g h e r -
h a r m f u l effects d e p e n d o n the genetic m a k e u p o f b o t h t h e t h a n - n o r m a l rates o f b i r t h c o m p l i c a t i o n s , p r e m a t u r e deliver-
m o t h e r and her u n b o r n child a n d o n t h e quality o f the p r e n a - ies, and l o w - b i r t h - w e i g h t babies. T h e reproductive system o f
tal and p o s t n a t a l e n v i r o n m e n t s ; and effects are m o r e serious the y o u n g teen (15 years o r y o u n g e r ) m a y n o t be physically
with greater exposure t o teratogens. B y b e c o m i n g familiar m a t u r e e n o u g h to sustain a fetus, m a k i n g this g r o u p m o s t vul-
with the i n f o r m a t i o n t o u c h e d on here, a n d by keeping up with n e r a b l e to having a l o w - b i r t h - w e i g h t baby. However, the
n e w knowledge, p a r e n t s - t o - b e can do m u c h to increase t h e al- greater p r o b l e m appears to be that teenagers often do n o t
ready high odds that their u n b o r n child will b e n o r m a l as it seek prenatal care, and t h e y are m o r e likely to face adverse
approaches its n e x t challenge: the b i r t h process. socioeconomic conditions than mothers in their 20s.
Unfortunately, these c o n d i t i o n s are likely to persist after the
b i r t h , leading to increased death rates b e f o r e their first b i r t h -
The Mother's State
day a m o n g infants b o r n to m o t h e r s 15 years or y o u n g e r
W h a t can parents, especially t h e m o t h e r - t o - b e , do to sustain a (Phipps, B l u m e , & D e M o n n e r , 2 0 0 2 ) .
healthy pregnancy? T h e Applications b o x o n this page ex- As for m o t h e r s older t h a n 3 5 , t h e y are twice as likely t o
plores h o w parents can set the stage for a healthy pregnancy. lose a f e t u s — m i s c a r r y — t h a n y o u n g e r m o t h e r s (Fretts &
Here, we describe t h r e e characteristics o f the m o t h e r that can Usher, 1 9 9 7 ) . In the past, m a n y fetal deaths in older w o m e n
plications mmmM
T he m o r e we learn about important environmental in-

fluences on human development, t h e b e t t e r able we are
t o optimize environment and therefore t o optimize devel-
cial support can prevent damage t o their children (Olds,
Henderson, &Tatelbaum, 1994).
Today, many couples also enroll in classes that prepare
opment. Although the nature and quality of an individual's them for childbirth. T h e s e classes started in the 1940s t o
environment matters throughout the life span, it seems sen- help reduce the fear and pain experienced by many women
sible t o do as much as possible t o get a baby's life off t o a during labor and delivery. T h e L a m a z e m e t h o d of pre-
good start. pared childbirth teaches women t o associate childbirth with
For starters, it would be good for babies if m o r e of pleasant feelings and t o ready themselves for the process by
them were planned and wanted. Moreover, a woman learning exercises, breathing and pushing methods, and re-
should begin making positive changes in her lifestyle, such laxation techniques that make childbirth easier (Lamaze,
as giving up smoking, before she even thinks about be- 1958). Parents typically attend Lamaze classes for 6 t o 8
coming pregnant. O n c e a woman is pregnant, she should weeks before the delivery. T h e father o r another support-
s e e k good prenatal care as quickly as possible s o that she ive person b e c o m e s a coach who helps t h e m o t h e r train
will learn how t o optimize t h e well-being of both herself her muscles and perfect her breathing for the event that lies
and her unborn child and so that any problems during t h e ahead. Couples who participate in childbirth preparation
pregnancy can be managed appropriately. T h e guidelines classes r e p o r t a greater sense of control during labor and
for pregnant w o m e n are n o t that complicated, although delivery, and this sense of control is associated with higher
they are often violated.They boil down t o such practices levels of satisfaction with the childbirth experience (Hart &
as eating an adequate diet, protecting oneself against dis- Foster, 1997). Unfortunately, following their delivery, many
eases, and avoiding drugs. Research suggests t h a t special women say that their prenatal classes did not go as far as
intervention programs, such as h o m e visits t o mothers they could have in providing practice with the coping strate-
who smoke, t o encourage healthy habits and provide so- gies useful for a smooth delivery (Spiby e t al., 1999).
were caused by congenital abnormalities. With today's ex- outcomes. Other research seems to confirm this: Mothers with
tensive prenatal testing of women older than 35, however, a positive outlook are less likely to deliver low-birth-weight
fewer babies are dying from congenital problems, partly be- babies (Lobel et aL, 2000).
cause many such fetuses are identified early and aborted. The link between maternal stress and active, irritable be-
Still, fetal death rates remain higher for older women for rea- havior in infants is also hard to explain. Hypotheses include
sons poorly understood (Fretts & Usher, 1997). Keep in the idea that stress directly causes behavioral problems, that
mind that despite the increased risk of fetal death among the baby of an emotional mother may simply be genetically
older women, most older women have normal pregnancies predisposed to have a "difficult55 temperament, and that a
and healthy babies. mothers emotional tensions may affect her care of the baby
after birth. Because experimentation is impossible, establish-
Emotional Condition ing causal links is difficult. Still, mothers who experience se-
Does it matter how the mother feels about being pregnant or vere stress during pregnancy should probably seek therapeu-
how her life is going while she is pregnant? Life is filled with tic help. In one study, the babies of stressed mothers who
many stressors—both chronic (for example, poverty or ongo- received counseling weighed more at birth than the babies of
ing anxiety about terrorist attacks) and acute (for example, stressed mothers who did not get help (Rothberg & Lits,
evacuating the World Trade Center on September 11, 2001). 1991).
Being pregnant does not make stress disappear; for some Stress and anxiety are not the only maternal states to con-
women with unintended or mistimed pregnancies, stress lev- sider. Maternal depression during pregnancy may lead to mo-
els may increase. How might the fetus be affected by the tor delays in newborns (Lundy et al., 1999). Depression affects
mother's experience of stress? levels of neurotransmitters (brain chemicals) in both mothers
When a women such as Florence Engoran, introduced at and their newborns. Researchers have found a connection be-
the beginning of the chapter, becomes emotionally aroused, tween these changes in neurotransmitter levels and certain
her glands secrete powerful hormones such as adrenaline (also immature motor responses of newborns. They do not yet
called epinephrine) that may cross the placental barrier and know, however, whether these effects persist.
enter the fetus's bloodstream. At the least, these hormones
temporarily increase the fetus's motor activity. A temporarily Nutritional Condition
stressful experience such as falling or receiving a scare will At the turn of the last century, doctors advised mothers to
generally not damage mother or fetus. It is only when a gain a mere 10 to 15 pounds while pregnant. With better un-
mother experiences prolonged and severe emotional stress and derstanding of nutrition and pregnancy, doctors now recom-
anxiety during her pregnancy (as a result, for example, of the mend a healthy, high-protein, high-calorie diet with a total
death of her husband or another child or of a cancer diagno- weight gain 25 to 35 pounds for normal-weight women, al-
sis) that damage may be done (Hansen, Lou, & Olsen, 2001). though many women gain more than this recommended
The most likely effects are a faster and more irregular heart weight during their pregnancy (Olson, 2002). At the other ex-
rate and stunted prenatal growth, which can lower birth treme, doctors know that inadequate prenatal nutrition and
weight; premature birth; and birth complications (Monk et lack of weight gain can be harmful. Severe maternal malnutri-
aL, 2000; Mulder et al., 2002). Following birth, babies whose tion, which occurs during famine, stunts prenatal growth and
mothers had been highly stressed during pregnancy tend to be produces small, underweight babies (Stein et al., 1975; Susser
smaller, more active, more irritable, and more prone to crying & Stein, 1994). The effects of malnutrition depend on when it
than other babies (de Weerth, van Hees, & Buitelaar, 2003). occurs. During the first trimester, malnutrition can disrupt
Some research shows that stress during pregnancy can also the formation of the spinal cord, result in fewer brain cells,
cause delays in cognitive development (Buitelaar et al., 2003). and even cause stillbirth (Susser 8c Stein, 1994). Restrictive di-
How might maternal stress stunt fetal growth and con- eting, use of diuretics, and eating disorder behaviors during
tribute to the offspring's irritability and anxiety? The mecha- the first trimester can also cause serious problems, such as
nisms are not yet clear. The link between stressful experiences neural tube defects (Carmichael et al., 2003). During the third
and small, premature babies may involve stress hormones, trimester, malnutrition is most likely to result in smaller neu-
changes in the immune system, reduced blood flow through rons, a smaller brain, and a smaller child overall.
the arteries in the uterus, or even a poor diet (see, for exam- The offspring of malnourished mothers sometimes show
ple, DiPietro, Costigan, & Gurewitsch, 2003; Teixeira, Fisk & cognitive deficits as infants and children. Poor prenatal nutri-
Glover, 1999). Whatever the mechanism, it is clear that not all tion may also put some children at risk for certain diseases in
stressed mothers have babies who are small and arrive early. In adulthood, especially hypertension, coronary heart disease,
one revealing study (McCubbin et al., 1996), pregnant moth- and diabetes (Barker, 1998; Goldberg & Prentice, 1994). Some
ers were brought to the laboratory and asked to take a stress- research challenges this, however, and in many cases prenatal
ful arithmetic test. Those whose blood pressures rose the most malnutrition does not have serious long-term effects on de-
dramatically during this mild stress test were more likely than velopment (Golub et al., 1996). Among women who are ade-
other women to deliver premature babies with low birth quately nourished, it is difficult to establish a connection be-
weights. Thus, the presence of stress in a woman's life may not tween specific nutrients and birth outcome or later behaviors
be as important as her responsiveness to stress in determining c (Langley-Evans & Langley-Evans, 2003; Mathews, Youngman
& Neil, 2004). One exception to this is a deficiency of folic of miscarriage, the likelihood of Down syndrome is greater
acid, which, as mentioned earlier, has been linked to neural when both mother and father are older (Fisch et al., 2003).
tube defects. Otherwise, much depends on whether a child re- 'Another study found an increased risk of congenital heart de-
ceives an adequate diet and good care after birth (Wachs, fects for children of older fathers (Olshan, Schnitzer, & Baird,
1995). Dietary supplements, especially when combined with 1994).
stimulating day care, can go a long way toward heading off the A father's exposure to environmental toxins can also af-
potentially damaging effects of prenatal malnutrition. Best, of fect a couple's children. A father's prolonged exposure to radi-
course, is good nourishment before and after birth. ation, anesthetic gases used in operating rooms, pesticides, or
other environmental toxins can damage the genetic material
in his sperm and cause genetic defects in his children (Stone,
1992; Strigini et al, 1990).
What about characteristics of the fathers? Does the father's
state have any influence on the quality of the prenatal envi-
Summing Up
ronment or bir th outcome? Unfortunately, there is not a lot of
research on the father's contributions to prenatal develop- The womb is an environment that can influence the un-
ment beyond his genetic contribution. But researchers know born child in favorable or .unfavorable ways.There are nu-
that the father's age, just like the mother's age, can influence merous teratogens, such as alcohol and diseases, that can
development. We noted earlier that women older than 35 are adversely affect prenatal development The effects of ter-
at greater risk of miscarriage than younger mothers. This risk atogens depend on several factors, including timing,
is even greater if the father is also older (40 years or older, ac- dosage, genetic makeup of both the mother and her un-
cording to de la Rochebrochard & Thonneau, 2002). In addi- born child, and quality of the prenatal and postnatal en-
tion, there is a slightly elevated risk of neural tube defects, kid- vironments.The mothers emotional and nutritional state
ney problems, and Down syndrome among children born to can influence the unborn child, as can the age of both the
older fathers (Mcintosh, Olshan, & Baird, 1995). Like the risk mother and the father S3
<L A l t h o u g h m o s t b i r t h s in W e s t e r n cultures t a k e place in hospitals, this w o m a n is giving b i r t h

at h o m e .
Tlie P e r i n a t a l E n v i r o n m e n t process is the delivery of the placenta, which lasts only a few
minutes.
When the birth process is completed, the mother (and of-
The perinatal environment is the environment surrounding
ten the father, if he is present) is typically physically exhausted,
birth; it includes influences such as drugs given to the mother
relieved to be through the ordeal of giving birth, and exhila-
during labor, delivery practices, and the social environment
rated all at once. Meanwhile, the fetus has been thrust from its
shortly after birth. Like the prenatal environment, the perina-
carefree but cramped existence into a strange new world.
tal environment can greatly affect human development.
In most Western cultures, there has been a dramatic shift
in birthing practices. In 1930, 80% of births took place at
home; by 1990, this figure had plummeted to 1% (Zander 8c
In most births, the entire process goes smoothly, and parents
Chamberlain, 1999). This change in birth setting was accom-
and newborn quickly begin their relationship. Occasionally,
panied by a shift from thinking about birth as a natural
however, problems arise.
family event that occurred at home to thinking that birth
is a medical problem to be solved with high technology
(Ackermann-Liebrich et al., 1996). Despite the medical setting Anoxia
of most births today, many couples want to give birth in a One clear hazard during the birth process is anoxia, or oxygen
more relaxed atmosphere that gives them the peace of mind shortage (also called asphyxia). Anoxia can occur for any
provided by nearby modern technology and a comfortable number of reasons—for example, because the umbilical cord
homelike feeling. Many hospitals have responded by restruc- becomes pinched or tangled during birth, because sedatives
turing their labor and delivery rooms and practices to give given to the mother reach the fetus and interfere with the
parents greater flexibility and control when it comes time to baby's breathing, because mucus lodged in the baby's throat
deliver. prevents normal breathing, or even because the mother is
Increasingly, a laboring woman has a partner, relative, or older (Gilbert, Nesbitt, 8c Danielsen, 1999). Anoxia is danger-
friend with her during labor and delivery; women find the ous primarily because brain cells die if they are starved of oxy-
support provided by this familiar person helpful and reas- gen for more than a few minutes. Severe anoxia can cause
suring (Somers-Smith, 1999). Some women have the sup- mental retardation or cerebral palsy, a neurological disability
port of a doula—an individual trained to provide continu- associated with difficulty controlling muscle movements
ous physical and emotional support throughout the (Anslow, 1998; Carter, 1998). Milder cases of anoxia make
childbirth process. Such support tends to shorten labor and some infants irritable at birth or delay their motor and cogni-
reduce the need for pain medication and assisted delivery tive development. However, many victims, especially those
such as use of forceps or vacuum (Hodnett et al., 2003; Scott, whose environments after birth are optimal, function nor-
Klaus, & Klaus, 1999). Mothers with continuous labor sup- mally later in childhood (Sameroff & Chandler, 1975).
port also report more positive feelings about the birth expe- Children who experience relatively brief anoxia usually suffer
rience, fewer symptoms of postnatal depression, and greater no ill effects, but children with prolonged anoxia often have
likelihood of breast-feeding than nonsupported mothers permanent disabilities (Sorensen 8c Borch, 1999).
(Scott, Klaus, & Klaus, 1999). Clearly, then, the context sur- The chances of anoxia have been greatly reduced by the
rounding labor and delivery is important: Women who re- use of fetal monitoring procedures during labor and delivery.
ceive more support during childbirth have more positive ex- Doctors are now alert to the risk of anoxia if the fetus is not
periences. positioned in the usual head-down position. If the baby is
Childbirth is a three-stage process (see Figure 4.8). The born feet or buttocks first (a breech presentation), delivery
first stage of labor begins as the mother experiences regular becomes more complex and takes longer, although most
contractions of the uterus and ends when her cervix has breech babies are normal. A vaginal delivery is nearly impos-
fully dilated (widened) so that.the fetus's head can pass sible for the 1 fetus in 100 lying sideways In the uterus. The fe-
through. This stage of labor lasts an average of 6 to 7 hours tus must be turned to assume a head-down position or be de-
for firstborn children and 4 to 6 hours for later-born chil- livered by cesarean section, a surgical procedure in which an
dren, but it may last much longer depending on the indi- incision is made in the mother's abdomen and uterus so that
vidual and her circumstances (Albers, 1999; Jones 8c Larson, the baby can be removed. Now, consider the potential hazards
2003). It ends when the cervix has dilated to 10 centimeters. associated with delivery procedures and technologies.
The second stage of labor is delivery, which begins as the
fetus's head passes through the cervix into the vagina Complicated Delivery
and ends when the baby emerges from the mother's body. In some cases, mothers may need assistance with delivery, pos-
This is when the mother is often told to "bear down" (push) sibly because labor has proceeded too long with too little to
with each contraction to assist her baby through the birth show for it or because of concern about the well-being of the
canal. For first deliveries, this stage takes about 1 hour; for baby or mother. There is much debate in the medical literature
later deliveries, it can be 15 to 20 minutes (Albers, 1999; about whether delivery is better assisted with forceps or with
Jones & Larson, 2003). Finally, the third stage of the birth vacuum extraction (Johanson 8c Menon, 2000; O'Grady, Pope,
Stage 1
( A ) Dilation of t h e c e r v i x b e g i n s (B) Contractions are greatest a n d cervix o p e n s

completely
Stage 2 V ' : :
m m
(C) Baby's head appears (D) B a b y p a s s e s t h r o u g h the v a g i n a -
Fegyre 4.8 T h e t h r e e stages o f l a b o r Stage I: ( A ) C o n t r a c t i o n s

o f t h e u t e r u s cause d i l a t i o n a n d e f f a c e m e n t o f t h e c e r v i x .
(B) T r a n s i t i o n is r e a c h e d w h e n t h e f r e q u e n c y a n d s t r e n g t h o f t h e
c o n t r a c t i o n s are at t h e i r p e a k a n d t h e c e r v i x o p e n s c o m p l e t e l y .
Stage 2: ( C ) T h e m o t h e r pushes w i t h each c o n t r a c t i o n , f o r c i n g t h e
b a b y d o w n t h e b i r t h canal, a n d t h e head appears. ( D ) N e a r t h e
e n d o f stage 2, t h e s h o u l d e r s e m e r g e a n d are f o l l o w e d quickly by
Stage 3
t h e rest o f t h e baby's body. Stage 3: (E) W i t h a f e w final pushes, t h e
p l a c e n t a is delivered.
(E) E x p u l s i o n of the p l a c e n t a
& Patel, 2000). For years, doctors frequently used forceps (an traumatic than forceps (Shihadeh & Al-Najdawi, 2001). For the
instrument resembling an oversized pair of salad tongs). baby, however, there is likely to be swelling of the scalp and
However, forceps on the soft skull of the newborn occasionally some marking where the cup was attached. More serious in-
caused serious problems, including cranial bleeding and brain juries are possible if the vacuum is not properly used.
damage. Alternatively, doctors may use vacuum extraction Unfortunately, women who deliver with vacuum assistance re-
("suction'5) to assist difficult deliveries. This procedure has port less satisfaction than mothers who deliver by other meth-
fewer risks associated with it, although it is not risk free. In a ods with the overall birth experience (Schindl et al., 2003).
vacuum extraction, a cup is inserted through the opening of Cesarean sections, too, have been controversial. Use of
the birth canal and attached to the baby's head. Suction is ap- this alternative to normal vaginal delivery has prevented the
plied to make the cup adhere to the baby's scalp; during each death of many babies—for example, when the baby is too
contraction and with the mother bearing down, the doctor large or the mother is too small to permit normal delivery,
uses the traction created by the suction to help deliver the baby. when a fetus out of position cannot be repositioned, or when
From the mother's point of view, vacuum extraction is less fetal monitoring reveals that a birth complication is likely.
Medical advances have made cesarean sections about as safe as 2000). In short, they act as though they are drugged. Think
vaginal deliveries, and few ill effects on mothers and infants about it: Doses of medication large enough to affect mothers
have been observed. Mothers who have "C-sections" take can have much greater effects on newborns who weigh only 7
longer to recover from the birth process and are sometimes pounds and have immature circulatory and excretory systems
less positive toward and involved with their babies, at least that cannot get rid of drugs for days or even weeks.
during the first month after birth (DiMatteo et al., 1996). Regional analgesics, such as epidurals and spinal blocks,
Nonetheless, the development of babies born by cesarean ap- reduce sensation in specific parts of the body. Because they do
pears to be perfectly normal (Durilc, Hyde, & Clark, 2000). not cross the placenta, they have fewer ill effects on babies and
However, many observers have questioned why cesarean are preferred by many physicians. Epidurals are also rated by
deliveries have become so much more common—to the point mothers as more effective for pain control than other forms of
that they accounted for 26% of births in the United States in
/
analgesics (Macario et al., 2000; Sheiner et al., 2000). But with
2002 (Hamilton, Martin, & Sutton, 2003). The U.S. government these advantages mothers and physicians must weigh disad-
tried to reduce the rate of cesareans in the 1990s but managed vantages, including longer labor times with epidurals
to reduce it only slightly to 21% of all deliveries before it crept (Halpern et al, 1998).
back up to its current rate (Ventura et al., 2001). It is under- In sum, taking obstetric medications is not as risky a
stood now that mothers who have one cesarean birth need not business today as it once was, but it is still a decision that re-
have all their subsequent babies by cesarean, as was believed quires the pros and cons to be weighed carefully. The effects
only a short time ago (Harrington et al., 1997). Nonetheless, depend on which drug is used, how much is taken, when it is
some obstetricians continue to rely heavily on this procedure taken, and by which mother.
because it protects them from the costly malpractice suits that Possible hazards during birth include anoxia; breech
might arise from complications in vaginal deliveries (Castro, presentation; the need for assisted delivery through forceps,
1999). Not only do some physicians prefer C-section deliveries, vacuum extraction, or cesarean section; and the use of med-
but some mothers prefer them as well. Mothers who undergo ications for pain relief. Fortunately, most deliveries, although
planned C-sections rate the birth experience more positively unique from the parents' perspective, are routine from a clin-
than any other group, including those who deliver by pushing ical perspective. In the next section, you will look briefly at the
the baby out vaginally (Schindl et al., 2003). Finally, C-sections birth experience from a family perspective.
generate more revenue than vaginal deliveries. On average, a ce-
sarean delivery costs about $11,500 in the United States com-
pared with $7000 for a vaginal delivery (March of Dimes, 2003).
The Mother's Experience
In a few instances, tension between the hospital's con- What is it really like to give birth to a child? In a study of
cerns and the mother's wishes related to delivery practices can Swedish mothers (Waldenstrom et al., 1996), most mothers
put them at odds. In 2004, a hospital sought and received per- admitted that they experienced severe pain and a good deal of
mission from a judge for guardianship of a fetus so that it anxiety, including feelings of outright panic. Yet most also
could force the mother to deliver her baby by cesarean section emerged from the delivery room feeling good about their
(The Associated Press, 2004). The hospital argued that a vagi- achievement and their ability to cope ("I did it!"). Overall,
nal delivery would endanger the life of the child because an ul- 77% felt the experience was positive and only 10% said it was
trasound showed that it was large. The mother, on the other negative. And, despite longer labors and more medication,
hand, feared having a C-section because a friend had died fol- first-time mothers did not perceive labor and delivery much
lowing this surgery. Furthermore, she had successfully deliv- differently than experienced mothers did.
ered six previous children vaginally. By the time the hospital What factors influence a mothers experience? Psycho-
obtained the court order for guardianship, the parents had logical factors such as the mother's attitude toward her preg-
gone to another hospital, where the mother vaginally deliv- nancy, her knowledge and expectations about the birth process,
ered a healthy baby girl. her sense of control over childbirth, and the social support she
Overall, birth by cesarean delivery can be lifesaving in receives from her partner or someone else are important deter-
some cases and is unlikely to disrupt normal development, minants of her experience of delivery and of her new baby
but it is more common than it needs to be in our society. (Waldenstrom et al., 1996; Wilcock, Kobayashi, & Murray, 1997).
Social support can be especially important. When the father, or
Medications another supportive person wThose main role is to comfort the
Concerns have been raised about medications given to moth- mother, is continuously present during labor and delivery,
ers during the birth process—analgesics and anesthetics to re- women experience less pain, use less medication, are less likely to
duce their pain, sedatives to relax them, and stimulants to in- have cesarean sections, and are more likely to feel better about
duce or intensify uterine contractions (Simpson & Creehan, the birth process (Hodnett & Osborn, 1989; Kennell et al., 1991).
1996). Sedative drugs that act on the entire body cross the pla-
centa and can affect the baby. Babies whose mothers receive Cultural Factors
large doses of obstetrical medication are generally sluggish The experience of childbearing is shaped by the cultural con-
and irritable, are difficult to feed or cuddle during the first few text in which it occurs. For example, different cultures have
days of life, and smile infrequently (Elbourne & Wiseman, different views of the desirability of having children. In some,
a large family is a status symbol, whereas in the People's within the first few days after birth (Najman et al., 2000). This
Republic of China, a "one-child policy" discourages multiple condition—the baby blues—is relatively mild, passes quickly,
childbearing in hopes of slowing population growth and rais- and is probably linked to the steep drops in levels of female
ing the standard of living. As a result of this policy, the aver- hormones that normally occur after delivery and to the
age number of children a Chinese woman bears dropped from stresses associated with delivering a child and taking on the
nearly five children in 1970 to fewer than two in recent years. responsibilities of parenthood.
The ratio of boys to girls has also changed; many parents want A second, and far more serious, condition is postnatal
their one child to be a boy who can support them in old age depression—an episode of clinical depression that lasts
and therefore abort female fetuses identified through ultra- months rather than days in a woman who has just given birth.
sound tests or abandon their female babies after they are born. It affects approximately 1 in 10 new mothers (Cooper &
Practices surrounding birth also differ widely. Among the Murray, 1998). Only rarely does a woman who has never had
Pokot people of Kenya, for example, cultural beliefs and rituals significant emotional problems become clinically depressed
help ensure strong social support of the mother and a successful for the first time after giving birth. Most affected women have
birth (O'Dempsey, 1988). The community celebrates the com- histories of depression, and many were depressed during
ing birth, and the father-to-be stops hunting lest he be killed by pregnancy. Also, women vulnerable to depression are more
animals. As a result, he is available to support his wife. A mid- likely to become depressed if they are experiencing other life
wife, aided by female relatives, delivers the baby. The placenta is stresses on top of the stresses of becoming a mother (Honey,
buried in the goat enclosure, and the baby is washed in cold wa- Bennett, & Morgan, 2003). Lack of social support—especially
ter and given a mixture of hot ash and boiled herbs so that it will a poor relationship with a partner—also increases the odds
vomit the amniotic fluid it has swallowed. Mothers are given (Boyce, 2003; Heh, 2003).
plenty of time to recover. They go into seclusion for 1 month and Postnatal depression has significant implications for the
devote themselves entirely to their babies for 3 months. parent-infant relationship. One study compared the children
In Uttar Pradesh in northern India, by contrast, the blood of 58 mothers who experienced postnatal depression with the
associated with childbirth is viewed as polluting, and the whole children of 42 nondepressed mothers over a 5-year period
event as shameful (Jeffery & Jeffery, 1993). A dai? a poorly paid (Murray et al., 1999). The children of the depressed mothers
attendant hired bv the woman's mother-in-law, delivers the
/ 7
were less securely attached to their mothers during infancy
baby. The dai typically hates her menial, disgusting job, pro- and were less responsive during interactions with their moth-
vides no pain relievers, discourages the mother from crying out ers al age 5. They also tended to respond negatively when an-
in pain, and offers little emotional support. The mother is kept other child approached them in a friendly manner.
in the house for several days and in the family compound for Mothers who had been postnatally depressed report
weeks so that she will not pollute others. Because the baby is greater behavioral problems by their children. At age 11, chil-
also believed to be polluted, its hair is shaved off. dren of postnatally depressed mothers show more violent be-
Many observers charge that childbirth in highly industri- havior even when researchers control for family characteris-
alized Western societies has become too "medicalized," with tics and later episodes of depression (Hay et al., 2003). The
women hospitalized, hooked up to monitors, and separated violence' exhibited by these children is associated with anger
from most friends and family members. Should we return to management problems, attention problems, and hyperactive
more traditional ways of birthing that view delivery less like a behavior. In another study, adolescents whose mothers had
major medical event and more like a typical life event? As the been postnatally depressed showed elevated levels of Cortisol,
Indian example illustrates, not all "traditional" practices are in which is associated with major depression (Halligan et al.,
the best interests of parents and babies. Also, Western societies 2004). The implication of these results is that early experi-
do a far better job than developing countries of preventing ences with a depressed mother might predispose these chil-
mother and infant mortality. In some areas of sub-Saharan dren to later depression.
Africa, for example, about 15% of babies die during childbirth How might maternal depression in the weeks and months
or in the first year of life (Caldwell, 1996). In Western, indus- following delivery affect children's behavior and increase their
trial societies, infant mortality rates have dropped from al- odds of developing depression? Mothers who are depressed
most 30 infants out of 1000 in 1950 to 7 infants out of 1000 in tend to be relatively unresponsive to their babies and may even
2004 (Division of Vital Statistics, 2004). Unfortunately, infant feel hostility toward them. They are tired, distracted, and often
mortality is twice as high for black infants compared with lack the energy needed to be fully engaged with their infants.
white infants (Guyer et al., 2000). The secret to a more opti- Even though mothers typically recover from postnatal depres-
mal birth experience may be to blend beneficial traditional sion, research suggests that their early attitudes about their ba-
practices such as offering emotional support to new mothers bies and the resulting pattern of early mother-child interac-
with modern medical know-how. tions set the stage for ongoing interaction problems that affect
the child's behavior (Murray et al., 1999). The contribution of
Postnatal Depression genes inherited from their depression-prone mothers and of
Some new mothers suffer from depression following the stressful experiences before birth, after birth, or both may pre-
birth of their baby. As many as 60% of all new mothers report cipitate depression in the child (Goodman, 2002). Thus, for
feeling tearful, irritable, moody, anxious, and depressed their own sakes and for the sakes of their infants, mothers ex-
periencing more than a mild case of the baby blues should seek stump falls off between 4 and 5 days after birth, they begin to
professional help in overcoming their depression. inhabit this world but still vacillate between the two worlds for
another 4 to 5 years. During this time, the Beng regard their
children as vulnerable. Spiritual beliefs influence their child
The Father's Experience care practices, leading to, for example, twice daily enemas for
Until the 1970s, fathers in Western culture were routinelyj ex-
'
infants using a chili pepper solution.
eluded from the birth process. Today, however, many men pre- Among the !Kung, a hunting and gathering society of the
pare for fatherhood before delivery, attend prenatal classes Kalahari Desert in southern Africa, babies are carried upright
with their partner, and are present for their child's birth (Gage in slings during the day and they sleep in the same bed with
& Kirk, 2002). Like mothers, fathers experience the birth their mothers at night (Konner, 1981). They are breast-fed
process as a significant event in their lives that involves a mix whenever they want and may not be weaned until the ripe old
of positive and negative emotions. Also like mothers, fathers age of 4. In general, infants in hunter-gatherer societies are in-
tend to be anxious during pregnancy and birth. In several dulged considerably, at least until their survival is assured.
studies, new fathers admitted that they felt scared, unpre- Infant care practices are considerably different in mod-
pared, helpless, and frustrated during labor (Chandler & ern, industrialized societies where infant mortality is lower.
Field, 1997; Chapman, 2000; Hallgren et al., 1999). They Babies typically sleep apart from their parents; they breast-
found labor to be more work than they had expected and feed, if at all, for only a few months before being switched to
sometimes felt excluded as the nurses took over. For most the bottle and then to solid food; and they generally must
men, attending prenatal classes with their partner improves learn to accommodate their needs to their parents' schedules.
their experience of childbirth, although for a few men, the Mayan mothers in Guatemala, who sleep in the same bed with
added knowledge that comes with these classes increases their their babies until they are toddlers, express shock at the
anxiety (Greenhalgh, Slade, & Spiby, 2000). Despite the American practice of leaving infants alone in their own bed-
stresses, negative emotions usually give way to relief, pride, rooms (Morelli et al, 1992 ).
and joy when the baby finally arrives (Chandler & Field, Regardless of where they live, new parents are often uncer-
1997). Indeed, most fathers find early contact with their ba- tain about how to relate to their babies and may find the period
bies special. As one father put it, "when my wife handed Anna after birth stressful. T. Berry Brazelton (1979) has devised a way
to me, I was completely unprepared for the intense experience to help parents appreciate their baby's competencies and feel
of fatherhood. I was overwhelmed by my feeling of belonging competent themselves as parents. He developed a newborn as-
to and with this new child" (Reed, 1996, p. 52). sessment technique, the Brazelton Neonatal Behavioral
Assessment Scale, that assesses the strength of infant reflexes
Sommisig Up and the infant's responses to 26 situations (for example, reac-
The perinatal environment, or the environment sur-

rounding birth, influences both the child and the parents.
Childbirth is a three-step process consisting of labor de-
livery of the baby, and expulsion of the placenta. Despite
recent concerns about overuse, cesarean sections are
common. Perinatal risks to the baby include anoxia, as-
sisted delivery (for example, forceps, vacuum extraction,
and cesarean section), and the effects of medications
given to the mother M
T h e Neonatal Environment
So now that parents have a baby, what do they do? Here you
will look at the neonatal environment—the events of the first
month and how parents might optimize development of
young infants.
There are marked differences in how parents interact
with their newborns. For example, in societies where infant
mortality is high, babies may not even be named or viewed as
€ M o s t n e w b o r n s have n o t y e t a c q u i r e d t h e " c u t e n e s s " o f s o m e -
people until they seem likely to survive (Nsamenang, 1992). w h a t o l d e r babies. Instead, t h e y are o f t e n red, w r i n k l e d , a n d s w o l l e n
The Beng, who are concentrated in small farming towns along in places, a n d t h e y m a y b e c o v e r e d w i t h a m n i o t i c fluid, b l o o d , f i n e
the Ivory Coast, believe that newborns are not entirely in this d o w n y hair (lanugo), a n d a w h i t e greasy substance ( v e r n i x ) . T h e i r
world but exist in the world the babies will eventually inhabit heads m a y e v e n b e m i s s h a p e n f r o m c o m i n g t h r o u g h t h e b i r t h canal
after death (L. Gottlieb, 2000). Once their umbilical cord o r f r o m t h e use o f f o r c e p s o r s u c t i o n d u r i n g deiivery.
survival and well-being that they be identified as early as pos-
sible. Newborns are routinely screened using the Apgar test,
•which provides a quick assessment of the newborns heart rate,
respiration, color, muscle tone, and reflexes (see Table 4.6). The
test has been used for more than 50 years and, despite its "low-
tech" nature, is still considered a valuable diagnostic tool
(Casey, Mclntire, 8c Leveno 2001). The simple test is given im-
mediately and 5 minutes after birth. It yields scores of 0, 1, or
2 for each of the five factors, which are then added to yield a to-
tal score that can range from 0 to 10. Infants who score 7 or
higher are in good shape. Infants scoring 4 or lower are at
risk—their heartbeats are sluggish or nonexistent, their mus-
cles are limp, and their breathing, if they are breathing, is shal-
low and irregular. These babies will immediately experience a
different postnatal environment than the normal baby experi-
ences because they require medical intervention in intensive
care units to survive, as you will see at the end of the chapter.
One particular group of at-risk babies that should be ex-
amined more closely are those with low birth weight. Approx-
imately 8% of babies born in the United States have a low
birth weight (less than 2500 grams, or 5V2 pounds). Some of
these babies are born at term, but many are born preterm (less
than 37 weeks of gestation) and are more at risk. The survival
and health of these small infants is a concern, particularly
for infants born with very low birth weight—less than 1500
grams (Paneth, 1995). Although low-birth-weight infants ac-
count for cibout 8 % of all births, they account for 65% of all
infant deaths (Murphy, 2000). And according to one analysis,
€ In m a n y cultures, m o t h e r s k e e p t h e i r babies close t o t h e m all day
they account for more than 80% of the money spent on preg-
and night t o e n s u r e t h e i r survival. nancies and deliveries (Adams et al., 2003). As Table 4.7 illus-
trates, the younger (and smaller) babies are at birth, the lower
their chances of survival.
tions to cuddling, general irritability, and orienting to the ex- Low birth weight is strongly linked to low socioeconomic
aminer s face and voice). Brazelton uses this test to teach parents status. According to Hughes and Simpson (1995), "women
to understand their babies as individuals and to appreciate who live in poverty, who have low levels of education, who
many of the pleasing competencies that they possess. During work in low-wage jobs, and who have few other social re-
"Brazelton training," parents observe the test being adminis- sources are more likely to suffer adverse birth outcomes than
tered and learn how to administer it themselves to elicit smiles are more advantaged women" (p. 87). Most programs at-
and other heartwarming responses from their babies. tempting to prevent low birth weight target the health condi-
tions associated with poverty, such as poor nutrition and in-
adequate prenatal health care (Hughes & Simpson, 1995).
Unfortunately, such programs have not been terribly success-
In the end, a few infants are considered at risk for either short- ful because they do not address many entrenched behaviors
term or long-term problems because of genetic defects, prena- and beliefs that accompany socioeconomic disadvantage in
tal hazards, or perinatal damage. It is essential to these infants5 the United States.
Table 4.6 The Apgar Test
Factors Score
0 1
HEART RATE Absent Slow (under 100 beats per minute) Moderate (over 100 beats per minute)
RESPIRATORY EFFORT Absent Slow or irregular Good; baby is crying
MUSCLE TONE Flaccid; limp Weak; some flexion Strong; active motion
COLOR Blue or pale Body pink, extremities blue Completely pink
REFLEX IRRITABILITY No response Frown, grimace, or weak cry- Vigorous cry
£ Table 4.7 Survival and Health of Premature Babies by Gestatio nal Age
Factor Results (in weeks and % )
Number of completed weeks since last menstruation < 2 3 weeks 23 weeks 24 weeks 25 weeks
Percentage of babies who survive 0-15% 2-35% 17-58% 35-85%
Percentage of survivors with chronic lung disease 89% 57-70% 33-89% 16-71%
Percentage of survivors with a severe neurodevelopmental disability* 69% 30% 17-45% 12-35%
4 Includes cerebral palsy, mental retardation, blindness or severe myopia, and deafness.
SOURCE: Based on data from Hack & Fanaroff> 1999.
In addition to poverty, there are many other risk factors children, low-birth-weight children are at greater risk for
for low birth weight, including factors that we have already blindness, deafness, cerebral palsy, poor academic achieve-
described such as smoking and stress. The more risk factors ment, autism, and health problems. Respiratory difficulties
experienced during pregnancy, the greater the likelihood of are likely because premature babies have not yet produced
delivering a small baby (Rosenberg, 2001). enough surfactant, a substance that prevents the air sacs of
Low birth weight is also associated with multiple births, the lungs from sticking together and therefore aids breathing.
which have increased substantially over the past several decades The most common neurological problem for low-birth-
largely because of increased use of ovulation-stimulating drugs weight infants is cerebral palsy.
to treat infertility (Guyer et al, 1999). In 1980, there were 37 Although the long-term prognosis for low-birth-weight
higher-order multiple births (three or more) for every 100,000 babies is now good, many children born with a very low birth
births; by 1997, this figure had jumped to 173 multiples for weight continue to experience neurosensory impairments and
every 100,000 births. Among single-birth infants, approxi- academic problems throughout their childhood and teen years
mately 5 % are low birth weight, but among twins, nearly half (Saigal et al., 2000). The fate of premature and low-birth-
are low birth weight. Among higher-order multiples, 86% are weight babies depends considerably on two factors. The first is
low birth weight (Cohen et al., 1999). their biological condition—their health and neurological status
The good news is that most low-birth-weight babies born in particular (Koller et al, 1997). The second is the quality of
since the advent of neonatal intensive care in the 1960s func- the postnatal environment they experience. For instance, in a
tion within the normal range of development (Hack, Klein, 8c study of more than 8000 infants, Dennis Hogan and Jennifer
Taylor, 1995). However, compared with normal-birth-weight Park (2000) found that the disadvantages of low birth weight
([ M o d e r n t e c h n o l o g y p e r m i t s t h e survival o f y o u n g e r a n d s m a l l e r babies, b u t m a n y e x p e r t s
beiieve w e have r e a c h e d t h e o w e s t limits o f viability b e t w e e n 2 3 a n d 2 4 w e e k s o f gestation.
were amplified for children of minority status growing up in what can go wrong before or during birth. Some damaging ef-
poverty with a single parent. In contrast, low-birth-weight ba- fects are clearly irreversible: The thalidomide baby will never
bies who live with two parents and whose mother is well edu- •grow normal arms or legs, and the child with FAS will always
cated, although they start out with delays, improve and may be mentally retarded. Yet throughout history, many children
even catch up to the average child by age 8 (Ment et al, 2003). turned out fine even though their mothers—unaware of many
Other research shows that at-risk infants can benefit from risk factors—smoked and drank during their pregnancies, re-
programs that teach their parents how to provide responsive ceived heavy doses of medication during delivery, or experi-
care and appropriate intellectual stimulation to them once enced serious illness. So, although many factors place a fetus at
they are home. Home visits to advise parents, combined with a risk and increase the likelihood of problems after birth, not all
stimulating day care program for low-birth-weight toddlers, at-risk infants end up with problems (Fraser, 2004). Is it also
can teach mothers how to be better teachers of their young possible that some babies exposed to and clearly affected by
children and stimulate these children's cognitive development. risks recover from their deficiencies later in life?
In an ambitious project called the Infant Health and Indeed it is, and researchers now have the results of ma-
Development Program, premature and low-birth-weight in- jor longitudinal studies that say so. Emmy Werner, with her
fants at eight sites have benefited from such early intervention colleague Ruth Smith, studied a group ofbabi.es born in 1955
(Bradley et al, 1994; Brooks-Gunn et al., 1993; McCarton et on the island of Kauai in Hawaii for 40 years (Werner, 1989a,
al., 1997). The program involved weekly home visits during the 1989b; Werner & Smith, 1982, 1992, 2001). This was a monu-
first year after birth and then biweekly home visits and atten- mental undertaking. All women of Kauai who were to give
dance by the infant at a special day care center for half a day birth in 1955 were interviewed in each trimester of pregnancy,
every day from age 1 to age 3. Mothers were given childcare ed- and physicians noted any prenatal, perinatal, or postnatal
ucation and support. The program appears to help parents complications. On the basis of this information, each baby
provide a more growth-enhancing home environment—for was categorized as having been exposed to severe, moderate,
example, to give their babies appropriate toys and learning ma- mild, or no prenatal or perinatal stress. At ages 1, 2,10,18, 32,
terials and to interact with them in stimulating ways. and 40 years, researchers diligently tracked down their partic-
The intervention helped these at-risk babies, especially ipants and conducted interviews (initially with the mothers
the heavier ones, achieve more cognitive growth by age 3 than and later with the children), administered psychological and
they would otherwise have achieved. However, an impressive cognitive tests, rated the quality of the family environment,
14-point boost in IQ scores at age 3 for heavier low-birth- and conducted medical examinations. Remarkcibly, at the 40-
weight children who received the intervention had dropped to year follow-up, the researchers still had 70%, or 489 partici-
a 4-point advantage at age 8 (McCarton et al, 1997). Children pants, from their original group of 698 babies born in 1955.
who weighed 2000 grams (4 pounds 6 ounces) or less at birth One-third of the children classified as at risk showed con-
did not get much benefit. Researchers have more to learn, siderable resilience, getting themselves back on a normal
then, about what it takes to keep the development of at-risk course of development. Through this self-righting capacity,
children on a positive track after the perinatal period, the pe- they were able to mature into competent, successful adults
riod surrounding birth, comes to a close. However, everything with na evident learning, social, or vocational problems de-
researchers know about life-span environmental forces sug- spite being at risk for poor outcomes. Two major findings
gests that supportive parents and programs can do a great deal emerge from this research:
to optimize every child's development. It seems that prema-
• The effects of prenatal and perinatal complications de-
ture, low-birth-weight babies can achieve normal levels of in-
crease over time.
tellectual functioning during childhood when they live in
• The outcomes of early risk depend on the quality of the
middle-class homes, when their mothers are relatively edu-
postnatal environment.
cated, and most importantly, when their mothers, rich, or
poor, are attentive and responsive when interacting with them The postnatal environments of these successful at risk
(Brooks-Gunn et al., 1993; Miceli et al, 2000). children included two types of protective factors that helped
Studies such as these raise a larger issue about the impor- the children overcome their disadvantage:
tance of early experience. Some developmentalists take seri- • Personal resources. Possibly because of their genetic
ously the concept of critical (or sensitive) periods in early de- makeup, some children have qualities such as intelligence, so-
velopment. Others stress the resilience of human beings, their ciability, and communication skills that help them choose or
ability to rebound from early disadvantages and to respond to create more nurturing and stimulating environments and
environmental influences throughout their lives rather than cope with challenges. For example, parents and other ob-
only during so-called critical periods. Which is it? servers noted that these children were agreeable, cheerful, and
self-confident as infants, which elicited positive caregiving re-
sponses. They also believed that they were in control of their
own fates—that through their actions, they could bring about
To what extent does harm done in the prenatal or perinatal pe- positive outcomes.
riod last, and to what extent can postnatal experiences make up • Supportive postnatal environment Some at-risk children
for it? You have encountered many examples in this chapter of receive the social support they need within or outside the fam-
ily. Most importantly, they are able to find at least one person Summing Up
who loves them unconditionally and with whom they feel se-
As Chapters 3 and 4 have testified, both nature and nur-
cure.
ture contribute to life-span human development Certain
Clearly, hazards during the important prenatal and peri-
genes and early environments can have profound negative
natal periods can leave lasting scars, and yet many children
effects on development Yet most of us come into exis-
show remarkable resilience. There seem to be some points in
tence with an amazingly effective genetic program to guide
the life span, especially early on, in which both positive and
our development Most of us, whether we grow up in
negative environmental forces have especially strong effects.
Kenya or Japan or the United States, also receive the ben-
Yet environment matters throughout life. It would be a mistake
efits of a normal human environment one that joins forces
to assume that all children who have problems at birth are
with this genetic program to promote normal develop-
doomed. In short, early experience by itself can, but rarely
ment Sometimes, early insults cannot be undone; other
does, make or break development; later experience counts,
times, only very adverse conditions over a long period can
too, sometimes enough to turn around a negative course of
keep us from developing normally. Even then, we often
development.
show resilience if given half a chance. R8
2. Some people argue that women who abuse alcohol or other

drugs during pregnancy should be charged with abuse or attempted
L Prenatal development begins with conception and proceeds murder or with murder if they have a miscarriage. Using material
through the germinal, embryonic, and fetal periods. Growth during the from this chapter on teratogens and the prenatal environment, argue
prenatal period is faster than during any other period of the life span. both sides of this issue.
2. The environment of human development includes all events or 3. Imagine you have been charged with speaking to a group of
conditions outside the person that affect or are affected by the person's mothers-to-be about possible hazards influencing prenatal develop-
development, including both the physical and the social environment. ment. Describe for them the four principles of teratogens and illus-
A variety of teratogens, such as diseases and drugs, can significantly af- trate each principle with an example.
fect development. Four principles help researchers understand the ef- 4. Thinking about research on birth and the perinatal environ-
fects of teratogens: effects are worst when organ systems are growing ment, arrange the perfect birth experience for you and your baby and
most rapidly, effects are more serious with greater exposure to terato- justify its features. Where would you be, who would be there, and
gens, harmful effects depend on the genetic makeup of both the what would be done?
mother and her unborn child, and the effects of teratogens often de- 5. Write a newsletter for parents-to-be. Your goal is to describe
pend on the quality of the prenatal and postnatal environments. the unborn baby's environment and compare this with the environ-
3. The perinatal environment includes the conditions sur- ment outside the womb after the baby is born.
rounding birth. Childbirth consists of three stages: labor, delivery of 6. What are the ethi cal concerns raised by stem cell research? If you
the baby, and delivery of the placenta. Nearly 1 out of every 4 babies and your partner undergo fertility treatment and subsequently have
is delivered by cesarean section. Perinatal risks to the baby include "extra 5 embryos frozen in a laboratory with no plans for additional chil-
anoxia, assisted delivery, and the effects of medications given to the dren, will you donate these for stem cell research? Why or why not?
mother.
4. Most new parents are anxious during labor and delivery but
find the experience a positive one. Support for new mothers varies
across cultures. Ways of getting human lives off to a good start today assisted reproduction testosterone, 87
include prenatal care, Lamaze classes, alternative birth centers, neona- technologies (ART), 85 fetal period, 87
tal intensive care units, and training for parents of at-risk infants.
artificial insemination, 85 differentiation, 88
5. Some problems created by prenatal and perinatal hazards are
long-lasting, but many at-risk babies show remarkable resilience and in vitro fertilization (IVF), 85 stem cells, 88
outgrow their problems, especially if they have personal resources, germinal period, 86 age of viability, 89
such as sociability and intelligence, and grow up in stimulating and
blastocyst, 86 myelin, 89
supportive postnatal environments where someone loves them.
embryonic period, 86 infant states, 90
organogenesis, 86 prenatal environment, 91
amnion, 86 teratogen, 91
chorion, 86 critical period, 91
1. Thinking about the material in Chapters 3 and 4, develop a
placenta, 86 thalidomide, 92
plan for preventing mental retardation that involves consideration of
both genetic and environmental contributors (prenatal, perinatal, umbilical cord, 86
and postnatal) to significantly limited intellectual development.
sudden infant death syndrome breech presentation, 101 Stem-Cell Research
(SIDS), 93 cesarean section, 101 The National Institutes of Health maintains a website where it pro-
fetal alcohol syndrome (FAS), 93 vides information about stem cells and related research.
postnatal depression, 104
rubella, 96 neonatal, 105 Birth Defects
syphilis, 96 at risk, 106 The website for the National Center on Birth Defects and
acquired immunodeficiency Apgar test, 106 Developmental Disabilities includes links to information on birth
syndrome (AIDS), 97 defects and disabilities, press releases, and current health news.
surfactant, 106
Lamaze method, 98
resilience, 108 U n d e r s t a n d i n g t h e Data:
perinatal environment, 100 Exercises on t h e W e b
protective factors, 108
anoxia, 101
perinatal period, 108 For additional insight on the data presented in this
cerebral palsy, 101 chapter, try the exercises for the following figures at hup://
psychology.wadsworth.com/sigelman_rider5e:
Figure 4.4 The percentage of time die fetus spends in different
states from the 20th week until the end of pregnancy. Time in
Websites t o Explore one coherent state or another increases with age, and most time
Visit Our Website is spent in a state of sleep.
For a chapter tutorial quiz and other useful features, visit Table 4.7 Survival and Health of Premature Babies by Gesta-
the book's companion website at http://psychology.wadsworth.com/ tional Age
sigelman_rider5e. You can also connect directly to the following sites:
Life-Span CD-ROM
The Human Embryo
The Multi-Dimensional Human Embryo project website contains
photos taken with magnetic resonance imaging of every stage of pre-
natal development.
For this chapter, check out the following clips, and others, in the
18 Ways to Make a Baby
video library:
Originally broadcast by PBS in October 2001, this NOVA program
investigates the world of assisted reproduction. Its companion web- V I D E O Ultrasound
site contains interactive and multimedia opportunities to explore V I D E O The Apgar Assessment
topics related to fertility and reproduction, such as human cloning
DEVELOPMENTAL
and cell division.
Psychoo
l gytfNow 7M
Life's Greatest Miracle Developmental PsychologyNow is a web-based, intelli-

Using the microimagery of Swedish photographer Lennart Nilsson, gent study system that provides a complete package of di-
this PBS NOVA program tracks the growth of a baby from embryo to agnostic quizzes, a personalized study plan, integrated multimedia
newborn. Winner of an Emmy award, it is available to watch in its elements, and learning modules. Check it out at http://psychology
entirety on the companion website. The site also provides back- .wadsworth.com/sigeImari_rider5e/riow.
ground on the stem-cell debate and contains related multimedia re-
sources for further exploration.
Best Bet on Pregnancy and Birth

Childbirth.org provides practical advice on a variety of pregnancy-
and birth-related topics, including fertility, cesareans, doulas> and
labor.
CHAPTER f V
Building B l o c k s of Growtli Physical Behavior Early versus Late Development

Locomotor Development
and. D e v e l o p m e n t Physical Behavior
Manipulating Objects
The Endocrine System Emergence of Motor Skills
The Nervous System Tlie Adult
Brain Development Physical Changes
T l ie C k i l d
The Aging Brain Appearance and Structure
Principles of Growth Steady Growth Functioning and Health
Physical Behavior Psychological Implications
The Reproductive System
T k e Infant
T l ie A d o l e s c e n t Female Menopause
Rapid Growth Male Andropause
The Growth Spurt
Newborn Capabilities Physical Behavior
Reflexes Sexual Maturation Slowing Down
Behavioral States Psychological Implications Disease, Disuse, and Abuse
Sensing and Learning
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"JOSH ISA 1 2 - Y E A R - O L D B O Y with c o n s t i t u - allowing greater concentration and more sophisticated
tional g r o w t h delay. A l t h o u g h h e has g r o w n a t a n o r m a l r a t e thought processes. Their strength and coordination on motor
t h r o u g h o u t c h i l d h o o d , his h e i g h t is b e l o w t h e 5 t h p e r c e n t i l e •tasks will continue to improve, and their bodies will grow
line o n t h e g r o w t h c h a r t . His b o n e a g e is delayed by 2 t o 3 taller and heavier and will mature sexually.
y e a r s , s o h e is unlikely t o r e a c h a n o r m a l a d u l t height. H e Human growth and development is an incredibly com-
has always b e e n t h e s m a l l e s t child in his class, and t h e size plex process, occurring over years. It is influenced by both ge-
d i f f e r e n c e is g e t t i n g m o r e n o t i c e a b l e as s o m e o f his class- netic and environmental factors. At certain times and for cer-
m a t e s begin t h e i r g r o w t h s p u r t s : J o s h l o o k s m o r e like a 4 t h tain developments, genetic influences are greater, whereas at
g r a d e r than a 7 t h g r a d e r . H e is having s c h o o l p r o b l e m s this other times, environmental influences are more powerful. But
year, a f t e r m o v i n g i n t o a n e w s c h o o l . His t e a c h e r s r e p o r t as we explained in previous chapters, genetic and environ-
t h a t ' h e ' s e i t h e r a c l o w n o r a bully in class, and h e j u s t d o e s mental forces are always working together. Consider height.
n o t pay attention. 1 H e likes s p o r t s and is g o o d a t s o c c e r , b u t The average female in the United States is about 5 feet 4 inches
t h e c o a c h d o e s n o t w a n t t o let him t r y o u t f o r t h e t e a m — (162 cm) and the average male is 5 feet 9 inches (175 cm), but
h e is afraid J o s h will g e t h u r t . T h e o l d e r b o y s a t s c h o o l there is considerable variability. Sandy Allen from the state of
s o m e t i m e s pick him up and c a r r y him a r o u n d , calling him Indiana, for instance, is considered the tallest woman in the
' P e e w e e ' and 'Squirt.' H e has s t a r t e d s p e n d i n g a l o t o f t i m e world at 7 feet 7 inches; most women with Turner syndrome
a l o n e in his r o o m and d o e s n o t s e e m i n t e r e s t e d in anything. are nearly 3 feet shorter than this—4 feet 8 inches on average.
A f t e r his last visit t o t h e d o c t o r , h e s a i d , T m sick o f h e a r i n g Even among those considered within the average range of
h o w tall I'll b e in 10 y e a r s . Pm a s h r i m p n o w , and t h a t is all height, there is variability. Genes account for some of this: Tall
that matters.'" (Rieser & Underwood, 2 0 0 4 ) people tend to have tall parents, whereas short people often
have "short genes" hanging on their family tree. Research with
identical twins confirms a fairly strong genetic component to
Josh's case illustrates the complexity as well as the significance height.
of growth and development. Although he is growing at the But even if you inherit the genetic propensity to be tall
normal rate of development, he is still markedly shorter than (or short), environment can influence the expression of those
other boys his age. What are the processes underlying Josh's genes. If you lack adequate nutrition, for example, you may
growth? And what are the psychological implications for Josh not realize your full growth potential. And consider the case of
and other children, adolcsccnts, and adults of the physical children with celiac syndrome. An abnormality with their
changes that occur throughout the life span? stomach lining leaves them unable to absorb nutrients from
These are the sorts of questions that we address in this food despite adequate consumption. Their disease leads to
chapter on the physical self. We start by examining the major malnutrition, which stunts growth. As Figure 5.1 shows, how-
physical systems that underlie human functioning, including ever, treatment that restores absorption of nutrients leads to
the endocrine and nervous systems. We also look at the repro- dramatic catch-up growth. This catch-up growth after a pe-
ductive system as it matures during adolescence and changes riod of malnutrition or illness reflects the body's struggle to
during adulthood. And we watch the physical self in action, as get back*on the growth course it is genetically programmed to
motor skills develop during childhood and physical fitness follow.
and motor behavior change during adulthood. We identify in- Even features of the natural environment can influence
fluences on physical development and aging so that you can growth and development. People who live in colder climates
better understand why some children develop—and some tend to be shorter and somewhat heavier than those in warmer
older adults age—more rapidly than others. climates (Schell & Knutsen, 2002). This seems to be explained
by the body's temperature control system—people in cold cli-
mates benefit from a smaller surface area through which body
Building B l o c k s o f G r o w t h heat can be lost, and the opposite is true of people in warm cli-
mates. Moreover, children's height gain is fastest in the warm
an d D evelopment spring months and slowest in the cool fall months (Schell &
Knutsen, 2002). Air pollution and noise have also been shown
Physical capabilities are fundamental to what people are able to slightly retard growth and development both prenatally and
to do in life. A 5-year-old child is physically able to experience postnatally (Schell 8c Knutsen, 2002).
the world in ways markedly different from those available to a To understand how growth can be influenced by genes
5-month-old infant. Mariah, for example, can throw a ball and environments, you need to consider the workings of the
with her mom, run with her dog, play hopscotch with her endocrine and nervous systems.
friends, feed and dress herself, and enjoy many of the rides at
the amusement park. Changes in her brain have increased her
memory abilities and capacity to think, and her language skills
are astounding compared with those of the 5-month-old. Yet The endocrine, or hormonal, system consists of a group of en-
Mariah and other 5-year-olds are limited by their physical docrine glands that secrete chemicals called hormones directly
selves. It will be years before their brains are fully developed, into the bloodstream. Perhaps the most critical of the en-
cm i—i—i—r In Chapter 4, you learned about another critical role of the
190
endocrine system. A male fetus will not develop male repro-
GIRLS Height ductive organs unless (1) a gene on his Y chromosome triggers
97 the development of the testes (which are endocrine glands), and
90 ^^
j u
(2) the testes secrete the most important of the male hormones,
testosterone. Male sex hormones become highly important
t>0 CD
25 2.
10 O again during adolescence. When people speak of adolescence as
3
a time of "raging hormones," they are quite right. The testes of
a male secrete large quantities of testosterone and other male
hormones (called androgens). These hormones stimulate the
production of growth hormone, which in turn triggers the ado-
lescent growth spurt. Androgens are also responsible for the de-
velopment of the male sex organs and contribute to sexual mo-
tivation during adulthood.
Meanwhile, in adolescent girls, the ovaries (also en-
docrine glands) produce larger quantities of the primary fe-
male hormone, estrogen, and of progesterone. Estrogen in-
creases dramatically at puberty> stimulating the production of
growth hormone and the adolescent growth spurt, much as
testosterone does in males. It is also responsible for the devel-
opment of the breasts, pubic hair, and female sex organs and
for the control of menstrual cycles throughout a woman's re-
J I ! I ! I 1 I I J I L
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 productive years. Finally, the adrenal glands secrete androgen-

Age, years like hormones that contribute to the maturation of the bones
and muscles in both sexes. There is also evidence that the mat-
Figure 5,1 T h i s s h o w s t h e c a t c h - u p g r o w t h t h a t has uration of the adrenal glands during middle childhood results
^ o c c u r r e d in a girl f o l l o w i n g t r e a t m e n t at a r o u n d age I I
in sexual attraction well before puberty in both boys and girls
f o r h e r celiac s y n d r o m e .
(McClintock & Herdt, 1996) and relates to sexual orientation
Sound: Cameron, N., (2002). Human growth curve, canalization, and catch-up growth. In N. Cameron (Ed.).
Human Growth and Development (p. 19). NY: Academic Press. Copyright © 2002. Reprinted with permission of in adulthood (Arlt et al., 1999). The roles of different en-
Elsevier.
docrine glands in physical growth and development are sum-
docrine glands is the pituitary gland, the so-called master marized in Table 5.1.
gland located at the base of the brain. Directly controlled by In adulthood, endocrine glands continue to secrete hor-
the hypothalamus of the brain, it triggers the release of hormones, under the direction of the hypothalamus and the pi-
mones from all other endocrine glands by sending hormonal tuitary, to regulate bodily processes. For example, thyroid hor-
messages to those glands. Moreover, the pituitary produces mones help the body's cells metabolize (break down) foods
growth hormone, which triggers the production of special- into usable nutrients, and the adrenal glands help the body
ized hormones that directly regulate growth. Children who cope with stress. Throughout the life span, then, the endocrine
lack adequate growth hormone are unlikely to exceed 4 feet system works with the nervous system to keep the body on an
(or 130 cm) in height as adults but can nowT be treated suc- even keel. Yet changes occur; for example, declines in levels of
cessfully with synthetic growth hormone (Vance, Mauras, & sex hormones are associated with menopause. And, as you will
Wood, 1999). By contrast, administering human growth hor- see in Chapter 17, some theorists believe that changes in the
«
mone to children who are simply short and do not have an en- functioning of the endocrine glands late in life bring about ag-
docrine problem is likely to do no good and can even backfire. ing and death.
Hormone treatment tends to induce an early and short pu- In short, the endocrine system, in collaboration with the
berty, and treated children are either early in attaining the nervous system, is centrally involved in growth during child-
height they would have reached anyway or end up smaller hood, physical and sexual maturation during adolescence,
than they would otherwise have been (Rosenfeld, 1997). functioning over the life span, and aging later in life.
The thyroid gland also plays a key role in physical growth
and development and in the development of the nervous sys-
tem. Babies born to mothers who had a thyroid deficiency
during pregnancy have lower IQ scores as children (Haddow None of the physical or mental achievements that we regard as
et al., 1999). Thyroid deficiency during infancy can also lead human would be possible without a functioning nervous sys-
to mental retardation and slow growth if unnoticed and un- tem. Briefly, the nervous system consists of the brain and
treated (Robertson, 1993). Children who develop a thyroid spinal cord (central nervous system) and the neural tissue that
deficiency later in life will not suffer brain damage, because extends into all parts of the body (peripheral nervous system).
most of their brain growth has already occurred, but their Its basic unit is a neuron (see Figure 5.2). Although neurons
physical growth will slow drastically. come in many shapes and sizes, they have some common fea-
Table 5*1 Hormonal Influences on Growth and Development
Endocrine Gland Hormones Produced Effects on Growth and Development
Pituitary Growth hormone Regulates growth from birth through adolescence; triggers adolescent growth spurt
Activating hormones Signal other endocrine glands (such as ovaries and testes) to secrete their hormones
Thyroid Thyroxine Affects growth and development of the brain and helps regulate growth of the body
during childhood
Testes Testosterone Is responsible for development of the male reproductive system during the prenatal
period; directs male sexual development during adolescence
Ovaries Estrogen and Is responsible for regulating the menstrual cycle; estrogen directs female sexual
progesterone development during adolescence
Adrenal glands Adrenal androgens Play a supportive role in the development of muscle and bones; contribute to sexual
motivation
tures. Branching, bushy dendrites receive signals from other stored at the ends of its axons, one neuron can either stimu-
neurons, and the long axon of a neuron transmits signals to late or inhibit the action of another neuron. The axons of
other neurons or, in some cases, directly to a muscle cell. The many neurons become covered by a fatty sheath called myelin,
axon of one neuron makes a connection with another neuron which acts like insulation to speed the transmission of neural
at a tiny gap called a synapse. By releasing neurotransmitters impulses. Myelination begins prenatally but continues for
Nerve impulse
Another neuron
Axon
Synapse
mm
V v
Myelin sheath
N e r v e cell fiber
Dendrites
Axon
(A) Neuron
(B) Neonate 6 months 2 years
Figure 5.2 Parts o f a n e u r o n . ( A ) A l t h o u g h n e u r o n s d i f f e r in size a n d f u n c t i o n , t h e y all c o n t a i n

t h r e e m a i n parts: t h e d e n d r i t e s , w h i c h receive messages f r o m a d j a c e n t n e u r o n s ; t h e cell b o d y ; a n d
t h e a x o n , w h i c h sends messages across t h e synapse t o o t h e r n e u r o n s . ( B ) T h e f o r m a t i o n o f d e n d r i t e s
leading t o n e w c o n n e c t i o n s a m o n g e x i s t i n g n e u r o n s , as w e l l as t h e m y e l i n a t i o n o f n e u r a l p a t h w a y s ,
a c c o u n t s f o r m u c h o f t h e increase in b r a i n w e i g h t d u r i n g a baby's f i r s t 2 years.
many years after birth, proceeding from the spinal cord to the highly adaptable brain can often recover successfully from in-
hindbrain, midbrain, and forebrain. juries. Neurons that are not yet fully committed to their spe-
Now imagine a brain with as many as 100 billion neu- cialized functions can often take over the functions of dam-
rons and each neuron communicating through synapses to aged neurons. Moreover, the immature brain is especially able
thousands of others. How does this brain develop to make to benefit from stimulating experiences. Rats that grow up in
adults more physically and mentally capable than infants? Is enriched environments with plen ty of sensory stimulation de-
it that adults have more neurons than infants do? Do they velop larger, better-functioning brains with more synapses
have more synapses connecting neurons or a more organized than rats that grow up in barren cages (Greenough, Black, &
pattern of connections? And what happens to the brain in Wallace, 1987; Nilsson et a.L, 1999). Brain plasticity is greatest
later life? early in development. However, the organization of synapses
within the nervous system continues to change in response to
Brain D e v e l o p m e n t experience throughout the life span. Animals put through
In Chapter 4, we traced the amazing evolution of the brain their paces in mazes grow bushier dendrites, but their brains
during the prenatal period. Here, we pick up the story by lose some of their complexity if the animals are then moved to
looking at what goes on in the brain from birth onward. less-stimulating quarters (Thompson, 2000).
Although the brain is proportionately the largest and most de- In short, the critical period for brain development—the
veloped part of the body at birth, much development takes time when it proceeds most rapidly—is during the late prena-
place after birth. At birth, the brain weighs about 25% of its tal period and early infancy. The developing brain is charac-
adult weight; by age 2, it reaches 75% of its adult weight; and terized by a good deal of plasticity: normal genes may provide
by age 5, the brain has achieved 90% of its adult weight. The rough guidelines about how the brain should be configured,
myelination of neurons continues throughout childhood and but early experience determines the architecture of the brain.
into adolescence, and the different areas of the brain become One important feature of the developing organization of
more specialized. the brain is the lateralization, or asymmetry, of the two hemi-
The development of the brain early in life is not entirely spheres of the cerebral cortex. Instead of developing identi-
caused by the unfolding of a maturational program; it is the cally, the functions controlled by the two hemispheres diverge
product of a genetic program and early experience. Assuming (Springer & Deutsch, 1997). In most people, the left cerebral
that the infant has normal opportunities to explore and expe- hemisphere controls the right side of the body and is adept at
rience the world, the result will be a normal brain and normal the sequential processing needed for analytic reasoning and
development. However, the lack of normal experiences can in- language processing. The right hemisphere generally controls
terfere with normal brain development. Classic studies con- the left side of the body and is skilled at the simultaneous pro-
ducted by David Hubel and Torsten Wiesel showed that de- cessing of information needed for understanding spatial infor-
priving newborn kittens of normal visual experience by mation and processing visual-motor information. Although it
suturing one eye closed for 8 weeks resulted in a lack of nor- is an oversimplification, the left hemisphere is often called the
mal connections between that eye and the visual cortex—and thinking side of the brain, whereas the right hemisphere is
blindness even after the eye had been reopened (Hubel & called the emotional brain.
Wiesel, 1970). Even as little as 1 week of deprivation during But having two hemispheres of the brain is not the same
the critical period of the first 8 weeks after birth can lead to as having two brains. The hemispheres "communicate" and
permanent vision loss in the kitten (Kandel & Jessell, 1991). work together through the corpus callosum, "the super-
By contrast, depriving an adult cat's eye of light does no per- highway of neurons connecting the halves of the brain"
manent damage. In humans, the critical period for the visual (Gazzaniga, 1998, p. 50). Even though one hemisphere might
cortex appears to extend 6 years; children who have cataracts be more active than the other during certain tasks, they both
or for some other reason are unable to see during their first 6 play a role in all activities. For example, the left hemisphere is
years suffer permanent damage to their vision (Thompson, considered the seat of language because it controls word con-
2000). Similarly, children with strabismus (short, jerky move- tent, grammar, and syntax, but the right hemisphere processes
ments of the two eyeballs resulting in an inability to integrate melody, pitch, sound intensity, and the affective content of
the images from both eyes into a single image) initially have language (Gazzaniga, 2000; Hellige, 1993).
good visual acuity in both eyes. But if the condition is not cor- If one hemisphere is damaged, it may be possible for the
rected early, children typically lose vision in the eye that they other hemisphere to "take over" the functions lost. For exam-
"tune out" to focus on a single image from the other eye ple, in a small sample of children who had their left hemi-
(Kandel & Jessell, 1991). spheres removed to try to reduce or eliminate severe seizures,
This research shows that the immature brain has great all regained normal use of language (Vining et al., 1997; de
plasticity; that is, it is responsive to the individual's experi- Bode & Curtiss, 2000). The sample included two children who
ences and can develop in a variety of ways (Kolb 8c Whishaw, were 12 and 13 years old at the time of surgery—fairly old in
2003). On the negative side, the developing brain is highly vul- terms of brain development. Thus, although the left hemi-
nerable to damage if it is exposed to drugs or diseases (recall sphere processes language in most people (perhaps 92%), the
the description of teratogens in Chapter 4) or if it is deprived right hemisphere may also be able to fill this function (Knecht
of sensory and motor experiences. On the positive side, this et al, 2000; Gazzaniga, 1998).
When does the brain become lateralized? Signs of brain Other changes in the brain also take place between ages
lateralization are clearly evident at birth. Newborns are more 12 and 20. By about age 16, the brain reaches its full cidult
likely to turn their heads to the right than to the left %veight (Tanner, 1990). Myelination of certain pathways, in-
(Thompson 8c Smart, 1993), and one-quarter clearly prefer cluding those that allow people to concentrate for lengthy pe-
the right hand in their grasp reflex (Tan & Tan, 1999). Left riods, continues during adolescence, which may help explain
hemispheric specialization is evident among 5- to 12-month - why infants, toddlers, school-age children, and even young
old babies who engaged in babbling, thought by many to be a adolescents have shorter attention spans than do older adoles-
precursor of language (Holowka & Petitto, 2002). This evi- cents and adults (Tanner, 1990). New evidence indicates that
dence suggests that young brains are already organized in a myelination continues well into adulthood, which may ex-
lateralized fashion. Still, preference for one side of the body plain why adults are better able than teenagers to integrate
over the other becomes more stable and systematic through- thoughts and emotions (Benes, 1998). The speed at which the
out childhood. nervous system processes information also continues to in-
Signs of lateralization so early in life suggest that it has a crease during adolescence (Kail, 1991).
genetic basis. Further support for the role of genes comes Finally, although 12-year-olds, even those who are intel-
from family studies of handedness. Overall, about 9 in 10 peo- lectually gifted, are often "clever," they are rarely what people
ple rely on their right hands (or left hemispheres) to write and would call "wise." They can solve many problems correctly, but
perform other motor activities. In families where both parents they are not as skilled as older adolescents or adults at showing
are right-handed, the odds of having a left-handed child are foresight or adopting broad perspectives on problems
only 2 in 100. These odds increase to 17 in 100 when one par- (Segalowitz, Unsal, 8c Dvwan, 1992). Although changes in the
ent is left-handed and to 46 in 100 when both parents are left- brain during adolescence are less dramatic than those earlier in
handed (Springer & Deutsch, 1997). This suggests a genetic life, it is likely that some of the cognitive growth researchers
basis to handedness, although it could also indicate that chil- observe during the teenage years becomes possible only be-
dren become left-handed because of experiences provided by cause of further brain development. For instance, when cou-
left-handed parents. However, experience would not account pled with appropriate physical and social experiences, matura-
for head-turning preferences in young infants or for the dif- tion of the brain contributes to the development of scientific
ferential activation of the left and right hemispheres observed reasoning ability. Changes in the brain during adolescence may
in newborns when listening to speech sounds. Thus, nature also account for some of the risky behaviors associated with
seems to account better than nurture for much of the lateral- this period (see Lhe Explorations box on page 117).
ization of the brain.
Overall, then, the brain appears to be structured very The Aging Brain
early so that the two hemispheres of the cortex will be capable Many people fear that aging means losing brain cells and ulti-
of specialized functioning. As we develop, most of us come to mately becoming "senile." As you will see in Chapter 16,
rely more on the left hemisphere to carry out language activi- Alzheimer's disease (and other conditions that cause serious
ties and more on the right hemisphere to do such things as brain damage and dementia) is not part of normal aging; it
perceive spatial relationships. We also come to rely more con- does not affect most older people. Normal aging is associated
sistently on one hemisphere, usually the left, to control many with gradual and relatively mild degeneration within the
of our physical activities. nervous system—some loss of neurons, diminished function-
When does the brain complete its development? In the ing of many remaining neurons, and potentially harmful
past, the answer to this question might have been adoles- changes in the tissues surrounding and supporting the neu-
cence, childhood, or even infancy. Today, however, the an- rons, such as the protective myelin covering (Hof 8c Mobbs,
swer is that brain development is never truly complete; the 2001; Peters, 2002). Just as brain weight and volume increase
brain changes across the life span. Nonetheless, there are pe- over the childhood years, they decrease over the adult years,
riods when the brain experiences growth spurts (Thompson especially after age 50 (Courchesne et al., 2000; Resnick,
et al., 2000). These growth spurts seem to occur at the times 2000). As people age, more of their neurons atrophy or shrivel,
in infancy, childhood, and adolescence when Jean Piaget and transmit signals less effectively, and ultimately die (Hof 8c
others believe major cognitive breakthroughs occur (see, for Mobbs, 2001). Elderly adults may end up with 5 to 30% fewer
example, Epstein, 2001; Kwon 8c Lawson, 2000; Somsen et neurons, depending on the brain site studied, than they had in
al., 1997). For example, teenagers are more likely than chil- young adulthood. Neuron loss is greater in the areas of the
dren to ask hypothetical "what if" questions and to reason brain that control sensory and motor activities than in either
about weighty abstractions such as truth and justice. the association areas of the cortex (involved in thought) or the
Reorganization of the brain may be responsible for such brain stem and lower brain (involved in basic life functions
breakthroughs in adolescent thinking. For example, matura- such as breathing) (Whitbourne, 2004).
tion of the prefrontal lobes during adolescence enables stu- Other signs of brain degeneration besides neuron loss in-
dents to focus on task-relevant material and block task-irrel- clude declines in the levels of important neurotransmitters;
evant information (Casey, Giedd 8c Thomas, 2000; Kwon & the formation of "senile plaques," hard areas in the tissue sur-
Lawson, 2000). rounding neurons that may interfere with neuronal function-
A d o l e s c e n t s are n o t o r i o u s f o r taking c h a n c e s t h a t m o s t
adults would n o t t a k e . T h e y o f t e n display p o o r judg-
m e n t and decision making w h e n it c o m e s t o alcohol, drug,
and cigarette use and t o t h e i r sexual activities and driving.
In a I - y e a r period, f o r e x a m p l e , 10 Kansas City a d o l e s c e n t s
w e r e killed in a series of a u t o m o b i l e accidents t h a t resulted
from "hill hopping' 1 —getting a c a r a i r b o r n e as it c r e s t s t h e
t o p o f a hill (Williams, 2 0 0 0 ) . A c c o r d i n g t o t h e National
C e n t e r f o r Health Statistics ( 2 0 0 0 b ) , o t h e r risky behaviors
during a d o l e s c e n c e include t h e following:
• Smoking f r e q u e n t l y ( r e p o r t e d by 17% of a d o l e s c e n t s )
• Drinking a l c o h o l ( a b o u t 5 0 % )
• Drinking and driving ( 1 3 % )
• Riding with a driver w h o has b e e n drinking ( 3 3 % )
• Using marijuana ( 2 7 % )
• Carrying w e a p o n s ( 1 7 % )
• Having u n p r o t e c t e d s e x ( 4 2 % )
Various explanations have b e e n offered f o r a d o l e s c e n t s '

risk taking, including t h e need t o s e p a r a t e from parents and
t h e influence of t h e p e e r group (for e x a m p l e , A r n e t t , 2 0 0 2 ) .
Several r e s e a r c h e r s a r e beginning t o find c o n n e c t i o n s be-
t w e e n brain d e v e l o p m e n t and risky behavior during adoles-
cence. Linda Spear (2000b) found that the prefrontal
c o r t e x — t h a t part o f t h e brain involved in c o n t r o l o f e m o -
tions and decision m a k i n g — d e c r e a s e s in size and under-
g o e s a reorganization o f neuronal c o n n e c t i o n s during ado-
lescence ( s e e also Casey, Giedd, & T h o m a s , 2 0 0 0 ) . T h e
prefrontal c o r t e x appears t o b e particularly i m p o r t a n t in
planning and thinking through t h e c o n s e q u e n c e s of deci-
sions. In o t h e r research, t e e n a g e r s had less activity in a part volved in novelty seeking and in determining t h e motiva-
of t h e brain t h a t has been a s s o c i a t e d with a desire f o r re- tional value o f activities (Spear, 2 0 0 0 a ) . If this holds t r u e for
ward ( B j o r k e t al., 2 0 0 4 ) . T h i s underactivity may mean t h a t human a d o l e s c e n t s , then t h e i r risky behaviors may reflect a
t e e n s need m o r e stimulation t o achieve t h e s a m e level o f combination o f seeking n e w e x p e r i e n c e s and changing in-
reward that o t h e r s achieve with less stimulation, leading centive value of s t i m u l i — b o t h influenced by changes in
t h e m t o engage in m o r e risky behaviors. brain c h e m i s t r y and i n c o m p l e t e d e v e l o p m e n t of t h e pre-
Thus, a growing body of research suggests s o m e c o n - frontal c o r t e x during a d o l e s c e n c e . S o far, t h e research with
nection b e t w e e n brain activity and risk-taking behavior dur- humans s e e m s t o s u p p o r t this b r a i n - b e h a v i o r c o n n e c t i o n .
ing t h e t e e n years. N e u r o t r a n s m i t t e r s (brain chemicals) may T h e a d o l e s c e n t brain, then, is still a w o r k in progress, and
help explain this link. Animal research reveals that one s o m e risk taking by t e e n a g e r s may be par f o r t h e c o u r s e un-
chemical, dopamine, r e a c h e s peak levels during a d o l e s c e n c e til f u r t h e r brain d e v e l o p m e n t s , such as maturation of t h e
in t h e prefrontal c o r t e x and limbic system b e f o r e dropping prefrontal c o r t e x , refine t h e i r g o o d judgment and decision
and t h e n leveling off (Lewis e t al., 1 9 9 8 ) . T h i s chemical is in- making.
ing and are seen in abundance in people with Alzheimer's dis- degeneration, as you will see later, is that older brains typically
ease; and reduced blood flow to the brain, which may starve process information more slowly than younger brains do.
neurons of the oxygen and nutrients they need to function On the positive side, research shows that the brain can
(Hof 8c Mobbs, 2001). One of the main implications of such change in response to experience and develop new capabilities
vary widely in how effectively they learn, remember, and think
and in how well their intellectual abilities hold up as they age.
'On average, however, plasticity and growth may make up for
degeneration until people are in their 70s and 80s. One key to
maintaining or even improving performance in old age is to
avoid the many diseases that can interfere with nervous system
functioning. Another key is to remain intellectually active—to
create an "enriched environment" for the brain. You can reject
the view that aging involves nothing but a slow death of neural
tissue. Old brains can learn new tricks.
Principles of G r o w t h
To complete this explanation of the building blocks of growth
and physical development, we will look at three principles that
underlie growth. Knowledge of these principles allows re-
€ M e n t a l "exercise 1 ' l a t e r in life is likely t o c o n t r i b u t e t o n e u r a l searchers to make general predictions about growth patterns. It
g r o w t h in t h e aging b r a i n a n d c o m p e n s a t e f o r n e u r a l d e g e n e r a t i o n . is easiest to see these principles in action during infancy when
growth is fast. For instance, you have probably noticed that
throughout: the life span (see Nelson & Luciana, 2001). young infants seem to be all head compared with older chil-
Neurons can form new synapses and extend their dendrites dren and adults. That is because growth follows the cephalo-
(Kolb 8c Whishaw, 2003), thus filling in gaps left by dying neu- caudal principle according to which growth occurs in a head-
rons. This self-repair demonstrates at least some degree of to-tail direction. This pattern is clear in Figure 5.3: The head is
plasticity in the aging brain, just as in the young brain. far ahead of the rest of the body during the prenatal period and
What does it mean for older adults that both degeneration accounts for about 25% of the newborn's length and 13% of
and plasticity—both losses and gains—characterize the aging total body weight. But the head accounts for only 12% of an
brain? In some people, degeneration may win and declines in adult's height and 2 % of adult weight (Zemel, 2002). During
intellectual performance will occur. In other people, plasticity the first year after birth, the trunk grows the fastest; in the sec-
may prevail; their brains may form new and adaptive neural ond year, the legs are the fastest growing part of the body.
connections faster than they are lost so that performance on When infants are growing from the head downward, they
some tasks may actually improve with age (at least until very are also growing and developing muscles from the center out-
old age). As you will see in Chapters 7, 8, and 9, older adults ward to the extremities. This proximodistal principle of
2 months 5 months Newborn 2 years 6 years 12 y e a r s 25 years

(fetal) (fetal)
Figure 5.3 C h a n g e s in t h e p r o p o r t i o n s o f t h e h u m a n b o d y f r o m fetal p e r i o d t h r o u g h a d u l t h o o d .

T h e h e a d r e p r e s e n t s 5 0 % o f b o d y length at 2 m o n t h s a f t e r c o n c e p t i o n b u t o n l y 12 t o I 3% o f a d u l t
height. By c o n t r a s t , t h e legs c o n s t i t u t e o n l y a b o u t 12 t o I 3% o f t h e length o f a 2 - m o n t h - o l d fetus b u t
5 0 % o f an adult's h e i g h t
growth can be seen during the prenatal period, when the chest is stunted by a poor prenatal environment (Lejarraga, 2002).
and internal organs form before the arms, hands, and fingers. Size during the first few months after birth is related more to
During the first year after birth, the trunk is rapidly filling out prenatal experiences (environment) than to size of parent
but the arms remain short and stubby until they undergo their (genes). This is easy to see with the birth of twins and other
own period of rapid development. multiples, whose prenatal growth is significantly restricted by
A third important principle of growth and development siblings competing for the limited space in the mother's womb.
is the orthogenetic principle. This means that development In the first few months after birth, infants grow rapidly,
starts globally and undifferentiated and moves toward in- gaining nearly an ounce of weight a day and an inch in length
creasing differentiation and hierarchical integration (Werner, each month. By age 2, they have already attained about half of
1957). Consider a human who starts as a single, undifferenti- their eventual adult height and weigh 27 to 30 pounds.
ated cell at conception. As growth proceeds, that single cell be- Although we usually think of growth as a slow and steady
comes billions of highly specialized cells (neurons, blood cells, process, daily measurements of infant length show that babies
liver cells, and so on). These differentiated cells become or- grow in fits and starts (Lampl, 2002). They may grow a couple
ganized, or integrated, into functioning systems such as the of centimeters a day then not grow for a few weeks before ex-
brain or the digestive system. periencing another little growth spurt. In the end, 90 to 9 5 %
Having looked at the building blocks of growth and devel- of an infant's days are growth free, yet their occasional bursts
opment, you are ready to examine the development and aging of of physical growth add up to substantial increases in size.
the physical self. We concentrate on the body (its size, composi- Bones and muscles are also developing quickly during in-
tion, and functioning) and the use of body and brain in physical fancy. At birth, most bones are soft, pliable, and difficult to
activities such as locomotion and finely controlled movements. break. They are too small and flexible to allow7 newborns to sit
up or balance themselves when pulled to a standing position.
Summing Up The soft cartilage-like tissues of the young infant gradually os-
sify (harden) into bony material as calcium and other miner-
It is clear that genetic and environmental factors are
als are deposited into them. In addition, more bones develop,
closely intertwined in the development of the physical
and they become more closely interconnected. As for muscles,
self. The plasticity of the infant brain allows it to-select
young infants are relative weaklings. They have all the muscle
certain neural connections over others in response to
cells they will ever have, but their strength will increase as
normal early experiences and to benefit from enriching
their muscles grow.
stimulation. During childhood, neural transmission speeds
up and lateralization of various brain functions, although
present at birth, becomes more evident in behavior
During adolescence, the brain, especially the prefrontal
Newborns used to be viewed as helpless little organisms ill
cortex, continues to develop, permitting sustained atten-
prepared to cope with the world outside the womb. We now
tion and strategic planning.The aging brain exhibits both
know that they are equipped to begin life. Just what can a new-
degeneration and plasticity. Neurons atrophy and die, and
born do? Among the most important capabilities are reflexes,
blood flow to the brain decreases; but the aging brain
functioning senses, a capacity to learn, and organized, indi-
forms new synapses to compensate for neural loss and
vidualized patterns of waking and sleeping.
reorganizes itself in response to learning experiences.
Physical growth proceeds according to the cephalocaudal Reflexes
(head-to-tail), proximodistal (center outward), and or-
One of the newborn's greatest strengths is a full set of useful
thogenetic (global and undifferentiated to integrated and
reflexes. A reflex is an unlearned and involuntary response to
differentiated) principles. •
a stimulus, such as when the eye automatically blinks in re-
sponse to a puff of air. Reflexes can be contrasted with
the newborn's spontaneous arm waving, leg kicking, and
JTlie I n f a n t thrashing—movements that have no obvious stimulus. Table
5.2 lists some reflexes that can be readily observed in all nor-
Infancy is characterized by rapid growth, continued brain de- mal newborns. These seemingly simple reactions are quite
velopment, emergence of locomotor skills, and impressive sen- varied and complex patterns of behavior.
sory and reflexive capabilities. Understanding the newborn's ca- Some reflexes are called survival reflexes because they
pacities and limitations brings a fuller appreciation of the have clear adaptive value. Examples include the breathing re-
dramatic changes that take place between birth and adulthood. flex (useful for obvious reasons), the eye-blink reflex (which
protects against bright lights or foreign particles), and the
sucking reflex (needed to obtain food). Those called primitive
reflexes are not clearly useful; many are believed to be rem-
Newborns are typically about 20 inches long and weigh 7 to 7V2 nants of evolutionary history that have outlived their purpose
pounds. However, weight and length at birth can mislead about (but see Schott & Rossor, 2003, for another perspective).
eventual weight and height because the growth of some fetuses Babinski reflex is a good example. Why would it be adaptive
Reflexes
SURVIVAL REFLEXES
Breathing reflex Permanent Provides oxygen; expels carbon dioxide
Eye-blink reflex Permanent Protects eyes from bright light or foreign
objects
Pupillary reflex: Constriction of pupils Permanent Protects against bright light; adapts visual
to bright light; dilation to dark or dimly system to low illumination
lit surroundings
Rooting reflex: Turning a cheek toward Weakens by 2 months; disappears by Orients child to breast or bottle
a tactile (touch) stimulus 5 months
Sucking reflex: Sucking on objects placed Is gradually modified by experience over Allows child to take in nutrients
(or taken) into mouth the first few months after birth; disappears
by 7 months
Swallowing reflex Is permanent but modified by experience Allows child to take in nutrients; protects
against choking
PRIMITIVE REFLEXES
Babinski reflex: Fanning then curling toes Disappears 12-18 months after birth Presence at birth and disappearance in first
when bottom of foot is stroked year indicate normal neurological
development
Grasping reflex: Curling fingers around Disappears in first 3 - 4 months; is replaced Presence at birth and later disappearance
objects (such as a finger) that touch the by a voluntary grasp indicate normal neurological development
baby's palm
Moro reflex: Loud noise or sudden change Disappears by 4 months; however, child Presence at birth and later disappearance
in position of baby's head will cause baby continues to react to unexpected noises or a (or evolution into startle reflex) indicate
to throw arms outward, arch back, then loss of bodily support by showing startle normal neurological development
bring arms toward each other reflex (which does not disappear)
Swimming reflex: Infant immersed in water Disappears in first 4 - 6 months Presence at birth and later disappearance
will display active movements of arms and indicate normal neurological development
legs and will involuntarily hold breath
(thus staying afloat for some time)
Stepping reflex: Infants held upright so that Disappears in first 8 weeks unless infant has Presence at birth and later disappearance
their feet touch a flat surface will step as regular opportunities to practice it * indicate normal neurological development
if to walk
Preterm infants may show little to no cvidencc o f primitive reflexes at birth, and their survival reflexes are likely to be irregular or immature. However, the
missing reflexes will typically appear soon after birth and will disappear a little later than they do among full-term infants.
d Rooting reflex € Grasping reflex C Stepping reflex

for infants to fan their toes when the bottoms of their feet are when parents are tired and hoping for some peace. The in-
stroked? We do not know. Other primitive reflexes may have fant's nervous system can be overstimulated by the flood of
some adaptive value, at least in some cultures. For example, stimulation received during the day. Somehow, the arousal
the grasping reflex may help infants carried in slings or on needs to be reduced—perhaps by crying and then sleeping.
their mothers' hips to hang on. Finally, some primitive re- Adults sometimes marvel at. how infants can sleep through the
flexes—for example, the stepping reflex—are forerunners of loudest noises and the brightest lights, but being able to do so
useful voluntary behaviors that develop later in infancy. The may serve a valuable function. As the Explorations box on
expression of primitive reflexes at age 6 weeks, however, is not page 122 shows, sleep is important across the life span and in-
related to the expression of later motor behaviors (Bartlett, adequate sleep can take its toll in a variety of ways.
1997). Thus, infants who demonstrate a strong primitive Research on infant states also makes it clear that new-
grasping reflex at 6 weeks are not necessarily the infants who borns have a good deal of individuality (Thoman & Whitney,
demonstrate a strong voluntary grasp later in infancy. 1990). In one study a newborn was observed to be in an alert
Primitive reflexes typically disappear during the early waking state only 4 % of the time, whereas another was alert
months of infancy. For instance, the grasping reflex becomes 37% of the time (Brown, 1964). Similarly, one newborn cried
weak by 4 months. These primitive reflexes are controlled by only 17% of the time, but another spent 39% of its time cry-
the lower, subcortical areas of the brain and are lost as the ing. Premature babies spend more time in transitions from
higher centers of the cerebral cortex develop and make volun- one state to another, and the time they spend in any particu-
tary motor behaviors possible. Even though many primitive lar state is shorter than it is for full-term infants (Wyly, 1997).
reflexes are not very useful to infants, they have proven to be Such variations among infants have obvious implications for
extremely useful in diagnosing infants5 neurological problems. parents. It is likely to be far more pleasant to be with a baby
If such reflexes are not present at birth—or if they last too who is often alert and rarely cries than it is to interact with a
long in infancy—physicians know that something is wrong baby who is rarely attentive and frequently fussy. As you saw
with a baby's nervous system. The existence of reflexes at birth in Chapter 3, both genetic endowment and environment con-
tells them that infants come to life ready to respond to stimu- tribute to these kinds of differences in infant temperament.
lation in adaptive ways. The disappearance of certain reflexes Life becomes easier for parents (in some ways) as infants
tells them that the nervous system is developing normally and age. As Table 5.3 shows, infants gradually spend more time
that experience is affecting both brain and behavior. awake and less time eating, fussing, and crying. Although their
sleep times do not change much, their sleep patterns do: they
Behavioral States sleep for longer periods at night and take fairly predictable
Another sign that newborns are equipped for life is their abil- naps during the day.
ity to establish organized and individualized patterns of daily
activity. Settling info an organized sleep-wake pattern is an Sensing and L e a r n i n g
indication that the baby is integrating biological, physiologi- As you saw in Chapter 4, the sensory systems are developing
cal, and psychosocial information (Sadeh, Raviv, & Gruber, before birth, and all of the senses are functioning reasonably
2000). Infants must move from short sleep-wake cycles dis- well at birth. Newborns see and hear, and they respond to
tributed throughout the day and night to a pattern that in- tastes, smells, and touches in predictable ways. For instance,
cludes longer sleep periods at night with longer wake periods newborns can visually track slow-moving objects, they can
during the day. Much to their tired parents' dismay, newborns turn in the direction of sounds, they can turn from unpleas-
have no clear sense of night or day and may wake every 1 to 4 ant odors; they are responsive to touch, and they show prefer-
hours. By 3 months, infants begin to establish a predictable ences for sweet tastes (Wyly, 1997). We will explore these sen-
sleep-wake cycle; by 6 months three-quarters have settled into sory capabilities further in Chapter 6.
a fairly consistent pattern (Minard, Freudigman, & Thoman,
1999). They spend more time asleep at night and awake dur-
ing the day, and many sleep through the night. Newborns
spend half of their sleeping hours in active sleep, also called
REM sleep (for the rapid eye movements that occur during
it). Infants older than 6 months spend only 25 to 30% of their
total sleep in REM sleep, which more closely resembles the Behavior 2 Weeks 6 Weeks 12 Weeks 40 Weeks
20% that adults spend in REM sleep. Sleeping 59% 56% 57% 55%
Why do young infants sleep so much and spend so much
Awake 14 19 25 34
more time in REM sleep than adults? Daphne and Charles
Feeding 17 15 11 8
Maurer (1988) suggest that infants use sleep to regulate sen-
sory stimulation. Being bombarded by too much stimulation Fussing 5 6 5 3
can "overload" the immature nervous system. To reduce the Crying 4 3 2 <1
stimulation, infants tend to become less active, grow quieter, Note especially the increase in time awake. Because o f rounding, the
and shift into sleep. This may explain why infants are notori- columns do not total 100%.
ously fussy at the end of a busy day—often at dinnertime SOURCE: Adapted from St. James-Roberts & Plewis, 1996, Table 2.
I mpaired by sleep loss, individuals s t a r t a task feeling fine.
Minutes later, however, heads begin t o nod, and t h e r a t e o f

age children w h o get a p o o r night's sleep, as measured by how
restless they w e r e during t h e night, perform poorly on a variety
of m e m o r y tasks (Steenari e t al., 2 0 0 3 ) .
deterioration a c c e l e r a t e s . Instead o f being able t o sustain Getting a g o o d night's sleep only s e e m s t o g e t m o r e diffi-
attention f o r a 4 5 - m i n u t e l e c t u r e in a c l a s s r o o m , f o r e x a m p l e , cult as children m o v e into middle s c h o o l . Katia Fredriksen and
a s t u d e n t might b e able t o manage only 3 t o 5 minutes" h e r colleagues ( 2 0 0 4 ) found that sixth g r a d e r s w h o g o t little
(National A c a d e m y of Sciences, 2 0 0 0 , p. 15). sleep had l o w e r s e l f - e s t e e m , p o o r e r grades, and m o r e d e p r e s -
H o w much sleep do people need, and what happens when sion s y m p t o m s than t h e i r w e l l - r e s t e d p e e r s . Furthermore,
they d o not get enough? As t h e figure in this Explorations b o x h o u r s of sleep obtained declined during middle s c h o o l ; girls
illustrates, sleep needs change a c r o s s age, with infants needing w e r e m o r e likely than boys t o c u t t h e i r sleep s h o r t by getting
t h e m o s t and adults t h e least n u m b e r of hours p e r night. up earlier in t h e morning. By extending t h e i r sleep just 4 0 t o
Experts r e c o m m e n d that 2 - t o 5-year-olds should g e t at least 6 0 minutes, 9 - t o 12-year-olds can increase t h e i r p e r f o r m a n c e
12 hours of sleep every night, school-age children should get at significantly (Sadeh, G r u b e r , & Raviv, 2 0 0 3 ) .
least 10 hours, and t e e n s should g e t a b o u t 9 hours of sleep (see, Teenagers are especially likely t o b e at risk f o r daytime
f o r example, W . C o l e , 2 0 0 3 ) . sleepiness and the consequences associated with fatigue.
Among preschoolers, lack of a good nights sleep is associ- Changes in t h e s l e e p - w a k e cycle, melatonin production, and
ated with behavioral problems such as acting o u t and not c o m - circadian rhythms during a d o l e s c e n c e mean t h a t t h e " n a t u r a l "
plying with requests (Lavigne et al., 1999). Teachers r e p o r t that t i m e f o r falling asleep shifts later t o at least I 1:00 p.m.Teens
at least 10% of their elementary school-age students have trou- r e p o r t later b e d t i m e s f r o m age 10 t o age 17 (Wolfson &
ble staying awake in t h e classroom ( O w e n s e t aL, 2 0 0 0 ) . School-
z>
o
_c
* Percent of
CL total sleep
(D
0)
CD
>
'ctf
~o
IB
o
20-23 o
CL
4 -
NREM sleep o
CD
CD
2 -
"Sr
o
c—s
CO
0
Age 0-12 3-5 6-23 2-3 3-5 5-9 10- 14-18 19-30 33-45 50 70+
wks mos mos yrs yrs yrs 13 yrs yrs yrs yrs yrs
yrs
Neonate Ado-
V V
les-
Infants Children Adults Old age
cents
F i g u r e 5.1 G r a p h s h o w i n g changes w i t h age in t h e t o t a l a m o u n t o f daily sleep a n d t h e p e r c e n t -

age o f REM s l e e p . T h e r e is a sharp d r o p in t h e a m o u n t o f REM sleep a f t e r t h e early years, falling
f r o m 8 h o u r s at b i r t h t o less t h a n I h o u r in o l d a g e . T h e change in t h e a m o u n t o f n o n - R E M ( N R E M )
sleep is m u c h less m a r k e d , falling f r o m 8 h o u r s t o a b o u t 5 h o u r s o v e r t h e life span.
SOURCE: http://www.sleephomepages.org/sleepsyllabus/ffrc.html
Carskadon, 1 9 9 8 ) . Although psychosocial f a c t o r s may c o n -
t r i b u t e t o later b e d t i m e s than in childhood (for example, talk-
ing late into t h e night with friends), biological factors—
p u b e r t y in p a r t i c u l a r — s e e m primarily responsible (National
Sleep Foundation, 2 0 0 4 ) . Teens w h o g o t o bed at I 1:00 p.m.
should n o t w a k e up until around 8 : 0 0 a.m. if they are t o g e t
the recommended a m o u n t of sleep. However, m o s t teens
( 8 4 % ) find t h e m s e l v e s getting o u t of bed b e f o r e 7 : 0 0 a.m., and
2 5 % g e t up by 6 : 0 0 a.m., t o g e t t o s c h o o l on t i m e . High s c h o o l s
typically s t a r t earlier than middle o r e l e m e n t a r y schools, often
by 7 : 3 0 a.m. and usually t o a c c o m m o d a t e bus s c h e d u l e s . T h u s ,
just w h e n t h e i r biological c l o c k s are pushing back sleep t i m e s
at night, s c h o o l s are getting t e e n s up earlier in t h e morning.
W h a t are the c o n s e q u e n c e s f o r t e e n s w h o do n o t get
enough sleep? Teens r e p o r t g r e a t e r sleepiness during t h e day
and are quicker t o fall asleep than younger children w h o g e t
t h e s a m e a m o u n t o f sleep. Sleepiness is associated with de-
c r e a s e d motivation o r t r o u b l e initiating and maintaining activ-
ity, especially on " b o r i n g " tasks (Dahl, 1999).Tired teens^may b e
able t o successfully navigate a favorite class o r read a particu-
larly g o o d b o o k , but t h e s e s a m e t e e n s may have t r o u b l e c o m -
pleting an assignment in their least favorite s u b j e c t o r studying
f o r an e x a m . T e e n s w h o have had their sleep restricted display they are raising children, which c o r r e s p o n d s t o t h e time c a r e e r
increased sleepiness in p r o p o r t i o n t o t h e n u m b e r of nights demands are likely t o b e high, many adults (about two-thirds)
that their sleep is reduced. But surprisingly—at least t o many r e p o r t that they do not get enough sleep (National Sleep
a d u l t s — t h e s e s a m e " t e e n s " p e r k up" in t h e evenings and s h o w Foundation, 2 0 0 4 ) . And o n e o u t of every five parents r e p o r t s
high levels of energy t h a t discourage t h e m from going t o bed that daily functioning is impaired at least several days a w e e k be-
early (National A c a d e m y o f Sciences, 2 0 0 0 ) . cause that person feels s o tired. T h e implications of this for
Teens w h o sleep less at night o r w h o stay up later on t h e w o r k e r productivity and safety are t r e m e n d o u s .
w e e k e n d s than t h e i r p e e r s r e p o r t higher levels of depression, O l d e r adults, although they sleep less at night, often c o m -
irritability, and lack o f t o l e r a n c e f o r frustration (Dahl, 1999; p e n s a t e by taking a nap during t h e day. T h e y are also m o r e
W o l f s o n & C a r s k a d o n , 1998). T h e y may also have difficulty likely t o r e p o r t sleep p r o b l e m s such as difficulty staying asleep
controlling their e m o t i o n a l r e s p o n s e s , which leads t o g r e a t e r and r e p e a t e d awakenings during t h e night. C h a n g e s in physiol-
e x p r e s s i o n of aggression o r anger (Dahl, 1 9 9 9 ) . Like y o u n g e r ogy, such as d e c r e a s e d production of melatonin and growth
children, t e e n s w h o d o n o t g e t enough sleep have t r o u b l e c o n - h o r m o n e , both o f which help regulate sleep, c o n t r i b u t e t o t h e
centrating in s c h o o l , e x p e r i e n c e s h o r t - t e r m m e m o r y prob- sleep p r o b l e m s e x p e r i e n c e d by o l d e r adults. In addition, o l d e r
lems, and may d o z e off in class (National Sleep Foundation, adults a r e m o r e likely t o e x p e r i e n c e health p r o b l e m s such as
2004). arthritis and congestive h e a r t failure t h a t disrupt sleep and t o
In addition t o causing lapses o f attention, sleep deprivation take medications that decrease sleep (National Sleep
also slows r e a c t i o n times. Together, t h e s e increase t h e likeli- Foundation, 2 0 0 4 ) .
h o o d o f accidents, which may help explain why a d o l e s c e n t s For all ages, learning m o r e a b o u t sleep needs and t h e effects
have higher rates o f c a r a c c i d e n t s than any o t h e r age group. of sleep deprivation can lead t o healthy lifestyle changes.
B e c o m i n g d r o w s y o r falling asleep behind t h e wheel o f a c a r Adhering t o a regular bedtime and wake time on t h e weekends
c o n t r i b u t e s t o m o r e than 1 0 0 , 0 0 0 accidents every year, and and on school and w o r k days can help maintain healthy sleep
more than half of t h e s e accidents involve young drivers habits. Unfortunately, "sleeping in" on t h e w e e k e n d s alters t h e
(National Sleep Foundation, 2 0 0 4 ) . A n o t h e r I million car s l e e p - w a k e cycle and makes it m o r e difficult t o get up early f o r
c r a s h e s e v e r y year a r e caused by driver inattention, a c o r r e - w o r k o r school Monday morning. So, n e x t time you find your-
late o f sleepiness. self dozing off in class o r at w o r k , d o n o t jump t o t h e conclu-
Finally, w h a t a b o u t adults and older adults? Young adults sion that the w o r k you are doing is boring. It may be that your
sleep 7 t o 8 hours per night; this d e c r e a s e s t o 6'/2 t o 7!/2 hours s l e e p - w a k e cycle is o u t of sync with t h e schedule imposed on
during middle age and drops even f u r t h e r during old age. W h e n you by school o r w o r k .
Another strength of newborns is their ability to learn
Table 5.4 Age Norms for* Important Motor
from their experiences. They can, for example, learn to suck
Milestones During the First Year
faster if sucking produces pleasant-tasting sugary liquid rather
than plain water (Lipsitt, 1990). In other words, they can Age (in months) Milestone
change their behavior according to its consequences. This is
2 Lifts head up when lying on stomach
an example of the process of operant conditioning introduced
3 Rolls over from stomach to back; holds
in Chapter 2.
head steady when being carried
Newborn infants are competent and ready for life. They
4 Grasps a cube or other small object
have a range of reflexes, functioning senses, a capacity to learn,
and an organized and unique pattern of waking and sleeping. 5 Sits without support toward end of month
But when you think about newborns in comparison with 6 Stands holding on to something
adults, it is also clear that newborns are limited beings. Their 7 Rolls over from back to stomach and may
brains are not nearly as developed as they will be by the end of begin to crawl or creep; shows thumb
infancy. Their capacity to move voluntarily and intentionally opposition
is limited, and although their senses are working, they cannot 8 Pulls self up to standing position
interpret stimuli as well as an older individual can. They can
9 Walks holding on to furniture; bangs two
learn, but they are slow learners compared with older chil- objects together
dren, often requiring many learning trials before they form an
10 Plays clapping games (e.g., pat-a-cake)
association between stimulus and response. And they clearly
11 Stands alone
lack important social and communication skills. In short,
newborns have strengths and limitations—strengths that can 12 Walks well alone; drinks from a cup
serve as building blocks for later development and limitations Based on Anglo American, Hispanic, and African American children in the
that show much remains to be accomplished. United States. Indicates the age at which 5 0 % o f infants have demonstrated
the skill. Keep in mind that there are large individual differences in when in-
fants display various developmental milestones.
Physical Behavior SOURCES: Bayley, 1993; Frankenburg et al., 1992.
The motor behaviors of newborns are far more organized and

sophisticated than ihey appear at first glance, but newborns
are not ready to dance or thread needles. By age 2, however, trunk are mastered before activities involving the arms and
immobile infants have become toddlers, walking up and down legs, and activities involving the arms and legs are mastered be-
stairs by themselves and using their hands to accomplish sim- fore activities involving the hands and fingers or feet and toes.
ple self-care tasks and to operate toys. How do the motor skills Therefore, infants can roll over before they can walk or bring
involved in walking and manipulating objects develop? their arms together to grasp a bottle, and children generally
master gross motor skills (skills such as kicking the legs or
Locomotor Development drawing large circles that involve large muscles and whole body
Table 5.4 shows the age at which half of U.S. infants master or limb movements) before mastering fine motor skills (skills
particular motor milestones. This average age of mastery is such as picking Cheerios off the breakfast table or writing let-
called the developmental norm for a skill. Developmental ters of the alphabet that involve precise movements of the
norms such as these must be interpreted carefully. They de- hands and fingers or feet and toes). As the nerves and muscles
pend on the group studied (children walk earlier today than mature downward and outward, infants gradually gain control
they used to and walk earlier in some cultures than in others), over the lower and the peripheral parts of their bodies.
and they hide a good deal of variation among children, even The orthogenetic principle is also evident in early motor
in the sequence in which skills are mastered (von Ilofsten, development. A young infant is likely to hurl his body as a unit
1993). Finally, most children who master a skill earlier or later at a bottle of milk held close by (a global response). An older
than the developmental norm are still within the normal infant gains the eibility to move specific parts of her body sep-
range of development. Parents should not be alarmed if their arately (a differentiated response); she may be able to extend
child is 1 or 2 months "behind" the norm; only significantly one arm toward the bottle without extending the other arm,
delayed achievement of new skills is cause for concern. move the hand but not the arm to grasp it, and so on, making
Can you recognize the workings of the cephalocaudal and distinct, differentiated movements. Finally, the still older in-
proximodistal principles of development in the milestones in fant is able to coordinate separate movements in a functional
Table 5.4? Early motor development follows the cephalocaudal sequence—reaching for, grasping, and pulling in the bottle
principle because the neurons between the brain and the mus- while opening his mouth to receive it and closing his mouth
cles acquire a myelin sheath in a head-to-tail manner. Thus, in- when the prize is captured (an integrated response).
fants can lift their heads before they can control their trunks
enough to sit, and they can sit before they can control their legs Crawling. Life changes dramatically for infants and their
to walk. The proximodistal principle of development is also ev- parents when the infants first begin to crawl or creep, nor-
ident in early motor development. Activities involving the mally around 7 months. Different infants find different ways
to navigate at first; one may slither on her belly in a kind of gin to walk, they lack good balance partly because of their big
combat crawl, another may use only his forearms to pull heads and short legs. Steps are short; legs are wide apart; and
ahead, another may chug backward. However, most infants hips, knees, and ankles are flexed. There is much teetering and
around 10 months old end up crawling on their hands and falling, and a smooth gait and good balance will not be
knees, and they all seem to figure out that the best way to keep achieved for some time. Thelens point is that adults would
their balance is to move the diagonal arm and leg at the same walk funny, too> if they, like infants, were "fat, weak, and un-
time (Freedland & Bertenthal, 1994). stable 5 (Thelen, 1984, p. 246).
With their new mobility, infants are better able to explore How do infant "walkers" affect the emergence of walking?
the objects around them and to interact with other people. Do they enhance walking, perhaps by allowing infants to ex-
Experience moving through the spatial world contributes to ercise their legs without having to support the full weight of
cognitive, social, and emotional development (Bertenthal, their bodies? To answer these questions, Andrea Siegel and
Campos, & Kermoian, 1994). For example, crawlers, and non- Roger Burton (1999) studied three groups of infants: One
crawlers mobile with the aid of special walkers, are better able group used no walkers; a second group used older-model
to search for and find hidden objects than are infants of the walkers that had large leg openings and allowed the infants to
same age who are not mobile. Crawling also contributes to see their legs and feet; and a third group used newer-model
more frequent social interactions with parents and to the walkers designed to be safer than the older model with small
emergence of a healthy fear of heights. leg openings and large opaque trays. These newer walkers
helped prevent infants from slipping out of the seat, but they
Walking. Although parents must be on their toes when their blocked the infants' view of their legs and feet. Infants who did
infants first begin walking, they take great delight in witness- not use either type of walker sat up, crawled, and walked ear-
ing this new milestone in motor development, which occurs lier than infants with the old-style walkers, and they in turn
around infants' first birthday. According to Esther Thelen walked earlier than infants with newer walkers. Why? Infants
(1984, 1995), the basic motor patterns required for walking in the newer walkers with the opaque trays did not receive
are present at birth. They are evident in the newborns step- sensory feedback about their movements; they could not see
ping reflex and in the spontaneous kicking of infants lying how their movements altered the positions of their legs rela-
down. Indeed, Thelen noticed that the stepping reflex and tive to other body parts and to the stationary environment.
early kicking motions were identical. She began to question And infants who did not use walkers enjoyed unrestricted
the traditional understanding that early reflexes, controlled by movement and sensory feedback about the effects of their
subcortical areas of the brain, are inhibited once the cortex movement. As you will see later in this section, infants need
takes control of movements. Thelen showed that it simply re- feedback to learn how to coordinate their body movements
quires more strength to make the walking motion standing up with the demands of their environment.
(as in the stepping reflex) than to make it lying down (as in Walker use also affected scores on the Bayley scales, a
kicking). She demonstrated that babies who no longer showed measure of motor and mental development. As Figure 5.4
the stepping motion when placed on a table did show it when shows, infants in the newer walkers scored significantly lower
suspended in water because less muscle power was needed to on motor development than the other two groups and scored
move their chunky legs. The upshot? Infants need more than significantly lower on mental development than infants in the
a more mature nervous system to walk; they must also develop no-walker group. The newer wralkers restrict visual-motor ex-
more muscle and become less top-heavy. Even when they be- periences when infants are seeking new levels of interaction
with their environment. Emerging skills of crawling, reaching,
and grasping are restricted, which limits what infants can
learn about their environment. These infants likely catch up in
mental development to their no-walker peers once they stop
using walkers, usually around 10 months when they are capa-
ble of climbing out of these contraptions.
If you look at what infants can do with their hands, you will
find another progression from reflexive activity to more vol-
untary, coordinated behavior. As you have seen, newborns
come equipped with a grasping reflex. It weakens from age 2
to 4 months, and for a time infants cannot aim their grasps
well. They take swipes at objects and even make contact more
than you would expect by chance, but they often miss. And
rather than opening their hands to grasp what they are reach-
ing for, they make a fist (Wallace & Whishaw, 2003).
([ Y o u n g t o d d l e r s have d i f f i c u l t y m a i n t a i n i n g t h e i r balance because o f By the middle of the first year, infants can once again
t h e i r large, heavy heads a n d t o r s o s a n c t h e i r w e a k muscles, grasp objects well, although they use a rather clumsy, clamp-
Esther Thelen and Linda Smith (1994) propose a dy-
Motor s c a l e namic systems approach to explain such motor develop-
Mental s c a l e
ments. According to this view, developments take place over
120 time through a "self-organizing" process in which children use
the sensory feedback they receive when they try different
movements to modify' their motor behavior in adaptive ways
110
(Smith & Thelen, 1993). In this view, motor milestones such
CO
0)
as crawling and walking are the learned outcomes of a process
o of interaction with the environment in which infants do the
o
GO
best they can with what they have to achieve their goals
100
(Thelen, 1995). Neural maturation, physical growth, muscle
strength, balance, and other characteristics of the child inter-
act with gravity, floor surfaces, and characteristics of the spe-
90
5 MftVr cific task to influence what children can and cannot learn to
tell do with their bodies. Recall the infants who could not see their
m m
legs or feet in the newer walkers: it took them longer to
80 achieve certain motor milestones than infants who could see
No walkers Older Newer
walkers walkers their legs and learn how their movements affected their rela-
tionship to their environment.
Figure 5.4 Scores o n t h e Bayley Scales o f M e n t a l and Consistent with the dynamic systems approach, Karen
P s y c h o m o t o r D e v e l o p m e n t f o r infants w h o use n o walkers, o l d e r Adolph and Anthony Avolio (2000) found that young tod-
(can see t h e i r feet) walkers, o r n e w e r (feet are n o t visible) walkers.
dlers could adjust their walking to changes in both body di-
SOURCE: Adapted with perm ssion from Siegel, A. C., & Burton, R. V. (1998). Effects of baby walkers on motor and
mental development in human infants. Journal of Development and Behavioral Pediatrics, 20,355-361.
mensions and slope of a walkway. The researchers had infants
walk on slopes of different degrees while wearing a vest with
removable "saddlebags" that could be weighted to simulate
like grasp in which they press the palm and outer fingers to- changes in their body dimensions (see Figure 5.5). The
gether. As they gain postural control of their trunks and heads weights added mass and shifted the infants' center of gravity,
and visual control of their eyes, they become increasingly akin to what happens when infants grow. Would infants be
skillful at reaching for and manipulating objects with their able to compensate for the changes in their body and their
hands (Bertenthal & von Hofsten, 1998). The workings of the environment? Yes—they adjusted their motor skills to adapt
proximodistal principle of development can be seen when in- to rapid "growth" of their bodies and to changes in their en-
fants who could control their arms and then their hands fi- vironment (Adolph, 1997). Like adults carrying a heavy load
nally become able to control the individual fingers enough to on their shoulders, infants bent their knees and kept their
use a pincer grasp. Involving only the thumb and the forefin-
ger (or another finger), the pincer grasp appears as early as 5
months (Wallace & Whishaw, 2003).
By 16 months, infants can scribble with a crayon, and by
the end of the second year they can copy a simple horizontal
or vertical line and even build towers of five or more blocks.
They are rapidly gaining control of specific, differentiated
movements, then integrating those movements into whole, co-
ordinated actions. They use their new locomotor and manip-
ulation skills to learn about and adapt to the world around
them. By cornering bugs and stacking Cheerios, they develop
their minds.
E m e r g e n c e o f M o t o r Skills
How do motor skills emerge? Thelen (1996) observed infants
diroughout their first year and discovered that they spent a
great deal of time engaged in rhythmic stereotypies. The in-
fants moved their bodies in repetitive ways—rocking, sway-
ing, bouncing, mouthing objects, and banging their arms up
and dowrn. Thelen found that infants performed these rhyth-
mic stereotypies shortly before a new skill emerged but not af-
©
ter the skill had become established. Thus, infants might rock
back and forth while on their hands and knees, but once they C O n c e infants have m a s t e r e d t h e p i n c e r grasp, t h e y can pick u p all
were crawling, they no longer rocked. s o r t s o f objects.
master these challenges, infants need opportunities to gather
feedback from each motor activity.
Finally, an important contribution of the dynamic sys-
tems approach to motor development is its integration of ac-
tion with thought. The motor behaviors we have been de-
scribing are not separate and distinct from the child's
knowledge. Children have to think about how to organize
their movements to optimize what they are able to get from
their ever-changing environment. Thus, there is far more to
motor development than implied by norms indicating when
we might expect infants to sit up, stand alone, or walk inde-
pendently. The emergence of motor skills is complex and is
closely connected to perceptual-cognitive developments
(Bushnell & Boudreau, 1993).
Summing Up
The physical changes that occur during the short pe-

riod of infancy are awe-inspiring. Infants gain significant
height and weight, their bones harden, and their mus-
cles become stronger Reflexes and sensory capabilities
allow infants to gather information from their sur-
roundings and interact in increasingly meaningful ways
with their environments. They proceed from not even
being able to sit up by themselves t o crawling, walking,
and picking up everything in sight According to the dy-
namic systems perspective, children engage in a self-
regulating process by using sensory feedback they re-
Figure 5.5 A d o l p h a n d A v o l i o ' s w a l k w a y w i t h adjustable slope. ceive from their movements to modify their motor
Infants are o u t f i t t e d w i t h w e i g h t e d saddlebags t o a l t e r t h e i r b o d y behavior in adaptive ways. During no other postnatal
mass a n d c e n t e r o f gravity. W h i l e an e x p e r i m e n t e r stays beside in-
period are there such dramatic changes. Still, 2-year-
fants t o e n s u r e safety, p a r e n t s stand a t t h e e n d o f t h e w a l k w a y a n d
olds have a long way to go before their physical selves
e n c o u r a g e t h e i r child t o w a l k t o w a r d t h e m .
reach maturity •
SOURCE: Adolph & Avolio (2000)
upper bodies stiffly upright to maintain their balance with

heavier loads. Infants also seemed to recognize when the
walkway was too steep to travel safely—they either avoided it
or scooted down on their bottoms or on their hands and
knees. Development of the body and of motor behavior during
How does this dynamic systems perspective fit the na- childhood is slower than it was during infancy, but it is steady.
ture-nurture theme of development? According to Thelen You need only compare the bodies and the physical feats of the
(1995), toddlers walk not because their genetic code programs 2-year-old and the 10-year-old to be impressed by how much
them to do so but because they learn that walking works well change occurs over childhood.
given their biomechanical properties and the characteristics of
the environments they must navigate. In the dynamic systems
approach, nature (maturation) and nurture (sensory and mo-
tor experience) are both essential and largely inseparable. From age 2 until puberty, children gain about 2 to 3 inches in
Feedback from the senses and from motor actions is inte- height and 5 to 6 pounds in weight every year (National
grated with the ever-changing abilities of the infant. Having Center for Health Statistics, 2000a). During middle childhood
learned how to adjust one motor skill (such as crawling) to (ages 6 - 1 1 ) , children may seem to grow little, probably be-
successfully navigate environmental conditions, however, does cause the gains are small in proportion to the child's size
not mean that infants will generalize this knowledge to other (4-4Y2 feet and 60-80 pounds) and therefore harder to detect.
motor skills (such as walking; see Adolph & Avolio, 2000). The cephalocaudal and proximodistal principles of growth
Different motor skills present different challenges. Crawling continue to operate. As the lower parts of the body and the ex-
infants, for instance, must learn to avoid such dangers as tremities fill out, the child takes on more adultlike body pro-
bumping their head on table legs. Walking infants face other portions. The bones continue to grow and harden, and the
challenges, such as not toppling over when turning around. To muscles strengthen.
Physical Behavior not just because they are bigger and stronger but also because
they can integrate multiple body movements—raising their
Infants and toddlers are capable of controlling their move- <arm> turning their body, stepping forward with one foot, and
ments in relation to a stationary world, but children master pushing their body forward with the other foot (Sayre &
the ability to move capably in a changing environment (Sayre Gallagher, 2001).
& Gallagher, 2001). They must learn to modify their move- The toddler in motion appears awkward compared with
ments to adapt to changes in environment. This allows them the older child, who takes steps in more fluid and rhythmic
to bring their hands together at just the right time to catch a strides and is better able to avoid obstacles. And children
ball and to avoid bumping into moving people when walking quickly become able to do more than just walk. By age 3, they
through a crowded mall. They also refine many motor skills. can walk or run in a straight line, although they cannot eas-
For example, young children throw a ball only with the arm, ily turn or stop while running. Kindergarten children can in-
but older children learn to step forward as they throw. Thus, tegrate two motor skills—hopping on one foot with walking
older children can throw a ball farther than younger ones can, or running—into mature skipping (Loovis & Butterfield,
I t is c l e a r t h a t physical activity has beneficial effects on phys-

ical functioning a c r o s s t h e life span. F o r instance, children
w h o participate in a systematic e x e r c i s e program a r e m o r e
physically fit than children w h o lead a m o r e s e d e n t a r y lifestyle
( s e e Tuckman, 1999, f o r a review). Similarly, e x e r c i s e by o l d e r
adults can improve cardiovascular and r e s p i r a t o r y functioning,
slow b o n e loss, and strengthen muscles. In o n e study, o l d e r
a t h l e t e s (average age 6 9 years) w e r e c o m p a r e d with older
n o n a t h l e t e s on several physiological m e a s u r e s following e x e r -
cise. T h e athletes s h o w e d b e t t e r oxygen uptake capacity and
g r e a t e r cardiovascular stamina than t h e n o n a t h l e t e s (Jungblut
e t al., 2 0 0 0 ) . In a n o t h e r study, elderly adults w h o did low-in-
tensity e x e r c i s e and weight lifting f o r I year b e c a m e s t r o n g e r
and m o r e flexible and experienced less pain as a result
(Sharpe e t al., 1997). Exercise also r e d u c e s t h e n u m b e r o f sick
days, doctor visits, and hospitalizations of older adults
( G e r m a n e t al., 1 9 9 5 ) . Overall, it is estimated t h a t regular e x -
ercise by o l d e r adults can delay t h e o n s e t o f physical disabili-
ties by up t o 7 years (Vita e t al., 1998).
T h e benefits of e x e r c i s e g o beyond physical fitness; physi-
cal activity may e n h a n c e cognitive and psychological function-
ing. In a review o f studies on children's participation in physi-
cal activity and t h e i r a c a d e m i c p e r f o r m a n c e , Roy Shepard
( 1 9 9 7 ) concluded t h a t increased physical activity was associ-
ated with improved a c a d e m i c skills. But t h e s e data are largely
correlational, and many f a c t o r s may explain t h e c o n n e c t i o n
b e t w e e n physical activity and a c a d e m i c p e r f o r m a n c e . For in-
s t a n c e , Mark Tremblay and colleagues (Tremblay, Inman, &
Willms, 2 0 0 0 ) found t h a t regular participation in physical ac-
tivity did not strongly influence 12-year-olds' a c a d e m i c per-
formance, but it did positively affect their self-esteem. s t r e s s e d and happier, and it can e n h a n c e t h e i r cognitive func-
Students w h o are healthier and feel b e t t e r a b o u t t h e m s e l v e s tioning ( B a r n e s e t al., 2 0 0 3 ; R o w e & Kahn, l 9 9 8 ; Y a f f e e t al.,
may p e r f o r m b e t t e r in t h e c l a s s r o o m . 2 0 0 1 ) . Physical activity is also a s s o c i a t e d with a l o w e r inci-
O l d e r adults also reap multiple benefits f r o m participating dence of depression among older adults (Lampinen,
in e x e r c i s e programs. Exercise can make aging adults feel less Heikkinen, & Ruoppila, 2 0 0 0 ) .
2000). With each passing year, school-age children can run a page 128 explores some of the benefits of physical activity for
little faster, jump a little higher, and throw a ball a little far- children and for adults.
ther. Their motor skills are also responsive to practice. In one From age 3 to 5, eye-hand coordination and control of
study, children improved their arm movements 25 to 30% the small muscles are improving rapidly, giving children more
with practice—an impressive accomplishment compared sophisticated use of their hands. At age 3, children find it dif-
with the 10% improvement shown by adults who practiced ficult to button their shirts, tie their shoes, or copy simple de-
(Thomas, Yan, & Stelmach, 2000). There are some gender dif- signs. By age 5, children can accomplish all of these feats and
ferences in motor skills, with boys slightly ahead in throwing can cut a straight line with scissors or copy letters and
and kicking and girls somewhat ahead in hopping and the numbers with a crayon. By age 8 or age 9, they can use house-
side gallop (van Beurden et al., 2002). These differences seem hold tools such as screwdrivers and have become skilled
to arise primarily from practice and different expectations for performers at games that require eye-hand coordination.
males and females rather than from inherent differences be- Handwriting quality and speed also improve steadily from age
tween males and females. The Applications box beginning on 6 to age 15 (van Galen, 1993).
Unfortunately, w e live in an e r a t h a t inadvertently p r o - arthritis. O b e s i t y is usually t h e p r o d u c t of b o t h nature and

m o t e s physical inactivity.The average child w a t c h e s 3 h o u r s nurture: heredity is perhaps t h e m o s t i m p o r t a n t f a c t o r (Grilo
o f television e v e r y day ( H u s t o n e t al., 1 9 9 9 ) , and schools & Pogue-Geile, 1991), but p o o r eating habits, inactivity, and
have r e d u c e d r e c e s s t i m e and physical e d u c a t i o n require- even parenting beliefs c o n t r i b u t e ( G a b l e & Lutz, 2 0 0 0 ) . O n e
m e n t s (Tremblay, Pella,&Taylor, 1 9 9 6 ) . T i m e riding in c a r s and intriguing finding c o m e s from a study comparing o b e s e and
sitting a t t h e c o m p u t e r has i n c r e a s e d , and walking and phys- n o n o b e s e children on several f a c t o r s , including eating habits
ical activity t i m e has d e c r e a s e d . As a result, as many as 3 0 % and activities (Gable & Lutz, 2 0 0 0 ) . Surprisingly, t h e two
o f A m e r i c a n children a r e e s t i m a t e d t o b e o v e r w e i g h t ( W o l f e groups did n o t differ in t h e i r c o n s u m p t i o n of high-fat, high-
e t al., 1 9 9 4 ) , and being an o v e r w e i g h t child o r adolescent sugar junk f o o d s . T h e y did differ in their activities: o b e s e chil-
usually m e a n s b e c o m i n g an overweight adult (Boodman, dren w a t c h e d m o r e television, participated in f e w e r e x t r a c u r -
1 9 9 5 ) . Children w h o w a t c h m o r e than 5 h o u r s o f television ricular activities, and engaged in less active play. So perhaps
a day a r e a b o u t 5 t i m e s m o r e likely t o b e o v e r w e i g h t than parents should w o r r y less a b o u t t h e junk f o o d t h e i r children
children w h o w a t c h 0 t o 2 h o u r s a day, p e r h a p s b e c a u s e t h e y c o n s u m e — a s long as it is n o t e x c e s s i v e o r a substitute for
g e t little e x e r c i s e and e a t t h e junk f o o d s t h e y s e e a d v e r t i s e d healthy f o o d s — a n d f o c u s m o r e on getting t h e i r children in-
on T V ( G o r t m a k e r e t al., 1 9 9 6 ) . W e i g h t - l o s s p r o g r a m s a r e volved in physical activities.
likely t o b e m o r e successful with child " c o u c h p o t a t o e s " than Exercise is clearly beneficial t o physical and mental health
with adult o n e s , h o w e v e r ; s e l f - c o n t r o l may n o t be as n e c e s - o v e r t h e life span. W h a t e x e r c i s e c a n n o t do is halt the in-
s a r y if p a r e n t s can c o n t r o l t h e i r children's eating habits f o r evitable aging p r o c e s s . Even f r e q u e n t joggers gain weight and
them (Wilson, 1994). add inches t o t h e i r waists as they e n t e r middle age (Williams,
Teenagers face increased risks o f obesity b e c a u s e t h e i r l 9 9 7 ) . T r u e , p e o p l e w h o e x e r c i s e generally weigh less and have
metabolism rates slow as t h e y m a t u r e physically. Individuals slimmer waists than t h o s e w h o do not, but a 30-year-old man
w h o are overweight as a d o l e s c e n t s — e v e n t h o s e w h o slim w h o runs 2 0 t o 3 0 miles a w e e k until he is 5 0 would add al-
down as adults—run a greater-than-average risk o f c o r o n a r y m o s t 2 inches t o his waist anyway; h e would have t o run far-
h e a r t disease and a h o s t o f o t h e r health p r o b l e m s s o m e 5 5 t h e r each year t o avoid it.To t r y t o b e a t aging, then, it is n o t
years later (Must e t al., 1992). Middle-aged adults also run a enough t o remain active; he must b e c o m e more active over
special risk o f gaining weight, especially if they b e c o m e less t h e years (Williams, 1 9 9 7 ) .
physically active but keep eating as much as they did as As this s e c t i o n s h o w s , physical and psychological develop-
y o u n g e r adults (Haber, 1994). m e n t are intimately intertwined t h r o u g h o u t t h e life span.
O b e s i t y — b e i n g 2 0 % o r m o r e a b o v e t h e " i d e a l " weight for C h a n g e s in t h e body require psychological adjustments and
y o u r height, age, and s e x — i s clearly a t h r e a t t o health. R a t e s bring psychological change. Newly mobile infants benefit c o g -
of o b e s i t y have b e e n increasing in U.S. s o c i e t y at all ages lev- nitively and emotionally from a c c e s s t o a larger physical and
els, even a m o n g children ( D w y e r & S t o n e , 2 0 0 0 ) . O b e s e p e o - social world; a d o l e s c e n t s alter t h e i r body images in r e s p o n s e
ple do n o t live as long as t h e i r normal-weight peers, and they t o physical and sexual maturation; and aging adults change in
are at g r e a t e r risk f o r such p r o b l e m s as h e a r t and kidney dis- r e s p o n s e t o disease and disability. Psychological and social fac-
e a s e , high blood pressure, diabetes, liver problems, and even t o r s influence r e a c t i o n s t o t h e s e physical changes.
task is to respond to it as quickly as possible—for example, by
pushing a button. These studies reveal that reaction time im-
proves steadily throughout childhood (Eaton & Ritchot, 1995;
Yan et al., 2000). As children age, they can carry out any num-
ber of cognitive processes more quickly (Kail, 1991; van
Galen, 1993). This speeding up of neural responses with age
contributes in important ways to steady improvements in
memory and other cognitive skills from infancy to adoles-
cence (see Chapter 8).
Summing Up
In short, no matter what aspect of physical growth

and motor behavior you consider; you can see steady
and impressive improvement over the childhood years.
Although these changes are not as dramatic as those wit-
rnmmmm^m nessed during infancy or those that will occur during the
mm adolescent years, they bring the child closer to becoming
a full-fledged adult. •
o
-U-•
O
X3
CO
C
D
O
O
Tlie Adolescent
CO
go
'a
c
• a>
<G>
Adolescents are intensely focused on their physical self, and
C C h i l d r e n are n o t as c o o r d i n a t e d in p r e s c h o o l as t h e y w i l l b e a f e w rightly so—dramatic physical changes are taking place during
years later. this period. Consider your own transformation from child to
adult. You rapidly grew taller and took on the body size and pro-
Finally, older children have quicker reactions than young portions of an adult during a growth spurt. Moreover, you ex-
children do. When dogs suddenly run in front of their bikes, perienced puberty—the processes of biological change that re-
they can do something about it. In studies of reaction time, a sult in an individuals attaining sexual maturity and becoming
stimulus, such as a light, suddenly appears and the subject's capable of producing a child. We look at both of these processes.
C T h e s e 3-year-olds m a y t h i n k t h e y are playing, b u t stringing beads also exercises t h e i r e y e - h a n d c o -

o r d i n a t i o n a n d f i n e m o t o r skills.
The Growth Spurt gen and progesterone in females. The gonadal hormones are
primarily responsible for the development of secondary sex-
As noted earlier in the chapter, the adolescent growth spurt is
ual characteristics and sexual maturity.
triggered by an increase in the level of growth hormones cir-
For girls, the most dramatic event in the sexual matura-
culating through the body during adolescence. Boys and girls
tion process is menarche—the first menstruation—normally
grow at different rates, as do different body parts. Girls5 peak
between age 11 and age 14 with an average of 12V2 years for
rate of growth for height is just under 12 years; for boys it is
non-Hispanic white girls and 12 years for non-Hispanic black
13.4 years (Geithner et al., 1999). The peak rate of growth for
girls (Anderson, Dallal, & Must, 2003; Chumlea et al., 2003).
weight is 12.5 years for girls and 13.9 years for boys. Thus,
Menstruation is the process of shedding the lining of a uterus
boys lag behind girls by 1 to 2 years. Both sexes return to a
prepared to support a fertilized egg. However, young girls of-
slower rate of growth after the peak of their growth spurts.
ten begin to menstruate before they have begun to ovulate, so
Like infants, adolescents may grow in spurts rather than con-
they may not be capable of reproducing until several years af-
tinuously (Lampl, 2002). Girls achieve their adult height by
ter menarche (Spear, 2000a).
around 16 years; boys are still growing at 18, 19, or even 20
After decreasing during the first half of the 20th century,
years (National Center for Health Statistics, 2000a).
the average age of menarche has not changed much in recent
Muscles also develop rapidly in both sexes, with boys nor-
decades, at least in industrialized nations (Chumlea et al.,
mally gaining a greater proportion of muscle mass than girls
2003; Viner, 2002). However, there is a great deal of variability
do. Total body weight increases in both sexes, but it is distrib-
in when secondary sex characteristics appear. Sexual matura-
uted differently: girls gain extra fat, primarily in the breasts,
tion also proceeds at different rates in different ethnic groups.
hips, and buttocks; boys develop broader shoulders.
Several studies have found that African American and
Mexican American girls begin to experience pubertal changes
earlier than European American girls (Chumlea et al., 2003;
Wu, Mendola, & Buck, 2002). At age 9, for example, 49% of
Long before the physical signs of puberty are evident, the
African American girls have begun to develop breasts com-
body is changing to prepare for sexual maturity. The adrenal
pared with only 16% of European American girls and 25% of
glands increase production of adrenal androgens as early as
Mexican American girls (Wu, Mendola, & Buck, 2002). A
age 6 to age 8, which contributes partly to such secondary sex
few girls (1% of European Americans and 3 % of African
characteristics as pubic and axillary (underarm) hair (Spear,
Americans) show signs of breast or pubic hair development at
2000a). But the more obvious signs of sexual maturity emerge
age 3, and a few have not begun to mature even at age 12
with increased production of gonadal hormones (those pro-
(Herman-Giddens et al., 1997).
duced by the testes or ovaries): androgens in males and estro-
For the average boy, the sexual maturation process begins
around age 11 to eige ll l / 2 with an initial enlargement of the
testes and scrotum (the saclike structure that encloses the
testes). Unpigmented, straight pubic hair appears soon there-
after, and about 6 months later, die penis grows rapidly about
the same time that the adolescent growth spurt begins (see
Figure 5.6). The marker of sexual maturation most like
menarche in girls is semenarche, or a boy s first ejaculation—
the emission of seminal fluid in a "wet dream" or while mas-
turbating. It typically occurs around age 13. Just as girls often
do not ovulate until some time after menarche, boys often do
not produce viable sperm until some time after their first ejac-
ulation.
Somewhat later, boys begin to sprout facial hair, first at
the corners of the upper lip and finally on the chin and jaw-
line. As the voice lowers, many boys have the embarrassing ex-
perience of hearing their voices "crack" uncontrollably up and
down between a squeaky soprano and a deep baritone, some-
times within a single sentence. Boys may not see the first signs
of a hairy chest until their late teens or early 20s, if at all.
What determines an adolescents rate of development?
Genes are part of the answer: identical twins typically experi-
ence changes at similar times, and early or late maturation tends
to run in families (Tanner, 1990). In both sexes, the changes in-
d A l t h o u g h t h e r e are large individual differences, girls typically m a - volved in physical and sexual maturation are triggered when the
t u r e e a r l i e r t h a n boys, w h i c h s o m e t i m e s leads t o g i r l s ' t o w e r i n g o v e r hypothalamus of the brain stimulates activity in the endocrine
t h e boys in t h e i r classes. system (see the description at the beginning of this chapter).
10 11.7
Height
spurt
8-13 10-13.5
12.8
Menarche
10.5-15.5
10
Breast
8-13 10-16
10.5 14.5
Pubic
hair
8-14 14-15
7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 '17 18
A g e in y e a r s
(A) Females
12.5 14
Height
spurt
10.5-16 12.5-15.5
12 14.5
Penis
10.5-14.5 12.5-16
11.5
Testis
9.5-13.5
12 15
Pubic
hair
10-15 14-17
7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18
A g e in y e a r s
(B) Males
Figure 5.6 Sequence of events in the sexual maturation of females (A) and
males (B).The numbers represent the variation among individuals in the ages at
which each aspect of maturation begins or ends. For example, growth of the pe-
nis may begin as early as age 1 0 ' / 2 or as late as age I 4 ' / 2 -
Boys and girls have similar levels of both male and female sex greater body size. In 1840, for example, the average age of
hormones during childhood. By the time sexual maturation is menarche was 16V2 years, a full 4 years later than it is today
complete, however, males have larger quantities of male hor- (Rees, 1993). Today, researchers can still find cultures in which
mones (androgens, including testosterone) circulating in their sexual maturity is reached much later than it is in Western na-
blood than females do, whereas females have larger quantities of tions. For example, in one region of Saudi Arabia the average
female hormones (estrogen, progesterone, and others). age of menarche is 15, and in one part of New Guinea the av-
Physical and sexual maturation, then, are processes set in erage girl does not reach menarche until age 18 (Dosoky &
motion by the genes and executed by hormones. But environ- Amoudi, 1997; Tanner, 1990).
ment also plays its part in the timing of maturation. This is What explains the secular trend? Better nutrition and ad-
dramatically illustrated by the secular trend—the historical vances in medical care seem to be the major factors (Johnston,
trend in industrialized societies toward earlier maturation and 2002). Worldwide, the age of menarche is earlier in countries
with good nutrition, long life expectancies, and high literacy positive and negative feelings and some confusion about the
rates, reflecting the effect of both biological and environmental process (Koff & Rierdan, 1995; Moore, 1995). Unfortunately,
factors (Thomas et al., 2001). In industrialized nations, today's cultural viewTs about menstruation are often negative, and
children are more likely than their parents or grandparents to girls internalize these negative myths about what to expect.
reach their genetic potential for maturation and growth be- Many also develop poor body images because they are both-
cause they are better fed and less likely to experience growth-re- ered by the weight gains that typically accompany menarche
tarding illnesses. Even within the relatively affluent U.S. society, (Seiffge-Krenke, 1998).
poorly nourished adolescents—both boys and girls—mature What about boys? Their body images are more positive
later than well-nourished ones do. Girls who are taller and than those of girls> and they are more likely to welcome their
heavier as children tend to mature earlier than other girls (St. weight gain and voice changes (Benjat & Hernandez-Guzman,
George, Williams, & Silva, 1994). By contrast, girls who engage 2002; Martin, 1996). But they hope to be tall, hairy, and hand-
regularly in strenuous physical activity and girls who suffer some, and they may become preoccupied with their physical
from anorexia nervosa (the life-threatening eating disorder that and athletic prowess. Whereas menarche is a memorable event
involves dieting to the point of starvation) may begin menstru- for girls, boys are often unaware of some of the physical
ating late or stop menstruating after they have begun. These changes they are experiencing. They notice their first ejacula-
variations seem to be tied not to overall weight but to skeletal tion, but they rarely tell anyone about it and often were not
development, particularly maturation of the pelvic bones nec- prepared for it (Stein & Reiser, 1994). Although males express
essary for delivering a baby (Ellison, 2002). a mix of positive and negative reactions to becoming sexually
Research by Bruce Ellis and Judy Garber (2000) shows mature, they generally react more positively to semenarche
that family and marital stress also affects the timing of pu- than girls do to menarche; 62% of boys regard semenarche
berty in girls. Girls whose mothers were depressed were likely positively, whereas only 23% of girls view menarche positively
to experience early puberty, as were girls who had a stepfather (Seiffge-Krenke, 1998).
or mother's boyfriend present in the home. In particular, girls Pubertal changes may prompt changes in family rela-
who were relatively young when an unrelated male moved tions. Adolescents physically distance themselves from their
into the house and whose mothers and stepfathers or parents by engaging in less body contact, especially with fa-
boyfriends had a more conflicted, stressful relationship were thers, and they go to great lengths to avoid being seen naked
likely to experience early sexual maturity. In other research, by their parents (Schulz, 1991, in Seiffge-Krenke, 1998).
however, Croatian girls living under the stressful conditions of Likewise, parents seem to restructure the parent-child rela-
war showed delayed sexual maturation (Prebeg & Bralic, tionship, placing greater distance between themselves and
2000). And girls from lower socioeconomic backgrounds lag their children. Perhaps as a result of the barriers erected be-
several months behind their higher socioeconomic counter- tween adolescents and their parents, teens become more inde-
parts, possibly because of less adequate nutrition and health pendent and less close to their parents (Steinberg, 1989). They
care (Dosoky & Amoudi, 1997). Truly, then, physical and sex- are also more likely to experience conflicts with their parents,
ual maturation are the products of an interaction between especially with their mothers—more often about minor issues
heredity and environment, with some environments delaying such as unmade beds, late hours, and loud music than about
maturation and others hastening it. core values. Hormone changes in early adolescence may con-
tribute to this increased conflict with parents and to moodi-
ness, bouts of depression, lower or more variable energy lev-
els, and restlessness (Buchanan, Eccles, & Becker, 1992).
As noted previously, there are large individual differences in However, cultural beliefs about family relations and about the
the timing of physical and sexual maturation. An early- significance of becoming an adult also influence paren t-child
maturing girl may develop breast buds at age 8 and reach interactions during adolescence. For example, many Mexican
menarche at age 10, whereas a late-developing boy may not American boys and their parents appear to become closer
begin to experience a growth of. his penis until age 14V2 or a rather than more distant during the peak of pubertal changes
height spurt until age 16. Within a middle school, then, there (Molina & Chassin, 1996).
is a wide assortment of bodies, ranging from entirely childlike Even when parent-child relationships are disrupted dur-
to fully adultlike. No wonder adolescents are self-conscious ing early adolescence, they become warmer once the pubertal
about their appearance. transition is completed. Parents—mothers and fathers alike—
What psychological effects do the many changes associ- can help adolescents adjust successfully to puberty by main-
ated with puberty have on adolescents? In many cultures, girls taining close relationships and helping adolescents accept
approaching or experiencing puberty tend to become con- themselves (Swarr & Richards, 1996). Overall, you should not
cerned about their appearance and worry about how others imagine that the physical and hormonal changes of puberty
will respond to them. One adolescent girl may think she is too cause direct and straightforward psychological changes in the
tall, another that she is too short. One may try to pad her individual. Instead, biological changes interact with psycho-
breasts; another may hunch her shoulders to hide hers. Not logical characteristics of the person and with changes in the
surprisingly, research confirms that individual reactions to social environment to influence how adolescence is experi-
menarche vary widely, with many girls reporting a mixture of enced (Magnusson, 1995; Paikoff & Brooks-Gunn, 1991).
early-maturing girls have a greater likelihood than all other
groups of experiencing lifetime adjustment problems, includ-
If "timely5' maturation has psychological implications, what is ing both anxiety and depression (Graber et al., 1997). Some of
it like to be "off time"—to be an especially early or late devel- the advantages of being an early-maturing boy may carry over
oper? The answer depends on whether we are talking about into adulthood, but early-maturing boys also seem to be more
males or females and also on whether we examine their ad- rigid and conforming than late-maturing ones, who may learn
justment during adolescence or later on. some lessons about coping in creative ways from their strug-
Consider the short-term effect of being an early- or late- gles as adolescents (Jones, 1965).
developing boy. Early-developing boys are judged to be socially Overall, then, late-maturing boys and early-maturing girls
competent, attractive, and self-assured, and they enjoy greater are especially likely to find the adolescent period disruptive.
social acceptance by their peers (Bulcroft, 1991). The only neg- However, psychological differences between early- and late-
ative aspect of being an early-maturing boy is earlier involve- maturing adolescents become smaller and more mixed in qual-
ment in substance use and other problem behaviors such as ity by adulthood. It is also important to note that differences be-
bullying (Kaltiala-Heino et al., 2003). By comparison, late mat- tween early and late maturers are relatively small and that many
uration in boys has several disadvantages. Late-maturing boys factors besides the timing of maturation influence whether this
tend to be more anxious and less sure of themselves, and they period goes smoothly or not. For example, girls who make the
experience more behavior and adjustment problems (Dorn, transition from elementary to middle school when they experi-
Susman, 8c Ponirakis, 2003). As a group, they even score lower ence puberty exhibit greater adjustment problems than girls
than other students do, at least in early adolescence, on school who do not experience a school transition and pubertal changes
achievement tests (Dubas, Graber, & Petersen, 1991). at the same time (Simmons & Blyth, 1987).
Now consider early- and late-maturing girls. Traditionally, Finally, and perhaps most important, the effects of the tim-
physical prowess has not been as important in girls' peer ing of puberty depend on the adolescent's perception of
groups as in boys', so an early-developing girl may not gain whether pubertal events are experienced early, on time, or late
much status from being larger and more muscled. In addition, (Seiffge-Krenke, 1998). Thus, one girl may believe she is a "late
because girls develop about 2 years earlier than boys do, a girl bloomer" when she does not menstruate until age 14. But an-
may be subjected to ridicule for a time—the only one in her other girl who exercises strenuously may believe that menarche
grade who is developed and thus the target of some teasing. at age 14 is normal because delayed menarche is typical of seri-
Perhaps for some of these reasons, early maturation appears to ous athletes. Peer and family-member reactions to an adoles-
be more of a disadvantage than an advantage for girls. Many cent's pubertal changes are also instrumental in determining
studies report an association between early maturation and the adolescents adjustment. This may help explain the differ-
lower self-esteem among girls (see, for example, Forys 8c Rider, ence in adjustment between early-maturing boys and early-ma-
2000; Williams 8c Currie, 2000). The early-maturing girl tends turing girls. Parents may be more concerned and negative about
to be less popular than her prepubertal classmates, and she is their daughter's emerging sexuality than they are about their
more likely to report symptoms of depression and anxiety, es- son's. These attitudes may be inadvertently conveyed to teens,
pecially if she had psychological problems as a child (Graber et affecting their experience of puberty and their self-concept.
al., 1997; Hayward et al., 1997). In addition, early-maturing
girls often end up socializing with an older peer group; conse-
quently, they are likely to become involved in dating, drinking,
having sex, and engaging in minor troublemaking at an early The dramatic physical growth that occurs during adolescence
age (Dick et al., 2000; Lanza & Collins, 2002). makes teenagers more physically competent than children.
Late-maturing girls (like late-maturing boys) may experi- Rapid muscle development over the adolescent years makes
ence some anxiety as they wait to mature, but they are not both boys and girls noticeably stronger than they were as chil-
nearly as disadvantaged as late-maturing boys. Indeed, dren (Seger 8c Thorstensson, 2000). Their performance of large -
whereas later-developing boys tend to perform poorly on muscle activities continues to improve: An adolescent can
school achievement tests, later-developing girls outperform throw a ball farther, cover more ground in the standing long
other students (Dubas, Graber, 8c Petersen, 1991). Perhaps jump, and run much faster than a child can (Keough 8c Sugden,
late-developing girls focus on academic skills when other girls 1985). However, as the adolescent years progress, the physical
have shifted some of their focus to extracurricular activities. performance of boys continues to improve, whereas that of girls
Do differences between early and late developers persist often levels off or even declines (Seger 8c Thorstensson, 2000).
into later adolescence and adulthood? Typically, they fade Clearly, larger muscles enable boys to outperform girls in
with time. By late high school, for example, differences in ac- activities that require strength. But biological differences can-
ademic performance between early and late maturers have al- not entirely explain sex differences in physical performance
ready disappeared (Dubas, Graber, & Petersen, 1991), and (Smoll 8c Schutz, 1990). Gender-role socialization may be
early-maturing girls are no longer less popular than other girls partly responsible. As girls mature sexually and physically,
(Hayward et al., 1997). However, there may be lasting effects they are often encouraged to be less "tomboyish" and to be-
of some of the risky behaviors engaged in by early-maturing come more interested in traditionally "feminine" (often more
girls (such as sex and drinking). And some research shows that sedentary) activities. Studies of world records in track, swim-
ming, and cycling suggest that as gender roles have changed in Disease Control, 2002). Indeed, more middle-aged people are
the past few decades, women have been improving their per- overweight than in the normal weight range.
formances, and the male-female gap in physical performance The body shows additional effects of ciging in old age.
has narrowed dramatically (Sparling, O'Donnell, & Snow, After gaining weight throughout early and middle adulthood,
1998; Whipp & Ward, 1992). A small gender gap remains in people typically begin to lose weight starting in their 60s
some areas of physical activity, largely related to biological dif- (Haber, 1994). Loss of weight in old age is usually coupled
ferences—greater muscle mass in males, greater body fat in with loss of muscle over the span of adulthood. However, it is
females, and differences in oxygen transport capacity not age per se that reduces muscle mass but rather the seden-
(Sparling, O'Donnell, & Snow, 1998). But as today's girls par- tary lifestyle adopted by many older adults (Harper, 1999).
ticipate more often in sports and other strenuous physical ac- When Abby King and colleagues (2000) surveyed nearly 3000
tivities, their performance on tests of large-muscle activity is women in middle and later adulthood, they found that only
likely to remain stable or improve during adolescence, rather 9 % met the criteria for being regularly active. And as age in-
than declining as it did in previous generations. Then both creased, level of activity decreased. Age is not the only culprit,
young women and young men will be likely to enter adult- however, in making adults less active; low level of education,
hood in peak physical condition. poor neighborhood characteristics, and personal factors (such
as caregiving responsibilities and lack of energy) also influ-
ence whether or not adults exercise (King et al., 2000).
Summing Up
Aging is also associated with decreased bone density
The adolescent period, then, is marked by physical which, with reduced muscle mass and joint changes, can lead
growth and attainment of sexual maturity.These changes to shortened stature, stooped posture, fractures, and pain.
are significant and have psychological implications. Most Most older adults are not bothered by the slight decrease in
adolescents, but especially giris, react to the maturation height they experience (about half an inch for men and an
process with mixed feelings and worry about their phys- inch for women by age 70), but they are troubled by joint pain
ical appearance and capabilities. Early maturation tends and fractures because these changes can impair mobility and
to give boys an advantage over their peers but appears detract from the quality of life.
to be disadvantageous for girls. For girls, the best course Extreme bone loss in later life results from o s t e o p o r o s i s ,
would be to mature "on time.." that is, when peers are ex- a disease in which a serious loss of minerals leaves the bones
periencing the same changes. M fragile and easily fractured. It involves pain and can result in
death if the victim falls and fractures a hip. As many as one-
third of elderly adults who fracture a hip die within 1 year
(Rose & Maffulli, 1999). Osteoporosis is a special problem for
older women, who never had as much bone mass as men
and whose bones tend to thin rapidly after menopause
The body of the mature adolescent or young adult is at its (Henderson & Goltzman, 2000). European and Asian women
prime in many ways. It is strong and fit; its organs are func- with light frames, those who smoke, and those with a family
tioning efficiently. But it is aging, as it has been all along. history of osteoporosis are especially at risk. Women with os-
Physical aging occurs slowly and steadily over the life span. teoporosis may eventually develop the so-called dowagers
hump, a noticeably rounded upper back. One long-term vic-
tim lost almost 6 inches in height by age 70 (far more than the
average loss of 1 inch) and ended up with her ribcage sitting
Physical changes begin to have noticeable effects on appear- on her hipbones (Franklin, 1995).
ance and functioning in middle age and have an even more What can be done to prevent osteoporosis? For starters,
significant effect by the time old age is reached, although more dietary habits can influence a person s risk for osteoporosis.
in some people than in others. We will now examine the phys- Many individuals do not get enough calcium to develop
ical aging process. strong bones when they are young or to maintain bone health
as they age (Kart, Metress, & Metress, 1992). Weight-bearing
A p p e a r a n c e and Structure exercises such as walking or jogging can help prevent osteo-
Only minor changes in physical appearance occur in the 20s and porosis, as can the hormone replacement therapy (HRT) that
30s, but many people notice signs that they are aging as they some women take following menopause (but see page 138 for
reach their 40s. Skin becomes wrinkled, dry, and loose, especially concerns about HRT). It is increasingly evident that good
among people who have spent more time in the sun. Hair thins bone health starts in childhood and adolescence (Krucoff,
and often turns gray from loss of pigment-producing cells. And 2000). Girls and young women who are physically active and
to most people s dismay, they put on extra weight throughout eat a healthy diet develop higher bone density that protects
much of adulthood as their metabolism declines but their eating them from bone loss in later life.
and exercise habits do not adjust accordingly (Kart, Metress, & The joints also age over the adult years. The cushioning
Metress, 1992). Among middle-aged adults, more than half are between bones wears out, and the joints stiffen. Many older
overweight, whereas only 2 % are underweight (Centers for adults experience pain or discomfort from arthritis, or joint
inflammation. The most common joint problem among older
Table 5,5 Physical Skills of Adults 70 and Older
adults is osteoarthritis, which results from gradual deteriora-
tion of the cartilage that cushions the bones from rubbing Skill Men Women
against one another. For some older adults, joint disease is de-
Walk one-quarter mile 88% 82%
forming and painful and limits their activities. The older per-
Climb 10 stairs without resting 92 88
son who can no longer fasten buttons, stoop to pick up
dropped items, or even get into and out of the bathtub may Stoop, crouch, or kneel 90 84
easily feel incompetent and dependent (Whitbourne, 2001). Reach over head 97 86
SOURCF.: Federal Interagency Forum on Aging-Related Statistics, 2000, Table

Functioning and Health
18b.
Aging also involves a gradual decline in the efficiency of
most bodily systems from the 20s on (Christofalo, 1988; older adults, unless they are disease-free, will have lower max-
Whitbourne, 2001). Most systems increase to a peak sometime imal heart rates (Lakatta, 1990). This means that older adults
between childhood and early adulthood and decline slowly who do not feel very old as they go about their normal rou-
thereafter. No matter wrhat physical function you look at—the tines may feel very old if they try to run up mountains.
capacity of the heart or lungs to meet the demands of exercise, By the time people are 65 or older, it is hard to find many
the ability of the body to control its temperature, the ability of who do not have something wrong with their bodies. Acute ill-
the immune system to fight disease, or strength—the gradual nesses such as colds and infections become less frequent from
effects of aging are evident. For example, Monique Samson childhood on, but chronic diseases and disorders become more
and her colleagues (2000) assessed handgrip strength in common. National health surveys indicate that many of the 70-
healthy men and women between age 20 and age 80. Women and-older age group have at least one chronic impairment—
showed only small decreases in muscle strength before age 55 whether a sensory loss, arthritis, hypertension, or a degenerative
but much larger decreases after age 55. Men showed steady disease (Federal Interagency Forum, 2000). Arthritis alone af-
loss of muscle strength across all ages studied. fects 50% of elderly men and 64% of elderly women; in addi-
It should be noted, however, that individual differences in tion, about 45% have hypertension (high blood pressure), and
physiological functioning increase with age (Harris et al., about 22% have heart disease (Federal Interagency Forum,
1992). That is, aerobic capacity and other physiological meas- 2000). Among older adults who live in poverty, many of whom
urements vary more widely among 70-year-olds than among are members of a minority group, health problems and diffi-
20-year-olds. Even though the average old person is less phys- culties in day-to-day functioning are even "more common and
iologically fit than the average young person, not all older more severe (Clark 8c Maddox, 1992; Hobbs, 1996). Still, as
people have poor physiological functioning. Older adults who Table 5.5 shows, most adults maintain the physical capabilities
remain physically active retain greater strength (Amara et al., that allow them to function successfully.
2003).
Another fact of physical aging is a decline in the reserve Psychological Implications
capacity of many organ systems—that is, their ability to re- Some people, influenced by societal stereotypes to equate
spond to demands for extraordinary output, such as in emer- "old" with "unattractive," find the physical changes in their ap-
gencies (Goldberg 8c Hagberg, 1990). For example, old and pearance and functioning that occur with age difficult to ac-
young people do not differ much in resting heart rates, but cept. American society values youth and devalues olci age and
the physical changes that often accompany it. What are the
psychological implications of growing older under these con-
ditions? Negative stereotypes about older adults abound—
they are sickly, frail, forgetful, unattractive, dependent, or oth-
erwise incompetent. Such stereotypes can lead to ageism, or
prejudice against elderly people. Most elderly adults have in-
ternalized these negative views but believe they apply to other
older adults and not to themselves.
Laura Hurd (1999) interviewed women between age 50
and age 90 who attended programs at a "senior center." She
found that the women actively worked to distance themselves
from the "old" category and to remain in the "not old" cate-
gory. These categories were defined not by age but by what in-
dividuals can and cannot do. Generally, the women believed
that they were not old because they had the physical and men-
tal abilities to avoid nursing home care. In particular, they be-
lieved that remaining active—both physically and socially—
([ S o m e o l d e r adults have a g o o d deal o f r e s e r v e capacity a n d can was the key to avoiding becoming old. Women who
p e r f o r m s t r e n u o u s activities e v e n in t h e i r 80s a n d 90s. considered themselves "not old" believed that men and
women who were old had given in to the stereotypes of aging with calcium and vitamin D may alleviate symptoms because
by being inactive and solitary. low estrogen levels can interfere with the absorption of these
As you have seen, many older adults, even those who substances by the body (Thys-Jacobs, 2000). Clearly, individu-
consider themselves "not old," have chronic diseases and im- als vary in how they experience menstrual cycles.
pairments. Still, 7 2 % of people 65 and older say they are in You now know that genetic endowment influences the ex-
excellent, very good, or good health (Federal Interagency tent to which a woman experiences both premenstrual and
Forum, 2000). Moreover, relatively few say they need assis- menstrual distress (Condon, 1993; Kendler et al., 1992). Social
tance with daily activities, although the figure climbs with factors also play a role. Learned societal stereotypes of what
age—from 9 % of those age 65 to age 69 to 50% of those age women "should" experience at different phases of the menstrual
85 and older (Hobbs, 1996). Although having a chronic dis- cycle appear to influence what women experience and report
ease or disability tends to lower an older person s sense of (Ainscough, 1990; Englander-Golden et al., 1986). Most likely,
well-being, many people with arthritis, diabetes, and other then, biological, psychological, social, and cultural factors all
difficulties are no less content with their lives than anyone contribute to a woman's experience of the menstrual cycle dur-
else (Kempen, Ormel, & Relyveld, 1997). Clearly, most older ing her adult life (McFarlane & Williams, 1990).
people are able to retain their sense of well-being and their
ability to function independently despite an increased likeli- Female Menopause
hood of impairments. Like other systems of the body, the reproductive system ages.
The ending of a woman's menstrual periods in midlife is called
menopause. The average woman experiences menopause at
The Reproductive System
age 51, and the usual age range is from 45 to 54 (National
During most of adulthood, the sex hormones that start to be Institutes of Health, 2002). The process takes place gradually
secreted during adolescence help ensure interest in sexual be- over 5 to 10 years as periods become either more or less fre-
havior and the ability to have children, but they also have psy- quent and less regular. Levels of estrogen and other female hor-
chological implications and affect the experience of aging. In mones decline so that the woman who has been through
men, testosterone levels fluctuate annually, with the highest menopause has a hormone mix that is less "feminine" and
•
levels detected in June and July (Andersson et aL, 2003), and more "masculine" than that of the premenopausal woman.
daily (Harman 8c Talbert, 1985). Men with high levels of When menopause is completed, a woman is no longer ovulat-
testosterone tend to be more sexually active and aggressive ing, no longer menstruating, and no longer capable of con-
than other men (Schiavi et al., 1991; Archer, 1991), Otherwise, ceiving a child.
it is not clear that changes in men s hormone levels are tied to The age at which a woman reaches menopause is some-
changes in their moods and behavior. what related to both the age at which she reached menarche
By contrast, hormone levels in women shift drastically and the age at which her mother reached menopause (Varea et
each month as they progress through their menstrual cycles. al., 2000). Although life expectancy has increased and the age
These shifts have psychological implications for some women. of menarche has decreased over history as part of the secular
Estrogen and progesterone levels rise to a peak at midcycle, trend, the age of menopause does not appear to have changed
when a woman is ovulating, and decline as she approaches her much and is similar from culture to culture (Brody et al.,
menstrual period. The cyclic changes in hormones may lead 2000). What has changed is that women are now living long
to such symptoms as bloating, moodiness, breast tenderness, enough to experience a considerable period of post-
and headaches during the days just before the menstrual flow, menopausal life.
symptoms collectively referred to as premenstrual syndrome Society holds rather stereotypic views of menopausal
(PMS). Among women age 21 to age 64, 41% report that they women. They are regarded as irritable, emotional, depressed,
experience PMS and another 17% report at least some symp- and unstable. How much truth is there to this stereotype? Not
toms before menstruation (Singh et aL, 1998). Many adoles- much. About two-thirds of women in U.S. society experience
cent women (88%) report moderate or severe symptoms hot flashes—sudden experiences of warmth and sweating,
(Cleckner-Smith, Doughty, & Grossman, 1998). usually centered around the face and upper body, that occur at
However, there is some debate about the validity of PMS. unpredictable times, last for a few seconds or minutes, and are
In research where women are simply asked to complete mood often followed by a cold shiver (Robinson, 1996). Many also
surveys every day and do not know that their menstrual cycles experience vaginal dryness and irritation or pain during in-
are being studied, most report li ttle premenstrual mood change tercourse. Still other women experience no symptoms.
(Englander-Golden et al., 1986). This suggests that expectations What about the psychological symptoms—irritability and
and not hormones play a role in many cases of PMS. Only a few depression? Again, researchers have discovered wide variation
women—probably fewer than 5%—experience significant among menopausal women—and not much truth to the neg-
PMS. Changes in estrogen and progesterone levels may be re- ative stereotypes. In a particularly wrell-designed study, Karen
sponsible for the severe PMS these women experience (Schmidt Matthews and her associates (Matthews, 1992; Matthews et al.,
et al., 1998). Women with severe PMS may find relief when 1990) studied 541 initially premenopausal women over a 3-
treated with antidepressant drugs such as Prozac (Dimmock et year period, comparing those who subsequently experienced
al., 2000). For women with milder forms of PMS, treatment menopause with women of similar ages who did not become
menopausal. The typical woman entering menopause initially psychological and social factors of the sort that influence
experienced some physical symptoms such as hot flashes. women's reactions to sexual maturation and to their men-
Some women also reported mild depression and temporary strual cycles also influence the severity of menopausal symp-
emotional distress, probably in reaction to their physical symptoms. For example, women who expect menopause to be a
toms, but only about 10% could be said to have become seri- negative experience are likely to get what they expect
ously depressed in response to menopause. Typically, meno- (Matthews, 1992). There is also a good deal of variation across
pause had no effect on the women's levels of anxiety, anger, cultures in how menopause is experienced (see the
perceived stress, or job dissatisfaction. When women do expe- Explorations box on this page). It appears that the effect of
rience severe psychological problems during the menopausal menopause is colored by the meaning it has for the woman, as
transition, they often had those problems well before the age of influenced by her society's prevailing views of menopause and
menopause (Greene, 1984). by her own personal characteristics.
Women who have been through menopause generally say For years, hormone replacement therapy, or HRT (taking
it had little effect on them or that it even improved their lives; estrogen and progestin to compensate for hormone loss at
they are usually more positive about it than women who have menopause), was considered an effective cure for the symp-
not been through it yet (Gannon & Ekstrom, 1993; Wilbur, toms that many women experience with menopause. This
Miller, & Montgomery, 1995). For most women, menopause hormone treatment relieves physical symptoms of
brings no changes in sexual interest and activity, although sex- menopause, such as hot flashes and vaginal dryness, and pre-
ual activity gradually declines in both women and men over vents or slows osteoporosis (National Institutes of Health,
the adult years (Laumann, Pailc, & Rosen, 1999). In short, de- 2002). Unfortunately, researchers have learned that this relief
spite all the negative stereotypes, menopause seems to be "no comes with a price. HRT increases women's chances of devel-
big deal" for most women. oping breast cancer and experiencing heart attacks and
Why do some women experience more severe meno- strokes (Women's Health Initiative, 2004). For most women,
pausal symptoms than others do? Again, part of the answer these risks outweigh the benefits of HRT, particularly if the
may lie with biology. Women who have a history of menstrual hormones estrogen and progestin are taken over a long pe-
problems (such as PMS) report more menopausal symptoms, riod. For women with severe menopausal symptoms associ-
both physical and psychological (Morse et al, 1998). Thus, ated with decreasing production of hormones, short-term
some women may experience greater biological changes. But HRT (for example, up to 2 years) may be warranted.
T he physical changes involved in m e n o p a u s e are univer-

sal, but t h e
Consider hot
psychological
flashes, t h e most
experience
frequent
o f it is
complaint
not.
of
t o t h e s e Indian w o m e n . T h e y w e r e freed from t h e t a b o o s
a s s o c i a t e d with m e n s t r u a t i o n t h a t had kept t h e m veiled and
segregated from male s o c i e t y as y o u n g e r w o m e n . T h e y
menopausal w o m e n . Nearly t h r e e - q u a r t e r s o f A m e r i c a n and could n o w mingle with men o t h e r than t h e i r husbands and
Canadian w o m e n r e p o r t e x p e r i e n c i n g at least o n e h o t flash fathers and even drink t h e local b r e w with t h e fellows.
during t h e menopausal period, but only o n e in five J a p a n e s e Moreover, they still had meaningful w o r k roles and w e r e
w o m e n recall having had any (Lock, 1993; Shaw, 1997). Even seen as wise by virtue of t h e i r years. In N o r t h A m e r i c a n s o -
within t h e United S t a t e s , J a p a n e s e and C h i n e s e w o m e n r e - ciety, by c o m p a r i s o n , aging often m e a n s a loss of status f o r
p o r t f e w e r menopausal s y m p t o m s than African A m e r i c a n , o l d e r w o m e n , and m e n o p a u s e is regarded as a medical c o n -
European A m e r i c a n , and Hispanic w o m e n (Gold et al., dition of aging t o b e t r e a t e d with h o r m o n e s .
2 0 0 0 ) . In Z i m b a b w e , w o m e n e x p e r i e n c e t h e s a m e symp- N o t all w o m e n share this negative and medical view of
t o m s as r e p o r t e d by w o m e n in W e s t e r n cultures, but t h e y m e n o p a u s e , even w h e n t h e b r o a d e r culture around t h e m
view t h e s e as part o f a normal and healthy stage of life and e m b r a c e s this view. S o m e A m e r i c a n w o m e n , f o r instance,
n o t as an unhealthy sign o f loss (McMaster, Pitts, & Poyah, report that menopause is insignificant relative t o other
1997). Thus, t h e y t e n d n o t t o s e e k t r e a t m e n t o r complain things going on in t h e i r lives ( W i n t e r i c h & Umberson,
about their "symptoms." 1999). O t h e r s regard m e n o p a u s e as a normal life transition,
Marcha Flint ( 1 9 8 2 ) surveyed w o m e n o f a high and s o - even an o p p o r t u n i t y t o e m b a r k on new life o p t i o n s (Adler
cially advantaged c a s t e in India and found t h a t w o m e n w h o e t al., 2 0 0 0 ) . S o again, biological, psychological, and social fac-
had n o t r e a c h e d m e n o p a u s e looked f o r w a r d t o it and t h a t t o r s all play parts in h o w a seemingly c o m m o n e v e n t is in-
w o m e n w h o had r e a c h e d it w e r e pleased t h a t t h e y had. t e r p r e t e d differently by different individuals.
W h y ? A c c o r d i n g t o Flint, m e n o p a u s e b r o u g h t social rewards
Increasingly, women are considering alternative treatments lights provide for pedestrians to cross the street is not enough
such as soy, but the benefits and pitfalls of these alternatives for the 99% of people age 72 or older who walk at a pace
have not been documented. Lifestyle changes such as exercis- slower than 4 feet per second (Langlois et al., 1997). Some
ing and getting adequate sleep may be the best options for older adults also walk as if they were treading on a slippery
menopausal women because they alleviate some complaints surface—with short, shuffling steps and not much arm move-
and are safe. ment (Murray, Kory, 8c Clarkson, 1969). Why is this?
Difficulty with balance is one likely culprit. The sensory
Male Andropause systems involved in balance do not function as well in old age as
Obviously, men cannot experience menopause because they they did in earlier years (Ochs et al., 1985). Indeed, balance is
do not menstruate. They also do not experience the sharp often used as an indicator of older adul ts' functional mobility—
drop in hormones that accompanies menopause in women their ability to stand, sit, walk, and turn (Shumway-Cook,
(Gould, Petty, 8c Jacobs, 2000). But over the past several years, Brauer, 8c Woollacott, 2000). Individuals with poor balance may
some research has pointed to the possibility that men experi- compensate by walking more slowly. More generally, older
ence andropause as they age. Andropause, slower and not as adults who have fallen or fear they will fall make many adaptive
dramatic as menopause in women, is characterized by de- changes in their walk to protect themselves (Newstead et al.,
creasing levels of testosterone and a variety of symptoms in- 2000).
cluding low libido, fatigue and lack of energy, erection prob- An older person's slow pace of walking may also be
lems, memory problems, and loss of pubic hair (Tan & Pu, caused by loss of strength and reduced cardiovascular func-
2004; Vermeulen, 2000; Wu, Yu, & Chen, 2000). By age 80, tioning (Buchner, 1997). The pace at which adults of any age
men have between 20 and 50% of the testosterone that they choose to walk and the fastest pace at which they can walk are
had at age 20. The sperm produced by older men may not be associated with their cardiovascular capacity and their muscle
as active as those produced by younger men. Still, men can mass (Cunningham et al., 1982). Older people with strong
have children long after women are capable of bearing chil- hearts and muscles may walk briskly, but those who have car-
dren. Men in their 90s have been known to father children. diovascular limitations may be slow.
Some research reports that, among men over age 50 with On average, older adults perform many motor actions
symptoms of andropause, testosterone levels are markedly more slowly and with less coordination than younger adults
lower than levels in men without symptoms (Wu, Yu, & Chen, do (Morgan et al., 1994; Stelmach & Nahom, 1992). The un-
2000). But other research does not show a clear connection derlying reason is a slowing of the brain, Gerontologist
between andropause symptoms and testosterone levels (see, James Birren has argued that the central change that comes
for example, Vermeulen, 2000). In one study, for example, half about as people age is a slowing of the nervous system
of 50- to 70-year-old men complained of erectile dysfunction (Birren 8c Fisher, 1995). It affects not only motor behavior
despite having sufficient levels of testosterone; most of these but also mental functioning, and it affects most elderly peo-
cases of erectile dysfunction are caused by medical conditions ple to at least some degree. You have already seen that young
such as diabetes and not by lower hormone production children have slow reaction times. Speed on a variety of per-
(Gould, Petty, & Jacobs, 2000). ceptual-motor tasks then improves and peaks among young
In sum, the changes associated with andropause in men are adults, only to gradually decrease among middle-aged and
more gradual, more variable, and less complete than those as- older adults (Earles 8c Salthouse, 1995; Yan, Thomas, 8c
sociated with menopause in women. As a result, men experi- Stelmach, 1998). In a study comparing younger adults
ence fewer psychological effects. Frequenq^ of sexual activity (18-24 years) with older adults (62-72 years) on five motor
does decline as men age. However, this trend cannot be blamed tasks, the older adults performed more slowly on all five
entirely on decreased hormone levels, because sexual activity (Francis 8c Spirduso, 2000). The older adults were especially
often declines even when testosterone levels remain high slow on fine motor tasks requiring object manipulation,
(Gould, Petty, 8c Jacobs, 2000; see also Chapter 12 on sexuality). such as inserting pegs in holes. They also have more trouble
when tasks are novel and when they are complex—for ex-
ample, when any one of several stimuli might appear on a
screen and each requires a different response (Sliwinski et
How well can older adults carry out the physical activities of al., 1994; Spirduso 8c MacRae, 1990). On average, older
daily life? Obviously, those who have severe arthritis may have adults take V/2 to 2 times longer than young adults to re-
difficulty merely walking or dressing themselves without pain, spond on a range of cognitive tasks that require speedy an-
but here we focus on two more typical changes in physical be- swers (Lima, Hale, 8c Myerson, 1991).
havior over the adult years: a slowing of behavior and a de- You should not expect all old people to be slow in all sit-
creased ability to engage in strenuous activities. uations, however. The reaction times of older adults vary
greatly (Yan, Thomas, 8c Stelmach, 1998; Yan et aL, 2000).
Slowing D o w n Physically fit older people and those free from cardiovascular
You may have noticed, as you breeze by them on the sidewalk, diseases have quicker reactions than peers who lead sedentary
that older adults often walk more slowly than young people lives or have diseases, although they are still likely to be slowrer
do. Indeed, research suggests that the amount of time stop- than they were when they were younger (Earles 8c Salthouse,
1995; Spirduso 8c MacRae, 1990). Aerobic exercise or experi- psychological functioning. However, the men with slight
ence playing video games can also speed the reactions of older traces of impending disease were deficient on several meas-
adults (Dustman et al., 1989, 1992). In addition, experience ures. Diseases that have progressed to the point of symptoms
can help elderly people compensate for a slower nervous sys- have even more serious consequences for performance.
tem so that they can continue to perform well on familiar mo- So it is possible that disease, rather than aging, accounts
tor tasks (Salthouse, 1984). for many declines in functioning in later life (Houx, Vreeling,
The slowing of the nervous system and of motor per- 8c Jolles, 1991). We must note, however, that Birren and his
formance is one important fact of aging. Another is that many colleagues had a tough time finding the perfectly healthy older
people become out of shape. Typically, adults decrease their people they studied. Most older people experience both aging
involvement in vigorous physical activity as they get older— and disease, and it is difficult to separate the effects of the two.
females earlier than males (Ruchlin 8c Lachs, 1999). By late Although aging and disease are distinct, increased vulnerabil-
adulthood, they may find that they get tired just climbing ity to disease is one part—and an important part—of normal
stairs or carrying groceries; running a marathon is out of the aging.
question. Because of declines in reserve capacity, aging bodies Disuse of the body also contributes to steeper declines in
are at a greater disadvantage when they must perform tasks re- physical functioning in some adults than in others (Wagner et
quiring maximal strength, speed, or endurance than when al., 1992). John Masters and Virginia Johnson (1966) proposed
they are asked to perform normal daily activities (Goldberg & a "use it or lose it" maxim to describe how sexual functioning
Hagberg, 1990). The average older person tires more quickly deteriorates if a person engages in little or no sexual activity.
and needs more time to recover after vigorous activity than The same maxim can be applied to other systems of the body.
the average younger person. Muscles atrophy if they are not used, and the heart functions
Yet again, diversity is greater among older adults than less well if a person leads a sedentary life. Changes such as these
among younger ones. Some older people can perform vigor- in some aging adults are much like the changes observed in
ous physical activities with distinction. For instance, at age 84, people of any age confined to bed for a long time (Goldberg &
James Dooley is still an active downhill skill racer (Tyre, Hagberg, 1990). The brain also needs "mental exercise" to dis-
2004). Mary Jansen, a grandmother, started training for her play plasticity and to continue to function effectively in old age
first marathon when she was 54 years old (Tyre, 2004). At 62, (Black, Isaacs, 8c Greenough, 1991). In short, most systems of
she has competed in a variety of races, and although she has the body seem to thrive on use, but too many people become
not yet won a race, she always finishes. And Michael Stones inactive as they age (Ruchlin & Lachs, 1999).
and Albert Kozma (1985) cite die example of a 98-year-old Finally, abuse of the body contributes to declines in func-
man who could run a marathon (26.2 miles) in 7V2 hours! tioning in some people. Excessive alcohol consumption, a
high-fat diet, and smoking are all clear examples (Haber,
Disease, Disuse, and A b u s e 1994). In addition, although elderly adults are rarely recre-
As you have seen, many aspects of physical functioning de- ational drug abusers, many take several prescribed medica-
cline over the adult years in many individuals. But an impor- tions. Drugs typically affect older adults more powerfully than
tant question arises: when researchers look at the performance they do* younger adults; they can also interact with one an-
of older people, are they seeing the effects of aging alone or other and with the aging bodys chemistry to impair func-
the effects of something else? The "something else" could be tioning (Cherry 8c Morton, 1989; Lamy, 1986).
disease, disuse of the body, abuse of the body—or all three. Overall, then, poor functioning in old age may represent
Most older people have at least some chronic disease or im- any combination of the effects of aging, disease, disuse, and
pairment, such as arthritis or heart disease. How would an eld- abuse. We may not be able to do much to change basic aging
erly person function if she could manage to stay disease-free? processes, but we can change our lifestyles to optimize the
Birren and his colleagues (1963) addressed this question in a odds of a long and healthy old age.
classic study of men age 65 to 91. Extensive medical examina-
tions were conducted to identify two groups of elderly men: (1)
Summing Up
those who were almost perfectly healthy and had no signs of dis-
ease and (2) those who had slight traces of some disease in the Declines in physical systems and capabilities begin in early
making but no clinically diagnosable diseases. Several aspects of adulthood, with steeper declines evident among older
physical and intellectual functioning were assessed in these men, adults. Most older adults successfully adjust to these
and the participants were compared with young men. changes, although there may be psychological conse-
The most remarkable finding was that the healthier group quences just as there are during adolescence. Disease,
of older men hardly differed from the younger men. They disuse, and abuse all influence the physical behavior of
were equal in their capacity for physical exercise, and they beat adults. For both sexes, changes in the reproductive sys-
the younger men on measures of intelligence requiring gen- tem are a normal part of aging. Neither women nor men
eral information or knowledge of vocabulary words. Their seem to suffer much as their ability to have children
main limitations were the slower brain activity and reaction wanes or disappears. Sexual activity becomes less fre-
times that seem to be so basic to the aging process. Overall, ag- quent, but it remains an important part of life for most
ing in the absence of disease had little effect on physical and older adults. M
Summary Points
1. Each of the many systems of the human body develops and 1. You now know that the architecture of the brain is created in
ages at its own rate, guided by a genetic program set into action by the response to early experience rather than laid down by the genes. In
brain and the hormones released by the endocrine system. Endocrine what ways might a brain "fine-tuned" by experience be superior to a
glands such as the pituitary, thyroid, testes, and ovaries regulate be- brain whose structure is entirely determined at birth?
havior by secreting hormones directly into the bloodstream. 2. Recall a time when you learned a new motor skill—for exam-
2. The nervous system consists of the brain and the spinal cord. ple, how to rollerblade or hit a golf ball. Can you apply the dynamic
The amazingly complex processes of the endocrine and nervous sys- systems approach to understand how your skill developed over time
tems normally work like a well-oiled machine, but their operation can and what influenced its development?
be hindered or enhanced by environmental forces. Brain development 3. Many (indeed, most) stereotypes of the physical aging process
is most rapid during the late prenatal period and early infancy. There are negative and depressing. What in this chapter gives you reason to
is a good deal of plasticity of brain functions during this early devel- be more optimistic about aging, and why? Cite specific concepts and
opmental period, although even older brains retain some plasticity. research findings.
3. The procession of physical growth is orderly, obeying the 4. Suppose you set as your goal reaching age 100 in superb phys-
cephalocaudal, proximodistal, and orthogenetic principles. ical condition. Describe and justify a plan for achieving your goal,
4. Newborns have a range of reflexes (both survival and primi- then indicate why you might not make it despite your best efforts.
tive), working senses, a capacity to learn, and organized sleeping and
waking states. During infancy, significant growth takes place. In addi-
tion, bones harden and muscles strengthen. According to the dynamic
systems approach, early motor development is influenced by matura-
catch-up growth, 112 rhythmic stereotypies, 126
tion and by normal opportunities to interact with environment.
5. During childhood, the body steadily grows, and large-muscle endocrine gland, 112 dynamic systems approach, 126
and small-muscle control and reaction time improve. Children learn pituitary gland, 113 reaction time, 130
to coordinate their movements within a changing environment.
growth hormone, 113 puberty, 130
6. The adolescent growth spurt and pubertal changes make ado-
lescence a time of dramatic physical change. Girls reach menarche androgens, 113 adolescent growth spurt, 131
•
(first menstruation) at an average age of 127 2 ; boys experience seme- estrogen, 113 menarche, 131
narche (first ejaculation) a bit later. Rates of maturation vary widely, neuron, 113 semenarche, 131
partly because of genetic makeup and partly because of nutrition and synapse, 114 secular trend, 132
health status.
plasticity, 115 osteoporosis, 135
7. Most adolescent girls and boys react to the maturation
process with mixed feelings, worry about their physical appearance lateralization, 115 osteoarthritis, 136
and capabilities, and experience heightened conflict with parents in cephalocaudal principle, 118 reserve capacity, 136
early adolescence. Early maturation tends to give boys an advantage
proximodistal principle, 118 ageism, 136
over their peers but appears to be disadvantageous for girls. Physical
capabilities of boys improve, but those of many girls level off or even orthogenetic principle, 119 premenstrual syndrome
decline during adolescence, perhaps because of gender stereotypes. reflex, 119 (PMS), 137
8. Most systems of the body reach a peak of functioning be- menopause, 137
REM sleep, 121
tween childhood and early adulthood and decline gradually there-
developmental norm, 124 hot flashes, 137
after; decreases in reserve capacity are especially noticeable. However,
individual differences in physiological functioning become greater gross motor skills, 124 hormone replacement therapy
with age. Older adults lose bone density, which may lead to fractures (HRT), 138
fine motor skills, 124
or osteoporosis. Good bone health starts in childhood with adequate andropause, 139
pmcer grasp, 126
* 1 /A /-
calcium and is maintained with regular physical activity.

9. During the reproductive years of adulthood, some women ex-
perience mood swings during the menstrual cycle, but few women Media Resources
are incapacitated by PMS. Men's hormone levels also fluctuate, al-
though not in monthly cycles. Women reach menopause and lose
Websites t o Explore
their reproductive capacity around age 50; most experience hot
flashes and vaginal dryness, but few experience severe psychological Visit Our Website
symptoms. The reproductive systems of men age more gradually and For a chapter tutorial quiz and other useful features, visit
less completely during the male andropause. the book's companion website at ht1p:/'/psychology.wadsworth.com/
10. As people age, their nervous systems, reaction times, and sigelman_rider5e. You can also connect, directly to the following sites:
motor behavior slow; their capacity for vigorous activity is also re-
duced. Aging, disease, disuse, and abuse of the body all affect per- Health
formance in later life. Healthy older people function much like Medline Plus provides extensive information on health issues and in-
younger people except for their slower reactions, but the develop- cludes recent scholarly research on each covered topic. Discovery
ment of chronic diseases is a fact of aging for most people. Health is sponsored by the group that produces the Discovery
Channel for television.
Sleep Life-Span CD-ROM
The Sleep Foundation maintains a website with scholarly informa-
tion on sleep needs, habits, and problems.
Early Brain Development
The Zero to Three website examines brain development from the
prenatal period through the first 3 postnatal years. Topics covered in-
video library:
clude critical periods, environmental influences, and risk factors.
V I D E O Newborn Reflexes
Developmental Psychology V I D E O Infancy and Toddlerhood: Fine Motor Development
The Psi Cafe is a website maintained by an instructor at Portland
V I D E O Physical Changes with Aging
State University. It contains links to myriad psychology resources and
has a page devoted to developmental psychology. DEVELOPMENTAL
Ps
ych
oo
lg
y©No
wTM
The Secret Life of the Brain
Developmental PsychologyNow is a web-based, intelli-
In 2002, PBS premiered a five-part series on the brain. Its companion
gent study system that provides a complete package of di-
website summarizes each of the five episodes and offers web-exclu-
agnostic quizzes, a personalized study plan, integrated multimedia
sive features such as a three-dimensional exploration of the brain.
elements, and learning modules. Check it out at http:/'/psychology
.wadsworth.com/sigelman_rider5e/now.
Understanding t h e Data:
Exercises on t h e W e b

chapter, try the exercises for these figures at http://psychology
Avadsworth.com/sigelman_rider5e:
Figure 5.1 Catch-up growth in a girl following treatment for
celiac syndrome at around age 11
Table 5.3 Percentage of day (24-hour period) spent in various
behavioral states at 2, 6, 12, and 40 weeks
Figure 5.6 Sequence of events in the sexual maturation of fe-
males and males
*
C H A P T E R X
Oil
Issues o f N a t u r e Hearing T k e Adolescent

and Nurture Basic Capacities
Speech Perception
Tlie Adult
Taste and Smell
T l ie I n f a n t Vision
Touch, Temperature, and Pain
Assessing Perceptual Abilities Changes in the Pupil
Integrating Sensory Information Changes in the Lens
Habituation
Preferential Looking Influences on Early Perceptual Retinal Changes
Evoked Potentials Development Attention and Visual Search
Operant Conditioning Early Experience and the Brain Hearing
The Infant's Active Role Basic Capacities
Vision
Cultural Variation Speech Perception
Basic Capacities
Pattern Perception Taste and Smell
Depth Perception Tlie Cliild Touch, Temperature, and Pain
Organizing a World of Objects
•
The Development of Attention The Adult in Perspective

The Infant as an Intuitive Theorist
Longer Attention Span
More Selective Attention
More Systematic Attention
EQUIPPED W I T H A N IMMATURE NERVOUS SYS- of sensory input: recognizing what you see, understanding
T E M , a b a b y arrives i n t o a c l a m o r o u s w o r l d o f stimuli t h a t what is said to you, knowing that the odor you have detected is
c o m e b o t h f r o m within and w i t h o u t h e r g r o w i n g body. In }a sizzling steak, and so on. It is affected by the individual's his-
t h e early m o n t h s o f life, a n o r m a l l y d e v e l o p i n g child begins tory of learning experiences. Does a newborn perceive the
t h e t a s k o f making o r d e r o u t o f t h e s e n s a t i o n s t h a t s t r e a m world, then, or merely sense it? And what happens to sensory
unbidden and u n c h a n n e l e d t h r o u g h h e r m a t u r i n g s e n s e s . and perceptual capacities as the person ages? Perhaps we
First s h e m u s t attain c o n t r o l o v e r h e r b o d y s m o t i o n s and should start with a more basic question: Why should you care
internal s e n s a t i o n s and o v e r h e r o w n a t t e n t i o n . . . t h e s e about the development of sensation and perception?
abilities t o p r o c e s s sights, s o u n d s , and o t h e r s e n s a t i o n s and Sensation and perception are at the heart of human func-
t o o r g a n i z e r e s p o n s e s in a c a l m , f o c u s e d m a n n e r s u p p o r t tioning. Everything you do depends on your ability to perceive
m a s t e r y o f f u r t h e r basic skills o f d e v e l o p m e n t ( G r e e n s p a n , the world around you. You would have a tough time as a student
1 9 9 7 , p. 4 5 ) . if you could neither read printed words nor understand speech.
Indeed, you would not be able to walk to class without the aid
of the body senses that control movement. Possibly one reason
Psychologists have long distinguished between sensation and that sensation and perception may not seem important is that
perception. Sensation is the process by which sensory receptor they occur so effortlessly for most people. And as long as the
neurons detect information and transmit it to the brain. From sensory-perceptual systems are in good working order, we tend
birth, infants sense their environment. They detect light, to take them for granted. But as soon as there is a "glitch" in the
sound, odor-bearing molecules in the air, and other stimuli. system, we become painfully aware of the limitations imposed
But do they make "sense" of it? Perception is the interpretation when, for example, we lose our vision or sense of smell.
There is another reason to be interested in sensation and
perception. They have been at the center of a debate among
philosophers and, more recently, developmental scientists
about how wre gain knowledge of reality.
Issues of N a t u r e a n d N u r t u r e
Does the ability to perceive the world around us depend solely

on innate biological factors, or is this ability acquired through
experience and learning? Philosophers were raising this
nature-nurture issue about perception long before anyone
had conducted research on the perceptual capabilities of
young infants. Empiricists such as the 17th-century British
philosopher John Locke (1690/1939) took the nurture side of
the nature-nurture issue; they believed that the infant enters
the world as a tabula rasa (blank slate) that knows nothing ex-
cept what is learned through the senses. Empiricists think in-
fants perceive the world differently than adults do; only by ac-
cumulating perceptual experience do they learn how to
interpret sensory stimuli in meaningful ways.
Nativists take the nature side of the nature-nurture issue
and argue that we come into the world equipped with knowl-
edge that allows us to perceive a meaningful world. For
example, Rene Descartes (1638/1965) and Immanuel Kant
(1781/1958) believed that we are born with an understanding
of the spatial world. Presumably, infants do not need to learn
that receding objects will appear smaller or that approaching
objects will seem larger; perceptual understandings such as
these are innate or at least mature rapidly. According to na-
tivists, these abilities have been built into the human nervous
system through the course of evolution, making the infant
perceiver similar to the adult perceiver.
C In w h a t w a y s are t h e p e r c e p t u a l e x p e r i e n c e s o f infants a n d aduits Many of today's developmental theorists take less ex-
similar; a n d in w h a t w a y s are t h e y d i f f e r e n t because o f t h e adult's treme stands on the nature-nurture issue. They understand
greater experience w i t h t h e world? that humans5 innate biological endowment, maturational
processes, and experience all contribute to perceptual devel- is that researchers have become smarter. They have developed
opment. Yet they grapple with nature-nurture issues, and more sophisticated methods of studying what infants can and
some still take a strong stand on either the nature or the nur- cannot do. Infants, after all, cannot tell researchers directly
ture side of the debate. Some have concluded that infants are what they perceive, so the trick has been to develop ways to let
equipped almost from birth to interpret sensory experience their behavior speak for them.
much as adults do (Spelke, 1994), whereas others argue that
perceptual areas of the brain and perceptual skills evolve grad-
ually as infants respond to sights, sounds, and other stimuli
Assessing Perceptual Abilities
(Smith & Katz, 1996). Researchers who study perceptual de- As researchers have devised more ingenious ways of testing the
velopment attempt to determine which perceptual capacities perceptual capacities of young infants, they have uncovered
are evident so early in life that they seem innate and which more sophisticated capacities at younger ages. The main meth-
take longer to emerge and appear to be learned. They also at- ods used to study infant perception are the habituation, pref-
tempt to identify the kinds of experiences required for normal erential looking, evoked potentials, and operant conditioning
perceptual development, sometimes by studying children de- techniques (Gibson & Pick, 2000; ICellman & Banks, 1998).
prived of certain experiences. Their work is some of the most
exciting in developmental psychology. Habituation
Nature-nurture issues also arise in the study of declines Humans of all ages lose interest in a stimulus if it is presented
in sensory and perceptual abilities in later life. Are these de- repeatedly. This process of learning to be bored is called ha-
clines universal, suggesting that they are the product of fun- bituation. Researchers can use this process to uncover what is
damental aging processes? Or do they differ greatly from per- going on inside the infant s mind. Suppose researchers repeat-
son to person and result from factors other than aging, such as edly present the same visual stimulus (such as a blue circle) to
disease, exposure to ultraviolet rays, loud noise, or other envi- an infant; eventually the infant becomes bored and looks
ronmental influences known to damage the senses? Just as re- away—the infant habituates. If this infant regains interest
searchers must pin down the contributions of nature and nur- when a different stimulus (such as a red circle) is substituted,
ture to early perceptual development, they must clarify their researchers know that the infant has discriminated between
roles in perceptual aging. the two stimuli (Gibson & Pick, 2000). This procedure can be
In the next section, we look closely at sensation and per- used to test for discrimination of stimuli by all the senses—
ception in infancy because this is when most fundamental vision, audition, touch, and even taste and smell.
perceptual capacities emerge. Later, you will see how much
more "intelligent" the senses become during childhood and Preferential Looking
adolescence and will question the image of old age as a time of Alternatively, researchers can present an infant with two stim-
little more than sensory decline. uli at the same time and measure the length of time the infant
spends looking at each. A preference for one over the other,
Summing Up like responding to a novel stimulus in the habituation para-
digm, indicates that the infant discriminates the two stimuli
Empiricists argue that, as a newborn, a person is a "blank
(see Figure 6.1). What if the infant looks equally long at the
slate" and must acquire an understanding of the world
two stimuli? Then it is unclear what researchers can conclude;
through experience with sensory inputs. In contrast, the
the infant may discriminate the stimuli but may simply not
nativists believe that each person is born with some innate
like one better than the other. It is also possible that infants
understanding of how to interpret sensory information. I I
have a preference but do not display it with preferential look-
ing (Rovee-Collier, 2001). They may reveal this preference
when tested with an alternative method, such as an opportu-
Tlie I n f a n t nity to interact with the preferred object.
The pioneering American psychologist William James (1890) Evoked Potentials

claimed that sights, sounds, and other sensory inputs formed Researchers can get an idea of how the brain responds to stim-
a "blooming, buzzing confusion" to the young infant. James ulation by measuring its electrical activity with small metal
was actually noting that impressions from the several senses disks (electrodes) attached to the skins surface. The infant
are fused rather than separable, but his statement has since simply sits in a comfortable seat and watches or listens to var-
been quoted to represent the view that the world of the young ious stimuli. The electrodes and computer record the brain s
infant is hopelessly confusing. response to these stimuli so that researchers can "see" what is
Today, the accepted view is that young infants have far going on inside the brain.
greater perceptual abilities than anyone suspected. Their
senses are functioning even before birth, and in the early Operant Conditioning
months after birth they show .many signs that they are per- As you learned in Chapter 2, humans will repeat a response
ceiving a coherent rather than a chaotic world. Why the that has a pleasant consequence; that is, they are capcible of
change in views? It is not that babies have become smarter. It learning through operant conditioning. Young infants are not
Camera birth (Slater, 2004). From the first minutes after birth, the in-
fant can detect changes in brightness and can visually track a
slow-moving picture or object, although not as sensitively as
an adult (Slater, 2004). The ability to discriminate degrees of
brightness develops rapidly. By only 2 months after birth, in-
fants can distinguish a white bar that differs only 5 % in lumi-
nance from a solid white background (Peeples & Teller, 1975).
In other words, a 2-month-old would be able to distinguish
shades of white paint, a task that challenges many adults try-
ing to select just the right shade of white from many paint
samples.
Very young infants also see the world in color, not in
black and white as some early observers thought (Adams,
Maurer, & Davis, 1986). How do researchers know this?
Suppose they accustom an infant to a blue disk using the ha-
bituation technique. What will happen if they then present ei-
ther a blue disk of a different shade or a green disk? Infants 4
months old will show little interest in a disk of a different blue
but will be attentive to a green disk—even when the light re-
flected from these two stimuli differs in wavelength from the
original blue stimulus by the same amount (Schiffman, 2000).
F i g u r e 6.1 Researchers m u s t devise special w a y s t o assess infants'
Thus, 4-month-olds appear to discriminate colors and catego-
p e r c e p t u a l abilities. H e r e , an e x p e r i m e n t e r a n d c a m e r a r e c o r d h o w
rize portions of the continuum of wavelengths of light into
m u c h t i m e t h e infant l o o k s at each s t i m u l u s . T h e visual p r e f e r e n c e
the same basic color categories (red, blue, green, and yellow)
t e s t w a s p i o n e e r e d by R o b e r t Fantz in t h e early 1960s.
that adults do. Color vision is present at birth, but newborns
SOURCE: Adapted with permission from Schiffman, H.R. (2000}. Sensation and perception (5th ed.) N e w York:
Wiley, p. 295. Fig. 11.4. Copyright © 2000 by J o h n W i l e y & Sons.. Inc. often cannot discriminate color differences because their re-
ceptors are not yet mature. By 2 to 3 months, however, color
easily conditioned, but they can learn to suck faster or slower vision is mature (Schiffman, 2000).
or to turn the head to the side when a certain stimulus is pre- Are objects clear or blurry to young infants? This is a mat-
sented if they are reinforced for that response. Suppose that ter of visual acuity, or the ability to perceive detail. By adult
you want to determine whether infants can distinguish two standards, the newborn s visual acuity is poor, but it improves
speech sounds. First, an infant might be conditioned over sev- rapidly during the first 6 months (Schiffman, 2000). You have
eral trials to turn his head every time he hears a sound— undoubtedly heard of 20/20 vision, as measured by the famil-
perhaps by being shown an interesting toy or being given a iar Snellen eye chart with the big E at the top. Infants cannot
taste of milk. Then, a second sound would be presented; if the be asked to read eye charts. However, they do prefer to look at
infant turns his head, it suggests that the two sounds are per- a patterned stimulus rather than a blank one—unless it is so
ceived as equivalent; if the infant does not turn his head, you fine-grained that it looks no different from a blank. By pre-
can conclude that the two sounds have been discriminated. senting increasingly fine-grained striped disks paired with
Methods for studying infant perception have their limita- blank disks to infants using the preferential looking tech-
tions. For example, infants can fail to respond to some differ- nique, researchers can find the point at which their perception
ence between stimuli for reasons unrelated to an inability to of the stripes is lost and translate this into an estimate of vi-
discriminate between them (Rosser, 1994). Still, these tech- sual acuity.
niques, with others, have revealed a good deal about what in- Estimates of newborns' acuity range from 20/600 to as
fants perceive and what they do not, as you will now see. poor as 20/1200 (Schiffman, 2000). At best, this means that an
adult with normal vision can see at 600 feet what the infant
sees clearly at only 20 feet. Objects are blurry to the young in-
fant unless they are about 8 inches from the face or are bold
Most of us tend to think of vision as our most indispensable patterns with sharp light-dark contrasts—the face of a parent,
sense. Because vision is indeed important, we examine its for example. The young infant s world is also blurred because
early development in some detail before turning to the other of limitations in visual accommodation—the ability of the
major senses. lens of the eye to change shape to bring objects at different
distances into focus. It is likely to take 6 months to 1 year be-
Basic C a p a c i t i e s fore the infant can see as well as an adult (Schiffman, 2000;
The eye functions by taking in stimulation in the form of light Slater, 2004).
and converting it to electrochemical signals to the brain. How In short, the eyes of the young infant are not working at
well does the newborns visual system work? Fairly well, de- peak levels, but they are working. As one researcher summa-
spite being the one sense that receives no experience before rizes it: Infants are able to see what they need to see (Hainline,
1998). Even newborns can perceive light and dark, focus on
nearby objects, distinguish colors, and see simple patterns. But
does all this visual stimulation make any sense?
Pattern Perception
Over years of testing, researchers have found that even young
infants prefer to look at certain patterns more than others.
What are the properties of patterns that "turn infants on?" For
one thing, young infants are attracted to patterns that have a
large amount of light-dark transition, or contour; they are re-
sponsive to sharp boundaries between light and dark areas
(Banks & Shannon, 1993). This is perhaps why it was once
mistakenly thought that infants could only see in black and
white. They can detect color, but often the pastel colors pre-
sented to young infants do not have enough contrast to be in-
teresting. Black and white objects, however, offer this contrast.
Second, young infants are attracted to movement> espe-
cially the onset of motion (Abrams & Christ, 2003). Newborns
can and do track a moving target with their eyes, although
their tracking at first is imprecise and likely to falter unless the
target is moving slowly (Easterbrook et al, 1999; Slater, 2004).
Attractive and interesting targets, such as faces, elicit more vi-
sual tracking than other targets (Game, Carchon, & Vital-
Durand, 2003). Infants also look longer at moving objects and
perceive their forms better than those of stationary ones
(Johnson & Aslin, 1995; Slater 2004).
Finally, young infants seem to be attracted to moderately
complex patterns. They prefer a clear pattern (for example, a
bold checkerboard pattern) to either a blank stimulus or an
elaborate one such as a page from the New York Times (Fantz
& Fagan, 1975). As infants mature, they prefer more complex
stimuli. C At 2 months, Jordan is attracted to the mobile's well-defined con-
One special pattern that has garnered much attention tours (or light-dark contrasts) and bold patterns (which are neither
from researchers is the human face. Early research showing too simple nor too complex).
that young infants preferred to look at schematic drawings of
faces rather than other patterned stimuli seemed to suggest an been able to predict how different patterns might look to a
inborn tendency to orient to faces (see, for example, Johnson young infant. Figure 6.3 gives an example. Because the young
& de Haan, 2001). But as you have just learned, infants prefer infant s eye is small and its neural receptors are immature, it
contour, movement, and moderate complexity. Human faces has poor visual acuity and sees a highly complex checkerboard
have all of these physical properties. In addition, recent reas a big, dark blob. The pattern in a moderately complex
search shows that newborns have a bias towrard viewing pat- checkerboard can be seen. Less-than-perfect vision would
terns that have more information in their upper visual field, therefore explain why young infants prefer moderate com-
that is, patterns that are "top-heavy" (Cassia, Turati, & Simion, plexity to high complexity. Indeed, limited vision can account
2004; Turati, 2004). Again, faces are top-heavy. When pre- for several of the infant's visual preferences. Young infants
sented with a normal face and a face that is scrambled but still seem to actively seek the visual input they can see well—input
top-heavy (see Figure 6.2), newborns do not prefer one over that will stimulate the development of the visual centers of
the other, but they prefer a normal (upright) face to one that their brains (Banks & Shannon, 1993; Hainline, 1998).
is upside down or one that is scrambled and not top-heavy Finding that young infants discriminate patterns and pre-
(Cassia, Turati, & Simion, 2004). fer some over others raises another question. Can infants re-
To recap what has been covered up to this point, really perceive forms or patterns? For example, do they just see
searchers know that infants younger than 2 months have vi- an angle or two when they view a triangle, or do they see a
sual preferences, and they also know something about the whole triangular form that stands out from its background as
physical properties of stimuli that attract infants' attention. a distinct shape? Some research suggests that even newborns
Martin Banks and his colleagues have offered a simple expla- and 1-month-olds are sensitive to information about whole
nation for these early visual preferences: Young infants prefer shapes or forms (Slater, 2004). But most studies point to an
to look at whatever they can see well (Banks & Ginsburg, important breakthrough in the perception of forms starting
1985). Based on a complex mathematical model, Banks has around 2 or 3 months. Part of the story is told in Figure 6.4.
Upright face Upside-down Top-heavy Bottom-heavy Upright face Top-heavy
face configuration configuration configuration
(A) (B) (C)
> >
F i g u r e 6.2 In a series o f studies, Cassia,Turati, a n d Sirnion ( 2 0 0 4 ) s h o w e d t h a t n e w b o r n s p r e f e r
an u p r i g h t face o v e r an u p s i d e - d o w n o n e ( A ) a n d p r e f e r a t o p - h e a v y c o n f i g u r a t i o n o v e r a b o t t o m -
heavy o n e (B), b u t d o n o t s h o w a p r e f e r e n c e f o r an u p r i g h t face w h e n p a i r e d w i t h a t o p - h e a v y con-
figuration (C).
SOURCE: Cassia, Turati, & Sirnion (2004, p. 381).
One-month-olds focus on the outer contours of forms such as as though they are no longer content to locate where an object
faces (Johnson, 1997). Even babies a few days old can recog- starts and where it ends, as 1-month-olds tend to do; they
nize their mothers5 faces—but only when they can see the seem to want to know what it is. During this time, infants also
shape of the mother's head, not when they have only her facial become better at shifting their gaze from one object to an-
features to work with (Pascalis et al, 1995). Starting around 2 other (Butcher, Kalverboer, & Geuze, 2000). Initially, their
months, infants no longer focus on some external boundary gaze seems to become "stuck" on the fixated object, and they
or contour; instead, they explore the interiors of figures thor- have difficulty shifting it to another object. As you might
oughly (for example, looking at a person's facial features imagine, this difficulty with shifting gaze limits what young
rather than just at the chin, hairline, and top of the head). It is infants can take in from their environment.
Much remains to be learned about early perception of
faces. An intense nature-nurture debate still rages about
What an adult sees What an infant sees whether infants have an innate ability to perceive face forms
or can do so only after they have had some experience looking
Q-X
at faces (Johnson & de Haan, 2001; Slater, 2004). Still, we can
E<o conclude that infants truly perceive a meaningful face form,
o "O
o _
not merely an appealing pattern, by 2 to 3 months of age.
CD _ Q
j— Infants smile when they see faces as though they recognize
CD
CD
o them as familiar and appreciate their significance. So it goes
O _CD
o
c with pattern perception more generally: As infants gain expe-
rience with different objects, their attention is drawn to cer-
tain objects not only because they have certain physical prop-
erties, but also because their forms are recognized as familiar.
CD
X X D e p t h Perception
0 CD
Q.
E •o
Another important aspect of visual perception involves per-
o
o CO ceiving depth and knowing when objects are near or far.
Although it can take years to learn to judge the size of objects
O) Q)
in the distance, very young infants have some intriguing abil-
CD
_C
O
ities to interpret spatial cues involving nearby objects. For ex-
ample, they react defensively when objects move toward their
faces; blinking in response to looming objects first appears
Ffigyre 6.3 W h a t t h e y o u n g eye sees. By t h e t i m e t h e s e t w o around 1 month and becomes more consistent over the next
c h e c k e r b o a r d s are p r o c e s s e d by eyes w i t h u n d e v e l o p e d vision, o n l y
few months (Nanez & Yonas, 1994). Moreover, even newborns
t h e c h e c k e r b o a r d at t o p left m a y have a p a t t e r n remaining. B l u r r y vi-
seem to operate by the principle of size constancy: They rec-
sion in early infancy helps explain a p r e f e r e n c e f o r m o d e r a t e l y c o m -
ognize that an object is the same size despite changes in its dis-
p l e x r a t h e r t h a n highly c o m p l e x stimuli.
tance from the eyes. In one study, newborns who were habit-
SOURCE: From Mussen. P. H . (19831. Handbook of child psychology: Vol. 2. Infancy and developmental psychology
(4th ed.). N e w York: Wiley. Copyright <£> 1983 by Jo'nn W i l e y & Sons, Inc. Adaptec) with permission. uated to a particular cube presented at different distances
sion of a drop-off or "cliff." Infants are placed on the center
board and coaxed by their mothers to cross both the shallow
and the deep sides. Testing infants 6L/2 months of age and older,
Gibson and Walk found that 27 of 36 infants would cross the
shallow side to reach Mom, but only 3 of 36 would cross the
deep side. Most infants of crawling age (typically 7 months or
older) clearly perceive depth and are afraid of drop-offs.
But the testing procedure used by Gibson and Walk de-
pended on the ability of infants to crawl. Would younger in-
1-month-old 2-month-old fants who cannot yet crawl be able to perceive a drop-off?
Visual s c a n n i n g of a g e o m e t r i c f i g u r e b y 1- a n d 2 - m o n t h - o l d infants
Joseph Campos and his colleagues (Campos, Langer, &
Krowitz, 1970) found that when they slowly lowered babies
over the shallow and deep sides of the visual cliff, babies as
young as 2 months had a slower heart rate on the deep side
Finish
— than on the shallow side. Why slower? When we are afraid, our
hearts beat faster, not slower. A slow heart rate is a sign of in-
terest. So, 2-month-old infants perceive a difference between
the deep and the shallow sides of the visual cliff, but they have
not yet learned to fear drop-offs.
Finish Fear of drop-offs appears to be learned through crawling—
and perhaps falling now and then, or at least coming close to it
(Campos, Bertenthal, & Kermoian, 1992). Some beginning
crawlers will shuffle right off the ends of beds or the tops of
stairwells if they are not watched carefully. However, fear of
drop-offs is stronger in infants who have logged a few weeks of
crawling than in infants of the same age who do not yet crawl;
also, providing infants who do not crawl with walkers that allow
them to move about hastens the development of a healthy fear
of heights (Campos, Bertenthal, & Kermoian, 1992). Both mat-
uration and normal experiences moving about contribute to
the perception and interpretation of depth, it seems.
1-month-old 2-month-old Organizing a World of Objects

V i s u a l s c a n n i n g of t h e h u m a n f a c e b y 1- a n d 2 - m o n t h - o l d i n f a n t s Another challenge in perceptual development is to separate
the visual field into distinct objects, even when parts of objects
ire 6 . 4 Visual scanning in e a r l y infancy.The I-month-old
s e e m s t o be t r y i n g t o l o c a t e w h e r e an o b j e c t begins a n d ends,
are hidden behind other objects. From an early age, infants
w h e r e a s t h e 2 - m o n t h - o l d seems t o be o n t h e w a y t o figuring o u t show remarkable abilities to organize and impose order on vi-
w h a t an o b j e c t is by e x p l o r i n g it inside a n d o u t sual scenes in much the same way that adults do. For example,
SOURCE: Adapted from Salapatek, P. (1975). Pattern perception in early infancy. In L. B. Cclien & P. Salapatek
(Eds.), Infant perception: From sensation to cognition (Vol. 1). N e w York: Academic Press. Copyright © 1975 by
Academic Press, Inc. Reprinted by permission.
preferred to look at a different-sized cube when given a choice

(Slater> Mattock, & Brown, 1990). This was the case even when
the new cube filled the same amount of the visual field as the
original cube. This indicates that infants recognize the size of
an object even when the object is presented at different dis-
tances and thus produces different images on the retina.
Does this evidence of early spatial perception mean that in-
fants who have begun to crawl know enough about space to
avoid crawling off the edges of beds or staircases? The first at-
tempt to examine depth perception in infants was carried out in
classic research by Eleanor Gibson and Richard Walk (1960) us-
ing an apparatus called the visual cliff. This cliff (see the photo
on this page) consists of an elevated glass platform divided into
two sections by a center board. On the "shallow55 side a checker-
board pattern is placed directly under the glass. On the "deep" <[ A n infant o n t h e e d g e o f a visual cliff, b e i n g l u r e d t o cross t h e
side the pattern is several feet below the glass, creating the illu-* " d e e p " side.
A lthough you may think it ridiculous t o ask w h e t h e r babies
can c o u n t , s o m e developmentalists have discovered t h a t

fants l o o k m o r e a t i n c o r r e c t mathematical o u t c o m e s than at
c o r r e c t o n e s is difficult t o i n t e r p r e t (Canfield & Smith, 1996):
W h a t c o m p e t e n c i e s a r e babies actually showing? S o m e re-
very young infants have s o m e impressive understandings of search has replicated W y n n ' s findings ( s e e , f o r example, Simon,
t h e a b s t r a c t quality w e call number. Karen W y n n (1992) Hespos, & R o c h a t , 1995), lending s u p p o r t t o t h e idea t h a t in-
sought t o d e t e r m i n e w h e t h e r 5 - m o n t h - o l d infants could add fants have an innate sensitivity t o numerical knowledge. T h e
and s u b t r a c t n u m b e r s by seeing h o w long infants looked at dif- picture b e c o m e s muddled, however, w h e n w e l o o k at o t h e r
f e r e n t addition and subtraction " p r o b l e m s . " H e r t e s t p r o c e - research.Tony Simon ( 1 9 9 7 , 1 9 9 9 ) suggests t h a t t h e s e findings
dure, summarized in t h e figure h e r e , involved showing t h e in- s h o w babies c o m e equipped w i t h — o r quickly d e v e l o p — a n
fant a display area with a single Mickey M o u s e doll in it, raising ability t o distinguish " s a m e " f r o m "different" but d o n o t yet
a s c r e e n t o hide t h e doll, and having t h e infant w a t c h as a hand understand numbers or precise addition and subtraction.
placed a s e c o n d doll in t h e display a r e a and c a m e o u t empty. A c c o r d i n g t o this view, a t s t e p s 3 and 4 in W y n n ' s e x p e r i m e n t
T h e infant was then o b s e r v e d t o s e e h o w long she looked a t ( s e e t h e figure in this Explorations b o x ) , babies develop s o m e
each of t w o o u t c o m e s w h e n t h e s c r e e n w a s d r o p p e d again: a s o r t o f mental representation of two objects. W h e n the
c o r r e c t o u t c o m e in which t w o dolls w e r e in t h e display area s c r e e n drops and t w o o b j e c t s are revealed (the c o r r e c t o u t -
when t h e s c r e e n was r e m o v e d (I + I = 2 ) o r an i n c o r r e c t c o m e ) , t h e image in front o f t h e infant m a t c h e s t h e mental
o u t c o m e in which only o n e doll was p r e s e n t (1 + 1 = 1). r e p r e s e n t a t i o n he f o r m e d . But in t h e i n c o r r e c t o u t c o m e , t h e
W h i c h of t h e s e t w o events attracted m o r e attention? Infants s c r e e n drops t o reveal o n e o b j e c t , which d o e s n o t match t h e
looked longer at t h e i n c o r r e c t o u t c o m e , as though surprised by infant's mental r e p r e s e n t a t i o n . Thus, longer looking t i m e s in
t h e mathematical e r r o r it r e p r e s e n t e d . T h e y also looked longer t h e i n c o r r e c t conditions may reveal only a general under-
at a I + I = 3 scenario than at t h e c o r r e c t 1 + 1 = 2 o u t c o m e . standing of same versus different, not of mathematical
T h e s e 5-month-olds also s e e m e d able t o subtract: T h e y w e r e processes.
surprised when o n e doll removed from a pair o f dolls resulted
Ann W a k e l e y and her colleagues (Wakeley, Rivera, &
in t w o dolls rather than o n e . Babies can c o u n t sounds, t o o :
Langer, 2 0 0 0 ) , w h o found no evidence o f addition and sub-
Research using auditory sequences shows that 6-month-old in-
traction by infants using W y n n ' s p r o c e d u r e s , suggest a n o t h e r
fants can distinguish 16 from 8 sounds and that 9-month-old in-
explanation f o r t h e mixed findings. It may b e t h a t a t 5 o r 6
fants can tell t h e difference between 12 and 8 sounds, although
months, infants' numerical knowledge is "variable and fragile"
they cannot distinguish 10 from 8 sounds (Lipton & Spelke,
(p. 1531). Overall, then, numerical competence is n o t so
2 0 0 3 ) . Like t h e research with visual stimuli, this research suggests
clearly'innate. Early c o m p e t e n c e may be evident in s o m e in-
a general, but increasingly precise, understanding of numbers
fants under s o m e task conditions, but much remains t o be
during t h e first year.
learned later in life. Clearly, babies still have a lot t o learn be-
But d o such findings really s h o w t h a t babies can c o u n t and
f o r e t h e y will be ready t o study calculus.
understand numerical functions? In W y n n ' s r e s e a r c h , t h a t in-
Katherine Van Giffen and Marshall Haith (1984) reported that Pick, 2000). Amy Needham (1999) has found that 4-month-
3-month-olds, but not 1-month-olds, will focus their atten- old babies, like adults, use object shape to figure out that two
tion on a small irregularity in an otherwise well-formed circle objects side by side are separate. They also use good form (for
or square pattern, as if they appreciated that it is a deviation example, logical continuation of a line) to perceive an object's
from an otherwise well-formed and symmetrical pattern. unity or wholeness (Johnson et al., 2000). Thus, babies appear
Infants must also determine where one object ends and to have an unlearned ability to organize a visual scene into dis-
another begins. Elizabeth Spelke and her colleagues (Kellman tinct objects, and they are better able to make sense of a world
& Spelke, 1983; Spelke, 1990) have concluded that young in- in motion—a world like the one they live in—than to make
fants are sensitive to several cues about the wholeness of ob- sense of a stationary world.
jects, especially cues available when an object moves. For ex-
ample, 4-month-olds seem to expect all parts of an object to T h e i n f a n t as a n I n t u i t i v e T h e o r i s t
move in the same direction at the same time, and they there- That is not all. Researchers have been exploring infants' un-
fore use common motion as an important cue in determining derstandings of the physical laws that govern objects. For ex-
what is or is not part of the same object (Kellman & Spelke, ample, Spelke and her colleagues have been testing infants to
1983). It takes infants longer, until about 6 months of age, to determine what they know of Newtonian physics and the ba-
determine the stationary boundaries of objects (Gibson & sic laws of object motion (Spelke & Hermer, 1996). Do babies
Sequence of events:
1. O b j e c t p l a c e d in c a s e 2. S c r e e n c o m e s u p 3. S e c o n d o b j e c t a d d e d 4. H a n d l e a v e s e m p t y
Then see:
/ \
5. S c r e e n d r o p s . . . revealing 2 objects 5. S c r e e n d r o p s . revealing 1 object
or
Correct outcome (1 + 1 = 2) Incorrect outcome (1 + 1 = 1)
Which outcome is looked at longer?
SOURCE: Reprinted with p e r m i s s i o n f r o m W y n n , K . ( 1 9 9 2 ) . Addition and s u b t r a c t i o n by h u m a n infants. Nature, 358749-750. Copyright

© 1 9 9 2 b y M a c M i l l i a n Magazines Limited.
know that a falling object will move downward along a con- sense of the world (Wellman & Gelman, 1992; Gelman, 1996).
tinuous path until it encounters an obstruction? Spelke s stud- From an early age, children distinguish between the domains
ies suggest that infants only 4 months of age seem surprised of knowledge adults know as physics, biology, and psychology.
when a ball dropped behind a screen is later revealed below a They organize their knowledge in each domain around causal
shelf rather than resting on it. They look longer at this "im- principles and seem to understand that different causal forces
possible" event than at the comparison event in which the operate in different domains (for example, that desires influ-
ball's motion stops when it reaches a barrier. By 6 months, in- ence the behavior of humans but not of rocks). According to
fants seem surprised when a ball drops behind a screen and this intuitive theories perspective, young infants have innate
then, when the screen is lifted, appears to be suspended in knowledge of the world, and they perceive and even reason
midair rather than lying at the bottom of the display unit about it much as adults do. Coming to know the physical
(Kim & Spelke, 1992; Spelke et al., 1992). This hints that they world is then a matter of fleshing out understandings they
know something about the laws of gravity. have had all along rather than constructing entirely new ones
Findings such as these have led some developmentalists as they age (Spelke, 1994).
to conclude that young infants do more than just sense the As you will see in the Explorations box beginning on
world—that they come equipped with organized systems of page 150, some researchers also believe that babies understand
knowledge, called intuitive theories, that allow them to mak$ number concepts long before they ever step into a math class.
All in all, it is becoming clearer that young infants know a
good deal more about the world around them than anyone
imagined, although they learn more as they get older.
Hearing
Hearing is at least as important to us as vision, especially be-
cause we depend on it to communicate with others through
spoken language. As Anne Fernald (2004) notes, "while vision
may be primary in enabling infants to learn about the physi-
cal world, audition plays a powerful role in initiating infants
into a social world" (p. 37).
The process of hearing begins when moving air mole-
cules enter the ear and vibrate the eardrum. These vibrations
are transmitted to the cochlea in the inner ear and are con-
verted to signals that the brain interprets as sounds.
Basic C a p a c i t i e s
Newborns can hear well—better than they can see. They can
also localize sounds: They are startled by loud noises and will
turn from them, but they will turn toward softer sounds (Field
et al., 1980; Morrongiello et al, 1994). Even unborn infants
can hear some of what is going on in the world outside the
womb as much as 3 months before birth (Fernald, 2004).
Researchers have detected changes in fetal heart rates that cor-
respond to changes in sounds from the mother s environment
(Fifer, Monk, & Grose-Fifer, 2004)
Although the auditory sense is working before birth, in-
fants appear to be a little less sensitive to very soft sounds than
adults are (Fernald, 2004). As a result, a soft whisper may not
be heard. Still, newborns can discriminate among sounds
within their range of hearing that differ in loudness, duration,
€ F r o m b i r t h , infants w i l l l o o k in t h e d i r e c t i o n o f an i n t e r e s t i n g
direction, and frequency or pitch, and these basic capacities
s o u n d . T h i s ability t o localize s o u n d i m p r o v e s a n d b e c o m e s m o r e
improve rapidly during the first months after birth (Fernald,
v o l u n t a r y by 4 m o n t h s .
2004). In general, the sounds that penetrate the womb before
birth are the ones that are the easiest for the infant to hear af-
ter birth (Eliot, 1999). anywhere speak. As they mature, they become especially sen-
sitive to the sound differences significant in their own lan-
Speech Perception guage and less sensitive to sound differences irrelevant to that
Young infants seem to be well equipped to respond to human language. For example, young infants can easily discriminate
speech; they can discriminate basic speech sounds—called the consonants r and I (Eimas, 1975a). So can adults who
phonemes—very early in life. Peter Eimas (1975b, 1985) pio- speak English, French, Spanish, or German. However, the
neered research in this area by demonstrating that infants 2 to Chinese and Japanese languages make no distinction between
3 months old could distinguish similar consonant sounds (for r and /, and adult native speakers of those languages cannot
example, ha and pa). Indeed, infants seem to detect the differ- make this particular auditory discrimination as well as young
ence between the vowels a and i from the second day after birth infants can (Miyawaki.et al., 1975). Similarly, infants raised in
(Clarkson & Berg, 1983). They can even distinguish between English-speaking homes can make discriminations important
standard sounds (those that occur regularly in a language) and in Hindi but nonexistent in English, but English-speaking
deviant sounds (those that occur rarely) in the first few days af- adults have trouble doing so (Werker et al., 1981).
ter birth (Ruusuvirta et al., 2003). By 3 months, they have de- By 1 year of age, when infants are just beginning to utter
veloped a sound category system that allows them to recognize their first words, they have already become insensitive to con-
a phoneme as the same phoneme even when it is spoken by dif- trasts of sounds that are not made in their native language
ferent people (Marean, Werner, & Kuhl, 1992; Winkler et al., (Werker 8c Desjardins, 1995). Their early auditory experiences
2003). These are impressive accomplishments. have shaped the formation of neural connections, or synapses,
Infants can actually make some speech sound discrimina- in the auditory areas of their brains so that they are optimally
tions better than adults (Werlcer 8c Desjardins, 1995). They be- sensitive to the sound contrasts that they have been listening
gin life biologically prepared to learn any language humans to and that are important in the language they are acquiring.
Newborns are especially attentive to female voices birth or to hear a different story. Remarkably, they preferred
(Ecklund-Flores & Turkewitz, 1996), but can they recognize the familiar story. Somehow these infants were able to recog-
their mother's voice? Indeed they can. Unborn fetuses can dis- nize the distinctive sound pattern of the story they had heard
tinguish their mother's voice from a stranger's voice. How do in the womb. Auditory learning before birth could also ex-
we know this? Canadian researchers measured fetal heart rate plain why newborns prefer to hear their mother's voice to
in response to a tape recording (played over the mother's those of unfamiliar women but do not show a preference for
stomach) of either their mother's voice or a stranger's voice their fathers voice. They are literally bombarded with their
(Kisileysky et al., 2003). Heart rates increased in response to mother's voice for months before birth, giving them ample
their mother's voice and decreased in response to the opportunity to learn its auditory qualities.
stranger's voice, indicating that they detected a difference be- You have now learned that hearing is more developed
tween the two. Following birth, newborns will learn to suck than vision at birth. Infants can distinguish between speech
faster on a special pacifier when it activates a recording of the sounds and recognize familiar sound patterns such as their
mother's voice (DeCasper & Fifer, 1980). mother's voice soon after birth. Within the first year, they lose
Does this early recognition extend to fathers' voices? sensitivity to sound contrasts insignificant in the language
Apparently not. Even by 4 months, infants show no preference they are starting to learn, and they further refine their audi-
for their father's voice over the voice of a strange man (Ward & tory perception skills. Unfortunately, some infants experience
Cooper, 1999). They can detect the difference between various hearing problems, placing them at risk for language and com-
male voices, however, indicating that die lack of preference for munication problems. The Applications box on page 154 ex-
the father's voice cannot be because of a failure to distinguish it. amines the importance of early identification and treatment
Why would infants prefer their mother's but not their fa- of hearing problems.
ther's voice? You must look at what is happening before birth
to answer this. Anthony DeCasper and Melanie Spence (1986)
T a s t e a n d SnueSl
had mothers recite a passage (for example, portions of Dr.
Seuss's The Cat in the Hat) many times during the last 6 weeks Can newborns detect different tastes and smells? Both of these
of their pregnancies. At birth, the infants were tested to see if senses rely 011 the detection of chemical molecules. The sen-
they would suck more to hear the story they had heard before sory receptors for taste—taste buds—are located mainly on
C F r o m b i r t h , infants r e s p o n d t o tastes. In r e s p o n s e t o a sugar s o l u t i o n , n e w b o r n s p a r t t h e i r

lips, lick t h e i r u p p e r lips, m a k e sucking m o v e m e n t s , a n d s o m e t i m e s smiie. In r e s p o n s e t o b i t t e r
tastes, t h e y p u r s e t h e i r lips o r o p e n t h e i r m o u t h s w i t h t h e c o r n e r s d o w n a n d d r o o l .
A lthough s e n s o r y impairments can change t h e c o u r s e of
normal life-span d e v e l o p m e n t , much can b e d o n e t o help

e v e r residual hearing t h e s e children have by equipping t h e m
with hearing aids.Today, even profoundly deaf children can b e
helped t o h e a r through an advanced amplification device
even individuals born totally deaf o r blind develop in positive called t h e cochlear implant ( s e e t h e illustration in this
directions and function effectively in everyday life. Let's briefly Applications b o x ) . T h e device is implanted in t h e inner e a r
e x a m i n e interventions f o r infants and children w h o have hear-
ing impairments. W h y tackle hearing impairments and n o t an-
o t h e r s e n s o r y system? B e c a u s e several e s t i m a t e s suggest that
hearing impairments t a k e a heavy toll on t h e individual and on
society. R e s e a r c h e r s at Johns Hopkins University f o r e x a m p l e ,
e s t i m a t e t h a t m o r e than $ I million will be s p e n t o v e r t h e life- Receiving antenna
t i m e of each infant o r child w h o b e c o m e s deaf b e f o r e acquir-
ing language ( M o h r e t al., 2 0 0 0 ) . Transmitter
For t h e I t o 3 in 1 0 0 0 infants b o r n deaf o r hearing im-

Receiving Auditory
paired, early identification and t r e a t m e n t a r e essential if they
nerve
are t o m a s t e r spoken language. Unfortunately, t h e average
hearing-impaired child is n o t identified until age 2, usually
w h e n it b e c o m e s c l e a r that his language skills have n o t devel-
o p e d normally (National Institutes o f Health, 1 9 9 3 ) . B e c a u s e
children w h o receive no special intervention b e f o r e age 3 usu-
ally have lasting difficulties with s p e e c h and language, t h e Joint
C o m m i t t e e on Infant Hearing ( 2 0 0 0 ) r e c o m m e n d e d t h a t all
n e w b o r n s in t h e United S t a t e s b e given hearing t e s t s s o o n af-
t e r birth. As a result, many states require a hearing t e s t b e f o r e
babies leave t h e hospital (Hosaka, 1999). H o w do you t e s t t h e
hearing o f n e w b o r n s ? By using t h e auditory evoked potentials
d e s c r i b e d at t h e beginning of t h e c h a p t e r and determining
w h e t h e r sounds trigger normal activity in t h e brain. Infants' External ear c a n a l Cochlea
behaviors also give physicians clues a b o u t t h e i r hearing. D o e s
she turn h e r head w h e n spoken t o ? D o e s he r e a c t t o loud
noises? Is she s o o t h e d by y o u r voice? If t h e a n s w e r s t o t h e s e
q u e s t i o n s are no, a m o r e t h o r o u g h examination is w a r r a n t e d .
O n c e hearing-impaired infants are identified, i n t e r v e n t i o n s
Sound processor
can be planned. Many p r o g r a m s a t t e m p t t o capitalize on w h a t -
the tongue. In ways not fully understood, taste buds respond pronounced as a solution becomes sweeter or more bitter,
to chemical molecules and produce perceptions of sweet, suggesting that newborns can discriminate different concen-
salty, bitter, or sour tastes. At birth, babies can clearly distin- trations of a substance. Even before birth, babies show a
guish sweet, bitter, and sour tastes and show a preference for preference for sweets when they swallow more amniotic
sweets. Indeed, sugar water—but not plain water—seems to fluid that contains higher concentrations of sugars than am-
have a marvelous ability to calm even premature babies and niotic fluid with lower concentrations of sugar (Fifer, Monk,
can help them cope with painful events such as needle pricks 6 Grose-Fifer, 2004).
(Barr et al, 1999; Smith & Blass, 1996). Recent research by Julie Mennella and her colleagues
Different taste sensations also produce distinct facial ex- (2004) suggests that food preferences may be influenced by
pressions in the newborn. Jacob Steiner and his colleagues early tastes that we are exposed to during infancy. Starting at
(Ganchrow, Steiner, & Daher, 1983; Steiner, 1979) have 2 weeks of age, Mennella fed infants one of two formulas for
found that newborns lick their lips and sometimes smile 7 months. One formula was bland, and the other was bitter
when they are tasting a sugar solution but purse their lips and tasted sour, at least to most adults. After this period, the
and even drool to get rid of the foul taste when they are given babies who had been fed the sour formula continued to con-
bitter quinine. Their facial expressions become increasingly sume it, but the other infants refused when it was offered to
t h r o u g h surgery and c o n n e c t e d t o a m i c r o p h o n e w o r n o u t - A n o t h e r i m p o r t a n t e l e m e n t in early i n t e r v e n t i o n pro-
side t h e ear. It w o r k s by bypassing damaged hair cells and di- g r a m s f o r hearing-impaired children is p a r e n t involvement
rectly stimulating t h e auditory n e r v e with electrical impulses. (Maxon & Brackett, 1 9 9 2 ) . In o n e program for hearing-
By 2 0 0 0 , m o r e than 8 0 0 0 infants and children had received impaired children, infants a r e fitted with hearing aids and
c o c h l e a r implants; t h e n u m b e r implanted increases every y e a r t e a c h e r s then g o into t h e h o m e t o s h o w p a r e n t s h o w t o
( S c h e r y & Peters, 2 0 0 3 ) . m a k e t h e i r children m o r e a w a r e of t h e w o r l d of s o u n d ( B e s s
D e a f children provided with c o c h l e a r implants around age & M c C o n n e l l , 1 9 8 1 ) . F o r i n s t a n c e , on hearing t h e s c r e e c h of
4 recognize m o r e spoken w o r d s and s p e a k m o r e intelligibly a car's b r a k e s o u t s i d e , p a r e n t s might put t h e i r hands t o t h e i r
than d o children w h o receive t h e m later in childhood, though e a r s , rush t h e i r child t o t h e window, and talk a b o u t t h e
even children given implants later in life can benefit n o i s e . Similarly, p a r e n t s are urged t o slam d o o r s , deliberately
( O ' D o n o g h u e , Nikolopoulos, & A r c h b o l d , 2 0 0 0 ) . Indeed, re- r a t t l e p o t s and pans, and c r e a t e o t h e r such o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r
search s h o w s t h a t t h e r a t e of language d e v e l o p m e n t a m o n g t h e child t o b e c o m e a l e r t t o s o u n d s . All t h e while, p a r e n t s
children with c o c h l e a r implants is similar t o t h a t of children a r e using w o r d s t o d e s c r i b e everyday o b j e c t s , p e o p l e , and
with normal hearing ( S c h e r y & P e t e r s , 2 0 0 3 ) . In addition, events.
s p e e c h production and s p e e c h p e r c e p t i o n are improved in T h i s c o m b i n a t i o n of t h e right amplification device and
children w h o have c o c h l e a r implants c o m p a r e d with children a u d i t o r y training in t h e h o m e has p r o v e n effective in im-
w h o have traditional hearing aids ( S c h e r y & Peters, 2 0 0 3 ) . proving t h e ability o f hearing-impaired infants and pre-
P e r f o r m a n c e is especially e n h a n c e d with earlier implantation s c h o o l e r s t o h e a r s p e e c h and learn t o s p e a k . Y e t f o r o t h e r
and m o r e auditory training following t h e implant. deaf and s e v e r e l y h e a r i n g - i m p a i r e d children, t h e m o s t im-
W h y , t h e n , are n o t all hearing-impaired children provided p o r t a n t thing may b e early e x p o s u r e t o sign language. Early
with c o c h l e a r implants? First, they require s u r g e r y and are i n t e r v e n t i o n p r o g r a m s f o r p a r e n t s o f d e a f infants can t e a c h
e x p e n s i v e — a l t h o u g h the e x p e n s e o f c o c h l e a r implants may be t h e m s t r a t e g i e s f o r getting t h e i r infants' a t t e n t i o n and in-
offset by educational savings down t h e road ( C h e n g e t al., volving t h e m in c o n v e r s a t i o n s using sign ( C h e n , 1 9 9 6 ) . T h e
2 0 0 0 ) . Also, despite t h e i r benefits, c o c h l e a r implants d o n o t e a r l i e r in life deaf children a c q u i r e s o m e language s y s t e m ,
have t h e full s u p p o r t of t h e deaf c o m m u n i t y (Tucker, 1998). w h e t h e r s p o k e n o r signed, t h e b e t t e r t h e i r c o m m a n d o f lan-
D e a f children w h o use t h e m , s o m e say, will be given t h e m e s - guage is likely t o b e l a t e r in life ( M a y b e r r y & Eichen, 1 9 9 1 ) .
sage t h a t t h e y should be a s h a m e d o f being d e a f . T h e y will b e D e a f children w h o s e p a r e n t s a r e deaf and u s e sign language
deprived o f participation in t h e unique culture t h a t has devel- with t h e m , as well as deaf children o f hearing p a r e n t s w h o
o p e d in c o m m u n i t i e s o f deaf p e o p l e w h o share a c o m m o n lan- p a r t i c i p a t e in early i n t e r v e n t i o n p r o g r a m s , generally s h o w
guage and identity. B e c a u s e t h e i r hearing will still b e far from n o r m a l p a t t e r n s o f d e v e l o p m e n t , w h e r e a s children w h o a r e
normal, t h e y may feel t h e y d o n o t belong t o e i t h e r t h e deaf o r n o t e x p o s e d t o any language s y s t e m early in life suffer f o r it
t h e hearing world ( A r a n a - W a r d , 1997; Fryauf-Bertschy e t al., (Marschark, 1993).
1997).
them. By 4 to 5 years, children fed the unpleasant-tasting for- well at birth. Newborns react vigorously to unpleasant smells
mula were more likely to consume other sour-tasting foods such as vinegar or ammonia and turn their heads away (Rieser,
(for example, a sour-flavored apple juice) than children ex- Yonas, & Wilkner, 1976). Even babies born at 28 weeks of ges-
posed to only bland-tasting formula (Mennella & Beauchamp, tation are capable of detecting various odors. Newborns also
2002). This research may be key to helping researchers under- reliably prefer the scent of their own amniotic fluid over that of
stand why some people are picky eaters, whereas others are other amniotic fluid, suggesting that olfactory cues are de-
open to a wide variety of tastes. Greater exposure to a variety tectable prenatally (Schaal, Barlier, & Soussignan, 1998).
of flavors during infancy—what a breast-fed baby with a Exposure to familiar amniotic fluid can also calm newborns,
mother who eats many different foods might experience— resulting in less crying when their mothers are absent (Varendi
may lead to a more adventuresome eater later on. These early et al., 1998). Furthermore, babies who are breast-fed can rec-
experiences with different flavors may also extend to the pre- ognize their mothers solely by the smell of their breasts or un-
natal period and exposure to different chemicals in the amni- derarms within 1 or 2 weeks of birth (Cernoch 8c Porter, 1985;
otic fluid (Fifer, Monk, & Grose-Fifer, 2004). Porter et al., 1992). Babies who are bottle-fed cannot, probably
The sensory receptors for smell, or olfaction, are located because they have less contact with their mothers' skin. On the
in the nasal passage. Like taste, the sense of smell is working flip side, mothers can identify their newborns by smell (Porter,
1999). Thus, the sense of smell we often take for granted may them from the stressful experience of pain (Anand & Hickey,
help babies and their parents get to know each other. 1992). And the American Academy of Pediatrics (2000) rec-
ommends that local anesthesia be given to newborn males un-
dergoing circumcision.
TeuchpTemperatore, and Pain
You have now seen that each of the major senses is oper-
Receptors in the skin detect touch or pressure, heat or cold, ating in some form at birth and that perceptual abilities im-
and painful stimuli. The sense of touch seems to be operating prove dramatically during infancy. Let us ask one final ques-
nicely before birth and, with the body senses that detect motion about infant perception: Can infants meaningfully
tion, may be among the first senses to develop (Eliot, 1999; integrate information from the different senses?
Field, 1990). You saw in Chapter 5 that newborns respond
with reflexes if they are touched in appropriate areas. For ex-
ample, when touched on the check, a newborn will turn its
head and open its mouth. Even in their sleep, newborns will It would obviously be useful for an infant attempting to un-
habituate to strokes of the same spot on the skin but respond derstand the world to be able to put together information
again if the tactile stimulation is shifted to a new spot—from gained from viewing, fingering, sniffing, and otherwise ex-
the ear to the lips, for example (Kisilevsky & Muir, 1984). And ploring objects. It now seems clear that the senses function in
like the motor responses described in Chapter 5, sensitivity to an integrated way at birth. For instance, newborns will look in
tactile stimulation develops in a cephalocaudal direction, so the direction of a sound they hear, suggesting that vision and
the face and mouth are more sensitive than lower parts of the hearing are linked. Moreover, infants 8 to 31 days old expect
body. No wonder babies like to put everything in their to feel objects that they can see and are frustrated by a visual
mouths—the tactile sensors in and around the mouth allow illusion that looks like a graspable object but proves to be
babies to collect a great deal of information about the world. nothing but air when they reach for it (Bower, Broughton, 8c
Most parents quickly recognize the power of touch for sooth- Moore, 1970). Thus, vision and touch, as well as vision and
ing a fussy baby. Touch has even greater benefits. Premature hearing, seem to be interrelated early in life. This integration
babies who are systematically stroked over their entire body of the senses helps babies perceive and respond appropriately
gain weight and settle into a regular sleep-wake pattern faster to the objects and people they encounter (Hainline &
than premature babies who are not massaged (Field, 1995b; Abramov, 1992; Walker-Andrews, 1997).
Scafidi, Field, & Schanberg, 1993). A more difficult task is to recognize through one sense an
Newborns are also sensitive to warmth and cold; they can object familiar through another; this is called cross-modal
tell the difference between something cold and something perception. This capacity is required in children's games that
warm placed on their cheeks (Eliot, 1999). Finally, young ba- involve feeling objects hidden in a bag and identifying what
bies clearly respond to painful stimuli such as needle pricks they are by touch alone. Some researchers (for example, Streri,
(Guinsburg et al., 2000). For obvious ethical reasons, re- 2003; Streri 8c Gentez, 2004) report that newborns can recog-
searchers have not exposed infants to severely painful stimuli. nize an object by sight that they had previously touched with
However, analyses of babies' cries and facial movements as their hand. But other researchers have had trouble demon-
they receive injections and have blood drawn leave no doubt strating cross-modal perception in such young infants (for ex-
that these procedures are painful (Delevati 8c Bergamasco, ample, Maurer, Stager, & Mondloch, 1999). Apparently, early
1999). For example, researchers have compared infants born cross-modal perception is a fragile ability dependent on vari-
to diabetic mothers, who have their heels pricked every few ous task variables such as which hand is used to manipulate
hours after birth to test their blood sugar levels, with infants the object (Streri 8c Gentez, 2004). Consistent oral-to-visual
born to nondiabetic mothers (Taddio, 2002). Both groups of cross-modal transfer is shown by 3 months of age, and other
infants have blood drawn from the back of their hands before forms of cross-modal perception are reliably displayed at 4 to
they leave the hospital so several routine tests can be con- 7 months (Streri 8c Pecheux, 1986; Walker-Andrews, 1997). By
ducted. The infants who have already had their heels pricked that, age, for example, infants integrate vision and hearing to
show a larger response to having blood drawn than the infants judge distance; they prefer to look at an approaching train that
who have never experienced the presumably painful needle gets louder and a departing one that gets quieter rather than
pricks in their feet. Indeed, some infants who had already ex- at videos in which sound and sight are mismatched (Pickens,
perienced the heel pricks began to grimace when the nurse 1994). Nevertheless, performance on more complex cross-
was preparing their skin for the needle prick, indicating that modal perception tasks that require matching patterns of
they had learned from their prior experiences that a painful sounds with patterns of visual stimuli continues to improve
moment was coming. throughout childhood and even adolescence (Bushnell 8c
Such research challenges the medical wisdom of giving Baxt, 1999).
babies who must undergo major surgery little or no anesthe- Researchers now conclude that impressions from the dif-
sia. It turns out that infants are more likely to survive heart ferent senses are "fused" early in life, much as William James
surgery if they receive deep anesthesia that keeps them unbelieved, but they do not create the "blooming, buzzing con-
conscious during the operation and for a day afterward than fusion" he described. Rather, this early sensory integration
if they receive light anesthesia that does not entirely protect may make it easier for babies to perceive and use information
What, then, is the role of early sensory experience in percep-
tual development?
Early Experience and t h e Brain

As you saw in Chapter 5, sensory experience is critically im-
portant in determining the organization of the developing
brain. To expand a bit on this theme, imagine what visual per-
ception would be like in an infant who was blind at birth but
later had surgery to permit vision. This is the scenario for per-
haps 3 of every 5000 infants with congenital cataracts, a
clouding of the lens that leaves these infants nearly blind from
birth if it is not corrected (Lambert & Draclc, 1996). In the
past, surgery to remove cataracts was often delayed until in-
fants were older. But such delays meant that infants had
weeks, months, or even years with little or no visual input.
Consequently, some never developed normal vision even after
the lens was removed.
It turns out that the visual system requires stimulation
early in life, including patterned stimulation, to develop nor-
mally. Although the visucil system has some plasticity
throughout childhood, the first 3 to 4 months after birth are
considered critical (Lambert & Drack, 1996). During this
C I n t e r s e n s o r y p e r c e p t i o n . T h e ability t o r e c o g n i z e t h r o u g h o n e time, the brain must receive clear visual information from
sense ( h e r e , t o u c h ) w h a t has b e e n l e a r n e d t h r o u g h a n o t h e r (vision) both eyes. Unfortunately, not all infants with cataracts are
increases w i t h age d u r i n g infancy a n d c h i l d h o o d . H e r e , t h e b i r t h d a y identified early enough to benefit from surgery. In the United
girl m u s t identify prizes in t h e bag by t o u c h alone.
Kingdom, for example, only 57% of infants with cataracts are
diagnosed by 3 months (Rahi & Dezateux, 1999). Even after
that comes to them through multiple channels simultaneously surgery restores their sight, these infants have difficulty, at
(Walker-Andrews, 1997). Then, as the separate senses con- least initially, perceiving their visual world clearly (Maurer et
tinue to develop and each becomes a more effective means of al., 1999). Acuity after surgery is what you might find in a
exploring objects, babies become more skilled at cross-modal newborn without cataracts—in other wrords, rather poor. But
perception and are able to coordinate information gained it improves significantly during the month following surgery
through one sense with information gained through another. (Maurer et al., 1999).
Years after corrective surgery, individuals who missed out
on early visual experience because of congenital cataracts
Influences on Early Perceptual
show normal visual abilities to see details of faces (for exam-
Development
ple, different facial expressions) but struggle to identify differ-
The perceptual competencies of even very young infants are ent orientations of the same face (Geldart et al., 2002). What
remarkable, as is the progress made within the first few might account for this pattern? Sybil Geldart and her col-
months after birth. All major senses begin working before leagues (2002) speculate that learning about things such as the
birth and are clearly functioning at birth; parents wTould be general orientation of faces (for example, a forward-facing
making a huge mistake to assume that their newborn is not versus a profile shot) occurs very early when normal infants5
taking in the sensory world. Many perceptual abilities—for visual acuity is still poor and when infants with cataracts re-
example, the ability to perceive depth or to distinguish ceive limited or no visual experience. Finer distinctions (for
melodies—emerge within just a few months of birth. example, differences in facial expressions) are learned later
Gradually, basic perceptual capacities are fine-tuned, and in- when acuity is sharper for normal infants and for infants with
fants become more able to interpret their sensory experi- cataracts once vision has been restored. Clearly, these findings
ences—to recognize a pattern of light as a face, for example. suggest that early visual experiences influence later visual
By the time infancy ends, the most important aspects of per- perception.
ceptual development are complete (Bornstein, 1992). The The same message about the importance of early experi-
senses and the mind are working to create a meaningful ence applies to the sense of hearing: Exposure to auditory
world of recognized objects, sounds, tastes, smells, and bod- stimulation early in life affects the architecture of the devel-
ily sensations. oping brain, which in turn influences auditory perception
The fact that perceptual development takes place so skills (Finitzo, Gunnarson, & Clark, 1990). Children with
quickly can be viewed as support for the "nature" side of the hearing impairments wTho undergo cochlear implant, which
nature-nurture debate. Many basic perceptual capacities ap- bypasses damaged nerve cells in their inner ear, may struggle
pear to be innate or to develop rapidly in all normal infants. for months to understand the meaning of signals reaching
their brain through the implant before they derive benefits siderably. For example, you have already seen that children be-
(Allum et al., 2000; see also the Applications box on page 154). come insensitive, starting at the end of the first year after
Although the brain is being fed information, it must learn birth, to speech sound contrasts that they do not hear because
how to interpret these signals. Otherwise, the signals are a they are not important in their primary language. Michael
crashing jumble of nonsense that can be worse than not hear- Lynch and his associates (1990) have shown that the same is
ing (Colburn, 2000). The conclusion is clear: Maturation true for perceptions of music. Infants from the United States,
alone is not enough; normal perceptual development also re- they found, noticed equally notes that violated either Western
quires normal perceptual experience. The practical implica- musical scales or the Javanese pelog scale. This suggests that
tion is also clear: Visual and hearing problems in children humans are born with the potential to perceive music from a
should be detected and corrected as early in life as possible variety of cultures. However, American adults were less sensi-
(Joint Committee on Infant Hearing, 2000). tive to bad notes in the unfamiliar Javanese musical system
than to mistimed notes in their native Western scale, suggest-
T h e Infant's A c t i v e Role ing that their years of experience with Western music had
Parents need not worry about arranging the right sensory en- shaped their perceptual skills.
vironment for their children because young humans actively Another example of cultural influence concerns the abil-
seek the stimulation they need to develop properly. Infants are ity to translate perceptions of the human form into a drawing.
active explorers and stimulus seekers; they orchestrate their In Papua New Guinea, where there is no cultural tradition of
own perceptual, motor, and cognitive development by explor- drawing and painting, children ages 10 to 15 who have had no
ing their environment and learning what it will allow them to schooling do not have much luck drawing the human body;
do (Gibson, 1988; Gibson & Pick, 2000). they draw scribbles or tadpolelike forms far more often than
According to Eleanor Gibson (1988), infants proceed children in the same society who have attended school and
through three phases of exploratory behavior: have been exposed many times to drawings of people
1. From birth to 4 months they explore their immediate (Martlew 8c Connolly, 1996; see Figure 6.5). We all have the
surroundings, especially their caregivers, by looking and lis- capacity to create two-dimensional representations, but wTe
tening, and they learn a bit about objects by mouthing them apparently develop that capacity more rapidly if our culture
and watching them move. provides us with relevant experiences. Many other examples
2. From 5 to 7 months, once the ability to voluntarily
grasp objects has developed, babies pay far closer attention to
objects, exploring objects with their eyes as well as with their
hands.
3. By 8 or 9 months, after they have begun to crawl, in-
fants extend their explorations into the larger environment
and carefully examine the objects they encounter on their
journeys, learning all about their properties. Whereas a young
infant may merely mouth a new toy and look at it now and
then, a 12-month-old will give it a thorough examination—
turning it, fingering it, poking it, and watching it intently
(Ruff et al., 1992).
By combining perception and action in their exploratory
behavior, infants actively create sensory environments that
meet their needs and contribute to their own development
(Eppler, 1995). As children become more able to attend selec-
tively to the world around them, they become even more able to
choose the forms and levels of stimulation that suit them best.
Cultural Variation
Do infants who grow up in different cultural environments
encounter different sensory stimulation and perceive the
wrorld in different ways? Perceptual preferences obviously dif-
fer from culture to culture. In some cultures, people think Children ages 10 to 15 in Papua New Guinea, unless
F i g u r e 6.5
hefty women are more beautiful than slim ones or relish eat- they have attended school, lack experience with drawings of the hu-
ing sheep's eyeballs or chicken heads. Are more basic percep- man form and produce drawings much like those done by far
tual competencies also affected by socialization? younger children (such as 4-year-olds) in U.S. society Cultural experi-
People from different cultures differ little in basic sensory ence influences the ability to translate visual perceptions into repre-
capacities, such as the ability to discriminate degrees of sentations on the page.
brightness or loudness (Berry et al., 1992). However, their per- SOURCE: From Matthew, M „ & Connolly, K. J . <1996). Human figure drawings by schooled and unschooled chil-
dren in Papua N e w Guinea. Child Development, 67. Copyright © 1996 by Society for Research in Child
ceptions and interpretations of sensory input can vary con- Development. Inc. Reprinted by permission.
of the effects of cultural learning experiences on visual and L o n g e r A t t e n t i o n Span
auditory perception can be cited (Berry et al, 1992). Young children have short attention spans. Researchers know
that they should limit their experimental sessions with young
Summing Up children to a few minutes, and nursery-school teachers often
* /
The visual system is fairly well developed at birth. Infants switch classroom activities everyj 15 to 20 minutes. Even when
under 2 months of age discriminate brightness and col- they are doing things they like, such as watching a television
ors and are attracted t o contour; moderate complexity, program or playing with a toy, 2- and 3-year-olds spend far less
and movement. Starting at 2 or 3 months, they more time concentrating on the program or the toy than older chil-
clearly perceive whole patterns such as faces and seem dren do (Ruff 8c Capozzoli, 2003; Ruff 8c Lawson, 1990). In one
to understand a good deal about objects and their prop- study of sustained attention, children were asked to put strips of
erties, guided by intuitive theories of the physical world. colored paper in appropriately colored boxes (Yendovitskaya,
Spatial perception also develops rapidly and by about 7 1971). Children ages 2 to 3 worked for an average of 18 minutes
months infants not only perceive drop-offs but also fear and were easily distracted; children ages 5 to 6 often persisted
them. for 1 hour or more. Further improvements in attention span
Young infants can recognize their mother's voice and occur later in childhood as those parts of the brain involved
distinguish speech sounds that adults cannot discriminate. with attention become further myelinated (see Chapter 5).
The senses of taste and smell are also well developed at
M o r e Selective A t t e n t i o n
birth. In addition, newborns are sensitive to touch, tem-
perature, and pain. The senses are interrelated at birth, Although infants clearly deploy their senses in a selective
but as infants develop, performance on cross-modal per- manner, they are not good at controlling their attention—
ception tasks improves. H deliberately concentrating on one thing while ignoring some-
thing else, what is known as selective attention. With age, at-
tention becomes more discriminating, starting in infancy. As
infants approach 2 years, they become able to form plans of ac-
tion, which then guide what they focus on and what they ignore
(Ruff 8c Rothbart, 1996). Between approximately 2 years and
If most sensory and perceptual development is complete by 3 V2 years, there is a significant increase in focused attention; fur-
the end of infancy, what is left to accomplish during child- ther increases in attention occur throughout childhood (Ruff 8c
hood? Mostly, it is a matter of learning to use the senses more Capozzoli, 2003). These findings should suggest to teachers of
intelligently. For example, children rapidly build knowledge young children that performance will be better if distractions in
of the world so that they can recognize and label what they task materials and in the room are kept to a minimum.
sense, giving it greater meaning. As a result, it becomes even
harder to separate perceptual development from cognitive More Systematic A t t e n t i o n
development.
Finally, as they age, children become more able to plan and carry
out systematic perceptual searches. You have already seen that
older infants are more likely than younger ones to thoroughly
explore a pattern. Research with children in the former Soviet
Much of perceptual development in childhood is really the de-
Union reveals that visual scanning becomes considerably more
velopment of attention—the focusing of perception and cog-
detailed or exhaustive over the first 6 years after birth
nition on something in particular. Youngsters become better
(Zaporozhets, 1965). But the most revealing findings come from
able to use their senses deliberately and strategically to gather
studies of how children go about a visual search. Elaine Vurpillot
the information most relevant to a task at hand.
(1968) recorded the eye movements of 4- to 10-year-olds trying
Infants actively use their senses to explore their environ- to decide whether two houses, each with several windows con-
ment, and they prefer some sensory stimuli to others. Still, taining various objects, were identical or different. As Figure 6.6
there is some truth to the idea that the attention of the infant illustrates, children ages 4 and 5 were not systematic. They often
or very young child is "captured by" something and that of looked at only a few windows and, as a result, came to wrong
the older child is "directed toward" something. Selective as conclusions. In contrast, most children older than 6 were very
they are, 1-month-old infants do not deliberately choose systematic; they typically checked each window in one house
to attend to faces and other engaging stimuli. Instead, a with the corresponding window in the other house, pair by pair.
novel stimulus attracts their attention and, once their atten- Improvements in visual search continue to be made throughout
tion is "caught," they sometimes seem unable to turn away childhood and into early adulthood (Burack et al., 2000).
(Butcher, Kalverboer, 8c Geuze, 2000; Ruff 8c Rothbart,
1996). As children get older, three things change: their atten-
tion spans become longer, they become more selective in Summing Up
what they attend to, and they are better able to plan and Learning to control attention is an important part of per-
carry out systematic strategies for using their senses to ceptual development during childhood. Infants and young
achieve goals. children are selectively attentive to the world around
5-year-old: "The s a m e " 8-year-old: "Not the s a m e "
F i g u r e 6.6 A r e t h e houses in each pair identical o r different? A s i n d i c a t e d by t h e lines, 8-year-olds

are m o r e likely t h a n 5 - y e a r - o l d s t o a n s w e r c o r r e c t l y because t h e y systematically scan t h e visual fea-
t u r e s o f t h e t w o pictures.
SOJHCE: Adapted from Vurpillot (1968!.
them, but they have not fully taken charge of their atten- and young adults have incredibly long attention spans on oc-
tional processes. With age, children become more able to casion, as when they spend hours cramming for tests or typ-
concentrate on a task for a long period, to focus on rele- ing term papers into the wee hours of the morning. The abil-
vant information and ignore distractions, and to use their ity to sustain attention improves considerably between
senses in purposeful and systematic ways to achieve goals. childhood and adulthood (McKay et al., 1994).
As you might expect, infants and children who can control In addition, adolescents become still more efficient at ig-
and sustain their attention are more successful at problem noring irrelevant information so that they can concentrate on
solving (Choudhury & Gorman, 2000). M the task at hand. Not only do they learn more than children do
about material they are supposed to master, but they also learn
less about distracting information that could potentially inter-
fere with their performance (Miller & Weiss, 1981). Similarly,
T h e A d oleseent adolescents can divide their attention more systematically be-
tween two tasks. For instance, Andrew Schiff and Irwin Knopf
There is little to report about perception during adolescence> (1985) watched the eye movements of 9-year-olds and 13-year-
except that some developments of childhood are not com- olds during a two-part visual search task. Children were to
pleted until then. For example, portions of the brain that help push a response key when particular symbols appeared at the
regulate attention are not fully myelinated until adolescence center of a screen and to remember letters flashed at the cor-
(Tanner, 1990). Perhaps this helps explain why adolescents ners of the screen. The adolescents developed efficient strate-
gies for switching their eyes from the center to the corners and
back at the right times. The 9-year-olds had an unfortunate
tendency to look at blank areas of the screen or to focus too
much attention on the letters in the corners of the screen,
thereby failing to detect the symbols in the center.
f-rnm. kmmmg Up
mmm Basic perceptual and attentional skills are perfected dur-

ing adolescence. Adolescents are better than children at
sustaining their attention and using it selectively and
strategically to solve the problem at hand. Ei
T h e Adult
€ A d o l e s c e n t s are skilled at d i v i d i n g t h e i r a t t e n t i o n a m o n g several "What becomes of sensory and perceptual capacities during
tasks. adulthood? There is good news and bad news, and we might as
well dispense with the bad news first: Sensory and perceptual
Table 6.1 Percentage of Adults 70 Years and Older
capacities decline gradually with age in the normal person. Whn tyno iîonrct
if no LApt riciiv.c ViciAn
Tisiuii PfAhlomc
rruuiciiis
Whispers become harder to hear, seeing in the dark becomes
difficult, food may not taste as good, and so on. Often these de- Vision Condition Percentage of Adults 70 and Older
clines begin in early adulthood and become noticeable in the
Blind in one eye 4.4
40s, sometimes giving middle-ciged people a feeling that they
Blind in both eyes 1.7
are getting old. Further declines take place in later life, to the
point that you would have a hard time finding a person age 65 Other trouble seeing 14.4
or older who does not have at least a mild sensory or percep- Glaucoma 7.9
tual impairment. The good news is that these changes are grad- Cataract(s) 24.5
ual and usually minor. As a result, we can usually compensate Use a magnifier 17.0
for them, making small adjustments such as turning up the
Wear glasses 91.5
volume on the TV set or adding a little extra seasoning to food.
Because the losses are usually not severe, and because of the SOURCE: Adapted from Campbell et al., 1999.
process of compensation, only a minority of old people de-

velop serious problems such as blindness and deafness. depending on the lighting conditions, and the lens changes
The losses we are describing take two general forms. First, shape, or accommodates, to keep images focused on the
sensation is affected, as indicated by raised sensory thresholds. retina. In adolescents and young adults, the visual system is
The threshold for a sense is the point at which low levels of normally at peak performance. Aging brings changes to all
stimulation can be detected—a dim light can be seen, a faint components of the visual system.
tone can be heard, a slight odor can be detected, and so on.
Stimulation below the threshold cannot be detected, so the rise Changes in t h e Pupil
of the threshold with age means that sensitivity to very low lev- As we age, our pupils become somewhat smaller and do not
els of stimulation is lost. (You saw that the very young infant is change as much when lighting conditions change. As a result,
also insensitive to some very low levels of stimulation.) older adults experience greater difficulty when lighting is
Second, perceptual abilities decline in some aging adults. dim, when it is bright, and when it suddenly changes.
Even when stimulation is intense enough to be well above the Approximately one-third of adults older than 85 exhibit a ten-
detection threshold, older people sometimes have difficulty fold loss of the ability to read low-contrast words in dim light-
processing or interpreting sensory information. As you will ing (Brabyn, 2000). Put another way, an 82-year-old can see
see, they may have trouble searching a visual scene, under- with 20/30 acuity (20/20 is considered optimal) when lighting
standing rapid speech in a noisy room, or recognizing the and contrast are good, but her acuity drops to 20/120 when
foods they are tasting. lighting and contrast are poor (Enoch et al., 1999). Such an
So, sensory and perceptual declines are typical during adult often has difficulty reading menus in restaurants with
adulthood, although they are far steeper in some individuals "mood" lighting. To compensate, she might use a small flash-
than in others and can often be compensated for. These delight. And restaurants could help by providing menus printed
clines involve both a rise of thresholds for detecting stimula- with sharp contrast (black print on a pure white background).
tion and a loss of some perceptual abilities. When walking into the sunlight after watching a movie in
a darkened theater, older adults' pupils are slower than
younger adults' to change from large to small, a process that
helps reduce the glare of bright lights. In one study, adults
We begin with a question that concerns many people as they older than 85 years took more than 2 minutes to recover from
get older: Will I lose my eyesight? For most people, the answer glare, whereas adults younger than 65 needed less than 15 sec-
is no. Fewer than 2% of adults older than 70 are blind in both onds (Brabyn, 2000).
eyes, and only 4.4% are blind in one eye (Campbell et al, Similarly, dark adaptation—the process in which the eyes
1999). Still, that does not mean that you will go through old adapt to darkness and become more sensitive to the low level
age with no vision problems. As Table 6.1 shows, 9 in 10 peo- of light available—occurs more slowly in older individuals
ple will wear corrective lenses; 1 in 4 will have cataracts, or than in younger ones (Fozard & Gordon-Salant, 2001) As a re-
cloudiness of the normally clear lens; and some will need to sult, the older person driving at night may have special prob-
use a magnifying glass to help them see. Why do these changes lems when turning onto a dark road from a lighted highway.
in the visual system occur, and is there anything you can do to
prevent losses? Before we answer these questions, briefly re- Changes in t h e Lens
view the basic workings of the visual system. The lens of the eye also undergoes change with age. It has been
As Figure 6.7 shows, light enters the eye through the gaining new cells since childhood, making it denser and less
cornea and passes through the pupil and lens before being flexible later in life. It cannot change shape, or accommodate,
projected (upside down) on the retina. From here, images are as well to bring objects at different distances into focus. The
relayed to the brain by the optic nerve at the back of each eye. lens is also yellowing, and both it and the gelatinous liquid be-
The pupil of the eye automatically becomes larger or smaller hind it are becoming less transparent. The thickening of the
Pupil
Muscles to
move the eye
Retina
Cornea
Fovea
Optic nerve
(to brain)
Muscles to
adjust the lens Optic disk
(and blind spot)
Figure 6o7 The human eye and retina. Light passes through the cornea, pupil, and lens and
falls on the light-sensitive surface of the retina, where images of objects are projected upside
down.The information is relayed to the brain by the optic nerve.
lens with age leads to presbyopia, or the decreased ability of ply be too short to do the trick any longer. .Middle-aged adults
the lens to accommodate objects close to the eye (Fozard & cope with problems of near vision by getting reading glasses
0 v"
Gordon-Salant, 2001). Over the years, an adult may, without (or, if they also have problems with distance vision, bifocals);
even being aware of it, gradually move newspapers and books reading fine print may still be a problem, however.
farther from the eye to make them clearer—a form of com- As for distance vision, visual acuity as measured by stan-
pensation for decline. Eventually, however, the arms may sim- dard eye' charts increases in childhood, peaks in the 20s, re-
mains steady through middle age, and steadily declines in old
age (Evans et al., 2002; Klein et al., 2001). The implications for
the average adult are fairly minor. For example, in one major
study, 76% of older adults (75 years and older) had good cor-
rected vision (Evans et al., 2002). At worst, most of them could
see at 20 feet what a person with standard acuity can see at 25
feet—not a big problem. Among adults in their 90s, 37% are
visually impaired, but only 7% are blind. Several studies show
that women experience greater declines in visual acuity than
men (see, for example, van der Pols et al., 2000). Older women
with declining vision are more susceptible to falling and frac-
turing a bone, which is a serious threat to their independence
(Coleman et al., 2004). Fracturing a hip often triggers a shift
from independent to assisted living and can even be fatal. And
poor vision that is not correctable can seriously decrease older
adults' quality of life. According to one estimate, older adults
with poor visual acuity (20/40 or worse) were as impaired as
those with a major medical problem such as stroke (Chia et
al., 2004).
Thus, even though most of us will not be blind, we will
€ As adults age, they typically find they are more bothered by glare need to wear corrective lenses and regularly monitor our vi-
and need corrective lenses. sion. The minority of elderly people who experience serious
declines in visual acuity typically suffer from pathological occurs, using eyedrops or surgery to lower eye fluid pressure.
conditions of the eye. These conditions become more preva- In many cases, however, the damage is done before people ex-
lent in old age but are not part of aging itself. For example, perience visual problems; only regular eye tests can reveal the
cataracts are the leading cause of visual impairment in old age. buildup of eye pressure that spells trouble (Fozard & Gordon-
Most older adults have some degree of lens clouding, and sig- Salant, 2001).
nificant clouding is present in roughly half of adults older To recap, you can expect some changes in vision as you
than 75 years, often from lifelong heavy exposure to sunlight age. Sensory thresholds increase with age so that you need
and its damaging ultraviolet rays (Fozard & Gordon-Salant, higher levels of stimulation than when you were young.
2001). Fortunately, cataracts can be removed through surgery, Acuity, or sharpness of vision, decreases, and it takes longer
improving vision and preventing blindness. for eyes to adapt to changes. Fortunately, it is possible to cor-
rect or compensate for most of these "normal5' changes. Some
Retinal Changes older adults will experience more serious visual problems,
Researchers also know that the web of sensory receptor cells in such as those caused by changes in the retina, but early detec-
the retina may die or not function in later life as efficiently as tion and treatment can preserve vision in most adults.
they once did. The serious retinal problem age-related macu-
lar degeneration results from damage to cells in the retina re- A t t e n t i o n and Visual Search
sponsible for central vision. Thus, vision becomes blurry; it As you learned earlier in this chapter, perception is more than
also begins to fade first from the center of the visual field, just seeing. It is using the senses intelligently and allocating at-
making reading and many other activities impossible. With tention efficiently. Young children have more difficulty per-
the success of corrective surgery for cataracts, age-related forming complex visual search tasks and ignoring irrelevant
macular degeneration is now a leading cause of blindness in information than older children do. Do older adults also have
older adults (Congdon et al., 2004). The causes of macular de- more difficulty than younger adults?
generation are largely unknown, but some research points to Older adults do worse than younger ones on several tests
a genetic role; other research shows a connection with ciga- that require dividing attention between two tasks (divided at-
rette smoking (Evans, 2001). Currently, there is no treatment tention) or selectively attending to certain stimuli while ig-
for macular degeneration, but several researchers are working noring others (selective attention; see Juola et aL, 2000;
to develop retinal implants that would stimulate the remain- Madden & Langley, 2003). The more distracters a task in-
ing cells of the retina and restore some useful vision (Boston volves, the more the performance of elderly adults falls short
Retinal Implant Project, 2004). of the performance of young adults. In everyday life, this may
Changes in the retina also lead to decreased visual field, translate into difficulty carrying on a conversation while driv-
or a loss of peripheral (side) vision (Fozard & Gordon-Salant, ing or problems locating the asparagus amid all the frozen
2001). Looking straight ahead, an older adult may see only vegetables at the supermarket.
half of what a young adult sees to the left and the right of cen- In one test of visual search skills, Charles Scialfa and his
ter. Can you think of activities that might be hindered by a de- colleagues (Scialfa, Esau, & Joffe, 1998) asked young adults
creased visual field? Driving a car comes to mind. For exam- and elderly adults to locate a target (for example, a blue hori-
ple, when approaching an intersection, you need to be able to zontal line) in a display where the distracter items were clearly
see what is coming toward you as well as what is coming from different (for example, red vertical lines) or in a more difficult
the side roads. The Explorations box on page 164 describes task where the distracters shared a common feature with the
some other sensory changes that might make driving more target (for example, blue vertical and red horizontal lines).
hazardous for older people. Older adults were slower and less accurate on the more chal-
Significant loss of peripheral vision can lead to tunnel vi- lenging search task. They were also more distracted by irrele-
sion, a condition often caused by retinitis pigmentosa or by vant information; they were especially slow compared with
glaucoma. Retinitis pigmentosa (RP) is a group of hereditary young adults when the number of distracter items in the dis-
disorders that all involve gradual deterioration of the light- play was high. In some situations, elderly people appear to
sensitive cells of the retina. Symptoms of RP can appear as have difficulty inhibiting responses to irrelevant stimuli so
early as childhood, but it is more likely to be diagnosed in that they can focus their attention more squarely on relevant
adulthood, when the symptoms have become more apparent. stimuli (Erber, 2005). Older adults can improve their visual
Individuals with RP often have a history of visual problems at search performance with practice, and they are more success-
night and a gradual loss of peripheral vision. There is no cure ful when they strategically use a feature of the display (for ex-
for retinal deterioration, but some promising research sug- ample, color) to help guide their search (Madden, Gottlob, &
gests that treatment with vitamin A can slow (not eliminate) Allen, 1999).
the progress of the disease (Berson, 2000; Sibulesky et al., In short, older adults have their greatest difficulties in pro-
1999). cessing visual information when the situation is novel (when
In glaucoma, increased fluid pressure in the eye can dam- they are not sure exactly what to look for or where to look) and
age the optic nerve and can cause a progressive loss of periph- when it is complex (when there is a great deal of distracting in-
eral vision and, ultimately, blindness. It becomes more com- formation to search through or when two tasks must be per-
mon over age 50. The key is to prevent the damage before it formed at once). By contrast, they have fewer problems when
O lder drivers are perceived by many as more accident
prone and slower than other drivers. Perhaps you have
had the experience of zipping down the interstate when a
ponent of problematic driving, but as noted in the main text,
poor acuity is fairly easy to correct.Therefore, although older
adults cite concerns about eyesight as one reason to limit or
slow-moving car driven by an elderly adult pulls into your path, avoid driving, it cannot account for all the problems older
forcing you to brake quickly. Is this experience representative, drivers have (Ragland, Satariano, & MacLeod, 2004).
and is the stereotype of older drivers accurate? This is an im- Diminished peripheral vision also makes driving hazardous
portant question, because 20% of all drivers will be older than (Owsley et al., 1998). Good drivers must be able to see vehi-
65 years by 2030 (Braver &Trempel, 2004; Lyman et al., 2002). cles and pedestrians approaching from the side. Half of the fa-
It is true that older adults (70 years and older) are in- tal automobile accidents involving older drivers occur at in-
volved in more automobile fatalities than middle-aged adults tersections, and older drivers are more than twice as likely as
(see the figure in this Explorations box). But the most acci- young drivers to have problems making left-hand turns
dent-prone group is young drivers between 16 and 24 years (Uchida, Fujita, & Katayama, 1999). Not only must drivers see
(U.S. Department of Transportation, 1997). When you take obstacles moving toward them, they must evaluate the speed
into account that young people drive more than elderly peo- and trajectory of these objects and integrate this information
ple do, it turns out that both elderly drivers and young drivers with their own speed and trajectory to determine a course of
have more accidents per mile driven than middle-aged drivers action. For example, is the car approaching from the left going
have (Williams & Carsten, 1989). to hit my car, or will I be through the intersection before it
Why is driving hazardous for elderly adults? Clearly, vision reaches me? Unfortunately, perceiving moving objects is a
is essential to driving; vision accounts for approximately 90% problem for older adults, even those who have good visual
of the information necessary to operate and navigate a car acuity (Erber, 2005). And simultaneously processing multiple
(Messinger-Rapport, 2003).Visual acuity or clarity is one com- pieces of information is also difficult for older adults. Thus,
19 20-24 25-29 30-34 35-39 40-44 45-49 50-54 55-59 60-64 65-69 70-74 75+
Driver age (years)
they have clear expectations about what they are to do and as 90% of individuals older than 65 have impaired hearing
when the task is not overly complex. Thus, an older factory (Fozard & Gordon-Salant, 2001). Most older people experi-
worker who has inspected radios for years may be just as ence mild to moderate hearing impairments, some experience
speedy and accurate as a younger worker at this well-practiced, severe hearing loss, and only a few are deaf (Dalton et al.,
familiar task, but he might perform relatively poorly if sud- 2004).
denly asked to inspect pocket calculators and look for a much
larger number of possible defects—a novel and complex task. Basic Capacities
Sources of hearing problems range from excess wax buildup
in the ears to infections to a sluggish nervous system. Most
Hearing age-related hearing problems seem to originate in the inner
There is some truth to the stereotype of the hard-of-hearing ear, however (Fozard & Gordon-Salant, 2001). The cochlear
older person. The older the age group, the greater the per- hair cells that serve as auditory receptors, their surrounding
centage of people who have at least mild hearing loss: as many structures, and the neurons leading from them to the brain
older drivers have trouble reading street signs while driving
(Dewar, Kline, & Swanson, 1995), and they are less able than
younger adults to quickly change their focus from the dash-
board to the rearview mirror to the road ahead.
After understanding the dynamics of a potentially dan-
gerous situation, the driver must be able to react quickly to
threats (for example, a child chasing a ball into the street).
As you learned in Chapter 5, older adults typically have
slower response times than younger adults; thus, they need
more time to react to the same stimulus. Finally, older
adults are slower to recover from glare and to adapt to the
dark, which makes night driving problematic.
But the driving records of older adults are not as bad as <[ An older adult is likely to find the ice cream as efficiently as a
might be expected, because many of them compensate for younger adult in a familiar supermarket but may have difficulty with
visual and other perceptual difficulties and slower reactions this visual search task if the supermarket is unfamiliar.
by driving less frequently, especially in conditions believed to
be more hazardous—at night, during rush hour, and when
the weather is poor (Messinger-Rapport, 2003). Older Is this loss of hearing with age the inevitable result of
adults with visual problems such as cataracts and those with basic aging processes, or is it caused by other factors?
cognitive problems are more likely to limit their driving than Researchers know that the loss is more noticeable among men
older adults without these problems (Messinger-Rapport, than among women, that men are more likely to work in noisy
2003). Some states have responded to concerns about eld- industrial jobs, and that those who hold such jobs experience
erly drivers with mandatory road retesting for license re- more hearing loss than other men (Martin & Clark, 2002;
newal (Cobb & Coughlin, 1998). But most states have no Reuben et al., 1998). But even when adults who have held rel-
distinct policies about license renewal for older adults. It is atively quiet jobs are studied, men show detectable hearing
not that states do not care; rather, they face strong opposi- losses earlier in life (in their 30s) and lose hearing sensitivity
tion from groups such as the American Association of at a faster rate than women do (Pearson et al., 1995). It seems,
Retired Persons and individual older adults (Cobb & then, that most people, men more than women, will experi-
Coughlin, 1998).To give up driving is to give up a big chunk ence some loss of sensitivity to high-frequency sounds as part
of independence, something anyone would be loathe to do. of the basic aging process, but that certain people will experi-
Most people want to find ways to drive safely as long as ence more severe losses because of their experiences. As Table
possible. By understanding the strengths and limitations of
6.2 shows, loud sounds—those above 75 decibels—may leave
their sensory-perceptual abilities, older adults will be in a
the listener with a loss of hearing. Fans of loud music, beware:
good position to keep driving safely. Remember that the
The noise at rock concerts and night clubs is often in the 120-
next time you are stuck behind a slow driver.
to 130-decibel range; this is loud enough to cause a temporary
rise in hearing thresholds) and possibly even permanent hear-
ing loss in individuals regularly exposed to it (Hetu & Fortin,
1995). And if you can hear the music coming from the head-
degenerate gradually over the adult years. The most noticeable set of your friend s MP3 player, your friend may be damaging
result is a loss of sensitivity to high-frequency or high-pitched her hearing (Schiffman, 2000).
sounds, the most common form of presbycusis, or problems
of the aging ear. Thus an older person may have difficulty Speech Perception
hearing a child's high voice, the flutes in an orchestra, and Perhaps the most important thing we do with our ears in
high-frequency consonant sounds such as 5, z, and ch everyday life is listening to other people during conversations.
(Whitbourne, 2001) but may have less trouble with deep The ability to hear is one requisite for understanding speech,
voices, tubas, and sounds such as b. After age 50, lower-fre- but this complex auditory perception task also depends on
quency sounds also become increasingly difficult to hear cognitive processes such as attention and memory. How well
(Kline & Scialfa, 1996). Thus, to be heard by the average older do aging adults do?
adult, a sound—especially a high-pitched sound but ulti- Older adults typically have more difficulty understanding
mately any sound—must be louder than it needs to be to ex- speech than younger adults do, even under ideal listening con-
ceed the auditory threshold of a younger adult. ditions. However, this age difference becomes small when dif-
ferences in hearing are controlled (Schneider, Daneman, et al.,
Table 6.2 Noise Levels
2000). Thus, older adults' difficulties with speech perception
Noise Number of Decibels under good listening conditions are largely because of hearing
Whisper problems rather than cognitive declines. However, under poor
30
listening conditions—for example, loud background noise—
Quiet room 40
differences between older and young adults are larger even
Normal speech 60 when individual differences in hearing are accounted for
City traffic 80 (Schneider, Daneman, et al., 2000). Thus, older adults may re-
Lawnmower 90 call fewer details of a conversation that takes place in a
Rock music 110 crowded, noisy restaurant.
In addition, auditory perception tasks, like visual percep-
Jet plane takeoff 120
tion tasks, are more difficult for older people when they are
Jackhammer 130
novel and complex. In familiar, everyday situations, older
Firearm discharge 140 adults are able to use contextual cues to interpret what they
T h e healthy ear can detect sounds starting at 0 decibels. Damage to hearing hear (Fozard & Gordon-Salant, 2001). In one study, for exam-
can start between 75 and 80 decibels and is more likely with long-term ex- ple, elderly adults were about as able as young adults to recall
posure to loud sounds. meaningful sentences they had just heard (Wingfield et al.,
1985). However, they had serious difficulty repeating back
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A i d i n g Adults with Hearing Impairments
In the Applications box on page 154, we examined ways to

help infants and children who have hearing impairments,
often from birth. Here, we consider the other end of the life
best for individuals exposed to spoken language before they
lost their hearing, elderly people are ideal candidates for
them.They tolerate the surgical procedure required for im-
span. What can be done to assist hearing-impaired adults, plantation well, and their hearing test scores increase signif-
most of whom were born with normal hearing? Many are icantly (Kelsall, Shallop, & Burnelli, 1995). In addition, adults
reluctant to admit that they have a hearing problem, so few who receive cochlear implants report that their quality of
older adults with hearing loss use hearing aids (Popelka et life has improved
• significantly (Faber & Grontved, 2000).
al., 1998).Those who do not have their hearing corrected Cochlear implants, however, cannot work overnight mira-
may suffer depression, decreased independence, and cles; it can take months, even years, to learn how to inter-
strained relationships (Appollonio etal., 1996). Imagine how pret the messages relayed by the implant to the brain
hard social interaction can become if you cannot under- (Colburn, 2000).
stand what is being said, misinterpret what is said, or have Finally, the physical and social environment can be mod-
to keep asking people to repeat what they said. One 89- ified to help people of all ages with hearing losses (National
year-old woman became extremely depressed and isolated: Institute on Aging & National Institute on Deafness, 1996).
'There is an owfulness about silence . . . I am days without For example, furniture can be arranged to permit face-to-
speaking a word. It is affecting my voice. I fear for my mind. face contact; lights can be turned on to permit use of visual
I cannot hear the alarm clock, telephone ring, door bell, ra- cues such as gestures and lip movements. Then there are
dio, television—or the human voice" (Meadows-Orlans & the simple guidelines we can follow to make ourselves un-
Orlans, 1990, pp. 424-425). We tend to think of vision as derstood by hearing-impaired people. One of the most im-
our most important sense, but hearing impairments may be portant is to avoid shouting. Shouting not only distorts
more disruptive than visual impairments to cognitive and speech but also raises the pitch of the voice (therefore
social functioning. Still, many individuals cope well with their making it more difficult for elderly people to hear); it also
hearing impairments and maintain active, satisfying lifestyles. makes it harder for the individual to read lips. It is best to
Hearing aids, although beneficial, cannot restore normal speak at a normal rate, clearly but without overarticulating,
hearing; they tend to distort sounds and to magnify back- with your face fully visible at a distance of about 3 to 6 feet.
ground noise as well as what the wearer is trying to hear. In With modern technology, appropriate education, effec-
addition, many older people are ill served by hearing aids tive coping strategies, and help from those who hear,
that are of poor quality or that are poorly matched to their hearing-impaired and deaf individuals of all ages can thrive.
specific hearing problems. Because cochlear implants work
grammatical sentences that made no sense or random strings sitivity or smell sensitivity? Or was it a cognitive problem—
of words, especially when these meaningless stimuli were spo- difficulty coming up with the name of a food that was sensed?
ken rapidly. So, an older person may be able to follow an or- Claire Murphy (1985) attempted to shed light on these
dinary conversation but not a technical presentation on an questions by presenting young and elderly adults with 12 of
unfamiliar topic—especially if the speaker makes the task the blended foods used by Schiffman. She observed that older
harder by talking too fast. people often came up with the wrong specific label but the
Overall, then, most older adults have only mild hearing right idea (identifying sugar as fruit or salt as peanuts, for ex-
losses, especially for high-frequency sounds, and only minor ample). Thus, at least some of their difficulty may have been
problems understanding everyday speech; in addition, they cognitive. Murphy also tested women whose nostrils were
can compensate for their difficulties successfully—for exam- blocked and found that both young and elderly women did
ple, by reading lips and relying on contextual cues. Novel and miserably when they could not smell and had to rely on taste
complex speech heard under poor listening conditions is alone. This finding suggests that a reduced ability to identify
likely to cause more trouble. Fortunately, there is much they foods in old age is less because of losses in the sense of taste
can do to improve hearing or compensate for its loss, as the
Applications box on page 166 describes. • -
Table 6.3 Age D iffere nces in Recognitic>n of Foods
Percentage Recognizing Food
Does the aging of sensory systems also mean that older peo- College Students Eldei'ly People
ple become less able to appreciate tastes and aromas? Studies Pureed Food Substance (ages 18-22) (ages 67-93)
designed to measure taste thresholds suggest that with in-
Fruits
creasing age, some of us have more difficulty detecting weak
taste stimulation—for example, a small amount of salt on Apple 93 79
food or a few drops of lemon juice in a glass of water (Mattes, Banana 93 59
2002; Schiffman, 1997). Thus, older adults may report that Pear 93 86
food tastes bland and use larger amounts of salt and season-
Pineapple 93 86
ings than used when they were younger. In addition, both
middle-aged and older adults sometimes have difficulty dis- Strawberry 100 79
criminating among tastes that differ in intensity (Nordin et Tomato 93 93
al., 2003). In one study, for example, adults over 70 were less Vegetables
able than young adults to reliably judge one solution to be
Broccoli 81 62
saltier, more bitter, or .more acidic than another (Weiffenbach,
Cowart, & Baum, 1986). Interestingly, older adults did not Cabbage 74 69
have difficulty distinguishing degrees of sweetness; people do Carrot 79 55
not seem to lose the sweet tooth they are born with. Celery 89 55
The ability to perceive odors also typically declines with age. Corn 96 76
Sensitivity to odors increases from childhood to early adulthood Cucumber 44 28
then declines during adulthood, more so with increasing age
Green bean 85 62
(Finkelstein & Schiffman, 1999; Ship et al., 1996). Age takes a
greater toll on the sense of smell than on the sense of taste (Rolls, Green pepper 78 59
1999). However, differences among age groups are usually small, Potato 52 59
and many older people retain their sensitivity to odors. Women Meat/Fish
are more likely than men to maintain their ability to label odors
Beef 100 79
in scratch-and-sniff tests (Ship 8< Weiffenbach, 1993), partly be-
cause they are less likely than men to have worked in factories Fish 89 90
and been exposed to chemicals (Corwin, Loury, & Gilbert, Pork 93 72
1995). Also, healthy adults of both sexes retain their sense of Other
smell better than do those who have diseases and take medica-
Rice 81 55
tions (Ship & Weiffenbach, 1993). Again, then, perceptual losses
in later life are part of the basic aging process but vary from per- Walnut 33 28
son to person depending on environmental factors. Elderly adults have more difficulty than young college students in identify-
How do declines in the senses of taste and smell affect the ing most blended foods by taste and smell alone. Percentages of those recog-
older persons enjoyment of food? Susan Schiffman (1977) nizing food include reasonable guesses such as "orange" in response to "ap-
p l e " Notice that some foods (for example, cucumber) are difficult for people
blindfolded young adults and elderly adults and asked them to
of any age to identify by taste a n d smell alone. Appearance and texture are
identify blended foods by taste and smell alone. As Table 6.3 important to the recognition of such foods.
reveals, the older people were correct less often than the col- SOURCE: Schiffman, S. ( 1 9 7 7 ) . Food recognition by the elderly. Journal of
lege students were. But was this because of a loss of taste sen- Gerontology; 32. Reprinted by permission.
than because of losses in the sense of smell and declines in the osteoporosis, cancer, and other diseases who also experience
cognitive skills required to remember and name what has depression and anxiety are especially likely to perceive pain.
been tasted (Murphy, Nordin, & Acosta, 1997). Treating these secondary conditions and administering effec-
If foods do not have much taste, an older person may lose tive pain relief can improve the daily functioning and psycho-
interest in eating and may not get proper nourishment (Rolls, logical well-being of older adults.
1999). Alternatively, an older person may overuse seasonings
such as salt or may eat spoiled food, which can threaten health
in other ways. Yet these problems can be remedied. For exam-
ple, when flavor enhancers were added to the food in one nurs- Of all the changes in sensation and perception during adult-
ing home, elders ate more, gained muscle strength, and had hood that we have considered, those involving vision and
healthier immune system functioning than they did when they hearing appear to be the most important and the most uni-
ate the usual institutional fare (Schiffman & Warwick, 1993). versal. Not only are these senses less keen, but they also are
Conclusions about changes in taste and smell must be used less effectively in such complex perceptual tasks as
considered in perspective. These sensory and perceptual abil- searching a cluttered room for a missing book or following
ities are highly variable across the life span, not just older rapid conversation in a noisy room. Declines in the other
adulthood. Many older adults will not experience deficits: senses are less serious and do not affect as many people.
They can continue to smell the roses and enjoy their food. Although people compensate for many sensory declines,
their effects cannot be entirely eliminated. At some point, ag-
ing adults find that changes in sensory abilities affect their ac-
Touch^Temperature^ and Pain
tivities. As Table 6.4 shows, older adults with one or two sen-
By now, you have seen numerous indications that older adults sory impairments are more likely to experience difficulty with
are often less able than younger adults to detect weak sensory basic tasks of living—walking, getting outside, getting in or
stimulation. This holds true for the sense of touch. The detec- out of bed or a chair, taking medicines, or preparing meals.
tion threshold for touch increases and sensitivity is gradually Notice, however, that even older adults without sensory im-
lost from middle childhood on (Erber, 2005). It is not clear pairments report some difficulty with these tasks. People who
that minor losses in touch sensitivity have many implications are limited by sensory impairments usually have physical or
for daily life, however. intellectual impairments as well, most likely because of gen-
Similarly, older people may be less sensitive to changes in eral declines in neural functioning that affcct both perception
temperature than younger adults are (Frank et al, 2000). and cognition (Baltes & Lindenberger, 1997; Sakhouse et al.,
Some keep their homes too cool because they are unaware of 1996). Most older adults, even those with sensory impair-
being cold; others may fail to notice that it is too hot. Because ments, are engaged in a range of activities and are living full
older bodies are also less able than younger ones to maintain lives. Thus, although most adults will experience some de-
an even temperature, elderly people face an increased risk of clines in sensory abilities with age, these changes do not need
death in heat waves or cold snaps (Worfolk, 2000). to detract from their quality of life.
It seems only fair that older people should also be less
sensitive to painful stimulation, but are they? They are indeed
Summing Up
less likely than younger adults to report weak levels of stimu-
lation as painful, although the age differences in pain thresh- During adulthood, sensory and perceptual capacities
olds are not large or consistent (Verrillo & Verrillo, 1985). Yet gradually decline in most individuals, although many
older people seem to be no less sensitive to stronger pain changes are minor and can be compensated for Changes
stimuli. Unfortunately, older adults are more likely to experi- in the lens, pupil, cornea, and retina of the eye contribute
ence chronic pain than younger adults but are less likely to ob- t o decreased vision as we age. Hearing difficulty associ-
tain adequate pain relief (Gloth, 2000). Adults with arthritis, ated with aging most commonly involves loss of sensitiv-
kk > Table 6.4 Percentage o f Older Adults with Va rious Impairments \Vho Report Limits on Activ ities I
With Visual With Hearing With Both Visual and Without Visual or
Activity Impairments Impairments Hearing Impairments Hearing Impairments
Difficulty walking 43.3% 30.7% 48.3% 22.2%

Difficulty getting outside 28.6 17.3 32.8 11.9
Difficulty getting in or out 22.1 15.1 25.0 10.4
of a bed or chair
Difficulty taking medicines 11.8 7.7 13.4 5.0
Difficulty preparing meals 18.7 11.6 20.7 7.8
SOURCE: Adapted f r o m Campbell et al. (1999).
ity t o high-frequency (high-pitched) sounds. Hearing aids conditions. Many older people have difficulty recognizing
can significantly improve older adults' abilities t o detect or enjoying foods, largely because of declines in the sense
sounds. Even elderly people without significant hearing of smell and memory; touch, temperature, and pain sen-
losses may experience difficulty understanding novel and sitivity also decrease slightly, but intense pain stimuli still
complex speech spoken rapidly under poor listening hurt. •
Summary Points
1. Sensation is the detection of sensory stimulation; perception sensation, 144 olfaction, 155
is the interpretation of what is sensed. Developmentalists and perception, 144 cross-modal perception, 156
philosophers differ about whether basic knowledge of the world is
innate (the nativist position) or must be acquired through the senses empiricist, 144 attention, 159
(the empiricist position). nativist, 144 selective attention, 159
2. Methods of studying infant perception include habituation, habituation, 145 sensory threshold, 161
evoked potentials, preferential looking, and operant conditioning
visual acuity, 146 cataracts, 161
techniques.
3. From birth, the visual system is working reasonably well The visual accommodation, 146 dark adaptation, 161
auditory sense is well developed at birth. Very young infants can rec- contour, 147 presbyopia, 162
ognize their mother's voice and can make distinctions among speech size constancy, 148 age-related macular
sounds that adults may no longer be able to make. The other senses degeneration, 163
visual cliff, 149
are also well developed at birth.
intuitive theories, 151 retinitis pigmentosa (RP), 163
4. During childhood we learn to sustain attention for longer pe-
riods, to direct it more selectively (filtering out distracting informa- phoneme, 152 glaucoma, 163
tion), and to plan and carry out more systematic pcrccptual searches. cochlear implant, 154 presbycusis, 165
5. During adolescence, the ability to sustain and control attention
improves further, and sensation and perception are at their peaks.
6. Throughout adulthood, sensory abilities gradually decline. Media Resources
However, these changes can often be compensated for wTith, for ex-
ample, corrective lenses for the eyes, amplification devices for the Websites t o Explore
ears, and more spices for the taste buds. Moderate to severe declines
Visit Our Website
that are not corrected can lead to declines in activities and quality of
life among older adults. For a chapter tutorial quiz and other useful features,
visit the books companion website at http://psychology.wadsworth
.com/sigelman_rider5e. You can also connect directly to the following
sites:
1. Drawing on your knowledge of the sensory and perceptual Senses Data

capacities of newborns, put yourself in the place of a newborn just From the Howard Hughes Medical Institute, the web page titled
emerging from the womb and describe your perceptual experiences. "Seeing, Hearing, and Smelling the World" provides a great deal of
2. You have been hired to teach a cooking course to elderly scholarly, yet easy to understand, material on the senses.
adults. First, analyze the perceptual strengths and weaknesses of your
students: What perceptual tasks might be easy for them, and what Hearing Impairments
tasks might be difficult? Second, considering at least three senses, The Center for Assessment and Demographic Studies at Gallaudet
think of 10 strategies you can use to help your students compensate University provides a scholarly paper on the demographics of hear-
for the declines in perceptual capacities that some of them may be ing impairments in the United States.
experiencing.
3. You are the coordinator for social and educational activities at Understanding t h e Data:
your community center, which means you work with people of all Exercises on t h e W e b
ages, ranging from the youngest infants to the oldest adults. In plan-
ning activities, what is important to know about capturing and hold-
chapter, try the exercises for these figures at http://psychology
ing the attention of different age groups?
.wadsworth.com/sigelman_rider5e:
4. You have an unlimited budget for redesigning a local child
care center that serves children 6 weeks to 6 years old. Given what Unnumbered figure in Explorations box titled "Aging Drivers"
you know about sensory and perceptual capabilities of infants and Table 6.4 Percentage of Older Adults with Various Impairments
young children, what equipment and toys will you purchase, and Who Report Their Activities Are Limited
how will you remodel and redecorate the rooms?
Life-Span CD-ROM DEVELOPMENTAL
PsychoIogy@Now
Go to the Wadsworth Life-Span CD-ROM for farther
and learning modules. Check it out at http://psychology.wad$worth
C H A P T E R S E V E N
Placet's Constructivist Difficulty with Classification Growth beyond Formal
A pproaeli Did Piaget Underestimate the Operations?

Preschool Child? Aging and Cognitive Skills
W h a t Is Intelligence?
The Concrete Operations Stage
How Does Intelligence Develop? Conservation
P i a g e t i n P e r speetive
Seriation and Transitivity
T k e Infant Other Advances Piaget'® Contributions
Challenges t o Piaget
Substages of the Sensorimotor
Stage
The Development of Object The Formal Operations Stage Vygotsky's S o c i o c u l t u r a J
Permanence Hypothetical and Abstract Thinking Perspective
The Emergence of Symbols Problem Solving
Culture and Thought
Progress toward Mastery
Social Interaction and Thought
Implications of Formal Thought
Tlie Cliiki ' The Tools of Thought
The Preoperational Stage Evaluation ofVygotsky
Tlie Adult
Lack of Conservation
Egocentrism Limitations in Adult Cognitive
Performance
mm
L A U R A (3 Y E A R S O L D ) , removing an opened can of it such as space, time, and causality. Epistemology is the
soda from the refrigerator, to her mother: "Whose is this? branch of philosophy that studies knowledge of reality, and
It's not yours 'cause it doesn't have lipstick." genetic can be translated as emergence or development In other
Matt (I I years old) wanted to go to a hobby store on words, Piaget sought to shed new light on the nature of hu-
Memorial Day. His mother, doubting it was open, told him man knowledge by studying how children come to know the
to call. Matt went to the phone, returned, and said,"Let's world.
go." They arrived to find the store closed.The frustrated His studies began with close observation of his own three
mother: "I thought you called." Matt:"I did, but they didn't children as infants: how they explored new toys, solved simple
answer, so I figured they were too busy to come to the problems that he arranged for them, and generally came to
phone" (DeLoache, Miller, & Pierroutsakos, 1998, p. 801). understand themselves and their world. Later, Piaget studied
larger samples of children through what has become known as
his clinical method, a flexible question-and-answer technique
From an early age, humans think and reason about the world used to discover how children think about problems. Consider
around them—sometimes coming to logical conclusions. At the following exchange between Piaget and 6-year-old Van
age 3, Laura shows remarkable logic when she concludes that (Piaget, 1926, p. 293):
a soda cannot be her mother's because it does not have lipstick
Piaget: Why is it dark at night?
on it. By contrast, Matt, age 11, does not use the rational pow-
Van: Because we sleep better, and so that it shall be dark
ers we assume 11-year-olds possess, perhaps because his
in the rooms.
wishes get in the way.
Piaget: Where does the darkness come from?
In this chapter, we begin to examine the development of
Van: Because the sky becomes grey.
cognition—the activity of knowing and the processes through
Piaget: What makes the sky become grey?
which knowledge is acquired and problems are solved.
Van: The clouds become dark.
Humans are cognitive beings throughout the life span, but as
Piaget: How is that?
the preceding examples suggest, their minds change in impor-
Van: God makes the clouds become dark.
tant ways. We concentrate on the influential theory of cogni-
tive development proposed by Jean Piaget, who traced growth Many contemporary researchers consider the method
in cognitive capacities during infancy, childhood, and adoles- imprecise because it does not involve asking standardized
cence, and then ask what becomes of these capacities during questions of all children tested, but Piaget (1926) believed that
adulthood. We also consider an alternative view: Lev the investigator should have the flexibility to pursue an indi-
Vygotsky's sociocultural perspective on cognitive develop- vidual child's line of reasoning to fully understand that child's
ment. Both theorists have changed how we think about cogni- mind. Using his naturalistic observations of his own children
tive functioning and education. We explore Piaget and and the clinical method to explore how children understand
Vygotsky's ideas for improving cognitive skills at the end of everything from the rules of games to the concepts of space
this chapter; we will revisit these ideas in Chapter 10 when we and time, Piaget formulated his view of the development of
cover language and education. intelligence.
Piaget's Constructivist Piaget's definition of intelligence reflects his background in

biology: intelligence is a basic life function that helps an organ-
Approach. ism adapt to its environment You can see adaptation when you
watch a toddler figuring out how to work a jack-in-the-box, a
Piaget was an exceptional person. As you learned in Chapter 2, school-agc child figuring out how to divide treats among
Piaget became intrigued by children's mistakes because he no- friends, or an adult figuring out how to operate a new digital
ticed that children of the same age often made similar kinds of camera. The newborn enters an unfamiliar world with few
mental mistakes—errors typically different from those made means of adapting to it other than working senses and re-
by younger or older children. Could these age-related differ- flexes. But Piaget viewed infants as active agents in their own
ences in error patterns reflect developmental steps, or stages, development, learning about the world of people and things
in intellectual growth? Piaget thought so, and he devoted his by observing, investigating, and experimenting.
life to studying how children think, not just what they know Knowledge gained through active exploration takes the
(Flavell, 1963). Although many of Piaget's ideas were initially form of a scheme (sometimes called schema in the singular
formulated in the 1920s, there was little knowledge of his and schemata in the plural). Schemes are cognitive struc-
work in North America until the 1960s, when John Flavell's tures—organized patterns of action or thought that people
(1963) summary of Piaget's theory appeared in English. construct to interpret their experiences (Piaget, 1952, 1977).
Interested in basic questions of philosophy, Piaget de- For example, the infant's grasping actions and sucking re-
fined his field of interest as genetic epistemology—the study sponses are early behavioral schemes, patterns of action used
of how humans come to know reality and basic dimensions of to adapt to different objects. During their second year, chil-
dren develop symbolic schemes, or concepts. They use inter-
nal mental symbols such as images and words to represent or
stand for aspects of experience, such as when a young child
sees a funny dance and carries away a mental model of how it
was done. Older children become able to manipulate symbols
in their heads to help them solve problems.
As children develop more sophisticated schemes, or cog-
nitive structures, they become increasingly able to adapt to
their environments. Because they gain new schemes as they
develop, children of different ages will respond to the same
stimuli differently. The infant may get to know a shoe mainly
as something to chew, the preschooler may decide to let the
shoe symbolize or represent a telephone and put it to her ear,
and the school-age child may mentally count its shoelace
eyelets.
€ The grasping scheme. Infants have a range of behavioral schemes
that allow them to explore new objects. Each scheme is a general
pattern of behavior that can be adjusted to fit specific objects.
Piaget took an interactionist position on the nature-nurture
issue: Children are neither born with innate ideas nor pro-
grammed with knowledge by adults. Instead, Piaget viewed
humans as active creators of their own intellectual develop- But if you notice that this "doggie" is bigger than most dogs
ment. As we noted in Chapter 2, Piaget took a position called and that it has a mane and an awfully strange "bark," you may
constructivism, maintaining that children "construct reality," be prompted to change your understanding of the world of
or actively create knowledge of the world, from their experi- four-legged animals. Accommodation is the process of modify-
»
ences (Siegler & Ellis, 1996). Their knowledge of the world ing existing schemes to better fit new experiences. Perhaps you
takes the form of cognitive structures or schemes, which will need to invent a new name for this animal or ask what it is
change as children organize and reorganize their existing and revise your concept of four-legged animals accordingly.
knowledge and adapt to new experiences. If we always assimilated new experiences, our understand-
Piaget believed that all schemes—all forms of under- ings would never advance. Piaget believed that all new experi-
standing—are created through the operation of two inborn ences are greeted with a mix of assimilation and accommoda-
intellectual functions, which he called organization and adap- tion. Once we have schemes, we apply them to make sense of
tation. These processes operate throughout the life span. the world, but we also encounter puzzles that force us to mod-
Through organization, children systematically combine exist- ify our understandings through accommodation. According to
ing schemes into new and more complex ones. Thus, their Piaget, when new events seriously challenge old schemes, or
minds are not cluttered with an endless number of independ- prove our existing understandings to be inadequate, we expe-
ent facts; they contain instead logically ordered and interre- rience cognitive conflict. This cognitive disequilibrium then
lated actions and ideas. For example, the infant wrho gazes, stimulates cognitive growth and the formation of more ade-
reaches, and grasps will organize these simple schemes into quate understandings (Piaget, 1985; see Figure 7.1).
the complex structure of visually directed reaching. Complex Intelligence, then, develops through the interaction of the
cognitive structures in older children grow out of reorganiza- individual with the environment. Nature provides the com-
tions of more primitive structures. plementary processes of assimilation and accommodation
Adaptation is the process of adjusting to the demands that make adaptation to environments possible. As a result of
of environment. It occurs through two complementary the interaction of biological maturation and experience, hu-
processes, assimilation and accommodation. Imagine that mans progress through four distinct stages of cognitive devel-
you are a 2-year-old, that the world is still new, and that opment:
you see your first horse. What will you make of it? You
1. The sensorimotor stage (birth to roughly 2 years)
likely will try to relate it to something familiar. Assimila-
2. The preoperational stage (roughly 2 to 7 years)
tion is the process by which we interpret new experiences
3. The concrete operations stage (roughly 7 to 11 years)
in terms of existing schemes or cognitive structures. Thus,
4. The formal operations stage (roughly 11 years and
if you already have a scheme that mentally represents your
beyond)
knowledge of dogs, you may label this new beast "doggie
Through assimilation, we deal with our environment in These stages represent qualitatively different ways of
our own terms, sometimes bending the world to squeeze it thinking and occur in an invariant sequence—that is, in the
into our existing categories. Throughout the life span, we same order in all children. However, depending on their expe-
rely on our existing cognitive structures to understand new riences, children may progress through the stages at different
events. rates, with some moving more rapidly or more slowly than
PIAGETJS CONSTRUCTIVIST APPROACH 173

Equilibrium
Current understanding of the world (internal data) Small furry animals with fluffy tails are called cats.
is consistent with external data. They meow and smell nice.
Disequilibrium
Along comes a new piece of information that does not That's strange—this small furry creature has a fluffy
fit with current understanding of the world, leading to tail but it doesn't meow and it certainly doesn't
disequilibrium—an uncomfortable state of mind that the • smell nice!
child seeks to resolve.
mean mm
Assimilation and Accommodation
This unbalanced (confused) state can be resolved This can't be a cat. Mommy called it a skunk, which
through the processes of organization and adaptation must be a different kind of animal.
(assimilation and accommodation).
Equilibrium
These lead to a new way of understanding the world— I'll have to remember that skunks and cats are
a new state of equilibrium. different types of animals.
Figure 7.5 Process of change in Jean Piaget's theory.
others. Thus, the age ranges associated w i t h the stages are only coordinate sensory input (seeing and mouthing an object)
averages. A child's stage of development is determined by his and motor responses (grasping it). Because infants solve prob-
reasoning processes, not his age. lems through their actions rather than with their minds, their
mode of thought is qualitatively different from that of older
Summing Up children.
According to Piaget, children progress through four stages

of cognitive development, creating more complex schemes
for understanding their world. Along with maturation and
The six substages of the sensorimotor stage are outlined in
experience, t w o innate processes, organization and adapta-
Table 7.1. At the start of the sensorimotor period, infants may
tion, drive children's new understandings. Adaptation in-
not seem highly intelligent, but they are already active explor-
volves the complementary processes of assimilating new
ers of the world around them. Researchers see increasing signs
experiences into existing understandings and accommo-
of intelligent behavior as infants pass through the substages,
dating existing understandings to new experiences. 13
because they are gradually learning about the world and about
cause and effect by observing the effects of their actions. They
are transformed from reflexive creatures who adapt to their
Tke Infant environment using their innate reflexes to reflective ones who
can solve simple problems in their heads.
Piaget s sensorimotor stage, spanning the 2 years of infancy, The advances in problem-solving ability captured in the
involves coming to know the world through senses and ac- six substages of the sensorimotor period bring many impor-
tions. The dominant cognitive structures are behavioral tant changes. Consider changes in the quality of infants' play
schemes—patterns of action that evolve as infants begin to activities. During the first month, young infants react reflex-
Table 1.1 The Substages and Intellectual Accomplishments o f t h e Sensorimotor Period
Substage Description
1. Reflex activity (birth to 1 month) Active exercise and refinement of inborn reflexes (e.g., accommodate sucking to fit the
shapes of different objects)
2. Primary circular reactions (1-4 months) Repetition of interesting acts centered on the child's own body (e.g., repeatedly suck a
thumb, kick legs, or blow bubbles)
3. Secondary circular reactions (4-8 months) Repetition of interesting acts on objects (e.g., repeatedly shake a rattle to make an
interesting noise or bat a mobile to make it wiggle)
4. Coordination of secondary schemes Combination of actions to solve simple problems (e.g., bat aside a barrier to grasp an
(8-12 months) object, using the scheme as a means to an end); first evidence of intentionality
5. Tertiary circular reactions (12--18 months) Experimentation to find new ways to solve problems or produce interesting outcomes
(e.g., explore bath water by gently patting it then hitting it vigorously and watching
the results or stroke, pinch, squeeze, and pat a cat to see how it responds to varied
actions)
6. Beginning of thought (18-24 months) First evidence of insight; solve problems mentally, using symbols to stand for objects
and actions, visualize how a stick could be used (e.g., move an out-of-reach toy
closer); no longer limited to thinking by doing
ively to internal and external stimulation. In the primary cir- Piaget believed that the concept of object permanence de-
cular reactions substage (1-4 months), they are more inter- velops gradually over the sensorimotor period. Up through
ested in their own bodies than in manipulating toys. By the roughly 4 to 8 months, it is out of sight, out of mind; infants
third substage of secondary circular reactions (4-8 months), will not search for a toy if it is covered with a cloth or screen.
they derive pleasure from repeatedly performing an action, By substage 4 (8-12 months), they master that trick but still
such as sucking or banging a toy. In the fourth substage (8- rely on their perceptions and actions to "know" an object
12 months), they can combine actions to achieve simple (Piaget, 1954). After his 10-month-old daughter, Jacqueline,
goals. Later, when they reach the substage of tertiary circular had repeatedly retrieved a toy parrot from one hiding place,
reactions (12-18 months), they experiment in varied ways Piaget put it in a new spot while she watched him. Amazingly,
with toys, exploring them thoroughly and learning all about she looked in the original hiding place. She seemed to assume
their properties. With the final substage, the beginning of that her behavior determined where the object would appear;
thought (about 18 months), comes the possibility of letting
one object represent another so that a cooking pot becomes
a hat or a shoe becomes a telephone—a simple form of pre-
tend play made possible by the capacity for symbolic
thought. It is also in this stage, according to Piaget, that in-
fants can imitate models no longer present, because they can
now create and later recall mental representations of what
they have seen.
Another important change during the sensorimotor period

concerns the infant's understanding of the existence of ob-
jects. According to Piaget, newborns lack an understanding of
object permanence (also called object concept). This is the fun-
damental understanding that objects continue to exist—they
are permanent—when they are no longer visible or otherwise
detectable to the senses. It probably does not occur to you to
wonder whether your coat is still in the closet after you shut
the closet door (unless perhaps you have taken a philosophy
course). But very young infants, because they rely so heavily
on their senses, seem to operate as though objects exist only C At 5 months, almost everything ends up in Eleanors mouth.
when they are perceived or acted on. According to Piaget, in- According to Jean Piaget, infants in the sensorimotor stage of devel-
fants must construct the notion that reality exists apart from opment learn a great deal about their world by investigating it with
their experience of it. their senses and acting motorically on this information.
mstfm object permanence, this should strike them as odd. At 2V2
months, infants do not show signs that they detect a difference
'between an object moving along a track under the high- and
low-window conditions. But, just 2 wreeks later, 3-month-olds
look longer at the low-window event compared with the high-
window event (Aguiar & Baillargeon, 2002). Thus, by 3
months, infants have gained an understanding that objects
have qualities that should permit them to be visible when
nothing is obstructing them.
In an unusual study of toddlers' advanced understanding
of object permanence, researchers compared healthy 2-year-
old.s with 2-year-olds with spinal muscular atrophy (SMA),
which is characterized by normal IQ but severe muscle prob-
lems limiting children's movement (Riviere & Lecuyer, 2003).
Based on Piaget's original reaching task, infants watch as a
€ Until an infant masters the concept of object permanence, objects
hand picks up a toy and then Visits" three separate cloths, de-
that are outside of his visual sight are "out of mind."
positing the toy under the second location before moving to
the last cloth. Healthy toddlers incorrectly searched under the
she did not treat the object as if it existed apart from her ac- third cloth for the toy, whereas the SMA toddlers correctly
tions or from its initial location. The surprising tendency of 8- searched under the second cloth. In a second study, re-
to 12-month-olds to search for an object in the place where searchers made healthy toddlers wait before they were allowed
they last found it (A) rather than in its new hiding place (B) is to search, and with this delay, they too responded correctly by
called the A-not-B error. The likelihood of infants making the searching under the second cloth. What explains this? Healthy
A-not-B error increases with lengthier delays between hiding toddlers may quickly and impulsively search at the location
and searching and with the number of trials in which the ob- where an object is likely to be hidden (where the hand was last
ject is found in spot A (Marcovitch & Zelazo, 1999). seen), but when given more time to think about it, they can go
In substage 5, the 1-year-old overcomes the A-not-B error beyond their first impulsive response to search successfully.
but continues to have trouble with invisible displacements— SMA toddlers have this extra time "built in." Because of their
as when you hide a toy in your hand, move your hand under muscle problems, SMA toddlers are slower at searching and
a pillow, and then remove your hand leaving the toy under the have less experience with manual searches than other chil-
pillow. The infant will search where the object was last seen, dren. They are less likely to make an impulsive reach in the
seeming confused when it is not in your hand and failing to wrong direction because of the time and effort required to
look under the pillow, where it was deposited. Finally, by 18 reach. This research suggests that success at object perma-
months or so, the infant is capable of mentally representing nence tasks may depend on more than a cognitive awareness
such invisible moves and conceiving of the object in its final of the properties of objects: success also could be influenced
location. According to Piaget, the concept of object perma-
nence is fully mastered at this point.
Does research support Piaget? Recent studies suggest that
infants may develop at least some understanding of object
permanence far earlier than Piaget claimed (Baillargeon, 2002;
Luo et al., 2003). For example, Renee Baillargeon and her col-
leagues have used a method of testing for object concept that
does not require reaching for a hidden object, only looking to
ward where it should be. In one study, infants as young as 27 2
months seemed surprised (as demonstrated by looking
longer) when a toy that had disappeared behind one screen
(left side of Figure 7.2) reappeared from behind a second
screen (right side of Figure 7.2) without appearing in the open
space between the two screens (Aguiar & Baillargeon, 1999).
tt&fcSsga
At this young age, however, understanding of occluded

objects is still limited. Consider the scenario shown in Figure
7.3. In the high-window condition, a toy is hidden as it moves
along a track behind a block that has a window located at its Figure 7.2 Test stimuli used by Aguiar and Baillargeon (I999 r
2002).The doll moves behind the screen on the left and reappears
top. There is nothing odd about this condition. In the low-
on the right side of the second screen without appearing in the
window condition, a toy should be visible as it moves along a
space between the screens.
track behind a block that has a window located at its bottom,
SOURCE: Aguiar & Baillargeon <2002). Developments of young infant's reasoning about occluded objects.
but it is not. To someone who understands the properties of Cognitive Psychology.; 45, 267-336. © 2002. Reprinted with permission from Elsevier.
High-Window Event Low-Window Event
Figure 7.3 There is nothing to be surprised about in the high-window event, but in the
low-window event, the doll should (but does not) appear in the middle space as it moves
along the track.
Sgurce: Aguiar & Baillargeon (2002). Developments of young infant's reasoning about occluded objects. Cognitive Psychology, 45,267-336. © 2002.
Reprinted with permission from Elsevier.
by task conditions such as the time interval between seeing ing. To illustrate, consider young Lucienne's actions after she
something hidden and being able to search for it. watches her father—Piaget—place an interesting chain inside
In general, then, it seems that babies sometimes know a a matchbox (Piaget, 1952, pp. 337-338):
good deal more about object permanence than they reveal
[To open the box], she only possesses two preceding
through their actions when they are given the kinds of search
schemes: turning the box over in order to empty it of its
tasks originally devised by Piaget (Baillargeon, 2002). Such
contents, and sliding her fingers into the slit to make the
findings, however, are not necessarily inconsistent with
chain come out. It is of course this last procedure that she
Piaget's findings (Haith & Benson, 1998). Indeed, Piaget con-
tries first: she puts her finger inside and gropes to reach
tended that looking behaviors were developmental precursors
the chain, but fails completely. A pause follows during
to the reaching behaviors that he assessed. He did not believe,
which Lucienne manifests a very curious reaction She
however, that looking represented complete understanding of
looks at the slit with great attention; then several times in
object permanence (Fischer 8c Bidell, 1991; Haith & Benson,
succession, she opens and shuts her mouth, at first
1998). An analysis of infants' looking behaviors by Carolyn
slightly, then wider and wider! [Then] . . . Lucienne un-
Rovee-Collier (2001) suggests that Piaget was wise to distin-
hesitatingly puts her finger in the slit, and instead of try-
guish between infants' looking and reaching. In some situa-
ing as before to reach the chain, she pulls so as to enlarge
tions, looking may developmentally precede reaching for an
the opening. She succeeds and grasps the chain.
object, as Piaget suggested. In other situations, however, in-
fants' actions may reveal a more sophisticated understanding Lucienne uses the symbol of opening and closing her
of the world than looking would indicate. Regardless of the mouth to "think" through the problem. In addition to per-
specific measure researchers use, infants gradually become mitting mental problem solving, the symbolic capacity will
more skilled at acting on their knowledge by searching in the appear in the language explosion and pretend play so evident
right spot. They improve their looking and reaching skills be- in the preschool years.
tween 8 and 12 months, and by the end of the sensorimotor In all, children's intellectual achievements during the six
period, they are masters of even very complex hide-and-seek substages of the sensorimotor period are remarkable. By its
games (Moore & Meltzoff, 1999; Newman, Atkinson, 8c end, they have become deliberate thinkers with a symbolic ca-
Braddick, 2001). pacity that allows them to solve some problems in their heads,
and they have a grasp of object permanence and many other
concepts.
The Emergence of Symbols
The crowning achievement of the sensorimotor stage is inter-
Summing Up
nalizing behavioral schemes to construct mental symbols that
can guide future behavior. Now the toddler can experiment According t o Piaget, infants progress through six sub-
mentally and can therefore show a kind of insight into how to stages of the sensorimotor period by perceiving and act-
solve a problem. This new symbolic capacity—the ability to ing on the world; they progress from using their reflexes
use images, words, or gestures to represent or stand for objects to adapt t o their environment t o using symbolic or rep-
and experiences—enables more sophisticated problem solv- resentational thought t o solve problems in their heads.
Their symbolic capacity permits full mastery of object The Preoperational Stage
permanence, or the understanding that objects continue
t o exist even when not perceived by the child. M
The preoperational stage of cognitive development extends
from roughly 2 to 7 years of age. The symbolic capacity that
emerged at the end of the sensorimotor stage runs wild in the
preschool years and is the greatest cognitive strength of the
Tli c i ilia preschooler. Imagine the possibilities: The child can now use
words to refer to things, people, and events that are not phys-
No one has done more to make us aware of the surprising ically present. Instead of being trapped in the immediate pres-
turns that children's minds can take than Piaget, who de- ent, the child can refer to past and future. Pretend or fantasy
scribed how children enter the preoperational stage of cogni- play flourishes at this age: blocks can stand for telephones,
tive development in their preschool years and progress to the cardboard boxes for trains. Some children—especially first-
stage of concrete operations as they enter their elementary borns and only children who do not have ready access to play
school years. companions—even invent imaginary companions (Bouldin
M any young children around the world believe in Santa

Claus, St. Nicholas, the Tooth Fairy, or a similar mag-
ical being. At what point, and why, do their beliefs in these
figures begin to waiver? According to Piaget's theory, chil-
dren would begin to seriously question the existence of
Santa Claus when they acquire concrete-operational
thought.With their ability to reason logically, they may be-
gin to ask questions such as, "How can Santa Claus get
around to all those houses in one night?" "How can one
sleigh hold all those gifts?" "Why haven't I ever seen a
reindeer fly?" and "How does Santa get into houses with-
out chimneys?"
What made sense to the preoperational child no
longer adds up to the logical, concrete-operational
thinker. With their focus on static endpoints, preschool-
age children may not have a problem imagining presents
for all the children in the world (or at least, those on the
"nice" list) sitting at the North Pole waiting to be deliv-
ered and then sitting under decorated trees Christmas
morning. But once children understand transformations,
they are confronted with the problem of how all those
presents get from the North Pole to the individual houses
in record time.The logical thinker notes that the gifts un-
der the tree are wrapped in the same paper that Mom has
in her closet. Some children question why gifts sport cer-
tain brand labels if Santa and his elves spent the year mak-
ing gifts in their workshop.
As adults, we can resolve some of these inconsisten-
cies for children to help maintain children's beliefs in
Santa Claus.We can, for example, point out that Santa has
many helpers and that reindeer native to the North Pole tive development and the surrounding culture play roles
are unlike those ever seen in the wild or in a zoo. Some in whether or not children believe in Santa Claus and for
parents get tough and simply tell their children that non- how long.
believers will not get any presents. So the level of cogni-
& Pratt, 1999; Gleason, Sebanc, 8c Hartup, 2000). Some are more water than the shorter one. They lack the understanding
humans, and some are animals; they come with names like that the volume of liquid is conserved despite the change in
Ariel, Nutsy, Little Chop, and Bazooie (Taylor, Cartwright, 8c the shape it takes in different containers.
Carlson, 1993). Their inventors know their companions are How can young children be so easily fooled by their per-
not real. Although parents may worry about such flights of ceptions? According to Piaget, the preschooler is unable to en-
fancy, they are normal. In fact, imaginative uses of the sym- gage in decentration—the ability to focus on two or more di-
bolic capacity are associated with advanced cognitive and so- mensions of a problem at once. Consider the conservation
cial development (Singer & Singer, 1990; Taylor, 1999). task: the child must focus on height and width simultaneously
Yet the young child's mind is limited compared with that and recognize that the increased width of the short, broad
of an older child, and it was the limitations of preoperational container compensates for its lesser height. Preoperational
thinking that Piaget explored most thoroughly. Although less thinkers engage in centration—the tendency to center atten-
so than infants, preschoolers are highly influenced by their tion on a single aspect of the problem. They focus on height
immediate perceptions. They often respond as if they have alone and conclude that the taller glass has more liquid; or, al-
been captured by, or cannot go beyond,-the most perceptually ternatively, they focus on width and conclude that the short,
salient aspects of a situation. This focus on perceptual wide glass has more. In this and other ways, preschoolers seem
salience, or the most obvious features of an object or situa- to have one-track minds.
tion, means that preschoolers can be fooled by appearances. A second contributor to success on conservation tasks is
They have difficulty with tasks that require them to use logic reversibility—the process of mentally undoing or reversing
to arrive at the right answer. We can best illustrate this reliance an action. Older children often display mastery of reversibility
on perceptions and lack of logical thought by considering by suggesting that the water be poured back into its original
Piagets classic tests of conservation (also see the Explorations container to prove that it is still the same amount. The young
box on page 178). child shows irreversibility of thinking and may insist that the
water would overflow the glass if it were poured back. Indeed,
Lack of Conservation one young child tested by a college student shrieked, "Do it
One of the many lessons about the physical world that chil- again!" as though pouring the water back without causing the
dren must master is the concept of conservation—the idea glass to overflow were some unparalleled feat of magic.
that certain properties of an object or substance do not Finally, preoperational thinkers fail to demonstrate con-
change when its appearance is altered in some superficial way servation because of limitations in transformational
(see Figure 7.4). So, find a 4- or 5-year-old and try Piagets thought—the ability to conceptualize transformations, or
conservation-of-liquid-quantity task. Pour equal amounts of processes of change from one state to another, as when water
water into two identical glasses, and get the child to agree that is poured from one glass to another (see Figure 7.4).
they have the same amount of water. Then, as the child Preoperational thinkers engage in static thought, or thought
watches, pour the water from one glass into a shorter, wider that is fixed on end states rather than the changes that trans-
glass. Now ask whether the twTo containers—the tall, narrow form one state into another.
glass or the shorter, broader one—have the same amount of Preoperational children do not understand the concept of
water to drink or whether one has more water. Children conservation, then, because they engage in centration, irre-
younger than 6 or 7 will usually say that the taller glass has versible thought, and static thought. The older child, in the
€ In this conservation-of-area-task, Rachel first determines that the yellow boards have the
same amount of space covered by blocks. But after the blocks are rearranged on one of the
boards, she fails to conserve area, indicating that one board now has more open space.
Liquids: Two identical beakers are filled to Contents of one beaker are Conserving child recognizes that
the same level, and the child poured into a different- each beaker has the same amount
agrees that they have the same shaped beaker so that the to drink (on average, conservation
amount to drink. two columns of water are of of liquids is attained at age 6 - 7
unequal height. years).
Mass Two identical balls of playdough One ball is rolled into the Conserving child recognizes that
(continuous are presented. The child agrees shape of a sausage. each object contains the same
substance): that they have equal amounts of amount of dough (average age,
dough. 6-7).
Number: Child sees two rows of beads and One row of beads is Conserving child recognizes that
agrees that each row has the same increased in length. each row still contains the same
number. number of beads (average age, 6-7).
Area: The child sees two identical sheets, The blocks on one sheet Conserving child recognizes that
each covered by the same number are scattered. the amount of uncovered area
of blocks. The child agrees that remains the same for each sheet
each sheet has the same amount (average age, 9-10).
of uncovered area.
•—
C
Volume Two identical balls of clay are One ball of clay is taken from Conserving child recognizes that
(water placed in two identical beakers the water, molded into a the water levels will be the same
displacement): that had been judged to have the different shape, and placed because nothing except the shape
same amount to drink. The child above the beaker. Child is of the clay has changed — that is,
sees the water level rise to the asked whether the water level the pieces of clay displace the
same point in each beaker. will be higher than, lower than, same amount of water (average
or the same as in the other age, 9-12).
beaker when the clay is
reinserted into the water.
Fsgure 7,4 Some common tests of the child's ability to conserve.

stage of concrete operations, has mastered decentration, re- children by giving them very complex tasks to perform
versibility, and transformational thought. The correct answer (Bjorklund, 1995). Consider a few examples of the strengths
to the conservation task is a matter of logic to the older child; uncovered by researchers using simpler tasks.
there is no longer a need to rely on perception as a guide. Rochel Gelman (1972) simplified Piaget's conservation-
Indeed, a 9-year-old tested by another of our students grasped of-number task (shown in Figure 7.4) and discovered that
the logic so well and thought the question of which glass had children as young as 3 have some grasp of the concept that
more water so stupid that she asked, "Is this what you do in number remains the same even when items are rearranged
college?" spatially. She first got children to focus their attention on
number by playing a game in which two plates, one holding
Egocentrism two toy mice and one with three toy mice, were presented;
Piaget believed that preoperational thought also involves ego- and the plate with the larger number was always declared the
centrism—a tendency to view the world solely from one's own winner. Then Gelman started introducing changes, some-
perspective and to have difficulty recognizing other points of times adding or subtracting mice but sometimes just bunch-
view. For example, he asked children to choose the drawing ing up or spreading out the mice. Young children were not
that shows what a display of three mountains would look like fooled by spatial rearrangements; they seemed to understand
from a particular vantage point. Young children often chose that number remained the same. However, they showed their
the view that corresponded to their own position (Piaget & limitations when given larger sets of numbers they could not
Inhelder, 1956). Similarly, young children often assume that if count.
they know something, other people do, too (Ruffman & Similarly, by reducing tasks to the bare essentials, several
Olson, 1989). The same holds for desires: the 4-year-old who researchers have demonstrated that preschool children are
wants to go to McDonald's for dinner may say that Mom and not as egocentric as Piaget claimed. In one study, 3-year-olds
Dad want to go to McDonald's, too, even if Mom does not like were shown a card with a dog on one side and a cat on the
burgers or chicken nuggets and Dad would rather order other (Flavell et al., 1981). The card was held vertically be-
Chinese take-out. tween the child (who could see the dog) and the experi-
menter (who could see the cat). When children were asked
Difficulty w i t h Classification what the experimenter could see, these 3-year-olds per-
The limitations of relying on perceptions and intuitions are formed flawlessly.
also apparent when preoperational children are asked to Finally, preschool children seem to have a good deal more
classify objects and think about classification systems. When understanding of classification systems than Piaget believed.
2- or 3-year-old children are asked to sort objects on the ba- Sandra Waxman and Thomas Hatch (1992) asked 3- and 4-
sis of similarities, they make interesting designs or change year-olds to teach a puppet all the different names they could
their sorting criteria from moment to moment. Older pre- think of for certain animals, plants, articles of clothing, and
operational children can group objects systematically on the pieces of furniture. The goal was to see whether children knew
basis of shape, color, function, or some other dimension of terms associated with familiar classification hierarchies—for
similarity (Inhelder & Piaget, 1964). However, even children example, if they knew that a rose is a type of flower and is a
ages 4 to 7 have trouble thinking about relations between member of the larger category of plants. Children performed
classes and subclasses or between wholes and parts. Given a well, largely because a clever method of prompting responses
set of wooden beads, most of which are brown but a few of was used. Depending on which term or terms the children for-
which are white, preoperational children do fine when they got to mention (rose, flower, or plant), they were asked about
are asked whether all the beads are wooden and whether the rose: "Is this a dandelion?" "Is this a tree?" "Is this an ani-
there are more brown beads than white beads. That is, they mal?" Often, children came up with the correct terms in re-
can conceive of the whole class (wooden beads) or of the two sponse (for example, "No, silly, [it's not an animal] it's a
subclasses (brown and white beads). However, when the plant!"). Even though young children typically fail the tests of
question is, "Which would make the longer necklace, the class inclusion that Piaget devised, then, they appear to have a
brown beads or the wooden beads?" they usually say, "The fairly good grasp of familiar classification hierarchies.
brown beads." They cannot simultaneously relate the whole Studies such as these have raised important questions
class to its parts; they lack what Piaget termed the concept of about the adequacy of Piaget's theory and have led to a more
class inclusion—the logical understanding that the parts are careful consideration of the demands placed on children by
included within the whole. Notice that the child centers on cognitive assessment tasks. Simplified tasks that focus young-
the most striking perceptual feature of the problem—brown sters' attention on relevant aspects of the task and do not place
beads are more numerous than white ones—and is again heavy demands on their memories or verbal skills tend to re-
fooled by appearances. veal that young children develop sound understandings of the
physical world earlier than Piaget thought. Yet Piaget was right
D i d P i a g e t U n d e r e s t i m a t e t h e P r e s c h o o l Child? in arguing that preschool children, although they have several
Are preschool children really as bound to perceptions and as sound intuitions about the world, are more perception-bound
egocentric as Piaget believed? Many developmentalists believe and egocentric thinkers than elementary school children are.
that Piaget underestimated the competencies of preschool Preschool children still depend on their perceptions to guide
their thinking, and they fail to grasp the logic behind concepts Looking back at the conservation tasks in Figure 7.4, you
such as conservation. They also have difficulty applying their will notice that some forms of conservation (for example,
emerging understanding to complex tasks that involve coordi- mass and number) are understood years earlier than others
nating two or more dimensions. (area or volume). Piaget maintained that operational abilities
evolve in a predictable order as simple skills that appear early
are reorganized into increasingly complex skills. He used the
term horizontal decalage for the idea that different cognitive
About the time children start elementary school, their minds skills related to the same stage of cognitive development
undergo another transformation. Piaget's third stage of cogni- emerge at different times.
tive development extends from roughly 7 to 11 years of age.
The concrete operations stage involves mastering the logical Seriation and Transitivity
operations missing in the preoperational stage—becoming To appreciate the nature and power of logical operations, con-
able to perform mental actions on objects, such as adding and sider the child's ability to think about relative size. A preoper-
subtracting Halloween candies, classifying dinosaurs, or ar- ational child given a set of sticks of different lengths and asked
ranging objects from largest to smallest. This allows school- to arrange them from biggest to smallest is likely to struggle,
age children to think effectively about the objects and events awkwardly comparing one pair of sticks at a time. Concrete-
they experience in everyday life. For every limitation of the operational children are capable of the logical operation of se-
preoperational child, there is a corresponding strength of the riation, which enables them to arrange items mentally along a
concrete-operational child. These contrasts are summarized quantifiable dimension such as length or weight. Thus they
in Table 7.2. perform this seriating task quickly and correctly.
Concrete-operational thinkers also master the related
Conservation concept of transitivity, which describes the necessary rela-
Given the conservation-of-liquid task (Figure 7.4), the preop- tions among elements in a series. If, for example, John is taller
erational child centers on either the height or the width of the than Mark, and Mark is taller than Sam, who is taller—John
glasses, ignoring the other dimension. The concrete-opera- or Sam? It follows logically that John must be taller than Sam,
tional child can decenter and juggle two dimensions at once. and the concrete operator grasps the transitivity of these size
Reversibility allowrs the child to mentally reverse the pouring relationships. Lacking the concept of transitivity, the preoper-
proccss and imagine the water in its original container. ational child will need to rely on perceptions to answer the
Transformational thought allows the child to better under- question; she may insist that John and Sam stand next to each
stand the process of change involved in pouring the water. other to determine who is taller. Preoperational children
Overall, armed with logical operations, the child now knows probably have a better understanding of such transitive rela-
that there must be the same amount of water after it is poured tions than Piaget gave them credit for (Gelman, 1978;
into a different container; the child has logic, not just appear- Trabasso, 1975), but they still have difficulty grasping the log-
ance, as a guide. ical necessity of transitivity (Chapman 8c Lindenberger, 1988).
Table 7.2 Comparison of Preoperational and Concrete-Operational Thinking
Preoperational Thinkers Concrete-Operational Thinkers
Fail conservation tasks because they have: Solve conservation tasks because they have:
• Irreversible thought—Cannot mentally undo an action • Reversibility of thought—Can mentally reverse or undo an action
• Centration—Center on a single aspect of a problem rather than • Decentration—Can focus on two or more dimensions of a
two or more dimensions at once problem at once
• Static thought—Fail to understand transformations or processes • Transformational thought—Can understand the process of
of change from one state to another change from one state to another
Perceptual salience. Understanding is driven by how things look Logical reasoning. Children acquire a set of internal operations
rather than derived from logical reasoning. that can be applied to a variety of problems.
Transductive reasoning. Children combine unrelated facts, often Deductive reasoning. Children draw cause-effect conclusions logi-
leading them to draw faulty cause-effect conclusions simply be- cally, based on factual information presented to them.
cause two events occur close together in time or space.
Egocentrism. Children have difficulty seeing things from other Less egocentrism. Children understand that other people may
perspectives and assume that what is in their mind is also what have thoughts different from their own.
others are thinking.
Single classification. Children classify objects by a single dimen- Multiple classification. Children can classify objects by multiple
sion at one time. dimensions and can grasp class inclusion.
cannot be seen, heard, tasted, smelled., or touched. In other
The school-age child overcomes much of the egocentrism of words, formal-operational thought is more hypothetical and
the preoperational period, becoming increasingly better at abstract than concrete-operational thought; it also involves
recognizing other people's perspectives. Classification abilities adopting a more systematic and scientific approach to prob-
improve as the child comes to grasp the concept of class in- lem solving (Inhelder & Piaget, 1964).
clusion and can bear in mind that subclasses (brown beads
Hypothetical and A b s t r a c t Thinking
and white beads) are included in a whole class (wooden
beads). Mastery of mathematical operations improves the If you could have a third eye and put it anywhere on your body,
child's ability to solve arithmetic problems and results in an where would you put it, and why? That question was posed to
interest in measuring and counting things precisely (and 9-year-old fourth-graders (concrete operators) and to 11- to
sometimes in fury if companions do not keep accurate score 12-year-old sixth-graders (the age when the first signs of for-
in games). Overall, school-age children appear more logical mal operations often appear). In their drawings, all the 9-year-
than preschoolers because they possess a powerful arsenal of olds placed the third eye on their foreheads between their ex-
"actions in the head." isting eyes; many thought the exercise was stupid. The 11- and
But surely, if Piaget proposed a fourth stage of cognitive 12-year-olds were not as bound by the realities of eye location.
development, there must be some limitations to concrete op- They could invent ideas contrary to fact (for example, the idea
erations. Indeed, there are. This mode of thought is applied to of an eye in a palm) and think logically about the implications
objects, situations, and events that are real or readily imagina- of such ideas (see Figure 7.5). Thus, concrete operators deal
ble (thus the term concrete operations). As you will see in the with realities, whereas formal operators can deal with possibil-
next section, concrete operators have difficulty thinking about ities, including those that contradict known reality. This may
abstract ideas and unrealistic hypothetical propositions. be one reason adolescents come to appreciate absurd humor, as
shown in the Explorations box on page 185.
Formal-operational thought is also more abstract than
concrete-operational thought. The school-age child may de-
In Piaget's preoperational stage (ages 2-7), children make fine the justice system in terms of police and judges; the ado-
many uses of their symbolic capacity but are limited by lescent may define it more abstractly as a branch of govern-
their dependence on appearances, lack of logical mental ment concerned with balancing the rights of different
operations, and egocentrism.They fail to grasp the con- interests in society Also, the school-age child may be able to
cept of conservation because they engage in centration, think logically about concrete and factually true statements, as
irreversible thinking, and static thought, although recent in this syllogism: If you drink poison, you will die. Fred drank
research suggests that preschool children's capacities are poison. Therefore, Fred will die. The adolescent can engage in
greater than Piaget supposed. School-age children enter such if-then thinking about contrary-to-fact statements ("If
the stage of concrete operations (ages 7-11) and begin you drink milk, you will die") or symbols (If P, then Q. P,
to master conservation tasks through decentration, re- therefore, Q).
versibility, and transformational thought. They can think
about relations, grasping seriation and transitivity, and P r o b l e m Solving
they understand the concept of class inclusion. H Formal operations also permit systematic and scientific think-
ing about problems. One of Piaget s famous tests for formal-
operational thinking is the pendulum task (see Figure 7.6).
The child is given several weights that can be tied to a string to
T l ie o. make a pendulum and is told that he may vary the length of
the string, the amount of weight attached to it, and the height
Although tremendous advances in cognition occur from in- from which the weight is released to find out which of these
fancy to the end of childhood, other transformations of the factors, alone or in combination, determines how quickly the
mind are in store for the adolescent. If teenagers become in- pendulum makes its arc. How would you go about solving this
trospective, question their parents' authority, dream of perfect problem?
worlds, and contemplate their futures, cognitive development The concrete operator is likely to jump right in without
may help explain why. much advanced planning, using a trial-and-error approach.
That is, the child may try a variety of things but fail to test dif-
ferent hypotheses systematically—for example, the hypothesis
that the shorter the string is, the faster the pendulum swings,
Piaget set the beginning of the formal operations stage of cog- all other factors remaining constant. Concrete operators are
nitive development around age 11 or 12 and possibly later. If therefore unlikely to solve the problem. They can draw proper
concrete operations are mental actions on objects (tangible conclusions from their observations—for example, from
things and events), formal operations are mental actions on watching as someone else demonstrates what happens if a
ideas. Thus the adolescent who acquires formal operations pendulum with a short string is compared with a pendulum
can mentally juggle and think logically about ideas, which with a long string.
Tanya's response Ken's response John's response
Figure 7.5 Where would you put a third eye? Tanya (age 9) did not show much inventive-
ness in drawing her "third eye." But Ken (age I I) said of his eye on top of a tuft of hair;"!
could revolve the eye to look in all directions." John (also I I) wanted a third eye in his palm:"I
could see around corners and see what kind of cookie Id get out of the cookie jar" Ken and
John show early signs of formal-operational thoughts.
What will the formal-operational individual do? In all on). (It is, by the way, the length of the string that matters; the
likelihood, the child will first sit and think, planning an over- shorter the string, the faster the swing.)
all strategy for solving the problem. All the possible hypothe- In sum, formal-operational thought involves being
ses should be generated; after all, the one overlooked may be able to think systematically about hypothetical ideas and
the right one. Then it must be determined how each hypoth- abstract concepts. It also involves mastering the hypothetical-
esis can be tested. This is a matter of hypothetical-deductive deductive approach that scientists use—forming many hypo-
reasoning, or reasoning from general ideas to their specific theses and systematically testing them through an experimen-
implications. In the pendulum problem, it means starting tal method.
with a hypothesis and tracing the specific implications of this
idea in an if-then fashion: "If the length of the string matters, Progress t o w a r d M a s t e r y
then I should see a difference when I compare a long string Are 11- and 12-year-olds really capable of all these sophisti-
with a short string while holding other factors constant." The cated mental activities? Anyone who has had dealings with
trick in hypothesis testing is to vary each factor (for example, this age group will know that the answer to this question is
the length of the string) while holding all others constant (the usually not. Piaget (1970) described the transition from con-
weight, the height from which the weight is dropped, and so crete operations to formal operations as taking place gradually
iwn how four factors can be varied

_ _ „
A pendulum is made by
hanging a weight at the end
of a string fixed at the other
end. If released from A it
swings at a regular rate. Length of string Weight Amount of impetus
Wmm Find out which of these factors makes r or slower. ^ssîm^y:
Figure 7.6 The pendulum problem.

SOURCE: Labiriowicz (1980).
t age 4, John repeatedly tells his mother the following
, Why did the football coach go to the bank?
Answer: To get his quarter back. When his mom asks him
why this is funny, he replies that the coach lost his quarter
and needed to get it back. He misses the whole idea that
the humor of the joke depends on the double meaning of
"quarter back." He repeats it only because of the chuckles
it elicits from his listeners, who are amused not by the joke
but because he is so earnest in his attempt to tell a joke.
What really tickles John's funny bone is anything that looks
or sounds silly—calling a "shoe" a"floo" or a "poo," for ex-
ample. Once children realize that everything has a correct
name, playing with language by mislabeling things and using
taboo words such as "poo-poo" becomes wonderfully
amusing (Frankel, 2003; McGhee, 1979).
With the onset of concrete-operational thought and ad-
vances in awareness of the nature of language, children come
to appreciate jokes and riddles that involve linguistic ambigu-
ities. The "quarter back" joke boils down to a classification
task. School-age children who have mastered the concept of Children's tastes in humor change again when they en-
class inclusion can keep the class and subclasses in mind at ter the stage of formal operations around age II or 12.
once and move mentally between the two meanings of "quar- Simple riddles and puns are no longer cognitively chal-
ter back." Appreciation of such puns is high among second- lenging enough, it seems, and are likely to elicit loud groans
graders (7- to 8-year-olds) and continues to grow until fourth (McGhee, 1979). Adolescents appreciate jokes that involve
or fifth grade (Frankel, 2003; McGhee & Chapman, 1980).And an absurd or contrary-to-fact premise and a punch line
the better children are at solving riddles, the better they tend that is logical if the absurd premise is accepted.The humor
to be at reading and other language tasks (Ely, 1997). in "How do you fit six elephants into a Volkswagen?" de-
As their command of language strengthens, children pends on appreciating that "three in the front and three in
also become more able to understand sarcasm, irony, and the back" is a perfectly logical answer only if you accept
other discrepancies between what is said and what is the hypothetical premise that multiple elephants could fit
meant, such as when a teacher says to a noisy 8-year-old, into a small car. Reality-oriented school-age children may
"My, but you're quiet today" (Capelli, Nakagawa, & Madden, simply consider this joke stupid; after all, elephants cannot
1990; Creusere, 1999). The more they understand ironic fit into cars. Clearly, then, children cannot appreciate cer-
statements, the more they appreciate the humor in them tain forms of humor until they have the required cognitive
(Dews et al., 1996). Irony not only conveys humor, but it abilities. Research on children's humor suggests that chil-
may also allow speakers to convey serious points with less dren and adolescents are most attracted to jokes that
offense to their listeners (Creusere, 1999). You are more challenge them intellectually by requiring them to use the
likely to hear an adolescent than a younger child "soften" a cognitive skills they are just beginning to master (McGhee,
criticism with an ironic comment ("Well, aren't you in a 1979).
pleasant mood today" to a grumpy sibling).
over years. Many researchers have found it useful to distin- Consider the findings of Suzanne Martorano (1977), who
guish between early and late formal operations. For example, gave 80 girls in grades 6, 8, 10, and 12 a battery of 10 Piagetian
11- to 13-year-olds just entering the formal operations stage tasks. Among them were the pendulum problem; a task re-
are able to consider simple hypothetical propositions such as quiring students to identify all the possible combinations of
the three-eye problem. But most are not yet able to devise an chemicals that could produce a particular chemical reaction;
overall game plan for solving a problem or to systematically and analyzing how the behavior of a balance beam is affected
generate and test hypotheses. These achievements are more by the heaviness of weights on the beam and their distances
likely later in adolescence. from the fulcrum, or center. The 6th- and 8th-graders (ages
C Adolescents are more likely than children to benefit from some types of science instruction
because formal-operational thought opens the door for reasoning about abstract and hypo-
thetical material.
11-12 and 13-14) accomplished only 2 or 3 of the 10 tasks on liefs (their intuitions) do not allow them to scientifically
the average; the 10th- and 12th-graders (ages 15-16 and process the new information. Decontextualizing increases the
17-18) accomplished an average of 5 or 6. Similarly, 10th- and likelihood of using reasoning to analyze a problem logically
llth-graders (ages 16-17) demonstrate more advanced scien- rather than relying on intuition or faulty existing knowledge.
tific reasoning than 7th- and 8th-graders (ages 13-14) when There is some evidence that todays teens (ages 13-15) are
asked to consider evidence and evaluate theories regarding re- better able than earlier cohorts to solve formal-operational
ligion and social class (Klaczynski, 2000). Still, the responses tasks. For example, 66% of teens tested in 1996 showed formal-
of older adolescents contain biases similar to those shown by operational thought on a probability test, whereas 49% of teens
younger adolescents. Both age groups more readily accept ev- tested in* 1967 showed such skills (Flieller, 1999). Why might
idence consistent with their preexisting beliefs than evidence formal-operational skills improve over time? Changes in school
inconsistent with these beliefs (Kuhn, 1993; Klaczynski & curricula are the likely explanation. The achievement of formal-
Gordon, 1996a, 1996b). Thus, although reasoning skills im- operational thinking depends on specific experiences, such
prove over the adolescent years, adolescents do not consis- as exposure to math and science education (Laurendeau-
tently show formal operations and logical scientific reasoning Bendavid, 1977). Research with Western and African popula-
skills on all tasks (Klaczynski & Narasimham, 1998). tions shows that both age and education level influence per-
Contrary to Piaget's claim that intuitive reasoning is re- formance on formal-operational tasks; college and university
placed by scientific reasoning as children age, the two forms of students outperform adults with no advanced education, who
reasoning—intuitive and scientific—seem to coexist in older in turn outperform adolescents (Mwamwenda & Mwamwenda,
thinkers (Klaczynski, 2000, 2001). Being able to shift between 1989; Mwamwenda, 1999).
intuitive and scientific reasoning provides flexibility in prob- Progress toward the mastery of formal operations is slow,
lem-solving situations as long as the thinker can effectively seat least as measured by Piaget s scientific tasks. These findings
lect the appropriate strategy. However, like children (and have major implications for secondary-school teachers, who
adults), adolescents often seem to adopt an intuitive strategy, are often trying to teach abstract material to students with a
leading them to conclusions inconsistent with scientific judg- range of thinking patterns. Teachers may need to give concrete
ment (Klaczynski, 2001). With age, however, adolescents are thinkers extra assistance by using specific examples and
increasingly able to decontextualize, or separate prior knowl- demonstrations to help clarify general principles.
edge and beliefs from the demands of the task at hand
(Klaczynski, 2000; Stanovich & West, 1997). For example,
someone who believes that males are better at math than fe-
Implications of Formal T h o u g h t
males may find it difficult to accept new evidence that girls at- Formal-operational thought contributes to other changes
tain higher classroom math grades than boys if their prior be- in adolescence—some good, some not so good. First, the
good news: As you will see in upcoming chapters, formal- The imaginary audience phenomenon involves confus-
operational thought may prepare the individual to gain a ing your own thoughts with those of a hypothesized audience
sense of identity, think in more complex ways about moral is- for your behavior. Thus, the teenage girl who ends up with
sues, and understand other people. Advances in cognitive de- pizza sauce on the front of her shirt at a party may feel ex-
velopment help lay the groundwork for advances in many tremely self-conscious: "They're all thinking what a slob 1 am!
other areas of development. I wish I could crawl into a hole." She assumes that everyone in
Now, the bad news: Formal operations may also be re- the room is as preoccupied with the blunder as she is. Or a
lated to some of the more painful aspects of the adolescent ex- teenage boy may spend hours in front of the mirror getting
perience. Children tend to accept the world as it is and to heed ready for a date then may be so concerned with how he imag-
the words of authority figures. The adolescent armed with for- ines his date is reacting to him that he hardly notices her:
mal operations can think more independently, imagine alter- "Why did I say that? She looks bored. Did she notice my pim-
natives to present realities, and raise questions about every- ple?" (She, of course, is equally preoccupied with how she is
thing from why parents set certain rules to why there is playing to her audience. No wonder teenagers are often awk-
injustice in the world. Questioning can lead to confusion and ward and painfully aware of their every slip on first dates.)
sometimes to rebellion against ideas that do not seem logical The second form of adolescent egocentrism is the per-
enough. Some adolescents become idealists, inventing perfect sonal fable—a tendency to think that you and your thoughts
worlds and envisioning logical solutions to problems they de- and feelings are unique (Elkind, 1967). If the imaginary audi-
tect in the imperfect world around them, sometimes losing ence is a product of the inability to differentiate between self
sight of practical considerations and real barriers to social and other, the personal fable is a product of differentiating too
change. Just as infants flaunt the new schemes they develop, much. Thus, the adolescent in love for the first time imagines
adolescents may go overboard with their new cognitive skills, that no one in the history of the human race has ever felt such
irritate their parents, and become frustrated when the world heights of emotion. When the relationship breaks up, no
does not respond to their flawless logic. one—least of all a parent—could possibly understand the
Some years ago, David Elkind (1967) proposed that formal- crushing agony. The personal fable may also lead adolescents
operational thought also leads to adolescent egocentrism— to feel that rules that apply to others do not apply to them.
difficulty differentiating one's own thoughts and feelings from Thus, they will not be hurt if they speed down the highway
those of other people. The young child's egocentrism is rooted without wearing a seat belt or drive under the influence of al-
in ignorance that different people have different perspectives, cohol And they will not become pregnant if they engage in
but the adolescent's reflects an enhanced ability to reflect sex without contraception, so they do not need to bother with
about one's own and others' thoughts. Elkind identified two contraception. As it turns out, high scores on measures of
types of adolescent egocentrism: the imaginary audience and adolescent egocentrism are associated with behaving in risky
the personal fable. " ways (Greene et al, 1996; Holmbeck et al., 1994).
€ A teenage girl may feel that everyone is as preoccupied with her appearance as she is, a
form of adolescent egocentrism known as the imaginary audience phenomenon.
Elkind hypothesized that the imaginary audience and formance that must be explained, and it suggests that at
personal fable phenomena should increase when formal oper- least some adults progress beyond formal operations to
ations are first being acquired and then decrease as adoles- more advanced forms of thought (Jacobs 8c Klaczynsld,
cents get older, gain fuller control of formal operations, and 2002).
assume adult roles that require fuller consideration of others'
perspectives. Indeed, both the self-consciousness associated
with the imaginary audience and the sense of specialness as-
sociated with the personal fable are most evident in early ado- If many high school students are shaky in their command of
lescence and decline by late high school (Elkind 8c Bowen, formal operations, do most of them gain fuller mastery after
1979; Enright, Lapsley, 8c Shukla, 1979). Adolescent egocen- the high school years? Gains are indeed made between adoles-
trism may persist, however, when adolescents have insecure cence and adulthood (Blackburn 8c Papalia, 1992). However,
relationships with their parents that may make them self- only about half of all college students show firm and consis-
conscious and may make them appear to lack self-confidence tent mastery of formal operations on Piaget's scientific rea-
even as older adolescents (Ryan 8c Kuczkowski, 1994). soning tasks (Neimark, 1975). Similarly, sizable percentages of
Contrary to what Piaget and Elkind hypothesized, how- American adults do not solve scientific problems at the formal
ever, researchers have been unable to link the onset of the for- level, and there are some societies in which no adults solve
mal operations stage to the rise of adolescent egocentrism formal-operational problems (Neimark, 1975).
(Gray 8c Hudson, 1984; O'Connor 8c Nikolic, 1990). It seems Why do more adults not do well on Piagetian tasks? An
that adolescent egocentrism may arise when adolescents ac- average level of performance on standardized intelligence
quire advanced social perspective-taking abilities and contem- tests seems to be necessary for a person to achieve formal-
plate how other people might perceive them and react to their operational thought (Inhelder, 1966). What seems more im-
behavior (Lapsley et al., 1986; Vartanian 8c Powlishta, 1996). portant than basic intelligence, however, is formal education
Furthermore, recent research by Joanna Bell and Rachel (Neimark, 1979). In cultures in which virtually no one solves
Bromnick (2003) suggests that adolescents are preoccupied Piaget's problems, people do not receive advanced schooling.
with how they present themselves in public not because of an If achieving formal-operational thought requires education,
imaginary audience but because of a real audience. That is, re- Piaget's theory may be culturally biased, and his stages may
search indicates that adolescents are aware that there are real not be as universal as he believed.
consequences to how they present themselves. Their popular- But neither lack of intelligence nor lack of formal edu-
ity and peer approval, as well as their self-confidence and self- cation is a problem for most college students. Instead, they
esteem, are often influenced by how others (the real audience) have difficulty with tests of formal operations when they
perceive them. Adults, too, are aware that their actions and ap- lack expertise in a domain of knowledge. Piaget (1972) sug-
pearance are often judged by others, but al though these adult gested that adults are likely to use formal operations in a
concerns are usually assumed to be realistic, similar concerns field of expertise but to use concrete operations in less fa-
by adolescents are sometimes viewed, perhaps unfairly, as triv- miliar areas. This is precisely what seems to happen. For ex-
ial (Bell & Bromnick, 2003). ample, Richard De Lisi and Joanne Staudt (1980) gave three
kinds of formal-operational tasks—the pendulum problem,
Summing Up a political problem, and a literary criticism problem—to col-
lege students majoring in physics, political science, and
Adolescents often show the first signs of formal opera-
English. As Figure 7.7 illustrates, each group of students did
tions at I I or 12 and gradually master the hypothetical-
well on the problem relevant to that group's field of expert-
deductive reasoning skills required to solve scientific
ise. On problems outside their fields, however, about half the
problems. Cognitive changes result in other develop-
students failed. Possibly, then, many adolescents and adults
mental advances and may contribute to confusion, rebel-
fail to use formal reasoning on Piaget's scientific problems
lion, idealism, and adolescent egocentrism (the imaginary
simply because these problems are unfamiliar to them and
audience and the personal fable). •
they lack expertise.
As Kurt Fischer (1980; Fischer, ICenny, 8c Pipp, 1990)
maintains, each person may have an optimal level of cognitive
Tk Adult performance that will show itself in familiar and well-trained
content domains. However, performance is likely to be highly
Do adults think differently than adolescents do? Does cog- inconsistent across content areas unless the person has had a
nition change over the adult years? Until fairly recently, de- chance to build knowledge and skills in all these domains.
velopmentalists have not asked such questions. Piaget indi- More often, adults may use and strengthen formal modes of
cated that the highest stage of cognitive development, thinking only in their areas of expertise. By adopting a con-
formal operations, was fully mastered by most people be- textual perspective on cognitive development, you can appre-
tween age 15 and age 18. Why bother studying cognitive de- ciate that the individual's experience and the nature of the
velopment in adulthood? As it turns out, it has been worth tasks she is asked to perform influence cognitive performance
the effort. Research has revealed limitations in adult per- across the life span (Salthouse, 1990).
JZ
O)
ZJ
o 80
ctf
E
i—
o 60
b>
c
d
cr> 40 40
€© 40
O)
03
c
<D
O 20
CD
CL
0
Pendulum problem Political problem Literary problem
Physics majors Political science majors English majors
Figure 7.7 Expertise and formal operations. College students show the great-
est command of formal-operational thought in the subject area most related to
their major.
SOURCE: Data from De Lisi & Staudi {1980).
ence the "truth" discovered and that a problem can be viewed

in multiple ways.
Some researchers have been asking why adults sometimes per- Consider this logic problem: "A grows 1 cm per month. B
form so poorly on cognitive tasks; others have been asking why grows 2 cm per month. Who is taller?" (Yan & Arlin, 1995, p.
they sometimes perform so well. Take Piaget. Was his ability to 230). The absolutist might say, "B," based on the information
generate a complex theory of development no more than the ap- given, but the relativist would be more likely to say, "It de-
plication of formal-operational thought? Or are there advances pends." It depends on how tall A and B were to begin with and
in cognitive development during adulthood that would better on how much time passes before their heights are measured.
explain the remarkable cognitive achievements of some adults? The relativistic thinker will recognize that the problem is ill
Several intriguing ideas have been proposed about stages defined and that further information is needed, and he will be
of cognitive development that may lie beyond formal opera- able to think flexibly about what the answer would be if he
tions—that is, about postformal thought (Commons, made certain assumptions rather than others.
Richards, & Armon, 1984; Labouvie-Vief, 1992; Sinnott, 1996; Or consider this problem, given to preadolescents, ado-
Yan & Arlin, 1995). As noted earlier, adolescents who have at- lescents, and adults by Gisela Labouvie-Vief and her col-
tained formal operations sometimes get carried away with leagues (1983, p. 5):
their new powers of logical thinking. They insist that there is
John is known to be a heavy drinker, especially when he
a logically correct answer for every question—that if you sim-
goes to parties. Mary, John's wife, warns him that if he
ply apply logic, you will arrive at the right answer, at some ab-
gets drunk one more time she will leave him and take the
solute truth. Perhaps formal-operational adolescents need a
children. Tonight John is out late at an office party. John
more complex way of thinking to adapt to the kinds of prob-
comes home drunk.
lems adults face every day—problems in which there are many
ways to look at an issue, no one right answer, and yet a need Does Mary leave John? Most preadolescents and many
to make a decision (Sinnott, 1996). adolescents quickly and confidently said, "Yes." They did not
How might thought be qualitatively different in adult- question the assumption that Mary would stand by her word;
hood than it is in adolescence? What might a truly adult stage they simply applied logic to the information they were given.
of cognitive development be like? Several researchers have Adults were more likely to realize that different starting as-
suggested that adults are more likely than adolescents to see sumptions were possible and that the answer depended on
knowledge as relative rather than absolute (Kitchener et al., which assumptions were chosen. One woman, for example,
1989; Labouvie-Vief, 1992). Relativistic thinking, in this noted that if Mary had stayed with John for years, she would
sense, means understanding that knowledge depends on the be unlikely to leave him now. This same woman said, "There
subjective perspective of the knower. An absolutist assumes was no right or wrong answer. You could get logically to both
that truth lies in the nature of reality and that there is only one answers" (p. 12). Postformal thinkers seem able to devise more
truth; a relativist assumes that his starting assumptions influ- than one logical solution to a problem (Sinnott, 1996).
In a fascinating study of cognitive growth over the college of formal-operational thinking (Blackburn & Papalia, 1992).
years, William Perry (1970) found that beginning college stu- Indeed, elderly adults sometimes perform poorly relative to
dents often assumed that there were absolute, objective truths young and middle-aged adults even on concrete-operational
to be found by consulting their textbooks or their professors. tasks assessing conservation and classification skills.
They looked to what they believed were authoritative sources This does not mean that elderly adults regress to imma-
for the answer to a question, as if all problems have a single, ture modes of thought. For one thing, these studies have in-
correct answer. As their college careers progressed, they often volved cross-sectional comparisons of different age groups.
became frustrated in their search for absolute truths. They saw The poorer performance of older groups does not necessarily
that many questions seemed to have several answers, depend- mean that cognitive abilities are lost as people age. It could be
ing on the perspective of the respondent. Taking the extremely caused by a cohort effect, because the average older adult to-
relativistic view that any opinion was as good as any other, sev- day has had less formal schooling than the average younger
eral of these students said they were not sure how they could adult has had. Older adults attending college tend to perform
ever decide what to believe. Eventually, many understood that as well as younger college students on tests of formal opera-
some opinions can be better supported than others; they were tions (Blackburn, 1984; Hooper, Hooper, & Colbert, 1985).
then able to commit themselves to specific positions, fully Moreover, brief training can quickly improve the performance
aware that they were choosing among relative perspectives. of older adults long out of school, which suggests that the nec-
Between adolescence and adulthood, then, many people essary cognitive abilities are there but merely need to be reac-
start as absolutists, become relativists, and finally make com- tivated (Blackburn & Papalia, 1992).
mitments to positions despite their more sophisticated aware- Questions have also been raised about the relevance of
ness of the nature and limits of knowledge (Sinnott, 1996). the skills assessed in Piagetian tasks to the lives of older adults
Not surprisingly, students at the absolute level of thinking use (Labouvie-Vief, 1985). Not only are these problems unfamil-
fewer thinking styles, sticking mainly with traditional modes iar to many older adults, but they also resemble the intellec-
of thinking (Zhang, 2002). Students who are relativistic tual challenges that children confront in school, not those that
thinkers use a greater variety of thinking styles, including ones
that promote creativity and greater cognitive complexity.
It has also been suggested that advanced thinkers thrive
on detecting paradoxes and inconsistencies among ideas and
trying to reconcile them—only to repeatedly challenge and
change their understandings (Basseches, 1984; Riegel, 1973).
Advanced thinkers also seem to be able to think systematically
and logically about abstract systems of knowledge (Fischer,
Kenny, & Pipp, 1990; Richards & Commons, 1990). Where the
concrete-operational thinker performs mental actions (such
as addition) on concrete objects and the formal-operational
thinker performs mental actions on ideas, the postformal
thinker seems able to manipulate systems of ideas—for exam-
ple, by comparing and contrasting psychological theories or
analyzing abstract similarities and differences between math-
ematical operations such as addition and division.
It is not yet clear whether relativistic thinking or other
forms of advanced thinking might qualify as a new, postfor-
mal stage of cognitive development. It is clear, however, that
these types of thinking are shown by only a minority of adults,
particularly those who have received advanced education,
who are open to rethinking issues, and who live in a culture
that nourishes their efforts to entertain new ideas (Irwin,
1991; Sinnott, 1996). It is also clear that cognitive growth does
not end in adolescence. Yet age does not tell us much about
how adults think; life circumstances and the demands placed
on people to think at work, in the home, and in the commu-
nity often tell us more.
What becomes of cognitive capacities in later adulthood? Some

mental abilities decline as the average person ages, and it ap-
pears that older adults often have trouble solving Piagetian tests € Adults think efficiently once they gain expertise on the job.
most adults encounter in everyday contexts. Thus, older peo-
ple may not be motivated to solve them. Also, older adults
Piaget is a giant in the field of human development. As one
may rely on modes of cognition that have proved useful to
scholar quoted by Harry Beilin (1992) put it, "assessing the
them in daily life but that make them look cognitively defi-
impact of Piaget on developmental psychology is like assess-
cient in the laboratory (Salthouse, 1990).
ing the impact of Shakespeare on English literature or
Consider this example: Kathy Pearce and Nancy Denney
Aristotle on philosophy—impossible" (p. 191). It is hard to
(1984) found that elderly adults, like young children but unlike
imagine that researchers would know even a fraction of what
other age groups, often group two objects on the basis of some
they know about intellectual development without his
functional relationship between them (for example, putting a
groundbreaking work.
pipe and matches together because matches are used to light
One sign of a good theory is that it stimulates research.
pipes) rather than on the basis of similarity (for example, put-
Piaget asked fundamentally important questions about how
ting a pipe and a cigar together because they are both ways of
humans come to know the world and showed that we can an-
smoking tobacco). In school and in some job situations, Pearce
swer them "by paying attention to the small details of the daily
and Denney suggest, people are asked to group objects on the
lives of our children" (Gopnik, 1996, p. 225). His cognitive de-
basis of similarity, but in everyday life it may make more sense
velopmental perspective has been applied to almost every as-
to associate objects commonly used together.
pect of human development, and the important questions he
Such findings suggest that what appear to be deficits in
raised continue to guide the study of cognitive development.
older people may merely be differences in style. Similar stylis-
We can credit Piaget with some lasting insights (Flavell,
tic differences in classification skills have been observed cross-
1996). He showed us that infants arc active in their own
culturally and can, if researchers are not careful, lead to the in-
development—that from the start they seek to master prob-
correct conclusion that uneducated adults from non-Western
lems and to understand the incomprehensible by using the
cultures lack basic cognitive skills. A case in point: Kpelle
processes of assimilation and accommodation to deal with
adults in Africa, when asked to sort foods, clothing, tools, and
cognitive disequilibrium. He taught us that young people
cooking utensils into groups, sorted them into pairs based on
think differently than older people do—and often in ways we
functional relationships. "When an exasperated experimenter
never would have suspected. The reasoning of preschoolers,
finally asked, 'How would a fool do it?' he was given sorts of
for example, often defies adult logic, but it makes sense in light
the type that were initially expected—four neat piles with
of Piaget's insights about their egocentrism and reliance on
foods in one, tools in another, and so on" (Glick, 1975, p. 636).
the perceptual salience of situations. School-age children have
So, today's older adults appear not to perform concrete and
the logical thought processes that allow them to excel at many
formal-operational tasks as well as their younger contempo-
tasks, but they draw a blank when presented with hypotheti-
raries do. Planners of adult education for senior citizens might
cal or abstract problems. And adolescents are impressive with
bear in mind that some (although by no means all) of their stu-
their scientific reasoning skills and their ability to wrestle with
dents may benefit from more concrete forms of instruction.
abstract problems, but they may think so much about events
However, these differences may be related to factors other than
that they get tangled with new forms of egocentrism.
age, such as education and motivation; an age-related decline in
operational abilities has not been firmly established. Most im- Finally, Piaget was largely right in his basic description of
portantly, older adults who perform poorly on unfamiliar prob- cognitive development. The sequence he proposed—sensori-
lems in laboratory situations often perform far more capably on motor to preoperational to concrete operations to formal op-
the sorts of problems that they encounter in everyday contexts erations—seems to describe the course and conten t of intel-
(Cornelius 8c Caspi, 1987; Salthouse, 1990). lectual development for children and adolescents from the
hundreds of cultures and subcultures that have been studied
(Flavell, Miller, & Miller, 1993). Although cultural factors in-
Summing Up
fluence the rate of cognitive growth, the direction of develop-
Adults are most likely Lo display formal-operational skills in their ar- ment is always from sensorimotor thinking to preoperational
eas of expertise. Some adufts, especially well-educated ones, may thinking to concrete operations to, for many, formal opera-
advance to postformai modes of thought such as relativistic 'think- tions (or even postformai operations).
ing Although aging adults often perform less well 'than younger
adults on Piagetian tasks, factors other than biological aging may
explain this. •
Partly because Piaget's theory has been so enormously influ-
ential, it has had more than its share of criticism (Lourenco 8c
Machado, 1996). We focus on five major criticisms:
P i a g e t In P e r s p e c t i v e 1. Underestima ting young minds. Piaget seems to have un-
derestimated the cognitive abilities of infants and young chil-
Now that you have examined Piaget's theory of cognitive de- dren, although he emphasized that he was more interested in
velopment, it is time to evaluate it. We start by giving credit understanding the sequences of changes than the specific ages
where credit is due, then we consider challenges to Piaget's at which they occur (Lourenco 8c Machado, 1996). When re-
version of things. searchers use more familiar problems than Piaget's and reduce
tasks to their essentials, hidden competencies of infants and tions with more competent individuals and how they develop
young children are sometimes revealed. differently in different cultures. Piaget s child often resembles
2. Failing to distinguish between competence and perfor- an isolated scientist exploring the world alone, but children
mance. Piaget sought to identify underlying cognitive compe- develop their minds through interactions with parents, teach-
tencies that guide performance on cognitive tasks. But there is ers, peers, and siblings. True, Piaget had interesting ideas
an important difference between understanding a concept about the role of peers in helping children overcome their
and passing a test designed to measure it. The age ranges egocentrism and adopt other perspectives (see Chapter 13 on
Piaget proposed for some stages may have been off target moral development). And some scholars believe that this crit-
partly because he tended to ignore the many factors besides icism is an unfair simplification of Piaget's position on the so-
competence that can influence task performance—everything cial nature of development (Matusov & Hayes, 2000). Still, as
from the individual's motivation, verbal abilities, and memory you will see shortly, the significance of social interaction and
capacity to the nature, complexity, and familiarity of the task culture for cognitive development is the basis of the perspec-
used to assess mastery. Piaget may have been too quick to as- tive on cognitive development offered by one of Piaget's early
sume that children who failed one of his tests lacked compe- critics, Lev Vygotsky.
tence; they may only have failed to demonstrate their compe-
tence in a particular situation. S u m m i n g Up
Perhaps more importantly, Piaget may have overempha-
Piagets theory of cognitive development might have been
sized the idea that knowledge is an all-or-nothing concept
stronger if he had designed tasks that could better reveal
(Schwitzgebel, 1999). Instead of having or not having a partic-
the competencies of infants and young children, if he had
ular competence, children probably gain competence gradually
explored the many factors besides underlying competence
and experience long periods between understanding and not
that influence performance, if he had been able to provide
understanding. Many of the seemingly contradictory results of
more convincing evidence that his stages are coherent, if he
studies using Piagetian tasks can be accounted for with this
had been more specific about why development proceeds
idea of gradual change in understanding. For instance, Piaget
as it does, and if he had more fully considered social and
argued that infants do not show understanding of object per-
cultural influences on the development of thought. It may
manence until 9 months, but other research indicates that at
be unfair; however; to demand of an innovator who ac-
least some understanding of object permanence is present at 4
complished so much that he achieve everything. M
months (Schwitzgebel, 1999). If researchers accept that con-
ceptual change is gradual, then they can stop debating whether
competence is present or not present at a particular age.
3. Wrongly claiming that broad stages of development exist. Vygotsky's Sociocultural
According to Piaget, each new stage of cognitive development
is a coherent mode of thinking applied across a range of prob-
lems. Yet individuals are often inconsistent in their perfor-
mance on different tasks that presumably measure the abilities You can gain additional insight into Piaget's view of cognitive
defining a given stage. Researchers increasingly are arguing development by considering the quite different sociocultural
that cognitive development is domain specific—that is, it is a perspective of Lev Vygotsky (1962, 1978; see also Rowe &
matter of building skills in particular content areas—and that Wertsch, 2004). This Russian psychologist was born in 1896,
growth in one domain may proceed much faster than growth the same year as Piaget, and was an active scholar in the 1920s
in another (Fischer, Kenny, & Pipp> 1990). and 1930s when Piaget was formulating his theory. For many
4. Failing to adequately explain development. Several crit- years, Vygotsky's wYork was banned for political reasons in the
ics suggest that Piaget did a better job of describing develop- Soviet Union, and North American scholars lacked English
ment than of explaining how it comes about (Bruner, 1997). translations of his work, which limited consideration of
To be sure, Piaget wrote extensively about his interactionist Vygotsky's ideas until recent decades. In addition, Vygotsky
position on the nature-nurture issue and did as much as any died of tuberculosis at age 38 before his theory was fully de-
developmental theorist to tackle the question of how develop- veloped. However, his main theme is clear: cognitive growth
ment comes about. Presumably, humans are always assimilat- occurs in a sociocultural context and evolves out of the child's
ing new experiences in ways that their level of maturation al- social interactions.
lows, accommodating their thinking to those experiences, and
reorganizing their cognitive structures into increasingly com-
plex modes of thought. Yet this explanation is vague. Re-
Culture and Thought
searchers need to know far more about how specific matura- Culture and society play a pivotal role in Vygotsky's theory.
tional changes in the brain and specific kinds of experiences Indeed, intelligence in the Vygotskian model is held by the
contribute to important cognitive advances. group, not the individual, and is closely tied to the language
5. Giving limited attention to social influences on cognitive system and tools the group has developed over time (Case,
development. Some critics say Piaget paid too little attention to 1998). Culture and social experiences affect how we think, not
how children's minds develop through their social interac- just what we think.
How? First, Annie and her father are operating in what
Vygotsky called the zone of proximal development—the gap
between what a learner can accomplish independently and
what she can accomplish with the guidance and encourage-
ment of a more skilled partner. Skills within the zone are ripe
for development and are the skills at which instruction should
be aimed. Skills outside the zone are either well mastered al-
ready or still too difficult. In this example, Annie obviously
becomes a more competent puzzle-solver with her father's
help than without it. More importantly, she will internalize
the problem-solving techniques that she discovered in collab-
oration with her father, working together in her zone of prox-
imal development, and will use them on her own, rising to a
new level of independent mastery. What began as a social
process involving two people becomes a cognitive process
€ According to Lev Vygotsky's theory cognitive development is within one.
shaped by the culture in which children live and the kinds of An important implication of the zone of proximal devel-
problem-solving strategies that adults and other knowledgeable opment is that knowledge is not a fixed state and no single
guides pass on to them. test or score can adequately reflect the range of a person's
knowledge. The mind has potential for unlimited growth.
Development consists of moving toward the upper range of
Consider some research by Vygotsky's colleague, the zone using the tools of society. The upper limit continues
Alexander Luria, who tested groups of 9- to 12-year-old chil- to move upward in response to cultural changes (Smagorinsky,
dren growing up in different social environments. Children 1995). Support for Vygotsky's idea of the zone of proximal de-
were given target words and asked to name the first thing that velopment comes from various sources, including research
came to mind when they heard each word. Luria found that showing that children's performance on assisted learning tasks
children growing up in a remote rural village with limited so- is a good predictor of their future achievement (Meijer &
cial experiences gave remarkably similar responses, whereas Elshout, 2001). And research on pairing less-skilled readers
children growing up in a large city gave more distinctly indi- with more-skilled ones shows that reading fluency increases
vidual answers. Vygotsky and Luria believed that this differ- substantially when the less-skilled readers are provided with a
ence reflected the city children's broader exposure to various model of good reading and encouragement (Nes, 2003).
aspects of culture. On their own, the rural children were un- In many cultures, children do not go to school with other
able to develop certain types of knowledge. Knowledge, then, children to learn, nor do their parents explicitly teach them
depends on social experiences.
Vygotsky would not be surprised to learn that formal-
operational thought is rarely used in some cultures; he ex-
pected cognitive development to vary from society to society
depending on the mental tools the culture values and makes
available. How do children acquire their society's mental
tools? They acquire them by interacting with parents and
other more experienced members of the culture and by adopt-
ing their language and knowledge (Frawley, 1997).
Consider this scenario: Annie, a 4-year-old, receives a jigsaw-

puzzle, her first, for her birthday. She attempts to work the
puzzle but gets nowhere until her father sits down beside her
CO
and gives her some tips. He suggests that it would be a good CO

cc
idea to put the corners together first. He points to the pink s

§
area at the edge of one corner piece and says, "Let's look for o
2
another pink piece." When Annie seems frustrated, he places CO
©
two interlocking pieces near each other so that she will notice
them. And when she succeeds, he offers words of encourage- C By working with a more knowledgeable partner; this child is able
ment. As Annie gets the hang of it, he steps back and lets her to accomplish more than would be possible on his own. According
work more independently. This kind of social interaction, said to Lev Vygotsky the difference between what a child can accomplish
Vygotsky, fosters cognitive growth. alone and with a partner is the zone of proximal development
VYGOTSKY'S SOCIOCULTURAL PERSPECTIVE 193

W hat do the theories of Piaget and Vygotsky have to con-
tribute to the goal of optimizing mental functioning? As
Piaget's views first became popular in the United States and
of older adults, sometimes with simple interventions
(Blackburn & Papalia, 1992). Such studies suggest that many
elderly individuals who perform poorly on Piagetian problem-
Canada, psychologists and educators designed studies to de- solving tasks simply need a quick refresher course to demon-
termine whether they could speed cognitive development and strate their underlying competence. Make no mistake: No one
help children and adults solve problems more effectively. Some has demonstrated that 2-year-olds can be taught formal oper-
researchers had a different motive: to challenge Piaget's view ations. But at least these studies establish that specific training
that concepts such as conservation cannot be mastered until experiences can somewhat speed a child's progress through
the child is intellectually ready. Piaget's stages or bring out more-advanced capacities in an
What has been learned from these training studies? adult performing at a less-advanced level.
Generally, they suggest that many Piagetian concepts can be Piaget disapproved of attempts by Americans to speed
taught to children who are slightly younger than the age at children's progress through his stages (Piaget, 1970). He be-
which the concepts would naturally emerge.Training is some- lieved that parents should simply provide young children with
times difficult, and it does not always generalize well to new opportunities to explore their world and that teachers should
problems, but progress can be achieved. Dorothy Field (1981), use a discovery approach in the classroom that allows chil-
for example, demonstrated that 4-year-olds could be trained dren to learn by doing. Given their natural curiosity and nor-
to recognize the identity of a substance such as a ball of clay mal opportunities to try their hand at solving problems, chil-
before and after its appearance is altered—that is, to under- dren would construct ever more-complex understandings on
stand that although the clay looks different, it is still the same their own. Many educators began building Piaget's ideas about
clay and has to be the same amount of clay. Field found that discovery-based education into school curricula, especially in
nearly 75% of the children given this identity training could science classes (Gallagher & Easley, 1978).Teachers have also
solve at least three of five conservation problems 2 to 5 taken seriously Piaget's notion that children understand mate-
months after training. rial best if they can assimilate it into their existing under-
Similar training studies have demonstrated that children standings. So, for example, they have designed curricula to
who function at the late concrete operations stage can be guide severely mentally retarded adults through the substages
taught formal operations (Adey & Shayer, 1992). Researchers of the sensorimotor period (Williams, 1996). Finding out what
have had even more luck improving the cognitive performance the learner already knows or can do and providing instruction
tasks such as weaving and hunting. Instead, they learn their children. Spoken language is clearly the most impor-
through guided participation—by actively participating in tant tool, but writing, using numbers, and applying prob-
culturally relevant activities with the aid and support of their lem-solving and memory strategies also convey information
parents and other knowledgeable guides (Rogoff, 1998). and enable thinking (Bodrova & Leong, 1996; Grain, 2000;
Jerome Bruner (1983) had a similar concept in mind when he Vygotsky, 1978). The type of tool used to perform a task in-
wrote of the many ways in which parents provide "scaffold- fluences performance on the task. Consider a study by
ing" for their children's development, structuring learning sit- Dorothy Faulkner and her colleagues (2000) with 9- and 10-
uations so that learning becomes easier. By calling attention to year-old children. Children worked in pairs on a science
guided participation processes in the zone of proximal devel- project (Inhelder and Piaget's chemical combination task),
opment, Vygotsky was rejecting Piaget's view of children as in- using either a computer simulation of the task or the actual
dependent explorers in favor of the view that they learn more physical materials. The children who worked with the com-
sophisticated cognitive strategies through their interactions puterized version talked more, tested more possible chemi-
with more mature thinkers. To Piaget, the child's level of cog- cal combinations, and completed the task more quickly than
nitive development determines what he can learn; to children who worked with the physical materials. The com-
Vygotsky, learning in collaboration with more knowledgeable puter, then, was a tool that changed the nature of the
companions drives cognitive development. problem-solving activity and influenced performance, as
Vygotsky would have predicted.
Look more closely at Vygotsky's notion of how tools—
The Tools of Thought especially language—influence thought. Whereas Piaget
In Vygotsky's view, adults use a variety of tools to pass cul- maintained that cognitive development influences language
turally valued modes of thinking and problem solving to development, Vygotsky argued that language shapes thought
matched to the child's level of development are in the spirit of puppet was moving into. First, the children were tested to de-
Piaget. termine what they already knew about proper furniture place-
What would Vygotsky recommend to teachers who want ment. Then, each child worked at a similar task, either alone
to stimulate cognitive growth? As you might guess, Vygotsky's (as might be the case in Piaget's discovery-based education, al-
theoretical orientation leads to a different approach to edu- though here children were provided with corrective feedback
cation than Piaget's does—a more social one. Whereas stu- by the experimenter) or with his or her mother (Vygotsky's
dents in Piaget's classroom would most likely be engaged in guided learning). Finally, to assess what they had learned,
independent exploration, students in Vygotsky's classroom Freund asked the children to perform a final, rather complex,
would be involved in guided participation, "co-constructing" furniture-sorting task. The results were clear: Children who
knowledge during interactions with teachers and more knowl- had sorted furniture with help from their mothers showed
edgeable peers.The roles of teachers and other more skillful dramatic improvements in sorting ability, whereas those who
collaborators would be to organize the learning activity break had practiced on their own showed little improvement.
it into steps, provide hints and suggestions carefully tailored to Moreover, the children who gained the most from guided par-
the student's abilities, and gradually turn over more of the ticipation with their mothers were those whose mothers
mental work to the student. According to Vygotsky's sociocul- talked the most about how to tackle the task. Collaborating
tural perspective, the guidance provided by a skilled partner with a competent peer can also produce cognitive gains that
will then be internalized by the learner, first as private speech a child might not achieve working alone (Azmitia, 1992;
and eventually as silent inner speech. Education ends up being Gauvain & Rogoff, 1989).
a matter of providing children with tools of the mind impor- So, children do not always learn the most when they func-
tant in their culture, whether hunting strategies or computer tion as solitary scientists, seeking discoveries on their own; of-
skills (Bodrova & Leong, 1996; Berk & Winsler, 1995). ten, conceptual growth springs more readily from children's
Is there evidence that Vygotsky's guided participation ap- interactions with other people—particularly with competent
proach might be superior to Piaget's discovery approach? people who provide an optimal amount of guidance. Yet it
Consider what Lisa Freund (1990) found when she had 3- to would seem that many children might benefit most from the
5-year-old children help a puppet with a sorting task: deciding best of both worlds: opportunities to explore on their own
which furnishings (sofas, beds, bathtubs, stoves, and so on) and supportive companions to offer help when needed.
should be placed in each of six rooms of a dollhouse that the
in important ways and that thought changes fundamentally use externally, just as adults did with them. Gradually, this reg-
once we begin to think in words (Bodrova & Leong, 1996). ulatory speech is internalized.
Piaget and Vygotsky both noticed that preschool children of- Studies conducted by Vygotsky and other researchers
ten talk to themselves as they go about their daily activities, al- support his claim (Berk, 1992). For example, in one set of
most as if they were play-by-play sports announcers. ("I'm studies, Vygotsky (1962) measured children's private speech
putting the big piece in the corner. I need a pink one. Not that first as they worked unimpeded on a task, then as they worked
one—this one") Two preschool children playing next to each to overcome an obstacle placed in their path. Their use of pri-
other sometimes carry on separate monologues rather than vate speech increased dramatically when they confronted an
conversing. Piaget (1926) regarded such speech as egocen- interruption of their work—a problem to solve. Thus, young
tric—further evidence that preoperational thinkers cannot yet children rely most heavily on private speech when they are
take the perspectives of other people (in this case, their con- struggling to solve difficult problems (Berk, 1992). Even adults
versation partners) and therefore have not mastered the art of sometimes revert to thinking aloud when they are stumped by
social speech. He did not believe that egocentric speech played a problem (John-Steiner, 1992).
a useful role in cognitive development. The incidence of private speech varies with age and task
In contrast, Vygotsky called children's recitations private demands. Both 3- and 4-year-olds use private speech, but 4-
speech—speech to oneself that guides one's thought and be- year-olds are more likely to use it systematically when engaged
havior. Rather than viewing it as a sign of cognitive immatu- in a sustained activity. Four-year-olds are presumably more
rity, he saw it as a critical step in the development of mature goal oriented than 3-year-olds and use private speech to regu-
thought and as the forerunner of the silent thinldng-in-words late their behavior and achieve their goals (Winsler, Carlton, &
that adults engage in every day. Adults guide children's behav- Barry, 2000). As the task becomes familiar and children gain
ior with speech, a tool that children appropriate and initially competence, the use of private speech decreases (Duncan &
VYGOTSKY'S SOCIOCULTURAL PERSPECTIVE 195

Vygotsky's Sociocultural View Piaget's Cognitive Developmental View
Cognitive development is different in different social and historical Cognitive development is mostly the same universally.
contexts.
Appropriate unit of analysis is the social, cultural, and historical Appropriate unit of analysis is the individual.
context in which the individual develops.
Cognitive growth results from social interactions (guided participation Cognitive growth results from the child's independent
in the zone of proximal development). explorations of the world.
Children and their partners "co-construct" knowledge. Each child constructs knowledge on his or her own.
Social processes become individual psychological ones (e.g., social Individual, egocentric processes become more social (e.g.,
speech becomes inner speech). egocentric speech becomes social speech).
Adults are especially important (because they know the culture's Peers are especially important (because children must learn
tools of thinking). to take peers' perspectives into account).
Learning precedes development (tools learned with adult help Development precedes learning (children cannot master
become internalized). certain things until they have the requisite cognitive
structures).
Pratt, 1997). Private speech is also more frequent during then tries to work the puzzle on her own), which in turn goes
open-ended activities (such as pretend play) that have several "underground" to become first mutterings and lip movements
possible outcomes than during closed-ended tasks that have a and then inner speech (Annie's silent verbal thought).
single outcome (Krafft & Berk, 1998). Open-ended activities
tend to be directed more by the child than by an adult; they al-
low children to alter the difficulty level of the task so that it is
appropriately challenging. In contrast, adult-directed activi- Although many scholars find Vygotsky's ideas a refreshing ad-
ties provide fewer opportunities for children to regulate their dition to Piagets, some concerns should be noted. Piaget has
own behavior. been criticized for placing too much emphasis on the individ-
Intellectually capable children rely more heavily on pri- ual and not enough on the social environment; Vygotsky has
vate speech in the preschool years and make the transition to been criticized for placing too much emphasis on social inter-
inner speech earlier in the elementary school years than their action (Feldman & Fowler, 1997). Vygotsky seemed to assume
less academically capable peers do (Berk & Landau, 1993; that all knowledge and understanding of the world is trans-
Kohlberg, Yaeger, & Hjertholm, 1968). This suggests that the mitted through social interaction. But at least some under-
preschool child's self-talk is indeed a sign of cognitive matu- standing is individually constructed, as Piaget proposed.
rity, as Vygotsky claimed, rather than a sign of immature ego- Vygotsky and Piaget are often presented as opposites on a con-
centrism, as Piaget claimed. tinuum representing the extent to which cognitive develop-
In addition, heavy use of private speech contributes to ef- ment derives from social experience. However, a careful read-
fective problem-solving performance—if not immediately, ing of the two theorists reveals that they are not as dissimilar
then when children encounter similar problems in the future as they are often presented to be (DeVries, 2000; Matusov &
(Behrend, Rosengren, & Perlmutter, 1989; Bivens & Berk, Hayes, 2000). Both Piaget and Vygotsky acknowledge the im-
1990). The amount of private speech and the nature of what portance of the social context of development. Still, there are
the child says are both related to performance (Chiu & differences in their emphasis. Table 7.3 summarizes some of
Alexander, 2000). In particular, children who use metacogni- the differences between Vygotsky's sociocultural perspective
tive private speech ("No, I need to change this. Try it over here. and Piaget's cognitive developmental view. The Applications
Yes, that's good.") show greater motivation toward mastery; box on page 194 explains their views on improving cognitive
that is, they are more likely to persist on a task without adult functioning.
intervention (Chiu & Alexander, 2000). Thus, private speech Pause for a moment and consider the remarkable devel-
not only helps children think their way through challenging opmental accomplishments we described in this chapter. The
problems but also allows them to incorporate into their own capacity of the human mind for thought is awesome. Because
thinking the problem-solving strategies they learned during the human mind is so complex, you should not be surprised
their collaborations with adults. Notice that, as in guided par- that it is not yet understood. Piaget attacked only part of the
ticipation, what is at first a social process becomes an individ- puzzle, and he only partially succeeded. Vygotsky alerted us to
ual psychological process. In other words, social speech (for sociocultural influences on cognitive development but died
example, the conversation between Annie and her father as before he could formalize his theory. As you will see in
they jointly worked a puzzle) gives rise to private speech Chapters 8 and 9, other ways to think about mental develop-
(Annie talking aloud, much as her father talked to her, as she ment are needed.
Summing Up
Vygotsky's sociocultural perspective stresses social influ- corporate what skilled partners say t o them into what
ences on cognitive development that Piaget largely ig- they say t o themselves. As social speech is transformed
nored. Children's minds develop ( I ) in response t o cul- into private speech and then into inner speech, the cul-
tural influences; (2) in collaborative interactions with ture's preferred tools of problem solving w o r k their way
skilled partners, or guided participation, on tasks within from the language of competent guides into the thinking
their zone of proximal development; and (3) as they in- of the individual.
4. Piaget and Vygotsky differed in their views of the importance

of the individual versus society. Compare their positions on individ-
1. Jean Piaget, through his clinical method, formulated four stages ual versus society in terms of cognitive development.
of cognitive development in which children construct increasingly 5. How important is it to achieve formal operational thought?
complex schemes through an interaction of maturation and experience. What limitations would you experience at work and school if you op-
2. Children adapt to the world through the processes of orga- erated at a concrete operational level all the time and never pro-
nization and adaptation (assimilating new experiences to existing gressed to formal operational thought?
understandings and accommodating existing understandings to new
experiences).
3. Piaget proposed four stages of cognitive development, each
representing a qualitatively different level of thought. In the sensori- cognition, 172 egocentrism, 181
motor stage, infants construct simple schemes by taldng in informa- genetic epistemology, 172 class inclusion, 181
tion through their senses and acting motorically on it. In the preop-
clinical method, 172 transductive reasoning, 182
erational stage, preschool-age children do not yet reason logically;
instead they rely on perceptually salient features of a task or object. scheme (schema), 172 horizontal decalage, 182
Concrete-operational thinkers can reason logically about concrete organization, 173 seriation, 182
information, and formal-operational thinkers can apply their logical adaptation, 173 transitivity, 182
reasoning to hypothetical problems.
assimilation, 173 hypothetical-deductive
4. Piaget has made huge contributions to thefieldof human de-
accommodation, 173 reasoning, 184
velopment but has been criticized for underestimating the capacities
of infants and young children, not considering factors besides com- object permanence, 175 decontextualize, 186
petence that influence performance, failing to demonstrate that his A-not-B error, 176 adolescent egocentrism, 187
stages have coherence, offering vague explanations of development, imaginary audience, 187
and underestimating the role of language and social interaction in symbolic capacity, 177
cognitive development. imaginary companions, 178 personal fable, 187
5. Lev Vygotsky's sociocultural perspective emphasizes cultural perceptual salience, 179 postformal thought, 189
and social influences on cognitive development more than Piaget's conservation, 179 relativistic thinking, 189
theory does. Through guided participation in culturally important
decentration, 179 zone of proximal
activities, children learn problem-solving techniques from knowl-
development, 193
edgeable partners sensitive to their zone of proximal development. centration, 179
6. Language is the most important tool that adults use to pass guided participation, 194
reversibility, 179
culturally valued thinking and problem solving to their children. private speech, 195
transformational thought, 179
Language shapes their thought and moves from social speech to pri-
vate speech and later to inner speech. static thought, 179
M e d i a Resources
Websites to Explore
1. Considering the differences between preoperational thought,
concrete-operational thought, and formal-operational thought, what Visit Our Website
should parents keep in mind as they interact with their 4-year-old, 8- For a chapter tutorial quiz and other useful features, visit
year-old, and 17-year-old children? the book's companion website at http://psychology.wadsworth.com/
2. Create descriptions of a Piagetian preschool and a Vygotskian sigelman_rider5e. You can also connect directly to the following sites:
preschool. What are the main differences in howr children will be as-
sessed, what they will be taught, and how they will be taught? Piaget
3. How might Piaget's theory be updated to accommodate the The Jean Piaget Society provides biographical information, links to
research findings that have emerged since he constructed his theory? other Piaget resources on the web, and lists of suggested readings for
those who would like to learn more about Piaget's research and Life-Span CD-ROM
writings.
Review of Vygotsky
Maintained by an instructor at the University of Colorado at Denver,
the web page titled "Celebrities in Cognitive Science" contains links
to profiles, interviews, papers, and other articles on cognitive scien-
video library:
tists living and dead, including Lev Vygotsky.
VIDEO Jean Piaget's Sensorimotor Stage
U n d e r s t a n d i n g t h e Data: VIDEO Preoperational Thinking: Piaget's Conservation
Exercises on t h e W e b Experiments
For additional insight on the data presented in this D E V E L O P M E N T A L
chapter, try the exercises for the following figure at http://psychology PsychologyONow TM
Figure 7.7 Expertise and formal operations
elements, and learning modules. Check it out at http://psychology
C H A P T E R K T
T l ie 1 ill o r m a l i o n - 1 r o c e s s i n gf Tlie Cliild 1 lie A d o l e s c e n t

Approaeli Explaining Memory Development
Memory Systems Do Basic Capacities Change? T h e Adult

Do Memory Strategies Change?
Implicit and Explicit Memory Developing Expertise
Does Knowledge about Memory
Problem Solving Change? Autobiographical Memory
Does Knowledge of the World Memory and Aging
T l ie Iniiant Change? Areas of Strength and Weakness

Revisiting the Explanations Explaining Declines in Old Age
Memory
Autobiographical Memory Problem Solving and Aging
Imitation
When Do Autobiographical
Habituation
Memories Begin?
Operant Conditioning
Scripts
Recall * *
Eyewitness Memory
Problem Solving
Problem Solving
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M i M I
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I N H I S B O O K The Mind of a Mnemonist, Aleksandr Luria Any computer has a limited capacity, associated with its
(1987) describes the case of "S," a newspaper reporter who hardware and software, for processing information. The com-
never took notes at news briefings yet would later demon- puter's hardware is the machine itself—its keyboard (or input
strate verbatim recall of all that was said. S thought it rather system), its storage capacity, and so on. The mind's "hardware"
strange that other reporters had to carry notebooks and is the nervous system, including the brain, the sensory recep-
were always writing copious notes in them. S could look at tors, and their neural connections. The computer's software
a chart with 50 digits for 2 to 3 minutes then reproduce it consists of the programs used to manipulate stored and re-
perfectly in any order, even in reverse or diagonally. Imagine ceived information: word processing, statistics programs, and
how you might perform on tests if you had S's memory. the like. The mind, too, has its "software"—rules, strategies,
Obviously, S's memory ability is highly unusual. Most of us and other mental "programs" that specify how information is
have more ordinary skills with a host of strengths and to be registered, interpreted, stored, retrieved, and analyzed.
weaknesses. Even so, our memory is a vital aspect of who The computer, then, was the model for the information-
we are and what we do, allowing us to function in the pres- processing approach to human cognition, which emphasizes
ent, act on the past, and plan for the future. the basic mental processes involved in attention, perception,
memory, and decision making. When the information-
processing approach began to guide studies of development,
In this chapter, we consider how memory develops and the challenge became one of determining how the hardware
changes over the life span. We also continue examining cogni- and software of the mind change over the life span. Just as to-
tive development by looking at a view different from Jean day's more highly developed computers have greater capacity
Piaget's and Lev Vygotsky's approaches, described in the last than those of the past, maturation of the nervous system plus
chapter. Cognitive psychologists, influenced by the rise of experience presumably enables adults to remember more than
computer technology, began to think of the brain as a com- young children can and to perform more complex cognitive
puter that processes input and converts it to output (correct feats with greater accuracy (Kail & Bisanz, 1992).
answers on tests, for example). This information-processing
perspective has revealed much about how the capacities to
acquire, remember, and use information change over the life
span. Figure 8.1 presents an early and influential conception of the
human information-processing system offered by Richard
Atkinson and Richard Shiffrin (1968). If your history profes-
Tlie I n f o r m a t i o n - P r o c e s s i n g sor says that the U.S. Constitution was ratified in 1789, this
statement is an environmental stimulus. Assuming that you
are not lost in a daydream, your sensory register will log it,
holding it for a fraction of a second as a kind of afterimage (or,
According to Howard Gardner (1985), the "cognitive revo- in this example, a kind of echo). Much that strikes the sensory
lution" in psychology that generated the information- register 4 quickly disappears without further processing.
processing approach could not have occurred without a Attentional processes (see Chapter 6) have a good deal to do
demonstration of the inadequacies of the behaviorist ap- with which sensory stimuli enter the sensory register and
proach and the rise of computer technology. which are processed further. If you think you may need to re-
Showing deficiencies in the behaviorist approach was eas- member 1789, it will be moved into short-term memory,
iest in relation to complex learning and memory tasks. which can hold a limited amount of information (perhaps
Consider learning from this textbook. Obviously, some com- only about seven items or chunks of information) for several
plex processes occur between when you register the pattern of seconds. For example, short-term memory can hold onto a
print on this page and when you write an essay about it* To ac- telephone number while you dial it. Today, cognitive re-
count for these processes, behaviorists such as John B. Watson searchers distinguish between passive and active forms of
and B. F. Skinner (see Chapter 2) would have to describe short-term memory and use the term working memory to re-
chains of mental stimuli and responses between an external fer to a mental "scratch pad" that temporarily stores informa-
stimulus (for instance, the printed page) and an overt re- tion while actively operating on it (Baddeley, 1986,1992). It is
sponse. This approach proved cumbersome at best, as more what is "on one's mind," or in one's consciousness, at any mo-
cognitively oriented learning theorists, such as Albert ment. As you know, people can juggle only so much informa-
Bandura, recognized. tion at once without having some of it slip away.
Then came computers with their capacity for systemati- To illustrate working memory, look at the following seven
cally converting input to output. The computer seemed to numbers. Then look away and add the numbers in your head
provide a good analogy to the human mind, and efforts to while trying to remember them:
program computers to play chess and solve other problems as
7256147
well as human experts do have revealed a great deal about the
strengths and limitations of human cognition (Newell & Most likely, having to actively manipulate the numbers in
Simon, 1961; Simon, 1995). working memory to add them disrupted your ability to re-
Responses
(recognition or recall)
t
Input from feeds into ^ Sensory register Attention Short-term memory Storage Long-term memory
the environment (logs input) (including working (relatively permanent
memory) store; knowledge of
Retrieval
(holds information the world, past events,
temporarily; executes information-processing
operations on strategies)
information)
Jk
Executive control processes

(plan and run each step of
information processing)
Figure 8.1 A model of information processing.

SOURCE: Adapted from Atkinson, R. C „ & Shiffrin, f t M . 11968). Human memory: A proposed system and its control processes. In K. W . S P L I C E & J . T.
Spence <Eds.), The psychology of Seaming and motivation: Advances in research and theory (Vol 2). N e w York: Academic Press. Copyright <£1968 by
Academic Press. Reprinted by permission.
hearse them to remember them. People who are fast at adding Most people find questions requiring recognition memory eas-
numbers would have better luck than most people, because ier to answer than those requiring cued recall and those re-
they would have more working memory space left for remem- quiring cued recall easier than those requiring pure recall. This
bering the items (Byrnes, 1996). holds true across the life span, which suggests that many things
To be remembered for any length of time, information people have apparently encoded or learned are "in there some-
•
must be moved from short-term memory into long-term place" even though they may be difficult to retrieve without
memory, a relatively permanent store of information that cues. Breakdowns in remembering may involve difficulties in
represents what most people mean by memory. More than initial encoding, storage, or retrieval.
likely, you will hold the professor's statement in short-term
memory just long enough to record it in your notes. Later, as
you study your notes, you will rehearse the information in
working memory to move it into long-term memory so that Memory researchers have concluded that the long-term mem-
you can retrieve it the next day or week when you are taking ory store responds differently depending on the nature of the
the test. task. They distinguish between implicit memory, which oc-
This simplified model shows what you must do to learn curs unintentionally, automatically, and without awareness,
and remember something. The first step is encoding the in- and explicit memory, which involves deliberate, effortful rec-
formation: getting it into the system, learning it, and moving ollection of events. Explicit memory is tested through tradi-
it from the sensory register to short-term memory then to tional recognition and recall tests. When implicit memory is
long-term memory while organizing it in a form suitable for tested, learners do not even know their memory is being as-
storage. If it never gets in, it cannot be remembered. Then sessed. For example, individuals might be exposed to a list of
there is storage—holding information in the long-term mem- words (orangey tablet, forest, and so on) to be rated for like-
ory store. Memories fade over time unless they are appropri- ability, not to be memorized. In a second task, they are given
ately stored in long-term memory. Finally, there is retrieval— word stems such as tab and asked to complete them
the process of getting information out when it is needed. with the first word that comes to mind. People who are ex-
People say they have successfully remembered something posed to the word tablet in the initial task are more likely than
when they can retrieve it from long-term memory. people who are not exposed to the word to come up with
Retrieval can be accomplished in several ways. If you are tablet rather than table or tabby to complete the word stem,
asked a multiple-choice question about when the Constitution demonstrating that they learned something from their earlier
was ratified, you need not actively retrieve the correct date; you exposure to the words even though they were not trying to
merely need to recognize it among the options. This is an ex- learn. Adults with amnesia do poorly 011 tests of explicit
ample of recognition memory. If, instead, you are asked, memory in which they study words and then are asked to fin-
"When was the Constitution ratified?" this is a test of recall ish word stems such as tab with a word they studied
memory; it requires active retrieval without the aid of cues. earlier. Amazingly, however, if they are merely exposed to a list
Between recognition and recall memory is cued recall mem- of words and then given an implicit memory test that asks
ory, in which you would be given a hint or cue to facilitate re- them to write the first word that comes to mind, they do fine
trieval (for example, "When was the Constitution ratified? It is (Graf, Squire, & Mandler, 1984). Many forms of amnesia de-
the year the French Revolution began and rhymes with wine."). stroy explicit memory but leave implicit memory intact
THE INFORMATION-PROCESSING APPROACH 201

(Schacter, 1996). In other words, these are two distinct com- relevant pieces of information in working memory long
ponents of long-term memory that operate independently. enough to do anything with them, might lack the strategies for
Some scholars believe that implicit memory develops ear- •transferring new information into long-term memory or re-
lier in infancy than explicit memory (Schneider, 2004). Others trieving information from long-term memory as needed,
believe that both forms of memory are evident early in in- might simply not have enough stored knowledge to under-
fancy (Rovee-Collier, 1997). All agree that the two types of stand the problem, or might not have the executive control
memory follow different developmental paths. Explicit mem- processes needed to manage the steps for solving problems. If
ory capacity increases from infancy to adulthood then de- researchers can identify how information processes in the
clines in later adulthood. By contrast, implicit memory capcic- younger individual differ from those in the older person, they
ity changes little; young children often do no worse than older will gain much insight into cognitive development.
children and elderly adults often do no worse than younger Many processes involved in memory and problem solving
adults on tests of implicit memory (Schneider, 2004; improve between infancy and adulthood then decline some-
Schneider & Bjorklund, 1998). Research on implicit memory what in old age, although this pattern is not uniform for all
shows that young and old alike learn and retain a tremendous processes or all people. Our task in this chapter is to describe
amount of information from their everyday experiences with- these age trends and, of greater interest, to try to determine
out any effort. why they occur.
The information-processing approach uses a computer

Now imagine that you are asked how many years passed be-
analogy t o illustrate how the mind processes information.
tween the signing of the Declaration of Independence (1776, re-
The human "computer" takes in information through the
member?) and the ratification of the Constitution. This is a
sensory registers. If the person pays attention to the in-
simple example of problem solving, or use of the information-
formation, it is further processed in the short-term and
processing system to achieve a goal or arrive at a decision (in
working memory and may eventually be stored in long-
this case, to answer the question). Here, too, the information-
term memory Encoding and retrieval strategies influence
processing model describes what happens between stimulus
memory performance. Explicit memory is deliberate and
and response. The question will move through the memory sys-
effortful and changes over the life span, whereas implicit
tem. You will need to draw on your long-term memory to un-
memory is automatic and relatively stable over the life
derstand the question, then you will have to search long-term
span. Finally, stored memories are instrumental to success
memory for the two relevant dates. Moreover, you will need to
at solving problems. •
locate your stored knowledge of the mathematical operation of
subtraction. You will then transfer this stored information to
working memory so that you can use your subtraction "pro-
gram" (1789 minus 1776) to derive the correct answer.
Notice that processing information successfully requires
both knowing what you are doing and making decisions. This You have already seen that infants explore the world thor-
is why the information-processing model (see Figure 8.1) in- oughly through their senses. But are they remembering any-
cludes executive control processes involved in planning and thing of their experiences? First, look at what research on in-
monitoring what is done. These control processes run the formation processing has helped developmentalists or
show, guiding the selection, organization, manipulation, and researchers learn about early memory; then, consider whether
interpretation of information throughout. Stored knowledge infants demonstrate problem-solving skills.
about the world and about information processing guides
what is done with new information.
Cognitive psychologists now recognize that information
processing is more complex than this model or similar mod- Assessing infant memory requires some ingenuity because in-
els suggest (Bjorklund, 1997). For example, they appreciate fants cannot just tell researchers what they recall (Bauer, 2004;
that people, like computers, engage in "parallel processing," Rovee-Collier & Barr, 2004). Several methods have been used
carrying out many cognitive activities simultaneously rather to uncover infants' memory capabilities. Here we consider im-
than performing operations in a sequence. They also appreci- itation, habituation, and operant conditioning techniques be-
ate that different processing approaches are used in different fore examining infants' abilities to recall previously presented
domains of knowledge. Still, the information-processing ap- information.
proach to cognition has the advantage of focusing attention
on how people remember things or solve problems, not just
on what they recall or what answer they give. A young child's Researchers may be able to learn something about memory by
performance on a problem could break down in any number noting whether or not infants can imitate an action per-
of ways: The child might not be paying attention to the rele- formed by a model. Some studies suggest that young infants,
vant aspects of the problem, might be unable to hold all the even newborns, can imitate certain actions, such as sticking
C Andrew Meltzoff is one researcher who has demonstrated imitation of facial expressions in
newborns.These sample photograp'hs are from videotaped recordings of 2- to 3-week-old in-
fants imitating tongue protrusion, mouth opening, and lip protrusion. Of the three responses
shown here, tongue protrusion is the most reliably observed.
out the tongue or opening the mouth (see Meltzoff, 2004, for pable of recognition memory and prefer a new sight to some-
a review; see also the photo on this page). These findings are thing they have seen many times. As they age, infants need less
exciting because they challenge Piaget's claim that infants can- "study time" before a stimulus becomes old hat, and they can
not imitate actions until about 1 year, when they have some retain what they have learned for days or even weeks (Bahrick
ability to represent mentally what they have seen. & Pickens, 1995).
At first, such findings were viewed with skepticism by
some, who believed that early tongue protrusions did not O p e r a n t Conditioning
demonstrate true imitation but instead reflected reflexive re- To test long-term memory of young infants, Carolyn Rovee-
sponses to specific stimuli or attempts to "explore" interesting Collier and her colleague devised a clever task that relies on
sights (for example, Bjorklund, 1995; Jones, 1996). However, the operant conditioning techniques introduced in Chapter 2
observations of infants sticking out their tongues and moving (Rovee-Collier & Barr, 2004). When a ribbon is tied to a baby's
their mouths in ways consistent with a model have now been ankle and connected to an attractive mobile (see the photo on
replicated with different populations (Meltzoff & Moore, page 204), the infant will shake a leg now and then and learn
1997). In addition, 6-month-olds display deferred imitation, in minutes that leg kicking brings about a positively reinforc-
the ability to imitate a novel act after a delay, which clearly re- ing consequence: the jiggling of the mobile.
quires memory ability (Barr, Dowden, & Hayne, 1996; Bauer, To test infant memory, the mobile is presented later to see
2004). whether the infant will kick again. To succeed at this task, the
infant must not only recognize the mobile but also recall that
Habituation the thing to do is to kick. When given two 9-minute training
Another method to assess memory uses habituation, a simple sessions, 2-month-olds remember how to make the mobile
and often overlooked form of learning introduced in Chap- move for up to 2 days, 3-month-olds for about 1 week, and 6-
ter 6. Habituation—learning not to respond to a repeated month-olds for about 2 weeks (Rovee-Collier & Boiler, 1995).
stimulus—might be thought of as learning to be bored by the By 18 months, infants can remember for at least 3 months
familiar (for example, the continual ticking of a clock) and is (Rovee-Collier & Barr, 2004). The researchers could enhance
evidence that a stimulus is recognized as familiar. From birth, young infants' memory by giving them three 6-minute learn-
humans habituate to repeatedly presented lights, sounds, and ing sessions rather than two 9-minute sessions (Rovee-Collier,
smells; such stimuli are recognized as "old hat" (Bauer, 2004; 1999). Although the total training time is the same in the two
Rovee-Collier & Barr, 2004). In other words, newborns are ca- conditions, the distributed training is more effective. As it
context in which they encountered it (for example, the design
on the playpen liner) is even slightly different from the con-
text in which they learned. In short, early memories are cue-
dependent and context-specific.
Recall
When are infants capable of pure recall—of actively retrieving
information from memory when no cues are available? As
noted earlier, infants as young as 6 months, given repeated ex-
posure to a models actions, can imitate novel behaviors (for
example, pushing a button on a box to produce a beep) after
a 24-hour delay (Barr, Dowden, & Hayne, 1996; Meltzoff,
1988). As infants age, they demonstrate recall or deferred im-
itation over longer periods. For instance, 14- to 16-month-
olds show deferred imitation after delays of 4 months
(Meltzoff, 1995). By 24 months of age, recall is more flexible—
less bound by the specific cues present at the time of learning
mmwmm
(Herbert & Hayne, 2000; Klein & Meltzoff, 1999).
Patricia Bauer (1996, 2000) and her colleagues have
M^MmMI
"lll^l I I f f : shown sequences of actions to infants of different ages then
•': " • • %fc: • yr r-- asked them to imitate what they saw—for example, putting a
•vv .fe.
P i l : teddy bear in bed, covering him with a blanket, and reading
him a story. Infants as young as 13 months can reconstruct a
1 sequence of actions for as long as 3 months afterward. Older
infants (16 and 20 months) can store and retrieve events for
• -I 12 months after exposure (Bauer et al., 2000). Much like chil-
dren and adults, they remember best when they have repeated
H exposures to what they are to remember, when they are given
plenty of cues to help them remember, and when the events
they must remember occur in a meaningful or logical order.
By age 2, infants have become verbal and can use words
([ When ribbons are tied to their ankles, young infants soon learn to
make a mobile move by kicking their legs. Carolyn Rovee-Collier has to reconstruct events that happened months earlier. In one
made use of this operant conditioning paradigm to find out how study, for example, researchers interviewed young children
long infants will remember the trick for making the mobile move. about emergency room visits for accidents the children had
between' about 1 and 3 years (Peterson & Rideout, 1998).
Interviews were conducted soon after the ER visits and 6, 12,
turns out, distributed practice is beneficial across the life span 18, or 24 months later. Children who were 18 months or
(Son, 2004). younger at the time of their ER visit were unable to verbally
What if stronger cues to aid recall are provided? Rovee- recall aspects of their visits after a 6-month delay, but children
Collier and her colleague (2004) found that 2 to 4 weeks after 20 months or older were able to do so. Children who were at
their original learning experience infants who were reminded least 26 months old at the time of their ER visit could retain
of their previous learning by seeing the mobile move kicked and answer verbal questions about their experiences for at
up a storm as soon as the ribbon was attached to their ankles, least 2 years following the event.
whereas infants who were not reminded showed no sign of re-
membering to kick. It seems, then, that cued recall (in this
case, memory cued by the presence of the mobile or, better
yet, its rotation by the experimenter) emerges during the first Infants, like children and adults, face problem-solving tasks
couple of months after birth and that infants remember best every day. For example, they may want to obtain an object be-
when they are reminded of what they have learned. Other re- yond their reach or make a toy repeat the interesting sound it
search shows that verbal reminders are also effective with 15- produced earlier. Can infants overcome obstacles to achieve
month-olds, helping them remember an event after a month desired goals? It appears they can. In one study, infants were
as well as they did after a week (Bauer, Hertsgaard, & presented with an object out of their reach; however, by
Wewerka, 1995; Bauer et al, 2000). pulling on a cloth, they could drag the object to within reach
However, this research also suggests that young infants (Willats, 1990). Although 6-month-olds did not retrieve the
have difficulty recalling what they have learned if cues are in- object, 9-month-olds solved this problem. Even the younger
sufficient. They have trouble remembering whether the mo- infants were successful when given hints about how they
bile (for example, the specific animals hanging from it) or the might retrieve the object (Kolstad & Aguiar, 1995). Simple
about six digits. And second-graders not only are faster learn-
ers than kindergartners but also retain information longer
(Howe, 2000). Why is this? Here are four major hypotheses
about why learning and memory improve, patterned after
those formulated by John Flavell and Henry Wellman (1977):
1. Changes in basic capacities. Older children have higher-
powered "hardware" than younger children do; their brains
have more working memory space for manipulating informa-
tion and can process information faster.
2. Changes in memory strategies. Older children have bet-
ter "software"; they have learned and consistently use effective
methods for putting information into long-term memory and
retrieving it when they need it.
3. Increased knowledge about memory Older children
know more about memory (for example, how long they must
€ Infants begin to learn problem-solving strategies around 6 months study to learn things thoroughly, which kinds of memory
of age. tasks take more effort, and which strategies best fit each task).
4. Increased knowledge about the world. Older children
problem-solving behaviors such as this improve considerably
know more than younger children about the world in general.
over the first 2 years after birth, then, as you will see shortly,
This knowledge, or expertise, makes material to be learned
flourish during childhood.
more familiar, and familiar material is easier to learn and re-
member than unfamiliar material.
Summing Up
Using imitation, habituation, and operant conditioning D o Basic C a p a c i t i e s C h a n g e ?

techniques, researchers have gone from believing that in- Because the nervous system continues to develop in the early
»
fants have no memory beyond a few seconds t o appre- years after birth, it seems plausible that older children re-
ciating that even young I -year-olds can recall experiences member more than younger children do because they have a
for weeks and even months under certain conditions. better "computer"—a larger or more efficient information-
Infants clearly show recognition memory for familiar processing system. However, we can quickly rule out the idea
stimuli at birth and cued recall memory by about 2 that the storage capacity of long-term memory enlarges.
months. As they age, they can retain information longer There is no consistent evidence that it changes after the first
More explicit memory, which requires actively retrieving month of life (Perlmutter, 1986). In fact, young and old alike
an image of an object or event no longer present, ap- have more room for storage than they could ever use. Nor
pears to emerge toward the end of the first year: By age does the capacity of the sensory register to take in stimuli
2, it is even clearer that infants can consciously and de- seem to change much (Schneider & Bjorklund, 1998). It does
liberately recall events that happened long ago, for they, seem, however, that the speed of mental processes improves
like adults, use language t o represent and describe what with age and that this allows older children and adults to per-
happened. Simple problem solving improves throughout form more mental operations at once in working memory
infancy. H than young children can (Halford, 2004; Kail & Salthouse,
1994).
This idea has been featured in revisions of Piaget's theory
of cognitive development proposed by neo- Piagetian theorists
T k e Cliilcl such as Robbie Case (1985; Marini & Case, 1994). Case seeks
to build on Piaget's insights into cognitive development
The 2-year-old is already a highly capable information proces- but has also been strongly influenced by the information-
sor, as evidenced by the rapid language learning that takes processing approach. He proposes that more advanced stages
place at this age. But dramatic improvements in learning, of cognitive development are made possible because children
memory, and problem solving occur throughout the child- make better use of the available space in their working mem-
hood years as children learn everything from how to flush toi- ory. For example, Piaget s tressed the preschooler's tendency to
lets to how to work advanced math problems. center on one aspect of a problem and lose sight of another
(for example, to attend to the height of a glass but ignore its
width, or vice versa). Perhaps, say the neo-Piagetians, this is
not a matter of lacking certain cognitive structures; perhaps
In countless situations, older children learn faster and re- young children simply do not have enough working memory
member more than younger children do. For example, 2-year- capacity to keep both pieces of information in mind at once
olds can repeat back about two digits immediately after hear- and to coordinate them. Similarly, young children may do
ing them, 5-year-olds about four digits, and 10-year-olds poorly on memory tasks because they cannot keep the first
items on a list in mind while processing later ones. And they
may fail to solve mathematical problems correctly because
they cannot keep the facts of the problem in mind while they
are performing the calculations.
To test the capacity of short-term memory, researchers
quickly present a list of items (such as numbers) then count
the number of items that a person can recall in order.
Measured this way, short-term memory capacity seems to im-
prove from age 2 to adulthood from just over two items to
close to seven items (Rose et al., 1997). In addition, older chil-
dren are able to manipulate more information at once in ••••
working memory (Case, 1985; Kail, 1990). Partly, this is be-
cause they have become faster and more efficient at executing
basic mental processes, such as identifying numbers or words
to be learned (Kail, 1991); these processes become automatic Figure 8.2 A memory task. Imagine that you have 120 seconds to
so that they can be done with little mental effort. This, in turn, learn the 12 objects pictured here. What tricks or strategies might
frees space in working memory for other purposes, such as you devise to make your task easier?
storing the information needed to solve a problem.
Some research suggests that the degree of improvement called rehearsal—the repeating of items they are trying to
in short-term memory capacity evident as children age de- learn and remember (Baker-Ward, Ornstein, & Holden,
pends on what is being tested. That is, short-term memory ca- 1984). To rehearse the objects in Figure 8.2, you might simply
pacity is domain-specific—it varies with background knowl- say, "apple, truck, grapes . . ." repeatedly. John Flavell and his
edge (Schneider, 2004). Greater knowledge in a domain or associates found that only 10% of 5-year-olds repeated the
area of study increases the speed with which new, related in- names of pictures they were asked to recall, but more than half
formation can be processed. In other words, the more you of 7-year-olds and 85% of 10-year-olds used this strategy
know about a subject, the faster you can process information (Flavell, Beach, & Chinsky, 1966).
related to this subject. Other research, however, indicates that Another important memory strategy is organization, or
developmental changes in capacity are general, not domain- classifying items into meaningful groups. You might lump the
specific (Schneider, 2004; Swanson, 1999). So which is it? apple, the grapes, and the hamburger in Figure 8.2 into a cat-
Improvements with age in operating speed and working egory of foods and form other categories for animals, vehicles,
memory efficiency could be because of maturational changes and baseball equipment. You would then rehearse each cate-
in the brain; the older child's greater familiarity with num- gory and recall it as a cluster. Another organizational strategy,
bers, letters, and other stimuli; or both (Bjorklund, 1995). chunking, is used to break a long number (6065551843) into
There is agreement, however, that speed of processing affects manageable subunits (606-555-1843, a phone number).
short-term memory capacity; older children process informa- Organization is mastered later in childhood than rehearsal.
tion faster than younger children can, and this is one reason Until about age 9 or 10, children are not much better at re-
memory improves over childhood (Gathercole, 1998). calling lists of items that lend themselves readily to grouping
than they are at recalling lists of unrelated words (Flavell &
D o M e m o r y Strategies Change? Wellman, 1977).
If shown the 12 items in Figure 8.2, 4-year-olds might recall Finally, the strategy of elaboration involves actively creat-
only 2 to 4 of them, 8-year-olds would recall 7 to 9 items, and ing meaningful links between items to be remembered.
adults might recall 10 to 11 of the items after a delay of several Elaboration is achieved by adding something to the items, in
minutes. Arc there specific memory strategies that evolve dur- the form of either words or images. Creating and using a sen-
ing childhood to permit this dramatic improvement in per- tence such as "the apple fell on the horse's nose" could help
formance? you remember two of the items in Figure 8.2. Elaboration is
Children as young as 2 years can deliberately remember especially helpful in learning foreign languages. For example,
to do "important" things, such as reminding Mom to buy you might link the Spanish word pato (pronounced pot-o) to
candy at the grocery store (Somerville, Wellman, & Cultice, the English equivalent duck by imagining a duck in a pot of
1983). They are more likely to use external memory ciids (for boiling water.
example, pointing at or holding a toy pig when asked to re- Memory or encoding strategies develop in a fairly pre-
member where it was hidden) if they are instructed to re- dictable order, with rehearsal emerging first, followed by or-
member than if they are not (Fletcher & Bray, 1996). Yet ganization, and then by elaboration. Children do not suddenly
preschoolers have not mastered many effective strategies for start using strategies, however. According to Patricia Miller
moving information into long-term memory. For example, (1990, 1994; Miller & Seier, 1994), they typically progress
when instructed to remember toys they have been shown, 3- through four phases on their way to successful strategy use.
and 4-year-olds will look carefully at the objects and will often Initially, children have a mediation deficiency, which means
label them once, but they only rarely use the memory strategy they cannot spontaneously use or benefit from strategies, even
if they are taught how to use them. This gives way to a differ- knowledge might include an understanding that you are bet-
ent kind of problem, a production deficiency, in which chil- ter at learning language than at learning algebra, that it is
dren can use strategies they are taught but do not produce harder to pay attention to a task when there is distracting
them on their own. The third phase is a utilization deficiency, noise in the background than when it is quiet, and that it is
in which children spontaneously produce a strategy but their wise to check a proposed solution to a problem before con-
task performance does not yet benefit from using the strategy. cluding that it is correct.
Finally, children exhibit effective strategy use by both produc- When do children first show evidence of metacognition?
ing and benefiting from a memory strategy. If instructed to remember where the Sesame Street character
There is ample evidence of utilization deficiencies across Big Bird has been hidden so that they can later wake him up,
various age groups and for different types of strategies (see, even 2- and 3-year-olds will go stand near the hiding spot, or
for example, Coyle & Bjorklund, 1996; Miller & Seier, 1994; at least look or point at that spot; they do not do these things
also see Schneider, 2004, for a review). Why would children as often if Big Bird is visible and they do not need to remem-
who use a strategy fail to benefit from it? One possibility is ber where he is (DeLoache, Cassidy, 8c Brown, 1985). By age 2,
that using a new strategy is mentally taxing and leaves no free then, children understand that to remember something, you
cognitive resources for other aspects of the task (Bjorklund et have to work at it. Researchers have found that 3-year-olds un-
al., 1997). Once using the strategy becomes routine, then derstand the difference between thinking about an object and
other components of the task can be addressed simultane- perceiving it and that 4-year-olds realize behavior is guided by
ously. Whatever the reason for utilization deficiencies, they re- beliefs (Flavell, 1999). These findings indicate that metacogni-
flect a child-task interaction; that is, they depend on how dif- tive awareness is present at least in a rudimentary form at a
ficult a task is for a particular child rather than on task young age (Kuhn, 2000).
difficulty per se (Bjorklund et al., 1997). In another study (Ghetti 8c Alexander, 2004), children
Using effective storage strategies to learn material is only and adults were asked to rate the salience and memorability of
half the battle; retrieval strategies can also influence how past events. Even 5-year-olds detected differences in the
much is recalled. Indeed, retrieving something from memory salience of events and expected that more salient events would
can often be a complex adventure when solving problems, be easier to remember. These findings contrast with earlier
such as when you try to remember when you went on a trip ones in which children were asked to predict how many items
by searching for cues that might trigger your memory ("Well, they would be able to remember (for example, Yussen 8c Levy,
I still had long hair then, but it was after Muffy s wedding, 1975). Under these conditions, preschoolers' estimates were
and . . ."). Strange as it may seem, even when young school- highly unrealistic—as if they believed they could perform any
children are shown how to use the memory strategy of elabo- memory feat imaginable—and they were unfazed by informa-
ration, they may not do as well as older children on memory tion about how another child had done on the task. But if re-
tests because it does not occur to them to use the images they searchers gave children more time before asking them to esti-
worked so hard to create to help them retrieve what they have mate how much they would be able to recall of what they had
learned (Pressley & Levin, 1980). In general, young children just studied, accuracy was good among children as young as
rely more on external cues for both encoding and retrieving age 6 (Schneider, Roth, 8c Ennemoser, 2000). When asked im-
information than do older children (Schneider 8c Pressley, mediately after the learning task, children (and adults) overes-
1997). Thus, young children may need to put their tooth- timated their future ability to remember, presumably based on
brushes next to their pajamas so that they have a physical re- what was still in their short-term memory. After a few min-
minder to brush their teeth before they go to bed. Older chil- utes, this information is typically lost from short-term mem-
dren are less likely to need such external cues but may ory, and children base their estimates on what has made it into
continue to use them throughout elementary school (Eskritt long-term memory.
8c Lee, 2002). In many ways, then, command of memory Are increases in metamemory a major contributor to im-
strategies increases over the childhood years, but the path to proved memory performance over the childhood years?
effective strategy use is characterized more by ups and downs Children with greater metamemory awareness demonstrate
than by steady increases (Schneider, 2004). better memory ability, but several factors influence the
strength of this relationship (Bjork 8c Bjork, 1998; Schneider,
Does Knowledge about M e m o r y Change? 2004). Researchers are most likely to see a connection between
The term metamemory refers to knowledge of memory and metamemory and memory performance among older chil-
to monitoring and regulating memory processes (Schneider, dren and among children who have been in situations in
2004). It is knowing, for example, what your memory limits which they must remember something (DeMarie 8c Ferron,
are, which memory strategies are more or less effective, and 2003; Schneider 8c Bjorklund, 1998). Not only is task experi-
which memory tasks are more or less difficult (Flavell, Miller, ence important, but the nature of the task is also relevant.
8c Miller, 1993). It is also noting that your efforts to remember Awareness of memory processes benefits even young children
something are not working and that you need to try some- on tasks that are simple and familiar and where connections
thing different (Schneider, 2004). Metamemory is one aspect between metamemory knowledge and memory performance
of metacognition, or knowledge of the human mind and of are fairly obvious (Schneider 8c Sodian, 1988). Yet children
the range of cognitive processes. Your store of metacognitive who know what to do may not always do it, so good
metamemory is no guarantee of good recall (Schneider & which allowed them to remember more. When child experts
Pressley, 1997). It seems that children not only must know were compared with adult experts, there were no differences
that a strategy is useful but also must know why it is useful to in performance (Schneider et al., 1993).
be motivated to use it and to benefit from its use (Justice et al., Pause to consider the implications: On most tasks, young
1997). The links between metamemory and memory per- children are the novices and older children or adults are the
formance, although not perfect, are strong enough to suggest experts. Perhaps older children and adults recall longer strings
the merits of teaching children more about how memory of digits because they are more familiar with numbers than
works and how they can make it work more effectively for young children are, not because they have better basic learn-
them. ing capacities. Perhaps they recall more words in word lists
simply because they have more familiarity with language.
Does Knowledge of t h e W o r l d Change? Perhaps memory improves over childhood simply because
Ten-year-olds know considerably more about the world in gen- older children know more about all kinds of things than
eral than 2-year-olds do. The individual s knowledge of a con- younger children do (Bjorklund, 1995).
tent area to be learned, or knowledge base, as it has come to be In their areas of expertise—whether baseball, dinosaurs,
called, clearly affects learning and memory performance. Think Yu-Gi-Oh cards, or Lord of the Rings—children appear to de-
about the difference between reading about a topic that you al- velop highly specialized and effective strategies of information
ready know well and reading about a new topic. In the first case, processing, just as the young chess players studied by Chi ap-
you can read quickly because you are able to link the informa- parently had (see Schneider & Bjorklund, 1998, for review).
tion to the knowledge you have already stored. All you really Indeed, children with low general intellectual ability but high
need to do is check for any new information or information expertise sometimes understand and remember more about
that contradicts what you already know. Learning about a stories in their area of expertise than do children with higher
highly unfamiliar topic is more difficult ("It's Greek to me"). intellectual ability but less expertise (Schneider, Bjorklund, &
Perhaps the most dramatic illustration of the powerful Maier-Bruckner, 1996). It seems that the more you knowr, the
influence of knowledge base on memory was provided by more you can know. It also seems that how well a child does
Michelene Chi (1978). She demonstrated that even though on a memory task depends not only on age but also on famil-
adults typically outperform children on tests of memory, this iarity with the specific task.
age difference could be reversed if children have more expert-
ise than adults. Chi recruited children who were expert chess Revisiting t h e Explanations
players and compared their memory skills with those of adults We can now draw four conclusions about the development of
who were familiar with the game but lacked expertise. On a learning and memory:
test of memory for sequences of digits, the children recalled 1. Older children have a greater information-processing
fewer than the adults did, demonstrating their usual deficien- capacity than younger children do, particularly in the sense
cies. But on a test of memory for the locations of chess pieces, that they are faster information processors and can juggle
the children clearly beat the adults (see Figure 8.3). Because more information in working memory.
they wrere experts, these children were able to form more and 2. Older children use more effective memory strategies in
larger mental chunks, or meaningful groups of chess pieces, encoding and retrieving information.
Figure 8*3 Effects of expertise on memory. Michelene Chi found that child
chess experts outperformed adult chess novices on a test of recall for the loca-
tion of chess pieces (although, in keeping with the usual developmental trend,
these children could not recall strings of numbers as well as adults could).
SOURCE: Adapted from Chi, M . T. H. (1978). Knowledge structures and memory development. !n R. Siegier (Ed.), Children's thinking: V'/hat develops?
Hillsdale, N J : Erlbaum. Copyright © 1S78 by Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. Inc. Reprinted by permission.
3. Older children know more about memory, and good 1.0
metamemory may help children choose more appropriate strate-
gies and control and monitor their learning more effectively. 0.9
4. Older children know more in general, and their larger Birth
knowledge base improves their ability to learn and remember. Hospital

0.8
Is there a best hypothesis? Darlene DeMarie and John
Death
Ferron (2003) tested whether a model that includes three of these
factors—basic capacities, strategies, and metamemory—could 0.7 Move
explain recall memory better than a single factor. For both
younger (5-8 years) and older (8-11 years) children, the three- 0.6
factor model predicted memory performance better than a sin-
CD
O
O
gle-factor model. Use of memory strategies was an especially
^ 0.5
strong direct predictor of recall. Importantly, there were also cor- C
OO
relations among factors. Having good basic capacities, for exam- cc
CD
0.4
ple, was related to advanced metamemory and to command of
strategies and held both direct and indirect influences on recall.
So all these phenomena may contribute something to the dra- 0.3 -
matic improvements in learning and memory that occur over
die childhood years. We return to these four hypotheses when we 0.2
consider changes in learning and memory in adulthood.
0.1 -
Much of what children remember and talk about consists of 0.0

1 2 3 4 5
everyday events that have happened to them. Children effort-
Age (in years) at time of event
lessly remember all sorts of things: a birthday party last week,
where they left their favorite toy, what to do when they go to a Figure 8.4 College students' recall of early life events increases as
fast-food restaurant. Such autobiographical memories are es- a function of how old they were a.t the time of the event.
sential ingredients of present and future experiences. Look at SOURCE: From Usher, J . A., & Neisser, U. (1S93). Childhood amnesia and the beginnings of memory for four early
how autobiographical memories are stored and organized and life events. Journal of Experimental Psychology:
Psychological Association. Reprinted by permission.
General, 122,155-'65. Copyright © 1293 by the American
at factors that influence their accuracy.

Collier, 1997). Also, young preschool children seem able to re-
W h e n D o Autobiographical M e m o r i e s Begin? member a good deal about events that occurred when they
You learned earlier in this chapter that infants and toddlers are were infants even though older children and adults cannot
able to store memories. You also know that children and (Bauer, 1996; Fivush, Gray, & Fromhoff, 1987). One explana-
adults have many specific autobiographical events stored in tion of childhood amnesia is that infants and toddlers may
long-term memory. Yet research shows that older children and not have enough space in working memory to hold the multi-
adults exhibit childhood (or infantile) amnesia; that is, they ple pieces of information about actor, action, and setting
have few autobiographical memories of events that occurred needed to encode a coherent memory of an event (White 8c
before about age 2 or age 3 (Hayne, 2004; Neisser, 2004). Pillemer, 1979). As you learned earlier in this chapter, func-
To determine how old we have to be when we experience tional working memory capacity increases with age.
significant life events to remember them, JoNell Usher and Also, infants do not use language, and adul ts do. Because
Ulric Neisser (1993) asked college students who had experi- autobiographical memory relies heavily on language skills, wre
enced the birth of a younger sibling, a hospitalization, the would expect such memories to increase with increased lan-
death of a family member, or a family move early in life to an- guage skills (Marian & Neisser, 2000). Gabrielle Simcock and
swer questions about those experiences (for example, who Harlene Hayne (2002) assessed the verbal skills of young chil-
told them their mothers were going to the hospital to give dren (27,33, and 39 months old) who participated in a unique
birth, what they were doing when she left, and where they event. After a 6- or 12-month delay, children were tested for
were when they first saw the new baby). As Figure 8.4 shows, both verbal and nonverbal recall of the unique event. Their
the proportion of memory questions students were able to an- nonverbal recall improved across the cige groups but was good
swer increased dramatically as age at the time of the experi- for all the children. Verbal recall was poor and relied entirely
ence increased. Overall, children had to be at least age 2 to re- on the simpler verbal skills present at the time of encoding
call the birth of a sibling or hospitalization and age 3 to recall rather than the more developed verbal skills present at the
the death of a family member or a move. time of recall. In other words, "children's verbal reports of the
Why do we remember little about our early years? As you event were frozen in time" (p. 229). So a relative lack of verbal
have seen, infants and toddlers are certainly capable of encod- skills during our first few years may limit what we are able to
ing their experiences (Fivush, 2002; Howe, 2000; Rovee- recall from this period. However, this language explanation
does not account for why children cannot remember nonver- are plenty of ideas about the causes of childhood amnesia but
bal information such as the faces of preschool classmates (Lie still no firm explanation of why a period of life that is highly
& Newcombe, 1999). important to later development is a blank for most of us.
Alternatively, perhaps memories no longer useful once we
reach new developmental levels and face new developmental Scripts
tasks are no longer retrieved and are therefore lost (Rovee- As children engage in routine daily activities such as getting
Collier & Boiler, 1995). Or maybe what is lacking is a sense of ready for bed or eating at a fast-food restaurant, they con-
self around which memories of personally experienced events struct scripts of these activities (Nelson, 1986). Scripts repre-
can be organized as "events that happened to me" (Howe 8c sent the typical sequence of actions related to an event and
Courage, 1993, 1997). Indeed, young children's ability to rec- guide future behaviors in similar settings (Schank 8c Abelson,
ognize themselves in a mirror is a good predictor of children's 1977). For instance, children who have been to a fast-food
ability to talk about their past (Harley Sc Reese, 1999). restaurant might have a script like this: Wait in line, tell the
Some researchers have tried to explain childhood amne- person behind the counter what you want, pay for the food,
sia in terms of fuzzy-trace theory (Howe, 2000). According to carry the tray of food to a table, open the packages and eat the
this explanation, children store verbatim and general accounts food, gather the trash, and throw it away before leaving. With
of an event separately. Verbatim information is unstable and this script in mind, children can act effectively in similar set-
likely to be lost over long periods (Leichtman & Ceci, 1993); it tings. Children as young as 3 years use scripts when reporting
is easier to remember the gist of an event than the details familiar events (Nelson, 1997). When asked about their visit to
(Brainerd & Reyna, 1993; Koriat, Goldsmith, & Pansky, 2000). a fast-food restaurant the day before, children report generally
With age, we are increasingly likely to rely on gist memory what happens when they go to the restaurant rather than what
traces, which are less likely to be forgotten and are more effi- specifically happened during yesterday's visit (Kuebli &
cient than verbatim memory traces in the sense that they take Fivush, 1994). As children age, their scripts become more de-
less space in memory (Brainerd & Gordon, 1994; Klaczynski, tailed. Perhaps more important than age, however, is experi-
2001). Children pass through a transition period from storing ence: Children with greater experience of an event develop
largely verbatim memories to storing more gist memories, richer scripts than children with less experience (DeMarie,
and the earlier verbatim memories are unlikely to be retained Norman, 8c Abshier, 2000).
over time (Howe, 2000).
Finally, there is evidence that although children may lose Eyewitness M e m o r y
explicit recall of early experiences, they retain some implicit Children's scripts affect their memory. For example, when
memories, at least for nonverbal information (such as class- presented with information inconsistent with their scripts,
mates' faces; see Lie & Newcombe, 1999). As you can see, there preschoolers may misremember the information so that it
<[ Children develop scripts in memory for routine activities that guide their behavior in these
situations.
better fits their script (Nelson & Hudson, 1988). This indicates provided one answer to this question by proposing that chil-
that memory is a reconstruction, not an exact replication dren progress through broad stages of cognitive growth, but
(Koriat, Goldsmith, & Pansky, 2000). This, in turn, has signif- information-processing theorists were not satisfied with this
icant implications for eyewitness memory (or testimony), or explanation. They sought to pinpoint more specific reasons
people reporting events that they witnessed or experienced— why problem-solving prowess improves so dramatically as
for example, you reporting that you saw your little brother children age.
snitch some candy before dinner. Children are increasingly Consider the problem of predicting what will happen to
asked to report events that have happened in the context of the balance beam in Figure 8.5 when weights are put on each
abuse cases or custody hearings (Bruck 8c Ceci, 1999; Ceci 8c side of the fulcrum, or balancing point. The goal is to decide
Bruck, 1998). To what extent can you "trust" a child's memory which way the balance beam will tip when it is released. To
in these situations? What factors influence the accuracy of judge correctly, you must take into account both the number
children's eyewitness memory? of weights and their distances from the fulcrum. Piaget be-
When asked generally about events ("Tell me what hap- lieved that concrete operational thinkers can appreciate the
pened at Uncle Joe's house"), preschoolers recall less informa- significance of either the amount of weight or its distance
tion than older children, but the recall of both groups is accu- from the center but will not grasp the inverse relationship be-
rate (Fivush & Hammond, 1989; Howe, Courage, 8c Peterson, tween the two factors. Only when they reach the stage of for-
1994). Specific questions ("Was Uncle Joe wearing a red mal operations will new cognitive structures allow them to
shirt?") elicit more information, but accuracy of recall begins understand that balance can be maintained by decreasing a
to slip (Hilgard 8c Loftus, 1979). This is especially true as the weight and moving it farther from the fulcrum or by increas-
questions become more directed or leading ("Uncle Joe ing a weight and moving it closer to the fulcrum (Piaget 8c
touched you here, didn't he?"). Preschool-age children, more Inhelder, 1969).
so than older children and adults, are suggestible; they can be Robert Siegler (1981,2000) proposed that the information-
influenced by information implied in direct questioning and processing perspective could provide a fuller analysis. His rule
by relevant information introduced after the event assessment approach determines what information about a
(Bjorklund, Brown, 8c Bjorklund, 2002). problem children take in and what rules they then formulate to
Perhaps it is unfortunate, then, that preschoolers, because account for this information. This approach assumes that
they initially offer less information in response to open-ended children's problem-solving attempts are not hit or miss but
questions, are asked a larger number of directed questions are governed by rules and that children fail to solve problems
(Baker-Ward et al., 1993; Price 8c Goodman, 1990). They are because they fail to encode all the critical aspects of the prob-
also frequently subjected to repeated questioning, which in- lem and are guided by faulty rules.
creases errors in reporting among children (Bjorklund, Siegler (1981) administered balance beam problems to
Brown, 8c Bjorklund, 2002). Although repeated questioning individuals ages 3 to 20. He detected clear age differences in
with general, open-ended questions can increase accuracy, re- the extent to which both weight and distance from the ful-
peated questioning with directed or closed questions can de- crum were taken into account in the rules that guided deci-
crease it (Memon 8c Vartoukian, 1996). For example, in a sions about which end of the balance beam would drop. Few
study with 5- and 6-year-olds, researchers "cross-examined" 3-year-olds used a rule; they guessed. By contrast, 4- and 5-
children about events that occurred on a field trip to a police year-olds were governed by rules. More than 80% of these
station during which the children saw a jail cell and police car children used a simple rule that said the side of the balance
and were fingerprinted and photographed (Zajac 8c Hayne, beam with greater weight would drop; they ignored distance
2003). After a delay of 8 months, children's memories wrere from the fulcrum. By age 8, most children had begun to con-
probed using irrelevant, leading, and ambiguous questions sider distance from the fulcrum and weight under some con-
like those you might hear in a courtroom. Many children ditions: when the weight on the two sides was equal, they ap-
"cracked" under the pressure as evidenced by backing down preciated that the side of the balance beam with the weights
and changing their answers in response to the questioning. farthest from the fulcrum would drop. By age 12, most chil-
Fully one out of three children changed all their answers, and dren considered both weight and distance on a range of prob-
most changed at least one answer. So although children can lems, although they still became confused on complex prob-
demonstrate accurate recall when asked clear and unbiased lems in which one side had more weights but the other had its
questions, this study shows that young children's memory for weights farther from the fulcrum. Finally, 30% of 20-year-olds
past events can quickly become muddied when the question-
ing becomes tough.
1
1 >
\
Memories are vital to problem-solving skills. To solve any
problem, a person must process information about the task, as Figure 80S The balance beam apparatus used by Robert Siegler
well as use stored information, to achieve a goal. How do to study children's problem-solving abilities. Which way will the bal-
problem-solving capacities change during childhood? Piaget ance beam tip?
discovered the correct rule—that the pull on each arm is a
More
function of weight times distance. For example, if there are
three weights on the second peg to the left and two weights on Strategy 1 Strategy 4 Strategy 5
>>
the fourth peg to the right, the left torque is 3 X 2 = 6 and the O)
o Strategy 2
"5
right torque is 2 X 4 = 8, so the right arm will drop. a—1
CO
The increased accuracy of young adults comes with a O)

c
price—increased time to solve the problem (van der Maas &
Jansen, 2003). Although, in general, information processing
o
time gets faster with age, the complex rules needed to success- CD
CO
fully solve all the variations of the balance beam problem de- 3
mands more time. So on some problems, adults are slower
than children because they are using a more sophisticated Less
Younger Older
strategy. children children
In most important areas of problem solving, Siegler
(1996) concluded, children do not simply progress from one Fegyre 8.6 Cognitive development may resemble overlapping
way of thinking to ano ther as they age, as his balance beam re- waves more than a staircase leading from one stage to another.
Children of a particular age typically use multiple thinking strategies
search suggested. Instead, in working problems in arithmetic,
rather than just one.
spelling, science, and other school subjects, most children in
SOURCE: Siegler {1996).
any age group use multiple rules or problem-solving strategies
rather than just one. In working a subtraction problem such
strategies replacing older, less effective strategies all at once as
as 12 — 3 = 9, for example, children sometimes count down
children move from one stage to another. Siegler argues that
from 12 until thevi have counted off 3 and arrive at 9 but other
strategies emerge gradually and become more effective over
times count from 3 until they reach 12. In one study of
time, with multiple strategies available any time.
second- and fourth-graders, more than 90% of the children
Imagine how effective teachers might be if they, like
used three or more strategies in working subtraction prob-
Siegler, could accurately diagnose the information-processing
lems (Siegler, 1989).
strategies of their learners to know what each child is noticing
Similarly, Michael Cohen (1996) found that most
(or failing to notice) about a problem and what rules or strate-
preschoolers used all possible strategies when attempting to
gies each child is using. Like a good car mechanic, the teacher
solve a practical mathematical problem in the context of play-
would be able to pinpoint the problem and encourage less use
ing store. He also found that children's selection and use of
of faulty strategies and rules and more use of adaptive ones.
strategies became more efficient over multiple task trials; that
Much remains to be learned about how problem-solving
is, they increasingly selected strategies that would allow them
strategies evolve as children age, and why. However, the rule
to solve the task in fewer steps.
assessment approach and overlapping waves model give a
Such results suggest that cognitive development works
fairly specific idea of what children are doing (or doing
much as evolution does, through a process of natural selection
wrong) as they attack problems and illustrate how the infor-
in which many ways of thinking are available and the most
mation-processing approach to cognitive development pro-
adaptive survive (Siegler, 1996, 2000; DeLoache, Miller, &
vides a different view of development than Piaget's account
Pierroutsakos, 1998). Rather than picturing development as a
does.
series of stages resembling stairsteps, Siegler argues, we should
picture it as overlapping waves, as shown in Figure 8.6. At each
Summing Up
age, children have multiple problem-solving strategies avail-
able to them; it is not "one child (or age), one rule." As chil- Memory improves during childhood with increased effi-
dren gain more cxpcricncc, which typically occurs as they age, ciency of basic information-processing capacities, greater
they use less-adaptive strategies less and more-adaptive strate- use of memory strategies, improvement in metamemory
gies more; occasionally, new strategies may appear. Strategies and growth of general knowledge base. Much of what we
evolve from their initial acquisition in a particular context to remember is autobiographical. Even though infants and
their generalization to other contexts, which helps strengthen toddlers show evidence of memory, older children and
the fledgling strategies (Chen & Siegler, 2000). Gradually, chil- adults often experience childhood amnesia, or lack of
dren not only learn to choose the most useful strategy for a memory for events that happened during infancy and early
problem but also become increasingly effective at executing childhood. Such childhood amnesia may occur because of
new strategies. Familiarity with a task and with strategies frees space limitations in working memory or because early
processing space, allowing children to engage in more events are stored in ways that make later retrieval difficult
metacognitive analysis of the strategies at their disposal or because children store more verbatim information and
(Whitebread, 1999). less gist. By age 3, children store routine daily events as
Notice the difference between this information-processing scripts that they can draw on in similar situations. O u r
explanation and Piaget's explanation of cognitive change. Piaget scripts influence what we remember about an event,
argued that change is qualitative, with new7, more effective which is also influenced by information related t o but
conning after the event. Even young children can use sys- 5 r-
tematic rules to solve problems, but their problem-solving
Relevant items Irrelevant items
skills improve as they replace faulty rules with ones that in-
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Although parents in the midst of reminding their adolescent

sons and daughters to do household chores or homework may /
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wonder whether teenagers process any information, learning,
memory, and problem solving continue to improve considerably 0
2nd-graders 5th-graders 8th-graders
during the adolescent years. How does this improvement occur? (age 7.5 yr) (age 10.25 yr) (age 13.5 yr)
First, new learning and memory strategies emerge. It is
during adolescence that the memory strategy of elaboration is Figure 8,7 Adolescents are better able than children
mastered (Schneider & Presslev, 1997). Adolescents also de- to concentrate on learning relevant material and to ig-
nore irrelevant material.
velop and refine advanced learning and memory strategies
SOURCE: Miller & W e i s s (1981}.
highly relevant to school learning—for example, note-taking
and underlining skills. Ann Brown and Sandra Smiley (1978)
asked students from 5th to 12th grade (approximately 11-18 Adolescents make other strides besides these changes in
years) to read and recall a story. Some learners were asked to memory strategies. Basic capacities continue to increase; for ex-
recall the story immediately; others were given an additional 5 ample, adolescents perform any number of cognitive operations
minutes to study it before they were tested. Amazingly, fifth- more speedily than children do (Kail, 1991). Adolescents con-
graders gained almost nothing from the extra study period ex- tinue to expand their knowledge base, so they may do better
cept for those few who used the time to underline or take than children on some tasks simply because they know more
notes. The older junior high school students benefited to an ex- about the topic. Metamemory and metacognition also improve.
tent, but only senior high school students used underlining For example, adolescents become better able to tailor their read-
and note-taking methods effectively to improve their recall. ing strategies to different purposes (studying versus skimming)
When some groups of students were told specifically that they and better able to realize when they do not understand some-
could underline or take notes if they wished, fifth-graders still thing (Baker & Brown, 1984). They can monitor their strategy
did not improve, largely because they tended to underline choice, selecting elaboration over rote repetition when they real-
everything rather than to highlight the most important points. ize that the former is more effective (Pressley, Levin, 8c Ghatala,
1984). They are also fairly accurate at monitoring whether or not
Second, adolescents make more deliberate use of strate-
they have allocated adequate study time to learn new material
gies that younger children use unconsciously (Bjorklund,
(Kelemen, 2000). Teens typically allocate more study time to in-
1985). For example, they may deliberately organize a list of
formation judged to be difficult, indicating that they understand
words instead of simply using the organization or grouping
this material needs additional processing to be retained (Thiede
that happens to be there already. And they use existing strate-
8c Dunlosky, 1999). Interestingly, when pressed for time, college
gies more selectively. For example, they are adept at using
students devote more study time to easy items (Son & Metcalfe,
their strategies to memorize the material on which they know
2000). Apparently, they decide it is futile to work on the difficult
they will be tested and at deliberately forgetting anything else
material when they do not have adequate time, so they spend
(Bray, Hersh, & Turner, 1985; Lorsbach & Reimer, 1997). To il-
their time on what seems most likely to pay off. Hopefully, you
lustrate, Patricia Miller and Michael Weiss (1981) asked chil-
can see the implication of this for your own studying: Set aside
dren to remember the locations of animals that had been hid-
enough time to study all the material; otherwise, you may end
den behind small doors, ignoring the household objects
up in a time crunch reviewing only the easy material.
hidden behind other doors. As Figure 8.7 shows, 13-year-olds
recalled more than 7- and 10-year-olds about where the ani- Growth in strategies, basic capacities, knowledge base,
mals had been hidden, but they remembered less about task- and metacognition probably also helps explain the growth in
irrelevant information (the locations of the household ob- everyday problem-solving ability that occurs during the ado-
jects). Apparently, they are better able to push irrelevant lescent years. Teenagers perfect several information-process-
information out of working memory so that it does not inter- ing skills and become able to apply them deliberately and
fere with task performance (Lorsbach & Reimer, 1997). So, spontaneously across a variety of tasks.
during elementary school, children get better at distinguishing
between what is relevant and what is irrelevant, but during l o g Up
adolescence they advance further by selectively using their Adolescents are able to use more sophisticated memory
memory strategies only on the relevant material. If it is not strategies, although they often rely on the strategy of re-
going to be on the test, forget it! hearsal that served them well during childhood. Their
knowledge bases and metamemory skills also improve care little for baseball perceive and remember the same game?
and contribute to increased memory performance and George Spilich and his associates (1979) had baseball experts
problem-solving ability. E and novices listen to a tape of a half inning of play. Experts re-
called more of the information central to the game—the im-
portant plays and the fate of each batter, in proper order—
whereas novices were caught by facts such as the threatening
T h e Adult weather conditions and the number of people attending the
game. Experts also recalled more details—for example, noting
If you are about age 20, you will be pleased to know that the that a double was a line drive down the left-field line rather
young adult college student has served as the standard of ef- than just a double. At any age, experts in a field are likely to re-
fective information processing against which all other age member new information in that content domain more fully
groups are compared. Although information processes are than novices do (Morrow et al., 1994).
thought to be most efficient in young adults, improvements in In addition, experts are able to use their elaborately or-
cognitive performance continue during the adult years before ganized and complete knowledge bases to solve problems ef-
aging begins to take its toll on some memory and problem- fectively and efficiently (Proffitt, Coley, & Medin, 2000). They
solving capacities. are able to size up a situation quickly, see what the problem re-
ally is, and recognize howr the new problem is similar to and
different from problems encountered in the past (Glaser &
Chi, 1988). They can quickly, surely, and almost automatically
Comparing people new to their chosen fields of study with call up the right information from their extensive knowledge
those more experienced tells researchers that experience pays base to devise effective solutions to problems and to carry
off in more effective memory and problem-solving skills. In them out efficiently.
/
Chapter 7, you saw that people in Piaget's highest stage of cog- Are the benefits of expertise content-specific, or does
nitive development, formal operations, often perform better gaining expertise in one domain carry over into other do-
in their areas of specialization than in unfamiliar areas. mains and make a person a more generally effective learner or
Similarly, information-processing research shows that adults problem solver? This is an interesting and important question.
often function best cognitively in domains in which they have One research team (Ericsson, Chase, & Faloon, 1980) put an
achieved expertise (Byrnes, 1996; Ericsson, 1996; Glaser & average college student to work improving the number of dig-
Chi, 1988). It seems to take about 10 years of training and exits he could recall. He practiced for about 1 hour a day, 3 to 5
perience to become a true expert in a field and to build a rich days a week, for more than 1V2 years—more than 200 hours
and well-organized knowledge base (Ericsson, 1996). But once in all. His improvement? He went from a memory span of 7
this base is achieved, the expert not only knows and remem- digits to one of 79 digits. His method involved forming mean-
bers more but thinks also more effectively than individuals ingful associations between strings of digits and running
who lack expertise. times—for example, seeing 3492 as "3 minutes and 49 point 2
Consider first the effects of knowledge base on memory. seconds, hear world-record mile time" (p. 1181). It also in-
How might adults who are baseball experts and adults who volved chunking numbers into groups of three or four then
organizing the chunks into large units.
Did all this work pay off in a better memory for informa-
tion other than numbers? Not really. When he was given let-
ters of the alphabet to recall, this young man s memory span
JtHM
3>"Yil
was unexceptional (about six letters). Clearly the memory
ability he developed wras based on strategies of use only in the
subject matter he was trying to remember. Similarly, Rajan
Mahadevan, a man with an exceptional memory for arrays of
numbers, turns out to possess no special ability for remem-
bering the positions and orientations of objects (Biederman et
al., 1992), and Shakuntala Devi, a woman who can solve com-
plex mathematical problems in her head at amazing speeds, is
apparently average at performing other cognitive operations
(Jensen, 1990). Each expert apparently relies on domain-
specific knowledge and domain-specific information-process-
ing strategies to achieve cognitive feats (Ericsson & Kintsch,
SSSSt
1995; Schunn & Anderson, 1999).
<[ Adults who have gained proficiency in their chosen fields can Sometimes, domain expertise can be a hindrance. Tax
draw from their well-organized knowledge bases to find just the experts typically outperform tax novices on hypothetical tax
right information to fit the problem at hand. Solving problems is au- cases that do not fit a general tax principle (Marchant et al.,
tomatic and effortless for experts. 1991). But when primed to think about a general tax princi-
pie, experts had more trouble than novices on a tax case that Finally, research on autobiographical memory has re-
violated this principle, presumably because they had trouble vealed that people recall more information from their late
"overriding" the rich source of information activated in their teens and early 20s than from any other time frame except
memory (Lewandowsky & Kirsner, 2000). And although for the near present (Fitzgerald, 1999; Rubin, 2002; Rybash,
older adults know more about the world than younger 1999). Figure 8.8 shows the number of memories recalled by
adults, they do not always perform better when given an ex- 70-year-old adults. Not surprisingly, they recalled a lot from
plicit memory task (Foos & Sarno, 1998). In one study for their recent past (for example, age 65). But the number of
example, older adults first demonstrated that they had memories recalled from about ages 15 to 25 was higher than
greater knowledge of U.S. presidents than younger adults. the number recalled from other points of the life span. Why?
Both groups were then given a set of 20 presidents' names to Possibly, this period of life is more memorable because it is
study for as long as they wanted before being tested for recall instrumental in shaping who people are as adults and is of-
and recognition of the list (Foos & Sarno, 1998). The ten full of significant life changes (Fitzgerald, 1999). David
younger adults outperformed the older ones. The older Rubin (2002) suggests that the bump, as he calls it, occurs
adults spent less time studying the list than the younger because memories from adolescence and early adulthood are
adults, possibly because they were confident that they al- more easily accessible than memories from other periods of
ready knew the familiar material. the life span. They are more accessible because of their dis-
It is evident that experts know more than novices do, tinctiveness and the effort applied to understanding the
their knowledge base is more organized, and they are able to meaning of the events recalled (Rubin, Rahhal, 8c Poon,
use their knowledge and the specialized strategies they have 1998).
devised to learn, remember, and solve problems efficiently in
their areas of expertise—but not in other domains. In effect,
experts do not need to think much; they are like experienced
drivers who can put themselves on "autopilot" and carry out No less an expert on learning than B. F. Skinner complained
wTell-learned routines quickly and accurately. By gaining ex- about memory problems: "One of the more disheartening ex-
pertise over the years, adults can often compensate for losses periences of old age is discovering that a point you have just
in information-processing capacities, the next topic. made—so significant, so beautifully expressed—was made by
you in something you published a long time ago" (Skinner,
1983, p. 242). Most elderly adults report that they have at least
minor difficulties remembering things (Smith et al., 1996).
Earlier in this chapter, we examined the emergence of autobi- They are especially likely to have trouble remembering names
ographical memories and you learned that most adults do not
remember much about, their early years. What, then, do adults
remember about their pasts? To begin to understand the na-
ture of autobiographical memories, Christopher Burt and his 35
colleagues (2003) had some adults record their daily experi-
ences in diaries and others take photographs, creating a visual
30
diary of their experiences. Both groups were then tested for re-
call of their experiences after an interval of 4 or 5 months.
From this, Burt and his colleagues learned that autobiograph- 25
ical memories of an event often include what was initially 0
(Tj
recorded as several episodes rather than a single episode. O

E 20
Thus, memories for events in a person s past are complex in- CD
E
tegrations of multiple episodes occurring over time.
c
Other research indicates that memories of our former CD
O
15
selves are often negative compared with our current percep- CD
Q_
tions (Berntsen & Rubin, 2002; Ross 8c Wilson, 2003). Thus, a 10
woman might recall that she used to be awkward in social sit-
uations compared with how comfortable and sophisticated
she is now. Or a couple may recall how intolerant they were as
young parents compared with how tolerant they are now. At
the time these people were supposedly so awkward or intoler- 0
ant, they did not perceive themselves that way; only in hind- 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70
sight do people have this perspective. The extent to which
Age at time of event
people recall their past selves as worse than their current selves
depends on whether they feel that their past selves are distant Figure 8.8 The distribution of autobiographical memories over
enough from their current selves, regardless of how much the life span of older adults (70 years).
time has passed (Ross & Wilson, 2003). SOURCE: Rubin, Wetzler, & Nebes (1985, pp. 2G2-221). Reprinted by permission of Cambridge University Press.
A s we age, or watch parents and grandparents age, how can
we distinguish between normal forgetfulness and abnor-
mal memory changes? Many older adults worry that forgetting
healthy groups of adults performed at above-chance levels in
categorizing items, whereas the Alzheimer's disease patients
were below chance and sharply different from all the healthy
an appointment or where they put their reading glasses is a groups. Clearly, normal aging does not take nearly the toll on
precursor to the pathological memory loss associated with memory skills that Alzheimer's disease does.
Alzheimer's disease (see Chapter 16). Fortunately, most of us How, then, can family members and professionals recog-
will not develop Alzheimer's disease (AD) and the atypical nize the difference between normal and unhealthy memory
memory changes that accompany it. Most will, however, ex- deficits? Cynthia Green (2001) suggests three criteria that can
hibit some changes in memory and information-processing be used to alert us to atypical memory problems:
skills. So how can we discriminate between normal memory
changes and those associated with disease? • Has memory gotten noticeably worse over the past 6
months?
Giovanni Carlesimo and his colleagues (1998) compared
• Do memory problems interfere with everyday activi-
the memory performance of healthy younger, elderly, and very
ties at home or work?
old adults with that of adults with Alzheimer's disease. The
• Are family and friends concerned about an individual's
table in this Explorations box shows how the four groups
memory problems?
compared on a digit-span test assessing how many pieces of
information can be held in short-term memory and on imme- Answering "yes" to these questions may indicate unusual
diate and delayed recall of semantically related items.The digit memory loss that should be evaluated by a professional.
span of Alzheimer's disease patients was worse than that of In practical terms, it is normal to forget where you put
their healthy age-mates, although it was not markedly different something but abnormal to forget how to use it (Cherry &
from that of very old adults. However, recall was clearly defi- Smith, 1998).Thus, do not worry when Grandpa cannot find
cient in Alzheimer's disease patients compared not only with his car keys, but be alert if he cannot remember how to use
their age-mates but also with very old healthy adults. Even them when they are in his hand. Similarly, it is normal to for-
more striking was the difference in the extent to which the get a new phone number you recently looked up in the phone
groups took advantage of the semantic relatedness of items to book but abnormal to forget phone numbers you have known
help their memory. The last column shows that the three and used for years.
Age, Memory Performance, and Clustering Scores of Healthy Adults and Adults with Alzheimer's Disease
Average Age
(in years) Digit Span Immediate Recall Delayed Recall Clustering Index
Young Adults 29 6.4 51 12 + 0.25
Elderly Adults 67 5.5 39 9 + 0.24
Very Old Adults 83 4.6 34 7 + 0.30
Alzheimer's Patients 67 4.3 18 2 -0.13
and items they will need later; they are also more upset than ber what they have learned less well. However, the following
young adults by memory lapses, perhaps because they view qualifications are important:
them as signs of aging (Cavanaugh, Grady, & Perlmutter, ° Most of the research is based on cross-sectional stud-
1983). The Explorations box on this page describes when for- ies that compare age groups, which suggests that the age
getfulness is normal and when it is indicative of a more seri- differences detected could be related to factors other than
ous problem. age.
• Declines, when observed, typically do not become no-
Areas of S t r e n g t h and W e a k n e s s ticeable until the late 60s and 70s. Indeed, the memory of
Much research indicates that, on average, older adults learn "young-old" adults (60-70 years) is more similar to that of
new material more slowly and sometimes learn it less well young adults (18-34 years) than to that of older adults (71-82
than young and middle-aged adults do and that they remem- years; Cregger & Rogers, 1998).
some of the major weaknesses—and, by implication,
strengths—of the older adult.
Timed Tasks. On average, older adults are slower than

younger adults are to learn and retrieve information; they may
need to go through the material more times to learn it equally
well and may need more time to respond when their memory
Researchers who study memory now believe there is tested. Thus, they are hurt by time limits (Finkel et al.,
is a third type of memory loss between normal loss with 2003b).
age and pathological loss from disease (Petersen et al.,
1997, 2001). Some individuals may develop mild cogni- Unfamiliar Content. Older adults fare especially poorly
tive impairment. They experience significant memory compared with younger adults when the material to be
problems—forgetting important appointments, trouble learned is unfamiliar or meaningless—when they cannot tie it
learning new names, and repeating themselves to the same to their existing knowledge. In a convincing demonstration of
person—but otherwise do not appear to be suffering from how familiarity influences memory, researchers had young
dementia. At least not yet. Some research suggests that as
and elderly adults examine words likely to be more familiar to
many as 80% of those with mild cognitive impairment will
the young adults at the time of the testing (for example, dude,
eventually develop Alzheimer's disease (Morris et al., 2001).
disco, and bummer) and words from the past likely to be more
The good news is that age-related memory loss may be
familiar to the older adults (for example, pompadour, gramo-
preventable, and some losses may be reversible. Reducing
phone, and vamp). Young adults outperformed older adults on
stress, for example, is one way to improve memory per-
the "new" words, but older adults outperformed young adults
formance (Bremner & Narayan, 1998). Chronic stress ele-
on the "old" words (Barrett & Wright, 1981). Many memory
vates levels of Cortisol in the brain, which impedes memory.
A study by the MacArthur Foundation found that three tasks involve learning unfamiliar material and thus do not al-
things predicted good memory over time: physical fitness low older adults to use their knowledge base.
and activity, mental activity, and a sense of control over life
events (Rowe & Kahn, 1998). Mental activity—working Artificial Tasks. Memory is often assessed in the artificial
crossword puzzles, reading, playing musical instruments— context of the laboratory, which may be more detrimental to
increases connections among neurons. Physical activity older adults than to young ones. In a recent meta-analysis of
seems to release chemicals that protect neurons involved in prospective memory, or memory for future events (for exam-
cognitive function. Thus, remaining physically and mentally ple, remembering that you must take your medicine at bed-
active can help protect against memory loss associated with time), Julie Henry and her colleagues (2004) reported that
aging. Having a sense of control over memory can boost older adults performed significantly worse in laboratory con-
both confidence and memory performance. texts. In naturalistic contexts, however, the older adults out-
In sum, significant memory loss is not likely among performed the younger adults. So when the task is meaningful,
healthy older adults. It is true that, relative to young adults, older adults may be able to draw on their greater experience or
older adults exhibit poorer memory performance in some knowledge bases to enhance their memory performance.
situations. But these changes are minor and can often be
avoided by remaining physically and mentally active. Families
Unexercised Skills. Older adults are also likely to be at a dis-
and professionals should be on the lookout for older adults
advantage when they are required to use learning and mem-
who show marked declines in their memory performance.
ory skills that they rarely use in daily life; they hold their own
They may be experiencing mild cognitive impairment and may
when they can rely on well-practiced skills that have become
eventually develop Alzheimer's disease and impaired memory.
effortless and automatic with practice. For example, Lynne
Reder, Cynthia Wible, and John Martin (1986) found that eld-
erly adults were just as good as young adults at judging
whether sentences presented to them were plausible based on
• Difficulties in remembering affect elderly people more a story they had read. Judging whether something makes sense
noticeably as they continue to age and are most severe among in the context of what has been read is a well-exercised ability.
the oldest elderly people. However, older adults were deficient when it came to judging
• Not all older people experience these difficulties. whether specific sentences had or had not appeared in the
• Not all kinds of memory tasks cause older people diffi- story—a skill seldom used outside school. It seems that older
culty. adults read to get the gist or significance of a story and do not
Studies of memory skills in adulthood suggest that the as- bother with the details, a strategy that may be adaptive if they
pects of learning and memory in which older adults look most have no need to memorize details and if their ability to do so
deficient in comparison with young and middle-aged adults has fallen off with age (Adams, 1991; Stine-Morrow, Loveless,
are some of the same areas in which young children compare & Soederberg, 1996). In other ways, age differences are smaller
unfavorably with older children (for reviews, see Guttentag, when well-practiced skills are assessed than when less-
1985; Smith & Earles, 1996). The following sections describe practiced skills are assessed (Denney, 1982).
Recall versus Recognition. Older adults are likely to be probably help older adults compensate for losses in informa-
more deficient on tasks requiring recall memory than on tasks tion-processing efficiency (Salthouse, 1993). Thus, older pi-
requiring only recognition of what was learned (Charles, lbts are as adept as younger pilots and better than nonpilots at
Mather, & Carstensen, 2003). In one study of memory for repeating back flight commands, but they show the usual ef-
high school classmates (Bahrick, Bahrick, & Wittlinger, 1975), fects of aging if they are given tasks less relevant to their work
even adults who were almost 35 years past graduation could (Morrow et al., 1994). Older adults perform better than
recognize which of five names matched a picture in their year- younger adults on memory tasks in which they can sponta-
book about 90% of the time. However, the ability to actively neously use analogies, another indication that a rich knowl-
recall names of classmates when given only their photos as edge base can aid memory (Caplan & Schooler, 2001).
cues dropped considerably as the age of the rememberer in- Knowledge enhances learning (Kaplan & Murphy, 2000).
creased. A large gap between recognition and recall shows that Indeed, as Paul Baltes has put it, "Knowledge is power!"
older people have encoded and stored the information but (Baltes, Smith, & Staudinger, 1992, p. 143).
cannot retrieve it without the help of cues. Sometimes older
adults fail to retrieve information because they never thor- Metamemory. Could elderly adults, like young children, be
oughly encoded or learned it, but at other times they simply deficient in the specific knowledge called metamemory? Is
cannot retrieve information that is "in there." their knowledge of some of the strategies that prove useful in
school learning—and in laboratory memory tasks—rusty?
Explicit Memory Tasks. Finally, older adults seem to have This theory sounds plausible, but research shows that older
more trouble with explicit memory tasks that require mental adults seem to know as much as younger adults about such
effort than with implicit memory tasks that involve more au- things as which memory strategies are best and which mem-
tomatic mental processes (Light & LaVoie, 1993; Mitchell & ory tasks are hardest (Light, 1991). Yet there is a difference be-
Bruss, 2003). Some researchers report a small decline with age tween knowing about memory and believing that you can
even in implicit memory, but the larger loss is in explicit remember things. Older adults do express more negative
memory (Maki, Zonderman, 8c Weingartner, 1999). beliefs about their memory skills than younger adults do
Overall, these findings suggest that older adults, like
young children, have difficulty with tasks that are cognitively
demanding—that require speed, the learning of unfamiliar
material, the use of unexercised abilities, recall rather than
recognition, or explicit and effortful rather than implicit and
automatic memory. Yet older adults and young children have
difficulty for different reasons, as you will now see.
E x p l a i n i n g D e c l i n e s in O l d A g e
In asking why some older adults struggle with some learning
and memory tasks, first return to the hypotheses used to ex-
plain childhood improvements in performcince: knowledge
base, metamemory, strategy use, and basic processing capaci-
ties. Then consider some additional possibilities.
Knowledge Base. Start with the hypothesis that differences

in knowledge base explain differences between older and
younger adults. You immediately encounter a problem: Young
children may lack knowledge, but elderly adults do not.
Indeed, older adults are generally at least as knowledgeable as
young adults (Camp, 1989; Hess & Pullen, 1996). They often
equal or surpass younger adults on measures of vocabulary
and knowledge of word meanings (Light, 1991; West, Crook,
8< Barron, 1992). Moreover, they know a lot about the world.
For example, they know more than younger adults about real-
world categories of information such as U.S. presidents, coun-
tries, international cities, and bodies of water (Foos & Sarno,
1998). They also still knowT a surprising amount of informa-
tion they learned in high school Spanish, algebra, and geome-
try courses taken as many as 50 years earlier (Bahrick, 1984;
Bahrick & Hall, 1991). So, deficiencies in knowledge base are
probably not the source of most memory problems that many <S Many adults continue to expand their knowledge bases well into
older adults display. On the contrary, gains in knowledge old age.
(Cavanaugh, 1996). Although memory loss may contribute to skills in later life and point to the influence of culture and its
a drop in confidence in memory skills, negative beliefs about views of aging on performance.
memory skills also appear to hurt memory performance
(Cavanaugh, 1996; McDonald-Miszczak, Hertzog, & Hultsch, Memory Strategies. What about the hypothesis that failure
1995). to use effective memory strategies accounts for deficits in old
Becca Levy and Ellen Langer (1994) suggest that part of age? Many older adults do not spontaneously use strategies
the problem lies in U.S. society's negative stereotypes of such as organization and elaboration even though they know
aging—specifically, the stereotype of elderly people as forget- them and are capable of using them (Light, 1991; Smith &
ful. These researchers tested the memory of young and elderly Earles, 1996). This may be an important part of the problem
adults (ages 59-91) in three groups: hearing Americans, deaf when older adults are asked to deliberately memorize some-
Americans, and hearing Chinese. In both the American deaf thing. But why do many older adults fail to use effective
and Chinese cultures, elders are respected and negative stereo- strategies?
types of intellectual aging are not as prevalent as they are
among hearing Americans. As Figure 8.9 shows, young adults Basic Processing Capacities. The answer may lie in the
in the three groups performed about equally well on a set of fourth hypothesis—the notion that basic processing capaci-
recall tasks, but Chinese elders clearly outperformed both deaf ties change with age. Which capacities? Much attention has fo-
American elders (who were second best) and hearing cused on declines in the capacity to use working memory to
American elders. Elderly Chinese adults scored only a little operate actively on a lot of information simultaneously.
lower than young Chinese adults despite having less educa- Working memory capacity increases during childhood and
tion. In addition, those older people in the study who believed adolescence, peaks around age 45, then begins to decline
that aging brings about memory loss performed more poorly (Swanson, 1999). Moreover, an adults working memory ca-
than those who did not hold this belief. Levy (1996) has also pacity predicts how well he will perform on a range of cogni-
shown that activating negative stereotypes in the minds of tive tasks (Engle et al., 1999; Salthouse, 1992).
elderly adults (through rapid, subliminal presentation of Both young children and older adults, it seems, need to
words such as Alzheimer's and senile on a computer screen) devote more space in working memory than older children or
causes them to perform worse on memory tests and to express young adults do to carrying out basic mental operations such
less confidence in their memory skills than when positive as recognizing stimuli (Guttentag, 1985; Kail & Salthouse,
stereotypes of old age are planted in their minds (through 1994). This leaves less space for other purposes, such as think-
words such as wise and sage). Findings such as these clearly ing about or rehearsing material. You have seen that both
call into question the idea of a universal decline in memory young children and older adults do relatively well when learn-
ing and remembering can take place automatically—when
mental effort is not required—but they struggle when they
Young adult Older adult must exert a great deal of mental effort or carry out several ac-
(ages 15-30) (ages 59-91) tivities at once. For example, research shows that trying to
8 r- memorize a list of words while walking is more problematic
for older adults than for middle-aged or younger adults (Li et
7 6.69 al., 2001; Lindenberger, Marsiske, & Baltes, 2000).
6.34
_a> 5.98
ctf 6 Limitations in working memory capacity are most likely
o
oo 5.50
CD
M rooted in slower functioning of the nervous system both early
O
c
<
and late in life (Earles & Kersten, 1999; Salthouse, 1992; also
en
E see Chapter 5). Much research shows that speed of processing
o 3.45 increases during childhood and adolescence, peaks in early
q5 •
CL adulthood, then declines slowly over the adult years (Frieske &
o 2.03
Park, 1999; Kail & Salthouse, 1994). Much research also shows
E
CD
1 ' that age differences in performance on cognitive tasks often
shrink when age differences in speed of information process-
1
~ j ing are taken into account and controlled. Experience in a do-
0 main of learning can certainly enhance performance, but if
Hearing Deaf Chinese children and older adults generally have sluggish "computers,"
adults (U.S.) adults (U.S.) adults
they simply may not be able to keep up with the processing
Figure 8.9 Declines in memory skills in old age are not universal. demands of complex learning and memory tasks (Kail &
In Chinese culture, elderly people are not stereotyped as forgetful or Salthouse, 1994). Slow neural transmission, then, may be be-
senile. Perhaps as a result, Chinese elders perform almost as well as hind limitations in working memory in both childhood and
young Chinese adults on memory tasks, whereas in the United old age. Limitations in working memory, in turn, may con-
States, elders, especially in the hearing population, perform poorly tribute not only to limitations in long-term memory but also
Soulier: From Levy, B., & Langer, E. (1994). Aging free from negative stereotypes: Successful memory in China
to difficulties performing a range of cognitive tasks, including
and among the American deaf. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 66,989-997. Copyright © 1994 by
the American Psychological Association. Reprinted by permission. problem-solving tasks and tests of intelligence, even those that
H ave you noticed that the material in this chapter has great
potential value to teachers? The information-processing
perspective has yielded better methods for diagnosing learning
How well do older adults respond to attempts to teach
them more effective memory strategies? To answer this, con-
sider the interesting work of Paul Baltes and his colleagues. In
problems and improving instruction. Here we focus on interven- one study (Kliegl, Smith, & Baltes, 1990), these researchers
tions aimed at boosting the memory skills of young children and trained young adults (ages 19-29) and old adults (ages 60-80)
older adults. Just how much can be achieved through training? in a mnemonic technique called the m e t h o d of loci. It in-
Garrett Lange and Sarah Pierce (1992) took on the chal- volves devising a mental map of a route through a familiar
lenge of teaching the memory strategy of organization (group- place (such as the person's home) and then creating images
ing) to 4- and 5-year-olds. Using pictures of objects and animals that link items to be learned to landmarks along the route. For
as the stimuli, they taught these preschoolers a "group-and- example, the German adults in the study were taught to asso-
name trick" that involved sorting items to be learned into ciate words on word lists with well-known landmarks in
groups based on similarity, naming the group, naming the items Berlin; they continued to practice for many sessions so that
within the group, and, at recall, naming the group before calling their maximal level of performance could be assessed.
out the items within that group. Because such memory-training The accomplishments of these adults were remarkable,
programs have not always been successful, these researchers as the figure in this Applications box shows. Older adults im-
attempted to increase motivation through encouragement and proved from recalling fewer than 3 words in correct order
praise.They even included training in metamemory:They made
sure children understood the rationale for the sorting strategy,
knew when it could be used, and could see firsthand that it
could improve their performance.
How successful was the training? These children did virtu-
ally no sorting of items to be learned before they were trained,
but they did a good deal of it after training, even 7 days later.
They clearly learned to use the organization strategy they were
taught.They also outperformed untrained control children on
measures of recall. However, the gains in recall were fairly small
compared with the much larger gains in strategy use. These
young children demonstrated utilization deficiencies:They could
not derive full benefit from the memory strategy they were
taught, possibly because they did not have the working memory
capacity to carry out the strategy. Other programs that teach
memory strategies and metacognitive skills to elementary 5 10 15 20 25 30 35
school children often work much better, especially with children Session ( = Instruction, = Practice)
who are underachievers and who may be capable of executing
strategies but fail to do so on their own (Hattie, Biggs, & Purdie, Trained to use the method of loci then given many practice ses-
1996). Still, the benefits of training are often domain-specific; sions, young adults improve their ability to recall word lists more
they do not generalize to learning tasks different from those than older adults do, suggesting that aging places limits on maximal
that were the focus of training. Perhaps this makes sense if you performance. Still, eiderly adults benefit considerably from training
realize that the strategies that work best in learning math skills in this memory strategy.
may be different from the strategies that work best in learning SOURCE: Adapted from Baltes. P. B., & Kliegl, P.. (19S2). Further testing of limits of cognitive plasticity:
historical facts or basketball skills.

Negative age differences in a mnemonic skill are robust. Developmental Psychology, 28,121-125. Copyright
<S> 1392 by the American Psychological Association. Reprinted by permission.
have no time limits (Fry & Hale, 1996; Kail 8c Salthouse, pacity hypothesis cannot explain everything about age differ-
1994). ences in memory (Light, 1991). You must consider some ad-
To this point, then, you might conclude that many older ditional hypotheses, including sensory changes and a variety
adults, although they have a vast knowledge base and a good of contextual factors.
deal of knowledge about learning and memory, experience de-
clines in basic processing capacity that make it difficult for Sensory Changes. As you learned in Chapter 6, older
them to carry out memory strategies that will drain their lim- adults experience declines in sensory abilities. Might these
ited working-memory capacity. But the basic processing ca- affect memory performance? Yes indeed. Research shows
after hearing a 30-word list only once to recalling 13 words, were able to recall the names weeks later after training.The
and young adults upped their performance even more, from technique appears to work because it uses implicit memory
6 to more than 20 words. In another study, even older adults processes; adults learn effortlessly when they repeatedly en-
(ages 75-101) were similarly trained to use the method of counter the material to be learned.
loci then tested to see whether training influenced memory Finally, it sometimes makes more sense to change the
performance (Singer, Lindenberger, & Baltes, 2003). Again, it learning environment than to change the learner (Pressley,
did, although not as much as with the "younger" old adults. 1983). If, for example, young children and some older adults
Very old adults improved from about 3 to 7 words after do not spontaneously organize the material they are learning
training. to make it more meaningful, it can be organized for them.
These findings show that there is a great deal of cognitive Giving children practice at learning highly organized material
plasticity and potential throughout the life span. As Baltes and can help them master the grouping strategy on their own
his colleagues put it, older adults have considerable "reserve ca- (Best, 1993). Similarly, if the material to be learned is unfamil-
pacity" that can be tapped through intensive training. Despite iar, you can use examples or analogies that will help learners
limitations in basic processing capacity, older adults can master relate it to something that is familiar (for example, teaching a
powerful memory techniques that enable them to outperform senior citizens' group about the federal budget by likening it
young adults who have not learned and practiced these tech- to their personal budgets). If young children and older adults
niques. Memory training programs can also improve aspects of need more time, let them set their own pace.
metamemory, including elders' negative beliefs about their mem- To use a real-world example, older adults have more trou-
ory capacities and their memory monitoring skills (Dunlosky, ble understanding and remembering information about their
Kubat-Silman, & Hertzog, 2003; Floyd & Scogin, 1997). drug prescriptions than young adults do (Morrell, Park, &
This study and others also show that older adults, especially Poon, 1989). Yet by writing clear, organized instructions and
those who have experienced steep cognitive declines, profit less spending time explaining to older patients what they are to
from memory training than young adults do (Verhaeghen & do, health care professionals can simplify the learning task
Marcoen, 1996). Both children and elderly adults coached to use (Morrell, Park, & Poon, 1989).Alternatively, older adults can be
memory strategies often fail to use them in new learning situa- given external memory aids. Denise Park and her colleagues
tions, perhaps because these strategies simply require too much (1992) explored the benefits of two such aids: an organization
mental effort (Singer et al., 2003). chart (a poster or pocket-sized table giving an hour-by-hour
What, then, is the solution? If some memory strategies are account of when drugs should be taken) and a medication or-
too mentally taxing for many young children and elderly ganizer (a dispenser with columns for different days of the
adults, it may make more sense to capitalize on their memory week and pill compartments for times of the day). Adults over
strengths. Knowing that implicit memory holds up better than 70 more often took their pills correctly when they were given
explicit memory, for example, Cameron Camp and his col- both the chart and the organizer than when they were given
leagues (Camp et al., 1996; Camp & McKitrick, 1992) have one or neither. Because researchers know that poor health is
tried to help patients with dementia caused by Alzheimer's one contributor to poor memory functioning, it makes espe-
disease use the implicit memory capacities that they, like peo- cially good sense to reduce the cognitive demands on old and
ple with amnesia, retain even though they have serious deficits ailing patients by letting external memory aids do the mental
in explicit memory. For example, they have taught patients work for them. Surely the best of all possible worlds for the
with Alzheimer's disease to remember the names of staff learner would be one in which materials and teaching tech-
members by having the patients name photos of staff mem- niques are tailored to the learner's information-processing ca-
bers repeatedly and at ever-longer intervals between trials. pacities and in which training is offered in how to stretch
People who could not retain names for more than a minute those capacities.
that visual and auditory skills are often better predictors 2000). Sensory loss at any age may tax available processing
than processing speed of cognitive performance among resources, leading to memory deficits.
older adults (Anstey, Hofer, & Luszcz, 2003; Lindenberger &
Baltes, 1994). As noted in Chapter 6, many older adults ex- Contextual Contributors. Many researchers have adopted a
perience some hearing loss. When young adults are tested contextual perspective on learning and memory, which com-
under moderately noisy conditions, a situation that mimics bines biological and genetic factors with environmental and
the hearing loss experienced by many older adults, their situational factors (Blanch ard-Fields, Chen, & Norris, 1997;
short-term memory performance decreases (Murphy et al., Dixon, 1992). They emphasize that performance on learning
and memory tasks is the product of an interaction among (1) tive activities most important to them (Baltes, Smith, &
characteristics of the learner, such as goals, motivations, abili- Staudinger, 1992).
ties, and health; (2) characteristics of the task or situation; and
(3) characteristics of the broader environment, including the
cultural context, in which a task is performed. They are not
convinced that there is a universal biological decline in basic You know that problem-solving skills improve steadily from
learning and memory capacities because older individuals of- early childhood through adolescence, but what becomes of
ten perform capably in certain contexts. them in adulthood? On the one hand, you might expect to see
First, cohort differences in education and IQ can explain a decline in problem-solving prowess paralleling declines in
age differences in some learning and memory skills. Elderly learning and memory performance. On the other hand, if
people today are less educated, on average, than younger adults increase their knowledge bases and develop expertise as
adults are, and they are further removed from their school they age, might not older adults outwit younger novices on
days. When education level is controlled for, age differences many problem-solving tasks?
nearly disappear (Nilsson et al., 2002). Moreover, education When given traditional problem-solving tasks to perform
can compensate for aging. Older adults who are highly edu- in the laboratory, young adults typically perform better than
cated or who have high levels of intellectual ability often per- middle-aged adults, who in turn outperform older adults
form as well as younger adults (Cherry & LeCompte, 1999; (Denney, 1989). However, consider research using the Twenty
Haught et al., 2000). Questions task. Subjects are given an array of items and asked
Similarly, health and lifestyle differences between cohorts to find out, using as few questions as possible, which item the
may contribute to age differences in learning and memory. experimenter has in mind (see Figure 8.10). The soundest prob-
Older adults are more likely than younger adults to hcive lem-solving strategy is to ask constraint-seeking questions—
chronic or degenerative diseases, and even mild diseases can ones that rule out more than one item (for example, "Is it an an-
impair memory performance (Houx, Vreeling, & Jolles, 1991; imal?5'). Young children and older adults tend to pursue specific
Hultsch, Hammer, & Small, 1993). Older adults also lead less hypotheses instead ("Is it a pig?""Is it a pencil?"). Consequently,
active lifestyles and perform fewer cognitively demanding ac- they must ask more questions to identify the right object.
tivities than younger adults do, on average. These age group However, older adults do far better if the task is altered to make
differences in lifestyle also contribute to age differences in it more familiar; they then draw on their knowledge base to
cognitive performance (Finlcel & McGue, 1998; Luszcz, Bryan, solve the problem. For example, when Nancy Denney (1980)
Sc Kent, 1997). Older college professors, perhaps because they used an array of playing cards, older adults asked plenty of
remain mentally active, outperform other older adults and
perform similarly to young professors on some tests of recall
(Shimamura et al., 1995).
The implications of such research are clear: Declines in
information-processing skills are not inevitable or universal.
Nature may place some boundaries on the information-
processing system, but nurture plays a significant role in sus-
taining memory and problem-solving skills. Older adults may
be able to maintain their memory skills if they are relatively
well-educated, stay healthy, and exercise their minds. Simply
reviewing material after its presentation can help them im-
prove their memory performance (Koutstaal et al., 1998; see
the Applications box on page 220 for more ways to improve
memory across the life span). At the same time> factors such as
education and health cannot account completely for age dif-
ferences in cognitive performance (Smith 8c Earles, 1996).
Perhaps the truth lies somewhere between the basic pro-
cessing capacity view, which emphasizes nature by pointing to
a universal decline in cognitive resources such as speed and
working memory that affect performance on many cognitive
tasks, and the contextual view, which emphasizes nurture.
Contextual theorists stress variability from person to person
and situation to situation based on cohort differences, moti- Figure 8.10 ATwenty Questions game. You can try it on a young
vational factors, and task demands. Most adults, at least if they child or a friend by thinking of one item in the group and asking your
live to an advanced old age, may experience some loss of basic testee to find out which it is by asking you yes-no questions. Look
processing resources. However, they may also have developed for the constraint-seeking questions (for example, "Is it animate?"),
specialized knowledge and strategies that allow them to com- and note the total number of questions required to identify the cor-
pensate for these losses as they carry out the everyday cogni- rect item.
constraint-seeking questions ( " I s it a h e a r t ? " " I s it a face card?"). Finally, s o m e cognitive researchers believe t h a t w h a t ap-
T h u s , older adults are capable o f using effective p r o b l e m - pear to be cognitive deficits in old age may be signs o f cogni-
solving strategies b u t do n o t use t h e m i n s o m e contexts, espe- tive adaptation and growth ( D i x o n , 1 9 9 2 ; Perlmutter, 1 9 8 6 ) .
cially when given unfamiliar tasks in a laboratory. O l d e r adults m a y let little-needed cognitive skills grow rusty
W h a t i f adults are asked to deal with real-life p r o b l e m s to m a i n t a i n a n d strengthen t h o s e skills m o s t useful to t h e m in
such as grease fires in the k i t c h e n , w a r m refrigerators, or f a m - everyday life. T h e y m a y use their expertise in i m p o r t a n t d o -
ily squabbles? N a n c y D e n n e y a n d K a t h y Pearce ( 1 9 8 9 ) asked m a i n s to c o m p e n s a t e for losses in basic processing capacities
elderly adults to help t h e m devise everyday p r o b l e m s that (Baltes, S m i t h , & Staudinger, 1 9 9 2 ) . C h i l d r e n improve their
would be m e a n i n g f u l and familiar to older individuals. O n e abili ty to d o all kinds o f things; older adults m a y improve their
p r o b l e m was t o generate ideas a b o u t h o w a 6 5 - y e a r - o l d re- ability to p e r f o r m critical learning, m e m o r y , and p r o b l e m -
cently widowed w o m a n c o u l d i m p r o v e her social life; a n o t h e r solving tasks and m a y forget t h e rest.
was to advise an elderly couple living o n Social S e c u r i t y w h a t
to do w h e n they were u n a b l e to pay their heating bill o n e w i n - Summing Up
ter. O n these everyday p r o b l e m s , p e r f o r m a n c e increased f r o m
Adults increasingly develop larger and m o r e organized
early a d u l t h o o d t o middle age a n d declined in old age.
knowledge bases t h a t aid m e m o r y and problem solving.
O t h e r findings e c h o this o n e : W h e n given everyday p r o b -
S o m e older adults, however, may begin t o experience
lems to w h i c h t h e y can apply t h e expertise t h e y have gained
problems on tasks that require speed o r working with
t h r o u g h experience, m i d d l e - a g e d adults often outperform
unfamiliar material o r unexercised skills. Contextual fac-
young adults. Elderly adults s o m e t i m e s equal and s o m e t i m e s
t o r s such as motivation, c o h o r t , and t h e nature o f t h e
do worse t h a n y o u n g and m i d d l e - a g e d adults; either way, they
task also influence m e m o r y . T h e message a b o u t problem-
show smaller deficits t h a n they do o n u n f a m i l i a r p r o b l e m s in
solving skills is similar t o that a b o u t m e m o r y capacities.
the l a b o r a t o r y (Berg & Klaczynski, 1 9 9 6 ; Marsiske & Willis,
Although performance on unfamiliar; meaningless labora-
1 9 9 5 ) . Ultimately, declines in basic capacities m a y limit the
t o r y tasks often appears t o decline after early adulthood,
p r o b l e m - s o l v i n g skills o f m a n y elderly adults, n o t o n l y in the
t h e ability t o perform m o r e familiar everyday informa-
l a b o r a t o r y b u t also in real life (Denney, 1989; K a s w o r m &
tion-processing tasks often improves through middle age
M e d i n a , 1 9 9 0 ) . You should b e a r in m i n d , however, t h a t c o g n i -
and is maintained until late in life. M
tive c o m p e t e n c e a m o n g older adults varies widely b e c a u s e o f
differences in health, e d u c a t i o n , experience, and so o n .
sembles overlapping waves more than a set of stairsteps leading from

one way of thinking to the next.
1. The information-processing approach uses a computer anal- 5. Adolescents master advanced learning strategies such as elab-
ogy to illustrate how the mind processes information. The human oration, note taking, and underlining; use their strategies more de-
"computer" puts information into a sensory register, into short-term liberately and selectively; and use their increased metacognitive abil-
and working memory, then into long-term memory during encod- ities to guide learning and remembering.
ing; stores it; retrieves it (demonstrating recognition, cued recall, or 6. As adults gain expertise in a domain, they develop large and
recall memory); and uses it to solve problems. organized knowledge bases and highly effective, specialized, and au-
2. Infants arc capable of remembering from the start. They show tomated ways of retrieving and using their knowledge. Many older
recognition memory at birth, simple recall in the presence of cues at 2 adults perform less well than young adults on memory tasks that re-
or 3 months, recall in the absence of cues toward the end of the first quire speed, the learning of unfamiliar or meaningless material, the
year, and deliberate, conscious attempts to retrieve memories by age 2. use of unexercised abilities, recall rather than recognition memory,
3. Learning and memory continue to improve during child- and explicit rather than implicit memory. Contextual factors such as
hood: (a) Basic information-processing.capacity increases as the cohort differences and the irrelevance of many laboratory tasks to
brain matures and fundamental processes are automated to free everyday life also contribute to age differences in memory.
working-memory space; (b) memory strategies such as rehearsal, or- 7. On average, older adults also perform less well than younger
ganization, and elaboration improve; (c) metamemory improves; adults on laboratory problem-solving tasks, but everyday problem-
and (d) the general knowledge base grows, improving the processing solving skills are likely to improve from early adulthood to middle
of new information in areas of expertise. adulthood and to be maintained in old age.
4. According to Robert Siegler, even young children use system-
atic rules to solve problems, but their problem-solving skills improve
as they replace faulty rules with ones that incorporate all the relevant
aspects of the problem. Multiple strategies are used at any age so that 1. You are a first-grade teacher, and one of the first things you
development proceeds through a natural selection process and re- notice is that some of your students remember a good deal more
than others about the stories you read to them. Based on what you Implicit and Explicit Memory
have read in this chapter, what are your main hypotheses about why For those seeking greater depth, read an article by researchers at the
some children have better memories than other children the same University of Sheffield that outlines a new theoretical framework for
age? explicit and implicit memory.
2. As a teacher in an Elder hostel program, you want to base your
teaching methods on knowledge of the information-processing ca- Memory Loss and the Brain
pacities of elderly adults. What practical recommendations would The newsletter of the Memory Disorders Project at Rutgers-Newark
you derive from (a) the view that there is a universal decline with age provides information about many of the issues covered in the chap-
in basic processing capacities and (b) the contextual perspective on ter, including mild cognitive impairment. There are also links to
cognitive aging? memory games that let you test your memory.
3. Using the information processing model presented in the
chapter (see Figure 8.1), explain why Dan, a 7-year-old, does not per- AmoebaWeb
form as well as Dave, a 17-year-old, when asked to recall a TV pro- Honored in October 2001 by the American Psychological Association
gram on the Civil War both watched last week. as the website of the month, AmoebaWeb catalogs websites and
4. Revisit Figure 8.8 showing the distribution of autobiograph- Internet pages relevant to multiple areas of psychology, including
ical memories over the life span. What factors might account for the memory. Psychologist Douglas Degelman at Vanguard University of
rise and fall of autobiographical memories at different phases of the Southern California maintains it.
life span?
Exercises on the Web
information-processing organization (as memory chapter, try the exercises for these figures at http:/'/psychology
approach, 200 strategy), 206 .wadsworth.com/sigelmari_rider5e:
sensory register, 200 elaboration, 206 Figure 8.3 Effects of expertise on memory
short-term memory, 200 mediation deficiency, 206 Figure 8.7 Adolescents are better able than children to concen-
working memory, 200 production deficiency, 207 trate on learning relevant material and to ignore irrelevant ma-
terial
long-term memory, 201 utilization deficiency, 207
encoding, 201 metamemory, 207 Life-Span CD-ROM
storage, 201 metacognition, 207
retrieval, 201 knowledge base, 208 study of the concepts in this chapter. The CD-ROM in-
recognition memory, 201 autobiographical memories, 209 cludes narrated concept overviews, video clips, a multimedia glos-
recall memory, 201 childhood amnesia, 209
cued recall memory, 201 fuzzy-trace theory, 210 D E V E L O P M E N T A L
PsyehoIogyllMow™
implicit memory, 201 script, 210
explicit memory, 201 eyewitness memory, 211 Developmental PsychologyNow is a web-based, intelli-
problem solving, 202 rule assessment approach, 211
executive control processes, 202 mild cognitive impairment , 2 1 7 elements, and learning modules. Check it out at http://psyc.hology
deferred imitation, 203 method of loci, 220 .wadsworth.com/sigelman_rider5e/now.
rehearsal, 206 constraint-seeking questions, 220
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c h a p t e r n i n e
Intelligence and Creativity
Wliat I s Intelligence? I lie Adolescent Social Class
The Psychometric Approach Continuity between Childhood and Race and Ethnicity
Adulthood Culture Bias
Gardner's Theory of Multiple
Motivational Factors
Intelligences IQ and School Achievement
Genetic Influences
Sternberg's Triarchic Theory Environ men tal I n fluences
T h e Adult
The Infant IQ and Occupational Success rlie E x t r e m e s of
Developmental Quotients IQ and Health In tell i gfence
Infant Intelligence and Later Change in IQ with Age
Mental Retardation
Intelligence Predictors of Decline
Giftedness
Potential for Wisdom
T l i e Child
W h a t \s Creativity?
How Stable Are IQ Scores during F a c t o r s Tliat Influence I Q
c^ Creativity in Childhood and
Childhood?
Adolescence
Causes of Gain and Loss scores
Creative Achievement in Adulthood
Genes
Home Environment
GREG S M I T H W A S M E M O R I Z I N G BOOKS at 14 tellectual d e v e l o p m e n t and a b o u t variations in intellectual
months of age and adding numbers at 18 months (Lenhart, p e r f o r m a n c e . T h i s c h a p t e r e x a m i n e s h o w p e r f o r m a n c e on in-
1999). He sped from second to eighth grade in I year and telligence tests typically changes a n d stays the s a m e over t h e
completed high school in less than 2 years. He started col- life span, w h a t I Q tests reveal a b o u t a person, a n d w h y p e o p l e s
lege full-time when he was 10 years old and hopes to even- I Q scores differ. It also looks at b o t h gifted and m e n t a l l y re-
tually earn three doctoral degrees. tarded individuals f r o m a life-span perspective. Finally, it c o n -
At age 35, Michael lives in an institution for the men- siders creativity, a type o f intellectual ability n o t m e a s u r e d b y
tally retarded. He has been labeled profoundly retarded and traditional intelligence tests. B e f o r e g o i n g further, take the
has an IQ score of 17, as nearly as it can be estimated. quiz in Table 9.1 t o see i f you m a y have s o m e m i s c o n c e p t i o n s
Michael responds to people with grins and is able to walk a b o u t intelligence a n d intelligence tests; this chapter will clar-
haltingly, but he cannot feed or dress himself and does not ify w h y the correct answers are correct.
use language.
As these examples indicate, t h e range o f h u m a n cognitive abil-

ities is i m m e n s e . So far, m u c h o f the m a t e r i a l o n cognitive de-
v e l o p m e n t in this b o o k has focused o n w h a t h u m a n m i n d s T h e r e is n o clear c o n s e n s u s o n t h e definition o f intelligence.
have in c o m m o n , n o t o n h o w t h e y differ. Piaget, after all, was As n o t e d in C h a p t e r 7, Piaget defined intelligence as t h i n k i n g
interested in identifying universal stages o f cognitive develop- o r b e h a v i o r that is adaptive. O t h e r experts have offered differ-
m e n t . A n d the i n f o r m a t i o n - p r o c e s s i n g approach has been e n t definitions, m a n y o f t h e m c e n t e r i n g o n t h e ability to t h i n k
used m a i n l y to u n d e r s t a n d the basic cognitive processes all abstractly o r to solve p r o b l e m s effectively (Sternberg, 2 0 0 0 ) .
p e o p l e rely on to learn, r e m e m b e r , and solve p r o b l e m s . Early definitions o f intelligence t e n d e d to reflect t h e a s s u m p -
T h i s chapter c o n t i n u e s the e x p l o r a t i o n o f h o w the h u m a n tion that intelligence reflects i n n a t e ability, genetically deter-
m i n d n o r m a l l y changes over the life span. H e r e we i n t r o d u c e m i n e d a n d thus fixed at c o n c e p t i o n . B u t it has b e c o m e clear
still a n o t h e r a p p r o a c h to the study o f t h e m i n d : t h e psycho- t h a t intelligence is n o t fixed, t h a t it is changeable a n d s u b j e c t
m e t r i c , or testing, a p p r o a c h to intelligence, w h i c h led to t h e to e n v i r o n m e n t a l influence (Perkins, 1 9 9 6 ) . As a result, an in-
creation o f intelligence tests. M a n y people find it hard to say
anything n i c c a b o u t I Q tests. T h e s e measures have their limi-
tations a n d t h e y have b e e n misused. Yet t h e y have also pro-
1$ble M W h a i D<* You Know about I n t e l l i g e n t
vided researchers with a g o o d deal o f i n f o r m a t i o n a b o u t in-
Answer each question true or false:

1. On the leading tests of intelligence, a score of 100 is
average.
2. Most scholars now conclude that there is no such thing as
general intelligence; there are only separate mental abilities.
3. Individuals who are intellectually gifted are typically gifted
in all mental abilities.
4. Intellectually gifted children do well in school but are more
likely than most children to have social and emotional
problems.
5. IQ predicts both a persons occupational status and his suc-
cess compared with others in the same occupation.
6. On average, performance on IQ tests declines for people in
their 70s and 80s.
7. Qualities associated with wisdom are as common among
young and middle-aged adults as among elderly adults.
8. It has been established that children's IQs are far more in-
fluenced by their environments than by their genes.
9. How well a child does on a test of creativity cannot be pre-
dicted well from her IQ score.
10. Creative achievers (great musicians, mathematicians, writ-
ers, and so on) typically do all their great works before
about age 40 or 45 and produce only lesser works from
then on.
(( Some gifted children thrive as college students. Some minds de-
l
velop faster and farther than others. Answers: dhOT 1 ~ 6 'dhS lrL 'JrS 'Z-f ci~£ '&-Z
dividuaTs intelligence test scores s o m e t i m e s v a r y c o n s i d e r a b l y
over a lifetime. B e a r in m i n d t h a t u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f this c o m -
plex h u m a n quality has c h a n g e d since the first intelligence
tests were created at t h e t u r n o f t h e c e n t u r y — a n d t h a t t h e r e is
still n o single, universally a c c e p t e d d e f i n i t i o n o f intelligence.
T h e research tradition t h a t spawned t h e d e v e l o p m e n t o f stan-

dardized tests o f intelligence is t h e p s y c h o m e t r i c a p p r o a c h .
A c c o r d i n g t o p s y c h o m e t r i c t h e o r i s t s , intelligence is a trait o r a
set o f traits t h a t characterizes s o m e p e o p l e to a greater e x t e n t
t h a n others. T h e goals, then, are to identify these traits pre-
cisely a n d to m e a s u r e t h e m so t h a t differences a m o n g individ-
uals c a n be d e s c r i b e d . B u t f r o m the start, experts c o u l d n o t
1 2 3
agree o n w h e t h e r intelligence is o n e general cognitive ability
5 6 7
o r m a n y specific abilities.
Early o n , C h a r l e s S p e a r m a n ( 1 9 2 7 ) p r o p o s e d a t w o - f a c t o r
t h e o r y o f intelligence c o n s i s t i n g o f a general m e n t a l ability
(called g) that c o n t r i b u t e s to p e r f o r m a n c e o n m a n y different
I :J8MSUV
k i n d s o f tasks. T h i s g f a c t o r is w h a t a c c o u n t s for S p e a r m a n s
o b s e r v a t i o n t h a t p e o p l e were o f t e n c o n s i s t e n t across a range o f
F i g u r e 9A An item assessing fluid intelligence (similar to those in
tasks. However, h e also n o t i c e d t h a t a s t u d e n t w h o excelled at a test called the Raven Progressive Matrices Test). Which of the num-
m o s t tasks m i g h t score l o w o n a p a r t i c u l a r m e a s u r e (for ex- bered pieces completes the design?
a m p l e , m e m o r y f o r w o r d s ) . S o h e p r o p o s e d a second aspect o f
intelligence: 5, o r special abilities, e a c h of w h i c h is specific to a
p a r t i c u l a r k i n d o f task. Obviously, there is n o single answer t o the q u e s t i o n , w h a t
Later, L o u i s T h u r s t o n e ( 1 9 3 8 ; T h u r s t o n e 8c T h u r s t o n e , is intelligence? Nonetheless, s o m e c o n s e n s u s is emerging.
1 9 4 1 ) analyzed test scores o b t a i n e d b y e i g h t h - g r a d e r s a n d col- Intelligence is m o s t o f t e n viewed as a h i e r a r c h y that includes
lege students a n d identified seven fairly distinct factors t h a t h e ( 1 ) a general ability f a c t o r at t h e top t h a t i n f l u e n c e s h o w well
called primary mental abilities: spatial ability, p e r c e p t u a l speed p e o p l e do o n a range o f cognitive tasks; ( 2 ) a few b r o a d di-
(the q u i c k n o t i n g ' o f visual detail), numerical reasoning m e n s i o n s o f ability t h a t are distinguishable in f a c t o r analyses
( a r i t h m e t i c skills), verbal m e a n i n g (the defining o f w o r d s ) , ( f o r e x a m p l e , fluid intelligence, crystallized intelligence, m e m -
word fluency (speed in r e c o g n i z i n g words), m e m o r y , a n d i n - o r y capacity, p e r c e p t u a l skills, and processing speed); a n d ( 3 )
ductive r e a s o n i n g ( t h e f o r m a t i o n o f a rule t o d e s c r i b e a set o f at t h e b o t t o m , m a n y specific abilities such as n u m e r i c a l rea-
o b s e r v a t i o n s ) . T h u s , T h u r s t o n e c o n c l u d e d that S p e a r m a n ' s s o n i n g , spatial d i s c r i m i n a t i o n , a n d w o r d c o m p r e h e n s i o n t h a t
general ability f a c t o r s h o u l d b e b r o k e n i n t o several distinct also i n f l u e n c e h o w well a person p e r f o r m s cognitive tasks t h a t
m e n t a l abilities. tap these specific abilities ( C a r r o l l , 1 9 9 3 ; H o r n 8c Noll, 1 9 9 7 ) .
R a y m o n d Cattell a n d J o h n H o r n have greatly i n f l u e n c e d I n t h e end, t h e intelligence tests guided b y p s y c h o m e t r i c
c u r r e n t t h i n k i n g c o n c e r n i n g intelligence b y focusing a t t e n t i o n t h e o r i e s have e m p h a s i z e d general intellectual ability b y s u m -
o n t w o b r o a d d i m e n s i o n s o f intellect: fluid intelligence a n d m a r i z i n g p e r f o r m a n c e in a single I Q score, a n d t h e y have as-
crystallized intelligence (Cattell, 1963; H o r n 8c Cattell, 1 9 6 7 ; sessed o n l y s o m e o f t h e specialized abilities h u m a n s possess.
H o r n 8c Noll, 1 9 9 7 ) . F l u i d intelligence is t h e ability to use y o u r Critics believe traditional p s y c h o m e t r i c tests have n o t fully
m i n d actively to solve novel p r o b l e m s — f o r e x a m p l e , to solve d e s c r i b e d w h a t it m e a n s to b e a n intelligent p e r s o n and s o m e
verbal analogies, r e m e m b e r unrelated pairs o f words, o r recog- have offered alternative ways o f t h i n k i n g a b o u t intelligence
nize relationships among geometric figures. The skills t h a t r e p r e s e n t challenges t o t h e t r a d i t i o n a l view. R e a d i n g
i n v o l v e d — r e a s o n i n g , seeing relationships a m o n g stimuli, a n d a b o u t these a p p r o a c h e s in t h e following s e c t i o n s will help y o u
drawing i n f e r e n c e s — a r e usually n o t t a u g h t a n d are believed t o c a p t u r e t h e n a t u r e o f intelligence a n d appreciate t h e limita-
be relatively free o f cultural influences (see Figure 9.1). tions o f the tests used t o measure it. I n addition, the
C r y s t a l l i z e d intelligence, in c o n t r a s t , is t h e use o f k n o w l e d g e E x p l o r a t i o n s b o x o n page 2 2 8 e x a m i n e s t w o t r a d i t i o n a l psy-
a c q u i r e d t h r o u g h s c h o o l i n g a n d o t h e r life experiences. Tests o f c h o m e t r i c tests and two m o d e r n alternatives.
general i n f o r m a t i o n (At w h a t t e m p e r a t u r e does water boil?),
w o r d c o m p r e h e n s i o n ( W h a t is the m e a n i n g o f duplicate?), and
n u m e r i c a l abilities are all m e a s u r e s o f crystallized intelligence.
T h u s , fluid intelligence involves using y o u r m i n d in n e w a n d H o w a r d G a r d n e r ( 1 9 9 3 , 1 9 9 9 / 2 0 0 0 ; C h e n & Gardner, 1 9 9 7 )
flexible ways, whereas crystallized intelligence involves using rejects t h e idea t h a t a single I Q score is a m e a n i n g f u l m e a s u r e
what y o u have already learned t h r o u g h experience. o f h u m a n intelligence. H e argues t h a t there are m a n y intelli-
A t the turn of the last century, Alfred Binet and Theodore
Simon produced the forerunner of modern intelligence

of only 67 and is clearly below average compared with chil-
dren of the same age.
The Stanford-Binet, now in its fifth edition, is still in use
tests. In 1904, they were commissioned by the French gov- (Roid, 2003). Its test norms—standards of normal perform-
ernment to devise a test that would identify "dull" children ance expressed as average scores and the range of scores
who might need special instruction. Binet and Simon devised around the average—are based on the performance of a large,
a large battery of tasks measuring the skills believed to be nec- representative sample of people (2-year-olds through adults)
essary for classroom learning: attention, perception, memory, from many socioeconomic and racial backgrounds.The concept
reasoning, verbal comprehension, and so on. Items that dis- of mental age is no longer used to calculate IQ; instead, individ-
criminated between normal children and those described by uals receive scores that reflect how well or how poorly they do
their teachers as slow were kept in the final test. compared with others of the same age. An IQ of 100 is still av-
The test was soon revised so that the items were age- erage, and the higher the IQ score an individual attains, the bet-
graded. For example, a set of "6-year-old" items could be ter the performance is in comparison with that of age-mates.
passed by most 6-year-olds but by few 5-year-olds;" 12-year- David Wechsler constructed a set of intelligence tests also
old" items could be handled by most 12-year-olds but not by in wide use. The Wechsler Preschool and Primary Scale of
younger children.This approach permitted the testers to de- Intelligence is for children between ages 3 and 8 (Wechsler,
scribe a child's mental age—the level of age-graded prob- 2002).The Wechsler Intelligence Scale for Children (WISC-III)
lems that the child is able to solve.Thus, a child who passes all is appropriate for schoolchildren ages 6 to 16 (Wechsler,
items at the 5-year-old level but does poorly on more ad- 1991), and the Wechsler Adult Intelligence Scale is used with
vanced items—regardless of the child's actual age—is said to adults (Wechsler, 1997).The Wechsler tests yield a verbal IQ
have a mental age of 5. score based on items measuring vocabulary, general knowl-
Binet's test became known as the Stanford-Binet edge, arithmetic reasoning, and the like and a performance IQ
Intelligence Scale after Lewis Terman of Stanford University based on such nonverbal skills as the ability to assemble puz-
translated and published a revised version of the test for use zles, solve mazes, reproduce geometric designs with colored
with American children. Terman developed a procedure for blocks, and rearrange pictures to tell a meaningful story. As
comparing a child's mental age (MA) with their chronological with the Stanford-Binet, a score of 100 is defined as average
age (CA) by calculating an intelligence quotient (IQ), performance for the person's age. A person's full-scale IQ is a
which consisted of MA divided by CA and then multiplied by combination of the verbal and performance scores.
100 (IQ = MA/CA X 100). An IQ score of 100 indicates aver-
Scores on both the Stanford-Binet and Wechsler Scales
age intelligence, regardless of a child's age: The normal child
form a normal distribution, or a symmetrical, bell-shaped
passes just the items that age-mates typically pass; mental age
spread around the average score of 100 (see the Figure in this
increases each year, but so does chronological age.The child
Box). Scores around the average are common; very high and
of 8 with a mental age of 10 has experienced rapid intellectual
very low scores are rare. About two-thirds of people taking
growth and has a high IQ (specifically, 125); if she still has a
one of these IQ tests have scores between 85 and I 15. Fewer
mental age of 10 when she is 15 years old, then she has an IQ
gences, m o s t o f w h i c h have been i g n o r e d b y t h e developers o f 4 . Spatial intelligence. M o s t o b v i o u s in great artists w h o

standardized intelligence tests. I n s t e a d o f asking, " H o w s m a r t c a n perceive things accurately a n d t r a n s f o r m w h a t t h e y see.
are y o u ? " researchers s h o u l d b e asking, " H o w are y o u s m a r t ? " 5. Bodily-kinesthetic intelligence. The skillful use o f the
a n d identifying people's strengths a n d weaknesses across t h e b o d y to create crafts, p e r f o r m , o r fix things; s h o w n , for e x a m -
full r a n g e o f h u m a n m e n t a l faculties ( C h e n & G a r d n e r , 1 9 9 7 ) . ple, b y dancers, athletes, a n d surgeons.
G a r d n e r ( 1 9 9 3 , 2 0 0 0 ) argues t h a t there are at least eight dis- 6. Interpersonal intelligence. Social intelligence, social
tinct intellectual abilities: skill, exceptional sensitivity to o t h e r people's m o t i v a t i o n s a n d
1. Linguistic intelligence. Language skills, s u c h as those m o o d s ; d e m o n s t r a t e d b y salespeople a n d psychologists.
seen in t h e poet's facility w i t h w o r d s . 7. Intrapersonal intelligence. Understanding o f one's own
2. Logical-mathematical intelligence. The abstract think- feelings a n d i n n e r life.
ing a n d p r o b l e m solving s h o w n b y m a t h e m a t i c i a n s a n d c o m - 8. Naturalist intelligence. E x p e r t i s e in t h e natural w o r l d o f
puter scientists a n d e m p h a s i z e d b y Piaget. plants a n d a n i m a l s .
3. Musical intelligence. B a s e d o n an a c u t e sensitivity t o T r a d i t i o n a l I Q tests e m p h a s i z e linguistic a n d logical-
s o u n d patterns. m a t h e m a t i c a l intelligence a n d t o s o m e e x t e n t test spatial in-
Another promising approach, called dynamic assess-
ment, attempts to evaluate how well children learn new ma-
terial when an examiner provides them with competent in-
struction (Haywood &Tzuriel, 2002; Lidz, 1997; Lidz & Elliott,
2001). Reuven Feuerstein and his colleagues, for example, have
argued that, even though intelligence is often defined as the po-
tential to learn from experience, IQ tests typically assess what
has been learned, not what can be learned (Feuerstein,
Feuerstein, & Gross, 1997).This approach may be biased against
children from culturally different or disadvantaged backgrounds
who lack opportunities to learn what the tests measure.
Feuerstein developed the Learning Potential Assessment
Device to assess children's ability to learn new things with the
40 55 70 85 100 115 130 145 160 guidance of an adult who provides increasingly helpful cues.
IQ scores This test interprets intelligence as the ability to learn quickly
with minimal guidance. Feuerstein believes that learners first
The approximate distribution of IQ scores. need a "mediator," a guide who structures and interprets the
environment for them; then, they are able to learn more from
their experiences on their own.This approach should remind
than 3% have scores of 130 or above, a score often used as one you of Lev Vygotsky's theory, described in Chapter 7, that chil-
criterion of giftedness. Similarly, fewer than 3% have IQs below dren acquire new ways of thinking through their social inter-
70, a cutoff commonly used to define mental retardation. actions with more experienced problem solvers; it is based
Several alternatives to these traditional tests have been partly on Vygotsky's work.The dynamic assessment of learning
proposed. Alan Kaufman and Nadeen Kaufman, for example, capacity provides information beyond what traditional IQ
designed the Kaufman Assessment Battery for Children (K- tests provide about a child's intellectual competence and likely
ABC-II; Kaufman & Kaufman, 2003).This test, based on infor- achievement (Haywood &Tzuriel, 2002; Lidz, 1997).
mation-processing theory, focuses on how children solve Trying to boil a person's intelligence down to a single score
problems rather than on what problems they solve (Kaufman, is a formidable task. A single score derived from a test that as-
200I; Sparrow & Davis, 2000).The K-ABC-II, which is appro- sesses only some of the many intelligences that humans can
priate for children ages 3 through 18, has two subscales. One display does not do justice to the complexity of human mental
measures a child's ability to process information sequentially; functioning. Moreover, it is a measure of the individuals per-
the other measures the ability to integrate several pieces of formance at one point—an estimate that is not always a good
information.The test also has a separate section of questions indicator of the person's underlying intellectual competence.
to assess children's achievement or acquired knowledge.
telligence, p e r h a p s b e c a u s e those-are t h e f o r m s o f intelligence tate s o n g s in p e r f e c t G e r m a n o r Italian even t h o u g h his o w n

W e s t e r n societies value m o s t highly and w o r k t h e hardest to speech is still primitive. H e a p p a r e n t l y has a high level o f m u -
n u r t u r e in s c h o o l . B u t I Q tests c a n b e faulted f o r i g n o r i n g sical intelligence. O t h e r savants, despite I Q s b e l o w 7 0 , c a n
m o s t o f the o t h e r f o r m s o f intelligence. A l t h o u g h G a r d n e r draw well e n o u g h to gain a d m i t t a n c e t o art s c h o o l or calculate
does n o t c l a i m t h a t his is the definitive list o f intelligences, h e o n t h e s p o t w h a t day o f the week it was J a n u a r y 16, 1 9 0 9
p r e s e n t s evidence suggesting that each o f these eight abilities ( H e r m e l i n & Rutter, 2 0 0 1 ) . S o m e scholars t h i n k that t h e skills
is distinct. F o r e x a m p l e , it is clear t h a t a p e r s o n can b e excep- s h o w n b y savants are so specific a n d d e p e n d so m u c h o n
t i o n a l in o n e ability b u t p o o r in o t h e r s — w i t n e s s savant s y n - m e m o r y that t h e y do n o t qualify as separate " i n t e l l i g e n c e s "
d r o m e , t h e p h e n o m e n o n in w h i c h e x t r a o r d i n a r y talent in a ( N e t t e l b e c k & Y o u n g , 1 9 9 6 ) . How r ever, G a r d n e r insists that sa-
p a r t i c u l a r area is displayed b y a p e r s o n o t h e r w i s e m e n t a l l y re- v a n t s y n d r o m e s i m p l y c a n n o t b e e x p l a i n e d b y t h e o r i e s that
tarded (Treffert, 2 0 0 0 ) . Leslie L e m k e , o n e s u c h individual, is e m p h a s i z e a general intelligence factor,
b l i n d , has cerebral palsy, is m e n t a l l y retarded, and c o u l d n o t G a r d n e r also m a r s h a l s e v i d e n c e t o s h o w t h a t each intelli-
talk u n t i l h e was an adult (Treffert, 2 0 0 0 ) . Yet h e c a n h e a r a g e n c e has its o w n distinctive d e v e l o p m e n t a l course. M a n y
m u s i c a l piece o n c e a n d play it flawlessly o n t h e p i a n o or i m i - great m u s i c a l c o m p o s e r s a n d athletes, for e x a m p l e , revealed
their genius in childhood, whereas exceptional logical-
m a t h e m a t i c a l intelligence typically shows up later, after the
individual has gained t h e capacity for abstract t h o u g h t a n d
has mastered an area o f science. Finally, G a r d n e r links his dis-
t i n c t intelligences to distinct structures in the brain, arguing
that t h e eight intelligences are neurologically distinct.
Agreeing w i t h G a r d n e r that traditional I Q tests d o n o t capture

all t h a t it m e a n s to be an intelligent person, R o b e r t Sternberg
( 1 9 8 5 , 1 9 8 8 , 2 0 0 3 ) has p r o p o s e d a t r i a r c h i c t h e o r y o f intelli-
gence that emphasizes t h r e e aspects o f intelligent b e h a v i o r :
contextual, experiential, a n d i n f o r m a t i o n - p r o c e s s i n g c o m p o -
n e n t s (see Figure 9 . 2 ) .
First, according to the c o n t e x t u a l s u b t h e o r y , what is de-
fined as intelligent behavior depends o n the s o c i o c u l t u r a l
c o n t e x t in w h i c h it is displayed. Sternberg ( 1 9 9 9 a , b ) reports a
study in w h i c h he and a colleague tested the analogical rea-
s o n i n g skills o f s e c o n d - g r a d e r s in a school w h e r e i n s t r u c t i o n
was c o n d u c t e d in English in t h e m o r n i n g a n d in Hebrew 7 in
the a f t e r n o o n . S o m e children got all o f t h e p r o b l e m s w r o n g ,
suggesting t h e y were n o t bright. However, t h e children had
b e e n tested wTith English p r o b l e m s in t h e a f t e r n o o n w h e n t h e y
n o r m a l l y would have received p r o b l e m s in H e b r e w ; c o n s e -
quently, t h e children read t h e p r o b l e m s f r o m right to left. In
their n o r m a l c l a s s r o o m c o n t e x t , this w o u l d have b e e n a s m a r t
€ Alonzo d e m o n s has trouble with some of the basic tasks of living,
but he can quickly sculpt incredibly detailed and accurate replicas of thing to do. T h u s , Sternberg argues that what is defined as in-
animals that he has seen only briefly telligent b e h a v i o r depends o n t h e s o c i o c u l t u r a l c o n t e x t in
Experiential subtheory
How experiences affect intelligence and how
intelligence affects a person's experiences.
Includes:
1. Ability to deal with novelty
2, Ability to automatize processing
intelligence
Contextual subtheory Componential (information-processing)

subtheory
Behaviors considered intelligent in a
particular culture. Includes: Cognitive processes that underlie intelligent
1. Adaptation behavior. Includes:
2. Selection 1. Metacomponents (e.g., strategy
3. Shaping construction, strategy selection, and
solution monitoring)
2. Performance components
(e.g. : encoding and comparing)
3. Knowledge acquisition components
(e.g., selective encoding, selective
combination, and selective comparison)
Figure 9.2 Robert s triarchic theory of intelligence.

w h i c h it is displayed. Intelligent people adapt to t h e e n v i r o n - a m p l e ) . T h i s second k i n d o f intelligence reflects a u t o m a t i z a -
m e n t t h e y are in (for e x a m p l e , a j o b setting), shape that t i o n , o r an increased efficiency o f i n f o r m a t i o n processing with
e n v i r o n m e n t to m a k e it suit t h e m better, or find a better envi- practice. It is intelligent to develop little " p r o g r a m s in the
r o n m e n t . S u c h people have "street s m a r t s " Psychologists, ac- m i n d " for p e r f o r m i n g c o m m o n , everyday activities efficiently
cording to Sternberg, m u s t b e g i n to u n d e r s t a n d intelligence as a n d unthinkingly. T h u s , according to Sternberg, it is crucial to
b e h a v i o r in t h e real world, n o t as b e h a v i o r in taking tests k n o w h o w familiar a task is to a p e r s o n before assessing that
( S t e r n b e r g et al., 1 9 9 5 ) . p e r s o n s behavior. F o r example, giving people o f two different
T h i s perspective views intelligent b e h a v i o r as varying cultural groups an intelligence test w h o s e items are familiar to
f r o m o n e culture o r subculture to another, f r o m o n e p e r i o d in o n e g r o u p a n d novel to t h e other i n t r o d u c e s culture bias into
h i s t o r y to another, a n d from o n e p e r i o d o f t h e life span to an- the testing process, m a k i n g it difficult to o b t a i n a fair assess-
other. Each culture o r subculture defines t h e ingredients o f in- m e n t o f the groups' relative abilities.
telligent b e h a v i o r in its o w n way (Sternberg, 2 0 0 3 ) . T h e chal- T h e third aspect o f the t r i a r c h i c theory, the c o m p o n e n t i a l
lenge, t h e n , is t o devise ways o f m e a s u r i n g intelligence that are s u b t h e o r y , focuses o n i n f o r m a t i o n - p r o c e s s i n g components.
appropriate across cultures. As an i n f o r m a t i o n - p r o c e s s i n g theorist, Sternberg believes that
Just as intelligent behavior varies f r o m o n e culture to a n - t h e theories o f intelligence underlying t h e d e v e l o p m e n t o f I Q
other, it changes over time. N u m e r i c a l abilities m a y n o t play as tests i g n o r e h o w people p r o d u c e intelligent answers. He ar-
i m p o r t a n t a role in intelligent b e h a v i o r n o w that calculators gues t h a t the c o m p o n e n t s o f intelligent b e h a v i o r range f r o m
and c o m p u t e r s are widely used, for example, whereas analyti- identifying t h e p r o b l e m to carrying o u t strategies to solve it; a
cal skills m a y be m o r e i m p o r t a n t t h a n ever in a c o m p l e x , ur- full picture o f intelligence includes n o t only the n u m b e r o f
b a n world. And certainly t h e infant learning h o w to m a s t e r answers p e o p l e get right b u t also the processes they use to ar-
n e w toys shows a different k i n d o f intelligence t h a n the adult rive at their answers a n d t h e efficiency with w h i c h they use
m a s t e r i n g a college c u r r i c u l u m . T h u s , the definition o f the i n - those processes.
telligent infant m u s t differ f r o m t h e definition o f t h e intelli- So, to fully assess h o w intelligent people are, researchers
gent adult. m u s t consider t h e context in w h i c h t h e y p e r f o r m (their age,
T h e s e c o n d aspect o f t h e t r i a r c h i c t h e o r y focuses o n t h e culture, a n d historical p e r i o d ) , their previous experience with
role o f experience in intelligence. According to this e x p e r i e n - a task ( w h e t h e r their b e h a v i o r reflects response to novelty o r
tial s u b t h e o r y , what is intelligent w h e n a p e r s o n first e n c o u n - automatized processes), and their information-processing
ters a n e w task is n o t the s a m e as what is intelligent after ex- strategies. Individuals w h o are intelligent, according to this
tensive experience with that task. T h e first k i n d o f intelligence, t r i a r c h i c m o d e l , are able to c a r r y out logical t h o u g h t processes
response to novelty, requires active and c o n s c i o u s i n f o r m a t i o n efficiently and effectively to solve b o t h novel and familiar
processing. Sternberg believes that relatively novel tasks p r o - p r o b l e m s and to adapt to their e n v i r o n m e n t .
vide the best m e a s u r e s o f intelligence b e c a u s e t h e y tap the i n - S t e r n b e r g ( 1 9 9 9 , 2 0 0 3 ) recently e x p a n d e d his triarchic
dividual's ability t o c o m e up with g o o d ideas o r fresh insights. t h e o r y o f intelligence to w h a t he calls the t h e o r y o f successful
In daily life, however, people also p e r f o r m m o r e o r less intelligence. According t o this view, p e o p l e are intelligent " t o
intelligently o n repetitive tasks (reading the newspaper, for ex- t h e extent t h a t t h e y have t h e abilities n e e d e d to succeed in life,
according to their o w n definition o f success within their soci-
ocultural c o n t e x t " ( 2 0 0 3 , p. xvi). T h u s , intelligence is n o t j u s t
t h e ability to do well in school, s o m e t h i n g measured by tradi-
tional intelligence tests, b u t also the ability to do well in life
(Sternberg, 2 0 0 4 ) . S m a r t people find ways to o p t i m i z e their
strengths and m i n i m i z e their weaknesses so t h a t they can suc-
ceed. T h e y select e n v i r o n m e n t s (including o c c u p a t i o n s ) that
suit their profile o f abilities, or, to t h e extent it is possible, t h e y
m o d i f y their abilities or e n v i r o n m e n t s . Unfortunately, today's
widely used tests o f intelligence do n o t reflect this sophisti-
cated view o f intelligence.
Summing Up
T h e psychometric o r testing approach t o cognition de-

fines intelligence as a set o f traits that allows s o m e p e o -
ple t o think and solve problems m o r e effectively than
C How would you define an intelligent child? Mexican American par-
ents, like Cambodian, Filipino, and Vietnamese parents, say that intelli- others. It can b e viewed as a hierarchy consisting o f a
gent children are motivated, socially skilled, and able to manage their general factor g, broad abilities such as fluid and crystal-
own behavior European American parents place less emphasis on lized intelligence, and many specific abilities. G a r d n e r s
these noncognitive aspects of intelligence (Okagaki & Sternberg, t h e o r y o f multiple intelligences, with its focus on eight
1993). Each cultural group defines intelligence in its own way. distinct forms o f intelligence, offers an alternative view.
Sternberg's triarchic t h e o r y o f intelligence, with its c o n - test often t u r n s o u t t o b e m e n t a l l y retarded, b u t o t h e r w i s e
textual, experiential, and information-processing c o m p o - t h e r e s e e m s t o b e a g o o d deal o f d i s c o n t i n u i t y b e t w e e n early
nents, offers another. M *and later s c o r e s — a t least u n t i l a child is 4 o r older.
W h a t m i g h t explain t h e p o o r c o n n e c t i o n between scores
o n infant development scales and children's later IQs? Perhaps
the m a i n reason is that infant tests a n d IQ tests tap qualitatively
Tlie Infant different kinds o f abilities ( C o l u m b o , 1 9 9 3 ) . Piaget w o u l d u n -
doubtedly approve o f this a r g u m e n t . I n f a n t scales focus heavily
As y o u saw in C h a p t e r s 7 a n d 8, t h e m i n d develops rapidly in on t h e sensory and m o t o r skills that Piaget believed are so i m -
infancy. B u t h o w c a n an infant's intellectual g r o w t h b e m e a s - p o r t a n t in infancy; I Q tests s u c h as the S t a n f o r d - B i n e t and
ured? Is it possible t o identify i n f a n t s w h o are m o r e o r less i n - W I S C - I I I emphasize m o r e abstract abilities, s u c h as verbal rea-
telligent t h a n their age-mates? A n d h o w well d o e s high ( o r soning, c o n c e p t f o r m a t i o n , and p r o b l e m solving.
low) intelligence in i n f a n c y p r e d i c t high ( o r low) intelligence R o b e r t M c C a l l ( 1 9 8 1 , 1 9 8 3 ) offers a second e x p l a n a t i o n ,
in c h i l d h o o d a n d a d u l t h o o d ? arguing t h a t t h e g r o w t h o f intelligence d u r i n g i n f a n c y is
h i g h l y i n f l u e n c e d b y p o w e r f u l a n d universal maturational
processes. M a t u r a t i o n a l forces pull infants b a c k o n course if
e n v i r o n m e n t a l i n f l u e n c e s cause t h e m to stray. F o r this r e a s o n ,
N o n e o f t h e s t a n d a r d intelligence tests c a n b e used w i t h chil- h i g h e r o r lower infant test scores are likely t o be n o t h i n g m o r e
d r e n m u c h y o u n g e r than 3, b e c a u s e t h e test i t e m s require ver- t h a n t e m p o r a r y deviations f r o m a universal developmental
bal skills a n d a t t e n t i o n spans that i n f a n t s d o n o t have. S o m e path. As t h e child n e a r s age 2, M c C a l l argues, m a t u r a t i o n a l
developmentalists have tried t o m e a s u r e infant intelligence by forces b e c o m e less strong, so individual differences b e c o m e
assessing t h e rate at w h i c h infants achieve i m p o r t a n t develop- larger and m o r e stable over t i m e . C o n s i s t e n t differences re-
m e n t a l m i l e s t o n e s . Perhaps t h e best k n o w n a n d m o s t widely lated t o b o t h individual genetic m a k e u p a n d e n v i r o n m e n t b e -
used of the infant tests is t h e Bayley Scales of Infant gin t o e m e r g e .
D e v e l o p m e n t (Bayley, 1 9 9 3 ) . T h i s test, designed for infants S h o u l d researchers give up o n trying to predict later I Q
ages 1 to 4 2 m o n t h s , has t h e following three parts: on the basis o f d e v e l o p m e n t in infancy? P e r h a p s n o t yet. T h e
1. T h e motor scale, w h i c h m e a s u r e s t h e i n f a n t s ability t o i n f o r m a t i o n - p r o c e s s i n g a p p r o a c h has given n e w life t o the
do s u c h t h i n g s as grasp a c u b e a n d t h r o w a ball idea t h a t there is c o n t i n u i t y i n intelligence f r o m i n f a n c y to
2 . T h e mental scale, w h i c h i n c l u d e s adaptive b e h a v i o r s c h i l d h o o d . Several researchers have f o u n d that certain m e a s -
s u c h as reaching for a desirable o b j e c t , s e a r c h i n g for a h i d d e n ures o f i n f a n t a t t e n t i o n p r e d i c t later I Q b e t t e r t h a n i n f a n t i n -
toy, a n d following d i r e c t i o n s telligence tests do. F o r e x a m p l e , speed o f h a b i t u a t i o n (the
3. The behavior rating scaley a rating o f the child's behav- speed w i t h w h i c h a n i n f a n t loses interest in a repeatedly pre-
i o r o n d i m e n s i o n s s u c h as g o a l - d i r e c t e d n e s s , e m o t i o n a l regu- s e n t e d s t i m u l u s ) and p r e f e r e n c e for novelty ( t h e infant's t e n -
lation, and social r e s p o n s i v i t y d e n c y t o prefer a novel s t i m u l u s to a familiar o n e ) , assessed in
O n t h e basis o f the first t w o scores, t h e i n f a n t is given a t h e first' year o f life, have an average c o r r e l a t i o n o f a b o u t
d e v e l o p m e n t a l q u o t i e n t ( D Q ) r a t h e r t h a n an I Q . T h e DQ + 0 . 4 5 with I Q in c h i l d h o o d , particularly w i t h verbal I Q a n d
s u m m a r i z e s h o w well o r h o w p o o r l y t h e i n f a n t p e r f o r m s in m e m o r y skills ( M c C a l l & Carriger, 1 9 9 3 ; R o s e & F e l d m a n ,
c o m p a r i s o n w i t h a large n o r m g r o u p o f infants t h e s a m e cige. 1 9 9 7 ; Rose, F e l d m a n , & Jankowski, 2 0 0 3 ) . Fast r e a c t i o n t i m e
in i n f a n c y ( t i m e taken to l o o k in t h e d i r e c t i o n o f a visual s t i m -
ulus as s o o n as it a p p e a r s ) predicts later I Q a b o u t as well
Infant lotelBigemce and Later Intelligence
(Dougherty & Haith, 1997).
As t h e y age, infants progress t h r o u g h m a n y d e v e l o p m e n t a l Perhaps, t h e n , researchers c a n c h a r a c t e r i z e t h e " s m a r t "
m i l e s t o n e s o f t h e k i n d assessed b y t h e Bayley scales, so such infant as t h e speedy i n f o r m a t i o n p r o c e s s o r — t h e i n f a n t w h o
scales are useful in c h a r t i n g infants' d e v e l o p m e n t a l progress. q u i c k l y b e c o m e s b o r e d b y t h e s a m e old t h i n g , seeks novel ex-
T h e y are also useful in d i a g n o s i n g n e u r o l o g i c a l p r o b l e m s a n d p e r i e n c e s , a n d soaks up i n f o r m a t i o n rapidly. T h e r e s e e m s t o
m e n t a l r e t a r d a t i o n — e v e n w h e n these c o n d i t i o n s are m i l d and b e s o m e c o n t i n u i t y b e t w e e n i n f a n t intelligence a n d c h i l d h o o d
difficult t o detect t h r o u g h s t a n d a r d p e d i a t r i c o r n e u r o l o g i c a l intelligence after all. Such Bayley scale a c c o m p l i s h m e n t s as
e x a m i n a t i o n s ( E s c a l o n a , 1 9 6 8 ; H o n z i k , 1 9 8 3 ) . B u t develop- t h r o w i n g a ball are unlikely t o c a r r y over into v o c a b u l a r y -
m e n t a l i s t s have also b e e n interested in the larger issue o f c o n - l e a r n i n g o r p r o b l e m - s o l v i n g skills in c h i l d h o o d . However, the
tinuity versus d i s c o n t i n u i t y in intellectual d e v e l o p m e n t : Is it e x t e n t to w h i c h the young infant processes information
possible t o predict which infants are likely t o b e gifted, aver- q u i c k l y c a n predict t h e extent t o w h i c h he will l e a r n q u i c k l y
age, or m e n t a l l y retarded d u r i n g t h e s c h o o l years? a n d solve p r o b l e m s efficiently later in c h i l d h o o d .
N o t f r o m their D Q Scores. C o r r e l a t i o n s b e t w e e n i n f a n t
D Q a n d child I Q are low, s o m e t i m e s close t o zero. T h e i n f a n t
a sig Up
w h o does well o n t h e Bayley scales or o t h e r i n f a n t tests m a y or
m a y n o t o b t a i n a high I Q score later in life ( H o n z i k , 1 9 8 3 ; T h e Bayley scales include motor; mental, and behavior
Rose et al., 1 9 8 9 ) . True, t h e infant w h o scores low o n an i n f a n t ratings t o assess infant d e v e l o p m e n t Although tradition-
ally used as a m e a s u r e o f infant intelligence, t h e y d o n o t s e a r c h e r s l o o k e d at t h e I Q s c o r e s o f 140 c h i l d r e n w h o h a d
c o r r e l a t e well with later IQ scores. Instead, infant m e a s - t a k e n i n t e l l i g e n c e tests at r e g u l a r i n t e r v a l s f r o m age 2 t o age
ures t h a t capture s p e e d o f information processing and 17 ( M c C a l l , A p p l e b a u m , & H o g a r t y , 1 9 7 3 ) . T h e average dif-
p r e f e r e n c e f o r novelty are b e t t e r at predicting later intel- f e r e n c e b e t w e e n a c h i l d ' s h i g h e s t a n d lowest s c o r e s was a
ligence. • whopping 28.5 points. About one-third showed changes o f
more than 30 points, and one child changed by 74 IQ
points.
H o w do researchers r e c o n c i l e the c o n c l u s i o n that I Q is
The Ch relatively stable with this clear e v i d e n c e o f instability? T h e y
can still c o n c l u d e that, w i t h i n a g r o u p , children's standings
O v e r t h e c h i l d h o o d years, c h i l d r e n generally b e c o m e able t o ( h i g h o r low) in c o m p a r i s o n with peers stay stable f r o m o n e
answer m o r e q u e s t i o n s , a n d m o r e difficult questions, o n I Q point to another during the childhood years (Sternberg,
tests. T h a t is, t h e i r m e n t a l ages increase. B u t w h a t h a p p e n s to G r i g o r e n k o , & Bundy, 2 0 0 1 ) . B u t m a n y individual children
t h e I Q scores o f individual children, w h i c h reflect h o w they experience drops or gains in IQ scores over the years.
c o m p a r e w i t h peers? R e m e m b e r , however, t h a t this relates to p e r f o r m a n c e o n I Q
tests rather than underlying intellectual competence. IQ
scores are i n f l u e n c e d n o t o n l y b y p e o p l e s intelligence b u t also
b y t h e i r m o t i v a t i o n , testing p r o c e d u r e s a n d c o n d i t i o n s , a n d
m a n y o t h e r factors. As a result, I Q m a y b e m o r e c h a n g e a b l e
It was o n c e a s s u m e d t h a t a p e r s o n s I Q r e f l e c t e d h e r g e n e t i - over t h e years t h a n intellectual ability.
cally d e t e r m i n e d i n t e l l e c t u a l c a p a c i t y a n d t h e r e f o r e w o u l d
r e m a i n stable over time. In other words, a child with an I Q
o f 1 2 0 at age 5 w a s e x p e c t e d t o o b t a i n a s i m i l a r I Q at age 10,
15, o r 2 0 . Is this i d e a s u p p o r t e d b y r e s e a r c h ? As y o u have S o m e w a n d e r i n g o f I Q scores upward or d o w n w a r d over t i m e
s e e n , i n f a n t D Q s d o n o t p r e d i c t l a t e r I Q s well. H o w e v e r , is j u s t r a n d o m f l u c t u a t i o n — a g o o d day at o n e testing, a b a d
s t a r t i n g a r o u n d age 4 t h e r e is a fairly s t r o n g r e l a t i o n s h i p b e - day at t h e next. Yet there are p a t t e r n s . C h i l d r e n w h o s e scores
t w e e n early a n d l a t e r I Q , a n d t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p g r o w s even fluctuate the m o s t t e n d t o live in u n s t a b l e h o m e environ-
stronger by middle childhood. Table 9.2 s u m m a r i z e s the re- m e n t s ; t h e i r life e x p e r i e n c e s have fluctuated b e t w e e n p e r i o d s
sults o f a l o n g i t u d i n a l s t u d y o f 2 2 0 c h i l d r e n f r o m ages 4 t o o f h a p p i n e s s and t u r m o i l .
12 ( W e i n e r t & S c h n e i d e r 1 9 9 9 ; W e i n e r t & Hany, 2 0 0 3 ) . T h e In a d d i t i o n , s o m e children gain I Q p o i n t s over c h i l d h o o d
shorter the interval between two testings, the higher the a n d o t h e r s lose t h e m . W h o are t h e gainers, a n d w h o are the
correlation between children's I Q scores on the two occa- losers? G a i n e r s s e e m t o have p a r e n t s w h o foster a c h i e v e m e n t
s i o n s . Even w h e n several y e a r s have p a s s e d , h o w e v e r , IQ a n d w h o are n e i t h e r t o o strict n o r t o o lax in child rearing
s e e m s to be a s t a b l e a t t r i b u t e : t h e s c o r e s t h a t c h i l d r e n o b t a i n ( M c C a l l , A p p l e b a u m , & Hogarty, 1 9 7 3 ) . N o t i c e a b l e drops in
at age 7 are c l e a r l y r e l a t e d t o t h o s e t h e y o b t a i n 5 years later, I Q with age o f t e n o c c u r a m o n g c h i l d r e n w h o live in poverty.
at age 12. Otto Klineberg (1963) proposed a cumulative-deficit hypoth-
T h e s e correlations do n o t reveal everything, however. esis t o explain this: i m p o v e r i s h e d e n v i r o n m e n t s i n h i b i t intel-
T h e y are b a s e d o n a large g r o u p o f c h i l d r e n , a n d t h e y d o n o t lectual g r o w t h , a n d these negative effects a c c u m u l a t e over
n e c e s s a r i l y m e a n t h a t t h e I Q s o f i n d i v i d u a l c h i l d r e n will r e - t i m e . T h e r e is s o m e s u p p o r t f o r t h e c u m u l a t i v e - d e f i c i t hy-
m a i n s t a b l e over t h e years. As it t u r n s o u t , m a n y c h i l d r e n pothesis, especially w h e n a child's p a r e n t s are n o t o n l y p o o r
s h o w s i z a b l e u p s a n d d o w n s in t h e i r I Q s c o r e s over t h e b u t also l o w in intellectual f u n c t i o n i n g themselves ( J e n s e n ,
c o u r s e o f c h i l d h o o d . P a t t e r n s o f c h a n g e differ c o n s i d e r a b l y 1 9 7 7 ; R a m e y & R a m e y , 1 9 9 2 ) . T h e E x p l o r a t i o n s b o x o n page
f r o m c h i l d t o c h i l d , as t h o u g h each w e r e o n a p r i v a t e devel- 2 3 4 e x a m i n e s t h e success o f early i n t e r v e n t i o n p r o g r a m s de-
o p m e n t a l t r a j e c t o r y ( G o t t f r i e d et al., 1 9 9 4 ) . O n e t e a m o f r e - signed t o raise the I Q scores a n d a c a d e m i c success o f children
living in poverty.
Table 9.2 Cor relations of IQs Measiired §u mrrnng Up

a t ) Various Ages
During childhood, IQ s c o r e s b e c o m e m o r e stable so
Correlation with Correlation with
t h a t s c o r e s at o n e point in t i m e are generally c o n s i s t e n t
Age of Child IQ at Age 9 IQ at Age 12
with s c o r e s o b t a i n e d at a s e c o n d point. D e s p i t e group
4 0.46 0.42 stability, t h e scores o f individuals can fluctuate over
5 0.47 0.49 t i m e . G r e a t e r changes are evident w h e n children g r o w
up in unstable e n v i r o n m e n t s . Overall, t h e r e is b o t h c o n -
7 0.81 0.69
tinuity and c h a n g e in IQ s c o r e s during childhood; IQ
9 0.80
s c o r e s remain stable f o r many children, and mental ages
SOURCE: Adapted from Weinert & Hany, 2 0 0 3 , p. 1 7 1 , Table 1 0 . 1 . rise. H
D
uring t h e 1960s, several programs w e r e launched t o en- t h e s e children for school. At first, Head Start and similar pro-
rich the early learning e x p e r i e n c e s of disadvantaged grams s e e m e d t o be a smashing success; children in the pro-
preschoolers. P r o j e c t Head Start is perhaps t h e best known of grams w e r e posting average gains of about 10 points on IQ
t h e s e interventions. T h e idea was t o provide a variety of so- tests. But then discouragement s e t in: By the t i m e children
cial and intellectual e x p e r i e n c e s that might b e t t e r prepare reached t h e middle years o f grade school, their IQs w e r e no
(( High-quality Head Start programs provide the nutrition, health care, parent training, and in-
tellectual stimulation that can get disadvantaged children off to a good start.
1 9 9 4 ) . B r a i n d e v e l o p m e n t m a y give children the i n f o r m a t i o n -

T h e A d o l escexxt processing speed and w o r k i n g m e m o r y capacity they n e e d t o
p e r f o r m at adultlike levels on I Q tests (Kail & Salthouse, 1 9 9 4 ) .
Intellectual growth is rapid d u r i n g i n f a n c y and c h i l d h o o d . T h u s , basic changes in the brain in early adolescence m a y u n -
W h a t h a p p e n s d u r i n g a d o l e s c e n c e , and h o w well d o e s I Q pre- derlie a variety o f cognitive a d v a n c e s — t h e achievement o f for-
dict s c h o o l p e r f o r m a n c e ? mal operations, improved m e m o r y and i n f o r m a t i o n - p r o c e s s -
ing skills, and better p e r f o r m a n c e o n tests o f intelligence.
A l t h o u g h a d o l e s c e n c e is a t i m e o f impressive mental
Cootorsyity between Childhood g r o w t h , it is also a t i m e o f i n c r e a s e d stability o f individual dif-
ferences in intellectual p e r f o r m a n c e . D u r i n g t h e teen years, I Q
Intellectual g r o w t h c o n t i n u e s its rapid pace in early adolescence scores b e c o m e even m o r e stable t h a n t h e y were in c h i l d h o o d
t h e n slows and levels o f f in later adolescence ( T h o r n d i k e , 1 9 9 7 ) . a n d predict I Q in m i d d l e age well ( E i c h o r n , H u n t , & H o n z i k ,
A spurt in b r a i n development, s o m e studies suggest, occurs 1 9 8 1 ) . Even while adolescents as a g r o u p are e x p e r i e n c i n g cog-
a r o u n d age 11 or age 12, when children are believed to enter nitive g r o w t h , t h e n , e a c h a d o l e s c e n t is establishing a c h a r a c -
P i a g e t s formal operational stage (Case, 1992; A n d r i c h & Styles, teristic level o f intellectual p e r f o r m a n c e t h a t will m o s t likely
higher than those of control-group children (Gray, Ramsey, & classes, to be retained in a grade, or to drop out of high
Klaus, 1982). Such findings led Arthur Jensen (1969, p. 2) to school.
6
conclude that "compensatory education has been tried and it There is even some evidence (although not in all stud-
apparently has failed." ies) that teenagers who have participated in early com-
But that was not the end of the story. Children in some of pensatory education are less likely than nonparticipants
these programs have been followed into their teens and even to become pregnant, to require welfare assistance, and
20s. Irving Lazar and Richard Darlington (1982) reported on to be involved in delinquent behavior.
the long-term effects of I I early intervention programs in sev-
In sum, longitudinal evaluations suggest that compensatory
eral areas of the United States. Other follow-up studies of
education has been tried and it works. Programs seem most
Head Start and similar early education programs for disad-
effective if they start early, last long, and involve several com-
vantaged children have been conducted since then (Campbell
ponents. For example, Craig Ramey and his colleagues
& Ramey, 1995; Guralnick, 1997).These long-term studies in-
(Campbell et al., 2001; Campbell & Ramey, 1995) have re-
dicate the following:
ported outstanding success with the Abecedarian Project, an
• Children who participate in early intervention programs early intervention for extremely disadvantaged, primarily
show immediate gains on IQ and school achievement African American, children that involved an intellectually stim-
tests, whereas nonparticipants do not. However, the ulating day care program, home visits and efforts to involve
gains rarely last more than 3 or 4 years after the pro- parents in their children's development, and medical and nu-
gram has ended. Effects on measures other than IQ are tritional care from early infancy to kindergarten entry.
more encouraging. Program participants outperformed nonparticipants through-
• Compensatory education improves both children's and out childhood and into adolescence. By age 15, the impressive
mothers' attitudes about achievement. When asked to IQ advantage they had shown as young children had narrowed
describe something that has made them feel proud of to less than 5 points, but they continued to perform better on
themselves, program participants are more likely than math and reading achievement tests, were less likely to have
nonparticipants to mention scholastic achievements or been held back a grade, and were less in need of special edu-
(in the case of 15- to 18-year-olds) job-related suc- cation services. Some children in the study were randomly as-
cesses. Mothers of program participants tend to be signed to a group whose intervention did not begin until
more satisfied with their children's school performance school age, when a teacher worked with their regular teach-
and to hold higher occupational aspirations for their ers and their parents over a 3-year period.These children did
children. not show as many gains as those who received the preschool
• Program participants are more likely to meet their intervention, suggesting that it is best to intervene early in
school's basic requirements than nonparticipants are. children's lives (Campbell & Ramey, 1995).
They are less likely to be assigned to special education
b e c a r r i e d into adult life unless t h e i n d i v i d u a l s e n v i r o n m e n t (Neisser et al., 1 9 9 6 ) . However, I Q scores do n o t predict col-
c h a n g e s dramatically. lege grades as well as they predict high s c h o o l grades ( B r o d y &
Brody, 1 9 7 6 ) . M o s t college students p r o b a b l y have at least t h e
average intellectual ability n e e d e d to s u c c e e d in college; s u c -
cess is t h e r e f o r e m o r e i n f l u e n c e d by p e r s o n a l qualities such as
T h e original p u r p o s e o f I Q tests was to e s t i m a t e h o w well m o t i v a t i o n . Overall, an I Q score is a g o o d p r e d i c t o r o f a c a -
children w o u l d d o in s c h o o l a n d they do this fairly well. T h e d e m i c a c h i e v e m e n t , b u t it does n o t reveal everything a b o u t a
c o r r e l a t i o n between children's a n d a d o l e s c e n t s ' I Q scores a n d s t u d e n t . F a c t o r s s u c h as w o r k habits, interests, a n d m o t i v a t i o n
their grades is a b o u t + 0 . 5 0 , m a k i n g general intellectual abil- to s u c c e e d also affect a c a d e m i c a c h i e v e m e n t .
ity o n e o f t h e best p r e d i c t o r s o f s c h o o l a c h i e v e m e n t available
Summing Up
(Neisser et al., 1 9 9 6 ) . Adolescents w i t h high I Q s are also less
likely t o d r o p o u t o f high s c h o o l a n d m o r e likely t o go o n t o IQ s c o r e s continue t o stabilize as intellectual perform-
college t h a n their peers w i t h lower I Q s ; t h e c o r r e l a t i o n b e - a n c e reaches near-adult level. IQ s c o r e s have proved use-
tween I Q a n d years o f e d u c a t i o n o b t a i n e d averages +0.55 ful at predicting academic a c h i e v e m e n t o f adolescents. M
m e a s u r e s o f j o b p e r f o r m a n c e as s u p e r v i s o r ratings averages
T h e Adult + 0 . 3 0 to + 0 . 5 0 (Neisser et al., 1 9 9 6 ) . G e n e r a l intellectual
"ability s e e m s t o p r e d i c t j o b p e r f o r m a n c e in a r a n g e o f o c c u -
D o I Q scores predict a c h i e v e m e n t a n d success after p e o p l e p a t i o n s b e t t e r t h a n a n y o t h e r indicator, a n d it predicts likeli-
have left school? D o e s p e r f o r m a n c e o n I Q tests c h a n g e d u r i n g h o o d o f success as accurately f o r m e m b e r s o f racial and e t h -
the adult years? A n d d o I Q scores decline in o l d age, as p e r - n i c m i n o r i t y groups as f o r whites ( G o t t f r e d s o n , 2 0 0 2 ; S c h m i d t
f o r m a n c e on Piagetian cognitive tasks a n d s o m e memory & Hunter, 1 9 9 8 , 2 0 0 4 ) . M o r e intellectually c a p a b l e adults are
tasks does? b e t t e r able t o learn w h a t t h e y n e e d to k n o w a b o u t t h e i r o c c u -
p a t i o n s a n d t o solve t h e p r o b l e m s t h a t arise. T h i s literally pays
off, as s h o w n in Figure 9 . 4 : Individuals w i t h greater cognitive
ability earn m o r e m o n e y t h a t t h o s e w i t h lower cognitive abil-
T h e r e is a relationship b e t w e e n I Q a n d o c c u p a t i o n a l status. ity ( C e c i & W i l l i a m s , 1 9 9 7 ) .
Professional a n d t e c h n i c a l workers p e r f o r m h i g h e r o n I Q tests
t h a n w h i t e - c o l l a r workers, w h o in t u r n score h i g h e r t h a n
blue-collar, o r m a n u a l , w o r k e r s ( S c h m i d t & H u n t e r , 2 0 0 4 ) . As
s h o w n in Figure 9.3, the average I Q score o f w o r k e r s increases People w h o score h i g h e r o n m e a s u r e s o f intelligence t e n d to
as t h e prestige o f t h e o c c u p a t i o n increases ( N y b o r g & J e n s e n , b e h e a l t h i e r a n d live l o n g e r t h a n t h o s e w h o score lower
2 0 0 1 ) . T h i s is true for b o t h A f r i c a n A m e r i c a n a n d E u r o p e a n ( G o t t f r e d s o n , 2 0 0 4 ) . Research in S c o t l a n d has investigated t h e
American workers, although the relationship is stronger r e l a t i o n s h i p b e t w e e n intelligence and health. Nearly e v e r y o n e
a m o n g African A m e r i c a n samples. T h e reason f o r this rela- in the c o u n t r y b o r n in 1 9 2 1 c o m p l e t e d an intelligence test in
t i o n s h i p is clear: It u n d o u b t e d l y takes m o r e intellectual ability 1 9 3 2 w h e n t h e y were 11 years old. F o l l o w i n g up o n h e a l t h a n d
t o c o m p l e t e law s c h o o l a n d b e c o m e a lawyer (a h i g h - s t a t u s o c - death records decades later, researchers f o u n d t h a t individuals
c u p a t i o n ) than it d o e s to b e a f a r m h a n d (a l o w - s t a t u s o c c u p a - w h o scored o n e s t a n d a r d deviation ( 1 5 p o i n t s ) b e l o w o t h e r
t i o n ) . However, t h e prestige o r status o f t h e o c c u p a t i o n is n o t individuals were less likely t o b e alive at age 7 6 a n d m o r e likely
as i m p o r t a n t as t h e c o m p l e x i t y o f t h e w o r k (Gottfredson, t o have e x p e r i e n c e d s t o m a c h o r l u n g c a n c e r s a n d cardiovas-
1 9 9 7 ; Kuncel, Hezlett, & O n e s , 2 0 0 4 ) . G r e a t e r intelligence is cular o r c o r o n a r y h e a r t disease (Deary, W h a l l e y , & Starr, 2 0 0 3 ;
r e q u i r e d to h a n d l e m o r e c o m p l e x o r cognitively challenging W h a l l e y & Deary, 2 0 0 1 ) .
w o r k . Still, I Q s v a r y c o n s i d e r a b l y in every o c c u p a t i o n a l group,
A c o m m o n e x p l a n a t i o n for this c o n n e c t i o n b e t w e e n I Q
so m a n y p e o p l e i n low-status j o b s have high I Q s .
a n d health is s o c i o e c o n o m i c status: S m a r t p e o p l e m a y have
N o w a s e c o n d q u e s t i o n : A r e b r i g h t lawyers, electricians, b e t t e r j o b s , giving t h e m t h e resources t o o b t a i n b e t t e r health
o r f a r m h a n d s m o r e successful o r p r o d u c t i v e t h a n their less i n - care. B u t w h e n living c o n d i t i o n s are statistically c o n t r o l l e d
r »
telligent colleagues? T h e a n s w e r h e r e is also yes. T h e c o r r e l a -
( t h a t is, held c o n s t a n t ) , there is still a c o n n e c t i o n b e t w e e n i n -
t i o n b e t w e e n scores o n tests o f intellectual ability a n d s u c h
telligence a n d health ( G o t t f r e d s o n & Deary, 2 0 0 4 ) . Similarly,
Percentiles of g factor scores
Figure 9.3 Job status in relation to intelligence test performance for African Americans and
European Americans.
SOURCE: Reprinted from Nyborg, H., & J e n s e n . A. R. (2001). Intelligence, 29, Fig. 1, p. 15. Copyright © 2001 w i t h permission from Elsevier Science.
year following diagnosis (Taylor et al., 2 0 0 3 ) . O t h e r research
500 477 shows t h a t m a n y people with diabetes w h o have limited liter-
440 acy, which correlates with intelligence, do n o t k n o w the signs
450
404 o f high or low b l o o d sugar a n d do n o t k n o w h o w to correct
400 381 u n h e a l t h y levels ( W i l l i a m s et a l , 1 9 9 8 ) .
Research o n relationships between I Q and health is rela-
"w 350
K5 320 tively new and ongoing. B u t it suggests that I Q influences so-
O
"O 300 c i o e c o n o m i c status, which in turn influences health, and also
« influences health directly. Smarter people are able to apply their
S 250 intellectual skills to understanding and managing their health..
|T 200
CD
CD
5 150 <b>
Perhaps n o q u e s t i o n a b o u t adult d e v e l o p m e n t has been stud-

100
ied as t h o r o u g h l y as that o f h o w intellectual abilities change
50 with age. Alan K a u f m a n ( 2 0 0 1 ) e x a m i n e d cross sections o f
adults ranging in age f r o m 16 to 89 w h o were tested with the
0 Wechsler Adult Intelligence Scale. As Figure 9.5 shows, I Q s
1 2 3 4 5
Lowest Highest rise slightly until age 4 4 t h e n decline, with the steepest de-
clines starting a r o u n d age 80. B u t recall t h e description o f
Cognitive ability levels cross-sectional designs in C h a p t e r 1. C r o s s - s e c t i o n a l studies
c o m p a r e p e o p l e o f different c o h o r t s who have had different
F i g u r e 9A Weekly wages by level of cognitive ability.
SOURCE: From Ceci, S. J . & Williams, W . M . (1897). Schooling, intelligence, and incoms. levels o f e d u c a t i o n and life experiences b e c a u s e they were
American Psychologist, 53,1056. Copyright © 1997 by the American Psychological
Association. Reprinted by permission.
b o r n at different times. C o u l d the apparent declines in I Q
with age reflect c o h o r t differences?
providing equal, access to health care reduces but does n o t K a u f m a n ( 2 0 0 1 ) also studied the longitudinal p e r f o r m -
eliminate the social class differences in health (Steenland, ance o f seven c o h o r t s o f adults over a 17-year period. T h e re-
Henley, & T h u n , 2 0 0 2 ) . sults o f this longitudinal study were similar to those o b t a i n e d
So what else could be going on? L i n d a G o t t f r e d s o n ( 2 0 0 4 ) cross-sectionally. T h e r e was a loss o f a b o u t 5 I Q points f r o m
argues that g o o d health takes m o r e t h a n access to material re- age 4 0 to age 5 7 ; losses o f 7 to 8 p o i n t s f r o m age 5 0 to age 6 7
sources. It requires s o m e o f t h e abilities m e a s u r e d by intelli- and f r o m age 6 0 to age 77; and losses o f a b o u t 10 p o i n t s f r o m
gence tests, such as efficient l e a r n i n g and p r o b l e m solving. I n age 6 7 to age 8 4 and f r o m age 7 2 to age 89. D o intellectual
o t h e r words, successfully m o n i t o r i n g health a n d properly ap- abilities decline with age, as these data suggest? It depends o n
plying t r e a t m e n t p r o t o c o l s requires a cer tain a m o u n t o f intel- which abilities are e x a m i n e d . I n b o t h t h e cross-sectional and
ligence. C o n s i d e r the chronic illness diabetes. Successful longitudinal studies, verbal I Q was essentially u n c h a n g e d with
m a n a g e m e n t requires acquiring knowledge o f t h e disease age, at least until the person's 80s. In contrast, p e r f o r m a n c e I Q
symptoms and course, identifying signs o f inappropriate peaked by ages 2 0 to 2 4 t h e n steadily declined.
b l o o d sugar levels, a n d m a k i n g j u d g m e n t s a b o u t h o w to re- T h e r e is also data on changes in I Q with age f r o m a c o m -
s p o n d to b l o o d sugar fluctuations. A patient s I Q predicts h o w prehensive sequential study directed b y K. W a r n e r Schaie
m u c h knowledge o f diabetes he or she acquires d u r i n g the ( 1 9 8 3 , 1 9 9 6 ) . Schaie's study b e g a n in 1 9 5 6 with a sample o f
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c
o
<D
O
O
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O
55
16-17 18-19 20-24 25-29 30-34 35-44 45-54 55-64 65-69 70-74 75-79 80-84 85-89
Age group
Figure 9.5 IQ scores by age.

SOURCE: Based on data from Kaufman (200:).
m e m b e r s o f a health m a i n t e n a n c e o r g a n i z a t i o n r a n g i n g in age that m o s t p e o p l e e x p e r i e n c e as t h e y age ( S a l t h o u s e , 1996;
f r o m 2 2 t o 70. T h e y were given a revised test o f p r i m a r y m e n - Sliwinski 8c B u s c h k e , 1 9 9 9 ; Z i m p r i c h 8c M a r t i n , 2 0 0 2 ) .
tal abilities that yielded scores f o r five separate m e n t a l abili- A clear message here is that speed o f i n f o r m a t i o n process-
ties: verbal m e a n i n g , spatial ability, r e a s o n i n g , n u m e r i c a l abil- ing is related to intellectual f u n c t i o n i n g across the life span. N o t
ity, and word fluency. Seven years later, as m a n y o f t h e m as o n l y is rapid i n f o r m a t i o n processing in infancy associated with
could b e f o u n d were retested. In a d d i t i o n , a n e w s a m p l e o f high IQ scores in childhood, b u t y o u n g adults with q u i c k reac-
adults r a n g i n g f r o m their 2 0 s to t h e i r 70s was tested. T h i s de- tion t i m e s also o u t p e r f o r m their m o r e sluggish a g e - m a t e s on I Q
sign m a d e it possible to d e t e r m i n e h o w t h e p e r f o r m a n c e o f tests and adults w h o lose i n f o r m a t i o n - p r o c e s s i n g speed in later
the s a m e individuals c h a n g e d over 7 years a n d to c o m p a r e t h e life lose s o m e o f their ability to t h i n k t h r o u g h c o m p l e x and
p e r f o r m a n c e o f p e o p l e w h o were 2 0 years old in 1 9 5 6 with novel p r o b l e m s (Jensen, 1 9 9 3 ) . It is n o t just that older adults
that o f p e o p l e w h o were 2 0 years o l d in 1 9 6 3 . T h i s s a m e strat- c a n n o t finish tests that have t i m e limits; declines in p e r f o r m -
egy was repeated in 1 9 7 0 , 1 9 7 7 , a n d 1 9 8 4 , giving t h e re- ance intelligence o c c u r in later life even o n u n t i m e d tests
searchers a wealth o f i n f o r m a t i o n a b o u t different c o h o r t s in- ( K a u f m a n & K a u f m a n , 1 9 9 7 ) . T h e p r o b l e m is that the slower
cluding l o n g i t u d i n a l data o n s o m e p e o p l e over a 2 8 - y e a r i n f o r m a t i o n processor c a n n o t keep in m i n d a n d process simul-
period. taneously all relevant aspects o f a c o m p l e x p r o b l e m .
Several findings have e m e r g e d f r o m this i m p o r t a n t study. You nowr have an overall p i c t u r e o f intellectual f u n c t i o n -
First, it s e e m s t h a t when a person was born h a s at least as m u c h ing in a d u l t h o o d . Age g r o u p differences in p e r f o r m a n c e sug-
i n f l u e n c e o n intellectual f u n c t i o n i n g as age does. In o t h e r gest that older adults t o d a y are at a disadvantage o n m a n y tests
words, c o h o r t o r g e n e r a t i o n a l effects o n p e r f o r m a n c e exist. c o m p a r e d with y o u n g e r adults, partly b e c a u s e o f deficiencies
This evidence confirms the suspicion that cross-sectional in t h e a m o u n t and quality o f e d u c a t i o n they received early in
c o m p a r i s o n s o f different age g r o u p s yield t o o g r i m a p i c t u r e life. B u t actual declines in intellectual abilities associated w i t h
of declines in intellectual abilities during adulthood. aging are generally m i n o r u n t i l p e o p l e reach their late 60s o r
Specifically, recently b o r n c o h o r t s (the y o u n g e s t p e o p l e in t h e 70s. Even in old age, declines in fluid intelligence, p e r f o r m -
study were b o r n in 1 9 5 9 ) t e n d e d t o o u t p e r f o r m earlier g e n e r - a n c e intelligence, and p e r f o r m a n c e o n s p e e d e d tests are m o r e
a t i o n s ( t h e oldest were b o r n in 1 8 8 9 ) o n m o s t tests. Yet on t h e a p p a r e n t t h a n declines in crystallized intelligence, verbal in-
test o f n u m e r i c a l ability, p e o p l e b o r n b e t w e e n 1 9 0 3 a n d 1 9 2 4 telligence, a n d p e r f o r m a n c e on u n t i m e d tests. As y o u will
p e r f o r m e d b e t t e r t h a n b o t h earlier a n d later g e n e r a t i o n s . S o s o o n see, declines in fluid intelligence c a n b e r e d u c e d w h e n
different g e n e r a t i o n s m a y have a spccial edge in different ar- adults r e m a i n cognitively s t i m u l a t e d t h r o u g h w o r k o r o t h e r
eas o f intellectual p e r f o r m a n c e . Overall, t h o u g h , j u d g i n g f r o m activities ( W e i n e r t 8c Hany, 2 0 0 3 ) .
Schaies findings, y o u n g a n d m i d d l e - a g e d adults t o d a y c a n O n e last message o f this research is w o r t h special e m p h a -
look forward to better intellectual f u n c t i o n i n g in old age t h a n sis: D e c l i n e s in intellectual abilities are n o t universal. Even
their g r a n d p a r e n t s e x p e r i e n c e d . a m o n g t h e 8 1 - y e a r - o l d s in S c h a i e s study, o n l y a b o u t 3 0 t o
A n o t h e r i m p o r t a n t message o f S c h a i e s study, a n d of 4 0 % had e x p e r i e n c e d a significant decline in intellectual abil-
o t h e r research, is that p a t t e r n s o f aging differ f o r different ity in t h e previous 7 years ( S c h a i e , 1 9 9 0 ) . M o r e o v e r , a l t h o u g h
abilities. Fluid intelligence ( t h o s e abilities r e q u i r i n g active few 8 1 - y e a r - o l d s m a i n t a i n e d all five m e n t a l abilities, a l m o s t all
t h i n k i n g a n d r e a s o n i n g applied t o novel p r o b l e m s , as m e a s - retained at least o n e ability f r o m testing t o testing a n d a b o u t
ured by tests s u c h as t h e p r i m a r y m e n t a l abilities tests o f rea- half retained f o u r o u t o f five ( S c h a i e , 1 9 8 9 ) . T h e range o f dif-
s o n i n g and space) usually declines earlier a n d m o r e steeply ferences in intellectual f u n c t i o n i n g in a g r o u p o f older adults
t h a n crystallized intelligence ( t h o s e abilities involving t h e use is e x t r e m e l y large ( D i x o n , 2 0 0 3 ) . A n y o n e w h o stereotypes all
o f knowledge a c q u i r e d t h r o u g h e x p e r i e n c e , s u c h as in answer- elderly adults as intellectually l i m i t e d is likely t o b e w r o n g
ing the verbal m e a n i n g test used by S c h a i e ) . Consistently, m o s t o f the t i m e .
adults lose s o m e o f t h e i r ability to grapple with n e w p r o b l e m s
starting in m i d d l e age, b u t t h e i r crystallized general k n o w l -
edge a n d v o c a b u l a r y stay steady t h r o u g h o u t m i d d l e a n d older
a d u l t h o o d ( R a b b i t t , C h e t w y n d , & M c l n n e s , 2 0 0 3 ; Singer et al., W h a t is m o s t likely t o affect w h e t h e r o r n o t a person experi-
2 0 0 3 ) . S o m e research even shows t h a t knowledge, s u c h as vo- ences declines in intellectual p e r f o r m a n c e in old cige? Poor
cabulary, is higher a m o n g older adults t h a n a m o n g y o u n g e r health, n o t surprisingly, is o n e risk factor. People w h o have
adults (Field & G u e l d n e r , 2 0 0 1 ; V e r h a e g h e n , 2 0 0 3 ) . cardiovascular diseases o r o t h e r c h r o n i c illnesses s h o w steeper
W h y is this? Tests o f p e r f o r m a n c e a n d fluid I Q are often declines in m e n t a l abilities t h a n t h e i r h e a l t h i e r peers ( S c h a i e ,
t i m e d , a n d , as n o t e d in C h a p t e r 8, p e r f o r m a n c e o n t i m e d or 1 9 9 6 ) . Diseases ( a n d m o s t likely t h e drugs used to treat t h e m )
speeded tests declines m o r e in old age t h a n p e r f o r m a n c e o n also c o n t r i b u t e t o a rapid decline in intellectual abilities
u n s p e e d e d tests does. P e r f o r m a n c e , fluid, a n d s p e e d e d I Q test w i t h i n a few years o f death ( J o h a n s s o n , Zarit, & Berg, 1 9 9 2 ;
items m a y be less familiar to older adults w h o have b e e n o u t Singer et al., 2 0 0 3 ) . T h i s p h e n o m e n o n has b e e n given t h e de-
o f school for years t h a n to y o u n g e r adults; in this sense, t h e pressing label t e r m i n a l d r o p . P e r h a p s there is s o m e t h i n g ,
tests m a y b e subtly biased against older adults ( B e r g , 2 0 0 0 ) . t h e n , to t h e saying " S o u n d body, s o u n d m i n d . "
Declines in these fluid aspects o f intelligence have also b e e n A s e c o n d factor in decline is an unstimulating lifestyle.
linked t o t h e slowing o f c e n t r a l n e r v o u s system f u n c t i o n i n g S c h a i e a n d his colleagues f o u n d t h a t the biggest intellectual
declines were s h o w n b y elderly w i d o w s w h o had low social
status, engaged in few activities, a n d were dissatisfied w i t h
their lives ( S c h a i e , 1996). These women lived a l o n e and M a n y p e o p l e believe, incorrectly, as y o u have seen, that intel-
s e e m e d disengaged f r o m life. Individuals w h o m a i n t a i n their lectual d e c l i n e is an inevitable part o f a g i n g — y e t m a n y people
p e r f o r m a n c e o r even s h o w gains tend t o have above-average also believe t h a t old p e o p l e are wise. Indeed, this belief has
s o c i o e c o n o m i c status, a d v a n c e d e d u c a t i o n , i n t a c t m a r r i a g e s , b e e n expressed in m a n y cultures t h r o u g h o u t history. It is also
intellectually c a p a b l e spouses, a n d physically a n d m e n t a l l y a c - featured in E r i k E r i k s o n ' s i n f l u e n t i a l t h e o r y o f life-span devel-
tive lifestyles. Interestingly, m a r r i e d adults are affected b y the o p m e n t . E r i k s o n says that older adults often gain w i s d o m as
intellectual e n v i r o n m e n t t h e y p r o v i d e for e a c h other. T h e i r I Q t h e y face the p r o s p e c t o f death and a t t e m p t to find m e a n i n g
test scores b e c o m e m o r e s i m i l a r over the years, largely b e c a u s e in t h e i r lives (see C h a p t e r 11). N o t i c e , t o o , that the w o r d wise
the l o w e r - f u n c t i o n i n g p a r t n e r ' s scores rise closer to t h o s e o f is rarely used to describe children, adolescents, o r even y o u n g
the higher-functioning partner (Gruber-Baldini, Schaie, & adults (unless p e r h a p s it is to call o n e o f t h e m a wise guy). Is
Willis, 1 9 9 5 ; W e i n e r t & Hany, 2 0 0 3 ) . t h e a s s o c i a t i o n b e t w e e n w i s d o m and old age j u s t a stereotype,
T h e m o r a l is " U s e it o r lose it." T h i s rule, applicable t o o r is there s o m e t r u t h to it?
m u s c u l a r strength a n d sexual f u n c t i o n i n g , also p e r t a i n s t o in- But first, what is w i s d o m , and h o w c a n researchers assess
tellectual f u n c t i o n i n g in later life. T h e plasticity o f t h e n e r v o u s it? T h e r e is n o c o n s e n s u s o n these q u e s t i o n s , and, until re-
system t h r o u g h o u t the life span enables elderly individuals to cently, little research ( S t e r n b e r g , 2 0 0 3 ) . Researchers d o k n o w
b e n e f i t f r o m in tellectual s t i m u l a t i o n a n d t r a i n i n g , to m a i n t a i n that w i s d o m is n o t t h e s a m e as high intelligence: T h e r e are
t h e intellectual skills m o s t relevant t o their activities, and t o m a n y highly intelligent p e o p l e w h o are n o t wise. Paul Baltes
c o m p e n s a t e for t h e loss o f less-exercised abilities (Dixon, and his colleagues offer this d e f i n i t i o n o f w i s d o m : " e x p e r t
2 0 0 3 ; W e i n e r t & ITany, 2 0 0 3 ; see also t h e Applications b o x o n k n o w l e d g e in t h e f u n d a m e n t a l p r a g m a t i c s o f life that p e r m i t s
this page). T h e r e is still m u c h to learn a b o u t h o w health, e x c e p t i o n a l insight, j u d g m e n t , a n d advice a b o u t c o m p l e x a n d
lifestyle, a n d o t h e r factors shape the individual's intellectual u n c e r t a i n m a t t e r s " (Pasupathi, Staudinger, & Baltes, 2 0 0 1 , p.
g r o w t h and decline. W h a t is c e r t a i n is t h a t m o s t people c a n 3 5 1 ) . Similarly, R o b e r t S t e r n b e r g ( 2 0 0 3 ) defines a wise p e r s o n
l o o k f o r w a r d t o m a n y years o f o p t i m a l intellectual f u n c t i o n - as s o m e o n e w h o can c o m b i n e successful intelligence w i t h c r e -
ing b e f o r e s o m e o f t h e m e x p e r i e n c e losses o f s o m e m e n t a l ativity to solve p r o b l e m s that r e q u i r e b a l a n c i n g m u l t i p l e i n -
abilities in later life. terests o r perspectives. In a d d i t i o n , t h e wise person has the
C an you teach old dogs new tricks? And can you reteach
old dogs who have suffered declines in mental abilities
the old tricks they have lost? K.Warner Schaie and Sherry
The training worked. Both those who had suffered abil-
ity declines and those who had maintained their abilities be-
fore the study improved, although decliners showed signifi-
Willis (1986) sought to find out by training elderly adults in cantly more improvement in spatial ability than
spatial ability and reasoning, two of the fluid mental abilities nondecliners did. Schaie and Willis estimated that 40% of
most likely to decline in old age. Within a group of older the decliners gained enough through training to bring them
people ranging in age from 64 to 95 who participated in back to the level of performance they had achieved 14 years
Schaie's longitudinal study of intelligence, they first identi- earlier, before decline set in. What is more, effects of the
fied individuals whose scores on one of the two abilities had training among those who had experienced declines in per-
declined over a 14-year period and individuals who had re- formance were still evident 7 years later (Schaie, 1996).
mained stable over the same period. The goal with the de- The larger messages? You can teach old dogs new
cliners would be to restore lost ability; the goal with those tricks—and reteach them old tricks—in a short amount of
who had maintained their ability would be to improve it. time. This research does not mean that cognitive abilities
Participants took pretests measuring both abilities, received can be restored in elderly people who have Alzheimer's dis-
5 hours of training in either spatial ability or reasoning, and ease or other brain disorders and have experienced signifi-
then were given posttests on both abilities.The spatial train- cant neural loss. Instead, it suggests that many intellectual
ing involved learning how to rotate objects in space, at first skills decline in later life because they are not used—and
physically and then mentally. Training in reasoning involved that these skills can be revived with a little coaching and
learning how to detect a recurring pattern in a series of practice.This research, combined with research on children,
stimuli (for example, musical notes) and to identify what the provides convincing evidence of the plasticity of cognitive
next stimulus in the sequence should be. abilities over the entire life span.
o n t h e a s s u m p t i o n t h a t clinical psychologists gain special s e n -
sitivity t o h u m a n p r o b l e m s f r o m t h e i r p r o f e s s i o n a l t r a i n i n g
a n d practice.
T h e s e w o m e n were interviewed a b o u t a p e r s o n n a m e d
M a r t h a , w h o had c h o s e n t o have a f a m i l y b u t n o career a n d
w h o m e t an old friend w h o h a d c h o s e n t o have a career b u t n o
family. T h e w o m e n were asked to talk a b o u t h o w M a r t h a
might review a n d evaluate her life after this encounter.
Answers were s c o r e d for the five p r e c e d i n g qualities j u d g e d t o
be indicators o f wisdom.
W h a t was f o u n d ? First, w i s d o m proved to be rare; it
s e e m s t h a t o n l y a b o u t 5 % o f t h e answers given by adults to
p r o b l e m s such as these qualify as wise ( S m i t h & Baltes, 1 9 9 0 ) .
S e c o n d , expertise p r o v e d to b e m o r e relevant t h a n age t o t h e
development of wisdom. That is, clinical psychologists,
w h e t h e r y o u n g o r old, displayed m o r e signs o f w i s d o m t h a n
o t h e r w o m e n did. O l d e r w o m e n were generally n o w i s e r — o r
less w i s e — t h a n y o u n g e r w o m e n .
Age, t h e n , does n o t predict w i s d o m , at least a m o n g adults
( t h e r e is s o m e evidence that age is related to w i s d o m - r e l a t e d
p e r f o r m a n c e a m o n g adolescents; see Pasupathi, Staudinger, &
Baltes, 2 0 0 1 ) . Yet t h e k n o w l e d g e b a s e t h a t c o n t r i b u t e s to wis-
d o m , like o t h e r crystallized intellectual abilities, h o l d s up well
later in life (Baltes et al., 1 9 9 5 ) . O l d e r adults, like y o u n g e r
adults, are m o r e likely t o display w i s d o m if t h e y have life ex-
periences (such as w o r k as a clinical psychologist) that
s h a r p e n t h e i r insights into t h e h u m a n c o n d i t i o n . T h e i m m e -
diate social c o n t e x t also i n f l u e n c e s t h e degree to w h i c h wis-
d o m is expressed; wiser s o l u t i o n s t o p r o b l e m s are g e n e r a t e d
w h e n adults have an o p p o r t u n i t y t o discuss p r o b l e m s w i t h
s o m e o n e w h o s e j u d g m e n t t h e y value a n d w h e n t h e y are e n -
couraged. t o reflect after s u c h discussions (Staudinger &
([ People tend to believe that age brings wisdom. It can—but wis- Baltes, 1 9 9 6 ) . T h u s , c o n s u l t i n g with y o u r fellow students a n d
dom is rare even in later life. w o r k colleagues a n d t h i n k i n g a b o u t their advice m a y b e t h e
beginning o f wisdom.
following five qualities (Baltes & Staudinger, 2 0 0 0 ; Pasupathi, Finally, w i s d o m s e e m s t o reflect a p a r t i c u l a r c o m b i n a t i o n
Staudinger, & Baltes, 2 0 0 1 ) : o f intelligence, personality, and cognitive style (Baltes &
° Rich factual knowledge a b o u t life (a k n o w l e d g e base re- Staudinger, 2 0 0 0 ) . F o r e x a m p l e , individuals w h o have a c o g n i -
garding such areas as h u m a n n a t u r e , i n t e r p e r s o n a l relations, tive style o f c o m p a r i n g a n d evaluating relevant issues and w h o
a n d critical events in life) s h o w t o l e r a n c e o f a m b i g u i t y are m o r e likely to d e m o n s t r a t e
° R i c h p r o c e d u r a l k n o w l e d g e (such as strategies f o r giving w i s d o m t h a n individuals w i t h o u t these characteristics. In ad-
advice and h a n d l i n g c o n f l i c t s ) d i t i o n , external factors i n f l u e n c e t h e d e v e l o p m e n t o f w i s d o m .
° A life-span c o n t e x t u a l perspective ( c o n s i d e r a t i o n o f the M o n i k a Ardelt ( 2 0 0 0 ) f o u n d t h a t a supportive social e n v i r o n -
contexts of life—family, education, work, and others) m e n t d u r i n g early a d u l t h o o d was positively associated w i t h
• Relativism o f values a n d life p r i o r i t i e s ( a c k n o w l e d g m e n t w i s d o m 4 0 years later.
a n d t o l e r a n c e o f different values) At this early stage in t h e study o f w i s d o m , there is m u c h
6 R e c o g n i t i o n and m a n a g e m e n t o f u n c e r t a i n t y ( u n d e r - d i s a g r e e m e n t a b o u t w h a t it is, h o w it develops, and h o w it is
s t a n d i n g t h a t k n o w l e d g e o f t h e w o r l d is l i m i t e d a n d t h e f u t u r e related to o t h e r m e n t a l abilities. However, research o n w i s d o m
is u n k n o w n ) provides f u r t h e r e v i d e n c e that different m e n t a l faculties de-
D o e s w i s d o m typically increase w i t h age, o r are life expe- velop and age differently over t h e adult years.
riences m o r e i m p o r t a n t t h a n age in d e t e r m i n i n g w h e t h e r or
n o t a p e r s o n is wise? Ursula Staudinger, J a c q u i S m i t h , a n d
Summing Up
Paul Baltes ( 1 9 9 2 ) a t t e m p t e d t o find out by interviewing
y o u n g (ages 2 5 - 3 5 ) a n d elderly (ages 6 5 - 8 2 ) w o m e n w h o IQ is related t o t h e status o r prestige o f an adult's o c c u -
were clinical psychologists o r similarly w e l l - e d u c a t e d profes- pation and to her success within that occupation.
sionals in o t h e r fields. T h e goal was to assess t h e relative c o n - Intelligence also affects health and longevity. Both cross-
t r i b u t i o n s o f age a n d specialized e x p e r i e n c e t o w i s d o m , based sectional studies and longitudinal studies t e n d t o s h o w
age-related d e c r e a s e s in IQ. S c h a i e s sequential study sug- their biological parents t h a n with t h o s e o f their adoptive par-
gests that ( I ) date o f birth ( c o h o r t ) influences t e s t per- ents. Overall, m o s t researchers find that a b o u t h a l f o f t h e vari-
f o r m a n c e , (2) no m a j o r declines in mental abilities o c c u r ation in I Q scores within a group o f individuals is associated
until t h e late 6 0 s o r 70s, (3) s o m e abilities (especially fluid w i t h genetic differences a m o n g t h e m ( P l o m i n & Spinath,
o n e s ) decline m o r e than o t h e r s (especially crystallized 2 0 0 4 ) . S o m e researchers report that genetic influence on I Q
ones), and (4) n o t all people's abilities decline. Decline is differences is s o m e w h a t greater t h a n e n v i r o n m e n t a l influ-
m o s t likely in t h o s e w h o have p o o r health and unstimu- ences (Rowe, Vesterdal, & Rodgers, 1 9 9 9 ) . I n either case, as
lating lifestyles. A few adults display wisdom, which re- m u c h as h a l f o f t h e variation in scores is attributable to dif-
quires a rich knowledge base along with particular per- ferences in the environments in which people develop.
sonality traits and cognitive styles that foster wisdom. H Children growing up in the s a m e h o m e s h o w family resem-
blance in I Q scores (an effect o f shared e n v i r o n m e n t ) when
they are y o u n g children b u t n o t by t h e time t h e y reach ado-
F a c t o r s T h a t Influence lescence and a d u l t h o o d (Bartels et al., 2 0 0 2 ; Loehlin, H o r n , &
W i l l e r m a n , 1 9 9 7 ; M c G u e et al., 1 9 9 3 ) . M o s t effects o f envi-
> I Q Scores r o n m e n t o n I Q are u n i q u e to the individual and are n o t
shared by siblings ( M a c c o b y , 2 0 0 0 ) .
N o w that we have surveyed changes in intellectual f u n c t i o n i n g A l t h o u g h differences in I Q are linked to differences in ge-
over t h e life span, we will address a different question: W h y do n e t i c m a k e u p , this says n o t h i n g a b o u t t h e extent to which I Q
children o r adults w h o are the s a m e age differ in IQ? Part o f can b e increased. Height, for example, is even m o r e strongly
t h e answer is t h a t they differ in t h e kinds o f m o t i v a t i o n a l and associated wTith genetic e n d o w m e n t t h a n I Q . Yet it can clearly
situational factors that can affect p e r f o r m a n c e o n a given day. b e decreased b y p o o r n u t r i t i o n o r increased by g o o d n u t r i -
Yet there are real differences in underlying intellectual ability tion, a n d it has increased over several g e n e r a t i o n s as n u t r i t i o n
that n e e d to be explained. As usual, die best explanation is that has i m p r o v e d ( S t e r n b e r g , 1 9 9 7 ) . S o l o o k further at aspects o f
genetic and e n v i r o n m e n t a l factors interact to m a k e us what t h e e n v i r o n m e n t in i n f a n c y a n d early c h i l d h o o d that can s t i m -
we are. ulate o r inhibit intellectual growth. T h e n you will see h o w far
this i n f o r m a t i o n c a n go in explaining differences in I Q scores
associated with s o c i o e c o n o m i c status and race o r ethnicity.
T h e pioneers o f the I Q testing m o v e m e n t believed t h a t indi-

H o m e Environment
vidual differences in I Q exist simply b e c a u s e s o m e people i n -
herit better genes at c o n c e p t i o n t h a n others do. Even t h o u g h Research b y A r n o l d S a m e r o f f a n d his colleagues ( 1 9 9 3 ) p r o -
I Q scores are n o w ' k n o w n n o t to b e d e t e r m i n e d entirely b y vides a b r o a d overview o f s o m e o f t h e e n v i r o n m e n t a l factors
genes, heredity helps explain individual differences in intellec- that p u t children at risk for having l o w I Q s c o r e s — a n d , b y i m -
tual p e r f o r m a n c e . As you saw in C h a p t e r 3, identical twins o b - plication, s o m e o f the factors associated with higher I Q s .
tain m o r e similar I Q scores than fraternal twins do even w h e n T h e s e researchers assessed t h e 10 risk factors shown in Table
t h e y have been raised apart (you m i g h t w a n t to l o o k again at 9 . 3 at age 4 a n d again at age 13. Every factor was related to I Q
Table 3 . 3 ) . Moreover, the I Q s o f a d o p t e d children, o n c e t h e y at age 4, a n d m o s t predicted I Q at age 13. In addition, t h e
reach adolescence, are m o r e strongly correlated with those o f greater t h e n u m b e r o f these risk factors affecting a child, t h e
Table 9.3 How 10 Environmental Risk Factors As sociated with Low KI Affect ChiIdren
Mean IQ at Age 4
Risk Factor Child Experienced Risk Factor Child Did Not Experience Risk Factor
Child is member of minority group 90 110

Head of household is unemployed or low-skilled worker 90 108
Mother did not complete high school 92 109
Family has four or more children 94 105
Father is absent from family 95 106
Family experienced many stressful life events 97 105
Farents have rigid child-rearing values 92 107
Mother is highly anxious or distressed 97 105
Mother has poor mental health or diagnosed disorder 99 107
Mother shows little positive affect toward child 88 107
SOURCE: Based on Sameroff et al. (1993).

lower his I Q . W h i c h risk factors t h e child e x p e r i e n c e d was less m o s t i m p o r t a n t factors are parental involvement with the
i m p o r t a n t than h o w m a n y he experienced. Clearly, it is n o t child and o p p o r t u n i t i e s for s t i m u l a t i o n ( G o t t f r i e d et al.,
g o o d for intellectual d e v e l o p m e n t to grow u p in a disadvan- d 9 9 4 ) . However, the a m o u n t o f s t i m u l a t i o n parents provide to
taged h o m e with an adult u n a b l e to provide m u c h intellectual t h e i r y o u n g children m a y n o t be as i m p o r t a n t as w h e t h e r that
nurturance. stimulation is responsive to the child's b e h a v i o r (a smile in re-
In what ways do parents and t h e h o m e influence chil- t u r n for a smile) and m a t c h e d to the child's c o m p e t e n c i e s so
dren's intellectual development? A widely used assessment o f that it is neither t o o simple n o r t o o challenging (Miller, 1986;
the intellectual stimulation o f the h o m e e n v i r o n m e n t is the S m i t h , Landry, & Swank, 2 0 0 0 ) . In short, an intellectually
H o m e Observation for Measurement of the Environment stimulating h o m e is o n e in w h i c h parents are eciger to be in-
( H O M E ) i n v e n t o r y (Bradley et al., 2 0 0 1 ) . S a m p l e items f r o m volved with their children and are responsive t o their develop-
the preschool version o f a H O M E i n v e n t o r y are s h o w n in m e n t a l needs and behavior. T h i s m a y help explain why s o m e
Table 9 . 4 (Caldwell & Bradley, 1 9 8 4 ) . B r a d l e y a n d his col- research finds a c o n n e c t i o n b e t w e e n family size and b i r t h ,
leagues ( 1 9 8 9 ) have f o u n d that scores o n t h e H O M E can pre- w h i c h is e x a m i n e d in the E x p l o r a t i o n s b o x on page 2 4 3 .
dict the I Q s o f African A m e r i c a n and E u r o p e a n A m e r i c a n D o differences in stimulation in the h o m e create individ-
children at age 3, with correlations o f a b o u t 0 . 5 0 (see also ual differences in IQ? M o r e intelligent parents are m o r e likely
Cleveland et al., 2 0 0 0 ) . H O M E scores c o n t i n u e to predict I Q t h a n less intelligent parents to provide intellectually stimulat-
scores between ages 3 a n d 6 (Espy, Molfese, & DiLalla, 2 0 0 1 ) . ing h o m e e n v i r o n m e n t s for their children and to pass on to
G a i n s in I Q f r o m age 1 t o age 3 are likely to o c c u r a m o n g chil- their children genes that c o n t r i b u t e to high intelligence; that
dren f r o m stimulating h o m e s , whereas children f r o m families is, there is evidence o f the g e n e - e n v i r o n m e n t correlations de-
w i t h low H O M E scores often experience drops in I Q over t h e scribed in C h a p t e r 3. M a t e r n a l I Q , f o r example, is correlated
s a m e period. T h e early I Q scores o f M e x i c a n A m e r i c a n chil- with a child's I Q at 3 years and with family i n c o m e and qual-
dren are n o t closely related to their families' H O M E scores, ity o f h o m e e n v i r o n m e n t ( B a c h a r a c h & Baumeister, 1 9 9 8 ) . So,
however, so researchers k n o w less a b o u t h o w t h e h o m e envi- are b r i g h t children bright because o f the genes t h e y i n h e r i t e d
r o n m e n t s provided b y H i s p a n i c parents influence their chil- or b e c a u s e o f the h o m e e n v i r o n m e n t their b r i g h t parents p r o -
dren's intellectual d e v e l o p m e n t . vided? Keith Yeates and his colleagues ( 1 9 8 3 ) evaluated these
W h a t aspects o f the h o m e e n v i r o n m e n t best predict high alternative hypotheses in a longitudinal study o f 112 m o t h e r s
IQs? Studies using t h e H O M E i n v e n t o r y indicate that t h e a n d their children, ages 2 to 4. T h e y m e a s u r e d t h e m o t h e r s '
Table 9.4 Subscales and Sample Items from the HOME Inventory
Subscale 1: Emotional and Verbal Responsivity of Parent (11 items)
SAMPLE ITEMS: Parent responds verbally to child's vocalization or verbalizations.

Parent's speech is distinct, clear, and audible.
Parent caresses or kisses child at least once. *
Subscale 2: Avoidance of Restriction and Punishment (8 items)
SAMPLE ITEMS: Parent neither slaps nor spanks child during visit.
Parent does not scold or criticize child during visit.
Parent does not interfere with or restrict child more than three times during visit.
Subscale 3: Organization of Physical and Temporal Environment (6 items)
SAMPLE ITEMS: Child gets out of house at least four times a week.
Child's play environment is safe*
Subscale 4: Provision of Appropriate Play Materials (9 items)
SAMPLE ITEMS: Child has a push or pull toy.

Parent provides learning facilitators appropriate to age—mobile, table and chairs, highchair, playpen,
and so on.
Parent provides toys for child to play with during visit.
Subscale 5: Parental Involvement with Child (6 items)
SAMPLE ITEMS: Parent talks to child while doing household work.
Parent structures child's play periods.
Subscale 6: Opportunities for Variety in Daily Stimulation (5 items)
SAMPLE ITEMS: Father provides some care daily.

Child has three or more books of his or her own.
SOURCE: Adapted from Caldwell & Bradley (1984).
242 Chapter 9 Intelligence and Creativity

Y ears ago, the case was made that birth order influenced
intellectual and academic performance, with firstborn
children scoring the highest on intellectual tests and later-
children may not have opportunities to teach younger sib-
lings.
Not all the research shows a clear connection between
born children scoring progressively worse (Zajonc, 1976). birth order and intelligence (Armor, 2001; Zajonc, 2001),
After being dismissed for a time, this possible link between and in those studies that do, the difference in test scores be-
birth order and intelligence has recently been reexamined tween firstborns and later-borns is only a few points.Thus,
(Downey, 2001; Rodgers, 2001; Zajonc, 2001a, b). How a firstborn might score I 18 on an intelligence test and a
might birth order affect intelligence? According to Zajonc younger sibling I 15; this 3-point difference is unlikely to
(2001a, b), firstborn children benefit from having their par- have practical significance for what the two siblings are able
ents' undivided attention and are exposed primarily to adult to accomplish in life (Armor, 2001).
language. Subsequent children are exposed to their parents' Finally, birth order is connected to family size.When re-
attention and language, but they are also exposed to their searchers compare fifth-born children, for example, with
older siblings language and they must share their parents' firstborns, some of the firstborns may have four or more
attention.According to the resource dilution model, parents siblings (as would be the case for the fifth-born child), but
have only so many resources (time, energy, money, and so many have only one or two siblings.Thus, the children come
on); once these resources are used up, there are no more from families of different sizes. Research suggests that, in
to go around (Downey, 2001). For a time, firstborns get all general, children from larger families have lower IQ scores
the resources; later-borns get fewer resources because the than children from smaller families.What this research does
finite resources must be shared among more ,children. not tell is whether growing up in a large family leads to
Firstborns are further advantaged because they are in a po- lower IQs or whether lower-IQ parents tend to have more
sition to teach their younger siblings, and teaching others children and pass their lower-IQ genes on to them
seems to promote intellectual development. Later-born (Rodgers et al., 2000).
I Q s , t h e children's I Q s f r o m age 2 to age 4, a n d t h e families'

H O M E e n v i r o n m e n t s . T h e best p r e d i c t o r o f a child's I Q at age
2 was t h e m o t h e r ' s I Q , j u s t as a genetic h y p o t h e s i s would sug- Children from lower-class h o m e s average s o m e 10 to 20
gest; h o m e e n v i r o n m e n t h a d little effect. B u t t h e picture p o i n t s below 7 t h e i r m i d d l e - c l a s s a g e - m a t e s on I Q tests. T h i s is
c h a n g e d b y die t i m e children were 4 years old, w h e n the true in all racial and ethnic groups (Helms, 1997).
m o t h e r ' s IQ and the quality o f t h e h o m e e n v i r o n m e n t were S o c i o e c o n o m i c status affects I Q scores as well as children's
a b o u t equally i m p o r t a n t predictors o f a child's I Q . M o r e o v e r , rate o f intellectual growth (Espy, M o l f e s e , & DiLalla, 2 0 0 1 ) .
the researchers established statistically that differences in t h e W h a t i f s o c i o e c o n o m i c c o n d i t i o n s were t o i m p r o v e ?
q u a l i t y o f the h o m e e n v i r o n m e n t i n f l u e n c e d children's I Q s O v e r t h e 2 0 t h century, average I Q scores have increased
b e y o n d the effects o f t h e i r m o t h e r s ' I Q s , a n d t h a t m u c h o f t h e in all c o u n t r i e s studied, a p h e n o m e n o n called die F l y n n effect
effect o f a m o t h e r ' s TQ could b e attributed t o h i g h - I Q m o t h - after its discoverer, J a m e s F l y n n ( 1 9 8 7 , 1 9 9 8 , 1 9 9 9 ) . In t h e
ers p r o v i d i n g m o r e s t i m u l a t i n g h o m e e n v i r o n m e n t s t h a n low- U n i t e d States, t h e increase has a m o u n t e d t o 3 t o 4 I Q p o i n t s
I Q m o t h e r s ( B a c h a r a c h & B a u m e i s t e r , 1 9 9 8 ) . In addition, per decade. M o s t researchers argue that increases o f this size
a d o p t e d children's I Q scores rise c o n s i d e r a b l y w h e n t h e y are cannot be caused by genetic evolution and therefore must
m o v e d f r o m less s t i m u l a t i n g t o m o r e s t i m u l a t i n g homes have environmental causes (but see Mingroni, 2004).
( T u r k h e i m e r , 1 9 9 1 ) , and t h e quality o f day care children re- Interestingly, t h e F l y n n effect is clearer for m e a s u r e s o f fluid
ceive predicts their verbal I Q scores ( B r o b e r g et al., 1 9 9 7 ) . intelligence t h a n f o r m e a s u r e s o f crystallized intelligence, even
T h u s , the a r g u m e n t that genetic influences can fully explain t h o u g h you m i g h t e x p e c t crystallized intelligence to benefit
the apparent effects o f h o m e e n v i r o n m e n t o n I Q does n o t hold m o r e from improved educational opportunities. Flynn be-
up. Yet researchers c a n n o t ignore genetic influences; gifted chil- lieves t h a t a g o o d p o r t i o n o f t h e t r e n d reflects increases n o t in
dren are m o r e likely than their less gifted peers to seek intellec- t r u e intellectual c a p a c i t y b u t in p e r f o r m a n c e o n I Q tests, b e -
tual stimulation (Gottfried et al., 1 9 9 4 ) . Overall, intellectual de- cause today's test takers are p r o b a b l y m o r e test-wise t h a n test
velopment seems to go best w h e n a motivated, intellectually takers o f t h e past. F l y n n also suggests t h a t i m p r o v e d n u t r i t i o n ,
capable child begging for intellectual n o u r i s h m e n t is fortunate e d u c a t i o n , a n d living c o n d i t i o n s over t h e c o u r s e o f the 2 0 t h
e n o u g h to get it from involved and responsive parents. c e n t u r y have c o n t r i b u t e d to real i m p r o v e m e n t s in intellectual
f u n c t i o n i n g . Increases i n children's I Q s over a 2 0 - y e a r p e r i o d
are a p p a r e n t l y n o t c a u s e d b y speedier processing o f i n f o r m a -
t i o n , however, so the search for explanations continues
(Nettelbeck & Wilson, 2 0 0 4 ) .
Similarly, i m p r o v i n g t h e e c o n o m i c c o n d i t i o n s o f c h i l -
dren's h o m e s c a n i m p r o v e t h e i r I Q s . F o r e x a m p l e , S a n d r a
Scarr and Richard W e i n b e r g have charted the intellectual
growth o f African American and European American chil-
d r e n a d o p t e d b e f o r e t h e i r first b i r t h d a y ( S c a r r 8c W e i n b e r g ,
1 9 8 3 ; W e i n b e r g , S c a r r , 8c W a l d m a n , 1 9 9 2 ) . M a n y o f t h e s e
children c a m e f r o m disadvantaged family backgrounds and
h a d b i o l o g i c a l p a r e n t s w h o were p o o r l y e d u c a t e d a n d s o m e -
w h a t b e l o w average in I Q . T h e y w e r e p l a c e d in m i d d l e - c l a s s
h o m e s with adoptive parents w h o were highly educated and
a b o v e average in i n t e l l i g e n c e . T h r o u g h o u t c h i l d h o o d and
a d o l e s c e n c e , t h e s e a d o p t e e s h a v e p o s t e d average o r a b o v e
average s c o r e s o n s t a n d a r d i z e d I Q t e s t s — h i g h e r s c o r e s t h a n
([ Differences in intellectual functioning within any racial or ethnic
t h e y w o u l d h a v e o b t a i n e d i f t h e y h a d s t a y e d in t h e d i s a d -
group are far greaterthan differences among groups.
vantaged environments offered by their natural parents.
Research with French children w h o were adopted later—
a r o u n d age 5 — i n d i c a t e s t h a t i n c r e a s e s in I Q are much Culture Bias
larger a m o n g c h i l d r e n a d o p t e d i n t o a f f l u e n t h o m e s w i t h T h e r e m a y b e c u l t u r e b i a s in testing; that is, I Q tests m a y b e
highly educated parents than a m o n g those adopted into m o r e a p p r o p r i a t e f o r children f r o m w h i t e m i d d l e - c l a s s b a c k -
disadvantaged h o m e s ( D u y m e , D u m a r e t , 8c T o m k i e w i c z , grounds than for those from other subcultural groups
1999). ( H e l m s , 1 9 9 2 ; Lopez, 1 9 9 7 ) . L o w - i n c o m e A f r i c a n A m e r i c a n
C o u l d social class differences in I Q b e caused b y differ- children w h o speak a dialect o f English different f r o m t h a t
e n c e s in t h e q u a l i t y o f the h o m e e n v i r o n m e n t t h a t parents o f spoken by middle-class A n g l o children, as well as H i s p a n i c
different s o c i o e c o n o m i c levels provide? Yes, at least partially. children w h o h e a r S p a n i s h r a t h e r t h a n English al h o m e , m a y
S c o r e s o n the H O M E i n v e n t o r y are h i g h e r in m i d d l e - c l a s s n o t u n d e r s t a n d s o m e test i n s t r u c t i o n s o r items. What, is m o r e ,
h o m e s t h a n in lower-class h o m e s , i n d i c a t i n g t h a t m i d d l e - c l a s s t h e i r e x p e r i e n c e s m a y n o t allow t h e m to b e c o m e familiar w i t h
h o m e s are m o r e intellectually s t i m u l a t i n g o n average ( B r a d l e y s o m e o f t h e i n f o r m a t i o n called for on t h e tests (for e x a m p l e ,
et al., 1989; G o t t f r i e d , 1 9 8 4 ) . P o o r n u t r i t i o n , drug abuse, dis- W h a t is a 747? W h o w r o t e Hamlet?).
ruptive family experiences, a n d o t h e r factors associated w i t h M i n o r i t y - g r o u p children often do n o t have as m u c h expo-
poverty m a y also c o n t r i b u t e t o t h e social-class gap in I Q sure to the culture reflected in t h e tests as n o n m i n o r i t v children
( G o t t f r i e d 8c G o t t f r i e d , 1 9 8 4 ) . do. I f I Q tests assess " p r o f i c i e n c y in E u r o p e a n A m e r i c a n cul-
ture," m i n o r i t y children are b o u n d t o l o o k deficient ( H e l m s ,
1 9 9 2 ) . Using I Q tests designed to b e fair to all e t h n i c groups and
Race a n d E t h n i c i t y
i n t r o d u c i n g procedures to help m i n o r i t y children feel m o r e
M o s t studies find racial a n d e t h n i c differences in I Q scores c o m f o r t a b l e and motivated can cut t h e usual I Q gap between
and this has sparked m u c h controversy. In t h e U n i t e d States, African A m e r i c a n and E u r o p e a n A m e r i c a n children in half
f o r e x a m p l e , Asian A m e r i c a n a n d E u r o p e a n A m e r i c a n chil- ( K a u f m a n , K a m p h a u s , 8c K a u f m a n , 1 9 8 5 ) . But, even t h o u g h
d r e n t e n d t o score higher, o n average, o n I Q tests t h a n A f r i c a n standardized I.Q test items s o m e t i m e s have a white middle-class
A m e r i c a n , Native A m e r i c a n , and H i s p a n i c A m e r i c a n children flavor, g r o u p differences in I Q p r o b a b l y c a n n o t b e t r a c c d solely
(Neisser et al., 1 9 9 6 ) . D i f f e r e n t s u b c u l t u r a l g r o u p s s o m e t i m e s t o test bias. Culture-fair I Q tests include items that should be
s h o w distinctive profiles o f m e n t a l abilities; for e x a m p l e , b l a c k equally unfamiliar ( o r familiar) to people from all e t h n i c
children often d o p a r t i c u l a r l y well o n verbal tasks, whereas groups a n d social c l a s s e s — f o r example, items that require c o m -
H i s p a n i c children, p e r h a p s b e c a u s e o f language differences, pleting a g e o m e t r i c design with a piece that m a t c h e s the rest o f
t e n d t o excel o n n o n v e r b a l i t e m s (Neisser et al., 1 9 9 6 ; Taylor 8c the design. Still, racial and e t h n i c differences e m e r g e o n such
Richards, 1 9 9 1 ) . It is essential to keep in m i n d t h a t w e are talk- tests (Jensen, 1 9 8 0 ) . In addition, I Q tests predict future school
ing a b o u t group averages. Like t h e I Q scores o f w h i t e children, achievement as well for African A m e r i c a n s a n d o t h e r m i n o r i t i e s
those o f m i n o r i t y children r u n t h e r a n g e f r o m t h e m e n t a l l y as they d o for European A m e r i c a n s (Neisser et al., 1 9 9 6 ) .
retarded t o t h e gifted. Researchers certainly c a n n o t p r e d i c t an
individual's I Q m e r e l y o n t h e basis o f racial o r e t h n i c identity. Motivational Factors
Having said that, why d o these average g r o u p differences ex- A n o t h e r possibility is that m i n o r i t y individuals are n o t m o t i -
ist? C o n s i d e r t h e following h y p o t h e s e s : bias in t h e tests, m o t i - vated to do their best in testing situations b e c a u s e t h e y are a n x -
vational factors, genetic differences a m o n g groups, a n d envi- ious o r resist being j u d g e d by whites ( M o o r e , 1986; O g b u , 1994;
r o n m e n t a l differences a m o n g groups. Steele, 1 9 9 7 ) . T h e y m a y b e w a r y o f strange examiners, m a y see
little point in trying to do well, and m a y shake their heads be- O t h e r research has d e m o n s t r a t e d that positive stereo-
fore the question is completed as i f to say they do n o t k n o w the types a b o u t a group can increase the p e r f o r m a n c e o f m e m b e r s
answer. Disadvantaged children score s o m e 7 to 10 points bet- o f that group. M a r g a r e t Shih and her colleagues (Shih,
ter w h e n they are given t i m e to get to k n o w a friendly e x a m i n e r Pittinsky, & Ambady, 1 9 9 9 ) gave Asian A m e r i c a n w o m e n a
or are given a m i x o f easy and hard items so that they do n o t be- m a t h test u n d e r o n e o f three c o n d i t i o n s . In one, their identity
c o m e discouraged by a long string o f difficult items (Zigler et as w o m e n was m a d e salient; in another, their Asian A m e r i c a n
al., 1 9 8 2 ) . Even t h o u g h m o s t children do better with a friendly identity was m a d e salient; and in a third c o n d i t i o n , n o iden-
examiner, it seems that African A m e r i c a n children, even those tity was emphasized. Consistent with stereotypes, these
f r o m middle-class h o m e s , are often less c o m f o r t a b l e in testing w o m e n p e r f o r m e d worse w h e n their gender was emphasized
situations than white middle-class children are ( M o o r e , 1 9 8 6 ) . and b e t t e r w h e n their e t h n i c b a c k g r o u n d was emphasized, rel-
C l a u d e Steele and his colleagues have argued that t h e per- ative to the g r o u p that was n o t p r i m e d to think a b o u t either
f o r m a n c e o f African A m e r i c a n s is especially likely to suffer identity. So, stereotypes can either h i n d e r or e n h a n c e per-
whenever negative stereotypes o f their group c o m e i n t o play f o r m a n c e , d e p e n d i n g o n whether a p e r s o n identifies with a
(Steele, 1 9 9 7 , 1 9 9 9 ; Steele 8c A r o n s o n , 1 9 9 5 ; see also Sackett, group that is viewed negatively o r positively.
H a r d i s o n , 8c Cullen, 2 0 0 4 ) . In o n e study, female students at T h e effects o f stereotype threat can be reduced by provid-
S t a n f o r d University were given difficult test items. S o m e stu- ing students with a m e n t o r . C a t h e r i n e G o o d and her col-
dents were told that they were taking a test o f verbal abilities leagues ( 2 0 0 3 ) h a d college students serve as m e n t o r s to sev-
a n d w o u l d get feedback a b o u t their strengths a n d weaknesses; e n t h - g r a d e r s likely to e x p e r i e n c e stereotype threat as a result
others were told that t h e y were going to do s o m e verbal p r o b - o f b e i n g female, impoverished, and a m e m b e r o f a m i n o r i t y
lems b u t that their ability would n o t b e evaluated. As Figure group. T h e m e n t o r s e n c o u r a g e d students to interpret their ac-
9.6 shows, African A m e r i c a n students p e r f o r m e d p o o r l y w h e n a d e m i c troubles as a result o f t h e transition to a new s c h o o l
they were led to believe that the test would reveal their level o f for seventh grade. In addition, they talked a b o u t intelligence
intellectual ability, but performed more like European b e i n g flexible a n d responsive t o n e w learning. Following such
A m e r i c a n students when they did n o t t h i n k their ability m e n t o r i n g , the students p e r f o r m e d better o n standardized
would be judged. Even being asked to identify their race in a tests t h a n students w h o did n o t receive m e n t o r i n g . T h e s e
personal i n f o r m a t i o n section at t h e start o f a test o f intellec- findings provide a practical m e a n s for eliminating o r reducing
tual ability can undermine the performance of African the negative influence o f stereotype threat.
A m e r i c a n college students (Steele & A r o n s o n , 1 9 9 5 ) .
Why? Steele c o n c l u d e d that African A m e r i c a n s p e r f o r m Genetic Influences
p o o r l y o n I Q tests partly because o f s t e r e o t y p e t h r e a t — f e a r Perhaps n o idea in psychology has sparked m o r e heated de-
that they will be j u d g e d to have t h e qualities associated with bate t h a n t h e suggestion that racial a n d e t h n i c differences in
negative stereotypes o f African A m e r i c a n s (see also A r o n s o n I Q scores could b e caused b y group differences in genetic
et al., 1 9 9 9 ) . It is n o t that African A m e r i c a n s have internalized m a k e u p . Differences in genetic m a k e u p c o n t r i b u t e , with dif-
stereotypes and believe t h e y are intellectually inferior, a c c o r d - ferences in e n v i r o n m e n t , to I Q differences w i t h i n either the
ing to Steele. Instead, t h e y b e c o m e a n x i o u s and u n a b l e to per- European A m e r i c a n o r t h e African A m e r i c a n population.
f o r m well in testing situations t h a t arouse c o n c e r n s a b o u t b e - Scholars such as A r t h u r Jensen ( 1 9 6 9 ) and H e r r n s t e i n a n d
ing negatively stereotyped. M u r r a y ( 1 9 9 4 ) have g o n e a step further to suggest that I Q dif-
ferences between European A m e r i c a n s a n d African A m e r i c a n s
20 m a y b e b e c a u s e o f genetic differences between t h e races.
18 However, m o s t psychologists do n o t t h i n k the evidence

Black participants
16 that heredity c o n t r i b u t e s t o w i t h i n - g r o u p differences says
14 White participants much about the reasons for between-group differences.

"O
CD Richard L e w o n t i n ( 1 9 7 6 ) m a k e s this p o i n t with an analogy.
> 12
o
co S u p p o s e that c o r n seeds with different genetic m a k e u p s are
10
V) r a n d o m l y drawn from a bag a n d planted in two f i e l d s — o n e
£
CD
8
that is barren a n d o n e t h a t has fertile soil. B e c a u s e all the
6
plants w i t h i n each field were grown in t h e s a m e soil, their dif-
4
ferences in height w o u l d have to be because o f differences in
2
genetic m a k e u p . A genetic e x p l a n a t i o n o f differences would
0
fit. B u t , if the plants in the fertile field are generally taller than
Test of ability Just problems
t h o s e in the b a r r e n field, this between-field variation m u s t be
Figure 9.6 African American students perform entirely b e c a u s e o f e n v i r o n m e n t . Similarly, even t h o u g h genes
poorly on tests of mental abilities when they think they partially explain individual differences in I Q within African
are taking a test that may result in their being stereo- A m e r i c a n and E u r o p e a n A m e r i c a n groups, the average differ-
typed as unintelligent ence between the racial groups m a y still reflect n o t h i n g m o r e
SOURCE: From Steele, C. M.. & Aronson, J . (1995). Stereotype threat and the inteilactuai test performance of
t h a n differences in the e n v i r o n m e n t s t h e y typically experi-
African Americans. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 69. Copyright © 1995 by the American
Psychological Association. Reprinted by permission. ence. T h e r e is n o direct, evidence that differences in genetic
m a k e u p b e t w e e n t h e races a c c o u n t for average g r o u p differ- y o u c a n n o t fully appreciate t h e m a g n i t u d e o f these differences
ences in I Q (Neisser et al., 1 9 9 6 ) . w i t h o u t c o n s i d e r i n g p e o p l e at the e x t r e m e s o f t h e I Q c o n t i n -
u u m . Just h o w different are m e n t a l l y retarded a n d gifted indi-
Environmental Influences viduals? A n d h o w different are their lives?
It is t i m e t o r e t u r n t o an e n v i r o n m e n t a l hypothesis a b o u t
racial a n d e t h n i c differences in I Q . M a n y o f t h e intellectual
a n d a c a d e m i c differences a t t r i b u t e d to race o r e t h n i c i t y p r o b -
ably reflect racial a n d e t h n i c differences in s o c i o e c o n o m i c sta- Mental retardation is c u r r e n t l y defined b y the American
tus instead ( P a t t e r s o n , K u p e r s m i d t , & Vaden, 1 9 9 0 ) . Research A s s o c i a t i o n o n M e n t a l R e t a r d a t i o n ( A A M R , 2 0 0 2 ) as signifi-
o n a d o p t e d c h i l d r e n is relevant here. P l a c e m e n t in m o r e ad- c a n t l y b e l o w - a v e r a g e intellectual f u n c t i o n i n g w i t h l i m i t a t i o n s
vantaged h o m e s has allowed l o w e r - i n c o m e A f r i c a n A m e r i c a n in areas o f adaptive b e h a v i o r s u c h as self-care and social skills
children t o equal o r exceed t h e average I Q in t h e general p o p - a n d o r i g i n a t i n g b e f o r e age 18. To b e d i a g n o s e d as m e n t a l l y re-
ulation and to exceed the IQs of comparable African tarded, a n individual m u s t o b t a i n an I Q score o f 7 0 o r lower
A m e r i c a n children raised in m o r e disadvantaged environ- a n d have difficulties m e e t i n g a g e - a p p r o p r i a t e e x p e c t a t i o n s in
ments by 20 points (Moore, 1986; Scarr & Weinberg, 1983; i m p o r t a n t areas o f everyday f u n c t i o n i n g . A c c o r d i n g to this
W e i n b e r g , Scarr, & W a l d m a n , 1 9 9 2 ) . T h i s c o u l d n o t have h a p - definition, mental retardation is n o t merely a deficiency
p e n e d i f A f r i c a n A m e r i c a n children were genetically deficient. w i t h i n t h e p e r s o n ; rather, it is t h e p r o d u c t o f t h e i n t e r a c t i o n
T h e m a j o r message o f this research is t h a t children, w h a t - b e t w e e n p e r s o n a n d e n v i r o n m e n t , strongly influenced b y t h e
ever their racial b a c k g r o u n d , p e r f o r m b e t t e r o n I Q tests w h e n type and level o f supportive help t h e individual receives
they grow up in intellectually s t i m u l a t i n g e n v i r o n m e n t s w i t h (Reiss, 1 9 9 4 ) .
involved, responsive p a r e n t s and are e x p o s e d to the " c u l t u r e o f Individuals with m e n t a l r e t a r d a t i o n differ greatly in their
t h e tests a n d the s c h o o l s " ( S c a r r & W e i n b e r g , 1 9 8 3 , p. 2 6 1 ) . levels o f f u n c t i o n i n g (see Table 9 . 5 ) . A n adult with an I Q in
H o w m u c h o f t h e racial gap in I Q c a n b e e x p l a i n e d b y racial t h e r a n g e o f a b o u t 5 5 t o 7 0 is likely t o have a m e n t a l age c o m -
differences in n e i g h b o r h o o d a n d family s o c i o e c o n o m i c c o n - p a r a b l e to that o f a n 8 - t o 1 2 - y e a r - o l d child. Individuals w i t h
ditions, m o t h e r ' s e d u c a t i o n , a n d qualities o f t h e h o m e envi- m i l d m e n t a l r e t a r d a t i o n c a n learn b o t h a c a d e m i c and p r a c t i -
r o n m e n t ? J e a n n e B r o o k s - G u n n , P a m e l a K l e b a n o v , and Greg cal skills in s c h o o l , a n d t h e y c a n p o t e n t i a l l y w o r k a n d live i n -
D u n c a n ( 1 9 9 6 ) used statistical p r o c e d u r e s to c o r r e c t f o r these d e p e n d e n t l y o r w i t h o c c a s i o n a l help as adults. M a n y o f these
environmental differences b e t w e e n A f r i c a n A m e r i c a n and individuals are integrated into regular c l a s s r o o m s , w h e r e t h e y
E u r o p e a n A m e r i c a n children so t h a t t h e y c o u l d estimate w h a t excel a c a d e m i c a l l y a n d socially relative to c o m p a r a b l e individ-
t h e I Q difference w o u l d b e if t h e two racial g r o u p s h a d b e e n uals w h o are segregated into special c l a s s r o o m s (Freeman,
raised in similar e n v i r o n m e n t s . W i t h o u t any c o n t r o l s f o r e n - 2 0 0 0 ) . At the o t h e r end o f t h e c o n t i n u u m , individuals with
v i r o n m e n t a l differences, there was an I Q gap o f 18 p o i n t s . T h e I Q s below r 2 0 t o 2 5 a n d m e n t a l ages b e l o w 3 years ( " p r o -
gap n a r r o w e d to 8 p o i n t s w h e n f a m i l y a n d n e i g h b o r h o o d i n - f o u n d l y r e t a r d e d " ) s h o w m a j o r delays in all areas o f develop-
c o m e levels were c o n t r o l l e d and was r e d u c e d t o 3 p o i n t s , a m e n t a n d require b a s i c care, s o m e t i m e s in i n s t i t u t i o n a l set-
trivial difference, w h e n racial differences in t h e p r o v i s i o n o f a tings. However, they, t o o , c a n b e n e f i t considerably from
stimulating h o m e environment ( H O M E scores) were also training.
controlled. In short, that more African American than M e n t a l r e t a r d a t i o n has m a n y causes. Severely a n d p r o -
E u r o p e a n A m e r i c a n children live in p o v e r t y a n d have limited f o u n d l y retarded p e o p l e are often affected b y o r g a n i c r e t a r d a -
l e a r n i n g o p p o r t u n i t i e s at h o m e h a s a lot to do w i t h t h e racial t i o n , m e a n i n g that their r e t a r d a t i o n is b e c a u s e o f s o m e i d e n -
difference in average I Q scores. tifiable biological c a u s e associated with hereditary factors,
diseases, o r injuries. D o w n s y n d r o m e , t h e c o n d i t i o n associ-
Summing Up cited w i t h an e x t r a 21st c h r o m o s o m e , a n d P K U are familiar ex-
a m p l e s o f o r g a n i c r e t a r d a t i o n associated w i t h genetic f a c t o r s
Individual differences in IQ s c o r e s are related t o b o t h ge-
( S i m o n o f f , B o l t o n , & Rutter, 1 9 9 6 ; see also C h a p t e r 3 ) . O t h e r
netic and h o m e environmental f a c t o r s . T h e lower average
f o r m s o f o r g a n i c r e t a r d a t i o n are associated w i t h prenatal risk
IQ s c o r e s o f s o m e minority groups may b e b e t t e r e x -
f a c t o r s — a n a l c o h o l i c m o t h e r , e x p o s u r e t o rubella, a n d so o n
plained by culture bias in testing, low motivation (includ-
(see C h a p t e r 4 ) . B e c a u s e m a n y organically retarded children
ing anxiety caused by negative group stereotypes), and
are seriously delayed o r have physical defects, t h e y c a n often
low s o c i o e c o n o m i c status than by genetic differences.
b e identified at b i r t h or d u r i n g infancy. However, the m o s t
Minority children perform b e t t e r w h e n t h e y g r o w up in
c o m m o n form o f mental retardation, cultural-familial retar-
intellectually stimulating homes. M
d a t i o n , is typically m i l d e r a n d appears to b e caused by a c o m -
b i n a t i o n o f a low g e n e t i c p o t e n t i a l a n d a p o o r , u n s t i m u l a t i n g
e n v i r o n m e n t ( S i m o n o f f , B o l t o n , & Rutter, 1 9 9 6 ) . W h e r e a s
T k e E x t r e m e s of Intelligence c h i l d r e n w i t h o r g a n i c r e t a r d a t i o n c o m e f r o m all s o c i o e c o -
n o m i c levels, children with c u l t u r a l - f a m i l i a l retardation often
A l t h o u g h we have identified s o m e o f t h e factors t h a t c o n - c o m e f r o m poverty areas a n d have a p a r e n t or sibling w h o is
t r i b u t e t o individual differences in intellectual p e r f o r m a n c e , also retarded (Zigler, 1 9 9 5 ) . F r o m o n e - h a l f t o t h r e e - q u a r t e r s
I B I ^ i B ^
Table 9.5 Levels and Characteristics of Mental Retardatiian
!•"<•
' ••
' SM90RI
Level
Mild Moderate Severe Profound
APPROXIMATE RANGE 52 to 70 35 to 51 20 to 34 Below 19

OF IQ SCORES
DEGREE OF Usually independent Some independence; needs May be semi-independent Dependent; needs
INDEPENDENCE some supervision with close supervision constant supervision
EDUCATIONAL Can do some academic Focus is on daily living Focus is on self-care Focus is on self-
ACHIEVEMENT work—usually to sixth- skills rather than academics; (toileting, dressing, eating) care, mobility, and
grade level; focus is some career training and communication skills basic communication
on career education
SOURCE: Based on Baraclc, Hodapp, & Ziglcr ( 1 9 9 8 ) .
o f m e n t a l retardation is o f the c u l t u r a l - f a m i l i a l type: exact the tasks d e m a n d e d o f t h e m in s c h o o l — " v a n i s h " into the gen-
cause u n k n o w n (Zigler & H o d a p p , 1 9 9 1 ) . eral p o p u l a t i o n after t h e y leave s c h o o l . Apparently they c a n
Historically, a b o u t 3 % o f s c h o o l - a g e children have b e e n adapt to the d e m a n d s o f adult life. As t h e authors put it, " I t
classified as m e n t a l l y retarded, although this rate is decreasing does n o t take as m a n y I Q p o i n t s as m o s t people believe to be
b e c a u s e fewer children are diagnosed as mildly retarded today productive, to get along with others, a n d to b e self-fulfilled"
( P a t t o n , 2 0 0 0 ) . W h a t b e c o m e s o f these children as t h e y grow (Ross et al., 1 9 8 5 , p. 1 4 9 ) .
up? Generally, they p r o c e e d along t h e s a m e paths and t h r o u g h
the same sequences o f d e v e l o p m e n t a l milestones as o t h e r chil-
dren do (Zigler & H o d a p p , 1 9 9 1 ) . T h e i r I Q s remain low be-
cause t h e y do n o t achieve the s a m e level o f growth that others T h e gifted child used to be identified solely b y an I Q s c o r e —
do. They, like n o n r e t a r d e d people, s h o w signs o f intellectual o n e that, was at least 130. P r o g r a m s for gifted children still fo-
aging in later life, especially o n tests t h a t require speed cus m a i n l y o n t h o s e with very h i g h IQs, b u t there is increased
( D e v e n n y et a l , 1 9 9 6 ) . Individuals with D o w n s y n d r o m e m a y r e c o g n i t i o n that s o m e children are gifted because they have
experience even greater intellectual d e t e r i o r a t i o n later in life special abilities rather than because they have high general i n -
b e c a u s e t h e y are at risk for p r e m a t u r e A l z h e i m e r s disease telligence. Even h i g h - I Q children are usually n o t equally tal-
( D a y & Jancar, 1 9 9 4 ) . ented in all areas; c o n t r a r y to m y t h , t h e y c a n n o t just b e c o m e
As f o r t h e i r o u t c o m e s in life, c o n s i d e r a f o l l o w - u p study anything they c h o o s e ( W i n n e r , 1 9 9 6 ) . M o r e often, h i g h - I Q
o f individuals w i t h m i l d a n d b o r d e r l i n e m e n t a l r e t a r d a t i o n children have exceptional talent in an area o r two and o t h e r -
w h o h a d b e e n p l a c e d in segregated special e d u c a t i o n classes wise are g o o d , b u t not exceptional, performers (Achter,
d u r i n g t h e 1 9 2 0 s a n d 1 9 3 0 s ( R o s s et al., 1 9 8 5 ) . T h e individ- B e n b o w , & Lubinski, 1 9 9 7 ) . So, t o d a y s definitions emphasize
uals studied had a m e a n I Q o f 6 7 . T h e y were c o m p a r e d w i t h
t h e i r siblings a n d with n o n r e t a r d e d peers a b o u t 35 years
later. Generally, these m e n t a l l y r e t a r d e d adults h a d p o o r life
o u t c o m e s in m i d d l e age in c o m p a r i s o n w i t h n o n r e t a r d e d
g r o u p s (see also S c h a l o c k et a l , 1 9 9 2 ) . A b o u t 8 0 % o f t h e
m e n w i t h r e t a r d a t i o n were e m p l o y e d , b u t t h e y usually held
semiskilled o r unskilled j o b s t h a t r e q u i r e d little e d u c a t i o n o r
intellectual ability. Women often married and became
h o m e m a k e r s . C o m p a r e d w i t h n o n r e t a r d e d peers, m e n a n d
w o m e n with r e t a r d a t i o n also fared w o r s e on o t h e r c o u n t s .
F o r e x a m p l e , t h e y h a d lower i n c o m e s , less a d e q u a t e h o u s i n g ,
p o o r e r a d j u s t m e n t in social r e l a t i o n s h i p s , a n d greater de-
pendency on others.
Yet the authors o f the study f o u n d g r o u n d s for o p t i m i s m .
T h e s e individuals had d o n e m u c h better during a d u l t h o o d
t h a n stereotyped expectations o f people with m e n t a l retarda-
t i o n would predict. M o s t o f t h e m w o r k e d and h a d m a r r i e d ,
a n d a b o u t 8 0 % r e p o r t e d having h a d n o n e e d for p u b l i c assis-
tance in t h e 10 years b e f o r e t h e y were interviewed. T h i s study, € Gifted children have either high IQ scores or special abilities.This
like o t h e r s before it, suggests that m a n y children labeled m e n - young girl is performing with the Pacific Symphony of Orange
tally retarded b y t h e s c h o o l s — a n d who have difficulty with County, California.
t h a t g i f t e d n e s s involves having a high I Q o r s h o w i n g special j u s t m e n t (see also Kulik & Kulik, 1 9 9 2 ) . O n several m e a s u r e s
abilities in areas v a l u e d in society, s u c h as m a t h e m a t i c s , t h e o f psychological a n d social m a t u r i t y a n d a d j u s t m e n t , t h e y
p e r f o r m i n g a n d visual arts, o r even leadership. e q u a l e d their m u c h older college classmates and similarly
Joseph Renzulli ( 1 9 9 8 ) has l o n g a r g u e d t h a t giftedness gifted students w h o a t t e n d e d high s c h o o l . M a n y o f t h e m
e m e r g e s f r o m a c o m b i n a t i o n o f above-average ability, creativ- thrived in college, for t h e first t i m e finding friends like t h e m -
ity, a n d task c o m m i t m e n t . A c c o r d i n g to this view, s o m e o n e s e l v e s — f r i e n d s w h o were l i k e - m i n d e d r a t h e r than like-aged
m i g h t have a h i g h I Q a n d even creative ability, b u t Renzulli ( B o o t h e , S e t h n a , 8c Stanley, 2 0 0 0 ) .
q u e s t i o n s w h e t h e r t h e y are t r u l y gifted i f t h e y are n o t m o t i - M o s t o f T e r m a n s gifted children r e m a i n e d as r e m a r k a b l e
vated t o use this intelligence. H e r e we f o c u s o n individuals in a d u l t h o o d as t h e y h a d b e e n in c h i l d h o o d . Fewer t h a n 5 %
w i t h exceptional I Q s . were rated as seriously m a l a d j u s t e d . T h e i r rates o f s u c h p r o b -
H o w early c a n i n t e l l e c t u a l l y gifted c h i l d r e n b e i d e n t i - l e m s as ill health, m e n t a l illness, a l c o h o l i s m , and d e l i n q u e n t
fied? B y t o d d l e r h o o d , a c c o r d i n g t o a l o n g i t u d i n a l s t u d y b y b e h a v i o r were b u t a f r a c t i o n o f t h o s e o b s e r v e d in t h e general
Allen G o t t f r i e d a n d his colleagues ( 1 9 9 4 ) . T h e y t r a c k e d a p o p u l a t i o n ( T e r m a n , 1 9 5 4 ) , a l t h o u g h t h e y were n o less likely
large s a m p l e o f c h i l d r e n f r o m age 1 t o age 8, d e t e r m i n e d t o divorce ( H o l a h a n & Sears, 1 9 9 5 ) .
w h i c h c h i l d r e n h a d I Q s o f 1 3 0 o r a b o v e at age 8, a n d t h e n T h e o c c u p a t i o n a l a c h i e v e m e n t s o f t h e m e n in t h e s a m p l e
looked for differences between these gifted children and were impressive. In m i d d l e age, 8 8 % were employed in p r o -
o t h e r c h i l d r e n earlier i n life. T h e gifted c h i l d r e n t u r n e d o u t fessional o r high-level b u s i n e s s j o b s , c o m p a r e d with 2 0 % o f
t o b e i d e n t i f i a b l e as early as 18 m o n t h s , p r i m a r i l y b y t h e i r m e n in the general p o p u l a t i o n ( O d e n , 1 9 6 8 ) . As a g r o u p , they
a d v a n c e d l a n g u a g e skills. T h e y were also h i g h l y c u r i o u s a n d h a d taken o u t m o r e t h a n 2 0 0 p a t e n t s a n d written s o m e 2 0 0 0
m o t i v a t e d t o l e a r n ; t h e y even e n j o y e d t h e c h a l l e n g e o f t a k i n g scientific reports, 1 0 0 b o o k s , 3 7 5 plays or s h o r t stories, a n d
I Q tests m o r e t h a n m o s t c h i l d r e n . L i n d a S i l v e r m a n a n d h e r m o r e t h a n 3 0 0 essays, sketches, m a g a z i n e articles, a n d cri-
colleagues at t h e G i f t e d D e v e l o p m e n t C e n t e r have used t h e tiques. A n d gifted w o m e n ? B e c a u s e o f t h e i n f l u e n c e o f g e n d e r -
C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f G i f t e d n e s s S c a l e t o i d e n t i f y gifted c h i l d r e n role e x p e c t a t i o n s d u r i n g t h e p e r i o d covered by t h e study,
(Rogers, 1986; Silverman, Chitwood, & Waters, 1986). T h e y gifted w o m e n achieved less t h a n gifted m e n vocationally, of-
have f o u n d t h a t gifted c h i l d r e n c a n be d i s t i n g u i s h e d f r o m ten i n t e r r u p t i n g t h e i r careers o r sacrificing their career goals
average c h i l d r e n in t e r m s of: r a p i d l e a r n i n g , extensive v o - to raise families. Still, t h e y were m o r e likely t o have careers,
cabulary, g o o d m e m o r y , long attention span, perfectionism, a n d distinguished ones, t h a n m o s t w o m e n o f their g e n e r a t i o n .
p r e f e r e n c e f o r o l d e r c o m p a n i o n s , e x c e l l e n t sense o f h u m o r , Finally, the T e r m i t e s <igcd well. In their 6 0 s a n d 70s, m o s t
early i n t e r e s t in r e a d i n g , s t r o n g a b i l i t y w i t h puzzles and o f t h e m e n a n d w o m e n in t h e T e r m a n s t u d y were h i g h l y ac-
mazes, maturity, and perseverance tive, involved, healthy, a n d h a p p y p e o p l e ( H o l a h a n & Sears,
T h e rest o f the s t o r y o f t h e d e v e l o p m e n t o f h i g h - I Q chil- 1 9 9 5 ) . T h e m e n kept w o r k i n g l o n g e r t h a n m o s t m e n do a n d
dren is told b y a m a j o r l o n g i t u d i n a l study l a u n c h e d in 1 9 2 1 b y stayed involved in w o r k even after t h e y retired. T h e w o m e n
Lewis T e r m a n , developer o f the S t a n f o r d - B i n e t test ( H o l a h a n t o o led e x c e p t i o n a l l y active lives. C o n t r a r y to t h e stereotype
& Sears, 1 9 9 5 ; T e r m a n , 1 9 5 4 ; O d e n , 1 9 6 8 ) . T h e p a r t i c i p a n t s t h a t gifted individuals b u r n o u t early, t h e T e r m i t e s c o n t i n u e d
were m o r e t h a n 1 5 0 0 C a l i f o r n i a s c h o o l c h i l d r e n n o m i n a t e d by t o b u r n b r i g h t t h r o u g h o u t t h e i r lives.
their teachers as gifted a n d w h o h a d I Q s o f 140 o r higher. It Yet, j u s t as it is w r o n g t o view intellectually gifted c h i l d r e n
s o o n b e c a m e a p p a r e n t t h a t these h i g h - I Q c h i l d r e n ( w h o c a m e as e m o t i o n a l l y disturbed misfits, it is i n a c c u r a t e t o c o n c l u d e
t o b e called Termites) were e x c e p t i o n a l in m a n y o t h e r ways. t h a t intellectually gifted children are m o d e l s o f g o o d a d j u s t -
F o r e x a m p l e , t h e y h a d weighed m o r e at b i r t h a n d h a d learned m e n t , perfect in every way. S o m e research suggests that chil-
t o walk a n d talk s o o n e r t h a n m o s t toddlers. T h e y r e a c h e d p u - dren w i t h I Q s closer to 1 8 0 t h a n 130 are o f t e n u n h a p p y a n d
b e r t y s o m e w h a t earlier t h a n average a n d had b e t t e r - t h a n - socially isolated, p e r h a p s b e c a u s e t h e y are so o u t o f step with
average health. T h e i r teachers rated t h e m as b e t t e r adjusted their peers, a n d sometimes even have serious problems
and m o r e m o r a l l y m a t u r e t h a n their less intelligent peers. ( W i n n e r , 1 9 9 6 ) . In Terman s Kids, Joel S h u r k i n ( 1 9 9 2 ) de-
And, a l t h o u g h t h e y were n o m o r e p o p u l a r t h a n t h e i r class- scribes several l e s s - t h a n - h a p p y life stories o f s o m e o f T e r m a n s
mates, t h e y were q u i c k t o take o n leadership responsibilities. Termites. A w o m a n w h o g r a d u a t e d f r o m S t a n f o r d at age 17
Taken together, these findings destroy t h e s t e r e o t y p e that m o s t a n d was h e a d e d for success as a writer b e c a m e a landlady; an
gifted children are frail, sickly y o u n g s t e r s w h o are socially i n - e m o t i o n a l l y d i s t u r b e d b o y t o o k c y a n i d e at age 18 after b e i n g
adequate a n d e m o t i o n a l l y i m m a t u r e . r e j e c t e d in love.
A n o t h e r d e m o n s t r a t i o n o f t h e p e r s o n a l a n d social m a t u - T h e s e are exceptions, however. Overall, m o s t o f T e r m a n s
rity o f m o s t gifted children c o m e s f r o m a study o f h i g h - I Q gifted children m o v e d t h r o u g h a d u l t h o o d as healthy, happy,
children w h o skipped h i g h s c h o o l a n d e n t e r e d the University a n d h i g h l y p r o d u c t i v e individuals. Yet s o m e fared b e t t e r t h a n
o f W a s h i n g t o n as part o f a special p r o g r a m t o accelerate their others. Even w i t h i n this elite g r o u p , for e x a m p l e , t h e quality o f
e d u c a t i o n ( R o b i n s o n & J a n o s , 1 9 8 6 ) . C o n t r a r y to t h e c o m - t h e i n d i v i d u a l s h o m e e n v i r o n m e n t was i m p o r t a n t . T h e m o s t
m o n w i s d o m that gifted children will suffer socially a n d e m o - w e l l - a d j u s t e d a n d successful adults h a d highly e d u c a t e d par-
tionally i f t h e y skip grades a n d are f o r c e d t o fit in w i t h m u c h e n t s w h o offered t h e m b o t h love a n d intellectual s t i m u l a t i o n
older students, these y o u n g s t e r s s h o w e d n o signs o f m a l a d - ( T o m l i n s o n - K e a s e y & Little, 1 9 9 0 ) .
Summing Up
T h e e x t r e m e s o f intelligence a r e r e p r e s e n t e d by mental
retardation at o n e end o f t h e continuum and giftedness
at t h e o t h e r end. Mental retardation is defined by deficits
in adaptive b e h a v i o r with low IQ scores. Functioning
varies by level o f retardation, but is often b e t t e r than e x -
pected during adulthood. Giftedness has m o s t often
udoi uo s6uiI|J L|JIM AIQEJ,,, :UOLULUOQ
b e e n defined by high IQ scores, although m o r e r e c e n t {1 S80J puB jooj,, :8nbiun
definitions recognize special talents n o t m e a s u r e d by tra-
ditional IQ tests. Life o u t c o m e s a r e generally a b o v e aver-
o
age. M
o o
?o
o o
c
D e s p i t e t h e i r m a n y positive o u t c o m e s in life, n o t o n e of
Termans high-IQ gifted children became truly eminent. J E M O Y , , :UOIULUOQ
Recall t h a t T e r m a n h a d t e a c h e r s n o m i n a t e b r i g h t c h i l d r e n f o r lc seoejd 0}ui 6uiisjnq dodjno - ],, :enbiun
i n c l u s i o n in t h e study. Is it p o s s i b l e t h a t t e a c h e r s o v e r l o o k e d
s o m e c h i l d r e n w h o w o u l d b e c o n s i d e r e d gifted b y today's cri-
teria b e c a u s e o f t h e i r special t a l e n t s r a t h e r than t h e i r high
IQs? M i g h t t h e y have m i s s e d c h i l d r e n c a p a b l e o f o u t s t a n d i n g
w o r k in a p a r t i c u l a r area such as m u s i c , art, o r writing? T h e
„SOO|6J OMJ_„ :UOLULUOQ
w o r d creativity c o m e s t o m i n d . P e r h a p s creativity is m o r e i m - 6uiA|J B uo SÔBISABLI OMJ_„ :enbiun
f i |8djeo
p o r t a n t t h a n I Q in a l l o w i n g a M i c h e l a n g e l o o r a M o z a r t t o
b r e a k n e w g r o u n d . B u t w h a t is creativity, a n d w h a t is k n o w n
a b o u t its d e v e l o p m e n t ? Figure 9,7 Are you creative? Indicate what you see in each of the
C r e a t i v i t y is m o s t o f t e n d e f i n e d as the ability t o p r o d u c e three drawings. Below each drawing you will find examples of unique
novel responses a p p r o p r i a t e in c o n t e x t a n d valued b y o t h e r s — and common responses, drawn from a study of creativity in children.
SOURCE: W a l l a c h & K o g a n ( 1 9 6 5 ) .
products both original a n d m e a n i n g f u l (Csikszentmihalyi,
1 9 9 6 ; S i m o n t o n , 1 9 9 9 ; S t e r n b e r g , 2 0 0 3 ) . J. P. G u i l f o r d ( 1 9 6 7 ,
1 9 8 8 ) p r o p o s e d t h a t creativity involves divergent r a t h e r t h a n ativity. I n all l i k e l i h o o d , t h e n , t h e I Q s posted b y you a n d y o u r
c o n v e r g e n t t h i n k i n g . D i v e r g e n t t h i n l d n g requires c o m i n g up classmates will n o t necessarily p r e d i c t w h i c h o f y o u will give
with a v a r i e t y o f ideas o r s o l u t i o n s t o a p r o b l e m w h e n t h e r e is t h e m o s t creative answers to t h e p r o b l e m s in Figure 9.7.
n o o n e right answer. C o n v e r g e n t t h i n k i n g involves " c o n v e r g -
i n g " o n the best answer to a p r o b l e m and is precisely w h a t I Q
tests m e a s u r e . T h e m o s t c o m m o n m e a s u r e o f creativity, at least
in c h i l d r e n , is called i d e a t i o n a l fluency, o r t h e sheer n u m b e r o f W h a t is t h e c h i l d w h o scores h i g h 011 tests o f creativity like? T o
different ( i n c l u d i n g n o v e l ) ideas t h a t a p e r s o n can generate. a n s w e r this, o n e g r o u p o f r e s e a r c h e r s c o m p a r e d c h i l d r e n w h o
Q u i c k — l i s t all t h e uses y o u c a n t h i n k o f f o r a pencil. A n u n - h a d h i g h creativity scores b u t n o r m a l - r a n g e I Q scores w i t h
creative p e r s o n m i g h t say y o u c o u l d write letters, notes, p o s t - c h i l d r e n w h o s c o r e d h i g h in I Q b u t n o t in creativity (Getzels
cards, a n d so f o r t h ; b y c o n t r a s t , o n e creative p e r s o n e n v i s i o n e d a n d J a c k s o n , 1 9 6 2 ) . P e r s o n a l i t y m e a s u r e s suggested t h a t t h e
a p e n c i l as " a b a c k s c r a t c h e r , a po.tting stake, k i n d l i n g f o r a fire, creative c h i l d r e n s h o w e d m o r e f r e e d o m , originality, h u m o r ,
a rolling p i n f o r b a k i n g , a t o y f o r a w o o d p e c k e r , o r a small b o a t v i o l e n c e , a n d playfulness t h a n t h e h i g h - I Q c h i l d r e n . P e r h a p s
f o r a c r i c k e t " ( R i c h a r d s , 1 9 9 6 , p. 7 3 ) . as a result, t h e h i g h - I Q c h i l d r e n w e r e m o r e s u c c e s s - o r i e n t e d
C r e a t i v i t y a n d divergent t h i n k i n g are distinct f r o m general a n d received m o r e a p p r o v a l f r o m t e a c h e r s . C o m p a r e d w i t h
intelligence a n d c o n v e r g e n t t h i n k i n g . - I n d e e d , c o r r e l a t i o n s b e - t h e i r less creative peers, creative c h i l d r e n also e n g a g e d in m o r e
tween scores o n creativity m e a s u r e s a n d scores o n I Q tests are f a n t a s y o r p r e t e n d play, o f t e n i n v e n t i n g n e w uses f o r f a m i l i a r
l o w to m o d e r a t e , d e p e n d i n g o n t h e area o f creativity m e a s u r e d o b j e c t s a n d n e w roles f o r t h e m s e l v e s ( K o g a n , 1 9 8 3 ) . Finally,
( S t e r n b e r g , 2 0 0 3 ) . C r e a t i v i t y a n d general intelligence are re- t h e s e c h i l d r e n are m o r e o p e n t o n e w e x p e r i e n c e s a n d ideas
lated in t h e sense that h i g h l y creative p e o p l e rarely have b e l o w - (Simonton, 1999).
average I Q s . T h u s , a m i n i m u m o f intelligence is p r o b a b l y re- A l t h o u g h average I Q scores differ across racial a n d so-
q u i r e d f o r creativity ( R u n c o , 1 9 9 2 ; S i m o n t o n , 1 9 9 9 ) . However, c i o e c o n o m i c g r o u p s , scores o n creativity tests o f t e n d o n o t
a m o n g p e o p l e w h o have average o r above-average I Q s , a n i n - ( K o g a n , 1 9 8 3 ) . M o r e o v e r , g e n e t i c i n f l u e n c e s (a s o u r c e o f i n d i -
dividual's I Q s c o r e is essentially u n r e l a t e d to h e r level o f cre- v i d u a l d i f f e r e n c e s in I Q ) have little to d o w i t h p e r f o r m a n c e 011
tests o f creativity; twins are similar in t h e degree o f creativity m a t i c a l , musical, and so o n ) requires distinct skills a n d expe-
t h e y display, b u t identical t w i n s are n o m o r e s i m i l a r t h a n fra- riences, as suggested b y G a r d n e r s t h e o r y o f m u l t i p l e intelli-
ternal twins ( P l o m i n , 1 9 9 0 ; Reznilcoff et al., 1 9 7 3 ) . T h i s sug- gences.
gests that certain qualities o f the h o m e e n v i r o n m e n t t e n d t o Researchers are n o w l o o k i n g at individuals w h o show
m a k e b r o t h e r s and sisters alike in their degree o f creativity. e x c e p t i o n a l talent in a p a r t i c u l a r field and are trying t o i d e n -
W h a t qualities? A l t h o u g h there is little research t o go o n , par- tify t h e factors t h a t c o n t r i b u t e to t h e i r accomplishments
ents o f creative children a n d adolescents t e n d to value n o n - ( S t e r n b e r g 8c L u b a r t , 1 9 9 6 ) . D a v i d F e l d m a n ( 1 9 8 2 , 1 9 8 6 ) , for
c o n f o r m i t y and i n d e p e n d e n c e , accept their c h i l d r e n as t h e y e x a m p l e , has studied children w h o are prodigies in s u c h areas
are, e n c o u r a g e their c u r i o s i t y and playfulness, a n d g r a n t t h e m as chess, m u s i c , and m a t h e m a t i c s . T h e s e individuals were g e n -
a g o o d deal o f f r e e d o m t o explore n e w possibilities o n their erally similar t o o t h e r children in areas o u t s i d e their fields o f
own (Harrington, Block, & Block, 1987; Runco, 1992). In expertise. W h a t c o n t r i b u t e d to t h e i r special a c h i e v e m e n t s ? O n
s o m e cases, t h e p a r e n t - c h i l d r e l a t i o n s h i p is even distant; a t h e n a t u r e side, t h e y held talent as well as a powerful motiva-
surprising n u m b e r o f e m i n e n t creators s e e m t o have experi- tion to develop their special t a l e n t s — a real passion f o r what
enced rather lonely, insecure, and unhappy childhoods t h e y were d o i n g . O l y m p i c g y m n a s t Olga K o r b u t p u t it well: " I f
( O c h s e , 1990; S i m o n t o n , 1 9 9 9 ) . O u t o f their adversity m a y g y m n a s t i c s did n o t exist, I w o u l d have i n v e n t e d it" ( F e l d m a n ,
have c o m e an active i m a g i n a t i o n a n d a s t r o n g desire to de- 1 9 8 2 , p. 3 5 ) . O n the n u r t u r e side, these achievers were blessed
velop their talents. Overall, t h e n , creative abilities are influ- with environments t h a t r e c o g n i z e d , valued, and n u r t u r e d t h e i r
e n c e d b y factors distinct f r o m those t h a t i n f l u e n c e the c o g n i - talent and m o t i v a t i o n (see also W i n n e r , 1 9 9 6 ) . T h e y were
tive abilities measured o n I Q tests. strongly e n c o u r a g e d a n d s u p p o r t e d b y t h e i r families a n d i n -
H o w does the c a p a c i t y t o b e creative c h a n g e with age? tensively tutored or coached by experts. According to
R e s e a r c h e r s are n o t sure. P e r f o r m a n c e on tests o f creativity F e l d m a n , t h e child w i t h creative p o t e n t i a l in a specific field
generally i m p r o v e s over t h e c h i l d h o o d a n d a d o l e s c e n t years, m u s t b e c o m e i n t i m a t e l y familiar w i t h t h e state o f t h e field i f
b u t there appear t o b e certain ages at which it d r o p s off h e is to a d v a n c e o r t r a n s f o r m it, as t h e g r o u n d b r e a k i n g artist
( K o g a n , 1 9 8 3 ) . H o w a r d G a r d n e r ( G a r d n e r , Phelps, & Wolf, o r m u s i c i a n does. B u t p a r e n t s and t r a i n e r s m u s t n o t b e t o o
1 9 9 0 ) suggests t h a t preschool c h i l d r e n are highly original, pushy. F o r e x a m p l e , David Helfgott, t h e Australian pianist
playful, and u n i n h i b i t e d b u t t h a t s c h o o l - a g e c h i l d r e n b e c o m e w h o was the s u b j e c t o f t h e m o v i e Shine, was nearly destroyed
restricted in their creative expression as t h e y a t t e m p t t o m a s - b y an abusive father w h o p u s h e d h i m u n m e r c i f u l l y t o m a s t e r
ter their culture's rules f o r art, m u s i c , dance, and o t h e r cre- difficult p i c c c s (Page, 1 9 9 6 ) . Cellist Yo-Yo M a , a p r o d i g y h i m -
ative endeavors so t h a t t h e y c a n do t h i n g s t h e " r i g h t " way. self, says this a b o u t n u r t u r i n g y o u n g m u s i c i a n s :
D u r i n g a d o l e s c e n c e , G a r d n e r believes, s o m e individuals give
I f you lead t h e m toward m u s i c , teach t h e m that it is b e a u -
up t h e desire t o express themselves creatively b u t o t h e r s regain
tiful, a n d help t h e m l e a r n — s a y , " O h , you love m u s i c , well,
t h e innovativeness a n d f r e e d o m o f expression t h e y had as
l e t s w o r k o n this piece together, and I'll s h o w you
p r e s c h o o l e r s and put it to use, w i t h t h e t e c h n i c a l skills t h e y
something . . T h a t ' s a creative n u r t u r i n g . B u t if y o u j u s t
gained as children, to p r o d u c e h i g h l y creative works. T h e ages
push t h e m t o b e stars, a n d tell t h e m they'll b e c o m e rich
at which creativity flourishes o r is stifled s e e m t o v a r y f r o m
a n d f a m o u s — o r , worse, i f you t r y t o live t h r o u g h t h e m —
c u l t u r e to c u l t u r e d e p e n d i n g o n w h e n children are pressured
t h a t is d a m a g i n g (Page, 1 9 9 6 , p. G 1 0 ) .
to conform (Torrance, 1 9 7 5 ) . Overall, t h e developmental
c o u r s e o f creativity is n o t so p r e d i c t a b l e o r steady as t h e i n - K . A n d e r s E r i c s s o n a n d Neil C h a r n e s s ( 1 9 9 4 ) go even far-
crease in m e n t a l age seen o n m e a s u r e s o f I Q . Instead, creativ- t h e r t h a n F e l d m a n in e m p h a s i z i n g the i m p o r t a n c e o f envi-
ity s e e m s to w a x a n d w a n e w i t h age in r e s p o n s e to develop- r o n m e n t in the d e v e l o p m e n t o f creative talent. Indeed, t h e y
m e n t a l needs and c u l t u r a l d e m a n d s . m a i n t a i n t h a t it is p r a c t i c e r a t h e r than i n n a t e talent that
H o w well d o e s p e r f o r m a n c e o n tests o f creativity predict m a k e s great creators g r e a t — t h a t n a t u r e is overrated a n d n u r -
creative a c c o m p l i s h m e n t s , such as o r i g i n a l a r t w o r k o r o u t - ture is u n d e r r a t e d w h e n it c o m e s to creative a c h i e v e m e n t .
s t a n d i n g s c i e n c e projects? S o m e researchers have f o u n d that T h e i r research shows t h a t p r o l o n g e d t r a i n i n g in a set o f skills
scores o n creativity tests a d m i n i s t e r e d in either e l e m e n t a r y or can alter cognitive a n d physiological processes a n d p e r m i t lev-
s e c o n d a r y s c h o o l predict creative a c h i e v e m e n t s , such as i n - els o f p e r f o r m a n c e t h a t w o u l d have b e e n u n i m a g i n a b l e w i t h -
v e n t i o n s a n d novels, in a d u l t h o o d ( H o w i e s o n , 1 9 8 1 ; R u n c o , o u t t r a i n i n g . M o t i v a t i o n also enters in, however, b e c a u s e o n l y
1 9 9 2 ; T o r r a n c e , 1 9 8 8 ) . However, j u s t as it is a m i s t a k e t o ex- some individuals are willing to do what Ericsson and
pect I Q to predict a c c o m p l i s h m e n t s , it m a y also b e a m i s t a k e C h a r n e s s believe is n e c e s s a r y to b e c o m e o u t s t a n d i n g in a
t o e x p e c t tests o f creativity to do so w i t h any great a c c u r a c y field—work hard every day over a p e r i o d o f m o r e t h a n 10
(Albert, 1 9 9 6 ) . W h y ? First, creativity is expressed in different years.
ways at different p o i n t s in t h e life span; e n g a g i n g in i m a g i n a -
tive play as a child is c o r r e l a t e d w i t h high scores o n tests o f
creativity (Russ, 1 9 9 6 ) b u t m a y have little to d o w i t h b e i n g a
creative scientist o r m u s i c i a n as an adult. Also, creativity tests, Studies o f creativity d u r i n g t h e adult years have focused o n a
like I Q tests, a t t e m p t to m e a s u r e general cognitive abilities small n u m b e r o f s o - c a l l e d e m i n e n t creators in such fields as
w h e n m a n y specific talents exist, a n d each (artistic, m a t h e - art, m u s i c , science, a n d philosophy. T h e big q u e s t i o n has b e e n
this: W h e n in a d u l t h o o d are such individuals m o s t productive rehashes o f earlier t r i u m p h s . Michelangelo, for instance, was
and m o s t likely to create their best works? Is it early in adult- in his 70s a n d 80s w h e n he w o r k e d o n St. Peter's Cathedral,
h o o d , w h e n t h e y can benefit f r o m y o u t h s enthusiasm and a n d G o e t h e was polishing Faust at 83. Indeed, t h e m o s t e m i -
freshness o f approach? O r is it later in adulthood, w h e n t h e y n e n t a m o n g t h e e m i n e n t s e e m t o start early and finish late
have fully m a s t e r e d their field a n d have the experience and (Simonton, 1990).
knowledge necessary to m a k e a b r e a k t h r o u g h in it? And what H o w can researchers a c c o u n t for changes in creative pro-
b e c o m e s o f t h e careers o f e m i n e n t creators in old age? duction over the adult years? O n e explanation, p r o p o s e d long
Early studies by Harvey L e h m a n (1953) and Wayne ago (Beard, 1 8 7 4 , in S i m o n t o n , 1 9 8 4 ) , is that creative achieve-
D e n n i s ( 1 9 6 6 ) provided a fairly clear picture o f h o w creative m e n t requires b o t h enthusiasm a n d experience. In early adult-
careers u n f o l d (see also S i m o n t o n , 1 9 9 0 ) . I n m o s t fields, cre- h o o d , the e n t h u s i a s m is there, but the experience is not; in
ative p r o d u c t i o n increases steeply f r o m the 2 0 s to t h e late 30s later adulthood, t h e e x p e r i e n c e is there, b u t the e n t h u s i a s m o r
and early 4 0 s t h e n gradually declines thereafter, although n o t vigor has fallen off. People in their 30s and 40s have it all.
to t h e same low levels that characterized early a d u l t h o o d . Peak D e a n S i m o n t o n ( 1 9 8 4 , 1990, 1 9 9 1 ) has offered a n o t h e r
t i m e s o f creative a c h i e v e m e n t also v a r y f r o m field to field. As t h e o r y : Each creator m a y have a certain potential to create that
Figure 9 . 8 shows, t h e productivity o f scholars in the h u m a n i - is realized over the adult years; as t h e potential is realized, less
ties (for e x a m p l e , historians a n d p h i l o s o p h e r s ) c o n t i n u e s well is left to express. According to S i m o n t o n , creative activity in-
into old age and peaks in t h e 60s, possibly because creative volves two processes: ideation (generating creative ideas) a n d
w o r k in these fields often involves integrating knowledge that e l a b o r a t i o n (executing ideas to p r o d u c e p o e m s , paintings, o r
has crystallized over years. By contrast, productivity in the arts scientific p u b l i c a t i o n s ) . After a career is l a u n c h e d , s o m e time
(for example, m u s i c or d r a m a ) peaks in t h e 30s and 4 0 s and elapses b e f o r e any ideas are generated o r any works are c o m -
declines steeply thereafter, perhaps because artistic creativity pleted. T h i s w o u l d explain the rise in creative a c h i e v e m e n t be-
depends o n a m o r e fluid o r innovative kind o f thinking. tween the 20s a n d 30s. Also, s o m e kinds o f w o r k take longer to
Scientists seem to b e intermediate, peaking in their 4 0 s and f o r m u l a t e o r c o m p l e t e t h a n others, which helps explain why a
declining only in their 70s. Even within the s a m e general field, p o e t ( w h o can generate and c a r r y o u t ideas quickly) m i g h t
differences in p e a k t i m e s have b e e n noted. F o r example, poets reach a creative peak earlier in life than, say, a historian (who
reach their peak b e f o r e novelists do, a n d m a t h e m a t i c i a n s peak m a y need to devote years to the research and writing necessary
b e f o r e o t h e r scientists do ( D e n n i s , 1966; L e h m a n , 1 9 5 3 ) . to c o m p l e t e a b o o k o n c e the idea for it is hatched).
Still, in m a n y fields (including psychology), creative pro- Why does creative production begin to taper off?
d u c t i o n rises to a peak in t h e late 30s o r early 40s, and b o t h the S i m o n t o n ( 1 9 9 0 , 1 9 9 1 ) suggests that older creators m a y sim-
total n u m b e r o f works and t h e n u m b e r o f h i g h - q u a l i t y w o r k s ply have used up m u c h o f their s t o c k o f potential ideas. T h e y
decline thereafter ( S i m o n t o n , 1 9 9 0 ) . T h i s s a m e pattern can be never exhaust their creative potential, b u t they have less o f it
detected across different cultures and historical periods. Even left to realize. S i m o n t o n argues, t h e n , that changes in creative
so, the percentage o f a c r e a t o r s works that are m a j o r , signifi- p r o d u c t i o n over t h e adult years have m o r e to do with the na-
c a n t ones changes little over the years ( S i m o n t o n , 1 9 9 0 ) . T h i s ture o f the creative process than with a loss o f m e n t a l ability
m e a n s that m a n y creators are still p r o d u c i n g outstanding in later life. C r e a t o r s w h o start their careers late are likely to
works in old a g e — s o m e t i m e s their greatest w o r k s — n o t just experience the s a m e rise and fall o f creative o u t p u t that others
do, only later in life. A n d those l u c k y creators with i m m e n s e
creative potential to realize will n o t b u r n out; t h e y will keep
p r o d u c i n g great works until t h e y die.
W h a t a b o u t m e r e mortals? Here, researchers have fallen
b a c k o n tests designed to m e a s u r e creativity. In o n e study,
scores o n a test o f divergent t h i n k i n g abilities decreased at
least m o d e s t l y after a b o u t age 4 0 and decreased m o r e steeply
starting a r o u n d 7 0 ( M c C r a e , A r e n b e r g , & Costa, 1 9 8 7 ) . It
seems that elderly adults do n o t differ m u c h f r o m y o u n g e r
adults in t h e originality o f their ideas; the m a i n difference is
that t h e y generate fewer o f t h e m ( J a q u i s h & Ripple, 1 9 8 1 ) .
Generally, t h e n , these studies agree with t h e studies o f e m i -
n e n t achievers: Creative b e h a v i o r b e c o m e s less frequent in
Age period later life, b u t it r e m a i n s possible t h r o u g h o u t the adult years.
Figure 9.8 Percentage of total works produced in

LW' each decade of the lives of eminent creators.The Summirag Up
^Qfeg^ "scholarship" group includes historians and philoso-
phers; the "sciences" category includes natural and Creativity is t h e ability t o produce novel and socially valu-
physical scientists, inventors, and mathematicians; the "arts'" creators able work. It requires divergent thinking rather than t h e
include architects, musicians, dramatists, poets, and the like. convergent thinking captured by traditional IQ tests.
SOUHCE: Based on daia from Dennis (1966). Creativity increases throughout childhood and adoles-
« Information-
Piagetian Theory Vygotskian Theory Processing Approach Psychometric Approach
WHAT IS INTELLIGENCE? Cognitive structures that Tools of culture Attention, memory, and Mental abilities and
help people adapt other mental processes scores on IQ tests
WHAT CHANGES Stage of cognitive Ability to solve Hardware (speed) and Mental age (difficulty of
WITH AGE? development problems without software (strategies) of problems solved)
assistance of others the mind
and use of inner
speech
WHAT IS OF MOST Universal changes Culturally influenced Universal processes Individual differences
INTEREST? changes and processes
c e n c e . Eminent c r e a t o r s are typically m o r e productive Vygotsky has highlighted t h e importance o f culturally

during their 3 0 s and 4 0 s than b e f o r e o r after but c o n - transmitted m o d e s o f thinking and interactions with oth-
tinue t o p r o d u c e great w o r k s in later life. e r s . T h e information-processing approach has helped re-
O u r a c c o u n t o f cognitive d e v e l o p m e n t o v e r t h e life searchers understand thinking p r o c e s s e s and explain why
span is n o w c o m p l e t e . W e h o p e you appreciate that each t h e young child c a n n o t r e m e m b e r as much information
o f t h e four m a j o r approaches t o t h e mind that w e have o r solve problems as effectively as t h e adult can. Finally
c o n s i d e r e d — t h e Piagetian cognitive-developmental ap- t h e psychometric approach has told researchers that, if
proach and Vygotsky's t h e o r y described in C h a p t e r 7, t h e t h e y look at t h e range o f tasks t o which t h e mind can be
information-processing approach explained in C h a p t e r 8, applied, they can recognize distinct mental abilities that
and t h e psychometric o r testing approach covered each person consistently displays in greater o r lesser
h e r e — o f f e r s something o f value.Table 9.6 lists h o w t h e s e amounts. You need not c h o o s e o n e approach and reject
four approaches c o m p a r e with their views o f intelligence. t h e others. Your understanding o f t h e mind is likely t o be
Perhaps w e can summarize it this way: Piaget has shown richer if all t h r e e approaches continue* t o thrive. T h e r e
that comparing t h e thought o f a p r e s c h o o l e r with t h e are truly many intelligences, and it is foolish t o think that
thought o f an adult is like comparing a tadpole with a a single IQ s c o r e can describe t h e complexities o f human
frog. Modes o f thought change qualitatively with age. cognitive d e v e l o p m e n t H
Summary Points health in adulthood. Among older adults, fluid intelligence is more
likely to show declines than crystallized intelligence.
1. Most modern intelligence tests are based on the psychomet- 5. Individual differences in IQ at a given age are linked to ge-
ric approach, which assumes that intelligence consists of a set of netic factors and to intellectually stimulating qualities of the home
traits that can be measured. The Stanford-Binet and Wechsler scales environment.
are the most common intelligence tests and compare an individual's 6. Mentally retarded individuals show varied levels of function-
V
performance on a variety of cognitive tasks with the average per- ing, depending on their IQs and the causes (organic or cultural-
formance of age-mates. familial) of their retardation. Children identified as gifted on the ba-
2. In infancy, mental growth is rapid and is measured by DQs sis of high IQ scores have been found above average in all ways.
derived from tests such as the Bayley scales. However, infant scores do 7. Creativity—the ability to produce novel and socially valued
not predict later IQ as well as measures of speed of information pro- works—is a distinct mental ability that demands divergent rather than
cessing such as rapid habituation and preference for novelty do. convergent thinking; it is largely independent of IQ (above a certain
3. During childhood, mental growth continues, and IQs at one minimum level), increases with age during childhood, and is fostered in
age can predict IQs at later ages. However, many individuals show homes where independence is valued. Performance on creativity tests
wide variations in their IQ scores over time. Those who gain IQ declines in later life, but creative capacities clearly survive into old age.
points often have favorable home environments, whereas disadvan-
taged children often show a cumulative deficit.
4. IQ is relatively stable throughout adolescence and adulthood.
IQ scores predict school achievement and years of education ob- 1. How does intelligence change across the life span? Outline the
tained. IQ scores are also correlated with occupational status and pattern you would expect to find from infancy to older adulthood
and indicate what tests you would use to assess intelligence at differ-
ent ages.
2. Imagine that you are chosen to head a presidential commis- Websites t o Explore
sion on intelligence testing whose task it is to devise a better IQ test
for use in the schools than any that currently exists. Drawing on ma- Visit Our Website
terial in this chapter, sketch out the features of your model IQ test. For a chapter tutorial quiz and other useful features, visit
What would be included and excluded from your definition of intel- the book's companion website at http://psychology.wadsworth.com/
ligence? How would you measure intelligence? In what ways would sigelman_rider5e. You can also connect directly to the following sites:
your test improve upon the tests that are currently used?
3. Putting together material from Chapters 7, 8, and 9, how
The Role of Intelligence in Modern Society
would you describe the cognitive functioning of a typical 70-year-old An article by Earl Hunt, published in 1995 in The American Scientist,
person? What are the greatest cognitive strengths of older adults, addresses the controversy raised by Richard Herrnstein and Charles
what are their greatest limitations, and how much can an individual Murray's book, The Bell Curve.
do to optimize her functioning?
4. The Maori are a socioeconomically disadvantaged group in Gardner's Multiple Intelligences
New Zealand, a country colonized by the British long ago. Maori Follow up on the material in the chapter regarding Howard
children typically score lower on IQ tests than children of British Gardner s eight intelligences by pursuing one of the links provided by
background. Knowing what you know about minorities in the the Psi Cafe website.
United States, what are your top two hypotheses about why Maori
children perform relatively poorly, and how might you test these hy- Mental Retardation
potheses? The website for the Association for Retarded Citizens offers a wealth
of resources on mental retardation.
Key T e r m s U n d e r s t a n d i n g t h e Data:
Exercises on t h e W e b
psychometric approach, 227 cumulative-deficit
fluid intelligence, 227 hypothesis, 233
chapter, try the exercises for these figures at http:/'/psychology
crystallized intelligence, 227 terminal drop, 238
mental age, 228 wisdom, 239
Unnumbered figure in Explorations box titled Measuring
intelligence quotient (IQ), 228 Home Observation for Intelligence
Measurement of the
test norms, 228 Figure 9.4 Weekly wages by level of cognitive ability
Environment (HOME)
normal distribution, 228 Figure 9.6 African American students perform poorly on tests
inventory, 242
of mental abilities when they think they are taking a test that
dynamic assessment, 229 Flynn effect, 243 may result in their being stereotyped as unintelligent
savant syndrome, 229 culture bias, 244 Figure 9.8 Percentage of total works produced in each decade of
triarchic theory stereotype threat, 245 the lives of eminent creators
of intelligence, 230 mental retardation, 246
contextual subtheory, 231 Life-Span CD-ROM
organic retardation, 246
experiential subtheory, 231 cultural-familial retardation, 246 Go to the Wadsworth Life-Span CD-ROM for further
automatization, 231 study of the concepts in this chapter. The CD-ROM in-
giftedness, 248
componential subtheory, 231 creativity, 249 sary, and additional activities to expand your learning experience.
successful intelligence, 231 divergent thinking, 249 For this chapter, check out the following clip, and others, in the video
developmental quotient library:
convergent thinking, 249
(DQ), 232
ideational fluency, 249 VIDEO Culture and Intelligence
©
D E V E L O P M E N T A L
TM

. wadsworth. com/sigelman_rider5e/now.
C H A P T E R t e n
Language and e d u c a t i o n
Mastering Language T k e Child Negative Feedback

Peer Pressures
W h a t Must Be Mastered Achievement Motivation
Pubertal C h a n g e s
The Course of Language Age Differences
P o o r P e r s o n - E n v i r o n m e n t Fit
Development Parent C o n t r i b u t i o n s
School Contributions Science and Mathematics
Before the First W o r d s
Education
T h e First W o r d s Learning to Read
Telegraphic Speech M a s t e r i n g the A l p h a b e t i c Principle Integrating Work and School
Later Language Development E m e r g e n t Literacy Pathways to Adulthood

Skilled a n d Unskilled Readers
How Language Develops
H o w S h o u l d Reading Be Taught?
T h e Learning Perspective T h e Adult
T h e Nativist Perspective Effective Schools
Less I m p o r t a n t Factors Achievement Motivation
T h e Interactionist Perspective
A Critical P e r i o d for Language? Factors T h a t M a t t e r Literacy
Continuing Education
Fixe Infant T li.e .Adolescent
Mastery Motivation Declining Levels of Achievement

F a m i l y Characteristics
Early Education
Cognitive G r o w t h
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5
AS T H E C O O L STREAM G U S H E D over one hand, she
[Annie] spelled into the other the word water, first slowly,
then rapidly. I stood still, my whole attention fixed upon the Linguists define l a n g u a g e as a c o m m u n i c a t i o n system in
motions of her fingers. Suddenly I felt a misty consciousness w h i c h a l i m i t e d n u m b e r o f s i g n a l s — s o u n d s o r letters ( o r ges-
as of something forgotten—a thrill of returning thought; and tures, in t h e case o f t h e sign language used b y d e a f p e o p l e ) —
somehow the mystery of language was revealed to me. I can b e c o m b i n e d a c c o r d i n g t o a g r e e d - u p o n rules t o p r o d u c e
knew then that W-A-T-E-R meant the wonderful cool some- an infinite n u m b e r o f messages. To m a s t e r a s p o k e n language
thing that was flowing over my hand I left the well-house s u c h as English, a child m u s t learn b a s i c s o u n d s , h o w s o u n d s
eager to learn. Everything had a name, and each name gave are c o m b i n e d to f o r m words, h o w words are c o m b i n e d to
birth to a new thought. As we returned to the house every f o r m m e a n i n g f u l s t a t e m e n t s , what words and sentences m e a n ,
object which I touched seemed to quiver with life (Keller, and h o w to use l a n g u a g e effectively in social interactions. T h a t
1954). is, t h e child m u s t m a s t e r five aspects o f language: p h o n o l o g y ,
m o r p h o l o g y , syntax, s e m a n t i c s , a n d p r a g m a t i c s .
P h o n o l o g y is t h e s o u n d system o f a language, and t h e b a -
T h e r e is possibly n o m o r e i m p o r t a n t skill t h a n mastering sic units o f s o u n d in any given language are its p h o n e m e s . A
s o m e t y p e o f language system. C o n s i d e r how the world child in an E n g l i s h - s p e a k i n g country must learn the 45
c h a n g e d for H e l e n Keller, d e a f and b l i n d f r o m a y o u n g age, p h o n e m e s used in E n g l i s h ( w h i c h c o r r e s p o n d r o u g h l y to t h e
w h e n she finally realized t h a t every o b j e c t , every p e r s o n , every familiar vowel and c o n s o n a n t s o u n d s ) a n d w h i c h o n e s can b e
c o n c e p t c o u l d b e r e p r e s e n t e d with a s y m b o l . F r o m this p o i n t c o m b i n e d in English a n d w h i c h o n e s c a n n o t (for e x a m p l e , st-
o n , she was able to c o m m u n i c a t e with the p e o p l e a r o u n d her b u t n o t sb-). O t h e r languages have o t h e r b a s i c s o u n d s (or, in a
a n d p a r t i c i p a t e in t h e world in ways that were n o t available sign language, basic h a n d shapes and m o t i o n s ) . Children
w i t h o u t a t o o l s u c h as sign o r s p o k e n language. As y o u learned m u s t learn to h e a r a n d to p r o n o u n c e t h e p h o n e m e s o f their
in C h a p t e r 7, psychologist Lev Vygotsky argued t h a t language language t o m a k e sense o f the s p e e c h t h e y hear a n d to b e u n -
is the p r i m a r y vehicle t h r o u g h w h i c h adults pass culturally d e r s t o o d w h e n t h e y speak.
valued m o d e s o f t h i n k i n g and p r o b l e m solving t o their chil- Rules o f m o r p h o l o g y are rules f o r f o r m i n g words f r o m
dren. H e also believed t h a t language is o u r m o s t i m p o r t a n t s o u n d s . Rules o f m o r p h o l o g y in English i n c l u d e t h e rule for
tool o f thinking. f o r m i n g past tenses o f verbs b y a d d i n g -ed, t h e rule f o r f o r m -
In this c h a p t e r , we b e g i n b y e x a m i n i n g h o w a n d w h e n ing plurals b y adding -5, a n d rules for using o t h e r prefixes and
l a n g u a g e is a c q u i r e d . B a s i c l a n g u a g e skills b e c o m e estab- suffixes. E x c e p t i o n s to these rules also m u s t b e learned.
lished largely t h r o u g h an i n f o r m a l e d u c a t i o n s y s t e m c o n s i s t - Rules o f s y n t a x are rules for f o r m i n g sentences f r o m
ing o f p a r e n t s , o t h e r g r o w n - u p s , peers, a n d even t h e m e d i a . w o r d s . C o n s i d e r these t h r e e s e n t e n c e s : ( 1 ) F a n g Fred bit. ( 2 )
W e t h e n c o n s i d e r f o r m a l e d u c a t i o n , w h i c h uses b a s i c l a n - F a n g bit Fred. ( 3 ) Fred bit Fang. T h e first, as even y o u n g chil-
g u a g e skills t o c u l t i v a t e t h e r e a d i n g , w r i t i n g , t h i n k i n g , a n d dren recognize, violates the rules o f English s e n t e n c e s t r u c t u r e
p r o b l e m - s o l v i n g skills t h a t allow i n d i v i d u a l s t o b e c o m e fully o r syntax, a l t h o u g h this word o r d e r w o u l d b e acceptable in
f u n c t i o n i n g m e m b e r s o f society. G e t t i n g t h e m o s t o u t o f ed- G e r m a n . T h e s e c o n d and third are b o t h g r a m m a t i c a l English
ucation requires m o r e than acquiring language and literacy sentences, b u t their different w r ord o r d e r s c o n v e y different
skills, however. As Terrel Bell, f o r m e r s e c r e t a r y o f e d u c a t i o n m e a n i n g s . C h i l d r e n m u s t m a s t e r rules o f s y n t a x t o u n d e r -
asserted, " t h e r e are t h r e e t h i n g s t o r e m e m b e r a b o u t e d u c a - stand o r use language, f r o m s i m p l e declarative sentences such
t i o n . T h e first o n e is m o t i v a t i o n . T h e s e c o n d o n e is m o t i v a - as these to c o m p l e x s e n t e n c e s w i t h m a n y clauses a n d phrases.
t i o n . T h e t h i r d o n e is m o t i v a t i o n " ( q u o t e d in M a e h r & S e m a n t i c s is t h e aspect o f language that c o n c e r n s m e a n -
M e y e r , 1 9 9 7 , p. 3 7 2 ) . T h u s , we also e x a m i n e a c h i e v e m e n t ings. W o r d s stand f o r things, a n d the child m u s t m a p the rela-
m o t i v a t i o n a n d its r e l a t i o n s h i p t o e d u c a t i o n a n d e d u c a t i o n a l t i o n s h i p s b e t w e e n words a n d things. K n o w l e d g e o f s e m a n t i c s
outcomes. is also required t o interpret sentences, speeches, o r para-
graphs. G r a s p i n g s e m a n t i c s d e p e n d s o n u n d e r s t a n d i n g t h e
w o r l d and t h u s on cognitive d e v e l o p m e n t .
Finally, language learners m u s t m a s t e r p r a g m a t i c s — r u l e s
Mastering Landuaê specifying h o w language is used a p p r o p r i a t e l y in different so-
cial c o n t e x t s . T h a t is, children have t o learn w h e n t o say w h a t
A l t h o u g h l a n g u a g e is o n e o f t h e m o s t i n t r i c a t e f o r m s of to w h o m . T h e y m u s t learn to c o m m u n i c a t e effectively by t a k -
k n o w l e d g e we will ever a c q u i r e , all n o r m a l c h i l d r e n m a s t e r a ing i n t o a c c o u n t w h o the listener is, w h a t the listener already
l a n g u a g e early in life. I n d e e d , m a n y i n f a n t s are t a l k i n g b e f o r e k n o w s , a n d w h a t the listener needs o r w a n t s to hear. " G i v e m e
t h e y c a n walk. C a n l a n g u a g e b e c o m p l e x , t h e n ? It c e r t a i n l y that c o o k i e " m a y b e g r a m m a t i c a l English, b u t t h e child is far
c a n be. L i n g u i s t s ( s c h o l a r s w h o s t u d y l a n g u a g e ) have yet t o m o r e likely to w i n G r a n d m a ' s h e a r t ( n o t t o m e n t i o n a c o o k i e )
fully d e s c r i b e t h e rules o f E n g l i s h ( o r o f a n y o t h e r l a n g u a g e ) , with a polite " M a y I please t r y o n e o f y o u r y u m m y cookies,
a n d so far c o m p u t e r s c a n n o t u n d e r s t a n d s p e e c h as well as Grandma?"
m o s t 5 - y e a r - o l d s c a n . W h a t is t h e t a s k y o u n g l a n g u a g e l e a r n - In s h o r t , m a s t e r i n g language is an incredible challenge
ers face? t h a t requires l e a r n i n g p h o n o l o g y , s e m a n t i c s , morphology,
syntax, a n d p r a g m a t i c s . W h a t is m o r e , h u m a n c o m m u n i c a -
t i o n involves n o t o n l y language b u t also f o r m s o f n o n v e r b a l
c o m m u n i c a t i o n (facial expressions, t o n e o f voice, gestures,
a n d so o n ) . F o r e x a m p l e , i n t o n a t i o n — t h e v a r i a t i o n s in pitch,
loudness, and t i m i n g used w h e n saying w o r d s o r s e n t e n c e s —
can b e important. Using intonation, speakers emphasize
g r a m m a t i c a l l y i m p o r t a n t words, signal that t h e y are asking
q u e s t i o n s r a t h e r t h a n m a k i n g s t a t e m e n t s , a n d so o n . C h i l d r e n
m u s t also learn these n o n v e r b a l signals, w h i c h o f t e n clarify t h e
m e a n i n g o f a verbal message a n d are i m p o r t a n t m e a n s o f
c o m m u n i c a t i n g . W e n o w l o o k at t h e c o u r s e o f language de-
v e l o p m e n t t h e n ask h o w n a t u r e a n d n u r t u r e c o n t r i b u t e to t h e
child's r e m a r k a b l e a c c o m p l i s h m e n t .
C A mother draws her 3-rnonth : old infant into a "conversation."

F o r t h e first 10 t o 13 m o n t h s o f life, infants are n o t yet c a p a -
ble o f speaking m e a n i n g f u l words, b u t t h e y are b u i l d i n g up to t h e m with a happy voice (Hirsh-Pasek, Golinkoff, & Hollich,
that achievement. 1999). ' •
A r o u n d 3 t o 4 m o n t h s , i n f a n t s e x p a n d their v o c a l range
Before t h e First W o r d s c o n s i d e r a b l y as t h e y begin to p r o d u c e c o n s o n a n t sounds.
As y o u l e a r n e d in C h a p t e r 6, n e w b o r n s s e e m t o t u n e in t o h u - T h e y enter a period o f babbling between about 4 and 6
m a n speech i m m e d i a t e l y . Very y o u n g i n f a n t s c a n distinguish m o n t h s , repeating c o n s o n a n t - v o w e l c o m b i n a t i o n s such as
b e t w e e n p h o n e m e s such as b a n d p o r d a n d t ( E i m a s , 1 9 7 5 a ) . " b a b a " o r "dadadada," w h i c h is w h a t J e a n Piaget w o u l d call a
B e f o r e t h e y ever speak a w o r d , infants are also b e c o m i n g s e n - p r i m a r y circular r e a c t i o n — t h e repeating o f an interesting
sitive t o pauses in s p e e c h t h a t fall b e t w e e n clauses, phrases, n o i s e f o r t h e pleasure o f m a k i n g it.
a n d words r a t h e r t h a n in t h e m i d d l e o f these i m p o r t a n t l a n - U p t o a b o u t 6 m o n t h s , infants all over t h e world, even
guage units ( F i s h e r & T o k u r a , 1 9 9 6 ; M y e r s et al., 1996). d e a f ones, s o u n d pretty m u c h alike, b u t the effects o f experi-
I n f a n t s as y o u n g as 7,/2 m o n t h s c a n s e g m e n t speech into e n c e s o o n b e c o m e apparent. W i t h o u t a u d i t o r y feedback, d e a f
m e a n i n g f u l words, a skill t h a t i m p r o v e s over t h e n e x t several i n f a n t s fall b e h i n d h e a r i n g i n f a n t s in their ability to p r o d u c e
months (Houston et al., 2000; Jusczyk, 1999; Jusczyk, w e l l - f o r m e d syllables ( K o o p m a n s - v a n B e i n u m , C l e m e n t , &
Houston, & Newsome, 1999). This shows sensitivity to van den D i k k e n b e r g - P o t , 2 0 0 1 ) . B y t h e t i m e i n f a n t s are a b o u t
p h o n o l o g y a n d m a y h e l p infants learn t h e rules o f g r a m m a r . 8 m o n t h s old, t h e y b a b b l e w i t h s o m e t h i n g o f an accent; adults
W h a t a b o u t p r o d u c i n g s o u n d s ? F r o m b i r t h , infants p r o - c a n o f t e n tell w h i c h language infants have been listening t o
duce s o u n d s — c r i e s , b u r p s , grunts, a n d sneezes. T h e s e s o u n d s f r o m t h e s o u n d o f their b a b b l i n g ( P o u l i n - D u b o i s & G o o d z ,
h e l p exercise the v o c a l cords a n d give infants an o p p o r t u n i t y 2 0 0 1 ) . T h e s e a d v a n c e d b a b b l e r s increasingly restrict their
to learn how7 airflow a n d different m o u t h a n d t o n g u e p o s i - s o u n d s t o p h o n e m e s in t h e language t h e y are h e a r i n g , and
t i o n s affect s o u n d s . F u r t h e r m o r e , p a r e n t s typically r e s p o n d t o t h e y p i c k up t h e i n t o n a t i o n p a t t e r n s o f t h a t language ( H o f f ,
these prelinguistic s o u n d s as i f t h e y were g e n u i n e efforts t o 2 0 0 4 ) . O n c e these i n t o n a t i o n p a t t e r n s are added t o an i n f a n t s
c o m m u n i c a t e ( M c C u n e et al., 1 9 9 6 ) . F o r i n s t a n c e , in r e s p o n s e b a b b l e s , the u t t e r a n c e s s o u n d m u c h like real speech until, as
t o h e r 3 - m o n t h - o l d ' s h i c c u p sound., a m o t h e r replies, " M y E r i k a H o f f ( 2 0 0 4 ) p u t s it, " y o u listen closely a n d realize t h a t
g o o d n e s s ! W h a t s going o n in there? H u h ? Tell M o m m y . " T h e t h e i n f a n t is p r o d u c i n g t h e m e l o d y o f language w i t h o u t t h e
m o t h e r draws her i n f a n t i n t o a sort o f dialogue. S u c h prelin- w o r d s " (p. 1 0 3 ) .
guistic sounds, a n d t h e f e e d b a c k i n f a n t s receive, will e v e n t u - As they a t t e m p t to m a s t e r t h e s e m a n t i c s o f language, i n -
ally b e i n c o r p o r a t e d i n t o m e a n i n g f u l speech s o u n d s ( H o f f , fants c o m e t o u n d e r s t a n d m a n y words b e f o r e t h e y c a n p r o -
2 0 0 4 ) . Perhaps m o s t impressive a b o u t t h i s early verbal a n d d u c e t h e m . T h a t is, c o m p r e h e n s i o n ( o r r e c e p t i o n ) is a h e a d o f
n o n v e r b a l " d a n c e " b e t w e e n i n f a n t s a n d their caregivers is t h a t p r o d u c t i o n ( o r e x p r e s s i o n ) in language d e v e l o p m e n t . B e f o r e
it relates positively t o later a t t a c h m e n t b e t w e e n t h e m a n d t o t h e y u n d e r s t a n d the specific w o r d s in a c o m m a n d (such as
the cognitive d e v e l o p m e n t o f t h e i n f a n t (Jaffe et al., 2 0 0 1 ) . " G e t t h e b a l l " ) , t h e y will o b e y it in familiar c o n t e x t s , p r o b a b l y
T h e n e x t m i l e s t o n e i n v o c a l i z a t i o n , a r o u n d 6 t o 8 weeks b y i n t e r p r e t i n g t o n e o f v o i c e a n d c o n t e x t cues ( H o f f , 2 0 0 4 ) .
of age, is c o o i n g — r e p e a t i n g vowel-like sounds such as S h o r t l y b e f o r e speaking t h e i r first t r u e words, however, as t h e y
" o o o o o h " and " a a a a a h . " B a b i e s c o o w h e n t h e y are c o n t e n t approach 1 year, t h e y really s e e m t o u n d e r s t a n d familiar
and o f t e n i n r e s p o n s e t o b e i n g s p o k e n t o in a h a p p y voice. D o words. H o w do t h e y figure o u t w h a t words m e a n ? W h e n M o m
i n f a n t s this age u n d e r s t a n d t h e w o r d s s p o k e n t o t h e m ? N o t points to a small, four-legged furry animal and says
likely—they primarily respond to the " m e l o d y " o f speech. " F u r r b a l l , " h o w d o i n f a n t s learn t h a t this refers t o t h e cat and
Parents can say s o m e r a t h e r n a s t y t h i n g s to t h e i r y o u n g i n - n o t t o its m o v e m e n t o r t o its tail o r to t h e a n i m a l n e x t d o o r ?
fants ( " Y o u r e driving m e n u t s t o d a y ! " ) as l o n g as t h e y say Several researchers n o t e t h e i m p o r t a n c e o f j o i n t a t t e n t i o n in
early word learning ( C a r p e n t e r , Nagell, & Tomasello, 1998;
Table I 0 U Examples o f Words Used by Children
W o o d w a r d & M a r k m a n , 1 9 9 8 ) . Infants listen to parents re-
Younger th;an 20 Months
peatedly labeling a n d p o i n t i n g at o b j e c t s , directing their gaze,
and o t h e r w i s e m a k i n g salient t h e c o n n e c t i o n between words Category Words
a n d their referents (Hollich, Hirsh-Pasek, & Golinkoff, 2 0 0 0 ) .
Sound effects baa baa, meow, moo, ouch, uh-oh,
I f M o m says " c a t " w h e n b o t h she a n d h e r child are l o o k i n g at
woof, yum-yum
t h e f u r r y a n i m a l , t h e n this likely is the referent for the label.
Food and drink apple, banana, cookie, cheese,
Infants also t e n d to a s s u m e that a w o r d refers to a w h o l e o b -
cracker, juice, milky water
j e c t rather t h a n to s o m e part o f the o b j e c t (Pan, 2005;
Animals bear, bird, bunny, dog, cat, cow,
Woodward & Markman, 1 9 9 8 ) . T h u s , infants realize t h a t
duck, fish, kitty, horse, pig; puppy
Furrball refers to the family's w h o l e cat and n o t to individual
properties o f the cat.
Body parts and clothing diaper; ear, eye, foot, hair, hand,
hat, mouth, nose, toe, tooth, shoe
House and outdoors blanket, chair, cup, door, flower,
keys, outside, spoon, tree, TV
An infant's first meaningful word, spoken around 1 year, is a
special event for parents. First words have been called People baby, daddy, gramma, grampa,
h o l o p h r a s e s because a single word s o m e t i m e s conveys an entire mommy, [child's own name]
sentence's w o r t h o f m e a n i n g . T h e s e single-word < c sentences" can Toys and vehicles ball, balloon, bike, boat, book,
serve different c o m m u n i c a t i o n functions depending o n the way bubbles, plane, truck, toy
they are said and the context in which they are said (Barrett, Actions down, eat, go, sit, up
1 9 9 5 ) . For example, 1 7 - m o n t h - o l d Shelley used the wordghetti Games and routines bath, bye, hi, night-night, no, peek-a-
(spaghetti) in three different ways over a 5 - m i n u t e period. First, boo, please, shhh, thank you, yes
she pointed to the pan on the stove and seemed to be asking, "Is Adjectives and descriptors all gone, cold> dirty, hot
that spaghetti?" Later, the function o f her holophrase was to
SOURCE: From Jean Berko Gleason, T h e Development o f Language 6/e.
n a m e the spaghetti when shown the contents o f the pan, as in
Published by Allyn and Bacon, Boston, MA. Copyright €> 2005 by Pearson
"It's spaghetti." Finally, there was little question that" she was
Education. Reprinted by permission o f the publisher.
requesting spaghetti w h e n she tugged at her companion's
sleeve as h e was eating and used the word in a w h i n i n g t o n e .
A l t h o u g h there are limits to the m e a n i n g that can b e spurt, toddlers seem to arrive at t h e critical realization, as
packed into a single w o r d a n d its a c c o m p a n y i n g tone o f voice Helen Keller did, t h a t everything has a n a m e ; t h e y then w a n t
and gestures, 1-year-olds in the h o l o p h r a s t i c stage o f language to learn all t h e n a m e s ( R e z n i c k & Goldfield, 1 9 9 2 ) .
d e v e l o p m e n t seem to have m a s t e r e d such basic language f u n c - W i t h such a rapidly increasing vocabulary, it should c o m e
t i o n s as n a m i n g , q u e s t i o n i n g , requesting, and d e m a n d i n g . as no surprise that children sometimes make mistakes.
W h e n they b e g i n to use words as s y m b o l s , they also b e g i n to Although they rarely get the m e a n i n g entirely wrong, they often
use n o n v e r b a l s y m b o l s — g e s t u r e s such as p o i n t i n g , raising use a word too broadly o r t o o narrowly (Pan, 2 0 0 5 ) . O n e error
their a r m s to signal "up," o r p a n t i n g heavily to say " d o g " is overextension, o r using a word to refer to too wide a range o f
(Acredolo & G o o d w y n , 1 9 8 8 ; C a m a i o n i , 2 0 0 4 ; L o c k , 2 0 0 4 ) . objects or events, as when a 2-year-old calls all furry, four-
W h a t do 1 -year-olds talk about? T h e y talk m a i n l y a b o u t legged animals "doggie." T h e second, a n d opposite, error is u n -
familiar o b j e c t s a n d actions (Nelson, H a m p s o n , & Shaw, 1 9 9 3 ; derextension, as when a child initially uses the word doggie to
Pan, 2 0 0 5 ; and see Table 10.1). K a t h e r i n e N e l s o n ( 1 9 7 3 ) stud- refer only to basset h o u n d s like the family pet. Notice that b o t h
ied 18 infants as they learned their first 5 0 English words a n d overextension and underextension are examples o f Piage t's c o n -
f o u n d that nearly t w o - t h i r d s o f these early words were c o m - cept o f assimilation, using existing concepts to interpret new
m o n n o u n s representing o b j e c t s a n d people that t h e children experiences. Getting semantics right seems to be mainly a m a t -
interacted w i t h daily (mommy,
kitty). T h e s e o b j e c t s were ter o f discriminating similarities and differences—for example,
nearly all things that t h e children c o u l d m a n i p u l a t e (bottles, categorizing animals o n the basis o f size, shape, the sounds they
shoes) o r that were capable o f m o v i n g o n their o w n (animals, make, and other perceptual features (Clark & Clark, 1977).
trucks). Children also acquire words that facilitate social inter- B u t m i g h t children k n o w m o r e a b o u t t h e world than
a c t i o n s (hello, bye-bye, no). their s e m a n t i c errors suggest? Yes, 2 - y e a r - o l d s w h o seiy "dog-
Initial language acquisition proceeds literally o n e w o r d at gie" w h e n t h e y see a c o w will p o i n t to t h e cowr r a t h e r t h a n t h e
a time. T h r e e o r f o u r m o n t h s m a y pass b e f o r e the child has a dog w h e n asked to find the c o w ( T h o m p s o n & C h a p m a n ,
v o c a b u l a r y o f 10 words (Nelson, 1 9 7 3 ) . T h e n , in what is called 1 9 7 7 ) . Children w h o overextend the w o r d doggie in their
t h e v o c a b u l a r y s p u r t , a r o u n d 18 m o n t h s w h e n the child has speech are n o less able t h a n children w h o do n o t to l o o k to-
m a s t e r e d a b o u t 3 0 to 5 0 words, the pace o f word learning ward t h e c o w r a t h e r t h a n the dog w h e n asked, " W h e r e ' s t h e
quickens dramatically ( B l o o m , 1 9 9 8 ; Goldfield & Reznick, c o w ? " (Naigles & G e l m a n , 1 9 9 5 ) . C h i l d r e n m a y overextend
1 9 9 6 ) . At 2 0 m o n t h s , children are p r o d u c i n g an average o f 150 t h e m e a n i n g o f certain words such as doggie n o t b e c a u s e they
words, and j u s t 4 m o n t h s later, this has d o u b l e d t o 3 0 0 words m i s u n d e r s t a n d w o r d m e a n i n g s b u t b e c a u s e they w a n t to c o m -
( C a m a i o n i , 2 0 0 4 ) . W h a t changes? D u r i n g t h e vocabulary m u n i c a t e , have o n l y a small v o c a b u l a r y with which to do so,
a n d have n o t yet learned to call s o m e t h i n g a " w h a t c h a m a c a l l - c o n t a i n critical c o n t e n t words and o m i t frills such as articles,
it" when they c a n n o t c o m e up with the w o r d for it (Naigles & prepositions, a n d auxiliary verbs.
Gelman, 1995). It is u n g r a m m a t i c a l in adult English t o say " N o w a n t " o r
You m u s t be careful a b o u t applying t h e s e generalizations " W h e r e ball." However, these t w o - w o r d sentences are n o t just
a b o u t early language acquisition t o all children because r a n d o m word c o m b i n a t i o n s o r mistakes; t h e y reflect chil-
they m a s k large individual differences in s p e a k i n g style dren's systematic rules for f o r m i n g sentences. Psycholinguists
( C a m a i o n i , 2 0 0 4 ; G o l d f i e l d & Snow, 2 0 0 5 ) . As Figure 10.1 such as Lois B l o o m ( 1 9 9 8 ) believe it is a p p r o p r i a t e to describe
shows, o n e 2 4 - m o n t h - o l d m a y have a v o c a b u l a r y o f a p p r o x i - children's early sentences in t e r m s o f a f u n c t i o n a l g r a m m a r —
m a t e l y 50 words, and a n o t h e r m a y be able to p r o d u c e m o r e o n e that emphasizes t h e s e m a n t i c relationships a m o n g words,
than 5 0 0 w o r d s ( F e n s o n et aL, 1 9 9 4 ) . S o m e children use a ref- the m e a n i n g s being expressed, a n d t h e f u n c t i o n s served by
erential s t y l e — l o t s o f n o u n s referring to o b j e c t s . O t h e r s seem sentences (such as n a m i n g , q u e s t i o n i n g , o r c o m m a n d i n g ) . F o r
t o treat language as a social tool; t h e y use an expressive style example, y o u n g children often use t h e s a m e w o r d order to
o f speaking with m o r e p e r s o n a l p r o n o u n s a n d m e m o r i z e d convey different meanings. " M o m m y nose" might mean
social r o u t i n e s such as " b y e - b y e " and " I w a n t i t " (Bates et al., " T h a t ' s M o m m y ' s n o s e " in o n e context, b u t for o n e 22-
1 9 9 4 ; N e l s o n , 1 9 7 3 ) . C u l t u r e exerts s o m e influence: I n f a n t s m o n t h - o l d girl o n e a f t e r n o o n it m e a n t " M o m m y , I've j u s t
l e a r n i n g English use m a n y n o u n s and few verbs in their early w i p e d m y r u n n y nose the length o f the living r o o m c o u c h . "
speech, whereas infants l e a r n i n g K o r e a n use m o r e verbs W o r d o r d e r s o m e t i m e s does m a t t e r : "Billy h i t " and " H i t Billy"
( G o p n i k & C h o i , 1 9 9 5 ) . M o r e i m p o r t a n t , differences in the m a y m e a n different things. Body language and t o n e o f voice
daily language e x p e r i e n c e s o f children c o n t r i b u t e to t h e dif- also c o m m u n i c a t e m e a n i n g s , such as w h e n a child points and
ferences in their speech. B o t h q u a n t i t y o f speech ( h o w m a n y whines to request ice c r e a m , n o t m e r e l y to n o t e its existence.
words the child hears in t h e h o m e ) and q u a l i t y o f speech Between age 2 a n d age 5, children learn to speak sentences
( h o w sophisticated t h e speech is) affect y o u n g children's vo- that are r e m a r k a b l y c o m p l e x a n d adultlike. Table 10.3 gives an
cabularies (Hoff, 2 0 0 4 ; W e i z m a n & Snow, 2 0 0 1 ) . So, individ- inkling o f h o w fast things m o v e in the particularly i m p o r t a n t
ual differences in language a c q u i s i t i o n are t h e n o r m rather p e r i o d f r o m age 2 to age 3. F r o m t h e t w o - w o r d stage o f l a n -
t h a n the e x c e p t i o n . guage acquisition, children progress to t h r e e - w o r d telegraphic
sentences then to l o n g e r sentences, b e g i n n i n g to add the little
Telegraphic Speech f u n c t i o n words such as articles and prepositions that were of-
T h e next step in language d e v e l o p m e n t , n o r m a l l y taken a b o u t ten missing in their early telegraphic sentences ( I l o f f , 2 0 0 4 ) .
18 to 2 4 m o n t h s o f age, is c o m b i n i n g t w o words into a simple T h e y increasingly infer t h e rules o f adult language.
sentence. Toddlers all over the world use t w o - w o r d sentences H o w do p e o p l e k n o w w h e n children are m a s t e r i n g n e w
to express the s a m e basic ideas (see Table 10.2). Early c o m b i - rules? O d d l y e n o u g h , their progress s o m e t i m e s reveals itself
nations o f two, three, o r m o r e words are s o m e t i m e s called in n e w " m i s t a k e s . " C o n s i d e r the task o f l e a r n i n g rules o f m o r -
t e l e g r a p h i c speech because, like telegrams, these sentences p h o l o g y for f o r m i n g plurals and past tenses. Typically this
700 R-
22 24
Age (in months)
Figure 10.! The range of individual differences in vocabulary size from 16 to

30 months.
SOURCE: Fenson et al. (1994).
Table 10,2 Two-Word Sentences Serve Similar Table 10.3 Samples of Kyle's Speech at 24 Months
Functions in Different Languages and 35 Months
Language At 24 Months At 35 Months

(his second birthday party) (playing with a potato bug)
Function of Sentence English German
Want cake now. Mother: Kyle, why don't you
To locate or name There book Buch da (book there) take the bug back to his
Boons! Boons! [pointing to
To demand More milk Mehr milch (more milk) balloons] friends?
To negate No wet Nicht blasen (not blow) They mine! [referring to colors] Kyle: After I hold him, then I'll
I wan' see. take the bug back to his
To indicate possession My shoe Mein ball (my ball)
See sky now. friends. Mommy, where did
To modify or qualify Pretty dress Armer wauwau (poor Ow-ee [pointing to knee]. the bug go? Mommy, I didn't
doggie) know where the bug go. Find
To question Where ball Wo ball (where ball) it. Maybe Winston's on it [the
family dog]. Winston, get off
SOURCE: SLOBIN, DAN L, PSYCFIOLINGUISTICS, 2 N D ED., 1st Edition, <G> the bug! [Kyle spots the bug
1979. Reprinted by permission o f Pearson Education, Inc., Upper Saddle
and picks it up.]
River, NJ.
Mother: Kyle, please let the bug
go back to his friends.
h a p p e n s s o m e t i m e during the third year (Hoff, 2 0 0 4 ) . A child Kyle: He does not want to go
w h o has been saying " f e e t " a n d " w e n t " m a y suddenly start to to his friends. [He drops the
say " f o o t s " a n d "goed." D o e s this represent a step backward? bug and squashes it, much to
N o t at all. T h e child was p r o b a b l y using the correct irregular his mother's horror.J I stepped
on it and it will not go to his
f o r m s at first by imitating adult speech w i t h o u t u n d e r s t a n d -
friends.
ing t h e m e a n i n g o f plurality o r verb tense. T h e use o f " f o o t s "
a n d " g o e d " is a b r e a k t h r o u g h : T h e child has inferred the m o r - At 24 months, Kyle speaks in telegraphic sentences no more than three
phological rules o f adding -5 to pluralize n o u n s a n d adding words long; by 35 months, his sentences are much longer and more gram-
-ed to signal past tense. At first, however, the youngster e n - matically complex, although not free o f errors, and he is better able to par-
gages in o v e r r e g u l a r i z a t i o n , overapplying the rules to cases in ticipate in the give-and-take o f conversation (despite not heeding his
mother and respecting the dignity o f potato bugs).
which the proper f o r m is irregular. W h e n the child masters ex-
ceptions to t h e rules, she will say " f e e t " and " w e n t " o n c e m o r e .
C h i l d r e n m u s t also m a s t e r rules for creating variations o f
Later Language Development
the basic declarative sentence; t h a t is, they m u s t learn t h e rules S c h o o l - a g e children i m p r o v e their p r o n u n c i a t i o n skills, p r o -
for converting a basic idea such as "I a m eating pizza" into d u c e l o n g e r and m o r e c o m p l e x sentences, a n d c o n t i n u e to ex-
such f o r m s as q u e s t i o n s ("Am I eating pizza?"), negative s e n - p a n d their vocabularies. T h e average first-grader starts s c h o o l
tences ( " I a m n o t eating pizza"), and imperatives ( " E a t the with a v o c a b u l a r y o f a b o u t 1 0 , 0 0 0 words a n d adds s o m e w h e r e
pizza!"). T h e prominent linguist N o a m Chomsky (1968, between 5 a n d 13 n e w words a day t h r o u g h o u t the s c h o o l
1 9 7 5 ) drew a t t e n t i o n to t h e child's learning o f these rules b y years (Anglin, 1 9 9 3 ; B l o o m , 1 9 9 8 ) . D u r i n g adolescence, with
proposing that language be described in t e r m s o f a t r a n s f o r - the help o f f o r m a l o p e r a t i o n a l t h o u g h t , teens b e c o m e better
m a t i o n a l g r a m m a r , or rules o f syntax for t r a n s f o r m i n g basic able to understand a n d define abstract t e r m s (McGhee-
underlying t h o u g h t s into a variety o f sentence f o r m s . Bidlack, 1 9 9 1 ) . T h e y also b e c o m e better able to infer m e a n -
H o w do y o u n g children learn to phrase the questions that ings that are n o t explicitly stated (Beal, 1 9 9 0 ) .
t h e y so frequently ask to fuel their cognitive growth? T h e ear- S c h o o l - a g e children also begin to t h i n k a b o u t and m a -
liest q u e s t i o n s often consist o f n o t h i n g m o r e t h a n t w o - o r nipulate language in ways previously impossible (Ely, 2 0 0 5 ;
t h r e e - w o r d sentences with rising i n t o n a t i o n ( " S e e kitty?"). Klein, 1 9 9 6 ) . T h e y can, for example, interpret passive sen-
Sometimes wh- words such as what o r where appear ( " W h e r e tences such as " G o o f y was liked by D o n a l d " and c o n d i t i o n a l
kitty?"). D u r i n g the s e c o n d stage o f q u e s t i o n asking, children sentences such as " I f G o o f y had c o m e , D o n a l d wrould have
begin to use auxiliary, o r helping, verbs, b u t their questions been delighted" (Boloh & Champaud, 1993; Sudhalter &
are o f this f o r m : " W h a t D a d d y is eating?" " W h e r e the kitty is Braine, 1 9 8 5 ) . C o m m a n d o f g r a m m a r c o n t i n u e s to improve
g o i n g ? " T h e i r u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f t r a n s f o r m a t i o n rules is still t h r o u g h adolescence; teenagers' spoken a n d w r i t t e n sentences
incomplete (Tager-Flusberg, 2 0 0 5 ) . Finally, they learn the b e c o m e increasingly long and c o m p l e x (Christie, 2 0 0 2 ) .
t r a n s f o r m a t i o n rule that calls for m o v i n g t h e auxiliary verb C h i l d r e n are also m a s t e r i n g the p r a g m a t i c s o f language,
ahead o f the s u b j e c t (as in t h e adultlike sentence " W h a t is b e c o m i n g increasingly able to c o m m u n i c a t e effectively in dif-
Daddy eating?"). ferent situations (Oliver, 1 9 9 5 ) . T h e y increasingly use d e c o n -
By t h e e n d o f the p r e s c h o o l p e r i o d (ages 5 - 6 ) , children's t e x t u a l i z e d l a n g u a g e as t h e y m o v e f r o m talking a b o u t the i m -
sentences are m u c h like t h o s e o f adults even t h o u g h t h e y have mediate conversational c o n t e x t ( " I see a dog over t h e r e " ) to
never h a d a f o r m a l lesson in g r a m m a r . It is an a m a z i n g ac- talking a b o u t past o r r e m o t e events ( " I saw a dog while on va-
c o m p l i s h m e n t . Yet there is m o r e g r o w t h that needs to occur. c a t i o n last week"; Ely, 2 0 0 5 ) . T h e y can tell stories a b o u t events
that h a p p e n e d in t h e past o r are n o t p a r t o f t h e c u r r e n t c o n - How Language Develops
text. B y a d o l e s c e n c e , these narratives are o f t e n detailed a n d
W e c a n n o t h e l p b u t b e awed by t h e pace at w h i c h children
lengthy.
m a s t e r t h e f u n d a m e n t a l s o f language d u r i n g t h e i r first 5 years
T h r o u g h o u t c h i l d h o o d a n d a d o l e s c e n c e , advances in cog-
o f life, b u t we m u s t also appreciate the c o n t i n u e d g r o w t h t h a t
nitive d e v e l o p m e n t are a c c o m p a n i e d b y advances in language
o c c u r s in c h i l d h o o d a n d a d o l e s c e n c e a n d the m a i n t e n a n c e o f
and c o m m u n i c a t i o n skills. F o r e x a m p l e , as c h i l d r e n b e c o m e
language skills t h r o u g h o u t t h e life s p a n . H o w are these re-
less cognitively e g o c e n t r i c , t h e y are m o r e a b l e t o take t h e p e r -
m a r k a b l e skills acquired? T h e o r i s t s a t t e m p t i n g t o explain lan-
spective o f their listeners ( H o f f , 2 0 0 4 ) . M i d d l e c h i l d h o o d a n d
guage a c q u i s i t i o n have differed c o n s i d e r a b l y in their p o s i t i o n s
adolescence also b r i n g i n c r e a s e d m e t a l i n g u i s t i c awareness, or
on t h e n a t u r e - n u r t u r e issue, as illustrated b y t h e learning, n a -
k n o w l e d g e o f language as a system (Ely, 2 0 0 5 ) . C h i l d r e n w i t h
tivist, a n d i n t e r a c t i o n i s t perspectives o n language d e v e l o p -
m e t a l i n g u i s t i c awareness u n d e r s t a n d t h e c o n c e p t o f words
ment ( B o h a n n o n & Bonvillian, 2 0 0 5 ) .
a n d can define words ( s e m a n t i c s ) . A d o l e s c e n t s are i n c r e a s -
ingly able t o define a b s t r a c t w o r d s ( s u c h as courage or pride)
b u t are still o u t p e r f o r m e d b y adults o n difficult w o r d s (such T h e Learning Perspective
as idleness or goodness; N i p p o l d et al., 1 9 9 9 ) . D e v e l o p m e n t o f H o w do children l e a r n language? To answer this, y o u have an-
m e t a l i n g u i s t i c awareness also m e a n s t h a t children a n d adoles- o t h e r o p p o r t u n i t y t o e x a m i n e t h e role o f n a t u r e a n d n u r t u r e .
cents can distinguish b e t w e e n grammatically correct and Intuitively, m a n y p e o p l e believe t h a t language learning is a
grammatically incorrect sentences (syntax) and can under- m a t t e r o f n u r t u r e : C h i l d r e n i m i t a t e w h a t t h e y hear, receiving
stand h o w language c a n b e altered to fit t h e needs o f t h e spe- praise w h e n t h e y get it r i g h t and b e i n g c o r r e c t e d when
cific social c o n t e x t in w h i c h it is used ( p r a g m a t i c s ) . t h e y get it w r o n g . Different learning theorists e m p h a s i z e dif-
W h a t h a p p e n s t o language skills during adulthood? Adults ferent aspects o f this b r o a d process. Social l e a r n i n g t h e o r i s t
simply h o l d o n t o t h e knowledge o f the p h o n o l o g y they gained Albert Bandura ( 1 9 7 1 ) and others emphasize observational
as children, a l t h o u g h elders c a n have difficulty distinguishing l e a r n i n g — l e a r n i n g b y listening to t h e n i m i t a t i n g o l d e r c o m -
speech s o u n d s if t h e y have h e a r i n g i m p a i r m e n t s o r deficits in p a n i o n s . B e h a v i o r i s t B. F. S k i n n e r ( 1 9 5 7 ) a n d o t h e r s have e m -
t h e cognitive abilities required to m a k e o u t what t h e y h e a r phasized t h e role o f r e i n f o r c e m e n t . As children achieve b e t t e r
( S o m m e r s , 1 9 9 7 ) . T h e y also retain their knowledge o f g r a m - a p p r o x i m a t i o n s o f adult language, p a r e n t s a n d o t h e r adults
m a r or syntax. O l d e r adults t e n d to use less c o m p l e x sentences praise m e a n i n g f u l s p e e c h a n d c o r r e c t errors. C h i l d r e n are also
t h a n y o u n g e r adults do, however. Also, those w i t h m e m o r y dif r e i n f o r c e d b y getting w h a t t h e y w a n t w h e n t h e y speak c o r -
Acuities m a y have t r o u b l e u n d e r s t a n d i n g sentences t h a t are rectly. In general, l e a r n i n g theorists c o n s i d e r the child's social
highly c o m p l e x syntactically (for example, " T h e children e n v i r o n m e n t to b e critical to w h a t a n d h o w m u c h she learns.
w a r n e d a b o u t r o a d hazards refused to fix the bicycle o f t h e b o y H o w well does the learning perspective a c c o u n t f o r l a n -
w h o c r a s h e d " ) ; t h e y m a y n o t be able to r e m e m b e r the b e g i n - guage d e v e l o p m e n t ? It is n o a c c i d e n t that children learn t h e
n i n g o f the s e n t e n c e by the t i m e t h e y get t o the end ( K e m t e s & language their parents speak, d o w n to the regional accent.
Kemper, 1 9 9 7 ; Stine, S o e d e r b e r g , & M o r r o w , 1 9 9 6 ) . C h i l d r e n learn t h e words t h e y h e a r s p o k e n by o t h e r s — e v e n
M e a n w h i l e , k n o w l e d g e o f the s e m a n t i c s o f language, o f w h e n tire words are n o t s p o k e n directly t o t h e m (Akhtar,
word m e a n i n g s , often e x p a n d s d u r i n g a d u l t h o o d , at least u n - J i p s o n , 8c C a l l a n a n , 2 0 0 1 ) . F o r e x a m p l e , 2 - y e a r - o l d s can learn
til people are in their 7 0 s o r 80s ( O b l e r , 2 0 0 5 ; S c h a i e , 1 9 9 6 ) . o b j e c t labels a n d verbs b y " e a v e s d r o p p i n g " o n a c o n v e r s a t i o n
After all, adults gain e x p e r i e n c e w i t h t h e w o r l d f r o m year t o b e t w e e n two adults (so b e careful a b o u t w h a t y o u say within
year, so it is n o t surprising t h a t their v o c a b u l a r i e s c o n t i n u e t o e a r s h o t o f t o d d l e r s ) . In a d d i t i o n , y o u n g children are m o r e
grow and that t h e y e n r i c h t h e i r u n d e r s t a n d i n g s o f t h e m e a n - likely to start using n e w w o r d s if t h e y are reinforced f o r doing
ings o f words. However, older adults m o r e often have t h e " t i p - so t h a n i f t h e y are n o t (Whitehurst & Valdez-Menchaca,
o f - t h e - t o n g u e " e x p e r i e n c e o f n o t being able to c o m e up w i t h 1 9 8 8 ) . Finally, children w h o s e caregivers f r e q u e n t l y e n c o u r a g e
t h e n a m e o f an o b j e c t ( o r especially a p e r s o n s n a m e ) w h e n t h e m t o converse b y asking q u e s t i o n s , m a k i n g requests, a n d
t h e y n e e d it (Au et al., 1 9 9 5 ; K e m p e r & M i t z n e r , 2 0 0 1 ) . T h i s the like are m o r e a d v a n c e d in early language d e v e l o p m e n t
p r o b l e m is a m a t t e r o f n o t b e i n g able t o retrieve i n f o r m a t i o n t h a n those w h o s e parents are less c o n v e r s a t i o n a l ( B o h a n n o n
stored in m e m o r y r a t h e r t h a n a m a t t e r o f n o l o n g e r k n o w i n g & Bonvillian, 2005; Pine, 1994).
t h e words. However, l e a r n i n g t h e o r i s t s have h a d a n easier t i m e ex-
Adults also refine their p r a g m a t i c use o f language— plaining the development o f phonology and semantics than
adjusting it to different social and professional contexts a c c o u n t i n g for h o w syntactical rules are acquired. F o r e x a m -
(Obler, 2 0 0 5 ) . Physicians, f o r e x a m p l e , m u s t develop a c o m - ple, after analyzing c o n v e r s a t i o n s b e t w e e n m o t h e r s a n d y o u n g
m u n i c a t i o n style that is effective with their patients. P a r t n e r s children, R o g e r B r o w n , C o u r t n e y C a z d e n , cind U r s u l a Bellugi
w h o have b e e n t o g e t h e r f o r years often develop a u n i q u e w a y ( 1 9 6 9 ) discovered t h a t a m o t h e r ' s approval o r disapproval de-
o f c o m m u n i c a t i n g w i t h o n e a n o t h e r t h a t is distinctly different p e n d e d o n t h e t r u t h value or s e m a n t i c s o f w h a t was said, n o t
f r o m how r t h e y c o m m u n i c a t e w i t h others. Overall, c o m m a n d on the grammatical correctness o f the statement. Thus, when
o f language holds up well in later life unless t h e individual ex- a child l o o k i n g at a c o w says, " H e r c o w " ( a c c u r a t e b u t g r a m -
periences m a j o r declines in cognitive f u n c t i o n i n g ( K e m p e r & m a t i c a l l y i n c o r r e c t ) , M o m is likely t o p r o v i d e r e i n f o r c e m e n t
Mitzner, 2 0 0 1 ; Stine et al., 1 9 9 6 ) . ( " T h a t ' s right, d a r l i n g " ) , whereas i f t h e child were t o say,
1 9 9 8 ) . C h o m s k y ( 1 9 6 8 , 1 9 7 5 , 1 9 9 5 ) p r o p o s e d that h u m a n s
have an i n b o r n m e c h a n i s m for m a s t e r i n g language called the
l a n g u a g e a c q u i s i t i o n device ( L A D ) . T h e L A D was conceived
as an area in the brain equipped to identify certain universal
features o f language c\nd to figure o u t the specific rules o f any
particular language. To learn to speak, children need only to
hear o t h e r h u m a n s speak; using the LAD, t h e y quickly grasp
the rules o f whatever language t h e y hear (see Figure 10.2).
W h a t evidence s u p p o r t s a nativist perspective on lan-
guage development? First, there are areas o f the b r a i n that spe-
cialize in language f u n c t i o n s ; Broca's area in the frontal l o b e
controls speaking, for example, whereas Wernicke's area c o n -
trols speech r e c o g n i t i o n (Bear, C o n n o r s , & Paradiso, 2 0 0 1 ) .
S e c o n d , children acquire an incredibly c o m p l e x c o m m u n i c a -
t i o n system rapidly. F o r e x a m p l e , 7 - m o n t h - o l d s are able t o ex-
tract g r a m m a t i c a l rules o f language a n d generalize these rules
to novel i t e m s ( M a r c u s & Vijayan, 1 9 9 9 ) . Researchers have
€ A is for apple. The learning perspective heips explain how young
also d e m o n s t r a t e d t h a t 1 8 - m o n t h - o l d s s h o w an understand-
children learn the meaning of words,
ing o f syntax t h a t t h e y could n o t have acquired solely from in-
f o r m a t i o n provided b y the researchers (Lidz, W a x m a n , &
" T h e r e ' s a dog, M o m m y " ( g r a m m a t i c a l l y c o r r e c t b u t u n t r u t h - F r e e d m a n , 2 0 0 3 ) . T h i r d , children all progress t h r o u g h t h e
ful), M o m would p r o b a b l y correct t h e child ( " N o , silly—that's s a m e sequences at roughly similar ages, a n d they even m a k e
a c o w " ) . Similarly, parents s e e m j u s t as likely to reward a the s a m e kinds o f errors, w h i c h suggests that language devel-
g r a m m a t i c a l l y primitive request ( " W a n t m i l k " ) as a well- opment is guided b y a species-wide maturational plan.
f o r m e d version o f the s a m e idea ( B r o w n & H a n l o n , 1 9 7 0 ) . F o u r t h , these universal aspects o f early language d e v e l o p m e n t
Such evidence casts d o u b t o n the idea that the m a j o r m e c h a - o c c u r despite cultural differences in the styles o f speech that
nism b e h i n d syntactic d e v e l o p m e n t is r e i n f o r c e m e n t . adults use in talking to y o u n g children. In s o m e cultures, for
C o u l d imitation o f adults a c c o u n t for t h e acquisition o f example, parents believe that babies are incapable o f u n d e r -
syntax? You have already seen that y o u n g children p r o d u c e standing speech a n d do n o t even talk directly to t h e m (Crago,
m a n y sentences they are unlikely to have heard adults using Allen, & I i o u g h - E y a m i r , 1 9 9 7 ) .
("All g o n e cookie," overregularizations such as " I t s w i m m e d , " Finally, there is evidence that the capacity for acquiring
and so o n ) . T h e s e kinds o f sentences are n o t imitations. Also, language has a genetic basis. S o m e o f o u r linguistic c o m p e -
an adult is likely to get n o w h e r e in teaching syntax b y saying tencies, including t h e ability to c o m b i n e s y m b o l s to f o r m
" R e p e a t after m e " unless t h e child already has at least s o m e s h o r t sentences, are shared with c h i m p a n z e e s and o t h e r pri-
knowledge o f t h e g r a m m a t i c a l f o r m to b e learned ( B a r o n , mates, suggesting that t h e y arose during t h e course o f evolu-
1992; McNeill, 1 9 7 0 ) . Young children frequently imitate o t h e r t i o n a n d are part o f o u r g e n e t i c e n d o w m e n t as h u m a n s
people's speech, a n d this mciy help t h e m get to the p o i n t o f (Greenfield & Savage-Rumbaugh, 1993; Pinker, 2000).
p r o d u c i n g new structures. B u t it is h a r d to see h o w i m i t a t i o n Identical twins score m o r e similarly t h a n fraternal twins o n
and r e i n f o r c e m e n t alone can a c c o u n t for t h e learning of measures o f verbal skills, a n d certain speech, language, and
g r a m m a t i c a l rules. reading disorders run in families, indicating that individual
heredity influences the course o f language development
T h e N a t i v i s t Perspective (Lewis & T h o m p s o n , 1 9 9 2 ; P l o m i n , 1 9 9 0 ) .
In c o n t r a s t to the learning theorists w h o a d o p t a n u r t u r e p e r - Although nativists are correct to emphasize t h e i m p o r -
spective, nativists m i n i m i z e t h e role o f the language e n v i r o n - tance o f biologically based capacities in language acquisition,
m e n t and m a x i m i z e the role o f the child's biologically p r o - the nativist perspective has two m a j o r limitations. First, at-
g r a m m e d capacities in explaining language d e v e l o p m e n t (see, t r i b u t i n g language d e v e l o p m e n t to a b u i l t - i n L A D does n o t
f o r example, C h o m s k y , 1 9 9 5 ; Pinker, 2 0 0 2 ; see also M a r a t s o s , really explain it. E x p l a n a t i o n s would require k n o w i n g h o w
Child's
A theory of language grammatical
LAD (brain module) competence
Phonology
Linguistic feeds into which generates which determines
Linguistic processing >• Comprehension
Semantics
input skills of others1 speech
Morphology Speech production
Existing knowledge
Syntax
F i g u r e 10.2 The language acquisition device (LAD).

such an i n b o r n language p r o c e s s o r sifts t h r o u g h language i n - their children repeated opportunities to learn that conversing
put a n d infers the rules o f language ( M o e r k , 1 9 8 9 ) . S e c o n d , involves taking turns, that things have n a m e s , and that there are
nativists, in f o c u s i n g o n t h e defects o f l e a r n i n g t h e o r i e s o f lan- proper ways to pose questions a n d give answers. S o o n the chil-
guage d e v e l o p m e n t , tend t o u n d e r e s t i m a t e t h e c o n t r i b u t i o n s dren are asking " W h a t ' s this?" and " W h a t ' s that?"
o f children's language e n v i r o n m e n t . T h e nativists b a s e m u c h As children gain n e w language skills, adults adjust t h e i r
o f their a r g u m e n t o n three a s s u m p t i o n s : ( 1 ) t h a t t h e o n l y styles o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n accordingly. L a n g u a g e researchers
thing children n e e d t o develop language is e x p o s u r e t o speech, use t h e t e r m c h i l d - d i r e c t e d s p e e c h t o d e s c r i b e t h e speech
( 2 ) t h a t t h e speech children hear is so i n c r e d i b l y c o m p l e x t h a t adults use with y o u n g c h i l d r e n : short, s i m p l e s e n t e n c e s s p o -
o n l y a highly p o w e r f u l b r a i n could detect regularities in it, a n d ken slowly, in a h i g h - p i t c h e d voice, o f t e n with m u c h repeti-
( 3 ) t h a t adults give children little useful f e e d b a c k about t i o n , and with exaggerated e m p h a s i s o n key words (usually
w h e t h e r their s e n t e n c e s are g r a m m a t i c a l l y c o r r e c t . T h e s e as- words for o b j e c t s a n d activities). F o r e x a m p l e , t h e m o t h e r try-
s u m p t i o n s n o w s e e m t o be largely i n a c c u r a t e , a n d m o s t re- ing t o get her son to eat his peas m i g h t say, " E a t y o u r peas now.
searchers c u r r e n t l y believe that language d e v e l o p m e n t de- N o t the cracker. See t h o s e peas? Yes, eat the peas. Oh, such a
p e n d s on b o t h n a t u r e a n d n u r t u r e . g o o d b o y f o r eating y o u r peas." M o t h e r s also c o n v e y m o r e ex-
aggerated e m o t i o n s (positive a n d negative) w h e n s p e a k i n g to
T h e interactionist Perspective t h e i r infants t h a n w h e n speaking t o o t h e r adults ( K i t a m u r a 8c
I n t e r a c t i o n i s t s believe that b o t h learning t h e o r i s t s ( n u r t u r e ) B u r n h a m , 2 0 0 3 ) . C h i l d - d i r e c t e d speech s e e m s to be used b y
and nativists (nature) are c o r r e c t : Children's biologically adults speaking t o y o u n g children in m o s t language c o m m u -
b a s e d c o m p e t e n c i e s a n d t h e i r language e n v i r o n m e n t i n t e r a c t nities that have b e e n studied ( F e r n a l d et al., 1 9 8 9 ) . A n d i n -
to shape the c o u r s e o f language d e v e l o p m e n t ( B o h a n n o n 8c fants, f r o m t h e earliest days o f life, seem t o pay m o r e a t t e n t i o n
Bonvillian, 2 0 0 5 ; B l o o m , 1 9 9 8 ) . T h e y e m p h a s i z e t h a t acquisi- t o t h e h i g h - p i t c h e d s o u n d s a n d v a r i e d international p a t t e r n s
t i o n o f language skills d e p e n d s o n a n d is related to t h e a c q u i - o f c h i l d - d i r e c t e d speech t h a n to t h e s p e e c h adults use w h e n
sition o f m a n y o t h e r capacities: perceptual, cognitive, m o t o r , c o m m u n i c a t i n g w i t h o n e a n o t h e r ( C o o p e r et al., 1 9 9 7 ; Pegg,
social, and e m o t i o n a l . T h e y p o i n t o u t t h a t t h e c a p a c i t y f o r a c - Werker, 8c M c L e o d , 1 9 9 2 ) .
q u i r i n g language is n o t u n i q u e (as nativists w h o speak o f t h e W o u l d children learn language j u s t as well i f adults talked
L A D c l a i m ) ; m i l e s t o n e s in language d e v e l o p m e n t often o c c u r t o t h e m in an adultlike style? Perhaps n o t . T h e nativists s e e m
at the s a m e t i m e as m i l e s t o n e s in o t h e r aspects o f cognitive
development and involve the same underlying mental
processes (Bates, O ' C o n n e l l , 8c S h o r e , 1 9 8 7 ) . F o r e x a m p l e ,
y o u n g c h i l d r e n first begin t o use words as m e a n i n g f u l s y m b o l s
w h e n t h e y b e g i n to display n o n l i n g u i s t i c s y m b o l i c capacities,
such as t h e ability t o use gestures (waving b y e - b y e ) , a n d b e g i n
t o engage in p r e t e n d play (treating a bowl as i f it were a h a t ) .
T h e interactionists' position is n o t unlike that taken b y
Piaget ( 1 9 7 0 ) . H e believed that milestones in cognitive develop-
m e n t pave t h e way for progress in language d e v e l o p m e n t a n d
that m a t u r a t i o n and e n v i r o n m e n t interact t o guide both cogni-
tive development a n d language development. Like Piaget ( b u t
unlike learning theorists), m a n y interactionists argue that lan-
guage d e v e l o p m e n t depends o n the m a t u r a t i o n o f cognitive
abilities such as t h e capacity for s y m b o l i c t h o u g h t . However, the
interactionist p o s i t i o n also e m p h a s i z e s — a s Vygotsky did b u t
Piaget did n o t — w a y s in which social interactions with adults
c o n t r i b u t e to cognitive a n d linguistic development. Language is
primarily a m e a n s o f c o m m u n i c a t i n g — o n e that develops in the
c o n t e x t o f social interactions as children and their c o m p a n i o n s
strive to get their messages across (Tomasello, 1 9 9 9 ) .
Long before infants use words, J e r o m e B r u n e r ( 1 9 8 3 ) says,
their caregivers show t h e m h o w to take t u r n s in c o n v e r s a t i o n s —
even if the m o s t these young infants can contribute w h e n their
turn c o m e s is a laugh or a bit o f babbling. As adults converse
with young children, they create a supportive learning environ-
m e n t — a scaffold in Bruner's terms, a z o n e o f proximal develop-
m e n t in Vygotsky's—that helps the children grasp the regulari-
ties o f language (Bruner, 1983; Harris, 1 9 9 2 ) . F o r example,
parents m a y go through their children's favorite picture b o o k s at <[ Adults are not the only ones who use child-directed speech.
b e d t i m e and ask " W h a t ' s this?" and " W h a t ' s that?" T h i s gives Children also adjust their speech to their listener
to have u n d e r e s t i m a t e d t h e c o n t r i b u t i o n s o f e n v i r o n m e n t to interested in determining whether young children are
language development. Mere exposure to speech is not uniquely capable of language learning.
e n o u g h ; children m u s t b e actively involved in using language W h a t evidence supports the critical p e r i o d hypothesis o f
( L o c k e , 1 9 9 7 ) . C a t h e r i n e S n o w a n d h e r associates, for e x a m - language acquisition? S o m e c o m e s f r o m studies o f d e a f chil-
ple, f o u n d that a g r o u p o f D u t c h - s p e a k i n g children, a l t h o u g h dren, s o m e o f w h o m (especially those with h e a r i n g parents) do
t h e y w a t c h e d a great deal o f G e r m a n television, did n o t a c - n o t have an o p p o r t u n i t y to learn any language, oral or signed,
q u i r e G e r m a n words o r g r a m m a r ( S n o w et a l , 1 9 7 6 ) . T r u e , in their early years. Rachel M a y b e r r y ( 1 9 9 4 ) studied language
there are cultural g r o u p s (the Kaluli o f N e w G u i n e a , t h e n a - m a s t e r y in d e a f college students exposed to A m e r i c a n Sign
tives o f A m e r i c a n S a m o a , a n d t h e Traclcton p e o p l e o f the Language ( A S L ) at different ages and f o u n d that the rule " t h e
P i e d m o n t C a r o l i n a s ) in w h i c h c h i l d - d i r e c t e d speech does n o t earlier, t h e b e t t e r " applies (see also Mayberry, L o c k , & K a z m i ,
s e e m t o b e used. C h i l d r e n in these societies still s e e m to ac- 2 0 0 2 ) . M a s t e r y o f t h e m o r p h o l o g y , syntax, a n d s e m a n t i c s o f
q u i r e language w i t h o u t n o t i c e a b l e delays (Gordon, 1990; sign language was greatest a m o n g students exposed to it in in-
O c h s , 1 9 8 2 ; Schieffelin, 1 9 8 6 ) . Yet even these children over- fancy o r early c h i l d h o o d . T h o s e w h o l e a r n e d sign later in their
hear speech a n d p a r t i c i p a t e in social i n t e r a c t i o n s in w h i c h d e v e l o p m e n t (ages 9 - 1 6 ) m a s t e r e d it better if they h a d had
language is used, a n d t h a t is w h a t s e e m s t o b e r e q u i r e d to m a s - s o m e e x p o s u r e t o English early in life t h a n if they h a d n o t been
ter a h u m a n language (Lieven, 1 9 9 4 ) . T h o s e p a r e n t s w h o use exposed t o any language system before t h e y e n c o u n t e r e d sign
c h i l d - d i r e c t e d speech f u r t h e r simplify t h e child's task o f figur- language. T h e E x p l o r a t i o n s b o x on page 2 6 4 provides m o r e de-
ing o u t the rules o f language ( H a r r i s , 1 9 9 2 ; K e m l e r N e l s o n et tails o n h o w the language d e v e l o p m e n t o f d e a f children c o m -
al., 1 9 8 9 ) . T h e y converse w i t h children daily in a t t e n t i o n - pares with that o f h e a r i n g children.
getting a n d u n d e r s t a n d a b l e ways a b o u t the o b j e c t s a n d events Elissa N e w p o r t a n d h e r colleagues ( N e w p o r t , 1 9 9 1 ) u n -
that have c a p t u r e d t h e youngsters' a t t e n t i o n . covered s i m i l a r e v i d e n c e o f a critical p e r i o d f o r s e c o n d lan-
Adults speaking t o y o u n g children also use certain c o m - guage l e a r n i n g . In o n e study ( J o h n s o n & N e w p o r t , 1 9 8 9 ) , n a -
m u n i c a t i o n strategies t h a t foster language d e v e l o p m e n t . F o r tive speakers o f Korean o r C h i n e s e w h o h a d c o m e to t h e
e x a m p l e , if a child says, " K i t t y goed," a n adult m a y r e s p o n d U n i t e d States b e t w e e n age 3 a n d age 3 9 were tested for m a s -
w i t h a n e x p a n s i o n — a m o r e g r a m m a t i c a l l y c o m p l e t e expres- tery o f English g r a m m a r . A m o n g t h o s e w h o b e g a n learning
s i o n o f t h e s a m e t h o u g h t ("Yes, t h e cat w e n t in tlie c a r " ) . English b e f o r e puberty, t h o s e w h o l e a r n e d it earliest k n e w it
Adults use c o n v e r s a t i o n a l techniques such as expansions best. A m o n g those w h o arrived in the U n i t e d States after p u -
m a i n l y to i m p r o v e c o m m u n i c a t i o n , n o t to teach grammar berty, p e r f o r m a n c e was generally p o o r regardless o f age o f ar-
(Penner, 1 9 8 7 ) . However, these t e c h n i q u e s also serve as a s u b - rival or n u m b e r o f years using English. S u c h findings have
tle f o r m o f c o r r e c t i o n after c h i l d r e n p r o d u c e g r a m m a t i c a l l y b e e n used t o argue that t h e r e is a critical p e r i o d f o r language
i n c o r r e c t s e n t e n c e s a n d s h o w children m o r e grammatical a c q u i s i t i o n t h a t e n d s a r o u n d puberty. B u t o t h e r research
ways to express the s a m e ideas ( B o h a n n o n 8c S t a n o w i c z , 1 9 8 8 ; shows that, even b e y o n d puberty, age o f arrival in the U n i t e d
S a x t o n , 1 9 9 7 ) . It is n o t quite true, t h e n , t h a t adults p r o v i d e n o States is related t o p r o f i c i e n c y in English as a s e c o n d language
corrective f e e d b a c k c o n c e r n i n g children's g r a m m a t i c a l errors, ( B i r d s o n g , 1 9 9 9 ) . T h u s , adults r e l o c a t i n g at age 2 5 develop
as nativists c l a i m . True, t h e y rarely say, " N o , that's w r o n g ; say greater p r o f i c i e n c y t h a n adults r e l o c a t i n g at age 3 0 , an a d v a n -
it this way." Nevertheless, t h e y provide subtle corrective feed- tage related m o r e t o age t h a n t o l e n g t h o f residence in t h e
b a c k t h r o u g h t h e i r responses to children, a n d this f e e d b a c k U n i t e d States (Stevens, 1 9 9 9 ) . A n d a l t h o u g h adults are g e n e r -
helps children grow linguistically ( B o h a n n o n & B o n v i l l i a n , ally less likely t h a n children to ever attain nativelike profi-
2005). c i e n c y in a s e c o n d l a n g u a g e — s u g g e s t i n g a critical p e r i o d —
H o w can adults best facilitate y o u n g children's language s o m e adults achieve such p r o f i c i e n c y ( B i r d s o n g , 1 9 9 9 ) .
l e a r n i n g ? W h a t cognitive capacities e n a b l e children to learn Y r oung children m a y have advantages over adults when
h o w language works? M u c h r e m a i n s to b e l e a r n e d a b o u t lan- learning a s e c o n d language. T h i s does n o t necessarily m e a n that
guage d e v e l o p m e n t , b u t it d o e s s e e m to require the i n t e r a c t i o n there is a critical period for language acquisition. Children are
o f a biologically p r e p a r e d child w i t h at least o n e conversa- generally i m m e r s e d in their s e c o n d language t h r o u g h s c h o o l
tional partner, ideally o n e w h o tailors h e r o w n speech t o t h e a n d peer-group activities. T h i s greater exposure m a y facilitate
child's level o f u n d e r s t a n d i n g . second language acquisition partly by m a k i n g the new language
d o m i n a n t in their lives. Adults, by contrast, m a y be m o r e likely
A Critical Period for Langyage?. to c o n t i n u e using their native language as their d o m i n a n t m o d e
Young children are so adept at l e a r n i n g languages t h a t s o m e o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n , m a k i n g s e c o n d language acquisition m o r e
scholars have w o n d e r e d w h e t h e r a critical ( o r at least sensi- difficult (Jia & A a r o n s o n , 1 9 9 9 ) .
tive) period f o r language acquisition m a y exist. S o m e years It is possible t h a t the language processing areas o f the
ago, E r i c L e n n e b e r g ( 1 9 6 7 ) said t h a t there is such a critical p e - b r a i n are s h a p e d f o r a lifetime b y early e x p e r i e n c e with lan-
riod a n d t h a t it lasts until puberty, w h e n t h e d e v e l o p m e n t o f guage in ways t h a t limit later learning o f o t h e r languages. B u t
lateralization o f Umguage f u n c t i o n s in t h e left h e m i s p h e r e o f it s e e m s unlikely that there is a h a r d - a n d - f a s t critical p e r i o d
t h e b r a i n is c o m p l e t e d . A l t h o u g h researchers n o w k n o w t h a t f o r language a c q u i s i t i o n . It m i g h t b e m o r e accurate t o say
lateralization o f t h e b r a i n o c c u r s m o r e rapidly t h a n L e n n e b e r g there is a " s e n s i t i v e " p e r i o d d u r i n g w h i c h languages are m o s t
t h o u g h t ( L o c k e , 1 9 9 7 ; a n d see C h a p t e r 5 ) , they c o n t i n u e t o b e easily and flawlessly acquired. P e r h a p s t h e m a i n message is
| W any deaf children gain their first exposure to language by the same way that hearing infants experiment with sounds in
learning ASLThis is a true language. For example, signs are preparation for their first meaningful communications (Petitto
arbitrary symbols, not attempts to mimic objects and events, & Marentette, 1991).They then sign their first meaningful sin-
and they are used according to a system of grammatical rules gle words around 12 months, use their first syntax (combina-
that determines their ordering. You ought to be able to learn tions of two signs) between 18 and 24 months, and master
some interesting lessons about language acquisition in general, many rules of morphology, such as past tense formation, be-
then, by studying language acquisition among deaf children. tween 2 and 3 years (Meier, 1991). Just as hearing children
On average, deaf children acquire sign language in much have difficulty with the pronunciation of certain words and
the same sequence and at much the same rate as hearing chil- overgeneralize certain rules, deaf children make predictable
dren acquire spoken language, and they make many of the errors in their signing (Meier, 1991). Moreover, for both deaf
same kinds of errors along the way (Bellugi, 1988; Masataka, and hearing children, advances in language development are
2000). Interestingly deaf infants whose parents are deaf "bab- linked closely to advances in cognitive development; for ex-
ble" in sign language.They experiment with gestures in much ample, putting signs or words together in sentences happens
that y o u n g children are s u p r e m e l y capable o f learning lan- izenship. B u t unlike language, w h i c h seems to develop effort-
guages a n d advancing their cognitive d e v e l o p m e n t in the lessly in t h e absence o f f o r m a l e d u c a t i o n , these o t h e r skills
process. Meanwhile, college students learning a foreign lan- typically require directed e d u c a t i o n . I n t h e following sections,
guage for t h e first t i m e m u s t appreciate that they m a y never we l o o k at e d u c a t i o n across t h e life span, e x a m i n i n g changes
speak it as well as s o m e o n e w h o learned it as a y o u n g child. in m o t i v a t i o n for learning a n d changes in e d u c a t i o n a l envi-
D e v e l o p i n g language c o m p e t e n c e m a y b e o u r earliest a n d r o n m e n t s as learners get older.
greatest learning challenge, b u t it is o n l y the b e g i n n i n g . T h e r e
Summing Up
is m u c h m o r e to be m a s t e r e d during t h e s c h o o l years and b e -
yond. Language lays the f o u n d a t i o n for acquiring reading, To acquire language, children must m a s t e r phonology
writing, and countless o t h e r skills required for productive cit- (sound), semantics (meaning), morphology (word struc-
b e c o m e less e g o c e n t r i c c o m m u n i c a t o r s . T h e o r i e s o f lan-
guage d e v e l o p m e n t include learning theories, nativist t h e -
ories, and interactionist t h e o r i e s t h a t emphasize the
child's biologically based capacities and e x p e r i e n c e c o n -
versing with adults w h o use child-directed s p e e c h and
strategies such as expansion t h a t simplify t h e language-
learning t a s k Eli
around the same age that children put sequences of actions
together in their play (Spencer, 1996).
The language environment experienced by deaf infants is
also far more similar to that of hearing infants than you would Tlxe I n f a n t
imagine. For example, deaf mothers sign in child-directed
speech; they present signs at a slower pace, repeat signs more, B e f o r e c h i l d r e n b e g i n their f o r m a l e d u c a t i o n , they are l e a r n -
and exaggerate their signing motions more when they talk to ing a great deal f r o m the i n f o r m a l c u r r i c u l u m o f their lives.
their infants than when they talk to their deaf friends A b o v e all, t h e y are learning to m a s t e r t h e i r e n v i r o n m e n t s .
(Masataka, 1996). Moreover, just as hearing babies prefer the
exaggerated intonations of child-directed speech, deaf infants
pay more attention and give more emotional response when
they are shown videos of infant-directed signing than tapes of
I n f a n t s s e e m t o be intrinsically m o t i v a t e d t o m a s t e r their e n -
adult-directed signing.
v i r o n m e n t ( M o r g a n , M a c T u r k , & ITrncir, 1 9 9 5 ) . T h i s m a s t e r y
Finally, it turns out that language areas of the brain de-
m o t i v a t i o n c a n b e seen clearly w h e n infants struggle t o o p e n
velop much the same in deaf children exposed to sign as in
k i t c h e n c a b i n e t s , take their first steps, o r figure o u t h o w n e w
hearing children exposed to speech. For example, Helen
toys w o r k — a n d derive great pleasure from their efforts
Neville and her colleagues (1997) examined brain activity
( J e n n i n g s & Dietz, 2 0 0 3 ; M a s t e n & Reed, 2 0 0 2 ) .
during the processing of sentences by deaf and hearing ASL
users, hearing individuals (interpreters) who acquired sign M u c h evidence supports the claim that infants are curious,
late in life, and hearing individuals who did not know ASL. active explorers constantly striving to understand and t o exert
Mostly, reliance on areas of the left hemisphere of the cortex c o n t r o l over t h e world a r o u n d t h e m . This, you should recall,
to process sentences was as evident among those who ac- was o n e o f P i a g e t s m a j o r t h e m e s . A striving for mastery o r
quired ASL early in life as among hearing individuals who ac-
quired English early in life. Reliance on the left hemisphere to
process syntax was not as clear among individuals who ac-
quired a language later in life. Early learners of ASL used their
right hemispheres more in responding to sentences, perhaps
because spatial skills based in the right hemisphere come into
play in interpreting the gestures of someone who is signing.
As you have seen, language development is sometimes
delayed among deaf children of hearing parents if they can-
not hear well enough to understand spoken language but
are not exposed to sign language (Mayberry, 1994). Overall,
then, studies of language acquisition among deaf children
suggest that young humans are biologically prepared to
master language and will do so if given the opportunity,
whether that language is signed or spoken and whether it
involves visual-spatial skills or auditory ones (Meier, 1991).
ture), and syntax ( s e n t e n c e structure). T h e y must also

learn h o w t o use language appropriately (pragmatics)
and how to understand nonverbal communication.
Infants are able t o discriminate speech sounds and
progress from crying, cooing, and babbling t o o n e - w o r d
holophrases (at 12 m o n t h s ) and t h e n t o telegraphic
s p e e c h (at I 8 months). During t h e preschool years, lan-
©
guage abilities improve dramatically as illustrated by over-
regularizations and n e w transformation rules. S c h o o l - a g e C Every day, infants and young children display their innate mastery
children and adolescents refine their language skills and motive.
c o m p e t e n c e appears to b e i n b o r n a n d universal and will display t o o far a n d t h a t y o u n g c h i l d r e n t o d a y are n o t given e n o u g h
itself in the b e h a v i o r o f all n o r m a l infants w i t h o u t p r o m p t i n g t i m e s i m p l y t o b e c h i l d r e n — t o play a n d socialize as t h e y
from parents. Even so, s o m e infants appear to b e m o r e m a s t e r y c h o o s e . Ellcind even w o r r i e s t h a t c h i l d r e n m a y lose their self-
oriented t h a n others. Given a n e w push toy, o n e b a b y m a y s i m - initiative a n d i n t r i n s i c m o t i v a t i o n t o learn w h e n their lives are
ply l o o k at it, b u t a n o t h e r m a y m o u t h it, b a n g it, a n d push it o r c h e s t r a t e d b y p a r e n t s w h o pressure t h e m t o achieve at early
across the floor (Jennings 8c Dietz, 2 0 0 3 ) . W h y m i g h t s o m e i n - ages. Is there a n y t h i n g to these c o n c e r n s ?
fants have a stronger m a s t e r y m o t i v e t h a n others? S o m e research s e e m s t o c o n f i r m Elkind's fears. In o n e
Mastery motivation seems higher when parents fre- study ( H y s o n , H i r s c h - P a s e k , 8c Rescorla, 1 9 8 9 ) , 4 - y e a r - o l d s in
q u e n t l y provide s e n s o r y s t i m u l a t i o n designed to a r o u s e and p r e s c h o o l s w i t h strong a c a d e m i c thrusts g a i n e d an initial ad-
a m u s e their b a b i e s — t i c k l i n g t h e m , b o u n c i n g t h e m , playing v a n t a g e in b a s i c a c a d e m i c skills such as k n o w l e d g e o f letters
g a m e s o f p a t - a - c a k e , giving t h e m s t i m u l a t i n g toys, a n d so o n a n d n u m b e r s b u t lost it by t h e e n d o f k i n d e r g a r t e n . W h a t is
( B u s c h - R o s s n a g e l , 1 9 9 7 ) . M a s t e r y m o t i v a t i o n also flourishes m o r e , t h e y p r o v e d to b e less creative, m o r e a n x i o u s in testing
w h e n infants grow u p in a responsive e n v i r o n m e n t t h a t p r o - situations, a n d m o r e negative toward s c h o o l t h a n children
vides p l e n t y o f o p p o r t u n i t i e s to see for t h e m s e l v e s that t h e y w h o a t t e n d e d p r e s c h o o l p r o g r a m s with a social rather t h a n
can control their e n v i r o n m e n t s and experience successes a c a d e m i c e m p h a s i s . Similarly, D e b o r a h Stipek a n d her col-
( M a d d u x , 2 0 0 2 ; M a s t e n 8c Reed, 2 0 0 2 ) . C o n s i d e r t h e toddler leagues ( 1 9 9 5 ) have f o u n d t h a t highly a c a d e m i c p r e s c h o o l
w h o , faced w i t h t h e challenge o f retrieving a c o o k i e f r o m t h e p r o g r a m s raise children's a c a d e m i c a c h i e v e m e n t test scores
k i t c h e n c o u n t e r , struggles t o m a n e u v e r a c h a i r across t h e b u t decrease t h e i r e x p e c t a n c i e s o f success a n d p r i d e in a c c o m -
r o o m and t o c l i m b up w i t h o u t tipping t h e c h a i r o r falling off. p l i s h m e n t . So, it m a y b e possible t o u n d e r m i n e a c h i e v e m e n t
W h e n M o m offers t o help h i m , h e shrieks, " M e d o i t ! " A n d m o t i v a t i o n b y o v e r e m p h a s i z i n g a c a d e m i c s in the p r e s c h o o l
w h e n h e does it, he feels a sense o f a c c o m p l i s h m e n t t h a t will years ( G a r n e r , 1 9 9 9 ) .
increase t h e l i k e l i h o o d he will tackle f u t u r e challenges. Parents However, preschool p r o g r a m s that offer a healthy m i x o f
w h o r e t u r n smiles and c o o s or r e s p o n d p r o m p t l y to cries play a n d a c a d e m i c skill-building activities c a n b e beneficial t o
s h o w infants t h e y can affect p e o p l e a r o u n d t h e m . B y c o n t r a s t , y o u n g children, especially disadvantaged ones (Barnett, 2 0 0 2 ;
t h e children o f p a r e n t s w h o are depressed s h o w less interest in Gorey, 2 0 0 1 ) . A l t h o u g h m a n y children w h o attend preschool
a n d persistence o n c h a l l e n g i n g tasks, p e r h a p s b e c a u s e their p r o g r a m s are n o m o r e or less intellectually advanced than those
parents are n o t responsive to t h e m ( R e d d i n g , H a r m o n , 8c w h o r e m a i n at h o m e , disadvantaged children w h o attend p r o -
Morgan, 1990). g r a m s specially designed to prepare t h e m for s c h o o l experience
An infant's level o f m a s t e r y m o t i v a t i o n affects h e r later m o r e cognitive growth a n d achieve m o r e success in s c h o o l t h a n
a c h i e v e m e n t behavior. B a b i e s w h o actively a t t e m p t t o m a s t e r disadvantaged children w h o d o n o t attend such programs
challenges at 6 a n d 12 m o n t h s score h i g h e r o n tests o f m e n t a l (Barnett, 2 0 0 2 ) . Consider again t h e Abecedarian Project, a full-
d e v e l o p m e n t at 2 a n d 3 years t h a n their less m a s t e r y - o r i e n t e d t i m e educational p r o g r a m f r o m infancy (starting a r o u n d 4 - 5
peers ( J e n n i n g s 8c Dietz, 2 0 0 3 ; M e s s e r et al., 1 9 8 6 ) . I n s h o r t , months) to age 5 for children from low-income families
infants are intrinsically motivcited t o m a s t e r challenges, b u t ( C a m p b e l l et al., 2 0 0 1 ; a n d see C h a p t e r 9 ) . C o m p a r e d with chil-
parents m a y h e l p s t r e n g t h e n this i n b o r n m o t i v e b y s t i m u l a t - dren w h o did n o t participate, Abecedarian children showed i m -
ing their infants a p p r o p r i a t e l y a n d r e s p o n d i n g t o their ac- pressive cognitive gains during a n d i m m e d i a t e l y after the p r o -
tions. W h a t a b o u t infants a n d toddlers w h o s p e n d c o n s i d e r - gram (see Figure 10.3). A l t h o u g h their p e r f o r m a n c e level
able a m o u n t s o f t i m e away f r o m t h e i r parents? Is their c o m p a r e d with test n o r m s decreased over the subsequent years,
m o t i v a t i o n i n f l u e n c e d b y t i m e spent in p r e s c h o o l ? these children c o n t i n u e d to s h o w an advantage over children
w h o did n o t receive this intensive early educational experience
(Nelson, Westhues, 8c M a c L e o d , 2 0 0 3 ) .
T h u s , early e d u c a t i o n c a n p r o v i d e disadvantaged children
As y o u have seen in p r e v i o u s chapters, b a b i e s l e a r n a great deal w r ith a b o o s t t h a t has lasting c o n s e q u e n c e s , l e n d i n g s u p p o r t t o
in t h e first few years o f life. B u t d o infants a n d toddlers n e e d t h e basic idea o f H e a d Start. Positive effects o n later s c h o o l
specific e d u c a t i o n a l experiences? M a n u f a c t u r e r s o f p r o d u c t s a c h i e v e m e n t are especially likely i f the p r e s c h o o l e x p e r i e n c e
such as " B a b y E i n s t e i n " videos a n d " B a b y M o z a r t " c o m p a c t n o t o n l y stimulates children's cognitive g r o w t h b u t also gets
discs h o p e that parents will b u y i n t o t h e idea t h a t early s t i m - p a r e n t s m o r e involved w i t h their children's e d u c a t i o n a n d i n -
ulation is critical to infants' intellectual development cludes f o l l o w - u p d u r i n g e l e m e n t a r y s c h o o l ( N e l s o n et al.,
(McCormick, 1 9 9 8 ) . F o r m a l p r o g r a m s s u c h as Bookstart, 2 0 0 3 ) . M o r e generally, p r e s c h o o l p r o g r a m s t h a t b u i l d s c h o o l
w h i c h p r o m o t e s literacy early b y p r o v i d i n g 6 - t o 9 - m o n t h - o l d readiness skills b u t also allow p l e n t y o f t i m e for play and s o -
infants a n d their p a r e n t s w i t h b o o k s and literacy i n f o r m a t i o n , cial i n t e r a c t i o n can help all children m a k e a s m o o t h t r a n s i t i o n
have even b e e n developed (Hall, 2 0 0 1 ; W a d e 8c M o o r e , 1 9 9 8 ) . t o k i n d e r g a r t e n a n d e l e m e n t a r y s c h o o l (Parker et al., 1 9 9 9 ) .
Despite its p o p u l a r appeal, m o s t experts dispute t h e idea
that children n e e d special e d u c a t i o n a l e x p e r i e n c e s during
Summing Up
their first 3 years (Bruer, 1 9 9 9 ; K a g a n , 1 9 9 8 ) . A n d s o m e , such
as David Ellcind ( 1 9 8 7 ) , a u t h o r o f Miseducation: Preschoolers Mastery motivation, t h e f o r e r u n n e r o f a c h i e v e m e n t m o -
at Risk, fear t h a t t h e push for earlier e d u c a t i o n m a y be g o i n g tivation, is an urge f o r m a s t e r y evident in infancy and is
110 I -
Children who participated in the

Abecedarian educational program
CD
Control group (children who did not
i— 100 -
o participate in Abecedarian)
o
CO
CD
>
o>
o
o
10.5 12 13.5
Age (in years)
Figure I 0 3 Cognitive growth curves as a function of preschool treatment

SOURCE: Campbell et a!. ( 2 0 0 1 ) . Copyright © 2 0 0 1 A m e r i c a n Psychological Association. Reprinted by permission.
nurtured by sensory stimulation and a responsive envi- ers for approval when they succeed and for disapproval when
r o n m e n t at h o m e . Early education can help prepare dis- they fail (Stipek, Recchia, 8c McClintic, 1992). By age 3, children
advantaged children for formal schooling, but an o v e r e m - have clearly internalized standards o f p e r f o r m a n c e and experi-
phasis on academics at t h e e x p e n s e o f o t h e r activities ence true pride or shame, depending o n h o w successfully they
may hinder young children's d e v e l o p m e n t M m e e t those standards (Stipek et aL, 1992). S o m e children are
clearly m o r e achievement oriented and high achieving than oth-
ers, however, and it is these differences we n o w seek to explain.
.ie
W i t h infancy behind t h e m , children begin to show true achieve- All children occasionally experience failure in their efforts to
m e n t motivation. Even b y age 2, they seem capable o f apprais- m a s t e r challenges a n d m e e t a c h i e v e m e n t standards. W h a t are
ing their performances as successes o r failures and look to oth- t h e differences b e t w e e n children w h o persist a n d t r i u m p h in
<L Preschools that offer a healthy combination of preacademic and social activities can help
children prepare for school.
the face o f failure and t h o s e who give up? Carol D w e c k ( 2 0 0 2 ;
Table 10.4 Comparison of Learning and Performance
H e y m a n , Dweck, & C a i n , 1 9 9 2 ) finds that high achievers t e n d
Goals
to attribute their successes to internal a n d stable causes such
as high ability. However, t h e y b l a m e their failures either on ex- Learning Goals
ternal factors b e y o n d their c o n t r o l ( " T h a t test was i m p o s s i b l y
• Ability as a changeable trait
h a r d " " T h a t professor's grading is b i a s e d " ) o r — a n d this is
• Ability to focus on increasing competence or knowledge ("I
even m o r e a d a p t i v e — o n i n t e r n a l causes that they can over-
understand this material better than I did before")
c o m e (particularly insufficient effort). T h e y do n o t b l a m e t h e
• Self-regulated learning; ability to monitor understanding of
internal but stable factor o f low ability ( c T m terrible at this
material and adjust behavior (for example, effort) accordingly
and will never do any b e t t e r " ) . S t u d e n t s with this healthy at-
tributional style are said to have a m a s t e r y o r i e n t a t i o n ; they • Deep-level processing of material (for example, learning to un-
derstand)
thrive o n challenges a n d persist in t h e face o f failure, believing
that their increased effort will pay off. • Feelings of pride and satisfaction associated with success, with
By contrast, children w h o t e n d to be low achievers often failures indicating a need for more effort or different learning
strategies
attribute their successes either to the internal cause o f h a r d
work o r to external causes such as luck o r the easiness o f the Performance Goals
task. T h u s , t h e y do n o t e x p e r i e n c e the pride a n d self-esteem
• Ability as a fixed trait
t h a t c o m e f r o m viewing themselves as highly capable. Yet t h e y
• Ability to focus on increasing status relative to others ("I did
often attribute their failures t o an internal a n d stable c a u s e —
better on this than the other students did")
namely, lack o f ability. As a result, t h e y have low expectancies
• Other-regulated learning; ability to monitor performance rela-
o f success a n d tend to give up. D w e c k describes children with
tive to peers and increase effort (approach) to outperform
this a t t r i b u t i o n a l style as having a l e a r n e d helplessness o r i e n -
them or decrease effort (avoidance) to save face (to say that
t a t i o n — a t e n d e n c y to avoid challenges and to cease trying
failures are because of a lack of effort, not incompetence)
w h e n t h e y experience failure, based on t h e b e l i e f t h a t they can
• Superficial-level processing of material (for example, memo-
do little to improve.
rizing for a test)
A g e Differences ° Feelings of anxiety and shame associated with failure; boastful

feelings associated with success
Are children capable o f analyzing t h e causes o f success a n d fail-
ure in this way? Perhaps n o t when t h e y are young. Before age 7 SOURCES: Based on Covington, 2000; Elliot & Church, 1997.
o r so, children tend to be unrealistic optimists w h o t h i n k they

can succeed on a l m o s t any task (Stipelc & M a c Iver, 1 9 8 9 ) . W i t h successes a n d failures and to infer e n d u r i n g traits f r o m b e h a v -
age, children's perceptions o f their a c a d e m i c abilities b e c o m e i o r — a n d by an a c c u m u l a t i o n o f feedback i n s c h o o l (Stipelc,
m o r e accurate (Wigfield et ah, 1 9 9 7 ) . Even after repeated p o o r 1984).
p e r f o r m a n c e s , y o u n g children often c o n t i n u e to t h i n k they Importantly, children w h o c o n t i n u e to focus on learning
have high ability a n d will do well, whereas older children tend goals tend to do better in s c h o o l t h a n those w h o switch to per-
to b e c o m e helpless (Miller, 1985; Ruble, Eisenberg, & Higgins, formance goals (Butler, 1999; Stipelc & Gralinski, 1996;
1 9 9 4 ) . Young children can b e m a d e to feel helpless if their fail- C o v i n g t o n , 2 0 0 0 ) . As Table 10.4 illustrates, when students b e -
ures are clear-cut and they conclude they have b e e n b a d lieve that ability is a fixed entity that they either have or do n o t
( B u r h a n s 8c Dweck, 1 9 9 5 ) , b u t they are clearly less susceptible have and conclude that they lack it, they set p e r f o r m a n c e goals
than older children to learned helplessness. rather than learning goals; figuring that hard w o r k will n o t pay
W h y is this? Young children are protected f r o m d a m a g i n g off, they run the risk o f b e c o m i n g helpless in the classroom
self-perceptions partly b e c a u s e t h e y do n o t yet fully u n d e r - ( D w e c k & Leggett, 1 9 8 8 ) . Even gifted students can fall into this
stand the c o n c e p t o f ability as a stable capacity (Nicholls & trap (Ablard & Mills, 1 9 9 6 ) . W h a t can parents and schools do
Miller, 1984; P o m e r a n t z & Ruble, 1 9 9 7 ) . T h e y believe that to foster healthy patterns o f achievement motivation?
ability is a changeable quality and that they can become
s m a r t e r i f t h e y w o r k hard. T h i s view o f ability e n c o u r a g e s Parent Contributions
t h e m to a d o p t l e a r n i n g goals in a c h i e v e m e n t situations, a i m - As you saw earlier, parents can foster m a s t e r y m o t i v a t i o n in
ing to learn n e w things so that t h e y can i m p r o v e their abilities i n f a n c y b y providing their babies with appropriate s e n s o r y
( C o v i n g t o n , 2 0 0 0 ; D w e c k & Leggett, 1 9 8 8 ) . s t i m u l a t i o n , being responsive, a n d (as y o u will see in C h a p t e r
As children age, t h e y begin to see ability as a fixed trait 1 4 ) building a secure a t t a c h m e n t relationship. Parents can
that does n o t c h a n g e m u c h with effort. As a result, m o r e o f then strengthen their children's a c h i e v e m e n t m o t i v a t i o n b y
t h e m a d o p t p e r f o r m a n c e goals in s c h o o l ; t h e y a i m to prove stressing and reinforcing i n d e p e n d e n c e a n d self-reliance at an
their ability rather t h a n to improve it and seek to be j u d g e d early age, e n c o u r a g i n g children to do things o n their o w n
s m a r t rather t h a n d u m b ( D w e c k & Leggett, 1 9 8 8 ; Erdley et al., (Peterson & Steen, 2 0 0 2 ) . T h e y can also e m p h a s i z e the i m p o r -
1 9 9 7 ; a n d see Table 10.4). T h e s e changes in the u n d e r s t a n d i n g t a n c e o f doing things well, o r m e e t i n g high standards o f per-
o f ability are p r o b a b l y caused b o t h by cognitive develop- f o r m a n c e ( D e c i & Ryan, 1 9 9 2 ) . As children begin formal
m e n t — e s p e c i a l l y an increased ability to analyze t h e causes o f schooling, parents c a n help foster high levels o f a c h i e v e m e n t
m o t i v a t i o n b y getting involved w i t h t h e i r child's e d u c a t i o n t h e y h a d l o w ability a n d were p u r s u i n g a p e r f o r m a n c e goal.
( S t e v e n s o n & Stigler, 1 9 9 4 ) . F o r t h e m , c o n t i n u i n g t o w o r k o n the difficult task m e a n t
Finally, parents can provide a cognitively stimulating h o m e d e m o n s t r a t i n g again t h a t t h e y were stupid. B y c o n t r a s t , even
e n v i r o n m e n t (Gottfried, F l e m i n g , & Gottfried, 1 9 9 8 ) . T h i s in- " l o w a b i l i t y " students w h o p u r s u e d a learning goal persisted
cludes having reading material in t h e h o m e , engaging in intel- despite their failures a n d showed r e m a r k a b l y little frustration,
lectual discussions, attending lectures o r cultural events, visiting p r o b a b l y b e c a u s e t h e y believed t h e y c o u l d g r o w f r o m their ex-
m u s e u m s , a n d h o l d i n g high expectations f o r children's educa- p e r i e n c e . Perhaps, then, teachers u n d e r m i n e a c h i e v e m e n t m o -
tion. B y doing these things, parents stimulate intellectual c u - tivation b y d i s t r i b u t i n g gold stars a n d grades a n d frequently
riosity a n d a desire to learn. Children w h o are e n c o u r a g e d and calling a t t e n t i o n t o h o w s t u d e n t s c o m p a r e with o n e a n o t h e r
s u p p o r t e d in a positive m a n n e r are likely t o e n j o y n e w chal- ( D e c i , Koestner, & Ryan, 1 9 9 9 ) . C h i l d r e n m i g h t be b e t t e r o f f if
lenges a n d feel c o n f i d e n t a b o u t mastering t h e m . T h e y are also teachers n u r t u r e d t h e i r i n t r i n s i c m o t i v a t i o n to m a s t e r chal-
unlikely t o m a k e t h e kinds o f c o u n t e r p r o d u c t i v e attributions lenges ( B o g g i a n o & Katz, 1 9 9 1 ; Butler, 1 9 9 0 ) . T h e n , slow
( " I ' m d u m b " ) that can cause t h e m to lose interest in school- learners c o u l d v i e w their m i s t a k e s as a sign t h a t they should
w o r k (Glasgow et al., 1 9 9 7 ) . Children typically feel c o m p e t e n t c h a n g e strategies to i m p r o v e t h e i r c o m p e t e n c i e s r a t h e r t h a n as
when their parents are .satisfied with their performance f u r t h e r p r o o f t h a t t h e y lack ability.
( M c G r a t h & Repetti, 2 0 0 0 ) . B y contrast, parents can u n d e r m i n e Finally, t h e s c h o o l c l i m a t e c a n i n f l u e n c e achievement.
a child's school p e r f o r m a n c e a n d intrinsic m o t i v a t i o n to learn A c a d e m i c a c h i e v e m e n t is greater w h e n s c h o o l s encourage
if they are uninvolved a n d offer little guidance or if they are family i n v o l v e m e n t a n d regular p a r e n t - t e a c h e r c o m m u n i c a -
highly controlling, nag continually a b o u t h o m e w o r k , offer tion a n d w h e n they develop a system that m a k e s family i n -
bribes for g o o d grades, a n d criticize b a d grades ( G i n s b u r g & v o l v e m e n t possible ( R i m m - K a u f m a n & P i a n t a , 1 9 9 9 ) . S c h o o l s
B r o n s t e i n , 1 9 9 3 ) . T h u s , parents n e e d t o strike a healthy b a k m c e c a n also t r y t o c a p t u r e s t u d e n t s ' e n t h u s i a s m for learning f r o m
between being supportive and b e i n g controlling. the start o f s c h o o l i n g . S t u d e n ts w h o start o u t liking s c h o o l are
typically t h e o n e s w h o like s c h o o l later; they also participate
School Contributions m o r e in t h e c l a s s r o o m , w h i c h leads to h i g h e r levels o f achieve-
H o w do schools affect achievement? Nearly every s c h o o l as- m e n t ( L a d d , B u h s , & Seid, 2 0 0 0 ) .
serts that the m a j o r goal o f c l a s s r o o m i n s t r u c t i o n is i m p r o v e - To recap w h a t y o u have learned so far, children a p p r o a c h
m e n t o f children's learning. M a n y o f these s a m e schools, h o w - a c h i e v e m e n t tasks w i t h either a m a s t e r y o r i e n t a t i o n or a
ever, are s t r u c t u r e d in ways that focus o n t h e external rewards l e a r n e d helplessness o r i e n t a t i o n , b a s e d o n h o w t h e y v i e w their
that students c a n earn (such as grades o r stickers). As a result, a c a d e m i c t r i u m p h s a n d disasters. As they age, c h i l d r e n u n d e r -
t h e y m a y e n c o u r a g e children to set p e r f o r m a n c e goals r a t h e r s t a n d t h e c o n c e p t o f ability as a stable trait a n d shift f r o m fo-
t h a n learning goals ( C o v i n g t o n , 2 0 0 0 ) . M a n y c l a s s r o o m s are cusing o n l e a r n i n g goals to f o c u s i n g o n p e r f o r m a n c e goals.
c o m p e t i t i v e places where students t r y t o o u t d o each o t h e r to T h e s e c h a n g e s , b r o u g h t a b o u t by b o t h cognitive d e v e l o p m e n t
e a r n the best grades a n d gain teacher r e c o g n i t i o n . S c h o o l s m a y a n d f e e d b a c k i n s c h o o l , give t h e m a m o r e realistic p i c t u r e o f
serve their students b e t t e r b y d e - e m p h a s i z i n g grades as end- t h e i r own strengths a n d weaknesses b u t also m a k e t h e m m o r e
p o i n t s a n d focusing on the process o f learning. In m a n y classes, v u l n e r a b l e to l e a r n e d helplessness. Yet s o m e children r e m a i n
students receive a grade ( g o o d or b a d ) , indicating their per- far m o r e m o t i v a t e d t o s u c c e e d in s c h o o l t h a n o t h e r s , and par-
f o r m a n c e o n a test o r p r o j e c t , a n d that is the end o f it. I f t h e y ents and schools have a lot to d o with that.
did n o t fully learn the material, t h e y are given n o o p p o r t u n i t y
to do so: T h e y learn that the grade, n o t learning, is the goal.
M a r t i n C o v i n g t o n ( 2 0 0 0 , 1 9 9 8 ) believes t h a t schools c a n
foster children's a c a d e m i c m o t i v a t i o n b y d o w n p l a y i n g the Perhaps t h e m o s t i m p o r t a n t a c h i e v e m e n t in s c h o o l is a c q u i r -
c o m p e t i t i v e r a c e for t h e b e s t grades in class. H o w m i g h t this ing the ability to read. M a s t e r y o f reading paves the way for
work? C o n s i d e r s o m e research b y Elaine Elliott a n d C a r o l m a s t e r i n g o t h e r a c a d e m i c skills. Skilled readers c o n s u m e m o r e
D w e c k ( 1 9 8 8 ) . T h e y asked fifth-graders to p e r f o r m a novel p r i n t e d material t h a n unskilled readers o r nonreaders, giving
task. T h e s t u d e n t s were led to believe t h a t t h e y h a d either l o w t h e m an advantage in o t h e r a c a d e m i c areas that increasingly
or h i g h ability and were w a r n e d t h a t t h e y w o u l d s o o n b e p e r - rely on reading skills over t h e s c h o o l years ( S t a n o v i c h , 1 9 8 6 ) .
f o r m i n g similar tasks t h a t w o u l d prove difficult. H a l f t h e chil- Unlike language acquisition, a n a t u r a l learning task that typi-
dren w o r k e d u n d e r a p e r f o r m a n c e goal ( n o t unlike t h e goals cally requires n o f o r m a l e d u c a t i o n , reading acquisition is an
e m p h a s i z e d in m a n y c l a s s r o o m s ) : T h e y were told t h a t t h e i r " u n n a t u r a l " task ( S t a n o v i c h & S t a n o v i c h , 1 9 9 9 ) . Learning to
p e r f o r m a n c e w o u l d b e c o m p a r e d w i t h t h a t o f o t h e r children read a l m o s t always requires direct i n s t r u c t i o n . H o w do chil-
a n d evaluated b y an expert. T h e r e m a i n i n g children were i n - dren m a s t e r this c o m p l e x a n d i m p o r t a n t skill?
d u c e d t o a d o p t a l e a r n i n g goal: A l t h o u g h t h e y w o u l d m a k e
s o m e mistakes, t h e y were told, w o r k i n g at t h e tasks would Mastering t h e Alphabetic Principle
" s h a r p e n the m i n d " a n d help t h e m at s c h o o l . B e f o r e children c a n read, t h e y m u s t u n d e r s t a n d the a l p h a b e t i c
As expected, t h e o n l y c h i l d r e n w h o displayed t h e telltale p r i n c i p l e — t h e idea t h a t t h e letters in p r i n t e d words represent
signs o f helplessness (that is, d e t e r i o r a t i n g p e r f o r m a n c e a n d t h e s o u n d s in s p o k e n words in a s y s t e m a t i c way ( B y r n e , 1 9 9 8 ;
a t t r i b u t i o n o f failure to low ability) were t h o s e w h o believed T r e i m a n , 2 0 0 0 ) . A c c o r d i n g to L i n n e a E h r i ( 1 9 9 9 ) , this is a
f o u r - s t e p process. First, c h i l d r e n in t h e p r e a l p h a b e t i c p h a s e
m e m o r i z e selected visual cues t o r e m e m b e r words. T h e y c a n
" r e a d " text t h a t t h e y have m e m o r i z e d d u r i n g p r e v i o u s read-
ings. F o r instance, seeing a p i c t u r e o f a d i n o s a u r o n a page in
a favorite b o o k cues a c h i l d to recall t h e words she has often
h e a r d her m o t h e r read w h e n t h e y t u r n e d t o this page. Or, a
child in t h e p r e a l p h a b e t i c phase m i g h t r e c o g n i z e a word b y its
shape (physically, t h e p r i n t e d word bed l o o k s different t h a n
the word egg).
In the partial alphabetic phase, children learn the shapes
a n d sounds o f letters. F o r example, they recognize t h e curved
shape o f t h e letter C and b e g i n to associate this w i t h a particu-
lar sound. T h e s e children begin to c o n n e c t at least o n e letter in
a w o r d — u s u a l l y the f i r s t — t o its c o r r e s p o n d i n g s o u n d . N o t sur-
prisingly, children typically recognize the initial letter o f their
first n a m e before other letters ( T r e i m a n & B r o d e r i c k , 1 9 9 8 ) .
C o m p l e t e c o n n e c t i o n s b e t w e e n w r i t t e n letters a n d t h e i r
c o r r e s p o n d i n g s o u n d s are a c q u i r e d during t h e full a l p h a b e t i c
phase. In this phase, children acquire full phonological
a w a r e n e s s — t h e sensitivity t o t h e s o u n d system o f language
t h a t enables t h e m t o s e g m e n t s p o k e n words into s o u n d s o r
p h o n e m e s (Carroll et al., 2 0 0 3 ) . C h i l d r e n w h o have p h o n o - <[ Repeatedly reading the same story fosters vocabulary ana deep-
logical awareness c a n r e c o g n i z e t h a t cat a n d trouble b o t h have ens children's understanding of the story content.
t h e p h o n e m e III in t h e m , c a n tell you h o w m a n y distinct
s o u n d s there are in t h e w o r d bark, and c a n tell y o u w h a t will t i o n o f reading ability. F o r instance, reading s t o r y b o o k s t o
b e left i f y o u take the /f/ s o u n d o u t o f fat Children can decode p r e s c h o o l e r s positively influences their later literacy ( R o s k o s ,
words never before seen b y applying their k n o w l e d g e o f p h o - C h r i s t i e , 8c Richgels, 2 0 0 3 ) . R e p e t i t i o u s s t o r y b o o k reading e n -
netics. T h e y c a n d e c i p h e r t h e n e w word mat f r o m their previ- h a n c e s children's v o c a b u l a r y and allows t h e m t o see t h e c o n -
ous u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f t h e w o r d cat a n d t h e letter m. n e c t i o n b e t w e e n p r i n t e d and s p o k e n w o r d s ( W h i t e h u r s t &
In addition to decoding unfamiliar words, children in t h e L o n i g a n , 1 9 9 8 ) . W i t h e a c h successive reading, p a r e n t s ask i n -
full alphabetic phase use sight reading for familiar words. Sight creasingly c o m p l e x q u e s t i o n s a b o u t t h e text, m o v i n g t h e child
reading is fast and w o r k s well for words that are hard to decode f r o m a superficial t o a deeper u n d e r s t a n d i n g (van K l e e c k et
(such as those with unusual spellings) o r frequently e n c o u n - al., 1 9 9 7 ) . Even older children b e n e f i t f r o m reading t h e s a m e
tered. I f y o u regularly r u n across the w o r d alligator in y o u r b o o k o n m u l t i p l e o c c a s i o n s (Faust & G l e n z e i v 2 0 0 0 ) a n d f r o m
readings, you m a y initially read this b y decoding it, or " u n p a c k - s h a r e d reading with a p a r e n t ( C l a r k e - S t e w a r t , 1 9 9 8 ) . Parents,
i n g " each sound then putting the sounds together. B u t after w i t h t h e i r greater m a s t e r y o f reading, c a n help their fledgling
m a n y e n c o u n t e r s with this word, y o u can sight-read it, or recall readers develop a n u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f p r i n t e d words. I f y o u
it f r o m m e m o r y , w i t h o u t having to decode every sound. t h i n k o f this in V y g o t s k y s f r a m e w o r k , it is an e x a m p l e o f p a r -
Finally, in t h e c o n s o l i d a t e d a l p h a b e t i c phase, letters that e n t a n d child o p e r a t i n g in t h e z o n e o f p r o x i m a l d e v e l o p m e n t .
regularly o c c u r t o g e t h e r are g r o u p e d as a u n i t . F o r i n s t a n c e , R h y m i n g stories a n d g a m e s c a n h e l p foster p h o n o l o g i c a l
t h e letter s e q u e n c e ing, w h i c h f r e q u e n t l y appears at t h e e n d o f awareness. F o r this r e a s o n , listening to b o o k s with a r h y m i n g
verbs, is perceived as a single u n i t r a t h e r t h a n as three separate s t r u c t u r e ( f o r e x a m p l e , Dr. Seuss's The Cat in the Hat) can
letters. T h i s g r o u p i n g speeds t h e processing o f t h e multisyl- b e n e f i t c h i l d r e n . Y o u n g children's sensitivity t o r h y m e (for ex-
labic words that o l d e r children are increasingly e x p o s e d t o in ample, cat-sat) helps predict their later reading success
their books. (Bryant, 1998; Goswami, 1999).
T h u s , the basic c o m p o n e n t s o f literacy i n c l u d e m a s t e r i n g B y assessing p r e s c h o o l children's e m e r g e n t literacy skills,
a language system, understanding connections between parents can develop a fairly a c c u r a t e idea o f w h a t their later
s o u n d s a n d t h e i r p r i n t e d s y m b o l s (the a l p h a b e t i c p r i n c i p l e ) , reading skills will b e ( L o n i g a n , Burgess, & A n t h o n y , 2 0 0 0 ) . I n
a n d d i s c r i m i n a t i n g p h o n e m e s t h a t m a k e up words ( p h o n o - particular, differences a m o n g c h i l d r e n in k n o w l e d g e o f letters
logical awareness). How7 does the child pull all this together (for e x a m p l e , k n o w i n g t h e a l p h a b e t ) a n d p h o n o l o g i c a l aware-
into reading? ness p r e d i c t later differences in t h e i r reading ability ( C a r r o l l et
al., 2 0 0 3 ) . In addition, s e m a n t i c k n o w l e d g e , reflected in chil-
Emergent Literacy dren's ability to retrieve w o r d s a n d p r o v i d e w o r d definitions,
Several activities help p r o m o t e e m e r g e n t l i t e r a c y — t h e devel- c a n p r e d i c t later reading ability ( R o t h , Speece, & C o o p e r ,
opmental precursors o f reading skills in y o u n g children 2 0 0 2 ) . T h i s suggests t h a t parents c a n help c h i l d r e n get a h e a d
( W h i t e h u r s t & L o n i g a n , 1 9 9 8 ) . E m e r g e n t literacy includes start o n reading b y e n c o u r a g i n g activities s u c h as r h y m i n g , re-
knowledge, skills, a n d attitudes that will facilitate t h e acquisi- peating t h e A B C s , and defining words.
Skilled and Unskilled Readers page t h a t they have little a t t e n t i o n to spare for interpreting
After children have received reading instruction, why are s o m e a n d r e m e m b e r i n g w h a t they have read. Dyslexic children c o n -
children quick, advanced readers b u t others struggle to master t i n u e to p e r f o r m p o o r l y o n tests o f p h o n o l o g i c a l awareness
t h e m o s t basic reading material? For starters, skilled readers and tests o f w o r d r e c o g n i t i o n as adolescents and adults, even
have a solid understanding o f the alphabetic p r i n c i p l e — t h e n o - i f they have b e c o m e decent readers (Bruck, 1990, 1992;
tion that letters must b e associated with p h o n e m e s . Thus, w h e n Shaywitz et al., 1 9 9 9 ) . It is n o w clear that dyslexia is a lifelong
they see the letter b, they k n o w the s o u n d that it represents. A disability, n o t j u s t a d e v e l o p m e n t a l delay that is eventually
large b o d y o f research also c o n f i r m s that reading ability is in- o v e r c o m e (Shaywitz et al., 1 9 9 9 ) .
fluenced by a child's level o f phonological awareness (Adams,

Treiman, & Pressley, 1998; Bus & van I j z e n d o o r n , 1999). H o w S h o u l d R e a d i n g B e Taught?
Children with higher levels o f phonological awareness usually W h a t does all this suggest a b o u t teaching children to read? For
b e c o m e better readers than children with lower levels o f p h o n o - years a debate has raged over the m e r i t s o f two b r o a d ap-
logical awareness (Schneider, Roth, & E n n e m o s e r , 2 0 0 0 ) . p r o a c h e s to reading i n s t r u c t i o n : t h e p h o n i c s a p p r o a c h a n d the
B u t there is m o r e to b e i n g a skilled reader than c o n n e c t - whole-language approach (see, f o r example, Chall, 1967;
ing letters with sounds. Analyses o f eye m o v e m e n t patterns Lemann, 1997). T h e phonics (or code-oriented) approach
s h o w that unskilled readers skip words o r parts o f words, teaches children to analyze words into their component
whereas skilled reeiders' eyes hit all t h e words (Perfetti, 1 9 9 9 ) . sounds; that is, it systematically teaches them letter-sound
Skilled readers do n o t use c o n t e x t to help t h e m identify words, correspondence rules (Vellutino, 1991). By contrast, the
a l t h o u g h they m a y use c o n t e x t to help with c o m p r e h e n s i o n . w h o l e - l a n g u a g e ( o r l o o k - s a y ) a p p r o a c h emphasizes reading
As n o t e d previously, t h e y rely o n p h o n o l o g y to identify words, f o r m e a n i n g and teaches children to recognize specific words
s o m e t h i n g m o s t unskilled readers have trouble with. b y sight o r to figure o u t w h a t t h e y m e a n using clues in the sur-
S o m e children have serious difficulties learning to read, r o u n d i n g c o n t e x t . It assumes that the parts o f printed words
even t h o u g h t h e y have n o r m a l intellectual ability a n d n o sen- (the letters) are n o t as m e a n i n g f u l as the w h o l e words and that
s o r y i m p a i r m e n t s o r e m o t i o n a l difficulties that c o u l d a c c o u n t b y focusing o n w h o l e words children can learn to read as ef-
for their p r o b l e m s . T h e s e children have dyslexia, o r a reading fortlessly and naturally as they learn to u n d e r s t a n d speech.
disability. A m i n o r i t y have t h e k i n d o f visual p e r c e p t i o n p r o b - Research strongly s u p p o r t s the p h o n i c s a p p r o a c h . To read
lem that used to be seen as t h e h e a r t o f dyslexia; t h e y c a n n o t well, children m u s t s o m e h o w learn that spoken words are
distinguish between letters with similar appearances, o r they m a d e up o f s o u n d s a n d that the letters o f the alphabet corre-
read words b a c k w a r d ( t o p m i g h t b e c o m e pot). However, it is s p o n d t o these sounds ( F o o r m a n , 1 9 9 5 ) . Teaching p h o n o l o g -
n o w clear that the difficulties o f m o s t dyslexic children involve ical awareness skills c a n pay o f f in better reading skills
a u d i t o r y p e r c e p t i o n m o r e than visual p e r c e p t i o n (see, f o r ex- ( N a t i o n a l Reading Panel, 1 9 9 9 ) . Table 10.5 shows w h a t h a p -
a m p l e , Temple et al., 2 0 0 0 ) . p e n e d w h e n a t h i r d - g r a d e b o y with p o o r p h o n o l o g i c a l aware-
Specifically, children w h o b e c o m e dyslexic readers often ness tried to read b y t h e l o o k - s a y m e t h o d . He ended u p with
show deficiencies in p h o n o l o g i c a l awareness w7ell b e f o r e t h e y an i n c o r r e c t interpretation a n d lost t h e intended m e a n i n g o f
enter s c h o o l ( B r u c k , 1992; Vellutino et al., 1 9 9 6 ) . T h e r e is even t h e sentence. Better d e c o d i n g skills ( p h o n i c s ) m i g h t have en-
evidence that t h e b r a i n s o f dyslexic children respond differ- abled h i m to read t h e sentence accurately.
ently to speech sounds s o o n after b i r t h (Molfese, 2 0 0 0 ) . T h i s W i t h this in m i n d , several p r o g r a m s have b e e n developed
suggests that a perceptual deficit m a y develop during t h e pre- for at-risk a n d dyslexic children w h o have special difficulty
natal p e r i o d o f b r a i n d e v e l o p m e n t . Because dyslexic children d i s c r i m i n a t i n g speech s o u n d s t h a t are m a d e rapidly, such as b,
have difficulty analyzing the s o u n d s in speech, t h e y also have d> a n d t. B y playing an e n t e r t a i n i n g c o m p u t e r g a m e , children
trouble detecting s o u n d - l e t t e r c o r r e s p o n d e n c e s , which in are able to practice d i s c r i m i n a t i n g pairs o f these h a r d - t o -
t u r n i m p a i r s their ability to recognize p r i n t e d words a u t o m a t - distinguish sounds, which are altered so that they are
ically and effortlessly ( B r u c k , 1 9 9 0 ; Vellutino, 1 9 9 1 ) . T h e y stretched in time and thereby made easier to perceive
m u s t t h e n devote so m u c h effort to decoding t h e words o n t h e ( M e r z e n i c h et al., 1 9 9 6 ; Tallal et al., 1 9 9 6 ) . After o n l y a m o n t h
Table 10.5 One Boy's Mi sreading of the Sentence "A Boy Said, 'Run, Little G i r l / "
Words in Target Sentence Strategies Employed by Reader Words "Read"
A Sight word known to reader A

boy Unknown; uses beginning b to guess baby baby
said, "Run Said unknown; jumps to the next word (run), which he recognizes, then uses the is running
5 in said and his knowledge of syntax to generate is running
little Sight word known to reader little
girl." Unknown; uses beginning g to guess go go
SOURCE: Adapted from Ely 2001.

o f such g a m e playing, children's ability to r e c o g n i z e fast se- s o m e schools have i m p l e m e n t e d have o n l y m i n i m a l effects on
q u e n c e s o f speech s o u n d s a n d t o u n d e r s t a n d language i m - a c h i e v e m e n t (Glass, 2 0 0 2 c ) . T h u s , a d d i n g 3 0 m i n u t e s t o each
proves dramatically. T h e s e gains eventually pay o f f in i m - s c h o o l day or l e n g t h e n i n g t h e s c h o o l year b y 1 5 , 2 0 , o r even 2 5
proved reading p e r f o r m a n c e as children b e c o m e m o r e able t o days has negligible effects o n s t u d e n t o u t c o m e s . Similarly, re-
s o u n d o u t w o r d s o n the page ( F o o r m a n et al., 1 9 9 8 ) . D e s p i t e distributing s c h o o l days so t h a t t h e y are evenly spread across
t h e i m p o r t a n c e o f p h o n o l o g i c a l awareness, however, children the year r a t h e r than b u n c h e d b e t w e e n S e p t e m b e r a n d M a y
m u s t also m a k e sense o f w h a t t h e y are r e a d i n g — t h e y m u s t b e does n o t i m p r o v e s t u d e n t a c h i e v e m e n t .
able t o read for m e a n i n g . T h u s , reading p r o g r a m s s h o u l d use Finally, it m a t t e r s little w h e t h e r o r n o t a s c h o o l uses
b o t h p h o n i c s a n d w h o l e - l a n g u a g e i n s t r u c t i o n , t e a c h i n g let- a b i l i t y g r o u p i n g , in w h i c h s t u d e n t s are g r o u p e d a c c o r d i n g to
t e r - s o u n d c o r r e s p o n d e n c e s b u t also h e l p i n g c h i l d r e n find a b i l i t y t h e n t a u g h t in classes o r w o r k g r o u p s w i t h o t h e r s o f
m e a n i n g a n d e n j o y m e n t in w h a t t h e y read ( A d a m s , 1 9 9 0 ) . s i m i l a r a c a d e m i c o r i n t e l l e c t u a l s t a n d i n g . G r o u p i n g by abil-
T h e d e b a t e over reading i n s t r u c t i o n a n d its effectiveness ity has n o clear a d v a n t a g e over m i x e d - a b i l i t y g r o u p i n g f o r
raises a b r o a d e r q u e s t i o n a b o u t j u s t h o w well s c h o o l s are d o - m o s t s t u d e n t s (Glass, 2 0 0 2 a ) . It can b e b e n e f i c i a l , especially
ing at e d u c a t i n g children. L o o k at w h a t factors c o n t r i b u t e — o r to h i g h e r - a b i l i t y s t u d e n t s , i f it results in a c u r r i c u l u m m o r e
do n o t c o n t r i b u t e — t o effective s c h o o l s . a p p r o p r i a t e t o s t u d e n t s ' l e a r n i n g n e e d s (Glass, 2 0 0 2 a ; Kulik
& Kulik, 1 9 9 2 ) . H o w e v e r , l o w - a b i l i t y s t u d e n t s are unlikely t o
b e n e f i t a n d m a y suffer i f t h e y are d e n i e d access t o t h e m o s t
effective t e a c h e r s , t a u g h t less m a t e r i a l t h a n o t h e r c h i l d r e n ,
S o m e schools are clearly better t h a n others at a c c o m p l i s h i n g a n d s t i g m a t i z e d as " d u m m i e s " ( M a c Iver, R e u m a n , & M a i n ,
their objectives. You can regularly read news reports o f schools 1 9 9 5 ; M e h a n et al., 1 9 9 6 ) . T o o o f t e n , this is w h a t h a p p e n s . As
above or b e l o w the national average in the percentage of H u g h M e h a n a n d his c o l l e a g u e s ( 1 9 9 6 ) p u t it, " I t is n o t t h a t
students they graduate o r t h e a c h i e v e m e n t scores o f their d u m b kids are p l a c e d in slow g r o u p s o r l o w t r a c k s ; it is t h a t
s t u d e n t s — t w o c o m m o n measures o f s c h o o l effectiveness. As k i d s are m a d e d u m b b y b e i n g placed in slow g r o u p s o r low
y o u read the next sections, y o u m a y b e surprised b y s o m e fac- t r a c k s " (p. 2 3 0 ) . T h e E x p l o r a t i o n s b o x o n page 2 7 4 takes a
tors that do and do n o t have a b e a r i n g o n h o w effective a s c h o o l c l o s e r l o o k at m i x i n g s t u d e n t s w i t h d i f f e r e n t abilities a n d
is (Molnar, 2 0 0 2 ; Reynolds, 1992; Rutter & M a u g h a n , 2 0 0 2 ) . backgrounds.
T h e s e , t h e n , are e x a m p l e s o f s c h o o l characteristics t h a t do
Less I m p o r t a n t Factors n o t s e e m t o c o n t r i b u t e a great deal t o effective e d u c a t i o n . A
M a n y people a s s u m e t h a t p o u r i n g financial resources into s c h o o l t h a t has l i m i t e d financial s u p p o r t ( a s s u m i n g it exceeds
s c h o o l s will a u t o m a t i c a l l y increase s c h o o l effectiveness. B u t a basic m i n i m u m ) , places m o s t s t u d e n t s (except p e r h a p s b e -
t h e relationship b e t w e e n f u n d i n g and s t u d e n t o u t c o m e is g i n n i n g readers) in relatively large classes, a n d c o m b i n e s stu-
c o m p l e x . S o m e research shows t h a t as l o n g as s c h o o l s have dents in m i x e d - a b i l i t y l e a r n i n g g r o u p s o r classes is o f t e n j u s t
reasonable resources, t h e precise a m o u n t o f m o n e y spent per as effective as a s c h o o l t h a t has a m p l e financial resources,
pupil plays o n l y a m i n o r role in d e t e r m i n i n g s t u d e n t o u t - small classes, a n d ability g r o u p i n g .
c o m e s ( H a n u s h e k , 1 9 9 7 ; Rutter, 1 9 8 3 ) . O t h e r research sug-
gests that i n c r e a s e d resources, i f applied directly to c l a s s r o o m Factors T h a t M a t t e r
i n s t r u c t i o n , c a n increase s t u d e n t a c h i e v e m e n t in t h e earlier S o w h a t d o e s i n f l u e n c e h o w well children p e r f o r m ? To u n d e r -
grades (Wenglinsky, 1 9 9 8 ) . T h u s , s i m p l y cidding m o n e y to stand why s o m e s c h o o l s are m o r e effective t h a n o t h e r s , y o u
school budgets is unlikely t o i m p r o v e s c h o o l effectiveness u n - m u s t c o n s i d e r c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f t h e students, c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s
less schools invest this m o n e y wisely. o f t h e teachers, characteristics o f t h e l e a r n i n g e n v i r o n m e n t ,
A n o t h e r factor t h a t has relatively little to d o w i t h a and t h e i n t e r a c t i o n b e t w e e n s t u d e n t a n d e n v i r o n m e n t .
school's effectiveness is average class size ( E h r e n b e r g et al., First, a school's effectiveness is a f u n c t i o n o f w h a t it has t o
2 0 0 1 ; Rutter & M a u g h a n , 2 0 0 2 ) . W i t h i n a r a n g e o f 18 t o 4 0 w o r k w i t h — t h e s t u d e n t s it takes in a n d t h e teachers w h o p r o -
students p e r class, r e d u c i n g class sizes ( f r o m , say, 3 6 t o 2 4 stu- vide the i n s t r u c t i o n ( W a n g , H a e r t e l , & W a l b e r g , 1 9 9 3 ) . W i t h
d e n t s ) is unlikely t o increase s t u d e n t a c h i e v e m e n t ( H a n u s h e k , respect t o the children, genetic differences a m o n g children
1 9 9 7 , 1 9 9 8 ) . Instead, t u t o r i n g s t u d e n t s in t h e early grades c o n t r i b u t e t o differences in aptitude a m o n g t h e m ( R u t t e r &
( k i n d e r g a r t e n t h r o u g h third), especially disadvantaged a n d M a u g h a n , 2 0 0 2 ) . As y o u l e a r n e d in C h a p t e r s 3 a n d 9 , I Q
l o w - a b i l i t y ones, o n e - o n - o n e o r in small g r o u p s m a k e s a big scores have a genetic c o m p o n e n t , and children w i t h h i g h e r
difference in their learning o f reading and mathematics I Q s attain h i g h e r grades t h r o u g h o u t their 12 years o f s c h o o l
( B l a t c h f o r d et al., 2 0 0 2 ; F i n n , 2 0 0 2 ) . However, m o r e m o d e s t (Gutman, Sameroff, & Cole, 2 0 0 3 ) . Schools cannot eliminate
r e d u c t i o n s in t h e s t u d e n t - t e a c h e r r a t i o do n o t s e e m t o b e these genetic differences a m o n g children b u t t h e y c a n i n f l u -
w o r t h t h e large a m o u n t o f m o n e y t h e y cost. e n c e ( t h a t is, raise) overall levels o f a c a d e m i c a c h i e v e m e n t
W h a t a b o u t t h e a m o u n t o f t i m e spent in school? M o s t ( R u t t e r & M a u g h a n , 2 0 0 2 ) . In a d d i t i o n , a c a d e m i c achieve-
children go to s c h o o l f o r 6 h o u r s o n a b o u t 1 8 0 days o f each m e n t , on average, tends t o b e h i g h e r in s c h o o l s w i t h a p r e -
s c h o o l year. M a n y p e o p l e a s s u m e t h a t s c h o o l s could i m p r o v e p o n d e r a n c e o f e c o n o m i c a l l y advantaged students; children
s t u d e n t o u t c o m e s i f t h e y l e n g t h e n e d t h e s c h o o l day o r year. are b e t t e r able t o m a k e a c a d e m i c progress in s c h o o l w h e n t h e y
B u t research shows t h a t t h e m o d e s t increases in t i m e that c o m e f r o m h o m e s that are s t o c k e d w i t h c o m p u t e r s , b o o k s ,
a n d intellectually s t i m u l a t i n g toys ( B r o o k o v e r et al., 1979;
P o r t e s & M a c L e o d , 1 9 9 6 ) . However, this d o e s n o t m e a n t h a t
s c h o o l s are o n l y as g o o d as t h e students t h e y serve. M a n y
s c h o o l s t h a t serve disadvantaged p o p u l a t i o n s are highly effec-
tive at m o t i v a t i n g students a n d p r e p a r i n g t h e m for j o b s or
further education (Reynolds, 1992).
Finally, studies o f the effects o f schools provide a n o t h e r
illustration o f t h e i n t e r a c t i o n o f n a t u r e a n d n u r t u r e . H i g h -
achieving parents pass their genes to their children, providing
g e n e t i c potential for high achievement t o their children
( R u t t e r 8c M a u g h a n , 2 0 0 2 ) . T h e s e s a m e h i g h - a c h i e v i n g par-
ents are likely t o select s c h o o l s t h a t have s t r o n g a c a d e m i c rep-
u t a t i o n s , often b y c h o o s i n g t o live in a n e i g h b o r h o o d served
b y a " g o o d " s c h o o l district ( R u t t e r & M a u g h a n , 2 0 0 2 ) . T h i s is
an e x a m p l e o f a passive g e n e - e n v i r o n m e n t c o r r e l a t i o n , de-
€ In a comfortable and task-oriented classroom, children are moti-
s c r i b e d in C h a p t e r 3, in w h i c h children are i n f l u e n c e d b y their
vated t o learn,
parent's genes directly t h r o u g h genetic t r a n s m i s s i o n a n d indi-
rectly t h r o u g h t h e e n v i r o n m e n t s their parents create for t h e m .
As f o r the effects o f teachers o n school achievement, v o l v e m e n t in s c h o o l is also associated w i t h b e t t e r social skills
A n d r e w W a y n e and Peter Youngs ( 2 0 0 3 ) reviewed research o n a n d fewer b e h a v i o r a l p r o b l e m s a m o n g their children ( K o h l et
the relationship between teacher characteristics and student al., 2 0 0 0 ; M a r c o n , 1 9 9 9 ) . Parents w i t h less e d u c a t i o n are typi-
achievement. T h e y f o u n d that student achievement scores rose cally less involved in their children's e d u c a t i o n t h a n highly ed-
with increases in the quality o f their teachers 5 undergraduate in- ucated p a r e n t s are, yet they c a n have a greater effect on their
stitutions a n d their teachers' licensure e x a m i n a t i o n scores. children's grades if they b e c o m e involved (Bogenschneider,
T h e r e was also a c o n n e c t i o n between teachers' coursework a n d 1997; Downey, 2 0 0 2 ) .
*
student achievement, b u t only in high school mathematics. Finally, c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f t h e s t u d e n t and characteristics

T h u s , high s c h o o l m a t h teachers are m o r e effective, as m e a s u r e d o f t h e s c h o o l e n v i r o n m e n t often i n t e r a c t to affect s t u d e n t o u t -
b y student a c h i e v e m e n t gains, w h e n they have completed m o r e c o m e . T h i s is an e x a m p l e o f the c o n c e p t o f g o o d n e s s o f fit
m a t h courses as part o f their t e a c h e r training. Similarly, in a re- an a p p r o p r i a t e m a t c h between t h e student's characteristics
view o f teacher characteristics, G e n e Glass ( 2 0 0 2 b ) c o n c l u d e d a n d her e n v i r o n m e n t . M u c h e d u c a t i o n a l research has b e e n
that student a c h i e v e m e n t is e n h a n c e d w h e n students are taught b a s e d on t h e a s s u m p t i o n that o n e t e a c h i n g m e t h o d , organiza-
b y regularly licensed teachers w h o have m o r e experience. tional system, o r p h i l o s o p h y o f e d u c a t i o n will prove s u p e r i o r
T h i r d , the l e a r n i n g e n v i r o n m e n t o f s o m e schools allows for all students, regardless o f their ability levels, learning
t h e m to n u r t u r e a c h i e v e m e n t . Basically, the effective s c h o o l styles, personalities, a n d cultural b a c k g r o u n d s . T h i s a s s u m p -
environment is a c o m f o r t a b l e b u t businesslike setting in t i o n is o f t e n w r o n g . Instead, m a n y e d u c a t i o n a l practices are
w h i c h teachers are involved w i t h students, students are m o t i - h i g h l y effective with s o m e kinds o f students b u t ineffective
vated to learn, a n d serious t e a c h i n g takes place ( M a c Iver et with o t h e r students. T h e secret is t o find an a p p r o p r i a t e m a t c h
al., 1 9 9 5 ; Phillips, 1 9 9 7 ; Rutter, 1 9 8 3 ) . M o r e specifically, in ef- between t h e l e a r n e r a n d t h e t e a c h i n g m e t h o d .
fective s c h o o l s and c l a s s r o o m s , teachers: To illustrate g o o d n e s s o f fit b e t w e e n learners a n d envi-
° Strongly emphasize academics. T h e y d e m a n d a lot f r o m r o n m e n t s , h i g h l y a c h i e v e m e n t - o r i e n t e d students adapt well to
their students, expect t h e m to succeed, regularly assign h o m e - u n s t r u c t u r e d c l a s s r o o m s in which they have a g o o d deal o f
work, and w o r k hard to achieve their objectives in the classroom. c h o i c e , whereas less a c h i e v e m e n t - o r i e n t e d students o f t e n do
• Create a t a s k - o r i e n t e d b u t c o m f o r t a b l e a t m o s p h e r e . F o r b e t t e r with m o r e s t r u c t u r e ( P e t e r s o n , 1 9 7 7 ) . S o m e t i m e s a n al-
e x a m p l e , t h e y waste little t i m e -starting activities or dealing ternative t e a c h i n g m e t h o d w o r k s as well as a t r a d i t i o n a l o n e
w i t h distracting discipline p r o b l e m s , provide clear i n s t r u c - for highly c a p a b l e students b u t o n l y o n e o f these m e t h o d s
t i o n s a n d feedback, a n d e n c o u r a g e a n d reward g o o d w o r k . suits less c a p a b l e students. In o n e study, f o r e x a m p l e , highly
° M a n a g e discipline p r o b l e m s effectively. F o r e x a m p l e , distractible s t u d e n t s got m o r e f r o m c o m p u t e r - a s s i s t e d in-
t h e y e n f o r c e t h e rules o n t h e spot r a t h e r t h a n sending o f f e n d - s t r u c t i o n t h a n f r o m a teacher's p r e s e n t a t i o n o f t h e s a m e m a -
ers to the principal's office, a n d they avoid t h e use o f physical terial, w h e r e a s m o r e attentive s t u d e n t s benefited equally f r o m
punishment. b o t h m e t h o d s ( O r t h 8c M a r t i n , 1 9 9 4 ) . Finally, students t e n d to
Effective s c h o o l s also have s u p p o r t i v e p a r e n t s a n d sup- have m o r e positive o u t c o m e s w h e n t h e y a n d their teacher
portive communities behind t h e m (Comer, 1997). Students share similar backgrounds (Goldwater 8c Nutt, 1999).
achieve m o r e w h e n their p a r e n t s are interested in a n d value E v i d e n c e o f t h e i m p o r t a n c e o f t h e fit b e t w e e n student and
s c h o o l a n d s c h o o l a c h i e v e m e n t ; participate in p a r e n t - t e a c h e r c l a s s r o o m e n v i r o n m e n t implies t h a t e d u c a t i o n a l programs
c o n f e r e n c e s , P T A m e e t i n g s , a n d o t h e r s c h o o l events; and p a r - are likely t o b e m o s t effective w h e n they are highly individual-
ticipate in h o m e w o r k a n d o t h e r s c h o o l - r e l a t e d activities at i z e d — t a i l o r e d to suit each student's d e v e l o p m e n t a l c o m p e -
h o m e (Hill 8c Craft, 2 0 0 3 ; Hill 8c Taylor, 2 0 0 4 ) . Parents' i n ; tencies a n d needs.
or many minority students of the past, especially African
Americans, additional barriers to school success were cre-
ated by school segregation. Black children in many states were
forced to attend "black schools" that were clearly inferior to
"white schools." In its landmark decision in the case of Brown
v. Board of Education ofTopeka in 1954, the Supreme Court
ruled that segregated schools were "inherently unequal" and
declared that they must be desegregated. More than 50 years
have passed since this ruling (Pickren, 2004). What has been
learned about desegregation during this time?
In general, the effects of school integration on children's
racial attitudes, self-esteem, and school achievement have
been mixed (Gray-Little & Carels, 1997; Stephan, 1978). Some
studies suggest that both African American and European
American children tend to have higher self-esteem and higher
achievement when they attend racially mixed schools, but the
effects are often small (Gray-Little & Carels, 1997). White
prejudice toward black students often does not decrease
much.The self-esteem of black children in integrated schools
is only sometimes higher than that of black children in segre-
gated schools (Gray-Little & Carels, 1997). And although mi-
nority students sometimes achieve more in integrated
schools, especially if they begin to attend them early in their
academic careers, school integration often has little effect on
achievement (Rossell, Armor, & Walberg, 2002).
Children with developmental disabilities (mental retarda-
tion, learning disabilities, physical and sensory handicaps, and quires schools to provide such children with a free and ap-
other special learning needs) have had a similar history.They propriate education that occurs "to the maximum extent ap-
used to be placed in separate schools or classrooms—or, in propriate ... with children who are not disabled."
some cases, rejected as unteachable by the public schools. But What has been achieved? Studies of developmental^ dis-
the Individuals with Disabilities Education Act (an extension of abled children integrated into regular classrooms through a
the 1975 Education for All Handicapped Children Act) re- practice called inclusion (formerly called mainstreaming)—to
Summing Up dents p e r f o r m b e s t w h e n ( I ) t h e y are intellectually ca-

pable and motivated; (2) t h e i r t e a c h e r s c r e a t e an effec-
During childhood, s o m e children d e v e l o p higher levels
tive learning environment; and (3) t h e r e is a g o o d fit
o f a c h i e v e m e n t motivation than o t h e r s ; t h e y t e n d t o
b e t w e e n children's characteristics and t h e kind o f in-
have m a s t e r y - o r i e n t e d r a t h e r than helpless attribution
struction t h e y receive. •
styles, and t h e y s e t learning r a t h e r than performance
goals in t h e c l a s s r o o m . T o read, children must m a s t e r
the alphabetic principle and develop phonological
a w a r e n e s s so t h a t t h e y can grasp l e t t e r - s o u n d corre- 1 lie A d o l e s c e n t
s p o n d e n c e rules. E m e r g e n t literacy activities such as lis-
tening t o s t o r y b o o k s facilitate later reading. C o m p a r e d Adolescents m a k e critical decisions a b o u t s u c h m a t t e r s as h o w
with unskilled readers, skilled r e a d e r s have b e t t e r un- m u c h t i m e t o devote t o studying, w h e t h e r to w o r k p a r t - t i m e
derstanding of the alphabetic principle and greater after s c h o o l , w h e t h e r to go to college, a n d w h a t t o b e w h e n
phonological a w a r e n e s s . A school's effectiveness is n o t t h e y grow up. T h e y b e c o m e m o r e c a p a b l e o f m a k i n g these ed-
influenced much by financial s u p p o r t , class size, t i m e u c a t i o n a l a n d v o c a t i o n a l c h o i c e s as their cognitive and social
s p e n t in school, o r use o f ability grouping. Instead, stu- skills e x p a n d ; in t u r n , the c h o i c e s t h e y m a k e shape their de-
emphasize the philosophy that children with special learning reinforced for performing well as a team (Salend, 1999; Slavin,
needs should spend the entire school day rather than only 1986; Stevens & Slavin, 1995). Consider research conducted by
parts of it in a regular classroom and truly be included in the UriTreisman at the University of California at Berkeley in the
normal educational process—have yielded mixed results. 1970s (Fullilove & Treisman, l990).Treisman studied African
Compared with similar students who attend segregated spe- Americans and Asian Americans enrolled in first-year calculus.
cial education classes, these mainstreamed youngsters some- The Asian Americans did well in the class, whereas the African
times fare better in terms of academic performance, self- Americans performed poorly. But this was not the only differ-
esteem, and social adjustment but sometimes do not (Buysse ence between the two groups of students. The African
& Bailey, 1993; Hunt & Goetz, 1997; Manset & Semmel, 1997). American students worked independently on work related to
The outcome depends partly on the severity of the child's dis- the class; the Asian Americans worked in small study groups
ability.The performance of higher-functioning disabled children and often combined studying with socializing, something the
often benefits from inclusion in the regular classroom, African American students rarely did.Treisman decided to see
whereas the performance of lower-functioning children is sim- whether working together and receiving support from peers
ilar in integrated and segregated classrooms (Holahan & could boost the African American students' performance—it
Costenbader, 2000). In terms of peer acceptance, children did (see also Duncan & Dick, 2000).
with severe disabilities are better accepted by their normally In cooperative learning classrooms, children of different
developing peers than are children with mild disabilities in ho- races and ability levels interact in a context where the efforts
mogeneous regular classrooms, where those with more se- of even the least capable team members are important to the
vere disabilities presumably stand out as different, prompting group's success. Elementary-school students like school better
other students to adjust their expectations (Cook & Semmel, and learn more when they participate in cooperative learning
1999). Children with mild disabilities do not markedly stand groups than when they receive traditional instruction
out in homogeneous classrooms and therefore do not achieve (Johnson, Johnson, & Maruyama, 1983; O'Donncll & O'Kelly,
"special" status; these children are better accepted in hetero- 1994; Stevens & Slavin, 1995). Moreover, team members gain
geneous classrooms (Cook & Semmel, 1999). self-esteem from their successes, and minority students and
What researchers seem to be learning about both racial in- students with developmental disabilities are more fully ac-
tegration and inclusion is that simply putting diverse students cepted by their peers. In short, racial integration and inclusion
into the same schools and classrooms accomplishes little. can succeed if educators deliberately design learning experi-
Instead, something special must be done to ensure that students ences that encourage students from different backgrounds to
of different ethnic backgrounds and ability levels interact in pos- pool their efforts to achieve common goals. Interventions
itive ways and learn what they are supposed to be learning. such as this are important if children are to be ready for the
One promising model uses cooperative learning, in challenges of secondary school.
which diverse students are assigned to work teams and are
v e l o p m e n t . B u t m a n y o f t h e m lose interest in s c h o o l w h e n also b e c o m e increasingly c o n c e r n e d a b o u t achievement

they leave e l e m e n t a r y s c h o o l . o u t c o m e s a n d r e i n f o r c e m e n t (e.g., high grades) associated
with positive o u t c o m e s and less concerned a b o u t intrinsic
satisfaction in achieving greater c o m p e t e n c e .
M a n y o f the negative t r e n d s Stipek describes b e c o m e es-

You m i g h t think t h a t adolescents w o u l d b e c o m e m o r e dedi-
pecially a p p a r e n t as y o u n g adolescents m a k e the t r a n s i t i o n
cated to a c a d e m i c success o n c e t h e y begin to realize t h a t t h e y
f r o m e l e m e n t a r y s c h o o l to m i d d l e s c h o o l (typically grades 6
n e e d a g o o d e d u c a t i o n t o s u c c e e d in life. B u t c o n s i d e r w h a t
to 8 ) or j u n i o r high school (grades 7 to 9 ) . At this critical j u n c -
D e b o r a h Stipelc ( 1 9 8 4 , p. 1 5 3 ) c o n c l u d e d after reviewing stud-
ture, a c h i e v e m e n t m o t i v a t i o n , self-esteem, a n d grades m a y all
ies o n the d e v e l o p m e n t o f a c h i e v e m e n t m o t i v a t i o n f r o m early
decline. Figure 1 0 . 4 shows t h e a c a d e m i c t r a j e c t o r i e s for f o u r
childhood to adolescence:
g r o u p s o f s t u d e n t s studied b y Leslie G u t m a n a n d his col-
O n the average, children value a c a d e m i c achievement m o r e leagues: t h o s e w i t h h i g h a n d l o w I Q scores w h o had either
as they progress t h r o u g h school, b u t their expectations for m a n y o r few risk factors ( G u t m a n , S a m e r o f f , & C o l e , 2 0 0 3 ) .
success and self-perceptions o f c o m p e t e n c e decline, and Risk factors i n c l u d e d m i n o r i t y g r o u p status, m o t h e r s ' educa-
their affect toward school b e c o m e s m o r e negative. Children tional level a n d m e n t a l health, stressful life events, family size,
3 . 5 r- P r e s c h o o l teachers o f t e n praise t h e i r y o u n g charges m e r e l y f o r
t r y i n g a n d d o n o t h a n d o u t m u c h c r i t i c i s m . As Stipek n o t e s
('1984), it would b e u n t h i n k a b l e f o r an adult to say t o a 5 - y e a r -
old e x h i b i t i n g a drawing, " W h a t an ugly picture. You sure c a n ' t
o 2.5 draw very wTell" (p. 1 5 6 ) . T h e positive f e e d b a c k y o u n g c h i l d r e n
O)
CO
v— receive for their efforts m a y c o n t r i b u t e t o their t e n d e n c y to set
CD
>
CO
P^ l e a r n i n g r a t h e r than p e r f o r m a n c e goals a n d t o sense t h a t h a r d
c w o r k can o v e r c o m e any b a r r i e r ( R o s e n h o l t z 8c S i m p s o n ,
"o
CL 1.5 1984). By contrast, elementary- and secondary-school teach-
(D Low risk, high IQ ers increasingly reserve praise, high grades, a n d o t h e r f o r m s o f
~o Low risk, low IQ approval f o r s t u d e n t s w h o t u r n in h i g h - q u a l i t y products.
CD
High risk, high IQ E f f o r t a l o n e is n o t e n o u g h . As t h e y progress t h r o u g h s c h o o l ,
0.5 t h e n , children receive m o r e f e e d b a c k telling t h e m precisely
High risk, low IQ
w h a t capabilities t h e y have a n d w h a t capabilities t h e y lack.
0 _J I I I L
4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 Peer Pressures
School year T h e a d o l e s c e n t s e n v i r o n m e n t also c h a n g e s in the sense t h a t
peers b e c o m e increasingly i m p o r t a n t a n d s o m e t i m e s can u n -
F i g u r e 10.4 Grade point average from I st grade t o
12th grade for students with high and low risk and IQ. d e r m i n e p a r e n t s ' a n d teachers 7 efforts t o e n c o u r a g e s c h o o l
SOURCE: Gutman, Sameroff, & Cole (2003), p. 785, Figure 1.
a c h i e v e m e n t . M a n y years ago, w h e n J a m e s C o l e m a n (1961)
asked high s c h o o l students h o w t h e y w o u l d like t o b e r e m e m -
b e r e d , o n l y 3 1 % o f t h e b o y s a n d 2 8 % o f t h e girls w a n t e d to b e
a n d father absence. S t u d e n t s with m o r e risk factors s h o w e d a r e m e m b e r e d as b r i g h t students. T h e y were m o r e c o n c e r n e d
steady decline in a c a d e m i c a c h i e v e m e n t t h r o u g h o u t their w i t h having the athletic a n d social skills t h a t lead to p o p u l a r -
s c h o o l i n g , regardless o f w h e t h e r t h e y h a d high o r low I Q ity. N o t m u c h has c h a n g e d (see S u i t o r & Reavis, 1 9 9 5 ) .
scores t o begin w i t h . S t u d e n t s w i t h few risk factors s h o w e d a Peer pressures t h a t u n d e r m i n e a c h i e v e m e n t m o t i v a t i o n
slight increase in a c h i e v e m e n t until a r o u n d g r a d e 6 o r 7, at t e n d t o b e especially s t r o n g for m a n y l o w e r - i n c o m e m i n o r i t y
w h i c h t i m e a c h i e v e m e n t b e g a n t o d r o p slowly. students. In particular, African A m e r i c a n and H i s p a n i c peer
W h a t m i g h t explain these d i s c o u r a g i n g trends? C o n s i d e r cultures in many low-income areas actively discourage
six c o n t r i b u t o r s : f a m i l y characteristics, cognitive g r o w t h , n e g - a c a d e m i c a c h i e v e m e n t , w h e r e a s E u r o p e a n A m e r i c a n a n d es-
ative feedback, peer pressures, p u b e r t a l c h a n g e s , a n d p o o r fit pecially Asian A m e r i c a n peer g r o u p s t e n d to value a n d e n -
r
b e t w e e n the adolescents a n d t h e s c h o o l s t h e y attend. c o u r a g e it ( S t e i n b e r g , D o r n b u s c h , & B r o w n , 1 9 9 2 ) . H i g h -

achieving African American students in some inner-city
Family Characteristics
s c h o o l s risk b e i n g rejected b y their A f r i c a n A m e r i c a n peers i f
Several family characteristics are associated w i t h lower achieve- t h e i r a c a d e m i c a c c o m p l i s h m e n t s c a u s e t h e m to b e perceived
m e n t and greater absences f r o m school. Being a m e m b e r o f a as " a c t i n g w h i t e " ( F o r d h a m & O g b u , 1 9 8 6 ) . T h e y m a y feel that
m i n o r i t y group, growing up in a single-parent family, and hav- they have t o a b a n d o n their c u l t u r a l g r o u p a n d racial i d e n t i t y
ing a m o t h e r with less e d u c a t i o n o r with m e n t a l health p r o b - to s u c c e e d in s c h o o l , a n d this takes a p s y c h o l o g i c a l toll
lems are potential a c a d e m i c risk factors ( G u t m a n , Sameroff, & (Arroyo & Zigler, 1 9 9 5 ; O g b u , 2 0 0 3 ) . Alternatively, t h e y m a y
Eccles, 2 0 0 2 ; G u t m a n et al., 2 0 0 3 ) . In contrast, living in a small, disengage f r o m a c a d e m i c s t o preserve their c u l t u r a l identity
caring family with a stable parent w h o uses consistent discipline w i t h a g r o u p t h a t does n o t value a c a d e m i c s ( O g b u , 2 0 0 3 ) .
can bolster s c h o o l p e r f o r m a n c e ( G u t m a n et al., 2 0 0 2 ) . A l t h o u g h African A m e r i c a n p a r e n t s are as likely as E u r o p e a n
A m e r i c a n p a r e n t s to value e d u c a t i o n a n d t o provide the k i n d
Cognitive G r o w t h o f authoritative p a r e n t i n g that e n c o u r a g e s s c h o o l achieve-
As y o u saw earlier, children b e c o m e i n c r e a s i n g l y c a p a b l e o f m e n t , their positive influences are s o m e t i m e s c a n c e l e d o u t by
analyzing t h e causes o f events, i n t e r p r e t i n g f e e d b a c k f r o m negative peer i n f l u e n c e s ( S t e i n b e r g et al., 1 9 9 2 ) .
teachers, a n d inferring e n d u r i n g traits such as high o r l o w F o r t h o s e A f r i c a n A m e r i c a n teens w h o b e l o n g t o a sup-
ability f r o m t h e i r b e h a v i o r (Stipelc & M a c Iver, 1 9 8 9 ) . T h e re- portive p e e r group, a c a d e m i c a c h i e v e m e n t is s t r e n g t h e n e d
sult is t h a t t h e y view their s t r e n g t h s and weaknesses m o r e ( G u t m a n et al., 2 0 0 2 ) . In a d d i t i o n , A f r i c a n A m e r i c a n teens
realistically—and lose s o m e o f t h e i r high academic self- w h o strongly value their e t h n i c g r o u p m e m b e r s h i p a n d have
esteem a n d high e x p e c t a n c i e s o f success ( S t i p e k & M a c Iver, positive beliefs a b o u t h o w society views African A m e r i c a n s
1 9 8 9 ; Wigfield et a l , 1 9 9 7 ) . t e n d t o have m o r e positive beliefs a b o u t e d u c a t i o n ( C h a v o u s
et al., 2 0 0 3 ) .
Negative Feedbac!<
D e c l i n e s in a c h i e v e m e n t m o t i v a t i o n m a y also b e caused b y Pubertal Changes
c h a n g e s in the k i n d s o f feedback s t u d e n t s receive as t h e y age It has also b e e n suggested t h a t t h e t r a n s i t i o n to m i d d l e s c h o o l
(Eccles, L o r d , & Midgley, 1 9 9 1 ; Stipek & M a c Iver, 1989). or j u n i o r high s c h o o l is difficult b e c a u s e y o u n g a d o l e s c e n t s
are o f t e n experiencing major physical and psychological
c h a n g e s w h e n t h e y are s w i t c h i n g s c h o o l s . R o b e r t a S i m m o n s
a n d D a l e B l y t h ( 1 9 8 7 ) f o u n d that girls w h o were r e a c h i n g p u -
b e r t y w h e n t h e y were m o v i n g f r o m sixth grade i n an e l e m e n -
t a r y s c h o o l to seventh grade in a j u n i o r h i g h s c h o o l were m o r e
likely to e x p e r i e n c e d r o p s in self-esteem a n d o t h e r negative
changes t h a n girls w h o r e m a i n e d in a K - 8 s c h o o l d u r i n g this
vulnerable period.
C o u l d it b e t h a t m o r e adolescents w o u l d r e m a i n i n t e r -
ested in s c h o o l if t h e y did n o t have to c h a n g e s c h o o l s w h e n
t h e y are e x p e r i e n c i n g p u b e r t a l changes? T h i s idea b e c a m e an
i m p o r t a n t part o f t h e r a t i o n a l e for m i d d l e s c h o o l s (grades 6 t o
8 ) , w h i c h were developed to m a k e t h e t r a n s i t i o n f r o m ele-
m e n t a r y s c h o o l to high s c h o o l easier for early adolescents
( B r a d d o c k 8c M c P a r t l a n d , 1 9 9 3 ) . Yet J a c q u e l y n n e Eccles a n d
h e r colleagues (Eccles, Lord, 8c Midgley, 1 9 9 1 ; Eccles, Midgley,
et al., 1 9 9 3 ) have s h o w n t h a t students do n o t necessarily find
t h e t r a n s i t i o n to m i d d l e s c h o o l any easier t h a n the t r a n s i t i o n € By adolescence, some students have little motivation to achieve in
t o j u n i o r high s c h o o l . T h e s e researchers suspect that w7hen the classroom.
adolescents m a k e a s c h o o l c h a n g e is less i m p o r t a n t t h a n w h a t
t h e i r n e w s c h o o l is like.
T h e message? D e c l i n e s in a c a d e m i c m o t i v a t i o n a n d p e r -
Poor Person-Environment Fit formance are not inevitable during early adolescence.
Eccles a n d h e r colleagues offer a g o o d n e s s - o f - f i t e x p l a n a t i o n S t u d e n t s m a y i n d e e d f o r m m o r e realistic e x p e c t a n c i e s o f s u c -
for declining a c h i e v e m e n t m o t i v a t i o n in a d o l e s c e n c e , arguing cess as t h e i r g r o w i n g c o g n i t i v e abilities allow t h e m to use t h e
»
t h a t t h e transition t o a n e w s c h o o l is likely t o be especially dif- i n c r e a s i n g l y i n f o r m a t i v e f e e d b a c k t h e y receive f r o m teachers.

ficult w h e n t h e n e w s c h o o l , w r hether a j u n i o r high o r a m i d d l e E x p e r i e n c i n g p u b e r t a l c h a n g e s at the s a m e t i m e as o t h e r
s c h o o l , is ill m a t c h e d t o the d e v e l o p m e n t a l needs o f early a d o - stressful c h a n g e s a n d n e e d i n g to d o w n p l a y a c a d e m i c s t o gain
lescents. T h e s e researchers have f o u n d that t h e t r a n s i t i o n to p o p u l a r i t y m a y also h u r t s c h o o l a c h i e v e m e n t . However, e d u -
m i d d l e s c h o o l o r j u n i o r high s c h o o l often involves g o i n g f r o m c a t o r s can help keep a d o l e s c e n t s engaged in s c h o o l by c r e a t -
a s m a l l s c h o o l w i t h close s t u d e n t - t e a c h e r relationships, a ing s c h o o l e n v i r o n m e n t s t h a t p r o v i d e a b e t t e r fit to the de-
g o o d deal o f c h o i c e regarding l e a r n i n g activities, and r e a s o n - v e l o p m e n t a l n e e d s a n d interests o f a d o l e s c e n t s . W h e t h e r t h e y
able discipline to a larger, m o r e b u r e a u c r a t i z e d e n v i r o n m e n t are called m i d d l e s c h o o l s o r j u n i o r high s c h o o l s , s u c h s c h o o l s
in w h i c h s t u d e n t - t e a c h e r r e l a t i o n s h i p s are i m p e r s o n a l , g o o d s h o u l d p r o v i d e w a r m , s u p p o r t i v e r e l a t i o n s h i p s with teachers,
grades are m o r e e m p h a s i z e d b u t h a r d e r to c o m e by, o p p o r t u - intellectual challenges, a n d i n c r e a s e d o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r self-
nities for c h o i c e are limited, a s s i g n m e n t s are n o t as intellectu- d i r e c t i o n ( E c c l e s , Midgley, et al., 1 9 9 3 ) . Specially d e s i g n e d
ally s t i m u l a t i n g , and discipline is r i g i d — a l l w h e n adolescents s c h o o l t r a n s i t i o n p r o g r a m s c a n h e l p s t u d e n t s adjust to high
are seeking m o r e r a t h e r than less a u t o n o m y a n d are b e c o m i n g s c h o o l and r e d u c e t h e risk that t h e y will d r o p o u t ( S m i t h ,
m o r e r a t h e r t h a n less intellectually capable. S t u d e n t s w h o h a d 1997).
w h a t C a r o l D w e c k calls l e a r n i n g goals in e l e m e n t a r y s c h o o l
perceive a n i n c r e a s e d e m p h a s i s o n p e r f o r m a n c e goals wThen
t h e y m o v e t o m i d d l e s c h o o l ( A n d e r m a n 8c Midgley, 1 9 9 7 ) .
Eccles and h e r colleagues have d e m o n s t r a t e d that the fit E l e m e n t a r y s c h o o l s necessarily s p e n d m u c h t i m e on reading
b e t w e e n d e v e l o p m e n t a l n e e d s a n d s c h o o l e n v i r o n m e n t is an a n d w r i t i n g skills. B u t s e c o n d a r y - s c h o o l teachers take these
i m p o r t a n t i n f l u e n c e o n a d o l e s c e n t a d j u s t m e n t to s c h o o l . In skills largely for g r a n t e d a n d focus e n e r g y o n o t h e r a c a d e m i c
o n e study ( M a c Iver 8c R e u m a n , 1 9 8 8 ) , t h e t r a n s i t i o n to j u n - areas. M o r e a d v a n c e d skills o f c o n c r e t e t h e n f o r m a l o p e r a -
i o r high s c h o o l b r o u g h t a b o u t a decline in i n t r i n s i c m o t i v a - t i o n a l t h o u g h t e n a b l e children to tackle m o r e challenging ac-
t i o n t o learn m a i n l y a m o n g s t u d e n t s w h o w a n t e d m o r e in- a d e m i c tasks. M u c h a t t e n t i o n has b e e n f o c u s e d on m a t h e m a t -
v o l v e m e n t in c l a s s r o o m decisions b u t ended up w i t h fewer ics and science, skills important for success in many
s u c h o p p o r t u n i t i e s t h a n t h e y h a d in e l e m e n t a r y s c h o o l . In a n - industrialized n a t i o n s . H o w well d o s e c o n d a r y - s c h o o l stu-
o t h e r study (Midgley, Feldlaufer, 8< Eccles, 1 9 8 9 ) , students e x - dents p e r f o r m in s c i e n c e a n d m a t h ? And h o w m i g h t achieve-
p e r i e n c e d negative c h a n g e s i n t h e i r attitudes t o w a r d m a t h e - m e n t in these areas b e o p t i m i z e d ?
matics only when their move from elementary school to Table 10.6 shows average mathematics and science
j u n i o r high resulted in less p e r s o n a l a n d supportive r e l a t i o n - a c h i e v e m e n t test scores o f e i g h t h - g r a d e s t u d e n t s in various
ships w i t h m a t h teachers. F o r t h o s e few students w h o s e j u n i o r c o u n t r i e s . S t u d e n t s in t h e U n i t e d States score above the inter-
high s c h o o l t e a c h e r s were m o r e supportive t h a n t h o s e t h e y n a t i o n a l average b u t significantly below a c h i e v e m e n t levels in
had in e l e m e n t a r y s c h o o l , interest in a c a d e m i c s increased. nations such as S i n g a p o r e , Japan, and Korea. W h e n re-
searchers l o o k e d at the best s t u d e n t s — t h o s e in t h e top 1 0 % o f s c h o o l c h i l d r e n p e r f o r m a b o u t as well o n I Q tests as their
all eighth-graders surveyed in t h e 3 8 n a t i o n s — o n l y 9 % o f Asian c o u n t e r p a r t s w h e n they enter school ( S t e v e n s o n et al.,
U.S. students m e t t h e criteria in m a t h a n d o n l y 1 5 % m e t it in 1 9 8 5 ) . T h e y score at least as well as Japanese a n d C h i n e s e stu-
science. In c o m p a r i s o n , the nation with t h e largest percentage dents o n tests o f general i n f o r m a t i o n n o t typically covered in
o f students in the t o p 1 0 % was Singapore, with 4 6 % in m a t h s c h o o l (Stevenson et a l , 1 9 9 3 ) . Instead, t h e a c h i e v e m e n t gap
and 3 2 % in science. W h a t m i g h t a c c o u n t for these i n t e r n a - between A m e r i c a n and Asian students seems to be rooted in
tional differences in m a t h a n d science achievement? Are stu- cultural differences in attitudes c o n c e r n i n g e d u c a t i o n a n d ed-
dents in s o m e n a t i o n s simply m o r e intelligent t h a n students u c a t i o n a l practices. Here is w h a t s o m e o f this cross-cultural
in o t h e r nations? research on e d u c a t i o n a n d a c h i e v e m e n t shows:
Cross-cultural research c o n d u c t e d by Harold Stevenson • Asian students spend more time being educated.
and his colleagues ( C h e n & Stevenson, 1995; Stevenson & Lee, E l e m e n t a r y - s c h o o l teachers in Asian c o u n t r i e s devote m o r e
1 9 9 0 ; Stevenson, C h e n , & Lee, 1 9 9 3 ) shows that A m e r i c a n class t i m e to a c a d e m i c s . T h e classroom is a businesslike place
Table 10.6 Average Mathematics and Science Achievement of Eighth-Grade Students in Various Nations
(1999 scores)
Mathematics Science
Singapore 604 Chinese Taipei 569

Republic of Korea 587 Singapore 568
Chinese Taipei 585 Hungary 552
Hong Kong SAR 582 Japan 550
Japan 582 Republic of Korea 549
Netherlands 540 Netherlands 545
Hungary 532 Australia 540
Canada 531 Czech Republic 539
Slovenia 530 England 538
Russian Federation 526 Slovenia 533
Australia 525 Canada 533
Czech Republic 520 Hong Kong SAR 530
Malaysia 519 Russian Federation 529
United States 502 United States 515
England 496 New Zealand 510
New Zealand 491 Italy 493
INTERNATIONAL AVERAGE 487 Malaysia 492
Italy 479 INTERNATIONAL AVERAGE 488
Cyprus 476 Thailand 482
Romania 472 Romania 472
Thailand 467 Cyprus 460
Turkey 429 Iran 448
Iran 422 Turkey 433
Chile 392 Chile 420
Philippines 345 Philippines 345
Morocco 337 Morocco 323
South Africa 275 South Africa 243
Average is significantly higher than the U.S. average
] Average does not differ significantly from the U.S. average
] Average is significantly lower than the U.S. average
SOURCE: Martin et al., 2 0 0 0 .

w h e r e little t i m e is wasted; Asian s t u d e n t s s p e n d a b o u t 9 5 % o f L a u r e n c e S t e i n b e r g and his associates have compared
t h e i r t i m e " o n t a s k " (in activities such as listening t o t h e w o r k i n g a n d n o n w o r k i n g high s c h o o l students in t e r m s o f
t e a c h e r a n d c o m p l e t i n g a s s i g n m e n t s ) , w h e r e a s A m e r i c a n stu- s u c h o u t c o m e s as a u t o n o m y f r o m parents, self-reliance, self-
dents spend o n l y a b o u t 8 0 % o f their t i m e " o n t a s k " (Stigler, esteem, sense o f i n v e s t m e n t in s c h o o l , a c a d e m i c p e r f o r m a n c e ,
Lee, & S t e v e n s o n , 1 9 8 7 ) . Asian students also a t t e n d s c h o o l for delinquency, and drug and alcohol use (Greenberger &
m o r e h o u r s p e r day a n d m o r e days per year ( S t e v e n s o n , Lee, Steinberg, 1986; Steinberg & Dornbusch, 1991; Steinberg,
& Stigler, 1 9 8 6 ) . Fegley, & D o r n b u s c h , 1 9 9 3 ) . Overall, this research offers m o r e
• Asian students, especially Japanese students, are as- b a d news t h a n g o o d . T h e g o o d news is t h a t w o r k i n g students
signed and complete considerably more homework than s e e m t o gain k n o w l e d g e a b o u t w o r k , c o n s u m e r issues, a n d fi-
A m e r i c a n s t u d e n t s ( L a r s o n & V e r m a , 1 9 9 9 ; S t e v e n s o n & Lee, nancial management and sometimes about greater self-
1 9 9 0 ) . W h e n A m e r i c a n students are w o r k i n g o r socializing reliance. However, high s c h o o l students w h o w o r k e d 2 0 o r
w i t h friends, A s i a n s t u d e n t s are h i t t i n g t h e b o o k s (Fuligni & m o r e h o u r s a w e e k h a d lower g r a d e - p o i n t averages t h a n t h o s e
S t e v e n s o n , 1 9 9 5 ) . Researchers f r o m t h e B r o o k i n g s I n s t i t u t i o n o f s t u d e n t s w h o did n o t w o r k o r w h o w o r k e d o n l y 10 o r fewer
r e p o r t t h a t A m e r i c a n students spend, o n average, o n l y 2 0 h o u r s per week ( S t e i n b e r g & D o r n b u s c h , 1 9 9 1 ) . W o r k i n g stu-
m i n u t e s a day o n h o m e w o r k ( M a t h e w s , 2 0 0 3 ) . dents were also m o r e likely t h a n n o n w o r k e r s t o b e disengaged
• Asian p a r e n t s are s t r o n g l y c o m m i t t e d t o the e d u c a t i o n a l f r o m s c h o o l — b o r e d a n d uninvolved in class and p r o n e t o c u t
process. A b o u t 4 0 % t h i n k their children s h o u l d have 3 h o u r s class and spend little t i m e o n h o m e w o r k .
or m o r e o f h o m e w o r k e a c h day ( E b b e c k , 1 9 9 6 ) . Asian p a r e n t s In a d d i t i o n , t h e m o r e adolescents w o r k e d , the m o r e i n d e -
are rarely satisfied with h o w their children are d o i n g in s c h o o l p e n d e n t t h e y were o f parental c o n t r o l , t h e m o r e likely t h e y
o r w i t h t h e quality o f e d u c a t i o n t h e i r children are receiving; were to b e e x p e r i e n c i n g p s y c h o l o g i c a l distress (anxiety, de-
A m e r i c a n p a r e n t s s e e m to settle for less ( M a t h e w s , 2 0 0 3 ) . pression, a n d physical s y m p t o m s s u c h as h e a d a c h e s ) , a n d the
Asian parents also receive f r e q u e n t c o m m u n i c a t i o n s from m o r e f r e q u e n t l y t h e y used a l c o h o l and drugs a n d engaged in
their children's teachers in n o t e b o o k s children c a r r y t o a n d d e l i n q u e n t acts. T h e s e negative effects o f w o r k generally i n -
f r o m school each day. T h e y find o u t h o w their children are creased as t h e n u m b e r o f h o u r s a s t u d e n t w o r k e d increased.
progressing a n d follow teachers' suggestions for e n c o u r a g i n g Jerald B a c h m a n a n d his c o l l e a g u e s ( 2 0 0 3 ) have f o u n d
a n d assisting their c h i l d r e n at h o m e ( S t e v e n s o n & Lee, 1 9 9 0 ) . that not-yet-employed students who want to work long
• Asian peers also value s c h o o l a c h i e v e m e n t a n d have h i g h h o u r s t e n d t o b e d i s e n c h a n t e d w i t h s c h o o l , have l o w grades,
standards; t i m e s p e n t w i t h peers o f t e n involves d o i n g h o m e - a n d are m o r e likely t o use. a l c o h o l and cigarettes. O n c e t h e y
w o r k r a t h e r t h a n engaging in activities t h a t interfere w i t h start working, the d i s e n c h a n t m e n t and problem behaviors
h o m e w o r k (Chen & Stevenson, 1995). are e x a c e r b a t e d (Bachman et al., 2 0 0 3 ; S t e i n b e r g et al.,
• Asian parents, teachers, a n d students all share a s t r o n g 1 9 9 3 ) . Similarly, l o n g i t u d i n a l r e s e a r c h o n a d o l e s c e n t s a n d
b e l i e f t h a t h a r d w o r k or effort will pay o f f in b e t t e r a c a d e m i c w o r k c o n f i r m s t h a t a c a d e m i c a l l y s t r u g g l i n g s t u d e n t s are t h e
performance (that is, t h e y set w h a t D w e c k calls learning o n e s likely t o w o r k m o r e h o u r s ( W a r r e n , L e P o r e , & M a r e ,
goals), w h e r e a s A m e r i c a n s t e n d t o p u t m o r e e m p h a s i s o n abil- 2 0 0 0 ) . Kusum Singh and M e h m e t Ozturk ( 2 0 0 0 ) reached a
ity as a c a u s e o f g o o d or p o o r p e r f o r m a n c e . T h e result m a y b e similar conclusion from their research on e m p l o y m e n t dur-
t h a t A m e r i c a n s give up t o o q u i c k l y o n a child w h o appears t o ing h i g h s c h o o l emd p e r f o r m a n c e in m a t h e m a t i c s a n d sci-
have l o w intellectual ability. In d o i n g so, t h e y m a y help create ence courses. T h e y f o u n d that students with low achieve-
a case o f l e a r n e d helplessness. ment in science and math were more likely to work
T h i s c r o s s - c u l t u r a l research carries an i m p o r t a n t m e s - p a r t - t i m e t h a n s t u d e n t s w i t h h i g h a c h i e v e m e n t in these
sage: T h e secret o f effective e d u c a t i o n is t o get teachers, stu- courses. W o r k i n g reduced the n u m b e r o f m a t h and science
dents, and parents w o r k i n g t o g e t h e r t o m a k e e d u c a t i o n t h e courses that students enrolled in. Ultimately, students w h o
t o p p r i o r i t y f o r y o u t h , t o set h i g h a c h i e v e m e n t goals, and to work during high school m a y limit their future educational
invest the d a y - b y - d a y effort r e q u i r e d t o attain t h o s e goals. and vocational prospects by limiting their exposure to po-
M a n y states a n d local s c h o o l districts have b e g u n to r e s p o n d tentially i m p o r t a n t coursework.
t o e v i d e n c e t h a t A m e r i c a n schools are b e i n g outclassed b y N o t all research findings are this d i s c o u r a g i n g . Jeylen
s c h o o l s in o t h e r c o u n t r i e s by s t r e n g t h e n i n g c u r r i c u l a , t i g h t e n - M o r t i m e r a n d his colleagues ( 1 9 9 6 ) also c o n d u c t e d a l o n g i t u -
ing standards f o r t e a c h e r certification, a n d raising s t a n d a r d s dinal study o f high s c h o o l s t u d e n t s b u t c o n t r o l l e d f o r differ-
f o r g r a d u a t i o n and p r o m o t i o n f r o m grade t o grade. e n c e s b e t w e e n w o r k i n g a n d n o n w o r k i n g students o n factors
s u c h as f a m i l y b a c k g r o u n d a n d p r i o r a c a d e m i c p e r f o r m a n c e .
In their study, w o r k i n g 2 0 h o u r s o r m o r e a week did n o t h u r t
academic achievement, self-esteem, or psychological adjust-
U n l i k e teens in m a n y o t h e r industrialized n a t i o n s , a sizable ment once other factors were controlled. Students who
n u m b e r ( b e t w e e n o n e - t h i r d a n d o n e - h a l f ) o f teens in t h e w o r k e d 1 t o 2 0 h o u r s a w e e k actually e a r n e d b e t t e r grades
United States a n d C a n a d a w o r k p a r t - t i m e d u r i n g t h e i r h i g h t h a n either n o n w o r k e r s o r s t u d e n t s w h o w o r k e d m o r e t h a n 2 0
s c h o o l careers ( B a c h m a n et al., 2 0 0 3 ; T h o m a s , 1 9 9 8 ) . H o w do h o u r s a week. As in Steinberg's study, however, students w h o
these early w o r k e x p e r i e n c e s affect their d e v e l o p m e n t and, in w o r k e d m o r e t h a n 2 0 h o u r s used alcohol m o r e frequently
particular, t h e i r s c h o o l a c h i e v e m e n t ? t h a n s t u d e n t s w h o were n o t e m p l o y e d .
W h e n all the research is e x a m i n e d as a package, the find- dividuals' I Q test scores r e m a i n stable f r o m c h i l d h o o d o n ,
ings suggest that working while attending high s c h o o l is often some children enter adolescence with more aptitude for
m o r e d a m a g i n g t h a n beneficial. M u c h depends o n the nature o f s c h o o l w o r k t h a n o t h e r s d o (see C h a p t e r 9 ) . M o r e o v e r , s o m e
the w o r k adolescents do. M a n y teenagers w o r k in f o o d service students have m o r e a c h i e v e m e n t m o t i v a t i o n t h a n others.
j o b s ( p o u r i n g soft drinks b e h i n d the c o u n t e r at fast f o o d restau- Clearly, a b r i g h t a n d a c h i e v e m e n t - o r i e n t e d s t u d e n t is m o r e
rants, scooping ice c r e a m , and the like) or p e r f o r m m a n u a l la- likely t o o b t a i n g o o d grades a n d go o n to college a n d is less
b o r (especially cleaning or janitorial w o r k ) . T h e s e routine and likely t o d r o p o u t o f s c h o o l t h a n a s t u d e n t w i t h less ability and
repetitive j o b s offer few o p p o r t u n i t i e s for self-direction o r deci- less need to achieve. B y early e l e m e n t a r y s c h o o l , and s o m e -
sion m a k i n g and o n l y rarely call o n a c a d e m i c skills such as t i m e s even b e f o r e t h e y e n t e r s c h o o l , f u t u r e d r o p o u t s are often
reading and m a t h e m a t i c s ( G r e e n b e r g e r & Steinberg, 1986). identifiable by s u c h w a r n i n g signs as l o w I Q a n d a c h i e v e m e n t
T h e y are n o t t h e kinds o f j o b s that build character or teach n e w test scores, p o o r grades, aggressive b e h a v i o r , low s o c i o e c o -
skills. Adolescents experience increases in m a s t e r y m o t i v a t i o n n o m i c status, a n d t r o u b l e d h o m e s ( E n s m i n g e r & Slusarcick,
and b e c o m e less depressed over time w h e n the w o r k they do 1 9 9 2 ; G a m o r a n et al., 1 9 9 7 ) .
provides o p p o r t u n i t i e s for a d v a n c e m e n t a n d teaches useful T h i s does n o t m e a n t h a t a d o l e s c e n t s ' fates are sealed in
skills, but they lose mastery m o t i v a t i o n and b e c o m e m o r e de- c h i l d h o o d , however; e x p e r i e n c e s d u r i n g a d o l e s c e n c e clearly
pressed w h e n they hold m e n i a l j o b s that interfere with their m a k e a difference. S o m e teenagers m a k e t h e m o s t o f their in-
schooling ( S h a n a h a n et al., 1991; Call, M o r t i m e r , 8c S h a n a h a n , tellectual abilities, w h e r e a s o t h e r s w h o have t h e ability to do
1 9 9 5 ) . A n d working long h o u r s has negative effects on adoles- well in s c h o o l d r o p o u t o r get p o o r grades. T h e quality o f an
cents when their j o b s are menial b u t n o t w h e n their j o b s are adolescent's s c h o o l , the e x t e n t t o w h i c h h e r p a r e n t s are a u -
high quality (Barling, Rogers, & Kelloway, 1 9 9 5 ) . thoritative a n d e n c o u r a g e s c h o o l a c h i e v e m e n t , a n d t h e extent
Judging f r o m this research, m a n y adolescents w h o are t o w h i c h her peers value s c h o o l c a n m a k e a big difference
flipping h a m b u r g e r s m i g h t b e b e t t e r o f f p o s t p o n i n g w o r k o r ( B r o w n et al., 1 9 9 3 ; Rutter et al., 1 9 7 9 ; S t e i n b e r g et al., 1 9 9 2 ) .
w o r k i n g o n l y a l i m i t e d n u m b e r o f h o u r s so that t h e y can c o n - T h e stakes are h i g h . S t u d e n t s w h o achieve g o o d grades
c e n t r a t e on o b t a i n i n g a solid e d u c a t i o n and e x p l o r i n g t h e i r are m o r e likely t o c o m p l e t e high s c h o o l ; recently, 9 1 % of
career o p t i o n s ( G r e e n b e r g e r & Steinberg, 1 9 8 6 ) . However, E u r o p e a n A m e r i c a n students, 8 4 % o f African A m e r i c a n stu-
t h o s e adolescents lucky e n o u g h t o l a n d intellectually chal- dents, a n d an a l a r m i n g l y l o w 6 3 % o f Hispanic students
lenging j o b s , especially j o b s t h a t tie in with t h e i r e m e r g i n g v o - achieved this milestone (National Center for Education
c a t i o n a l interests a n d teach t h e m useful skills, can b e n e f i t Statistics, 2 0 0 1 ) . T h e y t h e n s t a n d a c h a n c e o f b e i n g a m o n g t h e
f r o m their w o r k e x p e r i e n c e s . 3 4 % o f whites, 1 8 % o f blacks, and 1 0 % o f H i s p a n i c s w h o
c o m p l e t e 4 years o f college o r m o r e ( H o f f m a n , Llagas, &
Snyder, 2 0 0 3 ) . T h e s e y o u t h , in t u r n , are likely t o have h i g h e r
career aspirations a n d to end up in h i g h e r - s t a t u s o c c u p a t i o n s
T h e e d u c a t i o n a l p a t h s a n d a t t a i n m e n t s o f adolescents are par- t h a n their peers w h o do n o t a t t e n d college o r do n o t even fin-
tially set l o n g b e f o r e t h e y e n t e r a d o l e s c e n c e . B e c a u s e m a n y i n - ish high s c h o o l ( M c C a u l et al., 1 9 9 2 ) . I f t h e i r grades are g o o d ,
t h e y are likely to p e r f o r m well in t h o s e j o b s a n d a d v a n c e far in
t h e i r careers ( R o t h et al., 1 9 9 6 ) . In a real sense, t h e n , individ-
uals are steered a l o n g " h i g h s u c c e s s " o r " l o w s u c c e s s " routes
starting in c h i l d h o o d . D e p e n d i n g on their o w n decisions a n d
family, peer, a n d s c h o o l influences, adolescents are m o r e dis-
tinctly " s o r t e d " in ways that will affect t h e i r adult lifestyles, in-
come levels, and adjustment. Meanwhile, high school
d r o p o u t s n o t o n l y have less successful careers b u t also m i s s
o u t o n t h e beneficial effects t h a t every year o f s c h o o l i n g has
o n intellectual f u n c t i o n i n g ( C e c i & W i l l i a m s , 1 9 9 7 ) . In addi-
tion, t h e y e x p e r i e n c e m o r e p s y c h o l o g i c a l p r o b l e m s than t h o s e
w h o stay in school ( K a p l a n , D a m p h o u s s e , & K a p l a n , 1 9 9 4 ) .
Achievement motivation t e n d s t o decline as children

m o v e into middle school and high school.Various factors
may a c c o u n t f o r this, including family characteristics, cog-
nitive development, m o r e negative t e a c h e r feedback,
p e e r pressures, puberty, and p o o r p e r s o n - e n v i r o n m e n t
(( Working in fast-food restaurants is not the kind of intellectually fit. Middle school and high school include a g r e a t e r focus
challenging work that can contribute positively to adolescent devel- on science and mathematics education. U.S. students
opment. s c o r e close t o t h e international average but b e l o w sev-
eral o t h e r countries in math and science, Cross-cultural s p o n s e to pictures. O l d e r m e n displayed o n l y slightly lower
research suggests t h a t t h e success o f Asian schools is levels o f a c h i e v e m e n t m o t i v a t i o n t h a n y o u n g o r m i d d l e - a g e d
r o o t e d in m o r e class t i m e spent on academics, m o r e m e n did. H e r e , t h e n , there is n o s u p p o r t for the s t e r e o t y p e d
h o m e w o r k , m o r e parent involvement m o r e p e e r sup- idea that older adults are " u n m o t i v a t e d " or have ceased to
port, ana a strong belief that hard w o r k pays off. E3 pursue goals (Filipp, 1996; M c A d a m s , de St. A u b i n , & L o g a n ,
1993).
V e r o f f a n d his associates ( 1 9 8 4 ) did find that a c h i e v e m e n t
m o t i v a t i o n d e c l i n e d fairly steeply f r o m age g r o u p to age g r o u p
Tlie A d u l t among women (see also Mellinger & Erdwins, 1985).
However, this age t r e n d p e r t a i n e d m a i n l y t o career-related
T h e lives o f adults are d o m i n a t e d b y w o r k — p a i d o r u n p a i d , m o t i v a t i o n and a n interest in striving for success in c o m p e t i -
outside the h o m e o r w i t h i n t h e h o m e . W h a t b e c o m e s of tive situations. W o m e n ' s m o t i v a t i o n in o t h e r areas r e m a i n s
a c h i e v e m e n t m o t i v a t i o n a n d literacy d u r i n g t h e adult years? high. M a n y w o m e n set aside c a r e e r - a c h i e v e m e n t goals after
W h a t e d u c a t i o n a l o p t i o n s are available t o adults, and w h a t are they have children a n d m a k e n u r t u r i n g those children their
t h e b e n e f i t s o f lifelong e d u c a t i o n ? p r i o r i t y ( K r o g h , 1 9 8 5 ) . However, highly e d u c a t e d w o m e n of-
ten regain a s t r o n g m o t i v e to achieve o u t s i d e t h e h o m e o n c e
their c h i l d r e n are older a n d t h e y c o u l d invest m o r e e n e r g y in
o u t s i d e w o r k . Apparently, then, w o m e n are especially likely to
T h e level o f a c h i e v e m e n t m o t i v a t i o n that we acquire in child- b e m o t i v a t e d to achieve career success w h e n t h e y have the ed-
h o o d a n d a d o l e s c e n c e carries i n t o a d u l t h o o d t o i n f l u e n c e o u r ucational b a c k g r o u n d t h a t w o u l d allow t h e m to pursue at-
decisions a n d life o u t c o m e s ( W l o d k o w s k i , 1998). For in- tractive career goals a n d w h e n t h e y are n o t p u r s u i n g family-
stance, w o m e n w h o have a strong n e e d t o achieve are m o r e related goals.
likely t h a n less a c h i e v e m e n t - o r i e n t e d w o m e n to w o r k outside Overall, adults' a c h i e v e m e n t - r e l a t e d m o t i v e s are far m o r e
the h o m e (Krogh, 1 9 8 5 ) . Adults w i t h strong achievement affected b y changes in w o r k and family c o n t e x t s t h a n b y t h e
needs are also likely to be m o r e c o m p e t e n t workers t h a n aging process (Filipp, 1 9 9 6 ) . Adults o f different ages are o f t e n
adults w h o have little c o n c e r n w i t h m a s t e r i n g challenges m o r e alike than they are different, a n d different p e o p l e tend t o
( H e l m r e i c h , Sawin, & C a r s r u d , 1 9 8 6 ; S p e n c e , 1 9 8 5 ) . retain their c h a r a c t e r i s t i c levels o f a c h i e v e m e n t motivation
W h a t h a p p e n s t o a c h i e v e m e n t m o t i v a t i o n in later life? Is over the years, m u c h as t h e y retain m a n y p e r s o n a l i t y traits
t h e r e any s u p p o r t f o r t h e c o m m o n b e l i e f t h a t older adults lose (Stevens 8c Truss, 1 9 8 5 ) . T h e r e is little e v i d e n c e t h a t elderly
s o m e o f t h e i r drive t o excel? Joseph Veroff, D a v i d R e u m a n , adults inevitably lose their m o t i v a t i o n t o pursue i m p o r t a n t
a n d Sheila Feld ( 1 9 8 4 ) e x p l o r e d this question b y analyzing goals. M o r e o v e r , those elders w h o have a s t r o n g sense o f p u r -
m o t i v a t i o n a l t h e m e s in stories that A m e r i c a n adults told in re- p o s e a n d d i r e c t i o n a n d feel t h e y are achieving their goals e n -
€ Many older adults remain motivated t o learn and seek challenging experiences.
j o y greater physical and psychological w e l l - b e i n g t h a n t h o s e C e n t e r for E d u c a t i o n Statistics, 1 9 9 8 ) . T h e n u m b e r o f " o l d e r "
w h o d o n o t ( H o o k e r & Siegler, 1 9 9 3 ; R a p k i n 8c Fischer, 1 9 9 2 ; adults a t t e n d i n g college is e x p e c t e d t o increase as t h e overall
Reker, P e a c o c k , 8c W o n g , 1 9 8 7 ) . T h r o u g h o u t t h e life span, p o p u l a t i o n ages. W h e t h e r we call t h e m adult learners, n o n t r a -
then, setting a n d a c h i e v i n g goals are i m p o r t a n t . ditionals, r e t u r n i n g students, m a t u r e students, o r lifelong
learners, these adults represent a diverse group. T h e y b r i n g
different w o r k a n d life e x p e r i e n c e s to t h e c l a s s r o o m , a n d t h e y
r e p o r t a variety o f reasons f o r enrolling in p o s t s e c o n d a r y ed-
L i t e r a c y is t h e ability t o use p r i n t e d i n f o r m a t i o n to f u n c t i o n u c a t i o n ( K o p k a 8c Peng, 1 9 9 3 ) .
in society, achieve goals, a n d develop one's p o t e n t i a l ( K i r s c h et M a n y " t r a d i t i o n a l " studen ts ( 1 7 - to 2 4 - y e a r - o l d s ) are m o -
al., 1 9 9 3 ) . F e w adults are c o m p l e t e l y illiterate, b u t m a n y adults tivated t o a t t e n d college by e x t e r n a l e x p e c t a t i o n s , b u t older
do n o t have f u n c t i o n a l literacy skills despite years o f f o r m a l s t u d e n t s are often m o t i v a t e d b y internal factors (Dinmore,
e d u c a t i o n . T h e N a t i o n a l Adult L i t e r a c y Survey, w h i c h uses a 1 9 9 7 ) . W o m e n are m o r e likely to return t o t h e c l a s s r o o m f o r
5 - p o i n t scale to e s t i m a t e literacy, finds that a b o u t 2 2 % of personal e n r i c h m e n t or interest, whereas m e n are m o r e likely
adults in the U n i t e d States d e m o n s t r a t e t h e lowest level o f lit- to take classes r e q u i r e d o r r e c o m m e n d e d for their work
e r a c y skills (Kirsch et al., 1 9 9 3 ) . T h i s is r o u g h l y equivalent t o ( S a r g a n t et al., 1 9 9 7 ) . T h e i n t e r n a l m o t i v a t i o n o f adult stu-
a t h i r d - g r a d e o r lower reading ability; s u c h an adult c o u l d dents often leads t o deeper levels o f processing i n f o r m a t i o n
p r o b a b l y find an e x p i r a t i o n date o n a driver's license o r locate ( H a r p e r 8c K e m b e r , 1 9 8 6 ) . In o t h e r words, r e t u r n i n g s t u d e n t s
a specific w o r d o r p h r a s e in a s h o r t b o d y o f text b u t w o u l d m a y p u t f o r t h greater effort to t r u l y u n d e r s t a n d m a t e r i a l b e -
have t r o u b l e filling o u t an a p p l i c a t i o n o r r e a d i n g a s i m p l e cause t h e y w a n t t o learn a n d w a n t ( o r n e e d ) to use t h e m a t e -
b o o k to a child. A l t h o u g h o n e - q u a r t e r o f this g r o u p consists rial. Traditional students w h o do n o t have t h e benefit o f expe-
o f i m m i g r a n t s l e a r n i n g English as a s e c o n d language, m o s t i n - r i e n c e m a y learn t h e m a t e r i a l necessary t o do well o n an
dividuals in this g r o u p are U . S . - b o r n citizens. Nearly t w o - e x a m i n a t i o n b u t m a y n o t process the m a t e r i a l in ways that
thirds did n o t finish high s c h o o l . W h e n t h e U.S. literacy rate is will lead t o l o n g - t e r m r e t e n t i o n .
c o m p a r e d wTith rates in o t h e r c o u n t r i e s , researchers find t h a t Continued or lifelong education has its drawbacks.
t h e U n i t e d Suites h a s o n e o f t h e largest p o c k e t s o f illiterate Mainly, it is often difficult f o r adults already b u s y with j o b s
adults b u t also has s o m e o f the m o s t highly literate adults and f a m i l y to find the t i m e t o take classes. Successful c o n t i n u -
(U.S. D e p a r t m e n t o f E d u c a t i o n , 1 9 9 7 ) . T h u s , literacy in the ing e d u c a t i o n p r o g r a m s m u s t devise ways t o s c h e d u l e classes
United States is u n e v e n l y d i s t r i b u t e d . at c o n v e n i e n t t i m e s a n d m u s t be responsive t o t h e lifestyles o f
L i t e r a c y c o n t r i b u t e s to e c o n o m i c s e c u r i t y t h r o u g h o c c u - their adult learners ( P a r n h a m , 2 0 0 1 ) . Yet t h e benefits o f life-
p a t i o n a l a d v a n c e m e n t . Nearly h a l f o f t h e adults with t h e l o w - l o n g e d u c a t i o n typically outweigh drawbacks. F o r instance,
est literacy scores live in poverty, whereas few adults w i t h t h e c o n t i n u e d e d u c a t i o n allows adults to r e m a i n k n o w l e d g e a b l e
highest literacy scores do ( B o w e n , 1 9 9 9 ) . I m p r o v i n g t h e liter- a n d c o m p e t i t i v e in fields that c h a n g e rapidly. Adults w h o re-
a c y skills o f i m p o v e r i s h e d adults, however, does n o t a u t o m a t - t u r n to s c h o o l for b a c h e l o r ' s o r master's degrees can also ad-
ically raise t h e m o u t o f poverty. F o r m a n y l o w - i n c o m e a n d v a n c e t h e i r careers, p a r t i c u l a r l y i f their e d u c a t i o n a n d w o r k
f u n c t i o n a l l y illiterate adults, o t h e r obstacles m u s t b e over- are closely related ( S e n t e r & Senter, 1 9 9 7 ) . Finally, h i g h e r ed-
c o m e , i n c l u d i n g a d d i c t i o n , d i s c r i m i n a t i o n , a n d disabilities u c a t i o n is associated w i t h m a i n t a i n i n g o r i m p r o v i n g physical
(Bowen, 1999). a n d m e n t a l h e a l t h (Fischer, Blazey, 8c L i p m a n , 1 9 9 2 ) .
P r o g r a m s to raise the literacy level o f adults are rarely suc-
Summing Up
cessful. Several factors limit the success o f such p r o g r a m s . F o r
o n e thing, despite having limited literacy skills, m a n y o f these Adults o f different ages are similar in their levels of
adults ( 7 5 % ) r e p o r t e d that t h e y c o u l d read o r write " w e l l " or a c h i e v e m e n t motivation, although w o m e n w h o turn their
" v e r y w e l l " — a t t i t u d e s that m u s t m a k e it difficult to m o t i v a t e attention t o child rearing may lose s o m e o f their career-
t h e m t o improve their literacy skills. S e c o n d , adults do n o t stay o r i e n t e d a c h i e v e m e n t motivation. S o m e adults, despite
in literacy p r o g r a m s long e n o u g h to m a k e improvements years o f education, have n o t acquired t h e skills o f func-
( A m s t u t z 8c Sheared, 2 0 0 0 ) . T h e d r o p o u t rate is as high as 70 tional literacy. Literacy programs have had minimal suc-
t o 8 0 % , and m a n y leave in t h e first weeks o f t h e p r o g r a m cess in improving literacy rates. Adults increasingly are
( Q u i g l e y 8c U h l a n d , 2 0 0 0 ) . Adults w h o do n o t persist r e p o r t seeking continued educational opportunities f o r both
t h a t t h e p r o g r a m s are b o r i n g and d o n o t m e e t their needs personal and w o r k - r e l a t e d reasons.
(Imel, 1996; Kerka, 1995; Quigley, 1 9 9 7 ) . Materials, for e x a m - In this and previous chapters, you have e x a m i n e d a
ple, are often geared toward children, n o t adults w h o often great deal o f material on thinking and learning across t h e
have families, j o b s , and different interests t h a n children do. life span. H o w can principles o f cognitive d e v e l o p m e n t b e
used t o improve education f o r all ages? B e f o r e closing
this chapter, w e summarize, in t h e Applications b o x on
page 2 8 3 , what theorists Piaget and Vygotsky contribute
Increasingly, adults are seeking e d u c a t i o n b e y o n d b a s i c liter- t o education and w h a t research on information p r o c e s s -
acy skills. Nearly 4 0 % o f college students are 2 5 years o r older, ing, intelligence, and perception suggests a b o u t optimal
representing 15 m i l l i o n adults enrolled in college ( N a t i o n a l learning environments. S
o help you appreciate the practical implications for Research on information Processing
school reform and school achievement of the material • Provide opportunities for rehearsal and other mem-
in Chapters 6 through 9, we provide the following recom- ory strategies to move information into long-term
mendations. memory. Realize that young children do not sponta-
neously use memory strategies but can use them
Piaget when prompted.
• Provide opportunities for independent, hands-on in- • Structure assignments so that retrieval cues are con-
teraction with the physical environment, especially sistent with cues present at acquisition to facilitate
for younger children. Children need to "see" for retrieval of information from long-term memory.
themselves how things work and from this construct • Enable learners to develop some knowledge base
their own understanding of the world. and expertise in domains of study.This means pre-
• Be aware of children's cognitive strengths and limita- senting "facts and figures" through readings, lectures,
tions (their stage of development). For example, observations, and other appropriate methods. When
teachers and parents should recognize that a preop- beginning a new lesson, start with and build on what
erational child is cognitively unable to master multi- students already know.
dimensional or abstract tasks. • Assess the knowledge and strategies required to
• With the child's current level of understanding in solve assigned problems; then determine which as-
mind, create some disequilibrium by presenting new pects of a task pose difficulties for learners and tar-
information slightly above the child's current Jevel. get these for further instruction.
Children who experience disequilibrium—cognitive ° Be aware that well-learned and frequently repeated
discomfort with their understanding (or lack of tasks become automatized over time, freeing infor-
understanding)—will work to resolve it, achieving a mation-processing capacity for other tasks. For ex-
higher level of mastery of the material. ample, reading is labor intensive for those new to
e
Encourage interaction with peers, which will expose the task, but with practice, the process of reading
children to other perspectives and give them an op- becomes "invisible" and learners focus their process-
portunity to reevaluate and revise their own view. ing resources on other aspects of the task.
• Connect abstract ideas to concrete information as
much as possible. Research on Intelligence
• Realize that individual differences in intelligence have
Vygotsky implications for the classroom. Students at both ends
• Provide opportunities for children to interact with of the continuum may need special educational serv-
others who have greater mastery of the material— ices to optimize their learning.
an older peer, teacher, or parent.These more ad- • Recognize that although IQ scores do a reasonably
vanced thinkers can help "pull" children to a level of good job of predicting achievement in the classroom,
understanding they would be unable to achieve on such tests have weaknesses that limit their useful-
their own. ness, especially in assessing members of minority
• Encourage students, especially young ones, to talk to groups.
themselves as they work on difficult tasks. Such pri-
vate speech can guide behavior and facilitate Research on Sensory and Perceptual Abilities
thought. • Test all children early and regularly for sensory and
• Present challenging tasks, but do not expect students perceptual problems that might limit their ability to
to complete such tasks successfully without guid- benefit from regular classroom instruction.
ance. With support, students can accomplish more • Be aware of developmental differences in attention
difficult tasks than those they would be able to span. Clearly, a young child will not be able to attend
achieve independently. to a task for as long as a teenager. Determine what
• Help children master the cognitive tools of their "captures" students' attention at different ages.
culture—writing, computers, and so on—so that • Minimize distractions in the learning environment.
they can function successfully in the culture. Younger students have trouble "tuning out" back-
ground noise and focusing on the task at hand.
Summary Points semantics, 255 child-directed speech, 262
pragmatics, 255 expansion, 263
1. The complex process of language acquisition appears to oc-
intonation, 256 mastery motivation, 265
cur effortlessly through an interaction of inborn readiness and a lan-
guage environment. Over the first few years of life, children master cooing, 256 mastery orientation, 268
many elements of language, including phonology, semantics, mor- babbling, 256 learned helplessness
phology, syntax, and pragmatics. Language skills are refined through- joint attention, 256 orientation, 268
out childhood and adolescence. Most language abilities remain
holophrase, 257 learning goal, 268
strong throughout adulthood.
vocabulary spurt, 257 performance goal, 268
2. Precursors of achievement motivation can be seen among in-
fants who strive to master their environments. Opportunities to succeed overextension, 257 alphabetic principle, 269
are important for children of all ages. Without such opportunities, chil- phonological awareness, 270
underextension, 257
dren are at risk for developing a learned helplessness orientation.
telegraphic speech, 258 emergent literacy, 270
3. Learning to read is typically an effortful process that relies on
understanding the alphabetic principle and acquiring phonological functional grammar, 258 dyslexia, 271
awareness. There is a great deal of variability in reading ability among overregularization, 259 inclusion, 272
children and among adults. cooperative learning, 273
transformational grammar, 259
4. Effective schools are characterized by a focus on academics
decontextualized language, 259 ability grouping, 274
and a good fit between the learners and the instruction they receive.
Student achievement is not strongly influenced by spending, class metalinguistic awareness, 260 goodness of fit, 275
size, ability grouping, or length of the school day or year. language acquisition device literacy, 282
5. Some students (for example, those from advantaged homes) (LAD) ,261
typically outperform others, and some learning environments (espe-
cially those in which teachers create a motivating, comfortable, and
task-oriented setting and involve parents in their children's school-
ing) are generally more conducive to learning than others. Still, what
Media Resources
works best for one kind of student may not work as well for another
kind of student.
6. Achievement motivation and grades tend to drop during ado-
lescence for a variety of reasons. Students from Asian cultures often Visit Our Website
outperform U.S. adolescents in mathematics and science, partly be- For a chapter tutorial quiz and other useful features, visit
cause they spend many more hours a week on homework and have the book's companion website al http://psychology.wadsvvorth.com/
parents who highly value academics. sigelman_rider5e. You can also connect directly to the following sites:
7. Level of achievement carries over from adolescence into
adulthood. There may be some decline in achievement motivation Reading Instruction
among women who set aside career goals to raise children, but career From the Center for Academic and Reading Skills, Barbara Foorman
goals reemerge as their children age, especially among women with and her colleagues describe their "Scientific Approach to Reading
higher levels of education. Some adults struggle with literacy, and Instruction."
some return to school.
National Network for Child Care
Critical Thinking This website provides information about all aspects of child develop-
ment. Look for the links that relate to language development, read-
1. Research shows that achievement motivation and grades of- ing, and education.
ten drop as students move through middle school and high school.
Develop a program to combat this trend, keeping in mind that stu- Baby Babble
dents of different backgrounds may lose motivation for different rea- The late psychologist Peter Jusczyk of Johns Hopkins University
sons. wrote a book about how children acquire language. The Johns
2. Based on what you have learned about memory, thinking, Hopkins Magazine published an interesting article titled "The Origins
problem solving, and language skills, how would you teach students of Babble" about Jusczyk's research.
of different ages? What would you need to do differently for the dif-
ferent ages? Psychology of Language
3. Using the material on effective schools, evaluate your local Psychology professor Roger Kreuz at the University of Memphis
school district and indicate ways it could improve to become a highly maintains a web page listing psychology of language resources such
effective school. as current researchers, organizations, journals, and databases.
4. What are the advantages and disadvantages of grouping chil-
dren by ability versus grouping them by age in the classroom? The American Speech-Language-Hearing Association
The website of the American Speech-Language-Hearing Association
posts information pages geared toward the general public. One of
Key Terms these pages features speech and language development.
language, 255 morphology, 255

phonology, 255 syntax, 255
Understanding the Data: D E V E L O P M E N T A L
Exercises on the Web PsychologyllNow™

For additional insight on the data presented in this Developmental PsychologyNow is a web-based, intelli-
chapter, try the exercises for these figures at http:/'/psychology gent study system that provides a complete package of diagnostic
. wadswo rth. corn/sigelma njriderSe: quizzes, a personalized study plan, integrated multimedia elements,
Figure 10.1 The range of individual differences in vocabulary and learning modules. Check it out at http://psychologywadsworth
size from 16 to 30 months . co m/sigelm a n_rider5e/n o w.
Figure 10.4 Grade point average from 1st grade to 12th grade
for students with high and low risk and IQ
life-Spara CD-
video library:
VIDEO Early and Middle Childhood: Language Development
VIDEO Learning Deaf Language
c h a p t e r e I e v e n
an ona
Conceptualising? tlie Sell: Continuity and Discontinuity

in Personality
Elaborating on a Sense of Self.
Do People Retain Their Rankings?
Perspectives on Personality Self-Esteem
Do Mean Personality Scores
Development Influences on Self-Esteem Change?
Forming Personality Why Do People Change or Remain
Psychoanalytic Theory
the Same?
Trait Theory
I lie A d o l e s c e n t Eriksonian Psychosocial Growth
Social Learning Theory
The Path to Adulthood
Self-Conceptions
Early Adult Intimacy
Self-Esteem Midlife Generativity
T l ie I n f a n t
Forging a Sense of Identity Old Age Integrity
The Emerging Self
Developmental Trends Midlife Crisis?
Temperament Influences on Identity Formation
Vocational Development and
Emotionality, Activity, and
Vocational Identity and Choice Adjustment
Sociability
Establishing a Career
Behavioral Inhibition
Tlie Adult The Aging Worker
Easiness and Difficultness
Retirement
Goodness of Fit
Self-Conceptions
Personality and Successful Aging
Age Differences
Cultural Differences
U N T I L RECENTLY, I TRIED to establish my identity by ceptions to form an identity—an overall sense of who they
acquiring the interests of the people I dated. I enjoyed heavy are, where they are heading, and where they fit into society.
metal music when I was dating a headbanger. If I dated
someone who smoked, I also smoked. Eventually I became Summing Up
more secure with my identity. I no longer feel the need to
Personality is an organized combination of attributes
acquire someone else's interests in order to stabilize or
unique t o the individual. Self-concept is an individual's per-
prolong a relationship.
ception of those attributes, whereas self-esteem is his
overall evaluation of his worth, and identity is a sense of
who he is, where he is going, and how he fits in society. M
The college student who wrote this is describing how she
changed in the process of finding her identity. In what ways
have you changed as a person over the years? In what ways
have you remained the same? If you have changed consider- Perspectives o n Personality
ably, why do you think that is? If you feel like "the same old
person" what might account for that? Finally, project ahead: Development
What do you think you will be like as a person when you are »»
70, and why? To get a feel for current debates about the nature of personal-
Do humans remain "the same people" in most significant ity development, look at the striking differences among three
respects, or do they undergo dramatic transformations in per- major theoretical perspectives on the nature of personality
sonality from infancy to old age? The issue of continuity (sta- and personality development: psychoanalytic theory, trait the-
bility) and discontinuity (change) in the individual is central ory, and social learning theory.
in the study of human development (see Chapter 2). This
chapter is about the ways in which personalities, and percep-
Psychoanalytic Theory
tions of those personalities, change—and remain the same—
over the life span; it is also about the implications of person- Psychoanalytic theorists generally use in-depth interviews,
ality for adjustment. We begin by clarifying some terms and dream analysis, and similar techniques to get below the sur-
laying out key theoretical perspectives on personality. Then face of the person and her behavior and to understand the in-
you will see how self-perceptions and aspects of temperament ner dynamics of personality. As you should recall from
and personality change from infancy to old age. Chapter 2, Sigmund Freud believed that biological urges re-
siding within the id push all children through universal stages
of psychosexual development, starting with the oral stage of
infancy and ending with the genital stage of adolescence.
C o n c e p t u a l i s i n g tlie Self Freud did not see psychosexual growth continuing during
adulthood. He believed that the personality was formed dur-
Personality is often defined as an organized combination of ing the first 5 years of life and showed considerable continuity
attributes, motives, values, and behaviors unique to each indi- thereafter. Anxieties arising from harsh parenting, overindul-
vidual. Most people describe personalities in terms of person- gence, or other unfavorable early experiences, he said, would
ality traits—dispositions such as sociability, independence, leave a permanent mark on the personality and reveal them-
dominance, and so on. Traits are assumed to be relatively con- selves in adult personality traits.
sistent across different situations and over time; if you peg a The psychosocial theory of personality development for-
classmate as insecure, you expect this person to behave inse- mulated by neo-Freudian Erik Erikson was also introduced in
curely at school and at work, now and next year. Chapter 2 and will be highlighted in this chapter. Like Freud,
When you describe yourself, you may not be describing Erikson concerned himself with the inner dynamics of per-
your personality so much as revealing your self-concept— sonality and proposed that the personality evolves through
your perceptions, positive or negative, of your unique attri- systematic stages that confront people with different chal-
butes and traits. We all know people who seem to have unre- lenges (Erikson 1963, 1968, 1982). Compared with Freud,
alistic self-conceptions—the fellow who thinks he is "God's however, Erikson placed more emphasis on social influences
gift to women" (who do not agree) or the woman who believes such as peers, teachers, and cultures; the rational ego and its
she is a dull plodder (but is actually brilliant). A closely related adaptive powers; possibilities for overcoming the effects of
aspect of self-perception is self-esteem—your overall evalua- harmful early experiences; and the potential for growth dur-
tion of your worth as a person, high or low, based on all the ing the adult years. Later in this chapter, you will encounter
positive and negative self-perceptions that make up your self- the work of Daniel Levinson and colleagues (1978), a psycho-
concept. Self-concept is about "what I am," whereas self- analytic theorist best known for saying that adults experience
esteem concerns "how good 1 am" (Harter, 1999). This chap- a midlife crisis.
ter examines how self-concept and self-esteem change and Erikson and Levinson clearly did not agree with Freud
remain the same over the life span. It also takes up the ques- that the personality is largely formed by the end of early child-
tion of how adolescents pull together their various self-per- hood; they appreciated possibilities for personality change
PERSPECTIVES O N PERSONALITY DEVELOPMENT 287

Trait I heory
The approach to personality that has most strongly influenced
efforts to study it is trait theory, based on the psychometric
approach that guided the development of intelligence tests
(see Chapter 9). According to this approach, personality is a
set of trait dimensions along which people can differ (for ex-
ample, sociable-unsociable, responsible-irresponsible). (You
may want to complete the brief personality scale in the
Explorations box on page 289 before reading further.) To
identify distinct trait dimensions, researchers construct per-
sonality scales and use the statistical technique of factor analy-
sis to identify groupings of personality scale items that are
correlated with each other but not with other groupings of
items. Trait theorists assume that personality traits are rela-
tively enduring; like psychoanalytic theorists, they expect to
see carryover in personality over the years. Unlike psychoana-
lytic theorists, however, they do not believe that the personal-
ity unfolds in a series of stages.
How many personality trait dimensions are there? Just as
scholars have disagreed about how many distinct mental abil-
ities exist, they have disagreed about how many personality di-
mensions exist. However, a consensus is forming around the
idea that human personalities can be described in terms of five
major dimensions, called the Big Five (Digman, 1990; McCrae
& Costa, 2003). These five personality dimensions—openness
to experience, conscientiousness, extraversion, agreeabieness,
and neuroticism—have emerged from factor analyses of per-
sonality scales and are described in Table 11.1. If you score the
personality scale in the Explorations box on page 289, you will
get a rough sense of where you fall on the Big Five trait di-
mensions.
([ Do you share Sigmund Freud's belief that the personality is There is evidence that all five of the Big Five trait dimen-
formed during the first 5 years of life? sions are genetically influenced and that they are at least
roughly .related to dimensions of temperament evident in in-
fancy (McCrae & Costa, 2003). The Big Five also seem to be
and development throughout the life span. Yet Freud, Erikson, universal; they capture personality differences in cultures with
and other psychoanalytic theorists agreed on this: people different parenting styles, value systems, and languages
everywhere progress through the same stages of personality (McCrae, 2004; McCrae et al., 2000). This is true even though
development, undergoing similar personality changes at sim- levels of Big Five traits differ from culture to culture (for ex-
ilar ages. ample, Europeans appear to be more extroverted on average
Table 11.1
Dimension Basic Definition Key Characteristics
Openness to experience Curiosity and interest in variety vs. preference Openness to fantasy, esthetics, feelings,
for sameness actions, ideas, values
Conscientiousness Discipline and organization vs. lack of Competence, order, dutifulness, striving for
seriousness achievement, self-discipline, deliberation
Extraversion Sociability and outgoingness vs. introversion Warmth, gregariousness, assertiveness, activity,
seeking excitement, positive emotions
Agreeabieness Compliance and cooperativeness vs. suspiciousness Trust, straightforwardness, altruism, compliance,
modesty, tender-mindedness
Neuroticism Emotional instability vs. stability Anxiety, hostility, depression, self-consciousness,
impulsiveness, vulnerability
As a m n e m o n i c device, notice that the first letters o f the dimensions spell ocean.
H ere are several personality traits that may or may not
apply to you. Write a number next to each statement
to indicate the extent to which you agree or disagree with
9.
10.
Calm, emotionally stable
Conventional, uncreative
that statement.You should rate the extent to which the pair To score yourself, reverse the scoring of items marked
of traits applies to you, even if one characteristic applies here with R so that a score of I becomes 7, 2 becomes 6, 3
more strongly than the other. becomes 5,4 stays 4, 5 becomes 3, 6 becomes 2, and 7 be-
comes I.Then add the pair of scores listed here for each of
1 = Disagree strongly 5 = Agree a little
the Big Five personality dimensions:
2 = Disagree moderately 6 = Agree moderately
Extraversion = Item I + item 6R —
3 = Disagree a little 7 = Agree strongly
4 = Neither agree nor Agreeableness = Item 2R + item 7 =
disagree Conscientiousness = Item 3 4- item 8R =
I see myself as:
Low neuroticism (high emotional stability) =
1. Extraverted, enthusiastic Item 4R + item 9 =
2. Critical, quarrelsome Openness to experience = Item 5 4-
item I OR =
3. Dependable, self-disciplined
* To help you see where you stand, mean scores for a
4. u Anxious, easily upset sample of 1813 individuals tested by Samuel Gosling and
colleagues (2003) were 4.44 for extraversion, 5.23 for
5. Open to new experiences, complex agreeableness, 5.40 for conscientiousness, 4.83 for low neu-
6. Reserved, quiet roticism (high emotional stability), and 5.38 for openness to
experience.
7. Sympathetic, warm
SOURCE: Reprinted from Journal of Research in Personality, Vol.
8. Disorganized, careless
37, Gosling/Rentfrow/Swann, "A Brief Personality Scale", Page 525,
Copyright 2003, with permission from Elsevier.
than Asians or Africans) and even though traits may be ex- Social learning theorists believe strongly in situational in-
pressed differently in different cultures. You will soon see what fluences on behavior (Shoda & Mischel, 2000). They argue
happens to these trait dimensions as we age. that consistency over time in personality is most likely if the
social environment remains the same. Thus, if Rick the
rancher continues to run the same ranch in the same small
town for a lifetime, he might stay the "same old Rick."
Finally, social learning (or social cognitive) theorists such as However, most of us experience changes in our social envi-
Albert Bandura (1986) and Walter Mischel (1973; Mischel & ronments as we become older. Just as we behave differently
Shoda, 1995; Shoda & Mischel, 2000) not only reject the no- when we are in a library than when we are at a party, we be-
tion of universal stages of personality development but also come "different people" as we take on new roles, develop new
have questioned the existence of enduring personality traits relationships, or move to new locations.
that show themselves in a variety of situations and over long An excellent example of this principle comes from re-
stretches of the life span. Instead, they emphasize that people search on the relationship between birth order and personal-
change if their environments change. An aggressive boy can ity. How would you characterize firstborns? Second-borns?
become a warm and caring man if his aggression is no longer Last-borns? Many of us have strong beliefs about the differ-
reinforced; a woman who has been socially withdrawn can be- ences; we think of firstborns as bossy and dominant, for ex-
come more outgoing if she begins to socialize with friends ample, and last-borns as rebellious and spoiled. Yet most re-
who serve as models of outgoing, sociable behavior. From this search reveals few consistent differences between the
perspective, personality is a set of behavioral tendencies personalities of firstborns and those of later-borns (Harris,
shaped by interactions with other people in specific social sit- 2000b). Why might we be misled into thinking such differ-
uations. ences exist? Judith Rich Harris (2000b) notes that we see
PERSPECTIVES ON PERSONALITY DEVELOPMENT 289

members of our families in a family context and observe real
differences in personality in that context. Firstborns often are
bossy when they baby-sit younger siblings, for example. 'Psychoanalytic theorist Margaret Mahler (Mahler, Pine, &
However, the differences are created by the family context and Bergman, 1975) likened the newborn to a "chick in an egg"
do not necessarily carry over into other situations. Thus, for that had no reason to differentiate itself from its surrounding
example, the same firstborn may not be bossy in interactions environment. Development, to Mahler, was about "hatching,"
with peers who are similar in age and competence and cannot differentiating self from other, especially mother, and dealing
be pushed around as easily as younger brothers and sisters. with tensions between being separate from and one with other
Different context, different personality. people. Finding a sense of self, she believed, happened in the
To the social learning 'theorist, then, personality develop- context of the parent-child relationship.
ment is an individual process whose direction depends on As it turns out, infants may be born without a sense of
each persons social experiences and social environments. self, but they quickly develop an implicit, if not conscious,
Theorists who adopt a contextual-systems perspective on de- sense of self through their perceptions of their bodies and ac-
velopment (see Chapter 2) make similar assumptions. tions (Rochat & Striano, 2000). The capacity to differentiate
Contextual theorists are likely to say that personality traits, self from world becomes even more apparent in the first 2 or
considered apart from the social contexts that shape and give 3 months of life as infants discover that they can cause things
meaning to a person's actions, are meaningless abstractions. to happen. For example, 2-month-old infants whose arms are
This chapter explores continuity and discontinuity in connected by strings to audiovisual equipment delight in pro-
self-conceptions and personality traits across the life span. ducing the sight of a smiling infant's face and the theme from
When do infants become aware of themselves as unique indi- Sesame Street by pulling the strings (Lewis, Alessandri, &
viduals, and when do they begin to display unique personali- Sullivan, 1990). When the strings are disconnected and they
ties? What influences how children perceive and evaluate can no longer produce such effects, they pull harder and be-
themselves, and to what extent can we detect in them the per- come frustrated and angry. Over the first 6 months of life,
sonalities they will have as adults? How do adolescents go then, infants discover properties of their physical selves, dis-
about finding their identities as individuals? Finally, do peo- tinguish between the self and the rest of the world, and appre-
ple's personalities and self-perceptions change systematically ciate that they can act upon other people and objects
over the adult years, or do they remain essentially the same, (Thompson, 1998).
and what docs it all mean for their adjustment? In the second half of their first year, infants realize that
they and their companions are separate beings with different
S o m m i o g Up perspectives, ones that can be shared (Thompson, 1998). This
is illustrated by the phenomenon of joint attention, in which
Psychoanalytic theorists, trait theorists, and social learning
infants about 9 months or older and their caregivers share
theorists do not see eye to eye about what personality
perceptual experiences by looking at the same object at the
is and how it develops. Psychoanalytic theorists explore
same time (Mitchell, 1997). When an infant points at an ob-
the inner dynamics of personality and propose universal,
ject and looks toward her companions in an effort to focus
age-related personality changes. Freud believed that the
their attention on the object, she shows awareness that self
personality emerges in the first 5 years and remains
and other do not always share the same perceptions.
largely stable thereafter; whereas Erikson and Levinson
Around 18 months, infants recognize themselves visually
saw more discontinuity and believed that stagelike per-
as distinct individuals. To establish this, Michael Lewis and
sonality changes occur throughout the life span.Trait the-
Jeanne Brooks-Gunn (1979) used an ingenious technique first
orists, based on factor analyses of responses to person-
used with chimpanzees to study self-recognition—the ability
ality scales, emphasize the continuity of major dimensions
to recognize oneself in a mirror or photograph. Mother daubs
of personality such as the Big Five (openness to experi-
a spot of rouge on an infant's nose and then places the infant
ence, conscientiousness, extraversion, agreeableness, and
in front of a mirror. If the infant has some mental image of his
neuroticism). Social learning and contextual theorists
own face and recognizes his mirror image as himself, he
question the existence of traits and call attention to the
should soon notice the red spot and reach for or wipe his own
potential for discontinuity in personality across situations
nose rather than the nose of the mirror image. When infants
and over time. 13
9 to 24 months old were given this rouge test, the youngest in-
fants showed no self-recognition: they seemed to treat the im-
age in the mirror as if it were "some other kid." Some 15-
month-olds recognized themselves, but only among 18- to
Tlie Infant 24-month-olds did most infants show clear evidence of self-
recognition. They touched their noses rather than the mirror,
When do infants display an awareness that they exist and a apparently realizing that they had a strange mark on their
sense of themselves as distinct individuals? We will explore faces that warranted investigation. They knew exactly who
this issue and then see whether there is evidence that infants that kid in the mirror was. At the time they first pass the
have unique "personalities." "rouge test" of self-recognition, infants also take more interest
Second, self-awareness depends on social experiences. Chim-
panzees who have been raised without contact with other
chimps fail to recognize themselves in a mirror as normal
chimps do (Gallup, 1979). Moreover, human toddlers who have
formed secure attachments to their parents are better able to
recognize themselves in a mirror and know more about their
names and genders than do toddlers whose relationships are
less secure (Pipp, Easter brooks, & Harmon, 1992).
The critical role of social interaction in the development
of the self was appreciated long ago by Charles Cooley (1902)
and George Herbert Mead (1934). Cooley used the term
looking-glass self to emphasize that our understanding of self
is a reflection of how other people respond to us; that is, our
self-concepts are the images cast by a social mirror. Through
their actions and words, parents and other companions com-
municate to infants that they are babies and are either girls or
boys. Later, social feedback helps children determine what
they are like and what they can and cannot do well.
Throughout life, we forge new self-concepts from the social
feedback we receive, good or bad (Harter, 1999). Thus the de-
velopment of the self is closely related to both cognitive de-
velopment and social interaction, beginning in infancy.
Awareness of the self paves the way for many important
emotional and social developments. Toddlers who recognize
themselves in the mirror are more able than those who do not
to talk about themselves and to assert their wills (DesRosiers et
al., 1999). They are more likely to experience self-conscious
emotions such as embarrassment for example, if asked to
show off by dancing in front of strangers (Lewis et al., 1989).
d. Does this boy know that he is the fascinating tot in the mirror?
Toddlers who have gained self-awareness are also more able to
Probably not if he is younger than 18 months, which is about when
self-recognition is mastered by most toddlers. coordinate their own perspectives with those of other individu-
als—for example, to communicate with their playmates by im-
itating their actions (Asendorpf, Warkentin, & Baudonniere,
in watching a video of themselves than in watching a video of 1996) or to cooperate with peers to achieve common goals such
another infant, whereas younger infants often seem to be as retrieving toys from containers (Brownell 8c Carriger, 1990).
more interested in other babies than in themselves (Nielsen,
Dissanayake, & Kashima, 2003).
As babies learn to recognize themselves, they also form a
categorical self; that is, they classify themselves into social cate- Even though it takes infants some time to become aware of
gories based on age, sex, and other visible characteristics, figur- themselves as individuals, they are individuals with distinctive
ing out what is "like me" and what is "not like me." Before they personalities from the first weeks of life. The study of infant
are 18 months old, toddlers can tell themselves apart from tod- personality has centered on dimensions of temperament—
dlers of the other sex or from older individuals but are less able early, genetically based tendencies to respond in predictable
to distinguish between photos of themselves and photos of other ways to events that serve as the building blocks of personality.
infants of the same sex. As they cipproach age 2, they also master Learning theorists have tended to view babies as "blank slates"
this task (Brooks-Gunn & Lewis, 1981; Lewis & Brooks-Gunn, who can be shaped in any number of directions by their expe-
1979). By 18 to 24 months, then, most infants have an awareness riences. However, it is now clear that babies differ from the
of who they are—at least as a physical self with a unique ap- start in characteristics such as how they react to stimuli (for
pearance and as a categorical self belonging to specific age and example, whether they smile or fuss and how strongly) and
gender categories. They even begin to use their emerging lan- how they regulate these reactions (for example, whether they
guage skills to talk about themselves and to construct stories attend to arousing stimuli or avoid them; Rothbart, Ahadi, 8c
about events in their lives, past and present (Thompson, 1998). Evans, 2000). Temperament has been defined and measured in
What does it take to become self-awTare? First, the ability to several ways, as you will now see.
recognize the self depends on cognitive development (Bertenthal
& Fischer, 1978). Mentally retarded children are slow to recog- Emotionality, Activity, and Sociability
nize themselves in a mirror but can do so once they have at- Arnold Buss and Robert Plomin (1984) have called attention
tained a mental age of at least 18 months (Hill & Tomlin, 1981). to three dimensions of temperament: emotionality, activity,
and sociability. Some babies are more emotionally reactive, or 1994). In follow-up tests at 5V2 and 7V2 years of age, children
easily and intensely irritated by events, than others are. Some who were highly inhibited as toddlers proved more likely than
are highly active; others are relatively sluggish. Some are very those who had been uninhibited to be shy in a group of
sociable, or interested in and responsive to people; others are strange peers and to be afraid to try a balance beam. Overall,
more standoffish. Behavioral genetics research on twins and of the children who had maintained the same temperament
adopted children shows that these three aspects of tempera- from age 2 to age 7, about half still had the same temperament
ment are partly influenced by genetic endowment. Identical by adolescence, suggesting a fair amount of continuity in this
twins have similar temperaments, whereas fraternal twins dimension of temperament (Kagan, 1994).
hardly resemble each other (Buss & Plomin, 1984; Rowe, Kagan and his colleagues have concluded that behavioral
1994). Growing up in the same home does little to make adop- inhibition is biologically rooted. They have found that young-
tive brothers and sisters alike in these aspects of temperament, sters with an inhibited temperament show distinctive physio-
but the individual's unique experiences have an effect logical reactions to novel events; for example, they become
(Schmitz et aL, 1996). highly aroused (as indicated by high heart rates) in situations
that barely faze other children (Kagan, 1994). Even as adults,
Behavioral Inhibition individuals who were inhibited toddlers show stronger re-
Jerome Kagan and his colleagues identified another aspect of sponses to novel faces in the part of the brain called the amyg-
early temperament that they believe is highly significant— dala than do adults who were uninhibited early in life, whereas
behavioral inhibition, or the tendency to be extremely shy, re- they respond no differently to familiar faces (Schwartz et al.,
strained, and distressed in response to unfamiliar people and 2003). Finally, behavioral inhibition is genetically influenced.
situations (Kagan, 1994, 2003; Reznick et al., 1986). In the lan- In one study (DiLalla, Kagan, & Reznick, 1994), the correla-
guage of Buss and Plomin, inhibited children could be con- tion between the inhibition scores of identical twins was
sidered extremely high in emotionality and low in sociability. + 0.82, and that for fraternal twins +0.47. Possibly, genes af-
Kagan (1989) estimates that about 15% of toddlers have this fect temperament by influencing the development of the
inhibited temperament, whereas 10% are extremely uninhib- nervous system and the way it responds to stimuli.
ited, eager to jump into new situations. Yet genes and environment interact. Kagan and his col-
At 4 months, infants who will turn into inhibited toddlers leagues also found that if the parents of inhibited children
wriggle and fuss and fret more than most infants in response overprotect their sensitive children from stress, or if they be-
to new sights and sounds such as a moving mobile (Fox et al., come angry and impatient with their timid children's behav-
2001). At 21 months, they take a long time to warm up to a ior, these children do not learn to control their inhibition as
strange examiner, retreat from unfamiliar objects such as a they develop and they remain inhibited. By contrast, when
large robot, and fret and cling to their mothers, whereas unin- parents prepare inhibited youngsters for potentially upsetting
hibited toddlers readily and enthusiastically interact with experiences, then make reasonable but firm demands that
strangers, robots, and all manner of new experiences (Kagan, they cope, early inhibition may be overcome (Kagan, 1994).
Easiness and Bifficultness

Finally, researchers have learned much about infant tempera-
ment from the classic work of Alexander Thomas, Stella Chess,
and their colleagues (Chess & Thomas, 1999; Thomas & Chess,
1986). These researchers gathered information about nine di-
mensions of infant behavior, including typical mood, regularity
or predictability of biological functions such as feeding and
sleeping habits, tendency to approach or withdraw from new
stimuli, intensity of emotional reactions, and adaptability to
new experiences and changes in routine. Based on the overall
patterning of these temperamental qualities, most infants could
be placed into one of three categories (Table 11.2):
• Easy temperament. Easy infants are even tempered, typ-
ically content or happy, and open and adaptable to new expe-
riences such as the approach of a stranger or their first taste of
strained plums. They have regular feeding and sleeping habits,
and they tolerate frustrations and discomforts.
• Difficult temperament. Difficult infants are active, irri-
table, and irregular in their habits. They often react negatively
(and vigorously) to changes in routine and are slow to adapt
to new people or situations. They cry frequently and loudly
([ Children with an inhibited temperament are not sure they want and often have tantrums when they are frustrated by such
to try new experiences. events as being restrained or having to live with a dirty diaper.
children who fell apart if they could not work mathematics
Table 11.2 Summary of Temperament Categories
problems correctly. By adulthood, however, an individuals
Researchers Dimension adjustment had little to do with her temperament during in-
fancy, suggesting a good deal of discontinuity over this long
Buss and Plomin Emotionality
Activity/ time span. Apparently, many easy infants turn into malad-
Sociability justed adults, and many difficult infants outgrow their behav-
ioral problems. Both continuity and discontinuity in tem-
Kagan Behaviorally inhibited temperament
Uninhibited temperament perament are evident (Guerin et al., 2003).
Thomas and Chess Easy temperament Goodness of Fit

Difficult temperament
Slow-to-warm-up temperament Differences in temperament appear to be rooted in genetically
based differences in levels of certain neurotransmitters and in
the functioning of the brain (Ebstein, Benjamin, & Belmaker,
° Slow-to-warm-up temperament. Slow-to-warm-up in- 2003). But what determines whether temperamental qualities
fants are relatively inactive, somewhat moody, and only mod- persist? Much may depend on what Thomas and Chess call
erately regular in their daily schedules. Like difficult infants, the goodness of fit between child and environment—the ex-
they are slow to adapt to new people and situations, but they tent to which the child's temperament is compatible with the
typically respond in mildly, rather than intensely, negative demands and expectations of the social world to which he
ways. For example, they may resist cuddling by looking away must adapt. A good example comes from observations of the
from the cuddler rather than by kicking or screaming. They Masai of East Africa (DeVries, 1984). In most settings, an easy
eventually adjust, showing a quiet interest in new foods, peo- temperament is likely to be more adaptive than a difficult one,
ple, or places. but among the Masai during famine, babies with difficult tem-
Of the infants in Thomas and Chess's longitudinal study peraments outlived easy babies. Why? Perhaps because Masai
of temperament, 40% were easy infants, 10% were difficult in- parents believe that difficult babies are future warriors or per-
fants, and 15% were slow-to-warm-up infants, The remaining haps because babies who cry loud and long get noticed and
third could not be clearly placed in one category because they fed. As this example suggests, a particular temperament may
shared qualities of two or more categories. Thomas and Chess be a good fit to the demands of one environment but mal-
went on to study the extent of continuity and discontinuity in adaptive under other circumstances. The goodness-of-fit con-
temperament from infancy to early adulthood (Chess & cept is an excellent example of the theme that individual pre-
Thomas, 1984; Thomas & Chess, 1986). Difficult infants who dispositions and the environment interact to influence
had fussed when they could not have more milk often became developmental outcomes.
T he case of Carl illustrates the significance for later per-

sonality development of the match between a child's
temperament and his social environment. Early in life, Carl
became extremely frustrated and thought about dropping
out but eventually reduced his course load and got through
this difficult period successfully. By age 23, he was no longer
was one of the most difficult children Stella Chess and considered by the researchers to have a difficult tempera-
Alexander Thomas had ever encountered: "Whether it was ment. How different his later personality and adjustment
the first bath or the first solid foods in infancy, the beginning might have been had the fit between his difficult tempera-
of nursery and elementary school, or the first birthday par- ment and his parents' demands and expectations been poor.
ties or shopping trips, each experience evoked stormy re- When children have difficult temperaments and grow up
sponses, with loud crying and struggling to get away" (1984, with parents who cannot control their behavior effectively,
p. 188). Carl's mother became convinced that she was a bad they are likely to have serious behavioral problems as chil-
parent, but his father accepted and even delighted in Carl's dren and adolescents (Guerin et al., 2003; Maziade et al.,
U
lusty" behavior. He patiently and supportively waited for 1990). Clearly, then, healthy personality development de-
Carl to adapt to new situations.As a result, Carl did not depends on the goodness of fit between child and home envi-
velop serious behavioral problems as a child. ronment. The moral for parents is clear: get to know your
Carl's difficult temperament came out in force when he baby as an individual, and allow for his personality quirks.
entered college and had to adapt to a new environment. He
<>
The difficult children studied by Chess and Thomas
(1999), like Kagan's inhibited toddlers, often continued to
Tlie Child
display difficult temperaments later in life if the person-en-
vironment fit was bad—for example, if their parents were Children's personalities continue to form, and children ac-
impatient and overly demanding with them. However, diffi- quire much richer understandings of themselves as individu-
cult infants whose parents adapted to their temperaments als, as they continue to experience cognitive growth and inter-
and gave them more time to adjust to new experiences enact with other people. Ask children of different ages to tell you
joyed a good fit to the environment and became able to mas- about themselves. You will find their responses amusing, and
ter new situations effectively and energetically (see the you will learn something about how children come to know
Explorations box on page 293). themselves as individuals.
Parents5 personalities and perceptions help determine
whether an infant s home environment is a good or poor fit
to her personality. Mothers who are low in empathy tend to
use threats and physical force with infants who show a lot of Once toddlers begin to talk, they can and do tell us about their
negative emotion, perhaps because they cannot understand emerging self-concepts. By age 2, some toddlers are already
why these babies are so irritable (Clark, Kochanska, 8c Ready, using the personal pronouns I, me, my, and mine (or their
2000). By contrast, mothers who are high in empathy are names) when referring to the self and you when addressing a
able to refrain from strong-arm tactics even when they are companion (Lewis & Brooks-Gunn, 1979; Stipek, Gralinski, 8c
faced with an irritable child. They are therefore able to pro- Kopp, 1990). Toddlers also show their emerging categorical
vide care that is a better fit to the child's difficult tempera- selves when they describe themselves in terms of age and sex
ment. Similarly, whereas parents who perceive their infants ("Katie big girl").
to be high in negative emotionality may strengthen their in- The preschool child's self-concept is concrete and physi-
fants' tendencies to be irritable, parents who perceive their cal (Damon 8c Hart, 1988). Asked to describe themselves,
babies' temperaments more positively may contribute to a preschoolers dwell on their physical characteristics ("I look
more sunny disposition over time (Pauli-Pott et ah, 2003). like a kid. I have skin. I have clothes."), their possessions ("I
Infants' temperaments and their parents' parenting behav- have a bike."), their physical activities and accomplishments
iors reciprocally influence and interact over time to steer the ("I can jump"), and their preferences ("I like cake"). One ex-
direction of later personality development (Sanson, uberant 3-year-old said the following (Harter, 1999, p. 37):
Hemphill, & Smart, 2004). Teaching parents of irritable ba-
I'm 3 years old and I live in a big house with my mother
bies how to interpret their infants' cues and respond sensi-
and father and my brother, Jason, and my sister, Lisa. I
tively and appropriately to them can produce calmer infants
have blue eyes and a kitty that is orange and a television
who cry less and become less irritable preschoolers than
in my own room. I know all of my ABC's, listen: A, B, C,
temperamentally similar children whose mothers do not re-
D, E, F, G, H, J, L, K,0, M, P, Q, X, Z. I can run real fast. I
ceive training (van den Boom, 1995; Crockenberg & Leerkes,
like pizza and I have a nice teacher at preschool. I can
2003).
count up to 100, want to hear me? I love my dog Skipper.
Few young children mention their psychological traits or
Summing Up
inner qualities. At most, young children use global terms such
In sumf 2- to 3-month-olds discover they are physically
distinct from the world around them and can act upon it
By 18 to 24 months, toddlers show self-awareness by
recognizing themselves in a mirror and they form a cat-
egorical self. Cognitive development and experiences
with the social looking glass make this new self-
awareness possible. Moreover; each toddler has distinct
temperamental qualities sketched in the genetic code
and expressed from the first days of life—qualities such
as emotionality, activity and sociability; behavioral inhibi-
tion; and an easy, difficult, or slow-to-warm-up tempera-
ment (see Table I 1.2). However; the personality is by no
means set in infancy; there is both continuity and discon-
tinuity in development. Early temperamental qualities
may or may not be elaborated into later personality
traits, depending on the goodness of fit between the in-
dividual's predispositions and his social environment and C Preschool children emphasize the "active self" in their self-descrip-
on the kinds of transactions that take place between tions, noting things they can do but saying little about their psycho-
child and significant others. M logical traits.
as nice or mean and good or bad, to describe themselves and receive it (Butler, 1990; Ruble, 1983). They tend to believe that
others (Livesley & Bromley, 1973). However, their descrip- they are the greatest, even in the face of compelling evidence
tions of their characteristic behavioral patterns and prefer- that they have been outclassed. By contrast, first-grade chil-
ences ("I like to play by myself at school") may provide the dren glance at each other's papers, ask "How many did you
foundation for their later personality trait descriptions ("I'm miss?" say things like CCI got more right than you did," and, in
shy"; Eder, 1989). the process, learn about their strengths and weaknesses (Frey
Self-conceptions become more sophisticated around age & Ruble, 1985; Pomerantz et al., 1995).
8, partly because of cognitive development (Harter, 2003). Although social comparison generally becomes more
First, children begin to form social identities, defining them- common with age, the extent to which children engage in so-
selves as part of social units f T m a Kimball, a second-grader cial comparison is greatly influenced by the sociocultural con-
at Brookside School, a Brownie Scout"; Damon & Hart, 1988). text. Social comparison is common in the United States be-
Second, they begin to describe their enduring inner qualities cause parents, teachers, and others place heavy emphasis on
using personality trait terms such as funny and smart (Harter, individual achievement. However, Israeli children living in
1999; Livesley & Bromley, 1973). Third, they are now capable communal kibbutzim do less of it than children raised in
of social comparison—of using information about how they Israeli cities, perhaps because cooperation and teamwork are
compare with other individuals to characterize and evaluate so strongly emphasized in the kibbutzim (Butler & Ruzany,
themselves (Pomerantz et aL, 1995). The preschooler who said 1993).
she could hit a baseball becomes the elementarv-school
j child
Self-Esteem
who says she is a better batter than her teammates.
Young children often seem oblivious to information As children amass a range of perceptions of themselves and
about how they compare with others and seem to have diffi- engage in social comparisons, they begin to evaluate their
culty interpreting and acting on such information when they worth. Susan Harter (1999, 2003) has developed self-percep-
tion scales for use across the life span and has found that pre-
school children distinguish two broad aspects of self-esteem:
their competence (both physical and cognitive) and their per-
sonal and social adequacy (for example, their social accept-
ance). By mid—elementary school, children differentiate
among five aspects of self-worth, all measured by Harter's self-
perception scale: scholastic competence (feeling smart or do-
ing well in school); social acceptance (being popular or feeling
liked); behavioral conduct (staying out of trouble); athletic
competence (being good at sports); and physical appearance
(feeling good-looking). When Harter s scale was given to
third- through ninth-graders, even third-graders showed that
they had well-defined positive or negative feelings about
themselves. Moreover, children made clear distinctions be-
tween their competency in one area and their competency in
another. They did not just have generally high or generally low
self-esteem.
This suggests that self-esteem is multidimensional rather
than unidimensional. As children organize their perceptions
of themselves over the elementary-school years, they differen-
tiate more sharply among distinct aspects of the self-concept.
Self-esteem is also hierarchical in nature; children integrate
self-perceptions in distinct domains to form an overall, ab-
stract sense of self-worth (Harter, 1999; Marsh & Ayotte,
2003). Figure 11.1 shows the land of self-esteem hierarchy
that results, with global self-worth at the top and specific di-
mensions of self-concept below it.
The accuracy of children's self-evaluations increases
steadily over the elementary-school years (Marsh, Craven, &
Debus, 1999; Harter, 1999). Children as young as 5 already
have some sense of whether they are worthy and lovable
(Verschueren, Buyck, & Marcoen, 2001). However, the self-
esteem scores of young children (4- to 7-year-olds) sometimes
€ The looking-glass self takes shape as children receive social feed- reflect their desires to be liked or to be good at various activi-
back from the people around them. ties as much as they reveal their competencies. Overall, they
Overall self-worth
Scholastic Social Behavioral Athletic Physical

competence acceptance conduct competence appearance
Figure 8 1.1 The multidimensional and hierarchical nature of self-esteem.

SOUPCC: Hart3r{1998).
tend to have unrealistically positive views of themselves basis for evaluating their behavior and sends them the mes-
(Eccles, Wigfield, et al, 1993; Harter 8c Pike, 1984). sage that their opinions are respected. The relationship be-
Starting about age 8, partly because of cognitive develop- tween high self-esteem and a warm, democratic parenting
ment, children's self-evaluations become more accurate. For style has been observed in most ethnic groups in the United
example, those with high scholastic self-esteem are more likely States and in other countries (Scott, Scott, 8c McCabe, 1991;
than those with low scholastic self-esteem to be rated as intel- Steinberg, Dornbusch, 8c Brown, 1992). Interestingly, children
lectually competent by their teachers, and those with high ath- with high self-esteem may also contribute to their own high
letic self-esteem are frequently chosen by peers in sporting self-esteem by actively seeking positive feedback; children
events (Harter, 1999). At the same time, children are increas- with low self-esteem do not seem as hungry for pats on the
ingly realizing what they "should" be like and are forming an back and therefore may not get as many (Cassidy et al., 2003).
ever-grander ideal self. As a result, the gap between the real The judgments of other people, with all the information
self and the ideal self increases with age, and older children that children collect by observing their own behavior and
run a greater risk than younger children do of thinking that comparing it with that of their peers, shape children's overall
they fall short of what they could or should be (Glick & Zigler, self-evaluations. Once a child's level of self-esteem has been
1985; Oosterwegel & Oppenheimer, 1993). established, it tends to remain stable over the elementary-
school years. Moreover, high self-esteem is positively corre-
Influences on S e l f - E s t e e m lated with a variety of measures of good adjustment
Why do some children have higher self-esteem than others? It (Coopersmith, 1967; Harter, 1999).
is simple: Some children are more competent than others,
and, apart from their competence, some children receive more
Forming Personality . .
positive social feedback than others (Harter, 1999). Children
who are more capable and socially attractive than other chil- The biologically based response tendencies called tempera-
dren experience more success in areas important to them and ment are shaped, with the help of the individual's social expe-
come out better in social comparisons (Luster 8c McAdoo, riences, * into a full-blown personality during childhood.
1995). For example, achievement in school has a positive Although links between temperament in early childhood and
effect on academic self-concept; a positive academic self- later personality are often weak, such links have been identi-
concept, in turn, contributes to future academic achievement fied (Halverson et al., 2003; Sanson, Hemphill, 8c Smart,
(Guay, Marsh, 8c Boivin, 2003). 2004). For example, in a longitudinal study of 1000 children
Apart from competence, social feedback from parents, in New Zealand, Avshalom Caspi and his colleagues (Caspi,
teachers, and peers plays a critical role in shaping self-percep- 2000; Caspi, Harrington, et al., 2003) found that inhibited
tions. Most notably, children with high self-esteem tend to be 3-year-olds who are shy and fearful tend to become teenagers
securely attached to parents who are warm and democratic who are cautious and unassertive and young adults who have
(Arbona & Power, 2003; Coopersmith, 1967). Parents who little social support, tend to be depressed, and are barely en-
are loving, form secure attachments with their children, gaged in life. By contrast, 3-year-olds who are difficult to con-
and frequently communicate approval and acceptance help trol, irritable, and highly emotional tend to be difficult to
their children think positively about themselves (Doyle, manage later in childhood and end up as impulsive adoles-
Markiewicz, et al., 2000). Saying, through words, looks, or ac- cents and adults who do not get along wrell with other people
tions, "You re not important" or "Why can't you be more like at home and on the job, are easily upset, get into scrapes with
your older brother?" is likely to have the opposite effect. This the law, and abuse alcohol. Finally, well-adjusted ("easy")
is the concept of the looking-glass self in action: children will 3-year-olds tend to remain well adjusted. Interestingly, the as-
form self-concepts that reflect the evaluations of significant sessments of personality at age 3 that proved predictive of
people in their lives. later personality and adjustment were made on the basis of
Parents whose children have high self-esteem also enforce only 90 minutes of observation by an adult examiner who did
clearly stated rules of behavior and allow their children to ex- not know the child (see Pesonen et al., 2003).
press their opinions and participate in decision making. This Yet relationships between early temperament and later
democratic parenting style most likely gives children a firm personality are not well understood. Temperament re-
searchers and personality researchers have tended to go their sonality traits and carry over into adulthood, but other
separate ways, developing distinct conceptual schemes and aspects of personality do not gel until middle childhood
methods of assessing individual differences. Efforts are only and still others do not stabilize until adolescence or early
recently being made to map various dimensions of tempera- adulthood. M
ment onto Big Five personality trait dimensions and to study
Big Five trait dimensions in childhood. For example, high ac-
tivity, high sociability, and low shyness or inhibition in the
preschool period have been found to correlate with extraver- e
sion in middle childhood, and high negative emotionality is
related to later neuroticism (Hagekull 8c Bohlin, 1998). The Perhaps no period of the life span is more important to the
ability of infants to regulate themselves, or to exert effortful development of the self than adolescence. Adolescence is truly
control over their attention and arousal (for example, to calm a time for "finding oneself," as research on adolescent self-con-
themselves) may also be linked to later conscientiousness, and ceptions, self-esteem, identity formation, and vocational
an uninhibited temperament that embraces novelty may re- choice illustrates.
late to openness to experience (Rothbart, Ahadi, 8c Evans,
2000; Sanson, Hemphill, 8c Smart, 2004). Charles Halverson
s>e
and his colleagues (2003) report that parents in all seven
countries they studied describe children as young as age 3 in Raymond Montemayor and Marvin Eisen (1977) learned a
Big Five terms, suggesting that these adult personality dimen- great deal about the self-concepts of children and adolescents
sions begin to show themselves in early childhood and need to from grades 4 to 12 by asking students to write 20 different
be studied more thoroughly during childhood. answers to the question "Who am I?" What age differences can
Yet we cannot accept Freud's view that the personali ty is you detect in these answers given by a 9-year-old, an ll l / 2 -
mostly formed by age 5. The correlations between early child- year-old, and a 17-year-old (pp. 317-318)?
hood traits and adult traits are small. Some dimensions of
9-year-old: My name is Bruce C. I have brown eyes. I have
personality do not seem to "gel" until the elementary-school
brown hair. I love! sports. I have seven people in my fam-
years, when they begin to predict adult personality and ad-
ily. I have great! eye sight. I have lots! of friends. I live
justment much better (Hartup 8c van Lieshout, 1995; Shiner,
at I have an uncle who is almost 7 feet tall. My teacher
Masten, 8c Roberts, 2003). Other aspects of personality do not
is Mrs. V. I play hockey! I'm almost the smartest boy in
seem to stabilize until adolescence or even early adulthood
the class. I love! food .... I love! school.
(Caspi 8c Roberts, 2001; McCrae 8c Costa, 2003). The older the
1 iy2-year-old: My name is A. I'm a human being . . .
child, the more accurately personality traits predict later per-
a girl... a truthful person. I'm not pretty. I do so-so in my
sonality and adjustment.
studies. I'm a very good cellist. I'm a little tall for my age.
Certain behavioral patterns are probably reinforced and
I like several boys I'm old fashioned. I am a very good
strengthened as years pass because they set in motion certain
swimmer.... I try to be helpful.... Mostly I'm good, but
kinds of social interactions and evoke certain reactions from
I lose my temper. I'm not well liked by some girls and
other people (Caspi, Elder, 8c Bern, 1987, 1988). For example,
boys. I don't know if boys like me....
a child who has an explosive personality and is irritable and
17-year-old: I am a human being . . . a girl... an in-
prone to temper tantrums may lose friends and alienate teach-
dividual. . . . I am a Pisces. I am a moody person . . . an
ers as a child, lose jobs or experience marital problems as an
indecisive person . . . an ambitious person. I am a big cu-
adult, and therefore experience a snowballing of the negative
rious person. . . . I am lonely. I am an American (God
consequences of his early personality. He may also evoke hos-
help me). I am a Democrat. I am a liberal person. I am a
tile reactions from other people that reinforce his tendency to
radical. I am conservative. I am a pseudoliberal. I am an
be ill tempered.
Atheist. I am not a classifiable person (i.e., I don't want
to be).
S u m m i n g Up
There are several notable differences between the self-
In sum, major changes in self-conceptions occur about descriptions of children and adolescents (Damon 8c Hart,
age 8 as children shift from describing their physical and 1988; Harter, 1999, 2003). First, self-descriptions become less
active selves to talking about their psychological and so- physical and more psychological as children age. Second, self-
cial qualities. Other changes include increased social com- portraits become less concrete and more abstract Recall
parison, formation of a multidimensional and hierarchi- Piaget's theory that children begin to shift from concrete op-
cally organized self-concept with an overall sense of erational to formal operational thinking at about age 11 or 12.
self-worth at the top, more accurate self-evaluation, and Children entering adolescence (11- to 12-year-olds) go be-
widening of the ideal self-real self gap. Competence, with yond describing their traits in largely concrete terms ("I love!
positive social feedback from warm, democratic parents food") and more often generalize about their broader person-
and others, contributes to high self-esteem. Some as- ality traits ("I am a truthful person"). High school students'
pects of temperament may translate into Big Five per- self-descriptions are even more abstract, focusing not only on
personality traits but also 011 important values and ideologies be that way with everyone because I think that's my true self,
or beliefs ("I am a pseudoliberal"). but I get depressed with my family and it bugs me because
Third, adolescents reflect more about what they are like; •that's not what I want to be like" (Harter h Monsour, 1992, p.
they are more self-aware than children are (Selman, 1980). 253). These 15-year-olds, especially the girls, seemed painfully
Indeed, their new ability to think about their own and other aware that they had several different selves and were con-
people's thoughts and feelings can make them painfully self- cerned about figuring out which was the "real me."
conscious. Fourth, adolescents have a more differentiated self- The oldest adolescents studied by Harter and Monsour,
concept than children. For example, the child's "social self," the 17-year-olds, overcame many of the uncomfortable feel-
which reflects perceived acceptance by peers, splits into dis- ings the 15-year-olds had. They were able to integrate their
tinct aspects such as acceptance by the larger peer group, ac- conflicting self-perceptions into a more coherent view of
ceptance by close friends, and acceptance by romantic part- themselves. Thus a 17-year-old boy might conclude that it is
ners (Harter, 1999). Finally, older adolescents gain the ability understandable to be relaxed and confident in most situations
to combine their differentiated self-perceptions into a more but nervous on dates if he has not had much dating experi-
integrated, coherent self-portrait. Instead of merely listing ence. He might realize that the concept of moodiness can ex-
traits, they organize their self-perceptions, including those plain being cheerful 011 some occasions but irritable on others.
that seem contradictory, into a coherent picture—a theory of Harter and Monsour believe that cognitive development—
what makes them tick. specifically the ability to compare abstract trait concepts
To illustrate the phases through which adolescents pass in and integrate them through higher-order concepts such as
coming to know and accept themselves, consider an interest- moodiness—is behind this change in self-perceptions.
ing study by Susan Harter and Ann Monsour (1992). In sum, self-understandings become more psychological,
Adolescents 13, 15, and 17 years old were asked to describe abstract, differentiated, and integrated and self-awareness in-
themselves when they are with their parents, with friends, in creases from childhood to adolescence and over the course of
romantic relationships, and in the classroom. The adolescents adolescence. At first oblivious to contradictions within the
were then asked to sort through their self-descriptions, iden- self, teenagers become painfully aware of them and, eventu-
tify any opposites or inconsistencies, and indicate which op- ally, can better integrate their various selves. Many adolescents
posites confused or upset them. even become sophisticated personality theorists who reflect
The 13-year-olds were unaware of inconsistencies within upon the workings of their own personalities and those of
themselves—and when they did detect any, they were not es- their companions.
pecially bothered by them. By age 15, students identified many
more inconsistencies and were clearly confused by them (see
Figure 11.2). One ninth-grade girl, for example, recognizing
her tendency to be happy with friends but depressed at home, Overall, self-esteem tends to decrease from childhood to early
said, CCI really think of myself as a happy person, and I want to adolescence, partly because adolescents are more knowledge-
able and realistic than children about their strengths and
weaknesses (Jacobs et ah, 2002; Robins et al., 2002) and be-
What I am like with different people
cause they move from elementary school to middle school or
responsible' rowdy junior high school and may become temporarily unsure of
serious talkative themselves (Cole et al., 2001). This dip in self-esteem affects
withdrawn cheerful
cooperative, assertive, some teens more than others. It tends to be greatest among
frustrated, ^ Wt/^ ^ outgoing white females, especially those facing multiple stressors—for
respectful sarcastic example, making the transition from elementary school to
self-conscious comfortable, middle school, coping with pubertal changes, beginning to
m •oSvv
date, and perhaps dealing with a family move all at the same
good listener
airing time (Gray-Little & Hafdahl, 2000; Simmons et al., 1987). A
shy With a
With my understanduig drop in self-esteem also tends to be especially likely among
romantic
ru>t always m* imerest best friend wx>0 adolescents who base their self-worth 011 the approval of
dy
nervous 1 quiet others and then experience losses of approval (Harter &
m, ffffiu
Whitesell, 2003). In addition, self-esteem is affected by how
sensitive myself
WMk'% competent an adolescent's classmates are, as shown in the
close,
WW/. S serious Explorations box on page 299.
stubborn. '•Vtf/.y. er distant
honest m defensive, Overall, adolescence is not as hazardous to the self as
short tempered,
wXffSy not open most people believe. Although some adolescents experience
HHur
p
open, respectful significant drops in self-esteem in early adolescence, most
at ease, admiring
emerge from this developmental period with higher self-
Figure I 1.2 The multiple selves experienced by a 15-year-old girl. esteem than they had at: the onset (Robins et al., 2002).
Can you identify any inconsistencies in her self-perceptions? Apparently, they revise their self-concepts in fairly minor ways
SOURCE: Harter (1999). as they experience the physical, cognitive, and social changes
I f the goal is high self-esteem, is it better to be a big fish in
a small pond or a small fish in a big pond? Herbert Marsh
and Kit-Tai Hau (2003) conducted an ambitious study in-
or from an unselective high school to a selective college or
university, could threaten an adolescent's self-esteem.
Indeed, gifted children moved from regular classes into
volving more than 100,000 15-year-olds in 26 countries to gifted programs sometimes suffer drops in academic self-
better understand the big-fish-little-pond effect, in concept (Marsh et al., 1995).The big-fish—little-pond effect
which, holding factors such as academic competence equal, may also explain why special education students tend to
a student's academic self-concept is likely to be more posi- have higher academic self-esteem when they are placed in
tive in an academically unselective school than in a highly se- homogeneous special education classes than when they are
lective one with many high-achieving students. Marsh and placed in regular classes with higher-achieving classmates
Hau found that individual achievement is positively related to (Marsh & Hau, 2003).This is just what you would expect if
academic self-concept, as they expected. However, they also students who have high-achieving classmates fare poorly in
found that schoolwide average achievement is negatively re- social comparisons with students whose classmates are not
lated to academic self-concept.That is, a student's academic so high achieving. Unfortunately, this means that otherwise
self-concept tends to be less positive when the average aca- desirable educational decisions such as including students
demic achievement of her classmates is high (when she is a with learning disabilities and mental retardation in the main-
smallfishin a big pond) than when school average academic stream of education may have unintended side effects, un-
achievement is low (when she is a bigfishin a small pond). dermining self-esteem and possibly future academic
The big-fish-little-pond effect suggests that making the achievement.
transition from regular classes to classes for gifted students,
C A little fish in a big pond is likely to have lower academic self-esteem than a big fish in a lit-
tle pond.
of adolescence. Assuming that they have opportunities to feel
competent in areas important to them and have the approval
and support of parents, peers, and other important people in
their lives, they are likely to feel good about themselves
(Harter, 1999).
Erikson (1968) characterized adolescence as a critical period

in the lifelong process of forming an identity as a person and
proposed that adolescents experience the psychosocial conflict
of identity versus role confusion. The concept of identity, ex-
plained at the start of the chapter, refers to a firm and coher-
ent definition of who you are, where you are going, and where
you fit into society. To achieve a sense of identity, the adoles-
cent must somehow integrate the many separate perceptions
that are part of the self-concept into a coherent sense of self
and must feel that she is, deep down, the same person yester-
day, today, and tomorrow—at home, at school, or at work
(van Hoof, 1999). The search for identity involves grappling
with many important questions: What kind of career do I
want? What religious, moral, and political values can I really
call my own? Who am I as a man or woman and as a sexual
being? Where do I fit into the world? What do I really want out
of my life?
If you have struggled with such issues, you can appreciate
the uncomfortable feelings that adolescents may experience
when they cannot seem to work out a clear sense of who they
are. Erikson believed that many young people in complex so-
cieties such as that of the United States experience a full-
blown and painful "identity crisis"; indeed, he coined the
term. There are many reasons they might do so. First, their
bodies change; therefore, they must revise their body images ([ Adolescents sometimes experiment with a variety of looks in their
(a part of their self-concepts) and adjust to being sexual be- search for a sense of identity.
ings. Second, cognitive growth allows adolescents to think sys-
tematically about hypothetical possibilities, including possible alternatives) and whether he has achieved a commitment (that
future selves. Third, social demands are placed on them to is, resolution of the questions raised). On the basis of crisis
"grow up"—to decide what they want to do in life and to get and commitment, the individual is classified into one of the
on with it. According to Erikson (1968), our society supports four identity statuses shown in Table 11.3.
youths by allowing them a moratorium period—a time in How long does it take to achieve a sense of identity? Philip
high school and college when they are relatively free of re- Meilmans (1979) study of college-bound boys between 12 and
sponsibilities and can experiment with different roles to find 18,21-year-old college males, and 24-year-old young men pro-
themselves (see Arnett, 2000). But our society also makes es- vides an answer (see Figure 11.3). Most of the 12- and 15 year
tablishing an identity harder than it may be in many other cul- olds were in either the identity diffusion or the foreclosure sta-
tures by giving youths a huge number of options and encour- tus. At these ages, many adolescents simply have not yet
aging them to believe they can be anything they want to be. thought about who they are—either they have no idea or they
know that any ideas they do have are likely to change (the dif-
Developmental Trends fusion status, with no crisis and no commitment). Other ado-
James Marcia (1966) expanded on Erikson's theory and stim- lescents may say things like c Tm going to be a doctor like my
ulated much research on identity formation by developing an dad" and appear to have their acts together. However, it be-
interview that allows investigators to assess wrhere an adoles- comes apparent that they have never thought through on their
cent is in the process of identity formation. Adolescents are own what suits them best and have simply accepted identities
classified into one of four identity statuses based on their suggested to them by their parents or other people (the fore-
progress toward an identity in each of several domains (for ex- closure status, involving a commitment without a crisis).
ample, occupational, religious, and political-ideological). The As Figure 11.3 indicates, progress toward identity
key questions are whether an individual has experienced a cri- achievement becomes more evident starting at age 18. Notice
sis (or has seriously grappled with identity issues and explored that diffusion drops off steeply and more individuals begin to
Table 11.3 The Four Identity Statuses as They Apply to Religious Identity P W W M
No Commitment Made Commitment Made
No Crisis Experienced Diffusion Status Foreclosure Status
The individual has not yet thought about or resolved The individual seems to know who she is but
identity issues and has failed to chart directions in life. has latched onto an identity prematurely
Example: "I haven't really thought much about religion, with little thought (e.g., by uncritically
and I guess I don't know what I believe exactly." becoming what parents or other authority
figures suggest she should). Example: "My
parents are Baptists, and I'm a Baptist; it's
just the way I grew up."
Crisis Experienced Moratorium Status Identity Achievement Status
The individual is experiencing an identity crisis, actively The individual has resolved her identity crisis
raising questions, and seeking answers. Example: "I'm in and made commitments to particular goals,
the middle of evaluating my beliefs and hope that I'll be beliefs, and values. Example: "I really did
able to figure out what's right for me. I like many of the some soul-searching about my religion and
answers provided by my Catholic upbringing, but I've also other religions, too, and finally know what I
become skeptical about some teachings and have been believe and what I don't."
looking into Unitarianism to see if it might help me
answer my questions."
fall into the moratorium status, in which they are currently half of the 24-year-olds in Meilmans study had achieved a
experiencing a crisis or actively exploring identity issues. firm identity based on a careful weighing of alternatives (the
Presumably, entering the moratorium status is a good sign; if identity achievement status).
the individual can find answers to the questions raised, he will Is the identity formation process different for females
move to the identi ty achievement status. About 20% of the 18- than it is for males? In most respects, no (Meeus et al., 1999;
year-olds, 40% of the college students, and slightly more than Kroger, 1997). Females progress toward achieving a clear sense
80 r-
Identity achievement
70 -
Identity diffusion
=3
CO
CS
4—'
H— 1
o> Foreclosure
60 -
-J—'
c
CD
"O . /
JO
Z 50 - jT
Ctf
CD /
/
o
o
CO
-+—> 40 - / SI
JD
D
CO
o
30 - ./X
CD
O)
Ctf
—•
c 20 -
C
o
D
1—
CD
CL
10 -
0
12 15 18 21 24
Age of subjects (in years)
Fsgyre I 1.3 Percentage of subjects in each of James Marcia's four identity sta-
tuses as a function of age. Note that only 4% of the 15-year-olds and 20% of the
I 8-year-olds had achieved a stable identity.
SOJRCF: B a s e d on M a i l m a n (1979}.
T he process of identity development includes forging an
ethnic identity—a sense of personal identification with

into the moratorium and achievement statuses with respect
to ethnic identity. One Mexican American female described
her moratorium period this way:"I want to know what we
an ethnic group and its values and cultural traditions (Phinney, do and how our culture is different from others. Going to
1996). Everyone has an ethnic and racial background, but festivals and cultural events helps me to learn more about
members of minority groups tend to put more emphasis than my own culture and about myself" (Phinney, 1993, p. 70).
white adolescents on defining who they are ethnically or A positive ethnic identity is most likely to be achieved
racially, probably because majority group members do not when parents teach their children about their group's cul-
think of themselves as having an ethnicity (Laursen & tural traditions, try to prepare them to live in a culturally di-
Williams, 2002; Bracey, Bamaca, & Umana-Taylor, 2004). verse society and deal with prejudice, and provide the warm
The process begins during the preschool years, when and democratic parenting that seems to foster self-esteem
children learn that different racial and ethnic categories ex- and healthy identity development (Bernal & Knight, 1997;
ist and gradually become able to classify themselves cor- Marshall, 1995). Minority youth may have difficulty feeling
rectly (Spencer & Markstrom-Adams, 1990). For example, good about themselves if they encounter prejudice—if, for
Mexican American preschool children learn behaviors asso- example, they are called racist names or treated by teach-
ciated with their culture, such as how to give a Chicano ers as if they were incompetent (Nyborg & Curry, 2003).
handshake, but they often do not know until about age 8 Once formed, a positive ethnic identity can protect ado-
what ethnic labels apply to them, what they mean, or that lescents' self-concepts from the damaging effects of racial
they will last a lifetime (Bernal & Knight, 1997). discrimination (Wong, Eccles, & Sameroff, 2003), breed high
The formation of a positive ethnic identity during ado- self-esteem (Bracey et al., 2004), and promote academic
lescence seems to proceed through the same identity sta- achievement and good adjustment (Laursen & Williams,
tuses as the formation of a vocational or religious identity 2002). Most minority adolescents cope well with the special
(Phinney, 1993). School-age children and young adolescents challenges they face in identity formation.They settle ques-
say either that they identify with their racial or ethnic group tions of ethnic identity and resolve other identity issues
because their parents and others in their ethnic group in- around the same ages that European American youth do
fluenced them to do so (foreclosure status) or that they (Markstrom-Adams & Adams, 1995), and they wind up feel-
have not given the issue much thought (diffusion status). ing good about themselves (Gray-Little & Hafdahl, 2000).
Between age 16 and age 19, many minority youths move
of identity at about the same rate that males do. However, one solve identity issues than other adolescents (Berzonsky & Kuk,
reliable sex difference has been observed: Although todays 2000; Waterman, 1992).
college women are just as concerned about establishing a ca- Second, adolescents' relationships with parents affect their
reer identity as men are, they attach greater importance to and progress in forging an identity (Markstrom-Adams, 1992;
think more about the aspects of identity that center on sexu- Waterman, 1982). Youths in the diffusion status of identity
ality, interpersonal relations, and balancing career and family formation are more likely than those in the other categories to
goals (S. L. Archer, 1992; Kroger, 1997; Meeus et al, 1999). be neglected or rejected by their parents and to be distant
These concerns probably reflect the continuing influence of from them. It can be difficult to forge an identity without first
traditional gender roles. having the opportunity to identify with respected parental fig-
Judging from such research, identity formation takes a ures and to take on some of their desirable qualities. At the
long time. Many young men and women move from the diffu- other extreme, adolescents in the foreclosure status appear to
sion or the foreclosure status to the moratorium status then be extremely close—sometimes too close—to parents who are
achieve a sense of identity in their late teens or early 20s loving but overly protective and controlling. Because fore-
(Waterman, 1982). But this is by no means the end of the closed adolescents love their parents and have little opportu-
identity formation process. Some adults continue in a mora- nity to make decisions on their own, they may never question
torium status for years; others reopen the question of who parental authority or feel a need to forge a separate identity.
they are after thinking they had all the answers earlier in life Perhaps that is why achievement of identity is more likely
(Kroger, 1996). Even in their 60s, some adults are reworking when adolescents move out of the house to attend college than
and strengthening their sense of identity (Zucker, Ostrove, 8< when they stay at home during college (Jordyn 8c Byrd, 2003).
Stewart, 2002). By comparison, students classified in the moratorium
Not only does identity formation take a long time but it and identity achievement statuses appear to have a solid base
also occurs at different rates in different domains of identity of affection at home combined with freedom to be individu-
(Kroger, 1996). For example, Sally Archer (1982) assessed the als. Adolescents who make good progress in identity forma-
identity statuses of 6th- to 12th-graders in four domains: oc- tion tend to be securely attached to their parents, especially if
cupational choice, gender-role attitudes, religious beliefs, and they are females and are close to their mothers (Samuolis,
political ideologies. Only 5% of the adolescents were in the Layburn, & Schiaffino, 2001). In addition, their parents set
same identity status in all four areas, and more than 90% were rules and monitor their activities (Sartor & Youniss, 2002). In
in two or three statuses across the four areas. It is common for family discussions, these adolescents experience a sense of
some aspects of identity to take shape earlier than others. The closeness and mutual respect but also feel free to disagree with
process of identity formation may be even more complex for their parents (Grotevant & Cooper, 1986). Notice that this is
members of racial and ethnic minority groups. As the the same warm and democratic parenting style that seems to
Explorations box oh page 302 shows, they face the challenge help younger children gain a strong sense of self-esteem.
of forming a positive ethnic identity. Experiences outside the home are a third influence on
Finally, the patterns of identity development discovered identity formation. For example, adolescents who attend col-
in longitudinal studies are not always consistent with theory lege are exposed to diverse ideas and encouraged to think
(Meeus et al., 1999; van Hoof, 1999). For example, some youth through issues independently. Although college students may
may settle on an identity early and only later reflect on their be more confused for a time about their identities than peers
choice rather than experiencing a moratorium phase on their who begin working after high school (Munro & Adams, 1977),
way to achieving an identity (Meeus et al., 1999). In addition, going to college provides the kind of moratorium period
not all changes in identity status reflect forward progress to- Erikson felt was essential to identity formation. By contrast,
ward maturity; adolescents sometimes slide backward before conflicts with peers may impede identity formation or cause
they move forward again (Reis & Youniss, 2004). In short, reversion to the diffusion or foreclosure status (Reis &
identity development is complex. It takes a long time, occurs Youniss, 2004).
at different rates in different domains, and does not always Finally, identity formation is influenced by the broader
unfold in the theoretically expected way from diffusion or cultural context in which it occurs—a point Erikson empha-
foreclosure to moratorium to identity achievement. sized. The notion that adolescents should forge a personal
identity after carefully exploring many options may well be
Influences on Identity Formation peculiar to modern industrialized Western societies (Cote &
The adolescent's progress toward achieving identity is a prod- Levine, 1988; Flum & Blustein, 2000). As was true of adoles-
uct of at least four factors: (1) cognitive growth, (2) relation- cents in earlier eras, adolescents in many traditional societies
ships with parents, (3) experiences outside the home, and (4) today simply adopt the adult roles they are expected to adopt
the broader cultural context. Cognitive development enables in their culture, without much soul-searching or experimen-
adolescents to imagine and contemplate possible future iden- tation. Among the Navajo, for example, a coming-of-age cere-
tities. Adolescents who have achieved solid mastery of formal mony for pubertal young women called Kinaalda efficiently
operational thought, who think in complex and abstract ways, transforms a girl into an ideal Navajo woman around age 12
and who are self-directed and actively seek relevant informa- or 13 and connects her to her community (Markstrom &
tion when they face decisions are more likely to raise and re- Iborra, 2003). For many adolescents in traditional societies,
what Marcia calls identity foreclosure may be the most adap- they narrow things to specific choices based not only on their
tive route to adulthood (Cote & Levine, 1988). interests, capacities, and values but also on their accumulating
In Western industrialized societies, however, the adoles- knowledge of avai lable career opportunities and their require-
cent who is able to raise serious questions about the self and ments, and they begin serious preparation for their chosen oc-
answer them—that is, the individual who achieves identity—is cupations (Walls, 2000). By late adolescence, they are in a
likely to be better off for it. Identity achievement is associated good position to consider the availability of job openings in a
with psychological well-being and high self-esteem, complex field such as school counseling, the years of education re-
thinking about moral issues and other matters, a willingness to quired, the work conditions, and other relevant factors.
accept and cooperate with other people, and a variety of other The main developmental trend evident in Ginzbergs
psychological strengths (Waterman, 1992). Erikson recognized stages is increasing realism about vocational options. As ado-
that identity issues can and do crop up later in life, even for lescents narrowr career choices in terms of both personal fac-
people who form a positive sense of identity during adoles- tors (their own interests, capacities, and values) and environ-
cence. Nonetheless, he quite rightly marked the adolescent pe- mental factors (the opportunities available and the realities
riod as a key time in life for defining who we are. of the job market), they seek the vocation that best suits
them. According to vocational theorists such as John Holland
(1985), vocational choice is just this: an effort to find an opti-
mal fit between one's self-concept and personality and an oc-
Vocational identity is a central aspect of identity with major cupation (see also Super, Savickas, 8c Super, 1996).
implications for adult development. How do adolescents As they age, adolescents from lower-income families, es-
choose careers that express their sense of self as they prepare pecially minority group members living in poverty and facing
for adulthood? According to an early theory of vocational limited opportunities, stigmatization, and stress, may have
choice proposed by Eli Ginzberg (1972, 1984), vocational difficulty forming a positive vocational identity (Phillips 8c
choice unfolds in three stages: (1) the fantasy stage, (2) the Pittman, 2003). They may lower their career aspirations and
tentative stage, and (3) the realistic stage. In the fantasy stage
of vocational development, children up to about age 10 years
base their choices primarily on wishes and whims, wanting to
be zookeepers, professional basketball players, firefighters,
rock stars, or whatever else strikes them as glamorous and ex-
citing. As Linda Gottfredson (1996) emphasizes, however,
children are already beginning to narrow their ideas about fu-
ture careers to those consistent with their emerging self-
concepts—as humans rather than as bunnies or ninja turtles,
as males rather than as females, and so on. As early as kinder-
garten, for instance, almost all boys choose traditionally mas-
culine occupations, and most girls name traditionally female
occupations such as nurse or teacher (Etaugh 8c Liss, 1992;
Phipps, 1995). Still, most children make pretty unrealistic
choices of careers, and most have few clues about what it takes
to achieve their dream careers (Phipps, 1995). It may be dif-
ferent in societies in which children begin to participate in
adult work at age 3 or 4 and have real responsibilities for child
care, farming, and household tasks at age 5 to age 7 (Rogoff et
al, 2003).
During Ginzberg's second stage of vocational choice, the
tentative stage, adolescents age 11 to age 18 begin to weigh fac-
tors other than their wishes and to make preliminary deci-
sions. After considering their interests ("Would I enjoy coun-
seling people?"), they take into account their capacities ("Am
I skilled at relating to people, or am I too shy and insecure for
this kind of work?"), then think about their values ("Is it re-
ally important to me to help people, or do I value power or
money more?").
As adolescents leave this tentative stage, they begin to take
into account the realities of the job market and the physical
and intellectual requirements for different occupations ([ To make realistic vocational choices, adolescents must become fa-
(Ginzberg, 1972, 1984). During Ginzbergs third stage of vo- miliar with the requirements of different jobs—for example, through
cational choice, the realistic stage, from about age 18 to age 22, internships.
aim toward the jobs they think they are likely to get rather
than the jobs they most want (Armstrong 8c Crombie, 2000;
It is clear that adults differ from one another in their self-
Rojewski & Yang, 1997). Similarly, the vocational choices of fe-
perceptions; both age and cultural context will help you un-
males have been and continue to be constrained by traditional
derstand that variation.
gender norms. Young women who have adopted traditional
gender-role attitudes and expect to marry and start families
early in adulthood are likely to set their educational and voca- Age Differences
tional sights low, figuring that they cannot "have it all" In Western society, it is commonly believed that adults gain
(Mahaffy 8c Ward, 2002). Although more young women aspire self-esteem as they cope successfully with the challenges of
toward high-status jobs now, many others, influenced by gen- adult life but then lose it as aging, disease, and losses of roles
der norms, do not seriously consider traditionally male- and relationships take their toll in later life. Is there truth to
dominated jobs, doubt their ability to attain such jobs, and this view? A large survey over the Internet of more than
aim instead toward feminine-stereotyped, and often lower- 300,000 people ages 9 to 90 conducted by Richard Robins and
status and lower-paying, occupations (Armstrong & Crombie, his colleagues (2002) suggests there is. Self-esteem tends to be
2000; Morinaga, Frieze, & Ferligoj, 1993). high in childhood, to drop in adolescence, to rise gradually
Many other teenagers simply do not do as Erikson and through the adult years until the mid-60s, then to drop in late
vocational theorists would advise—explore a range of possible old age, as shown in Figure 11.4. The same analysis showed
occupations, then make a choice. Those who do consider a that males generally have higher self-esteem than females ex-
range of options are more likely than those who do not to cept in childhood and very old age.
choose careers that fit their personalities (Grotevant 8c So there is some support for the idea that self-esteem in-
Cooper, 1986). A good fit between person and vocation, in creases during the adult years and drops in late adulthood, al-
turn, is associated with greater job satisfaction and success though only in the 70s and 80s. Yet other work suggests that
(Spokane, Meir, & Catalano, 2000; Verquer, Beehr, 8c Wagner, elderly adults are more like young- and middle-aged adults
2003). The saving grace is that those who do not explore thor- than different in both levels of self-esteem and in the ways in
oughly as adolescents have plenty of opportunities to change which they describe themselves (Helgeson 8c Mickelson, 2000;
their minds as adults. Ruth & Coleman, 1996). Moreover, correlations between self-
esteem at one age and self-esteem at a subsequent age are gen-
S u m m i n g Up erally large, in the 0.50 to 0.70 range (Trzesniewski,
-j> *• Donnellan, 8c Robins, 2003). There is little truth, then, to the
During adolescence, self-awareness increases and self- stereotyped view that most older adults suffer from a poor
concepts become more psychological, abstract, and in- self-image, even if self-esteem drops for some adults in very
tegrated. Self-esteem may dip temporarily in early ado- old age. How, then, do most elderly people manage to main-
lescence, especially among adolescents facing a school tain positive self-images for so long, even as they experience
transition and multiple stressors. Resolving Erikson's cri- some of the disabilities and losses that come with aging?
sis of identity versus role confusion means progressing First, older people adjust their ideal selves to he more in line
from the diffusion and foreclosure statuses to the mora- with their real selves. Carol Ryff (1991) asked young, middle-
torium and identity achievement statuses, a process that aged, and elderly adults to assess their ideal, likely future, pres-
extends into late adolescence and early adulthood and ent, and past selves with respect to various dimensions of
is facilitated by cognitive development, warm and dem- well-being, including self-acceptance. Figure 11.5 shows the
ocratic parenting, and opportunities to explore. In es- average scores on the self-acceptance scale. Ratings of the
tablishing vocational identities, adolescents progress present self changed little across the adult years. However,
through Ginzberg's fantasy tentative, and realistic stages older adults scaled down their visions of what they could ide-
and seek a good fit between self and occupation, but the ally be and what they likely will be. They also judged more
choices of low-income youth and females are often con- positively what they had been. As a result, their ideal, future,
strained. ffl present, and past selves converged. Notice, then, that the gap
between the ideal self and the real self that widens during
childhood and adolescence, and that gives us a sense of falling
ie short, apparently closes again in later life, helping us maintain
self-esteem.
We enter adulthood having gained a great deal of understand- Second, people's goals and standards change with age so
ing of what we are like as individuals—but we are not done that what seem like losses or failures to a younger person may
developing. How do self-conceptions change and stay the not be perceived as such by the older adult (Helgeson 8c
same over the adult years, and to what extent are they shaped Mickelson, 2000; Carstensen 8c Freund, 1994). A 45-year-old
by the culture in which the individual develops? How do per- may be devastated at being passed over for a promotion,
sonality traits change, and how are both self-concepts and whereas a 60-year-old nearing retirement may not be any
personalities related to the psychological changes adults expe- more bothered by this slight than 45-year-olds are bothered
rience as their careers unfold? by "not being able to jump on their beds and draw pictures
1.20
4.10 A O
Males
4.00 Q Total
A A O
3.90
Females
3.80
3.70
E 3.60
0
.2
CO 3.50
CD
A
1 3.40
q5
CO 3.30 O
3.20 O'^hs^f:
Q' ''
3.10
- -
3.00 AO A
2.90
2.80
2.70
9-12 13-17 18-22 23-29 30-39 40-49 50-59 60-69 70-79 80-89
Age (in years)
F i g u r e 1 1.4 Self-esteem dips in early adolescence and rises during the adult years until it
declines in very old age. Males have higher scores than females except in childhood and late
old age.
Source: Robins et al. (2002).
with crayons" (Carstensen & Freund, 1994, p. 87). For the

125 older adult with a disability, walking a mile may be as much a
Ideal self Present self triumph as running a mile might have been earlier in life
(Rothermund 8c Brandtstadter, 2003b). As our goals and stan-
Future self Past self
dards change over the life span, we apply different measuring
115 sticks in evaluating ourselves and do not mind failing to
achieve goals no longer important.
Third, older adults maintain self-esteem because the peo-
ple with whom they compare themselves are also old (Helgeson
CD
b 105 & Mickelson, 2000; Brandtstadter & Greve, 1994). Older

O
CO
CD adults do not compare themselves with young adults but with
CO people who have the same kinds of chronic diseases and im-
pairments they have—or worse ones. If they want to feel good
$ 95 about themselves, they may even strategically select worse-off
elders for social comparison (Frieswijk et al, 2004;
Rothermund & Brandtstadter, 2003a), as in, "Ym getting
around much better than Bessy is." Indeed, some observers ar-
85 gue that stereotypes of aging in our society are so bleak that
older adults can feel better about their own aging simply by
conjuring up an image of the typical "old person"
(Brandtstadter & Greve, 1994). On balance, however, negative
75 stereotypes of old age probably have more damaging than
Young Middle- Elderly
adults aged adults adults beneficial effects on the self-perceptions of elderly people, as
shown in the Applications box on page 308.
Figure 1 I S Favorability of ratings of their ideal,
Overall, then, adults of different ages generally describe
m likely future, present (real), and past selves by young,
themselves in similar ways, but self-esteem appears to rise in
• middle-aged, and elderly adults.The gap between the
ideal and the real self that widens during childhood and
early and middle adulthood and to drop off in late old age.
adolescence shrinks during adulthood, as indicated by the converging Many older adults are able to maintain self-esteem by perceiv-
lines in the graph. As they age, adults become more comfortable ing a smaller gap than younger adults do between their real
with the idea of remaining as they are and as they have been. and ideal selves, evaluating their self-worth by different stan-
SOURCE: Adapted from Ryff (1981). dards, and making social comparisons with other older peo-
pie. Overall, powerful mechanisms are at work to protect self- their positive qualities. In Japan, making a point of your
esteem in the face of some of the challenges of aging and neg- strengths would mean slighting the importance of your group
ative stereotypes of aging (Wahl & Kruse, 2003). (Shweder et al., 1998, p. 907; also see Table 11.4 for a summary
of these differences).
Cultural Differences Interestingly, some of these cultural differences in self-
By adulthood, self-conceptions show the imprint not only of descriptions can be detected as early as age 3 or 4 when chil-
individual experiences such as positive or negative feedback dren are asked to talk about themselves and their experiences
from parents but also of broader cultural influences. In an in- (Wang, 2004). American children talk about their roles, pref-
dividualistic culture, individuals define themselves as individ- erences, characteristics, and feelings, whereas Chinese chil-
uals and put their own goals ahead of their social group s dren describe themselves in terms of social roles and social
goals, whereas in a collectivist culture, people define them- routines such as family dinners. They are a good deal more
selves in terms of group memberships and give group goals modest, too, saying things like "I sometimes forget my man-
higher priority than personal goals (Triandis, 1989, 1995). ners." Parents may contribute to these cultural differences
Individualistic cultures emphasize socializing children to be through everyday conversations with their children; for exam-
independent and self-reliant, whereas collectivist ones empha- ple, American mothers tell stories in which their children are
size interdependence with others, social harmony, and subor- the stars, whereas Chinese mothers talk about the experiences
dination of self-interest to the interests of the group. North of the family as a group (Wang, 2004).
American and Western European societies typically have an Cross-cultural studies of individualistic and collectivist
individualistic orientation, whereas many societies in Latin cultures challenge the Western assumption that a person can-
America, Africa, and Asia are collectivist. All cultures include not develop normally without individuating himself from
a mix of individualism and collectivism, however; the cultural others and coming to know his identity as an individual. They
differences we are describing are matters of degree also suggest that our methods for studying the self-—asking
(Oyserman, Coon, & Kemmelmeier, 2002). people who they are, having them respond to personality
How do self-conceptions differ in individualistic and col- scale items about how they generally behave across social
lectivist cultures? Hazel Markus and her colleagues have been contexts—may be culturally biased. Many of the world's peo-
studying cultural differences in the meaning of self in the ple seem to get on quite nicely by being part of a collective
United States and Japan (Cross, 2000; Markus, 2004; Markus, and not thinking much about how they differ from other
Mullally, 8c Kitayarna, 1997). They have found that being a group members. It is wise to bear in mind, then, that self-
person in the United States (an individualistic culture) means conceptions are culturally defined.
being your own person—independent, unique, and differen-
tiated from the rest of the social world, whereas being a per-
son in Japan (a collectivist culture) means being interdepend-
C o n t i n u i t y and D i s c o n t i n u i t y m Personality
ent, connected to others in social groups, and embedded in To address questions of continuity and change in adult per-
society. Thus, when asked to describe themselves, American sonality, we must ask two questions: Do individual adults re-
adults talk about their unique personal qualities but Japanese tain their rankings on trait dimensions compared with others
adults more often refer to their social roles and identities and in a group over the years? Do average scores on personality
mention other people (for example, "I try to make my parents trait measures increase, decrease, or remain the same as age
happy"). increases?
In addition, Americans describe their generalizable per-
sonality traits—traits they believe they display in most situa-
tions and relationships. By contrast, Japanese adults describe
their behavior in specific contexts such as home, school, or
and Collectivist Cultures
work and may describe themselves differently depending on
the social situation or context they are talking about. Indeed, Individualistic Collectivist
the Japanese language has no word to refer to I apart from so- (e.g., United States) (e.g., Japan)
cial context (Cross, 2000). In short, Americans think like trait Separate Connected
theorists, whereas Japanese people seem to adopt a social
Independent Interdependent
learning theory or contextual perspective on personality, ex-
pecting people to react differently in different situations. The Traitlike, personal qualities Flexible, different in different
transcend specific situations social contexts
result is that Westerners are more likely than Easterners to feel
and relationships
that they have an inner self consistent across situations and
over time (Tafarodi et al., 2004). Need for self-esteem results Self-critical, aware of
in seeing self as above average inadequacies
Finally, Americans are obsessed with maintaining high
self-esteem; most believe that they are above average in most Emphasis on uniqueness Emphasis on group
memberships and similarities
respects. Japanese adults are more modest and self-critical
to others
(Cross, 2000). They readily note their inadequacies and seem
reluctant to "stand out from the crowd" by calling attention to SOURCE: Based on Markus, Mullally, & Kitayama, 1997.
A re the seif-perceptions of elderly adults affected by the
negative stereotypes of aging rampant in our society?
Becca Levy (2003) argues that stereotypes of old people
older adults exposed to negative stereotypes. As Chapter 8
revealed, Levy (1996) has also found that priming older
adults with words such as senile results in poorer memory
learned in childhood often become self-stereotypes when performance than priming them with words such as wise.
people reach old age. She cites studies indicating that children Levy and her colleagues (2002) have even found that
learn early to take a dim view of elderly people, to stereotype middle-aged adults who have positive perceptions of their
them as sick, weak, forgetful, and incompetent.These negative own aging (for example, who disagree with statements such as
stereotypes are reinforced over the years and are available to "Things keep getting worse as I get older") end up not only in
be applied to the self once a person begins to think of himself better health in old age but live more than 7 years longer than
as an "old person." Aging adults often go to great lengths to adults who have less positive self-perceptions of aging. This
deny that they are old—a sign in itself that old age is negatively was the case even when age, health, socioeconomic status, and
perceived in our society—but eventually they can deny no other relevant variables were controlled. Bear in mind that
longer, apply the "old" label, and run the risk of negatively this is a correlational study and that unmeasured health or
stereotyping themselves. mental health problems may have negatively affected people's
To demonstrate that aging self-stereotypes can nega- self-perceptions of aging.
tively affect the behavior of elderly adults, Levy and her as- Klaus Rothermund and Jochen Brandtstadter (2003a) con-
sociates (Hausdorff, Levy, & Wei, 1999) used a priming tech- ducted an interesting study that tested Levy's view against com-
nique. Words reflecting either negative stereotypes of aging peting hypotheses about the relationship between aging stereo-
or positive stereotypes of aging were flashed rapidly on a types and self-perceptions in later life.They asked the following:
computer screen to elderly participants in the study so that
the words were perceived but were below the level of • Do aging stereotypes contaminate self-perceptions, as
awareness. After the priming experience, these adults were Levy (2003) argues?
asked to walk down a hall wearing measuring devices on • Alternatively, do aging stereotypes offer such a dismal
their feet that registered how rapidly they walked and how view of old age that they give the self-concepts of aging
lightly they stepped (how long their feet were off the adults a boost by allowing them to compare them-
ground). Most people assume that a slow, shuffling gait in old selves with worse-off others?
age is caused by either biological aging or illness. This study • Instead, might aging stereotypes reflect self-perceptions
demonstrated that social stereotypes are also relevant. rather than shape them so that adults experiencing the
Older adults primed with positive stereotypes of aging negative effects of aging begin to take a dim view of old
clocked faster speeds and more foot-off-the-floor time than people in general?
D o People Retain T h e i r Rankings? years apart average about 0.60 across the five personality di-
Paul Costa, Robert McCrae, and their colleagues have mensions. Correlations of this size suggest consistency in
closely studied personality change and continuity by giving personality over time but also room for change in response
adults from their 20s to their 90s personality tests and ad- to life events (McCrae & Costa, 2003; Morizot & Le Blanc,
ministering these tests repeatedly over the years (McCrae & 2003).
Costa, 2003). Focusing on the Big Five dimensions of per- The tendency to be consistent increases with age. In a
sonality listed in Table 11.1, they have found a good deal of meta-analysis of 152 studies in which personality was assessed
stability in rankings within a group, as indicated by high cor- on two or more occasions, Brent Roberts and Wendy
relations between scores on the same trait dimensions at DelVecchio (2000) found that the average correlation between
different ages. In other words, the person who tends to be scores at two testings 6 to 7 years apart was 0.31 in infancy and
extraverted as a young adult is likely to be extraverted as an early childhood, 0.54 in the college years, 0.64 at age 30, and
elderly adult, and the introvert is likely to remain intro- 0.74 from age 50 on. Because they are still forming, personal-
verted over the years. Similarly, the adult who shows high or ities are unsettled in childhood and even in a persons teens
low levels of neuroticism, conscientiousness, agreeableness, and 20s. McCrae and Costa (2003) conclude that rankings on
or openness to new experiences is likely to retain that rank- the Big Five are stable by the time adults are in their 30s, but
ing compared with that of peers years later. Correlations be- Roberts and DelVecchio (2000) conclude that personalities
tween personality trait scores on two occasions 20 to 30 stabilize even more by age 50 or 60.
These researchers asked German adults ages 54 to 77 residents after discovering that 80% blamed physical aging
at the start of the study to rate a "typical old person" and for many of their difficulties in functioning and did not con-
to rate themselves on the same scale.The sample was then sider that the nursing home environment could be a source
studied over 8 years so that relationships between earlier of their problems. In an experiment, Rodin and Langer ex-
and later stereotyped beliefs and self-perceptions could be posed one group of nursing home residents to a new the-
assessed.The adults in this study clearly had a more positive ory highlighting environmental causes of their limitations in
view of themselves than they had of the typical old person, functioning: That they had difficulty walking, for example,
although they became more charitable in their evaluations was attributed to the nursing home floors, which were tiled
of old people as they aged. Overall, the results supported and therefore slippery for people of any age. Compared
Levy's view that aging stereotypes damage self-perceptions. with an untreated control group and a group that received
Holding negative aging stereotypes at the outset of the medical information that physical aging was not the major
study led to negative self-perceptions later, whereas early source of their difficulties, the group that learned to attrib-
self-perceptions did not affect later aging stereotypes. The ute everyday problems in functioning to the nursing home
link between negative stereotypes of old age and negative environment rather than to old age became more active,
self views was especially strong among the oldest adults in more sociable, and even more healthy.
the study, perhaps helping explain the tendency for self- Ultimately, societal-level change may be needed. Some
esteem to drop in late old age. countries (China, for example) clearly have more positive
This research points to the value of combating ageist views of old age than America does (Levy & Langer, 1994). It
stereotypes and calling attention to positive aspects of old age may be possible for our ageist society, by instituting new so-
and aging. Intervention might best begin in childhood. For ex- cial policies and programs, to reduce ageism and promote
ample, intergenerational programs in which elderly adults more positive views of aging across the life span (Braithwaite,
work with children in the schools not only help children learn 2002). Meanwhile, it seems that elderly people who can avoid
but also can improve their attitudes toward old people taking negative stereotypes of old people to heart and who
(Cummings, Williams, & Ellis, 2003). Interventions to combat can avoid blaming the difficulties they encounter on the rav-
ageism also need to be aimed at elderly people. For example, ages of old age—that is, older adults who can avoid thinking
Levy's (2003) work-suggests that activating positive stereo- like ageists—stand a good chance of feeling good about them-
types of aging before elderly people perform cognitive tasks selves.
may boost their performance, at least temporarily.
Some years ago, Judith Rodin and Ellen Langer (1980)
set out to boost the self-esteem of elderly nursing home
D o Mean Personality Scores Change? Twenge (2000) has shown that recent cohorts of children and
Do most people change systematically in common directions adults have scored higher on measures of anxiety and neu-
over the years? You may be consistently more extraverted than roticism than earlier generations did. Indeed, the average child
your best friend over the years, and yet both of you, with your living in the United States in the 1980s reported levels of anx-
peers, could become less extraverted at age 70 than you were iety higher than those reported by children receiving psychi-
at age 20. A second major meaning of continuity in personal- atric treatment in the 1950s. Possibly high crime and divorce
ity, stability in the average level of a trait, is relevant in assess- rates and other social problems are making it harder for us to
ing the truth of stereotypes of older adults—for example, that feel connected to others and safe today (Twenge, 2000).
they are more rigid, grumpy, depressed, and passive than When age-group differences appear consistently in differ-
younger adults. ent cultures undergoing different social changes at different
Early cross-sectional studies suggested that younger and times, they are not likely to be because of cohort effects.
older adults have different personalities on average. However, McCrae, Costa, and their colleagues (2000) have examined
some age-group differences have turned out to be genera- age-group differences in scores on the Big Five personality di-
tional, or cohort, differences rather than true maturational mensions in countries as diverse as Turkey, the Czech
changes. That is, people's personalities are affected by when Republic, and Japan. They find that neuroticism, extraversion
they were born and by the experiences they had in their for- (especially excitement-seeking tendencies), and openness to
mative years (Schaie & Parham, 1976). For example, Jean experience all decline modestly from adolescence to middle
sonality trait dimensions are genetically influenced, has led
McCrae and Costa (2003) to conclude that the Big Five:
• Are biologically based temperaments
• Are relatively resistant to environmental influences
° Undergo a universal process of maturational change
McCrae and Costa go on to theorize that evolution is
behind maturational changes in personality. For our ances-
tors, they argue, a good deal of extraversion and openness to
new experiences during adolescence might have proved use-
ful in exploring the environment and, in the process, finding
mates and other valued resources. For adults raising chil-
dren, a keen sense of responsibility (conscientiousness) and
helpfulness (agreeableness) may have proved more adaptive.
This may explain why extraversion, openness to experience,
and neuroticism appear to. decrease from adolescence to
middle age and why conscientiousness and agreeableness
increase.
Although they are convinced that developmental trends
in Big Five personality dimensions are universal, McCrae and
Costa acknowledge that cultural and social influences shape
the specific ways in which people adapt to their environments
€ Middle-aged adults tend to be less neurotic, extraverted, and and learn habits and attitudes. Still, these leading experts on
open to experiences but more agreeable and conscientious than adult personality conclude that personality changes lives more
adolescents. than lives change personality: "Ask not how life's experiences
change personality; ask instead how personality shapes lives
age, whereas agreeableness and conscientiousness increase and gives order, continuity, and predictability to the life
modestly over this same age range. That is, during the years course." (p. 235).
from adolescence to middle adulthood, we become less anx- Not everyone agrees with the McCrae-Costa position
ious and emotionally unstable, less outgoing, less open to new that personality is largely biologically based and firmly in
experiences, more cooperative and easy to get along with, and place by around age 30. For example, Ravenna Helson and her
more disciplined and responsible. colleagues (2002) find that mean personality scores continue
Longitudinal studies confirm some of these patterns of to change after age 30 and that societal changes such as an in-
change in the Big Five (McCrae 8c Costa, 2003). Generally, creased emphasis on individualism affect adults' personalities.
longitudinal studies point to personality growth from adoles- Even McCrae and Costa (2003) allow that some aspects of
cence to middle adulthood—for example, to increased personality are more changeable and more subject to environ-
achievement orientation and self confidence (Haan, 1981; mental influence than the Big Five personality dimensions
Jones 8c Meredith, 1996), and to increased dominance and in- are—for example, attitudes and values, social roles, relation-
dependence (Helson, Jones, 8c Kwan, 2002). The studies are ships, and self-concept.
not all consistent, however, and the age changes in personality What should you conclude, then? Most evidence points to
are not always large (McCrae 8c Costa, 2003). (1) a good deal of cross-age consistency in people's rankings
What personality changes can people expect from middle compared with other people on Big Five personality trait di-
age to old age? There are only a few signs that most people mensions such as extraversion and neuroticism but also
change in similar ways during this period. Activity level—the changes in rankings; (2) cohort effects suggesting that the his-
tendency to be energetic and action oriented, an aspect of ex- torical context in which people grow up affects their person-
traversion—begins to decline in people's 50s and continue de- ality development; (3) personality growth from adolescence to
clining through the 80s and 90s (McCrae 8c Costa, 2003). middle adulthood, or a strengthening of qualities such as
People may also become more introverted and introspective achievement orientation and changes in the Big Five suggest-
in later life (Field 8c Millsap, 1991; Leon et al., 1979). Still, ing less neuroticism, extraversion, and openness to experience
most of us will not undergo similar personality changes as but more conscientiousness and agreeableness; and (4) little
part of the aging experience. Either we will remain much the personality change from middle adulthood to later adulthood
same or we will change in response to life experiences in our except for modest decreases in activity level and increases in
own ways and at our own times (Helson, Jones, & Kwan, introversion. In short, there is both continuity and disconti-
2002). nuity in personality during adulthood, and although some as-
Evidence of similar age differences in personality in dif- pects of personality may be largely biologically based, others
ferent cultures, coupled with evidence that the Big Five per- are more environmentally influenced.
W h y D o People Change or Remain the Same? mismatch between personality and environment (or lifestyle)
Having figured out that personality exhibits both stability and prompted personality change. This message about the impor-
change over the life span, developmentalists naturally want to tance of person-environment fit is the one that has emerged
know why people stay the same and why they change. What from research on children with different temperaments.
makes a personality stable? First, heredity is at work. As we Thus, genes, lasting effects of early childhood experi-
have explained, genes contribute to individual differences in ences, stable environments, and gene-environment correla-
adult personality, including all five of the Big Five personality tions (in which people seek and experience environments
factors (Borkenau et aL, 2001; Loehlin et aL, 1998). Second, that match and reinforce earlier predispositions) all con-
lasting effects of childhood experiences may contribute; you tribute to the considerable continuity seen in adult person-
have seen, for example, that parents can either help a child ality. Change in personality becomes more likely if people s
overcome a difficult temperament or contribute to it becom- biologies or environments change considerably or if there is
ing an enduring pattern of response. Third, traits may remain a poor fit between their personalities and their lifestyles. To
stable because people's environments remain stable. Fourth, the extent that there is continuity in personality, people can
gene-environment correlations may promote continuity. That predict what they and other people will be like in the future
is, genetic endowment may influence the kinds of experiences or how they will respond to life events. For example, indi-
we have, and those experiences, in turn, may strengthen our viduals who score high on measures of neuroticism and low
genetically based predispositions (Roberts & Caspi, 2003; also on measures of extraversion are likely to experience more
see Chapter 3). Thus, an extraverfs early sociability will elicit negative and fewer positive life events than other people
friendly responses from others, and she will seek and create (Magnus et al., 1993) and to have more difficulty coping
environments to her liking—places where she can socialize with negative life events when they occur (Hoffman, Levy-
and where her initial tendency to be extraverted will be Shiff, & Malinski, 1996), whereas older adults who are ex-
strengthened. The individual genetically predisposed to be an traverted and open to experience adapt well to potential
introvert, by contrast, may avoid crowds, keep to herself, and stressors such as moving, gaining rather than losing self-
therefore remain an introverted individual, comfortable with esteem (Kling et aL, 2003).
herself and her lifestyle. In a kind of snowball effect, the con-
sequences of having one early temperament rather than an-
other will cumulate over the years (Caspi, 1998).
What, then, might cause the significant changes in per- Researchers who conclude that adults hardly change over the
sonality that some adults experience? Biological factors such as years typically study personality by administering standard-
disease could contribute. The nervous system deterioration ized personality scales. These tests were designed to assess en-
associated with Huntington's disease or Alzheimer's disease, during traits and probably reveal the most stable aspects of
for example, can cause victims to become moody, irritable, personality. Researchers who interview people in depth about
and irresponsible (McCrae & Costa, 2003). Adults also change their lives or look at aspects of personality such as perceived
in response to changes in the social environment, including ma- social acceptance and loneliness often detect considerably
jor life events (Caspi, 1998; Maiden et al, 2003). For example, more change and growth (Asendorpf & van Aken, 2003;
young adults who land good jobs after college tend to gain McCrae & Costa, 2003).
confidence, whereas those who face job insecurity and unem- This is clear in research on Eriksons theory of psychoso-
ployment in their early careers lose it (Mortimer, Finch, & cial development through the life span. Erikson s eight stages
Kumka, 1982). In this way, life events help determine whether of psychosocial development, listed in Table 11.5, will be re-
traits evident in early adulthood will persist or change, much viewed briefly here, with emphasis on their implications for
as social learning theorists claim. development during adulthood. Both maturational forces and
Finally, change is more likely when there is a poor fit be- social demands, Erikson believed, push humans everywhere
tween person and environment (Roberts & Robins, 2004). For through these eight psychosocial crises. Later conflicts may
example, Florine Livson (1976) discovered that independent prove difficult to resolve if early conflicts were not resolved
women who did not have traditionally feminine traits experi- successfully. For development to proceed optimally, a healthy
enced more personality change during midlife than tradi- balance between the terms of the conflict must be struck.
tional women who fit the stereotypically feminine roles of
wife and mother better. Bothered by the mismatch between
their personalities and their traditionally feminine roles, the During Erikson's first psychosocial conflict, trust versus mis-
nontraditional women redirected their lives in their 40s, ex- trust, infants learn to trust other people if their caregivers are
pressed their masculine sides, and experienced improvements responsive to their needs; otherwise, the balance of trust ver-
in psychological health by their 50s. Similarly, men who fit the sus mistrust will tip in the direction of mistrust. Erikson be-
traditional male role changed less over the years than nontra- lieved that infants, in resolving the psychosocial conflict of ba-
ditional men who felt cramped by this role and who, after a sic trust versus mistrust, begin to recognize that they are
crisis in their 40s, began to express their more feminine, emo- separate from the caregivers who respond to their needs.
tional sides (Livson, 1981). For both men and women, then, a Indeed, as you saw earlier in this chapter, infants begin to dis-
Table 11.5 The Eight Stages of Erikson's Psychosocial Theory
Stage Age Range Central Issue
1. Trust vs. mistrust Birth to 1 year Can I trust others?

2. Autonomy vs. shame and doubt 1 to 3 years Can I act on my own?
3. Initiative vs. guilt 3 to 6 years Can I carry out my plans successfully?
4. Industry vs. inferiority 6 to 12 years Am I competent compared with others?
5. Identity vs. role confusion 12 to 20 years Who am I?
6. Intimacy vs. isolation 20 to 40 years Am I ready for a relationship?
7. Generativity vs. stagnation 40 to 65 years Have I left my mark?
8. Integrity vs. despair 65 years and older Has my life been meaningful?
tinguish self from other (typically the mother) during the first ing a committed, long-term relationship and being "tied
2 or 3 months of life. down," or he may become overdependent on a romantic part-
Toddlers acquire an even clearer sense of themselves as ner (or possibly a close friend) as a source of identity.
individuals as they struggle with the psychosocial conflict of Does identity indeed pave the way for genuine intimacy?
autonomy versus shame and doubt. According to Erikson, To find out, Susan Whitbourne and Stephanie Tesch (1985)
they develop a sense of themselves and assert that they have measured identity status and intimacy status among college
wills of their own. Consistent with this view, toddlers recog- seniors and 24- to 27-year-old alumni from the same univer-
nize themselves in a mirror and lace their speech with "me" sity. The researchers interviewed people about their closest re-
and "no" around 18 months of age. Four- and 5-year-olds who
have achieved a sense of autonomy then enter Erikson s stage
of initiative versus guilt. They develop a sense of purpose by
devising bold plans and taking great pride in accomplishing
the goals they set. As you have seen, preschoolers define them-
selves primarily in terms of their physical activities and ac-
complishments.
A sense of initiative, Erikson believed, paves the way for
success when elementary-school children face the conflict of
industry versus inferiority and focus on mastering important
cognitive and social skills. As you have seen, elementary-
school children seem intent on evaluating their competencies;
they engage in more social comparison than younger children
and are likely to acquire a sense of industry rather than one of
inferiority if those comparisons turn out favorably.
According to Erikson, children who successfully master
each of these childhood psychosocial conflicts gain new ego
strengths. Moreover, they learn a good deal about themselves
and position themselves to resolve the adolescent crisis of
identity versus role confusion, Erikson's fifth stage and a con-
cept introduced earlier in this chapter. As you have seen in
some detail, adolescence is a time for raising and answering
identity questions. But what happens to adolescents with new-
found identities during the adult years? Erikson thought that
stagelike changes in personality continue during adulthood.
Early A d u l t I n t i m a c y
As Erikson saw it, early adulthood is a time for dealing with
the psychosocial conflict of intimacy versus isolation. He the-
orized that a person must achieve a sense of individual iden-
tity before becoming able to commit himself to a shared iden-
tity with another person—that is, you must know yourself
before you can love someone else. The young adult who has C Early adulthood is the time, according to Erik Erikson, for deciding
no clear sense of self may be threatened by the idea of enter- whether t o commit t o a shared identity with another person.
lationships and placed each person in one of six intimacy sta- ence as they struggle with identity issues. Few experienced a
tuses. These included being a social isolate with no close rela- full-blown and turbulent midlife crisis, just as few had experi-
tionships, being in a shallow relationship with little commu- enced a severe identity crisis as college students. Nonetheless,
nication or involvement, being in a deep relationship but not they were growing as individuals, often becoming more caring
yet being ready to make a long-term commitment to a part- and self-aware as they entered their 50s. One of these men ex-
ner, and being in a genuinely intimate relationship that has it pressed the developmental progression Vaillant detected per-
all—involvement, open communication, and a long-term fectly: "At 20 to 30,1 think I learned how to get along with my
commitment. College graduates had progressed farther than wife. From 30 to 40,1 learned how to be a success in my job.
college seniors in resolving intimacy issues; more of them And at 40 to 50, I worried less about myself and more about
were in long-term, committed relationships. In addition, the the children" (1977, p. 195).
college graduates who had well-formed identities were more Dan McAdams and others have been studying midlife
likely than those who did not to be capable of genuine and generativity in more depth (de St. Aubin, McAdams, 8c Kim,
lasting intimacy. 2004). Their studies show that middle-aged men and women
As Erikson theorized, then, we must know ourselves be- are more likely than young adults to have achieved a sense of
fore we can truly love another person. Yet Erikson believed generativity (McAdams, Hart, 8c Mar una, 1998; Timmer,
that women resolve identity questions when they choose a Bode, 8c Dittmann-Kohli, 2003). Moreover, those adults who
mate and fashion an identity around their roles as wife and have achieved a sense of identity and intimacy are more likely
mother-to-be. Is this rather sexist view correct? Not quite. than other adults to achieve generativity, as Erikson predicted
Influenced by traditional sex-role expectations, some women (Christiansen 8c Palkovitz, 1998). Adults who score high on
resolve intimacy issues before identity issues: they marry, raise measures of generativity are caring people, committed par-
children, and only after the children are more self-sufficient ents, productive workers and mentors, and community lead-
ask who they are as individuals (Hodgson 8c Fischer, 1979). ers. Influenced by gender roles, women often express genera-
Other women with feminine gender-role orientations tackle tivity through caring for their families; men typically express
identity and intimacy issues simultaneously, perhaps forging a it through their careers and leadership roles in the community
personal identity that centers on caring for other people or (McAdams 8c Logan, 2004). In Big Five terms, generative
defining themselves in the context of a love relationship (Dylc adults tend to be agreeable, open to new experiences, and low
& Adams, 1990). in neuroticism (McAdams et al., 1998), and they are more sat-
However, still other women with more masculine gender- isfied with their lives (McAdams & Logan, 2004). Overall, re-
role orientations tend to follow the identity-before-intimacy search on generativity supports Eriksons view that both
route that characterizes men, settling on a career then think- women and men are capable of impressive psychosocial
ing about a serious relationship (Dyk & Adams, 1990). growth during middle adulthood.
Overall, then, Erikson s theory seems to fit men better than it
fits women because fewer women follow the hypothesized Old Age Integrity
identity-then-intimacy path. Sex differences in routes to iden- Elderly adults, according to Erikson, confront the psychoso-
tity and intimacy are likely to diminish, however, as more cial issue of integrity versus despair. They try to find a sense
women postpone marriage to pursue careers. of meaning in their lives that will help them face the in-
evitability of death. Most older adults, when asked what they
Midlife Generativity would do differently if they had their lives to live over, say
Does psychosocial growth continue in middle age? George there is little, if anything, they would change (Erikson,
Vaillant (1977), a psychoanalytic theorist, conducted an in- Erikson, 8c Kivnick, 1986). This suggests that most older
depth longitudinal study of mentally healthy Harvard men adults attain a sense of integrity. But how?
from college to middle age and a longitudinal study of blue- Some years ago, gerontologist Robert Butler (1963) pro-
collar workers (Vaillant, 1983; Vaillant & Milofsky, 1980). posed that elderly adults engage in a process called life review,
Vaillant found support for Eriksons view that the 20s are a in which they reflect on unresolved conflicts of the past, to
time for intimacy issues. He found that in their 30s, men come to terms with themselves, find new meaning and coher-
shifted their energies to advancing their careers and were sel- ence in their lives, and prepare for death (see Webster 8c
dom reflective or concerned about others. Finally, in their 40s, Haight, 2002). Do older adults engage in life review, and does
many men became concerned with Eriksons issue of genera- it help them achieve a healthy sense of integrity? Contrary to
tivity versus stagnation, which involves gaining the capacity stereotypes, elderly people do not spend more time dwelling
to generate or produce something that outlives you and to in the past than younger people do (Webster 8c McCall, 1999).
care about the welfare of future generations through such ac- However, whereas younger adults often reminisce to relieve
tivities as parenting, teaching, mentoring, and leading (de St boredom or to work on identity issues, older adults use their
Aubin, McAdams, 8c Kim, 2004; Slater, 2003). Vaillanfs 40- reminiscences to evaluate and integrate the pieces of their lives
something men expressed more interest in passing on some- and to prepare for death—exactly what life review is all about
thing of value, either to their own children or to younger peo- (Molmari 8c Reichlin, 1984-1985; Webster 8c McCall, 1999).
ple at work. They reflected on their lives and experienced the Elderly adults are also more likely than younger adults to fo-
kind of intellectual vitality that adolescents sometimes experi- cus on positive experiences and to emphasize the positive
from research. Although few studies have directly tested
Erikson s ideas about psychosocial development during child-
hood, his theorizing about the adolescent stage of identity ver-
sus role confusion has been tested extensively and is well sup-
ported. In addition, achieving a sense of identity in
adolescence paves the way for forming a truly intimate rela-
tionship with another person as a young adult, many middle-
aged adults go on to attain a sense of generativity, and many
older adults work toward a sense of integrity through the
process of life review.
Where in all this evidence of stability in personality traits such

as extraversion and neuroticism and of Eriksonian psychoso-
€ Reminiscence and life review can help older adults achieve a sense cial growth is the midlife crisis that many people believe is a
of integrity. standard feature of personality development in middle age?
Although Erikson saw few signs of a midlife crisis, another
emotions associated with them when they reminisce, which psychoanalytic theorist, Daniel Levinson (1986, 1996;
may help them accept their lives and feel good about them- Levinson et al., 1978), did. He proposed an influential stage
selves (Pasupathi & Carstensen, 2003). theory of adult development based on intensive interviews
As it turns out, elders who use the life review process to with men and later reported that it fit women as well
confront and come to terms with their lives display a stronger (Levinson, 1996).
sense of ego integrity and better overall adjustment than those Levinsons stages describe the unfolding of what he calls
who do not reminisce and those who mainly stew about how an individual's life structure—an overall pattern of life that
poorly life has treated them (Taft & Nehrke, 1990; Wong & reflects the persons priorities and relationships with other
Watt, 1991). Believing that life review can be beneficial in later people and the larger society. Levinson proposes that adults go
life, Butler and others have used it as a form of therapy, asking through a repeated process of first building a life structure and
elderly adults to reconstruct and reflect on their lives with the then questioning and altering it. Structure-building periods,
help of photo albums and other memorabilia. Participation in during which the person pursues career, family, and personal
life review therapy can indeed benefit elderly adults (Molinari, goals, alternate with transitional periods, when the person
1999; Webster & Haight, 2002). questions her life decisions. Levinson believed that his stages,
On balance, Eriksons view that humans experience psy- outlined in Table 11.6, are both maturational in nature and
chosocial growth throughout the life span has gained support universal. Environmental factors will influence the specifics of
Table 11.6 Levinson's S i i g ^ of Adulit Development

Stage Age Characteristics
Early adult transition 17--21 Young people make the transition from adolescence to early adulthood, try to establish
independence from parents, and explore possibilities for an adult identity. They form
the dream, a vision of their life goals.
Entering the adult world 22--28 Adults build their first life structure, often by making and testing a career choice and
by getting married. They work to succeed; find a supportive spouse, mentor, or both if
possible; and do not question their lives much.
Age 30 transition 28--33 In this period of questioning, adults ask whether their career choices and marriages are
what they want. If uncomfortable feelings arise from their questioning, they ignore
them and plug away, make small adjustments in their life structure, or plan major life
changes (e.g., a job change, a divorce, or a decision to return to school).
Settling down 33--40 This is a time for building and living a new, and often different, life structure and for
"making it," or realizing one's dream. An adult may outgrow his need for a mentor and
become his own person. As in the structure-building period of entering the adult
world, adults tend to be ambitious, task oriented, and unreflective.
Midlife transition 40--45 In this major period of questioning, Levinson believes successful adults ask whether
the dreams they formulated as young adults were worth achieving. If they have not
achieved their dreams, they face that they may never achieve them. They may make
major changes in their life structures.
an adult's life, but the basic pattern of building, questioning, tentative commitments, revising them if necessary, seeking
and rebuilding will still be evident under the surface. advancement, and establishing yourself firmly in what you
According to Levinson, the transition period from age 40 hope is a suitable occupation. Using data from a longitudinal
to age 45 is an especially significant time developmentally, a study of males tracked from adolescence to age 36 (see Super,
time of midlife crisis—of a person questioning his entire life Savickas, & Super, 1996), Susan Phillips (1982) examined
structure and raising unsettling issues about where he has been whether men's decisions about jobs at different ages were ten-
and where he is heading. Most middle-aged men Levinson tative and exploratory (for example, "to see if I really liked that
studied did not seek divorces, quit their jobs, buy red sports kind of work") or more final (for example, "to get started in a
cars, or behave like lovesick adolescents, as popular images of field I wanted [to enter]"). The proportions of decisions that
the midlife crisis would have it. However, Levinson character- were predominantly exploratory were 80% at age 21, 50% at
ized 80% of the men in his study as having experienced a bona age 25, and 37% at age 36. From age 21 to age 36, then, young
fide crisis—a period of intense inner struggles and disturbing adults progressed from wide-open exploration of different ca-
realizations—in their early 40s. And, in his in-depth study of 45 reer possibilities to tentative or trial commitments to a stabi-
women between age 35 and age 45, Levinson (1996) concluded lization of their choices. Even in their mid-30s, however, about
that women experience significant crises during both the age 30 a third of adults were still exploring what they wanted to be
transition (28 to 33) and the midlife transition (40 to 45) often when they grew up. The average man held seven full-time jobs
centered on the balancing of career and family. or training positions between age 18 and age 36 (Phillips,
Many researchers agree that middle age is a time when 1982). The picture for women is similar (Jenkins, 1989).
many important issues arise and when some men and women After their relatively unsettled 20s and decision-making
perceive themselves to be engaged in a painful self-evaluation 30s, adults often reach the peaks of their careers in their 40s
process (Hermans & Oles, 1999; Rosenberg, Rosenberg, & (Simonton, 1990). They often have major responsibilities and
Farrell, 1999). Still, there is not much support for Levinsons define themselves in terms of their work. Personality is an im-
claim that most adults experience a genuine "crisis" in their portant influence on how it goes. For example, aggressive boys
early 40s. Although many middle-aged adults evaluate their tend to become poorly adjusted adolescents and then men
lives, only a minority experience a painful upheaval that could with unstable careers and long stretches of unemployment
be called a crisis (Hedlund & Ebersole, 1983; Vaillant, 1977). (Margit et al., 2003; Roenkae & Pulkkinen, 1995). By contrast,
What is more, people question their lives at a variety of ages adults who score high in conscientiousness and extraversion
rather than only in their early 40s and often do so in response and low in neuroticism tend to achieve more vocational suc-
to specific life events such as a heart attack or a divorce. cess and are more satisfied with their jobs than other workers
If a stage of midlife crisis in the early 40s was widespread, (Bajor & Baltes, 2003; Seibert & ICraimer, 2001). Person-
researchers might expect men and women to experience sig- environment fit can be critical, too: people tend to become
nificant personality changes at midlife or to show signs of dissatisfied and open to changing jobs when the fit between
emotional disturbance, decreasing well-being, or dissatisfac- their personality and aptitudes and the demands of their job
tion with their job. This does not seem to be the case (Charles, is poor (Bretz & Judge, 1994).
Reynolds, & Gatz, 2001; McCrae & Costa, 2003; Warr, 1992). Gender is another significant influence on vocational de-
In sum, Levinson may have overestimated the extent to which velopment. Although women are entering a much wider range
midlife crisis occurs. It would seem more appropriate to call of fields today than they were a few decades ago, most secre-
the phenomenon midlife questioning, to recognize that it can taries, teachers, and nurses are still women. Partly because
occur in response to life events at a variety of ages, and to ap- they are clustered in traditionally feminine-stereotyped occu-
preciate that it is usually not a true psychological crisis. pations, U.S. women earn about 80 cents for every dollar men
earn (Associated Press, 2003). Why the gap? It is probably
caused by a combination of the influence of gender-role
norms on the choices women make in their careers and of dis-
Although Levinsons concept of midlife crisis is not well sup- crimination in the workplace.
ported, he was right to emphasize that adults revise important Gender-role norms have prompted many women to sub-
life decisions as they develop. To illustrate, consider vocational ordinate career goals to family goals. Women often interrupt
development during adulthood, a reflection of personality and their careers, drop down to part-time work, or take less-
self-concept (Judge & Bono, 2001). After much experimenting demanding jobs so that they can bear and raise children
in early adulthood, people settle into chosen occupations, ideally (Moen, 1992). In the process, they hurt their chances of rising
ones that suit their self-concepts and personalities, in their 30s to high-paid, more responsible positions. Meanwhile, the
and strive for success. Ultimately, they prepare for the end of women who make it to the top of the career ladder, especially
their careers, make the transition into retirement, and attempt to in male-dominated fields, sometimes achieve this success by
establish a satisfying lifestyle during their "golden years." remaining single, divorcing, or limiting their childbearing
(Jenkins, 1989). Overall, women without children achieve
Establishing a C a r e e r more in their careers than women with children (Carr et al.,
Much as Levinson discovered, early adulthood is a time for ex- 1998; Wilson, 2003). Each additional child reduces a woman's
ploring vocational possibilities, launching careers, making earnings further (Avellar & Smock, 2003).
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The second factor limiting women's vocational develop- ter they have retired. Second, many older workers have accu-
ment, discrimination, is evidenced by the following: mulated a good deal of on-the-job expertise that helps them
• Traditionally "female" jobs pay less than "male" jobs continue to perform well (Hansson et al., 1997). Finally, the
even when the intellectual demands of the work are similar answer may lie in the strategies that aging adults use to cope
(England, Reid, & Kilbourne, 1996). with aging. Gerontologists Paul and Margaret Baltes (1990)
° Women who enter jobs with the same management de- have theorized that older people can best cope with aging
grees and salaries as men, and receive equal performance rat- through a strategy they call selective optimization with com-
ings, still do not rise as far in the organization or earn as much pensation (Baltes & Baltes, 1990; Baltes & Freund, 2003).
as men (Cox & Harquail, 1991). Three processes are involved: selection (focus on the skills the
• Women earn about 20% less than men even when re- person most needs and wants to keep sharp), optimization
searchers control for women typically working less, stepping (practice of those skills to keep them sharp), and compensa-
out of the work force more, and entering lower-paying occu- tion (development of ways to get around the need for other
pations more often than men do (Associated Press, 2003). skills). Using selective optimization with compensation, an
Thus, although we make preliminary vocational choices overworked 60-year-old lawyer might, for example, avoid
as adolescents, we remain open to making new choices as spreading herself too thin by delegating lower-priority tasks to
young adults and take some time to settle on careers that fit younger workers (selection), putting a lot of time into staying
our personalities and gender roles. Vocational experiences af- up-to-date in her main area of specialization (optimization),
fect personality development and adjustment. For example, and making up for her failing memory by taking more notes
people whose work is complex and intellectually challenging at meetings (compensation).
grow as a result of the intellectual stimulation they receive on
the job, becoming more able to handle intellectual problems
adeptly, more self-confident, and even more tolerant of other
people (Kohn & Schooler, 1982; Schooler, Mulatu, & Oates,
1999).
T h e Aging W o r k e r
Many people believe that adults become less able or less moti-
vated to perform well on the job as they approach retirement.
As it turns out, the job performance of workers in their 50s
and 60s is similar overall to that of younger workers (Avolio &
Sosik, 1999; Hansson et al., 1997). Not only are older workers
generally as competent as younger workers, but they tend to
be more satisfied with their jobs, more involved in their work,
and less interested in finding new jobs than younger workers
are (Rhodes, 1983).
Why is the performance of older workers not hurt by
some of the age-related physical and cognitive declines de- <[ Older workers generally perform as well as younger ones, possibly
scribed in this book? First, these declines typically do not be- because they use selective optimization with compensation to cope
come significant until people are in their 70s and 80s, long af- with aging.
In a study of this coping strategy (Abraham 8c Hansson, abound in our society; the retiree supposedly ends up feeling
1995), workers age 40 to age 69 completed scales measuring useless, old, bored, sicldy, and dissatisfied with life. Yet re-
their reliance on selection, optimization, and compensation search shows that retirement has few effects on adults (Gall et
strategies. Among older adults in the sample, especially those al, 1997; Hansson et al., 1997; Palmore et al, 1985).
with highly stressful jobs, heavy reliance on selective opti- Retirement's most consistent effect is to reduce the individ-
mization with compensation helped workers maintain a high ual's income—on average, to about three-fourths of what it
level of performance and achieve their goals at work. The fed- was before retirement (Palmore et al., 1985). Retired people
eral government seems to have recognized that older workers generally do not experience a decline in health simply because
are typically effective workers. It has raised or eliminated they retire. Poor health more often causes retirement than re-
mandatory retirement ages, increased the age of eligibility for tirement causes poor health. Retirees' activity patterns and so-
receiving Social Security, and, through the Age Discrimination cial lives do not change much either (Palmore et al., 1985).
in Employment Act, protected older workers from age dis- Retirement typically has no noticeable effect on the size of
crimination in hiring and retention (Hansson et al., 1997). people's social networks, the frequency of their social con-
tacts, or their satisfaction with the social support they receive.
Retirement Finally, retirement does not seem to disrupt marriages or re-
A century ago, most adults continued working as long as they duce life satisfaction or mental health.
were able. As late as 1930, more than half of all men age 65 or Overall, then, retirees are likely to experience an adjust-
older were still working (Palmore et al., 1985). The introduc- ment process involving preretirement then honeymoon, dis-
tion of Social Security in 1934, affluence, and increased avail- enchantment, and reorientation phases. They end up adapting
ability of private pension plans has changed that, making it fi- successfully to retirement and to the drop in income that it
nancially possible for more men and women to retire and to typically involves. Yet there are huge individual differences in
do so earlier. In 1960, for example, 78% of men age 60 to age adjustment. What makes for a favorable adjustment? Adults
64 were still in the labor force; by 2000, only 55% were who retire voluntarily rather than involuntarily, enjoy good
(Samuelson, 2002). health, have the financial resources to live comfortably, and
How do people adjust to the final chapter of the work life are married or otherwise have strong social support typically
cycle? Robert Atchley (1976) proposed that adults" progress fare better than those forced to retire because of poor health
through a series of phases as they make die transition from or those who find themselves with inadequate incomes and
worker to retiree. The process of adjustment begins with a pre- few social ties (Gall et al., 1997; Palmore et al., 1985; Szinovacz
retirement phase in which workers nearing retirement gather & Ekerdt, 1995).
information, talk about retirement, and plan for the future
(Ekerdt, Kosloski, 8c DeViney, 2000). Deciding when to retire
is an important part of the process. Some workers are forced
to retire early because of poor health or because they are What makes not only for a successful transition to retirement
/
pushed out of their jobs, but others choose to retire early be- but also, more generally, for a happy and fulfilling old age?
cause they have enough money to do so, do not feel attached Theories of successful aging have been offered to answer that
to their jobs, or simply like the idea (Beehr et al., 2000; question. Activity theory holds that aging adults will find
Hansson et al., 1997). their lives satisfying to the extent that they can maintain their
Just after they retire, workers often experience a honey- previous lifestyles and activity levels, either by continuing old
moon phase in which they relish their newfound freedom— activities or by finding substitutes—for example, by replacing
perhaps they head for the beach, golf course, or camping work with hobbies, volunteer work, or other stimulating pur-
grounds and do all the projects they never had time to do suits (Havighurst, Neugarten, & Tobin, 1968; Fry, 1992).
while they worked. Then, according to Atchley, many enter a According to this theory, psychological needs do not really
disenchantment phase as the novelty wears off; they feel aim- change as people enter old age: most aging individuals con-
less and sometimes unhappy. Finally, they move to a reorien- tinue to want an active lifestyle.
tation phase in which they begin to put together a realistic and By contrast, disengagement theory says that successful
satisfying lifestyle. Research supports this view. For example, aging involves a withdrawal of the aging individual from soci-
David Ekerdt and his colleagues (Ekerdt, Bosse, 8c Levkoff, ety that is satisfying to both (Cumming & Henry, 1961;
1985) found that (1) men who had been retired only a few Achenbaum 8c Bengtson, 1994). The aging individual is said to
months were in a honeymoon period in which they were have needs different from those he once had and to seek to
highly satisfied with life and optimistic about the future, (2) leave old roles behind and reduce activity. Meanwhile, society
men who had been retired 13 to 18 months were rather disen- both encourages and benefits from the older person's disen-
chanted, and (3) men who had been retired for longer periods gagement.
were relatively satisfied (see also Gall, Evans, & Howard, Which is it? Throughout this text, you have seen evidence
1997). that individuals who remain active in old age benefit from
Clearly retirement takes some getting used to. After re- their activity. Those who are physically active maintain their
tirees have adjusted, however, are they worse off than they health longer (see Chapter 5), those who are intellectually ac-
were before they retired? Negative images of the retired person tive maintain their cognitive functions longer (see Chapter 9),
€ Many older adults subscribe to the activity theory of aging, attempting to find substitutes
for lost roles and activities. Others find happiness through disengagement and prefer to sit
and watch.
and those who remain involved in meaningful social relation- theorists assume that most people will be best off if they dis-
ships are likely to be more satisfied with their lives (see engage. In fact, an energetic and outgoing person may want to
Chapter 14). In other words, there is more support for activ- maintain her active lifestyle in old age, whereas a person who
ity theory than for disengagement theory. always found work to be a hassle may like nothing better than
But before you conclude that activity theory explains all to sit in a rocking chair and might be miserable if forced to
you need to know about successful aging, add three qualifica- continue working or to participate in a retirement commu-
tions. First, the relationship between level of activity and life nity's sing-alongs, dances, and skits.
satisfaction or well-being is surprisingly weak (Fry, 1992). Still other older adults may find satisfaction in maintaining
Apparently, many inactive individuals are nonetheless satisfied a few highly important roles, relationships, and personally
with their lives, and many busy individuals are nonetheless mis- meaningful projects but selectively withdrawing from others
erable. This suggests that quality of activity is probably more (Turk-Charles 8c Carstensen, 1999; Law ton et al., 2002). That, is,
important than its quantity (Pinquart Sc Sorensen, 2000). selective optimization with compensation, which as you saw
Second, some messages of disengagement theory have helps aging workers maintain good job performance, may also
merit (Achenbaum 8c Bengtson, 1994). As you saw earlier in this work as a strategy for maintaining a sense of well-being in old
chapter, for example, older adults sometimes become more in- age (Freund 8c Baltes, 1998; Baltes 8c Carstensen, 2003). By se-
trospective than they were earlier in life. This sort of psycholog- lecting a few priority areas, optimizing competencies in those
ical withdrawal could be viewed as a form of disengagement. areas, and compensating for performance declines in other ar-
Moreover, most older people today withdraw voluntarily from eas, older adults can continue to feel good about themselves and
certain roles and activities. Most retire, for example, and society their lives. In short, you cannot assume, as both activity theory
generally supports the concept of their doing so. and disengagement theory do, that what suits one suits all.
But third, neither activity theory nor disengagement the- Rather, you should again adopt an interactional model of de-
ory adequately allows that the personality traits people carry velopment that emphasizes the goodness of fit between person
with them from childhood influence their well-being in old and environment. In the next chapter, we explore some fasci-
age. Generally, for example, people who are highly extraverted nating interactions between biology and environment that con-
and conscientious and score low in neuroticism have a greater tribute to differences between males and females.
sense of well-being than other adults (Siegler & Brummett,
2000). Even more important, a good fit between the individ-
S u m m i n g Up
ual's lifestyle and the individual's needs, preferences, and per-
sonality may be the real secret to successful aging (Fry, 1992; People of different ages describe themselves in largely
Seleen, 1982). Activity theorists assume that most people will similar ways, and older adults are generally able to main-
benefit from maintaining an active lifestyle; disengagement tain self-esteem by closing the gap between the ideal and
the real self, altering goals and standards, and comparing generativity, and integrity in adulthood. Levinson's stage
themselves with other aging people until self-esteem theory of adult development, featuring a midlife crisis in
drops for some in late old age.There is both continuity the person's 40s, is only partly supported, although adults
and discontinuity in personality; individual rankings on Big do evaluate their lives and make changes at various times.
Five dimensions stay stable after 30, but mean scores shift In support of Levinson, adults engage in much career ex-
toward less neuroticism, extraversion, and openness t o ploration before they settle down in their 30s and
experience—and more agreeableness and conscien- achieve peak vocational success in their 40s. Personality
tiousness—from adolescence t o middle age. Few sys- and gender play a role in vocational development, and
tematic changes occur from middle age to old age ex- older workers remain productive and satisfied, perhaps
cept for a decrease in activity level and an increase in partly through the use of the coping device of selective
introversion. Stability may be caused by genes, early ex- optimization with compensation.
perience, stable environments, and gene-environment Retiring workers experience preretirement, honey-
correlations; change may be caused by biological or envi- moon, disenchantment, and reorientation phases and
ronmental changes and a poor person-environment f i t typically experience a drop in income but little change in
Erikson's theory of psychosocial development is sup- health or psychological well-being. More generally, neither
ported by evidence that resolution of conflicts centering activity theory nor disengagement theory explains suc-
on trust, autonomy, initiative, and industry pave the way cessful aging because a good fit between lifestyle and
for identity achievement in adolescence and for intimacy, personality is important I I
7. In resolving Erikson's conflict of identity versus role confu-

sion, many college-age youths progress from diffusion or foreclosure
1. Personality is an organized combination of attributes unique status to moratorium status to identity achievement status. Identity
lo llie individual; self-concept is a person's perceptions of his attri- formation is uneven across domains of identity, often continues into
butes; and self-esteem is his overall evaluations of his worth. adulthood, and is influenced by cognitive development and social ex-
2. Psychoanalytic theorists maintain that we all experience periences such as interactions with loving parents who encourage in-
stagelike personality changes at similar ages and that early person- dividuality.
ality affects later personality but Erik Erikson and Daniel Levinson 8. According to Eli Ginzberg, adolescents' vocational choices be-
saw more potential for growth during adulthood than Sigmund come increasingly realistic as they progress through the fantasy, ten-
Freud did. Trait theorists believe that aspects of personality such as tative, and realistic stages. Social factors sometimes constrain the
the Big Five trait dimensions are enduring and do not propose choices made by females and by low-income youth of both sexes.
stages of personality development. By contrast, social learning the- 9. Older adults maintain self-esteem by converging their ideal
orists and contextual theorists maintain that people can change in selves and their real selves, changing their goals and standards of self-
any number of directions at any time in life if their social environ- evaluation, and comparing themselves with other aging adults, but
ments change. sometimes they lose self-esteem in late old age. Self-conceptions dif-
3. Early in their first year, infants sense that they are separate fer in individualistic cultures (where generalizable traits are empha-
from the world around them; by 18 to 24 months, they display self- sized) and collectivist cultures (where personality is more situa-
recognition and form a categorical self based on age and sex. tional).
4. Infants differ in temperament: emotionality, activity, and so- 10. Individuals' rankings on Big Five dimensions of personality
ciability; behavioral inhibition; and easy difficult, and slow-to- become more stable with age, but there is both continuity and dis-
warm-up temperaments. Temperament is partially influenced by ge- continuity in personality during adulthood. From adolescence to
netic endowment, shaped by the goodness of fit between child and middle adulthood, people gain personal strengths, and Big Five pro-
environment, and only moderately related to later personality. files shift from neuroticism, extraversion, and openness to experience
5. Whereas the self-concepts of preschool children are largely toward agreeableness and conscientiousness. From middle age to old
focused on physical characteristics and activities, 8-year-olds de- age, a decrease in activity level and an increase in introversion may
scribe their inner psychological traits and evaluate their competen- occur.
cies through social comparison. Children are most likely to develop 11. Stability of personality may be caused by genetic makeup,
high self-esteem when they are competent, fare well in social com- lasting effects of early experience, stable environments, and gene-
parisons (like big fish in small ponds), and have warm, democratic environment correlations. Personality change may be associated with
parents. During middle childhood, personality traits become more biological or environmental changes or a poor fit between person
consistent and enduring. and environment.
6. During adolescence, self-concepts become more psychologi- 12. Erikson's theory of psychosocial development is supported
cal, abstract, and integrated, and self-awareness increases. Most ado- by evidence that resolution of conflicts centering on trust, autonomy
lescents experience only temporary disturbances in self-esteem at the initiative, and industry paves the way for achieving a sense of iden-
onset of adolescence and gain self-esteem thereafter. tity in adolescence and that identity then lays a foundation for
achieving intimacy in early adulthood, generativity in middle age, collectivist culture, 307 integrity versus despair, 313
and a sense of integrity through life review in old age. trust versus mistrust, 311 life review, 313
13. Levinson s theory that adults experience a recurring process
autonomy versus shame and life structure, 3 .14
of building and questioning life structures—highlighted by a midlife
doubt, 312 midlife crisis, 315
crisis—is only partly supported. Midlife crisis in a person's early 40s
does not seem to be universal, although adults do reevaluate their initiative versus guilt, 312 selective optimization with
lives. industry versus inferiority, 312 compensation, 316
14. Young adults engage in much career exploration and ques- intimacy versus isolation, 312 activity theory, 317
tioning before they settle down in their 30s and achieve peak success
in their 40s. Personality and gender influence vocational success, and generativity versus disengagement theory, 317
work activities influence personality. Older workers are as productive stagnation, 313
as and more satisfied than younger workers, possibly because they
use selective optimization with compensation to cope with aging.
15. Retiring workers experience an adjustment process with
preretirement, honeymoon, disenchantment, and reorientation Websites to Explore
phases; they typically experience a drop in income but little change Visit Our Website
in health or psychological well-being. In attempting to identify paths For a chapter tutorial quiz and other useful features, visit
to successful adjustment in old age, neither activity theory nor dis- the book's companion website at http://psychology.wadsworth.com/
engagement theory places enough emphasis on person-environment sigelman_rider5e. You can also connect directly to the following sites:
fit and selective optimization with compensation.
The Big Five Personality Dimensions
Get acquainted with the Big Five and the specific traits that belong
under each of the five major dimensions. You will find background
information, a comparison of this model of personality with others,
1. Write three brief descriptions of yourself to show how you
and information about tests available for assessing the Big Five di-
might have answered the question "Who am I?" at age 4, age 9, and
mensions.
age 18. What developmental changes in self-conceptions do your
self-descriptions illustrate?
2. Grade the toddler tends to become stressed when her rou- Personality Theorists from Freud to Piaget
tines are changed, a stranger comes to the door, or she is asked to try C. George Boeree, a psychology professor at Shippensburg
something she has never tried before. Help her parents understand University, has written and compiled an e-text on different personal-
her temperament and what it may mean for her personality as a 21- ity theories, including that of Erik Erikson. For each theorist, he of-
year-old. fers a brief biography, a summary of the theory, a discussion, and ad-
3. Zhenyu is having a terrible time achieving a sense of identity ditional readings for further exploration.
during adolescence; he has been drifting aimlessly for years. Drawing
on the material in this chapter, explain why this may be the case. Midlife
4. Aunt Rosalia is about to retire and wants to establish a satis- This site, intended to be "inspirational," is dedicated to middle age
fying lifestyle for her old age. What would an activity theorist, a dis- and its characteristics and challenges.
engagement theorist, and a theorist who supports selective optimiza-
tion with compensation recommend that she do? Eldercare
ElderWeb is an online sourcebook with links directly to articles about
Eldercare topics, sites where you can search for services by location
Key T e r m s and state-specific benefits information. It also has a page devoted to
financial planning.
personality, 287 slow-to-warm-up
self-concept, 287 temperament, 293 Retirement
goodness of fit, 293 A public education program of the nonpartisan Employee Benefit
self-esteem, 287
Research Institute, Choose to Save® maintains a website that pro-
identity, 287 social comparison, 295
motes planning for a secure financial future. It includes tools such as
Big Five, 288 ideal self, 296 worksheets and online calculators that help consumers of all ages
self-recognition, 290 big-fish-little-pond effect, 299 plan their retirement.
categorical self, 291 identity versus role

confusion, 300 Understanding the Data:
looking-glass self, 291 Exercises on the Web
moratorium period, 300
emotionality 291
diffusion status, 300 For additional insight on the data presented in this
activity, 291 chapter, try the exercises for these figures at http://psychology
foreclosure status, 300
sociability, 292 . wadsworth.com/sigelman_rider5e:
moratorium status, 301
behavioral inhibition, 292 Figure 11.3 Percentage of subjects in each of James Marcia's
identity achievement status, 301 four identity statuses as a function of age
easy temperament, 292
ethnic identity, 302 Figure 11.5 Favorability of ratings of their ideal, likely future,
difficult temperament, 292
individualistic culture, 307 present (real), and past selves by young, middle-aged, and el-
derly adults
Life-Span CB-ROH D E V E L O P M E N T A L
Psychology!! ftawTM
For this chapter, check out the following clips, and others, in the and learning modules. Check it out at http:/'/psychology:wadsworth
video library: . com/sigelman_rider5e/ now.
VIDEO Infancy and Toddlerhood: Temperament
VIDEO Early and Middle Childhood: Play
C H A P T E R tI w
W e
e 1 V
Gender Roles and S exua
Male and Female Tlie Adolescent S e x u a l i t y o v e r tlie Lire b p a n

Gender Norms and Stereotypes Adhering to Gender Roles Are Infants Sexual Beings?
Are There Gender Differences? Explaining Gender-Role Childhood Sexuality
Development Knowledge of Sex and
Biosocial Theory Reproduction
Tlie Infant
Psychoanalytic Theory Sexual Behavior
Differential Treatment Social Learning Theory Childhood Sexual Abuse
Early Learning Cognitive Theories Adolescent Sexuality
An Attempt at Integration Sexual Orientation
Sexual Morality
T1 ie C h i l d
Tlie Adult Sexual Behavior
Acquiring Gender Stereotypes Adult Sexuality
Changes in Gender Roles
Gender-Typed Behavior
Masculinity, Femininity, and
Androgyny
Changes with Age
Is Androgyny Advantageous?
DEVELOPMENTAL PSYCHOLOGIST CAROLE
Table 12,1 Which of These Sex Differences Is Real?
BEAL (1994) learned an interesting lesson about the signif-
icance of being a girl or a boy when she was interviewing Which of the following do you think are consistent sex differ-
9-year-olds: ences that have been demonstrated in studies comparing males
and females? Mark each statement T (true) or F (false). Answers
I had just finished one interview and was making some are printed upside down; they will be clarified in the discussion
quick notes when the next child came into the office. I that follows.
looked up, and an odd thing happened: I could not tell 1. Males are more aggressive than females.
whether the child was a boy or a girl.The usual cues
2. Males are more active than females.
were not there:The child's hair was trimmed in a sort
of pudding-bowl style, not really long but not defini- 3. Females are more social than males.
tively short either.The child was dressed in a gender- 4. Females have stronger verbal abilities than males.
neutral outfit of jeans, sneakers, and a loose T-shirt, like 5. Males have greater achievement motivation than fe-
most of the children at the school.The name on the in- males.
terview permission slip was "Cory" which did not clar- 6. Males are more analytical than females.
ify matters much as it could be either a boys or a girls 7. Females are more suggestible and prone to conform
name. Still puzzled, I began the interview and found my-
than males.
self becoming increasingly frustrated at not knowing
8. Females are more emotionally unstable than males.
Cory's sex. I quickly realized how many unconscious as-
sumptions I usually made about boys and girls; for ex- 9. Males are more rational and logical than females.
ample, that a girl would probably like a particular story 10. Males have greater spatial and mathematical abilities
about a horse and be willing to answer a few extra than females.
questions about it, or that a boy would probably start Answers: TrOI cd"6 <d-8 ci~9 tt-S '1-f 'd-£ 'JrZ cl~ 1
to get restless after a certain point and I would have to
work a bit harder to keep his attention, (p. 3)
r
may have only one X chromosome or a boy may have three
chromosomes (XYY or XXY). Chromosomal differences re-
sult in different prenatal hormone balances in males and fe-
Unlike Cory, most children are readily identified as girls or
males, and hormone balances before and after birth are re-
boys and treated accordingly. How much does it matter, in
sponsible for the facts that the genitals of males and females
terms of development, whether a child is perceived and
differ and that only females can bear children. Moreover,
treated as a girl or as a boy? How much does it matter whether
males typically grow to be taller, heavier, and more muscular
a child is a girl or a boy biologically? These are the kinds of
than females, although females may be the hardier sex in that
questions we taclde in this chapter.
they live longer and are less susceptible to many physical dis-
Gender matters. When proud new parents telephone to
orders (Giampaoli, 2000). As you will see later in the chapter,
announce a birth, the first question friends and family tend to
some theorists argue that biological differences between males
ask is "Is it a boy or a girl?" Before long, girls discover that they
and females are responsible for psychological and social dif-
are girls, and many acquire a taste for frilly dresses and dolls,
ferences.
and boys discover that they are boys and often wrestle each
However, there is much more to being male or female
other on the lawn. As an adult, you are probably keenly aware
than biology. Virtually all societies expect the two sexes to
of being either a man or a woman and may define yourself
adopt different gender roles—the patterns of behavior that fe-
partly in terms of your "feminine" or "masculine" qualities. In
males and males should adopt in a particular society (for ex-
short, being female or male is a highly important aspect of the
ample, the roles of wife, mother, and woman or of husband,
self throughout the life span. Before you read any further, try
father, and man). Characteristics and behaviors viewed as de-
the quiz in Table 12.1 to see if you know which of the many
sirable for males or females are specified in gender-role
ideas about male-female differences have some truth to them.
norms—society's expectations or standards concerning what
males and females should be like. Each society's norms gener-
ate gender-role stereotypes, overgeneralized and largely inac-
Male a n d F e m a l e curate beliefs about what males and females are like.
Through the process of gender typing, children not only
What difference does it make whether a person is a male or a become aware that they are biological males or females but
female? It matters in terms of physical differences, psycholog- also acquire the motives, values, and patterns of behavior that
ical differences, and differences in roles played in society. The their culture considers appropriate for members of their bio-
physical differences are undeniable. A zygote that receives an logical sex. Through the gender-typing process, for example,
X chromosome from each parent is a genetic (XX) female, Susie may learn a gender-role norm stating that women
whereas a zygote that receives a Y chromosome from the fa- should strive to be good mothers and gender-role stereotypes
ther is a genetic (XY) male. In rare cases of gender chromo- indicating that women are more skilled at nurturing children
some abnormalities (see Chapter 3), this is not the case; a girl than men are. As an adult, Susan may then adopt the tradi-
tional feminine role by switching from full- to part-time work ing gender-relevant traits had been administered, she found
when her first child is born and devoting herself to the task of that men and women in the mid-1990s described themselves
mothering. more similarly than men and women did 20 years previously,
It would be a mistake, then, to attribute any differences largely because modern women saw themselves as having
that we observe between girls and boys (or women and men) more masculine traits. However, male and female personality
solely to biological causes. They could just as easily be caused profiles continued to differ in ways consistent with gender
by differences in the ways males and females are perceived and stereotypes. Might beliefs about sex differences, then, have a
raised. But before we try to explain sex differences, perhaps we basis in fact?
should describe what these differences are believed to be and
what they actually are.
Much research has attempted to answer the question of

whether there are sex or gender differences in behavior.
Which sex is more likely to express emotions? To be neat and Although differences in some areas have been identified, other
organized? To be competitive? To use harsh language? If you areas show no gender differences. As you review the areas in
are like most people, you undoubtedly have ideas about how which there are some differences, keep in mind that these are
men and women differ psychologically and can offer some an- often small, group differences. That is, even when research
swers to these questions. showrs that women score higher (or lower) than men on aver-
The females role as childbearer has shaped the gender- age, there will be individual women who score lower (or
role norms that prevail in many societies, including our own. higher) than individual men. With this in mind, here is what
At the heart of the feminine gender role is communality, an the research showrs:
orientation that emphasizes connectedness to others and in- ° Females sometimes display greater verbal abilities than
cludes traits of emotionality and sensitivity to others (Best & males, but the difference is small According to Eleanor
Williams, 1993; Conway & Vartanian, 2000). Simon Baron- Maccoby and Carol Jacklins (1974) classic review of more
Cohen (2003) goes so far as to argue that the female brain is than 1500 studies, girls tend to develop verbal skills at an ear-
"hard-wired for empathy," which is a significant component lier age than boys and show a small but consistent advantage
of communality (p. 1). Girls who adopt communal traits will on tests of vocabulary, reading comprehension, and speech
presumably be prepared to play the roles of wife and fluency. Sex differences in verbal ability have all but disap-
mother—to keep the family functioning and to raise children peared in more recent studies, but girls continue to achieve
successfully. By contrast, the central aspect of the masculine higher classroom grades in English (Feingold, 1988; Hyde &
gender role is agency, an orientation toward individual action Linn, 1988; Nowell & Hedges, 1998; Wentzell, 1988).
and achievement that emphasizes traits of dominance, inde- ° Males outperform females on tests of spatial ability (for
pendence, assertiveness, and competitiveness. Boys have been example, arranging blocks in patterns or identifying the same
encouraged to adopt agentic traits to fulfill the traditionally figure from different angles; see Figure 12.1). Although
defined roles of husband and father, which involve providing Maccoby and Jacklin concluded in their 1974 review that these
for the family and protecting it from harm. Taking this one differences emerge only in adolescence, differences on some
step further, Baron-Cohen (2003) claims that men's focus on tests—especially mental rotations—can be detected in child-
work, achievement, and independence stems from the male hood and persist across the life span (Choi 8c Silverman, 2003;
brains tendency to systemize, or analyze and explore how Nordvik 8c Amponsah, 1998; Voyer, Voyer, & Bryden, 1995).
things work. • Most, but not all, research finds that males outperform
Norms in many cultures mandate that females play a females, on average, on tests of mathematical ability. In par-
communal role and males play an agentic role, which leads us ticular, Janet Hyde and her associates (Hyde, Fennema, 8c
to form stereotypes saying that females possess communal Lamon, 1990) conclude that girls have a slight edge in calcula-
traits and males possess agentic traits (Williams & Best, 1990). tion skills; the sexes do not differ in their understanding of math
Unfortunately, feminine traits are stereotyped as more child- concepts; and males outperform females on mathematical word
like and less adultlike than masculine traits, placing adults problems, starting in adolescence. The male advantage in math-
perceived as having feminine traits at a disadvantage ematical problem-solving skills is especially clear in samples
(Powlishta, 2000). If you are thinking that these stereotypes of high math performers; that is, more males than females are
have disappeared as attention to women's rights has increased mathematically talented (Stumpf & Stanley, 1996). Some re-
and as more women have entered the labor force, think again. search shows that this male advantage is evident in the earliest
Although some change has occurred, adolescents and young grades (Nowell 8c Hedges, 1998; Robinson et al., 1996). As it
adults still endorse many traditional stereotypes about men turns out, more males than females are also low math achiev-
and women (Botkin, Weeks, 8c Morris, 2000; Lueptow, ers; on several cognitive ability tests, more males than females
Garovich-Szabo, 8c Lueptow, 2001). show up at both the top and the bottom of the scale (Feingold,
Moreover, males and females continue to describe them- 1992).
selves differently. When Jean Twenge (1997) analyzed studies • Males engage in more physical and verbal aggression than
conducted from 1970 to 1995 in which standard scales assess- females, starting as early as age 2 (Buss 8c Perry, 1992; Eagly 8c
• Both males and females report that females are more nur-
turant and empathic; sex differences in behaviors, however; are
small but show females empathizing more than males (Baron-
Cohen, 2003; Deutsch, 1999; Feingold, 1994b). Females take
more interest in and are more responsive to infants (Reid 8<
Trotter, 1993).
* Females are somewhat more anxious, cautious, and fear-
ful although not in social situations (Feingold, 1994b). They
are also more prone to develop anxiety disorders and phobias
(Pigott, 2002).
• Males show a small edge over females in self-esteem (Kling
et al, 1999; Robins et aL, 2002). Overall, the largest gender dif-
ference in self-esteem is found during late adolescence, but the
difference is evident throughout adulthood.
y
y • Males are more likely to engage in risky behaviors, al-
though this varies with age and has decreased somewhat over
the years (Byrnes, Miller, & Schafer, 1999; Pinker, 2002).
Despite such evidence of gender differences from some
researchers, others take the contrasting view that even the
largest of the "real" psychological differences between the
sexes are trivial. For example, if you imagine all the differences
in aggressiveness among individuals, from the most aggressive
to the least aggressive person in a group, it turns out that only
5% of that variation can be traced directly to whether a per-
son is male or female (Hyde, 1984); apparently, the remaining
95% of the variation is caused by other differences among
people. It is worth reiterating the point we made at the begin-
ning of this section: Average levels of a behavior such as ag-
gression may be noticeably different for males and females,
F i g u r e 12 J A spatial ability task. Are the two figures in each pair but within each sex there are both extremely aggressive and
alike or different?The task assesses the ability to mentally rotate vi- extremely nonaggressive individuals. Thus, it is impossible to
sual information and is a task on which average differences between predict accurately how aggressive a person is simply by know-
males and females are large. ing his or her gender. Sex differences in most other abilities
SOURCE: Shepard & M e t i e r (1971). and personality traits are similarly small. Moreover, some sex
differences are smaller today than they used to be (Hyde et aL,
Steffen, 1986). Males commit more serious crimes (Barash, 1990; Stumpf & Stanley, 1996).
2002), but sex differences are clearer for physical aggression As it turns out, many of our stereotypes of males and fe-
than for other forms of aggression. For example, females tend males are just that—overgeneralizations unsupported by fact.
to specialize in subtle, indirect, and relational forms of aggres- Despite some differences, females and males are more psycho-
sion such as gossiping about and excluding others (Bjorkqvist, logically similar than different.
1994; Crick & Bigbee, 1998). Why do unfounded stereotypes persist? Partly because
° Even before birth and throughout childhood, boys are we, as the holders of male-female stereotypes, are biased in
more physically active than girls (Almli, Ball, & Wheeler, 2001); our perceptions. We are more likely to notice and remember
they fidget and squirm more as infants and run around more behaviors that confirm our beliefs than to notice and remem-
as children. ber exceptions, such as independent behavior in a woman or
• Boys are more developmentally vulnerable, not only to emotional sensitivity in a man (Martin & Halverson, 1981).
prenatal and perinatal stress (for example, they die more often Alice Eagly's (1987) social-role hypothesis suggests that dif-
before birth) but also to several diseases and to disorders such ferences in the roles that women and men play in society do a
as reading disabilities, speech defects, hyperactivity, emotional lot to create and maintain gender-role stereotypes (see also
problems, and mental retardation (Henker & Whalen, 1989; Eagly & Steffen, 2000). For example, men have traditionally
Jacklin, 1989; Raz et al., 1994). occupied powerful roles in business and industry that require
• Girls are more compliant with requests from adults, al- them to be dominant and forceful. Women have more often
though they are no more likely than boys to give in to peers filled the role of homemaker and therefore have been called
(Maccoby, 1998). upon to be nurturant and sensitive to their children's needs.
° Girls are more tactful and cooperative, as opposed to As a result, we begin to see men as dominant or agentic by na-
forceful and demanding, when attempting to persuade others ture and women as nurturant or communal by nature. We lose
to comply with them (Baron-Cohen, 2003; Maccoby, 1998). sight that it is differences in the social roles they play that
day, you will still see relatively few women among the engi-
neers and few men among the nursing graduates. More men
are sharing child-rearing and household responsibilities with
their partners, but most couples still divide die labor along
traditional lines, so that the woman is primarily responsible
for child care and housework and the man is primarily re-
sponsible for income and money management (Bianchi et al.,
2000; Perkins 8c DeMeis, 1996). When we think about who
asks whom out on a date, who stays home from work when a
child has the chicken pox, or who sews the buttons back on
shirts, we must conclude that, despite significant social
change, traditional gender roles are alive and well.
Summing Up
In short, we continue to live in a society where, for bet-

<[ According t o A\lice Eagly's social-role hypothesis, this man would ter or worse, being male or female matters.The psycho-
be perceived as nurturant, warm, and caring because he has as-
logical differences between the sexes may be few and
sumed the role of caregiver
small, but the physical differences are always visible, and
the roles that most men and women play in society con-
tinue t o differ Now, trace how girls and boys master their
cause men and women to behave differently. It could be that 1
gender-role curriculum" and how they apply what they
sex differences in behavior might be reversed if women ran
learn throughout their lives. B
companies and men raised children.
As Eagly's social-role hypothesis suggests, we must adopt
a contextual perspective on psychological differences between
males and females. Sex differences evident in one culture or e
social context often are not evident in another (Deaux &
Major, 1990; Feingold, 1994a). For example, women do better At birth there are few differences, other than the obvious
on tests of mathematical ability—and sometimes outperform anatomical ones, between males and females, and even these
men—in countries such as Israel, where women have excellent few differences tend to be small and inconsistent. Nonetheless,
occupational opportunities in technical fields (Baker 8c Jones, it does not take long after newborns are labeled as girls or boys
1992). This suggests that sex differences in abilities are not bi- for gender stereotypes to affect how they are perceived and
ologically inevitable. From a contextual perspective, it is silly treated—and for infants to notice that males and females are
to speak about the "nature of women" or the "nature of men." different.
Differences between males and females can be large or small
depending on the social contexts in which they find them-
selves.
Although psychological sex differences are often small, When the baby is still in the hospital delivery room or nurs-
however, it makes a difference in society whether a person is ery, parents tend to use masculine terms when talking to or
male or female. First, gender norms and stereotypes, even about their infant son (such as "big guy" or "tiger") and to
when they are unfounded, affect how we perceive ourselves comment on the strength of his cries, kicks, and grasps. Girl
and other people. As long as people expect females to be less infants are more likely to be labeled "sugar" or "sweetie" and
competent in math than males, for example, females may lack to be described as soft, cuddly, and adorable (Maccoby, 1980).
confidence in their abilities and perform less competently Even when objective examinations reveal no such differences
(Eccles, Jacobs, 8c Harold, 1990). That many stereotypes are between boys and girls at birth, adults perceive boys as strong,
unfounded does not make them less potent. large featured, and coordinated and view girls as weaker, finer
In addition, even though males and females are similar featured, and more awkward (Rubin, Provenzano, 8c Luria,
psychologically, they are steered toward different roles in soci- 1974; see also Karraker, Vogel, 8c Lake, 1995). Soon boys and
ety. In childhood, girls and boys conform to their gender roles girls are decked out in either blue or pink and provided with
by segregating themselves by sex and developing different in- "sex-appropriate" hairstyles, toys, and room furnishings
terests and play activities (Maccoby, 1998). As adolescents (Pomerleau et al., 1990).
and adults, males and females pursue different vocations In one study (Condry & Condry, 1976), college students
and lifestyles. Although more women are entering male- watched a videotape of a 9-month-old infant who was intro-
dominated fields today than in the past, they are underrepre- duced as either a girl ("Dana") or a boy ("David"). Students
sented in many traditionally male-dominatedfields,and men who saw "David" interpreted his strong reaction to a jack-in-
rarely enter female-dominated fields (U.S. Department of the-box as anger, whereas students who watched "Dana" con-
Labor, 2001). If you go to a college graduation ceremony to- cluded that the same behavior was fear. Although stereotyping
of boys and girls from birth could be partly the effect of dif-
ferences between the sexes (Beneson, Philippoussis, 8c Leeb,
1999), it may also be a cause of such differences. Remarkably, young children begin to learn society's gender
stereotypes around the time they become aware of their basic
gender identities. Judith Blakemore (2003) showed pictures of
Early L e a r n i n g
toys to 3- to 11-year-olds and asked them whether boys or
Yet infants are not merely the passive targets of other people's girls would usually play with each toy. Toys included mascu-
reactions to them; they are actively trying to get to know the line-stereotyped ones (for example, GI Joe dolls) and femi-
social world around them and to get to know themselves. By nine-stereotyped ones (for example, Barbie dolls). Even the
the end of the first year, babies can already distinguish women youngest children (3 years) knew that girls, but not boys, play
from men in photographs (women are the long-haired ones), with Barbie dolls and vice versa for GI Joes. They also recog-
and they look longer when male or female voices match prop- nized that boys and girls differ in clothes and hairstyles.
erly with male or female faces than when a male voice is paired In other research, girls as young as 24 months understood
with a female face or vice versa (Fagot 8c Leinbach, 1993; which activities were masculine and which ones were feminine
Poulin-Dubois et al., 1994). As they begin to categorize other (Poulin-Dubois et al., 2002; see also Serbin, Poulin-Dubois, 8c
people as males and females, they also figure out which of Eichstedt, 2002). Boys, however, did not show the same under-
these two significant social categories they belong to. By 18 standing until at least 6 months la ter. Even by 18 months of age,
months, most toddlers seem to have an emerging understand- girls can match photos of gender-stereotypic toys with faces of
ing that they are either like other males or like other females, boys or girls (Serbin et al., 2001). So children, at least girls, are
even if they cannot verbalize it (Lewis 8c Weinraub, 1979). aware of gender stereotypes at an early age.
Almost all children give verbal proof that they have acquired a Over the next several years, children acquire considerably
basic sense of gender identity, or an awareness that they are ei- more "knowledge" about the toys and activities considered ap-
ther a boy or a girl, by age 2V2 to age 3 (Levy, 1999; Warin, propriate for girls or boys (Blakemore, 2003; Serbin,
2000). Powlishta, 8c Gulko, 1993). For instance, Gary Levy and his as-
As they acquire their gender identities, boys and girls are sociates (2000) asked 4- and 6-year-olds whether men or
also beginning to behave differently. By the end of their sec- women would be better in two masculine-stereotyped occu-
ond year, boys usually prefer trucks and cars to other play- pations (car mechanic and airplane pilot) and two feminine-
things, whereas girls of this age would rather play with dolls stereotyped occupations (clothes designer and secretary).
and soft toys (Smith 8c Daglish, 1977; Wood, Desmarais, & Children believed that men would be more competent than
Gugala, 2002). Many 18- to 24-month-old toddlers will refuse women as mechanics and pilots whereas women would make
to play with toys regarded as appropriate for the other sex— better designers and secretaries. Boys and girls also expressed
even when there are no other toys to play with (Caldera, positive emotions at the thought of growing up and holding
Huston, 8c O'Brien, 1989). As they approach age 2, then, in- gender-stereotypic occupations. They reacted negatively, how-
fants are already beginning to behave in ways considered gen- ever, when asked to consider holding gender-counterstereo-
der appropriate in our society. typic occupations.
How seriously do children take the gender-role norms
Summing Up and stereotypes that they are rapidly learning? It depends on
how old they are. Robin Banerjee and Vicki Lintern (2000)
In sum, the 2 years of infancy lay the groundwork for
tested the rigidity of 4- to 9-year-olds' gender-stereotypic be-
later gender-role development Because their sex is im-
liefs with four brief stories in which characters had either
portant to those around them, and because they see that
gender-stereotypic interests (for example, a boy named Tom
males and females diffen infants begin to form categories
who was best friends with another boy and liked playing with
of "male" and "female," establish a basic gender identity,
airplanes) or gender-counterstereotypic interests (for exam-
and pursue "gender-appropriate" pastimes. M
ple, a boy named John who wras best friends with a girl and
liked playing with doll carriages). Children were then asked
whether the target child would like to play with dolls, play
football, skip, or play with toy guns. Younger children (4- and
T h e Ckild 6-year-olds) were considerably more rigid in their beliefs than
older children; they did not believe that boys would want to
Much of the action in gender-role development takes place play with dolls or skip (stereotypic girl activities) or that girls
during the toddler and preschool years. Having already come would want to play with footballs or toy guns (stereotypic boy
to understand their basic gender identity, young children rap- activities). Consistent with earlier research (Damon, 1977),
idly acquire gender stereotypes, or ideas about what males and rigidity about gender stereotypes increased from 4 to 6 years
females are supposedly like, and gender-typed behavioral pat- of age then decreased significantly from age 6 to age 8 or 9.
terns, or tendencies to favor "gender-appropriate" activities Why? Between ages 4 and 6, most children acquire a clear un-
and behaviors over those typically associated with the other derstanding that their sex will remain constant, making them
sex. intolerant of anyone who violates traditional gender-role
standards. These norms now have the force of absolute moral
laws and must be obeyed: boys must not play with dolls. With same sex
Eleanor Maccoby (1998) suggests that young children 60 In mixed group

may exaggerate gender roles to cognitively clarify these roles.
Once their gender identities are more firmly established, chil- CD With other sex
-I 50
dren can afford to be more flexible in their thinking about
J5
what is "for boys" and what is "for girls." They still know the CL
stereotypes, but they no longer believe as many of them 1 40

o
(Signorella, Bigler, & Liben, 1993). Other research suggests CO
M—
that children's rigidity about gender-role violations depends 0 30
&
co
on how essential or valued a behavior is to children's under- HCO'
c
standing of gender identity (Blakemore, 2003). Thus, children CD
believe it would be bad for boys to wear dresses because 1 20

CL
dresses are strongly associated with the feminine gender role.

But if boys wanted to play with a toy kitchen, this would not 10
Sws
be too bad because, although the toy kitchen may be associ-
ated with the feminine gender role, it is not considered an es- 0 *Mm
At age 4.5 At age 6.5
sential aspect of the feminine gender role (Blakemore, 2003).
F i g u r e i 2.2 Do children prefer playmates of their
own sex? Apparently so. Both boys and girls spend
more time playing with same-sex peers, especially at
Finally, children rapidly come to behave in "gender-appropriate" age 6.
ways. As you have seen, preferences for gender-appropriate toys Soufice; Reprinted from "Advances in Child Development and Behavior", Volume 20, edited by H. Reese,
Copyright © 1987 with permission from Elsevier.
are detectable in infancy. Apparently, babies establish preferences

for "boys' toys" or "girls' toys" even before they have established
clear identities as males or females or can correctly label toys as
"boy things" or "girl things" (Blakemore, LaRue, 8c Olejnik, 1979;
Fagot, Leinbach, & Hagan, 1986). In childhood, preference for
same-sex toys is still evident, although occasionally both boys
and girls would like to play with "boys' toys" more than "girls'
toys" (Klinger, Hamilton, 8c Cantrell, 2001). Moreover, children
quickly come to favor same-sex playmates. Several studies show
that by 30 to 36 months of age, children form, new friendships
primarily with same-sex partners (see, for example, Howes,
1988; Martin 8c Fabes, 2001).
During the elementary-school years, boys and girls de-
velop even stronger preferences for peers of their own sex and
show increased gender segregation, separating themselves
into boys' and girls' peer groups and interacting far more of-
ten with their own sex than with the other sex (Maccoby,
1998). Gender segregation occurs in a variety of cultures, from
Kenya to India to the Philippines, and it increases with age
(Leaper, 1994; Whiting 8c Edwards, 1988). At age 472, children
in the United States spend 3 times more time with same-sex
peers than with peers of the other sex; by age 6V2, they spend
11 times more time (see Figure 12.2; Maccoby 8c Jacklin,
1987). This is partly because of incompatibilities between
boys' and girls' play styles. Boys are too rowdy, domineering,
and unresponsive to suit the tastes of many girls, so girls grav-
itate toward other girls and develop a style of interacting
among themselves different from the rather timid style they
adopt in the company of boys (Maccoby, 1998; Moller 8c
Serbin, 1996).
As it turns out, children who insist most strongly on clear
<[ Do boys and girls segregate themselves into same-sex play groups boundaries between the sexes and avoid consorting with "the
because they have different play styles? enemy" tend to be socially competent and popular, whereas
children who violate gender segregation rules tend to be less eighth-graders clearly understood that gender-role expecta-
well adjusted and run the risk of being rejected by their peers tions are just social conventions that can easily be changed
(Kovacs, Parker, & Hoffman, 1996; Sroufe et al, 1993). Boys and do not necessarily apply in all societies. However, these
face stronger pressures to adhere to gender-role expectations adolescents had also begun to conceptualize gender-role vio-
than girls do. This may be why they develop stronger gender- lations as a sign of psychological abnormality and could not
typed preferences at earlier ages (Banerjee & Lintern, 2000; tolerate them.
O'Brien et al., 2000). Just ask your female classmates if they Increased intolerance of deviance from gender-role ex-
were tomboys when they were young; you are likely to find pectations is tied to a larger process of gender intensification,
that about half were (Bailey, Bechtold, & Berebaum, 2002). in which sex differences may be magnified by hormonal
But we challenge you to find many male classmates who will- changes associated with puberty and increased pressure to
ingly admit they were sissies in their youth. The masculine conform to gender roles (Boldizar, 1991; Galambos, Almeida,
role is clearly defined in our society, and boys are ridiculed & Petersen, 1990). Boys begin to see themselves as more mas-
and rejected if they do not conform to it (Martin, 1990). culine; girls emphasize their feminine side. Girls often become
more involved with their mothers, and boys spend more time
Summing Up with their fathers (Crouter, Manke, 8c McHale, 1995). Why
might this gender intensification occur? Hormonal influences
Gender-role development proceeds with remarkable
may be at work, or adolescents may emphasize gender more
speed. By the time they enter school, children have long
once they mature physically and begin to look like either a
been aware of their basic gender identities, have acquired
man or a woman. Parents may also contribute: as children en-
many stereotypes about how the sexes differ; and have
ter adolescence, mothers do more with their daughters and fa-
come t o prefer gender-appropriate activities and same-
thers do more with their sons (Crouter et al., 1995).
sex playmates. During middle childhood, their knowledge
Peers may be even more important. Adolescents increas-
continues t o expand as they learn more about gender-
ingly find that they must conform to traditional gender norms
stereotyped psychological traits, but they also become
to appeal to the other sex. A girl who was a tomboy and
more flexible in their thinking about gender roles.Their
thought nothing of it may find, around age 12 or 13, that she
behavior, especially if they are boys, becomes even, more
must dress and behave in more "feminine" ways to attract boys
gender typed, and they segregate themselves even more
and must give up her tomboyish ways (Burn, O'Neil, &
from the other sex. •
Nederend, 1996). A boy may find that he is more popular if he
projects a more sharply "masculine" image. Social pressures
on adolescents to conform to traditional roles may even help
e O.Ie scent explain why sex differences in cognitive abilities sometimes
become more noticeable as children enter adolescence (Hill &
After going their separate ways in childhood, boys and girls Lynch, 1983; Roberts et al., 1990). Later in adolescence,
come together in the most intimate ways during adolescence. teenagers again become more comfortable with their identi-
How do they prepare for the masculine or feminine gender ties as men and women and more flexible in their thinking.
roles they will be asked to play in adulthood? We have now surveyed some major milestones in gender-
role development from infancy to adolescence—the develop-
ment of basic gender identity in toddlerhood, gender segrega-
tion in childhood, and a return to rigid thinking about gender
As you have just seen, young elementary-school children are as part of gender intensification during adolescence. Now
highly rigid in their thinking about gender roles, whereas comes the most intriguing question about gender-role devel-
older children think more flexibly, recognizing that gender opment in childhood and adolescence: How can it be ex-
norms are not absolute, inviolable laws. Curiously, children plained?
again seem to become highly intolerant of certain role viola-
tions and to become stereotyped in their thinking about the
proper roles of males and females in adolescence. They are
more likely than somewhat younger children to make negative "Once there was a baby named Chris... [who] went to live on
judgments about peers who violate expectations by engaging a beautiful island . . . [where] there were only boys and. men;
in cross-sex behavior or expressing cross-sex interests (Alfieri, Chris was the only girl. Chris lived a very happy life on this is-
Ruble, & Higgins, 1996; Sigelman, Carr, & Begley, 1986). land, but she never saw another girl or woman" (Taylor, 1996,
Consider what Trish Stoddart and Elliot Turiel (1985) p. 1559). Do you think Chris developed traditionally mascu-
found when they asked children ages 5 to 13 questions about line or traditionally feminine characteristics? When Marianne
boys who wear a barrette in their hair or put on nail polish Taylor (1996) asked children about Chris's toy preferences, oc-
and about girls who sport a crew haircut or wear a boys suit. cupational aspirations, and personality traits, she found that
Both the kindergartners and the adolescents judged these be- 4- to 8-year-olds took the nature side of the nature-nurture
haviors to be wrong, whereas third- andfifth-gradersviewed controversy: They expected Chris's biological status as a girl to
them far more tolerantly. Like the elementary-school children, determine her development. The 9- and 10-year-olds in the
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study emphasized the role of nurture in Chris's development, normal females), or if a male fetus's cells are insensitive to the
expecting her to be influenced by the masculinizing environ- male sex hormones he produces, female external genitalia
ment in which she was raised. Where do you come down in (labia and cli toris) will form.
this debate, and why? 4. The relative amount of testosterone alters the develop-
Several theories about the development of gender roles ment of the brain and nervous system. For example, it signals
have been proposed. Some theories emphasize die role of bio- the male brain to stop secreting hormones in a cyclical pattern
logical differences between the sexes, whereas others empha- so that males do not experience menstrual cycles at puberty.
size social influences on children. Some emphasize what soci- Thus, fertilized eggs have the potential to acquire the
ety does to children; others focus on what children do to anatomical and physiological features of either sex. Events at
themselves as they try to understand gender and all its impli- each critical step in the sexual differentiation process deter-
cations. Briefly examine a biologically oriented theory then mine the outcome.
consider the more "social" approaches offered by psychoana- Once a biological male or female is born, social labeling
lytic theory, social learning theory cognitive developmental and differential treatment of girls and boys interact with bio-
theory, and gender schema theory. logical factors to steer development. Parents and other people
label and begin to react to children on the basis of the appear-
Biosocial Theory ance of their genitalia. If children's genitals are abnormal and
The biosocial theory of gender-role development proposed by they are mislabeled as members of the other sex, this incorrect
John Money and Alike Ehrhardt (1972) calls attention to the label will affect their future development. For example, if a bi-
ways in which biological events influence the development of ological male were consistently labeled and treated as a girl, he
boys and girls. But it also focuses on ways in which early bio- would, by about age 3, acquire the gender identity of a girl.
logical developments influence how people react to a child Finally, biological factors reenter the scene at puberty when
and suggests that these social reactions have much to do with large quantities of hormones are released, stimulating the
children's assuming gender roles. growth of the reproductive system and the appearance of sec-
ondary sex characteristics. These events, with a person's earlier
Chromosomes, Hormones, and Social Labeling. Money and self-concept as a male or female, provide the basis for adult
Ehrhardt stress that the male (XY) or female (XX) chromo- gender identity and role behavior. The complex series of crit-
somes most of us receive at conception are merely a starting ical points in biological maturation and social reactions to bi-
point in biological differentiation of the sexes. Several critical ological changes that Money and Ehrhardt (1972) propose is
events affect a person's eventual preference for the masculine diagrammed in Figure 12.3. But how much is nature, and how
or feminine role (see also Breedlove, 1994): much is nurture?
1. If certain genes on the Y chromosome are present, a
previously undifferentiated tissue develops into testes as the Evidence of Biological Influences. Much evidence suggests
embryo develops; otherwise, it develops into ovaries. that biological factors influence the development of males
2. The testes of a male embryo normally secrete more of and females in many species of animals (Breedlove, 1994).
the male hormone testosterone, which stimulates the develop- Evolutionary psychologists notice that most societies socialize
ment of a male internal reproductive system, and another males to have agentic traits and females to have communal
hormone that inhibits the development of female organs. ones; they conclude that traditional gender roles may be a re-
Without these hormones, the internal reproductive system of flection of species heredity (Archer, 1996; Buss, 1995). In addi-
a female will develop from the same tissues. tion, individual differences in masculinity and femininity may
3. Three to four months after conception, secretion of be partly genetic. Twin studies suggest that individual heredity
additional testosterone by the testes normally leads to the accounts for 20 to 50% of the variation in the extent to which
growth of a penis and scrotum. If testosterone is absent (as in people describe themselves as having masculine and feminine
Reactions of
other people
to the child's
physical
characteristics
SHM m
Development
Basic
of male or
gender
female
identity
genitalia
Child s react! ons

to his or her
Inheritance own body
Development Secretion Adult
of sex
of testes of fetal gender End
chromosomes
or ovaries hormones identity
mM&m^m
j si
Development
Secretion Increased
of sex
of male sexual urges;
differences
or female changes in body
in the brain
hormones image and
and nervous
88% at puberty self-concept
system
F i g u r e 12.3 Critical events in John Money and Anke Ehrhardt's biosocial theory of gender
typing.
SOURCE: Money & Ehrhardt (19721.
psychological traits (Loehlin, 1992; Mitchell, Baker, 8c Jacklin, In addition, male exposure to testosterone and other
1989). In other words, experience does not explain everything. male hormones may be part of the reason males are more
Biological influences on development are also evident in likely than females to commit violent acts (Rubinow 8c
studies of children exposed to the "wrong" hormones prena- Schmidt, 1996). Evidence from experiments conducted with
tally (Ehrhardt 8c Baker, 1974; Money 8c Ehrhardt, 1972; see animals is quite convincing. For example, female rhesus
also Gandelman, 1992). Before the consequences were known, monkeys exposed prenatally to the male hormone testos-
some mothers who previously had problems carrying preg- terone often threaten other monkeys, engage in rough-and-
nancies to term were given drugs containing progestins, which tumble play, and try to "mount" a partner as males do at the
are converted by the body into the male hormone testosterone. beginning of a sexual encounter (Young, Gov, 8c Phoenix,
These drugs had the effect of masculinizing female fetuses so 1964; Wallen, 1996). Men with high testosterone levels tend
that, despite their XX genetic endowment and female internal to have high rates of delinquency, drug abuse, abusiveness,
organs, they were born with external organs that resembled and violence, although nature interacts with nurture so that
those of a boy (for example, a large clitoris that looked like a these links between testosterone and antisocial behavior are
penis and fused labia that resembled a scrotum). Several of not nearly as evident among men high in socioeconomic sta-
these androgenized females (girls exposed to excess andro- tus as among men low in socioeconomic status (Dabbs 8c
gens) were recognized as genetic females, underwent surgery to Morris, 1990).
alter their genitals, and were then raised as girls. When Money Because testosterone levels rise as a result of aggressive
and Ehrhardt compared them with their sisters and other girls, and competitive activities, it has been difficult to establish un-
it became apparent that many more androgenized girls were ambiguously that high concentrations of male hormones
tomboys and preferred boys' toys and vigorous activities to tra- cause aggressive behavior in humans (Archer, 1991). Still, an-
ditionally feminine pursuits (see also Meyer-Bahlburg et al., imal studies show that early experiences can alter the develop-
2004). As adolescents, they began dating somewhat later than ing nervous systems of males and females and, in turn, their
other girls and felt that marriage should be delayed until they behavior (Breedlove, 1994). Much evidence suggests that pre-
had established their careers. A high proportion (37%) de- natal exposure to male or female hormones has lasting effects
scribed themselves as homosexual or bisexual (Money, 1985; on the organization of the brain and, in turn, on sexual be-
see also Dittman, Kappes, 8c Kappes, 1992). Androgenized fe- havior, aggression, cognitive abilities, and other aspects of de-
males also perform better than most other females on tests of velopment (Rubinow 8c Schmidt, 1996). Yet biology does not
spatial ability, further evidence that early exposure to male dictate gender-role development. Instead, gender-role devel-
hormones has "masculinizing" effects on a female fetus opment evolves from the complex interaction of biology, so-
(Kimura, 1992; Resnick et al., 1986). cial experience, and the individual's behavior.
W hen biological sex and social labeling conflict, which
wins out? Consider the unfortunate case of a male
identical twin whose penis was damaged beyond repair during
a botched circumcision (Money & Tucker, 1975). On the advice
of Dr. John Money, the parents agreed to a surgical procedure
that removed what was left of the damaged penis and altered
their 21-month-old boy's external genitals to appear feminine.
From then on, they treated him like a girl. By age 5, this boy-
turned-girl was reportedly different from her genetically iden-
tical brother. According to Money and the team in charge of
her treatment, she clearly knew she was a girl; had developed
strong preferences for feminine toys, activities, and apparel;
and was far neater and daintier than her brother.This, then, is
a vivid demonstration that the most decisive influence on gen-
der-role development is how a child is labeled and treated
during the critical period for such development. Or is it?
Milton Diamond and H.Keith Sigmundson (1997) followed
up on this "John" turned "Joan" and found that the story had
a twist ending (see also Colapinto, 1997; 2000). Joan was never
comfortable with doll play and other traditionally feminine
pursuits; she preferred to dress up in men's clothing, play with
her twin brother's toys, and take things apart to see how they
worked. She used the jumping rope she was given to whip
people and tie them up; she was miserable when she was
forced to become a Girl Scout rather than a Boy Scout and
make daisy chains (Colapinto, 1997). Somewhere around age
10, she had the distinct feeling that she was not a girl:"l began
€ John-Joan-John
to see how different I felt and was ... I thought I was a freak
or something ... but I didn't want to admit it. I figured I didn't any longer. When finally told that she was a chromosomal
want to wind up opening a can of worms" (Colapinto, 2000, male, Joan was relieved: "Suddenly it all made sense why I felt
pp. 299-300). Being rejected by other children because of her the way I did. I wasn't some sort of weirdo" (Colapinto, 1997,
masculine looks and feminine dress and being called "cave- p. 92). She then received male hormone shots, a double mas-
woman" and "gorilla" also took their toll, as did continued tectomy, and surgery to construct a penis and emerged as a
pressure from psychiatrists to behave in a more feminine man- nice young man who eventually dated girls, married at age 25,
ner. Finally, at age 14 and after years of inner turmoil and sui- and appears to be comfortable with his hard-won identity as
cidal thinking, Joan had had it and simply refused to take the John. He now speaks out against the sex reassignment treat-
female hormones prescribed for her and pretend to be a girl ment that has long been applied to infants with injured or am-
Evider&ce of Social-Labeling Influences. We must also take culine gender typing and had already labeled themselves as
seriously the social aspect of Money and Ehrhardt s biosocial boys. These findings led Money and Ehrhardt to conclude that
theory. How a child is labeled and treated can considerably af- there is a critical period (between 18 months and 3 years) for
fect gender development. For instance, some androgenized fe- the establishment of gender identity when the label society at-
males were labeled as bovs at birth and raised as such until
V
taches to the child is likely to stick. Yet some studies in which
their abnormalities were detected. Money and Ehrhardt infants are presented to some people as boys but to others as
(1972) report that the discovery and correction of this condi- girls indicate that labeling has little effect on how people per-
tion (by surgery and relabeling as a girl) caused few adjust- ceive and treat these infants (Stern & Karraker, 1989). And, as
ment problems if the sex change took place before 18 months. the Explorations box on this page shows, biological males who
After age 3, sexual reassignment was exceedingly difficult be- are labeled as girls during the so-called critical period some-
cause these genetic females had experienced prolonged mas- times adopt a male gender identity later in life despite their
j/: \.,ijv;y£ • ?•;•:• ' j internal conflict and anxiety as a result of this incestuous de-
. :''•• :'.';•'• ••v;: '.: :V-'•:•::•>•'•'-. ••
'•
'J.
sire, and resolve the conflict through a process of identifica-
tion with the same-sex parent. According to Freud, a boy ex-
periencing his Oedipus complex loves his mother, fears that
his father will retaliate by castrating him, and is forced to
KSS
tc
f identify with his father, thereby emulating his father and
adopting his father's attitudes and behaviors. Freud believed
biguous genitals (Colapinto, 1997). This case study shows that a boy would show weak masculinity later in life if his fa-
that we should back off from the conclusion that social ther was inadequate as a masculine model, was often absent
learning is all that matters. Apparently biology matters, too. from the home, or was not dominant or threatening enough
A second source of evidence that biology matters is a to foster a strong identification based on fear.
study of 18 biological males in the Dominican Republic who Meanwhile, a preschool-age girl is said to experience an
had a genetic condition that made their cells insensitive to Electra complex involving a desire for her father (and envy of
the effects of male hormones (Imperato-McGinley et al., him for the penis she lacks) and a rivalry with her mother. To
1979; see also Herdt & Davidson, 1988).They had begun life resolve her unconscious conflict, she identifies with her
with ambiguous genitals, were mistaken for girls, and so
mother. Her father also contributes to gender-role develop-
were labeled and raised as girls. However, under the influ-
ment by reinforcing her for "feminine" behavior resembling
ence of male hormones produced at puberty, they sprouted
that of her mother. Thus, Freud emphasized the role of emo-
beards and became entirely masculine in appearance. How,
tions (love, fear, and so on) in motivating gender-role devel-
in light of Money and Ehrhardt's critical-period hypothesis,
could a person possibly adjust to becoming a man after opment and argued that children adopt their roles by pattern-
leading an entire childhood as a girl? ing themselves after their same-sex parents.
Amazingly, 16 of these 18 individuals seemed able to ac- We can applaud Freud for identifying the preschool years
cept their late conversion from female to male and to adopt as a critical time for gender-role development. In addition, his
masculine lifestyles, including the establishment of hetero- view that boys, because of fear of castration, have a more pow-
sexual relationships. One retained a female identity and gen- erful motivation than girls to adopt their gender role is con-
der role, and the remaining individual switched to a male sistent with the finding that boys seem to learn gender stereo-
gender identity but still dressed as a female.This study also types and gender-typed behaviors faster and more completely
casts doubt on the notion that socialization during the first than girls do. It is also true that boys whose fathers are absent
3 years is critical to later gender-role development. Instead, from the home tend to be less traditionally sex-typed than
it suggests that hormonal influences may be more important other boys (Stevenson & Black, 1988). Finally, Freud's notion
than social influences. It is possible, however, that Dominican that fathers play an important role in the gender typing of
adults, knowing that'this genetic disorder was common in their daughters and of their sons has been confirmed (Parke,
their society, treated these girls-turned-boys differently from 1996).
other girls when they were young or that these youngsters On other counts, however, psychoanalytic theory has not
recognized on their own that their genitals were not normal fared well. Many preschool children are so ignorant of male
(Ehrhardt, 1985). As a result, these "girls" may never have
and female anatomy that it is hard to see how most boys could
fully committed themselves to being girls.
fear castration or most girls could experience penis envy
What studies such as these of individuals with genital (Bern, 1989). Moreover, Freud assumed that a boy's identifica-
abnormalities appear to teach us is this:We are predisposed
tion with his father is based on fear, but most researchers find
by our biology to develop as males or females; the first 3
that boys identify most strongly with fathers who are warm
years of life are a sensitive period perhaps, but not a critical
and nurturant rather than overly punitive and threatening
period, for gender-role development; and both biology and
(Hetherington & Frankie, 1967; Mussen & Rutherford, 1963).
social labeling contribute to gender-role development.
Finally, children are not especially similar psychologically to
their same-sex parents (Maccoby & Jacklin, 1974). Apparently,
other individuals besides parents influence a child's gender-
related characteristics. It seems we must look elsewhere for
early labeling and socialization, suggesting that we should re- more complete explanations of gender-role development.
fer to a sensitive rather than a critical period. Once again,
then, we see both nature and nurture at work in development.
According to social learning theorists, children learn mascu-

line or feminine identities, preferences, and behaviors in two
As is true of thinking about most areas of development, think- ways. First, through differential reinforcement, children are re-
ing about gender-role development was shaped early on by warded for sex-appropriate behaviors and are punished for
Sigmund Freud's psychosexual theory. The 3- to 6-year-old behaviors considered more appropriate for members of the
child in Freuds phallic stage is said to harbor a strong, bio- other sex. Second, through observational learning, children
logically based love for the parent of the other sex, experience adopt the attitudes and behaviors of same-sex models. In this
spanking) than mothers and mothers more likely to use rea-
soning to explain rules and consequences (Conrade & Ho,
'2001; Russell et al., 1998). In addition, boys end up on the re-
ceiving end of a spanking more often than girls do (Day &
Peterson, 1998).
In recent research by Barbara Morrongiello and Kerri
Hogg (2004), mothers were asked to imagine how they would
react if their 6- to 10-year-old son or daughter misbehaved in
some way that might be dangerous (for example, bicycling fast
down a hill they had been told to avoid). Mothers reported
that they would be angry with their sons but disappointed and
concerned with their daughters for misbehaving and putting
themselves in harm's way. Boys will be boys, they reasoned,
but girls should know better. To prevent future risky behav-
iors, mothers said they would be more rule-bound with their
daughters but would not do anything different with their
sons. After all, there is no point in trying to prevent these risky
behaviors in boys because it is "in their nature" Girls' behav-
ior, on the other hand, can be influenced, so it is worth en-
forcing an existing rule or instituting a new one.
Does this "gender curriculum" in the home influence
children? It certainly does. Parents who show the clearest pat-
terns of differential reinforcement have children who are rela-
tively quick to label themselves as girls or boys and to develop
strongly sex-typed toy and activity preferences (Fagot &
Leinbach, 1989; Fagot, Leinbach, & O'Boyle, 1992). Fathers
play a central role in gender socialization; they are more likely
than mothers to reward children's gender-appropriate behav-
ior and to discourage behavior considered more appropriate
for the other sex (Leve & Fagot, 1997; Lytton & Romney,
C According t o psychoanalytic theory, children become appropri- 1991). Women who choose nontraditional professions are
ately "masculine" or "feminine" through identification with the same- more likely than women in traditionally female fields to have
sex parent Social learning theorists call this process observational had fathers who encouraged them to be assertive and compet-
learning. itive (Coats & Overman, 1992). Fathers, then, seem to be an
especially important influence on the gender-role develop-
view, children's gender-role development depends on which of ment of both sons and daughters.
their behaviors people reinforce or punish and on what sorts Could differential treatment of boys and girls by parents
of social models are available. Change the social environment, also contribute to sex differences in ability? Possibly so.
and you change the course of gender-role development. Jacquelynne Eccles and her colleagues (1990) have conducted
several studies to determine why girls tend to shy from math
Differential Reinforcement. Parents use differential rein- and science courses and are underrepresented in occupations
forcement to teach boys how to be boys and girls how to be that involve math and science (see also Benbow & Arjmand,
girls (Lytton 8c Romney, 1991). By the second year of life, par- 1990). They suggest that parental expectations about sex dif-
ents are already encouraging sex-appropriate play and dis- ferences in mathematical ability become self-fulfilling prophe-
couraging cross-sex play, before children have acquired their cies. The plot is something like this:
basic gender identities or display clear preferences for male or 1. Parents, influenced by societal stereotypes about sex
female activities (Fagot & Leinbach, 1989). By 20 to 24 differences in ability, expect their sons to outperform their
months, daughters are reinforced for dancing, dressing up (as daughters in math and expect their sons will be more inter-
women), following their parents around, asking for help, and ested in math and science than their daughters (Tenenbaum &
playing with dolls; they are discouraged from manipulating Leaper, 2003).
objects, running, jumping, and climbing. By contrast, sons 2. Parents attribute their sons' successes in math to ability
are often reprimanded for such "feminine" behavior as play- but credit their daughters' successes to hard work. Perhaps as
ing with dolls or seeking help and are often actively encour- a result of this, fathers talk differently to their sons and daugh-
aged to play with "masculine" toys such as blocks, trucks, and ters when discussing science with them (Tenenbaum &
push-and-pull toys (Fagot, 1978). Mothers and fathers may Leaper, 2003). With their sons, they use more scientific terms,
also discipline their sons and daughters differently, with fa- provide more detailed explanations, and ask more abstract
thers more likely to use physical forms of discipline (such as questions than with their daughters. These differences rein-
force the belief that girls lack mathematical talent and turn in describes can be broken (Updegraff, McHale, 8c Crouter,
respectable performances only through plodding effort. 1.996).
3. Children begin to internalize their parents' views, so Peers, like parents, reinforce boys and girls differentially.
girls come to believe that they are "no good" in math. Girls re- As Beverly Fagot (1985) discovered, boys only 21 to 25 months
port that they are less competent and more anxious about of age belittle and disrupt each other for playing with "femi-
their performance than boys (Pomerantz, Altermatt, & Saxon, nine" toys or with girls, and girls express their disapproval of
2002). other girls who choose to play with boys. Some scholars be-
4. Thinking they lack ability, girls become less interested lieve peers contribute at least as much to gender typing as par-
in math, less likely to take math courses, and less likely to pur- ents do (Beal, 1994). And, as shown in the Explorations box
sue career possibilities that involve math after high school. on this page, teachers may contribute by paying more atten-
In short, parents who expect their daughters to have trou- tion to boys than to girls.
ble with numbers get what they expect. The negative effects of
low parental expectancies on girls' self-perceptions are evident Observational learning* Social learning theorists call atten-
regardless of their performance. Indeed, girls feel less compe- tion to differential treatment of girls and bovs by parents,
tent than do boys about math and science even when they peers, and teachers; they also emphasize that observational
outperform the boys (Pomerantz et al, 2002). Girls whose learning contributes in important ways to gender typing.
parents are nontraditional in their gender-role attitudes and Children see which toys and activities are "for girls" and which
behaviors do not show the declines in math and science are "for boys" and imitate individuals of their own sex.
achievement in early adolescence that girls from more tradi- Around age 6 or 7, children begin to pay much closer atten-
tional families display, so apparently the chain of events Eccles tion to same-sex models than to other-sex models; for exam-
T o what extent do teachers treat girls and boys differ-

ently in the classroom? We can probably all think of in-
stances in which teachers subtly communicate that boys and
girls are different—for example, when teachers ask the boys
in the room to help move furniture for the class party but
the girls to pour punch. Some scholars feel that sexist treat-
ment in the classroom undermines the confidence and
achievement of girls (Beal, l994).What does research reveal?
Several studies suggest that teachers pay more attention
to boys than to girls (jussim & Eccles, 1992; Sadker & Sadker,
1994).Teachers call on boys more often and give them more
feedback. It is not that boys are praised more than girls; in-
stead, they tend to receive both more positive and more
negative feedback (Brody, 1985; Hamilton et al., 1991). A
good part of the attention they receive is occasioned by
their troublemaking, but attention, positive or negative, may studies of students attending Catholic schools find few dif-
signal to girls that boys matter more than they do. ferences in school-related attitudes and levels of achieve-
Concerned that girls are being held back academically ment (LePore & Warren, 1997; Marsh, 1989; Signorella,
by this differential treatment, some scholars and educators Frieze, & Hershey, 1996). In a 1997 study of all-girl, all-boy,
argue forcefully that girls would be better off in all- and coed Catholic high schools, for example, students in
girl schools or classrooms than in coed ones, and some single-sex schools generally did no better than students in
school systems are experimenting with same-sex education coed schools.The few differences observed suggested that
(Sadker & Sadker, 1994). What does the evidence show? boys benefit more academically from same-sex schooling
Some early studies suggested that all-girl schooling was ad- than girls do (LePore & Warren, 1997). It seems, then, that
vantageous to girls (Lee & Bryk, 1986). However, these stud- all-girl schooling is not as beneficial as some educators be-
ies often did not control properly for differences between lieve; perhaps the reason is that sexist treatment of girls
the students and the educational programs in same-sex and (and boys) can occur in any type of school (Lee, Marks, &
coed schools. More recent and more carefully designed Byrd, 1994).
pie, they will choose toys that members of their own sex pre- ences: parents, peers, television characters, and others show
fer even if it means passing up more attractive toys (Frey & them what to do and reinforce them for doing it. Perhaps this
Ruble, 1992). Children who see their mothers perform so- perspective does not put enough emphasis on what children
called masculine tasks and their fathers perform household contribute to their own gender socialization. Youngsters do
and child care tasks tend to be less aware of gender stereotypes not receive gender-stereotyped birthday presents simply be-
and less gender typed than children exposed to traditional cause their parents foist those toys upon them. Instead, par-
gender-role models at home (Sabattini 8c Leaper, 2004; Turner ents tend to select gender-neutral and often educational toys
8c Gervai, 1995). Similarly, boys with sisters and girls with for their children, but their boys beg for trucks and their girls
brothers have less gender-typed activity preferences than chil- demand tea sets (Robinson 8c Morris, 1986).
dren who grow up with same-sex siblings (Colley et al., 1996;
Rust et al, 2000).
Not only do children learn by watching the children and
adults with whom they interact, but they also learn from the Some theorists have emphasized cognitive aspects of gender-
media—radio, television, movies, magazines—and even from role development, noting that as children acquire understand-
their picture books and elementary-school readers. Although ing of gender, they actively teach themselves to be girls or
sexism in children's books has decreased over the past 50 boys. Lawrence Kohlberg based his cognitive theory on Jean
years, male characters are still more likely than female charac- Piaget's cognitive developmental theory, whereas Carol
ters to engage in active, independent activities such as climb- Martin and Charles Halverson Jr. based their theory on an in-
ing, riding bikes, and making things, whereas female charac- formation-processing approach to cognitive development.
ters are more often depicted as passive, dependent, and
helpless, spending their time picking flowers, playing quietly Cognitive Developmental Theory. Kohlberg (1966a) pro-
indoors, and "creating problems that require masculine solu- posed a cognitive theory of gender typing that is different
tions" (Diekman 8c Murnen, 2004; Kortenhaus 8c Demarest, from the other theories you have considered and that helps
1993). And college textbooks used by students in teacher edu- explain why boys and girls adopt traditional gender roles even
cation programs still portray males in more stereotypically when their parents do not want them to do so. Among
masculine activities and assign more negative masculine traits Kohlberg's major themes are the following:
such as aggression to males than to females (Yanowitz 8c • Gender-role development depends on stagelike changes
Weathers, 2004). Teachers may have trouble bucking gender in cognitive development; children must acquire certain un-
stereotypes with the students in their classrooms when their
0
derstandings about gender before they will be influenced by

own teaching training included gender-stereotypic portrayals. their social experiences.
It is similar in the world of television: Male characters ° Children engage in self-socialization; instead of being
dominate in children's programs, prime-time programs, and the passive targets of social influence, they actively socialize
advertisements (Barner, 1999; Glascock, 2001). Even on shows themselves.
with an equal number of male and female characters, the male According to both psychoanalytic theory and social
characters assume more prominent roles (Ogletree et al., learning 'theory, children are influenced by their companions
2004). Typically, men are influential individuals who work at a to adopt male or female roles before they view themselves as
profession, whereas many women—especially those portrayed girls or boys and identify with (or habitually imitate) same-
as married—are passive, emotional creatures who manage a sex models. Kohlberg suggests that children first understand
home or work at "feminine" occupations such as nursing that they are girls or boys and then actively seek same-sex
(Signorielli 8c Kahlenberg, 2001). Women portrayed as single models and a range of information about how to act like a girl
are often cast in traditionally male occupations. The message or a boy. To Kohlberg, it is not "I'm treated like a boy; there-
children receive is that men work regardless of their marital fore, I must be a boy." It is more like "I'm a boy, so now I'll do
status and they do important business* but women only work everything I can to find out how to behave like one."
at important jobs if they are single (Signorielli 8c Kahlenberg, What understandings are necessary before children will
2001). Children who watch a large amount of television are teach themselves to behave like boys or girls? Kohlberg be-
more likely to choose gender-appropriate toys and to hold lieves that children everywhere progress through the following
stereotyped views of males and females than their classmates three stages as they acquire an understanding of what it means
who watch little television (Signorielli 8c Lears, 1992). As more to be a female or a male:
women play detectives and more men raise families on televi- L Basic gender identity is established by age 2 or 3, when
sion, children's notions of female and male roles are likely to children can recognize and label themselves as males or fe-
change. Indeed, watching nonsexist programs is associated males (Campbell, Shirley, 8c Caygill, 2002).
with holding less stereotyped views of the sexes (Rosenwasser, 2. Somewhat later, usually by age 4, children acquire gen-
Lingenfelter, 8c Harrington, 1989; Signorielli, 1990). der stability—that is, they come to understand that gender
To recap, there is much evidence that both differential re- identity is stable over time. Boys invariably become men, and
inforcement and observational learning contribute to gender- girls grow up to be women.
role development. However, social learning theorists often 3. The gender concept is complete, somewhere between
portray children as the passive recipients of external influ- age 5 and age 7, when children achieve gender consistency and
realize that their sex is also stable across situations. Now, chil- to Kohlberg, attend more selectively to same-sex models
dren know that their sex cannot be altered by superficial (Ruble & Martin, 1998). It seems that only a rudimentary un-
changes such as dressing up as a member of the other sex or derstanding of gender is required before children learn gender
engaging in cross-sex activities. stereotypes and preferences.
Children 3 to 5 years of age often do lack the concepts of
gender stability and gender consistency; they often say that a Gender Schema Theory, Martin and Halverson (1981, 1987)
boy could become a mommy if he really wanted to or that a have proposed a somewhat different cognitive theory, an infor-
girl could become a boy if she cut her hair and wore a hockey mation-processing one, that overcomes the key weakness of
uniform (Warm, 2000). This changes over kindergarten and Kohlberg's theory. Like Kohlberg, they believe that children are
early grade-school years (Szkrybalo & Ruble, 1999). As chil- intrinsically motivated to acquire values, interests, and behav-
dren enter Piaget's concrete operational stage of cognitive de- iors consistent with their cognitive judgments about the self.
velopment and come to grasp concepts such as conservation However, Martin and Halverson argue that self-socialization
of liquids, they also realize that gender is conserved despite begins as soon as children acquire a basic gender identity,
changes in appearance. In support of Kohlberg's theory, Jo around age 2 or 3. According to their schematic-processing
Warin (2000) found that children who have achieved the third model, children acquire gender schemata—organized sets of
level of understanding display more gender-stereotypic play beliefs cind expectations about males and females that influence
preferences than children who have not yet grasped gender the kinds of information they will attend to and remember.
consistency. First, children acquire a simple in-group-out-group
Criticisms? Sandra Bern (1989) has shown that children schema that allows them to classify some objects, behaviors,
need not reach the concrete operations stage to understand and roles as appropriate for males and others as appropriate
gender stability and consistency if they have sufficient knowl- for females (cars are for boys, girls can cry but boys should
edge of male and female anatomy to realize that people's gen- not, and so on). Then, they seek more elaborate information
itals make them male or female. The most controversial aspect about the role of their own sex, constructing an own-sex
of Kohlberg's cognitive developmental theory, however, has schema. Thus, a young girl who knows her basic gender iden-
been his claim that only when children fully grasp that their tity might first learn that sewing is for girls and building
biological sex is unchangeable, around age 5 to age 1\ do they model airplanes is for boys. Then, because she is a girl and
actively seek same-sex models and attempt to acquire values, wants to act consistently with her own self-concept, she gath-
interests, and behaviors consistent with their cognitive judg- ers a great deal of information about sewing to add to her
ments about themselves. Although some evidence supports own-sex schema, largely ignoring any information that comes
Kohlberg, this chapter shows that children learn many gender- her way about how to build model airplanes (see Figure 12.4).
role stereotypes and develop clear preferences for same-sex Consistent with this schematic-processing theory, chil-
activities and playmates long before they master the concepts dren appear to be especially interested in learning about ob-
of gender stability and gender consistency and then, according jects or activities that fit their own-sex schemata. In one study,
Therefore Avoid;
forget
For whom?
Truck For boys /
/
/So
/
/
/
Gender
identity
(I'm a girl)
Own-sex schema
For whom?
Doll >~ For girls
Approach;
Therefore gather
For me information;
remember
information
F i g u r e \2A Gender schema theory in action. A young girl classifies new information ac-
cording t o an in-group-out-group schema as either "for boys" or "for girls" Information about
boys' toys and activities is ignored, but information about toys and activities for girls is relevant
to the self and is added to an ever-larger own-sex schema.
SOURCE: Adapted from Martin & Halverson <1987).
4- to 9-year-olds were given boxes of gender-neutral objects mined to learn their gender roles and pay special attention to
(hole punches, burglar alarms, and so on) and were told that same-sex models. Parents who want to avoid socializing their
some objects wTere "girl" items and some were "boy" items children into traditional gender roles are often amazed to see
(Bradbard et al, 1986). Boys explored boy items more than their children turn into traditional girls and boys on their
girls did, and girls explored girl items more than boys did. A own.
week later, the children easily recalled which items were for In short, children have a male or female biological en-
boys and which were for girls; they had apparently sorted the dowment that helps guide their development, are influenced
objects according to their in-group-out-group schemata. In by other people from birth on to become "real boys" or "real
addition, boys recalled more in-depth information about boy girls " and actively socialize themselves to behave in ways that
items than did girls, whereas girls recalled more than boys seem consistent with their understandings that they are either
about these same objects if they had been labeled girl items. If boys or girls (see Table 12.2). Most developmentalists today
children's information-gathering efforts are guided by their would agree that what children learn regarding how to be
own-sex schemata in this way, you can easily see how boys and male or female depends on an interaction between biological
girls might acquire different stores of knowledge as they factors and social influences. Thus, we must respect the role of
develop. genes and hormones in gender-role development but also
Once gender schemata are in place, children will distort view this process from a contextual perspective and appreciate
new information in memory so that it is consistent with their that the patterns of male and female development that we ob-
schemata (Liben 8c Signorella, 1993; Martin 8c ITalverson, serve in society today are not inevitable. In another era, in an-
1983). For example, Martin and Halverson (1983) showed 5- other culture, the process of gender-role socialization could
and 6-year-olds pictures of children performing gender- produce different kinds of boys and girls.
consistent activities (for example, a boy playing with a truck)
and pictures of children performing gender-inconsistent activ- S u m m i n g Up
ities (for example, a girl sawing wood). A week later, the
T h e o r i e s o f gender-role d e v e l o p m e n t include t h e bioso-
children easily recalled the sex of the actor performing gender-
cial t h e o r y p r o p o s e d by M o n e y and Ehrhardt, which e m -
consistent activities; when an actor expressed gender-inconsis-
phasizes prenatal biological d e v e l o p m e n t s and stresses
tent behavior, however, children often distorted the scene to re-
t h e i m p o r t a n c e o f h o w a child is labeled and t r e a t e d dur-
veal gender-consistent behavior (for example, by saying that it
ing a critical period f o r g e n d e r identity information. From
was a boy, not a girl, who had sawed wood). This research gives
Freud's psychoanalytic perspective, gender-role develop-
some insight into why inaccurate gender stereotypes persist.
m e n t results from t h e child's identification with t h e s a m e -
The child who believes that women cannot be doctors may be
s e x p a r e n t Social learning theorists focus on differential
introduced to a female doctor but is likely to remember meet-
r e i n f o r c e m e n t and observational learning. Cognitive per-
ing a nurse and may insist that women cannot be doctors.
spectives emphasize understanding o f g e n d e r and active
self-socialization: Kohlbergs cognitive developmental t h e -
An Attempt at Integration o r y emphasizes that children m a s t e r g e n d e r roles o n c e
t h e y m a s t e r t h e c o n c e p t s o f g e n d e r identity, g e n d e r sta-
The biosocial, social learning, and cognitive perspectives all
bility, and g e n d e r consistency. G e n d e r s c h e m a theory
contribute to our understanding of sex differences and
holds that children socialize t h e m s e l v e s as s o o n as t h e y
gender-role development. The biosocial model offered by
have a basic g e n d e r identity and can c o n s t r u c t g e n d e r
Money and Ehrhardt notes the importance of biological de-
schemata. Each t h e o r y has s o m e support, but n o n e is
velopments that influence how people label and treat a child.
completely right. H
Yet socialization agents—not only parents, as noted by Freud,
but also siblings, peers, and teachers, as noted by social learn-
ing theorists—are teaching children how to be girls or boys
well before they understand that they are girls or boys. T l ie A d u l t
Differences in social learning experiences may also help ex-
plain why, even though virtually all children form gender con- You might think that once children and adolescents have
cepts and schemata, some children are far more gender typed learned their gender roles, they simply play them out during
than others in their preferences and activities (Serbin, adulthood. Instead, as people face the challenges of adult life
Powlishta, 8c Gulko, 1993). and enter new social contexts, their gender roles and their
Kohlbergs cognitive developmental theory and Martin concepts of themselves as men and women change.
and Halverson's gender schema approach convince us that
cognitive growth and self-socialization processes also con-
tribute to gender-role development. Once children acquire a
basic gender identity as a boy or a girl and form gender Although males and females fill their masculine or feminine
schemata, they become highly motivated to learn their appro- roles throughout their lives, the specific content of those roles
priate roles. When they finally grasp, from age 5 to age 7, that changes considerably over the life span. The young boy may
their sex will never change, they become even more deter- act out his masculine role by playing with trucks or wrestling
Developmental Period Events and Outcomes Pertinent Theory or Theories
Prenatal period The fetus develops male or female genitalia, which others Biosocial
will react to once the child is born.
Birth to 3 years Parents and other companions label the child as a boy or Social learning
a girl; they begin to encourage gender-consistent behavior
and discourage cross-sex activities. As a result of these
social experiences and the development of basic classification
skills, the young child acquires some gender-typed behavioral
preferences and the knowledge that he or she is a boy or a girl
(basic gender identity).
3 to 6 years Once children acquire a basic gender identity, they begin to Gender schema
seek information about sex differences, form gender
schemata, and actively try to behave in ways viewed as
appropriate for their own sex.
7 to puberty Children finally acquire the concepts of gender stability and Cognitive developmental
consistency, recognizing that they will be males or females
all their lives and in all situations. They begin to look closely
at the behavior of same-sex models to acquire attributes
consistent with their firm self-categorization as male or
female.
Puberty and beyond The biological changes of adolescence, with social pressures, Biosocial
intensify gender differences and stimulate formation of an Social learning
adult gender identity. Gender schema
Cognitive developmental
with his buddies; the grown man may play his role by holding What happens after the children are grown? The roles
down a job. Moreover, the degree of difference between male played by men and women become more similar again start-
and female roles also changes. Children and adolescents adopt ing in middle age, when the nest empties and child care re-
behaviors consistent with their "boy" or "girl" roles, but the sponsibilities end. The similarity between gender roles contin-
two sexes otherwise adopt similar roles in society—namely, ues to increase as adults enter old age; as retirees and
those of children and students. Even as they enter adulthood, grandparents, men and women lead similar lives. It would
males5 and females5 roles differ little because members of both seem, then, that the roles of men and women are fairly similar
sexes are often single and in school or working. before marriage, maximally different during the child-rearing
However, the roles of men and women become more dis- years, and similar again later (Gutmann, 1997).
tinct when they marry and, especially, when they have children.
In most couples, for example, the wife typically does more
housework than her husband, whether or not she is employed—
about 17 to 18 hours per week for her compared with 10 hours Do the shifts in the roles played by men and women during
for him (Bianchi et al., 2000). If this does not seem like a large adulthood affect them psychologically? For years, psycholo-
discrepancy on a weekly basis, consider that over 1 year, wives gists assumed that masculinity and femininity were at opposite
contribute more than 400 hours to housework beyond the ends of a continuum. If a person possessed highly masculine
amount their husbands contribute. By their silver wedding an- traits, then that person must be very unfeminine; being highly
niversary, wives will have logged about 10,000 more hours than feminine implied being unmasculine. Bern (1974) challenged
husbands have. Furthermore, specific tasks tend to be parceled this assumption by arguing that individuals of either sex can be
out along traditional lines—she does the cooking, he takes out characterized by psychological androgyny—that is> by a bal-
the garbage (Bianchi et al., 2000). The birth of a child tends to ancing or blending of both masculine-stereotyped traits (for
make even egalitarian couples divide their labors in more tradi- example, being assertive, analytical, and independent) and
tional ways than they did before the birth (Cowan & Cowan, feminine-stereotyped traits (for example, being affectionate,
2000). She becomes primarily responsible for child care and compassionate, and understanding). In Bern's model, then,
household tasks; he tends to emphasize his role as breadwinner masculinity and femininity are two separate dimensions of
and center his energies on providing for the family. Even as men personality. A male or female who has many masculine-
increase their participation in child care and housework, they stereotyped traits and few feminine ones is defined as a mas-
tend to play a helper role and spend only two-thirds as much culine sex-typed person. One who has many feminine- and few
time with their children as women do (Bianchi, 2000). masculine-stereotyped traits is said to be a feminine sex-typed
d After the androgyny shift, women may feel freer t o express their "masculine" side, and men
may express ''feminine" qualities that they suppressed during the parenting years.
person. The androgynous person possesses both masculine fied as androgynous (Boldizar, 1991; Hall & Halberstadt,
and feminine traits, whereas the undifferentiated individual 1980). Although constructed in the 1970s, these inventories
lacks both kinds of attributes (see Figure 12.5). remain valid measures of gender roles today (Holt & Ellis,
How many of us are androgynous? Research with college 1998). Androgynous individuals exist, and in sizable numbers.
students using self-perception inventories that contain both a But do perceived masculinity, femininity, and androgyny
f c-
masculinity (or instrumentality) scale and a femininity (or

expressivity) scale found that roughly 33% of the test takers change over the adult years?
were "masculine" men or "feminine" women; about 30% were
Changes w i t h Age
androgynous, and the remaining individuals were either un-
differentiated (low on both scales) or sex reversed (masculine David Gutmann (1987, 1997) has offered the intriguing hy-
sex-typed females or feminine sex-typed males) (Spence & pothesis that gender roles and gender-related traits in adult-
Helmreich, 1978). Around 30% of children can also be classi- hood are shaped by what he calls the parental imperative—
the requirement that mothers and fathers adopt different roles
to raise children successfully. Drawing on his own cross-
Feminimty cultural research and that of others, he suggests that in many
High Low cultures, young and middle-aged men must emphasize their
"masculine" qualities to feed and protect their families,
whereas young and middle-aged women must express their
A , Masculine "feminine" qualities to nurture the young and meet the emo-
High Androgynous sex-typed tional needs of their families.
According to Gutmann, this changes dramatically start-
Masculinity ing in midlife, when men and women are freed from the de-
mands of the parental imperative. Men become less active and
more passive, take less interest in community affairs, and fo-
cus more on religious contemplation and family relationships.
Low Feminine Undifferentiated They also become more sensitive and emotionally expressive.
sex-typed
Women, meanwhile, are changing in the opposite direction.
After being passive, submissive, and nurturing in their
younger years, they become more active, domineering, and as-
sertive in later life. In many cultures, they take charge of the
F i g u r e I2OS Categories of gender-role orientation based on view-
household after being the underlings of their mothers-in-law
ing masculinity and femininity as separate dimensions of personality
and become stronger forces in their communities. In short,
Gutmann's parental imperative hypothesis states that, over the tion, androgynous individuals appear to enjoy higher self-
course of adulthood, psychologically "masculine" men be- esteem and are perceived as better adjusted than their tradi-
come "feminine" men and "feminine" women become "mas- tionally sex-typed peers, although this is largely because of the
culine" women—that the psychological traits of the two sexes masculine qualities they possess (Boldizar, 1991; Spence &
flip-flop. Hall, 1996).
A similar hypothesis is that adults experience a midlife Before you jump to the conclusion that androgyny is a
androgyny shift. Instead of giving up traits they had as young thoroughly desirable attribute, can you imagine any disadvan-
adults, men and women retain their gender-typed qualities tages of androgyny? During childhood, expressing too many
but add qualities traditionally associated with the other sex; of the traits considered more appropriate in the other sex can
that is, they become more androgynous. Ideas along this line result in rejection by peers and low self-esteem (Lobel, Slone,
were proposed by the psychoanalytic theorist Carl Jung 8< Winch, 1997). In addition, you may need to distinguish be-
(1933), who believed that we have masculine and feminine tween the androgynous individual who possesses positive
sides all along but learn to integrate them and express both masculine and feminine traits and the one who possesses neg-
facets of our human nature only in middle age. Now look at ative masculine and feminine traits (Woodhill & Samuels,
how these ideas have fared. 2003, 2004). People with positive androgyny score higher on
What age-related differences do researchers find when measures of mental health and well-being than those with
they administer masculinity and femininity scales to men and negative androgyny (Woodhill & Samuels, 2003). It may be
women of different cohorts? In one study, Shirley Feldman premature, then, to conclude that it is better in all respects to
and her associates (Feldman, Biringen, & Nash, 1981) gave be androgynous rather than either masculine or feminine in
Bern's androgyny inventory to individuals at eight different orientation. Still, you can at least conclude that it is unlikely to
stages of the family life cycle. Consistent with Gutmann's no- be damaging for men to become a little more feminine or for
tion of a parental imperative, taking on the role of parent women to become a little more masculine than they have tra-
seemed to lead men to perceive themselves as more masculine ditionally been. The Applications box on page 342 looks at
in personality and women to perceive themselves as having whether researchers have had any success in changing gender-
predominantly feminine strengths. Among adults beyond role attitudes and behavior.
their parenting years, especially among grandparents, sex dif-
ferences in self-perceptions were smaller. Contrary to S u m m i n g Up
Gutmann's hypothesis, however, grandfathers did not replace
Adults are influenced by t h e changing d e m a n d s o f gen-
their masculine traits with feminine traits, and grandmothers
d e r roles. Marriage and p a r e n t h o o d a p p e a r t o cause m e n
did not become less feminine and more masculine. Instead,
and w o m e n t o a d o p t m o r e traditionally sex-typed roles.
both sexes appeared to experience an androgyny shift:
Freed from t h e parental imperative, middle-aged and eld-
Grandfathers retained their masculine traits and gained femi-
erly adults t e n d t o e x p e r i e n c e a shift toward androgyny,
nine attributes; grandmothers retained their feminine traits
blending desirable masculine-stereotyped and feminine-
and took on masculine attributes (see also Wink & Helson,
s t e r e o t y p e d qualities (although n o t switching personali-
1993). This finding is particularly interesting because todays
ties). Androgyny t e n d s t o b e associated with g o o d ad-
older people should, if anything, be more traditionally gender
j u s t m e n t and adaptability. H
typed than younger adults who have grown up in an era of
more flexible gender norms.
Is Androgyny Advantageous?
If a person can be both assertive and sensitive, both inde-
pendent and understanding, being androgynous sounds psy- A central part of the process of becoming a woman or a man
chologically healthy Is it? College students—both males and is the process of becoming a sexual being, so it is appropriate
females—believe that the ideal person is androgynous that we examine sexual development here. It is a lifelong
(Slavkin & Stright, 2000). Bern (1975, 1978) demonstrated process that starts in infancy.
that androgynous men and women behave more flexibly than
more sex-typed individuals. For example, androgynous peo-
ple, like masculine sex-typed people, can display the "mascu-
line" agentic trait of independence by resisting social pressure Sigmund Freud made the seemingly outrageous claim that
to conform to undesirable group activities. Yet they are as humans are sexual beings from birth onward. We are born, he
likely as feminine sex-typed individuals to display the "femi- said, with a reserve of sexual energy redirected toward differ-
nine" communal trait of nurturance by interacting positively ent parts of the body as we develop. Freud may have been
with a baby. Androgynous people seem to be highly adaptable, wrong about some things, but he was right that infants are
able to adjust their behavior to the demands of the situation sexual beings.
at hand (Shaffer, Pegalis, & Cornell, 1992). Perhaps this is why Babies are biologically equipped at birth with male or fe-
androgynous parents are viewed as warmer and more sup- male chromosomes, hormones, and genitals. Moreover, young
portive than nonandrogynous parents (Witt, 1997). In addi- infants in Freud's oral stage of development appear to derive
m
•" -.LTIWF' _ .
i § M A t i t u l l s W M B^laî^r
S ome people believe that the world would be a better

place if boys and girls were no longer socialized to adopt
traditional masculine or feminine roles, interests, and be-
them in stories (for example, recalling that the garbage man
in a story was a woman).
Yet many efforts at change that work in the short run
haviors. Children of both sexes would then have the free- fail to have lasting effects. Children encouraged to interact
dom to be androgynous; women would no longer suffer in mixed-sex groups revert to their preference for same-
from a lack of assertiveness in the world of work, and men sex friends as soon as the program ends (Lockheed, 1986;
would no longer be forced to suppress their emotions. Just Serbin,Tonick, & Sternglanz, 1977). Why is it so difficult to
how successful are efforts to encourage more flexible gen- change children's thinking? Perhaps because children are
der roles? groomed for their traditional gender roles from birth and
In several projects designed to change gender-role be- are bombarded with traditional gender-role messages every
havior, children have been exposed to nonsexist films, en- day. A short-term intervention project may have little
couraged to imitate models of cross-sex behavior, rein- chance of succeeding in this larger context.
forced by teachers for trying cross-sex activities, and Other research shows that it is often difficult to change
provided with nonsexist educational materials (Katz, 1986; the gender schemata we have constructed. Farah Hughes and
Katz & Walsh, 1991). For example, Rebecca Bigler and Lynn Catherine Seta (2003) gave fifth-graders descriptions of men
Liben (1990) reasoned that if they could alter children's and women behaving in ways inconsistent with traditional
gender stereotypes, they could head off the biased informa- gender stereotypes.The children were then asked to rate the
tion processing that stereotypes promote.They exposed 6- likelihood that another man or woman would behave in
to I I-year-olds to a series of problem-solving discussions gender-inconsistent ways. Despite being exposed to a model
emphasizing that (I) the most important considerations in of inconsistent gender-stereotypic behavior, children believed
deciding who could perform well in such traditionally mas- that the other man (although not the other woman) would
culine or feminine occupations as construction worker and behave in a gender-consistent manner.The authors interpret
beautician are the person's interests and willingness to learn this in terms of gender schema theory and children's desire
and (2) the person's gender is irrelevant. Compared with to maintain their stereotypic gender schemata by countering
children who received no such training, program partici- an inconsistent piece of information with a highly consistent
pants showed a clear decline in occupational stereotyping, one. It also illustrates that simply exposing children to
especially if they had entered the study with firm ideas models of inconsistent gender roles is not going to miracu-
about which jobs are for women and which are for men. lously lead to changes in the way they think about gender-
Moreover, this reduction in stereotyping brought about stereotypic behavior: Men should still behave in masculine
the predicted decrease in biased information processing: ways. Consistent with other research presented in this chap-
Participants were more likely than nonparticipants to re- ter, Hughes and Seta found that women were given more
member counterstereotypic information presented to flexibility in terms of gender roles.
pleasure from sucking, mouthing, biting, and other oral activ- cially those that produce pleasurable sensations, and are likely
ities. But the clincher is this: Both male babies and female ba- to continue touching themselves unless reprimands from par-
bies have been observed to touch and manipulate their genital ents or other grown-ups discourage this behavior (at least in
areas, to experience physical arousal, and to undergo what ap- front of adults). From these early experiences, children begin
pear to be orgasms (Hyde & DeLamater, 2003; Leung & to learn what human sexuality is about and how the members
Robson, 1993). Parents in some cultures, well aware of the of their society regard it.
pleasure infants derive from their genitals, occasionally use
genital stimulation as a means of soothing fussy babies (Ford
& Beach, 1951).
What should you make of this infant sexuality? Infants Although boys and girls spend much of their time in gender-
feel bodily sensations, but they are hardly aware that their be- segregated groups, they are nonetheless preparing for the day
havior is "sexual" (Crooks & Baur, 2005). Infants are sexual they will participate in sexual relationships with the other sex.
beings primarily in the sense that their genitals are sensitive They learn a great deal about sexuality and reproduction, con-
and their nervous systems allow sexual responses. They are tinue to be curious about their bodies, and begin to interact
also as curious about their bodies as they are about the rest of with the other sex in ways that will prepare them for dating in
the world. They enjoy touching all parts of their body, espe- adolescence.
Sexual Behavior
According to Freudian theory, preschoolers in the phallic stage
of psychosexual development are actively interested in their
genitals and seek bodily pleasure through masturbation, but
school-age children enter a latency period during which they
repress their sexuality and turn their attention instead to
schoolwork and friendships with same-sex peers. It turns out
that Freud was half right and half wrong.
Freud was correct that preschoolers are highly curious
about their bodies, masturbate, and engage in both same-sex
and cross-sex sexual play. He was wrong to believe that such
activities occur infrequently among school-age children. By
age 6, about half of children have engaged in sexual play (play-
ing doctor or house), and sexual exploration (such as looking
at and touching genitals) is increasingly common in elemen-
C Preschoolers are naturally curious about the human body. tary school (Larsson & Svedin, 2002; Okami, Olmstead, &
Abramson, 1997; Simon & Gagnon, 1998). Elementary-school
aged children in Freud's latency period may be more discreet
Knowledge of Sex and R e p r o d u c t i o n about their sexual experimentation than preschoolers, but
With age, children learn that sexual anatomy is the key differ- they have by no means lost their sexual curiosity. Surveys
entiator between males and females, and they acquire a more show, for example, that about two-thirds of boys and one-half
correct and explicit vocabulary for discussing sexual organs of girls have masturbated by age 13 (Janus & Janus, 1993;
(Brilleslijper & Baartman, 2000; Gordon, Schroeder, & Larsson & Svedin, 2002).
Abrams, 1990). As Anne Bernstein and Philip Cowan (1975) Gilbert Herdt and Martha McClintock (2000) have gath-
have shown, children's understandings of where babies come ered evidence that age 10 is an important point in sexual de-
from also change as they develop cognitively. Young children velopment, a time when many boys and girls experience their
often seem to assume either that babies are just there all along first sexual attraction (often for a member of the other sex if
or that they are somehow manufactured, much as toys might they later become heterosexual or for a member of their own
be. According to Jane, age 3Y?> "You find [the baby] at a store sex if they later become gay or lesbian). This milestone in de-
that makes it. . . . Well, they get it and then they put it in the velopment appears to be influenced by the maturation of the
tummy and then it goes quicldy out5' (p. 81). Another pre- adrenal glands (which produce male androgens). It comes
schooler, interpreting what he could of an explanation about well before the maturation of the sex organs during puberty
reproduction from his mom, created this scenario (author's and therefore challenges the view of Freud (and many of the
files): rest of us) that puberty is the critical time in sexual develop-
ment. As Herdt and McClintock note, our society does little to
The woman has a seed in her tummyj that is fertilized bv
/ encourage fourth-graders to have sexual thoughts, especially
something in the man's penis. (How does this happen?) about members of their own sex, so perhaps a hormonal ex-
The fertilizer has to travel down through the man's body planation of early sexual attraction makes more sense than an
into the ground. Then it goes underground to get to the environmental one. Indeed, the adrenal glands mature around
woman's body. It's like in our garden. (Does the fertilizer age 6 to age 8 and produce low, but increasing, amounts of an-
come out of his penis?) Oh no. Only pee-pee comes out of drogens (McClintock & Herdt, 1996).
the penis. It's not big enough for fertilizer. Yet sexual development is also shaped by the sociocultu-
As these examples illustrate, young children construct ral context in which children develop. Eric Widmer and his
their own understandings of reproduction well before they are colleagues (Widmer, Treas, & Newcomb, 1998) compared at-
told the "facts of life." Consistent with Piaget's theory of cogni- titudes toward sex in 24 countries and found wide variations
tive development, children construct their understanding of in sexual beliefs. Still, the researchers were able to discern four
sex by assimilating and accommodating information into their sets of beliefs that characterized most of the countries. The
existing cognitive structures. Children "as young as age 7 know "teen permissive" countries, which included Germany,
that sexual intercourse plays a role in the making of babies, but Austria, and Sweden, reported the highest levels of acceptance
their understanding of just how this works is limited (Cipriani, of both early teenage sex and premarital sex. The United
2002; Hyde & DeLamater, 2003). By age 12, most children have States, Ireland, Northern Ireland, and Poland were categorized
integrated information about sexual intercourse with informa- as sexual conservatives. People in these countries were most
tion about the biological union of egg and sperm and can pro- disapproving of all types of nonmarital sex. For example, they
vide an accurate description of intercourse and its possible were more likely than people in other countries to report that
outcomes. Thus, as children mature cognitively and as they teenage sex, extramarital sex, and homosexual sex were "al-
gain access to information, they are able to construct ever more ways wrong." Several countries—the Netherlands, Norway,
accurate understandings of sexuality and reproduction. the Czech Republic, Canada, and Spain—were classified as
homosexual permissives because of their relatively high ac- from my body. . . . I developed a "good" self and a
ceptance of homosexual sex. Otherwise, these countries were "bad" self. This was the only way I could cope with the ex-
similar in attitudes to the sexual conservatives. Most of the re- periences. . . . I discovered people I trusted caused me
maining countries were classified as moderate and were rather harm It is difficult for me to accept the fact that peo-
heterogeneous in their sexual attitudes. ple can care for me and expect nothing in return I dis-
In the United States, children learn from their peers how to like closeness and despise people touching me.
relate to the other sex. As Barrie Thome's (1993) observations
Two problems seem to be especially linked to being sexu-
in elementary schools demonstrate, boys and girls may be seg-
ally abused. First, about a third of victims engage in sexualized
regated by gender, but they are hardly oblivious to each other.
behavior, acting out sexually by putting objects in vaginas,
They talk constantly about who likes whom and who is cute;
masturbating in public, behaving seductively, or if they are
they play kiss-and-chase games in which girls attempt to catch
older, behaving promiscuously (Kendall-Tackett et al., 1993).
boys and infect them with "cooties"; and they have steady
One theory is that this sexualized behavior helps victims mas-
boyfriends and girlfriends (if only for a few days). At times, boys
ter or control the traumatic events they experienced
and girls seem like mortal enemies. But by loving and hating
(Tharinger, 1990). Second, about a third of victims display the
each other, kissing and running away, they are grooming them-
symptoms of posttraumatic stress disorder. This clinical dis-
selves for more explicitly sexual—but still often ambivalent—
order, involving nightmares, flashbacks to the traumatizing
heterosexual relationships later in life (Thorne, 1993).
events, and feelings of helplessness and anxiety in the face of
danger, affects some soldiers in combat and other victims of
ChflSdhood Sexual A b u s e extreme trauma (Kendall-Tackett et al., 1993).
Every day in this country, children, adolescents, and even in- In a few children, sexual abuse may contribute to severe
fants are sexually abused by the adults closest to them. A typical psychological disorders including multiple-personality disor-
scenario would be this: A girl age 12 or 13—although it happens der, the splitting of the psyche into distinct personalities (Cole
to boys, too—is abused repeatedly by her father, stepfather, or & Putnam, 1992; Ross et al., 1991). Yet about a third of chil-
another male relative or family friend (Putnam, 2003; Trickett dren seem to experience no psychological symptoms
& Putnam, 1993). Estimates of the percentages of girls and boys (Kendall-Tackett et al., 1993). Some of these symptomless
who are sexually abused vary wildly, perhaps because so many children may experience problems in later years. Nevertheless,
cases go unreported and because definitions vary substantially. some children are less severely damaged and more able to
In one representative sample of U.S. adults, 27% of the women cope than others are.
and 16% of the men reported having experienced some form of Which children have the most difficulty? The effects of
childhood sexual abuse, ranging from being touched in ways abuse are likely to be most severe when the abuse involved
they considered abusive to being raped (Finkelhor et al., 1989). penetration and force and occurred frequently over a long pe-
Controlling for differences in definitions and samples, Kevin riod, when the perpetrator was a close relative such as the fa-
Gorey and Donald Leslie (1997) report that 17% of women and ther, and when the child's mother did not serve as a reliable
8% of men have experienced childhood sexual abuse. In any source of emotional support (Beitchman et aL, 1991; Kendall-
case, childhood sexual abuse is a serious and widespread social Tackett et al., 1993; Trickett & Putnam, 1993). Children are
problem. Unfortunately, only one out of every four abused chil- likely to recover better if their mothers believe their stories
dren tells someone about the abuse within the first 24 hours and can offer them a stable and loving home environment
and one in four remains silent, never telling anyone about his or (Kendall-Tackett et al., 1993). Psychotherapy aimed at treating
her painful experience (Kogan, 2004). the anxiety and depression many victims experience and
What is the effect of sexual abuse on the victim? Kathleen teaching them coping and problem-solving skills so thcit they
Kendall-Tackett, Linda Williams, and David Finkelhor (1993) will not be revictimized can also contribute to the healing
offer a useful account, based on their review of 45 studies. No process (Finkelhor & Berliner, 1995). Recovery takes time, but
single distinctive "syndrome" of psychological problems char- it does take place.
acterizes abuse victims. Instead, they may experience any
number of problems commonly seen in emotionally dis-
turbed individuals, including anxiety, depression, low self-
esteem, aggression, acting out, withdrawal, and school learn-
Although infants and children are sexual beings, sexuality as-
ing problems. Roughly 20 to 30% experience each of these
sumes far greater importance once sexual maturity is
problems, and boys seem to experience the same types and de-
achieved. Adolescents must incorporate into their identities as
grees of disturbance as girls do.
males or females concepts of themselves as sexual males or fe-
Many of these aftereffects boil down to lack of self-worth
males. Moreover, they must figure out how to express their
and difficulty trusting others (Cole & Putnam, 1992). A college
sexuality in relationships. As part of their search for identity,
student who had been abused repeatedly by her father and
teenagers raise questions about their sexual attractiveness,
other relatives wrote this about her experience (author's files):
their sexual values, and their goals in close relationships. They
It was very painful, emotionally, physically, and psycho- also experiment with sexual behavior—sometimes with good
logically. I wanted to die to escape it. I wanted to escape outcomes, sometimes with bad ones.
Sexual O r i e n t a t i o n
Part of establishing a sexual identity, part of an individual's
larger task of resolving Eriksons conflict of identity versus role
confusion, is becoming aware of one's sexual orientation—
that is, one's preference for sexual partners of the same or other Identical Fraternal
sex. Sexual orientation exists on a continuum; not all cultures Twins Twins
categorize sexual preferences as ours does (Paul, 1993), but we Both male twins are gay or bisexual 52% 22%
commonly describe people as having primarily heterosexual, if one is
homosexual, or bisexual orientations. Most adolescents estab- Both female twins are lesbian or bisexual 48% 16%
lish a heterosexual sexual orientation without much soul- if one is
searching. For youths attracted to members of their own sex,
SOURCES: Male figures from Bailey & Pillard, 1 9 9 1 ; female figures from
however, the process of accepting that they have a homosexual
Bailey et al., 1993.
orientation and establishing a positive identity in the face of
Note: Higher rates of concordance (similarity) for identical twin pairs than
negative societal attitudes can be a long and torturous one. for fraternal twin pairs provide evidence o f genetic influence on homosexu-
Many have an initial awareness of their sexual preference be- ality. Less-than-perfect concordance points to the additional operation o f
fore reaching puberty but do not accept being gay or lesbian, environmental influences.
or gather the courage to "come out," until their mid-20s

(Savin-Williams, 1995). Among 17- to 25-year-olds with bian women who were typically feminine girls as among those
same-sex attractions, fewer than half have told both their par- who showed early cross-sex interests (Bailey & Pillard, 1991;
ents and about one-third have not told either parent about Bailey et al., 1993). All that is clear, then, is that many gay and
their sexual orientation (Savin-Williams & Ream, 2003). lesbian adults know from an early age that traditional gender-
Those who had disclosed to one or both parents did so around role expectations do not suit them.
age 19. By this age, most are out of high school and have What environmental factors may help determine whether
achieved some independence from their parents, which may a genetic predisposition toward homosexuality is actualized?
give them the confidence to share this information. We do not know yet. The old psychoanalytic view that male
Experimentation with homosexual activity is fairly com- homosexuality stems from having a domineering mother and
mon during adolescence, but few adolescents become part of a weak father has received little support (LeVay, 1996).
the estimated 5 to 6% of adults who establish an enduring ho- Growing up with a gay or lesbian parent also seems to have lit-
mosexual or bisexual sexual orientation (Smith, 1991). tle effect on later sexual orientation (Patterson, 2004). Nor is
Contrary to societal stereotypes of gay men as effeminate and there support for the idea that homosexuals were seduced into
lesbian women as masculine, gay and lesbian individuals have a homosexual lifestyle by older individuals.
the same range of psychological and social attributes that het- A more promising hypothesis is that hormonal influences
erosexual adults do. Knowing that someone prefers same-sex during the prenatal period influence sexual orientation (Ellis et
romantic partners reveals no more about his personality than al., 1988; Meyer-Bahlburg et al., 1995). For example, androge-
knowing that someone is heterosexual. nized females are more likely than most other women to adopt
What influences the development of sexual orientation? a lesbian or bisexual orientation, suggesting that high prenatal
Part of the answer lies in the genetic code. Twin studies have doses of male hormones may predispose at least some females
established that identical twins are more alike in sexual orien- to homosexuality (Dittman et al., 1992; Money, 1988). Another
tation than fraternal twins (Bailey & Pillard, 1991; Bailey et al., possibility is that nature and nurture interact. Biological factors
1993). As Table 12.3 reveals, however, in about half the identi- may predispose an individual to have certain psychological
cal twin pairs, one twin is homosexual or bisexual but the traits, which in turn influence the kinds of social experiences
other is heterosexual. This means that environment con- the person has, which in turn shape her sexual orientation
tributes at least as much as genes to the development of sex- (Ryne, 1994). However, no one yet knows which factors in the
ual orientation (Bailey, Dunne, & Martin, 2000). prenatal or postnatal environment contribute, with genes, to a
Research also shows that many gay men and lesbian homosexual orientation (Byne, 1994; LeVay, 1996).
women expressed strong cross-sex interests when they were
young, despite being subjected to the usual pressures to adopt Sexual Morality
a traditional gender role (Bailey et al., 2000; LeVay, 1996). Whatever their sexual orientation, adolescents establish atti-
Richcird Green (1987), for example, studied a group of highly tudes regarding what is and is not appropriate sexual behav-
feminine boys who did not just engage in cross-sex play now ior. The sexual attitudes of adolescents changed dramatically
and then but who strongly and consistently preferred female during the 20th century, especially during the 1960s and
roles, toys, and friends. He found that 75% of these boys 1970s, yet many of the old values have endured (Caron &
(compared with 2% of a control group of gender-typical Moskey, 2002). Three generalizations emerge from the re-
boys) were exclusively homosexual or bisexual 15 years later. search on sexual attitudes.
Yet the genetic research by J. Michael Bailey and Richard First, most adolescents have come to believe that sex with
Pillard suggests that sexual orientation is every bit as heritable affection is acceptable. They no longer buy the traditional
among gay men who were typically masculine boys and les- view that premarital intercourse is always morally wrong.
They do not go so far as to view casual sex as acceptable, al- forge their own codes of behavior, and they differ widely in
though males have more permissive attitudes about this than what they decide.
females. Most adolescents insist that the partners be in a ro-
mantic relationship or feel a close emotional involvement Sexual Behavior
with each other (Caron 8c Moskey, 2002). If attitudes about sexual behavior have changed over the years,
A second finding is that the double standard has declined has sexual behavior itself changed? Yes, it has. Today's
over the years. According to the double standard, sexual be- teenagers are involved in more intimate forms of sexual be-
havior that is viewed as appropriate for males is considered havior at earlier ages than adolescents of the past were. Several
inappropriate for females; there is one standard for males, an- themes emerge from the research on teens' sexual behavior:
other for females. In the "old days," a young man was expected • Rates of sexual activity climbed in the 1960s and con-
to sow some wild oats and gain some sexual experience, tinued to climb through the 1980s before leveling off and even
whereas a young woman was expected to remain a virgin un- declining in the 1990s (Althaus, 2001).
til she married. Although the double standard has declined, it ° The percentages of both males and females who have
has by no means disappeared (Crawford & Popp, 2003). had intercourse increased steadily throughout the 20th cen-
Fathers still look more favorably on the sexual exploits of their tury.
sons than on those of their daughters (Brooks-Gunn 8c • Perhaps reflecting the decline of the double standard,
Furstenberg, 1989), and college students still tend to believe the sexual behavior of females has changed much more than
that a woman who has many sexual partners is more immoral that of males, and the difference between the sexes has nar-
than an equally promiscuous man (Crawford 8c Popp, 2003; rowed (Althaus, 2001 >.
Blumberg, 2003). Adolescent girls generally hold less permis- The percentage of adolescents with sexual experience in-
sive attitudes about sex than adolescent boys do (Milhausen 8c creases steadily over the adolescent years. About 20% of white
Herold, 1999). However, Western societies have been moving teens report having sexual intercourse by age 15, and 50%
toward a single standard of sexual behavior used to judge both have had intercourse sometime between age 15 and age 19
males and females. (Althaus, 2001). The rate is somewhat higher among black
A third generalization that emerges from research on sex- teens, with 30% of 14-year-olds reporting they have engaged
ual attitudes is that adolescents are confused about sexual in sex (Dilorio et al., 2001). By age 21 to age 24, 85% reported
norms. Adolescents continually receive mixed messages about having had sexual intercourse (Meschke et al., 2000). Of
sexuality (Ponton, 2001). They are encouragcd to be popular course, rates of sexual activity depend greatly on how sexual
and attractive to the other sex, and they watch countless tele- activity is defined. What constitutes "having sex"? Virtually
vision programs and movies that glamorize sexual behavior. all college students—both male and female—agree that
Yet they are told to value virginity and to fear and avoid preg- penile-vaginal intercourse is having sex, but only 38% believe
nancy, bad reputations, and AIDS and other STDs. Adults of- that oral sex constitutes having sex (Pitts 8c Rahman, 2001).
ten tell teens that they are too young to engage in sexual ac- Perhaps this is why there are higher rates of oral sex than in-
tivity with a peer, yet they make teens feel ashamed about tercourse among today's high school students (Prinstein,
masturbating (Halpern et al., 2000; Ponton, 2001). The stan- Meade, 8c Cohen, 2003). Their cognitive schema of having sex
dards for males and females are now more similar, and ado- does not include oral sex (or anal sex for some teens), so they
lescents tend to agree that sexual intercourse in the context of can engage in oral sex without feeling as though they are re-
emotional involvement is acceptable; but teenagers still must ally having sex.
Early sexual involvement is most likely among adoles-
cents whose mothers were teenage parents; indeed, twin stud-
ies indicate that age of first intercourse is genetically influ-
enced (Dunne et al., 1997). In addition, adolescents who
become sexually activc early have little invested in school; in-
stead, they are involved in problem behaviors such as sub-
stance abuse and delinquency (Crockett et al., 1996). The fac-
tors that predict timing of first intercourse differ for males
and females (Meschke et al., 2000). First intercourse is later for
girls who do not date alone often and whose parents have al-
ways been married. Boys with higher levels of achievement
orientation and less focus on popularity tend to delay first in-
tercourse. Interestingly, teen couples in which the young
woman is highly feminine and the young man is highly mas-
culine are more likely to have had sex and to have had early sex
than other combinations of couples (Udry 8c Chantala, 2004).
C Many of today's adolescents become involved in sexual activity
Furthermore, in these couples, the girl's previous sexual expe-
early and give little thought t o the long-term consequences of their rience, not the boy's, determined how early the couple started
behavior. having sex (Udry & Chantala, 2004).
Males and females feel differently about their sexual en- teenage pregnancy have begun to decline recently as a result
counters. Teenage boys often report that their first sexual in- (Vobejda 8c Havemann, 1997). However, few adolescents are
tercourse was pleasurable, whereas teenage girls respond more doing what they wôuld need to do to protect themselves from
negatively, with some feelings of disappointment (Hyde 8c HIV infection: abstaining from sex or using a condom (latex
DeLamater, 2003). Among girls who have been sexually active, with a spermicide) every time. No wonder many educators
many wish they waited longer to start having sex (National are calling for stronger programs of sex education and distri-
Campaign to Prevent Teenage Pregnancy, 2002). Females are bution of free condoms at school. There is little chance of
more insistent than males that sex and love—physical inti- preventing the unwanted consequences of teenage sexuality
macy and emotional intimacy—go together. In one survey, unless more adolescents either postpone sex or practice safer
61% of college women, but only 29% of college men, agreed sex. One encouraging finding is that warmth and connected-
with the idea of "no intercourse without love" (Darling, ness between mothers and their children can delay the age of
Davidson, 8c Passarello, 1992; see also de Gaston, Weed, & first intercourse (Sieving, McNeely, 8c Blum, 2000), as can
Jensen, 1996). Females are also more likely than males to have parent-child communication about sexuality (Blake et al.,
been in a steady relationship with their first sexual partner 2001).
(Darling et al, 1992). This continuing gap between the sexes
can sometimes create misunderstandings and hurt feelings,
and it may partly explain why females are more likely than
males to wish they had waited to have sex (de Gaston, Jensen, Adults' sexual lifestyles are as varied as their personalities and
& Weed, 1995). intellects. Some adults remain single—some of them actively
It is clear that sexual involvement is part of the average seeking a range of partners, others having one partner at a
adolescents experience. This is true of all major ethnic time, and still others leading celibate lives. More than 9 of 10
groups, rich and poor. The differences in sexual activity Americans marry, and most adults are married at any given
among social groups have been shrinking (Forrest & Singh, time. Men have more sexual partners than women during
1990). Although most adolescents seem to adjust successfully their adult lives, but most members of both sexes have just one
to becoming sexually active, there have also been some casual- sexual partner at a time (Laumann et al., 1994).
•
ties among those who are psychologically unready for sex or Among married couples, there is a small decline in qual-
who end up with an unintended pregnancy or an STD. ity of sex over the course of marriage (Liu, 2003). And mar-
Sexually active adolescent couples often fail to use con- ried women report somewhat less satisfaction with their sex
traception, partly because they are cognitively immature and lives than do married men (Liu, 2003). On average, married
do not take seriously the possibility that their behavior could middle-aged couples have sex about once a week and report
have unfortunate long-term consequences (Loewenstein 8c that they would have sex more often if they were not so busy
Furstenberg, 1991;'Morrison, 1985). Although condom use and tired from their jobs and raising kids (Deveny, 2003).
has increased over the past decade, it is still low (Kaplan et al., What becomes of people's sex lives as they age? Many
2001). In one study, for example, only 45% of adolescent young people can barely conceive of their parents or—heaven
males said they always used a condom during intercourse forbid—their grandparents as sexual beings. We tend to
(Kaplan et al, 2001). Adolescent females report less frequent stereotype older adults as sexless or asexual. But w7e are wrong:
condom use than males, possibly because their sexual partners people continue to be sexual beings throughout the life span.
are often several years older and because condom use among Perhaps the most amazing discoveries about sex in late adult-
males declines from mid- to late adolescence (Kaplan et al., hood are those of Bernard Starr and Marcella Weiner (1981),
2001; Sneed et al., 2001). This may reflect that adolescent cou- who surveyed 800 elderly volunteers ages 60 to 91. In this
ples who are in long-term, monogamous relationships stop group, more than 90% said they like sex, almost 80% were still
using condoms because they no longer fear transmission of sexually active, and 75% said that their sex lives were the same
HIV or STDs. as or were better than when they were younger. One 70-year-
For the adolescent wrho gives birth, the consequences of old widow, asked how often she would like to have sex, was
teenage sexuality are likely to include an interrupted educa- not bashful at all about replying, "Morning, noon, and night"
tion, a low income, and a difficult start for both her and her (p. 47).
child (Furstenberg, Brooks-Gunn, 8c Chase-Lansdale, 1989). Obviously, people can remain highly interested in sex and
This young mother's life situation and her child's develop- sexually active in old age. Yet Starr and Weiner's findings are
mental status are likely to improve later, especially if she goes likely to be exaggerated because only the most sexually active
back to school and limits her family size, but she is likely to re- people may have agreed to complete such a survey. More reli-
main economically disadvantaged compared with her peers able findings are reported by Tom Smith (1991) based on a
who postpone parenthood until their 20s (Furstenberg, survey of a representative sample of American adults that
Brooks-Gunn, 8c Morgan, 1987). asked about many things, including sexual behavior. As Figure
What effect has the threat of AIDS had on adolescent 12.6 shows, the percentage of adults who reported at least
sexual behavior? Most studies find change, but perhaps not some sexual contact in the past year declined steadily from age
enough. As noted, teens are more likely to use condoms (at group to age group, although almost a third of adults in their
least some of the time) than they used to be, and rates of 70s and older were still sexually active. Men were more likely
CO
100 that both men and women are physiologically capable of sex-
<D ual behavior well into old age. Women retain this physiologi-
90
tt)
CO 80 cal capacity even longer than men, yet they are less sexually ac-
Q_
tive in old age.
70
CD
> Apparently we must turn to factors other than biological
O 60
CO
aging to explain changes in sexual behavior. In summarizing
>
50 these factors, Pauline Robinson (1983) quotes Alex Comfort
Z5
X 40 (1974): "In our experience, old folks stop having sex for the
CD
CO
30 same reason they stop riding a bicycle—general infirmity,
CD
D) thinking it looks ridiculous, and no bicycle" (p. 440).
C 20
<D Under the category of infirmity, diseases and disabilities,
O
i— 10
CD as well as the drugs prescribed for them, can limit sexual func-
CL
0 tioning (Marsiglio & Donnelly, 1991). This is a particular
18-29 30-39 40-49 50-59 60-69 70+
problem for men, who may become impotent if they have
Age (in years) high blood pressure, coronary disease, diabetes, or other
health problems. Mental health problems are also important:
Figure S 2.6 Percentage of U.S. adults of different ages who re-
ported having at least one sexual partner in the past year Cross- Many cases of impotence among middle-aged and elderly
sectional data such as these can be misleading about the degree to men are attributable to psychological causes such as stress at
which sexual activity declines with age, but longitudinal studies also work and depression rather than to physiological causes
point to decreased involvement (Persson & Svanborg, 1992).
SOURCE: Adapted from Smith (1991). The second source of problems is social attitudes that
view sexual activity in old age as ridiculous, or at least inap-
to be sexually active than women, and, as you might expect,

adults were more likely to be sexually active if they were mar-
ried (91%) than if they were separated or divorced (74-80%)
or widowed (only 14%) (see also Gott & Hinchliff, 2003).
How can we explain declines with age in sexual interest Ww-
and activity? Consider first the physiological changes in sexual
capacity that occur with age, as revealed by the pioneering re-
search of William Masters and Virginia Johnson (1966,1970).
Males are at their peak of sexual responsiveness in their late
teens and early 20s and gradually become less responsive
thereafter. A young man is easily and quickly aroused; his or-
gasm is intense; and he may have a refractory, or recovery, pe-
riod of only minutes before he is capable of sexual activity
again. The older man is likely to be slower—slower to arouse,
slower to ejaculate after being aroused, and slower to recover
afterward. In addition, levels of male sex hormones decline
gradually with age in many men. This may contribute to di-
minished sexual functioning among older men (Schiavi et al.,
1991), although most researchers do not believe that hor-
monal factors fully explain the changes in sexual behavior that
most men experience (Kaye, 1993).
Physiological changes in women are far less dramatic.
Females reach their peak of sexual responsiveness later than
men do, often not until their late 30s. Women are capable of
more orgasms in a given time span than men are because they
have little or no refractory period after orgasm, and this ca-
pacity is retained into old age. As noted in Chapter 5,
menopause does not seem to reduce sexual activity or interest
for most women. However, like older men, older women typ-
ically are slower to become sexually excited. Moreover, some
experience discomfort associated with decreased lubrication.
The physiological changes that men and women experi-
ence do not explain why many of them become less sexually C Most older adults continue to be sexual beings who seek love and
active in middle and old age. Masters and Johnson concluded affection.
propriate. Old people are stereotyped as sexually unappeal- causal, by the way; it could simply be that some people are
ing and sexless (or as "dirty old men") and are discouraged more sexually motivated than others throughout adulthood.
from expressing sexual interests. These negative attitudes A second aspect of the use it or lose it rule may be causal, how-
may be internalized by elderly people, causing them to sup- ever: Middle-aged and elderly adults who experience a long
press their sexual desires (Kaye> 1993; Purifoy, Grodsky, & period of sexual abstinence often have difficulty regaining
Giambra, 1992). Older females may be even further inhib- their sexual capacity.
ited by the double standard of aging, which regards aging in
women more negatively than aging in men (Arber & Ginn,
S u m m i n g Op
1991).
Third, there is the "no bicycle" part of Comfort's W e are sexual beings from infancy onward. School-age
analogy—the lack of a partner, or at least of a willing and de- children engage in sex play and appear to experience
sirable partner. Most older women are widowed, divorced, or their first sexual attractions around age 10. In adoles-
single and face the reality that there just are not enough older cence, forming a positive sexual identity is an important
men to go around. Moreover, most of these men are married, task, one that can be difficult for those with a gay or les-
and those who are single are often looking for a younger part- bian sexual orientation. During the past century, we have
ner (Robinson, 1983). Lack of a partner, then, is the major witnessed increased endorsement of the view that sex
problem for elderly women, many of whom continue to be in- with affection is acceptable, a weakening of the double
terested in sex, physiologically capable of sexual behavior, and standard, and increased confusion about sexual norms.
desirous of love and affection. Many older adults continue having sexual inter-
Perhaps we should add one more element to Comfort's course, and many of those who cease having it or have it
bicycle analogy: lack of cycling experience. Masters and less frequently continue to be sexually motivated. Elderly
Johnson (1966,1970) proposed a "use it or lose it" principle of people can continue to enjoy an active sex life if they re-
sexual behavior to reflect two findings. First, an individual's tain their physical and mental health, do not allow nega-
level of sexual activity early in adulthood predicts his level of tive attitudes surrounding sexuality in later life to stand in
sexual activity in later life. The relationship is not necessarily their way, and have a willing and able partner. M
lytic perspective, social learning theory, and the cognitive theories in-
cluding Lawrence Kohlberg's cognitive developmental theory and the
1. Differences between males and females can be detected in the gender schema theory. Each theory has some support, but none is
physical, psychological, and social realms; gender differences arise from completely right.
an interaction of biological influences and socialization into gender 7. Sexuality is an important component of our development
roles (including the learning of gender-role norms and stereotypes). throughout the life span. Infants and children are curious about their
2. Research comparing males and females indicates that the two bodies and begin experimenting with sexual behaviors. A significant
sexes are far more similar than different psychologically. The average increase in sexual behavior occurs during adolescence. Most adults
male is more aggressive and better at spatial and mathematical prob- marry and engage in regular sexual activity, with declines evident as
lem-solving tasks, but less adept at verbal tasks, than the average fe- they age. Declines in the physiological capacity for sex cannot fully
male. Males also tend to be more active, assertive, and developmen- explain declines in sexual activity; poor physical or mental health,
tally vulnerable than females, who tend to be more compliant with lack of a partner, negative societal attitudes, and periods of sexual ab-
adults' requests, tactful, nurturant, and anxious. Most sex differences stinence also contribute.
are small, however, and some are becoming smaller.
3. During infancy, boys and girls are similar but adults treat them
differently. By age 2, infants have often gained knowledge of their ba-
sic gender identity and display "gender-appropriate" play preferences. 1. Jen and Ben are fraternal twins whose parents are determined
4. Gender typing progresses most rapidly during the toddler that they should grow up to be androgynous. Nonetheless, when the
and preschool years, with 2- and 3-year-olds already learning gender twins are only 4, Jen wants frilly dresses and loves to play with her
stereotypes; school-age children are at first rigid and then more flex- Barbie doll, and Ben wants a machine gun and loves to pretend he's
ible in their thinking about gender norms, and they segregate them- a football player and taclde people. Each seems headed for a tradi-
selves by sex. tional gender role. Which of the theories in this chapter do you think
5. Adolescents become intolerant in their thinking about explains this best, which has the most difficulty explaining it, and
gender-role deviations and, through gender intensification, show in- why did you reach these conclusions?
creased concern with conforming to gender norms. 2. Fewer women than men become architects. Drawing on the
6. Theories of gender-role development include John Money material in this chapter, explain the extent to which nature and nur-
and Anke Ehrhardt's biosocial theory, Sigmund Freud's psychoana- ture may be responsible for this, citing evidence.
3. The extent to which males and females differ changes from zation aims to promote and advocate comprehensive sexual health
infancy to old age. When are gender differences in psychological education through media outreach, public policy, information dis-
characteristics and roles played in society greatest, and when are they semination, and educational programs, including two geared toward
least evident? How would you account for this pattern? youth development and school health education. If you click the
4. What factors are likely to influence the age at which young Publications tab, you will find a myriad of fact sheets on issues re-
people today become sexually active? If you wanted to delay the age lated to sexuality education and lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgen-
of first intercourse, what would be some ways to do this? der youth.
Teen Intimacy and Sexuality

Key T e r m s The Teen Intimacy and Sexuality subcategory on the Developmental
Psychology page at the Psi Cafe features links related to a range of
gender role, 323 Oedipus complex, 333
topics, including the development of intimacy and sexual orienta-
gender role norms, 323 Electra complex, 333 tion.
gender-role stereotypes, 323 gender stability, 336
gender typing, 323 gender consistency, 336
Sex: Unknown
This PBS program explores the complicated terrain of gender iden-
communality, 324 gender schema (plural: tity. You can watch it in its entirety on the companion website. The
agency, 324 schemata), 337 site also contains information about intersex conditions and the em-
systemize, 324 androgyny, 339 bryonic development of gender within the womb. In addition, you
parental imperative, 340 can read various stories from people who have struggled with gender
social-role hypothesis, 325
identity, including an essay by Max Beck, a man raised as a woman.
gender identity, 327 androgyny shift, 341
gender segregation, 328 posttraumatic stress Understanding the Data:

disorder, 344 Exercises on the Web
gender intensification, 329
sexual orientation, 345
androgenized female, 331 For additional insight on the data presented in this
double standard, 346 chapter, try the exercises for the following figure and table at
identification, 333
http://psychology.wadsworth.com/sigelman_rider5e:
Figure 12.2 Do children prefer playmates of their own sex?
Table 12.3 Percentage o f Twins Who Are Concordant for
Homosexual or Bisexual Sexual Orientation
Websites to Explore
Visit Our Website Life-Span CD-ROM
Gender, Diversities, and Technology Institute For this chapter, check out the following clips, and others, in the
Billing itself as "an incubator for new ideas and approaches, a gener- video library:
ator of new policy," the Gender, Diversities, and Technology Institute
focuses on gender equity in education, technology, and the work- VIDEO Early and Middle Childhood: Gender Issues
place. The Publications page on its website contains several articles VIDEO Influences on Teen Sexuality
available for downloading. VIDEO Sex over 45
Sexual Health DEVELOPMENTAL
The site of the Planned Parenthood Federation has a wealth of infor- Psychology||Now TM
mation about sexual and reproductive health, birth control, STDs,
and sex education.
Another resource on sexual health is the Sexuality Information
and Education Council of the United States. This nonprofit organi-
. wadsworth. com./sigehnan_rider5e/now.
c h a p t e r t n i r t e e n
eve J O
Socia 11 Moral Behavior: Social Learning T l ie A d d e s c e n t

Theory
Developing a Theory of Mind Changes in Moral Reasoning
First Steps Antisocial Behavior
Desire and Belief-Desire I lie I n f a n t Dodge's Social Information-
Psychologies Processing Model
Early Moral Training
Nature and Nurture Patterson's Coercive Family
Prosocial Behavior
Describing Other People Environments
Role-Taking Skills Nature and Nurture
T h e Child
Social Cognition in Adulthood
Weighing Intentions Tlie Adult
P e r spectives o n M o r a l Understanding Rules Moral Development
D e ve lop m e n t Applying Theory of Mind Influences on Moral Development
Thinking through Kohlfoerg's Kohlberg's Theory and Beyond
Moral Affect: Psychoanalytic
Dilemmas Culture Bias?
Theory and Beyond
Behaving Morally Liberal Bias?
Moral Reasoning: Cognitive
Nurturing Morality Gender Bias?
Developmental Theory
Supplementing Kohlberg
Piaget's View
Kohlbergs View
O N M A R C H 5,2001, Charles "Andy" Williams, age 15, to life and will be eligible for parole at age 65 (Moran, 2002,
took a .22-caliber revolver from his father's locked gun col- http://signonsandiego.com/news/metro/santana/index.html).
lection and went on a shooting spree at Santana High • In this chapter, we continue our examination of the de-
School in suburban San Diego (Fletcher & Waxman, 2001). velopment of the self by exploring how we come to under-
Another in a long line of youthful murderers, the most no- stand the world of people and think through social issues, es-
torious of which were the Columbine High School duo of pecially issues of right and wrong, and how our thinking
Eric Harris and Dylan Klebold,Williams injured 13 and about self and others is related to our behavior. We begin with
killed 2. And a nation wondered why the broad topic of social cognition—thinking about the per-
Williams was always talking big, his friends said, so they ceptions, thoughts, emotions, motives, and behaviors of self,
just ignored him when he bragged that he was going to other people, groups, and even whole social systems (Flavell,
steal a car or, shortly before the shooting, that he was going 1985). We then look closely at thinking about moral issues
to take a gun to school and shoot the place up. A short, and ask how children acquire a set of moral standards, how
skinny loner who had long been the target of name-calling they decide what is right and wrong, how -their thoughts and
and bullying, he had moved to California with his father emotions influence what they do, and how their moral deci-
within a year of the incident and immediately became the sion making changes over the life span. In the process, you
target of even worse taunting, to the point that he talked of stand to gain some insights into why Andy Williams shot his
killing himself. Not able to fit in with the high school crowd, classmates.
he hung out with skateboarders who experimented with
drugs. He was a latchkey child who spent a lot of time at
friends' houses. He showed no remorse when interviewed
by the police. His friends had the sense that he was mad at ociat C o g n i t i o n
something (Booth & Snyder, 2001).Yet they also could not
believe that he did what he did: "He didn't seem like that Infants come to know parents, siblings, and other companions
kind of person" (Fletcher & Waxman, 2001, p. A4). When by appearance and form expectations about how these com-
asked about her son, his mother, who had been divorced panions will behave. However, young infants cannot analyze
from Williams's father for a decade, could only say tearfully, the personalities of other people or recognize that their com-
"He's lost" (Booth & Snyder, 2001). panions have their own distinct motives, feelings, and
thoughts. These skills are examples of social cognition. We
have already touched on some important aspects of social
What might have been going through Williams's head as he cognitive development in this book, for example, that older
played out his drama? Did he think about the consequences of children think differently than younger children about what
his act, for himself and others? Did he have empathy for his vic- they are like as individuals and about how males and females
tims? Did he know that what he was doing was wrong? Should differ. Here we focus on developmental changes in the ability
this 15-year-old have been tried as an adult? Did he have the to understand human psychology, describe other people, and
same capacity to judge right and wrong that an adult has? adopt other people's perspectives.
Apparently the court thought so: Fie was sentenced to 50 years
Imagine that you are a young child, are brought to the labora-
tory, and are led through the research scenario portrayed in
Figure 13.1. A girl named Sally puts her marble in her basket
and leaves the room. While she is gone, Anne moves the mar-
ble to her box. Sally returns to the room, Now you are asked
the critical question: Where will Sally look for her marble?
This task, called a false belief task, assesses the under-
standing that people can hold incorrect beliefs and that these
beliefs, even though incorrect, can influence their behavior.
The task was used in a pioneering study by Simon Baron-
Cohen, Alan Leslie, and Uta Frith (1985) to determine
whether young children, children with Down syndrome, and
children with autism (see Chapter 16) have a theory of mind.
A theory of mind is the understanding that people have men-
tal states such as desires, beliefs, and intentions and that these
mental states guide (or cause, if you like) their behavior. We all
rely on a theory of mind, also called mind-reading skills, to
<I Charles "Andy" Williams, age 15, in court, accused of murder in a predict and explain human behavior. We refer to mental states
school shooting in Santee, California.The obvious question: Why? every day, saying, for example, that people did what they did
1 Sally places her marble in basket 2 Sally exits
Anne Anne
Basket
Child Child
Experimenter Experimenter
3 Anne transfers Sally's marble to box 4 Sally re-enters
Anne
Child
Experimenter
Figure 13.1 The experimental arrangement in the false belief task involving Sally and Anne.
Because Sally does not know that Anne transferred Sally's marble from Sally's basket to Anne's
box, she falsely believes it is in her basket.The child who has a theory of mind should say that
she will look for it there.
SOURCE: Adapted from Baron-Cohen et al. {1985).
because they wanted to, intended to, or believed that doing so those of the children with Down syndrome, 80% of the autistic
would have a desired effect. children failed. They incorrectly said Sally would look where
Children who pass the false belief task in Figure 13.1, and they knew the marble to be (in the box) rather than where Sally
therefore show evidence of having a theory of mind to explain had every reason to believe it was (in the basket).
human behavior, say that Sally will look for her marble in the This study served as the basis for hypothesizing that
basket (where she falsely believes it to be) rather than in the box autistic children display severe social deficits because they lack
(where it is). Children who have a theory of mind believe that a theory of mind and suffer from a kind of mind blindness
Sally s behavior will be guided by her false belief about the mar- (Baron-Cohen, 1995; and see Chapter 16 on autism). Imagine
ble s location; they are able to set aside their own knowledge of trying to understand and interact with people if you were un-
where the marble ended up after Anne moved it. In the study by able to appreciate such fundamentals of human psychology as
Baron-Cohen and his colleagues, about 85% of 4-year-olds of people look for things where they believe they are, choose
normal intelligence and older children with Down syndrome things that they want, reject things that they hate, and some-
passed the false belief task. Yet despite mental ages greater than times attempt to plant false beliefs in others (that is, lie).
Temple Grandin, a woman with autism who is intelligent
enough to be a professor of animal sciences, describes having
to compensate for lack of a theory of mind: she must create a
memory bank of how people behave and what emotions they
express in various situations and then "compute" how people
might be expected to behave in similar situations (Sacks,
1993). Just as we cannot understand falling objects without
employing the concept of gravity, we cannot hope to under-
stand humans without invoking the concept of mental states.
First Steps
Research on theory of mind has not only stimulated much
thought about the nature and causes of autism but also
prompted many researchers to ask when and how normal chil-
dren develop the components of a theory of mind. Although
children normally do not pass false belief tasks until age 4 or at
the earliest age 3, researchers have detected forerunners of a
theory of mind as early as the end of the first year of life and
believe that a theory of mind begins to form long before chil-
dren pass false belief tasks (Flavell, 1999; Gopnik, Capps, &
Meltzoff, 2000). Four abilities are considered precursors or
early signs of a theory of mind: joint attention, pretend play,
imitation, and emotional understanding (Charman, 2000). All
four, as it turns out, are deficient in autistic children.
Starting around 9 months, infants and their caregivers
begin to engage in much joint attention, both looking at the
same object at the same time. At this age, infants sometimes
point to toys then look toward their companions, encouraging
others to look at what they are looking at. By doing so, infants
& Even I -year-olds show awareness that other people can have
show awareness that other people have different perceptual menta! states (perceptions) different from their own when they
experiences than they do—and that two people can share a point at objects so that their companions and they can jointly attend
perceptual experience. to the same object.
Similarly, when infants engage in their first simple pre-
tend play, between 1 and 2 years, they show at least a primitive
understanding of the difference between pretense (a kind of Finally, some research suggests that children as young as
false belief) and reality (see Chapter 14). They know the dif- 2lA years old will attempt to deceive an adult about which of
ference between a pretend tea party and a real one, for exam- several containers holds a bag of gold coins and jewels
ple. Yet if you pretend to spill pretend tea on the table and (Chandler, Fritz, & Hala, 1989). They seem capable of trying
hand a 2-year-old a paper towel, he will quickly wipe it up, no to plant a false belief in another person if they are shown how
questions asked (Harris, 1989). to erase telltale footprints leading toward the hiding place and
In addition, imitation of other people in the first year of to lay new footprints heading in the wrong direction. Other
life reveals an ability to mentally represent their actions and studies suggest that 3-year-olds may be too young to deceive
possibly the goals or intentions behind them. Finally, emo- other people deliberately; they sometimes lay false tracks even
tional understanding, as evidenced by comforting a playmate when they are supposed to help someone find a prize rather
who is crying (see a later section) or teasing a sibling in the than keep someone from finding it (Sodian, 1994).
second year of life, reflect an understanding that other people Interestingly, 77% of the mothers polled in one study said 4-
have emotions and that these emotions can be influenced year-olds are capable of deliberately lying, but only 29%
(Flavell, 1999). thought 3-year-olds have this capacity to plant false beliefs
We have even more solid evidence that children are de- (Stouthamer-Loeber, 1991). Overall, children clearly under-
veloping theories of mind when they begin to refer to mental stand perceptions, desires, pretense, and hide-and-seek decep-
states in their speech starting around age 2 (Bretherton & tion games before they pass false belief tasks. A theory of mind
Beeghly, 1982). For example, Ross (at 2 years, 7 months) was forms gradually, starting in infancy (Charman, 2000;
asked why he keeps asking why and replied, "I want to say Wellman, Phillips, & Rodriguez, 2000).
'why,'" explaining his behavior in terms of his desire; Adam (at
3 years, 3 months) commented about a bus, "I thought it was Desire and Belief-Desire Psychologies
a taxi," showing awareness that he held a false belief about the Henry Wellman (1990) has theorized that children's theories
bus (Wellman & Bartsch, 1994, p. 345). of mind first take shape about age 2 as a desire psychology.
Toddlers talk about what they want and even explain their rately. As it turns out, chimpanzees, gorillas, and other great
own behavior and that of others in terms of wants or desires. apes share with humans basic, although not advanced, theory-
This early desire psychology could be seen even among 18- of-mind skills, including a capacity to deceive others to get
month-olds in a clever study by Betty Repacholi and Alison what they want and to grasp what competitors have seen or
Gopnik (1997). An experimenter tried two foods—Goldfish have not seen about where food has been hidden (Hare, Call,
crackers and broccoli florets—and expressed happiness in re- & Tomasello, 2001; Tomasello, Call, & Hare, 2003).
sponse to one but disgust in response to the other. Because the Developing a theory of mind also requires a certain level
toddlers almost universally preferred the crackers to the broc- of biological maturation, especially neurological and cognitive
coli, the acid test was a scenario in which toddlers saw the ex- development. This may be why children everywhere develop a
perimenter express her liking for broccoli but her disgust at theory of mind and progress from a desire psychology to a
the crackers ("Eww! Crackers! I tasted crackers! Eww!"). When belief-desire psychology in the same manner (Tardif &
confronted with the two bowls of food and asked to give the Wellman, 2000). Abnormal brain development in children
experimenter some, would these toddlers give her broccoli or with autism is suspected to be behind their great difficulty
crackers? The 14-month-olds in the study either did not com- passing theory-of-mind tasks. One view is that evolution may
ply with the request or gave the experimenter crackers, despite have equipped the normal human brain with a specialized
her distaste for them. However, the 18-month-olds gave her module or modules devoted to understanding mental states
broccoli (undoubtedly against their better judgment), show- (Leslie, 1994; Scholl & Leslie, 2001). Using neuroimaging tech-
ing that they were able to infer her desire from her previous niques, researchers are beginning to identify areas of the brain
emotional reactions to the two foods. in the prefrontal cortex and temporal lobes that are activated
By age 4, children normally progress to a belief-desire during theory-of-mind tasks cind seem to be uniquely in-
psychology. Not only do they understand that peoples desires volved in thinking about people's beliefs (Gallagher & Frith,
guide their behavior, but they also understand that two people 2003; Saxe, Carey, & Kanwisher, 2004). The "brain module"
can have different beliefs and they begin to pass false belief view is not firmly supported, however. Other researchers ar-
tasks like the one about Sally and her marble, demonstrating gue that theory-of-mind skills are the outgrowth of broader
an understanding that beliefs are not always an accurate re- maturational changes in the brain and in cognitive function-
flection of reality (Wellman & Liu, 2004). They appreciate that ing (Gopnik et al., 2000). For example, children seem to need
people do what they do because they desire certain things and to attain a certain level of language development before they
they believe that certain actions will help them fulfill their de- can master false belief tasks (Ruffman et al., 2003). This may
sires. Based on a meta-analysis of 178 studies of theory of be because both language development and theory of mind
mind, Henry Wellman, David Cross, and Julanne Watson require representational or symbolic thinking skills or because
(2001) concluded that research strongly supports this shift language provides the vehicle through which humans can
from a desire psychology at age 2 to a belief-desire psychology think about and share information about their mental states.
at age 4, sometimes earlier if the tasks are simplified. On the nurture side of the nature-nurture debate is evi-
However, it is better to think of theory of mind as a set of dence that acquiring a theory of mind, much like acquiring
understandings that children begin to develop well before age language, requires not only a normal human brain but also
4, and continue to refine and learn to use long afterward, than experience interacting with other humans and participating
to view it as something children "have" at 4 years (Mitchell, in a "community of minds" (Nelson et al., 2003). Children
1997; Wellman & Liu, 2004). In late elementary school, chil- with siblings seem to grasp the elements of a theory of mind
dren are still mastering the complexities of thinking about earlier than children without siblings (Jenkins & Astington,
other people's beliefs (Bosacki, 2000; Keenan, 2003)—for ex- 1996). Engaging in pretend play with siblings may be espe-
ample, mciking sense of statements such as, "Mary thinks that cially helpful, because this provides good practice in under-
Jeff thinks that she hates him." Moreover, it is not until then standing that belief and reality are not necessarily the same
that children grasp that different human minds construct dif- (Taylor & Carlson, 1997; Youngblade & Dunn, 1995). In mul-
ferent views of reality and that their interpretations of events tichild families, there may also be more talk about mental
are influenced by these views (Flavell, 1999). states ("She thought you were done with your ice cream," "He
didn t mean to step on your head"). This kind of mind talk
N a t u r e and N u r t u r e seems to contribute to early mastery of a theory of mind
What roles do nature and nurture play in the development of (Dunn et al., 1991).
theory of mind? On the nature side, evolutionary theorists ar- Parents are important, too. They can contribute positively
gue that having a theory of mind proved adaptive to our an- to the development of theory-of-mind skills by forming se-
cestors and became part of our biological endowment as a cure attachments with their children, being sensitive to their
species (Bjorklund & Pellegrini, 2002; Mitchell, 1997). You can needs and perspectives, and talking about their own emotions
easily imagine that theory-of-mind skills would help humans and beliefs (Symons & Clark, 2000). Mothers who talk in elab-
function as members of a social group, gain resources, and orated ways about mental states and use them to explain
therefore survive. Social behaviors such as bargaining, conflict everyday behavior tend to have children with advanced
resolution, cooperation, and competition depend on under- theory-of-mind skills (Peterson & Slaughter, 2003). So do
standing other people and predicting their behavior accu- mothers who encourage their children, after they have misbe-
haved, to imagine what others may have thought or felt (Pears Finally, sensory impairments can delay the development
& Moses, 2003). As children discuss everyday experiences with of theory-of-mind understandings. Although they eventually
their parents, they begin to appreciate that they and other 'catch up to their seeing peers, blind children are slow to mas-
people do not always have the same perspectives, thoughts, or ter false belief tasks, probably because they do not get as much
feelings. Children who are physically abused, especially as tod- social input as other children (Peterson, Peterson, & Webb,
dlers, are slow to master theory-of-mind tasks, possibly be- 2000). Deaf children of hearing parents also take longer than
cause they are deprived of such parent-child conversations usual to master false belief tasks. Deaf children of deaf parents
about mental states (Cicchetti et al, 2003). develop theory-of-mind skills on schedule, however, probably
Children in certain cultures are also deprived of opportu- because they are able to communicate easily and frequently
nities to "talk psychology" every day, and the effects are evi- with their companions in sign language (Peterson & Siegal,
dent. Among the Junin Quechua people of Peru, adults rarely 1999; Woolfe, Want, & Siegal, 2002). That deaf children with
talk about beliefs and thoughts and have few words in their limited language experience show deficits in theory-of-mind
language for them. The result is that children as old as 8 years performance rivaling those of autistic children casts doubt on
have trouble understanding that beliefs can be false (Vinden & the brain module view of theory of mind, because there is no
Astington, 2000). Similarly, children as old as age 15 in a re- evidence that deaf children's brains function improperly
gion of Papua New7 Guinea could not answer questions about (Wellman & Lagattuta, 2000). Instead, from a nurture per-
other people's thoughts that 5-year-olds in our society handle spective, it may be that autistic children simply lack the social
easily (Vinden & Astington, 2000). So, although children input they need to learn to read minds.
everywhere develop theories of mind, there are cultural differ- In sum, acquiring a theory of mind—the foundation for
ences in the extent to which people focus on overt behavior all later social cognitive development—begins with first steps
versus mental states in talking about and explaining other such as joint attention, pretend play, imitation, and emotional
people's behavior and in the number of terms they have for understanding and advances from a desire psychology to a
mental states. These cultural differences may help explain dif- belief-desire psychology universally. It is the product of both
ferences in the rate at which children master theory-of-mind nature and nurture; that is, it requires normal neurological
tasks (Lillard, 1998; Vinden & Astington, 2000). Alternatively, and cognitive growth and social and language experiences that
our tasks may underestimate children in some non-Western involve talking about mental states with parents, siblings, and
cultures. Children who fail Western theory-of-mind tasks other companions. Forming a theory of mind has many im-
sometimes show keen sensitivity to the mental states of others portant consequences for development. Children who have
in culturally important, everyday situations such as teaching mastered theory-of-mind tasks generally tend to have more
younger siblings how to do chores (Greenfield et al, 2003; advanced social skills and better social adjustment than those
Maynard, 2002). who have not (Keenan, 2003; Repacholi et al., 2003), and as
£ Deaf children who can communicate with their companions through sign language develop
theory-of-mind skills on schedule.
you will see later, they think more maturely about moral is- Tonya: "She's funny and friendly to everyone, and she's in the
sues. However, mind-reading skills can be used for evil and gifted program because she's smart, but sometimes she's too
good ends; bullies and manipulative children often prove as bossy." Over the elementary-school years, children increas-
adept as socially competent children at mind reading ingly believe that traits such as being smart or getting along
(Repacholi et al., 2003). with others characterize other children across situations and
over time, and yet they also begin to appreciate that people
can change their traits if they work at it (Pomerantz & Saxon,
e 2001). As children reach age 11 or 12, they make more use of
Although research on theory of mind shows that even pre- psychological traits to explain why people behave as they do,
school children are budding psychologists, they still have a saying, for instance, that Mike pulled the dog's tail because
way to go to understand other people in terms of their endur- Mike is cruel (Gnepp & Chilamkurti, 1988). Clearly, then,
ing personality traits and to use their knowledge of other peo- children become more psychologically minded as their
ple's personalities to predict how they will react and what they emerging social cognitive abilities permit them to make infer-
will do. In studies of person perception, children are some- ences about enduring inner qualities from the concrete be-
times asked to describe people they know—parents, friends, havior they observe in the people around them.
disliked classmates, and so on. The descriptions offered by When asked to describe people they know, adolescents of-
young children and older children are very different. fer personality profiles that are even more psychological than
As you discovered in Chapter 11, children younger than 7 those provided by children (Livesley & Bromley, 1973). They
or 8 describe themselves primarily in physical rather than psy- see people as unique individuals with distinctive personality
chological terms. They describe other people that way, too traits, interests, values, and feelings. Moreover, they are able to
(Livesley & Bromley, 1973; Yuill, 1993). Thus, 4-year-old Evan create more integrated, or organized, person descriptions, an-
says of his father, "He has one nose, one Mom, two eyes, alyzing how an individual's diverse and often inconsistent
brown hair." And 5-year-old Keisha says, "My daddy is big. He traits fit together and make sense as a whole personality. Dan,
has hairy legs and eats mustard. Yuck! My daddy likes dogs— for example, may notice that Noriko brags about her abilities
do you?" Not much of a personality profile there. at times but seems unsure of herself at other times, and he
Young children perceive others in terms of their physical may integrate these seemingly discrepant impressions by con-
appearance, possessions, and activities. When they use psy- cluding that Noriko is basically insecure and boasts only to
chological terms, the terms are often global, evaluative ones hide her insecurity. Some adolescents spend hours psychoan-
such as "nice" or "mean," "good" or "bad," rather than specific alyzing their friends and acquaintances, trying to figure out
personality-trait labels (Livesley & Bromley, 1973; Ruble & what makes them tick.
Dweck, 1995). Moreover, they do not yet view traits as endur- As was the case for self-descriptions, then, you can detect
ing qualities that can predict how a person will behave in the a progression in person perception from (1) physical descrip-
future or explain why a person behaves as he does. The 5-year- tions and global evaluations of other people as good or bad
old who describes a friend as "dumb" may be using this trait during the preschool years to (2) more differentiated descrip-
label only to describe that friend's recent "dumb" behavior; he tions that refer to specific personality traits starting at age 7 or
may expect "smart" behavior tomorrow. Indeed, young chil- 8 and finally to (3) more integrated personality profiles that
dren tend to be optimists, believing that negative traits today show how even seemingly inconsistent traits fit together dur-
are likely to change into positive ones tomorrow (Lockhart, ing adolescence.
Chang, & Story, 2002). Young children sometimes use infor-
mation about classmates' previous behavior, good or bad, to
predict their future behavior if the task is simple enough
(Droege & Stipek, 1993). Yet they appear to do so based on Another important aspect of social cognitive development in-
their evaluations of how "good" or "bad" the person is rather volves outgrowing the egocentrism that Jean Piaget believed
than based on inferring specific personality traits and expect- characterizes young children and developing role-talcing
ing them to be expressed consistently (Alvarez, Ruble, & skills—the ability to adopt another person's perspective and
Bolger, 2001). So, when the traits portrayed in stories about understand her thoughts and feelings in relation to your own.
characters can be categorized cleanly as either good or bad Role-taking skills are really theory of mind in action (Blair,
(for example, generous versus selfish),-5- and 6-year-olds can 2003). They are essential in thinking about moral issues from
predict future behavior that is either generous or selfish based different points of view, predicting the consequences of a per-
on concluding that the character is either good or bad. son's actions for others, and empathizing with others (Gibbs,
However, when traits cannot be so clearly labeled as good or 2003). Robert Selman (1976, 1980; Yeates & Selman, 1989)
bad (for example, tough versus sensitive), children can infer contributed greatly to our understanding of role-talcing abili-
the character's trait but do not seem to use that information ties by asking children questions about interpersonal dilem-
to predict future behavior. mas (Selman, 1976, p. 302):
Around age 7 or 8, children become more able to "get be-
low the surface" of humans and infer their enduring psycho- Holly is an 8-year-old girl wrho likes to climb trees. She is
logical traits. Thus, 10-year-old Kim describes her friend the best tree climber in the neighborhood. One day while
climbing down from a tall tree, she falls... but does not hurt pable of mentally juggling multiple perspectives, including the
herself. Her father sees her fall. He is upset and asks her to perspective of the "generalized other," or the broader social
promise not to climb trees anymore. Holly promises. group. The adolescent might consider how fathers in general
Later that day, Holly and her friends meet Shawn. react when children disobey them and consider whether
Shawns kitten is caught in a tree and cant get down. Holly's father is similar to or different from the typical father
Something has to be done right away or the kitten may (Selman, 1980; Yeates & Selman, 1989). Adolescents thus be-
fall. Holly is the only one who climbs trees well enough to come mental jugglers, keeping in the air their own perspec-
reach the kitten and get it down but she remembers her tive, that of another person, and that of an abstract "general-
promise to her father. ized other" representing a larger social group.
These advances in social cognition have important
To assess how well a child understands the perspectives of implications for children's and adolescents' relationships.
Holly, her father, and Shawn, Selman asks: "Does Holly know Experience interacting with peers seems to sharpen role-tak-
how Shawn feels about the kitten? How7 will Holly's father feel ing skills; sophisticated role-taking skills, in turn, help make
if hefindsout she climbed the tree? What does Holly think her the child a more sensitive and desirable companion. Children
father will do if hefindsout she climbed the tree? What would whose role-taking skills are advanced are more likely than age-
you do in this situation?" Children's responses to these ques- mates who perform poorly on tests of role talcing to be socia-
tions led Selman (1976) to conclude that role-taking abilities ble and popular and to have established close peer relation-
develop in a stagelike manner: ships (Kurdek & Krile, 1982; LeMare & Rubin, 1987). What is
° Children 3 to 6 years old are largely egocentric, assum- more, coaching in perspective talcing can help improve the so-
ing that others share their point of view. If young ch ildren like cial behavior of disruptive children (Grizenlco et al., 2000).
kittens, for example, they assume that Holly's father does, too,
and therefore will be delighted if Holly saves the kitten.
• By age 8 to 10, as concrete operational cognitive abilities
solidify, children appreciate that two people can have different As you saw in earlier chapters, nonsocial cognitive abilities,
points of view even if they have access to the same informa- such as those used in remembering text and testing scientific
tion. Children are able to think about their own thoughts and hypotheses, often improve during early and middle adulthood
about the thoughts of another person, and they realize that and decline in later life, at least in many older adults. Do im-
their companions can do the same. Thus, they can appreciate portant social cognitive skills, such as the ability to think
that Holly may think about her father's concern for her safety through theory-of-mind problems or adopt other people's
but conclude that he will understand her reasons for climbing perspectives, also increase early in adulthood but decline in
the tree. later life?
° Adolescents who have reached the formal operational Social cognitive development during adulthood appears
stage of cognitive development, at roughly age 12, become ca- to involve both gains and losses (Blanchard-Fields, 1996; Hess,
1999). For example, Fredda Blanchard-Fields (1986) pre-
sented adolescents, young adults, and middle-aged adults with
three dilemmas that required them to engage in role taking
and to integrate discrepant perspectives: two conflicting his-
torical accounts, a conflict between a teenage boy and his par-
ents over whether he must visit his grandparents with the
family, and a disagreement between a man and a woman
about an unintended pregnancy. Adults, especially middle-
aged ones, were better able than adolescents to see both sides
of the issues and to integrate the perspectives of both parties
into a workable solution. Here, then, is evidence that the so-
cial cognitive skills of adults may continue to improve after
adolescence. Through a combination of social experience and
cognitive growth, middle-aged adults have the potential to be-
come sophisticated students of human psychology. As you saw
in Chapter 9, a few even gain a kind of wisdom that gives them
exceptional insight into the complexities of human existence.
Do elderly people continue to display the sophisticated
social cognitive skills that middle-aged adults display? The ev-
£ Adolescents who have advanced role-taking, or social perspective-
idence is mixed. They perform as well as young and middle-
taking, skills are better able than those who do not to resolve con- aged adults on some social cognitive tasks (Fless, 1994; Pratt &
flicts with their parents (Selman et al, 1986).They are better able to Norris, 1999). Yet other studies suggest that, on average, older
adopt the perspectives of their parents (and parents in general) and adults are not always as adept as middle-aged adults at taking
to identify a mutually beneficial agreement others' point of view, integrating different perspectives, and
thinking in complex ways about the causes of people's behav- they do or do not depends far more on the extent and nature
ior (Blanchard-Fields, 1996; Pratt et al, 1996). of their social experiences than on their age. Those elderly
Consider what happens when adults are given theory-of- adults who have the sharpest social cognitive skills tend to be
mind tasks suitable for adults. Susan Sullivan and Ted socially active and involved in meaningful social roles such as
Ruffman (2004) used one in which a burglar leaving a crime spouse, grandparent, church member, and worker (Dolen &
scene is stopped by a policeman who saw the burglar drop his Bearison, 1982). They have opportunities to talk to other peo-
glove. The burglar turns himself in, and the key question is ple about problems they are experiencing, they tend to be
what the burglar was thinking about the policeman's well-educated, and they are in good health (Pratt et al., 1996).
thoughts. In a previous study, elderly adults performed as well It is mainly when elderly people become socially isolated or
as college students on theory-of-mind tasks (Happe, Winner, inactive that their reasoning about personal and interpersonal
& Brownell, 1998). However, Sullivan and Ruffman found that issues becomes less complex.
adults who averaged age 73 performed more poorly than Having examined some important and dramatic changes
adults who averaged 30 and that age differences in fluid intel- in social cognition over the life span, focus on an important
ligence largely accounted for this variation (see also Maylor et area of development in which social cognitive skills play a cru-
al., 2002). This suggests that the declines in working memory cial role: moral development.
and processing speed that limit the performance of older
adults on nonsocial cognitive tasks also take some toll on their Summing Up
ability to take in and manipulate social information (Fless,
Social cognition, thinking about self and others, takes
1999). Still, social cognitive abilities appear to hold up better
shape in infancy through joint attention, pretend play im-
than nonsocial cognitive abilities, possibly because die areas of
itation, and emotional understanding—precursors of a
the cortex that support social cognition and emotional under-
theory of mind, or an understanding of mental states and
standing age more slowly than the areas that support nonso-
their role in guiding behavior. Children progress from a
cial cognition (MacPherson, Phillips, & Delia Sala, 2002).
desire psychology at 2 years t o a belief-desire psychol-
The most important message about adult social cogni-
ogy at 4 years, when they are able to pass false belief
tion, however, is that some older adults maintain their social
tasks. Developing a theory of mind depends on both na-
cognitive abilities extremely well and others do not. Whether
ture (normal neurological and cognitive maturation) and
nurture (social and language experience that may be
missed by autistic children, deaf children with hearing par-
ents, and children in cultures in which people talk little
about mental states).
Children's descriptions of other people reveal that
preschool children focus on physical features and activi-
ties, whereas 7- and 8-year-olds begin t o describe inner
psychological traits and use trait inferences to predict fu-
ture behavior Adolescents are better able to integrate
trait descriptions. W i t h age, children also gain role-taking
skills. Social cognitive skills often improve in early and
middle adulthood but sometimes decline in old age be-
cause of declines in working memory and processing
speed, especially in socially isolated adults. M
Perspectives o n M o r a l
Development
Although we could debate endlessly what morality is (see

Gibbs, 2003), most of us might agree that it involves the ability
to distinguish right from wrong, to act on this distinction, and
to experience pride when we do the right things and guilt or
shame when we do not. Accordingly, three basic components of
morality have been of interest to developmental scientists:
1. The affective, or emotional, component consists of the
feelings (guilt, concern for others' feelings, and so on) that
£ Social cognitive skills hold up well when older adults are socially surround right or wrong actions and that motivate moral
active. thoughts and actions.
(Hoffman, 2000). Empathizing with individuals who are suf-
fering can motivate prosocial behavior—positive social acts,
•such as helping or sharing, that reflect a concern for the welfare
of others. Positive emotions, such as pride and self-satisfaction
when you have done the right thing, are also an important part
of morality. To experience any of these emotions, you need to
be capable of evaluating whether you have exceeded or fallen
short of standards of behavior (Tangney, 2003). We are gener-
ally motivated to avoid negative moral emotions and to expe-
rience positive ones by acting in moral ways.
Assuming that young infants are unlikely to feel these
sorts of moral emotions, when do they arise? Sigmund Freud's
(1960) psychoanalytic theory offered an early answer (see
Chapter 2). As you will recall, Freud believed that the mature
personality has three components: the selfish and irrational
id, the rational ego, and the moralistic superego. The super-
ego, or conscience, has the important task of ensuring that any
plans formed by the ego to gratify the id's urges are morally
acceptable. Infants and toddlers, Freud said, lack a superego
and are essentially "all id." They will therefore act on their self-
ish motives unless their parents control them.
The superego is formed during the phallic stage (ages
3-6), when children are presumed to experience an emotional
conflict over their love for the other-sex parent. To resolve his
Oedipus complex, Freud said, a boy identifies with and pat-
terns himself after his father, particularly if the father is a
threatening figure who arouses fear. Not only does he learn his
masculine role in this manner, but through the process of
£ Learning to resist the temptation to break moral rules (here, one identification, he also takes on his father's moral standards as
about taking turns) is an important part of moral development his own. Similarly, a girl resolves her Electra complex by iden-
tifying with her mother and internalizing her mother's moral
standards. However, Freud believed that, because they do not
2. The cognitive component centers on how we conceptu- experience the intense fear of castration that boys experience,
alize right and wrong and make decisions about how to be- females develop weaker superegos than males do.
have, drawing on social cognitive skills such as role taking. Having a superego, then, is like having a parent inside
3. The behavioral component reflects how we behave your head—there, even when your parent is not, to tell you
when, for example, we experience the temptation to cheat or what is right or wrong and to arouse emotions such as shame
are called upon to help a needy person. and guilt if you so much as think about doing wrong. We can
Each of the three major theoretical perspectives on moral applaud Freud for pointing out that emotion is an important
development focuses on a different component of morality. part of morality, that early relationships with parents con-
So, we will look at what psychoanalytic theory, and more tribute in important ways to moral development, and that
modern perspectives rooted in it, says about moral affect; children must somehow internalize moral standards if we
what cognitive developmental theory says about moral cogni- want them to behave morally even when no authorityfigureis
tion or reasoning; and what social learning (or social cogni- present to detect and punish them.
tive) theory reveals about moral behavior. However, the specifics of Freud's theory are largely un-
supported:
1. Cold, threatening, and punitive parents who make their
children anxious about losing their parents' love do not raise
morally mature youngsters; instead, as modern psychoana-
What kind of moral affect, or emotion related to matters of lytic thinkers appreciate, children form strong consciences
right and wrong, do you feel if you contemplate cheating or ly- when they are securely attached to warm and responsive par-
ing? Chances are you experience such negative feelings as ents (Hoffman, 2000).
shame, guilt, anxiety, and fear of being detected—feelings that 2. Males do not appear to have stronger superegos than
keep you from doing things you know are wrong. Empathy— females; if anything, females are more able to resist temptation
the vicarious experiencing of another person's feelings (for ex- (Silverman, 2003).
ample, smiling at the good fortune of another or experiencing 3. Moral development begins well before the phallic stage,
another person's distress)—is another important moral affect as you will see shortly.
4. Children who are 6 or 7 years old, and who have pre- ents and other authority figures and are sacred and unalter-
sumably achieved moral maturity by resolving their Oedipal able (the term heteronomous means under the rule of an-
conflicts, are far from completing their moral growth. other). They also judge rule violations as wrong based on the
Although the particulars of Freud's theory of moral de- extent of damage done, not taking into account whether the
velopment lack support, the themes that emotions play a crit- violator had good or bad intentions.
ical role in motivating morality and that early relationships ° Autonomous morality. At age 10 or 11, most children
with caregivers steer moral development are taken seriously enter a final stage of moral development in which they begin
today (Eisenberg, 2000; Kochanska, 2002). As you will see to appreciate that rules are agreements between individuals—
shortly, Martin Hoffman (2000) has developed a perspective agreements that can be changed through a consensus of those
that features our evolved ability to feel empathy for other peo- individuals. In judging actions, they pay more attention to
ple as the foundation of the motivation to behave morally, whether an actor's intentions were good or bad than to the
other researchers have called attention on the importance of consequences of his act; thus, they see Henry, the misbehaving
guilt as a motivator of moral behavior (Tangney, 2003), and boy who broke one cup, as naughtier than John, the well-
still others have shown that a secure and warm parent-child intentioned boy who broke 15.
attachment early in life fosters moral development. According to Piaget, progress through these stages de-
pends on both cognitive maturation and social experiences,
not so much with parents as with peers. Because peers are
equals, they must learn to take one another's perspectives and
Developmental Theory
to resolve disagreements among themselves through negotia-
Cognitive developmental theorists study morality by looking tion, which sharpens their role-taking skills and helps them
at the development of moral reasoning—the thinking process discover principles of fairness. By contrast, parents can im-
that occurs when we decide whether an act is right or wrong. pose their rules on children through brute force. According to
These theorists assume that moral development depends on Piaget, then, moral growth requires developing, through in-
social cognitive development, particularly role-taking or per- teractions with peers, an ability to recognize and coordinate
spective-taking skills that allow us to picture how our victims multiple perspectives on moral issues (Gibbs, 2003).
might react to our misdeeds or how people in distress must
feel. These skills also allow us to get beyond our egocentric Kohlberg's V i e w
perspective to construct a concept of reciprocity, or mutual Inspired by Piaget's pioneering work, Kohlberg (1963, 1981,
give and take, in human relationships (Gibbs, 2003). Moral 1984; Colby & Kohlberg, 1987) formulated a highly influential
reasoning is said to progress through an invariant sequence— cognitive developmental theory of moral development. Born
a fixed and universal order of stages, each of which represents in 1927, Kohlberg put his moral principles into action as a
a consistent way of thinking about moral issues that is differ- youth by helping transport Jewish refugees from Europe to
ent from the stage preceding or following it. To cognitive de- Israel after World War II, spent most of his career at Harvard
velopmental theorists, what is of interest is how we decide University, and died in 1987 when, suffering from a painful
what to do, not what we decide or what we actually do. A physical condition, he committed suicide by walking into the
young child and an adult may both decide not to steal a pen, Atlantic Ocean (Walsh, 2000).
but the reasons they give for their decision maybe entirely dif- Kohlberg began his work by asking 10-, 13-, and 16-year-
ferent. Jean Piaget paved the way for the influential theory of old boys questions about various moral dilemmas to assess
moral development put forth by Lawrence Kohlberg. how they thought about these issues. Careful analysis of the
responses led Kohlberg to conclude that moral growth pro-
Piaget's V i e w gresses through a universal and invariant sequence of three
Piaget (1965) studied children's concepts of rules by asking broad moral levels, each of which is composed of two distinct
Swiss children about their games of marbles and explored stages. Each stage grows out of the preceding stage and repre-
children's concepts of justice by presenting them with moral sents a more complex way of thinking about moral issues.
dilemmas to ponder. For example, he told children about two According to Kohlberg, a person cannot skip stages, and a per-
boys, John, who accidentally knocked over a tray of 15 cups son who has reached a higher stage will not regress to earlier
when coming to dinner as requested, and Henry, who broke stages.
only one cup when sneaking jam from the cupboard. The key Think about how you would respond to the following
question he posed was which child was naughtier, and why. moral dilemma posed by Kohlberg and his colleagues (Colby
Based on children's responses to such questions, Piaget et aL, 1983, p. 79):
formulated a theory of moral development that included a
premoral period and two moral stages: There was a woman who had very bad cancer, and there
° Premoral period. During the preschool years, children was no treatment known to medicine that would save her.
show little awareness or understanding of rules and cannot be Her doctor, Dr. Jefferson, knew that she had only about 6
considered moral beings. months to live. She was in terrible pain, but she was so
• Heteronomous morality. Children 6 to 10 years old take weak that a good dose of a pain killer like ether or mor-
rules seriously, believing that they are handed down by par- phine would make her die sooner. She was delirious and
almost crazy with pain, and in her calm periods she ityfiguresto avoid punishment or to obtain personal rewards.
would ask Dr. Jefferson to give her enough ether to kill The perspective of the self dominates: What is right is what
her. She said she couldn't stand the pain and she was go- one can get away with or what is personally satisfying.
ing to die in a few months anyway. Although he knows 0 Stage 1: Punishment-and-Obedience Orientation. The
that mercy killing is against the law, the doctor thinks goodness or badness of an act depends on its consequences.
about granting her request. The child will obey authorities to avoid punishment but may
not consider an act wrong if it will not be punished. The
Should Dr. Jefferson give her the drug that would make greater the harm done or the more severe the punishment, the
her die? Why or why not? Should the woman have the right more "bad" the act is.
to make the final decision? Why or why not? These are among • Stage 2: Instrumental Hedonism. A person at the second
the questions that people are asked after hearing the stage of moral development conforms to rules to gain rewards
dilemma. Remember, Kohlberg's goal is to understand how or satisfy personal needs. There is some concern for the per-
an individual thinks, not whether she is for or against pro- spectives of others, but it is motivated by the hope of benefit
viding the woman with the drug. Individuals at each stage of in return. "You scratch my back and I'll scratch yours" and "an
moral reasoning might endorse either of the alternative eye for an eye" are the guiding philosophies.
courses of action, but for different reasons. Following are
Kohlberg's three levels of moral reasoning, and the two stages
Level 2: Conventional Morality At the level of conventional
within each level.
morality, the individual has internalized many moral values.
He strives to obey the rules set by others (parents, peers, the
Level I: Preconventional Morality At the level of precon- government) to win their approval or to maintain social order.
ventional morality, rules are external to the self rather than The perspectives of other people are clearly recognized and
internalized. The child conforms to rules imposed by author- given serious consideration. The child may now be able to take
the perspective of a potential victim of a prank, for example,
and realize that the victim might find the prank humiliating
rather than amusing (Gibbs, 2003).
• Stage 3: "Good Boy" or "Good Girl" Morality What is
right is now what pleases, helps, or is approved by others.
People are often judged by their intentions; "meaning well" is
valued, being "nice" is important. Other people's feelings
should be considered.
• Stage 4: Authority and Social Order-Maintaining
Morality. Now what is right is what conforms to the rules of
legitimate authorities. The reason for conforming is not so
much a fear of punishment as a belief that rules and laws
maintain a social order worth preserving. Doing one's duty
and respecting law and order are valued.
Level 3: Postconventional Morality At the final level of

moral reasoning, postconventional morality, the individual
defines what is right in terms of broad principles of justice
that have validity apart from the views of particular authority
figures. The individual may distinguish between what is
morally right and what is legal, recognizing that some laws—
for example, the racial segregation laws that Dr. Martin Luther
King Jr. challenged—violate basic moral principles. Thus, the
person transcends the perspectives of particular social groups
or authorities and begins to take the perspective of all indi-
viduals.
• Stage 5: Morality of Contract, Individual Rights, and
Democratically Accepted Law. At this "social contract" stage,
there is an increased understanding of the underlying pur-
poses served by laws and a concern that rules should be ar-
rived at through a democratic consensus so that they express
the will of the majority and maximize social welfare. Whereas
<[ Moral dilemma: Should a doctor give a pain-ridden and terminal the person at stage 4 is unlikely to challenge an established
patient a drug that would hasten her death? law, the moral reasoner at stage 5 might call for democratic
change in a law that compromises basic rights. The principles pushing us to do wrong. However, we have also devised mech-
embodied in the U.S. Constitution illustrate stage 5 morality. anisms of moral disengagement that allow us, even though we
• Stage 6: Morality of Individual Principles of Conscience. know the difference between right and wrong, to avoid con-
At this "highest" stage of moral reasoning, the individual de- demning ourselves when we engage in immoral behavior. For
fines right and wrong on the basis of self-generated principles example, we disengage morally by justifying doing harm as
that are broad and universal in application. The stage 6 morally right (as in war), minimizing the extent of harm
thinker does not just make up whatever principles she done, or blaming the victim or someone else for what we did
chooses. She discovers, through reflection, abstract principles (Bandura, 2002). Many of us learn the right moral standards,
of respect for all individuals and for their rights that all reli- but some people hold themselves strictly to those standards
gions or moral authorities would view as moral. Kohlberg and others find it easy to disengage morally.
(1981) described stage 6 thinking as a kind of "moral musical To highlight the difference between Bandura's social cog-
chairs" in which the person facing a moral dilemma is able to nitive theory and other perspectives, consider how different
take the "chair," or perspective, of each person or group that theorists might try to predict whether a teenager (we will call
could potentially be affected by a decision and to arrive at a him Waldo) will cheat on his upcoming math test. Freud
solution that would be regarded as just from every chair. Stage would want to know whether Waldo identified strongly with
6 is Kohlbergs vision of ideal moral reasoning, but it is so his father in early childhood. If he did, presumably he has de-
rarely observed that Kohlberg stopped attempting to measure veloped a strong superego and will be less likely to cheat, lie,
its existence. or steal than a child with a weak superego (unless his father
In the Explorations box on page 364, we present examples had a weak superego).
of how people at the preconventional, conventional, and post- Kohlberg would be more interested in Waldo's cognitive
conventional levels might reason about the mercy-killing development and, specifically, in the stage at which he reasons
dilemma. Progress through Kohlberg's stages of moral reason- about moral dilemmas. Although his level of moral reasoning
ing depends partly on the development of perspective-taking does not necessarily predict the decision he will make,
abilities (Selman, 1980). Specifically, as individuals become Kohlberg would expect Waldo's mode of decision making to
more able to consider perspectives other than their own, be consistent across many situations. Moreover, because
moral reasoning, progresses from an egocentric focus'on per- Kohlberg believes that each higher stage permits a more ade-
sonal welfare at the preconventional level, to a concern with quate way of making moral decisions, he might expect the
the perspectives of other people (parents, friends, and other child whose moral reasoning is advanced to be less likely to
members of society) at the conventional level, and to an abil- cheat than the child who still thinks at the preconventional
ity to coordinate multiple perspectives and determine what is level and is "looking out for number one." Notice that both the
right from the perspective of all people at the postconven- psychoanalytic perspective and the cognitive developmental
tional level (Carpendale, 2000). perspective view morality as a kind of personality trait—a
quality that each of us possesses and that consistently influ-
ences our judgments and actions.
Social learning theorists such as Albert Bandura (1991, 2002;

Bandura et al., 2001), whose social cognitive theory was intro-
duced in Chapter 2, have been primarily interested in the be-
havioral component of morality—in what we do when faced
with temptation or with an opportunity to behave prosocially.
These theorists say that moral behavior is learned in the same
way that other social behaviors are learned: through observa-
tional learning and reinforcement and punishment principles.
They also consider moral behavior to be strongly influenced
by situational factors—for example, by whether a professor
proctors an examination to reduce the chances of cheating.
Applying his social cognitive perspective, Bandura goes
on to emphasize that moral thinking is linked to moral action
through cognitive self-regulatory mechanisms that involve
monitoring and evaluating our own actions (or anticipated d How many students in your class would admit to having cheated
in high school? Fifty years ago, only about one in five college students
actions), disapproving of ourselves when we contemplate do-
admitted to it, but in recent surveys at least three in five, and often
ing wrong, and approving of ourselves when we behave re-
more, admit to having cheated in high school (Kleiner & Lord, 1999).
sponsibly or humanely. By applying consequences to ourselves Techniques have changed, too; use of preprogrammed calculators,
in this way, we become able to exert self-control, inhibit urges cell phones to relay information about the test, hidden miniature
to misbehave, and keep our behavior in line with internalized cameras, and online term-paper mills suggest that cheating has gone
standards of behavior. Sometimes this system of moral self- "high-tech." Why do you think cheating is so rampant in schools
regulation can triumph over strong situational influences today?
Preconventional Morality doctor simply cannot take the law into his own hands;
Give the Drug rather, he has a duty to uphold the law.
Stage I:The doctor should give the terminally ill
woman a drug that will kill her because there is little Postconventiona! Morality
chance that he will be found out and punished and be- Give t h e Drug
cause she would not have to live with her agony anymore.
Stage 5: Although most of our laws have a sound
Stage 2: He should give her the drug; he might ben- basis in moral principle, laws against mercy killing do not.
efit from the gratitude of her family if he does what she The doctor's act is morally justified because it relieves
wants. He should think of it as the right thing to do if it the suffering of an agonized human without harming
serves his purposes. other people. Yet if he breaks the law in the service of a
greater good, he should still be willing to be held legally
D o N o t Give the Drug
accountable because society would be damaged if every-
Stage I:The doctor runs a big risk of losing his li- one simply ignored laws they do not agree with.
cense and being thrown in prison if he gives her the
Stage 6: We must consider the effects of this act
drug.
on everyone concerned—the doctor, the dying woman,
Stage 2: He has little to gain by taking such a big other terminally ill people, and all people everywhere.
chance. If the woman wants to kill herself, that is her Basic moral principle dictates that all people have a right
business, but why should he help her if he stands to gain to dignity and self-determination as long as others are
little in return? not harmed by their decisions. Assuming that no one else
will be hurt, then, the dying woman has a right to live
Conventional Morality and die as she chooses.The doctor is doing right by re-
Give the Drug
specting her integrity as a person and saving her, her
family, and all of society from needless suffering.
Stage 3: Most people would understand that the
doctor was motivated by concern for the woman rather D o N o t Give the Drug - *
than by self-interest.They would be able to forgive him Stage 5: The laws against mercy killing protect citi-
for what was essentially an act of kindness. zens from harm at the hands of unscrupulous doctors
Stage 4: The doctor should give the woman the and selfish relatives and should be upheld because they
drug because of the Hippocratic oath, which spells out a prevent harm. If the laws were to be changed through
doctors duty to relieve suffering.This oath is binding and the democratic process, that might be another thing. But
should be taken seriously by all doctors. right now the doctor can best serve society by adhering
to them.
D o Not Give the Drug
Stage 3: Most people are likely to disapprove of Stage 6: If we truly adhere to the principle that hu-
mercy killing.The doctor would clearly lose the respect man life should be valued above all else and all lives
of his colleagues and friends if he administered the drug. should be valued equally, it is morally wrong to "play
A good person simply would not do this. God" and decide that some lives are worth living and
others are not. Before long, we would have a world in
Stage 4: Mercy killing is against the laws that citi- which no life has value.
zens are obligated to uphold.The Bible is another com-
pelling authority, and it says,'Thou shalt not kill." The
By contrast, Bandura would be most interested in the ceptable behavior rather than brought up in the company of
moral habits Waldo has learned, the expectations he has liars, cheaters, and thieves; and if he has well-developed self-
formed about the probable consequences of his actions, his regulatory mechanisms that cause him to take responsibility
ability to self-regulate his behavior, and his ultimate behavior. for his actions rather than to disengage morally, he is likely to
If Waldos parents have consistently reinforced him when behave in morally acceptable ways. Yet Bandura and other so-
he has behaved morally and punished him when he has cial learning theorists believe in the power of situational in-
misbehaved; if he has been exposed to models of morally ac- fluences and predict that Waldo may still cheat on the math
test if he sees his classmates cheating and getting away with it mother's turn to explain the rules to Ursula. The problem
or if he is under pressure to get a B in math. continued until finally Burton came upon Ursula looking at
We are now ready to trace the development of morality some forbidden candy. Ursula looked up and said, "No, this is
from infancy to old age. Our coverage charts the development Maria's, not Ursula's" (p. 199).
of the self as a moral being, examining moral affect, cognition, It is through such social learning experiences, accumu-
and behavior over the life span. lated over years, that children come to understand and inter-
J *
nalize moral rules and standards. Children must learn two les-
SumroSng Up sons, really: to associate negative emotions with violating rules
and to exert self-control, or inhibit their impulses, when they
Morality has affective, cognitive, and behavioral compo-
are tempted to violate rules (Kochanska, 1993, 2002). Ursula
nents. Moral affect including guilt, empathy, and pride, is
and other young children learn from being reprimanded to
the focus of Freudian psychoanalytic theory, with its em-
associate the act of stealing with negative emotional re-
phasis on the formation of the superego and internaliza-
sponses. As they near age 2, children are already beginning to
tion of parental values during the preschool years. Moral
show visible signs of distress when they break things or other-
reasoning was the focus of Piaget's pioneering work on
wise violate standards of behavior (Cole, Barrett, & Zahn-
premoral, heteronomous, and autonomous stages of
Waxler, 1992; Kagan, 1981). Made to think that they have
moral development and the progression t o an under-
caused a doll's head to fall off, some toddlers even show signs
standing of the need to consider intentions as well as con-
of guilt, as opposed to mere distress, and try frantically to
sequences in judging actions and of rules as a consensus
make amends (Kochanska, Casey, & Fukumoto, 1995). This
of equals rather than the dictates of authority. Kohlberg's
means 18- to 24-month-old children are beginning to inter-
preconventional, conventional, and postconventional lev-
nalize rules and to anticipate disapproval when they fail to
els of morality, each with t w o stages, capture a progres-
comply with them.
sion from selfish egocentrism t o concern for others' per-
In her research on early moral socialization, Grazyna
spectives t o consideration of the reasons behind the rules
Kochanska (1997b, 2002) has found that moral development
and the perspectives of all. Finally, moral behavior is the fo-
goes best when a mutually responsive orientation exists be-
cus of social learning theory approaches to morality; so-
tween caregiver and child—when there is a close, affectively
cial cognitive theorist Bandura views morality as learned
positive, and cooperative relationship in which child and care-
behavior influenced by both self-regulatory cognitive
giver are attached to each other and are sensitive to each other's
processes and situational influences. •
•I>
needs. Such a relationship makes children want to comply with
caregivers' rules and adopt their values and standards. These
children then learn moral emotions such as guilt and empathy,
Tlie Infant develop the capacity for advanced moral reasoning, and be-
come able to resist temptation because they have learned to
Do infants have a sense of right or wrong? If a baby takes a toy regulate their behavior without external control.
that belongs to another child, would you label the act stealing? It is also important for parents to discuss their toddlers'
If an infant bashes another child in the head with a toy, would behavior in an open way, expressing their feelings and evalu-
you insist that the infant be put on trial for assault? Of course ating acts as good or bad (Laible & Thompson, 2000). This
not. Adults in our society, including psychologists, view in-
fants as amoral—that is, lacking any sense of morality.
Because we do not believe that infants are capable of evaluat-
ing their behavior in relation to moral standards, wre do not
hold them morally responsible for wTrongs they commit (al-
though we attempt to prevent them from harming others).
Nor do we expect them to be "good" wrhen we are not around
to watch them. Yet it is nowr clear that these initially amoral
creatures begin to learn fundamental moral lessons during
their first 2 years of life (Emde et al., 1991; Kochanska, 1993).
Moral socialization begins early. Roger Burton (1984) relates |

how his daughter Ursula, age V/2, was so taken by the candy f=
that she and her sisters had gathered on Halloween that she
snatched some from her sisters' bags. The sisters immediately
said, "No, that's mine," and conveyed their outrage in the £
(G)
strongest terms. A week later, the sisters again found some of
Children learn early that some acts have distressing consequences.
their candy in Ursula's bag and raised a fuss, and it was their
kind of emotion-centered discussion contributes more to the S u m m i n g Up
development of conscience than does talk about the physical
Infants are amoral in some senses, particularly when it
damage done by the child or about family rules of conduct. It
comes to making judgments of right and wrong; yet their
is even beneficial for children to be involved in verbal squab-
"moral socialization" has begun. A secure attachment and
bles with their parents if it means hearing how their parents
a mutually responsive orientation between parent and
evaluate behavior, justify their positions, and talk about emo-
child contribute to the development of a conscience. By
tions (Laible & Thompson, 2002). By establishing rules, react-
age 2, children have internalized rules of conduct, and
ing to children's rule-breaking behavior, and working during
they become distressed when they violate the rules.They
everyday conversations toward mutual understandings of
also show the rudiments of empathy when others are
what is acceptable and what is not, parents give children a
distressed, an important motivator of moral behavior
clear rule system to internalize and teach them to associate
that may be part of our species heredity M
guilt with wrongdoing (Emde et al., 1991; Gralinski & Kopp,
1993).
Tlie C k i l d
Not only are infants capable of internalizing rules of behavior, From age 2 to age 12, children's standards of morality and their
but they also are not so selfish, egocentric, and unconcerned motivation to live up to these standards grow out of their social
about other people as Freud, Piaget, Kohlberg, and many experiences in their family, peer group, and society. Research on
other theorists have assumed. Perhaps the strongest evidence moral development during childhood has explored how chil-
of this comes from studies of empathy and prosocial behavior. dren of different ages think about moral issues and how they
Even newborns display a primitive form of empathy: They be- behave w7hen their moral values are tested. As you will see,
come distressed by the cries of other newborns, suggesting Piaget and Kohlberg probably underestimated children. Other
that empathy may be part of our evolutionary heritage researchers have looked more closely at the moral reasoning of
(Hoffman, 2000; Martin & Clark, 1982). It is unlikely that children and find that they engage in some fairly sophisticated
young infants distinguish between another infant's distress thinking about right and wrong from an early age.
and their owrn, however.
From age 1 to age 2, infants become capable of a truer form
of empathy that is likely a key motivator of moral behavior, ac-
cording to Martin Hoffman (2000), and that becomes more so- Consider Piaget's claim that young children (heteronomous
phisticated with age as role-taking skills develop. They under- thinkers) judge acts as right or wrong on the basis of their
E ^
stand that someone else's distress is different from their own, consequences, whereas older children (autonomous thinkers)
and they try to comfort the person in distress. Carolyn Zahn- judge on the basis of the intentions that guided the act. His
Waxler and her colleagues (1992) report that more than half of moral-decision story about the two boys and the cups—
the 13- to 15-month-old infants they observed engaged in at asking whether a child w7ho causes a small amount of damage
least one act of prosocial behavior—helping, sharing, express- in the service of bad intentions is naughtier than a child who
ing concern, comforting, and so on. These behaviors became causes a large amount of damage despite good intentions—
increasingly common from age 1 to age 2, when all but one was flawed in that it confounded the two issues, goodness of
child in the study acted prosocially. intentions and amount of damage done.
Consider some concrete examples of early empathy de- Sharon Nelson (1980) overcame this flaw in an interest-
scribed by Hoffman (2000). One 10-month-old, watching a ing experiment. In the study, 3-year-olds listened to stories in
peer cry, looked sad and buried her head in her mother's lap, which a character threw a ball to a playmate. The actor's mo-
as she often did when she was distressed. A 2-year-old brought tive was described as good (his friend had nothing to play
his own teddy bear to comfort a distressed friend; when it with) or bad (the actor was mad at his friend), and the conse-
failed to do the trick, he offered the friend's teddy instead, be- quences of his act were either positive (the friend caught the
ginning to show an ability to take the perspective of the friend. ball and was happy to play with it) or negative (the ball hit his
Finally, consider the reaction of 21-month-old John to his dis- friend in the head and made him cry). To make the task sim-
tressed playmate, Jerry (Zahn-Waxler, Radke-Yarrow, & King, pler, Nelson showTed children drawings of what happened (see
1979, pp. 321-322): Figure 13.2 for an example).
Not surprisingly, the 3-year-olds in the study judged acts
Today Jerry was kind of cranky; he just started... bawling that had positive consequences more favorably than acts that
and he wouldn't stop. John kept coming over and handing caused harm. However, they also judged the well-intentioned
Jerry toys, trying to cheer him up.... He'd say things like child who had wanted to play more favorably than the child
"Here, Jerry," and I said to John, "Jerry's sad; he doesn't feel who intended to hurt his friend, regardless of the conse-
good; he had a shot today." John would look at me with his quences of his actions. Apparency, then, even young children
eyebrows wrinkled together like he really understood that can base their moral judgments on both an actor s intentions
Jerry was crying because he was unhappy. and the consequences of his act.
bitrarily restrict their children's friendships. And they main-
oi; tain that not even God can proclaim that stealing is morally
right and make it so (Nucci & Turiel, 1993). In other words,
school-age children will not blindly accept any dictate offered
by an authority figure as legitimate.
Theory-of-mind research has also given us insights into the

moral sensibilities of young children. Because they under-
Figure 5 3.2 Examples of drawings used by Sharon Nelson to stand that intentions matter, 4-year-old children who have a
convey an actor's intentions to preschool children. Here you see theory of mind and pass false belief tasks may cry, "I didn't
negative intent and a negative consequence.
mean it! I didn't mean it!" when they stand to be punished.
SOURCE: Nelson (1980).
Moreover, their understandings of an actor's beliefs at the
time he committed a harmful act ("Donnie didn't know Marie
Overall, Piaget was correct to conclude that young children was in the box when he pushed it down the stairs!") influence
assign more weight to consequences and less weight to inten- their judgments about whether the act was intentional and
tions than older children do, but he was wrong to conclude that therefore how bad it was (Chandler, Sokol, & Wainryb, 2000).
young children are incapable of considering both intentions Preschool children who pass theory-of-mind tasks are also
and consequences when they evaluate others' conduct. more able than those who fail them to distinguish between ly-
ing (deliberately promoting false beliefs) and simply having
facts wrong (Peterson & Siegal, 2002).
Having a theory of mind also helps young children un-
Piaget also said that 6- to 10-year-old heteronomous children derstand people's emotional reactions to others' actions, an
view rules as sacred prescriptions laid down by respected au- important consideration in judging right and wrong. At only
thority figures. These moral absolutes cannot be questioned 3 years, for example, children can use their emerging theory-
or changed. However, Elliot Turiel (197S, 1983) has observed of-mind skills to figure out that Lewis, who likes tarantulas
that children distinguish between two kinds of rules in daily but fears puppies, will be upset if his friend gives him a
life: moral rules, or standards that focus on die welfare and puppy—and that it is therefore bad to give Lewis a puppy,
basic rights of individuals, and social-conventional rules, even though it may be nice to give almost any other child a
standards determined by social consensus that tell us what is puppy (Helwig, Zelazo, & Wilson, 2001). Preschool children
appropriate in particular social settings. Moral rules include who have mastered theory-of-mind tasks are also especially
rules against hitting, stealing, lying, and otherwise harming attuned to other people's feelings and welfare when they think
others or violating their rights. Social-conventional rules are through the morality of such acts as snatching a friend's toy or
more like rules of social etiquette; they include the rules of calling the friend a bad name (Dunn, Cutting, 8< Demetriou,
games and school rules that forbid eating snacks in class or us- 2000). In short, research on the development of theory of
ing the restroom without permission. mind gives us additional reasons to appreciate that much
Even preschool children in our society understand that moral growth occurs during early childhood.
moral and social-conventional rules are different and that
moral rules are more compelling and unalterable (Nucci &
Nucci, 1982; Smetana, Schlagman, & Adams, 1993). Judith
Smetana (1981), for example, discovered that children as Many of the early emerging moral sensitivities that we have
young as age 2 regard moral transgressions such as hitting, been describing were missed by Kohlberg. The hypothetical
stealing, or refusing to share as more serious and deserving of moral dilemmas that he devised to assess stages of moral
punishment than social-conventional violations such as not reasoning (for example, the mercy-killing dilemma pre-
staying in their seats in nursery school or not saying grace be- sented earlier) were intended for adolescents and adults and
fore eating. Remarkably, these youngsters indicated that it was are too complex to be used to assess moral thinking during
always wrong to hit people or commit other moral transgres- the preschool years. The youngest children Kohlberg studied
sions, rule or no rule, whereas they felt that it would be OK for were age 10. As a result, Kohlberg did not have much to say
children to get out of their seats at nursery school or violate about young children except that they are preconventionaJ.
other social conventions if there were not rules against it. moral reasoners, as are most school-age children. By his
Piaget also thought that 6- to 10-year-old children view yardstick, children generally take an egocentric perspective
any law laid down by adults as sacred. Instead, they appear to on morality, defining as right those acts that are rewarded
be capable of questioning adult authority (Tisak & Tisak, and as wrong those acts that are punished (Colby et al.,
1990). These children say it is fine for parents to enforce rules 1983). At best, older school-age children are beginning to
against stealing and other moral violations, but they believe make the transition to conventional moral reasoning by dis-
that it can be inappropriate and unjustifiable for parents to ar- playing a stage 3 concern with being a good boy or a good
girl who takes others' perspectives and is concerned with and child helps (Kochanska, 2002). Social learning theorists
others' approval. would also advise parents to reinforce moral behavior, punish
Overall, then, both Piaget and Kohlberg failed to appreci- ummoral behavior, and serve as models of moral behavior.
ate how much moral growth takes place during childhood Reinforcers such as praise can strengthen prosocial behaviors
(Nucci, 2001). We now know that even preschool children are such as sharing (Fischer, 1963; Perry & Parke, 1975).
capable of judging acts as right or wrong according to whether Punishment of misdeeds can also contribute to moral growth
the actor's intentions were good or bad; do not view all rules if it is not overly harsh, if it teaches children to associate neg-
as absolute, sacred, and unchangeable; challenge adult author- ative emotions with their wrongdoing, if it is accompanied by
ity when they believe it is illegitimate; and use their theories of an explanation of why the forbidden act is wrong and should
mind to analyze people's motives and the emotional conse- be avoided, and if it is supplemented by efforts to encourage
quences of their acts. and reinforce more acceptable behavior (Gershoff, 2002; Perry
& Parke, 1975). The problem with punishment, especially se-
vere physical punishment, is that it may have undesirable side
Behaving Morally effects (such as making children resentful or overly anxious or
To many people, the goal of moral socialization is to produce teaching them that aggression is an appropriate means of
an individual who not only has internalized moral rules but solving problems). Finally, parents can serve as models of
also will abide by them. Can children be trusted to do so? moral behavior and will be especially effective if they state the
Consider a classic study of moral behavior reported by Hugh rule they are following and a rationale for not committing a
Hartshorne and Mark May (1928-1930). Their purpose was prohibited act (Grusec et al., 1979).
to investigate the moral character of 10,000 children (ages The important work of Martin Hoffman (2000) has pro-
8-16) by tempting them to lie, cheat, or steal in a variety of sit- vided additional insights into how to foster not only moral be-
uations. It readily became apparent that almost all children es- havior but also moral thought and affect. As you saw earlier,
poused "sound" moral values, saying that honesty was good, Hoffman (2000) believes that empathy is a key motivator of
that cheating and stealing were wrong, and so on. Yet most moral behavior and that the key task in socialization, there-
children cheated or otherwise broke one of their moral rules fore, is to foster empathy for others. Many years ago, Hoffman
in at least one of the situations the researchers created to test (1970) reviewed the child-rearing literature to determine
their moral behavior. In other words, Hartshorne and May which approaches to discipline were associeited with high lev-
had a tough time finding children who not only espoused the els of moral development. Three major approaches were com-
right values but consistently acted according to those values. pared:
Most children's moral behavior was inconsistent from situa-
1. Love withdrawal Withholding attention, affection, or
tion to situation.
approval after a child misbehaves—in other words, cre-
Reanalyses of these data and new studies suggest that
ating anxiety by threatening a loss of reinforcement
children are somewhat more consistent in their behavior than
from parents
Hartshorne and May concluded (Burton, 1963; Hoffman,
2. Power assertion. Using power to administer spankings,
2000). And, across a set of situations, some children are more
take away privileges, cind so on—in other words, using
honest, more likely to resist temptation, or more helpful than
punishment
other children. Still, moral thought, affect, and behavior are
3. Induction. Explaining to a child why the behavior is
not as closely interrelated in childhood as they will be by ado-
wrong and should be changed by emphasizing how it af-
lescence or adulthood (Blasi, 1980).
fects other people
Why are children relatively inconsistent in their moral be-
havior? One explanation may be that they are reasoning at Suppose that little Angel has just put the beloved family
Kohlberg's preconventional level. When punishment and re- cat through a cycle in the clothes dryer. Using love withdrawal,
ward are the primary considerations in defining acts as right a parent might say, "How could you do something like that? I
or wrong, perhaps it is not surprising that a child may see can't even bear to look at you!" Using power assertion, a par-
nothing much wrong with cheating when the chances of de- ent might say, "Get to your room this minute; you're going to
tection and punishment are slim. In addition, as social learn- get it." Using induction, a parent might say, "Angel, look how
ing theorists would emphasize, moral inconsistency results scared Fluffball is. You could have killed her, and you know
from situational influences on behavior—such factors as the how sad we'd be if she died." Induction, then, is a matter of
importance of the goal that can be achieved by transgressing providing rationales or explanations that focus special atten-
and the amount of encouragement provided by peers tion on the consequences of wrongdoing for other people (or
(Burton, 1976). cats).
Which approach best fosters moral development?
Induction is more often positively associated with children's
moral maturity than either love withdrawal or power asser-
How, then, can parents best raise a child who can be counted tion (Brody & Shaffer, 1982). In Hoffman's (2000) view, in-
on to behave morally in most situations? You have already duction works well because it breeds empathy. Anticipating
seen that a mutually responsive orientation between parent empathic distress if we contemplate harming someone keeps
us from doing harm; empathy for individuals in distress mo- not arouse too much fear, because it can motivate a child to
tivates us to help them (Hoffman, 2000). pay close attention to inductions. Like other techniques, it
Love withdrawal has been found to have positive effects works best in the context of a loving and mutually responsive
in some studies but negative effects in others. The use of parent-child relationship.
power assertion is more often associated with moral immatu- Hoffman's work provides a fairly clear picture of how-
rity than with moral maturity. When parents are physically parents can best contribute to the moral growth of their chil-
abusive, children feel less guilt than other children and engage dren. As he puts it, the winning formula is "a blend of frequent
in more immoral behaviors such as stealing (Koenig, inductions, occasional power assertions, and a lot of affection"
Cicchetti, & Rogosch, 2004). The use of power tactics such as (Hoffman, 2000, p. 23). Yet we must also appreciate that a par-
restraining and commanding to keep young children from en- ticular moral socialization technique can have different effects
gaging in prohibited acts is associated with less rather than depending on the particular misdeed, child, parent, and con-
more moral behavior in other contexts (Kochanslca, Alcsan, & text. More important than the particular socialization strate-
Nichols, 2003). It is a vicious cycle: parental power tactics lead gies a parent uses may be the quality of the parent-child rela-
to noncompliant children, and noncompliant children tionship and the parent's understanding of the particular
prompt increasingly controlling parental behavior (Smith et child and of the situation at hand (Grusec, Goodnow, &
al., 2004). Kuczynski, 2000). To illustrate, the history of the parent-child
Despite evidence that pow7er assertion interferes with the relationship can influence the effectiveness of a parent's ef-
internalization of moral rules and undermines the child's ca- forts to control a child's behavior. For example, abused chil-
pacity to exert self-control, Hoffman (2000) concludes that dren tend to be most compliant with requests to clean a play-
power assertion can be useful occasionally, as long as it does room if their mothers do not show much negative emotion,
whereas nonabused children are more compliant if their
mothers do show negative emotion (Koenig, Cicchetti, &
Rogosch, 2000).
A child's temperament also helps determine how morally
trainable she is and what approach to moral training is used.
Grazyna Kochanska has found that children are likely to be
easy to socialize (1) if they are by temperament fearful or in-
hibited (see Chapter 11), and therefore are more likely than
fearless or uninhibited children to become appropriately anx-
ious and distressed when they are disciplined, and (2) if they
are capable of effortful control, and therefore are able to in-
hibit their urges to engage in wrongdoing or to stop them-
selves from doing something once they have begun
(Kochanska, Murray, & Coy, 1997; Kochanska & Knaack,
2003). Children high in both fearfulness and effortful control
can be socialized easily using positive disciplinary techniques
such as induction; as a result, their parents are likely to use in-
duction frequently and may rarely need to resort to power as-
sertion (Keller & Bell, 1979). However, children who are not
easily led to associate guilt and other negative emotions with
their wrongdoings or who have difficulty controlling their im-
pulses may drive their parents to use more power-assertive
(and ineffective) discipline, which is likely to impede moral
Ml development (Anderson, Lytton, & Romney, 1986; Lytton,
• , • §
1990).
Finally, a child's biologically based temperament may in-
teract with his parents' socialization approach to influence
moral development. Kochanska (1995, 1997a) finds that fear-
ful, inhibited children, who are hesitant to try activities such as
jumping on a trampoline or putting on an ape mask and who
become highly anxious when reprimanded, can be effectively
socialized to refuse to touch certain toys and to comply cheer-
fully with requests through a gentle approach to discipline that
capitalizes on their anxiety but does not terrorize them so
£ Most youngsters can be tempted to steal if the situational factors much that they miss the lesson they are to learn (Fowles 8c
are right Children's moral conduct is fairly inconsistent from situation Kochanska, 2000). Toddlers who are fearless or uninhibited do
to situation. not respond to the gentle reprimands that work with inhibited
children, but they do not respond to being treated harshly, ei- and a time when many individuals become increasingly moti-
ther. Fearless children are most likely to learn to comply with vated to behave morally. Consider first the results of a 20-year
rules and requests when the parent-child relationship is char- longitudinal study that involved repeatedly asking the 10-, 13-,
acterized by a mutually responsive orientation and the child and 16-year-old boys originally studied by Kohlberg to respond
therefore wants to cooperate (Fowles & Kochanska, 2000). to moral dilemmas (Colby et al., 1983). Figure 13.3 shows the
Here, then, is another example of the importance of the good- percentage of judgments offered at each age that reflected
ness of fit between a child's temperament and her social envi- each of Kohlberg's six stages.
ronment. What works for one child may not work for another. Several interesting developmental trends can be seen
Given appropriate socialization, most children will internalize here. Notice that the preconventional reasoning (stage 1 and 2
rules of conduct, experience moral emotions, and learn to reg- thinking) that dominates among 10-year-olds decreases con-
ulate their own behavior. siderably during the teen years. During adolescence, conven-
tional reasoning (stages 3 and 4) becomes the dominant mode
§um rras ng Up of moral thinking. So, among 13- to 14-year-olds, most moral
judgments reflect either a stage 2 (instrumental hedonism)
Both Piaget and Kohlberg failed t o appreciate how much
approach—"You scratch my back and I'll scratch yours"—or
moral growth takes place in early childhood. W e now
a stage 3 (good boy or good girl) concern with being nice and
know that even young children are capable of judging
earning approval. More than half of the judgments offered
acts as right or wrong according to whether the actors
by 16- to 18-year-olds embody stage 3 reasoning, and about a
intentions were good or bad, do not view all rules as sa-
fifth were scored as stage 4 (authority and social order-
cred (for example, they distinguish between social-
maintaining morality) arguments. These older adolescents
conventional and moral rules), challenge adult authority
were beginning to take a broad societal perspective on justice
when they believe it is illegitimate, and use their theories
and were concerned about acting in ways that would help
of mind t o analyze people's motives and the emotional
maintain the social system.
consequences of their acts. Young children have by no
In short, the main developmental trend in moral reason-
means completed their moral growth, but they appear t o
ing during adolescence is a shift from preconventional to con-
be on their way t o becoming moral beings long before
ventional reasoning. During this period, most individuals
late childhood and early adolescence, when Piaget's au-
seem to rise above a concern with external rewards and pun-
tonomous stage and Kohlberg's stage 3 (conventional
ishments. They begin to express a genuine concern with living
level) of moral reasoning are likely t o be reached. When
up to the moral standards that parents arid other authorities
it comes t o moral behavior; situational influences con-
have taught them and ensuring that laws designed to make
tribute t o much moral inconsistency during childhood.
human relations just and fair are taken seriously and main-
Reinforcement, modeling, and the disciplinary approach
tained. Many teens also begin to view morality as an impor-
of induction (as opposed t o power assertion and love
tant part of their identity and want to be able to think of
withdrawal) can foster moral growth, but a child's social-
themselves as honest, fair, and caring individuals (Damon &
ization history and temperament also influence his re-
sponse t o moral training. H
Stage 5
Tlie A d d e s c e n t
As adolescents gain the capacity to think about abstract and
hypothetical ideas, and as they begin to chart their future
identities, many of them reflect on their values and moral
standards. Indeed, some come to view being a moral person
(being caring, fair, honest, and so on) as an important part of
who they are. Their moral identity then motivates moral ac-
tion, and they end up being more capable of advanced moral
reasoning and more likely to engage in moral behavior than
adolescents who do not incorporate morality in their sense of
identity (Aquino & Reed, 2002; Gibbs, 2003). At the other ex-
treme are the adolescents who end up engaging in serious an-
10 12 14 16 18 20 22 24 26 28 30 32 34 36
tisocial behavior.
Age (in years)
Changes in Moral Reasoning Figure 5 3.3 Average percentage of moral reasoning

at each of Lawrence Kohlberg's stages for males from
Although most teenagers break the law occasionally, adoles- age 10 to age 36.
cence is a period of considerable growth in moral reasoning SOURCE: C o l b y e t a l . 11983).
Hart, 1992). Postconventional reasoning does not emerge un- Yet the relationship between moral reasoning and antiso-
til adulthood if at all. cial behavior is weak. Many delinquents are capable of con-
ventional moral reasoning but commit illegal acts anyway
(Blasi, 1980). This suggests that to understand the origins of
antisocial conduct, we must consider a wider range of factors
Although most adolescents internalize society's moral stan- (see Gibbs, 2003; Quinsey et al., 2004).
dards, a few youths, such as Andy Williams described at the
beginning of the chapter, are involved in serious antisocial Dodge's Social Information-Processing Model
conduct—muggings, rapes, armed robberies, knifings, or Kenneth Dodge and his colleagues have advanced our under-
drive-by shootings. Indeed, crime rates peak during adoles- standing by offering a social information-processing model of
cence in most societies, especially for "hell-raising" crimes behavior that has been used to analyze contributors to aggres-
such as vandalism (Agnew, 2003). Most severely antisocial sive behavior (Crick 8c Dodge, 1994; Dodge, 1986; Dodge 8c
adults started their antisocial careers in childhood and con- Pettit, 2003). Imagine that you are walking down the aisle in a
tinued them in adolescence. The consequences of their early classroom and trip over a classmate's leg. As you fall to the
misbehavior cumulate, they become juvenile delinquents, and floor, you are not sure what happened. Dodge and other social
they find themselves leaving school early, participating in information-processing theorists believe that the individual's
troubled relationships, having difficulty keeping jobs, and en- reactions to frustration, anger, or provocation depend not so
gaging in criminal behavior as adults (Loeber 8c Farringon, much on the social cues in the situation as on the ways in
2000; Maughan & Rutter, 2001). Nevertheless, most children which she processes and interprets this information.
and adolescents who engage in aggressive behavior and other An individual who is provoked (as by being tripped) pro-
antisocial acts do not grow up to be antisocial adults gresses through six steps in information processing, according
(Maughan 8c Rutter, 2001). There seem to be at least two sub- to Dodge:
groups of antisocial youths: one group that is persistently an-
1. Encoding of cues: Taking in information
tisocial across the life span and a larger group that behaves an-
2. Interpretation of cues: Making sense of this information
tisocially mainly during adolescence, perhaps in response to
and deciding what caused the other person's behavior
peer pressures, and outgrows this behavior in adulthood
3. Clarification of goals: Deciding what to achieve in the sit-
(Moffitt 8c Caspi, 2001; Quinsey et al., 2004). Our focus here
uation
is on the chronically and seriously aggressive adolescents.
4. Response search: Thinking of possible actions to achieve
What causes some youths to become menaces to society?
the goal
Might adolescents who engage repeatedly in aggressive, anti-
5. Response decision: Weighing the pros and cons of these
social acts be cases of arrested moral development who have
alternative actions
not internalized conventional values? Juvenile delinquents are
6. Behavioral enactment: Doing something
more likely than nondelinquents to rely on preconventional,
egocentric moral reasoning (Gregg, Gibbs, & Basinger, 1994; People do not necessarily go through these steps in pre-
Trevethan & Walker, 1989). Aggressive youths are less likely to cise order; we can cycle among them or work on two or more
show empathy or concern for others in distress (Blair, 2003; simultaneously (Crick & Dodge, 1994). And at any step, we
Hastings et al., 2000). Some offenders clearly lack a sense of may draw not only on information available in the immediate
right and wrong and feel little remorse about their criminal situation but also on a stored database that includes memories
acts. of previous social experiences and information about the so-
cial world.
As you might imagine, the skills involved in carrying out
these six steps in social information processing improve with
age (Dodge 8c Price, 1994; Mayeux 8c Cillessen, 2003). Older
children are more able than younger ones to do such things as
encode all the relevant cues in a situation, accurately interpret
cues to determine why another person behaved as he did, gen-
erate a range of responses, and carry off intended behaviors
skillfully. Why, then, are some children of a given age more ag-
gressive than others?
Highly aggressive youths, including adolescents incarcer-
ated for violent crimes, show deficient or biased information
processing at every step (Dodge, 1993; Slaby 8c Guerra, 1988).
For example, a highly aggressive adolescent who is tripped by
a classmate is likely to (1) process relatively few of the avail-
able cues in the situation and show a bias toward information
<L Use of power assertion by adults is linked to moral immaturity suggesting that the tripping was deliberate rather than acci-
rather than moral maturity. dental (for example, noticing a fleeting smirk on the class-
Table 13.1 The Six Steps in Dodge's Social Information-Processing Model and Sample Responses of Aggressive Youth.
Step Behavior • Likely Response of Aggressive Youth
1. Encoding of cues Search for, attend to, and register cues in the situation Focus on cues suggesting hostile intent;
ignore other relevant information
2. Interpretation of cues Interpret situation; infer others motive Infer that provoker had hostile intent
3. Clarification of goals Formulate goal in situation Make goal to retaliate
4. Response search Generate possible responses Generate few options, most of them
aggressive
5. Response decision Assess likely consequences of responses generated; See advantages in responding aggressively
choose the best rather than nonaggressively (or fail to
evaluate consequences)
6. Behavioral enactment Produce chosen response; act Behave aggressively
Social information processors use a database of information about past social experiences, social rules, and social behavior at each step of the process and skip
from step to step. See Crick & Dodge (1994) for further details and relevant research.
mate's face); (2) make an attribution of hostile intent infer- lying classmates or otherwise misbehaving (Poulin 8c Boivin,
ring, based on the information gathered, that the classmate 2000).
meant to cause harm; (3) set a goal of getting even (rather Dodge's social information-processing model is helpful
than a goal of smoothing relations); (4) think of only a few in understanding why children and adolescents might behave
possible ways to react, mostly aggressive ones; (5) conclude, aggressively in particular situations. However, it leaves some-
after evaluating alternative actions, that an aggressive response what unclear the extent to which the underlying problem is
will have favorable outcomes (or perhaps not think through how one thinks (how skilled the person is at processing social
the possible negative consequences of an aggressive response); information), what one thinks (for example, whether the indi-
and (6) carry out the particular aggressive response selected vidual believes that other people are hostile or that aggression
(see Table 13.1). pays), or whether one thinks (how impulsive the person is).
Many aggressive youths also skip steps of the model and The role of emotions also needs more attention. Children who
act impulsively, "without thinking"; they respond automati- are by temperament high in emotionality but have difficulty
cally based on their database of past experiences. These youths regulating and controlling their emotions are especially likely
tend to see the world as a hostile place and are easily angered. to show deficiencies in social information processing and to
If a situation is ambiguous (as a tripping or bumping incident engage in problem behavior, perhaps because their strong
is likely to be), they are more likely than nonaggressive youths emotions cloud their thinking (Eisenberg et al., 1996;
to quickly attribute hostile intent to whoever harms them Lemerise 8c Arsenio, 2000). Finally, we need more research,
(Crick & Dodge, 1994; Orobio de Castro et al., 2002). like the work we will describe next, to tell us why only some
Interestingly, 4- to 6-year-olds who are rejected by peers be- children develop the social information-processing styles as-
cause of aggressive and otherwise irritating behavior do as sociated with aggressive behavior.
w7ell as their more popular peers on theory-of-mind tasks but
appear to have developed what Happe and Frith (1996b) have Patterson's C o e r c i v e F a m i l y E n v i r o n m e n t s
dubbed a "theory of'nasty minds,'" attributing hostile inten- Family influences on aggression may provide part of the an-
tions and motives to other people even at this early age swer. Gerald Patterson and his colleagues have found that
(Badenes, Estevan, & Garcia Bacete, 2000). Severely violent highly antisocial children and adolescents often experience
youths such as Andy Williams have often experienced aban- coercive family environments in which family members are
donment, neglect, abuse, and other traumas that may have locked in power struggles, each trying to control the others
given them cause to view the world as a hostile place and to through coercive tactics such as threatening, yelling, and hit-
feel morally justified in going after anyone who threatens or ting (Patterson, DeBaryshe 8c Ramsey, 1989; Kiesner, Dishion,
wrongs them (Gibbs, 2003; Margolin 8c Gordis, 2000). 8c Poulin, 2001). In some cases, parents use harsh discipline or
Aggressive youths also tend to evaluate the consequences are even abusive (Margolin 8c Gordis, 2000). Coercive family
of aggression far more positively than other adolescents do. processes were first identified in families with boys who were
They expect their aggressive acts to achieve the desired results, out of control, but they also surface in the families of girls
view being "tough" and controlling others as important to w7ith conduct problems (Compton et al, 2003; Eddy, Leve, 8c
their self-esteem, and feel morally justified in acting because Fagot, 2001). Parents learn (through negative reinforcement)
they believe they are only retaliating against individuals who that they can stop their children's misbehavior, temporarily at
are "out to get them" (Coie et al., 1991; Smithmyer, Hubbard, least, by threatening, yelling, and hitting. Meanwhile, children
8c Simons, 2000). They often belong to peer groups whose learn (also through negative reinforcement) that they can get
members value toughness and reinforce one another for bul- their parents to lay off them by ignoring requests, whining,
throwing full-blown temper tantrums, and otherwise being as (Hilton, Harris, 8c Rice, 2000; Pellegrini & Long, 2003).
difficult as possible. As both parents and children learn to rely Becoming dominant in the male peer group enables adoles-
on coercive tactics, parents increasingly lose control over their cent males to compete with other males for mates, bearing
children s behavior until even the loudest lectures and hardest many offspring and therefore succeeding in passing their
spankings have little effect and the child's conduct problems genes to future generations. Adolescent females can bear only
spiral out of control. It is easy to see how a child who has so many children and therefore may not need to be as com-
grown up in a coercive family environment might attribute petitive (Barash, 2002). However, even they may boost their
hostile intent to other people and rely 011 aggressive tactics to chances of finding mates by engaging in subtle and indirect
resolve disputes. forms of aggression such as spreading rumors about and
Growing up in a coercive family environment sets in mo- "trashing" other females (Pellegrini & Long, 2003).
tion the next steps in the making of an antisocial adolescent In addition, we now know that some individuals are more
(see Figure 13.4): The child, already aggressive and unpleasant genetically predisposed than others to have difficult, irritable
to be around, ends up performing poorly in school and being temperaments and other personality traits that incline them
rejected by other children. Having no better options, she to show aggressive, delinquent, and criminal behavior
becomes involved in a peer group made up of other low- (Cleveland, 2003; Rhee, & Waldman, 2002; Simonoff, 2001).
achieving, antisocial, and unpopular youths and is then Some aggressive individuals may be predisposed to violence
steered even further in the direction of a delinquent career by by neurological deficits that affect their impulse control and
these colleagues in crime, who positively reinforce one an- verbal skills (Quinsey et al., 2004; Teichner & Golden, 2000).
other's talk about rule breaking and delinquent acts (Dishion, Behavioral genetic research suggests that genetic differences
Andrews, & Crosby, 1995; Kiesner et al, 2001). Rejection by account for about 40% of the variation among individuals in
peers may further reinforce a tendency to attribute hostile in- antisocial behavior; nonshared environmental influences ac-
tent to others and in the process strengthen aggressive ten- count for another 45% of the variation, and shared environ-
dencies (Dodge et al., 2003). mental influences common to siblings in the same family con-
Overall, there is much support for the view that ineffec- text account for about 15% (Rhee & Waldman, 2002).
tive parenting in childhood contributes to behavioral prob- Through the mechanism of gene-environment correla-
lems, peer rejection, involvement with antisocial peers, and, in tion, children who inherit a genetic predisposition to become
turn, antisocial behavior in adolescence. The pattern even aggressive may evoke the coercive parenting that Patterson
seems to repeat itself across generations; aggressive youths and his colleagues find breeds aggression, even when they
who experienced coercive parenting become coercive parents grow up with adoptive parents rather than with their biologi-
and raise aggressive children (Conger et al, 2003; Thornberry cal parents. Coercive parenting, in turn, contributes to
et al, 2003). strengthening their aggressive tendencies (Lytton, 2000;
O'Connor et al., 1998). When identical twin pairs are
studied—therefore, only environmental influences can ex-
Severe antisocial behavior is the product of a complex inter- plain differences between the twins—the twin wrho receives
play between genetic predisposition and social learning expe- the most negative treatment and the least warmth from his
riences (Quinsey et al., 2004; Dodge & Pettit, 2003). We can mother tends to become the more aggressive of the two twins
start by putting aggression in an evolutionary context. For ex- (Caspi et al., 2004). When both genes predisposing a child to
ample, males are more aggressive overall than females and en- aggression and coercive parenting are at work, the child
gage in three or four times as much crime; the male edge in vi- quickly becomes out of control and the parents become so
olence is evident in many cultures and in many species frustrated that they may monitor their child's behavior less to
(Barash, 2002). It has been argued that aggression evolved in avoid the unpleasant battles of will that result when they at-
males because it serves adaptive functions in mate selection tempt to clamp down (Dodge & Pettit, 2003).
Early childhood Middle childhood Late childhood

and adolescence
Rejection by
normal peers
Poor parental Child
discipline conduct
and monitoring problems
Academic
Figure 13.4 Gerald Patterson's mode! of the development of antisocial behavior starts
with poor discipline and coercive cycles of family influence.
SOURCE: Adapted from Patterson e : al. (1989).
Many other risk and protective factors in the environ-
ment can help determine whether a child genetically predis-
posed to be aggressive ends up on a healthy or unhealthy de-
velopmental trajectory. The prenatal environment—for
example, exposure to alcohol, opiate drugs, and lead poison-
ing—has been linked to conduct problems (Dodge 8c Pettit,
2003). Complications during delivery may also contribute, es-
pecially if the child later grows up in a deprived family envi-
ronment (Arseneault et al., 2002).
Some cultural contexts are more likely to breed aggres-
sion than others. In Japan, a collectivist culture in which chil-
dren are taught early to value social harmony, children are less
angered by interpersonal conflicts and less likely to react to
them aggressively than American children are (Zahn-Waxler
et al., 1996). Hispanic youths who have been brought up with
traditional Hispanic cultural values such as the importance of € Gangs in inner-city areas are only part of the larger problem of
youth violence.
family are less likely than those who are more acculturated
into American society to engage in antisocial behavior (Cota-
Robles, 2003; Soriano et al., 2004). Could this be partly be- Kenneth Dodge-and Gregory Pettit (2003) heive at-
cause children in the United States are so heavily exposed to tempted to integrate all these influences on aggression in a
violence on television every day? Research shows that children biopsychosocial model, illustrated in Figure 13.5. It is based
exposed to a lot of media violence are not only more aggres- primarily on their research tracing the development of ag-
sive in the short run but also more likely to engage in assaults, gression among 585 boys and girls who were studied from
spouse abuse, and other forms of violence as adults (Anderson preschool age to early adulthood. In the model, biological fac-
et al., 2003; Huesmann et al., 2003). More generally, the tors such as genes associated with aggression and sociocultu-
United States is an especially violent country. The homicide ral factors such as living in a violent area put certain children
rate is only 0.5 homicides per 1 million people in Iceland; it is at risk from birth. Then, experiences with harsh and coercive
closer to 10 per 1 million in Europe, and it is more than 100 parents, antisocial peers, and dysfunctional social institutions
per 1 million in the United States (Barash, 2002). such as violence-ridden schools translate risk into reality.
Subcultural and neighborhood factors can also con- Interactions between person and environment over time de-
tribute to youth violence. Rates of aggression and violent termine whether the developmental path leads toward more
crime are two to three times higher in lower socioeconomic or less antisocial behavior over the years. Cognitive and emo-
neighborhoods and communities, especially transient ones, tional processes also enter, as suggested by Dodge's social in-
than in middle-class ones (Elliott 8c Ageton, 1980; Maughan, formation-processing model; based on their life experiences,
2001). Community norms that support the use of violence to children' build databanks of social knowledge about such
resolve conflicts and social stressors that make it difficult for things as norms for responding to aggression, aggressive tac-
parents to monitor and manage their children may both con- tics, and information-processing habits such as attributing
tribute (Jagers, Bingham, 8c Hans, 1996). So may witnessing hostile intent to others. The more risk factors at work, the
community violence (Guerra, Huesmann, & Spindler, 2003). greater the odds of an aggressive adult. Interactions among
Interestingly, parental behaviors that can help control aggres-
sion, such as monitoring cidolescents' comings and goings, ap-
pear to make even more of a difference in disadvantaged, un-
stable, violence-prone neighborhoods than they do in Biological Biological
adequate ones (Beyers, Bates, et al., 2003; Cleveland, 2003). predisposition predisposition
Certain schools also have higher rates of delinquency and

aggression than others, even when socioeconomic factors are Parenting .....,,..,.,,,. .
controlled (Maughan, 2001). This may be because negative ^ Mental Conduct |

Peers processes disorder
peer influences prevail in these schools; exposure to aggressive •v Wfliy litiflitfJgMSpRJ^BftifflBiMESgitB^:
peers is a clear risk factor (Dodge & Pettit, 2003). In school en- X X T
vironments that breed aggression, peer influences can turn Sociocultural Sociocultural
even an adolescent without a genetic predisposition to be ag- context context
gressive into an aggressive youth (Rowe, Almeida, 8c Jacobson,
1999). Because both bullies and victims of bullies (such as Figure !3.5 A biopsychosocial model of aggression highlights bio-
Andy Williams) are more likely than other youths to commit logical and sociocultural factors that predispose a child to aggression
violent acts later in life, many schools are taking active steps to and combine with parent and peer influences to affect mental
combat bullying instead of writing it off as normal child be- processes that directly cause a conduct disorder
havior (Strauss, 2001). SOURCE: Dodge & Pettit <2003, p. 351, Figure 1|.
factors can also be important; for example, only among chil- and when the age groups compared have similar levels of ed-
dren predisposed to aggression does rejection by peers in- ucation (Pratt & Norris, 1999). Older adults sometimes do
crease the odds of a full-blown conduct disorder by adoles- worse than younger adults at gathering and coordinating in-
cence (Dodge et al., 2003). In sum, many interacting factors, formation about the different perspectives that can be taken
both biological and environmental, can put an individual on a moral issue, perhaps because of declines in working
on—or pull an individual off—a path to antisocial adulthood. memory or perhaps because they rely more on general rules in
Perhaps as a result, violence prevention and treatment pro- judging what is right and wrong and are not as interested in
grams can take many forms, as the Applications box on page the details of different people's points of view (Pratt & Norris,
376 suggests. 1999). However, even up to age 75, elderly adults seem to rea-
son about moral issues as complexly as younger adults do,
whether they are given Kohlberg's hypothetical dilemmas to
ponder or asked to discuss real-life situations in which they
In sum, adolescents normally shift from preconventional
were "unsure about the right thing to do" (Pratt et al., 1991,
t o conventional moral reasoning and incorporate moral
1996).
values into their emerging sense of identity The severe
In addition, older adults have a greater sense of having
antisocial behavior that some adolescents display is more
learned important lessons from moral dilemmas they have
than a matter of immature moral reasoning, however; al-
faced during their lives (Pratt & Norris, 1999). Spirituality, a
though many delinquent youths reason at Kohlberg's pre-
search for ultimate meaning in life that may or may not be
conventional level. Antisocial behavior can also be traced
carried out in the context of religion, appears to increase from
t o deficiencies in social information-processing skills that,
middle age to later adulthood (Wink & Dillon, 2002).
according to Dodge and his colleagues, make youngsters
Spirituality is especially evident among adults who are reflec-
quick t o attribute hostile intentions t o other people and
tive seekers of knowledge and who experience adversity in
convince them that aggression works. This information-
their lives. Both postconventional moral reasoning (Pasupathi
processing style, in turn, may be rooted in genetically in-
& Staudinger, 2001) and spirituality (Wink & Dillon, 2003)
fluenced temperamental traits that make for strong neg-
have been linked to the attainment of wisdom (see Chapter 9).
ative emotions and weak emotional control. Social
It seems, then, that moral reasoning is an aspect of social cog-
learning experiences in the family (Pattersons coercive
nitive development that holds up well in later life and that ad-
family environments), negative peer group influences and
vanced moral reasoning may even be associated with in-
peer rejection, and wider school, neighborhood, and cul-
creased spirituality and wisdom in adulthood.
tural influences also contribute, as suggested by the
biopsychosocial model proposed by Dodge and Pettit. a
Kohlberg argued (as did Piaget) that two factors are most im-
portant in moral development: cognitive growth and social
experiences, particularly interactions with peers. As Kohlberg
When adults assume responsibilities as parents, work supervi- predicted, reaching the conventional level of moral reasoning
sors, and community leaders, their moral decisions affect and becoming concerned about living up to the moral stan-
more people. How does moral thinking change during adult- dards of parents or society requires the ability to take other
hood, and what else must we consider to gain a perspective on people's perspectives (Walker, 1980). Gaining the capacity for
moral development across the life span? postconventional or "principled" moral reasoning requires
still more cognitive growth—namely, a solid command of for-
mal operational thinking, usually evident only in adulthood
(Tomlinson-Keasey & Keasey, 1974; Walker, 1980). The person
As you have discovered (see Figure 13.3 on page 370), who bases moral judgments on abstract principles must be
Kohlbergs postconventional moral reasoning appears to able to reason abstractly and take all possible perspectives on
emerge only during the adult years (if it emerges). In a moral issue. Milestones in moral development cannot be
Kohlberg's 20-year longitudinal study (Colby et al., 1983), achieved without the requisite cognitive skills.
most adults in their 30s still reasoned at the conventional Kohlberg also stressed the need for social experiences
level, although many of them had shifted from stage 3 to stage that require the individuals to take the perspectives of others
4. A minority of individuals—one-sixth to one-eighth of the so that they can appreciate that they are part of a larger so-
sample—had begun to use stage 5 postconventional reason- cial order and that moral rules are a consensus of individu-
ing, showing a deeper understanding of the basis for laws and als in society. Interacting with people who hold views differ-
distinguishing between just and unjust laws. Clearly, there is ent from their own also creates cognitive disequilibrium—a
opportunity for moral growth in early adulthood. conflict between existing cognitive structures and new
Do these growth trends continue into later adulthood? ideas—which in turn stimulates new ways of thinking. Like
Most studies find no major age differences in stage of moral Piaget, Kohlberg maintained that interactions with peers or
reasoning, at least when relatively educated adults are studied equals, in which we experience and discuss differences be-
I n recent years, U.S. society has been struggling with the prob-
lem of how to prevent youth violence and treat seriously ag-
gressive children and adolescents such as Andy Williams, the
troubled teenager described at the start of this chapter. Many
believe that violence prevention needs to start in infancy or
toddlerhood—perhaps even at conception—with a strong em-
phasis on positive parenting (Tremblay, 2000). Programs such as
Fast Track, aimed at improving the social skills and self-control
of young children at risk to become aggressive by using aca-
demic and social skills training at school, parent training, and
home visits, have had some success in improving parenting and,
in turn, reducing aggression (Conduct Problems Prevention
Research Group, 1999). School-based prevention programs
aimed at teaching social cognitive skills to either high-risk chil-
dren or all children can also be effective (Aber, Brown, & Jones,
€ Discussion of moral dilemmas may increase complexity of
2003; Wilson, Lipsey, & Derzon, 2003). Here, we focus on how
moral reasoning but does not necessarily reduce delinquency
three perspectives described in this chapter—Lawrence
Kohlberg's theory of moral reasoning, Kenneth Dodge's social
information-processing model, and Gerald Patterson's coercive Does participation in group discussions of moral issues
family environment model—have been applied to the challenge produce more mature moral reasoning? It appears so (Rest et
of treating youths who have already become antisocial. al., 1999). Average changes that are the equivalent of about 4
to 5 years of natural development have been achieved in pro-
Improving Moral Reasoning grams lasting only 3 to 12 weeks. Moreover, researchers have
How can we foster stronger moral values and more advanced learned what kinds of discussion are most helpful. For exam-
moral thinking among not-so-moral children and adolescents? ple, it is important that students be exposed to reasoning that
If, as both Jean Piaget and Lawrence Kohlberg said, peers are is more mature than their own (Lapsley, 1996). Also, moral
more important than parents in stimulating moral growth, one growth is most likely when students actively transform, ana-
sensible approach is to harness "peer power" This is what lyze, or otherwise act upon what their conversation partners
many psychologists and educators have tried to do, putting have said—when they say things like "You're missing an im-
children or adolescents in pairs or small groups to discuss hy- portant difference here" or "Here's something I think we can
pothetical moral dilemmas and creating school-based pro- agree on" (Berkowitz & Gibbs, 1983; Nucci, 2001).
grams involving discussion of violations of both moral and Participation in Kohlbergian moral discussion groups can
social-conventional rules (see Nucci, 2001). The rationale is even raise the level of moral thinking of institutionalized delin-
simple: Opportunities to take other people's perspectives and quents (Niles, 1986). However, unless it is combined with efforts
exposure to forms of moral reasoning more mature than their to combat self-serving cognitions and teach social skills, efforts
own will create cognitive disequilibrium, which will motivate to foster mature moral judgment are unlikely to cause delin-
children to devise more mature modes of thinking. quents to cease being delinquent (Gibbs, 2003; Niles, 1986).
tween our own and others' perspectives, probably contribute cussed moral dilemmas with a parent and then separately
more to moral growth than one-sided interactions with with a friend. Four years later, they were asked to respond to
adult authority figures in which children are expected to de- moral dilemmas. Interactions with both parents and friends
fer to the adult's power. Were Piaget and Kohlberg right? As influenced these individuals' moral development, but in
it turns out, peers are important, but so are parents, and not somewhat different ways. Friends were more likely than par-
just by using inductive discipline and being warm, support- ents to challenge and disagree with a child's or an adoles-
ive parents. cent's ideas, and they were most likely to contribute posi-
Lawrence Walker and his colleagues (Walker, Hennig, & tively to moral growth when they confronted and
Krettenauer, 2000) directly compared parent and peer influ- challenged. Parents, because they functioned at more ad-
ences on moral development. Both 11 - and 15-year-olds dis- vanced stages of moral development than their children, en-
Building Social information-Processing Skills closely with their son's school, to gather teachers' reports on
As you saw earlier, Dodge's social information-processing his performance and behavior at school, and, using methods
model identifies six steps at which a highly aggressive youth derived from social learning theory, to establish behavioral
may display deficient or biased information processing. contracts that detail what the youth can expect in the way of
Nancy Guerra and Ronald Slaby (1990) coached small reinforcement for prosocial behavior and punishment for an-
groups of incarcerated and violent juveniles of both sexes (I) tisocial behavior.
to look for situational cues other than those suggesting hos- Overall, the parent-training intervention was judged at
tile intentions, (2) to control their impulses so that they do least a partial success. It improved family processes, although
not lash out without considering the consequences, and (3) it did not fully resolve the problems these dysfunctional fami-
to generate more nonaggressive solutions to conflicts. After lies had. Rates of serious crime among this group dropped and
a 12-week intervention, these adolescents showed dramatic remained lower even 3 years after the intervention ended.The
improvements in social information-processing skills, be- usual juvenile services program also reduced crime rates but
lieved less strongly in the value of aggression, and behaved took longer to take effect.
less aggressively in their interactions with authority figures Other research shows that peers can undermine the ef-
and other inmates. fectiveness of treatment programs. Programs that put antiso-
Trained offenders were only somewhat less likely than un- cial adolescents together in treatment groups or facilities can
trained offenders (34% versus 46%) to violate their paroles af- increase problem behavior if they mainly provide antisocial
ter release, however, suggesting that they may have reverted youths with opportunities to reinforce one another's deviance
to their antisocial ways once back in the environment in which (Dishion, McCord, & Poulin, 1999). A better strategy is to
their aggressive tendencies originated. Indeed, for young form groups with a mix of well-adjusted and aggressive youths
African American and Hispanic males in gang-dominated inner- (and hope that the well-adjusted ones prevail).
city neighborhoods, being quick to detect others' hostile in- In surn, efforts to treat aggressive youths have included
tentions and defend themselves against assault may be an im- attempts to apply the work of Kohlberg (by discussing moral
portant survival skill (Hudley & Graham, 1993). issues to raise levels of moral reasoning), Dodge (by teach-
ing effective social information-processing skills), and
Breaking Coercive Cycles Patterson (by replacing coercive cycles in the family envi-
Patterson and his colleagues maintain that the secret to work- ronment with positive behavioral management techniques).
ing with violent youths is to change the dynamics of interac- Many interventions have achieved short-term gains in skills
tions in their families so that aggressive tactics of controlling but have failed to reduce rates of antisocial behavior in the
other family members are no longer reinforced and the cycle long run.The most promising approaches to preventing and
of coercive influence is broken. In one study, Patterson and his treating aggressive youths appear to recognize that modify-
team (Bank et al., 1991) randomly assigned adolescent boys ing patterns of antisocial behavior requires adopting a
who were repeat offenders to either a special parent-training biopsychosocial perspective and seeking to change not only
intervention or the service usually provided by the juvenile the individual but also his family, peers, and broader social
court. In the parent-training program, therapy sessions held environment (Dodge & Pettit, 2003; Elliott, Williams, &
with each family taught parents how to observe both proso- Hamburg, 1998).
cial and antisocial behaviors in their son, to communicate
gaged them in more intellectually stimulating discussions. ers or other adults and that discussions with peers are more
Parents contributed most to development when they used a likely to stimulate moral growth (Kruger, 1992; Kruger &
positive, supportive style in which they checked to make sure Tomasello, 1986). But although Piaget and Kohlberg were
they understood what their children were trying to say and right to call attention to the role of peers in moral develop-
probed their thinking in a gentle, Socratic manner. They did ment, they failed to appreciate that parents also have much to
more damage than good when they took an authoritarian contribute.
approach and lectured about right and wrong (see also Another social experience that contributes to moral
Walker & Taylor, 1991). growth is advanced schooling. Adults who go on to college
Other research suggests that children may think more ac- and receive years of education think more complexly about
tively and deeply about their own and their partners' moral moral issues than do those who are less educated (Pratt et al,
ideas in discussions with peers than in talks with their moth- 1991). Advanced educational experiences not only contribute
you saw earlier, young children are more sophisticated moral
thinkers than either Piaget or Kohlberg recognized. Moreover,
the idea that everyone progresses from preconventional to
conventional reasoning is better supported than the idea that
people continue to progress from conventional to postcon-
ventional reasoning (Boom, Brugman, 8c van der Heijden,
2001). Stage 3 or 4 seems to be the end of the developmental
journey for most individuals worldwide (Snarey, 1985).
Moreover, questions have been raised about whether the the-
ory is biased against people from non-Western cultures, polit-
ical conservatives, and women, as you shall now see.
C u l t u r e Bias?
Why does postconventional reasoning, as Kohlberg defines it,
not seem to exist in traditional, non-Western societies? Critics
C Some school environments breed aggressive behavior
charge that Kohlbergs highest stages reflect a Western ideal of
justice centered on individual rights, making the stage theory
to cognitive growth but also provide exposure to the diverse biased against people who live in non-Western societies
ideas and perspectives that produce cognitive conflict and (Shweder, Mahapatra, 8c Miller, 1990). People in collectivist
soul-searching. societies, which emphasize social harmony and place the good
Finally, participating in a complex, diverse, and demo- of the group ahead of the good of the individual, look like
cratic society can stimulate moral development. Just as we stage 3 conventional moral thinkers in Kohlbergs system but
learn the give and take of mutual perspective taking by dismay have sophisticated concepts of justice that focus on the
cussing issues with our friends, we learn in a diverse democ- individual's responsibility for others' welfare (Snarey, 1985;
racy that the opinions of many groups must be weighed and Tietjen 8c Walker, 1985). Whereas American children learn to
that laws reflect a consensus of the citizens rather than the ar- be relatively self-centered in their moral perspective, children
bitrary rulings of a dictator. Indeed, cross-cultural studies in Asian collectivist cultures appear to learn earlier to consider
suggest that postconventional moral reasoning emerges pri- others' perspectives and to care about the welfare of the fam-
marily in Western democracies (Snarey, 1985). Adults in ho- ily and other social groups (Fang et al., 2003). Cultural influ-
mogeneous communities in traditional, non-Western soci- ences on moral development are explored further in the
eties may have less experience with the kinds of political Explorations box on page 379.
conflicts and compromises that take place in more complex
societies, so they may never have any need to question con- Liberal Bias?
ventional moral standards. Critics charge that Kohlberg's theory is biased not only against
In sum, advanced moral reasoning is most likely if the in- non-Westerners but also against political conservatives. A per-
dividual has acquired the necessary cognitive skills (particu- son must hold liberal values—for example, opposing capital
larly perspective-taking skills and, later, formal operational or punishment or supporting civil disobedience in the name of
abstract thinking). Moreover, an individual's moral develop- human rights—to be classified as a postconventional moral
ment is highly influenced by social learning experiences, in- reasoner, they say. In one study (de Vries 8c Walker, 1986),
cluding interactions with parents, discussions with peers, ex- 100% of the college students who showed signs of postcon-
posure to higher education, and participation in democracy. ventional thought opposed capital punishment, whereas none
of the men and only a third of the women who were transi-
tional between stage 2 and stage 3 moral reasoning opposed
capital punishment. As Brian de Vries and Lawrence Walker
You have now seen that children think about hypothetical (1986) note, it could be that opposition to capital punishment
moral dilemmas primarily in a preconventional manner, that is a more valid moral position than support of capital punish-
adolescents adopt a conventional mode of moral reasoning, ment in that it involves valuing life highly. However, it could
and that a few adults progress to the postconventional level. also be that the theory is unfair to law-and-order conserva-
Kohlberg appears to have discovered an important develop- tives (Lapsley et al., 1984).
mental progression in moral thought. He said that his stages
form an invariant and universal sequence of moral growth, G e n d e r Bias?
and longitudinal studies of moral growth in several countries Criticisms of culture bias and liberal bias may have some
support him (Colby 8c Kohlberg, 1987; Rest et al., 1999). merit, but no criticism of Kohlberg's theory has caused more
However, support for some parts of the stage progression stir than the charge that it is biased against women. Carol
is stronger than support for other parts. Questions have been Gilligan (1977, 1982, 1993) was disturbed because Kohlberg's
raised about whether stages 1 and 2 adequately capture the stages were developed based on interviews with males and
moral thinking of children (Dawson 8c Gabrielian, 2003); as that, in some studies, women seemed to reason at stage 3
Is each of the following acts wrong? If so, how serious is
the violation? — Americans
1. A young married woman is beaten by her husband - Brahmans
after going to a movie without his permission de- O IS Untouchables
spite having been warned not to do so. cd.E
80 -
CO ^
2. A brother and sister decide to marry and have chil- CD Q
dren. P§
CD
Q. O
3. The day after his father died, the oldest son in a CD CO
family gets a haircut and eats chicken. 0>'-=

2 8
§ a3
These are 3 of 39 acts presented by Richard Shweder, < 1rj
Manamohan Mahapatra, and Joan Miller (1990, pp. 165-166)
to children ages 5 to 13 and adults in India and the United
States.You may be surprised to learn that Hindu children and
5-7 8-10 11-13 Adults
adults rated the son's getting a haircut and eating chicken af-
Age of subjects (in years)
ter his father's death among the most morally offensive of the
39 acts they rated. The husband's beating of his disobedient
wife was not considered wrong. American children and
adults, of course, viewed wife beating as far more serious
•
Based on such cross-cultural findings, Shweder calls into
than breaking seemingly arbitrary rules about appropriate question Lawrence Kohlberg's claims that all children
mourning behavior. Although Indians and Americans agreed everywhere construct similar moral codes at similar ages
that a few acts, such as brother-sister incest, were serious and that certain universal moral principles exist. In addition,
moral violations, they did not agree on much else. Shweder questions Elliot TuriePs claim that children every-
Moreover, Indian children and adults viewed the Hindu where distinguish from an early age between moral rules
ban against behavior disrespectful of a dead father as a uni- and more arbitrary social-conventional rules. Overall, then,
versal moral rule; they thought it would be best if everyone these fascinating findings challenge the cognitive develop-
in the world followed it, and they strongly disagreed that it mental position that important aspects of moral develop-
would be acceptable to change the rule if most people in ment are universal. Instead, they support a social learning or
their society wanted to change it. For similar reasons, they contextual perspective on moral development and suggest
believed it is a serious moral offense for a widow to eat fish that children's moral judgments are shaped by the social
or for a woman to cook food for her family during her men- context in which they develop.
strual period. To orthodox Hindus, rules against such be- How do we make sense of such conflicting findings? It
haviors are required by natural law; they are not arbitrary seems likely that children all over the world think in more
social conventions. Similarly, Hindus regard it as morally complex ways about moral issues as they age, as Kohlberg
necessary for a man to beat his disobedient wife to uphold said, but that they also adopt different notions about what
his obligations as head of the family. is right and what is wrong depending on what they are
Shweder also observed different developmental trends taught, as Shweder says. A study of Korean children (Baek,
in moral thinking in India and the United States, as the fig- 2002) suggested just this: Like American children, Korean
ure shows. With age, Indian'children saw more issues as children appeared to progress through Kohlberg's general
matters of universal moral principle, whereas American chil- stages, but they drew on certain traditional Korean moral
dren saw fewer issues this way. Moreover, even the youngest concepts in their answers that were not captured by
children in both societies expressed moral outlooks similar Kohlberg's scoring system. In short, moral development ap-
to those expressed by adults in their own society and dif- pears to have both universal and culture-specific aspects.
ferent from those expressed by either children or adults in
the other society.
when men usually reasoned at stage 4. She hypothesized that both types of reasoning—for example, care-based reasoning
females develop a distinctly feminine orientation to moral is- when they ponder dilemmas involving relationships and jus-
sues, one that is no less mature than the orientation adopted tice-based reasoning when issues of rights arise. The nature of
by most men and incorporated into Kohlberg's theory the moral dilemma is far more important than the gender of
Gilligan argues that boys, who traditionally are raised to the moral reasoner (Wark & Krebs, 1996). Finally, there is sur-
be independent, assertive, and achievement oriented, come to prisingly little support for Gilligan's view that boys and girls
view moral dilemmas as conflicts between the rights of two or are socialized differently in the area of morality (Lollis, Ross,
more parties and to view laws and other social conventions as & Leroux, 1996).
necessary for resolving these inevitable conflicts (a perspective Although her hypothesis about sex differences in moral
reflected in Kohlberg's stage 4 reasoning). Girls, Gilligan ar- reasoning and their origin has not received much support,
gues, are brought up to be nurturant, empathic, and con- Gilligan's work has increased our awareness that both men
cerned with the needs of others and to define their sense of and women often think about moral issues in terms of their
"goodness" in terms of their concern for other people (a per- responsibilities for the welfare of other people. Kohlberg em-
spective that approximates stage 3 in Kohlberg's scheme). phasized only one way—a legalistic and abstract way—of
What this difference boils down to is the difference between a thinking about right and wrong. Gilligan has called attention
"masculine" morality of justice (focused on laws defining in- to the value of tracing the development of both a morality of
dividual rights) and a "feminine" morality of care (focused on justice and a morality of care in males and females (Brabeck,
a person's responsibility for the welfare of other people). 1983; Moshman, 1999).
Despite the appeal of Gilligan's ideas, there is little sup-
port for her claim that Kohlberg's theory is systematically bi- Supplementing Kohlberg
ased against females. In most studies, women reason just as Kohlberg's theory focuses on moral reasoning or cognition. As
complexly about moral issues as men do when their answers a result, it has less to say about moral affect and behavior
are scored by Kohlberg's criteria (Jaffee & Hyde, 2000). And (Gibbs, 2003; Hoffman, 2000). It has been left to others to ex-
females are, if anything, more likely than males to be able to plore the emotional and behavioral components of morality
resist the temptation to violate moral rules, although gender more fully.
differences are often small (Silverman, 2003). Moreover, most As Martin Hoffman (2000) emphasizes, empathy pro-
studies do not support Gilligan's view that males and females vides the motivation to take others' perspectives and needs se-
think differently about moral dilemmas, and those that do riously and to act to improve llieir welfare. Similarly, the an-
find differences find only small ones indicating that females ticipation of guilt motivates us to avoid doing wrong.
sometimes use more care reasoning than males and males Morality is more than cold cognition; "hot" emotions clearly
sometimes use more justice reasoning than females (Jaffee & play a role (Gibbs, 2003). Recognizing this, researchers today
Hyde, 2000). Overall, it seems that both men and women use are looking more closely at what emotions children and adults
d Adults in rural societies seem to have no need for postconventional moral reasoning be-
cause they share the same moral perspective.
2003). For instance, Elizabeth Midlarsky and her colleagues
(1999) gave elderly adults moral dilemmas focused on proso-
cial behavior (for example, about whether to donate blood to
a sick person at considerable cost to the donor). Adults whose
responses to these moral dilemmas were based on abstract
moral principles were more helpful in everyday life than those
who reasoned at less advanced levels. Advanced moral reason-
ers are also less likely to cheat or to engage in delinquent and
criminal activity (Judy & Nelson, 2000; Rest et al., 1999). For
instance, Kohlberg (1975) found that only 15% of students
who reasoned at the postconventional level cheated when
given an opportunity to do so, compared with 55% of stu-
dents at the conventional level reasoning and 70% of those at
the preconventional level.
Still, relationships between stage of moral reasoning
and moral behavior are typically weak, and researchers have
struggled to explain why there is often a gap between thought
and action (Bruggeman & Hart, 1996; Walker, 2004). As
Albert Bandura (2002) emphasizes, we not only develop self-
regulatory mechanisms that help us adhere to our internalized
moral standards but also devise tactics of moral disengage-
ment that let us distort reality, slither out from under respon-
sibility for our actions, and commit acts that violate our moral
values. Emotions also affect moral cognition and behavior. We
reason less maturely, for example, in real interpersonal con-
flicts with romantic partners, wrhen our egos are threatened
and our self-interests are at stake, than we do when pondering
hypothetical moral dilemmas of the sort Kohlberg posed
(Krebs et al., 2002). In the end, we do best recognizing that the
moral reasoning of interest to Piaget and Kohlberg, the moral
emotions of interest to Freud and Hoffman, and the self-
€ Carol Gilligan maintains that girls are socialized into a morality of regulatory and moral disengagement processes of interest to
care rather than the morality of justice that interested Lawrence
Bandura—together with many other personal and situational
Kohlberg.
factors—all help predict whether a person will behave morally
or immorally in daily life.
experience when they engage in immoral and moral behavior We have now completed our series of chapters on the de-
and at how they learn to regulate these emotions (Eisenberg, velopment of the self, or the person as an individual, looking
2000). They are also looking at how morality becomes central at the development of self-conceptions and distinctive per-
to some people5 identities and motivates them to live up to sonality traits (Chapter 11), identities as males or females
their values (Gibbs, 2003; Nucci, 2001). (Chapter 12), and now social cognitive skills and morality. But
In addition, researchers are looking more closely at the individual development does not occur in a vacuum.
relationship between moral reasoning and moral behavior. Repeatedly, you have seen that an individuals development
Although a person may decide to uphold or to break a law at may take different paths depending on the social and cultural
any of Kohlberg's stages of moral reasoning, Kohlberg argued context in which it occurs. Our task in upcoming chapters will
that more advanced moral reasoners are more likely to behave be to put the individual even more squarely into a social con-
morally than less advanced moral reasoners are. He would text. It should become clear that throughout our lives we are
predict, for example, that the preconventional thinker might both independent and interdependent—separate from and
readily decide to cheat if the chances of being detected were connected to other developing persons.
small and the potential rewards were high. The postconven-
Sumiming Up
tional thinker would be more likely to appreciate that cheat-
ing is wrong in principle, regardless of the chances of detec- In sum, a few adults progress from the conventional to the
tion, because it infringes on the rights of others and postconventional level of moral reasoning during the adult
undermines social order. years; moral reasoning skills are maintained in old age and
How well does a person's stage of moral reasoning predict may be tied t o spirituality and wisdom for some. Overall,
his behavior? Individuals at higher stages of moral reasoning, Kohlberg's theory of moral development describes a uni-
especially when their empathy is aroused, are more likely than versal sequence of changes in moral reasoning extending
individuals at lower stages to behave prosocially (Gibbs, from childhood through adulthood.The evidence supports
Kohlberg's view that both cognitive growth and experi- ones, or who emphasize what Gilligan calls a morality of
ences taking others' perspectives contribute to moral care as opposed t o a morality of justice. Furthermore, be-
growth. However; the theory, although rightly emphasizing * cause Kohlberg's theory focuses on moral reasoning, it
peer contributions t o moral development may not have needs to be supplemented by other perspectives t o help
appreciated parent contributions enough, and it may not us understand how moral affect and moral behavior de-
be entirely fair to people who live in non-Western soci- velop and how thought, emotion, and behavior interact to
eties, who hold values other than liberal and democratic make us the moral beings we become. 0
Summary Points 7. During adolescence, a shift from preconventional to conven-

tional moral reasoning is evident, and many adolescents incorporate
1. Social cognition (thinking about self and others) is involved moral values into their sense of identity as an individual.
in all social behavior, including moral behavior. Starting in infancy 8. Antisocial behavior can be understood in terms of Kenneth
with milestones such as joint attention and pretend play, children de- Dodge's steps in social information processing, Gerald Patterson's
velop a theory of mind—an understanding that mental states exist coercive family environments and the negative peer group influ-
and guide behavior. At age 2, they show evidence of a desire psychol- ences they set in motion, and, more generally, a biopsychosocial
ogy; by age 4, they master a belief-desire psychology and pass false model involving the in teraction of genetic predisposition with so-
belief tasks. Developing a theory of mind requires normal neurolog- cial-environmental influences. Attempts to prevent and reduce
ical and cognitive growth and appropriate social and communication youth violence have applied the work of Kohlberg (through moral
experience. discussion groups), Dodge (by teaching effective social informa-
2. In characterizing other people, preschool children focus on tion-processing skills), and Patterson (by altering coercive family
their physical features and activities, whereas children 8 years and environments).
older describe people's inner psychological traits and adolescents in- 9. Some adults progress from the conventional to the postcon-
tegrate trait descriptions into personality profiles. With age, children ventional level of moral reasoning; elderly adults typically do not
also become more adept at role taking. Social cognitive skills often regress in their moral thinking, and some display advanced moral
improve during adulthood but may decline late in life if a person is reasoning, spirituality, and wisdom.
socially isolated. 10. Kohlberg's stages of moral reasoning form an invariant se-
3. Morality has cognitive, affective, and behavioral components; quence, with progress through them influenced by cognitive growth
it is the ability to distinguish between right and wrong, to act on that and social experiences that involve taking others' perspectives. It has
distinction, and to experience appropriate moral emotions. been charged that Kohlberg's theory is biased against people from
4. Sigmund Freud's psychoanalytic theory describes moral de- non-Western cultures, conservatives, and women and men who ex-
velopment in terms of the superego and moral emotions such as press Gilljgan's morality of care rather than a morality of justice.
guilt; some modern theorists also emphasize the role of emotions Other researchers emphasize that a full understanding of moral de-
and early parent-child relationships in moral development. velopment requires attention not only to moral reasoning but also to
Cognitive developmental theorist Jean Piaget distinguished premoral affect and behavior.
moral, heteronomous, and autonomous stages of moral thinking,
and Lawrence Kohlberg proposed three levels of moral reasoning—
preconventional, conventional, and postconventional—each with
two stages. Social cognitive theorist Albert Bandura focused on how 1. Listen closely to a conversation in which your friends talk
moral behavior is influenced by past learning, situational forces, self- about people, and write down any statements in which they refer to
regulatory processes, and moral disengagement. people's beliefs, desires, intentions, and the like in attempting to ex-
5. Although infants are amoral in some respects, they begin plain someone's behavior. Can you find evidence that your friends
learning about right and wrong through their early disciplinary en- have and use a theory of mind?
counters, and they internalize rules and display empathy and proso- 2. A preconventional thinker, a conventional thinker, and a
cial behavior by age 2. Their moral growth is facilitated by what postconventional thinker all face a moral dilemma the night before
Grazyna Kochanska calls a mutually responsive orientation between the final examination: A friend has offered them a key to the exami-
parent and child. nation. Should they take it and use it or not? Provide examples of the
6. Kohlberg and Piaget underestimated the moral sophistication reasoning you might expect at each of the three main levels of moral
of young children (for example, their ability to consider intentions in development—one argument in favor of cheating and one against it
judging acts, to distinguish between moral and social-conventional at each level. Are any of these arguments especially difficult to make?
rules, and to question adult authority); most children display pre- 3. Look back at the chapter's opening description of Andy
conventional moral reasoning. Situational influences contribute to Williams, the youth who murdered two people in a shooting ram-
moral inconsistency. Reinforcement, modeling, and the disciplinary page at his school. Drawing on material in this chapter, why do you
approach of induction can foster moral growth, and a child's tem- think he might have done what he did? Profile him in terms of (a) his
perament interacts with the approach to moral training parents likely temperament, (b) his stage of moral reasoning, (c) his social
adopt to influence outcomes. information-processing style, (d) the discipline approaches his par-
ents used, and (e) other factors you think may have been significant different departments who study children's morality and character
contributors to his actions. formation, especially as it relates to education.
Ethics Update on Gender Differences

Housed in the Values Institute at the University of San Diego, Ethics
Updates bills itself as a website "dedicated to promoting the thought-
social cognition, 352 conventional morality, 362
ful discussion of difficult moral issues." It contains a wealth of re-
false belief task, 352 postconventional morality, 362 sources on ethics-related theories and applied ethics dilemmas such
theory of mind, 352 moral disengagement, 363 as dealing with poverty, welfare, and bioethics. In its theory section,
desire psychology, 354 amoral, 365 you can more thoroughly explore the ethical theory related to gender
differences, including Carol GilliganJs ideas.
belief-desire psychology, 355 mutually responsive
role-talcing skills, 357 orientation, 365
Youth Violence
morality, 359 moral rules, 367 For a major analysis of youth violence and how to combat it, see the
moral affect, 360 social-conventional rules, 367 website for Youth Violence: A Report of the Surgeon General It pro-
love withdrawal, 368 vides statistics, summarizes research findings, confronts myths, and
empathy, 360
outlines strategies for preventing this major social problem.
prosocial behavior, 360 power assertion, 368
Another useful reference is Best Practices of Youth Violence
moral reasoning, 361 induction, 368 Prevention: A Sourcebook for Community Action, available at the
premoral period, 361 coercive family environment, 372 National Center for Injury Protection and Control (NCIPC) site.
This book, available online, draws on intervention research in areas
heteronomous morality, 361 spirituality, 375
such as parenting and conflict resolution skills. The NCIPC site also
autonomous morality, 361 morality of justice, 380 contains fact sheets about youth violence.
preconventional morality, 362 morality of care, 380
Exercises on the Web
chapter, try the exercise for the following figure at http://
Websites t© Explore psychology.wadsworth.com/sigelm.an_rider5e:
Visit Our Website Figure 13.3 Average percentage o f m o r a l r e a s o n i n g at each o f
For a chapter tutorial quiz and other useful features, visit Lawrence Kohlberg's stages for males from age 10 to age 36
sigelman_rider5e. You can also connect directly to the following sites: Life-Spam CD-
Kohlberg
The Mental Help Net website details Lawrence Kohlberg's stages of
moral development (although it uses different names for them) and
provides some interesting values clarification surveys that can help
you think about your own moral development. DEVELOPMENTAL
Moral Development and Education

© TM
The Office for Studies in Moral Development and Moral Education Developmental PsychologyNow is a web-based, intelli-
at the University of Illinois-Chicago has on its website an overview gent study system that provides a complete package of di-
of moral development and moral education that includes informa- agnostic quizzes, a personalized study plan, integrated multimedia
tion about the theories of Jean Piaget, Lawrence Kohlberg, and Carol elements, and learning modules. Check it out at http://psychology
Gilligan. The website also details the research projects of faculty from .wadsworth.com/sigelman_rider5e/now.
c h a p t e r f o u r *
t e e n
Attachment an ocia
Perspectives on Attachment-Related Fears Peer Acceptance and Popularity

Relation skips Exploratory Behavior Friendships
The Quality of the Attachment
Attachment Theory
The Caregiver's Contributions
Nature, Nurture, and Attachment [i lie A d o l e s c e n t
The Infant's Contributions
Implications of Attachment
Contextual Contributors Attachments to Parents
Peers and the Two Worlds of
Implications of Early Attachment Friendships
Childhood
Effects of Social Deprivation Changing Social Networks
Piaget
Later Development of Securely and Cliques and Crowds
Sullivan Insecurely Attached Infants Dating
Harris
First Peer Relations Parent and Peer Influence
T l ie Till a n t
Tke Ckild T k e Aclult
Early Emotional Development
Parent-Child Attachments Social Networks
Nature, Nurture, and Emotions
Emotion Regulation Peer Networks Attachment Styles
An Attachment Forms Play Adult Friendships
The Caregiver's Attachment to the Play Becomes More Social
Adult Relationships and Adult
Infant Play Becomes More Imaginative
Development
The Infant's Attachment to the Play Becomes More Rule-Governed
Caregiver What Good Is Play?
Jessica's future, you would probably agree that close interper-
sonal relationships play a critical role in our lives and in de-
velopment. The poet John Donne wrote, "No man is an island,
entire of itself"; it seems equally true that no human can be-
come entire without the help of other humans.
This chapter addresses questions such as the following:
What social relationships are especially important during dif-
ferent phases of the life span, and what is the character of
these relationships? When and how do we develop the social
competence it takes to interact smoothly with other people
and to enter into intimate relationships with them? What are
the developmental implications of being deprived of close re-
lationships? We begin with some broad perspectives on social
relationships.
<[ Baby Jessica leaves the only parents she knows.

Perspectives o n Relationships
T H E L I T T L E GIRL I N the photo is Baby Jessica, and she What is it that close social relationships contribute to our de-
is about to be whisked away from the only parents she has velopment? We can provide a reasonable answer by saying
ever known (Ingrassia & Springen, 1994). In August 1993, a they provide learning experiences and social support. The
nation watched in horror as this 2-year-old was taken from learning experiences provided by social interactions affect vir-
the DeBoers (the parents who thought they had adopted tually all aspects of development. We acquire language as
her, although the adoption was contested from the start young children, for example, because companions converse
and never finalized) and awarded by the court to the wi th us, serve as models of how to communicate, and rein-
Schmidts (her biological parents). force our communication attempts. And other people teach us
social skills and patterns of social behavior.
A second major function of close relationships is to pro-
How do you think this experience affected Jessicas develop- vide social support—the emotional and practical help from
ment? Was she able to form close attachments to her biologi- others that bolsters us as individuals, protects us from stress,
cal parents? Was she scarred for life? You may be surprised and enables us to cope. Many researchers use the term social
to learn—as would some of the theorists described in this network to describe the array of significant individuals who
chapter—that by age 3 Jessica had been renamed Anna serve as sources of social support. Robert Kahn and Toni
Jacqueline Schmidt and was reportedly a happy, well-adjusted Antonucci (1980) prefer to describe these significant people as
preschooler (Ingrassia & Springen, 1994). According to her a social convoy to emphasize the idea of a social support sys-
mother, Cara Schmidt, "Everyone guaranteed—guaranteed— tem that changes in size and composition over the life span.
that she would have short-term trauma, that she wouldn't eat, An infant's social convoy may consist only of parents. The so-
she wouldn't sleep, she'd cry. It didn't happen. She progressed, cial convoy enlarges over the years as others (relatives, friends,
rapidly" (Ingrassia & Springen, 1994, p. 60). Jessica remem- supportive teachers, romantic partners, colleagues, and so on)
bered the day of the van ride ("I got in the van and was crying join it, then it shrinks in old age (Levitt, Weber, 8c Guacci,
and crying," p. 66), and she remembered her first parents, the 1993). As new members are added, some members drift away.
DeBoers, but she did not pine for them. Others remain in the convoy, but our relationships with them
The moral? We should not make too much of one case, change, for example, when the infant son thoroughly depend-
but some would argue that Baby Jessica's story shows that ent on his mother becomes the adolescent son clamoring for
children are resilient and that negative early experiences rarely his independence—and later the middle-aged son who helps
ruin them for life. Yet Jessica had eight visits with her biologi- his mother manage her money and care for her house.
cal parents before being sent to live with them and therefore In sum, other people are important to us for an endless
had an opportunity to begin to form an attachment to them range of reasons, but their most critical roles in the develop-
(Ingrassia & Springen, 1994); maybe that explains why she mental process are as sources of learning and social support.
was not traumatized. Or maybe she was scarred. We do not Yet developmental theorists have disagreed about which rela-
know whether her separation from the DeBoers had subtle ef- tionships are most critical to development. Many noted theo-
fects on her development, perhaps making her fearful of aban- rists have argued that no social relationship is more important
donment by parents, friends, or, in her future, lovers. than the first: the bond between parent and infant. Sigmund
Think about Jessica as you read this chapter. It concerns Freud (1930) left no doubt about his opinion: a stable
our closest relationships across the life span and their impli- mother-child relationship is essential for normal personality
cations for development. Whatever you predict about Baby development. His follower Erik Erikson tended to agree, em-
phasizing the importance of responsive parenting to the de- N a t u r e , N u r t u r e , and A t t a c h m e n t
velopment of trust in the parent-infant relationship. These One of Bowlby s messages to his fellow psychiatrists was that
theorists, in turn, influenced John Bowlby, the developer of at- it is normal rather than pathological to need other people
tachment theory, to believe that the parent-infant relation- throughout the life span. Using ethological theory and re-
ship has lasting effects on later relationships and develop- search, Bowlby argued that infants (and parents) are biologi-
ment. Yet, as you will see later, other theorists believe that cally predisposed to form attachments and to seek attachment
peers are at least as significant as parents in the developmen- figures to protect them. As you saw in Chapter 2, ethologists
tal process. assume that all species, including humans, are born with in-
nate behavioral tendencies that have contributed to the sur-
vival of the species over the course of evolution. It makes sense
to think, for example, that young birds tended to survive if
Attachment theory, todays most influential theory of they stayed close to their mothers so that they could be fed
parent-child and other close relationships, was formulated by cind protected from predators—but that they starved and were
Bowlby (1969, 1973, 1980, 1988), a British psychiatrist who gobbled up, and therefore failed to pass their genes to future
died in 1990. It was elaborated on by his colleague Mary generations, if they strayed. Thus, chicks, ducks, and goslings
Ainsworth, an American developmental psychologist who may have evolved so that they engage in imprinting, an innate
died in 1999 (1989; Ainsworth et al, 1978). It was based on form of learning in which the young will follow and become
ethological theory, with its focus on the adaptive value of the attached to a moving object (usually the mother) during a
evolved behavior of a species (see Chapter 2), and included critical period early in life.
concepts from psychoanalytic theory (Bowlby was a therapist Groundbreaking ethologist Konrad Lorenz (1937) ob-
trained in psychoanalytic thinking about mother-child rela- served imprinting in young goslings and noted that it is auto-
tionships and their contribution to psychopathology) and matic (young fowl do not have to be taught to follow), it oc-
cognitive theory (Bowlby believed that expectations about self curs only within a critical period shortly after the bird has
and other are important, as you will see). Attachment theory hatched, and it is irreversible—once the gosling begins to fol-
replaced a learning theory perspective on early relationships, low a particular object, whether its mother or Lorenz, it will
which held that caregivers become sources of reinforcement remain attached to the object. The imprinting response is a
to infants through their association with food, comfort, and prime example of a species-specific and largely innate behav-
other primary reinforcers. ior that has evolved because it has survival value.
According to Bowlby (1969), an attachment is a strong What about human infants? Babies may not become im-
affectional tie that binds a person to an intimate companion. printed to their mothers, but they certainly follow their love
It is also a behavioral system through which humans regulate objects around. Bowlby argued that they come equipped with
their distress when under threat by seeking proximity to an- several other behaviors besides following, or proximity seek-
other person (see also Mikulincer 8c Shaver, 2003; Thompson ing, that help ensure adults will love them, stay with them, and
8c Raikes, 2003). For most of us, the first attachment we form, meet their needs. Among these behaviors are sucking and
around 6 or 7 months of age, is to a parent. How do we know clinging, signals such as smiling and vocalizing (crying, coo-
when baby Michael becomes attached to his mother? He will ing, and babbling), and expressions of negative emotion (fret-
try to maintain proximity to her—crying, clinging, ap- ting and crying). Moreover, just as infants are programmed to
proaching, following, doing whatever it takes to maintain
closeness. He will prefer her to other individuals, reserving
his biggest smiles for her and seeking her when he is upset,
discomforted, or afraid; she is irreplaceable in his eyes. He
will also be confident about exploring his environment as
long as he knows that his mother is there to provide the se-
curity he needs.
Notice that an infant attached to a parent is rather like an
adult "in love True, close emotional ties are expressed in dif-
ferent ways, and serve different functions, at different points
in the life span. Adults, for example, do not usually feel com-
pelled to follow their mates around the house, and they look
to their loved ones for more than comforting hugs and smiles.
Nonetheless, there are basic similarities among the infant
attached to a caregiver, the child attached to a best friend,
and the adolescent or adult attached to a mate or lover.
Throughout the life span, the objects of our attachments are € Ethologist Konrad Lorenz demonstrated that goslings would be-
special, irreplaceable people with whom we are motivated to come imprinted t o him rather than t o their mother if he was the
maintain proximity and from whom we derive a sense of se- first moving object they encountered during their critical period for
curity (Ainsworth, 1989). imprinting. Human attachment is more complex.
respond to the sight, sound, and touch of their caregivers,
Bowlhy argued that adults are biologically programmed to re-
spond to an infant's signals. It is difficult for an adult to ignore A peer is a social equal, someone who functions at a similar
a baby's cry or fail to warm to a baby's grin. In short, both hu- level of behavioral complexity—often someone of similar age
man infants and human caregivers have evolved in ways that (Lewis 8c Rosenblum, 1975). Although the parent-infant rela-
predispose them to form close attachments, and this ensures tionship is important in development, some theorists argue
that infants will receive the care, protection, and stimulation that relationships with peers are at least as significant. In ef-
they need to survive and thrive. fect, they argue, there are "two social worlds of childhood"—
one involving adult-child relationships and the other involv-
Just as the imprinting of goslings occurs during a critical
ing peer relationships and a wider peer culture—and these
period, human attachments form during what Bowlby viewed
two worlds contribute differently to development (Harris,
as a sensitive period for attachment, the first 3 years of life. But
1998; Youniss, 1980). Consider the views of three believers in
attachments do not form automatically. According to Bowlby,
peer influence: Jean Piaget, Harry Stack Sullivan, and Judith
the development of a normal attachment requires human
Rich Harris.
genes and a normal human environment—the environment
in which attachment behaviors evolved. How secure a partic-
Piaget
ular attachment relationship is depends on the ongoing inter-
action between infant and caregiver and on the ability of each Jean Piaget (1965) observed that relationships with peers are
partner to respond to the other's signals. The infant's prepro- different from relationships with parents. Because parents
grammed signals to other people may eventually wane if the have more power than children do, children are in a subordi-
caregiver is unresponsive to them. And infants must learn to nate position and must defer to adult authority. By contrast,
react sensitively to their caregiver's signals and adjust their two children have equal power and influence and must learn
own behavior accordingly. So, Bowlby believed that humans to appreciate each other's perspectives, to negotiate and com-
are biologically prepared to form attachments during a sensi- promise, and to cooperate with each other if they hope to get
tive period early in life, but he also stressed that a normal hu- along. For this reason, Piaget believed that peers can make a
man environment and mutual learning between caregiver and unique contribution to social development that adult author-
infant are critical to the unfolding of a secure relationship. ityfigurescannot make. Specifically, as you saw in Chapter 13,
peer relations help children understand that relationships are
Implications of A t t a c h m e n t reciprocal and force them to hone their role-taking skills.
Bowlby maintained that the quality of the early parent-infant
attachment has important effects on later development, in- Sullivan
cluding the kinds of relationships people have with friends, Another theorist who believed that peer relationships con-
romantic partners, and their children. He proposed that, tribute significantly to development was neo-Freudian Harry
based 011 their interactions with caregivers, infants construct Stack Sullivan (1953; see also Buhrmester & Furman, 1986).
internal working models—cognitive representations of them- He believed that interpersonal needs change as wre age and
selves and other people that shape their expectations about re- that different needs are gratified through different kinds of so-
lationships and their processing of social information cial relationships. The parent-child relationship is central un-
(Bowlby, 1973; see also Bretherton, 1996). Securely attached til about age 6; infants need tender care and nurturance from
infants who have received responsive care will form internal their parents, and preschool children need their parents to
working models suggesting that they are lovable individuals serve as playmates and companions. From about age 6 011,
and that other people can be trusted to care for them. By con- however, peers become increasingly important. Young ele-
trast, insecurely attached infants subjected to insensitive, neg- mentary-school children need acceptance by the peer group
lectful, or abusive care may conclude that they are difficult to so that they will have opportunities to learn social skills within
love, that other people are unreliable, or both. These insecure the group.
infants would be expected to have difficulties in later inter- From around age 9 to 12, children begin to need intimacy
personal relationships. They may, for example, be wary of en- in the form of a close friendship. Sullivan placed special em-
tering close relationships or become jealous and overly de- phasis on the developmental significance of chumships, or
pendent if they do. close friendships with peers of the same sex that emerge
In sum, attachment theory, as developed by Bowlby and around age 9. It is with their close chums, he believed, that
elaborated by Ainsworth, claims that (1) the capacity to form children become capable of truly caring about another person
attachments is part of our evolutionary heritage; (2) attach- and learn the importance of trust, loyalty, and honesty in re-
ments unfold through an interaction of biological and envi- lationships. Sullivan believed that a close chumship could do
ronmental forces during a sensitive period early in life; (3) the much to make up for any insecurities caused by a poor
first attachment relationship, the one between infant and care- parent-child relationship or by a rejection by the peer group.
giver, shapes later development and the quality of later rela- iMoreover, the lessons about intimacy learned in the context of
tionships; and (4) internal working models of self and other same-sex chumships would then carry over to the intimate ro-
serve as the mechanism through which early experience af- mantic relationships formed during adolescence and adult-
fects later development. hood.
the budding delinquent becomes more delinquent, and the
studious child becomes more studious.
Many developmental scientists have reacted strongly to
Harris's message, charging that she overstates her case and
offers too little evidence that peers are more important than
parents (Collins et al., 2000; Vandell, 2000). Moreover, they
say, she overlooks solid evidence that, even when genetic
influences are taken into account, parenting does matter, al-
though often by making children in the same family differ-
ent from one another rather than similar, emd that interven-
ing to change how parents treat children can change the
course of development (Begley, 1998; Vandell, 2000; and see,
for example, research on coercive family environments in
Chapter 13). Despite such criticisms, Harris deserves credit
for stimulating greater attention to peer-group influences
and for challenging developmentalists to demonstrate more
(L Harry Stack Sullivan viewed chumships as a training ground for in-
convincingly, thorough research designs that take genes into
timate relationships. account, that parents in fact influence their children's devel-
opment. Moreover, some recent research inspired by her
ideas supports her argument; for example, unrelated pairs of
Harris 11- and 12-year-olds who grow up in the same schools,
More recently, Judith Rich Harris (1995, 1998, 2000b has neighborhoods, and communities tend to be similar in their
written a controversial and influential book arguing that religious practices and their smoking and drinking habits
peers are far more important than parents in shaping devel- (Rose et al, 2003).
opment. In The Nurture Assumption, Harris (1998) made
this strong claim: "Children would develop into the same Summing Up
sort of adults if we left their lives outside the home un-
Social relationships provide learning opportunities and
changed and left them in their schools and their neighbor-
social support (through our changing, social convoys).
hoods—but switched all the parents around" (Harris, 1998,
Debates about the relative significance of parents and
p. 359). She cites the example of immigrant children, who
peers for later development continue t o rage. Following
readily learn the local culture and language from peers even
in Freud's footsteps, Bowlby, the developer with
though their parents come from a different culture and
Ainsworth of attachment theory, draws on ethological
speak a different language.
theory and Lorenz's work on imprinting to argue that
Harris argues that parent influence is overrated, review-
caregiver-infant attachment evolved to ensure survival,
ing behavioral genetics research of the sort we introduced in
develops through an interaction of nature and nurture
Chapter 3 to say that genes contribute to virtually all aspects
during a sensitive period early in life, and results in inter-
of human development, that a child's genes influence the par-
nal working models of self and other that shape later
enting she receives, and that, whatever parents do to children,
personality and social development. By contrast, Piaget
it does little to make different children growing up in the same
(with his emphasis on peers as equals), Sullivan (with his
home more alike in the long run. Many studies that conclude
emphasis on changing interpersonal needs and the signif-
that parenting matters, she charges, do not take into account
icance of childhood chumships), and Harris (with her ar-
genetic influences and therefore cannot separate the effects of
gument that children are socialized by neighborhood
parental genes from the effects of parental behavior.
peers) have argued that relationships with peers are at
Moreover, she says that even wThen parenting behaviors can be
least as significant.This chapter should convince you that
shown to affect children, they do so mainly in the home envi-
close relationships with both caregivers and peers are es-
ronment; learning rarely generalizes outside the home and be-
sential to healthy development across the life span. M
vond
j
childhood.
Harris argues that most important socialization for the
world outside the home takes place in peer groups and makes
children from different families alike. Children figure out T k e Infant
which social category they belong to based on age, sex, and
other characteristics and then want to be like members of Human infants are social beings from the start, but their so-
their social group. They adopt the norms of behavior that pre- cial relationships change dramatically once they form close at-
vail in their peer group, learn by observing other children, and tachments to caregivers and develop the social skills that allow
take on their attitudes, speech, dress styles, and behavior. them to coordinate their own activities with those of other in-
When children later gravitate toward peers who are similar to fants. Because attachments are emotional ties that have many
themselves, their genetically based tendencies are magnified; implications for emotional development, we begin by setting
(Lewis, 2000; also see Figure 14.1). At birth, babies show con-
tentment, interest (by staring intently at objects), and distress
(in response to pain or discomfort). Within the first 6 months,
more specific emotions evolve from these three. By 3 months
of age or so, contentment becomes joy, or excitement at the
sight of something familiar such as Mom's face, and interest
becomes surprise, such as when expectations are violated in
games of peek-a-boo. Distress soon evolves into disgust (in re-
sponse to foul-tasting foods) and sadness. Angry expressions
appear as early as 4 months—about the time infants acquire
enough control of their limbs to push unpleasant stimuli
away. Fear makes its appearance as early as 5 months.
Next, as Figure 14.1 shows, come the so-called secondary
or self-conscious emotions. These emotions, such as embar-
rassment, require an awareness of self and emerge around 18
months of age, when infants become able to recognize them-
C Infants express a range of emotions. selves in a mirror (see Chapter 11). At this age, they begin to
show embarrassment when they are asked to perform for
the development of parent-infant attachment in the context guests and empathy when a playmate breaks into tears (Lewis,
of early emotional development. 2000). Finally, when toddlers become able to judge their be-
havior against standards of performance, around age 2, they
become capable of the self-conscious emotions of pride,
Early Emotional Development
shame, and guilt (Lewis, 2000).
Carroll Izard (1982; Izard & Ackerman, 2000) and his col-
leagues maintain that basic emotions play critical roles in mo- N a t u r e , N u r t u r e , and E m o t i o n s
tivating and organizing behavior, and they have traced their Primary emotions such as interest and fear seem to be biolog-
early development. They have videotaped infants' responses to ically programmed. They emerge in all normal infants at
such events as grasping an ice cube, having a toy taken away, or roughly the same ages and are displayed and interpreted sim-
seeing their mothers return after a separation. By analyzing ilarly in all cultures (Izard, 1982; Malatesta et al., 1989). The
specific facial movements (such as the raising of the brows and timing of their emergence is tied to cognitive maturation; for
the wrinkling of the nose) and by asking raters to judge what example, babies cannot fear strangers until they are able to
emotion a baby's face reveals, Izard has established that very represent mentally what familiar companions look like
young infants express distinct emotions in response to differ- (Lewis, 2000). As Charles Darwin recognized long ago, basic
ent experiences and that adults can readily interpret which emotions probably evolved in humans because they helped
emotions they are expressing (see the photos on this page). our ancestors appraise quickly and respond appropriately to
From Izard's work and that of others, we can piece to- novel stimuli and situations (Cole, Martin, & Dennis, 2004).
gether an account of the development of "primary" emotions Infants' emotional signals—whether expressions of joy or dis-
Primary Emotions
Embarrassment
Contentment—> Embarrassment
m Consciousness, as in
M
Interest Surprise
self-referential behavior m Shame
Sadness, disgust Empathy
Distress Guilt
H fear
Acquisition and retention

of standards and rules
t
Birth 6 months 1 year 1.5 years 2 years 2.5 years 3 years
F i g u r e S4J The emergence of different emotions. Primary emotions emerge in the first 6
months of life, secondary or seif-conscious emotions emerge starting from about I 8 months
t o 2 years.
SGIJRCE: L e w i s ( 2 0 0 0 } .
tress—help ensure that caregivers respond to them (Kopp 8c
Neufield, 2003).
Whether an individual infant tends to be predominantly
happy and eager to approach new stimuli, or he is irritable
and easily distressed or angered, is influenced by his individ-
ual genetic makeup (Goldsmith, 2003). However, the studies
that document genetic influence on temperamental qualities
associated with emotional expression also reveal effects of the
environment shared by siblings in the same family. This shows
that nurture is also important in emotional development and
that caregivers help shape an infant's predominant pattern of
emotional expression.
Observational studies of face-to-face interactions be-
tween mothers and infants suggest that young infants display
a range of positive and negative emotions, changing their ex-
pressions with lightning speed (once every 7 seconds) while
their mothers do the same (Malatesta et al., 1986; Malatesta et
al. 1989). Mothers mainly display interest, surprise, and joy,
thus serving as models of positive emotions and eliciting pos-
itive emotions from their babies. What is more, mothers re-
spond selectively to their babies' expressions; over the early
months, they become increasingly responsive to their babies'
expressions of happiness, interest, and surprise and less re-
sponsive to their negative emotions. Through basic learning <[ Parents help young infants develop emotion-regulation strategies
processes, then, infants are trained to show a pleasant face
more frequently and an unpleasant face less frequently—and
they do just that over time. They are beginning to learn what Michel, 8c Teti, 1994; Kopp, 1989). As infants age, and as they
emotional expressions mean in their sociocultural environ- gain control of emotion regulation strategies first learned in
ment and which are socially acceptable (Sroufe, 1996; Saarni, the context of the parent-child relationship, they become in-
1999). creasingly capable of regulating their emotions on their own.
Toward the end of the first year, infants also begin to Very young infants are able to reduce their negative
monitor their companions' emotional reactions in ambiguous arousal by turning from unpleasant stimuli or by sucking vig-
situations and use this information to decide how they should orously on a pacifier (Mangelsdorf, Shapiro, 8c Marzolf, 1995).
feel and behave—a phenomenon called social referencing By the end of thefirstyear, infants can also regulate their emo-
(Feinman, 1992). If their mothers are wary when a dog ap- tions by* rocking themselves or, now that they are mobile,
proaches, so are they; if their mothers pet a dog and smile, so moving from upsetting events. They also actively seek attach-
may they. It is not just that 1-year-olds are imitating their par- ment figures when they are upset because the presence of
ents' emotions; apparently they are able to understand what these individuals has a calming effect.
triggered these emotions and to regulate their behavior ac- By 18 to 24 months, toddlers will try to control the ac-
cordingly (Dunn, 2003). Gradually, in the context of a secure tions of people and objects, such as mechanical toys, that up-
parent-child relationship in which there is emotional com- set them (Mangelsdorf et al., 1995). They are able to cope with
munication, infants and young children learn to express and the frustration of waiting for snacks and gifts by playing with
understand emotions. toys and otherwise distracting themselves (Grolnick, Bridges,
8c Connell, 1996). They have been observed knitting their
E m o t i o n Regulation brows or compressing their lips in an attempt to suppress
To conform to their culture's rules and their caregiver's rules their anger or sadness (Malatesta et al., 1989). Finally, as chil-
about when and how different emotions should be expressed, dren gain the capacity for symbolic thought and language,
and to keep themselves from being overwhelmed by their they become able to regulate their distress symbolically—for
emotions, infants must develop strategies for emotion regula- example, by repeating the words, "Mommy coming soon,
tion—the processes involved in initiating, maintaining, and Mommy coming soon," after Mom goes out the door
altering emotional responses (Bridges & Grolnick, 1995; Cole, (Thompson, 1994).
Martin, & Dennis, 2004; Eisenberg 8c Morris, 2002; Kopp 8c The development of emotions and the development of
Neufield, 2003). Infants are active from the start in regulating strategies for regulating emotions are closely intertwined with
their emotions, but at first they have only a few, simple emo- the development of attachment relationships (Bell 8c Calkins,
tion regulation strategies of their own and must rely heavily 2000; Kopp 8c Neufield, 2003). Attachmentfiguresplay critical
on caregivers to help them—for example, by stroking them roles in helping infants regulate their emotions and in teach-
gently or rocking them wxhen they are distressed (Cole, ing them how to do so on their own. Attachmentfiguresalso
arouse powerful emotions, positive and negative, that need to
be controlled; infants can become uncomfortably overstimu-
lated during joyful bouts of play with parents, and they can
become highly distressed when their parents leave them.
Finally, infants develop distinct styles of emotional expression
designed to keep attachment figures close (Bridges &
Grolnick, 1995). One infant may learn to suppress negative
emotions such as fear and anger to avoid angering an irritable
caregiver, whereas another may learn to scream loud and long
to keep an unreliable caregiver close. Meanwhile, sensitive,
responsive parenting is associated with low levels of fear,
anger, and other negative emotions in infancy (Pauli-Pott,
Mertesacker, & Beckmann, 2004). Clearly, emotions and emo-
tion regulation develop in the context of attachment relation-
ships and both affect and are affected by the quality of these
and other relationships (Bell & Calkins, 2000).
Like any relationship, the parent-infant attachment is recipro-

cal. Parents become attached to their infants, infants become
attached to their parents, and the new relationship brings
change.
T h e Caregiver's A t t a c h m e n t t o t h e Infant € Smiling is one behavior that helps ensure adults will fall in love
with babies.
Parents often begin to form emotional attachments to their
babies before birth. Mothers who have an opportunity for
skin-to-skin contact with their babies during the first few 1977; Tronick, 1989). Note the synchrony as this mother plays
hours after birth may feel a special bond forming (Klaus & peek-a-boo with her infant (Tronick, 1989, p. 112):
Kennell, 1976). Studies of other primates suggest that the 2 or
3 weeks after birth is a sensitive period for bonding in which The infant abruptly turns away from his mother as the
mothers are especially ready to respond to an infant; they will game reaches its "peak" of intensity and begins to suck
even adopt alien infants during this period, but not after it has on his thumb and stare into space with a dull facial
passed, if they are separated from their own infants expression. The mother stops playing and sits back
(Maestripieri, 2001). Moreover, premature human infants watching.... After a few seconds the infant turns back to
who have a daily session of skin-to-skin contact lying between her with an inviting expression. The mother moves closer,
their mothers' breasts while they are in the hospital nursery smiles, and says in a high-pitched, exaggerated voice, "Oh,
develop more rapidly neurologically, tolerate stress better, and now you're back!" He smiles in response and vocalizes. As
later receive more sensitive parenting from their mothers and they finish crowing together, the infant reinserts his
fathers than similar babies who do not receive this contact thumb and looks away. The mother again waits. [Soon]
(Feldman & Eidelman, 2003; Feldman et al., 2003). Secure at- the infant turns . . . to her and they greet each other with
tachments can develop without such early contact, however, big smiles.
so it is neither crucial nor sufficient for the development of
strong parent-infant attachments among humans. Smooth interactions like this are most likely to develop if
What else helps an attachment form? Not only are babies caregivers limit their social stimulation to those periods when a
cute, but their early reflexive behaviors such as sucking, root- baby is alert and receptive and avoid pushing things when the
ing, and grasping help endear them to their parents (Bowlby, infant's message is "Cool it—I need a break from all this stimu-
1969). Smiling may be an especially important signal. lation." Parents may have a difficult time establishing synchro-
Although it is initially a reflexive response to almost any stim- nized routines with irritable or unresponsive infants (Field,
ulus, it is triggered by voices at 3 weeks of age and by faces at 1987). Moreover, some adults—for example, mothers suffering
5 or 6 weeks (Bowlby, 1969; Wolff, 1963). As soon as infants from depression—may have difficulty responding sensitively to
begin to coo and babble, their parents can enjoy "conversa- their babies' signals (Hipwell et al., 2000; Stanley, Murray, &
tions" with them (Keller & Scholmerich, 1987; Stevenson et Stein, 2004). When synchrony in the vocalizations between par-
al., 1986). ent and infant can be achieved, the likely outcome is a secure at-
Over the weeks and months, caregivers and infants detachment relationship later in infancy (Jaffe et al., 2001).
velop synchronized routines much like dances, in which the In sum, infants play an active role in persuading adults to
partners take turns responding to each other's leads (Stern, love them. Babies are physically appealing, have several re-
flexes that promote the formation of an attachment, and are ments, peaks between 14 and 18 months, and gradually be-
highly responsive to people and capable of synchronizing comes less frequent and less intense throughout infancy and
their behavior with that of their "dance partners." As the care- the preschool period (Weinraub & Lewis, 1977). Still, even
giver and the infant perfect their interaction routines, the par- children and adolescents may become homesick and dis-
ent-infant attachment normally blossoms. tressed when separated from their parents for a long time
(Thurber, 1995).
T h e Infant's A t t a c h m e n t t o t h e C a r e g i v e r A second fearful response that often emerges shortly
Infants need time before they are developmentally ready to after an infant becomes attached to someone is stranger
form attachments. They progress through the following anxiety—a wary or fretful reaction to the approach of an
phases (Ainsworth, 1973; Bowlby, 1969): unfamiliar person (Schaffer 8c Emerson, 1964). Anxious re-
1. Undiscriminating social responsiveness (birth to 2 or 3 actions to strangers—often mixed with signs of interest—
months). Very young infants are responsive to voices, faces, become common between 8 and 10 months, continue
and other social stimuli, but any human interests them. They through the first year, and gradually decline in intensity over
do not yet show a clear preference for one person over an- the second year (Sroufe, 1996). The Explorations box on
other. page 393 describes the circumstances under which stranger
2. Discriminating social responsiveness (2 or 3 months to 6 anxiety is most and least likely to occur and suggests how
or 7 months). Infants begin to express preferences for familiar baby-sitters and health-care professionals can head off out-
companions. They are likely to direct their biggest grins and breaks of fear and trembling.
most enthusiastic babbles toward those companions, although
they are still friendly toward strangers. E x p l o r a t o r y Behavior
3. Active proximity seeking or true attachment (6 or 7 The formation of a strong attachment to a caregiver has an-
months to about 3 years). Around 6 or 7 months, infants form other important consequence: It facilitates exploratory behav-
their first clear attachments, most often to their mothers. Now ior. Ainsworth and her colleagues (1978) emphasized that an
able to crawl, an infant will follow her mother to stay close, attachment figure serves as a secure base for exploration—a
protest when her mother leaves, and greet her mother warmly point of safety from which an infant can feel free to venture
when she returns. Within weeks after forming their first at- and to which she can return if frightened. Thus Wendy, a se-
tachments, most infants become attached to other people as curely attached infant visiting a neighbor's home with Mom,
well—fathers, siblings, grandparents, and regular baby-sitters may be comfortable cruising the living room as long as she
(Schaffer & Emerson, 1964). By 18 months, few infants are at- can check occasionally to see that Mom is still on the couch
tached to only one person, and some are attached to several. but may freeze and fret if Mom disappears into the bathroom.
4. Goal-corrected partnership (3 years and older). By about Infants apparently need to rely on another person to feel con-
age 3, partly because they have more advanced social cognitive fident about acting independently.
abilities, children can take a parent's goals and plans into
consideration and adjust their behavior to achieve the all-
important goal of maintaining optimal proximity to the at-
tachment figure. Thus, a 1-year-old cries and tries to follow Ainsworth made her most notable contribution to attachment
when Dad leaves the house to talk to a neighbor, whereas a 4- theory by devising a way to assess differences in the quality of
year-old probably understands where Dad is going and can parent-infant attachments, thereby making Bowlby's psycho-
control the need for his attention until he returns. The child analytic hypotheses testable (Thompson & Raikes, 2003;
capable of symbolic thinking can also maintain proximity Weinfield et al., 1999). She and her associates created the
symbolically—conjuring up a mental representation of the Strange Situation, a now-famous procedure for measuring
parent, possibly even imagining the reassuring things Mom the quality of an attachment (Ainsworth et al., 1978). It con-
might do or say to provide comfort. To participate in a goal- sists of eight episodes that gradually escalate the amount of
corrected partnership, children need to understand other peo- stress infants experience as they react to the approach of an
ple's needs and intentions, using their emerging theories of adult stranger and the departure and return of their caregiver
mind (see Chapter 13), and they need skills in communication (see Table 14.1). On the basis of an infant's pattern of behav-
and cooperation (Kobalc & Esposito, 2004). This final, part- ior across the episodes, the quality of his attachment to a par-
nerlike phase of attachment lasts a lifetime. ent can be characterized as one of four types: secure, resistant,
avoidant, or disorganized-disoriented.
A t t a c h m e n t - R e l a t e d Fears 1. Secure attachment. About 60 to 65% of 1-year-olds in
Infants no sooner experience the pleasures of love than they our society are securely attached to their mothers (Colin,
discover the agonies of fear. One form of fear, separation anx- 1996). The securely attached infant actively explores the room
iety, is an important sign that an attachment has formed. when alone with his mother because she serves as a secure
Once attached to a parent, babies often become wary or fret- base. The infant may be upset by separation but greets his
ful when separated from that parent and will follow the parent mother warmly and is comforted by her presence when she re-
to try to avoid separation. Separation anxiety normally ap- turns. The securely attached child is outgoing with a stranger
pears when infants are forming their first genuine attach- when his mother is present.
I t is not unusual for I - or 2-year-olds meeting a new baby-
sitter or being approached by a nurse or doctor at the
doctors office to break into tears and cling to their parents.
anxiety should be less severe if the baby-sitter
comes to the child's home than if the child is taken
to the baby-sitter's home or some other unfamiliar
Stranger-wary infants often stare at the stranger for a mo- place.Yet an unfamiliar environment can become a
ment then turn away, whimper, and seek the comfort of familiar one if infants are given the time to get used
their parents. Occasionally, infants become terrified and to it, especially with their parents available as a se-
highly upset. Obviously, it is in the interests of baby-sitters cure base. L.Alan Sroufe and his colleagues (1974)
and other "strangers" to be able to prevent such negative found that more than 90% of 10-month-olds became
reactions. What might we suggest? upset if a stranger approached within I minute after
they had been placed in an unfamiliar room. Only
• Keep familiar companions Stranger anxiety is
available.
50% did so when they were given 10 minutes to be-
less likely to occur if an attachment figure is nearby to
come accustomed to the room.
serve as a secure base. In one study, less than one-third
of 6- to 12-month-olds were wary of an approaching • Be a sensitive, unobtrusive stranger. Encounters with a
stranger when they were seated on their mothers' laps stranger are likely to go best if the stranger initially
(Morgan & Ricciuti, 1969).Yet about two-thirds of these keeps her distance and then approaches slowly while
infants frowned, turned away, whimpered, or cried if smiling, talking, and offering a familiar toy or suggest-
they were seated only 4 feet from their mothers. Baby- ing a familiar activity (Bretherton, Stolberg, & Kreye,
sitters would do well to insist that parents be present 1981; Sroufe, 1977). It also helps if the stranger, like
when they first meet the children they will tend. A se- any sensitive caregiver, takes her cues from the infant
curity blanket or beloved stuffed animal can have much (Mangelsdorf, 1992). Babies prefer strangers they can
the same calming effect as a parent's presence for some control. Intrusive strangers who approach quickly
infants (Passman, 1977). and force themselves on infants (for example, by
picking them up before they have time to adjust)
• Arrange for the infant's companions to respond positively
probably get what they deserve.
to you. As you have seen, infants about 9 months or
• Try not to look any stranger than you must Finally, in-
older engage in social referencing, using other peo-
ple's emotional reactions to guide their own re- fants are most likely to be afraid of people who vio-
sponses to a situation. By implication, infants are late their mental schemas or expectations (Kagan,
likely to respond more favorably to a strangers ap- 1972). Baby-sitters who have unusual physical fea-
proach if their mothers or fathers greet the stranger tures such as beards or Mohawks or who dress in
warmly than if parents react neutrally or negatively unusual outfits elicit more wariness than those who
toward the stranger. resemble the people infants encounter every day.
Baby-sitters who favor the latest faddish dress might
• Make the setting more "familiar" Stranger anxiety is
try to make themselves more readily recognizable as
less likely to occur in familiar settings than in unfa-
members of the human race.
miliar ones (Sroufe, Waters, & Matas, 1974). Stranger
Table 14. 1 The Episodes of the Strange Situation
Episode Events * Attachment Behavior Observed

1 Experimenter leaves parent and baby to play
2 Parent sits while baby plays Use of parent as secure base
3 Stranger enters, talks to parent Stranger anxiety
4 Parent leaves; stranger lets baby play, offers comfort if needed Separation anxiety
5 Parent returns, greets baby, offers comfort if needed; stranger leaves Reactions to reunion
6 Parent leaves Separation anxiety
7 Stranger enters, offers comfort Stranger anxiety; ability to be soothed by stranger
8 Parent returns, greets baby, offers comfort, lets baby return to play Reactions to reunion
SOURCE: Based on Ainsworth et al., 1978.
2. Resistant attachment. About 10% of 1-year-olds show both the resistant and the avoidant styles and reflects confu-
a resistant attachment, an insecure attachment characterized sion about whether to approach or avoid the parent (Main &
by anxious, ambivalent reactions. The resistant infant is anx- Solomon, 1990). Reunited with their mothers after a separa-
ious and often does not venture off to play even when his tion, these infants may act dazed and freeze or lie on the floor
mother is present, which suggests that she does not serve as a immobilized or they may seek contact but then abruptly move
secure base for exploration. Yet this infant becomes distressed away as their mothers approach them, only to seek contact
when his mother departs, often showing more separation anx- again. Unlike secure, resistant, or avoidant infants, infants
iety than the securely attached infant—perhaps because he is with a disorganized-disoriented attachment have not been
uncertain whether his mother will return. When his mother able to devise a coherent strategy for regulating negative emo-
returns, the infant is ambivalent: He may try to remain near tions such as separation anxiety; they seem frightened of their
his mother but seems to resent her for having left, may resist parent and stuck between approaching and avoiding this
if she tries to make physical contact, and may even hit and frightening figure (Hesse 8c Main, 2000).
kick her in anger (Ainsworth et al., 1978). Resistant infants are Table 14.2 summarizes the features of these four patterns
also wary of strangers, even when their mothers are present. It of attachment, which have been the subject of considerable re-
seems, then, that resistant or ambivalent infants want affec- search. What determines which of these attachment patterns
tion and work hard to get the attention of their caregiver be- will characterize a parent-infant relationship? Early studies of
cause they are never sure it will be forthcoming. the quality of attachments focused almost entirely on the
3. Avoidant attachment. Infants with avoidant attach- qualities of caregivers that make infants form secure attach-
ments (about 15% of 1-year-olds) seem uninterested in ex- ments to them, but we now know that infants also contribute
ploring, show little distress when separated from their moth- to the attachment bond.
ers, and avoid contact when their mothers return. These
insecurely attached infants are not particularly wary of
strangers but sometimes avoid or ignore them in much the According to Freud, infants in the oral stage of psychosexual
same way that they avoid or ignore their mothers. Avoidant development become attached to the individual who provides
infants, then, seem to have distanced themselves from their them with oral pleasure, and the attachment bond will be
parents, almost as if they were denying their need for affection most secure if a mother is relaxed and generous in her feeding
or had learned not to express their emotional needs. Whereas practices. Early learning theorists put it differently but also be-
the attachment system of the resistantly attached infant is hy- lieved that an infant learns positive emotional responses to
peractivated, always alert to threats and ready to seek proxim- her mother by associating her with food. In a classic study
ity to the attachment figure, the attachment system of the conducted by Harry Harlow and Robert Zimmerman (1959),
avoidantly attached infant is deactivated (Mikulincer & the psychoanalytic and learning theory views dominant at the
Shaver, 2003). time were tested. Monkeys were reared with two surrogate
4. Disorganized-disoriented attachment. Ainsworth s mothers: a wire "mother" and a cloth "mother" wrapped in
work initially focused on secure, resistant, and avoidant at- foam rubber and covered with terrycloth (see the photo on
tachment styles. Some infants do not develop any of these co- page 395). Half the infants were fed by the cloth mother, and
herent ways of coping with their need for proximity to their the remaining infants were fed by the wire mother. To which
caregiver when they are stressed. Up to 15% of infants—more mother did these infants become attached? There was no con-
in high-risk families—display what is now recognized as a test: Infants strongly preferred the cuddly cloth mother, re-
fourth attachment classification, one that seems to be associ- gardless of which mother had fed them. Even if their food
ated with later emotional problems (Atkinson & Goldberg, came from the wire mother, they spent more time clinging to
2004; van IJzendoorn, Schuengel, 8< Bakermans-Kranenburg, the cloth mother, ran to her when they were upset or afraid,
1999). Disorganized-disoriented attachment has features of and showed every sign of being attached to her.
Table 14.2 Child Behaviors Associated with Attachment Styles in the Strange Situation Test
and Related Parenting Styles
Type of Attachment
Child Behavior Secure Resistant Avoidant Disorganized-Disoriented
Explores when caregiver Yes, actively No, clings Yes, but play is not as No
is present to provide a constructive as that of
secure base for exploration? secure infant
Responds positively to Yes, comfortable No, fearful even when No, often indifferent, No, confused responses
stranger? if caregiver is caregiver is present as with caregiver
present
Protests when separated Yes, at least mildly Yes, extremely upset No, seemingly unfazed Sometimes; unpredictable
from caregiver? distressed
Responds positively to Yes, happy to be Yes and no, seeks No, ignores or avoids Confused; may approach
caregiver at reunion? reunited contact, but resents caregiver or avoid caregiver or do
being left; ambivalent, both
sometimes angry
Parenting Style Sensitive, Inconsistent, often Rejecting-unresponsive Frightening (e.g., abusive)
responsive unresponsive or intrusive-overly or frightened (e.g.,
(e.g., depressed) stimulating overwhelmed)
Harlow's research demonstrated what he called contact nals, and resentful when the infant interferes with their plans
comfort, or the pleasurable tactile sensations provided by a (Ainsworth, 1979; Isabella, 1993). Other parents of infants
soft and cuddly "parent," is a more powerful contributor to at- with avoidant attachments have been called "intrusive"; they
tachment in monkeys than feeding or the reduction of are overzealous and provide high levels of stimulation even
hunger. Research with humans also contradicts Freud's view. when their babies become uncomfortably aroused and need a
Not only does contact comfort promote human attachments break so that they can regulate their emotions (Isabella 8c
(Anisfeld et al, 1990), but many infants also become attached
to someone other than the adult who feeds them, and varia-
tions in feeding schedules and the age at which infants are
weaned have little effect on the quality of infants' attachments
(Schaffer & Emerson, 1964).
We also know a great deal about the styles of parenting
associated with each of the types of attachment characterized
in Table 14.2. Infants who enjoy secure attachments to their
parents have parents who are sensitive and responsive to their
needs and emotional signals (Ainsworth et aL, 1978; De Wolff
& van IJzendoorn, 1997). These parents are good at reading
and empathizing with their children's feelings (Oppenheim,
Koren-Karie, & Sagi, 2001).
Babies who show a resistant pattern of attachment often
have parents who are inconsistent in their caregiving; they re-
act enthusiastically or indifferently, depending on their
moods, and are frequently unresponsive (Isabella, 1993;
Isabella & Belsky, 1991). Mothers who are depressed, for ex-
ample, often have difficulty responding sensitively to their ba-
bies' signals and do not provide the comforting that helps ba-
bies regulate their negative emotions (Dawson 8c Ashman,
2000). The infant copes with unreliable caregiving by trying
desperately—through clinging, crying, and other attachment
behaviors—to obtain emotional support and comfort, and
then becomes saddened and resentful when these efforts fail. C The wire and cloth surrogate "mothers'' used in Harry Harlow's
The parents of infants with an avoidant attachment tend research.This infant monkey has formed an attachment to the cioth
to provide either too little or too much stimulation. Some are mother that provides contact comfort even though it must stretch
rejecting; they are impatient, unresponsive to the infant's sig- to the wire mother t o feed.
Belsky, 1991; Swanson, Beckwith, & Howard, 2000). Infants 100
Nondepressed mother
with an avoidant attachment style may be responding adap-
90
tively by learning to avoid and make few emotional demands "O Depressed mother
on adults who seem to dislike their company or who bombard CD
Jo
Z 80
them with stimulation they cannot handle. B
70
Finally, a disorganized-disoriented style of attachment is CD
s
evident in as many as 80% of infants who have been physically Z>
o 60
a)
abused or maltreated (Carlson et al, 1989). It is also common CO
among infants whose mothers are severely depressed or abuse c 50
CO
alcohol and drugs and may, as a result, mistreat or neglect

40
their babies (Beckwith, Rozga, & Sigman, 2002). The parents O
CD
of infants with a disorganized attachment pattern have often a> 30
.S
suffered a loss or trauma and have unresolved feelings about c
O)
a 20
it (Green & Goldwyn, 2002). They have been described as ei- A3
Q_
ther frightening or frightened—as either hostile and intrusive 10
individuals who provide a chaotic experience to their infants
or fragile and fearful adults who are not up to the challenge of 0
Full-term Premature
interacting with an infant (Lyons-Ruth et al., 2004; True, infant infant
Pisani, & Ourmar, 2001). Infants with a disorganized attach-
ment are understandably confused about whether to ap- Figure 14.2 The combination of a depressed mother and a pre-
proach or avoid a parent who is loving one minute but angry mature infant means low odds that a secure attachment will form.
SOURCE: Data from Foehlmann & Fiase (2001).
and abusive or indifferent the next.
T h e Infant's Contributions an insecure attachment (Stifter, 2003). Such findings point to

Clearly, the ways in which parents interact with their babies the value of identifying and intervening to help parent-infant
relate in predictable ways to the quality of the attachments pairs in which both parent and child have characteristics asso-
that form. The infants characteristics also have a bearing. ciated with insecure attachments.
Cognitive developmental theorists emphasize that the ability Overall, the caregiver's behavior has more to do with
to form attachments depends partly on the infant's cognitive whether or not a secure attachment forms than do character-
development. For example, the infant must recognize that istics of the infant (Goldberg et al., 1986; Vaughn et al., 1989).
close companions continue to exist even when they are absent If the infant's temperament were the main influence on secu-
to experience separation anxiety when a caregiver leaves the rity of attachment, we would not see so many infants securely
room (Kohlberg, 1969; Lester et al., 1974). That is, infants will attached to one parent but insecurely attached to the other
not form attachments until they have acquired some concept (van IJzendoorn 8c De Wolff, 1997). Finally, even tempera-
of person permanence, a form of the object permanence con- mentally difficult babies are likely to establish secure relation-
cept studied by Jean Piaget and described in Chapter 7, which ships with caregivers who are patient and adjust their caregiv-
allows an infant to appreciate that an object still exists when it ing to the baby's temperamental quirks (Mangelsdorf et aL,
is removed from view. Person permanence, in turn, will not 1990; van IJzendoorn et al., 1992). These findings are consis-
develop until infants undergo the brain growth that allows tent with the goodness of fit model introduced in Chapter 11:
them to retrieve information from the recent past and com- Secure bonds evolve when parents can respond sensitively to
pare it with the present (Kagan, 2003). An infant with neuro- whatever temperamental characteristics their babies display,
logical problems may therefore have difficulty forming a se- whereas insecure bonds are more likely when there is a mis-
cure attachment (Cox, Hopkins, & Hans, 2000). match between caregiving style and infant temperament
An infant's temperament also has an effect: An attachment (Sroufe, 1985).
is less likely to be secure if the infant is by temperament fearful,
irritable, or unresponsive (Beckwith et al, 2002). Which has a Contextual Contributors
stronger bearing on the quality of the attachment, then—the In addition, the broader social context surrounding caregiver
caregiver's style of parenting or the infant's temperament? Both and infant can affect how they react to each other. For exam-
are significant, and the two sometimes interact. To illustrate, ple, the stresses associated with living in poverty or experienc-
Figure 14.2 shows the percentages of 12-month-olds who tested ing marital difficulties may make it difficult for parents to be
as securely attached as a function of whether they were difficult- responsive to their babies and may therefore result in insecure
to-read infants born prematurely and whether their mothers attachments (Howes & Markman, 1989; Murray et al., 1996).
were depressed (Poehlmann & Fiese, 2001). Only when a de- The cultural context in which caregiver and baby interact also
pressed mother was coupled with a hard-to-read, premature in- colors their relationship (Rogoff, 2003). For instance, German
fant did the odds of a secure attachment become low. Similarly, parents strongly encourage independence and discourage
the combination of a mother with a low sense of self-efficacy as clingy behavior, which may explain why German infants are
a parent and an infant with colic who cries endlessly makes for more likely than infants in many other societies to ignore or
avoid their parents when they are reunited after a separation ment. Just how important is it? Two lines of research offer
and why many of them are therefore classified as avoidantly some answers: studies of socially deprived infants and studies
attached when given the Strange Situation test (Grossmann et of the later development of securely and insecurely attached
al., 1985). The Strange Situation may underestimate the num- infants.
ber of securely attached infants in this culture. It may similarly
underestimate the security of attachment of U.S. babies who Effects of Social D e p r i v a t i o n
regularly receive nonmaternal care and who therefore are What becomes of babies (like Baby Jessica described at the
rarely bothered by separations (Clarke-Stewart, Goossens, 8c start of the chapter) who are separated from their caregivers as
Allhusen, 2001). By contrast, Japanese babies, who, like babies a result of illness, death, or other unforeseen circumstances?
in many parts of the world, are rarely separated from their Worse yet, what happens to infants who never have an oppor-
mothers early in life, become distressed by separations such as tunity to form an attachment bond?
those they must endure in the Strange Situation. They are The daily separations from their parents that infants who
more likely than American babies to be classified as resistant attend day care facilities experience are unlikely to keep them
as a result, but this does not suggest that they are maladjusted from forming or maintaining close relationships with their
(Takahashi, 1990; van IJzendoorn 8c Sagi, 1999). parents. As the Explorations box on page 398 illustrates, day
Could this mean that research on infant attachment is cul- care can have positive or negative effects on child develop-
turally biased? Fred Rothbaum and his colleagues (Rothbaum, ment, depending on several factors, and generally has a bit of
Weisz et al., 2000) think so. They observe that in Western, indi- both but normally does not damage development.
vidualistic cultures,, optimal development means becoming an Infants who experience long-term separations from care-
autonomous being, whereas in Eastern, collectivist cultures, such givers go through a grieving process but normally recover
as Japan, the goal is to become integrated into the group. once they are reunited with their loved one, and infants who
Instead of encouraging exploration, Japanese parents keep are permanently separated from a caregiver recover if they are
their infants in close contact and encourage them to be de- able to maintain or form an attachment with someone else
pendent. Understandably, these infants become upset when (Bowlby, 1960, 1980; Colin, 1996; and see Chapter 17). By
separated from their mothers in the Strange Situation. Most contrast, infants who experience a series of such separations
Japanese infants are probably securely attached when judged from caregivers or are moved from foster home to foster home
by their own culture's standards, Rothbaum argues. Some may be permanently marred by their experiences of loving
think he overstates the case and note that many predictions of and losing. They sometimes even withdraw from human rela-
attachment theory hold up in a variety of cultures (Posada 8c tionships (Bowlby, 1980; Colin, 1996).
Jacobs, 2001). Still, characteristics of the caregiver, the baby, It is better to have loved and lost, however, than never to
and the surrounding social environment all affect the quality have loved at all, say studies of infants who grow up in de-
of the emerging attachment, and what represents an adaptive prived institutional settings and never form attachments
attachment relationship in one culture may not be viewed as (Goldfarb, 1943, 1947; MacLean, 2003; Rutter 8c O'Connor,
such in another. 2004). In the 1990s, children from deprived institutions in
Romania were adopted into homes in the United States, the
United Kingdom, and Canada after the fall of the Romanian
government in 1990 (Gunnar, Bruce, 8c Grotevant, 2000).
From Freud on, almost everyone has assumed that the par- These adoptees reportedly spent their infancies in orphanages
ent-child relationship is critical in shaping human develop- with 20 to 30 children in a room and only one caregiver for
every 10 to 20 children; they spent most of their time rocking
in their cribs with little human contact, much less hugs, bouts
of play, and synchronous routines (L. Fisher et al., 1997). How
have they turned out?
Infants who spent 8 months or more in deprived orphan-
ages displayed eating problems and medical problems; many
were withdrawn and seemed overwhelmed in interactions
with their new siblings and peers (Fisher et al., 1997). For a
substantial number, physical, cognitive, and social-emotional
development were compromised (Gunnar et al., 2000;
MacLean, 2003). Rapid recovery was evident once the children
were adopted, however. In one study, 61% of the infants and
young children were developmental!/ delayed in three or four
areas tested when their adoptive parents first met them, but
only 8% were still delayed in three or four areas 6 months later
©.....
(Judge, 2003). Some formerly institutionalized children over-
€ Japanese infants become anxious in the Strange Situation because came their developmental problems entirely, and yet many of
they are rarely separated from their mothers. those institutionalized for more than 6 months never achieved
Research Network, 1997, 2003b). Efforts were made to con-
trol for child characteristics such as initial cognitive and lan-
guage ability and social competence, as well as for family char-
acteristics such as mother's education and quality of parenting,
in assessing the effects of day care on development.
Infants receiving alternative forms of care were no less se-
curely attached to their mothers overall than infants tended
by their parents. A mother's sensitivity to her infant had a lot
more to do with attachment security than whether or not an
infant was in alternative care. Moreover, under some circum-
stances, high-quality day care made up for the negative effects
of insensitive parenting.
Findings from the National Institute of Child Health and
Human Development (NICHD) study are mixed regarding
other aspects of development: Although children who spent a
good deal of time in day care performed better than home-
With more than 60% of mothers in the United States reared children on some measures of cognitive and language
working outside the home at least part-time, questions have skills, spending many hours in day care also tended to be as-
naturally arisen about the effects of care outside the home on sociated with higher levels of behavioral problems and con-
infant and child development. According to U.S. Department flicts with adults (NICHD Early Child Care Research
of Labor statistics, only about 30% of infants of working moth- Network, 2002a, 2003a). And although children who have
ers are cared for by their parents; 30% are tended by a rela- more experience with peers in day care appear to interact
tive, 20% are in day care homes (typically run by a woman who adeptly with those peers in the day care setting, they are not
takes a few children into her own home for payment), 10% are more socially skilled than children who lack this experience in
in large day care centers, and a small percentage are with non- observed play with a friend, and their parents perceive them
relatives in the child's home (Pungello & Kurtz-Costes, 1999). as behaving negatively in their interactions with playmates
Do infants who attend day care homes or centers suffer (NICHD Early Child Care Research Network, 2001a).
compared with infants who stay at home with a parent? The most important message of research on day care is
Research suggests that they are not usually damaged by the that some children do better in day care than others.
experience but that the effects of day care depend on many Consider a few factors that influence how well infants adjust:
factors (Clarke-Stewart, 1993; Scarr & Eisenberg, 1993). In a
• Quality Just as some parents are highly
of the day care.
major longitudinal study conducted by teams of researchers in
nurturant and others are neglecting or abusive, some
10 cities in the United States, infants were assessed at 1,6, 15,
day care experiences are more beneficial than at-home
24, 36, and 54 months of age (NICHD Early Child Care
care and others are dreadful. An infant's development
normal levels of cognitive development, possibly because they started their lives in deprived institutions in Romania and
lacked the intellectual stimulation necessary for normal brain were adopted into British homes (either before 6 months or
development during infancy (Rutter & O'Connor, 2004). between 6 and 24 months of age) with British children
Generally, the longer children had experienced deprivation, adopted before 6 months of age. As Figure 14.3 shows, the
the more likely they were to experience long-term difficulties. longer the Romanian children had experienced early depriva-
Continuing problems in the area of interpersonal relation, the less likely they were to be securely attached and the
tionships were evident, too (Gunnar, et al., 2000; Rutter & more likely they were to show an abnormal pattern of insecure
O'Connor, 2004). These children have proved more likely behavior that O'Connor and his associates called disinhibited
than most infants to display abnormal patterns of attachment attachment
and social behavior, being emotionally withdrawn, indiscrim- The children with a disinhibited attachment pattern were
inately friendly, or both (Smyke, Dumitrescu, & Zeanah, 2002; not very selective or discriminating in their responses to dif-
Zeanah, 2000). Thomas O'Connor and his colleagues (2003) ferent adults. Many were indiscriminately friendly toward
compared attachment quality at age 4 among children who both a stranger and their parent in a Strange Situation test.
clearly will suffer if he ends up with an alcoholic baby- 0 Parents' attitudes The outcomes of day
and behaviors.
sitter or must compete for adult attention as one of care placement are likely to be better if a mother has
many infants in a large, understaffed center. Good de- positive attitudes about working and about being a
velopmental outcomes are likely in high-quality day mother and if she has the personal qualities it takes to
care that has a reasonable child-to-caregiver ratio (up provide warm and sensitive care (Belsky & Rovine,
to three infants, four toddlers, or eight preschoolers 1988; Crockenberg & Litman, 1991).The quality of par-
per adult); caregivers who have been educated for their enting that infants receive at home has far more to do
roles and who are warm, emotionally expressive, and with their development than the kind of alternative
responsive to children; little staff turnover so that chil- care they receive when they are not at home (NICHD
dren can feel comfortable with and become attached Early Child Care Research Network, 2002b).
to their caregivers; and planned, age-appropriate activi-
Most important of all may be interactions between some
ties (Burchinal et al., 2000; Clarke-Stewart, 1993;
of these factors that suggest day care is good under some
Howes, Phillips, &Whitebrook, 1992).The NICHD
circumstances but not under others. In the NICHD (1997)
study indicates that the extent to which his day care
study, for example, infants fared poorly if their mothers were
setting provides high-quality cognitive stimulation (for
not sensitive and responsive to them and if they were sub-
example, lots of language stimulation from caregivers,
jected to poor-quality day care; under these circumstances,
less time watching TV, and a stimulating physical envi-
about half of the infants were insecurely attached to their
ronment) is linked to a child's cognitive functioning at
mothers. By contrast, infants who received high-quality care
age 4!/2, even with characteristics of children and/their
somewhere, either at home or at day care, were usually
parents controlled (NICHD Early Child Care Research
securely attached. Similarly, the combination of maternal
Network, 2003b).
insensitivity and many hours per week spent in day care is
• Characteristics of the child. Some infants fare better in associated with insecure attachment (NICHD Early Child
alternative care than others do. First, infants from dis- Care Research Network, 2001 b).
advantaged homes experience faster intellectual
In sum, you cannot draw simple conclusions about the ef-
growth if they attend a high-quality day care program
fects of alternative care on infant development. Infants and
specially designed to meet their needs than if they stay
young children who receive day care are, on average, not much
at home and receive little intellectual stimulation
different physically, cognitively, socially, or emotionally from in-
(Campbell & Ramey, 1994; Love et al., 2003). Second,
fants and young children cared for at home. However, the ef-
girls tend to adapt better to day care than boys
fects of day care on specific children can range from growth-
(Baydar & Brooks-Gunn, 1991; Belsky & Rovine, 1988).
enhancing to harmful and are likely to be best when children
Third, infants and toddlers with easy temperaments are
interact with both responsive substitute caregivers and re-
likely to adjust better than children who have difficult
sponsive parents.
or slow-to-warm-up temperaments (Belsky & Rovine,
1988).
They would eagerly approach the stranger in a coy or silly Why does institutional deprivation have such damaging
manner but then back off warily (rather than showing the effects on development? Lack of proper nutrition, hygiene,
normal pattern of wariness first and approach second). They and medical care; lack of stimulation; and lack of stable at-
were unable to regulate their emotions well enough to partic- tachment relationships may all contribute (Gunnar et al.,
ipate in a real, reciprocal social interaction. Interviews with 2000). The deficits are probably not entirely caused by lack of
their adoptive parents revealed that these children sometimes sensory and intellectual stimulation; institutionalized chil-
went off with a stranger in a new situation without ever dren who are provided with such stimulation but lack a stable
checking back with the parent. Avoidant, resistant, and even team of caregivers are still developmentally delayed and have
disorganized attachments were rare among these previously emotional difficulties even as adolescents (Flodges & Tizard,
institutionalized children. Although some of them had clearly 1989). Nor is the problem lack of a single "mother figure." In
formed secure attachments to their adoptive parents, the ab- adequately staffed institutions in the People's Republic of
normal, disinhibited pattern of attachment was evident in half China and Israel, infants cared for by a few responsive care-
of the children deprived for more than 6 months. givers turn out quite normal (Kessen, 1975; Oppenheim, Sagi,
were more socially competent in the nursery-school setting
than children who had been insecurely attached: They often
Initiated play activities, were sensitive to the needs and feelings
of other children, and were popular with their peers (see also
Clark & Ladd, 2000; Schneider, Atkinson, & Tardif, 2001).
Securely attached infants also became children whom teachers
described as curious, self-directed, and eager to learn, whereas
insecurely attached children, lacking a secure base for explo-
ration, were less independent.
Quality of attachment in infancy is also related to healthy
emotional development. For example, Grazyna Kochanska
(2001) assessed children at 9, 14, 22, and 33 months in labo-
ratory situations designed to provoke fear (for example, the
approach of an unpredictable toy dog), anger (confinement to
a car seat), and joy (a hand puppet show). Infants with resist-
ant attachments at 14 months were the most fearful and the
least joyful of the children tested; they showed fear even in
tests designed to provoke joy and displayed less positive emo-
tion as they aged. Infants with avoidant attachments showed
little emotional expression at first but became fearful by 33
months. Infants with disorganized attachments became an-
([ Infants do not develop normally if they lack continuing relation-
grier as they aged. Whereas these insecurely attached groups
ships with responsive caregivers—whether one or several.
expressed more negative emotions with age, securely attached
infants became less angry as they became older and were not
8c Lamb, 1988). We even know that institutionalized toddlers overlv/ fearful.
who receive care from a small number of caregivers are less A secure attachment is also associated with a capacity to
likely to show abnormal attachment patterns than similar in- cope with stress and regulate emotions later in life. In experi-
stitutionalized toddlers who have many caregivers (Smyke et mental studies by Stephen Suomi (1997, 1999; Suomi &
al., 2002). Apparently, then, normal development requires sus- Levine, 1998), infant monkeys who experienced traumatic
tained interactions with responsive caregivers—whether one separations from their mothers were compared with monkeys
or a few.
On the one hand, then, studies of children from deprived
institutions reveal that children have a good deal of resilience, 60
provided that they are given reasonable opportunities to so-
cialize and to find someone to love; on the other hand, they 50
support Freud and Bowlby's view that early social experiences
can have lasting effects on development. 40
CD
CO
03
L a t e r D e v e l o p m e n t of Securely and Insecurely H—'
C
30
CD
A t t a c h e d Infants O
CD
Q_
How much difference does having secure or insecure attach- 20
tI
ment to caregivers in infancy make later in life? According to
Bowlby and AmswortlVs attachment theory, a secure attach- 10
ment allows exploration from a secure base. This implies that 9
securely attached children should be more cognitively compe- 0 iM
0 - < 6 mo. 0 - < 6 mo. 6-24 mo.
tent (because they will be curious, explore the environment U.K. Romanian Romanian
freely, and not shy from challenges) and more socially compe-
tent (because they will explore the world of people freely, ex-
pect positive reactions from others because of the positive in-
Secure i Avoidant S81 Resistant
ternal working models they form, and have learned in the Disorganized Disinhibited/
parent-child relationship how to interact smoothly with oth- other
ers). Does research support these predictions?
Figure 14.3 Percentages of secure, avoidant, resistant, disorgan-
Indeed it does. In an early longitudinal study, Everett ized, and disinhibited or other attachments among nondeprived
Waters and his associates (Waters, Wippman, & Sroufe, 1979) British children adopted before 6 months of age, deprived Romanian
measured the quality of infants' attachments to their mothers children adopted in the United Kingdom before 6 months, and de-
at 15 months then observed these children in nursery school prived Romanian children adopted between 6 and 24 months.
at 3 years. Children wTho had been securely attached as infants SOURCE: O ' C o n n o r e t a l . ( 2 0 0 3 } .
who enjoyed secure attachment relationships with their tion or if they never have the opportunity to form an attach-
mothers. Securely attached monkeys show more adaptive ment. By contrast, a secure attachment during infancy has
physiological responses to stress later in life and other positive many positive implications for social, emotional, and intellec-
outcomes, such as good parenting skills that result in their tual development. Yet you must avoid concluding that infants
own infants' becoming securely attached (Suomi, 1997, 1999; who are insecurely attached to their mothers are doomed—or
Suomi & Levine, 1998). Research also demonstrates that that infants who are securely attached to their mothers are
young rhesus monkeys genetically prone to be highly emo- forever blessed.
tionally reactive develop in healthy directions and are able to First, affectionate ties to fathers (or siblings or grandpar-
cope with stress if they are reared by calm mothers for the first ents) can compensate for insecure mother-infant relation-
6 months of their lives (Suomi, 1997). These infants turn out ships (Main 8c Weston, 1981). Second, early attachments may
to be socially incompetent if they are reared by emotionally have no long-term consequences if they change in quality
reactive mothers. Similarly, human infants temperamentally later. Stressful life events such as divorce and illness often con-
prone to be anxious show less of a rise in Cortisol (stress hor- vert secure attachments into insecure ones, and lifestyle im-
mone) levels and are better able to cope physiologically with provements can make insecure attachments more secure
stressful experiences if they have enjoyed secure attachments (Waters et al., 2000; Weinfield, Sroufe, 8c Egeland, 2000). In
than if they have not, indicating that nature and nurture in- the end, infancy is not the only period of the life span that
teract to influence later coping capacities (Gunnar, 1998, shapes development (Schaffer, 2000). As Arlene Skolnick
2000). (1986, p. 193) puts it, "Secure attachment to the mother does
Do the effects of quality of attachment in infancy on so- not make one invulnerable to later problems and socioemo-
cial competence, curiosity, emotional development, and cop- tional difficulties, and poor early relations with the mother do
ing capacities last? In late childhood and adolescence, children not doom a person to a life of loneliness, poor relationships,
who have enjoyed secure relationships with their parents con- or psychopathology."
tinue to be well adjusted—intellectually, socially, and emo- All things considered, the Bowlby-Ainsworth ethological
tionally. They are self-confident and do well in school attachment theory is well supported by research. Studies of
(Jacobsen 8c Hofmann, 1997), and they are accepted by the the long-term consequences of early attachment support
peer group and.have close friends (Elicker, Englund, '8c Sroufe, Bowlby's claim that "internal working models" of self and oth-
1992; Kerns, Klepac, 8c Cole, 1996). Infants who develop dis- ers formed early in life shape later relationships and develop-
organized attachments are more likely than secure, resistant, ment. Despite the significance of the infant-parent bond,
or avoidant infants to ' develop psychological problems however, many of us learn new social skills and different atti-
(Egeland 8c Carlson, 2004; van IJzendoorn et al., 1999). As you tudes toward relationships in our later interactions not only
will see later, lasting effects of secure and insecure attachments with parents but also with peers, close friends, lovers, and
can sometimes be detected even in adulthood. spouses. It is time, then, to supplement this description of par-
How can researchers be sure that relationships between ent-child relations with a look at the "second world of child-
attachment security and later adjustment are not the product hood"—the world of peer relations.
of genes shared by parent and child? Geert-Jan Stams and his
colleagues (2002) reasoned that a study of adopted children
might provide answers and followed a group of children
placed in adoptive homes before 6 months until they were 7 Evolution seems to have equipped human infants not only
years old. Children's temperaments, which are partly influ- with a capacity for forming attachments to caregivers but also
enced by genes, predicted their social and cognitive develop- with a capacity for entering social relationships with peers
ment, personality, and tendency to display behavioral prob- (Nash 8c Hay, 2003). Babies show an interest in other babies
lems; children with an easy temperament were better adjusted from an early age and begin to interact with them in earnest in
than children with a difficult temperament. However, mater- about the middle of the first year. By then, infants will often
nal sensitivity to the infant and .the infant's attachment secu- smile or babble at their tiny companions, vocalize, offer toys,
rity also contributed to positive developmental outcomes, and gesture to one another, although many of the friendly
more than the contributions of temperament did, even gestures go unnoticed and unreciprocated (Hay, Nash, 8c
though parent and child were not genetically related. Other Pedersen, 1983; Vandell, Wilson, 8c Buchanan, 1980). By
qualities of the child besides temperament, as measured in around 6 months, infants even show evidence that they are bi-
this study, still might evoke certain responses from caregivers ologically prepared for life in social groups, as illustrated by an
that then shape the child's development. In addition, re- ability to relate in meaningful ways to more than one peer at a
searchers cannot always tell whether later adjustment is the time (Selby 8c Bradley, 2003; and see the photo on page 402).
product of early parenting and quality of attachment, later By about 18 months, infants are able to engage in recip-
parenting and quality of attachment, or both. Still, evidence rocal, complementary play with peers (Mueller 8c Lucas, 1975;
like this is consistent with the view that early parenting makes Mueller 8c Vandell, 1979). They turn rounds of imitation into
a difference in development. social games (Eckerman 8c Stein, 1990; Howes 8c Matheson,
In sum, children are unlikely to develop normally if their 1992). They can also adopt and reverse roles in their play.
first relationships in life are repeatedly disrupted by separa- Thus, the toddler who receives a toy may immediately offer a
€ Even before I year of age, infants seem ready t o engage in social interactions, not only in
dyads but in groups.
toy in return, or the one who has been the chaser will become sponsiveness, discriminating social responsiveness, active
the chasee. Toward the end of the second year, infants have be proximity seeking, and goal-corrected partnership. The
come proficient at this kind of turn-taking and reciprocal ex- first attachment at 6 or 7 months brings with it both fear-
change, especially if they are securely attached to their parents ful emotions (separation and stranger anxiety) and con-
(Fagot, 1997). fidence (using the attachment figure as a secure base for
i- "5-
Surprising as it may seem, some infants also form special
exploration). The experiences of caregivers and infants
relationships with preferred playmates—friendships (Howes,
as they interact influence whether a secure, resistant,
1996). On Israeli kibbutzim, where children are cared for in
avoidant, or disorganized-disoriented attachment will be
groups, Martha Zaslow (1980) discovered that many pairs of
eviderrt in Ainsworth s Strange Situation. The Freudian
infants as young as 1 year became truly attached to each other.
view that infants become attached to the one who feeds
Hadara and Rivka, for instance, consistently sought each other
them was contradicted by Harlow's research on contact
as playmates, mourned each other's absence, and disturbed
comfort in monkeys. Secure attachments are associated
everyone with their loud babbling "conversations" when they
with sensitive, responsive parenting; resistant ones with
were confined to their cribs. Clearly the caregiver-infant rela-
inconsistent, unresponsive care; avoidant ones with either
tionship is not the only important social relationship that de-
rejection or intrusiveness; and disorganized attachments
velops during infancy; peer relations are well under way, too.
with frightening or frightened parenting. Long-term con-
scqucnccs of the quality of early attachments are evi-
Summing Up dent, but attachments often change, and early experience
does not make or break later development, except per-
Biologically based primary emotions emerge in a universal haps for infants who experience repeated permanent
sequence over the first months of life. Secondary, or self- separations or who spend months in severely deprived
conscious emotions, follow in the second and third years, institutional settings and develop a disinhibited attach-
and emotions increasingly become socialized through ment style. M
learning processes. As infants age, they rely less on care-
givers and more on emotion regulation strategies to man-
age the emotions aroused by their social interactions.
Caregivers start t o become attached t o infants even File Cliilcl
before birth and find evolved behaviors such as smiling
endearing. Although social from the start, as evidenced How do relationships with parents and peers change from in-
by their participation in synchronized routines, infants fancy to childhood? And how important are children's social
progress through phases of undiscriminating social re- relationships to their development?
3. Onlooker play. Children watch others play, taking an ac-
tive interest in and perhaps even talking to the players but not
The parent-child attachment changes qualitatively during directly participating.
childhood. According to John Bowlby (1969)> it becomes a 4. Parallel play. Children play next to one another, doing
goal-corrected partnership in which parent and child accom- much the same thing, but they interact little (for example, two
modate to each other's needs; the child becomes a more sen- girls might sit near each other, both drawing pictures, without
sitive partner and becomes more independent of the parent. talking to each other to any extent).
Older preschoolers still seek attention and approval from their
5. Associative play. Children interact by swapping materi-
parents, and they rush to their parents for comfort when they
als, conversing, or following each other's lead, but they are not
are frightened or hurt. But they also become increasingly de-
united by the same goal (for example, the two girls may swap
pendent on peers for social and emotional support (Furman
crayons and comment on each other's drawings as they draw).
8c Buhrmester, 1992).
6. Cooperative play. Children join forces to achieve a com-
mon goal; they act as a pair or group, dividing their labor and
coordinating their activities in a meaningful way (for example,
the two girls collaborate to draw a mural for their teacher).
From age 2 to age 12, children spend more time with peers and The major message of Parten's study (and of others like
less time with adults. This trend emerged clearly in a study by it) is that play becomes increasingly social and socially skilled
Sharri Ellis and her colleagues (Ellis, Rogoff, 8c Cromer, 1981), from age 2 to age 5 (Barnes, 1971; Smith, 1978; Howes 8c
who observed 436 children playing in their homes and around Matheson, 1992). Unoccupied and onlooker activities are rare
the neighborhood. Interestingly, this study revealed that young- at all ages. Solitary and parallel play become less frequent with
sters of all ages spent less time with age-mates (defined as chil- age, although solitary play has its place throughout childhood.
dren whose ages were within 1 year of their own) than with
children who were more than 1 year older or younger.
Another finding of this study is a familiar one: Even 1 - to
M
2-year-olds played more often with same-sex companions than m
I
with other-sex companions, and this gender segregation be-
came increasingly strong with age (see Chapter 12). Once in m
their sex-segregated worlds, boys and girls experience different
kinds of social relationships. There is truth, for example, to the •m-
m
saying that boys travel in packs, whereas girls travel in pairs:
m :$m
boys spend more time than girls in groups, and girls spend
more time than boys in dyads (Fabes, Martin, & Hanish, 2003). I v
mm
Overall, then, children spend an increasing amount of time
with peers, typically same-sex children, roughly similar in age, m
who enjoy the same sex-typed activities.
§
So important is play in the life of the child from age 2 to age 5

that these years are sometimes called the play years,. This is
when children hop about the room shrieking with delight,
don capes and go off on dragon hunts, and whip up cakes and
cookies made of clay, sand, or air. We can detect twTo major
changes in play between infancy and age 5: it becomes more
social, and it becomes more imaginative. After age 5 or so, the
exuberant and fanciful play of the preschool years gives way to
somewhat more serious play.
Play Becomes M o r e Social

Years ago, Mildred Par ten (1932) devised a useful method for
classifying the types of play engaged in by nursery-school chil-
dren of different ages. Her six categories of activity, arranged
from least to most social, are as follows:
1. Unoccupied play. Children stand idly, look around, or
engage in apparently aimless activities such as pacing.
2. Solitary play. Children play alone, typically with ob- ([ Social pretend play during the preschool years contributes to in-
jects, and appear to be highly involved in what they are doing. tellectual, social, and emotional development.
Meanwhile, associative and cooperative play, the most social 1992). As children age, they can depict heroes and heroines as
and complex of the types of play, become more frequent with different from themselves and can enact elaborate dramas us-
age and even more common during the school years (see ing few or no props. Moreover, children combine their capac-
Figure 14.4). ity for increasingly social play and their capacity for pretense
into social pretend play (Howes & Matheson, 1992). Starting
Play B e c o m e s M o r e I m a g i n a t i v e at age 2 or 3, children less often enact scenes on their own us-
The first pretend play—play in which one actor, object, or action ing dolls and other toys and more often cooperate with care-
symbolizes or stands for another—occurs around age 1, when givers or playmates to enact dramas. These pretend play
an infant may raise an empty cup, or perhaps a forbidden treat, episodes can become elaborate and require a good deal of so-
to her lips, smile, give a parent a knowing glance, and make loud cial competence. Consider the following example, in which a
lip-smacking sounds (Nicolich, 1977). The earliest pretend play 5-year-old (M) wants her partner (E), playing the role of a
is just like this: The infant performs actions that symbolize fa- mother, to leave her babies and come to M s house. The two
miliar activities such as eating, sleeping, and washing. girls negotiate what will happen next, managing to stay in role
By age 2, toddlers readily join in pretense if you hand as they do so (Garvey, 1990, p. 137):
them a towel and suggest that they wipe up the imaginary tea
M: You come here. The babies are sleeping now and . . .
you just spilled (Harris & Kavanaugh., 1993). Because there is
(interrupted).
no tea in sight, this willingness to clean it up is remarkable. It
E: No, they'll cry when I leave Ccause they'll hear the car.
means that toddlers are capable of using their new symbolic
M: Nooo. The car's broken. I have the car.
capacity to construct a mental representation of a pretend
E: All right, but one baby will have to take care of these lit-
event and of acting according to this representation. By age 3,
tle babies.
most children even understand the difference between pre-
tending to do something and trying but failing to do some- Although social pretend play is universal and becomes
thing (Rakoczy, Tomasello, & Striano, 2004). Shown a model more frequent with age in all cultures, the quality of
pretending to write and behaving playfully then asked to take preschoolers' play is shaped by the culture in which they live
their turn, children pretend to write and do not seem both- (Haight et al., 1999). For example, U.S. children like to play
ered when the pen leaves no marks, understanding that when superheroes and act out themes of danger and fantasy,
you pretend you do not want to "really" perform the action. whereas Korean children take on family roles and enact every-
Shown a model who tries to write but appears frustrated be- day activities (Farver & Lee-Shin, 1997). American children
cause the pen leaves no marks on the paper, children try to fig- also talk a lot about their own actions, reject other children's
ure out how to make the pen work properly (accomplishable ideas, and boss others around, whereas Korean children are
by removing the cap). Even 2-year-olds in the study grasped to more focused on their partners' activities and are more prone
some extent this distinction between intentionally acting-as-if to make polite requests and agree with one another. Through
(pretending) and doing or trying to do something. their play, then, children in the United States (an individualis-
Pretend play fully blossoms from age 2 to age 5, increas- tic culture) learn to assert their identities. as individuals,
ing in both frequency and sophistication (Howes & Matheson, whereas children in Korea (a collectivist culture) learn how to
35 Approximate ages (in years)
2-2.5 years old

30
3-3.5 years old
25
4-4.5 years old
o>»
Sz> 20
cr
CD
LL 15
10
0
Solitary Parallel Associative Cooperative
play play play play
Figure 14.4 Frequency of activities engaged in by preschool children of differ-

ent ages. With aget solitary and parallel play occur less frequently, whereas asso-
ciative and cooperative play occur more frequently.
SOURCE: Adapted from Barnes (1971).
keep their egos and emotions under control to achieve group thing. And Jackie, an abused 5-year-old, apparently coped with
harmony. his abuse by having an alligator puppet swallow a small child
doll and then smashing the alligator with a mallet and burying
Play Becomes More Rule-Governed it in the sandbox (Landreth 8c Homeyer, 1998).
After they enter school, children engage less frequently in Let it never be said, then, that play is useless; it is truly the
symbolic play. Now they spend more of their time playing or- child's work. Although children play because it is fun, not be-
ganized games with rules—board games, games of tag or cause it sharpens their skills, they contribute to their own de-
hide-and-seek, organized sports, and so on (Athey, 1984). velopment by doing so. Parents can help their children's de-
They also develop individual hobbies, such as building model velopment by becoming involved in the social give and take
cars or making scrapbooks, that allow them to develop skills that play episodes require (Lindsey & Mize, 2000).
and gain knowledge.
According to Jean Piaget (1965), it is not until children
enter the stage of concrete operations, around age 6 or 7, that
they become capable of cooperating with other children to As children play and interact, they typically discover that they
follow the rules of games. Older children—11- and 12-year- like some peers more than others. Researchers study peer-
olds who are entering the stage of formal operations—gain a group acceptance through sociometric techniques—methods
more flexible concept of rules, recognizing that rules are arbi- for determining who is liked and who is disliked in a group. In
trary agreements that can be changed as long as the players a sociometric survey, children in a classroom may be asked to
agree. Partly because of cognitive gains, then, the play of the nominate several classmates whom they like and several
school-age child is more organized and rule-governed—and whom they dislike or to rate all of their classmates in terms of
less fanciful—than that of the preschool child. their desirability as companions (Cillessen & Bukowski, 2000;
Hymel, McDougall, & Renshaw, 2002; Terry & Coie, 1991). It
What Good 8s Play? is important to find out who is liked and who is disliked; this
In 19th-century America, child's play was discouraged be- allows children to be classified into the following, distinct cat-
cause it was viewed as a frivolous waste of time (Athey, 1984). egories of social status (Coie, Dodge, & Coppotelli, 1982):
Now we know better. Play contributes to virtually all areas of
1. Popular. Well liked by most and rarely disliked
children's development. Indeed, that playful activity occurs
2. Rejected. Rarely liked and often disliked
among the young of so many species strongly suggests that
3. Neglected. Neither liked nor disliked; these isolated chil-
play is an evolved behavior that helps the young adapt during
dren seem to be invisible to their classmates
childhood and prepares them for adult life (Bjorklund &
4. Controversial Liked by many but also disliked by many;
Pellegrini, 2002). It is easy to imagine how girls playing house
for example, the fun-loving child with leadership skills
might be grooming themselves for traditional roles as moth-
who also has a nasty habit of starting fights
ers or how the rough-and-tumble play of boys, like the playful
5. Average. In the middle on both the liked and disliked
fights observed in young males of many species, might help
scales
them function in their peer groups and might prepare them to
compete for mates as adolescents or to battle for survival as Why are some children more popular than others, and
adults. In addition, play fosters cognitive, motor, and social why are some children rejected by their peers? Popularity is af-
skills and helps children cope with emotional problems. fected by some personal characteristics that a child can do lit-
Children who engage in a great deal of pretend play (or tle about. For instance, physically attractive children are usu-
are trained to do so) perform better on tests of cognitive de- ally more popular than physically unattractive children, and
velopment, language skills, and creativity than children who children who are relatively intelligent tend to be more socially
rarely pretend (Fisher, 1992; Farver, Kim, & Lee-Shin, 2000). accepted than those who are not, probably because cognitive
Engaging in social pretend play also allows children to hone ability contributes to social competence (Bellanti, Bierman, &
their social skills and to construct their theories of mind; they Conduct Problems Prevention Research Group, 2000). Social
learn, for example, that other children may have different competence—the ability to apply social cognitive skills suc-
mental states than they do and can act on the basis of false cessfully in initiating social interactions, responding positively
(pretend) beliefs (Lillard, 2001). Perhaps because of the social to peers, resolving interpersonal conflicts smoothly, and so
cognitive and social skills they gain, preschoolers who engage on—clearly predicts popularity (Coie, Dodge, & Kupersmidt,
in a great deal of social pretend play tend to be more popular 1990; Ladd, 1999). Children who are socially awTkward, argu-
and socially skilled than children who do not (Connolly & mentative, and disruptive are unlikely to become popular.
Doyle, 1984; Farver et al., 2000). "Rejected" children are usually highly aggressive, al-
Finally, play contributes to healthy emotional development though some are socially isolated, submissive children who
by providing opportunities to express bothersome feelings, re- are overly sensitive to teasing and are seen by others as "easy to
solve emotional conflicts, and master challenges (Landreth & push around" (Parkhurst & Asher, 1992; Rabiner, Keane, &
Homeyer, 1998). If Danny, for example, has recently been MacKinnon-Lewis, 1993). Rejected children are less aware
scolded by his mother for drawing on the wall, he may gain con- than other children are of wrho likes them and who does not,
trol of the situation by scolding his "child" for doing the same one of many signs that they are not socially astute or socially
ships with peers. Influences on popularity vary from social
context to social context, of course. For example, children who
are shy are likely to be unpopular in Canada but popular in
China, where being quiet and reserved is more socially desir-
able (Chen, Rubin, & Sun, 1992). The ingredients of popular-
ity also change with age: establishing close relationships with
members of the other sex may enhance popularity during
adolescence, but consorting with "the enemy," and thereby vi-
olating norms of gender segregation, can detract from popu-
larity during childhood (Sroufe et al., 1993).
Do the outcomes of these popularity polls matter? Yes—
especially for the 10 to 15% of children who are rejected by
their peers (Malik & Furman, 1993). Children who are neg-
lected by peers often gain greater acceptance later, but those
who are rejected, especially because of aggressive behavior, are
likely to maintain their rejected status from grade to grade
(Cillessen et al., 1992). More significantly, rejected children
€ Children in the neglected category of sociometric status are shy may end up with worse behavioral problems because they
and tend to hover on the fringes of a group without daring to enter were rejected, perhaps because their social learning opportu-
it. nities are limited or because they develop negative views of
themselves and of their peers (Coie et al., 1992; Ladd & Troop-
skilled (MacDonald & Cohen, 1995). Children who fall into Gordon, 2003). Case in point: Peer rejection in sixth grade
the neglected category of sociometric status often have rea- predicts poor adjustment in eighth grade, even with adjust-
sonably good social skills; they are usually nonaggressive and ment in sixth grade controlled (Wentzel, 2003).
tend to be shy, withdrawn, and unassertive (Coie et al., 1990;
Harrist et al., 1997). As a result, no one really notices them.
Controversial children are interesting: They often show lead-
ership qualities, like popular children, but they are also viewed As Harry Stack Sullivan recognized, being accepted by the
as aggressive bullies, like many rejected children (DeRosier & wider peer group and having close friends are distinct and
Thomas, 2003; Miller-Johnson et al., 2003). Their social skills serve different functions for children. Popular children are
may allow them to con some classmates into liking them even more likely than unpopular children to have friends, but many
r <•
though others dislike them. unpopular children enter at least one reciprocated friendship
To appreciate how social skills contribute to popularity, and many popular children do not. In one study of 7- and 8-
consider what happens when children try to enter and gain ac- year-olds, for example, 39% of children rejected by peers had
ceptance in play groups (Dodge et ah, 1990; Putallaz & at least one mutual friendship, whereas 31% of popular chil-
Wasserman, 1989). When children who ultimately become dren lacked a friendship (Gest, Graham-Bermann, & Hartup,
popular want to join a groups activity, they first hold back and 2001).
assess what is going on, then smoothly blend into the group, Having friends increases the odds that a child will be
commenting pleasantly about whatever the other children are happy and socially competent, especially if the friendships are
discussing. By contrast, children who are eventually rejected with peers who are well adjusted and supportive (Vaughn et
by their peers tend to be pushy and disruptive. Jimmy, for ex- al., 2000; Hartup & Stevens, 1997), and reduces the odds that
ample, may sit beside two boys who are playing a computer a child will be lonely and depressed (Nangle et al., 2003).
game and distract them by talking about a TV program he saw Having friends not only tcachcs children how to participate in
the night before. Even worse, he may criticize the way the boys emotionally intimate relationships but also provides social
are playing, start pecking computer keys, or threaten to turn support and comfort that can help children feel better about
off the computer if he is not allowed to play. By contrast, chil- themselves, weather stressful events such as a divorce, and feel
dren who end up being neglected by their peers often hover bolder when faced with challenges such as the first day of
around a group without taking positive steps to initiate con- kindergarten (Hartup, 1996; Ladd, 1999). Moreover, as
tact, and they shy from peers who attempt to make contact Sullivan theorized, a close chum can compensate for a poor
with them. relationship with parents, preventing maladjustment (Criss et
In sum, popularity is affected by many factors. It helps to al., 2002; Gauze et al., 1996).
have an attractive face and cognitive skills, but it is probably
more important to behave in socially competent ways. As
Summing Up
you have seen, children wrho experienced secure attachments
to their parents as infants tend to be popular because they Children participate in goal-corrected partnerships w i t h
have learned social skills and styles of interacting in the par- their parents and spend increasing amounts o f t i m e w i t h
ent-child relationship that shape the quality of their relation- peers, w i t h boys running in packs and girls interacting in
pairs. Play becomes more social (as illustrated by asso-
ciative and cooperative play) and imaginative (as illus-
trated by social pretend play) during the preschool years
and more often involves organized games in elementary
school. Physical attractiveness, cognitive ability, and espe-
cially social competence influence sociometric status, and
peer rejection negatively affects development. Having
friends, as distinct from gaining peer acceptance, also pro-
motes development.
You can now appreciate that peers, and especially
friends, may be as important as parents to child devel-
opment Parents may excel at caregiving and provide
their children with a sense of emotional security that en-
ables them t o explore their environment and participate
in social relationships. However; acceptance by and close
relationships with peers may be critical in the learning of C Going to college is a Strange Situation that activates attachment
social skills and normal patterns of social behavior and behaviors, such as hugging and e-mailing, designed to maintain con-
can also provide a good deal of emotional support. H tact with attachment figures.
ing in attachment behavior just as surely as the infant who

whimpers for his mommy. From an attachment theory per-
spective, experiencing separation anxiety in this situation is
normal and adaptive. Preoccupation with parents typically
Although children are already highly involved in peer activi- decreases over the first semester and predicts adjustment
ties, adolescents spend even more time with peers and less time problems only when it is extreme (Berman & Sperling, 1991).
with parents. Although the quality of the individual's attach- College students who are securely attached to their par-
ment to parents continues to be highly important throughout ents display better psychological and social adjustment during
adolescence (Collins & Laursen, 2004), peers, including ro- the potentially difficult transition to college than students
mantic partners, begin to rival or surpass parents as sources of who are insecurely attached (Lapsley, Rice, & FitzGerald,
intimacy and support (Furman & Buhrmester, 1992; Lempers 1990). In one study (Mayseless, Danieli, & Sharabany, 1996),
& Clark-Lempers, 1992). Moreover, the quality of peer rela- securely attached students proved able to maintain close, car-
tions changes. Not only do adolescents begin to form boy-girl ing relationships with their parents and form new relation-
friendships and go on dates, but they also become more capa- ships with romantic partners. Lacking a secure base for explo-
ble of forming deep and intimate attachments. ration, resistantly attached students had more difficulty
forming romantic relationships and found even minor sepa-
rations from their parents upsetting. And, true to form,
avoidant youths claimed not to be bothered much by separa-
Just as infants must have a secure base if they are to explore, tion, as if denying that they could need their parents for any-
adolescents seem to need the security, as well as the encour- thing. In another study (Scharf et al., 2004), having secure in-
agement to explore, provided by supportive parents to be- ternal working models of relationships helped adolescents
come more independent and autonomous individuals (Kobak leave the nest and form close relationships not only with ro-
et al., 1993; Scharf, Mayseless, & Kivenson-Baron, 2004). mantic partners but also with friends as they made the transi-
Adolescents who enjoy secure attachment relationships with tion to adulthood.
their parents generally have a stronger sense of identity, higher
self-esteem, greater social competence, better emotional ad-
justment, and fewer behavioral problems than their less se-
curely attached peers (Arbona & Power, 2003; Kenny & Rice, Friendships in early childhood are based on enjoying com-
1995). If adolescents have experienced separation from par- mon activities; friendships in late childhood rest on mutual
ents through divorce, death, or other reasons, their attach- loyalty and caring (Aboud & Mendelson, 1996; Hartup
ments to their parents are sometimes less secure and they may & Stevens, 1997). Adolescent friendships increasingly hinge
feel less equipped to cope with the challenges of adolescence on intimacy and self-disclosure (Berndt & Perry, 1990;
(Woodward, Fergusson, & Belsky, 2000). Buhrmester, 1996). Like children, teenagers form friendships
For many youths in our society, going off to college qual- with peers who are similar to themselves in observable ways.
ifies as a "naturally occurring strange situation"—a potentially For example, most high school students, particularly African
stressful test of the youth's ability to cope with the unfamiliar Americans, tend to choose friends of the same ethnic back-
(Kenny, 1987). Students who go home on weekends or call or ground (Hamm, 2000). However, adolescents increasingly
e-mail home frequently during their first semester are engag- choose friends whose psychological qualities—interests, atti-
tudes, values, and personalities—match their own. Their Late adolescence
friends are like-minded individuals who confide in each other. Stage 5: Beginning of crowd
Both nature and nurture contribute to the similarity of disintegration; loosely
associated groups of couples
friends. Genes apparently influence friend selection because
classmates' ratings indicate that the friends chosen by the mem- Stage 4: The fully developed
bers of an identical twin pair are more alike than the friends crowd; heterosexual cliques
chosen by members of a fraternal twin pair (Rose, 2002). Once in close association
friends are friends, how7ever, they become even more similar be-
cause of their mutual influence (Giordano, 2003). Stage 3: The crowd in
structural transition: unisexual
Although same-sex friendships remain important cliques with upper-status
throughout adolescence, teenagers increasingly form close members forming a
cross-sex friendships. How do these other-sex friendships heterosexual clique
compare with same-sex friendships? Ruth Sharabany and her
j.-
Stage 2: The beginning of
colleagues (Sharabany, Gershoni, & Hofman, 1981) asked 5th- the crowd; unisexual cliques
to 1 lth-graders to assess their same- and cross-sex friendships in group-to-group interaction
in terms of such aspects of emotional intimacy as spontaneity,
trust, loyalty, sensitivity to the other's feelings, and attach- Stage 1: Precrowd stage;
isolated unisexual cliques
ment. As you can see in Figure 14.5, same-sex friendships were
highly intimate in most respects throughout this age range,
Early adolescence Boys Girls
but cross-sex friendships did not attain a high level of inti-
macy until 11th grade. These findings support Harry Stack Boys and girls
Sullivan's view that children learn lessons about intimate at-
tachments in their same-sex chumships that they only later Figure !4.6 Stages in the evolution of the peer group during
apply in their heterosexual relationships. adolescence, from same-sex cliques (bottom) to dating couples (top),
SOURCE: Dunphy (1963).
In addition, girls tended to report higher degrees of inti-
macy in their friendships than boys did, and they achieve
emotional intimacy in their cross-sex relationships at earlier
ages. This may help explain why girls are later more likely than Elementary school children take interest in members of the
boys to describe their romantic relationships in terms of other sex, talk at length about who likes whom, develop
friendship-like qualities, such as disclosing feelings and pro- crushes, and in the process prepare themselves for heterosex-
viding emotional support (Feiring, 1999). ual relationships (Thome, 1993). Still, we have to wonder
how boys and girls who live in their own, gender-segregated
worlds arrive at the point of dating "the enemy." Some time
6.0 r -
ago, Dexter Dunphy (1963) offered a plausible account of
how peer-group structures change during adolescence to
5.5
pave the way for dating relationships. His five stages, outlined
S 5.0
in Figure 14.6, are still helpful today in understanding how
o peer relations lay the foundation for romantic attachments
o
00
(see also Collins 8c Laursen, 2004; Connolly, Furman, &
g- 4.5
Konarski, 2000).
E
4.0
c Girls-Boys Cliques andl Crowds
cti
0)
3.5 Girls-Girls The process begins in late childhood, when boys and girls
Boys-Girls become members of same-sex cliques, or small friendship
3.0 groups, and have little to do with the other sex. Then, mem-
Boys-Boys
bers of boy cliques and girl cliques begin to interact more
Fifth Seventh Ninth Eleventh frequently. Just as parents provide a secure base for peer re-
grade grade grade grade lationships, relationships with same-sex peers provide a se-
cure base for romantic relationships. For an adolescent boy,
Figure S4.5 Changes during adolescence in the inti- talking to a girl at the mall with his friends and her friends
macy of same-sex and cross-sex friendships.The
there is far less threatening than doing so on his own. In the
girls-boys scores reflect how girls rated the intimacy of
third stage, the most popular boys and girls form a hetero-
their relationships with boys; the boys-girls scores re-
flect how boys rated their relationships with girls. Cross-sex friend- sexual clique.
ships clearly become increasingly intimate during the adolescent As less popular peers enter heterosexual cliques, a new
years, achieving the levels of intimacy that characterize same-sex peer-group structure, the crowd, completes its evolution.
friendships throughout this developmental period. The crowd, a collection of several heterosexual cliques, is in-
SOURCE: Sharabany. Gershoni, & Hofman (1981). volved in arranging organized social activities—parties, out-
ings to the lake or mall, and so on. Those adolescents who being pressured by his friends to have sex with Kim—and, of
become members of a mixed-sex clique and a crowd (not all course, to report the details (Hersch, 1998, p. 130):
do) have many opportunities to get to know members of the
The phone rings, and it is Kim, the first of what will be
other sex as both friends and romantic partners. Eventually,
many long calls between them each day. Before long her
however, interacting with the other sex in group settings is
friends start calling, too, and have long conversations
not enough. Couples form and the crowd disintegrates in
with Chris about how the relationship is going. His
late high school after having served its purpose of bringing
friends call to see what's happening. The permutations
boys and girls together.
seem endless. There are conference calls. Several people
Not all high school crowds are alike. The names may vary,
backed up on call wraiting. Chris's bedroom phone is at
but every school has its crowds of, for example, "populars,"
the center of a huge communication network.
"jocks," "druggies," and "losers," each consisting of adolescents
who are similar to one another in some way (Brown, Mory, & About 25% of 12-year-olds, 50% of 15-year-olds, and
Kinney, 1994). Everyone in high school seems to recognize 70% of 18-year-olds say that they have been involved in a
these differences:" [The brains] all wear glasses and ckiss up' to "special romantic relationship" in the past 18 months (Carver,
teachers and after school they all tromp uptown to the library" Joyner, 8c Udry, 2003). Candice Feiring (1996) has provided a
(Brown et al., 1994, p. 128), "The partiers goof off a lot more portrait of typical dating experiences in a sample of 15-year-
than the jocks do, but they don't come to school stoned like olds. Almost 90% of these adolescents had dated by age 15,
the burnouts do" (p. 133). though only 21% w7ere currently dating. Most couples did not
Which crowd or crowds an adolescent belongs to has im- go out alone on dates as much as they dated within the con-
portant implications for her social identity and self-esteem; it text of the peer group or crowd. When dating, couples saw
is easier for her to feel good about herself if she is a "popular" each other or talked on the phone (for an average of 60 min-
or a "jock" than if she is a "dweeb," a "druggie," or a social iso- utes per call) every day. These dating relationships were usu-
late who does not belong to any crowd (Brown & Lohr, 1987). ally casual and short lived. Although partners were fascinated
Indeed, self-perceived crowd membership in high school pre- with one another, dating relationships were in most respects
dicts later development; "brains" tend to graduate from col- more like same-sex friendships than like adult romantic at-
lege and have high self-esteem at age 24; "basket cases" are tachments; they were mainly sources of companionship rather
more likely than their peers to have seen a psychologist and at- than of love and security (Feiring, 1996). Perhaps this is why
tempted suicide; "jocks" achieve financial success but share increased involvement in dating relationships often means less
with "criminals" a tendency to drink too much; and "crimi- time spent with same-sex friends (Zimmer-Gembeck, 1999).
nals" prove to be the least well adjusted (Barber, Eccles, & Dating relationships in early adolescence are more super-
Stone, 2001). Crowd membership may reflect personality ficial and short lived than later dating relationships (Brown,
traits, abilities, and Values that existed before the adolescent Feiring, 8c Furman, 1999). It has been suggested that humans
ever got involved with a particular crowd; being the member have an evolved tendency to compete with peers for mates and
of a particular crowd may then bring with it learning experi-
ences that shape adjustment.
A common misconception is that peers are a negative
influence on adolescent development. Overall, peers proba-
bly do more to foster and encourage positive behavior than
to encourage antisocial behavior (Berndt 8c Murphy, 2002). i i M R
Much depends on the crowd to which an adolescent belongs:
"Druggies" encourage drug use, but "brains" discourage it.
Adolescents are least likely to engage in delinquent behavior,
become depressed, or feel lonely if they have friends and
those friends do not engage in deviant behavior. Adolescents
with deviant friends and adolescents without friends are
more prone to delinquency and depression, although those
with deviant friends are at least less lonely than those with-
out friends (Brendgen, Vitaro, & Bukowski, 2000). Clearly
the influences of peers and friends can be healthy or de-
structive, depending on which cliques and crowds an adoles-
cent belongs to.
Dating
As Dunphy s model suggests, the transition to dating takes place
in the context of the larger peer group (Collins 8c Laursen,
2004). These days, it involves heavy phone use, as illustrated by <T Early dating is mainly about gaining confidence in the ability to
this snippet from the life of a seventh-grade boy, Chris, who was date. No wonder there are awkward moments.
to engage in sexual experimentation with several partners be- relationship with parents (Furman 8c Shaffer, 2003).
fore they narrow in on a steady mate (Weisfeld & Woodward, Involvement in a steady relationship is good for self-esteem
2004). This is evident in B. Bradford Browns (1999) view that ° (although breakups hurt and can result in depression and
adolescent romantic relationships evolve through the follow- even suicide), and adolescents who date tend to be better ad-
ing four phases: justed overall than those who do not (Collins, 2003; Furman
1. Initiation phase. In early adolescence, the focus is on 8c Shaffer, 2003).
the self—specifically, on coming to see oneself as a person ca-
pable of relating to members of the other sex in a romantic
way.
2. Status phase. In midadolescence, having a romantic re- Should parents worry about losing influence over their
lationship, and having it with the "right kind" of partner, is children as adolescents become more involved in both
important for the status it brings in the larger peer group. same-sex and cross-sex relationships with peers? Studies of
3. Affection phase. In late adolescence, the focus is on the conformity—the tendency to yield to the opinions and wishes
relationship rather than on the self or peer-group acceptance. of others—show that conformity to parents' wishes tends to
Romantic relationships become more personal, caring rela- decrease gradually and steadily during adolescence.
tionships; they are set in the context of a small, mixed-sex Conformity to peers, including peers who advocate lawbreak-
clique rather than in the context of the larger crowd, with ing, increases until about age 14 or 15 and then declines, al-
friends providing advice and emotional support. though age differences are weak and depend on the issue at
4. Bonding phase. In the transition to young adulthood, hand (Berndt, 1979; Berndt 8c Murphy, 2002). Thus, parents
the emotional intimacy achieved in the affection phase is cou- have some grounds for worrying that their adolescents may
pled with a long-term commitment to create a lasting bond. get into trouble by "going along with the crowd" to engage in
We can speak of a true attachment bond. delinquent acts, especially around age 14 or 15.
Brown's phases were evident in an 8-year longitudinal Increased dependence on peers in early adolescence may
study of German adolescents who were age 13 at the start of serve a positive function, however, representing a first step to-
the study. The 13-year-olds who had romantic relationships ward the development of autonomy (Steinberg 8c Silverberg,
tended to have relatively low quality and unstable, although 1986). Although parents whose teenagers end up at the police
emotionally intense, relationships that only lasted an average station may not be comforted by this thought, teenagers may
of about 3 months (Seiffge-Krenke, 2003). With age, rela- need the secure base that peer acceptance provides before they
tionships lasted longer (an average of 21 months by age 21) are ready to become autonomous in later adolescence. As ado-
and became more emotionally intimate and supportive. lescents progress in their quest for autonomy, they become
Moreover, having a committed romantic relationship at age less dependent on both parents and peers for guidance and
21 was associated with having a positive self-concept at age more able to make their own choices, as evidenced by de-
13, supportive peer relationships at age 15, and a supportive creased conformity to peers in later adolescence.
romantic relationship at age 17. Parents counted, too; sup- Parents retain more influence over their .adolescents than
portive relationships with both mothers and fathers proved is commonly believed, however. Peers influence adolescents'
to be at least as important as supportive relationships with social activities and tastes, but parents continue to be the ma-
peers overall in predicting involvement in a love relationship jor shapers of their educational and vocational plans and im-
in early adulthood (see also Miller 8c Hoicowitz, 2004). portant values (Sebald, 1986; Wilks, 1986). More importantly,
Other research suggests that adolescents who have secure at- teenagers who have close attachments to warm and authorita-
tachment styles based on their early experiences in the tive parents who establish and enforce clear standards of be-
parent-child relationship have more positive experiences havior are likely to be academically and socially competent
dating than anxious or resistant ones, who fall in love and and to associate with conventional rather than antisocial peer
have sex a lot but are ever fearful of abandonment, and groups. As a result, they are less likely to be exposed to nega-
avoidant ones, who are reluctant to get emotionally involved tive peer pressures—and are less susceptible to such pressures
(Tracy et al., 2003). when they do encounter them—than are adolescents whose
How does dating affect adolescent adjustment and devel- family relationships are poor (Brown et al., 1993; Fuligni 8c
opment? Dating at an early age appears to have more negative Eccles, 1993; Santor, Messervey, 8c Kusumakar, 2000).
than positive effects on social and emotional adjustment, ei- Problems for youths who "get in with the wrong crowd"
ther because troubled adolescents start dating early or because and engage in antisocial behavior usually begin at home with
they get hurt or become involved in teenage problem behav- parents who are too strict and who fail to adjust to adoles-
ior before their time (Collins, 2003; Compian, Gowen, 8c cents' needs for greater autonomy (Fuligni 8c Eccles, 1993) or
Hayward, 2004). However, both positive relationships in the with parents who fail to provide enough discipline and do not
family and positive relationships with same-gender peers can monitor their children's activities sufficiently (Brown et al.,
protect young adolescents from the negative effects of early 1993; Dishion et al., 1991). When parents are warm and firm
dating (Brendgen et al., 2002; Doyle et al., 2003). Among older but not too controlling, a continual war of parents versus
adolescents, dating typically has more positive than negative peers is unlikely. Instead, these two forces combine to guide
effects on development and can even compensate for a poor development in positive directions. Adolescents are most
*mm
€ It is no accident that teenagers wear the same hairstyles and dress alike. Peers exert more
influence than parents in these matters.
likely to be well adjusted when they have close attachments to

both parents and peers (Laible, Carlo, & Raffaelli, 2000).
With whom do adults of different ages interact, and how so-
cially active are they? Young adults are busily forming roman-
Summing Up
tic relationships and friendships, typically choosing to associ-
During adolescence, same-sex, and later cross-sex rela- ate with people who are similar to themselves in important
tionships, increasingly involve emotional intimacy and self- ways, just as children and adolescents do. The trend toward
disclosure. According t o Dunphy's model, the peer group greciter intimacy with the other sex that begem in adolescence
is transformed from same-sex cliques t o mixed-sex continues into early adulthood (Reis et al, 1993).
cliques and the crowd structure and finally t o dating re- Young adults, especially single ones, seem to have more
lationships, with the type of crowd an adolescent belongs friends than middle-aged and older adults do. As adults
t o having implications for his self-esteem and develop- marry, have children, take on increasing job responsibilities,
m e n t According t o Brown, dating relationships progress and age, their social networks shrink (Fischer & Phillips, 1982;
through initiation, status, affection, and bonding phases. Fischer et al., 1989). The trend toward smaller social networks
Although conformity t o parents declines during adoles- with age can be seen in many ethnic groups, but ethnic group
cence, and conformity t o negative peer influences peaks differences are also evident. For example, from early adult-
around age 14 or 15, parents continue to be important hood on, African American adults' networks tend to be
forces in their children's lives, influencing life choices and smaller, to be more dominated by kin, and to involve more
values and, if their parenting is warm and firm, ensuring frequent contact than those of European Americans (Ajrouch,
that their children are exposed t o positive peer influ- Antonucci, & Janevic, 2001).
ences. H Laura Carstensens (1992) socioemotional selectivity the-
ory explains the shrinking social networks of aging adults as a
choice they make to better meet their emotional needs (also
see Lang & Carstensen, 2002; Turk-Charles & Carstensen,
Tlie Adult 1999). It is not, as many people believe, the result of increased
loss and social isolation, Carstensen argues; it is an adaptive
Relationships with family and friends are no less important change that involves sacrificing the quantity of relationships
during adulthood than they are earlier in life, but they take on to strengthen their quality and optimize emotional well-
different qualities over the adult years. Examine how people s being. Less time left to live prompts older adults to put less
social networks change over the adult years, then look more emphasis on the goal of acquiring knowledge for future use
closely at their romantic relationships and friendships. and more emphasis on the goal of fulfilling their current emo-
Antonucci, and t h e i r colleagues ( 2 0 0 3 ) asked individuals
ranging in age from 13 t o 9 2 q u e s t i o n s a b o u t h o w positive
and negative in t o n e t h e i r i n t e r a c t i o n s with significant o t h -
e r s w e r e . T h e y then tried t o understand w h a t was behind
age differences in t h e quality o f each t y p e of relationship.
As in t h e study by C a r s t e n s e n and h e r colleagues
( 2 0 0 0 ) , t h e r e w e r e n o age differences in ratings of t h e pos-
itive t o n e of relationships, but o l d e r adults w e r e less likely
than younger adults t o c h a r a c t e r i z e t h e i r relationships as
negatively t o n e d by endorsing s t a t e m e n t s like, " M y m o t h e r
g e t s on my nerves/'This d e c r e a s e with age in negativity was
evident in both Japan and t h e United S t a t e s and f o r all rela-
tionships e x c e p t relationships with spouses, which were
perceived much t h e s a m e a c r o s s age groups. A l s o d e t e c t e d
was a small increase in negativity in adults' relationships
with t h e i r aging parents a f t e r a d e c r e a s e in negativity in t h e
<[ Contrary to stereotype, elderly adults lead rich and generally parent-child relationship f r o m early t o middle adulthood.
positive emotional lives. W h a t a c c o u n t s f o r t h e s e age differences? Knowing p e o -
ple f o r a long t i m e might be hypothesized t o make a person
L aura C a r s t e n s e n ' s s o c i o e m o t i o n a l selectivity t h e o r y sug-

gests t h a t aging adults a d o p t t h e goal o f optimizing t h e i r
e m o t i o n a l e x p e r i e n c e s b e c a u s e they realize t i m e is running
m o r e t o l e r a n t of t h e i r flaws, but it did n o t explain t h e de-
c r e a s e with age in negativity in relationships. O l d e r adults,
however, s h o w e d m o r e social maturity (as indicated by t h e i r
o u t ( C a r s t e n s e n e t al., 2 0 0 3 ) . A r e t h e y successful? To find self-ratings of traits such as sensitivity and c o m p a s s i o n ) than
out, C a r s t e n s e n and h e r colleagues ( 2 0 0 0 ) sampled the younger adults, and t h e y i n t e r a c t e d less frequently with
emotional e x p e r i e n c e s o f African A m e r i c a n and European s o m e m e m b e r s o f t h e i r social convoy (a finding supportive
American adults b e t w e e n age 18 and age 9 4 by paging t h e m o f C a r s t e n s e n ' s s o c i o e m o t i o n a l selectivity t h e o r y ) . M o r e
a t random t i m e s o v e r a I - w e e k period as they w e n t a b o u t social maturity was associated with less negativity in b e s t -
t h e i r lives. C o n t r a r y t o ageist s t e r e o t y p e s , o l d e r adults did friend relationships. Less f r e q u e n t c o n t a c t proved t o be
not have m o r e dismal, depressing emotional lives than even m o r e important. It was c o r r e l a t e d with low negativity
younger adults.Younger and o l d e r adults differed little in t h e in adults' interactions with b o t h children and parents and
f r e q u e n c y with which they e x p e r i e n c e d positive e m o t i o n s , did t h e m o s t t o explain t h e d e c r e a s e with age in negative
and negative e m o t i o n s w e r e less, n o t m o r e , c o m m o n a m o n g p e r c e p t i o n s o f relationships. Apparently w e g e t along b e t t e r
o l d e r adults. O l d e r adults also e x p e r i e n c e d longer-lasting with both o u r children and o u r parents w h e n w e n o longer
positive e m o t i o n s and m o r e fleeting negative m o o d s , sug- live with t h e m . T h a t s p o u s e s normally live t o g e t h e r and in-
gesting that they w e r e b e t t e r able than y o u n g e r adults t o t e r a c t frequently t h r o u g h o u t t h e i r marriage may explain
regulate t h e i r e m o t i o n s , savoring t h e happy e x p e r i e n c e s and why t h e e m o t i o n a l quality o f husband-wife relationships did
cutting s h o r t t h e sad and angry o n e s . Finally, o l d e r adults ap- n o t change much with age.
peared t o have m o r e c o m p l e x e m o t i o n a l e x p e r i e n c e s , m o r e C a r s t e n s e n would argue t h a t t h e e m o t i o n a l experi-
often blending positive and negative e m o t i o n s . C a r s t e n s e n ences o f o l d e r adults a r e less negative than those of
speculates t h a t this may b e b e c a u s e they "realize n o t only younger adults b e c a u s e o l d e r adults have c h o s e n t o r e s t r i c t
w h a t they have but also t h a t w h a t t h e y have c a n n o t last for- t h e i r relationships t o c l o s e o n e s and optimize t h e i r e m o -
e v e r " (p. 6 5 3 ) . tional experiences in t h o s e relationships. Akiyama and
O t h e r research r e i n f o r c e s t h e conclusion t h a t t h e e m o - A n t o n u c c i offer o t h e r reasons, including t h a t people simply
tional lives of elderly adults are rich and rewarding get along b e t t e r w h e n t h e y d o n o t live t o g e t h e r and inter-
( C a r s t e n s e n e t al., 2 0 0 3 ; M r o c z e k , 2 0 0 4 ) . Looking at c l o s e a c t frequently. W h a t e v e r t h e r e a s o n s , it appears t h a t m o s t
relationships with m o t h e r s , fathers, s p o u s e s , children, and of us can e x p e c t t o lead rich e m o t i o n a l lives and t o partic-
friends in Japan and t h e United States, H i r o k o Akiyama,Toni ipate in rewarding relationships in later life.
tional needs. As a result, they actively choose to narrow their and adult romantic attachments are not identical. Yet, like the
range of social partners to those who bring them emotional infant who is attached to a parent, the adult who is in love ex-
pleasure, usually family members and close friends, and let periences strong affection for her partner, wants to be close,
other social relationships fall by the wayside. Whereas younger takes comfort from the bond, and is upset by separations. And
adults need the social stimulation and new information that like the love of parent for infant, romantic love often involves
contacts with strangers and acquaintances often provide, and deep attachment, commitment, and emotional intimacy
are even willing to sacrifice some emotional well-being to have (Hatfield & Rapson, 2000).
many social contacts, older adults put their emotional well- Like parent-child attachment, attachment between ro-
being first. mantic partners is biologically adaptive and may be part of
Does the evidence support socio emotional selectivity our evolutionary heritage; after all, it directly increases the
theory? Middle-aged adults interact less frequently with ac- odds of having children and the odds that these children will
quaintances and friends than young adults do, but they inter- have two parents to help them survive (Diamond, 2003).
act often with their spouses and siblings and feel closer emo- Perhaps it is not surprising, then, that the concept of roman-
tionally to the most significant people in their lives than tic love is not just a Western phenomenon, as many people be-
younger adults do (Carstensen, 1992). Elderly adults drop lieve. Instead, the phenomenon of romantic love has been
even more friends and acquaintances from their networks, but documented in at least 88% of the world's cultures, including
they maintain a core of "very close" relationships. If they do many in which marriages are arranged by family elders
not have living spouses or children, they strengthen relation- (Jankowiak 8c Fischer, 1992).
ships with other relatives or friends so that they can maintain Table 14.3 shows a wray of thinking about how the inter-
this inner circle of intimates (Lang & Carstensen, 1994). Older nal working models of self and other that we construct from
adults end up just as satisfied, if not more satisfied, with their our experiences in the parent-child relationship may affect
relationships than young adults and are less likely to want our romantic relationships (Bartholomew 8c Horowitz, 1991;
more friends (Lansford, Sherman, 8c Antonucci, 1998). The Crowell, Fraley, 8c Shaver, 1999). Adults with a secure working
quality of their emotional experience seems to benefit from model feel good about both themselves and others; they are
socioemotional selectivity, too, as the Explorations box on not afraid of entering intimate relationships or of being aban-
page 412 reveals. doned once they do. People with a preoccupied working model
have a positive viewr of other people but feel unlovable. Like
resistantly attached infants, they crave closeness to others as a
means of validating their self-worth, are highly fearful of
Intrigued by parallels between an infant's attachment to a par- abandonment, and tend to become overly dependent on their
ent figure and a young adult's love for a romantic partner, re- partners.
searchers are studying adult romantic relationships from the Adults with a dismissing style of attachment have a positive
perspective of attachment theory (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2003; view of self but do not trust other people. They dismiss the im-
Feeney & Noller, 1996). Obviously, parent-infant attachments portance of close relationships, possibly because their care-
Table 14.3 Internal Working Models Associated with Views of Self and of Other People Based
on Experiences in Relationships
Model of Self
Positive Negative
SECURE PREOCCUPIED
Secure attachment history Resistant attachment history
Healthy balance of attachment and autonomy; Desperate for love to feel worthy as a person; worry
freedom to explore about abandonment; express anxiety and anger openly
DISMISSING FEARFUL
Avoidant attachment history Disorganized-disoriented attachment history
Shut out emotions; defend against hurt by avoiding Need relationships but doubt own worth and fear
intimacy, dismissing the importance of relationships, intimacy; lack a coherent strategy for meeting
and being "compulsively self-reliant" attachment needs
SOURCE: Adapted from Bartholomew & Horowitz, 1991.

It is also possible to look at these four types o f attachment in terms o f anxiety and avoidance dimensions (Gallo, Smith, & Ruiz, 2003; Mikulincer & Shaver,
2003): the secure type is low in both anxiety over relationships and avoidance of relationships; the preoccupied type is high in anxiety but low in avoidance;
the dismissing type is low in anxiety but high in avoidance; and the fearful type is high in both anxiety and avoidance.
hich of t h e internal working models of attachment it difficult t o t r u s t o t h e r s c o m p l e t e l y o r t o d e p e n d
in Table 14.3—secure, dismissing, preoccupied, or on t h e m . I s o m e t i m e s w o r r y t h a t I will b e h u r t if I
fearful—is expressed in each of t h e following statements allow myself t o b e c o m e t o o c l o s e t o o t h e r s . "
( B a r t h o l o m e w & Horowitz, 1991, p. 2 4 4 , adapted from Hazan 3. " I t is relatively easy f o r m e t o b e c o m e e m o t i o n a l l y
& Shaver, 1987)? And which internal working model best de- c l o s e t o o t h e r s . I am c o m f o r t a b l e depending on o t h -
scribes you? e r s and having o t h e r s d e p e n d on m e . I d o n ' t w o r r y
a b o u t being a l o n e o r having o t h e r s n o t a c c e p t m e . "
1. "I w a n t t o b e c o m p l e t e l y emotionally intimate with
4. "I am c o m f o r t a b l e w i t h o u t c l o s e e m o t i o n a l relation-
o t h e r s , but I often find t h a t o t h e r s a r e reluctant t o
ships. It is v e r y i m p o r t a n t t o m e t o feel i n d e p e n d e n t
g e t as c l o s e as I would like. I am u n c o m f o r t a b l e being
and self-sufficient, and I p r e f e r n o t t o d e p e n d on
w i t h o u t c l o s e relationships, but I s o m e t i m e s w o r r y
o t h e r s o r have o t h e r s d e p e n d on m e . "
t h a t o t h e r s don't value m e as much as I value t h e m . "
2. "I am s o m e w h a t u n c o m f o r t a b l e getting c l o s e t o o t h -
e r s . I w a n t e m o t i o n a l l y c l o s e relationships, but I find gUTSSIUISTQ 'f '3^1103$ '£ 'Z <p9]dnDD03.IcJ
givers were unreliable (Beckwith, Cohen, & Hamilton, 1999). Research using the AAI and similar instruments suggests
Like avoidantly attached infants, they defend themselves that adults can be classified based on their predominant styles
against hurt by not expressing their need for love or their fear of attachment. In a pioneering study conceptualizing roman-
of abandonment. They deny that they need people or that re- tic love as attachment, Cindy Hazan and Phillip Shaver (1987)
lationships matter to them, find it hard to trust partners, feel classified 56% of the adults they studied as having a secure at-
that others want them to be more intimate than they wish to tachment style, 19% as resistant, and 25% as avoidant. (They
be, and keep partners at a distance. Bowlby (1973) described did not measure the fearful or disorganized-disoriented at-
dismissing or avoidant individuals as "compulsively self-re- tachment style.) Adults' styles of attachment were related to
liant." Finally, adults with a fearful working model resemble in- the quality of their romantic relationships. For example,
fants with a disorganized-disoriented attachment; they take a adults with a secure attachment style experience a good deal
dim view of both themselves and other people and display a of trust and many positive emotions in their .current love re-
confusing mix of neediness and fear of closeness. You may wish lationships, and their relationships tend to last longer than
to see if you can identify the internal working models ex- those of adults with insecure attachment styles. Avoidant
pressed by the statements in the Explorations box on this page. lovers fear intimacy, whereas resistant individuals tend to be
Mary Main and her colleagues have stimulated much re- obsessed with their partners. Both avoidant and resistant
search on adult attachment with their Adult Attachment adults report a lot of jealousy and emotional extremes of love
Interview (AAI). It asks adults about their childhood experi- and pain in their romantic relationships. They also feel unable
ences with attachment figures and about their current rela- to regulate their negative emotions or to manage conflicts
tionships with their parents and romantic partners, including with their partners (Creasey, Kershaw, & Boston, 1999).
their experiences with separation and rejection, then classifies Hazan and Shaver also discovered that adults with a se-
respondents into categories similar to those in Table 14.3 cure attachment style recalled warm relationships with their
based on their state of mind concerning attachment (Main, parents during childhood. By contrast, adults with insecure
Kaplan, & Cassidy, 1985). Much is learned by seeing how attachment styles tended to remember their parents as unfair,
freely and coherently adults talk about their early relation- critical, or cold. They also tend to have experienced abuse,
ships and how objectively they view them. For example, dis- neglect, and losses such as divorce or death in their early re-
missing adults prove unable to reflect on their early relation- lationships or to have parents whose problems with sub-
ships with their parents; they may say all was great but provide stance abuse, depression, and so on made them unreliable
no supporting evidence. Preoccupied adults have a lot to say, caregivers (Mickelson, Kessler, & Shaver, 1997). Retrospective
much of it emotionally charged, but they have difficulty inte- data such as these are not very convincing, however, because
grating and gaining a perspective on their experiences. Secure people may distort memories of the past to fit present reali-
(also called autonomous) adults are able to reflect on their ties. More convincing is a study by Rand Conger and his col-
family experience and make sense of it, even when they have leagues (2000) in which a warm parent-child relationship in
had miserable childhoods. seventh grade was linked in a longitudinal study to a high-
and a focus on mastering challenges as opposed to avoiding
failure (Elliot 8c Reis, 2003). Securely attached adults also en-
joy their work and are good at it, whereas preoccupied, or re-
sistantly attached, adults want approval and grumble about
not being valued enough by their bosses and coworkers.
Dismissing, or avoidantly attached, adults bury themselves in
their work and do little socializing (Hazan 8c Shaver, 1990).
The internal working models of self and other that grow
out of early experiences in the family also affect an adult's ca-
pacity for caregiving—for empathizing with others, respond-
ing to their needs, and being a sensitive and responsive parent
(Mikulincer 8c Shaver, 2003). Mothers and fathers who had se-
cure relations with their parents tend to interact in more sen-
sitive ways with their children and form more secure attach-
ment relationships with them than parents whose early
attachments were insecure (van IJzendoorn, 1995). Mothers
whose AAIs reveal a dismissing attachment style experience
little positive emotion, for example, whereas preoccupied
mothers are anxious and behave angrily and intrusively with
their infants (Adam, Gunnar, 8c Tanalca, 2004).
What is more, in a study of the intergenerational trans-
mission of attachment styles, grandmothers who completed
the AAI, mothers-to-be who completed the AAI when preg-
nant, and infants tested in the Strange Situation with their
mothers all fell in the same attachment category in 64% of
the cases (Benoit 8c Parker, 1994). Researchers are not yet sure
how these family resemblances in attachment styles arise.
They could be caused partly by genetic influences on tem-
perament and behavior related to attachment. Intergen-
(( Romantic attachment shares qualities with parent-infant erational resemblances may also reflect a mother's current ad-
attachment. justment and orientation to relationships more than the
lasting effects of her early experiences in the family; for exam-
quality romantic relationship in early adulthood. Moreover, ple, a woman may recall her relationship with her mother pos-
in a study spanning the years from infancy to adulthood, itively if she enjoys a positive relationship with her infant and
adults who had experienced sensitive maternal care in in- with her partner or negatively if she is depressed and unable
fancy had positive mental representations of their romantic to respond appropriately to her infant. However, it is also
relationships (Grossmann et al., 2002b). The quality of an plausible that internal working models of relationships are
adult's romantic relationship was also related to the quality of passed from one generation to the next through observational
the parent-child attachment, only weakly in infancy but more learning.
strongly at ages 6, 10, and 16. Do attachment styles have bearing on adjustment in old
These and other studies suggest that adults' styles of at- age? Adults who recall loving relationships with their parents
tachment are a reflection of their history of attachment rela- during childhood tend to have better physical and mental
tionships (Fraley, 2002). Here, then, is at least, some support health than those who recall unsupportive relationships
for Bowlby's (1973) hypothesis that internal working models (Shaw et al., 2004). Interestingly, whereas most young and
of self and other formed on the basis of parent-child interac- middle-aged adults appear to have secure adult attachment
tions affect the quality of later relationships. Receiving warm styles, Carol Magai and her colleagues (2001) have found that
and supportive parenting as a child appears to be associated most European American and African American elderly
with engaging in warm, supportive behavior in romantic rela- adults fall in the dismissing-avoidant category based on their
tionships as a young adult—and, as a result, enjoying a high- responses to attachment measures; they express some discom-
quality relationship (Conger et al, 2000). fort with closeness and tend to be compulsively self-reliant.
As Bowlby theorized, internal working models of self and Elderly people with either a secure or a dismissive (avoidant)
other also predict the capacity for exploration—the extent to attachment style tend to be happier than those whose styles
which adults have the confidence and curiosity to explore are preoccupied or fearful, suggesting that the independent,
their environments and to take on and master challenges dismissive style may be adaptive in old age, possibly helping
(Mikulincer 8c Shaver, 2003). A secure attachment style in adults who have lost spouses to adapt to life on their own
adulthood is associated with strong achievement motivation (Webster, 1998).
Overall, internal working models of self and other, both
those formed in childhood and those operating in adulthood,
have implications for adult romantic relationships, explo-
ration, work, relationships with children, and overall adjust-
ment. But they are termed working models because they are
subject to revision if later experiences in relationships suggest
change is warranted. Although research on secure, preoccu-
pied, dismissing, and fearful styles of attachment in adulthood
is intriguing, remember that early attachment experiences
may predict the future but do not determine it.
Adult Friendships
Friendships remain important across the life span, although
they take on different characters at different ages (Blieszner 8c
Roberto, 2004). Young adults typically have more friends than
older adults do, but even adults age 85 and older usually have
at least one close friend and are in frequent contact with their
friends (Johnson & Troll, 1994). The friends of elderly adults
are generally elderly; in one study, 68% of adults over age
75 had no one in their social network younger than 35,
suggesting a good deal of age segregation (Uhlenberg & de
Jong-Gierveld, 2004). Elderly adults seem fine with this, how-
ever: Almost three-fourths of the women Rebecca Adams
(1985-1986) interviewed claimed that "old friends are the best
friends," even though they continued to make new friends late
in life.
What happens to friendships as older adults begin to
develop significant health problems and disabilities? When
one friend needs more ciid than the other and is able to give
less aid in return, this imbalance can strain the relationship
(Silverstein 8c Waite, 1993). Social psychologists have long em-
<[ Ciose friendships that have lasted for years are particularly impor-
phasized the importance of equity, or a balance of contribu-
tant to adults.
tions and gains, to satisfaction with close relationships
(Walster, Walster, 8c Berscheid, 1978). A person who receives
more from a relationship than he gives is likely to feel guilty;
a person who gives a great deal and receives little in return
Development
may feel angry or resentful. We have emphasized throughout this chapter that close at-
Consistent with this equity view, involvement in relation- tachments to other people are essential to normal cognitive,
ships in which the balance of emotional support given and re- social, and emotional development. It should not surprise you
ceived is unequal is associated with lower emotional well- to learn, then, that adults are better off in many ways if they
being and more symptoms of depression than involvement in enjoy meaningful social relationships. Research tells us this:
more balanced relationships (Keyes, 2002; Ramos 8c Wilmoth, The quality rather than the quantity of an individual's social
2003). Interestingly, overbenefited, or dependent, friends in relationships is most closely related to that person's sense of
relationships often experience more distress than underbene- well-being or life satisfaction (O'Connor, 1995; Pinquart 8c
fited, or support-giving, friends (Roberto 8c Scott, 1986). Sorensen, 2000). Just as people can feel lonely despite being
Being able to help other people, or at least to reciprocate help, surrounded by other people, adults apparently can feel de-
tends to boost the self-esteem and reduce the depressive prived of social support even though they receive a lot of it—
symptoms of elderly adults (Krause 8c Shaw, 2000; Ramos & or they can have restricted social networks yet be highly satis-
Wilmoth, 2003). Perhaps because of gender-role norms, men fied with their relationships.
who have a strong desire to be independent react especially The size of an adult's social network is not nearly as im-
negatively to receiving help (Nagumey, Reich, 8c Newsom, portant as whether it includes at least one confidant—a
2004). Perhaps because inequity threatens friendships, older spouse, relative, or friend to whom the individual feels espe-
adults usually call on family rather than friends when they cially attached and with whom thoughts and feelings can be
need substantial help, unless they have no kin nearby (Felton shared (de Jong-Gierveld, 1986; Levitt, 1991). For most mar-
& Berry, 1992; Kendig et al, 1988). ried adults in our society, spouses are the most important con-
fidants, and the quality of an adult's marriage is one of the in to fill these needs; for single adults, siblings sometimes be-
strongest influences on overall satisfaction with life (Fleeson, come especially important (Connidis & Davies, 1992).
2004). Men are particularly dependent on their spouses; Cultural factors enter, too: in Japan, for example, relationships
women draw more on friends, siblings, and children for emo- with grown children appear to be more critical to the well-be-
tional support (Gurung, Taylor, & Seeman, 2003). For older ing of adults than relationships with husbands or wives
adults whose spouses have died, children or friends often step (Sugisawa et al., 2002).
H o w might s o m e of t h e knowledge o f social develop-

m e n t captured in this c h a p t e r be applied t o help hu-
mans develop m o r e satisfying social relationships a c r o s s t h e
f o u r i m p o r t a n t social skills: h o w t o participate in play activ-
ities, h o w t o t a k e t u r n s and share, h o w t o c o m m u n i c a t e ef-
fectively, and h o w t o give a t t e n t i o n and help t o p e e r s . N o t
life span? As you have s e e n , parents w h o are likely t o b e in- only did t h e children w h o w e r e c o a c h e d b e c o m e m o r e out-
sensitive t o t h e i r infants, as well as infants w h o have difficult going and positive in t h e i r social behavior, but a follow-up
t e m p e r a m e n t s , a r e at risk f o r forming insecure a t t a c h m e n t s . a s s e s s m e n t a year later also revealed t h a t they had achieved
In o n e study (van den B o o m , 1 9 9 5 ) , l o w - i n c o m e m o t h e r s in gains in s o c i o m e t r i c status within t h e c l a s s r o o m . Similar
Holland with irritable babies w e r e given a s e r i e s of t h r e e 2 - coaching p r o g r a m s have b e e n found effective with lonely
h o u r training s e s s i o n s designed t o make t h e m m o r e sensi- college students w h o have t r o u b l e relating t o m e m b e r s o f
tive and responsive caregivers. H o m e visitors w o r k e d with t h e o t h e r s e x ( C h r i s t o p h e r , Nangle, & Hansen, 1993; J o n e s ,
t h e m o t h e r s during everyday interactions t o help t h e m r e c - H o b b s , & Hockenbury, 1982).
ognize, interpret, and respond appropriately t o t h e i r infants' However, n o t all individuals w h o a r e lonely and isolated
positive and negative cues. N o t only did t h e m o t h e r s w h o are socially i n c o m p e t e n t . For s o m e individuals, t h e real
received training b e c o m e m o r e sensitive caregivers, but problem is a r e s t r i c t e d social e n v i r o n m e n t — a lack of o p -
t h e i r infants also w e r e m o r e likely than t h o s e of m o t h e r s portunities t o f o r m c l o s e relationships ( R o o k , 1984, 1991).
w h o received no training t o be able t o s o o t h e t h e m s e l v e s Such was t h e c a s e f o r t h e socially isolated elderly p e o p l e
w h e n u p s e t , t o be securely a t t a c h e d at age I , a n d t o remain d e s c r i b e d by Marc Pilisuk and Meredith Minkler (1980).
securely attached a t age 3. W h a t is m o r e , t h e s e children Living in inner-city hotels in San Francisco, t h e s e individuals
t r a n s f e r r e d positive skills t h e y learned in t h e p a r e n t - i n f a n t w e r e often p r i s o n e r s in t h e i r r o o m s b e c a u s e o f disability,
relationship t o t h e i r relationships with p e e r s . poverty, and fear o f c r i m e . To change this situation, public
O t h e r studies also suggest that parents w h o are re- health nurses began t o offer f r e e blood p r e s s u r e checkups
sponding insensitively t o t h e i r infants can b e trained in only in t h e lobby of o n e hotel. As t h e nurses g o t t o k n o w t h e
a few sessions t o b e m o r e sensitive caregivers and, as a re- residents, t h e y w e r e able t o draw t h e m into c o n v e r s a t i o n s
sult, t o build m o r e s e c u r e a t t a c h m e n t s with t h e i r infants and t o link individuals w h o had c o m m o n interests. A f t e r
( B a k e r m a n s - K r a n e n b u r g , van IJzendoorn, & Juffer, 2 0 0 3 ) . a b o u t a year, t h e residents f o r m e d t h e i r own activities club;
A l s o promising is t o d d l e r - p a r e n t psychotherapy based on organized discussions, film showings, and parties; and w e r e
a t t a c h m e n t t h e o r y . In this a p p r o a c h , d e p r e s s e d parents a r e well on t h e i r way o u t o f t h e i r social i s o l a t i o n . T h e t r i c k was
helped t o understand h o w t h e i r internal working m o d e l s of t o change t h e i r social e n v i r o n m e n t r a t h e r than t h e i r social
relationships (for e x a m p l e , t h e i r lingering anger at a m o t h e r skills. Programs in which h o m e visitors befriend lonely eld-
w h o was n o t t h e r e f o r t h e m - i n childhood) affect their in- erly adults are also received well ( A n d r e w s e t al., 2 0 0 3 ) .
t e r a c t i o n s with t h e i r infants and h o w they can improve B e c a u s e d e v e l o p m e n t is influenced by both individual
t h o s e interactions ( C i c c h e t t i , T o t h , & R o g o s c h , 2 0 0 4 ) . and environmental f a c t o r s , it makes s e n s e t o think t h a t chil-
Children w h o are neglected or, w o r s e , r e j e c t e d by t h e i r dren and adults w h o lack healthy social relationships can be
p e e r s are a n o t h e r group at risk.They can be helped through helped m o s t through efforts t o improve t h e i r social skills
interventions designed t o t e a c h t h e m t h e social and social and t o change t h e i r social e n v i r o n m e n t s t o increase o p p o r -
cognitive skills they lack (Ladd, 1999; Malik & Furman, 1 9 9 3 ) . tunities f o r meaningful i n t e r a c t i o n . T h e goal might b e t o en-
In social-skills coaching programs, an adult t h e r a p i s t models sure t h a t every p e r s o n enjoys t h e many developmental ben-
o r displays social skills, explains why they are useful, allows efits t h a t c o m e f r o m a social c o n v o y t h a t includes a s e c u r e
children t o p r a c t i c e t h e m , t h e n offers f e e d b a c k t o help chil- bond with at least o n e caregiver during infancy, o n e friend
dren improve t h e i r skills. S h e r r i e O d e n and Steven A s h e r during childhood and a d o l e s c e n c e , and an intimate roman-
( 1 9 7 7 ) c o a c h e d third- and f o u r t h - g r a d e social isolates in tic relationship o r friendship in adulthood.
The amount of help key sources of social support provide givers lower them (Gunnar, 2000). In addition, chronic emo-
is less important than whether interacting with them is re- tional arousal because of poor emotion regulation in adult-
warding or stressful That is, quantity is less important than hood impairs the immune system and leaves people suscepti-
quality in relationships (Krause, 1995). Perhaps because of ble to disease, whereas close relationships help people keep
their personality traits, people who have positive (or negative) their emotions under control (Charles & Mavandadi, 2004).
interactions in one relationship tend to have similar experi- Whatever the mechanisms, and whatever our ages, our well-
ences in other relationships, creating a constellation of sup- being and developmental outcomes hinge considerably on
portive (or stressful) relationships (Krause & Rook, 2003). the quality of our ties to our fellow humans—particularly on
Thus, an adults interactions with grown children can under- having a close bond with at least one person. It is fitting, then,
mine rather than increase well-being if the parent-child at- that we conclude this chapter by illustrating, in the
tachment is insecure (Barnas, Pollina, & Cummings, 1991), Applications box on page 417, approaches to improving so-
and negative exchanges with spouses, children, or other sig- cial relationships across the life span.
nificant companions can have lasting negative effects on emo-
tional well-being (Newsom et al., 2003).
Summing Up
So, a small number of close and harmonious relation-
ships can make negative life events more bearable and im- Social networks shrink from early t o later adulthood, al-
prove the overall quality of an adult's life, and negative rela- though a core of close relationships is evident at all ages.
tionships can make life unpleasant. It is more than that, According t o Carstensen's socioemotional selectivity
however: Social support, especially from family members, has theory, this is because older adults, seeing less time
positive effects on the cardiovascular, endocrine, and im- ahead, focus on emotional fulfillment ratherthan acquisi-
mune systems, keeps blood pressure in the normal range, tion of information for future use. As revealed by the AAI
improves the body's ability to cope with stress, and can and other tools, adults have secure, preoccupied, dismiss-
contribute to better physical functioning and a longer life, ing, or fearful internal working models of self and other
especially in old age (Charles & Mavandadi, 2004; Uchino, that are rooted in their early attachment experiences
Cacioppo, & Keicolt-Glaser, 1996). Close relationships can and that affect the quality of their romantic relationships,
also help prevent declines in cognitive functioning their ability t o explore and t o w o r k productively, and
(Zunzunegui et al., 2003). Susan Charles and Shahrzad their ability t o form secure attachments with their own
Mavandadi (2004), noting that emotions and social relation- children. Adults continue t o value friends, but disability
ships are closely linked starting in infancy, suggest that they and disease can introduce inequity into relationships, so
may have evolved together. They go on to suggest that social older adults often turn first to family for help. Life satis-
relationships affect health and well-being through their ef- f a c t i o n ' s well as physical and cognitive functioning, tends
fects, good or bad, on emotions and emotion regulation. to be maintained better in old age when people have at
Thus, separation from caregivers and social deprivation raise least one close confidant t o help them regulate their
stress hormone levels in infants, whereas reunions with care- emotions. H
S u m m a r y Points tionships; and more recently Judith Rich Harris, who argues that
children are socialized more by peer groups than by parents.
1. Social relationships contribute immensely to human devel- 3. Biologically based emotions such as anger and fear appear in
opment, primarily by providing critical learning opportunities and the first year of life, and self-conscious emotions emerge in the sec-
social support (through our changing social convoys). The develop- ond year; emotions are quickly socialized by caregivers. As infants
mental significance of early parent-child relationships was empha- age, they rely less on caregivers and more on their own emotion reg-
sized by Sigmund Freud and continues to be emphasized in the ulation strategies to manage their emotions in interactions with their
Bowlby-Ainsworth attachment theory, which draws on ethological, attachment objects.
psychoanalytic, and cognitive theory to argue that attachments are 4. Because infants have endearing qualities, parents typically be-
built into the human species, develop through an interaction of na- come attached to them before or shortly after birth. Parent and child
ture and nurture during a sensitive period early in life, and affect establish synchronized routines, and infants progress through phases
later development by shaping internal working models of self and of undiscriminating social responsiveness, discriminating social re-
other. sponsiveness, active proximity seeking, and goal-corrected partner-
2. The second world of childhood, the peer world, is believed to ship. The formation of a first attachment around 6 or 7 months is ac-
be especially important by Jean Piaget, who emphasized the recipro- companied by separation anxiety and stranger anxiety, as well as by
cal nature of peer relations; Flarry Stack Sullivan, who held that exploration from a secure base.
childhood chumships can compensate for poor parent-child rela- 5. Research using Mary Ainsworth s Strange Situation classifies
tionships or peer rejection and prepare children for romantic rela- the quality of parent-infant attachment as secure, resistant,
avoidant, or disorganized-disoriented. The Freudian view that in- chapter, hypothesize how she might have developed this attachment
fants become attached to those who feed them lacks support; Harry pattern and what kinds of relationships she will have as she grows up.
Harlow was correct to emphasize contact comfort. More generally, 2. Ethological theory, psychoanalytic theory, and cognitive psy-
secure attachments are associated with sensitive, responsive parent- chology all influenced John Bowlby as he formulated attachment the-
ing; resistant attachments with inconsistent, unresponsive care; ory. Which elements of attachment theory do you think most reflect
avoidant attachments with either rejection or overstimulation; and each of these three theoretical perspectives, and why?
disorganized-disoriented attachments with abuse. Infant character- 3. Billy, age 10, does not have a best friend and has never really
istics (temperament and achievement of cognitive developmental had one. Why do you think this is, and what implications might lack
milestones such as person permanence) also contribute. of a friend have for Billy s later development?
6. Repeated long-term separations from attachment figures can 4. Laura Carstensen's socioemotional selectivity theory suggests
result in withdrawal from relationships. Worse is social deprivation that adults narrow their social networks with age to better meet their
that makes it impossible for an infant to attach to anyone; recovery is emotional needs. Can you develop alternative hypotheses about why
evident, but so are disinhibited patterns of attachment and long- young adults might have larger social networks than elderly adults?
term developmental delays in children who spend much time in de-
prived institutions. By contrast, attending day care normally does not
disrupt development or parent-child attachments, assuming that the Key T e r m s
quality of care at home and in the day care facility is reasonably good.
Secure attachments contribute to later social competence and explo- social support, 385 secure attachment, 392
ration, but attachment quality often changes over time; insecurely at- social convoy, 385 resistant attachment, 394
tached infants are not inevitably doomed to a lifetime of poor rela- attachment theory, 386 avoidant attachment, 394
tionships.
attachment, 386 disorganized-disoriented
7. Infants are interested in peers and become increasingly able
imprinting, 386 attachment, 394
to coordinate their own activity with that of their small companions.
By 18 months, they participate in complementary interactive ex- internal working model, 387 contact comfort, 395
changes and form friendships. peer, 387 pretend play, 403
8. From age 2 to age 12, children participate in goal-corrected social pretend play, 404
chumship, 387
partnerships with their parents and spend increasing amounts of
self-conscious emotion, 389 sociometric techniques, 405
time with peers, especially same-sex ones, engaging in increasingly
social and imaginative play and later in organized games. Physical at- social referencing, 390 clique, 408
tractiveness, cognitive ability, and social competence contribute to emotion regulation, 390 crowd, 408
popular—rather than rejected, neglected, or controversial—socio- conformity, 410
synchronized routines, 391
metric status. Children who are rejected by their peers or who have
no friends are especially at risk for future problems. separation anxiety, 392 socioemotional selectivity
theory, 411
9. During adolescence, same- and cross-sex friendships increas- stranger anxiety, 392
ingly involve emotional intimacy and self-disclosure, and a transition equity, 416
secure base, 392
is made from same-sex peer groups to mixed-sex cliques and larger confidant, 416
crowds and finally to dating relationships, which at first meet self- Strange Situation, 392
esteem and status needs and later become more truly affectionate.
Although susceptibility to negative peer pressure peaks around age
14 or 15, peers are more often a positive than a negative force in de-
Media. Resources
velopment, unless poor relationships with parents result in an ado-
Websites to Explore
lescents becoming involved with an antisocial crowd.
10. Most adults of all ages have high-quality relationships, but Visit Our Website
social networks shrink with age, possibly because of increased so- For a chapter tutorial quiz and other useful features, visit
cioemotional selectivity. Adults have secure, preoccupied, dismissing, the book's companion website at http://psychology.wadsworth.com/
or fearful internal working models of self and others that appear to sigelman_rider5e. You can also connect directly to the following sites:
be rooted in their early attachment experiences and that affect their
romantic relationships, approaches to work, and ability to form se- Attachment
cure attachments with their own children. The website of developmental psychologist Everett Waters gives you
11. Although adults are highly involved with their spouses or an opportunity to read several papers on attachment theory and at-
romantic partners, they continue to value friendships, especially tachment research, including papers by attachment theorist Mary
long-lasting and equitable ones. Having at least one confidant has Ainsworth.
beneficial effects on life satisfaction and on physical and cognitive
functioning. Pretend Play
This visually engaging and creative site focuses on pretend play, cov-
ering Jean Piagets views on play, types of play, and more. A fun ex-
perience.
1. Return to Baby Jessica, the little girl introduced at the start of

Day Care Quality
the chapter who was taken at age 2 from the only parents she had ever
The site of the Child Welfare League of America offers guidance on
known. Suppose she was observed at age 5 and found to have a re-
judging the quality of day care centers.
sistant style of attachment to her mother. Now that you have read the
Adult Attachment Life-Span CD-ROM
This is the website of Phillip Shaver's Adult Attachment lab at the
University of California at Davis. With papers on adult attachment
and descriptions of measures of adult attachment styles, it offers a
self-scoring Close Relationships Questionnaire that will allow you to
see what your attachment style might be.
video library:
Exercises on the Web VIDEO Early and Middle Childhood: Play
For additional insight on the data presented in this VIDEO Attachment: Stranger Anxiety Secure Base Phenomenon
chapter, try the exercises for these figures at http://psychology DEVELOPMENTAL
Psychology{H)N°w TM
Figure 14.4 Frequency of activities engaged in by preschool chil-
dren of different ages
gent study system that provides a complete package of diagnostic
Figure 14.5 Changes during adolescence in the intimacy of quizzes, a personalized study plan, integrated multimedia elements,
same-sex and cross-sex friendships and learning modules. Check it out at http://psychology.wadsworth
C H A P T E R f 1 f t n
IInderstandingf tlie F a m i l y Sibling Relationships Diversity in Family L i f e

A New7 Baby Arrives
The Family as a System Singles
Ambivalence in Sibling
The Family as a System within Relationships Childless Married Couples
Other Systems Contributions to Development Dual-Career Families
The Family as a Changing System Gay and Lesbian Families
A Changing System in a Changing T k e Adolescent Divorcing Families
World Before the Divorce
Ripples in the Parent-Child
After the Divorce
Relationship
1'lie I n f a n t Remarriage and Reconstituted
Renegotiating the Relationship
Families
Mother-Infant and Father-Infant
Relationships
T k e Adult
Mothers, Fathers, and Infants: The Tlie Problem of Family
System at Work Establishing the Marriage V iolenee
New Parenthood
Why Does Family Violence Occur?
T l i e C lin a The Child-Rearing Family The Abuser
The Empty Nest The Abused
Parenting Styles
Grandparenthood The Context.
Dimensions of Child Rearing
Social Class, Economic Hardship, Changing Family Relationships What Are the Effects of Family
and Parenting Marital Relationships Violence?
Models of Influence in the Family Sibling Relationships
Parent. Effects Model Parent-Child Relationships
Child Effects Model
Transactional Model
T W O C O L L E G E S T U D E N T S , t w o t a k e s o n h o w di- mother-child relationship, assuming that the only process of
v o r c e affects children's lives ( H a r v e y & Fine, 2 0 0 4 , pp. 3 2 - 3 3 interest within the family was the mother's influence on the
and 6 4 ) : .child's development.
The nuclear family consists of husband-father, wife-
My b r o t h e r , f o r i n s t a n c e , b e c a m e v e r y d i s t a n t and c o l d
mother, and at least one child. Even a simple man, woman,
t o w a r d my m o t h e r . H e c h o s e n o t t o e x p r e s s any e m o -
and infant "system" can be complex. An infant interacting
tion I, o n t h e o t h e r hand, b e c a m e v e r y sad. I didn't
with her mother is already involved in a process of reciprocal
u n d e r s t a n d , b e c a u s e as I said, t h e i r m a r r i a g e w a s p e r -
influence: The baby's smile is likely to be greeted by a smile
f e c t . I w i t h d r e w f r o m my f r i e n d s , c o u l d n ' t s l e e p , and I
from Mom, and Mom's smile is likely to be reciprocated by the
c r i e d all o f t h e t i m e .
infant's grin. However, the presence of both parents means
I l o o k b a c k a t t h e d i v o r c e o f my p a r e n t s and I
that there is a family system involving husband-wife, mother-
t h i n k it w a s a v e r y i m p o r t a n t t i m e in my life. It h e l p e d
infant, and father-infant relationships (Belslcy, 1981). Every
my [sic] t o m a t u r e and t o b e c o m e m o r e r e s p o n s i b l e . I
individual and every relationship within the family affects
have n o r e g r e t s . I have l o s t a man w h o w a s i n t e n d e d t o
every other individual and relationship through reciprocal in-
b e my father, b u t g a i n e d a real dad.
fluence. You am see why it was naive to think that the family
could be understood by studying only the ways in which
mothers mold their children.
For good or bad, we are all bound to our families. We are born
Now think about how complex the family system be-
into them, work our way toward adulthood in them, start our
comes if we add another child (or two or six) to it. We must
own as adults, and continue to lead linked lives in old age. We
then understand the relationships between each parent and
are part of our families, and they are part of us. James
each of these children, the spousal relationship, and the re-
Garbarino (1992) has gone so far as to call the family the "ba-
lationships between siblings. The family becomes a system
sic unit of human experience" (p. 7).
with parent-child, marital, and sibling subsystems (Parke,
This chapter examines the family and its central roles in
2004). Or consider the complexity of an extended family
human development throughout the life span. How has the
household, in which parents and their children live with
family changed in recent years? How do infants, children, and
other kin—some combination of grandparents, siblings,
adolescents experience family life, and how are they affected
aunts, uncles, nieces, and nephews. Extended family house-
by their relationships with parents and siblings? How is adult
holds are common in many cultures of the world (Ruggles,
development affected by such family transitions as marrying,
1994). In U.S. society, African Americans, Hispanic
becoming a parent, watching children leave the nest, and be-
Americans, and other ethnic minorities tend to place more
coming a grandparent? Finally, what are the implications of
emphasis on extended family bonds than European
the diversity that characterizes today's family lifestyles—and
Americans do (Gadsden, 1999; Leyendecker & Lamb, 1999).
of such decisions as remaining childless or divorcing?
Among African Americans, for example, economically dis-
advantaged single mothers can obtain needed help with
child care and social support by living with their mothers
Understanding? tke F a m i l y (Burton, 1990; Taylor, 2000). Even when members of the ex-
tended family live in their own nuclear family households,
The family is a system, a system within other systems, a chang- they often share responsibility for raising children, to the
ing system, and a changing system in a changing world. benefit of the children.
Debate rages in the United States today about whether the

marriage that forms the basis of a family must be between
man and wife or can be between two men or two women.
This illustrates that it may not be possible to define family in
a way that applies across all cultures and eras; many forms of
•M
family life have worked and continue to work for humans
(Coontz, 2000a; Leeder, 2004). However we define what a
marriage is, proponents of family systems theory conceptu-
alize a family as a system. This means that the family, like the
human body, is truly a whole consisting of interrelated parts,
each of which affects and is affected by every other part, and
each of which contributes to the functioning of the whole
(Fingerman & Bermann, 2000; Klein & White, 1996). In the
past, developmentalists did not adopt this family systems
perspective. They typically focused almost entirely on the d The family is a system in which reciprocal influence reigns.
Stage Available Roles
Whether a family is of the nuclear or the extended type, it does
not exist in a vacuum. Adopting Urie Bronfenbrenners bio- 1. Married couple without Wife
children Husband
ecological model (see Chapter 1) will help you view the fam-
ily as a system embedded in larger social systems such as a 2. Childbearing family (oldest Wife-mother
neighborhood, a community, a subculture, and a broader cul- child from birth to 30 Husband-father
months) Infant daughter or son
ture. The family experience in our culture is different from
that in cultures where new brides become underlings in the 3. Family with preschool children Wife-mother
households of their mothers-in-law or where men can have (oldest child from 30 months Husband-father
several wives. There is an almost infinite variety of family to 6 years) Daughter-sister
forms and family contexts in the world and a correspondingly Son-brother
wide range of developmental experiences within the family. 4. Family with school-age children Wife-mother
(oldest child up to 12 years) Husband-father
Daughter-sister
Famii
Son-brother
It would be difficult enough to study the family as a system if 5. Family with teenagers (oldest Wife-mother
it kept the same members and continued to perform the same child from 13 to 20 years) Husband-father
activities for as long as it existed. However, family member- Daughter-sister
ship changes as new children are born and as grown children Son-brother
leave the nest. Moreover, each family member is a developing 6. Family launching young adults Wife-mother-
individual, and the relationships between husband and wife, (First child gone to last child grandmother
parent and child, and sibling and sibling develop in systematic gone) Husband-father-
ways over time. Because the family is truly a system, changes grandfather
in family membership and changes in any individual or rela- Daughter-sister-aunt
tionship within the family affect the dynamics of the whole. Son-brother-uncle
The earliest theories of family development featured the 7. Family without children Wife-mother-
concept of a family life cycle—a sequence of changes in fam- (empty nest to retirement) grandmother
ily composition, roles, and relationships from the time people Husbancl-father-
grandfather
marry until they die (Hill 8c Rodgers, 1964). Family theorist
Evelyn Duvall (1977) outlined eight stages of the family life 8. Aging family Wife-mother-
cycle (see Table 15.1"). In each stage, family members play dis- (retirement to death) grandmother
tinctive roles and carry out distinctive developmental tasks— Husb an d-fath er-
grandfather
for example, establishing a satisfying relationship in the new-
Widow or widower
lywed phase, adjusting to the demands of new parenthood in
the childbearing phase, and adapting to the departure of chil- SOURCE: Adapted from Duvall, 1977.
dren in the "launching" phase.
In this chapter, we look at the effect of these family transi-
tions on adults, and we examine how the child's experience of ence. Drawing on analyses of U.S. Census Bureau data and
the family changes as she develops. You will see, however, that other surveys, we will highlight some of these trends, some of
an increasing number of people do not.experience this tradi- which are finally leveling off or even reversing (see Fox, 2001a;
tional family life cycle. They remain single or childless, they Teachman, 2000; U.S. Census Bureau, 2003; Whitehead 8c
marry multiple times, or they otherwise deviate from a scenario Popenoe, 2003):
in which a man and woman form a nuclear family, raise chil- 1. More single adults. More adults are living as singles to-
dren, and grow old together. As a result, many family re- day than in the past, often living with a partner but unmar-
searchers reject the simple concept of the family life cycle with ried. However, do not be deceived into thinking that marriage
its set stages (Dilworth-Anderson 8c Burton, 1996; Klein 8c is out of style: more than 90% of adults can still be expected
White, 1996). However, they have embraced the concept that to marry at some time in their lives (Whitehead 8c Popenoe,
families, like the individuals in them, are developing organisms. 2003).
2. Postponed marriage. Many adults are not rejecting mar-
riage but are simply delaying it and pursuing educational and
career goals. The average age of first marriage decreased dur-
Not only is the family a system embedded within systems, and ing the first half of the 20th century, but it has since risen
not only is it a developing system, but also the world in which again to about 25 for women and 27 for men (Whitehead 8c
it is embedded is ever changing. During the second half of the Popenoe, 2003) despite increased rates of teenage pregnancy.
20th century, several dramatic social changes altered the 3. Fewer children. Today s adults are also having fewer
makeup of the typical family and the quality of family experi- children and therefore spend fewer years of their lives raising
children. Increasing numbers of young women are also re- increased longevity, and the large Baby Boom generation
maining childless; in 1998, 19% of women ages 40 to 44 were poised to enter old age mean that we have more aging adults
childless, compared with 10% in 1980 (Whitehead & .needing care from relatives and fewer relatives to provide it (E.
Popenoe, 2003). Brody, 2004).
4. More women working. In 1950,12% of married women We will look at how7 some of these trends affect develop-
with children younger than 6 years worked outside the home; ment later in this chapter. Some observers view these changes
now the figure is more than 60%, a truly dramatic social as evidence of a "decline of marriage and the family," noting
change (U.S. Census Bureau, 2003). Fewer children have a the negative effects on human development of increased
mother whose full-time job is that of homemaker. poverty, divorce, and single-parent families. They worry be-
5. More divorce. It is well known that the divorce rate has cause most Americans now view marriage as an institution
increased over the past several decades, although it leveled off whose purpose is more to meet the emotional needs of adults
around 1980. At least 4 in 10 newly married couples can ex- than to raise children (Whitehead & Popenoe, 2003). Other
pect to divorce (Vobejda, 1998). scholars find good news with the bad in these trends
6. More single-parent families. Partly because of a rising (Teachman, 2000; L. White & Rogers, 2000). For example,
rate of out-of-wedlock births, but mostly because of the rise postponing marriage improves its chances of success, men's
in divorce rates, more children live in single-parent families. and women's roles in the family are more equal than they used
In 1960, only 9% of children lived with one parent, usually a to be, more children have relationships with their grandpar-
widowed one (Whitehead & Popenoe, 2003); in 2002, 23% of ents and great-grandparents, and families are better off finan-
children younger than 18 years lived with their mothers only cially with two wage earners than with only one. Also, some of
and 5% lived with their fathers only (Fields, 2003). the trends suggesting the weakening of the family—for exam-
7. More children living in poverty. The higher number of ple, the rise in single-parent families and in numbers of chil-
single-parent families has meant an increase in the proportion dren living in poverty—began to reverse in the 1990s. From
of children living in poverty. Almost 20% of children in the this perspective, the family is not dying; it is just different. It
United States live in poverty today (U.S. Census Bureau, may even be characterized as an "adaptable institution" in that
2003). Fully 36% of African American children and almost it has survived despite many negative social changes (Amato
34% of Hispanic American children are poor, and more than et al., 2003).
one-third of children living in female-headed homes live in Perhaps the most important message is this: the
poverty. American family is more diverse than ever before (see Demo,
8. More remarriages. As more married couples divorce, Allen, & Fine, 2000). Our stereotyped image of the family—
more adults are remarrying. Often they form new, reconsti- the traditional Leave It to Beaver nuclear family with a bread-
tuted families that include at least a parent, a stepparent, and winner-father, a full-time housewife-mother, and children—
a child; sometimes they blend multiple children from two has become just that: a stereotype. By one estimate, about 45%
families into a new family. About 25% of American children of families in 1960, but only 12% of families in 1995, con-
will spend some time in a reconstituted, or blended, family formed to this pattern (Hernandez, 1997). Clearly we must
(ITetherington & Jodl, 1994). broaden our image of the family to include the many dual-
9. More years without children. Because modern couples career, single-parent, reconstituted, childless, and other non-
are compressing their childbearing into a shorter time span, traditional families that exist today. We must also avoid as-
because some divorced individuals do not remarry, and suming that families that do not fit the Leave It to Beaver
mainly because people are living longer, adults today spend model are deficient. Bear that in mind as we begin our excur-
more of their later years as couples—or, especially if they are sion into family life.
women, as single adults—without children in their homes
(Johnson & Troll, 1996). Of adults age 65 and older, 24% live
S u m m i n g Up
alone, 65% live with a spouse, and 11% live with someone
else, such as a sibling or adult child (U.S. Census Bureau, In sum, family systems theorists view the family as a sys-
2003). tem in which all members affect all others;
10. More multigeneratiorial families. As a result of these Bronfenbrenner and other ecological theorists see the
same trends, more children today than in the past know their family as a system embedded in other systems; and fam-
grandparents and even their great-grandparents, parent-child ily development theorists insist that w e understand the
and grandparent-child relationships are lasting longer, and family life cycle.The w o r l d in which the family is embed-
multigenerational bonds are becoming more important ded is constantly changing—in the last half century t o -
(Bengtson, 2001). As three- and even four-generation families ward more single adults, postponed marriage, fewer chil-
have become more common, the result has been dubbed the dren, more women working, more divorce, more
beanpole family, characterized by more generations, but single-parent families, m o r e children in poverty, m o r e re-
smaller ones, than in the past (Bengtson, Rosenthal, & Burton, constituted families, more years w i t h o u t children, m o r e
1990; Johnson & Troll, 1996). multigenerational families, and fewer caregivers for aging
11. Fewer caregivers for aging adults. Smaller families with adults. Given the increased diversity of family forms, the
fewer children, increases in the numbers of adults living alone, Leave It to Beaver family is harder t o find. •
no basis for thinking that mothers are uniquely qualified to
Tlie Infant parent or that men are hopelessly inept around babies.
However, that fathers are capable of sensitive parenting
We begin this look at family development by adopting a does not necessarily mean that they play the same roles as
child's perspective and tracing a child's development in the mothers in their children's lives. Fathers and mothers differ in
family from infancy to adolescence. Later, we will adopt the both the quantity and the quality of the parenting they pro-
perspective of this child's parents and see how the events of vide (Marsiglio et al., 2000; Lamb & Tamis-Lemonda, 2004),
the family life cycle look to them. and we can ask how nature and nurture contribute to these
differences. Consider first the matter of quantity. Mothers
simply spend more time with children than fathers do
(Bianchi, 2000). This gender difference is common across cul-
tures, causing some to argue that it has been built into our
Once developmentalists took seriously the idea that the fam- genes during the course of evolution; it may even be related to
ily is a system, they discovered the existence of fathers and be- the biological fact that mothers are more certain their children
gan to look more carefully at how both mothers and fathers are theirs than fathers are (Bjorklund & Pellegrini, 2002).
interact with their children and at what each parent con- True, fathers in our society are more involved with their
tributes to a child's development. They have also asked how children today than they were in the past (Marsiglio et al.,
mothers' and fathers' roles have changed as more mothers 2000; Pleck & Masciadrelli, 2004). Some are sharing responsi-
have gone to work and as divorce rates have climbed. bility for child care equally with their spouses rather than just
Gender stereotypes would suggest that fathers are not cut "helping" (Deutsch, 2001), especially if they hold egalitarian
out to care for infants and young children; however, the evi- views about gender roles (Bulanda, 2004). Yet there is still a
dence suggests that they are (Lamb & Tamis-Lemonda, 2004; gap. In 1965, fathers spent about half as much time with their
Parke, 1996; Phares, 1999). Researchers repeatedly find that fa- children as mothers did; in 1998, they spent about two-thirds
thers and mothers are more similar than different in the ways as much time (Bianchi, 2000). Because mothers today spend
they interact with infants and young children. For example, less time on housework, because families are smellier, and be-
when mothers and fathers are observed feeding their babies, cause fathers are more involved, children in two-parent fami-
fathers prove to be no less able than mothers to perform this lies may enjoy more time with their parents today than they
caregiving task effectively and to ensure that the milk is con- used to (Bianchi, 2000). Yet increases in separation and di-
sumed; nor are they less sensitive to the infants cues during vorce mean other children see little of their fathers.
the feeding session (Parke & Sawin, 1976). Similarly, fathers, Now consider the issue of quality. Mothers and fathers
like mothers, become objects of their infants' love and serve as also differ in their typical styles of interacting with young chil-
secure bases for their explorations (Cox et al., 1992). We have dren. When mothers interact with their babies, a large pro-
portion of their time is devoted to caregiving: offering food,
changing diapers, wiping noses, and so on. Fathers spend
much of their time with children in playful interaction. They
•W:
specialize in tickling, poking, bouncing, and surprising in-
fants, whereas mothers hold, talk to, and play quietly with in-
fants (Laflamme, Pomerleau, & Malcuit, 2002; Neville &
•
Parke, 1997). Yet fathers are able to adopt a "motherlike" care-
if
giver role if they have primary responsibility for their chil-
dren, so their playful parenting may be more about being in
the role of the "backup" parent than about being male rather
than female (Phares, 1999). It seems then that both nature
(evolution) and nurture (societal gender-role norms) con-
tribute to mother-father differences in parental involvement
and styles of interacting with young children.
In view of the roles that fathers play in their children's
lives, what are their contributions to child development?
Fathers contribute to healthy development by supporting
their children financially, whether they live together or not
(Marsiglio et al., 2000). They also contribute by being warm
and effective parents, just as mothers do; in the end, that is
more important than whether they serve as masculine role
models (Lamb & Tamis-Lemonda, 2004). Babies are likely to
be more socially competent if they are securely attached to
(L Fathers are just as capable as mothers of sensitive, responsive par- both parents than if they are securely attached to just one
enting. (Main & Weston, 1981). In addition, children whose fathers
are warm and involved with them tend to become high
achievers in school (Cabrera et al., 2000). A father's tendency
Tlie Cliild
to challenge his young children during play, egging them on to
take risks, may be particularly important, breeding a secure As children reach age 2 or 3, parents continue to be caregivers
attachment style later in life and encouraging exploration and playmates, but they also become more concerned with
(Grossmann et al., 2002). Finally, children generally have teaching their offspring how (and how not) to behave, using
fewer psychological disorders and problems if their fathers are some approach to child rearing and discipline to achieve this
caring, involved, and effective parents than if they are not end. Siblings also serve as socialization agents and become an
(Cabrera et al., 2000; Marsiglio et al., 2000). important part of the child's experience of the family.
How can I be a good parent? Certainly this question is upper-

We now need to view the new family as a three-person sys- most in most parents' minds. You can go far in understanding
tem. The mother-child relationship cannot be understood which parenting styles are effective by considering just two
without considering the father; nor can the father-child rela- dimensions of parenting: acceptance-responsiveness and
tionship be understood without taking the mother into ac- demandingness-control (Darling 8c Steinberg, 1993; Maccoby
count. This is because parents have indirect effects on their & Martin, 1983; Schaefer, 1959).
children through their ability to influence the behavior of
their spouses. More generally, indirect effects within the fam- D i m e n s i o n s of C h i l d R e a r i n g
ily are instances in which the relationship between two indi- Parental acceptance-responsiveness refers to the extent to
viduals is modified by the behavior or attitudes of a third which parents are supportive, sensitive to their children's
family/ member. needs, and willing to provide affection and praise when their
Fathers indirectly influence the mother-infant relation- children meet their expectations. Accepting, responsive par-
ship in many ways. For example, mothers who have close, sup- ents are affectionate and often smile at, praise, and encourage
portive relationships with their husbands tend to interact their children, although they also let children know when
more patiently and sensitively with their babies than do moth- they misbehave. Less accepting and responsive parents are of-
ers who are experiencing marital tension and who feel that ten quick to criticize, belittle, punish, or ignore their children
they are raising their children largely without help (Cox et al., and rarely communicate to children that they are loved and
1992; Lamb 8c Tamis-Lemonda, 2004). Meanwhile, mothers valued.
indirectly affect the father-infant relationship. For example, Demandingness-control (sometimes called permissive-
c c-
fathers are more likely to become involved in their children's ness-restrictiveness) refers to how much control over decisions
education when their wives are involved (Flouri 8c Buchanan, lies with the parent as opposed to with the child. Controlling
2003), and fathers who have just had arguments with their and demanding parents set rules, expect their children to fol-
wives are less supportive and engaged when they interact with low them, and monitor their children closely to ensure that
their sons than fathers who have just had pleasant conversa- the rules are followed. Less controlling and demanding par-
tions with their wives (Kitzmann, 2000). Parents can truly co- ents (often called permissive parents) make fewer demands
parent, working as a team, or they can undermine each other's and allow their children a great deal of autonomy in exploring
effectiveness (Parke, 2004). the environment, expressing their opinions and emotions, and
making decisions cibout their activities.
Summing Up By crossing these two dimensions, we have four basic pat-
terns of child rearing to consider, as shown in Figure 15.1:
Mothers are tremendously important forces in human 1. Authoritarian parenting. This is a restrictive parenting
development, but fathers are, too. Although they spend style combining high demandingness-control and low accept-
less time than mothers with their children, and often ance-responsiveness. Parents impose many rules, expect strict
adopt a playful rather than a caregiving role, they are ca- obedience, rarely explain why the child should comply with
pable of sensitive and responsive parenting and con- rules, and often rely on power tactics such as physical punish-
tribute in many positive ways to their children's development to gain compliance.
ment. Both mothers and fathers affect their children not 2. Authoritative parenting. Authoritative parents are
only directly but also through indirect effects on their more flexible; they are demanding and exert control, but they
spouses. Overall, children are best off when the marital are also accepting and responsive. They set clear rules and
relationship is solid and couples provide mutual support consistently enforce them, but they also explain the rationales
and encouragement that allow both to be more sensitive for their rules and restrictions, are responsive to their chil-
and responsive parents. Socialization within the family is dren's needs and points of view, and involve their children in
not a one-way street in which influence flows only from family decision making. They are reasonable and democratic
parent to child; it is more like the busy intersection of in their approach; although it is clear that they are in charge,
many avenues of influence. • they communicate respect for their children.
Parental acceptance-responsiveness sive style can be effective with an older, more independent
High Low child.
Subsequent research has shown that the worst develop-
Authoritative Authoritarian mental outcomes are associated with a neglectful, uninvolved
o Reasonable demands, Many rules and
consistently enforced; demands; few style of parenting. Children of neglectful parents display be-
C
o with sensitivity to explanations and little havioral problems such as aggression and frequent temper
0 High
1
<f) and .acceptance of sensitivity to the tantrums as early as age 3 (Miller et al., 1993). They tend to
(f) the chffd i child's needs and
CD
c perspectives become hostile and antisocial adolescents who abuse alcohol
D)
C and drugs and get in trouble (Lamborn et al., 1991; Weiss &
c Schwarz, 1996). Parents who provide little guidance and com-
CS Permissive Neglectful
E municate that they do not care breed children who are resent-
CD
"D Few rules and Few rules and
demands; children demands; parents are ful and prone to strike back at their uncaring parents and
•2 Low are allowed much uninvolved and other authority figures.
0
freedom by insensitive to their
cu In short, children develop best when they have love and
a. indulgent parents children's needs
limits. If they are indulged or neglected and given little guid-
ance, they will not learn self-control, may become selfish and
unruly, and may lack direction. If they receive too much guid-
Figure 15.1 The acceptance-responsiveness and demandingness-
control dimensions of parenting. Which combination best describes ance, as the children of authoritarian parents do, they will
your parents' approach? have few opportunities to learn self-reliance and may lack
SOURCE: B a s e d on Maccoby & Martin (1983/. confidence in their own decision-making abilities. The link
between authoritative parenting and positive developmental
outcomes is evident in most ethnic groups and socioeconomic
3. Permissive parenting. This style is high in accept- groups studied to date in the United States (Glasgow et al.,
ance-responsiveness but low in demandingness-control. 1997; Steinberg, 2001) and in a variety of other cultures
Permissive parents are indulgent; they have relatively few rules (Scott, Scott, & McCabe, 1991; Vazonyi, Hibbert, & Snider,
and make relatively few demands, encourage children to ex- 2003).
press their feelings and impulses, and rarely exert control over
their behavior. Social Class, Economic Hardship, and Parenting
4. Neglectful parenting. Finally, parents who combine Parenting styles are not traitlike characteristics that parents
low7 demandingness-control and low acceptance-responsive- display consistently regardless of the child, the child's age, or
ness are relatively uninvolved in their children's upbringing. the context. Although parents differ in their broad approaches
They seem not to care much about their children and may to parenting, they respond flexibly to the specific child-rearing
even reject them—or else they are so overwhelmed by their situations that face them (Holden & Miller, 1999). With that
own problems that they cannot devote sufficient energy to set- as warning, we can note that middle-class and lower-class par-
ting and enforcing rules (Maccoby & Martin, 1983). ents often pursue different goals, emphasize different values,
We assume that you have no difficulty deciding that and rely on different parenting styles in raising children.
parental acceptance and responsiveness are preferable to Compared with middle- and upper-class parents, lower- and
parental rejection and insensitivity. As you have seen in this working-class parents tend to stress obedience and respect for
book, warm, responsive parenting is associated with secure at- authority, be more restrictive and authoritarian, reason with
tachments to parents, academic competence, high self-esteem, their children less frequently, and show less warmth and affec-
positive social skills, peer acceptance, a strong sense of moral- tion (Maccoby, 1980; McLoyd, 1990). Although you will find a
ity, and many other virtues. By contrast, lack of parental ac- range of parenting styles in any social group, these average
ceptance and affection contributes to depression and other social-class differences in parenting have been observed in
psychological problems (Ge et aL, 1996). many cultures and across racial and ethnic groups in the
The degree of demandingness and control is also impor- United States.
tant. The authoritarian, authoritative, and permissive parent- Why might these social class differences exist? One expla-
ing styles were originally identified and defined by Diana nation focuses on the skills needed by workers in white-collar
Baumrind (1967, 1977, 1991). In a pioneering longitudinal and blue-collar jobs (Arnett, 1995; Kohn, 1969). Parents from
study, Baumrind found that children raised by authoritative lower socioeconomic groups may emphasize obedience to au-
parents were the best adjusted: They were cheerful, socially re- thority figures because that is what is required in blue-collar
sponsible, self-reliant, achievement oriented, and cooperative jobs like their own. Middle- and upper-class parents may rea-
with adults and peers. Children of authoritarian parents son with their children and stress individual initiative, curios-
tended to be moody and seemingly unhappy, easily annoyed, ity, and creativity because these are the attributes that count
relatively aimless, and unpleasant to be around. Finally, chil- for business executives, professionals, and other white-collar
dren of permissive parents were often impulsive, aggressive, workers.
self-centered, rebellious, without self-control, aimless, and low Most explanations, however, center on the stresses associ-
in independence and achievement, although a warm, permis- ated with low-income living and their effects on parenting
d The stresses of economic hardship can make it hard to be an effective parent.
(McLoyd, 1990; Seccombe, 2000). Rand Conger and his asso- Brooks-Gunn, Britto, & Brady, 1999). In high-crime poverty
ciates (1992, 1995, 2002), for example, have shown that par- areas, parents may feel the need to be more authoritarian and
ents experiencing financial problems tend to become de- controlling just to protect their children from danger (Taylor
pressed, which increases conflict between them. Marital et al., 2000).
conflict, in turn, disrupts each partner's ability to be a sup- Although parenting practices do not account for all neg-
portive, involved, and effective parent—another example of ative effects of poverty on child development, these effects are
indirect effects within the family. This breakdown in parent- serious and far-reaching. Poverty tends to bring with it a phys-
ing then contributes to negative child outcomes such as low ical environment characterized by pollution, noise, and
self-esteem, poor school performance, poor peer relations, crowded, unsafe living conditions and a social environment
and adjustment problems such as depression and aggression characterized by family instability, violence, harsh parenting,
(see Figure 15.2). and limited cognitive stimulation (Evans, 2004). The effects
Stresses are magnified for families living below the on child development include health problems, emotional
poverty line or moving in and out of poverty as a result of eco- and behavioral problems, and school failure (Bradley &
nomic crises. Research shows that parents living in poverty Corwyn, 2002; Evans, 2004). Federal and state welfare reform
tend to be restrictive, punitive, and inconsistent, sometimes to policies that require welfare mothers to work are not neces-
the point of being abusive and neglectful (Seccombe, 2000; sarily alleviating these problems. A single working mother
Low family Father's

• > •
income depressed
mood
Adolescent
Unstable
Nonnurturant/ antisocial
employment Marital
uninvolved conduct and
conflict adjustment
parenting
problems
Many debts
Mother's
depressed
Job loss mood
Figure 8 5.2 A model of the relationship among family economic stress, patterns of parent-
ing, and adolescent adjustment
SOURCE: Adapted from Conger et al. (1292).
with two children who earns a minimum wage is unlikely to Is it not possible instead, they reasoned, that children who are
earn enough to rise above the poverty line (Seccombe, 2000). already ugood" are more likely than less responsive children to
She probably does not receive health coverage through her elicit inductive explanations from adults? Keller and Bell had
job, and she still has to worry about finding affordable child female college students attempt to convince 9-year-old girls to
care and a myriad of other problems. behave altruistically (for example, to spend more time sewing
In sum, the more authoritarian parenting style used by a pillow for a handicapped child than sewing a pillow for
many lower-income parents may reflect both an adaptive at- themselves). The girls had been coached to respond either at-
tempt to prepare children for jobs in which they will be ex- tentively or inattentively.
pected to obey a boss and the effects of economic stress, par- As expected, students confronted with an attentive child
ticularly of living in poverty, on parenting. used a great deal of induction, pointing out how other chil-
dren might feel if the child behaved selfishly. By contrast, col-
lege students who interacted with an inattentive child relied
on power-assertion techniques such as promising rewards for
In thinking about influences within the family, we will bet that altruism and threatening penalties for selfishness. A study of
you, like most developmental scientists, think first about par- the budding juvenile delinquents from age 14 to age 16 also
ents affecting children. But consider three different models of revealed child effects on parents (Kerr & Stattin, 2003). In re-
influence in the family: the parent effects, child effects, and sponse to their delinquent child's difficult behavior at age 14,
transactional models. parents became less warm and emotionally supportive and
less in control of their adolescents by the time the adolescents
P a r e n t Effects M o d e l were 16. By contrast, these researchers could detect few links
The study of human development has been guided through between parenting when adolescents were 14 and adolescent
most of its history by a simple parent effects model of family problem behavior at 16.
influence. This model assumes that influences run one way,
from parent (particularly mother) to child. You have just re-
viewed research demonstrating effects of parenting styles on Research now reveals that antisocial behavior probably results
child development. But what if you think a bit differently: when a child genetically predisposed to be aggressive behaves in
Could it be that a child's behavior influences the style of par- ways that elicit negative parenting and when this negative par-
enting his parents adopt and that what appear to be parent ef- enting, in turn, causes the child to become even more aggressive
fects are instead child effects? (Ge et al., 1996; O'Connor et al., 1998; and see Chapter 13).
When such a destructive family process develops—the child elic-
Child Effects M o d e l its coercive and ineffective parenting from parents and parents
A child effects model of family influence highlights instances contribute to the child's antisocial behavior—it becomes impos-
in which children influence their parents rather than vice sible to say who is more influential. This scenario is best de-
versa (Ambert, 1992; Crouter 8c Booth, 2003; Sanson, scribed by a transactional model of family influence, in which
Hemphill, 8c Smart, 2004). One good example of a child effect parent and child are seen as influencing one another reciprocally
is the influence of a child's age and competence on the style of (Sameroff, 1975; also see Cook, 2001). According to this model,
parenting used with that child. For example, infants in their child problems can develop if the relationship between parent
first year of life require and elicit sensitive care, wThereas older cind child goes bad as the two interact over time. Optimal child
infants who are asserting their wills and toddling here and development is likely to result when parent-child transactions
there force parents to provide more instruction and discipline evolve in more positive directions.
(Fagot 8c Kavanaugh, 1993). Normally, parents become less re- Genes clearly have a role in family processes. The
strictive as their children mature and gradually, with parental Explorations box on page 430 takes a closer look at how par-
guidance, become capable of making their own decisions ents' genes and their cultural environments influence how
(Steinberg, 2002). they approach parenting. And, as Chapter 3 showed, a child's
Now consider the possibility that a child's personality in- genetic endowment influences not only the child's behavior
fluences the parenting she receives. Is it not possible that easy- but also the parenting style and the home environment she
going, manageable children cause their parents to be warm experiences (Collins et al., 2000; Reiss et al., 2000). Through
and authoritative? Could not difficult; stubborn, and aggres- the process of gene-environment correlation (Scarr 8c
sive children help mold parents who are rejecting and who ei- McCartney, 1983; see Chapter 3), the genes children inherit
ther rule with an authoritarian iron hand or throw up their (and share with their parents) influence how their parents and
hands in defeat and become neglectful? Recall the description other people react to them and what experiences they seek.
in Chapter 13 of the discipline techniques of induction, power The child whose genes predispose him to antisocial behavior
assertion, and love withdrawal. In an early demonstration of is likely to elicit a harsh, controlling style of parenting even
child effects, Barbara Keller and Richard Bell (1979) set out to from adoptive parents; the child's hostile behavior and the
challenge the finding, reported in Chapter 13, that a parent's parent's ineffective parenting then feed on each other through
use of induction (explanations emphasizing the consequences a transactional process to aggravate the child's behavioral
of a child's behavior for other people) fosters moral maturity. problems (Ge et al., 1996).
tions
W hat d e t e r m i n e s t h e approach t o parenting a m o t h e r o r

father adopts? Probably both nature and nurture. You
have seen already that a child's g e n e s may influence t h e kind of
such influence, and it, in turn, is influenced by t h e cultural c o n -
t e x t in which t h e family lives. Parents of different cultures and
ethnic backgrounds are socialized t o hold different beliefs and
parenting he receives by evoking a certain kind of reaction values a b o u t child rearing t h a t shape t h e i r parenting practices
from parents. D o a parent's genes also influence t h e kind o f and, in turn, affect t h e i r children's d e v e l o p m e n t (MacPhee,
parenting she provides? Yes, say J e n a e N e i d e r h i s e r and h e r col- Fritz, & Miller-Heyl, 1996; McLoyd e t al., 2 0 0 0 ) . F o r e x a m p l e ,
leagues ( 2 0 0 4 ) . T h e y looked at genetic and environmental in- Native American and Hispanic parents, probably b e c a u s e t h e i r
fluences on m o t h e r s ' parenting behavior in t w o samples. Using cultures are collectivist and emphasize t h e goals of t h e group
a sample consisting of sibling pairs of varying degrees of genetic rather than of the individual, place more emphasis than
relatedness from identical twin t o unrelated siblings in step- European A m e r i c a n parents on teaching children t o be polite
families, they could d e t e r m i n e w h e t h e r t h e g e n e t i c makeups of and respectful o f authority figures (particularly t h e i r f a t h e r s )
a d o l e s c e n t s influenced t h e parenting t h e y received. And in a r a t h e r than t o b e independent and competitive ( M a c P h e e e t
sample of identical and fraternal twin m o t h e r s , they could s e e al., 1996). S o m e traditional Native A m e r i c a n groups such as
w h e t h e r a m o t h e r ' s g e n e s influenced h e r general parenting t h e Mayan and Navajo Indians also believe t h a t t h e f r e e d o m
style, independent of a particular child's genetically influenced and a u t o n o m y o f young children must b e r e s p e c t e d . As a re-
behavior. Data c a m e f r o m multiple s o u r c e s — m o t h e r s , adoles- sult, although parents may t r y t o p e r s u a d e children t o do
cents, and o b s e r v e r s o f parent-child interactions. things, they feel it would be w r o n g t o f o r c e t h e m (Rogoff,
T h e team's c o m p l e x analyses suggested that a mother's 2 0 0 3 ) . T h e i r children s e e m t o d o fine with this relatively per-
genes influence h e r positivity t o w a r d all her children. T h e r e missive parenting style, learning at an early age t o c o o p e r a t e
w e r e also signs that children's genes influence h o w positively with t h e i r parents and with o t h e r people.
their m o t h e r s t r e a t t h e m in particular. By contrast, a mother's By c o n t r a s t , African A m e r i c a n parents and Asian o r Asian
negativity t o w a r d h e r adolescents, as well as h e r tendency t o be A m e r i c a n parents s o m e t i m e s use a m o r e authoritarian ap-
controlling, s e e m e d t o be m o r e influenced by a particular ado- proach t o parenting than m o s t European A m e r i c a n parents
lescent's genetically influenced characteristics than by a would u s e . T h e y g e t g o o d results with it b e c a u s e it is viewed
mother's genetic makeup.Thus,for example, a difficult child may as appropriate by parents and children alike in t h e i r sociocul-
evoke m o r e negative reactions and m o r e strong-armed control tural c o n t e x t . F o r e x a m p l e , physical, c o e r c i v e discipline ( s h o r t
tactics from a parent than an easy child does. o f abuse) is n o t as strongly linked t o aggression and antisocial
Environmental influences, especially t h o s e unique t o a par- behavior among African A m e r i c a n youths as it is among
ticular child r a t h e r than shared with siblings, w e r e also evi- European A m e r i c a n s , possibly b e c a u s e it is viewed by African
dent. But w h a t environmental f a c t o r s ? T h e N e i d e r h i s e r study A m e r i c a n children as a sign t h a t t h e i r parents c a r e ( D e a t e r -
did n o t e x p l o r e this question, but o t h e r r e s e a r c h has pointed Deckard et al., 1996; Boykin-McElhaney & Allen, 2001).
t o a h o s t of environmental influences on p a r e n t i n g . T h e type Authoritarian parenting also s e e m s t o mean s o m e t h i n g differ-
o f parenting t o which t h e parent was e x p o s e d as a child is o n e e n t t o C h i n e s e children than t o A m e r i c a n o n e s . Ruth C h a o
Demonstrations of child effects and transactional effects programs can positively affect child development by changing
within the family are important. Yet parent effects remain sig- parenting practices (Forgatch & DeGarmo, 1999; Reynolds &
nificant. By using more sophisticated research designs, re- Robertson, 2003). Still, we should not assume, as early child
searchers have gathered more solid evidence than ever that development researchers did, that parents are solely responsi-
parents influence their children's development, even when ge- ble for whether their children turn out "good" or "bad." We
netic influences are controlled (Collins et al., 2000). For ex- must remind ourselves repeatedly that the family is a system
ample, longitudinal studies demonstrate that parents who in which family members are influenced in reciprocal ways by
adopt an authoritative parenting style and who firmly de- both their genetic endowments and the environments they
mand that their children follow their rules have children who create for one another.
become more compliant and well-behaved over time than
other children (Collins et al, 2000), whereas parents who re-
spond angrily to children with behavioral problems can make
Sibling Relationships
those problems worse over time (P. M. Cole, 2003). A family system consisting of mother, father, and child is per-
Meanwhile, experimental studies show that parent training turbed by the arrival of a new baby and becomes a new—and
( 1 9 9 4 , 2 0 0 0 ) w a s puzzled b e c a u s e C h i n e s e children d o no b e t - general style o f parenting, and t h e i r children's genes influence
t e r in s c h o o l w h e n t h e i r parents use an authoritative style o f h o w each o f t h e m is t r e a t e d . Cultural influences on parenting
parenting than w h e n t h e i r parents use an authoritarian style. are also i m p o r t a n t . Although authoritative parenting is an ef~
She o b s e r v e d t h a t C h i n e s e parents offer t h e i r children clear fective parenting approach in m o s t cultural c o n t e x t s , o t h e r
and specific guidelines f o r behavior, believing that this is t h e parenting styles can b e effective if t h e y a r e viewed as appro-
b e s t way t o e x p r e s s t h e i r love and train t h e i r children prop- priate in a particular cultural c o n t e x t . As a result, you should
erly.Although t h e style s e e m s overly controlling t o European b e careful n o t t o judge parenting in o t h e r cultures and sub-
Americans, C h i n e s e children d o n o t view it t h a t way. cultures as deficient just b e c a u s e it is n o t t h e style favored by
So, nature and n u r t u r e shape t h e parenting approach t h a t middle-class European A m e r i c a n parents ( O g b u , 1981).
p a r e n t s use and its effectiveness. Parents' g e n e s influence t h e i r
considerably more complex—family system. How do children firstborns are not above hitting, poking, and pinching their
adapt to a new baby in the house, and how does the sibling re- younger brothers or sisters. Security of attachment to their
lationship change as children age? mothers decreases, especially if firstborns are 2 years old or
older and can fully appreciate how much they have lost (Teti
A M e w Baby A r r i v e s et al., 1996). Although positive effects such as an increased in-
When Judy Dunn and Carol Kendrick (1982; see also Dunn, sistence on doing things independently are also common, it is
1993) carefully studied young children's reactions to a new clear that firstborns are not thrilled to have an attention-
sibling, they found that mothers typically pay less attention to grabbing new baby in the house. They resent losing their par-
their firstborns after the new baby arrives than before. Partly ents' attention, and their own difficult behavior may alienate
for this reason, firstborns often find being "dethroned" a their parents further.
stressful experience. They become more difficult and de- How can problems be minimized? Adjustment to a new
manding, or more dependent and clingy, and they often de- sibling is easier if the marital relationship is good and if the
velop problems with their sleeping, eating, and toileting rou- firstborn had secure relationships with both parents before
tines. Most of their battles are with their mothers, but a few the younger sibling arrived—and continues to enjoy close re-
able, if they are based on differences in the ages, competencies,
and personalities of the siblings (Kowal et al., 2002). Overall,
•the most important thing to know about sibling relationships
is that they are ambivalent—they involve both closeness and
8HM3 conflict.
Contributions to Development
For most children, interactions with siblings are mostly posi-
m&Pf tive, and siblings play mostly positive roles in one another's
development. Even the battles may contribute positively to so-
cial development by teaching children how to assert them-
selves, manage conflict, and tolerate negative emotions
(Bedford, Volling, & Avioli, 2000). Only when sibling relation-
ships are extremely hateful and destructive and children expe-
rience harsh parenting should parents worry that siblings may
€ Firstborns do not always accept a newcomer in the family contribute negatively to development (Garcia et al., 2000).
One of the important positive functions of siblings is to
lationships afterward (Dunn & Kendrick, 1982; Teti et al., provide emotional support Brothers and sisters confide in one
1996). Parents are advised to guard against ignoring their another, often more than they confide in their parents (Howe
firstborn, to continue providing love and attention, and to et al., 2000). They protect and comfort one another in rough
maintain the child's routines as much as possible. They can times. Even preschoolers jump in to comfort their infant sib-
also encourage older children to become aware of the new lings when their mothers leave them or when strangers ap-
baby's needs and feelings and to assist in her care (Dunn & proach (Stewart & Marvin, 1984).
Kendrick, 1982; Howe & Ross, 1990).
A m b i v a l e n c e OBI Sibling Relationships

Fortunately, most older siblings adjust fairly quickly to having
a new brother or sister (Dunn & Kendrick, 1982). Yet even in
the best of sibling relationships, sibling rivalry—the spirit of
competition, jealousy, and resentment between brothers and
sisters—is normal. It may be rooted in an evolutionary fact:
Although siblings share half their genes on average and are
therefore more motivated to help one another than to help ge-
netically unrelated individuals, siblings also compete with one
another for their parents' time and resources to ensure their
own survival and welfare (Bjorklund & Pellegrini, 2002).
The number of skirmishes between very young siblings
can be as high as 56 per hour (Dunn, 1993). Jealousies, bouts
of teasing, shouting matches, and occasional kicks and
punches continue to be part of the sibling relationship
throughout childhood; squabbles are most often about pos-
sessions (McGuire et al., 2000). Each combatant feels that he
is blameless and has been terribly wronged by his sibling
(Wilson et al., 2004). Levels of conflict decrease after early
adolescence as teenagers spend more time away from the fam-
ily (Furman & Buhrmester, 1992; Larson et al., 1996).
Some sibling relationships are consistently closer than
others over the years (Dunn, Slomkowski, & Beardsall, 1994).
Both the personalities of the siblings and the quality of par-
ents' relationships with their children have a lot to do with
how smooth or stormy the sibling relationship is (G. H. Brody
& Stoneman, 1996). Sibling relationships are friendlier and
less conflictual if mothers and fathers respond warmly and
sensitively to all their children and do not unfairly favor one
over another (Dunn, 1993; McHale et al., 2000). It is percep-
tions that matter most: Children are able to accept that differ- <[ In many societies, older siblings are major caregivers for young
ences in treatment can be fair, and therefore not objection- children.
Second, older siblings often provide caretaking services
for younger siblings; they baby-sit. Indeed, in a study of 186
T k e Adolescent
societies, older children were the principal caregivers for in-
fants and toddlers in 57% of the cultures studied (Weisner 8c When you picture the typical relationship between a teenager
Gallimore, 1977). In many societies, children as young as 5 and her parents, do you envision a teenager who is out all the
years are involved in meaningful ways in the care of infants time with friends, resents every rule and restriction, and talks
and toddlers (Rogoff, 2003). back at every opportunity? Do you imagine parents wringing
Finally, older siblings serve as teachers. One 5-year-old their hands in despair and wondering if they will survive their
was aware of how much her 2-year-old sister acquired from children's adolescent years? Many people believe that the pe-
her through observational learning: "See. I said, 'Bye, I'm go- riod of the family life cycle during which parents have adoles-
ing on the slide,' and she said, cBye.' She says whatever I say." cents in the house is a particularly stressful time, with close
Older siblings may have more influence on their younger sib- parent-child relationships deteriorating into bitter tugs of
lings' gender-role development than parents do (McHale et war. How much truth is there to these characterizations?
al., 2001). Older brothers and sisters are not always as skilled
in teaching as parents are (Perez-Granados 8c Callanan, 1997),
but they clearly feel a special responsibility to teach, and
Although many people believe that adolescents lose respect
younger siblings actively seek their guidance.
for their parents and feel less close to them than they did as
Although having a large number of siblings has negative children, these beliefs simply do not hold up. A temporary and
implications for cognitive development, most likely because modest increase in parent-child conflict is common at the on-
each child receives less intellectual stimulation from adults, set of puberty (Steinberg, 2002), and family cohesion de-
having at least one sibling has positive effects on a child's abil- creases modestly during the adolescent years (Baer, 2002).
ity to relate to peers and to exert self-control, most likely be- However, most adolescents still respect their parents and de-
cause of the social skill learning that takes place in the sibling scribe their family relationships in positive ways (Fuligni,
relationship (Downey 8c Condron, 2004). Moreover the qual- 1998; Offer, Ostrov, 8c Howard, 1981). They also continue to
ity of a child's sibling relationships predicts the quality of their respect the legitimacy of their parents' authority to set and en-
later friendship relationships (Yeh 8c Lempers, 2004). Not all force rules (Smetana, 2000). Mainly, adolescents and their
that is learned in the sibling relationship is good, of course. parents squabble more about relatively minor matters such as
For example, having a troublemaking older sibling can be at disobedience, homework, household chores, and access to
least as important as having deviant peers in influencing ado- privileges such as use of the car.
lescents to engage in troublemaking (Ardelt 8c Day, 2002).
They also seem less sure for a time about how to relate to
One more note: An older sibling can affect a younger sib-
each other. In an interesting study, problem-solving sessions
ling not only directly but also through the indirect effects he
between boys and their parents were observed every 2 years
has on parents. Gene Brody and his colleagues (2003, 2004)
from age 9 to age 18. Isabela Granic and her colleagues (2003)
have discovered that, if an older sibling is competent, this con-
then coded positive, neutral, negative, and hostile statements
tributes positively to his mother's psychological functioning
or acts on the part of child and parent. They found that the
(possibly because she feels good about herself as a parent),
amount of changing from one type of behavior to another on
which makes her more likely to provide supportive parenting
the part of parent and child increased from age 9-10 to age
to a younger sibling, which in turn increases the odds that the
13-14 and then decreased by age 17 or age 18. This is illus-
younger sibling will also be competent. By contrast, an in-
trated in Figure 15.3, a sample chart showing that sequences
competent older sibling can set in motion a negative chain of
of child and parent behavior in one family were more varied
events involving less supportive parenting and less positive
from age 13 to age 14 than before or after. It was as though
outcomes for the younger sibling.
parents and 13- and 14-year-olds were experimenting to fig-
ure out how to relate to each other now that the child had be-
Summing Up come a teenager. Conflict increased at this age, and adoles-
cents became more active in initiating and controlling
Parents w h o adopt an authoritative parenting style (as
interactions. Before and after this period, each parent-child
opposed t o an authoritarian, permissive, or neglectful
pair seemed to have a fairly stable style of interacting (for ex-
one) generally influence their children's development
ample, exchanging mostly positive behaviors or mostly nega-
positively, whereas economic hardship undermines effec-
tive behaviors rather than trying some of each).
tive parenting. Children, meanwhile, as indicated by the
child effects and transactional models, help influence
where their parents fall on the acceptance and demand-
ingness dimensions. W h e n a couple has a second child, Through experimentation and occasional arguments, the par-
the family system changes profoundly. Involving both ent-child relationship changes during adolescence, not so
closeness and rivalry, sibling relationships offer emotional much in its degree of closeness as in the balance of power be-
support, caretaking, and teaching and have both direct tween parents and adolescents. Most theorists agree that a key
and indirect effects on development • developmental task of adolescence is to achieve autonomy—
Hostile Negative Neutral Positive Hostile Negative Neutral Positive Hostile Negative Neutral Positive Hostile Negative Neutral Positive Hostile Negative Neutral Positive
Age 9-10 Aae 11-12 Age 13-14 Age 15-16 Age 17-18
Figure 8 5 3 At age 13 or 14, sequences of behavior by parents and adolescents jump from
positive to negative and negative to positive as though parents and children-were trying to ne-
gotiate a new relationship.
SOUHCO: © 2003 by the American Psychological Association. Reprinted by permission.
the capacity to make decisions independently and manage life them is not (Beyers, et al., 2003). Some combination of auton-
tasks without being overly dependent on other people. If ado- omy and attachment, or independence and interdependence, is
lescents are to "make it" as adults, they cannot be rushing most desirable.
home for reassuring hugs after every little setback or depend- How much autonomy parents grant differs from culture
ing on parents to get them to work on time or manage their to culture. Andrew Fuligni (1998) found that adolescents from
checkbooks. different ethnic groups in the United States differ considerably
As children reach puberty and become more physically and in their beliefs about how much authority parents should have
cognitively mature and more capable of acting autonomously, and how much autonomy adolescents should have. For exam-
they assert themselves more. As they do so, parents turn over ple, Filipino and Mexican American adolescents are more
more power to them, and the parent-child relationship changes likely than European American adolescents to believe that
from one in which parents are dominant to one in which par- they should not disagree with their parents, and Chinese
ents and their sons and daughters are on a more equal footing Americans are less likely to expect the freedom to go to parties
(Steinberg, 2002). It is usually best for their development if ado- and to date at a young age. Adolescents in Japan are even more
lescents maintain a close attachment with their families even as strongly socialized to expect limited autonomy. They remain
they are gaining autonomy and preparing to leave the nest closer to their mothers and fathers than American adolescents
(Kobak et al., 1993; Lamborn 8c Steinberg, 1993). Gaining some throughout the adolescent years, do not feel as much need to
separation from parents is healthy; becoming detached from distance themselves from their parents, and spend less time
with peers (Rothbaum, Pott, et al., 2000). In collectivist Asian
cultures, then, parents continue to impose many rules and the
balance of power does not change as much, or at least as early,
during adolescence as it does in the United States.
Across cultures, adolescents are most likely to become au-
tonomous, achievement oriented, and well adjusted if their
parents consistently enforce a reasonable set of rules, involve
their teenagers in decision making, recognize their need for
greater autonomy, monitor their comings and goings, gradu-
ally loosen the reins, and continue to be warm, supportive,
and involved throughout adolescence (Beyers 8c Goossens,
1999; Lamborn et al., 1991). In other words, the winning ap-
procich is an authoritative style of parenting—the same style
that fosters healthy child development. Although you should
remind yourself that children also affect their parents, an au-
thoritative parenting style gives adolescents opportunities to
strengthen their independent decision-making skills and re-
tain the benefit of their parents' guidance and advice. It creates
a climate in which teenagers confide in their parents—and
parents, therefore, do not have to spy to monitor where their
children are and who they are with (Kerr 8c Stattin, 2003).
When parents are rejecting and extremely strict, or rejecting
and extremely lax, teenagers are most likely to be psychologi-
([ Asian adolescents do not expect as much freedom as American cally distressed and to get into trouble (Koestner, Zuroff, 8c
adolescents do. Powers, 1991; Lamborn et al., 1991).
Summing Up
Most parents and their teenagers are able t o work

through some minor conflicts and maintain positive feel-
ings for each o t h e r while renegotiating their relationship
t o allow t h e adolescent m o r e freedom. W i t h the help o f
an authoritative parenting style, most adolescents are
able t o achieve autonomy and shift t o w a r d a m o r e mu-
tual relationship w i t h their parents. •
, T k e .Adult
So far we have concentrated on the child's experience of fam-

ily life. How do adults develop and change as they progress
through the family life cycle?
Establishing the Marriage € The honeymoon is great, but it often ends quickly.
In U.S. society more than 90% of adults choose to marry at
some point in their lives (Whitehead & Popenoe, 2003), and happens because couples begin to see <cwarts" that they did not
most choose to marry individuals they love. Marriages in many notice before marriage, stop trying to be on their best behav-
other cultures are not formed on the basis of love but are ior, have run-ins as an inevitable part of living together, or
arranged by leaders of kin groups who are concerned with ac- start to take each other for granted, it is normal.
quiring property, allies, and the rights to any children the mar- Does the quality of a couple's relationship early in their
riage produces (Ingoldsby & Smith, 1995). As Corinne marriage have any implications for their later marital adjust-
Nydegger (1986) put it, "These matters are too important to be ment? Apparently it does. Huston and his colleagues (2001)
left to youngsters" (p. 111). So, in reading what follows, remem- assessed couples 2 months, 1 year, and 2 years into their mar-
ber that our way of establishing families is not the only way. riages and again 13 to 14 years after the wedding. It is com-
Marriage is a significant life transition for most adults: It monly believed that marriages crumble when negative feelings
involves taking on a new role (as husband or wife) and ad- build up and conflicts escalate, but Huston's findings provide
justing to life as a couple. We rejoice at weddings and view little support for this escalating conflict viewr. Compared with
newlyweds as supremely happy beings. Indeed, they feel on couples who were happily married after 13 years, couples who
top of the world, their self-esteem rises, and at least some of remained married but were unhappy had had relatively poor
them adopt a more secure orientation toward attachment re- relationships all along. Even as newlyweds, and probably even
lationships as a result of marrying (Crowell, Treboux, & before they married, these couples wTere less blissfully in love
Waters, 2002; Giarrusso et al., 2000). Yet individuals who have and more negative toward each other than were couples who
just been struggling to achieve autonomy and assume adult stayed married and remained happy in their marriages.
roles soon find that they must compromise with their partners Apparently, it is not the case that all marriages start out bliss-
and adapt to each other's personalities and preferences. fully happy and then some turn sour: some start out sour.
Ted Huston and his colleagues have.found that the honey- Even couples who divorced did not experience a buildup of
moon is short (Huston, McHale, & Crouter, 1986; Huston et conflict over time; often they lost their positive feelings for
al., 2001; also see Kurdek, 1999). In a longitudinal study of each other.
newlywed couples, these researchers discovered that percep- The establishment phase of the family life cycle involves a
tions of the marital relationship became less favorable during loss of enthusiasm for most couples. Some couples are already
the first year after the wedding. For example, couples became on the path to long-term marital satisfaction, wrhereas others
less satisfied with their marriages and with their sex lives; they are headed for divorce or for staying in a marriage that will
less frequently said "I love you," complimented each other, or continue to be less than optimal. Couples seem best off when
disclosed their feelings to each other. Although they spent only they can maintain a high level of positive and supportive in-
somewhat less time together, more of that time was devoted to teractions to help them weather the conflicts that inevitably
getting tasks done and less to having fun or just talking. arise in any relationship (Fincham, 2003).
Although most couples are far more satisfied than dissat-
isfied with their relationships after the "honeymoon" is over,
adapting to marriage clearly involves strains. Blissfully happy
relationships evolve into still happy but more ambivalent ones How does the arrival of a new baby affect the wife, the hus-
as couples become somew7hat disillusioned with each other band, and the marital relationship? Some people believe that
and their relationship (Huston et al., 2001). Whether this having children draws a couple closer together; others believe
that children introduce additional strains into a relationship. ture and organize their lives to accommodate a new baby (Cox
Which is it? et al., 1999; Levy-Shiff, 1994). Similarly, parents who have re-
On average, new parenthood is best described as a stress- alistic expectations about how parenthood will change their
ful life transition that involves both positive and negative lives and about children tend to adjust more easily than those
changes (Cowan & Cowan, 2000; Nomaguchi 8c Milkie, 2003). who expect the experience to be more positive than it turns
On the positive side, parents claim that having a child brings out to be (Kalmuss, Davidson, 8c Cushman, 1992; Mylod,
them joy and fulfillment and contributes to their own growth Whitman, 8c Borkowski, 1997). Mentally healthy parents also
as individuals (Emery 8c Tuer, 1993; Palkovitz, 2002). New fare better than parents who are experiencing mental health
parents are also more socially integrated than childless adults; problems such as depression going into new parenthood (Cox
they interact more with family and friends (Nomaguchi 8c et al., 1999).
Milkie, 2003). Attachment styles are also important. New parents who
But analyze the situation more closely. Couples have remember their own parents as warm and accepting are likely
added new roles (as mothers and fathers) to their existing to experience a smoother transition to new parenthood than
roles (as spouses, workers, and so on). New parents often find couples who recall their parents as cold or rejecting
juggling work and family responsibilities stressful. They not (Florsheim et al., 2003; van IJzendoorn, 1992). In an interest-
only have an incredible amount of new work to do as care- ing study, Jeffry Simpson and his colleagues (2003) looked at
givers, but they lose sleep, worry about their baby, find that adjustment during the transition to parenthood in relation to
they have less time to themselves, and often face financial dif- the styles of adult attachment described in Chapter 14.
ficulties. In addition, even egalitarian couples who previously Viewing new parenthood as the kind of stressful transition
shared household tasks begin to divide their labors along likely to activate the attachment system, they administered
more traditional lines. She specializes in the "feminine" role by scales to assess ambivalence and avoidance in romantic at-
becoming the primary caregiver and housekeeper, often re- tachment relationships, husband s support for and anger to-
ducing her involvement in work outside the home, and he ward his wife, and depression symptoms in a sample of 106
concentrates on his "masculine" role as provider (Cowan 8c couples expecting their first child. As John Bowlby's attach-
Cowan, 2000; Sanchez 8c Thomson, 1997). ment theory predicts, mothers who had a preoccupied (resist-
What are the effects of increased stress and of the ten- ant) style of attachment—that is, emotionally needy and de-
dency of husband and wife to establish more separate pendent women wTho expressed a lot of anxiety and
lifestyles? Marital satisfaction typically declines in the first ambivalence about romantic relationships—were likely to be-
year after a baby is born (Belsky, Lang, 8c Rovine, 1.985; come increasingly depressed from before the birth to 6
Gottman 8c Notarius, 2000). This decline is usually steeper for months after birth if they perceived that their husbands gave
women than for men, primarily because the burden of child them little support or were angry before the birth and if they
care responsibilities typically falls more heavily on mothers then perceived that their husbands' support or anger wors-
and they may resent what they regard as an unfair division of ened during the transition. Women with preoccupied (resist-
labor (Levy-Shiff, 1994). New mothers often feel trapped, iso- ant) attachment styles who perceived low support from their
lated, and overwhelmed by their responsibility; new fathers husbands also experienced bigger declines in marital satisfac-
worry about money (Fox, 2001b). Overall, women are more tion than other mothers, and their husbands became less sat-
affected by parenthood in both positive and negative ways isfied with the marriage (Rholes et al., 2001). Women with
than men (Nomaguchi 8c Milkie, 2003). other attachment styles were not as vulnerable to depression
Flowever, individuals vary widely in their adjustment to and drops in marital satisfaction, even when they went into
new parenthood. Some new parents experience the transition parenthood feeling that their partners were not supportive.
as a bowl of cherries, others as the pits—as a full-blown crisis Finally, resources can make a great deal of difference to the
in their lives. Some get through the typical strains and con- new parent. Most important is spousal support: As suggested
flicts of the first year and regain a high level of marital satis- already, things go considerably better for a new mother when
faction; others do not (Cox et al., 1999). What might make she has a good relationship with her husband, and when he
this life event easier or harder to manage? We can answer that shares the burden of child care and housework, than when she
question by focusing on the nature of the event with which a has no partner or an unsupportive one (Levy-Shiff, 1994;
parent must cope, the person who must cope with it, and the Demo 8c Cox, 2000). Social support from friends and relatives
resources the individual has available. can also help new parents cope (Stemp, Turner, 8c Noh, 1986),
The event is the baby. Clearly, infants who are difficult as can interventions designed to help expecting parents pre-
(for example, because of an illness that causes endless crying pare realistically for the challenges ahead and support one an-
or an irritable temperament) create more stresses and anxi- other as they deal with these challenges (Cowan 8c Cowan,
eties for parents than infants who are quiet, sociable, respon- 2000).
sive, and otherwise easy to love (Levy-Shiff, 1994; Meredith 8c In sum, parents who have an easy baby to contend with;
Noller, 2003). who possess positive personal qualities and coping skills, in-
As for the person, some adults are better equipped than cluding a secure attachment style; and who receive reliable
others to cope with stress; they have good problem-solving support from their partners and others are in the best position
and communication skills and find adaptive ways to restruc- to cope adaptively with new parenthood, a transition nor-
mally both satisfying and stressful that can reduce marital sat- what they can expect next (Silverberg 8: Steinberg, 1990).
isfaction, especially for women. Here, then, may be another example of child effects within the
family system. Or is it? It is also possible that parents who are
psychologically distressed and preoccupied with their own
midlife problems cannot provide the emotional support their
The child-rearing family is the family with children in i t What children need and cause them to seek it elsewhere, in the peer
can parents look forward to as they have additional children group. Parents who are insecure about attachment relation-
and as their children age? A heavier workload! The stresses ships sometimes have trouble letting go of their adolescents
and strains of caring for a toddler are greater than those of and serving as a secure base as their children seek to become
caring for an infant, and the arrival of a second child means more autonomous (Hock et al, 2001).
additional stress (O'Brien, 1996). Parents must not only de- Children clearly complicate their parents' lives by de-
vote time to the new baby but also deal with their firstborn manding everything from fresh diapers and close monitoring
child's normal anxieties about this change in lifestyle. They to college tuition. By claiming time and energy that might
complain of the hassles of cleaning up food and toys, con- otherwise go into nourishing the marital relationship and by
stantly keeping an eye on their children, and dealing with their adding stresses to their parents' lives, children seem to have a
perfectly normal but irritating demands for attention, failures negative—although typically only slightly negative—effect on
to comply with requests, and bouts of whining (O'Brien, the marital relationship (Kurdek, 1999; Rollins 8c Feldman
1996). Because the workload increases, fathers often become 1970). Yet when parents are interviewed about the costs and
more involved in child care after a second child is born benefits of parenthood, they generally emphasize the positives
(Phares, 1999). However, the mother who is raising children and feel that parenthood has contributed a great deal to their
as a single parent or whose husband is not highly involved in personal development, making them more responsible and
family life may find herself without a moment's rest as she caring individuals (Palkovitz, 2002).
tries to keep up with two or more active, curious, mobile, and
needy youngsters.
Additional challenges sometimes arise for parents when
their children. enter adolescence. As you saw' earlier, As children reach maturity, the family becomes a "launching
parent-child conflicts become more frequent for a while as pad" that fires adolescents and young adults into work and
children enter adolescence. In addition, there is intriguing ev- starting their own families. The term empty nest describes the
idence that living with adolescents who are becoming physi- family after the departure of the last child—a phase of the
cally and sexually mature and beginning to date may cause family life cycle that became common only in the 20th century
parents to engage in more than the usual amount of midlife (Fox, 2001a). Clearly, the emptying of the nest involves
questioning about what they have done with their lives and changes in roles and lifestyle for parents, particularly for
"Your attitude is sucking all thefulfillment out of motherhood."

mothers who have centered their lives on child rearing. There parenting styles are diverse, as illustrated by the results of a
can be moments of deep sadness (Span, 2000, p. 15): national survey of grandparents of teenagers conducted by
Andrew Cherlin and Frank Furstenberg (1986). These re-
Pamela automatically started to toss Doritos and yucky
searchers determined the prevalence of three major styles of
dip into her cart—and then remembered. "I almost burst
grandparenting:
into tears," she recalls. "I wanted to stop some complete
1. Remote. Remote grandparents (29% of the sample)
stranger and say, 'My sons gone away to college.' I had
were symbolic figures seen only occasionally by their grand-
such a sense of loss."
children. Primarily because they were geographically distant,
Overall, however, parents react positively to the emptying they were emotionally distant as well.
of the nest. Whereas the entry of children into the family 2. Companionate. This was the most common style of
causes modest decreases in marital satisfaction, the departure grandparenting (55% of the sample). Companionate grand-
of the last child seems to be associated with either modest in- parents saw their grandchildren frequently and enjoyed shar-
creases in marital satisfaction or at least a slowing of the de- ing activities with them. They only rarely played a parental
cline in marital satisfaction that began early in the marriage role; they served as companions rather than as caregivers. Like
(White & Edwards, 1990; Van Laningham, Johnson, 8c Amato, most grandparents, they were reluctant to meddle in the way
2001). After the nest empties, women often feel that their mar- their adult children were raising their children and were
riages are more equitable and that their spouses are more ac- happy not to have child care responsibilities. As one put it,
commodating to their needs (Mackey 8c O'Brien, 1995; Suitor, "You can love them and then say, 'Here, take them now, go on
1991). Only a few parents find this transition disturbing. home'" (Cherlin 8c Furstenberg, 1986, p. 55).
Why are parents generally not upset by the empty nest? 3. Involved. Finally, 16% of the grandparents assumed a
Possibly it is because they have fewer roles and responsibilities parentlike role. Like companionate grandparents, they saw
and, therefore, experience less stress and strain. Empty nest their grandchildren frequently and were playful with them,
couples also have more time to focus on their marital rela- but unlike companionate grandparents, they often helped
tionship and to enjoy activities together and more money to with child care, gave advice, and played other practical roles in
spend on themselves. Moreover, parents are likely to view the their grandchildren's lives. Some involved grandparents were
emptying of the nest as evidence that they have done their job substitute parents who lived with and tended their grandchil-
of raising children well and have earned what Erik Erikson dren because their daughters were unmarried or recently di-
called a sense of generativity. One 44-year-old mother put it vorced and worked outside the home.
well: "I have five terrific daughters who didn't just happen. It You can see, then, that grandparenting takes many forms
took lots of time to mold, correct, love, and challenge them. but that most grandparents see at least some of their grand-
It's nice to see such rewarding results." Finally, most parents children frequently and prefer a companionate role that is
continue to enjoy a good deal of contact with their children high in enjoyment and affection but low in responsibility.
after the nest empties, so it is not as if they are really losing this Most grandparents find the role gratifying, especially if they
important relationship (White 8c Edwards, 1990).
In recent years, an increasing number of adult children
have been remaining in the nest or leaving then "refilling" it,
often because of unemployment, limitedfinances,divorce, or
other difficulties in getting their adult lives on track (Ward 8c
Spitze, 1992; White & Rogers, 1997). Some parents find hav-
ing adult children in the house distressing (Aquilino, 1991;
Umberson, 1992). However, most empty nesters adapt, espe-
cially if their children are responsible young adults who are at-
tending school or working rather than freeloading (White 8c
Rogers, 1997). Having adult children in the house decreases
the time couples spend alone together, but it does not seem to
decrease marital happiness or increase marital conflict (Ward
8c Spitze, 2004). Young children in the house appear to affect
marriages more than adult children do.
Although we tend to picture grandparents as white-haired,

jovial elders who knit mittens and bake chocolate chip cook-
ies, most adults become grandparents when they are middle-
© b
aged, not elderly, and when they are likely to be highly in-
volved in work and community activities. The average age of € Most grandparents prefer and adopt a companionate style of
first-time grandparenthood is 47 (Conner, 2000). Grand- grandparenting.
see their grandchildren frequently and if they view the grand- their marriages and more likely to have thoughts about di-
parent role as important and attach positive meanings to it vorce than men (Amato et al., 2003), their general happiness
(Reitzes & Mutran, 2004). Like grandparents, grandchildren also depends more on how well their marriage is going
often report a good deal of closeness in the grandparent- (Kiecolt-Glaser & Newton, 2001).
grandchild relationship and only wish they could see their The quality of marital relationships changes over the
grandparents more (Block, 2000). years. Although frequency of sexual intercourse decreases over
Grandparents have been called "the family national the years, psychological intimacy often increases. The love re-
guard" because they must be ever ready to come to the rescue lationship often changes from one that is passionate to one
when there is a crisis in the family and they never know when that is companionate, more like a best-friends relationship
they will be called (Hagestad, 1985). When a teenage daughter (Bierhoff 8c Schmohr, 2003). Elderly couples are even more af-
becomes pregnant, grandmother and grandfather may find fectionate than middle-aged couples when they interact, have
themselves serving as primary caregivers for the baby— fewer conflicts, and are able to resolve their conflicts without
sometimes in their 30s or even late 20s when they are not yet venting as many negative emotions (Carstensen, Levenson, 8c
ready to become grandparents (Burton, 1996b). Similarly, Gottman, 1995; Gagnon et al., 1999).
grandparents may step in to help raise their grandchildren af- Overall, however, knowing what stage of the family life
ter a divorce; if their child does not obtain custody, however, cycle an adult is in does not allow us to predict accurately how
their access to their grandchildren may be reduced or even cut satisfied that person is with his marriage. Personality is prob-
off, causing them much anguish (Cooney & Smith, 1996). ably more important. Happily married people have more
Grandparents who do get "called to duty" sometimes pleasant personalities than unhappily married people; for ex-
make a real contribution to their grandchildren's develop- ample, they are more emotionally stable and vent negative
ment. For example, teenagers raised by single mothers tend to feelings less often (Robins, Caspi, 8c Moffitt, 2000). Perhaps
have low educational attainment and high rates of problem because it is influenced by personality, marital satisfaction
behavior, but they resemble children raised by two parents if tends to be stable over the years (Dickson, 1995; Huston et al.,
they are raised by a single mother and at least one grandpar- 2001). Moreover, the personalities of marriage partners are
ent (DeLeire & Kalil, 2002). Involved grandparenting can take similar, and are likely to remain similar over the years, as each
a toll, however: Grandmothers sometimes show symptoms of partner reinforces in the other the traits that brought them to-
depression when grandchildren move in with them and they gether (Caspi, Herbener, & Ozer, 1992). It is when "opposites
must become substitute parents (Szinovacz, DeViney, & attract" and find their personalities clashing day after day that
Atkinson, 1999), and the risk of coronary heart disease is marital problems tend to arise (Kurdek, 1991a; Russell 8c
higher than average for grandmothers who care for grandchil- Wells, 1991).
dren more than 8 hours a week (Lee et al., 2003). Grandparent The family life cycle ends with widowhood. Marriages
care has been on the rise (Bryson 8c Casper, 1999). African face new challenges if one of the partners becomes seriously ill
Americans and other women of color are especially likely to or impaired and needs care. Wives suffer more ill effects than
be drawn into a highly involved caregiving role, especially daughters when they must care for a dying husband-father,
when they live in the same household with their grandchil- but they generally cope reasonably well with their spouse's
dren and when their daughters work (Vandell et al., 2003). death, often feeling afterward that they have grown (Seltzer 8c
Although grandparents may benefit from the intellectual chal- Li, 2000; and see Chapter 17). By the time they reach age 65 or
lenges and emotional rewards that parenting brings (Ehrle, older, about 73% of men are still married and living with their
2001), their development and well-being can suffer if they be- wives, but about 59% of women are widowed or otherwise liv-
come overwhelmed by their responsibilities. ing alone (Spraggins, 2003).
Without question, the marital relationship is centrally
important in the lives and development of most adults. Older
adults who are divorced or widowed, especially if they have
Family relationships develop and change with time. See what seen more than one relationship end, are lonelier than those
becomes of relationships between spouses, siblings, and par- who have partners (Peters & Liefbroer, 1997). Adults enjoy a
ents and their children during the adult years. boost in life satisfaction when they gain a spouse and a drop
in life satisfaction when they lose one (Chipperfield 8c Havens,
Marital Relationships 2001). Overall, married adults are "happier, healthier, and bet-
As you have seen, marital satisfaction, although generally high ter off financially" than other adults and are likely to remain
for most couples throughout their lives together, dips some- so if they can weather bad times in their marriages (Waite 8c
what after the honeymoon period is over, dips still lower in Gallagher, 2000).
the new-parenthood phase, continues to drop as new children
are added to the family, and recovers only when the children Sibling Relationships
leave the nest. Women, because they have traditionally been Relationships between brothers and sisters change once sib-
more involved than men in rearing children, tend to be more lings no longer live together in the same home. Starting in
strongly affected by these family life transitions—for good or adolescence, both closeness and conflict between siblings
for bad—than men are. Although they are less happy with diminish as brothers and sisters forge their own lives. Sib-
ling relationships also become more equal in adulthood
(Buhrmester & Furman, 1990; Cicirelli, 1995). Victor Cicirelli
(1982, 1995) finds that adult siblings typically see each other
several times a year and communicate through phone calls or
letters. Few discuss intimate problems or help one another,
but siblings usually feel that they can count on each other in a
crisis. And brothers and sisters are often there to support each
other's life choices, help care for aging parents, and reminisce
about their common past (Bedford & Volling, 2004).
The same ambivalence that characterizes sibling relation-
ships during childhood seems to carry over into adulthood.
Emotional closeness persists despite decreased contact; in-
deed, siblings often grow even closer in old age (Cicirelli,
1995). However, the potential for sibling rivalry persists, too.
Conflict is far less frequent than during childhood, but old ri-
valries can and do flare up during adulthood (Cicirelli, 1995).
Siblings who enjoyed a close relationship during childhood
are likely to be drawn closer after significant life events such as
a parent's illness or death, whereas siblings who had poor re-
lationships during childhood are likely to clash in response to
the same life events (Lerner et aL, 1991; Ross & Milgram,
1982). Adult siblings also feel closer to each other when they
feel that their parents treat them equally than when they feel
that one of them is favored (Boll, Ferring, & Filipp, 2003).
In the end, the sibling relationship is typically the longest-
lasting relationship we have, linking us to individuals who
share many of our genes and experiences (Cicirelli, 1991). It is
a relationship that can be close, conflictual, or, for most of us,
some of both. ([ Young adults and their parents often negotiate a more mutual,
friendlike relationship.
Parent-Child Relationships
r
Parent and child generations in most families are in close con- a person and that she has her own problems and her own
tact and enjoy affectionate give-and-take relationships life.... I accepted her as a mother—but she actually is a
throughout the adult years. When aging parents eventually human being.
need support, children are there to help.
What happens to the parent-child relationship when
Forming More Mutual Relationships. As young adults leave children become middle-aged and their parents become eld-
the nest, they do not sever ties with their parents; instead, they erly? The two generations typically continue to care about,
and their parents jointly negotiate a relationship in which they socialize with, and help each other throughout the adult
move beyond playing out their roles as child and parent and years (Umberson & Slaten, 2000), and both generations gain
become more like friends (Aquilino, 1997; Greene & Boxer, self-esteem when the parent-child relationship is good
1986). As a result, the parent-child relationship often becomes (Giarrusso et aL, 2000). Aging mothers enjoy closer relations
more positive between adolescence and early adulthood and more contact with their children, especially their daugh-
(Shulman & Ben-Artzi, 2003). This more mutual and warm ters, than aging fathers do (Umberson & Slaten, 2000). And
relationship is especially likely to develop when children are African American, Hispanic American, and other minority
married (but are still childless), are employed, and have elders often enjoy more supportive relationships with their
moved out of their parents' house (Aquilino, 1997; Belsky et families than European Americans do (Bengtson et aL,
al., 2003). Relationships are also closer and less conflictual if 1996). These findings suggest that the predominant family
parents were supportive, authoritative parents earlier in the form in the United States is neither the isolated nuclear fam-
child's life (Belsky et al., 2001). Children appreciate their more ily nor the extended family household but what has been
equal relationships with their parents (White, Speisman, & called the modified extended family—an arrangement in
Costos, 1983, p. 73): which nuclear families live in separate households but have
close ties and frequent communication and interaction with
I am understanding her now more than I ever did before. other kin (Litwak, 1960). Most elderly people in our society
I have started to understand that I had to stop blaming prefer this pattern. The last thing they want is to have to live
her for everything in my life. I felt she had been a lousy with and burden their children when their health fails (E.
parent. Now, I'm more understanding that my mother is Brody, 2004).
Relationships between the generations are not only close ones that they have a responsibility to help ailing parents, and
and affectionate, but they also are generally equitable: each they do help more (Conner, 2000; Shuey 8c Hardy, 2003). Some
generation gives something, and each generation gets some- ethnic groups have more potential helpers available, too; for
thing in return (Conner, 2000; Markides, Boldt, 8c Ray, 1986). example, compared with European American elders, African
If anything, aging parents give more (E. Brody, 2004). American ones can more often call on siblings and members of
Contrary to myth, then, most aging families do not experience the extended family such as cousins and nieces and nephews
what has been called role reversal—a switching of roles late in for help if their children cannot help (Johnson, 2000). As a re-
life such that the parent becomes the needy, dependent one sult, they are less likely to find themselves without family sup-
and the child becomes the caregiver (E. Brody, 2004). Only port when they reach advanced ages.
when parents reach advanced ages and begin to develop seri- Middle-aged adults who must foster their children's (and
ous physical or mental problems does the parent-child rela- possibly their grandchildren's) development while tending to
tionship sometimes become lopsided. their own development and caring for aging parents some-
times find their situation overwhelming. They may experience
Caring for Aging Parents. Elaine Brody (1985,2004) uses the caregiver burden—psychological distress associated with the
term middle generation squeeze (others call it the sandwich demands of providing care for someone with physical, cogni-
generation phenomenon) to describe the situation of middle- tive, or both impairments. Although caring for an aging par-
aged adults pressured by demands from both the younger and ent can be rewarding, many adult children providing such
the older generations simultaneously. Put yourself in the shoes care experience emotional, physical, and financial strains
of Julia, a 52-year-old African American working woman (Aneshensel et al., 1995; Pinquart 8c Sorensen, 2003). A
(Burton, 1996b, p. 155): woman who is almost wholly responsible for a dependent
elder may feel angry and resentful because she has no time for
My girl and grand girl had babies young. Now, they keep
herself. She may experience role conflict between her caregiver
on rushiri me, expectin' me to do this and that, tryin to
role and her roles as wife, mother, and employee that under-
make me old Tore my time. I ain't got no time for myself.
mines her sense of well-being (Stephens et al., 2001).
I takes care of babies, grown children, and the old peo-
Not all caregivers feel that providing care is a burden or
ples. I work too. I get so tired. I don t know if I'll ever get
suffer negative mental health effects such as depression, how-
to do somethin for myself.
ever. The burden of care is likely to be perceived as especially
Julia's situation may not be typical, but it is certainly weighty if the elderly parent engages in the disruptive and so-
middle generation squeeze. Adults with children increasingly cially inappropriate behaviors often shown by people with de-
find themselves caring for their aging parents; indeed, middle- mentia (Gaugler et al., 2000; Pinquart 8c Sorensen, 2003). The
aged adults who have children are more likely than those who caregiver's personality also makes a difference; caregivers who
do not to be drawn into caring for parents and other aging rel- lack a sense of mastery or control may have difficulty coping
atives, possibly because they are more closely tied to kin net- and may become more depressed over time (Li, Seltzer, 8c
works (Gallagher 8c Gerstel, 2001). Spouses are the first in line Greenberg, 1999). By contrast, those who have attained the
to care for frail elders, assuming they are alive and up to the sense of generativity that Erikson believes to be so important
challenge, but most caregivers of ailing elders are daughters or for middle-aged parents feel less caregiver burden than other
daughters-in-law in their 40s and 50s. Daughters are about women (Peterson, 2002).
three times more likely than sons to assist aging parents
(Dwyer 8< Coward, 1991). This imbalance exists partly be-
cause, according to traditional gender-role norms, women are
the "kinkeepers" of the family and therefore feel obligated to
provide care (E. Brody, 2004) and partly because women are
less likely than men to have jobs that prevent them from help-
ing (Sarkisian 8c Gerstel, 2004). ,
In many Asian societies, daughters-in-law are the first
choice. Aging parents are often taken in by a son, usually the
oldest, and cared for by his wife (Youn et al., 1999). In our so-
ciety, where most aging parents do not want to have to live
with their children, much elder care is provided from a dis-
tance (Bengtson et al., 1996). Either way, families are the ma-
jor providers of care for the frail elderly today. We see little
support here for the view that today's families have aban-
doned their elders or that adult children have failed to meet
their filial responsibility, a child's obligation to his parents (E.
Brody, 2004; Conner, 2000).
African American, Hispanic American, and Asian € Caring for an ailing parent can result in middle generation squeeze
American families feel more strongly than European American and caregiving burden.
The strain is also likely to be worse if a caregiving
daughter is unmarried and, therefore, does not have a hus- Diversity in F a m i l y L i f e
band to lean on for practical and emotional support (E.
Brody et al., 1992); if her marriage is an unsupportive one Useful as it is, the concept of a family life cycle does not cap-
(Stephens & Franks, 1995); or if for other reasons she ture the diversity of adult lifestyles and family experiences.
lacks social support (Clyburn et al., 2000). In the end, the Many of todays adults do not progress in a neat and orderly
caregiver-parent relationship and the marital relationship way through the stages of the traditional family life cycle—
affect each other. A solid marriage can provide social sup- marrying, having children, watching them leave the nest, and
port that lightens the burden of care; a troubled marriage so on. A small number never marry; a larger number never
can get in the way. Similarly, caring for an ailing parent can have children. Some continue working when their children are
detract from the marital relationship, or it can improve it by young; others stop or cut back. And many adults move in and
making a daughter feel better about herself (Stephens & out of wedded life by marrying, divorcing, and remarrying.
Franks, 1995). Examine some of these variations in family life.
Does it matter why adult children take on the burden of
care? In an interesting attempt to find out, Cicirelli (1993) as- Singles
sessed whether daughters helped their aging mothers out of
love ( U I feel lonely when I don't see my mother often") or out It is nearly impossible to describe the "typical" single adult.
of a sense of duty ("I feel that I should do my part in help- This category includes not only young adults who have not yet
ing"). Both daughters who were highly motivated to help married but also middle-aged and elderly people who experi-
based on a strong attachment to their mothers and daughters enced divorce or the death of a spouse or who never married.
who were motivated by a sense of obligation spent more time It is typical to start adulthood as a single person. Most adults
helping than women whose motivations to help were weaker. in the 18 to 29 age range are not married (U.S. Census Bureau,
However, those who helped out of love experienced helping as 2003). Because adults have been postponing marriage, the
far less stressful and burdensome than those who helped number of young, single adults has been growing.
mainly out of a sense of duty (see also Lyonette & Yardley, Cohabitation, living with a romantic partner without be-
2003). ing married, is also on the rise (Amato et al., 2003). Some
So, the caregivers most likely to experience psychological never-married people live together as a matter of conven-
distress are those who must care for parents or spouses with be- ience—because they are in a romantic relationship, need a
havioral problems, who lack social support, and whose assis- place to live, and want to save money. They usually do not
tance is not motivated by love. These individuals need support view cohabitation as a trial marriage, although they may later
and relief from their burden. Interventions can help them contemplate marriage if the relationship is working (Sassier,
sharpen their caregiving skills and learn to react less negatively 2004). Other cohabiters have seen their marriages end and are
to the difficult behavior often shown by elderly adults with de- looking for an alternative to marriage (Seltzer, 2000). Many
mentia, reducing their sense of burden in the process (Ostwald have children; by one estimate, 4 out of 10 children will live in
et al., 1999; and see Schultz et al., 2003). a family headed by a cohabiting couple sometime during
childhood (Whitehead & Popenoe, 2003).
Summing Up
Marital satisfaction d e c l i n e s s o o n a f t e r t h e h o n e y m o o n
p e r i o d a n d again in r e s p o n s e t o n e w parenthood—a
stressful t r a n s i t i o n especially if t h e b a b y is difficult, t h e
p a r e n t is ill e q u i p p e d t o c o p e , and social s u p p o r t is lack-
ing. T h e e m p t y n e s t t r a n s i t i o n is g e n e r a l l y s m o o t h , and
middle-aged adults enjoy playing a companionate
grandparental role. W o m e n a r e especially a f f e c t e d by
family life c y c l e transitions, b u t marital satisfaction is
m o r e strongly influenced by p e r s o n a l i t i e s t h a n by s t a g e
o f family life.
Adult siblings c o n t i n u e t o b e b o t h c l o s e and rival-
r o u s . T h e p a r e n t - c h i l d relationship b e c o m e s m o r e mu-
tual in a d u l t h o o d until s o m e middle-aged adults, particu-
larly daughters, experience the stress of caregiver
b u r d e n . T h e child w h o is d e p e n d e n t on p a r e n t s b e c o m e s
t h e adult w h o can b e i n t e r d e p e n d e n t with t h e m — a n d
s o m e t i m e s b e c o m e s t h e p e r s o n on w h o m aging p a r e n t s
depend. • € Single adults are diverse—not all are "swinging singles."
It makes sense to think that couples who live together be-
fore marrying would have more opportunity than those who
do not to determine whether they are truly compatible. Yet As more mothers have gone to work outside the home, devel-
couples who live together and then marry seem to be more opmental scientists have naturally asked wrhat effect maternal
dissatisfied with their marriages and more likely to divorce employment has on families. Some have focused on the con-
overall than couples who do not live together before marry- cept of spillover effects—ways in which events at work affect
ing. These risks are not evident when a woman cohabits only home life and events at home carry over into the workplace.
with her future husband but are evident if she has more than Most of their research has focused on negative spillover effects
one intimate premarital relationship (Teachman, 2003). It is (Barnett et al., 1995; Perry-Jenkins, Repetti, & Crouter, 2000).
unlikely that the experience of cohabitation itself is responsi- However, positive spillover effects can also occur: A good mar-
ble (Booth & Johnson, 1988). Instead, it seems that the kinds riage and rewarding interactions with children can protect
of people who choose to cohabit with multiple partners may a woman from the negative psychological effects of stresses
be more susceptible to marital problems and less committed at work and increase her job satisfaction (Barnett, 1994;
to the institution of marriage than the kinds of people who do Rogers 8c May, 2003), and a rewarding, stimulating job can
not. They tend, for example, to be less religious, less conven- have positive effects on her interactions within the family
tional in their family attitudes, less committed to the idea of (Greenberger, O'Neil, 8c Nagel, 1994).
marriage as a permanent arrangement, and more open to the Overall, dual-career families are faring well. Women are
idea of divorcing (Axinn & Barber, 1997; DeMaris 8c giving up personal leisure time (not to mention sleep) and
MacDonald, 1993). This may be why children who live with cutting back on housework to make time for their children;
cohabiting biological parents have more emotional and be- meanwhile, their husbands are slowly but steadily increasing
havioral problems and less engagement with school, on aver- their participation in household and child care activities
age, than children who live with married biological parents (Cabrera et al., 2000; Coltrane, 2000). There is no indication
(Brown, 2004). that a mother's decision to work has damaging effects on child
What of the 5% of adults who never marry? Stereotypes development; it can have positive or negative effects depend-
suggest that they are miserably lonely and maladjusted, but ing on the circumstances. It is likely to be best for children
they often make up for their lack of spouse and children by when it means an increase in family income, when mothers
forming close bonds with siblings, friends, or younger adults are satisfied with the choice they have made (that is, when
who become like sons or daughters to them (Rubinstein et al, they would rather be working than at home), when fathers be-
1991). As "old-old" people in their 80s and 90s, never-married come more involved, and when children are adequately super-
people sometimes lack relatives who can assist or care for vised after school (Hoffman, 2000; Lerner 8c Noh, 2000). Girls
them (Johnson 8c Troll, 1996). Yet it is divorced rather than may also benefit from the role model a working mother pro-
never-married single adults who tend to be the loneliest and vides and tend to adopt less stereotyped views of men's and
least happy adults (Kurdek, 1991b; Peters & Liefbroer, 1997). women's roles than children whose mothers do not work
(Hoffman, 2000).
Having a working mother can be a negative experience,
however (Goldberg, Greenberger, 8c Nagel, 1996). Latchkey
Like single adults who never marry, married couples who re- children and adolescents can get into trouble when their par-
main childless do not experience all the phases of the tradi- ents do not monitor them and they lack adult supervision af-
tional family life cycle. Many childless couples want children ter school (Perry-Jenkins et al., 2000). They can also suffer if a
but cannot have them. However, a growing number of adults, working mother is unable to remain a warm and involved par-
especially highly educated adults with high-status occupa- ent who shares "quality time" with them (Beyer, 1995).
tions, voluntarily decide to delay having children or decide Martha Moorehouse (1991) found that 6-year-olds whose
not to have them (Heaton, Jacobson, & Holland, 1999). mothers began working full-time wrere more cognitively and
How are childless couples faring when their peers are hav- socially competent (according to their teachers) than children
ing, raising, and launching children? Generally, they do well. whose mothers were homemakers if these youngsters fre-
Their marital satisfaction tends to be higher than that of cou- quently shared activities such as reading, telling stories, and
ples with children during the child-rearing years (Kurdek, talking with their mothers. However, they fared worse than
1999). And middle-aged and elderly childless couples seem to children with stay-at-home mothers if they lost out on such
be no less satisfied with their lives than parents whose children opportunities.
have left the nest (Allen, Blieszner, 8c Roberto, 2000; Rempel, Fortunately, most working mothers manage to spend al-
1985). However, elderly women who are childless and widowed most as much time with their children as nonworlcing moth-
may find themselves without anyone to help them if they de- ers do (Bryant 8c Zick, 1996; Nock 8c Kingston, 1988), and
velop health problems (Johnson 8c Troll, 1996). It seems, then, their husbands are more involved than ever in child care
that childless couples derive satisfaction from their marriages (Bianchi, 2000). As a result, most dual-career couples are able
and are happier than single adults but may suffer from a lack of to enjoy the personal and financial benefits of working with-
social support late in life after their marriages end. out compromising their children's development.
Is there reason to worry about the children? Not at all.
Comparing lesbian mothers with heterosexual mothers in
The family experiences of gay men and lesbian women are
^two-parent and single-parent homes, Susan Golombok and
most notable for their diversity (Savin-Williams & Esterberg,
her colleagues (2003) found that lesbian mothers tend to hit
2000; Patterson, 2004). In the United States, several million
children less and to engage in imaginative and domestic play
gay men and lesbian women are parents, most through previ-
more and that their lesbian partners are as involved in copar-
ous heterosexual marriages and others through adoption or
enting as fathers typically are. Overall, children who lived with
artificial insemination (Flaks et al, 1995). Some no longer live
two parents of the same sex were better off in terms of devel-
with their children, but others raise them as single parents and
opmental outcomes than children living with a single mother
still others raise them in families that have two mothers or two
and no different than children with two heterosexual parents.
fathers. Other gay men and lesbian women remain single and
Overall, this study and others suggest that gay and lesbian
childless or live as couples without children throughout their
adults wTho raise children are as likely as heterosexual parents
lives. The diverse families of gay and lesbian adults are poorly
to produce competent and well-adjusted children (Savin-
described by traditional family concepts such as the family life
Williams & Esterberg, 2000; Patterson, 2004). xMoreover, con-
cycle, which wTere developed with heterosexual nuclear fami-
trary to what many people believe, their children are no more
lies in mind. Gay and lesbian families also face special chal-
likely than the children of heterosexual parents to develop a
lenges, as the recent national controversy over the legality of
homosexual or bisexual orientation (Patterson, 2004).
gay marriages suggests, because they are not fully recognized
as families by society.
Those gay and lesbian adults who live as couples are likely
to have more egalitarian relationships than heterosexual cou-
Orderly progress through the family life cycle is disrupted
ples do. Rather than following traditional gender stereotypes,
when a couple divorces. Divorce is not just one life event;
partners tend to work out a division of labor, through trial
rather, it is a series of stressful experiences for the entire fam-
and error, based on who is especially talented at or who hates
ily that begins with marital conflict before the divorce and in-
doing certain tasks (Huston & Schwartz, 1995). Otherwise,
cludes a complex of life changes as the marriage unravels and
their relationships evolve through the same stages of develop-
its members reorganize their lives (Amato, 2000; Emery,
ment, are satisfying or dissatisfying for the same reasons, and
1999). Why do people divorce? What effects does divorce typ-
are typically as rewarding as those of married or cohabiting
ically have on family members? And how can we explain, as il-
heterosexuals (Kurdek, 1995).
lustrated by the twro contrasting quotes at the start of this
chapter, that some adults and children thrive after a divorce
whereas others experience persisting problems?
Before t h e Divorce
Gay Kitson and her colleagues (Kitson, Babri,.& Roach, 1985;
Kitson, 1-992) and Jay Teachman (2002) have pieced together
a profile of the couples at highest risk for divorce. Generally,
they are young adults, in their 20s and 30s, who have been
married for an average of 7 years and often have young chil-
dren. These days, only about 70% of marriages make it to the
10-year mark (Teachman, 2002). Couples are especially likely
to divorce if they married as teenagers, had a short courtship,
conceived a child before marrying, or are low in socioeco-
nomic status—all factors that might suggest an unreadiness
for marriage and unusually high financial and psychological
stress accompanying new parenthood. Finally, their parents
are likely to have divorced, and they are likely to be different
from each other in demographic characteristics such as age
and education (Teachman, 2002). Not surprisingly, divorcers
also express low satisfaction with their marriages, think about
breaking up, and express few positive emotions, many nega-
tive ones, or both wrhen they interact (Gottman & Levenson,
2000).
Contrary to the notion that today's couples do not give
their marriages a chance to work, research suggests that most
divorcing couples experience a few years of marital distress
C Children raised by lesbian couples develop much like other chil- and conflict and often try separations before they make the
dren do on average. final decision to divorce (Kitson, 1992). Reasons for divorc-
ing are no longer restricted to traditionally important pre- are likely to face the added problem of getting by with consid-
cipitators such as nonsupport, alcoholism, or abuse (Gigy & erably less money (Amato, 2000).
Kelly, 1992). Instead, couples today typically divorce because Because of all these stressors, divorced adults are at higher
they feel their marriages lack communication, emotional risk than married adults for depression and other forms of
fulfillment, or compatibility. Wives tend to have longer lists psychological distress, physical health problems, and even
of complaints than their husbands do and often have more death (Amato, 2000; Lillard & Panis, 1996). Their adjustment
to do with initiating the breakup (Thompson & Amato, is especially likely to be poor if they have little income, do not
1999). find a new relationship, take a dim view of divorce, and did
not initiate the divorce (Wang & Amato, 2000). Some feel bet-
A f t e r the Divorce ter about themselves and more in control of their lives after
Most families going through a divorce experience it as a gen- extracting themselves from a miserable marriage. Thus, di-
uine crisis—a period of considerable disruption that often vorce is at least temporarily stressful for most adults, but it can
lasts at least 1 to 2 years (Amato, 2000; Hetherington & Kelly, have negative or positive effects in the long run depending on
2002). The wife, who usually obtains custody of any children, the individual and the circumstances (Amato, 2000).
is likely to be angry, depressed, and otherwise distressed, al- As you might suspect, psychologically distressed adults do
though often she is relieved as well. The husband is also likely not make the best parents. Moreover, children going through a
to be distressed, particularly if he did not want the divorce and divorce do not make the best children because they, too, are suf-
feels shut off from his children. Both individuals must revise fering. They are often angry, fearful, depressed, and guilty, espe-
their identities (as single rather than married people) and re- cially if they fear that they were somehow7 responsible for what
vise their relationship. Both may feel isolated from former happened (Hetherington, 1981). They are also likely to be
friends and unsure of themselves as they become involved in whiny, dependent, disobedient, and disrespectful. A vicious cir-
new romantic relationships. Divorced women with children cle of the sort described by the transactional model of family in-
INTERESTS, WHAT ABOUT THAT, PHIL? HOW DO ^011

F E E L ABOUT BECOMING SOMEONE E L S E E t t n t i e w ?
S o m e adults and children thrive a f t e r a divorce, w h e r e a s
o t h e r s suffer many negative and long-lasting e f f e c t s . W h y is
this? H e r e are s o m e f a c t o r s t h a t can make a big difference.
and remain positive t o w a r d t h e i r s o n s o v e r a 12-
m o n t h period. B e t t e r yet, t h e s e positive c h a n g e s in
t h e i r parenting b e h a v i o r s w e r e tied t o i m p r o v e m e n t s
in t h e i r children's a d j u s t m e n t a t s c h o o l and at h o m e
1. Adequate financial support Families f a r e b e t t e r a f t e r a
( s e e also W o l c h i k e t al., 2 0 0 0 ) .
d i v o r c e if t h e f a t h e r pays child s u p p o r t and t h e family
3. Good parenting by the noncustodial parent Children may
t h e r e f o r e has a d e q u a t e finances ( A m a t o & S o b o l e w s k i ,
suffer when t h e y lose c o n t a c t with t h e i r noncustodial
2 0 0 4 ; Marsiglio e t al., 2 0 0 0 ) . H o w e v e r , many n o n c u s t o -
parent. A q u a r t e r o r m o r e of children living with t h e i r
dial f a t h e r s d o n o t pay child s u p p o r t o r d o n o t pay as
m o t h e r s lose c o n t a c t with t h e i r fathers, and many o t h -
much as t h e y should, earning t h e label " d e a d b e a t dads."
e r s s e e t h e i r fathers only rarely ( D e m o & C o x , 2 0 0 0 ) .
A d j u s t m e n t is likely t o b e m o r e difficult f o r m o t h e r -
M o r e i m p o r t a n t than a m o u n t of c o n t a c t , however, is
headed families t h a t fall into p o v e r t y and must struggle
quality of c o n t a c t . N o n c u s t o d i a l fathers w h o are a u t h o r -
t o survive.
itative parents and w h o are emotionally c l o s e t o t h e i r
2. Good parenting by the custodial parent T h e custodial
children can help children make a positive a d j u s t m e n t t o
p a r e n t plays a critical r o l e in w h a t happens t o t h e fam-
life in a single-parent h o m e ( A m a t o & S o b o l e w s k i , 2 0 0 4 ;
ily. If s h e can c o n t i n u e t o b e w a r m , a u t h o r i t a t i v e , and
Marsiglio e t al., 2 0 0 0 ) .
c o n s i s t e n t , children a r e far less likely t o e x p e r i e n c e
4 . Minimal conflict between parents. However their moth-
p r o b l e m s ( H e t h e r i n g t o n & Kelly, 2 0 0 2 ) . It is difficult f o r
e r s and f a t h e r s p a r e n t , children should b e p r o t e c t e d
p a r e n t s t o b e effective w h e n t h e y are d e p r e s s e d and
f r o m continuing marital conflict. If p a r e n t s c o n t i n u e t o
u n d e r s t r e s s , but p a r e n t s w h o u n d e r s t a n d t h e s t a k e s
squabble a f t e r t h e d i v o r c e and a r e hostile t o w a r d each
may be m o r e able t o give t h e i r children t h e love and
o t h e r , b o t h will likely b e upset, t h e i r parenting is likely
guidance t h e y n e e d . M o r e o v e r , i n t e r v e n t i o n s can help
t o suffer, and children will feel t o r n in t h e i r loyalties
t h e m . Marion Forgatch and David D e G a r m o ( 1 9 9 9 )
and e x p e r i e n c e behavioral p r o b l e m s ( A m a t o , 1 9 9 3 ) .
randomly assigned divorced m o t h e r s o f boys e i t h e r t o
W h e n p a r e n t s can a g r e e on j o i n t custody, children's
a parenting skills program designed t o p r e v e n t t h e m
a d j u s t m e n t t e n d s t o b e b e t t e r than w h e n c u s t o d y is
f r o m b e c o m i n g less positive and m o r e c o e r c i v e t o w a r d
granted t o one parent o r the o t h e r (Bauserman, 2 0 0 2 ) .
t h e i r children o r t o a c o n t r o l g r o u p . T h e y found t h a t
W o r k i n g with a m e d i a t o r t o r e s o l v e issues, r a t h e r than
training helped m o t h e r s rely less on c o e r c i v e m e t h o d s
fluence results: childrens behavioral problems and parents' in- are likely to display not only behavioral problems at home but
effective parenting styles feed on each other. also strained relations with peers, low self-esteem, academic
Mavis Hetherington and her associates (Hetherington, problems, and adjustment difficulties at school (Amato, 2001;
Cox, & Cox, 1982; Hetherington 8c Kelly, 2002) have found Hetherington 8c Kelly, 2002).
that custodial mothers, preoccupied with their own problems, Families typically begin to pull themselves back together
often become impatient and insensitive to their childrens about 2 years after the divorce, and by the 6-ycar mark most
needs. In terms of the dimensions of child rearing we have differences between children of divorce and children of intact
described, they become less accepting and responsive, less au- families have disappeared (Hetherington 8c Kelly, 2002). Yet
thoritative, and less consistent in their discipline. They occa- even after the crisis phase has passed and most children and
sionally try to seize control of their children with a heavy- parents have adapted, divorce can leave a residue of negative
handed, authoritarian style of parenting, but more often they effects on at least a few individuals that lasts years ( Amato,
fail to carry through in enforcing rules and make few demands 2000; Hetherington 8c Kelly, 2002). For example, as adoles-
that their children behave maturely. Noncustodial fathers, cents, children of divorce are less likely than other children to
meanwhile, are likely to be overly permissive, indulging their perceive their relationships with their parents, especially their
children during visitations (Amato 8c Sobolewski, 2004). This fathers, as close and caring (Emery, 1999; Woodward,
is not the formula for producing well-adjusted, competent Fergusson, 8c Belsky, 2000), and many are still negative about
children. The behavioral problems that children display un- what divorce has done to their lives and unhappy that it hap-
doubtedly make effective parenting difficult, but deterioration pened (Emery, 1999).
in parenting style aggravates those behavioral problems. The negative aftereffects of the divorce experience even
When this breakdown in family functioning occurs, children carry into adulthood. About 20 to 25% of Hetherington's chil-
having lawyers duke it o u t , helps keep n o n c u s t o d i a l
p a r e n t s c o o p e r a t i n g with t h e i r s p o u s e s and involved in
t h e i r children's lives a f t e r t h e divorce. In an e x p e r i -
m e n t by R o b e r t E m e r y and his c o l l e a g u e s ( 2 0 0 1 ) on
mediation versus litigation, 3 0 % o f n o n c u s t o d i a l par-
e n t s randomly assigned t o a m e d i a t o r saw t h e i r chil-
dren w e e k l y o r m o r e , w h e r e a s only 9 % o f t h o s e as-
signed t o t h e normal litigation a p p r o a c h did.
5. Additional social support Divorcing adults are less de-
pressed if they have c l o s e confidants (Menaghan &
Lieberman, 1986). Children also benefit f r o m having
c l o s e friends t o give t h e m social s u p p o r t (Lustig,
W o l c h i k , & Braver, 1 9 9 2 ) and f r o m participating in peer-
s u p p o r t p r o g r a m s in which they and o t h e r children of
divorce can share t h e i r feelings and learn positive coping € Mediation can help warring couples resolve their issues dur-
skills ( G r y c h & Fincham, 1992). Friends, relatives, s c h o o l ing a divorce.
personnel, and o t h e r s o u r c e s of social s u p p o r t o u t s i d e
t h e family can all help families adjust t o divorce.
6. Minimal other changes. Generally, families r e s p o n d m o s t H e r e , then, are t h e first s t e p s on t h e path t o w a r d a posi-
»
positively t o d i v o r c e if additional changes a r e kept t o a tive divorce e x p e r i e n c e — a s well as a b e t t e r understanding o f

m i n i m u m — f o r e x a m p l e , if p a r e n t s d o n o t have t o why divorce is m o r e disruptive f o r s o m e families than f o r o t h -
m o v e , g e t n e w j o b s , c o p e with t h e loss o f t h e i r chil- ers. A s Paul A m a t o ( 1 9 9 3 ) concludes, a d j u s t m e n t t o divorce
dren, and s o on ( B u e h l e r e t al., 1 9 8 5 - 1 9 8 6 ) . Obviously, will depend on t h e " t o t a l c o n f i g u r a t i o n " o f s t r e s s o r s t h e indi-
it is e a s i e r t o deal with a c o u p l e o f s t r e s s o r s than a vidual faces and on t h e r e s o u r c e s he has available t o aid in
mountain o f t h e m . Although families c a n n o t always coping, including b o t h personal strengths (such as g o o d c o p -
c o n t r o l events,-they can strive t o k e e p t h e i r lives as ing skills) and social s u p p o r t s .
simple as p o s s i b l e .
dren of divorce still had emotional scars and psychological tive research methods, Mavis Hetherington, in her book For
problems as young adults (Hetherington 8c Kelly, 2002). And Better or for Worse (Hetherington 8c Kelly, 2002), concludes
a study of middle-aged adults revealed that 24% of those that most parents and children rebound from their crisis pe-
whose parents had divorced when they were younger had riod and adapt well in the long run—and sometimes even un-
never married, compared with 14% of adults from intact fam- dergo impressive growth as a result of their experience
ilies (Maier 8c Lachman, 2000). Adults whose parents divorced (Hetherington 8c Kelly, 2002; and see Harvey 8c Fine, 2004).
are also more likely than adults from intact families to experi- On the positive side, a conflict-ridden two-parent family
ence marital conflict and divorce themselves (Amato, 1996). is clearly more detrimental to a child's development than a co-
Some researchers paint a particularly gloomy picture of hesive single-parent family. Children from families experienc-
the typical divorce, whereas others offer more encouraging ing marital conflict display more behavioral problems after a
messages. Judith Wallerstein and her colleagues (2000), in The divorce than before, but they show even larger increases in be-
Unexpected Legacy of Divorce, summarize years of interviews havioral problems if they remain with their warring parents
with children of divorce by concluding that most have strug- (Morrison 8c Coiro, 1999)! Indeed, many of the behavioral
gled with relationships ever since. Many had not married, or problems that children display after a divorce are evident well
if they married had divorced, and most did not want children before the divorce. They may be caused not by divorce but by
for fear that their children would experience what they did. long-standing family conflict or even by genes that predispose
Wallerstein's findings might cause you to recommend that certain parents and their children to experience psychological
parents do all possible to hold a bad marriage together for the problems (Cherlin et al., 1991; O'Connor et al., 2000).
sake of the children. However, based on more careful sampling Moreover, whereas fathers who engage in low levels of antiso-
of divorced families and comparison families and more objec- cial behavior benefit their children by living with them, fathers
who engage in high levels of antisocial behavior are likely to in a reconstituted family as a child, like living in a single-
increase their children's conduct problems by spending more parent family after a divorce, tends to increase the risk that in-
time living with them (Jaffee et al, 2003), suggesting that the dividuals will enter marriages that are at risk to fail—for ex-
presence of a second parent is not always a plus. ample, marriages in which the partners are young, have rela-
Perhaps the most important message of research on di- tively little education, cohabit, and conceive a child before
vorce is that the outcomes of divorce vary widely. As Alan marriage (Teachman, 2004).
Booth and Paul Amato (2001) conclude, "divorce may be ben-
eficial or harmful to children, depending on whether it re- S u m m i n g Up
duces or increases the amount of stress to which children are
Cohabitation tends t o be associated with later marital
exposed" (p. 210). As you can see in the Explorations box on
problems. Childless married couples and gay and lesbian
page 446, several factors can help facilitate a positive adjust-
families generally fare well, and dual-career families can
ment to divorce and prevent lasting damage—among them
be good o r bad for children depending on the quality of
adequatefinances,effective parenting by the custodial parent,
parenting'children receive. Divorce creates a family crisis
effective parenting by the noncustodial parent, minimal con-
f o r I o r 2 years and has long-term negative effects on
flict between parents, social support, and minimal additional
some children, and becoming part of a reconstituted
changes and stressors.
family is a more difficult transition for girls than for boys.
Even this quick examination of diverse family experiences
Remarriage and Reconstituted Families should convince you that it is difficult t o generalize about
the family M
Within 3 to 5 years of a divorce, about 75% of single-parent
families experience yet another major transition when a par-
ent remarries and the children acquire a stepparent—and
sometimes new siblings (Hetherington, 1989; Hetherington &
Stanley-Hagan, 2000). Because about 60% of remarried cou-
Tlie P r o b l e m o f F a m i l y
ples divorce, some adults and children today find themselves Viol ence
in a recurring cycle of marriage, marital conflict, divorce, sin-
gle status, and remarriage. As this chapter makes clear, humans develop within a family
How do children fare when their custodial parent remar context, and family relationships normally contribute posi-
ries? The first few years are a time of conflict and disruption tively to human development at every point in the life span. At
as new family roles and relationships are ironed out the same time, families can be the cause of much anguish and
(Hetherington & Stanley-Hagan, 2000). The difficulties are of development gone astray. Nowhere is this more obvious
likely to be aggravated if both parents bring children to the than in cases of family violence (St. George, 2001, p. A20):
family (Mekos, Hetherington, & Reiss, 1996). Girls are often
so closely allied with their mothers that they may resent either From a young age, I have had to grow up fast. I see fami-
a stepfather competing for their mother's attention or a step- lies that are loving and fathers who care for their children,
mother attempting to play a substitute-mother role. Perhaps and I find myself hating them. . . . I have nightmares per-
as a result, they tend to benefit less than boys do from remar- taining to my father. I get angry and frustrated when fam-
riage, although most children adapt and fare well with time ily is around.
(Hetherington, Bridges, & Insabella, 1998). It seems that living These sobering words were written by Sonye Herrera, an
abused adolescent who for years had been hit, threatened with
guns, choked, and otherwise victimized—and had witnessed
her mother abused—by an alcoholic father. The abuse contin-
ued even after the couple divorced. At age 15, unable to stand
any more, Herrera had her father charged with assault, but he
returned one afternoon when she was 15, hit her, and shot and
killed both her and her mother before turning his gun on
himself (St. George, 2001, p. A21).
Child abuse is perhaps the most visible form of family vi-
olence. Every day, infants, children, and adolescents are
burned, bruised, beaten, starved, suffocated, sexually abused,
or otherwise mistreated by their caretakers. About 3 million
reports of child maltreatment are filed with social service
agencies in the United States every year; in 2002, almost
900,000 of them were substantiated as true, a rate estimated to
be 12 of every 1000 children (U.S. Department of Health and
C Most children adjust to being part of a reconstituted family but Human Services, 2004). Of the 900,000 children, 60% were
boys have an easier time than girls do. neglected, 19% physically abused, 10% sexually abused, and
6% emotionally or psychologically abused; another 19% ex-
perienced still other types of maltreatment (and some chil- Hard as it may be to believe, only about 1 child abuser in 10
dren experienced more than one of the preceding types). appears to have a severe psychological disorder (Kempe 8c
Surveys reveal even higher rates, as much child abuse goes un- Kempe, 1978). Rather, the abusive parent is most often a
reported. According to a national survey of U.S. families, for young mother, most often acting alone (U.S. Department of
example, 11% of children had reportedly been kicked, bitten, Health and Human Services, 2004). She tends to have many
hit, hit with an object, beaten, burned, or threatened or at- children, to live in poverty, to be unemployed, and to have no
tacked with a knife or gun by a parent in the past year partner to share her load (Wiehe, 1996; Wolfner 8c Gelles,
(Wolfner & Gelles, 1993). 1993). Yet child abusers come from all races, ethnic groups,
Abuse of children by their caregivers is only one form of and social classes. Many of them appear to be fairly typical,
family violence. The potential for abuse exists in all possible loving parents—except for their tendency to become ex-
relationships within the family. Children and adolescents bat- tremely irritated with their children and to do things they will
ter, and in rare cases kill, their parents (Agnew & Huguley, later regret.
1989); siblings abuse one another in countless ways (Cicirelli, A few reliable differences between parents who abuse
1995). And spousal abuse, rampant in our society, appears to their children and those who do not have been identified.
be the most common form of family violence worldwide.
/ First, child abusers tend to have been abused as children; abu-
Globally, it is estimated that about one-third of women are sive parenting, like effective parenting, tends to be passed from
beaten, coerced into sex, or emotionally abused by their part- generation to generation (van IJzendoorn, 1992; Conger et al.,
ners (Murphy, 2003). An anthropological analysis of family vi- 2003). Although most maltreated children do not abuse their
olence in 90 nonindUvStrial societies by David Levinson (1989) own children when they become parents, roughly 30% do
revealed that wife beating occurred in 85% of them; in almost (Kaufman 8c Zigler, 1989). They are also likely to become
half of these societies, it occurred in most or all households, spousal abusers; about 60% of men who abuse their partners
suggesting that it was an accepted part of family life. report that they either were abused or witnessed abuse as chil-
Although spousal abuse is viewed as intolerable in most dren, compared with about 20% of nonviolent men (Delsol 8c
segments of U.S. society, Murray Straus and Richard Gelles Margolin, 2004). Researchers do not know whether genes or
(1986,1990) nonetheless estimate, based on surveys they have environmental factors are primarily responsible for the inter-
conducted, that 16 of 100 married couples in the United States generational transmission of parenting. Howrever, all forms of
experience some form of marital violence in a year's time— witnessing or being the target of violence in adults' families of
often "only" a shove or a slap, but violence nonetheless—and origin predict all forms of perpetration and victimization
that almost 6% experience at least one instance of severe vio- later in life, suggesting that what children from violent homes
lence (such as kicking or beating). Much "mild" spousal abuse learn is that violence is an integral part of human relation-
is mutual; in more serious cases, one spouse, usually the ships (Kwong et al., 2003). The cycle of abuse is not inevitable,
woman, is repeatedly terrorized and injured by a partner however; it can be broken if abused individuals receive emo-
whose goal is control (Johnson 8c Ferraro, 2000). tional support from parent substitutes, therapists, or spouses
Elderly adults are also targets of family violence. Frail or and are spared from severe stress as adults (Egeland, Jacobvitz,
impaired older people are physically or psychologically mis- 8c Sroufe, 1988; Vondra 8c Belsky, 1993).
treated, neglected, financially exploited, and stripped of Second, abusive mothers are often battered by their part-
their rights—most often by adult children or spouses serv- ners (Coohey 8c Braun, 1997; McCloskey, Figueredo, 8c Koss,
ing as their caregivers (Flannery, 2003; Wolf, 2000 ). No one 1995). Because adults are more likely to be in an abusive ro-
knows how many cases of elder abuse there are, but all agree mantic relationship or marriage if they were abused or wit-
that many go unreported. Cognitive impairment is an im- nessed abuse as a child (Stith et al., 2000), abusive mothers
portant risk factor; in one sample of elderly adults with may have learned through their experiences both as children
Alzheimer's disease, 5% had been physically abused by their and as wives that violence is the way to solve problems, or they
caregivers in the year since they had been diagnosed (Paveza may take out some of their frustrations about being abused on
et al., 1992). their children.
This is not a pretty picture. Here is a social problem of Third, abusers are often insecure individuals with low
major dimensions that causes untold suffering and harms the self-esteem. Their unhappy experiences in insecure attachment
development of family members of all ages. What can be done relationships with their parents, reinforced by their negative
to prevent it, or to stop it once it occurs? To answer this ques- experiences in romantic relationships, may lead them to for-
tion, you must first try to gain some insight into why family mulate negative internal working models of themselves and
violence occurs. others (Pianta, Egeland, 8c Erickson, 1989; and see Chapter
14). These adults often feel like victims and feel powerless as
parents (Bugental 8c Beaulieu, 2003). However, they have also
Why Does Family Violence Occur? learned to be victimizers (Pianta et al., 1989).
The various forms of family violence have many similarities. Fourth, abusive parents seem to have unrealistic expecta-
Because child abuse has been studied the longest, we will look tions about what children can be expected to do at different
at what has been learned about the causes of child abuse. ages and have difficulty tolerating the normal behavior of
THE PROBLEM OF FAMILY VIOLENCE 449

young children (Haskell, Johnson, & Miller, 1994). For exam- less to deal with her child and overreacts emotionally when
ple, Byron Egeland and his colleagues (Egeland, 1979; the child cannot be controlled increases the likelihood of
Egeland, Sroufe, & Erickson, 1983) found that when infants >abuse (Bugental, 2001). People who lack a sense of control as
cry to communicate needs such as hunger, nonabusive moth- parents tend to feel threatened by children who are not re-
ers correctly interpret these cries as signs of discomfort, but sponsive to them, become emotionally aroused, and may use
abusive mothers often infer that the baby is somehow- criticiz- force in a desperate attempt to establish that they have power.
ing or rejecting them. However, even the match between child and caregiver may not
In short, abusive parents tend to have been exposed to be enough to explain abuse. You should, as always, consider
harsh parenting and abusive relationships themselves, to have the ecological context surrounding the family system.
low self-esteem, and to find caregiving more stressful, un-
pleasant, and threatening to their egos than other parents do. The Context
Still, it: has been difficult to identify a particular kind of per- Consistently, abuse is most likely to occur when a parent is un-
son who is highly likely to turn into a child abuser. Could der great stress and has little social support (Cano 8< Vivian,
some children bring out the worst in parents? 2003; Egeland et al., 1983). Life changes such as the loss of a
job or a move to a new7 residence can disrupt family function-
T h e Abused ing and contribute to abuse or neglect (Wolfner & Gelles,
An abusive parent often singles out only one child in the fam- 1993). Abuse rates are highest in deteriorating neighborhoods
ily as a target; this offers a hint that child characteristics might where families are poor, transient, socially isolated, and lack-
matter (Gil, 1970). No one is suggesting that children are to ing in community services and informal social support. These
blame for being abused, but some children appear to be more high-risk neighborhoods are areas in which adults do not feel
at risk than others. For example, children who have medical a sense of community and do not look after each other's chil-
problems or who are difficult are more likely to be abused dren, neighborhoods in which the motto "It takes a village to
than quiet, healthy, and responsive infants who are easier to raise a child" has little meaning (Korbin, 2001).
care for (Bugental & Beaulieu, 2003). Yet many difficult chil- Finally, the larger macroenvironment is important. Ours
dren are not mistreated, and many seemingly cheerful and is a violent society in which the use of physical punishment is
easygoing children are. common and the line between physical punishment and child
Just as characteristics of the caregiver cannot fully explain abuse can be difficult to draw (Whipple & Richey, 1997).
why abuse occurs, then, neither can characteristics of chil- Parents who believe strongly in the value of physical punish-
dren. There is now intriguing evidence that the combination ment are more at risk than those who do not to become abu-
of a high-risk parent and a high-risk child spells trouble. sive if they are under stress (Crouch & Behl, 2001). Child
Specifically, the combination of a child who has a disability or abuse is less common in societies that discourage physical
illness or is otherwise difficult and a mother who feels power- punishment and advocate nonviolent ways of resolving inter-
personal conflicts (Gilbert, 1997; Levinson, 1989). Child abuse
is particularly rare in Scandinavian countries, where steps
have been taken to outlaw corporal (physical) punishment of
children not only in schools but also at home (Finkelhor &
Dziuba-Leatherman, 1994).
As you can see, child abuse is a complex phenomenon
with a multitude of causes and contributing factors. It is not
easy to predict who will become a child abuser and who will
not, but abuse seems most likely when a vulnerable individual
faces overwhelming stress with insufficient social support.
Much the same is true of spousal abuse, elder abuse, and other
forms of family violence.
As you might imagine, child abuse is not good for human de-
velopment. Physically abused and otherwise maltreated chil-
dren tend to have many problems, ranging from physical in-
juries and cognitive and social deficits to behavioral problems
and psychological disorders (Margolin & Cordis, 2000).
Shaking and other physically abusive behaviors can cause
brain damage in infants and young children, the stress of ei-
ther being abused or witnessing abuse can interfere with nor-
mal brain development, and child neglect means receiving lit-
<[ Child abuse occurs in all ethnic and racial groups. tle of the intellectual stimulation from nurturing adults that
contributes so much to intellectual growth (Eckenrode, Laird,
& Doris, 1993). "O 0.70
CD
o
CO — s / s genotype
Not surprisingly, then, intellectual deficits and academic
'CL
difficulties are common among mistreated children CD 0.60 — s / l genotype ^ ^
c
(Malinosky-Rummell & Hansen, 1993; Shonk & Cicchetti, o
c
'GOo —&—- l/l aenotvoe "
2001). A particularly revealing study focused on 5-year-old 0.50
Q-
identical and fraternal twins to rule out possible genetic influ- CD
73
^ 0.40
ences on the association between exposure to domestic vio- O
CO
lence and intellectual development (Koenen et al., 2003). E *
0.30
Children exposed to high levels of domestic violence had IQ o
>>
scores 8 points lower, on average, than those of children who
n 0.20
were not exposed to domestic violence, even taking genetic in- CD
_Q /
O
fluences on IQ into account. CL 0
Behavioral problems are also common among physically No Probable Severe
abused children. Many tend to be explosively aggressive maltreatment maltreatment maltreatment
youngsters, rejected by their peers for that reason (Bolger & F i g u r e i 5.S Genes interact to maltreatment as a child to influ-
Patterson, 2001). They learn from their experience with an ence the odds of depression as an adult. A short (s) variant of the
abusive parent to be supersensitive to angry emotions; as a re- gene studied increases risk, whereas a long (I) variant protects
sult, they may perceive anger in peers where there is none and against depression.
lash out to protect themselves (Reynolds, 2003). Even as SOURCE: Adapted from Caspi, Sugden et al. (2003, p. 388, Figure 2).
adults, individuals who were abused as children not only tend

to be violent, both inside and outside the family, but also tend crying child, reacting to the distress of peers much as their
to have higher-than-average rates of depression, anxiety, and abusive parents react to their distress (Main & George, 1985,
other psychological problems (Margolin & Gordis, 2000). p. 410; see also Klimes-Dougan & Kistner, 1990):
The social skills of many abused children are also defi-
Martin (an abused boy of 32 months) tried to take the
cient (Darwish et al., 2001). One of the most disturbing con-
hand of the crying other child, and when she resisted, he
sequences of physical abuse is a lack of normal empathy in re-
slapped her on the arm with his open hand. He then
sponse to the distress of others. When Mary Main and Carol
turned away from her to look at the ground and began
George (1985) observed' the responses of cibused and
vocalizing very strongly, "Cut it out! CUT IT OUT!," each
nonabused toddlers to the fussing and crying of peers, they
time saying it a little faster and louder. He patted her, but
found that nonabused children typically attended carefully to
when she became disturbed by his patting, he retreated,
the distressed child, showed concern, and even attempted to
hissing at her and baring his teeth. He then began patting
provide comfort. As shown in Figure 15.4, not one abused
her on the back again, his patting became beating, and he
child showed appropriate concern in this situation. Instead,
continued beating her despite her screams.
abused toddlers were likely to become angry and attack the
Remarkable as it may seem, many other neglected and
abused children turn out fine. What distinguishes these chil-
Abused toddlers Nonabused toddlers dren from the ones who have long-term problems? Part of the
reason may be that they have genes that protect them from the
negative psychological effects of abuse and possibly other
stressful life events. As Figure 15.5 shows, Avshalom Caspi and
his colleagues (Caspi et al, 2003) found that maltreatment
during childhood increases the likelihood of clinical depres-
sion among individuals with a genetic makeup that predis-
poses them to depression but not among individuals with a
genetic makeup known to protect against depression. Indeed,
among individuals whose genes protect against depression,
the rate of depression is no higher among adults who were
Concern, sadness Fearful distress maltreated as children than among adults who were not.
Interest, looks, "mechanical" Threats, diffused anger, Similarly, Caspi and his colleagues (2002) have studied mal-
comfort movements physical assaults treated children whose genes are associated with high levels of
an enzyme, monoamine oxidase A, that clears neurotransmit-
F i g u r e 15.4 Responses to distressed peers ob-
ters from the brain. These children are less likely to develop
served in abused and nonabused toddlers in day care.
Abused children distinguish themselves by a lack of
antisocial patterns of behavior as young adults than are mal-
concern and a tendency to become upset, angry, and treated children whose genes are associated with low levels of
aggressive when other children cry this enzyme. Low levels of the enzyme have been tied in pre-
SOURCE: Adapted from M a i n & George 11885). vious studies to aggression. It seems, then, that genes and en-
THE PROBLEM OF FAMILY VIOLENCE 451

T hat family violence has many causes is
W h e r e d o w e begin t o intervene, and just h o w many

discouraging. ing was unlikely w h e t h e r t h e child was at medical risk o r not,
w h e r e a s in t h e control conditions, children at medical risk
w e r e t r e a t e d far m o r e harshly than low-risk children, sug-
problems must w e c o r r e c t b e f o r e w e can prevent o r stop t h e gesting that they w e r e headed f o r trouble developmentally.
violence and its damaging effects on development? D e s p i t e W h a t a b o u t parents w h o are already abusive? H e r e t h e
t h e complexity of the problem, progress is being made. challenge is m o r e difficult. O c c a s i o n a l visits f r o m a social
C o n s i d e r first t h e task of preventing violence before it w o r k e r a r e unlikely t o solve t h e p r o b l e m . A m o r e p r o m i s -
starts. This requires identifying high-risk families—a task ing approach is Parents A n o n y m o u s , a self-help program
greatly aided by t h e kinds of studies you have reviewed. For based on Alcoholics A n o n y m o u s t h a t helps caregivers un-
example, o n c e w e k n o w that an infant is at risk for abuse be- derstand t h e i r p r o b l e m s and gives t h e m t h e e m o t i o n a l sup-
cause she is particularly irritable o r unresponsive, it makes p o r t they often lack. However, R o b e r t E m e r y and Lisa
sense t o help t h e child's parents appreciate t h e baby's posi- Laumann-Billings ( 1 9 9 8 ) argue t h a t t h e social s e r v i c e sys-
tive qualities. Learning h o w t o elicit smiles, reflexes, and o t h e r tem needs t o distinguish m o r e sharply b e t w e e n milder
positive responses from premature infants makes parents f o r m s o f abuse, f o r which supportive interventions such as
m o r e responsive t o t h e i r babies, which in turn helps t h e s e at- Parents A n o n y m o u s are appropriate, and s e v e r e forms,
risk babies develop m o r e normally ( W i d m a y e r & Field, 1980). w h e r e it may b e n e c e s s a r y t o p r o s e c u t e t h e a b u s e r and
B e t t e r yet, e f f o r t s t o prevent abuse can b e d i r e c t e d at p r o t e c t t h e children from injury and death by removing
t h e combination o f a high-risk p a r e n t and a high-risk child. t h e m from t h e h o m e . C o u r t s traditionally have been hesi-
D a p h n e Bugental and h e r colleagues (Bugental & Beaulieu, t a n t t o b r e a k up families, but t o o often children w h o have
2 0 0 3 ; Bugental e t al., 2 0 0 2 ) have f o c u s e d on parents w h o been seriously abused a r e repeatedly abused.
feel p o w e r l e s s as parents and as a result o f t e n believe t h a t
A comprehensive approach is likely t o be m o s t effective.
t h e i r children a r e deliberately trying t o annoy o r g e t t h e
Abusive parents need emotional support and t h e opportunity
b e s t of t h e m . Such parents a r e especially likely t o b e c o m e
t o learn m o r e effective parenting, problem-solving, and coping
abusive if they face t h e challenge o f raising a child w h o is un-
skills, and t h e victims o f abuse need day care programs and
responsive and difficult. In an intervention study, Bugental
developmental training t o help them o v e r c o m e cognitive, so-
and h e r colleagues focused on high-risk m o t h e r s w h o had
cial, and emotional deficits caused by abuse (Malley-Morrison
recently emigrated from Mexico t o California and who
& H i n e s , 2 0 0 4 ; W i e h e , 1996).The goal in combating child abuse
s c o r e d high on a m e a s u r e o f family stress. S o m e had infants
and o t h e r forms of family violence must be t o c o n v e r t a
w h o w e r e high risk ( w h o w e r e b o r n prematurely o r s c o r e d
pathological family system into a healthy o n e .
low on t h e Apgar examination at birth and w e r e t h e r e f o r e
at risk f o r future health p r o b l e m s ) , and o t h e r s had infants
w h o w e r e low risk. T h e r e s e a r c h e r s designed a h o m e visi- 0.5
tation program aimed a t e m p o w e r i n g t h e s e m o t h e r s by Low risk infant
teaching t h e m t o analyze t h e causes o f caregiving p r o b l e m s 0.4
High risk infant
w i t h o u t blaming e i t h e r t h e m s e l v e s o r t h e i r children and t o go
devise and t r y solutions t o caregiving p r o b l e m s on t h e i r -i= C
C ^ 0.3
o w n . Families w e r e randomly assigned t o t h e empower- 2 Er
CTF CD
m e n t program, a n o t h e r h o m e visitation program w i t h o u t
-C=O 0.2
t h e e m p o w e r m e n t training, o r a c o n t r o l condition in which 00 T -
<x> O)
families w e r e r e f e r r e d t o regular c o m m u n i t y s e r v i c e s .
I O
After t h e intervention period, m o t h e r s in t h e e m p o w e r - 0.1
m e n t training condition had m o r e of a s e n s e of p o w e r in t h e

family than m o t h e r s in t h e o t h e r conditions did, and they re- 0
p o r t e d f e w e r postpartum depression s y m p t o m s . T h e rate of Empowerment Other
condition conditions
physical abuse, including spanking and slapping, was only 4 % in
t h e e m p o w e r m e n t group c o m p a r e d with 2 3 % in t h e o t h e r
h o m e visitation group and 2 6 % in t h e community referral Empowerment training for low-income mothers
group. Moreover, t h e children in t h e e m p o w e r m e n t group under stress reduces harsh parenting practices, es-
w e r e in b e t t e r health and w e r e b e t t e r able t o manage stress. pecially among mothers who are the most at risk
Importantly, t h e benefits o f t h e program w e r e g r e a t e s t f o r
of being abusive because their babies had medical
problems or were born prematurely.
families with high-risk children. As t h e figure in this Applica-
SOURCE: Reprinted from "Advances in Child Development and Behavior", Vol. 31, Kail, "Empowerment
tions b o x shows, after e m p o w e r m e n t training, harsh parent- training for low-income mothers", Page 252, Copyright © 1987 w i t h permission from Elsevier.
vironment interact to determine the life outcomes of abused and undo the damage? What would you propose? The
and maltreated children. Maltreatment appears to do long- Applications box on page 452 offers some solutions.
term damage to some children but to affect other children
Summing Up
less, depending partly on whether their genes protect them
from, or make them vulnerable to, the damaging effects of Family violence occurs in all possible relationships within
stress. Environmental factors can also make a big difference; the family. A closer look at child abuse reveals that parent
for example, a close relationship with at least one nonabusive characteristics such as a history o f abuse and low self-
adult helps protect children against the destructive effects of esteem, child characteristics such as medical problems
abuse (Egeland et al., 1988). and a difficult temperament, and contextual factors such
Without question, child abuse has damaging long-term as lack of social support and a culture that condones vi-
consequences for the cognitive, social, and emotional devel- olence all contribute. Prevention efforts should therefore
opment of many victims. Moreover, witnessing marital vio- focus on empowering high-risk parents t o deal with diffi-
lence has many of the same negative effects as being abused cult and unresponsive children and treatment efforts on
(Kitzmann et al., 2003). The important question then be- either strengthening social support for mild abusers o r
comes this: Knowing what we know about the causes and removing children f r o m the reach of chronic, severe
effects of abuse, what can be done to prevent it, stop it, abusers. M
and gay and lesbian adults. Divorce creates a crisis in the family for 1
or 2 years; a few children experience long-lasting problems.
1. The family whether nuclear or extended, is best viewed as a 8. Parent characteristics, child characteristics, and contextual
changing social system embedded in larger social systems that are factors all contribute to child abuse and must be considered in for-
also changing. mulating prevention and treatment programs.
2. Infants affect and are affected by their parents. Fathers are less
involved in caregiving than mothers and specialize in challenging Critical Thinking
play. Developmental outcomes are likely to be positive when parents
have positive indirect effects on development because of their posi- 1. Focusing on three key statistics about changes in the family,
tive influence on each other. and drawing on other evidence in this chapter, make the case that the
3. Child rearing can be described in terms of the dimensions of family in the United States is weaker today than it was 50 years ago.
acceptance-responsiveness and demandingness-control; generally, Now argue, using other statistics, that the family is stronger than it
children are more competent when their parents adopt an authorita- was 50 years ago.
tive style of parenting, which is influenced by genes, socioeconomic 2. A 16-year-old girl, drunk as a skunk, has plowed the family
status, and culture. Both genes and cultural context affect parenting car into a tree and is being held at the police station for driving un-
styles. Research on the parent effects, child effects, and transactional der the influence. Her father must pick her up. What would you ex-
models of family influence reminds us that children's problem be- pect an authoritarian, authoritative, permissive, and neglectful father
haviors are not always solely caused by ineffective parenting. to say and do in this situation, and what implications might their
4. When a second child enters the family system, firstborns find contrasting approaches have for this young women's development?
the experience stressful. Sibling relationships are characterized by ri- 3. Martha, three months after her divorce, has become de-
valry and affection and can have positive or negative effects on depressed and increasingly withdrawn. Her son Matt, age 7, has become
velopment. Parent-child relationships typically remain close in ado- a terror around the house and a discipline problem at school. From
lescence but involve some conflict and are renegotiated to become the perspective of (a) the parent effects model, (b) the child effects
more equal. model, and (c) the transactional model of family influence, how
5. Marital satisfaction declines somewhat as newlyweds adjust would you explain what is going on in this single-parent family?
to each other and become parents, whereas the empty nest transition 4. Martha has just married George and wonders how her expe-
and grandparenthood are generally positive experiences. Marital sat- rience of the family life cycle is likely to differ from his. Tell her.
isfaction is also affected by earlier satisfaction, personality, and de-
gree of similarity in personality.
6. In adulthood, siblings have less contact but normally con-
tinue to feel both emotionally close and rivalrous. Young adults often
establish more mutual relationships with their parents. Middle-aged family systems theory, 422 indirect effect, 426
adults continue to experience mutually supportive relationships with nuclear family, 422 acceptance-responsiveness, 426
their elderly parents but sometimes suffer from the stresses of mid- extended family household, 422 demandingness-control, 426
dle generation squeeze and caregiver burden.
family life cycle, 423 authoritarian parenting, 426
7. Among the adults whose lives are inadequately described by
the traditional family life cycle concept are single adults (some of reconstituted family, 424 authoritative parenting, 426
whom cohabitate), childless married couples, dual-career families, beanpole family, 424 permissive parenting, 427
neglectful parenting, 427 role reversal, 441 Family Studies
parent effects model, 429 middle generation squeeze, 441 The World Wide Web Subject Catalog at the University of Kentucky
•has a page devoted to a multitude of Internet resources on family
child effects model, 429 filial responsibility, 441
studies.
transactional model, 429 caregiver burden, 441
sibling rivalry, 432 cohabitation, 442 Understanding the Data: Exercises on the
autonomy, 433 spillover effects, 443 Web
empty nest, 437 latchkey children, 443 For additional insight on the data presented in this
modified extended family, 440 chapter, try the exercises for these figures at http://psychology
Figure 15.4 Responses to distressed peers observed in abused
and nonabused toddlers in day care
Unnumbered Figure in Applications box "Battling Family
Violence." Empowerment training for low-income mothers un-
Websites to Explore der stress reduces harsh parenting practices
Visit Our Website

Life-Span CD-ROM
For a chapter tutorial quiz and other useful features,
visit the book's companion website at http:/'/psychology:wadsworth Go to the Wadsworth Life-Span CD-ROM for further
.com/sigelman_rider5e. You can also connect directly to the following study of the concepts in this chapter. The CD-ROM in-
sites: cludes narrated concept overviews, video clips, a multimedia glos-
Child Abuse and Neglect For this chapter, check out the following clips, and others, in the
The site of the National Clearinghouse on Child Abuse and Neglect video library:
Information is a rich source of information about the topic. It pro- VIDEO Deciding Whether to Have Children
vides statistics, prevention approaches, and a searchable database.
VIDEO Adult Women Juggling Roles
Parents Anonymous D E V E L O P M E N T A L
Parents Anonymous has chapters throughout the United States that PsychologytfNow TM
offer support to parents in an effort to prevent child abuse and neg-
lect. The national website has a network map that will help you find Developmental PsychologyNow is a web-based, intelli-
the Parents Anonymous organization in your state. gent study system that provides a complete package of
diagnostic quizzes, a personalized study plan, integrated multimedia
elements, and learning modules. Checks it out at http:/'/psychology
Grandparenthood
The website of the Foundation for Grandparenting is designed to
help grandparents get the most out of grandparenthood. It includes
ideas on the roles grandparents play and how they can relate to their
grandchildren, research on grandparenthood, and updates on legis-
lation affecting grandparents (for example, regarding visitation
rights).
*
C H A P T E R s i x t e e n
Wliat Makes I )eve!opment T l ie Clii111 Tlie Adult

Abnormal? Attention Deficit Hyperactivity Depression
DSM-IV Diagnostic Criteria Disorder Age and Sex Differences
Developmental Course Treatment
Developmental Psychopathology
Suspected Causes Aging and Dementia
Psychopathology as Development,
Treatment Alzheimer's Disease
Not as Disease
Considering Social Norms and Age Depression Other Causes of Cognitive
Nature, Nurture, and Childhood Impairment
Norms
Developmental Issues Disorders
The Diathesis-Stress Model Do Childhood Problems Persist?
1 lie I n f a n t T l ie A d o l e s c e n t
Autism Storm and Stress?
Suspected Causes
Anorexia Nervosa
Developmental Outcomes and
Suspected Causes
Treatment „ ,
Treatment
Depression
Depression and Suicidal
PEGGY, A ! 7 - Y E A R - O L D F E M A L E , w a s r e f e r r e d by h e r
pediatrician t o a child psychiatry clinic f o r evaluation o f an
eating disorder. S h e had l o s t 10 p o u n d s in 2 m o n t h s and h e r % Professionals who diagnose and treat psychological disorders
find more specific diagnostic criteria in the Diagnostic and
m o t h e r was concerned A t t h e clinic s h e stated t h a t s h e
Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, published in 1994 by
was n o t trying t o l o s e weight, had begun t o sleep p o o r l y
the American Psychiatric Association. The fourth edition of
a b o u t 2 m o n t h s ago unless s h e had several b e e r s , and t h a t s h e
this manual, known as DSM-IV, spells out defining features
and friends " g o t t r a s h e d " o n w e e k e n d s . H e r relationship with
and symptoms for the range of psychological disorders.
h e r p a r e n t s w a s p o o r ; s h e had a t t e m p t e d suicide a y e a r previ-
Because we will be looking closely at depression in this chap-
ously with aspirin and w a s briefly h o s p i t a l i z e d . T h e day b e f o r e
ter, we will use it here as an example of how DSM-IV defines
this evaluation s h e had t a k e n a r a z o r t o s c h o o l t o t r y t o c u t
disorders. Depression is a family of several affective or mood
h e r wrists, but it w a s t a k e n away by a friend. S h e a d m i t t e d b e -
disorders, some relatively mild and some severe. One of the
ing d e p r e s s e d and wanting t o c o m m i t suicide and finally told
most important is major depressive disorder, defined in
o f discovering t h a t s h e w a s p r e g n a n t 4 m o n t h s earlier. H e r
DSM-IV as at least one episode of feeling profoundly de-
boyfriend w a n t e d h e r t o a b o r t , s h e w a s ambivalent, and t h e n
pressed, sad, and hopeless; of losing interest in the ability to
s h e miscarried s p o n t a n e o u s l y a b o u t 2 m o n t h s a f t e r h e r dis-
derive pleasure from almost all activities; or both for at least
c o v e r y A f t e r t h a t , " I t didn't really m a t t e r h o w I felt a b o u t any-
2 weeks (American Psychiatric Association, 1994). To qualify
thing" ( C o m m i t t e e o n A d o l e s c e n c e , 1 9 9 6 , pp. 7 1 - 7 2 ) .
as having a major depressive episode, the individual must ex-
perience at leastfiveof the following symptoms, including one
We do not all have as many problems as Peggy, but it is the rare
of the first two, persistently during a 2-week period:
person who makes it through the life span without having at
least some difficulty adapting to the challenges of living. Each
1. Depressed mood (or irritable mood in children and
phase of life has unique challenges, and some of us inevitably
adolescents) nearly every day
run into trouble mastering them. This chapter is about some of
2. Greatly decreased interest or pleasure in usual activities
the ways in which human development can go awry. It is about
3. Significant weight loss or weight gain (or in children,
how development influences psychopathology and how psy-
failure to make expected weight gains)
chopathology influences development. By applying knowledge
4. Insomnia or sleeping too much
of life-span human development to the study of psychological
5. Psychomotor agitation or sluggishness-slowing of behavior
disorders, you can understand them better. And by learning
6. Fatigue and loss of energy
more about abnormal patterns of development, you can gain
7. Feelings of worthlessness or extreme guilt
new perspectives on the forces that guide and channel—or
8. Decreased ability to concentrate or indecisiveness
block and distort—human development more generally.
9. Recurring thoughts of death, suicidal ideas, or a suicide
attempt
Wliat Makes Development By these criteria, a man suffering from major depression
Atn o r m a n might, for example, feel extremely discouraged; no longer

seem to care about his job or even about sexual relations with
his wife; lose weight or have difficulty sleeping; speak and
Clinical psychologists, psychiatrists, and other mental health move slowly as though lacking the energy to perform even the
professionals often apply three broad criteria in defining the simplest actions; have trouble getting his work done; dwell on
line between normal and abnormal behavior and diagnosing how guilty he feels about his many failings; and even begin to
psychological disorders: think he would be better off dead. Major depressive disorder
1. Statistical deviance. Does the person's behavior fall out- would not be diagnosed if this man were merely a little
side the normal range of behavior? By this criterion, a mild "down," if his symptoms were directly caused by drug abuse or
case of the "blahs" or "blues" would not be diagnosed as clin- a medical condition, or if he were going through the normal
ical depression because it is so statistically common, but a grieving process after the death of a loved one. Many more
more enduring, severe, and persistent case might be. people experience depressive symptoms than qualify as having
2. Maladaptiveness. Does the persons behavior interfere a clinically defined depressive disorder.
with personal and social adaptation or pose a danger to self or Although some think DSM-IV does not say enough about
others? Psychological disorders disrupt functioning and create cultural and developmental considerations (Christensen,
problems for the individual, other people, or both. Emde, & Fleming, 2004; Doucette, 2002), it notes that both
3. Personal distress. Does the behavior cause personal an- should be taken into account in making a diagnosis of major
guish or discomfort? Many psychological disorders involve depressive disorder. For example, DSM-IV indicates that
personal suffering and are of concern for that reason alone. Asians who are depressed tend to complain of bodily ailments
Although these guidelines provide a start at defining ab- such as tiredness rather than talking about psychological
normal behavior, they are vague. We must ask which forms of symptoms such as guilt (American Psychiatric Association,
statistical deviation, which failures of adaptation, or which 1994). And although DSM-IV takes the position that depres-
kinds of personal distress are significant. sion in a child is fundamentally similar to depression in an
adult, it points out that some depressed children express their course of maladaptive behavior. Developmental psychopathol-
depression by being irritable rather than sad. ogists appreciate the need to evaluate abnormal development in
relation to normal development and to study both. They seek to
understand how disorders arise and how their expression
changes as the individual develops, and they attempt to identify
Psychologists and psychiatrists have long brought major causal pathways and mechanisms involving the genes, the nerv-
theories of human development to bear in attempting to under- ous system, the person, and the social environment that lead to
stand and treat psychological disorders. Freudian psychoanalytic normal or abnormal adjustment later in life (Pennington, 2002;
theory once guided most thinking about psychopathology and Rutter & Sroufe, 2000). In short, they bring a life-span and con-
clinical practice; behavioral theorists have applied learning prin- textual-systems perspective to the study of abnormal behavior.
ciples to the understanding and treatment of behavioral prob-
lems; and cognitive psychologists have called attention to how as as ujisease
individuals interpret their experiences and perceive themselves. Some developmental psychopathologists fault DSM-IV and
More recently evolutionary psychologists have begun asking in- similar diagnostic systems for being rooted in a medical or dis-
teresting questions about adaptive functions of psychological ease model of psychopathology that views psychological prob-
disorders that may help individuals cope with abuse and other lems as diseaselike entities that people either have or do not have.
stressors (Fischer et al., 1997; Nesse, 2000). Sroufe (1997) argues that psychopathology is better seen as de-
In the past 2 decades, psychologists have become con- velopment than as disease; it is a pattern of adaptation that un-
vinced of the need for a new field devoted to the study folds over time. From this perspective, a researcher cannot un-
of abnormal behavior from a developmental perspective— derstand psychological disorder without understanding not only
developmental psychopathology (Cicchetti & Rogosch, 2002; the person s characteristics, developmental status, and history of
Cummings, Davies, & Campbell, 2000; Rutter & Sroufe, 2000). adaptation but also the transactions over time between person
As defined by L Alan Sroufe and Michael Rutter (1984), devel- and social environment that either support or undermine
opmental psychopathology is the study of the origins and healthy development (Cummings et al., 2000; Sameroff, 2000).
Course of Life
Good adjustment
finish line
L
Crash
) CD
/
CD
/
CO
O
O
CD
„>
I
Gl
t
cC
"O
<
t
t Developmental
starting line
(A) (B) (C)
Figure 8 6.1 Developmental pathways leading to normal and abnormal outcomes. Some in-
dividuals start on a maladaptive course and deviate further from developmental norms as
they age (route A); some start poorly but return to a more adaptive course later (route B);
others stay on a route to competence and good adjustment all along (route C); and still oth-
ers start off well but deviate later in life (route D).
SOURCE: Adapted from Sroufe (1997).
WHAT MAKES DEVELOPMENT ABNORMAL? 457

Figure 16.1 illustrates the concept of psychopathology as
development. It portrays progressive branchings that lead de-
velopment on either an optimal or a less-than-optimal course.
Start with the assumption that normal human genes and nor-
mal human environments normally work to push develop-
ment along a normal course and pull it back on course if it
strays (Grossman et al., 2003). Some individuals—even some
whose genes or experiences put them at risk to develop a
disorder—manage to stay on a route to competence and good
adjustment. Some start out poorly but get back 011 a more
adaptive course later; others start off well but deviate later.
Still others start on a maladaptive course and deviate further
from developmental norms as they age because their early
problems make it hard for them to master later developmen-
tal tasks and challenges. They may experience a developmen-
tal cascade in which genetic risk and early experiences such as
a disturbed family environment lead to more negative experi-
ences, lack of social support, and ultimately disorder (Kendler,
Gardner, & Prescott, 2002). In the developmental pathways
model, change is possible at many points, and the lines be-
tween normal and abnormal development are blurred. A
model of this sort may seem complex, but it fits the facts of
development.
Considering Social N o r m s and A g e N o r m s

Developmental psychopathologists appreciate that behaviors
are abnormal or normal only within particular social and de-
velopmental contexts (Cummings et al., 2000; Lopez &
Guarnaccia, 2000). Social norms are expectations about how
to behave in a particular social context—whether a culture, a
subculture, or an everyday setting. What is normal in one so-
C A s Japanese m o t h e r s have increased pressure o n t h e i r c h i l d r e n t o
cial context may be abnormal in another. For example, John s u c c e e d in school, cases o f c h i l d r e n refusing t o a t t e n d s c h o o l have
Weisz and his colleagues (1997) have discovered that Thai b e c o m e m o r e prevalent (Kameguchi & Murphy-Shigematsu, 2001).
children are more likely than American children to have (or to
be reported to have) symptoms of inner distress such as anxi- behavior and development without having a solid grasp of
ety and depression and are less likely to engage in aggression normal behavior and development.
and other forms of "acting out." One reason for the difference
may be that the Thai culture places high value on emotional D e v e l o p m e n t a l Issues
control and socializes children to internalize rather than vent As they attempt to understand developmental pathways asso-
their negative emotions. Both definitions and rates of abnor- ciated with adaptive or maladaptive functioning, develop-
mal behavior vary from culture to culture, from subculture to mental psychopathologists grapple with the same develop-
subculture, and from historical period to historical period. mental issues that have concerned us throughout this
Abnormality is in the eye of a particular group of beholders. book—most notably, the nature-nurture issue and the issue
The cultural and social context (especially as expressed in par- of continuity and discontinuity in development. Addressing
enting) also influences, and is influenced by, how psychologi- these issues involves asking important questions such as
cal disorders play out over the life span (Christensen, Emde, & these:
Fleming, 2004). 0
How do biological, psychological, and social factors in-
In addition, developmental psychopathologists recognize teract over time to give rise to psychological disorders?
that abnormal behavior must be defined in relation to age • What are the important risk factors for psychological
norms—societal expectations about what behavior is appro- disorders, and what are the protective factors that keep some
priate or normal at various ages. This point is particularly im- individuals who are at risk from developing disorders?
0
portant from a life-span perspective. The 4-year-old boy who Are most childhood problems passing phases that have
frequently cries, acts impulsively, wets his bed, is afraid of the no bearing on adjustment in adulthood, or does poor func-
dark, and talks to his imaginary friend may be perceived as— tioning in childhood predict poor functioning later in life?
and may be—normal. The 40-year-old who does the same • HOW do expressions of psychopathology change as the
t
things needs serious help. You simply cannot define abnormal developmental status of the individual changes?
T h e Diathesis-Stress M o d e l els of stress without becoming depressed. For example, inher-
In their efforts to understand how nature and nurture con- iting a particular variant of a gene involved in controlling lev-
tribute to psychopathology, developmental psychopatholo- els of the neurotransmitter serotonin in the brain and experi-
gists have found a diathesis-stress model of psychopathology encing multiple stressful events in early adulthood results in
useful (Coyne & Whiffen, 1995; Ingram & Price, 2001). This an especially high probability of major depression (Caspi,
model proposes that psychopathology results from the inter- Sugden et al., 2003; and see Chapter 3). Among people with
action over time of a predisposition or vulnerability to psy- one or two of the high-risk genes, about 10% became de-
chological disorder (a diathesis that can involve a particular pressed if they experienced no negative life events between
genetic makeup, physiology, cognitions, personality, or a com- ages 21 and 26, but 33% became depressed if they experienced
bination of these) and an experience of stressful events. This four or more such events. By comparison, even when exposed
model helps to explain why cccbad? things have 'bad5 effects to many stressful events, only 17% of individuals with two
among some—but not all—people, some—but not all—of low-risk versions of the gene became depressed.
the time" (Steinberg & Avenevoli, 2000). Depressive disorders (and many other psychological dis-
Consider depression. We know7 that certain people are ge- orders) evolve from an interaction of diathesis and stress—or,
netically predisposed to become depressed. Genetic factors ac- to use developmental terminology, from the interplay of na-
count for about 40% of the variation in a group of people in ture and nurture. It is messier than it appears at first glance.
symptoms of major depressive disorder; environmental fac- For example, it is clear that genes not only predispose some
tors unique to the individual rather than factors shared with people to depression but also help shape their environment,
siblings account for the rest (Glowinski et al., 2003). A genetic including the extent to which they experience stressful life
vulnerability to depression manifests itself as imbalances in events (Rice, Flarold, & Thapar, 2003). Moreover, the relation-
several key neurotransmitters that affect mood and in such ship between stress and disorder is reciprocal: Life stress ag-
characteristics as high emotional reactivity to stress and self- gravates disorder, and disorder makes lives more stressful
defeating patterns of cognition in the face of negative events (Grant et al., 2004). Finally, in a person genetically predis-
(Garber & Flynn, 2001). posed to depression, a depressive episode early in life in re-
According to the diathesis-stress model, howrever, indi- sponse to intense stress may bring about changes in gene ac-
viduals predisposed to become depressed are not likely to do tivity and in the neurobiology of the stress response system
so unless they experience significant losses or other stressful (the hypothalamic-pituitary-adrenal axis); these changes may
events, as illustrated in Figure 16.2. One stressful life event lower the threshold for a depressive episode (the diagonal line
(such as the death of a loved one or a divorce) is usually not in Figure 16.2) so that later in life even mild stress can trigger
enough to trigger major depression, but when negative events depression (Grossman et al., 2003).
pile up or become chronic, a vulnerable person may succumb. For some disorders we examine in this chapter, the
Meanwhile, individuals who do not have a diathesis—a vul- diathesis for disorder is strong, probably more important than
nerability to depression—may be able to withstand high lev- environmental influences in causing a disorder. Environment
Extreme
Severe Mild
disorder disorder
CD
>
0)
<D
CD
-+—>
CO
Mild
disorder
Low
Vulnerable individual Resilient individual
Vulnerability continuum
Figure 16*2 The diathesis-stress model. For a vulnerable individual, even mild stress can re-
sult in disorder For an individual who is resilient and does not have a vulnerability or diathesis
to disorder; it would take extremely high levels of stress to cause disorder; even then, the dis-
order might be only mild and temporary.
SOURCE: Adapted from Ingram 2* Price (20011
WHAT MAKES DEVELOPMENT ABNORMAL? 459

may still play an important role, however, by shaping the him to give her a red block. He does not respond. On
coarse of the disorder and its effects on functioning and later their way out, Jeremy and his mother stop to look at a
development (Steinberg & Avenevoli, 2000). The depressed poster of a waterfall surrounded by redwood trees.
adolescent growing up in a hostile, disturbed family context, "Yo Semite Valley," Jeremy reads out—the name beneath
for example, is likely to fare worse than the depressed adoles- the picture. His voice sounds automated, almost robotic
cent who receives a good deal of parental support and appro- (Sigman 8c Capps, 1997, p. 1).
priate professional treatment.
Autism, first identified and described by Leo Kanner in
This chapter highlights a sampling of developmental
1943, is a disorder that begins in infancy and is characterized
problems associated with each phase of the life span (for ex-
by deviant social development, deviant language and commu-
ample, autism to illustrate disorders arising in infancy; atten-
nication, and repetitive, stereotyped behavior. It is part of a
tion deficit hyperactivity disorder, or ADHD, to illustrate
larger group of related disorders called pervasive developmen-
childhood disorders; anorexia nervosa to illustrate disorders
tal disorders—disorders that appear early in life and are asso-
linked to adolescence; and Alzheimer's disease to illustrate
ciated with gross abnormalities in several areas of develop-
disorders of old age). In addition, we look at depression in
ment (American Psychiatric Association, 1994).
every developmental period to see whether and how its symp-
Picture the typical infant that we have described in this
toms and. significance change over the life span.
book: a social being who responds to others and forms close
attachments starting at 6 or 7 months of age, a linguistic be-
S u m m i n g Up
ing who babbles and later uses one- and two-word sentences
Diagnosing a psychological disorder such as major de- to converse, and a curious explorer who is fascinated by new
pressive disorder involves t h e consideration o f the broad objects and experiences. Now consider the three defining fea-
criteria o f statistical deviance, maladaptiveness, and per- tures of autism highlighted in DSM-IV (American Psychiatric
sonal distress and t h e application o f specific DSM-IV di- Association, 1994; also see Frith, 2003; Klin et aL, 2004;
agnostic criteria. Developmental psychopathology, the Volkmar et al., 2004):
study o f the origins and course o f maladaptive behavior, 1. Deviant social development Autistic children have diffi-
offers a m o r e developmental approach t o psychological culty forming normal social relationships, responding appro-
disorder; considering both social norms and age norms in priately to social cues, and sharing social experiences with
diagnosis and charting developmental pathways leading other people. Like Jeremy, they seem to live in a world of their
t o adaptive o r maladaptive developmental outcomes. own, as though they find social contact aversive rather than
Questions about nature and nurture and about con- pleasurable. They are far less likely than other infants to make
tinuity and discontinuity must be answered, and eye contact, jointly attend to something with a social partner,
diathesis-stress models must be developed, if re- seek other people for comfort, snuggle when held, and make
searchers w a n t t o understand t h e development o f psy- friends. They also have difficulty reading other people's minds
chological disorders. 11
T l i e Iirtaxxt
Adults worry about infants who do not eat properly, who cry
endlessly, or who seem overly withdrawn and timid. Because
infant development is strongly channeled by biological matu-
ration, few infants develop severe psychological problems. Yet
psychopathology exists in infancy, and its effects can be tragic.
Jeremy, 3l/2 years old, has big brown eyes and a sturdy
body. His mother carries him down the corridor toward
the examiner, who greets them. Jeremy glances at the ex-
aminer's face but does not smile or say hello. They walk
together into a playroom. Jeremy's mother puts him
down, and he sits on the carpet in front of some toys. He
picks up two blocks, bangs them together, and begins to ([ Many individuals with autism continue to function poorly as ado-
stack the blocks, one on top of the other, not stopping un- lescents and adults, but some improve with age. One "improver;"
til he has used the entire set. Jeremy does not look at the Jerry, described his childhood as a reign of "confusion and terror" in
examiner or his mother while he works, nor when he fin- which "nothing seemed constant; everything was unpredictable and
ishes. And he does not make a sound. The examiner asks strange" (Bemporad, 1979, p. 192).
and emotions or responding with empathy when others are infant behaviors such as orientation to human voices, bab-
distressed. Although they can form attachments to their par- bling, preference for human over nonhuman stimuli, eye con-
ents, sometimes even secure ones, they often display what we tact and visual focus on faces in a scene (autistic babies tend
referred to in Chapter 14 as a disorganized-disoriented pat- to focus on objects in the background), joint attention, and
tern of attachment (Sigman & Capps, 1997). reciprocity or taking turns, as in mutual smiling and peek-a-
2. Deviant language and communicative skills. Some autis- boo games (Klin et al, 2004).
tic children are mute; others acquire language skills with some Many people believe that autistic individuals are excep-
degree of success but still cannot communicate—that is, carry tionally intelligent. Some have average or above average IQs,
on a true conversation (Tager-Flusberg, 2000). As infants, but some are mentally retarded. With more higher-function-
autistic children often do not babble, gesture, or speak single ing children being diagnosed today, the percentage of children
words at the normal ages (Filipek et al., 2000). When they do with autism who are also mentally retarded has dropped to
speak, they may use a flat, robotlike tone; reverse pronouns under half but is still significant (Volkmar et al., 2004;
(for example, use "you" to refer to the self); and engage in Chakrabarti & Fombonne, 2001). Meanwhile, many autistic
echolalia (a parroting of what someone else says). individuals, whether their IQs are high or low, show special
3. Repetitive, stereotyped behavior: Autistic children seek talents such as the ability to quickly calculate days of the week
sameness and repetition. They engage in stereotyped behav- corresponding to dates on the calendar or to memorize in-
iors such as rocking, flapping their hands in front of their credible amounts of information about train schedules (see
faces, or spinning toys; if they are more intellectually able, they Heaton & Wallace, 2004, and the description of savant syn-
carry out elaborate rituals such as a particular sequence of drome in Chapter 9).
getting-dressed activities. They also become obsessed with Autism used to be seen as a clear example of development
particular objects and interests and can become highly dis- that is qualitatively different from normal development. No
tressed when their physical environment is altered (for exam- more. The social impairment that defines autism is increas-
ple, when a chair in the living room is moved a few7 feet). ingly viewed as the extreme end of a genetically influenced
ft is important to recognize that individuals with autism continuum of social responsiveness, quantitatively rather
vary greatly in the degree and nature of their deficits. More than qualitatively different from normal social behavior
mild cases of autism have been identified recently, and it is (Constantino & Todd, 2003). In other words, many of us have
clear that there is a spectrum of autistic disorders that in- some of the traits associated with autism to some degree, and
cludes several syndromes (Brown, 2000c). Autism spectrum the dividing line between normality and abnormality is arbi-
disorders include Asperger syndrome, in which the child has trary. Instead of apples and oranges—normal functioning
normal or above-average intelligence and good verbal skills, versus autistic functioning—there are only degrees of apple-
and clearly wants to establish social relationships, but has se- ness, a principle that appears to hold for most other psycho-
riously deficient mind-reading and social skills. Affected chil- logical disorders.
dren are sometimes called "little professors" because they talk
rather stiffly and formally, and at mind-numbing length, Suspected Causes
about the particular subjects that obsess them. They have been Interest in solving the mysteries of autism is intense, and some
largely invisible until recently, although people around them fascinating hypotheses have been put forward in recent years
tend to view them as odd and socially aloof. to explain why individuals with autistic spectrum disorders
Rates of autism appear to have been rising, probably be- show the symptoms they do. Many ideas have fallen by the
cause of increased knowledge of the condition and increased wayside, such as the mistaken view that autism is caused by
diagnosis of higher-functioning individuals; autism in the vaccination for measles, mumps, and rubella (Frith, 2003). We
narrow sense now affects about 10 of 10,000 children, and will outline three leading contenders, then introduce a new
autism in the broader sense of a spectrum of disorders affects idea that has captured much attention. The main hypotheses
up to 40 children per 10,000 (Chakrabarti & Fombonne, are the theory-of-mind hypothesis, the executive function hy-
2001). At least 4 boys are affected for every girl (American pothesis, and the weak central coherence hypothesis (Frith,
Psychiatric Association, 1994), and among autistic individuals 2003).
with normal IQs, there may be as many as 10 males for every ° Theory-of-mind hypothesis. Individuals with autism
female (Baron-Cohen, 2003). regularly show limited understanding of mental states such as
Autistic children are autistic before age 3 and probably feelings, desires, beliefs, and intentions and of their role in hu-
from birth. However, because at first they often seem to be man behavior—that is, they lack of wrhat was characterized in
normal and exceptionally good babies, or because physicians Chapter 13 as a theory of mind (Baron-Cohen, 2000). As in-
are slow to make the diagnosis even when parents express con- fants, they do not show some of the early precursors of theory
cerns about their child's development, many autistic children of mind such as empathy for others, joint attention, pretend
are not diagnosed until age 4 or later (Filipek et al., 2000; Klin play, and imitation (Charman, 2000). As children, they have
et al., 2004). Efforts are being made to improve early screen- trouble understanding people's motives or appreciating that
ing and detection so that these children can receive early treat- people can hold false beliefs. Indeed, they may not understand
ment. Autistic infants are given away by their lack of normal that people have beliefs, false or otherwise. Higher-function-
social responses—for example, by failure to display normal ing autistic individuals struggle to construct a theory of mind,
M any years ago, t h e d i s c o v e r e r of A s p e r g e r
Hans Asperger, suggested t h a t t h e s y n d r o m e might r e -
f l e c t an e x t r e m e version of stereotypically masculine intelli-
syndrome,
gence (Baron-Cohen, 2003). More recently, Simon Baron-

Cohen (2003) has fleshed out Asperger's suggestion and
proposed an extreme male brain hypothesis about
autism. In his b o o k The Essential Difference, B a r o n - C o h e n lays
o u t e v i d e n c e t h a t females t e n d t o e x c e l in empathizing, males
in systematizing. Empathizing involves identifying people's
t h o u g h t s and e m o t i o n s and responding t o t h e m with appro-
priate e m o t i o n s . Systematizing involves analyzing things t o fig-
ure o u t h o w they w o r k , e x t r a c t i n g rules t h a t d e t e r m i n e w h a t
leads t o what, and understanding s y s t e m s . So, f o r e x a m p l e , lit-
tle girls t e n d t o b e m o r e i n t e r e s t e d than little boys in faces
and in interacting with people, and w o m e n t e n d t o b e m o r e
able than men t o read facial e x p r e s s i o n s o f e m o t i o n s and
m o r e likely t o e n t e r t h e helping p r o f e s s i o n s . Meanwhile, little
boys a r e m o r e likely than little girls t o e n j o y playing with c a r s
and t r u c k s and building b l o c k s and a r e m o r e likely as adults B a r o n - C o h e n is quick t o point o u t t h a t n o t all w o m e n e x -
t o go into math, s c i e n c e , and engineering fields w h e r e t h e y cel at empathizing and n o t all men e x c e l at systematizing;
can w o r k with predictable s y s t e m s o f o b j e c t s r a t h e r than t h e r e are simply average differences b e t w e e n t h e sexes, and
with ever-unpredictable p e o p l e . Even w h e n t h e y a r e only a t h e y are likely caused by a c o m b i n a t i o n o f biological and envi-
day old, girls p r e f e r t o l o o k at a w o m a n ' s f a c e r a t h e r than a ronmental f a c t o r s . M o r e o v e r , he n o t e s t h a t many p e o p l e of
mechanical-looking m o b i l e with s o m e o f t h e f e a t u r e s o f a both s e x e s have a balance of empathizing and systematizing
face i n c o r p o r a t e d into it in a s c r a m b l e d a r r a n g e m e n t ; by c o n - skills, w h e r e both are s t r o n g o r b o t h a r e weak, r a t h e r than be-
t r a s t , boys p r e f e r t h e mechanical m o b i l e ( C o n n e l l a n e t al., ing s t r o n g in o n e and w e a k in t h e other. O f i n t e r e s t t o us,
2000). however, are t h e individuals w h o are e x t r e m e l y w e a k in e m -
but understanding people just does not come easily for them tention, and can be upset by change (Frith, 2003). But why are
(Frith, 2003). their planning and control deficits so much clearer for prob-
But is lack of a theory of mind the source of the social, lems that concern people than for problems that concern ob-
emotional, and communicative problems autistic children jects, and how7 are their executive control deficits different
display? Researchers are not sure. They note that autistic chil- from those of others with executive control problems, such as
dren are not so deficient on theory-of-mind tasks if they have ADHD children?
a
good verbal ability (Yirmiya et al., 1996) and that theory-of- Weak central coherence hypothesis. A related idea is
mind deficits help explain the social and communication that autistic individuals focus on details and are unable to in-
problems of autistic individuals but do not explain other key tegrate their perceptions, see the "big picture," or form gener-
features of autism, such as repetitive behavior (Joseph & alizations (Happe & Frith, 1996b). This would make a confus-
Tager-Flusberg, 2004). ing, fragmented world; dealing with people in particular,
• Executive dysfunction hypothesis. Other researchers given their unpredictability, would be challenging and possi-
think that autism is rooted in a deficit in executive functions, bly aversive. A focus on details rather than on the big picture
the higher-level control functions associated with the pre- also explains how autistic individuals are able to develop spe-
frontal cortex of the brain that allow us to plan, change flexi- cial talents and become trivia experts in specific areas. Yet
bly from one course of action to another, inhibit actions al- autistic individuals often seem to get the big picture of what
ready begun, and the like (Hill, 2004; Ozonoff, 1997). Deficits causes what when it comes to the world of objects (Baron-
in executive function would help explain why children with Cohen, 2003). Why does the world of people give them so
autism engage in repetitive, stereotyped behavior (they may much trouble?
not be able to switch to something else), cannot generate new7 Whether lack of a theory of mind, poor executive function,
ideas when asked to do so, have difficulty controlling their at- weak integrative abilities, or some other cognitive impairment
pathizing and e x t r e m e l y strong in systematizing. They, B a r o n - and A l b e r t Einstein had s o m e similar traits, Baron-Cohen
C o h e n argues, have t h e traits a s s o c i a t e d with autistic s p e c - points o u t t h a t A s p e r g e r s y n d r o m e t e n d s t o b e c o m m o n in
t r u m disorders. Clearly autistic individuals are w e a k a t e m - families with many " m a l e - b r a i n e d " scientists and engineers.
pathizing. M o r e o v e r , t h e i r repetitive a c t i o n s (spinning plates o r E x p o s u r e t o a high d o s e o f t h e male h o r m o n e t e s t o s t e r o n e
dropping sand through t h e i r fingers f o r h o u r s ) can be inter- during t h e prenatal period has b e e n linked t o strong spatial
preted as a t t e m p t s t o systematize, t o figure o u t t h e rules. and mechanical abilities, s o Baron-Cohen speculates that
To assess group differences, John Lawson, Simon Baron- c l o s e r examination o f t h e role o f t e s t o s t e r o n e in brain devel-
Cohen, and Sally W h e e l w r i g h t (2004) gave males with o p m e n t may yield a biological explanation for autism and tell
A s p e r g e r s y n d r o m e , males w i t h o u t it, and females tasks t o us why it is s o much m o r e c o m m o n a m o n g males than among
m e a s u r e empathizing (understanding social o u t c o m e s w h e n females.
o n e p e r s o n says s o m e t h i n g likely t o upset a n o t h e r c h a r a c t e r T h e e x t r e m e male brain hypothesis suggests t h a t a disor-
in a s t o r y ) and systematizing (predicting in mechanical dia- d e r many t h o u g h t t o b e a prime e x a m p l e o f truly deviant hu-
grams h o w t w o levers o r b o b s will respond t o t h e m o v e m e n t man d e v e l o p m e n t may instead just r e p r e s e n t o n e end of a
of a n o t h e r lever c o n n e c t e d t o t h e m ) . O n t h e empathizing continuum o f intellectual functioning. Again, then, t h e bound-
tasks, females did b e t t e r than males w i t h o u t A s p e r g e r syn- aries b e t w e e n normality and abnormality are blurred, as de-
drome; these males, in turn, outperformed males with velopmental psychopathologists have emphasized. T h e ex-
A s p e r g e r s y n d r o m e . O n t h e systematizing tasks, by c o n t r a s t , treme male brain hypothesis also calls attention to the
b o t h male groups o u t p e r f o r m e d t h e w o m e n . strengths o f individuals with autism and suggests that, if a c -
B a r o n - C o h e n also cites c o n c r e t e c a s e s of t h e extreme c o m m o d a t i o n s a r e made f o r t h e i r cognitive style, they can
«
male brain a t w o r k . Richard, an award-winning mathematician, learn b e t t e r and can b e s t e e r e d t o w a r d t h e kinds of m e c h a n -

has A s p e r g e r s y n d r o m e . D e s p i t e his phenomenal ability t o ical and detail-oriented j o b s t h a t suit t h e m . It is t o o soon,
w o r k math p r o b l e m s , he could n o t s e e m t o m a s t e r p h o n e s . however, t o say h o w valid t h e e x t r e m e male brain view o f
Although he u n d e r s t o o d t h e mechanics o f h o w they w o r k , he autism is. It d o e s n o t fully explain why autistic individuals a r e
did n o t k n o w h o w t o begin o r end a c o n v e r s a t i o n o r w h a t t o s o detail o r i e n t e d and incapable of generalizing, f o r example;
say in b e t w e e n . H e much preferred dealing with p e o p l e o n e a t males w i t h o u t autism certainly can generalize.This hypothesis,
a t i m e r a t h e r than in groups, b e c a u s e people, unlike numbers, like o t h e r s actively being investigated today, requires f u r t h e r
w e r e t o o unpredictable f o r him. Noting t h a t Isaac N e w t o n testing.
will prove to be at the heart of the problems autistic children Indeed, many autistic children display neurological ab-
display this disorder clearly involves several cognitive impair- normalities, and many of them have epilepsy (Volkmar et aL,
ments (Frith, 2003). It could be that the three hypotheses can be 2004). However, the neurological abnormalities are varied,
integrated; there is truth in each (Frith, 2003). Or it could be and it is not clear which are most central to autism or how
that there is no single core cognitive deficit or that what is at the they arise. It has been observed, for example, that autistic chil-
root of autism is simply a lack of preference for social stimuli dren experience especially rapid and extensive brain growth
and social interaction (Volkmar et aL, 2004). To make the mys- during the first year of life, starting out with small heads at
tery more intriguing, Simon Baron-Cohen (2003) has put forth birth but ending up with big ones (Courchesne, Carper, &
an extreme male brain hypothesis regarding autistic spectrum Akshoomoff, 2003). It is hypothesized that their neurons pro-
disorders, described in the Explorations box on page 402. liferate wildly during this sensitive period for brain develop-
What causes the impairments associated with autism? We ment but do not become properly interconnected, perhaps ac-
are not yet sure. Early theorists suggested that rigid and cold counting for the autistic child's special abilities and difficulties
parenting by "refrigerator moms" caused autism, but this in integrating information (Volkmar et aL, 2004).
harmful myth has long been put to rest (Achenbach, 1982). It Genes clearly contribute strongly to autism (Veenstra-
is now understood that interacting with an autistic child can Vanderweele & Cook, 2003). One research team found that if
easily cause parents to be tense and frustrated and that the one identical twin was autistic, the other was autistic in 60%
parents of autistic children are the source of genes that con- of the twin pairs studied; the concordance rate for fraternal
tribute to autism and therefore may have some autistic spec- twin pairs was 0% (Bailey et al., 1995). Moreover, when the
trum traits themselves. Bad parenting is not responsible for broader spectrum of autism-related cognitive, linguistic, and
autism; rather, that autism is such a severe disorder present so social deficits was considered, 92% of the identical twins but
early in life strongly suggests it has a biological basis. only 10% of the fraternal twins were alike. Genes on several
chromosomes have been implicated, and most likely individ-
uals with autism inherit several genes that put them at risk
(Pericak-Vance, 2003). That one identical twin can be autistic
although die other is not suggests early environmental influ-
ences also contribute, although it is not clear how. One clear-
cut biological defect that can explain all cases of autism will
probably not be identified; autism is a complex spectrum of
disorders with diverse neurological and behavioral character-
istics and contributors.
D e v e l o p m e n t a l O u t c o m e s and T r e a t m e n t
What becomes of autistic children as they age? The long-term
outcome in the past has usually been poor, undoubtedly be-
cause autism is such a pervasive disorder, especially if it is ac-
companied by mental retardation. Many autistic individuals € Behavioral therapy starting early in life is effective with autistic
improve, but most are autistic for life, showing limited social children.
skills even as adults (Howlin, Mawhood, & Rutter, 2000).
Positive outcomes are most likely among those who have nor-
mal IQ scores and who can communicate through speech be- In the intensively.trained group, all but 2 children scored
fore they are 6 years old (Gillberg & Steffenburg, 1987). in the mentally retarded range on tests of intellectual func-
Can treatment help autistic children overcome their tioning at the start. Yet by age 6 or 7, their IQ scores averaged
problems? Researchers continue to search for drugs that will 83—about 30 points higher than the average in the control
correct the suspected brain dysfunctions of these children, but group. Moreover, 9 of the 19—47%—not only had average or
they are a long way from discovering a "magic pill." Some above-average IQ scores at follow-up but also had been main-
autistic children are given drugs to control behavioral prob- streamed into regular first-grade classes and were adapting
lems such as hyperactivity or obsessive-compulsive behavior, well. At age 13,8 of the 19 treated students were still within the
drugs that help them benefit from educational programs but normal range of both IQ and school adjustment (Lovaas,
do not cure autism (Volkmar, 2001). Smith, 8c McEachin, 1989). In contrast, children in tlie com-
The most effective approach to treating autism is inten- parison group displayed the usual intellectual deficits associ-
sive and highly structured behavioral and educational pro- ated with autism, and most attended special classes for autis-
gramming, beginning as early as possible, continuing tic and retarded children.
throughout childhood, and involving the family (Connor, Some researchers have criticized this study's design (no-
1998; Koegel, Koegel, & McNerney, 2001). The goal is to make tice that it wras not a true experiment with random assignment
the most of the plasticity of the young brain during its sensi- to treatment groups) and have concluded on the basis of later
tive period. O. Ivar Lovaas and his colleagues pioneered the studies that early behavioral interventions usually do not con-
application of reinforcement principles to shape social and vert autistic children into normally functioning ones
language skills in autistic children. In one study, Lovaas (1987) (Gresham & MacMillan, 1998; Volkmar et al., 2004). However,
compared two groups of autistic children treated at the research reinforces the conclusion that many autistic children,
University of California at Los Angeles. In the program, 19 especially those who are young and are not severely retarded,
children received intensive treatment—more than 40 hours a have potential if they receive intensive cognitive and behav-
week of one-on-one treatment for 2 or more years during ioral training and comprehensive family services starting early
their preschool years. Trained student therapists worked with in life (Connor, 1998; Lovaas 8c Smith, 2003). It may be espe-
these children using reinforcement principles to reduce their cially important to motivate autistic children to initiate social
aggressive and self-stimulatory behavior and to teach them interactions so that they do not miss out on so many impor-
developmentally appropriate skills such as how to imitate oth- tant social learning experiences (Koegel et al., 2001).
ers, play with toys and with peers, use language, and master
academic concepts. The training procedures involve many
repetitions of simple learning tasks and the delivery of rein-
forcers such as bits of cereal for successful performance. Does it seem possible that an infant could experience major
Parents were taught to use the same behavioral techniques at depressive disorder as defined by DSM-IV? Infants are surely
home, and these children were mainstreamed into preschools not capable of the negative cognitions common among de-
that served normal children. The children wTho received this pressed adults—the low self-esteem, guilt, worthlessness,
intensive treatment were compared with similarly disturbed hopelessness, and so on (Garber, 1984). After all, they have not
children who, because of staff shortages or transportation yet acquired the capacity for symbolic thought that would al-
problems, received a similar treatment program but were ex- low them to reflect on their experience. Yet infants can exhibit
posed to it for only 10 or fewer hours a week. some of the behavioral symptoms (such as loss of interest in
nfants diagnosed as having failure t o thrive have, by defini-
tion, failed t o g r o w normally O u t c o m e s associated with
failure t o thrive include illness, cognitive delays, and e m o -
tional maladjustment ( B e n o i t & C o o l b e a r , 2 0 0 4 ) . T h e r e are
several possible causes underlying t h e basic failure t o eat and
grow normally (Chatoor & Ganiban, 2 0 0 4 ; Lyons-Ruth,
Zeanah, & Benoit, 2 0 0 3 ) . In s o m e cases, an organic o r bio-
logical cause, such as an illness, a h e a r t defect, o r deficiencies
in t h e s e n s o r y and m o t o r p r o c e s s e s involved in feeding and
swallowing, can be identified ( W r i g h t & Birks, 2 0 0 0 ; C r e s k o f f
& Haas, 1999). Trauma t o t h e gastrointestinal t r a c t after
choking o r vomiting episodes can also be t h e r o o t cause
( C h a t o o r & Ganiban, 2 0 0 4 ) . In o t h e r cases, s o m e t i m e s la-
beled nonorganic failure t o thrive, t h e causes s e e m t o be
m o r e emotional than physical. Indeed, it s e e m s m o r e c o r r e c t
t o speak o f a problem in t h e parent-child relationship than
o f a problem within t h e child ( B e n o i t & C o o l b e a r , 2 0 0 4 ) .
To illustrate, a normally developing boy w h o s e m o t h e r
was coping with marital p r o b l e m s and an unwanted preg-
nancy b e c a m e t h e t a r g e t of his m o t h e r ' s r e s e n t m e n t w h e n
his f a t h e r walked o u t on her. S o o n this infant was a 13-
m o n t h - o l d w h o was a b o u t t h e size of t h e average 7 - m o n t h -
old, w h e r e a s his fraternal twin s i s t e r g r e w at a normal rate
(Gardner, 1972). Infants with nonorganic failure t o thrive of-
t e n have m o t h e r s w h o are stressed, d e p r e s s e d , and socially
isolated and m o t h e r s w h o s e own m o t h e r s w e r e e m o t i o n -
ally unresponsive o r even abusive t o t h e m (Chatoor &
Ganiban, 2 0 0 4 ; G o r m a n , Leifer, & G r o s s m a n , 1993). T h e s e
w o m e n tend t o n e g l e c t their babies, interact insensitively
with t h e m , and e x p r e s s tension and anger r a t h e r than af-
fection in t h e i r interactions (Lyons-Ruth e t al, 2 0 0 3 ) . T h e y Babies with nonorganic failure t o thrive gain weight and
often have unresolved losses and are insecure in t h e i r rela- overcome their depression-like emotional symptoms
tionships; t h e i r babies are similarly insecure, often displaying quickly when they are removed from their homes
a disorganized pattern o f a t t a c h m e n t in which t h e y s e e m (Bauchner, 1 9 9 6 ) . T h e y t e n d t o relapse if t h e y a r e r e t u r n e d
confused a b o u t h o w t o relate t o a t t a c h m e n t figures ( W a r d , t o parents w h o have n o t been helped t o b e c o m e more
Lee, & Lipper, 2 0 0 0 ) . S o m e o f t h e s e babies are fussy and un- emotionally responsive. T h e i r long-term development is
predictable ( C h a t o o r & Ganiban, 2 0 0 4 ) . T h e i r difficultness likely t o b e especially p o o r if they have a history o f b o t h fail-
may c o n t r i b u t e t o their parents' difficulties in responding t o ure to thrive and maltreatment (Kerr, Black, &
t h e m and help p r o d u c e an insecure a t t a c h m e n t ( B e n o i t & Krishnakumar, 2 0 0 0 ) , s o intervening t o change t h e family
Coolbear, 2004). system is critical.
activities or psychomotor slowing) and somatic symptoms Depressive symptoms are most likely to be observed in
(bodily symptoms such as loss of appetite and disruption of infants who lack a secure attachment relationship or who ex-
normal sleep patterns) of depression. Researchers are still de- perience a disruption of an all-important emotional bond
bating whether true depressive disorders can occur in infancy, (Boris & Zeanah, 1999; Lyons-Ruth, Zeanah, & Benoit, 2003).
but it is clear that babies can and do experience depression- It has long been observed that infants permanently separated
like states and symptoms (Cytryn & McKnew, 1996). from their mothers between 6 and 12 months of age tend to
become sad, weepy, listless, unresponsive, and withdrawn and S u m m i n g Up
to show delays in virtually all aspects of their development
Autism is characterized by deviant social development,
(Spitz, 1946). Abused and neglected infants sometimes show
deviant language and communication skills, and repetitive,
similar symptoms (Zeanah, Boris, & Scheeringa, 1997).
stereotyped behavior: There are several autistic spectrum
Infants w7ho display a disorganized pattern of attachment, in
disorders, including Asperger syndrome, and genetics
which they do not seem to know whether to approach or
plays a strong role in them. Hypotheses about the brain
avoid the attachment figure (see Chapter 14)—an attachment
dysfunctions and cognitive impairments at the root of
style common among abused children—are especially likely
this disorder include the theory-of-mind, executive dys-
to show symptoms of depression (Lyons-Ruthet al., 2003;
function, weak central coherence, and extreme male
Egeland & Carlson, 2004).
brain hypotheses. Early behavioral intervention is the
Infants whose mothers are depressed are also at risk. They
preferred treatment Even babies can display many of the
adopt an interaction style that resembles that of their de-
symptoms of depression, especially the behavioral and
pressed caregivers; they vocalize little and look sad, even when
somatic ones, or a failure t o thrive if they experience
interacting wTith women other than their mothers, and they
long-term or permanent separation from an attachment
begin to show developmental delays by age 1 (Field, 1995a).
figure or are brought up by depressed, unresponsive, or
They are at increased risk of becoming clinically depressed
rejecting caregivers. 13
themselves later in life and of developing other psychological
disorders. This may be because of a combination of genetic
endowment and stressful experiences with their unpredictable
mothers (that is, because of diathesis-stress). We know now
that stress during the prenatal period or early in life can pro-
duce children with an overactive stress-response system who
are easily distressed and unable to regulate their negative emo- Many children experience developmental problems—fears,
tions effectively (Dawson & Ashman, 2000; Goodman, 2002). recurring stomachaches, temper tantrums, and so on. A much
Moreover, these children are likely to interact negatively with smaller proportion are officially diagnosed as having one of
their own children, increasing the chances that depression will the psychological disorders that typically begins in infancy,
be passed on to yet another generation (Whitbeck et al., childhood, or adolescence—or as having one of the psycho-
1992). Interventions can help depressed mothers understand logical disorders (such as major depressive disorder) that can
and deal with their own attachment issues and appreciate and occur at any age. Table 16.1 lists the major childhood disor-
interact more sensitively with their babies (Cicchetti, Toth, & ders categorized in DSM-IV. In a study assessing children lon-
Rogosch, 2004). gitudinally through detailed interviews with parents and chil-
Some infants who are neglected, abused, separated from dren administered from age 9 to age 16, more than one-third
attachment figures, or otherwise raised in a stressful or unaf- of children proved to have at least one diagnosable psycholog-
fectionate manner not only display depression-like symptoms ical disorder by age 16 (Costello et al., 2003). In addition, 1 in
but also may develop the life-threatening disorder called fail- 5 young .children and 1 in 10 older children qualified as hav-
ure to thrive. These youngsters fail to grow normally, lose ing a diagnosable disorder in any given 3-month window
weight, and become seriously underweight for their age. They (problems were at their lowest at age 12 before a rise in rates
are the subject of the Explorations box on page 465. during adolescence).
Table 16.1 Some Psycholojjical Disorders Usually First Diag in liifancy, Childhood, or Adolescence
DSM-IV Category Major Examples
Mental retardation Subaverage general intellectual functioning

Learning disorders Reading, math, and writing difficulties
Motor skill disorder Developmental coordination disorder (extreme clumsiness, lack of coordination)
Communication disorders Expressive language disorder; stuttering
Pervasive developmental disorders Autism; similarly severe conditions
Attention deficit and disruptive Attention deficit hyperactivity disorder; conduct disorders (persistent antisocial behavior);
behavioral disorders oppositional defiant disorder
Feeding and eating disorders Pica (eating nonnutritive substances such as paint or sand)
Tic disorders Tourette s disorder (involuntary grimaces, grunts, foul language)
Elimination disorders Enuresis (inappropriate urination); encopresis (inappropriate defecation)
SOURCE: Based on DSM-IV, American Psychiatric Association, 1994.

Many developmental problems of childhood can be out the world, and rates are consistently higher for boys than
placed in one of two broad categories that reflect whether the for girls (Luk, 1996).
child's behavior is out of control or overly inhibited
/
Some children with ADHD, about as many of them girls
(Achenbach & Edelbrock, 1978). When children have exter- as boys, are mainly inattentive but not hyperactive and impul-
nalizing problems, or undercontrolled disorders, they act out sive; they are not disruptive but they often have difficulty in
in ways that disturb other people and violate social expecta- school (Weyandt, 2001). Those children with ADHD who are
tions. They may be aggressive, disobedient, difficult to control, predominantly hyperactive and impulsive, as well as inatten-
or disruptive (see the information in Chapter 13 on aggressive tive, often have conduct disorders or other externalizing prob-
behavior). If their problems are severe, they maybe diagnosed lems. They are likely to irritate adults and become locked
as having a conduct disorder or as hyperactive. Internalizing in coercive power struggles with their parents, interactions
problems, or overcontrolled disorders, involve inner distress; that only aggravate their problems (Barkley et al., 1991;
they are more disruptive to the child than to other people and Buhrmester et al., 1992). Because their behavior is so disrup-
include anxiety disorders (such as persistent worrying about tive, they are also rejected by peers, which can have damaging
separation from loved ones), phobias, severe shyness and effects on their adjustment and later development (Deater-
withdrawal, and depression. Externalizing behaviors mostly Deckard, 2001; Whalen et al., 1989).
decrease from age 4 to age 18, whereas internalizing difficul- Not only do many children with ADHD have conduct
ties mostly increase (Bongers et al., 2003). Externalizing prob- disorders and behave aggressively, but many also have diag-
lems are more common among boys, whereas internalizing nosable learning disabilities, and some suffer from depres-
problems are more prevalent among girls—across cultures sion or anxiety disorders (Biederman et ah, 1996). This co-
(Crijnen, Achenbach, & Verhulst, 1997). To give you a feel for occurrence of two or more conditions in the same individual
these two categories of childhood disorder, we will look at one is called comorbidity and is extremely common, especially
problem of externalization, hyperactivity, and one problem of during childhood. That is, many troubled individuals (like
internalization, depression. Peggy at the start of the chapter) have multiple psychiatric di-
agnoses rather than just one (Clark, Watson, & Reynolds,
1995). Comorbidity complicates the task of understanding the
causes and consequences of any particular psychological
The first year of proper school was a disaster for Greg. He
disorder.
spent most of the time being punished for getting out of
his seat, for calling out, and for disrupting other children.
The other children called him a "naughty Greg" and he
A DHD expresses itself differently at different ages (Pelham et
became more and more discouraged and defiant. He did
al., 2004). The condition often reveals itself in infancy. As in-
not seem to be learning anything at school at all. He was
fants, children with ADHD are often very active, have difficult
always in trouble. . . . At the end of the year the teacher
temperaments, and show irregular feeding and sleeping pat-
told me that if she had to teach Greg for another year she
terns (Teeter, 1998). As preschool children, they are in perpet-
would have resigned! (Selikowitz, 2004, p. 34)
ual motion, quickly moving from one activity to another.
When it was first identified, hyperactivity was defined Because most young children are energetic and have short at-
principally as a problem of excess motor activity, and the terin tention spans, behavior must be evaluated in terms of devel-
was used to describe children who could not seem to sit still opmental norms; otherwise, we might mistake most average
and who were continually on the go. Now hyperactivity is 3- and 4-year-olds for hyperactive children. Finally, by the
viewed as a problem of attention. According to DSM-IV crite- grade-school years, overactive behavior is less of a problem,
ria, a child has attention deficit hyperactivity disorder but children with ADHD are fidgety, restless, and inattentive
(ADHD) if some combination of the following three symp- to schoolwork (American Psychiatric Association, 1994).
toms is present (see also Selilcowitz, 2004; Weyandt, 2001): What becomes of hyperactive children later in life? It used
to be thought that they outgrew their problems, so parents
1. Inattention. The child does not seem to listen, is easily
sometimes delayed getting help, expecting their children's dif-
distracted, and does not stick to activities or finish tasks.
ficulties to go away by adolescence. Most children with ADHD
2. Impulsivity. The child acts before thinking and cannot
do outgrow their overactive behavior (DuPaul & Stoner,
inhibit an urge to blurt something out in class or have a
2003). This may have something to do with an opportunity
turn in a group activity.
for rewiring of the brain during a period in adolescence in
3. Hyperactivity. The child is perpetuallyfidgeting,finger
which neurons proliferate and then are pruned back to com-
tapping, chattering, and experiencing restlessness.
plete the development of the frontal lobes (Selikowitz, 2004).
About 3 to 5% of school-age children, possibly more, are But, despite improvements with development, most ADHD
diagnosable as ADHD (American Psychiatric Association, children continue to be less attentive and more impulsive than
1994), at least two boys for every girl have the disorder their peers (DuPaul & Stoner, 2003). An estimated 20% of
(Pelham, Chacko, & Wymbs, 2004). Some critics believe that ADHD children outgrow their problems, 20% continue to
ADHD is overdiagnosed in the United States. It is more com- have severe problems as adults, and 60% continue to have at
mon here than in some countries, but it is reported through- least mild problems throughout their lives (Selikowitz, 2004).
Adolescents with ADHD tend to be restless, to have diffi- Environmental influences also enter, often not so much as
culty concentrating on their academic work, and to behave the main cause of ADHD but as the forces that help determine
impulsively; they often perform poorly in school or drop out, .whether a genetic potential turns into a reality and whether
and they are prone to committing reckless delinquent acts the individual adapts well or poorly as she develops. Low birth
without thinking about the consequences (Wallander & weight and prenatal exposure to nicotine, both associated
Hubert, 1985). The picture is more positive by early adult- with a shortage of oxygen prenatally, appear to contribute to
hood, yet many individuals with ADHD get in trouble because some cases of ADHD, for example (Linnet et al., 2003). An in-
they have lapses of concentration, make impulsive decisions, trusive, highly controlling parenting style may also contribute
and procrastinate (Wender, 1995). Especially if they had con- to, or at least aggravate, the problem in some cases; when par-
duct disorders with ADHD as children, they are also likely to ents are highly intrusive, infants and young children may not
have more than their share of car accidents and law breaking, learn to regukite their own emotions and behavior effectively
to abuse alcohol and drugs, and to have emotional problems (Jacobvitz & Sroufe, 1987). Family risk factors such as marital
as adults (Selikowitz, 2004; Weiss & Hechtman, 1993). The conflict and socioeconomic disadvantage may also worsen the
more severe the ADHD symptoms and any associated prob- outcomes of children with ADHD (Biederman et al., 1995). By
lems such as aggression in childhood, the more likely it is that contrast, providing them with structured learning opportuni-
later life outcomes will be poor (Pelham et al., 2004). ties and appropriate reinforcement at home and at school can
greatly improve their life outcomes (DuPaul & Stoner, 2003;
Suspected Causes Weyandt, 2001).
What causes this disorder? Researchers have long agreed that Are you one of the many people who believe that hyper-
ADHD has a neurological basis, but they have had difficulty activity is caused by food additives such as red food coloring?
pinpointing it until recently. No consistent evidence of brain High sugar intake? If so, your beliefs are largely incorrect.
damage or of structural defects in the brain is found in most Although a few children with ADHD have allergic reactions to
children with ADHD. Many cannot even be distinguished food additives, carefully controlled studies in which children
cleanly from non-ADHD children on the basis of neuropsy- and their families do not know whether they are getting a diet
chological tests because they do not all show clear deficits in with food additives or a diet without them show that food ad-
neuropsychological functions or show them in the same areas ditives have little effect on most children with ADHD (Bradley
(Doyle, Biederman et al., 2000). Still, it is widely agreed that the & Golden, 2001; Plarley et al., 1978). Similarly, having hyper-
brains of children with ADHD work differently than the brains active boys drink sugary drinks, rather than drinks containing
of other children do and that the cause is most likely differ- the sugar substitute aspartame, has no effect on their behavior
ences in brain chemistry rather than physical brain damage. or learning performance (Milich & Pelham, 1986). All in all,
Russell Barkley put forth the view that the frontal lobes of ADHD is mainly caused by genetic influences on levels of
individuals with ADHD do not function properly, resulting in dopamine and other neurotransmitters in the brain and envi-
deficiencies in the executive functions that allow us to plan ronmental factors that improve or worsen ADHD symptoms
and control our behavior and to inhibit unwise responses and overall adjustment.
(Barkley, 1997, 2000). This view has received much support. It •
now appears that the main problem is low levels of dopamine Treatment
and related neurotransmitters that allow neurons in the Many children with ADHD are given stimulant drugs such as
frontal lobes to communicate with one another (Selikowitz, methylphenidate (Ritalin), and most are helped by these
2004). Abnormal functioning in an area of the brain specifi- drugs. Although some observers are concerned that we do not
cally involved in regulating motor behavior has also been de- yet know enough about the effects of stimulants on develop-
tected. Underactivity in this brain area seems to predict well ment, these drugs are now prescribed even for many preschool
the problems that children with ADHD have sitting still and children with ADHD and have positive effects on how their
paying attention (Teicher et al., 2000). behavior is judged by their parents and teachers (Short et aL,
We also know that genes predispose some individuals to 2004). Although it may seem odd to give overactive children
develop ADHD; one identical twin is highly likely to have it if stimulants, these drugs increase levels of dopamine and other
the other does, and first-degree relatives of someone with relevant neurotransmitters in the frontal lobes of the brain to
ADHD (including parents) have four to five times the usual normal levels and, by doing so, allow these children to con-
risk (Thapar, 2003). There is not one ADHD gene, however. centrate (Selikowitz, 2004). Listen to Greg's mother (she de-
Instead, researchers are identifying several specific gene vari- scribed his behavioral problems at the beginning of this sec-
ants that influence levels of dopamine and other relevant neu- tion) on the topic: "The change in his behavior and mood was
rotransmitters in the brain and that are common in ADHD miraculous. One hour after the tablet I had my first proper
populations (Selikowitz, 2004; Thapar, 2003). Genes that tend conversation with Greg. For the first time in his life he was
to make humans restless and willing to take risks may have able to sit still and look at a book" (Selikowitz, 2004, p. 34).
proved adaptive earlier in our evolutionary history, but inher- Why, then, does controversy surround the use of stimu-
iting too many of these genes today may not be adaptive lants with ADHD children? Some critics feel that these drugs
(Selikowitz, 2004). are prescribed to too many children, including some who do
not have ADHD. Although it is probably true that Ritalin and depressed. Feelings of worthlessness, hopelessness, and self-
other stimulants are overprescribed in some communities, it blame were not believed to be possible until the child was
is also true that many ADHD children who could benefit from older (Garber, 1984). Besides, childhood is supposedly a
drug treatment go untreated (Jensen, 2000). Other opponents happy, carefree time, right? When it was finally appreciated
of stimulant drug treatment are concerned that these drugs that even very young children could become depressed, some
have undesirable side effects such as loss of appetite and researchers argued that childhood depression is qualitatively
headaches and do not correct the central problems that indi- different from adult depression.
viduals with ADHD face or improve their academic and social We now know that young children—as early as age 3—
functioning in the long run (Riddle, Kastelic, & Frosch, 2001). can meet the same criteria for major depressive disorder that
It is true that stimulants improve functioning only until their are used in diagnosing adults (Garber & Flynn, 2001).
effects wear off at the end of the day (Schachar et al., 1997). Depression in children is rarer than depression in adolescents
And so far, there is not much evidence that individuals with and adults, but an estimated 2% of children have diagnosable
ADHD who took stimulants as children are better off as ado- depressive disorders (Gotlib & Hammen, 1992). It used to be
lescents or adults than those who did not (DuPaul & Stoner, thought that depression in children was expressed in a masked
2003; Hart et al., 1995). Many experts have concluded that manner as other problems. Many youngsters who show the
drugs alone cannot resolve all the difficulties faced by individ- key symptoms of depression have comorbid problems such as
uals with ADHD and their families. conduct disorder, ADHD, and anxiety disorder. These disor-
What, then, is the best approach to treatment? The ders are distinct problems, however, not just veiled symptoms
Multimodal Treatment of Attention Deficit Hyperactivity of depression (Kaslow et al., 2000).
Disorder Study, a national study of 579 children with ADHD Developmentalists also appreciate that depression ex-
ranging in age from 7 to 9, is the best source of information presses itself somewhat differently in a young child than in an
about the pros and cons of medication and behavioral treat- adult and believe it is premature to conclude that depression
ment for ADHD (Jensen et al., 2001). This study compared in children is the equivalent of depression in adults (Weiss &
children who received optimally delivered medication, state- Garber, 2003). Like depressed infants, depressed preschool
of-the-art behavioral treatment (a combination of parent children are more likely to display the behavioral and somatic
training, child training through a summer program, and symptoms of depression (losing interest in activities, eating
school intervention), a combination of the two approaches, or
routine care in the community. The findings were clear:
Medication alone was more effective than behavioral treat-
ment alone or routine care in reducing ADHD symptoms.
However, a combination of medication and behavioral treat-
ment was superior to medication alone when the goal was de-
fined as not only reducing ADHD symptoms but also im-
proving academic performance, social adjustment, and
parent-child relations.
So, medication is effective, especially if psychiatrists mon-
itor doses closely and bear in mind that "children are not small
adults" when it comes to drug dosages (Riddle et al., 2001).
Medication can be even more effective, howYever, if supple-
mented by behavioral programs designed to teach children
with ADHD to stay focused on tasks and to control their im-
pulsiveness and by parent training designed to help parents
understand and manage the behavior of these often-difficult
youngsters (DuPaul 8c Stoner, 2003). The earlier children are
diagnosed and treated, the better problems in family and peer
relations that often flow from ADFID are prevented (Pelham
etaL, 2004).
As you saw earlier, the depression-like symptoms displayed by

deprived or traumatized infants probably do not qualify as
major depressive disorder. When, then, can children experi-
ence true clinical depression? For years many psychologists
and psychiatrists, especially those influenced by psychoana-
lytic theory, argued that young children simply could not be <[ Even young children can experience a major depressive episode,
A ccording t o t h e Surgeon G e n e r a l of t h e United States,
f e w e r than o n e in five U.S. children with psychological dis-
o r d e r s receives t r e a t m e n t (Shute, 2 0 0 1 ) . S o m e t i m e s t h e child
d o e s n o t think she has a problem and resists. O t h e r times,
parents are dismissed by d o c t o r s o r o t h e r professionals w h o
say t h a t t h a t they are worrying t o o much o r t h a t t h e i r child is
only going through ua p h a s e " ( C a r t e r , Briggs-Gowan, & Davis,
2 0 0 4 ) . In addition, children are developing and t h e i r d i s o r d e r s
are changing with t h e m , making diagnosis tricky ( C a r t e r e t al.,
2004).
When children and a d o l e s c e n t s do e n t e r treatment,
t h e i r t h e r a p i s t s m u s t r e c o g n i z e t h a t t h e y a r e n o t adults and
c a n n o t b e t r e a t e d as such ( H o l m b e c k , G r e e n l e y , & Franks,
2 0 0 3 ; Kazdin, 2 0 0 3 ) . First, children rarely s e e k t r e a t m e n t on
t h e i r o w n ; t h e y a r e usually r e f e r r e d f o r t r e a t m e n t by par-
e n t s w h o a r e d i s t u r b e d by t h e i r behavior. T h i s m e a n s t h a t
therapists m u s t view t h e child and her parents as the C Play therapy can help young children who lack verbal skills ex-
"client." press their feelings.
S e c o n d , children's t h e r a p e u t i c outcomes often depend
greatly on t h e c o o p e r a t i o n of t h e i r parents (Bailey, 2 0 0 0 ) .
S o m e t i m e s all m e m b e r s of t h e family must b e t r e a t e d f o r any T h i r d — a point familiar t o s t u d e n t s o f human develop-
enduring change in t h e child's behavior t o o c c u r — a principle m e n t — c h i l d r e n function at different levels o f cognitive and
derived from family s y s t e m s t h e o r y . However, n o t all parents emotional d e v e l o p m e n t than adults do, and this must be
cooperate. taken into c o n s i d e r a t i o n in b o t h diagnosing and treating t h e i r
poorly, and so on) than to display some of the cognitive try agairf (Shaffer & Pfeffer, 2001). The moral is clear: Parents
symptoms (hopelessness) or to talk about being depressed and other adults need to appreciate that childhood is not al-
(American Psychiatric Association, 1994; Kaslow et al., 2000). ways a happy, carefree time and that children can develop se-
Yet even young children who are depressed sometimes express rious depressive disorders and suicidal tendencies. Children s
excessive guilt, claiming that they are bad (Weiss & Garber, claims that they want to die should be taken dead seriously.
2003), and act out themes of death and suicide in their play Do depressed children tend to have recurring bouts of de-
(Luby, 2004). They can be recognized, through the application pression, becoming depressed adolescents and adults? Most
of developmentally sensitive modifications of DSM-IV crite- children make it through mild episodes of sadness. However,
ria, because they are sad or irritable and show the same lack of 5- and 6-ycar-olds who report many depression symptoms are
interest in usually enjoyable activities that depressed adults do more likely than their peers to be depressed, to think suicidal
(Luby, 2004). thoughts, to struggle academically, and to be perceived as in
Children as young as age 2 or 3 are also capable of at- need of mental health services when they are adolescents
tempting suicide (Rosenthal & Rosenthal, 1984; Shaffer & (Ialongo, Edelsohn, & Kellam, 2001). Moreover, it is estimated
Pfeffer, 2001). At age 3, Jeffrey repeatedly hurled himself down that half of children and adolescents diagnosed as having ma-
a flight of stairs and banged his head on the floor; upset by the jor depressive disorder have recurrences in adulthood
arrival of a new brother, he was heard to say, "Jeff is bad, and (Kessler, Avenevoli, & Merikangas, 2001). Even if depressed
bad boys have to die" (Cytryn 8c McICnew, 1996, p. 72). An 8- children do not have further episodes, their depression can
year-old, after writing her will, approached her father with a disrupt their intellectual development, school achievement,
large rock and asked in all seriousness, "Daddy, would you and social adjustment for years (Kovacs & Goldston, 1991).
crush my head, please?" (Cytryn & McKnew, 1996, pp. 69-70). Fortunately, most depressed children respond well to psy-
Other children have jumped from high places, run into traffic, chotherapy. Cognitive behavioral therapies that focus on
and stabbed themselves, often in response to abuse, rejection, changing distorted thinking have proved especially effective
or neglect. Moreover, children who attempt suicide once often (Asarnow, Jaycox, & Tompson, 2001). But because children are
p r o b l e m s (Kazdin, 2 0 0 0 ) . For e x a m p l e , young children c a n n o t Moreover, externalizing p r o b l e m s such as hyperactivity and
easily participate in t h e r a p i e s t h a t require t h e m t o verbalize c o n d u c t d i s o r d e r are just as responsive t o t r e a t m e n t as inter-
t h e i r p r o b l e m s and gain insight into t h e c a u s e s o f t h e i r b e - nalizing p r o b l e m s such as phobias (Farmer e t al., 2 0 0 2 ) .
havior. M o r e d e v e l o p m e n t a l ^ a p p r o p r i a t e t e c h n i q u e s include Behavioral t h e r a p i e s s e e m e d t o b e m o r e effective with chil-
play therapy, in which disturbed children are e n c o u r a g e d t o dren than nonbehavioral therapies, although such "talk t h e r a -
a c t o u t c o n c e r n s t h a t t h e y c a n n o t easily e x p r e s s in w o r d s , pies" have often proved equally effective in treating adults.
and behavioral a p p r o a c h e s t h a t d o n o t require insight and However, m o r e r e c e n t research suggests that cognitive behav-
verbal skills. ioral therapy can b e very effective with children, despite t h e i r
Is psychotherapy f o r children and a d o l e s c e n t s effective? cognitive limitations (Kazdin, 2 0 0 3 ) .
J o h n W e i s z and B a h r W e i s s ( 1 9 9 3 ) pulled t o g e t h e r research on Today, psychiatrists a r e increasingly turning t o medica-
t w o m a j o r c a t e g o r i e s of psychotherapy: behavioral therapies t i o n s t o t r e a t children—Ritalin f o r children with ADHD,
(those using r e i n f o r c e m e n t principles and modeling tech- P r o z a c and o t h e r a n t i d e p r e s s a n t s f o r d e p r e s s e d children as
niques t o alter maladaptive behaviors and t o t e a c h m o r e adap- young as p r e s c h o o l age, and s o on (Shute, Locy, & Pasternak,
tive o n e s ) and nonbehavioral therapies (primarily psychoana- 2 0 0 0 ) . B o t h psychological and pharmacological treatments
lytic therapies based on Freudian t h e o r y and o t h e r "talking f o r children and a d o l e s c e n t s with psychological disorders
c u r e s " in which therapists help clients t o e x p r e s s , understand, clearly achieve positive results ( A s a r n o w e t al., 2 0 0 1 ).Yet they
and solve t h e i r p r o b l e m s ) . T h e s e studies e x a m i n e d a range o f d o n o t always w o r k ; f o r e x a m p l e , 4 0 % o r m o r e o f clinically
p r o b l e m s (both externalizing and internalizing) and measured d e p r e s s e d children and a d o l e s c e n t s do n o t r e s p o n d t o psy-
a range o f o u t c o m e s (anxiety, cognitive skills and school chotherapy, and a b o u t t h e s a m e p e r c e n t a g e d o n o t r e s p o n d
achievement, personality and self-concept, social adjustment, to antidepressant medications (Asarnow et al., 2001).
and s o on). Apparently, t h e n , w e have much left t o learn a b o u t t h e special
Judging from W e i s z and W e i s s ' s analysis, psychotherapy f o r challenges o f treating children and a d o l e s c e n t s with psycho-
children and a d o l e s c e n t s w o r k s — a t least as well as it w o r k s logical p r o b l e m s .
with adults—and the benefits are lasting (Kazdin, 2003).
not adults, treating children with depression and other psycho- It is essential to view developmental disorders from a
logical disorders poses several challenges for psychotherapists, family systems perspective and to appreciate how emerging
as the Applications box on page 470 reveals. Many depressed problems affect and are affected by family interactions. This
children today are also being treated with antidepressant drugs perspective shows that the power of parents to influence their
such as Prozac (called selective serotonin reuptake inhibitors) that children's adjustment is not as great as many people believe.
correct for low levels of the neurotransmitter serotonin in the True, youngsters with depression and many other psycho-
brains of depressed individuals. Concerns have been raised, logical disorders often come from problem-ridden families
however, about their increasingly frequent use with children, and have insecure attachments to their parents (Graham
about whether they are as effective with children as with adults, & Easterbrooks, 2000; van IJzendoorn & Bakermans-
and about a recently discovered connection between their use Kranenburg, 1996). They are also more likely than other chil-
by children and adolescents and an increased risk of suicide dren to have mothers, fathers, or both who have histories of
(Jensen et al., 1999; Vedantam, 2004). psychological disorder (Connell & Goodman, 2002). Surely
this means that children develop problems because they live in
disturbed family environments with adults whose own psy-
chological problems and marital conflicts make it difficult for
Most of us have a strong belief in the power of the social en- them to parent effectively.
vironment, particularly the family, to shape child develop- Or are there other interpretations? We cannot always be
ment. This belief often leads us to blame parents—especially sure that unfavorable home environments cause childhood
mothers—if their children are sad and withdrawn, uncontrol- disorders. First, a child may have a genetic predisposition to
lable and "bratty," or otherwise different from most children disorder that would be expressed even if the child were
(see Chapter 15). Parents whose children develop problems adopted into another home early in life. In addition, "poor
often draw the same conclusion, feeling guilty because they as- parenting" could be partly the effect of a child's disorder
sume they are at fault. rather than its cause (Reiss et al., 2000). We cannot ignore the
possibility that children s problem behaviors negatively affect 30
their parents' moods, marital relationships, and parenting be-
haviors.
.22
O
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m Well adjusted at age 3
O) : Undercontrolled at age 3
Unquestionably, family disruption and conflict and inef- <5
/ 20
fective parenting contribute to and aggravate many childhood £0
u
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-C Inhibited at age 3
problems. Indeed, one study demonstrated that parents with
CD C\J
psychological disorders often use less effective parenting ap- O)
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proaches than parents without psychological disorders, but C
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that their children were not likely to develop disorders unless O

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the parenting they received was maladaptive (Johnson et al.,
2001). Apparently, it was not sufficient to inherit a genetic pre- 0
Antisocial personality Criminal
disposition to a disorder; as the diathesis-stress model sug- (A) disorder recidivism
gests, a stressful environment was also necessary.
Overall, it is time to move beyond the simple view that
parents are to blame for all their children's problems. It is also 30 r~
a mistake to view genes as the only important factor. GO
'oo
Abnormal development, like normal development, is the o
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product of both nature and nurture and of a history of com- O)
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plex transactions between person and environment in which £ 2
each influences the other (Rutter, 2000).
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The parents of children who develop psychological problems
want to know this: Will my child outgrow these problems, or 0
(B) Anxiety Depression
will they persist? Parents are understandably concerned with
the issue of continuity versus discontinuity in development. F i g u r e I! 6 3 Relationships between behavior at age
You have already seen that autism, ADHD, and major depres- 3 and psychological disorders at age 21. Part A shows
sion tend to persist beyond childhood in many individuals. To that children with uncontrolled, externalizing behavioral
styles are more likely than other children t o show anti-
answer the continuity-discontinuity question more fully, con-
social behavior and repeated criminal behavior at age 21. Part B
sider the spectrum of childhood problems.
shows that inhibited, internalizing children are at high risk of depres-
Avshalom Caspi and his colleagues (1996) used data from
sion, but not anxiety disorders, at 21.
a longitudinal study in New Zealand to determine whether SOURCE Adapted from Caspi S I a!. (19S6).
children's behavioral styles, or temperamental characteristics,
at age 3 predicted their susceptibility to psychological disor-
ders at age 21—a span of 18 years. As Part A of Figure 16.3
shows, children who had externalizing problems as young
children and were described as irritable, impulsive, and rough in a 14-year follow-up of children and adolescents with be-
were more likely than either inhibited, overcontrolled children havioral and emotional problems, about 40% still had signifi-
or well-adjusted children to be diagnosed as having antisocial cant problems in adulthood, but most did not (Hofstra, Van
personality disorder and to have records of criminal behavior der Ende, 8c Verhulst, 2000). In other words, having serious
as young adults. psychological problems as a child does not doom most indi-
Meanwhile, as Part B of Figure 16.3 shows, inhibited, in- viduals to a life of maladjustment.
ternalizing children who were shy, anxious, and easily upset at Why might we see continuity of problem behavior in
age 3 were more likely than other children to be diagnosed as some children but discontinuity in others? If children have
depressed later in life; contrary to prediction, they were not at mild rather than severe psychological problems and receive
significantly higher risk for anxiety disorders. This study and help, their difficulties are likely to disappear. Some children
others point to continuity in susceptibility to problems over also show remarkable resilience, functioning well despite ex-
the years and suggest that early problems tend to have signifi- posure to risk factors for disorder or overcoming even severe
cance for later development (Costello et al., 2003; Mesman, early problems to become well adjusted (Garmezy, 1994;
Bongers, & Koot, 2001). Small & Memmo, 2004). Such children appear to have protec-
Relationships between early behavioral problems and tive factors working for them—processes that keep them from
later psychopathology in this study and others tend to be becoming maladjusted in the face of risk. These protective fac-
weak, however, so there is also discontinuity in development. tors include their own competencies (especially intellectual
Notice that most children with temperaments that put them ability and social skills) and strong social support (especially a
at risk did not have diagnosable problems as adults. Similarly, stable family situation with at least one caring parent figure).
Summing Up chological growth, although it is not unusual for them to feel
depressed, anxious, and irritable occasionally. For a minority,
A D H D manifests itself f r o m infancy into t h e adult y e a r s
a buildup of stressors during adolescence can precipitate seri-
but is expressed differently at different ages. Genetically
ous psychopathology. Their problems should not be dismissed
p r e d i s p o s e d t o A D H D , children with it a r e h e l p e d m o s t
as adolescent moodiness and irritability.
by a combination of stimulant drugs that increase
Many adolescents of both sexes get themselves into trou-
d o p a m i n e levels in t h e i r brains and behavioral therapy.
ble by overusing alcohol and drugs, engaging in delinquent
Even young children can m e e t D S M - I V criteria f o r d e -
behavior, and displaying other so-called adolescent problem
pression and b e c o m e suicidal (although rarely). N a t u r e
behaviors. These problem behaviors, although common, usu-
and n u r t u r e c o n s p i r e t o p r o d u c e such childhood disor-
ally do not reach the level of seriousness to qualify as psycho-
ders; t h e y a r e n o t just t h e p r o d u c t s o f bad parenting.
logical disorders and typically wane as adolescents become
T h e r e is also b o t h continuity and c h a n g e in d e v e l o p m e n t :
adults (Jessor, 1998). Here we focus on two types of disorder
S o m e children remain maladap'ted, and o t h e r s , especially
that clearly become more prevalent in adolescence. Among fe-
t h o s e with mild p r o b l e m s and many p r o t e c t i v e factors,
males, diagnosable eating disorders such as anorexia nervosa
o u t g r o w t h e i r difficulties, ffl
can make the adolescent period treacherous. In addition, rates
of depression increase dramatically from childhood to adoles-
cence, especially among females, and suicide rates climb ac-
i cordingly. These problems interfere wTith normal adolescent
development; yet they become far more understandable when
If any age group has a reputation for having problems and you view them in the context of this developmental period.
causing trouble, it is adolescents. This is supposedly the time
when angelic children are transformed into emotionally un-
stable, unruly, problem-ridden delinquents. The view that
adolescence is a time of emotional storm and stress was set Perhaps no psychological disorders are more associated with
forth by the founder of developmental psychology, G. Stanley adolescence than the eating disorders that disproportionately
Hall (1904). It has been with us ever since. strike adolescent girls, either during the transition from child-
hood to adolescence or during the transition from adoles-
cence to adulthood (Keel 8c Fulkerson, 2001). Both anorexia
nervosa and bulimia nervosa have become more common in
Are adolescents really more likely than either children or recent years in several industrialized countries (Gordon, 2000;
adults to experience psychological problems? In truth, adoles- Milos et al, 2004). And both are serious—indeed, potentially
cents have a far worse reputation than they deserve. Most ado- fatal—conditions that are difficult to cure.
lescents simply are not emotionally disturbed and do not Anorexia nervosa, which literally means "nervous loss of
develop serious problem behaviors such as drug abuse appetite/' has been defined as a refusal to maintain a weight
and chronic delinquency. Instead, significant mental health that is at least 85% of the expected weight for the person's
problems—real signs of storm and stress—characterize about height and age (American Psychiatric Association, 1994).
20% of adolescents (Kazdin, 2000; Offer & Schonert-Reichl, Anorexic individuals are also characterized by a strong fear of
1992). Moreover, many of these adolescents were maladjusted becoming overweight, a distorted body image (a tendency to
before they reached puberty and continue to be maladjusted view themselves as fat even when they are emaciated), and, if
during adulthood (Reinherz et al., 1999). they are females, an absence of regular menstrual cycles. The
Yet adolescence is a period of heightened vulnerability to typical individual with anorexia may begin dieting soon after
some forms of psychological disorder (Cicchetti & Rogosch, reaching puberty and simply continue, insisting, even when
2002). The 20% rate of diagnosable psychological disorder she weighs only 60 or 70 pounds and resembles a cadaver, that
among adolescents is higher than an estimated rate of about she is well nourished and could stand to lose a few more
10% among children (Ford, Goodman, & Meltzer, 2003), al- pounds (Hsu, 1990). Praised at first for losing weight, she be-
though it is no higher than that for adults (Kazdin, 2000). comes increasingly obsessed with dieting and exercising and
Teenagers face greater stress than children; they must cope gains a sense of power by resisting the urging of parents and
with physical maturation, changing brains and cognitive abil- friends to eat more (Levenkron, 2000). Fewer than 3 in every
ities, tribulations of dating, changes in family dynamics, 1000 adolescent girls suffer from this condition, and there are
moves to new and more complex school settings, societal de- about 11 female victims for every 1 male victim (van Hoeken,
mands to become more responsible and to assume adult roles, Seidell, & Hoek, 2003).
and more (Cicchetti 8c Rogosch, 2002; Hill, 1993). Mood Anorexia nervosa can be distinguished from bulimia ner-
swings, risk taking, and conflict with parents are all common vosa, the so-called binge-purge syndrome, which involves re-
(Arnett, 1999). Most adolescents cope with these challenges current episodes of consuming huge quantities of food fol-
remarkably well, maintain the level of adjustment they had lowed by purging activities such as self-induced vomiting, use
when they entered adolescence, and undergo impressive psy- of laxatives, or rigid dieting and fasting (American Psychiatric
tractiveness that makes it hard for young women to form pos-
itive identities (Gordon, 2000; Keel & Klump, 2003). As
Western, and especially European American, values emphasiz-
ing the desirability of a slimfigurehave spread to other coun-
tries, rates of eating disorders in those countries have risen
(Gordon, 2000). Interestingly, exposure to television on the is-
land of Fiji converted girls raised to view plump bodies as a
status symbol associated with the generous sharing of food
into girls who feel too fat and try to control their weight
(Becker et al., 2002).
Well before they reach puberty, large proportions of girls
in our society associate being thin with being attractive, fear
becoming fat, and wish they were thinner (Ricciardelli &
McCabe, 2001). About a fourth of second-grade girls diet
(Thelen et al., 1992). Being a 9-year-old in a school with girls
as old as 13 rather than in a school with girls no older than 11
only heightens this cultural pressure to be thin and breeds the
attitudes and dieting practices that lead to eating disorders
(Wardle & Watters, 2004). As girls experience normal puber-
tal changes, they naturally gain fat and become, in their
minds, less attractive. They have more reason than ever to be
obsessed with controlling their weight (Murnen & Smolak,
1997). This may be why adolescence is a prime time for the
emergence of eating disorders.
But why do relatively few adolescent females in our soci-
ety become anorexic or bulimic, even though almost all of
them experience social pressure to be thin? Most likely be-
cause genes serve as a diathesis, predisposing certain individ-
uals more than others to develop eating disorders, at least if
they live in a sociocultural context that encourages weight
concern and if other environmental influences come into play
(Bulik et al, 2000; Keel & Klump, 2003). Many biochemical
<[ Anorexia can be life threatening. abnormalities have been found in individuals with anorexia,
although some may be consequences rather than causes of the
condition (Wilson, Becker, & Hefferman, 2003). At least one
Association, 1994). Bulimia is especially prevalent in college gene involved in the control of appetite has been implicated
populations, affecting few men but as many as 5% of college (Vink et al., 2001), and even in early childhood adolescents
women (Hsu, 1990). A bulimic girl or woman typically binges and adults who later develop eating disorders experience con-
on the foods that are taboo to dieters, eating entire half gallons flicts over eating (Kotler et al., 2001). Genes may also con-
of ice cream, multiple bags of cookies and potato chips, or tribute to the low levels of the neurotransmitter serotonin as-
whole pies and cakes—as much as 55,000 calories in a single sociated with both eating disorders and mood disorders (Keel
binge session (Johnson et al., 1982). Whereas individuals with & Fulkerson, 2001). And genes may put certain individuals at
anorexia are by definition underweight, individuals with bu- risk by influencing their personalities. Anorexic females tend
limia can be found in all weight ranges (American Psychiatric to be introverted, anxious, and obsessive. They are perfection-
Association, 1994). It is a myth that these eating disorders are ists with low self-esteem and a high need for approval who
restricted to European American females from upper middle- desperately want to gain control of their lives and do so by di-
class backgrounds. They are evident at all socioeconomic lev- eting (Hsu, 1990; Wilson et al., 2003).
els (Gard & Freeman, 1996) and in all racial and ethnic Yet an eating disorder may still not emerge unless a sus-
groups, although African American females are less concerned ceptible girl experiences disturbed family relationships and
with being thin and dieting than European American and stressful events—unless heredity and environment interact in
Asian American females and have much lower rates of eating an unfavorable way (Keel & Fulkerson, 2001). Girls who are
disorders (Wildes, Emery, & Simons, 2001). overly concerned about their weight tend to come from fami-
lies preoccupied with weight (Gordon, 2000; Strober et al.,
Suspected Causes 2000). They are often insecurely attached to their parents
Both nature and nurture contribute to eating disorders. On and have often constructed internal working models of
the nurture side, cultural factors are significant. We live in a self and other that lead them to think poorly of themselves
society obsessed with thinness as the standard of physical at- and to expect others to think poorly of them (Sharpe et al.,
1998). Much emphasis has been placed on disturbed disorder at some time in the individual's life ranged from 1%
mother-daughter relationships, but poor father-daughter re- among girls younger than age 12 to more than 17% among
lationships may also contribute (Dominy, Johnson, & Koch, young women age 19 and older (Glowinski et al., 2003). Up to
2000). These young women seem unable to manage the 35% of adolescents experience depressed moods at some time,
adolescent task of gaining autonomy (Levenkron, 2000). So, and as many as 7% have diagnosable depressive disorders at
family dynamics may contribute to anorexia, although it is not any given time (Petersen et al., 1993). Symptoms are mostly
always clear whether disturbed family dynamics are contribu- like those displayed by depressed adults, although depressed
tors to, or only effects of, the condition (Gowers 8< Bryant- adolescents sometimes act out and look more like delinquents
Waugh, 2004). than like victims of depression.
Ultimately, it may take a pileup of stressors to push a Why is adolescence a depressing period for some? For one
young woman over the edge. For example, vulnerable adoles- thing, research suggests that genetic influences on symptoms
cents who are experiencing pubertal changes and weight of depression become stronger in adolescence than they were
gains, becoming involved in mixed-sex relationships, and in childhood (Scourfield et al., 2003). Pubertal changes may
changing schools may have more than they can handle and be responsible or may at least provide another part of the an-
may then develop an eating disorder (Smolak 8c Levine, 1996). swer. Xiaojia Ge and his colleagues (2003) studied African
Emotional, sexual, or physical abuse sometimes precipitates American adolescents at age 11 and again at age 13. For girls
the disorder (Kent & Waller, 2000). In anorexia nervosa, then, at both age 11 and age 13, being an early maturer was associ-
we have a prime example of the diathesis-stress model at ated with high levels of major depression symptoms. Among
work. A young woman who is at risk for it partly because of boys, the early maturation effect was only temporary, evident
her genetic makeup may not develop anorexia unless she also at age 11 but not at age 13, as shown in Figure 16.4. This may
grows up in a culture that overvalues thinness and in a family be part of the reason that girls have higher depression rates
that makes it hard to forge an identity as an individual—and than boys: the negative effects of early maturation last longer
then faces an accumulation of stressful events. for them than for boys. However, boys who were on time or
late at age 11 but who then underwent rapid pubertal growth
Treatment became significantly more depressed from age 11 to age 13;
•
Individuals with bulimia respond better to treatment than this stressful pubertal change effect was not as evident among
those with anorexia, but both can be successfully treated girls. Overall, then, pubertal changes and their timing con-
(Wilson, Becker, & Hefferman, 2003). Effective therapies for tribute to increased depression rates in adolescence among
individuals with eating disorders start with behavior modifi- both girls and boys but do so differently in the two sexes. To
cation programs designed to bring their eating behavior un- date, no clear and direct path from hormonal changes to de-
der control, help them gain weight if they are anorexic, and pression has been identified (Kuehner, 2003).
deal with any medical problems they may have, in a hospital Social factors also put adolescent females at risk for de-
or treatment facility if necessary (Patel, Pratt, & Greydarms, pression. They are more likely than males to experience a cu-
2003). Then it is possible to move on to individual psy- mulation of stressful events in early adolescence (Ge et al.,
chotherapy designed to help them understand and gain con-
trol over their problem, family therapy designed to help build
healthier parent-child relationships, and medication for de-
f§ Late maturers §J|f On-time maturers • Early maturers
pression and related psychological problems. Cognitive be-
havioral therapy and antidepressant drugs appear to work
well with bulimic patients (Gowers & Bryant-Waugh, 2004).
Women with anorexia are more difficult to treat because they
so strongly resist admitting that they have a problem and be-
c a u s e t h e d r u g s t r i e d t o d a t e do n o t s e e m t o h a v e r e l i a b l e b e n -
efits. However, they can benefit from psychotherapy and fam-
ily therapy (Gowers & Bryant-Waugh, 2004). Most overcome
their eating disorders with time, although they may continue
to have social and emotional difficulties and even diagnosable
problems such as obsessive-compulsive disorder as adults
(Wentzet al., 2001).
5th grade 7th grade 5th grade 7th grade
Children, especially girls, become more vulnerable to depres- Boys Girls
sion as they enter adolescence. Adults who suffer from bouts Figure 3 6.4 Early maturation is a risk factor for depression in
of depression often trace their first depressive episode to the adolescence—for boys, a t e m p o r a r y risk factor, but for girls a lasting
adolescent period (Gotlib 8c Hammen, 2002). In one study of one, evident in both fifth and seventh grades.
female adolescents, the rate of self-reported major depressive SOURCE: G e et al. { 7 m . Figure 2. p. 435).
1994; Nolen-Hoeksema & Girgus, 1994). Stress in the holds up across most cultures studied (Girard, 1993; Shaffer &
mother-daughter relationship, heightened concern with body Pfeffer, 2001). When we look at suicide attempts, this ratio is
image, and early maturation can combine to put adolescent Reversed, with females leading males by a ratio of about three
girls at risk (Seiffge-Krenke & Stemmler, 2002). to one. Apparently, then, females attempt suicide more often
As depression becomes more common from childhood to than males do, but males more often commit suicide when
adolescence, so do suicidal thoughts, suicide attempts, and ac- they try, probably because they use more lethal techniques (es-
tual suicides. Suicide is the third leading cause of death for this pecially guns).
age group, far behind accidental injuries and just behind If suicide rates are higher in adulthood than in adoles-
homicides; the yearly rate is now 10 per 100,000 15- to 24- cence, why do we hear so much about teenage suicide?
year-olds, quite a bit higher than it was in 1950 (Freid et al., Probably because adolescents attempt suicide more frequently
2003). Nevertheless, probably because of increased use of an- than adults do. The typical adolescent suicide attempt has
tidepressants to treat depression, teenage suicide rates have been characterized as a "cry for help"—a desperate effort to
been declining in the past 10 years (Gould et al., 2003; Olfson get others to notice and help resolve problems that have be-
et al, 2003). come unbearable (Berman & Jobes, 1991). The adolescent
For every adolescent suicide, there are many unsuccessful who attempts suicide often wants a better life rather than
attempts—as many as 50 to 200 by some estimates (Garland death (Lester, 1994). This by no means suggests that adoles-
& Zigler, 1993). Also, suicidal thoughts that may not lead to cent suicide attempts should be taken lightly. Their message is
action are even more common, to the point of being normal clear: "I've got serious problems; wake up and help me!"
during this period (Shaffer & Pfeffer, 2001). In one survey of Suicidal behavior-in adolescence is most likely the prod-
adolescents whose average age wTas 15, for instance, 56% re- uct of diathesis-stress. Four key risk factors are youth psycho-
ported at least one instance of suicidal thinking in their lives logical disorder, family pathology and psychopathology,
and 15% had attempted suicide (Windle & Windle, 1997). stressful life events, and access to firearms (Gould et al., 2003;
Before you conclude that adolescence is the peak time for and see Beautrais, 2003). More than 90% of adolescent suicide
suicidal behavior, however, consider the suicide rates for dif- victims, partly because of genetic predisposition, suffered
ferent age groups, as shown in Figure 16.5. It is clear that from depression, substance use disorder, anxiety disorder, or
adults are more likely to commit suicide than adolescents are. another diagnosable psychological problem at the time of
The suicide rate for females peaks in middle age, and the sui- their death, so screening teenagers for depression and other
cide rate for white males climbs throughout adulthood, mak- psychological disorders makes great sense as an approach to
ing elderly white men the group most likely to commit sui- prevention (Shaffer & Pfeffer, 2001). Many have histories of
cide. As a result, increased attention is being focused on the troubled family relationships, and often psychopathology and
problem of late-life suicide (Pearson, 2000). even suicide run in the family. In the period leading up to a
Overall, males are more likely to commit suicide than fe- suicide attempt, the adolescent has often experienced a
males, by a ratio of at least three to one—a difference that buildup of stressful life events—deteriorating relationships
40
White males
_Q) White females

Q.
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Black males
30 -
O
o
o Black females
o
o
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Q_
C/)
20 -
CD
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<D 10
n
£
ZJ
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15-24 25-44 45-64 65+
Age (in years)
Fagure 8 6*5 Number of suicides per 100,000 people by age and sex among
European and African Americans in the United States.
«5SBE:-' SOURCE: Data from Freid et al. (2003}.
with parents and peers, academic and social failures, run-ins mood disorders), alcohol abuse and dependence, schizophre-
with the law—and begun to feel incapable of coping (Berman nia, anxiety disorders, and antisocial personality all decreased
& Jobes, 1991). The availability of firearms makes it easy to act from early adulthood to late adulthood. (As you appreciate,
on suicidal impulses. The adolescent who attempts suicide this could be either a true age effect or a cohort effect suggest-
once may try again if he receives little help and continues to ing that recent generations are more vulnerable than previous
feel incapable of coping with problems. As a result, profes- generations to psychological disorder.) The only type of im-
sional help is called for after an unsuccessful suicide attempt pairment that increased with age was cognitive impairment,
(Rotheram-Borus et al., 2000). undoubtedly because some older adults were developing
Alzheimer's disease and other forms of dementia (to be de-
Summing Up scribed shortly).
Mainly, it appears that young adults, because they experi-
Although most adolescents do not experience storm
ence more stress than older adults, are a group at high risk for
and stress, r a t e s o f psychological d i s o r d e r climb f r o m
mental health problems. With that as background, look more
about 1 0 % in c h i l d h o o d t o 2 0 % in a d o l e s c e n c e . T w o
closely at one of the disorders to which young adults are espe-
p r o b l e m s t h a t i n c r e a s e during a d o l e s c e n c e , eating disor-
cially susceptible, depression, and then turn to an examina-
d e r s and d e p r e s s i o n , strike f e m a l e s m o r e than males, and
tion of Alzheimer's disease and rekited cognitive impairments
both can be explained in t e r m s of diathesis-stress.
in later life.
F e m a l e s with a n o r e x i a n e r v o s a a r e genetically predis-
p o s e d t o it but also t e n d t o e x p e r i e n c e a culture o b -
s e s s e d with thinness, a disturbed family, and o v e r w h e l m -
ing stress. D e p r e s s i o n and suicide a r e also associated
Major depression and other affective disorders are among the
with a genetically b a s e d vulnerability and a pileup of
most common psychological problems experienced by adults.
stressors. Still, m o s t a d o l e s c e n t s , even t h o u g h t h e y m a y
Who gets depressed, and what does this reveal?
diet o r think a d e p r e s s i v e o r e v e n suicidal t h o u g h t n o w
and t h e n , e m e r g e f r o m this p e r i o d as well-adjusted and
Age and Sex Differences
c o m p e t e n t young adults. H
As just noted, and contrary to stereotypes of elderly people,
older adults tend, if anything, to be less vulnerable to major de-
pression and other severe affective disorders than young or
le middle-aged adults are (Blazer, 2003; Wolfe, Morrow, &
Fredrickson, 1996). Unless older adults develop physical health
Stressful experiences in childhood and adolescence increase a problems that contribute to depression or experience increasing
person's chances of-psychological disorder later in life (Turner rather than decreasing levels of stress as they age, their mental
& Lloyd, 2004). Psychological problems then emerge when a health is likely to be good (Lynch & George, 2002; Wrosch,
vulnerable individual, perhaps one with a history of adversity, Schulz, & Heckhausen, 2004). Still, there are good reasons to be
faces overwhelming stress. As it turns out, adults typically ex- concerned about depression in old age. We know that depressed
perience the greatest number of life strains in early adulthood elders are more likely than depressed adolescents to take their
(McLanahan & Sorensen, 1985; Pearlin, 1980). Life strains de- own lives, and some studies show an increase in depression
crease from early to middle adulthood, perhaps as adults set- symptoms in late old age (Rothermund & Brandtstadter,
tle into more stable lifestyles. And, despite increased stress re-
kited to health problems, elderly adults report fewer hassles
and strains overall than middle-aged adults do (Almeida &
Horn, 2004; Martin, Grunendahl, & Martin, 2001). This may
be because they have fewrer roles and responsibilities to juggle
or because they no longer perceive problems they have en-
countered before as stressful.
Age differences in stressful experiences may help explain
age differences in rates of psychological disorder. In a major
community mental health survey by the National Institute of
Mental Health, adults age 18 or older were interviewed in their
homes about the psychological symptoms they were experi-
encing, and estimates were then made of the percentages of
respondents who met the criteria for several psychological
disorders (Myers et al., 1984; Robins & Regier, 1991). Overall,
a fairly large proportion of adults—15% to 22% of those sur-
veyed in each city—were judged to have suffered from a diag-
nosable psychological disorder in the previous 6 months. C Although few elderly adults have diagnosed depression, a sizable
Rates of affective disorders (major depression and related minority experiences at least some symptoms of depression.
2003c). Also, although only about 1 to 3% of elderly adults have agnosed and untreated, particularly if they are minority group
major depressive disorder, about 15% experience symptoms of members suspicious of the mental health system (Baldwin,
depression (Mulsant & Ganguli, 1999). Might some of the indi- 2000; Charney et al., 2003). Possibly this is because todays
viduals who report symptoms of depression have a more seri- elderly generation grew up when it was considered shameful
ous but undiagnosed depressive disorder? to have psychological problems. Older adults and members of
Depression can be difficult to diagnose in later adulthood their families may also believe, wrongly, that problems such as
(Charney et al., 2003). Think about it: Symptoms of depression depression and anxiety are a normal part of getting older or
include fatigue, sleeping difficulties, cognitive deficits, and so- becoming ill. Still another barrier to treatment may be nega-
matic complaints. What if a clinician notes these symptoms in tive attitudes among mental health professionals that cause
an elderly person but interprets them as nothing more than them to prefer working with younger people, to perceive eld-
normal aging, as the result of the chronic illnesses so common erly individuals as untreatable, and to underdiagnose or mis-
in old age, or as signs of dementia? A case of depression can diagnose their problems (Graham et al., 2003).
easily be missed. Elderly adults who are depressed may also Despite these barriers, when depressed elderly adults seek
hide their depression, denying that they are sad and claiming psychotherapy, they benefit as much as younger adults (Karel
instead that they have medical problems (Mulsant & Ganguli, & Hinrichsen, 2000; Powers et al., 2002). Moreover, those
1999). This, too, can lead to underdiagnosis of depression in treated with antidepressant drugs, assuming they keep taking
the elderly population. Yet overdiagnosis of depression in older them, not only overcome their depression in most cases but
adults can also occur if bodily complaints such as lack of en- also show improved cognitive functioning (Blazer, 2003;
ergy caused by physical disease or disability are interpreted as Butters et al., 2000). As with many psychological problems,
symptoms of depression (Grayson et al., 2000). the most effective approach is often a combination of drug
Depression in elderly individuals is not so different from treatment and psychotherapy (Hollon, Thase, & Markowitz,
depression in young and middle-aged adults that different cri- 2002). So, just as humans can fall prey to psychological prob-
teria must be developed to detect it. Still, clinicians working lems at any point, in the life span, they have an impressive ca-
with elderly adults need to be sensitive to the differences be- pacity throughout the life span to overcome problems and to
tween normal aging processes, disease, and psychopathology. experience new psychological growth.
Moreover, the fact that relatively few elderly people suffer
from severe, diagnosable depression should not blind us to the
fact that a much larger number feel depressed or demoralized
and could benefit from treatment (Lynch & George, 2002). Perhaps nothing scares us more about aging than the thought
This is especially true of very old women who are physically that we will become "senile." Dementia, the technical term for
ill, poor, socially isolated, or a combination of these (Blazer, senility, is a progressive deterioration of neural functioning
1993; Falcon & Tucker, 2000). associated with memory impairment, declines in tested intel-
Starting in adolescence, and in a variety of cultures, females lectual ability, poor judgment, difficulty thinking abstractly,
are more likely than males to be diagnosed as depressed—by a and often personality changes. Becoming senile is not a nor-
margin of about two to one (Kuehner, 2003). What accounts for
this? It is not just because women are more likely than men to
admit they are depressed or to seek help when they are de-
pressed (Kessler, 2000). Nor is it clear that genetic factors con-
tribute differently to depression in females than in males.
Instead, higher rates of depression in females than in males have fMMMi.
been linked to gender differences in a variety of factors
(Kuehner, 2003; Nolen-Hoeksema, 2002): hormones and bio-
logical reactions to stress, levels of stress (including more expe-
rience of interpersonal stressors, especially sexual abuse, among
women), ways of expressing distress (women being more likely
to express classic depression symptoms, men being more likely
to become angry or overindulge in alcohol and drugs), and
styles of coping with distress (for example, women tend to ru-
minate about their problems, analyzing their despair, whereas
men distract themselves from problems and may be better off
4c—<
for it). In short, there is no easy answer, but women are clearly -C
c
Cl_
more at risk than men for depression. |
o
•C
Treatment <
CL.
<
One of the biggest challenges in treating adults with major de-
pression and other psychological disorders is getting them to C Ronald Reagan brought attention to the tragedy of Alzheimer's
seek treatment. Elderly adults are especially likely to go undi- disease.
mal part of the aging process. Yet rates of dementia increase
steadily with age. Overall, dementia and other moderate and
severe cognitive impairments affect about 5% of the 65-and-
older population (Blazer, 1996; Regier et al., 1988). 'WW
Dementia is not a single disorder. Much damage can be
done by labeling any older person with cognitive impairments
as senile—or even as having Alzheimer's disease—and then
assuming that she is a lost cause. Many different conditions
can produce the symptoms we associate with senility, and
some of them are curable or reversible. It is also a mistake to
assume that any elderly person who becomes forgetful or ab-
sentminded—who occasionally misplaces keys or cannot re-
member someone's name—is becoming senile. As you saw in € Positron emission tomography (PET scanning) shows metabolic
Chapter 8, small declines in memory capacities in later life are activity in the brain and reveals areas of high brain activity (in red
common and usually have little effect on daily functioning. If and yellow) and low brain activity (in blue o r black). Here we see
this were all it took to warrant a diagnosis of dementia, many more activity in a normally functioning brain (left) than in the brain
young and middle-aged adults, not to mention textbook writ- of a person with Alzheimer's disease (right).
ers, would qualify. So look at some of the specific forms of

dementia.
1997). The results of Alzheimer's disease are progressive—and
Alzheimer's Disease irreversible or incurable—deterioration of neurons, increas-
With Alzheimer's disease, you just know7 you're going to ingly impaired mental functioning, and personality changes.
forget things, and it's impossible to put things where you The first sign of Alzheimer's disease, detectable 2 to 3
can't forget them because people like me can always years before dementia can be diagnosed, is usually difficulty
find a place to lose things and we have to flurry all over learning and remembering verbal material (Howieson et al.,
the house to figure where in the heck I left whatever it 1997). As you saw in Chapter 8, mild cognitive impairment in
was. . . . It's usually my glasses. .. . You've got to have a some older adults is often an early warning that dementia will
sense of humor in this kind of business, and I think it's follow (Morris et al, 2001). In the early stages, free recall tasks
interesting how many places 1 can find to lose things.. . . are difficult but memory is good if cues to recall are provided;
[People with Alzheimer's] wrant things like they used to over time, individuals cannot recall even with the aid of cues
be. And we just hate the fact that we cannot be what we and become increasingly frustrated (Grober & Kawas, 1997;
used to be. It hurts like hell. (Cary Henderson, age 64, for- Williams, 1995). As the disorder progresses, Alzheimer's pa-
mer history professor diagnosed with Alzheimer's disease tients have more trouble coming up with the words they want
at age 55; Rovner, 1994, pp. 12-13) during conversations and may forget what to do next midway
through making a sandwich or getting ready for bed. If tested,
Alzheimer's disease, or dementia of the Alzheimer s type as they may be unable to answer simple questions about where
it is termed in DSM-IV, is the most common cause of demen- they are, what the date is, and who the president of the United
tia, accounting for about 70% of all cases, including Ronald States is. Eventually, they become incapable of caring for
Reagan's (Tanzi & Parson, 2000). Dementia can strike in mid- themselves, lose all verbal abilities, and die, some earlier and
dle age but becomes increasingly likely with advancing age. some later, but on average about 8 to 10 years after onset
Although the rate of Alzheimer's disease is about 5% for peo- (National Institute on Aging, 2000; and see Figure 16.6). Not
ple older than age 65, it is more than 40% for people older only do patients with Alzheimer's disease become increasingly
than age 90 (Williams, 2003). Because more people are living unable to function, but they also often test the patience of
into advanced old age, more will end up with the disease un- caregivers by forgetting they have left something cooking on
less ways of preventing it or slowing its progress are found. It the stove, wandering away and getting lost, accusing people of
is estimated that about 4 million people in the United States stealing the items they have misplaced, seeing wild animals in
have it now and that the number will more than triple by 2050 their room, or taking off their clothes in public. Many become
(Leifer, 2003). highly agitated and uncontrollable; large numbers suffer from
Alzheimer's disease leaves two telltale signs in the brain depression; and some experience psychotic symptoms such as
(Selkoe, 1997; Williams, 1995): senile plaques (masses of dying hallucinations (Gillick, 1998).
neural material with a toxic protein called beta-amyloid at What causes Alzheimer's disease? Many cases appear to
their core that injures neurons), and neurofibrillary tangles have a hereditary basis, but there is no single "Alzheimer's
(twisted strands of neural fibers within the bodies of neural gene" (Tanzi 8c Parson, 2000). Alzheimer's disease strikes re-
cells). Elderly adults without Alzheimer's disease have senile peatedly and early in some families. By analyzing blood sam-
plaques and neurofibrillary tangles, too; it is not only the ples from families with many Alzheimer's victims, genetic re-
number but their type and location that mark the difference searchers made a big breakthrough when they located a gene
between Alzheimer's disease and normal aging (Snowdon, for the disease on the 21st pair of chromosomes. Anyone who
Progression of the disease:
Both genes and non- A waste protein, beta- Early damage Accumulating beta- The disease, which The patient
genetic factors contribute amyloid, probably begins to some brain amyloid forms plaques has been slowly loses the ability
to each individual's risk. to be deposited in brain cells may be (insoluble deposits) damaging the brain to function
tissue in early adulthood. present. that provoke inflam- for decades, may independently.
mation, contributing to be diagnosed.
further brain cell injury.
10 20 30 40 50 60 -70 80 90
Age (in years) Death
Figure 8 6.6 Alzheimer's disease emerges gradually over the adult years; brain cells are
damaged long before noticeable cognitive impairment results in old age. Changes in brain
functioning are significantly different from those associated with normal aging.
SOURCE: Adapted from Okie (2001).
inherits just one of these apparently dominant genes will lots of education, probably because they have less "cognitive
eventually develop the disease. Genes on other chromosomes reserve" or brain power to fall back on as aging and disease be-
associated with early-onset Alzheimer's disease have since gin to take a toll on brain functioning (Gatz et ah, 2001).
been discovered (Williams, 2003). However, only about 5% of Several pieces of evidence suggest that using their brains—
cases of Alzheimer's disease begin before age 60; 95% are late- and in the process forming new synapses or even brain cells—
onset cases (Clark, 1999). may help people hang on to their cognitive abilities (Verghese
Genetic contributors to late-onset Alzheimer's disease are etal., 2003). ' •
not as clear-cut or strong. Rather than making Alzheimer's The search for causes, both genetic and environmental,
disease inevitable, they only increase a person's risk (Tanzi 8c continues. It increasingly appears that psychological disorders
Parson, 2000; Williams, 2003). One variant of a gene on such as autism, ADHD, and Alzheimer's disease are not dis-
Chromosome 19 that is responsible for the production of tinct abnormal entities. Rather, they sit at the extreme ends of
ApoE, a protein involved in processing cholesterol, may be es- dimensions of human difference, influenced by the same ge-
pecially important. Having two of the risk-inducing ApoE4 netic and environmental factors that contribute to variation
genes means having up to eight times the normal risk of throughout the population (Plomin et al., 2003).
Alzheimer's disease; having one of the genes means two to What is being done to prevent and treat Alzheimer's dis-
four times the normal risk (Hendrie, 2001). Having another ease? Because victims have a deficit in the neurotransmitter
variant of the ApoE4 gene means having a good chance of acetylcholine, which is essential for normal learning and
maintaining cognitive functioning into very late adulthood memory, researchers have developed drugs to correct this
(Riley et al., 2000). It is believed that the ApoE4 gene may in- problem and related problems in neural functioning. No pill
crease the buildup of beta-amyloid—the damaging substance to prevent or reverse Alzheimer's disease has yet been discov-
in senile plaques—and therefore speed the progression of ered, but some drugs are regularly prescribed (Aricept, or
Alzheimer's disease (National Institute on Aging, 2000). Yet donepezil, for example, and more recently Namenda, or me-
not everyone with the ApoE4 gene, or even a pair of them, de- mantine). They modestly improve cognitive functioning, re-
velops Alzheimer's disease, and many people with Alzheimer's duce behavioral problems, and slow the progression of the
disease lack the gene; therefore, other, as-yet unidentified disease in some patients (Grossberg & Desai, 2003). More
genes, environmental factors, or both must also play a role. such drugs are likely to follow, and researchers have hopes that
What environmental factors? Head injuries in earlier a vaccine that would make the immune system mount an at-
adulthood increase the risk of Alzheimer's disease (Plassman tack on beta-amyloid can be made to work, despite adverse re-
et al, 2000), and a diet that increases the odds of high choles- actions in the first trials with humans (Samuels & Davis,
terol and cardiovascular disease is recognized as another con- 2003).
tributor (Hendrie, 2001; Nourhasbemi et al., 2000). Moreover, Another promising approach attempts to combat the
people with little education are more at risk than people with buildup of beta-amyloid in the brain. Antioxidants such as vi-
tamins E and C may delay the onset and progression of Similarly, some elderly adults are mistakenly diagnosed as
Alzheimer's disease by inhibiting the damaging oxidating ef- suffering from irreversible dementia when they are experienc-
fects of beta-amyloid (National Institute on Aging, 2000). And ing delirium. This reversible condition emerges more rapidly
lending support to the view that high cholesterol levels associ- than dementia, comes and goes over the course of the day, and
ated with the ApoE4 gene contribute to dementia, it has been is a disturbance of consciousness characterized by periods of
found that statin drugs, widely prescribed for people with disorientation, wandering attention, confusion, and halluci-
high cholesterol, improve cognitive functioning in people nations (American Psychiatric Association, 1994; Cole, 2004).
with dementia (Hajjar et al., 2002). It is beginning to look as Up to 50% of elderly hospital patients experience it in reac-
though the same lifestyle factors that contribute to cardiovas- tion to any number of stressors—for example, illness, surgery,
cular disease (eating too much and not getting enough exer- drug overdoses, interactions of different drugs, or malnutri-
cise) increase the risk of dementia and that we can reduce our tion (Cole, 2004). It is essential to watch for signs of delirium,
odds of Alzheimer's disease by living a healthy lifestyle from identify possible causes such as an incorrect drug prescrip-
an early age (Pope, Shue, & Beck, 2003; Underwood, 2004). tion, and intervene to change them quickly so that the indi-
Even if Alzheimer's disease cannot be prevented entirely, vidual can return to normal quickly (Flaherty & Morley,
researchers are hopeful that its onset and progression can be 2004). Death rates are high among elderly patients who expe-
slowed, especially if it is detected early. And, even though de- rience delirium, are not identified, and are sent home from the
terioration leading to death must be expected in today's hospital without treatment for it (Kakuma et al., 2003).
Alzheimer's patients, a great deal can be done through the use Finally, elderly adults who are depressed are all too fre-
of medications for behavioral problems, educational pro- quently misdiagnosed as suffering from dementia because
grams and psychological interventions for patients and their late-life depression brings with it cognitive impairments such
caregivers, and memory training to help people with the dis- as being forgetful and mentally slow (Butters et al, 2004). As
ease and their family members understand and cope with de- you have seen, treatment with antidepressant drugs and psy-
mentia and function better (Grossberg & Desai, 2003; Kasl- chotherapy can dramatically improve the functioning of such
Godley & Gatz, 2000). individuals. However, if their depression goes undetected and
they are written off as senile, they, too, are likely to deteriorate
O t h e r Causes of Cognitive I m p a i r m e n t further.
The second most common type of dementia, often occurring
with Alzheimer's disease, is vascular dementia (Roman, 2003).
Also called multi-infarct dementia, it is caused by a series of
minor strokes that cut off the blood supply to areas of the
brain. Whereas Alzheimer's disease usually progresses slowly
and steadily, vascular dementia often progresses in a steplike
manner as each small stroke brings about a new deterioration
in functioning (American Psychiatric Association, 1994).
Whereas Alzheimer's disease impairs memory most, vascular
dementia may do its greatest damage to executive functions
(Roman, 2003). And whereas Alzheimer's disease is more
strongly influenced by genes, vascular dementia is more closely
associated with environmental risk factors for cerebrovascular
diseases that affect blood flow in the brain, such as smoking,
eating a fatty diet, and being obese (Bergem, Engedal, &
Kringlen, 1997; Kaplan & Sadock, 1998). Huntington's disease
(a genetic disorder described in Chapter 3), Parkinson's dis-
ease, and even AIDS are among the other possible causes of ir-
reversible dementia (Heston & White, 1991).
Some cases of dementia—perhaps 10 to 20%—are not
related to any of these causes and, more important, are re-
versible or curable (Gurland, 1991; Lipton & Weiner, 2003).
Such problems as alcoholism, toxic reactions to medication,
infections, metabolic disorders, and malnutrition can cause
symptoms of dementia. If these problems are corrected—for
example, if the individual is taken off a recently prescribed
medicine or is placed on a proper diet—a once "senile" person
can be restored to normal mental functioning. By contrast, if
that same person is written off as senile or as a victim of
Alzheimer's disease, a potentially curable condition may be- € Delirium is common among elderly hospital patients and can be
come a progressively worse and irreversible one. treated.
The moral is clear: It is critical to distinguish among irre- a two-pronged strategy of eliminating risk factors (such as
versible dementias (notably, dementia of the Alzheimer's type abusive parenting) and strengthening protective factors (such
and vascular dementia), reversible dementias, delirium, de- 'as social support). If prevention proves impossible, most psy-
pression, and other conditions that may be mistaken for irre- chological disorders and developmental problems can be
versible dementias—including old age. This requires a thor- treated successfully, enabling the individual to move back
ough assessment, including a medical history, physical and onto a healthier developmental pathway.
neurological examinations, and assessments of cognitive
functioning (Beck et al., 2000). Only after all other causes, es-
Summing Up
pecially potentially treatable ones, have been ruled out should
a diagnosis of Alzheimer's disease be made. Unfortunately, Probably because young adults e x p e r i e n c e more life
many primary care physicians fail to notice symptoms of de- strains and s t r e s s o r s than o l d e r adults do, m o s t p s y c h o -
mentia or do not appreciate the importance of thorough test- logical disorders besides t h o s e involving d e m e n t i a or
ing to determine the underlying problem and whether it is cognitive i m p a i r m e n t a r e m o r e c o m m o n in early adult-
treatable (Boise et al., 1999). h o o d than in later a d u l t h o o d . D e p r e s s i o n t e n d s t o be
So ends our tour of psychopathology across the life span. m o s t c o m m o n a m o n g w o m e n ; elderly adults may b e un-
It can be discouraging to read about the countless ways in derdiagnosed.The most c o m m o n forms o f dementia are
which genes and environment can conspire to make human Alzheimer's disease, in which a buildup o f beta-amyloid
development go awry and about the high odds that most of us within senile plaques d a m a g e s n e u r o n s , and vascular d e -
will experience a psychological disorder sometime during our mentia. T h e s e irreversible d e m e n t i a s must b e carefully
lives. Yet research provides an increasingly solid basis for at- distinguished from corrective conditions such as re-
tempting to prevent developmental psychopathology through versible d e m e n t i a s , delirium, and d e p r e s s i o n . H
8. Risks of depression rise during adolescence, especially among

females. Adolescents, in a cry for help, are more likely to attempt but
1. To diagnose psychological disorders, clinicians consider sta- less likely to commit suicide than adults.,
tistical deviance, maladaptiveness, and personal distress and use 9. Young adults experience both more life strains and more psy-
DSM-IV. Developmental psychopathology is concerned with the ori- chological disorders, including depression, than older adults.
gins and course of psychopathology; a diathesis-stress model has 10. Alzheimer's disease and vascular dementia, both irre-
proved useful in understanding how nature and nurture contribute versible -dementias, must be carefully distinguished from cor-
to psychological disorders. rectible conditions such as reversible dementias, delirium, and
2. Autism is characterized by deviant social responses, language depression.
and communication deficits, and repetitive behavior. It is genetically
influenced, involves several key cognitive impairments, and responds
to early behavioral training. Critical Thinking
3. Infants who have been emotionally starved, maltreated, or
separated from attachment figures, including infants whose parents 1. Some say individuals with psychological disorders are quali-
are depressed and infants suffering from failure to thrive, display de- tatively different from other people, whereas others say they just dif-
pression-like symptoms. fer in degree, or quantitatively, from other people. Make both of these
4. Children with ADHD, an externalizing disorder, display inat- cases, using information in this chapter about two disorders.
tention, impulsivity, and hyperactivity. Stimulant drugs and behav- 2. Peggy, the young woman described at the beginning of the
ioral training help, but many with ADHD do not entirely outgrow chapter, attempted suicide. Use the material on suicide in this chap-
their problems. ter to explain why she might have done so, showing how both diathe-
5. Diagnosable depression, an internalizing disorder, can occur sis and stress may have contributed.
during childhood. It manifests itself somewhat differently at different 3. Lucille has struggled with major depressive disorder on and
ages, tends to recur, and can be treated successfully with antidepres- off for her entire life. Describe how she may have expressed her de-
sant drugs and psychotherapy. pression as an infant, preschool child, school-age child, adolescent,
6. It is too simple to view "bad" parenting as the cause of all child- adult, and elderly adult.
hood problems; heredity also contributes. Despite some continuity, 4. Grandpa Fred is starting to display memory problems; some-
many childhood problems, especially mild ones, are only temporary. times he asks questions that he just asked, forgets where he left his car
7. Adolescents are more vulnerable than children but no more keys, and cannot come up with the names of visiting grandchildren.
vulnerable than adults to psychological disorders. Anorexia nervosa Fred's son Will is convinced that his father has Alzheimer's disease
arises when a genetically predisposed female who lives in a society and is a lost cause. What possibilities would you like to rule out be-
that strongly encourages dieting experiences stressful events. fore accepting that conclusion—and why?
Autism
The Autism Society of America promotes research, education, advo-
DSM-IV, 456 somatic symptoms, 465 cacy, and awareness of issues related to this condition. Its website
provides access to several informative articles.
major depressive disorder, 456 failure to thrive, 466
developmental externalizing problem, 467 Attention Deficit Hyperactivity Disorder
psychopathology, 457 internalizing problem, 467 The organization Children and Adults with Attention Deficit
social norm, 458 attention deficit hyperactivity Hyperactivity Disorder provides support and information lo indi-
diathesis-stress model, 459 disorder (ADHD), 467 viduals with ADHD.
autism, 460 comorbidity, 467 The Attention Deficit Disorder Association also has a useful site.
echolalia, 461 anorexia nervosa, 473
Asperger syndrome, 461 bulimia nervosa, 473 Alzheimer's Disease
theory-of-mind hypothesis, 461 The Alzheimer's Association website offers much useful information
dementia, 478
about the fundamentals of Alzheimer's disease; see especially the list
executive dysfunction Alzheimer's disease, 479
*
of Ten Warning Signs that families can use to help them distinguish
hypothesis, 462 beta-amyloid, 479 between normal cognitive decline and emerging Alzheimer's disease.
executive function, 462 vascular dementia, 481 Another useful site is the Alzheimer's Disease Education and
weak central coherence Referral Center by the National Institute on Aging, with a searchable
delirium, 481
hypothesis, 462 database and a progress report on Alzheimer's research that was cited
in this chapter.
extreme male brain
hypothesis, 462

Media Resources chapter, try the exercises for these figures at http://psychology
. wadsworth. com/sigelrnan_rider5e:
Websites to Explore
Figure 16.3 Relationships between behavior at age 3 and psy-
Visit Our Website chological disorders at age 21
Figure 16.5 Elderly white males are most at risk for suicide
sigelrna.n_rider5e. You can also connect directly to the following sites:
General Resources on Psychological Disorders Go to the Wadsworth Life-Span CD-ROM for further
The National Institute-of Mental Health website provides general in- study of the concepts in this chapter. The CD-ROM in-
formation and research updates on most of the disorders described cludes narrated concept overviews, video clips, a multimedia glos-
in this chapter. sary, and additional activities to expand your learning experience.
Another good reference, Mental Help Net, is a searchable site For this chapter, check out the following clip, and others, in the video
that includes pages on most disorders and on a variety of mental library:
health topics, references to other websites, and help in finding thera- VIDEO Alzheimer's Disease: A Daughter's Experience
pists. For fun, take your problems to the computer therapist, Eliza
Oracle. DEVELOPMENTAL
TM
M
Depression
Information about depression is available at the preceding general
sites, but die Planet Rx website Depression.com has helpful informa-
tion about research on and treatment of depression.
The TeenScreen program from Columbia University is a re-
.wadsworth.com/sigehnari_rider5e/riow.
source for school and mental health professionals and other leaders
who want to begin a mental health and suicide risk screening effort
in their own communities.
Dying to Be Thin
Watch this PBS program to learn more about the increasing preva-
lence of debilitating eating disorders. The companion website pro-
vides resources for seeking help and answers to frequently asked
questions. You can also read testimonies from readers and viewers
and learn more about the occurrence of eating disorders among
men.
«
c h a p t e r s e v e n t e e n
Tli C JL I J l c t
D e at li anc
L i f e a n d Death. Issues T k e E x p erienee of Tlie Adult

W h a t Is D e a t h ? Bereavement Death in t h e Family Context
Biological Definitions of Death The Parkes/Bowlby Attachment
The Loss of a Spouse
Social Meanings of Death The Loss of a Child
W h a t K i l l s Us a n d W h e n ? The Loss of a Parent
Some Evidence
Challenges t o t h e Grief W o r k
Perspective
1 lieories o 1' A g i n g : W'ky D o T l ie I n f a n t W h o Copes a n d W h o S u c c u m b s ?
"We Age an J D i e ? Personal Resources
Programmed Theories The Nature of the Loss
Tlie Ckild The Context of Supports and
Damage Theories
Grasping the Concept of Death Stressors
Nature and Nurture Conspiring
The Dying Child B e r e a v e m e n t and- H u m a n
Development
The Bereaved Child
Tlie Experience of Dying
Kubler-Ross's Stages o f D y i n g T a k i n g tlie Sting' O u t
T l ie
of Death
For t h e Dying
For t h e B e r e a v e d
K E L L Y C O L A S A N T P S H U S B A N D C H R I S was one
o f t h e unlucky p e o p l e w o r k i n g in t h e W o r l d T r a d e C e n t e r
There is a good deal of confusion in our society today about
o n S e p t e m b e r I I, 2 0 0 1 . T h e n e x t m o r n i n g , Kelly's 4 - y e a r - o l d
when life begins and when it ends. Proponents and opponents
d a u g h t e r C a r a s t o o d o u t s i d e h e r b e d r o o m , and Kelly had t o
of legalized abortion argue vehemently about when life really
say s o m e t h i n g ( M a r a n i s s , Hull, & S c h w a r t z m a n , 2 0 0 1 , p. A 1 8 ) :
begins. And we hear similarly heated debates about whether a
C a r a had n o t w a n t e d t o a c c e p t h e r m o t h e r ' s w o r d a t f i r s t person in an irreversible coma is truly alive and whether a ter-
" M a y b e D a d d y fainted," s h e said h o u r s a f t e r s h e had b e e n minally ill patient who is in agonizing pain should be kept
t o l d . "If h e did faint," Kelly a n s w e r e d , " h e also stopped alive with the help of life support machines or allowed to die
b r e a t h i n g and died." S h e could n o t believe h e r o w n w o r d s , naturally. Definitions of death as a biological phenomenon
b u t if nothing e l s e , C a r a had t o k n o w t h e t r u t h . change; so do the social meanings attached to death.
W h e n t h e h o u s e e m p t i e d , Kelly gave C a r a a b a t h ,
d r e s s e d h e r in p a j a m a s and h e l p e d h e r i n t o b e d . S h e lay
d o w n in t h e adjoining t r u n d l e b e d and s t a r t e d t o tell a
Biological death is hard to define because it is not a single
s t o r y t h a t C h r i s loved t o tell a b o u t his c h i l d h o o d — o n l y
event but a process (Medina, 1996). Different systems of the
s h e c o u l d n ' t tell it s o well. A t t h e e n d o f t h e s t o r y , t h e 4 -
body die at different rates, and some individuals who have
y e a r - o l d o r d e r e d h e r t o leave and s u g g e s t e d t h a t s h e g o
stopped breathing or who lack a heartbeat or pulse, and who
i n t o t h e o t h e r r o o m and r e a d H a r r y P o t t e r . Kelly w a s
would have been declared dead in earlier times, can now be re-
c r u s h e d ; s h e w a n t e d t o s l e e p right t h e r e n e x t t o her
vived before their brains cease to function. Moreover, basic
daughter. S h e w a n d e r e d a c r o s s t h e hall and fell into b e d ,
bodily processes such as respiration and blood circulation can
t h e n g o t up and w e n t t o t h e c l o s e t f o r C h r i s ' s blue and
be maintained by life support machines in patients who have
g r e e n flannel b a t h r o b e , t h e o n e he'd had f o r e v e r . S h e
fallen into a coma and whose brains have ceased to function.
t o o k t h e r o b e t o b e d , burying h e r f a c e in t h e c l o t h , again
In 1968 an ad hoc committee of the Harvard Medical
t r y i n g t o smell him. H e r c h e s t w e n t c o l d and h e r ribs
School offered a definition of biological death that has influ-
a c h e d and s h e o p e n e d h e r e y e s , staring a t t h e ceiling. My
enced modern legal definitions of death (Berger, 1993). The
h u s b a n d is d e a d , s h e said. I'm a l o n e .
Harvard group defined biological death as total brain death:
Death hurts. Whether we are 4, 34, or 84 when death an irreversible loss of functioning in the entire brain, both the
strikes a loved one, it still hurts. By adulthood, most of us have higher centers of the cerebral cortex that are involved in
experienced a significant loss, even if it was "only" the death of thought and the lower centers of the brain that control basic
a beloved pet. Even when death is not striking so closely, it is life processes such as breathing. Specifically, to be judged dead
there, lurking somewhere in the background as we go about a person must meet the following criteria:
the tasks of living—in the newspaper, on television, fleeting
1. Be totally unresponsive to stimuli, including painful
through our minds. Some psychologists argue that much of
ones
human behavior is an effort to defend against the terror of
2. Fail to move for 1 hour and fail to breathe for 3 minutes
death (Pyszczynski, Solomon, & Greenberg, 2003). Yet sooner
after being removed from a ventilator
or later we all face the ultimate developmental task: the task of
3. Have no reflexes (for example, no eye blink and no con-
dying.
striction of the eye's pupil in response to light)
This chapter explores death and its place in life-span hu-
4. Register a flat electroencephalogram, indicating an ab-
man development. What is death, and why do we die? How
sence of electrical activity in the cortex of the brain
have theorists characterized the experiences of dying and be-
reaved people? How is death experienced in infancy, child- As an added precaution, the testing procedure is repeated
hood, adolescence, and adulthood? Why do some individuals 24 hours later. Moreover, because a coma is sometimes re-
cope far more ably with death than others do? You will dis- versible if the cause is either a drug overdose or an abnormally
cover that death is part of the human experience throughout low body temperature, these conditions must be ruled out be-
the life span, but that each person s experience of it depends fore a coma victim is pronounced dead.
on his level of development, personality, life circumstances, Now consider some of the life and death issues that have
and sociocultural context. Finally, you will see what can be revolved around this definition of biological death. In 1975, a
done to help dying and bereaved individuals. now famous young woman named Karen Ann Quinlan lapsed
into a coma at a party, probably because of the combination
of alcohol and drugs she had consumed (Cantor, 2001;
Urofsky, 1993). Quinlan was unconscious, but her bodily
L i t e a n d D e a t l i Issues functioning was maintained with the aid of a ventilator and
other life support systems. When a court finally granted her
What is death? When are we most vulnerable to it, and what parents permission to turn off the respirator, on the grounds
kills us? And why is it that all of us eventually die of "old age" that patients are entitled to choose their own course of treat-
if we do not die earlier? These "life and death" questions serve ment (or to have their surrogates do so on their behalf),
to introduce the topic of death and dying. Quinlan continued to breathe without it, much to everyone's
D o you believe in euthanasia if a p e r s o n is terminally ill
and in c o n s t a n t pain? B e f o r e you answer, n o t e t h a t
t h e r e are t w o v e r y different f o r m s o f euthanasia. A c t i v e
euthanasia, o r " m e r c y killing," is d e l i b e r a t e l y and directly
causing a p e r s o n ' s d e a t h — f o r e x a m p l e , by administering a
lethal d o s e o f drugs t o a pain-racked p a t i e n t in t h e late
stages o f c a n c e r o r s m o t h e r i n g a s p o u s e w h o is in t h e late
stages o f A l z h e i m e r ' s d i s e a s e . Passive euthanasia, by c o n -
t r a s t , m e a n s allowing a terminally ill p e r s o n t o die o f nat-
ural c a u s e s — f o r e x a m p l e , by withholding extraordinary
life-saving treatments, as happened when Karen Ann
Quinlan w a s r e m o v e d f r o m h e r respirator. B e t w e e n active
euthanasia and passive euthanasia is assisted suicide—
n o t killing s o m e o n e , as in active euthanasia, but making
available t o a p e r s o n w h o w i s h e s t o die t h e m e a n s by
which she may d o so. This includes physician-assisted
s u i c i d e — f o r e x a m p l e , a d o c t o r ' s writing a p r e s c r i p t i o n f o r life s u p p o r t m e a s u r e s (Cantor, 2 0 0 1 ) . A l i v i n g w i l l , o r an
sleeping pills a t t h e r e q u e s t of a terminally ill patient w h o advance directive, allows p e o p l e t o s t a t e , w h e n they a r e
has made known h e r d e s i r e t o die, in full k n o w l e d g e t h a t healthy and o f sound mind, t h a t they do n o t w a n t any e x -
she will probably t a k e an o v e r d o s e (Quill, 1 9 9 3 ) . traordinary medical procedures applied if they become
H o w do w e as a s o c i e t y view t h e s e options? T h e r e is hopelessly ill.
overwhelming s u p p o r t a m o n g medical p e r s o n n e l and m e m - In 1997, O r e g o n b e c a m e t h e first s t a t e t o legalize physi-
b e r s o f t h e general public f o r passive euthanasia (Stillion & cian-assisted suicide and allow terminally ill adults t o re-
M c D o w e l l , 1 9 9 6 ) . A n d m o r e than 6 8 % o f a T e x a s sample e x - q u e s t lethal medication. Although few p e o p l e have used this
pressed s u p p o r t f o r assisted suicide, especially w h e n t h e as- option ( W i n e b e r g & W e r t h , 2 0 0 3 ) , o t h e r s t a t e s have n o t fol-
sistance is provided by a d o c t o r r a t h e r than by a relative o r lowed O r e g o n ' s e x a m p l e . Indeed, several states have since
friend ( W o r t h e n & Yeatts, 2 0 0 0 - 2 0 0 1 ) . In addition, a sur- passed laws against assisted suicide (Emanuel, 2 0 0 1 ) . This
prising majority of A m e r i c a n s s u p p o r t active euthanasia in caution may b e w a r r a n t e d , b e c a u s e terminal patients e x p e -
which a d o c t o r ends a patient's life by s o m e painless means r i e n c e s o many e m o t i o n a l ups and d o w n s t h a t it can be dif-
if t h e patient and his family r e q u e s t it (Caddell & N e w t o n , ficult t o be certain t h a t t h e y truly w a n t t o end their lives
1995). Minority group m e m b e r s s e e m less accepting o f ac- ( C h o c h i n o v e t al., 1999). In addition, terminally ill patients
tions t o hasten death than European A m e r i c a n s , however, are s o m e t i m e s in n o shape t o make life-or-death decisions,
possibly b e c a u s e they d o n o t t r u s t t h e medical establish- and o t h e r s speaking f o r t h e m may n o t always have t h e i r
m e n t as much ( W e r t h e t al., 2 0 0 2 ) . b e s t i n t e r e s t s a t h e a r t ( C a n t o r , 2 0 0 1 ; Mishara, 1999).
Although active euthanasia is still viewed as m u r d e r in On many life-or-death issues, right-to-die advocates,
t h e United States and m o s t c o u n t r i e s , it is n o w legal in m o s t w h o maintain t h a t p e o p l e should have a say in h o w they die,
s t a t e s t o withhold e x t r a o r d i n a r y life-extending t r e a t m e n t s fight right-to-life advocates, w h o say t h a t everything possi-
from terminally ill patients and t o "pull t h e plug" on life sup- ble should be d o n e t o maintain life and t h a t nothing should
p o r t e q u i p m e n t w h e n t h a t is t h e wish o f t h e dying p e r s o n b e d o n e t o cut it s h o r t . It makes s e n s e t o think through
o r w h e n t h e immediate family can s h o w that t h e individual t h e s e issues n o w in c a s e you must s o m e d a y decide w h e t h e r
e x p r e s s e d , when she was able t o do so, a desire t o r e j e c t you o r a loved o n e should live o r die.
surprise. She lived on in a vegetative state, lacking all con- dead, even though she was in an irreversible coma, because the
sciousness and being fed through a tube, for 10 years. lower portion of her brain (the brain stem) was still function-
This famous right-to-die case highlighted the different ing enough to support breathing and other basic bodily func-
positions people can take on the issue of when a person is tions. Should not we keep such seemingly hopeless patients
dead. The position laid out in the Harvard definition of total alive in case we discover ways to revive them? A more liberal
brain death (and in the laws of most states and nations) is position is that a person should be declared dead when the
quite conservative. By the Harvard criteria, Quinlan was not cerebral cortex is irreversibly dead, even if bodily functioning
is still maintained by the more primitive portions of the brain.
After all, is a person really a person if she lacks any awareness
and if there is no hope that conscious mental activity will be
restored?
Cases such as Quinlan s raise issues concerning euthana-
sia—a term meaning "happy" or "good" death that usually
refers to hastening the death of someone suffering from an in-
curable illness or injury. The Explorations box on page 486 ex-
plores some of these issues. Clearly, we as a society continue to
grapple with defining life and death and deciding whether eu-
thanasia is morally and legally acceptable (Cantor, 2001;
Emanuel, 2001).
Social Meanings of D e a t h
Death is not only a biological process but also a psychological
and social one. The social meanings attached to death vary
widely from historical era to historical era and from culture to
culture (Rosenblatt, 2001). Indeed, you have just discovered
that society defines who is dead and who is alive. True, people
everywhere die, and people everywhere grieve deaths.
Moreover, all societies have evolved some manner of reacting
to this universal experience—of interpreting its meaning, dis-
posing of corpses, and expressing grief. Beyond these univer-
sals, however, the similarities end.
As Phillippe Aries (1981) has shown, the social meanings
of death have changed over the course of history. In Europe
during the Middle Ages, people were expected to recognize
that their deaths were approaching so that they could bid
their farewells and die with dignity surrounded by loved
ones. Since the late 19th century, Aries argues, Western soci-
eties have engaged in a "denial of death." We have taken death
out of the home and put it in the hospital and funeral parlor € Mourning rituals differ considerably from culture t o culture.
to be managed by physicians and funeral directors; as a result,
we have less direct experience with it than our ancestors did
(Rocke & Cherry, 2002; Taylor, 2003). We have made death a Depending on the society, "funerals are the occasion for
medical failure rather than a natural part of the life cycle. avoiding people or holding pcirties, for fighting or having sex-
Right-to-die and death-with-dignity advocates have been ar- ual orgies, for weeping or laughing, in a thousand different
guing forcefully that we should return to the old ways, bring- combinations" (Metcalf 8c Huntington, 1991, p. 24). Corpses
ing death into the open, allowing it to occur more naturally, are treated in a remarkable number of ways, too: They "are
and making it again an experience to be shared within the burned or buried, with or without animal or human sacrifice;
family. they are preserved by smoking, embalming, or pickling; they
The experience of dying also differs from culture to cul- are eaten—raw, cooked, or rotten; they are ritually exposed as
ture today. A comparison of the experiences of terminal can- carrion or simply abandoned; or they are dismembered and
cer patients in Scotland and Kenya is revealing (Murray et al., treated in a variety of these ways" (Metcalf 8c Huntington,
2003). Scottish patients had far better medical care because 1991, p. 24). In most societies, there is some concept of spiri-
their government provided free health care, social services, tual immortality. Yet here, too, there is much variety, from
and financial aid, but they often felt that their emotional concepts of heaven and hell to the idea of reincarnation to a
needs were not met and worried about burdening their fami- belief in ancestral ghosts who can meddle in the lives of the
lies. In Kenya, patients lived in poverty and had no money living (Rosenblatt, 1993).
with which to buy pain relievers, much less hospital care. We need not look beyond North America to find consid-
Their main concern was fighting unbearable pain; yet they felt erable variation in the social meanings of death. Different eth-
that their psychological, social, and spiritual needs were well nic and racial groups clearly have different rules for express-
met by their families, communities, and religious groups. ing grief. For example, it is customary among Puerto Ricans,
Finally, if we look at how people in other cultures grieve especially women, to display intense, hysterical emotions after
and mourn a death, we quickly realize that there are many al- a death (Cook 8c Dworkin, 1992). Japanese Americans, by
ternatives to our Western ways and no single, biologically contrast, are likely to have been taught to restrain their grief—
mandated grieving process (Klass, 2001; Rosenblatt, 2001). to smile so as not to burden others with their pain and to
avoid the shame associated with losing self-control (Cook & Death rates change over the life span. Infants are relatively
Dworkin, 1992). vulnerable; infant mortality in the United States has dropped
Different ethnic and racial groups also have different -considerably, however, and now stands at 7 out of 1000 live
mourning practices. Irish Americans have traditionally be- births (U.S. Bureau of the Census, 2003). Assuming that we
lieved that the dead deserve a good send-off, a wake with food, survive infancy, we have a relatively small chance of dying
drink, and jokes—the kind of party the deceased might have during childhood, adolescence, or early adulthood. Death
enjoyed (McGoldrick et al., 1991). African Americans tend to rates then climb steadily throughout middle age and old age.
regard the funeral not as a time for rowdy celebration but as a What kills us? The leading causes of death change dra-
forum for expressing grief, in some congregations by wailing matically over the life span, as shown in Table 17.1 (Freid et
and singing spirituals (McGoldrick et al., 1991; Perry, 1993). al., 2003). Infant deaths are mainly associated with complica-
Jewish families are even more restrained; they quietly with- tions in the period surrounding birth and congenital abnor-
draw from normal activities for a week of mourning, called malities that infants bring with them to life. The leading cause
shivahy then honor the dead again at the 1-month and 1-year of death among preschool and school-age children is acci-
marks (Cytron, 1993). The tradition among die Navajos is to dents (especially car accidents but also poisonings, falls, fires,
try to forget the loved one rapidly and resume normal activi- drownings, and so on). Adolescence and early adulthood are
ties after only 3 or 4 days of mourning (Cook & Dworkin, generally periods of good health. Accidents (especially car ac-
1992). cidents), homicides, and suicides are the leading killers of
In short, the experiences of dying individuals and of their adolescents; accidents and cancers kill young adults, but heart
survivors are shaped by the historical and cultural context in diseases also begin to.take a toll.
which death occurs. Death maybe universal, and the tendency Starting in the 45-to-64 age group, cancers and heart dis-
to react negatively to the loss of the objects of our attachment eases begin to dominate the list of leading killers, probably be-
may be universal (Parkes, 2000), but our specific experiences cause certain individuals' genetic endowments, unhealthy
of death and dying are not. Death is truly what we make of it;
there is no one "right" way to die or to grieve a death.
How long are we likely to live, and what is likely to kill us? In
the United States the life expectancy at birth—the average
number of years a newborn can be expected to live—is 76[A
United Kingdom
years (Freid et al., 2003). This average life expectancy disguises
important differences between males and females, among
Czech Republic
racial and ethnic groups, and among social classes. The life ex-
pectancy for white males has risen to almost 75 years, whereas
Mexico
the life expectancy for white females is almost 80 years. Female
hormones seem to protect women from high blood pressure
and heart problems, and they are less vulnerable than men to
violent deaths and accidents and to the effects of smoking,
drinking, and similar health hazards (Kaplan 8c Erickson,
2000). No one is sure of all the reasons, but females live longer
than men in most other countries as well. Meanwhile, life ex-
pectancies for African Americans, many of whom experience
the health hazards associated with poverty, are a good deal
lower than those for European Americans: 68 years for males, Brazil
75 years for females. Life expectancies are also lower—and
have been rising less rapidly—in poor areas than in affluent South Africa
areas (Malmstrom et al., 1999).
Life expectancies have increased steadily over the cen- Uganda
turies, from 30 years in ancient Rome to around 80 years in
modern affluent societies such as Japan and Sweden (Harman,
2001). Life expectancies in some countries lag far behind,
however, as illustrated in Figure 17.1. In less-developed coun-
tries plagued by malaria, famine, AIDS, and other such F i g u r e 17.1 Male and female life expectancies at birth in selected
killers—in Uganda, for example—the life expectancy barely countries. Life expectancies vary widely from country t o country but
exceeds 40 years (Kinsella & Gist, 1998; U.S. Agency for are generally higher for females than for males.
International Development, 2000). SOIJRCF: Data from Kinsella & Gist (1998).
Table 17.1 Leadi ng Causes of I)eath for Different Age Ciroups in the United States i m p h r i b
Age Group Total Deaths No, 1 Cause No. 2 Cause No. 3 Cause
Under 1 year 27,568 Congenital anomalies Short gestation, low birth weight Sudden infant death syndrome
1 to 4 years 5,107 Accidents Congenital anomalies Cancers
5 to 14 years 7,095 Accidents Cancers Congenital anomalies
15 to 24 years 32,252 Accidents Homicide Suicide
25 to 44 years 133,357 Accidents Cancers Heart disease
45 to 64 years 412,204 Cancers Heart disease Accidents
65 years and older 1,798,420 Heart disease Cancers Cerebrovascular diseases
SOURCE: Based on data from Freid et a l , 2003> Table 32, pp. 148-149.
lifestyles, or both put them at risk to develop these and other age 122 (Coles, 2004). Nearly blind and deaf and confined to
diseases prematurely (Horiuchi et al., 2003). The incidence of a wheelchair, she maintained her sense of humor to the end,
chronic diseases climbs steadily with age. Among adults 65 attributing her longevity to everything from having a stomach
cc
and older, heart disease leads the list by far, accounting for a like an ostrich's" to being forgotten by God (Trueheart,
third of all deaths, followed by cancers and cerebrovascular 1997). Calment and others who live almost as long are the ba-
diseases (strokes). By this age, general aging processes that af- sis for setting the maximum human life span around 120
fect all of us are probably increasing the odds that one disease years. There are probably only about 300 to 450 people docu-
or another will strike (Horiuchi et al., 2003). mented to be age 110 and older alive today (Coles, 2004).
In sum, life expectancies are higher than ever. After we Interestingly, the maximum life span has not increased much
make it through the vulnerable period of infancy, we are at but the average life expectancy has been increasing dramati-
low risk of death through early adulthood and are most likely cally (Wilmoth et al., 2000).
to die suddenly because of an accident if we do die. As wTe age, Humans are long-lived compared with most species. The
we become more vulnerable to death, especially because of maximum life span for the mouse is 3V2 years, for the dog 20,
chronic diseases. But now a more fundamental question: Why for the chimpanzee 50, and for the long-lived Galapagos tor-
is it that all of us die? Why does no one live to be 200 or 600? toise 150 (Walford, 1983). The fact that each species has its
To understand why death is an inevitable part of human de- own characteristic maximum life span should convince us
velopment, you need the help of theories of aging. that specieswide genes influence how7 long people generally
live.
Moreover, we know that the individual's genetic makeup,
combined with environmental factors, influences how rapidly
T l i e o r i e s of Agfingf: W k y D o he ages and how long he lives compared with other humans.
For example, genetic differences among us account for more
We Ago a n d D i e ? than 50% of variation in the ability to stay free of major
chronic diseases at age 70 or older (Reed & Dick, 2003). A
There is no simple answer to the question of why we age and fairly good way to estimate how long you will live is to average
die. However, several theories have been proposed, and each of the longevity of your parents and grandparents (Medvedev,
them says something important about the aging process. 1991). Recently, Terry Reed and his colleagues (2004) at-
These theories can be divided into two main categories: tempted to identify specific genes associated with long life in
Programmed theories of aging emphasize the systematic ge- pairs of male fraternal twins who both made it to age 70 free
netic control of aging processes; damage theories of aging call of cardiovascular disease and prostate cancer. Several genes
attention to more haphazard processes that cause errors in were located, including one on Chromosome 4 that had pre-
cells to accumulate and organ systems to deteriorate (Clark, viously been found in families with many centenarians.
1999; Hayflick, 2004; Wickens, 1998).-The question, really, is Centenarians, it turns out, have exceptionally good cardiovas-
whether aging and death are the result of a biological master cular health.
plan or of random insults to the body while wre live. It is not clear yet exactly how genes influence aging and
longevity. There are almost certainly several genes, rather than
only one, involved in aging and death. And they are not just
genes that increase or decrease susceptibility to the diseases
Humans, like other species, have a characteristic maximum that tend to kill people; they include genes that influence the
life span—a ceiling on the number of years that anyone lives. human life span. Evolutionary theorists point to a puzzle:
The longest documented and verified life so far is that of Genes that extend or shorten life will not be selected for in the
Jeanne Louise Calment, a French woman who died in 1997 at course of evolution because they do not become relevant to
adaptation until the reproductive years are over (Arking,
2004). However, genes that proved adaptive to our ancestors
early in life but have negative effects later in life could have be-
come common in our species over time (Olshansky & Carnes,
2004). For example, recent research suggests that a gene called
p53, which protects against cancer early in life by affecting
how cells respond to damage, can, if it is made overly active
through genetic manipulation, contribute to cell aging
(Dumble et al., 2004; Ferbeyre & Lowe, 2002). This suggests
that cancer protection early in life may come at the price of
aging later in life. If other such intriguingfindingsemerge, we
might have to conclude that aging and death are the by-prod-
ucts of genes that served humans well during their reproduc-
tive years and therefore became more common in the species.
Biological researchers have also been exploring for some
time the possibility that we are programmed with an "aging
clock" in every cell of our bodies. Their work has built on that
of Leonard Hayflick (1976,1994), who grew cells in cultures, al-
lowed them to divide or double, and measured the number of
doublings that occurred. He discovered that cells from human
embryos could double only a certain number of times—50
times, plus or minus 10—an estimate now referred to as the
Hayflick limit. Hayflick also demonstrated that cells taken from
human adults divide even fewer times, presumably because they
have already used up some of their capacity for reproducing
themselves. Moreover, the maximum life span of a species is re-
lated to the Hayflick limit for that species: The short-lived
mouses cells can go through only 14 to 28 doublings; the long-
lived Galapagos tortoises cells can manage 90 to 125. <L Children with the genetic disorder progeria experience early gray-
Some believe that the cellular aging clock suggested by ing, wrinkling, and hair loss, cardiovascular problems, Alzheimer's dis-
Hayflick's limit on cell division is timed by a shortening of ease, and death.They provide clues t o the genetic basis for aging.
telomeres—the stretches of DNA that form the tips of chro-

mosomes (Bodnar et al., 1998; Klapper, Parwaresch, 8< Krupp,
2001). When a cell divides, each of its chromosomes replicates division—for example, in stopping cells with genetic errors
itself, but the chromosome's telomere does not. Instead, half from dividing (Ly et al., 2000).
of the telomere goes to one of the newly formed chromo- Other programmed theories of aging have centered on
somes and half goes to the other. The result is shorter telo- genetically guided, systematic changes in body systems, such
meres as we age; eventually, the theory goes, this progressive as the neuroendocrine system and the immune system
shortening of telomeres makes cells unable to replicate and (Cristofalo, 1996; Knight, 2000). We know that the hypothal-
causes them to malfunction and die. It is not yet clear whether amus of the brain, guided by a genetic program, sets in mo-
an eventual inability of cells to divide can explain the death of tion the hormonal changes responsible for puberty and
the whole organism (Masutomi et al., 2003; Wiclcens, 1998). menopause (see Chapter 5). Possibly the hypothalamus also
Still, the idea that telomeres function as an aging clock within serves as an aging clock, systematically altering levels of hor-
cells is a good example of a theory maintaining that aging and mones cind brain chemicals in later life so that bodily func-
death are genetically programmed processes. tioning is no longer regulated properly and we die. Or perhaps
Using techniques of modern genetic analysis, researchers aging is related to genetically governed changes in the im-
are identifying specific genes that become more or less active mune system that decrease its ability to defend against poten-
from middle age to old age and that therefore may be impli- tially life-threatening foreign agents such as infections and
cated in the basic aging process (Ly et al., 2000). Many of the cause it to mistake normal cells for invaders (Wickens, 1998).
genes that become less active with age in normal adults are All of these programmed theories of aging hold that aging and
also inactive in children who have progeria, a genetic disorder dying are the inevitable products of our biological endow-
caused by a spontaneous (rather than inherited) gene muta- ment as humans, and all have some support.
tion. The genetic mutation affects the membrane surrounding
the nuclei of cells and makes victims age prematurely and die
in their teens, often of heart disease (DeBuslc, 1972; Eriksson
et al., 2003). Many of the genes that normally become inactive In contrast to programmed theories of aging, damage theories
with age also turn out to be involved in regulating cell generally propose that wear and tear—an accumulation of
haphazard or random damage to cells and organs over the in endocrine functioning and the immune system all suggest
years—ultimately causes death. Like cars> we may have a lim- that aging and dying are genetically controlled. By contrast,
ited warranty and simply give out after a certain number of damage theories of aging hold that we eventually succumb to
years of use; as S. Jay Olshansky and Bruce Carnes (2004) put haphazard destructive processes, most notably those caused
it, aging and death can be viewed as "the inadvertent but in- by free radicals, that result in increasingly faulty DNA and ab-
evitable by-products of the degradation of biological struc- normal cell functioning and ultimately a breakdown some-
tures and processes that evolved for growth, development, and where in the system.
reproduction rather than extended operation" (p. 154). Early Neither of these broad theories of aging has proved to be
in life, cells replicate themselves faithfully; later in life, this fi- the explanation; instead, many interacting mechanisms in-
delity is lost and ceils become increasingly damaged. Damage volving both aging processes and disease processes are at work
theorists believe that random damage, rather than genetically (Holliday, 2004; Knight, 2000). For example, genes influence
programmed change, is what biological aging is all about the capacity of cells to repair environmentally caused damage,
(Hayflick, 2004; Olshansky & Carnes, 2004). and the random damage caused by free radicals alters genetic
According to the most promising damage theory, free material. John Medina (1996) put it this way: "Toxic waste
radical theory, toxic by-products of the metabolism of oxy- products accumulate because genes shut off. Genes shut off
gen damage cells and their functioning (Harman, 2001; because toxic waste products accumulate" (p. 291). In short,
Wickens, 1998). Free radicals are molecules that have an ex- nature and nurture, biological and environmental factors, in-
tra or "free" electron, are chemically unstable, and react with teract to bring about aging and dying—just as they interact to
other molecules in the body to produce substances that dam- produce development.
age normal cells, including their DNA. Over time, the genetic The Applications box on page 492 explores efforts to ap-
code contained in the DNA of more cells becomes scrambled, ply research on theories of aging to the task of extending life,
and the body's mechanisms for repairing such genetic dam- or finding the elusive fountain of youth. However, none of our
age simply cannot keep up with the chaos. More cells then efforts to delay death will keep us from dying. So turn to the
function improperly or cease to function, and the organism question of how humans cope with death and dying.
eventually dies.
*
"Age spots" on the skin of older people are a visible sign Summing Up
of the damage free radicals and other products of oxidation
In defining d e a t h as a biological p r o c e s s , t h e Harvard
can cause. Free radicals have also been implicated in some of
definition of total brain death has been influential;
the major diseases that become more common with age—
m e a n w h i l e , active e u t h a n a s i a and assisted suicide are
most notably, cardiovascular diseases, cancer, and
c o n t r o v e r s i a l . O u r s o c i e t y t e n d s t o d e n y d e a t h , but t h e
Alzheimer's disease (Harman, 2001). Moreover, they are im-
social m e a n i n g s o f d e a t h vary widely. T h e a v e r a g e life
plicated in the aging of the brain (Poon et al., 2004).
e x p e c t a n c y f o r a n e w b o r n in t h e U n i t e d S t a t e s is 7 6 / 7
However, the damage of most concern is damage to DNA be-
y e a r s and is higher f o r w o m e n t h a n m e n ; d e a t h rates
cause the result is more defective cells replicating themselves.
d e c l i n e a f t e r infancy and rise dramatically a f t e r early
Unfortunately, we cannot live and breathe without manufac-
a d u l t h o o d , w h e n a c c i d e n t s give w a y t o c h r o n i c d i s e a s e s
turing free radicals because they are produced whenever
as p r i m a r y c a u s e s o f d e a t h . P r o g r a m m e d t h e o r i e s o f ag-
oxygen is metabolized. No wonder many adults today are
ing claim t h a t aging is g o v e r n e d largely by species
popping antioxidants such as vitamins E and C. At least
h e r e d i t y and individual g e n e t i c e n d o w m e n t and include
when they are consumed in such foods as spinach and fruits
t h e n o t i o n t h a t t h e s h o r t e n i n g o f t e l o m e r e s is b e h i n d
rather than taken in pill form, antioxidants may increase
t h e Hayflick limit o n cell division. D a m a g e t h e o r i e s of
longevity, although not for long, by inhibiting free radical
aging f o c u s o n r a n d o m d a m a g e c a u s e d by d e s t r u c t i v e
activity and in turn helping prevent age-related diseases
f r e e radicals and o t h e r agents. In t h e e n d . g e n e t i c and
(Meydani, 2001). Caution is advised, though: Taking excep-
e n v i r o n m e n t a l f a c t o r s i n t e r a c t t o bring a b o u t aging and
tionally high doses of vitamin E may shorten rather than
death.
prolong life (Stein, 2004).
N a t u r e and N u r t u r e Conspiring
ie E x p e r i e n c e o f D y i n g
The theories just described are some of the most promising
explanations of why we age and die. Programmed theories of People who die suddenly may be blessed, because those who
aging generally say that aging and dying are as much a part of develop life-threatening illnesses face the challenge of coping
natures plan as sprouting teeth or uttering first words and with the knowledge that they are seriously ill and are likely to
may be the by-products of genes that contributed to early die. Perhaps no one has done more to focus attention on the
growth and development. The maximum life span, the role of emotional needs of dying patients than psychiatrist Elisabeth
individual genetic makeup in longevity, the telomere explana- Kubler-Ross (1969, 1974), whose "stages of dying" are widely
tion of the Hayflick limit on cell replication, changes in the ac- known and whose 1969 book On Death and Dying revolu-
tivity7 levels of certain genes as we age, and systematic changes tionized the care of dying people.
W hat d o e s research on t h e basic causes o f aging and
death say a b o u t o u r p r o s p e c t s f o r finding t h e fountain
o f youth, o r extending t h e life span? Aging Baby B o o m e r s w a n t
A t present, t h e only t e c h n i q u e t h a t has been
s t r a t e d experimentally t o e x t e n d t h e life span is
restriction—a highly nutritious but severely r e s t r i c t e d diet
demon-
caloric
t o know, and in r e s p o n s e a field o f anti-aging medicine has representing a 3 0 t o 4 0 % o r m o r e cut in normal total caloric
sprung forth, bringing with it h u c k s t e r s offering magic diets, intake (Casadesus e t al., 2 0 0 4 ; Harman, 2 0 0 1 ; Lane e t al., 2 0 0 1 ) .
cosmetic changes, and c o u n t l e s s pills o f no proven value L a b o r a t o r y studies involving rats, and m o r e recently primates,
(Binstock, 2 0 0 4 ) . Both g e n e t i c t h e o r i e s and damage t h e o r i e s suggest that caloric restriction e x t e n d s n o t only t h e average
of aging provide ideas a b o u t h o w t o e x t e n d life. longevity but also t h e maximum life span o f a species and t h a t
It is n o t unthinkable t h a t r e s e a r c h e r s might d i s c o v e r ge- it delays o r slows t h e progression o f many age-related dis-
netic m e c h a n i s m s behind aging and dying and then devise e a s e s (Bodkin e t al., 2 0 0 3 ; Lane e t al., 2 0 0 1 ) . A 4 0 % reduction
ways o f manipulating g e n e s t o i n c r e a s e longevity o r even t h e in daily calories can result in a 4 0 % d e c r e a s e in body weight,
maximum life span (Arking, 2 0 0 4 ) . Life spans of 2 0 0 t o 6 0 0 a 4 0 % increase in average longevity, and a 4 9 % increase in t h e
years a r e probably n o t possible (and may n o t even be desir- maximum life span o f d i e t - r e s t r i c t e d rats (Harman, 2 0 0 1 ) .
able), but s o m e think r e s e a r c h e r s could raise t h e average age H o w d o e s caloric restriction achieve t h e s e results? It
of death t o around I 12 years and allow I 12-year-olds to clearly r e d u c e s t h e n u m b e r of f r e e radicals and o t h e r t o x i c
function m o r e like 7 8 - y e a r - o l d s (Miller, 2 0 0 4 ) . F o r e x a m p l e , p r o d u c t s o f metabolism ( W i c k e n s , 1 9 9 8 ) . By looking at t h e ac-
r e s e a r c h e r s a r e looking f o r ways t o keep t e l o m e r e s from tivity o f genes in r e s t r i c t e d - d i e t and normal-diet mice, r e -
s h o r t e n i n g and thus keep cells replicating longer. O t h e r s are s e a r c h e r s have also found t h a t caloric restriction prevents an
trying t o genetically e n g i n e e r antioxidant e n z y m e s t h a t would age-related d e c r e a s e in t h e activity of g e n e s involved in re-
slow t h e damage caused by f r e e radicals o r a r e trying t o ac- pairing t h e random damage caused by f r e e radicals (Lee e t al.,
tivate g e n e s t h a t improve t h e repair o f damage caused by o x - 1999). In effect, eating little slows metabolism and changes cell
idation. E x p e r i m e n t s with fruit flies have s h o w n t h a t t h e func- functioning so t h a t m o r e emphasis is placed on damage repair
tioning of t h e i r DNA repair systems can be improved (Arking, 2 0 0 4 ) .
through g e n e t i c engineering, but t h e c o n c e p t has n o t y e t However, w e do n o t k n o w w h e t h e r caloric restriction
w o r k e d in m i c e (Arking, 2 0 0 4 ) . w o r k s as well f o r humans as it apparently has f o r rats, w h a t
Yet if aging is t h e result of random damage r a t h e r than a calorie c o u n t s and c o m b i n a t i o n s of nutrients are optimal, o r
genetic program, o r if many g e n e t i c and environmental f a c t o r s w h e t h e r humans w h o have a c h o i c e would put up with being
c o n t r i b u t e t o it, t h e odds of long life through g e n e t i c engi- half-starved f o r m o s t o f t h e i r lives. W e d o k n o w t h a t c e n t e -
neering may be low b e c a u s e it will n o t b e a simple m a t t e r of narians are rarely o b e s e (Arking, 2 0 0 4 ) . W e aiso have s o m e in-
tinkering with a single "aging" g e n e . M o r e o v e r , w h a t w o r k s f o r triguing evidence f r o m B i o s p h e r e II in Arizona. Four men and
fruit flies o r even mice d o e s n o t always w o r k f o r h u m a n s ; g e n e f o u r w o m e n lived in this sealed ecological d o m e f o r 2 years.
therapy e x p e r i m e n t s with humans have been disappointing s o C r o p s h o r t a g e s had t h e m eating as little as a b o u t 1 8 0 0 calo-
far (Chapman, 2 0 0 4 ) . As students of human development ries a day f o r t h e first 6 m o n t h s and then a b o u t 2 0 0 0 calories
know, ongoing interactions b e t w e e n g e n e s and environmental a day f o r t h e r e s t of t h e i r stay, mostly vegetables they g r e w
f a c t o r s are c o m p l e x , and it is n o t always easy t o predict t h e t h e m s e l v e s (Walford e t a l . , 2 0 0 2 ) . T h e y u n d e r w e n t a 15 t o 2 0 %
o u t c o m e s (Chapman, 2 0 0 4 ) . weight loss.
1. Denial and isolation. A common first response to

dreadful news is to say, ccNo! It can t be!" Denial is a defense
In interviews with terminally ill patients, Kubler-Ross (1969) mechanism in which anxiety-provoking thoughts are kept out
detected a common set of emotional responses to the knowl- of, or "isolated" from, conscious awareness. A woman who has
edge that the patient had a serious, and probably fatal, illness. just been diagnosed as having lung cancer may insist that the
She believed that similar reactions might occur in response to diagnosis is wrong—or accept that she is ill but be convinced
any major loss, so bear in mind that the family and friends of that she will beat the odds and recover. Denial can be a mar-
the dying person may experience some of these emotional re- velous coping device: It can get us through a time of acute cri-
actions during the loved ones illness and after the death. sis until we are ready to cope more constructively. Even after
Klibler- Ross's five "stages of dying" are as follows: dying patients face the facts and become ready to talk about
CHOLESTEROL
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residence in Biosphere II, when they were on a low-calorie but high-
nutrition diet Many other physiological measures show similarly dra-
matic changes.
M e a s u r e m e n t s such as t h e o n e f o r c h o l e s t e r o l shown in smoking, drink only in m o d e r a t i o n , e a t nutritious f o o d , e x e r -

t h e graph in this Applications b o x indicated t h a t t h e s e adults cise regularly, and t a k e o t h e r s t e p s t o ward off t h e diseases
e x p e r i e n c e d significant i m p r o v e m e n t s in several physiological t h a t make us die prematurely.
indicators t h a t have also been found t o change in positive S o m e think t h e search for t h e fountain of youth is mis-
ways in c a l o r i e - r e s t r i c t e d rats and m o n k e y s . T h e y had t h e en- guided and will prove futile if humans, like cars, simply w e a r
ergy t o engage in an active lifestyle involving lots o f physical la- o u t at s o m e point. As Leonard Hayflick ( 2 0 0 4 ) n o t e s , y e s t e r -
b o r during t h e 2 - y e a r period. ( T h e physiological improve- day's s e a r c h e r s f o r immortality, w h o o n c e ' ' a d v o c a t e d sleeping
m e n t s in functioning also disappeared a f t e r they left B i o s p h e r e with young virgins, e n c o u r a g e d m o n k e y testicular grafting, o r
II and w e n t back on normal diets.) W e do n o t k n o w w h e t h e r dined on y o g u r t have been replaced with today's p r a c t i t i o n e r s
they will live longer than they would have o t h e r w i s e ( C o l e s , of 'anti-aging medicine' w h o have put t h e i r faith in some
2 0 0 4 ) . W e do k n o w t h a t starvation w i t h o u t g o o d nutrition is equally unlikely m o d e r n equivalent" (p. 5 7 7 ) . "If o u r s o c i e t y
bad for humans (and no fun), s o e x p e r i m e n t i n g with self-star- would learn t o value old age t o t h e s a m e e x t e n t as w e
vation b e f o r e m o r e evidence is in is n o t a g o o d idea. W h i l e w e presently value youth," he adds, " t h e n t h e drive t o slow, stop,
wait f o r t h e breakthroughs t h a t might e x t e n d t h e maximum o r r e v e r s e t h e aging p r o c e s s would b e as unthinkable as
life span o f humans, w e can at least r e d u c e o u r c h a n c e s o f dy- intervening in t h e developmental p r o c e s s e s of o u r y o u t h "
ing young.As suggested in C h a p t e r 5, f o r e x a m p l e , w e can stop (p. 5 7 8 ) .
dying, care providers and family members often engage in cession from God, the medical staff, or someone else—if not
their own denial. for a cure, perhaps for a little more time, a little less pain, or
2. Anger. As the bad news begins to register, the dying per- provision for his children.
son asks, "Why me?" Feelings of rage or resentment may be di- 4• Depression. As the dying person becomes even more
rected at anyone who is handy—doctors, nurses, or family aware of the reality of the situation, depression, despair, and a
members. Kiibler-Ross advises those close to the dying person sense of hopelessness become the predominant emotional re-
to be sensitive to this reaction so that they will not try to avoid / /
sponses. Grief focuses on the losses that have already occurred
this irritable person or become angry in return. (for example, the loss of the ability to function as she once
3. Bargaining. When the dying person bargains, he says, did) and the losses to come (separation from loved ones, the
"Okay, me, but please. . . The bargainer begs for some con- inability to achieve her dreams, and so on).
T H E EXPERIENCE OF DYING 493

<[ Psychiatrist Elisabeth Kubler-Ross called on physicians t o emphasize caring rather than
curing.
5. Acceptance. If the dying person is able to work through fcct only minorities of dying people (Schulz & Aderman,
the emotional reactions of the preceding stages, he may accept 1974). Moreover, when these responses occur, they do not un-
the inevitability of death in a calm and peaceful manner. fold in a set order. It might have been better if Kubler-Ross
Kubler-Ross (1969) describes the acceptance stage this way: had, from the start, described her stages simply as common
"It is almost void of feelings. It is as if the pain had gone, the emotional reactions to dying. Unfortunately, some overzeal-
struggle is over, and there comes a time for cthe final rest be- ous medical professionals have tried to push dying patients
fore the long journey,' as one patient phrased it" (p. 100). through the stages in order, believing incorrectly that their pa-
In addition to these five stages of dying, Kubler-Ross em- tients would never accept death unless they experienced the
phasized a sixth response that runs throughout the stages: "right" emotions at the "right" times (Kastenbaum, 2000).
hope. She believed that it is essential for terminally ill patients Edwin Shneidman (1973,1980) offered an alternate view,
to retain some sense of hope, even if it is only the hope that arguing that dying patients experience a complex and ever-
they can die with dignity. changing interplay of emotions, alternating between denial
and acceptance of death. One day a patient may seem to un-
derstand that death is near; the next day she may talk of get-
ting better and going home. Along the way many reactions—
Kubler-Ross, who experienced a series of strokes and finally disbelief, hope, terror, bewilderment, rage, apathy, calm,
died peacefully and surrounded by family and friends at age anxiety, and others—come and go and are even experienced
78 in 2004 (Holley, 2004), deserves immense credit for sensi- simultaneously. According to Shneidman, then, dying people
tizing our society to the emotional needs of dying people. She experience many unpredictable emotional changes rather
convinced medical professionals to emphasize caring rather than distinct stages of dying. Research supports him and fur-
than curing in working with such people. At the same time, ther suggests that anxiety and depression are common among
there are flaws in her account of the dying persons experience dying patients and should be treated more often than they are
(Kastenbaum, 2000). Among the most important points made to improve the quality of the persons last days (Chochinov &
by critics are these: dying is not stagelike; the course of an ill- Schwartz, 2002). Many dying people also experience the con-
ness affects reactions to it; and individuals differ widely in fusion of delirium in their last weeks (Pessin, Rosenfeld, &
their emotional responses to dying. Breitbart, 2002).
The major problem with Kubler-Ross's stages is that the A second major problem in Kubler-Rosss theory is that it
dying process is simply not stagelike. Although dying patients does not allow for differences in emotional responses to dying
often display symptoms of depression as death nears, the associated with the course or trajectory of an illness and the
other emotional reactions Kubler-Ross describes seem to af- specific events that occur along the way (Glaser & Strauss,
1968). When a patient is slowly and gradually worsening over between acceptance and denial They also may experience
time, the patient, family members, and staff can all become what has been termed anticipatory grief—grieving before
accustomed to the death that lies ahead, whereas when the death occurs for what is happening and for what lies ahead
path toward death is more erratic, emotional ups or downs are (Rando, 1986).
likely each time the patient's condition takes a turn for better Yet no amount of preparation and anticipatory grief can
or worse. Ktibler-Ross expects different patients to experience eliminate the need to grieve after the death occurs. How, then,
similar responses even when their diseases and pathways to do we grieve?
death differ.
Finally, Kubler-Ross's approach overlooks the influences
of each individual's personality on how she experiences dying.
People cope with dying much as they have coped with life Pioneering research on the grieving process was conducted by
(Schulz & Schlarb, 1987-1988). For example, cancer patients Colin Murray Parkes and his colleagues in Great Britain
who faced life's problems directly and effectively, were satis- (Parkes, 1996, 1991; Parkes & Weiss, 1983). John Bowlby
fied with their lives, and maintained good interpersonal rela- (1980), whose influential etiological theory of attachment
tionships before they became ill displayed less anger and were was outlined in Chapter 14, and Parkes have conceptualized
less depressed and withdrawn during their illnesses than pa- grieving in the context of attachment theory as a reaction to
tients who were not so well adjusted before their illnesses separation from a loved one. The grieving adult can be likened
(Hinton, 1975). Depending on their predominant personality to the infant who experiences separation anxiety when her
traits, coping styles, and social competencies, some dying peo- mother disappears from view and tries to retrieve her. As hu-
ple may deny until the bitter end, some may "rage against the mans, we have evolved not only to form attachments but also
dying of the light.," some may quickly be crushed by despair, to grieve their loss.
and still others may display incredible strength. Most will dis- The Parkes/Bowlby attachment model of bereavement
play combinations of these responses, each in his own unique describes four predominant reactions. They overlap consider-
way. There is no right way to die. ably and therefore should not be viewed as clear-cut stages
even though the frequencies of different reactions change over
Summing Up time. These reactions are numbness, yearning, disorganiza-
tion and despair, and reorganization (see also Jacobs et aL,
Kubler-Ross stimulated much c o n c e r n f o r dying patients
1987-1988).
by describing five stages o f dying (denial and isolation,
1. Numbness. In the first few hours or days after the death,
a n g e r bargaining, d e p r e s s i o n , and a c c e p t a n c e ) . T h e e x p e -
the bereaved person is often in a daze—gripped by a sense of
riences o f dying p e o p l e a r e far m o r e complex than
unreality and disbelief and almost empty of feelings. He may
Kubler-Ross's stages suggest, h o w e v e r A s S h n e i d m a n e m -
make plane reservations, call relatives, or order flowers—all as
phasizes, t h e r e is likely t o b e a c o m p l e x interplay o f many
if in a dream. Underneath this state of numbness and shock is
e m o t i o n s and t h o u g h t s , with swings b e t w e e n a c c e p t a n c e
a sense of being on the verge of bursting, and occasionally
and denial. Anxiety and depression are common.
painful emotions break through. The bereaved person is
M o r e o v e r e x p e r i e n c e s differ d e p e n d i n g on t h e nature
struggling to defend himself against the full weight of the loss;
and c o u r s e o f t h e individuals condition and o n t h e indi-
the bad news has not fully registered.
vidual's personality and coping s t y l e . ®
2. Yearning. As the numbing sense of shock and disbelief
diminishes, the bereaved person experiences more agony.
Grief comes in pangs or waves that typically are most severe
Tlie E x p e r i e n c e o from 5 to 14 days after the death. The grieving person has feel-
ings of panic, bouts of uncontrollable weeping, and physical
ereavement aches and pains. She is likely to be extremely restless, unable
to concentrate or to sleep, and preoccupied with thoughts of
Most of us know more about the process of grieving a death the loved one and of the events leading to the death.
than about the process of dying. To describe responses to the According to Parkes and Bowlby, the reaction that most
death of a loved one, we must distinguish among three terms: clearly makes grieving different from other kinds of emotional
Bereavement is a state of loss, grief is an emotional response distress is separation anxiety—the distress of being parted
to loss, and mourning is a culturally prescribed way of dis- from the object of attachment. The bereaved person pines and
playing reactions to death. Thus, we can describe a bereaved yearns for the loved one and searches for the deceased. A
person who grieves by experiencing such emotions as sadness, widow may think she heard her husband's voice or saw him in
anger, and guilt and who mourns by attending the funeral and a crowd; she may sense his presence in the house and draw
layingflowerson the grave each year. comfort from it; she may be drawn to his favorite chair or
Unless a death is sudden, relatives and friends, like the dy- wear his bathrobe. Ultimately, the quest to be reunited is
ing person, will experience many painful emotions before the doomed to fail.
death, from the initial diagnosis through the last breath Both anger and guilt are also common reactions during
(Grbich, Parker, & Maddocks, 2001). They, too, may alternate these early weeks and months of bereavement. Bereaved peo-
pie often feel irritable and sometimes experience intense more individualized than the Parkes/Bowlby phases suggest
rage—at the loved one for dying, at the doctors for not doing (Rocke & Cherry, 2002). Most would agree on this: bereave-
a better job, at almost anyone. They seem to need to pin blame ment is a complex and multidimensional process that varies
somewhere. Unfortunately, they often find reason to blame from person to person and often takes a long time. Many
themselves—to feel guilty. A father may moan that he should emotional reactions are involved, and their course and inten-
have spent more time teaching his son gun safety; the friend sity differ from person to person. An analysis of research by
of a young man who dies of AIDS may feel that he was not a George Bonanno and Stacey Kaltman (2000) suggests that
good enough friend. One of the London widows studied by modest disruptions in cognitive, emotional, physical, and in-
Parkes felt guilty because she never made her husband bread terpersonal functioning are common, that they usually last for
pudding. a year, and that less severe, recurring grief reactions may then
3. Disorganization and despair. As time passes, pangs of continue for several years; see the "common grief" reaction in
intense grief and yearning become less frequent, although Figure 17.2. Although not captured in the Parkes/Bowlby
they still occur. As it sinks in that a reunion with the loved one model, positive thoughts about the deceased, expressions of
is impossible, depression, despair, and apathy increasingly love, and feelings of gaining from the loss are also part of the
predominate. During most of thefirstyear after the death, and typical picture.
longer in many cases, bereaved individuals often feel apathetic Yet different people grieve differently. A surprisingly high
and may have difficulty managing and taking interest in their proportion of bereaved people, from 15 to 50% depending on
lives. the study, can be described as resilient. They experience mini-
4. Reorganization. Eventually, bereaved people begin to mal grief even in the early months after the death and minimal
pull themselves together again as their pangs of grief and pe- grief later on; they feel the loss but apparently cope effectively
riods of apathy become less frequent. They invest less emo- with it (Bonanno, 2004). About 15% can be characterized as
tional energy in their attachment to the deceased and more in chronic grievers: They continue to experience serious disrup-
their attachments to the living. If they have lost a spouse, they tions in functioning I to 2 or even more years after their loss,
begin to make the transition from being a wife or husband to they often have diagnosable major depression or anxiety disor-
being a wridow or widower, revising their identities. They may der, and they may therefore be candidates for treatment.
also revise their internal working models of attachment, Meanwhile, we are sympathetic toward the bereaved im-
thinking in new ways about their relationship with the person mediately after a death—eager to help in any way we can—but
wrho died (Noppe, 2000). They begin to feel ready for new ac we quickly growr weary of someone who is depressed, irritable,
tivities and possibly for new relationships or attachments. or preoccupied. We begin to think, sometimes after only a few
days or weeks, that it is time for the bereaved person to cheer
up cind get on with life. We are wrong. To be of help to be-
reaved people, we must understand that their reactions of
You will be looking soon at grief responses across the life span. numbness and disbelief, yearning, and despair may linger a
For now, note that some researchers would disagree with the long time.
specifics of the Parkes/Bowlby view of bereavement. Like re- We have now7 presented some of the major theories of
sponses to dying, responses to loss tend to be messier and how people experience dying and bereavement. However,
First year of Second year of

bereavement bereavement
SSOSSSSSS^-.... . .. . . •
Figure 17,2 Patterns of grief differ greatly from person t o person. Some people show little
grief; many experience disrupted functioning for about a year and then minima'; grief in the
second year; and about 15% experience chronic and significant psychological problems.
SOUTJL: Adapted from Bonanno & Kaitman (2000).
these theories have been based primarily on the responses of
adults. How do infants, children, and adolescents respond to
death? What does death even mean to infants and young chil-
dren? A life-span perspective on death and dying is needed
(Hayslip & Hansson, 2003).
Summing Up
B e r e a v e m e n t precipitates grief and mourning, which are

e x p r e s s e d , according t o t h e Parkes/Bowlby a t t a c h m e n t
model, in overlapping phases o f numbness, yearning, dis-
organization and despair; and finally, a f t e r a year o r m o r e ,
reorganization. R e s e a r c h suggests t h a t e m o t i o n a l reac-
tions t o b e r e a v e m e n t may b e m o r e diverse and unpre-
dictable than t h e m o d e l indicates, t h a t a sizable n u m b e r
o f individuals n e v e r e x p e r i e n c e significant grief, and t h a t
a minority e x p e r i e n c e chronic grief. •
Tlie Infant
Looking at bereavement from an attachment theory perspec-

tive makes us wonder how infants understand and cope with
the death of an attachment figure. Infants surely do not com-
prehend death as the cessation of life, but they do gain an un-
derstanding of concepts that pave the way for an understand-
ing of death. Infants may, for example, grasp the concepts of € Games of peek-a-boo help infants understand the concept of "all
being and nonbeing, here and "all gone," from such experi- gone" and later the concept of death.
ences as watching objects and people appear and disappear,
playing peek-a-boo, and even going to sleep and "coming
alive" again in the morning (Maurer, 1961). Possibly, infants
If, after a week or so, an infant has not succeeded in find-
first form a global category of things that are "all gone" and
ing the loved one, he begins to despair, displaying depression-
later divide it into subcategories, one of which is "dead"
like symptoms. The baby loses hope, ends the search, and be-
(Kastenbaum, 2000).
comes apathetic and sad. Grief may be reflected in a poor
The experience most directly relevant to an emerging
appeti te, a change in sleeping patterns, excessive clinginess, or
concept of death is the disappearance of a loved one, and it is
regression to less mature behavior (Furman, 1984; and see the
here that Bowlby's theory of attachment is helpful. After in-
description in Chapter 16 of infant depression). Eventually,
fants form their first attachments around 6 or 7 months, they
the bereaved infant enters a detachment phase, in which he
begin to display signs of separation anxiety when their
takes renewed interest in toys and companions and may begin
beloved caregivers leave them. They have begun to grasp the
to seek new relationships. Infants will recover from the loss of
concept that people, like objects, have permanent existence,
an attachment figure most completely if they can rely on an
and they expect a loved one who has disappeared to reappear.
existing attachment figure (for example, the surviving parent)
According to Bowlby, they are biologically programmed to
or have the opportunity to attach themselves to someone new.
protest separations by crying, searching for their loved one,
and attempting to follow, thereby increasing the chances that
Summing Up
they will be reunited with the caregiver and protected from
harm. Infants w h o are at least 6 m o n t h s o f age and w h o have
Bowlby (1980) observed that infants separated from their f o r m e d genuine a t t a c h m e n t b o n d s are old e n o u g h t o
attachment figures display many of the same reactions that e x p e r i e n c e intense grief and depression-like symptoms
bereaved adults do. Infants first engage in vigorous protest— when a parent or other loved one dies. Moreover
yearning and searching for the loved one and expressing out- t h e r e s p o n s e s t h e y display—the p r o t e s t and yearning,
rage when they fail. One 17-month-old girl said only, "Mum, the despair or depression, and the detachment or
Mum, Mum" for 3 days after her mother died. She was willing r e o r g a n i z a t i o n — r e s e m b l e adult grief r e s p o n s e s . W h a t is
to sit on a nurse's lap but would turn her back, as if she did not t h e difference? It is mainly t h a t infants lack t h e c o n c e p t o f
want to see that the nurse was not "Mum" (Freud & death as p e r m a n e n t separation o r loss and t h e cognitive
Burlingham cited in Bowlby, 1980). capacity t o interpret w h a t has h a p p e n e d . M
liefs and may continue to love their Moms (Bering &
T !ie Child Bjorklund, 2004).
Some preschool-age children also view death as reversible
Much as parents would like to shelter their children from un- rather than irreversible. They may liken it to sleep (from
pleasant life experiences, children encounter death in their which a person can awaken) or to a trip (from which a person
early years, if only of bugs and birds. How do they come to un- can return). With the right medical care, the right chicken
derstand and cope with their experiences of death? soup, or a bit of magic, a dead person might be brought back
to life (Speece & Brent, 1984). Finally, young children think
death is caused by one external agent or another; they do not
grasp the ultimate biological cause of death. One may say that
Contrary to what many adults would like to believe, young people die because they eat aluminum foil; another may say
children are highly curious about death, think about it with the cause is eating a dirty bug or a Styrofoam cup (Koocher,
some frequency, and are willing to talk about it (Kastenbaum, 1974).
2000). Yet their beliefs about death often differ considerably Children ages 5 to 7 make considerable progress in ac-
from those of adults. In our society, a "mature" understanding quiring a mature concept of death. Most children this age un-
of death has several components (Brent et al., 1996; Hoffman derstand that death is characterized by finality (cessation of
& Strauss, 1985; Kenyon, 2001; Slaughter, Jaakkola, & Carey, life functions), irreversibility, and universality (Grollman,
1999). We see death as characterized by the following: 1995; Speece & Brent, 1992). Recent research reveals that even
• Finality. It is the cessation of life and of all life processes, preschool children can grasp these concepts if they under-
such as movement, sensation, and thought. stand that the function of the human body is to sustain life
° Irreversibility. It cannot be undone. and that it needs food, air, and water to do so. They can then
• Universality. It is inevitable and happens to all living be- begin to infer that death is the opposite of life and that dead
ings. people no longer need to eat food or drink water (Slaughter &
• Biological causality. It is the result of natural processes Lyons, 2003; Bering & Bjorklund, 2004). Understanding the
internal to the organism, even if external causes set off biological causality of death is the hardest concept of death for
these internal changes. children to master but is typically mastered by about age 10
(Kenyon, 2001). Paula, age 12, had clearly mastered the con-
Researchers have studied children s conceptions of death cept that all deaths ultimately involve a failure of internal bio-
by asking them the sorts of questions contained in Table 17.2. logical processes: "When the heart stops, blood stops circulat-
Children between age 3 and age 5 have some understanding of ing, you stop breathing and that's it... there's lots of ways it can
death, especially of its universality (Brent et al, 1996). Rather get started, but that's what really happens" (Koocher, 1974, pp.
than viewing death as a final cessation of life functions, how- 407-408). ' *
ever, many of them picture the dead as living under altered Children's level of understanding of death appears to be
circumstances and retaining at least some of their capacities influenced by their level of cognitive development and their
(Slaughter et al, 1999). According to these preschoolers, the cultural-and life experiences. Major breakthroughs in the un-
dead may no longer possess all their biological and perceptual derstanding of death occur in the 5-to-7 age range—when
capacities, but they may have hunger pangs, wishes, and be- Piaget would say children are making the transition from the
preoperational stage of cognitive development to the concrete
operational stage. Mature understanding of death is also cor-
related with IQ (Kenyon, 2001).
In addition, children's concepts of death are influenced by
the cultural context in which they live and the specific cultural
Concept Questions and religious beliefs to which they are exposed (Stambrook &
Parker, 1987). For example, Jewish and Christian children in
Finality Can a dead person move? Get hungry? Israel, who are taught our Western concept of death, provide
Speak? Think? Dream? Do dead people more "mature" answers to questions about death than Druze
know that they are dead?
children, who are taught to believe in reincarnation (Florian
Irreversibility Can a dead person become a live person & Kravetz, 1985). Understandably, a child who is taught that
again? Is there anything that could make people are reincarnated after they die may not view7 death as
a dead animal come back to life?
an irreversible cessation of all life processes.
Universality Does everyone die at some time? Will Within any society, children's unique life experiences will
your parents die someday? Your friends? also affect their understanding of death. Children who have
Will you die?
life-threatening illnesses or who have encountered violence
Biological causality What makes a person die? Why do ani- and death in their own lives sometimes grasp death sooner
mals die? than other children (O'Halloran & Altmaier, 1996). How par-
SOURCES: Based o n H o f f m a n & Strauss, 1985; Florian & Kravetz, 1985; a n d ents and others communicate with children about death can
other sources. also make a difference. How is a young child to overcome the
1994). Consider what Myra Bluebond-Langner (1977) found
when she observed children ranging in age from 2 to 14 who
had leukemia. Even preschool children arrived, over time, at
an understanding that they were going to die and that death is
irreversible. Despite the secretiveness of adults, these children
noticed changes in their treatments and subtle changes in the
way adults interacted with them, and they paid close attention
to what happened to other children who had the same disease
and were receiving the same treatments. Over time, many of
these ill children stopped talking about the long-term future
and wanted to celebrate holidays such as Christmas early. A
doctor trying to get one boy to cooperate with a procedure
said, "I thought you would understand, Sandy. You told me
once you wanted to be a doctor." Sandy threw an empty sy-
ringe at the doctor and screamed, "I'm not going to be any-
thing!" (p. 59).
How do terminally ill children cope with the knowledge
that they are dying? They are not all the models of bravery that
some people suppose them to be. Instead, they experience
€ After the September I I attack on the World Trade Center; the many of the emotions that dying adults experience (Waechter,
Sesame Workshop asked school-age children t o draw pictures of 1984). Preschool children may not talk about dying, but they
their fears and worries. As one child wrote, "My worries is that ter- may reveal their fears by having temper tantrums or portray-
rist [sic] will harm my family and I will be left with no family like the ing violent acts in their pretend play. School-age children un-
kids in New York" (Stepp, 2 0 0 1 , p. C4). Another child said: "I'm afraid
derstand more about their situation and can talk about their
w e will be bombed again and it will be World W a r III. I hate technol-
feelings if given an opportunity to do so. They want to partic-
ogy" (Stepp, 2001, p. C I ) . Children's concepts of death are .clearly af-
ipate in normal activities so that they will not feel inadequate
fected by their sociocultural context and events like 9/1 I and the
Southeast Asian tsunami of 2004.
compared with their peers, and they want to maintain a sense
of control or mastery, even if the best they can do is take
charge of deciding which finger should be pricked for a blood
sample.
belief that death is temporary, for example, if parents and So, children with terminal illnesses often become
other adults claim that relatives who have died are "asleep5? painfully aware that they are dying. They need the love and
And if a child is told that "Grandma has gone away," is it not support of parents, siblings, and other significant individuals
logical to ask why she cannot hop a bus and return? in their lives. In particular, they can benefit from a strong
Experts on death insist that adults only make death more sense that their parents are there to care for them (Worchel,
confusing and frightening to young children when they use Copeland, 8c Barker, 1987) and from opportunities to talk
such euphemisms. They point out that children often under- about their feelings (Faulkner, 1997).
stand more than we think, as illustrated by the 3-year-old
who, after her father explained that her long-ill and just de-
ceased grandfather had "gone to live on a star in the sky,"
looked at him quizzically and said, "You mean he is dead?"
(Silverman, 2000, pp. 2-3). Experts recommend that parents
give children simple but honest answers to the many questions
they naturally ask about death and capitalize on events such as
the death of a pet to teach children about death and help them
understand and express their emotions (Silverman, 2000).
Appropriate programs can also help familiarize children with
the concepts of life and death and accelerate the development
of a mature understanding of death (Schonfeld & Kappelman,
1990; Slaughter & Lyons, 2003).
The Dying Child

Parents and doctors often assume that terminally ill children
are unaware that they will die and are better off remaining so.
Yet research shows that dying children are far more aware of € Children who are dying need t o know that they are loved and t o
what is happening to them than adults realize (Essa & Murray, have opportunities to express their concerns and fears.
The Bereaved Child see also Downdney, 2000). Some even develop psychological
problems that carry into adulthood—for example, depression
Children's coping capacities are also tested when a parent, sib-
and insecurity in later attachment relationships (Harris &
ling, pet, or other loved one dies. Four major messages have
Bifulco, 1991; Miralt, Bearor, & Thomas, 2001-2002).
emerged from studies of bereaved children: children grieve,
However, most bereaved children—especially those who
they express their grief differently than adults do, they lack
have effective coping skills and much social support—adjust
some of the coping resources that adults command, and they
quite well. They are especially likely to fare well if their sur-
are vulnerable to long-term negative effects of bereavement
viving parent copes effectively with the loss (Kalter et al.,
(Osterweis, Solomon, & Green, 1984; Lieberman et al., 2003;
2002-2003). It is important for surviving parents and other
Silverman, 2000).
adults who interact with bereaved children to recognize that
Consider some of the reactions that have been observed
children express their grief and cope with it in ways that re-
in young children whose parents have died (Lewis & Lippman,
flect their level of development. It is also crucial to communi-
2004; Lieberman et al., 2003; Silverman, 2000). These children
cate to bereaved children that, although the lost parent cannot
often misbehave or strike out in rage at their surviving parent;
come back, the child will be loved and cared for (Lieberman et
they can become unglued when routines such as playing air-
al., 2003). And, as this quote illustrates, it is good for children
plane when eating oatmeal in the morning are not honored
to be able to share their grief with others: "My father was a
(Lieberman et al., 2003). They ask endless questions: Where is
good man, a decent man, but he didn't know what to do. He
Daddy? When is he coming back? Will I get a new Daddy?
was clueless. The message was not to talk about Mom. He
Anxiety about attachment and separation are common; more
thought he was protecting us from the pain by not reminding
than half of the bereaved children in one study reported being
us of her" (Lewis & Lippman, 2004, p. xii).
scared that other family members might die (Sanchez et al.,
1994). At other times, bereaved children go about their activ-
Summing Up
ities as if nothing had happened, denying the loss or distract-
ing themselves from it by immersing themselves in play. Alicia Young children are naturally curious a b o u t d e a t h and
Lieberman and her colleagues (2003) characterize young chil- f o r m ideas a b o u t it f r o m an early age. By a g e 5 t o 7, and
dren s responses as "cycles of intense distress, emotional with- o f t e n earlier; t h e y have m a s t e r e d t h e c o n c e p t s t h a t death
drawal, anger, and emotional detachment" (p. 11). You can is final, irreversible, and universal and will later a p p r e c i a t e
readily see how caregivers might be disturbed by some of t h a t d e a t h is ultimately c a u s e d by a failure o f internal bi-
these behaviors. ological p r o c e s s e s . Each child's grasp o f d e a t h depends
Because they lack some of the cognitive abilities and cop- on h e r level o f cognitive d e v e l o p m e n t , culture, and per-
ing skills that older individuals command, it is natural that sonal e x p e r i e n c e s o f d e a t h . Terminally ill children o f t e n
young children might have trouble grasping what has hap- b e c o m e painfully a w a r e t h a t t h e y ..are dying. B e r e a v e d
pened and attempt to deny and avoid emotions too over- children s o m e t i m e s a c t o u t t h e i r grief and sometimes
whelming to face. Young children also have only concrete, be- s e e m t o d e n y t h e d e a t h b e c a u s e t h e y lack coping skills.
havioral coping strategies at their disposal For example, S o m e e x p e r i e n c e unhappiness, a c a d e m i c difficulties, and
2-year-old Reed found comfort by taking out a picture of his behavioral p r o b l e m s well b e y o n d t h e first y e a r mark, but
mother and putting it on his pillow at night, then returning it m o s t adjust with t i m e . U
carefully to the photo album in the morning (Lieberman et
al., 2003). Older children are able to use cognitive coping
strategies such as conjuring up mental representations of their
lost parents (Compas et al., 2001). Tlie A d o l e s c e n t
What grief symptoms do children most commonly expe-
rience? Reactions differ greatly from child to child, but the Adolescents typically understand death as the irreversible ces-
preschooler's grief is likely to manifest itself in problems with sation of biological processes and are able to think in more ab-
sleeping, eating, toileting, and other daily routines (Osterweis stract ways about it (Corr, 1995; Koocher, 1973). Adolescents
et al., 1984; Oltjenbruns, 2001). Negative moods, dependency, do not necessarily face that they, too, will die; they take risks
and temper tantrums are also common. Older children ex- that they might not take if they truly believed that death is fi-
press their sadness, anger, and fear more directly. However, sonal, universal, and irreversible (Noppe & Noppe, 1996).
matic symptoms such as headaches and other physical ail- However, they use their new cognitive capacities to ponder
ments are also common (Worden & Silverman, 1996). and discuss the meaning of death and such hypothetical as an
Well beyond the first year after the death, some bereaved afterlife (Noppe & Noppe, 1997; Wass, 1991).
children continue to display problems such as unhappiness, Indeed, a recent series of studies by Jesse Bering and
low self-esteem, social withdrawal, difficulty in school, and David Bjorklund (2004) suggests that many adolescents and
problem behavior (Worden & Silverman, 1996; Osterweis et adults, although they clearly know that biological functions
al., 1984). In a longitudinal study of school-age children, one cease at death and although they believe more firmly than
in five children who had lost a parent had serious adjustment young children that all functions cease at death, share a belief
problems 2 years after the death (Worden & Silverman, 1996; with young children that psychological functions such as
-:r-rrr<~^r"r" -trr - -
adolescent whose parent dies may carry on an internal dia-
logue with the dead parent for years (Silverman & Worden,
1993). And, given the importance of peers in this develop-
mental period, it is not surprising that adolescents are often
devastated when a close friend dies in a car accident, commits
suicide, or succumbs to a deadly disease. In one study, 32% of
teenagers who lost a friend to suicide experienced clinical de-
pression during the month after the suicide (Bridge et al.,
2003). Yet grief over the loss of a friend is often not taken as
seriously as grief over the loss of a family member (Ringler &
Hayden, 2000).
Adolescents mostly grieve much as adults do. However,
they are sometimes reluctant to express their grief for fear of
seeming abnormal or losing control and may express their an-
guish instead through delinquent behavior and somatic ail-
ments (Clark, Pynoos, & Goebel, 1994; Osterweis et al., 1984).
The adolescent who yearns for a dead parent may feel that he
is being sucked back into the dependency of childhood and
may therefore bottle up these painful feelings (Raphael, 1983,
!y> £ p. 176):
([ Compared with children, adolescents often express abstract con- "When my mother died I thought my heart would break,"
cepts of death influenced by their religious training.The 16-year-old recalled Geoffrey, age 14. "Yet I couldn't cry. It was locked
girl who drew this picture explained:'The water represents the inside. It was private and tender and sensitive like the way
depth of death.The bubbles represent the releasing of the soul.The
I loved her. They said to me, 'You're cool man, real cool,
tree represents the memories we leave behind.The flame represents
the way you've taken it,' but I wasn't cool at all. I was
Hell and the halo-represents Heaven."
hot—hot and raging. All my anger, all my sadness was
building up inside me. But I just didn't know any wTay to
let it out"
knowing, believing, and feeling continue even after bodily
functions have ceased. Belief in an afterlife is so common Summing Up
among humans, these researchers suggest, that it could be a
By t h e t i m e children reach a d o l e s c e n c e , t h e y have ac-
product of evolution, although it could just as well be a
quired a m a t u r e and m o r e a b s t r a c t c o n c e p t o f death, un-
learned belief because children are typically exposed to cul-
derstanding it as a final c e s s a t i o n o f life t h a t is irreversible,
tural beliefs about an afterlife from an early age.
universal, and biologically c a u s e d yet o f t e n believing in an
Just as children's reactions to death and dying reflect their afterlife. W h e r e a s young children o f t e n e x p r e s s t h e i r grief
developmental capacities and needs, adolescents' reactions to indirectly t h r o u g h t h e i r b e h a v i o r o l d e r children and a d o -
becoming terminally ill are likely to reflect the themes of ado- l e s c e n t s m o r e directly e x p r e s s painful t h o u g h t s and e m o -
lescence (Adams & Deveau, 1986; Stevens & Dunsmore, tions. In e a c h period, children's r e a c t i o n s t o b e r e a v e m e n t
1996). Concerned about their body images as they experience o r t o t h e k n o w l e d g e t h a t t h e y a r e dying reflect t h e i r d e -
physical and sexual maturation, they may be acutely disturbed velopmental needs and t h e d e v e l o p m e n t a l tasks that
if their illness brings hair loss, weight gain, amputation, or they are facing. Thus, when a life-threatening illness
other such physical changes. Wanting to be accepted by peers, strikes, t h e young child may m o s t w a n t r e a s s u r a n c e of
they may feel like "freaks" or become upset when friends who parental love and p r o t e c t i o n , t h e s c h o o l - a g e child may
do not know what to say or do abandon them. Eager to be- m o s t wish t o k e e p up with p e e r s in school, and t h e a d o -
come more autonomous, they may be distressed by having to l e s c e n t m a y m o s t w a n t t o a c h i e v e a s e n s e o f identity and
depend on parents and medical personnel and may struggle to autonomy. B
assert their will and maintain a sense of control. Trying to es-
tablish their own identity and chart future goals, adolescents
may be angry and bitter at having their dreams snatched from
them. T k e Adult
Similarly, the reactions of adolescents to the deaths of
family members and friends are likely to reflect the themes of For adults, dealing with the loss of a spouse or partner and ac-
the adolescent period (Balk & Corr, 2001; Tyson-Rawson, cepting their own mortality can be considered normal devel-
1996). For example, even as teenagers become increasingly in- opmental tasks (Rocke & Cherry, 2002). How, then, do adults
dependent of their parents, they continue to depend heavily cope with death and dying? We have already introduced mod-
on their parents for emotional support and guidance. The els describing adults' experiences of dying and bereavement
that partially answer that question. Here we will elaborate by terward (Bonanno et al., 2002; Bonanno, Wortman, & Nesse,
examining bereavement from a family systems perspective 2004). Gathering data both before and after the death of a
then trying to define differences between normal and abnor- spouse revealed patterns of adjustment over time that had not
mal grief reactions. been evident in studies focused only on adjustment after a
loss. Figure 17.3 graphs the average depression symptom
scores displayed by the five subgroups of widows and widow-
ers identified in the study:
Given the importance of family attachments throughout the
• Common grief, with heightened then diminishing dis-
life span, it is not surprising that the deaths of family members
tress after the loss
are typically harder to bear than other deaths. You cannot fully
• Chronic grief in which loss brings distress and the dis-
understand bereavement unless you adopt a family systems
tress lingers
approach and attempt to understand how a death alters rela-
• Chronic depression in which individuals who were de-
tionships, roles, and patterns of interaction within the family,
pressed before the loss remain so after it
as well as interactions between the family and its environment
• A depressed-improved pattern in which individuals who
(Shapiro, 2001; Silverman, 2000; Traylor et al., 2003). So ex-
were depressed before the loss become less depressed af-
amine some of the special challenges associated with three
ter the death, perhaps because they were relieved of the
lands of death in the family: the loss of a spouse, the loss of a
stresses of coping with an unhappy marriage or an ill
child, and the loss of a parent.
spouse
T h e Loss o f a S p o u s e • A resilient pattern in which distress remains low
Most of what we know about bereavement is based on studies This study helps us understand that some bereaved peo-
of widows and widowers. Experiencing the death of a spouse ple who display symptoms of depression were depressed even
becomes increasingly likely as we age; it is something most before the death, w7hereas others become depressed in re-
women can expect to endure because women tend both to live sponse to their loss. The biggest surprise in the study, however,
longer than men and to marry men wrho are older than they is that the resilient pattern involving low levels of distress
are. The marital relationship is a central one for most adults, turned out to be the most common pattern of response, char-
and the loss of a marriage partner or other romantic attach-
ment figure can mean the loss of a great deal. Moreover, the
Table 17.3 Percentages of Bereaved and
death of a spouse often precipitates other changes—the need
Nonbereaved Adiilts Reportirig Various
to move, enter the labor force or change jobs, assume respon-
Symptoms w j l h i ii 14 Months; of Loss
sibilities that the spouse formerly performed, parent single- r . ' °>
handedly, and so on. Thus, widowrs or widowers must redefine Symptoms Bereaved Nonbereaved
their roles and even their identities in fundamental ways
(Lopata, 1996; Parkes, 1996). If they are women, their wealth Admitted to hospital 12% •
4%
is also likely to decline substantially (Ziclc & Holden, 2000). Awakened during the night 27 8
As noted earlier in this chapter, Colin Murray Parkes, in Experienced changes in appetite 34 40
extensive research on widows and widowers younger than age Increased alcohol consumption 19 2
45, concluded that bereaved adults progress through overlap- Sought help for emotional 23 5
ping phases of numbness, yearning, disorganization and de- problems
spair, and reorganization. What toll does this grieving process 34
Wondered if anything is 18
take on the individual's physical, emotional, and cognitive worthwhile
functioning? Table 17.3 shows some of the symptoms that
Worried by loneliness 44 17
widows and widowers commonly report (Parkes, 1996; also
see Bonanno & Kaltman, 2000). They are at risk for illness and
Depressed or very unhappy 33 20
(in past few weeks)
physical symptoms such as loss of appetite and sleep disrup-
tion, and they tend to overindulge not only in alcohol but also Felt restless 33 15
in tranquilizers and cigarettes. Cognitive functions such as Believed memory was not all 20 6
memory and decision making are often impaired, and emo- right
tional problems such as loneliness and anxiety are common. Found it hard to make up mind 36 22
Most bereaved spouses do not become clinically depressed, Felt somewhat apart or remote 23 10
but many display increased symptoms of depression in the even among friends
year after the death (Wilcox et al., 2003).
Responses were gathered in the Harvard Bereavement Study f r o m m e n and
Yet a recent study of bereaved elderly adults by George w o m e n younger than age 45 who had lost their spouses 14 m o n t h s before
Bonanno and his colleagues reveals much diversity in patterns the interviews. Nonbereaved respondents were married adults matched to
of response to loss. Members of a larger study sample who lost m e m b e r s of the bereaved sample so that they were similar in age, sex, family
a spouse were studied longitudinally from an average of 3 size, geographic area, nationality, and socioeconomic status.
years before the death of their spouse to 6 and 18 months af- SOURCE: Based on Parkes, 1996, Appendix Table 3.
to both themselves and their loved one. As you saw in Chapter
15, caregiver burden can trigger depression (Schulz & Beach,
1999). Yet bereavement can also take a toll. For both reasons
perhaps, widows and widowers as a group have higher-than-
average rates not only of depression and illness but also of
death (Stroebe, 2001b).
Many widows and widowers who experience significant
grief begin to show signs of recovery in the second year after
the death. Yet for some, grieving and symptoms of distress
may continue for many, many years (Parkes & Weiss, 1983;
Wortman & Silver, 2001). Darrin Lehman, Camille Wortman,
and Allan Williams (1987) compared adults whose spouses
had died in car accidents 4 to 7 years previously with similar
nonbereaved adults. Even this long after their tragedies, be-
preloss 6 mo. postloss 18 mo. postloss
reaved adults show7ed more depression, hostility, and anxiety;
Time had more worries; and felt less of a sense of psychological
Chronic depression Depressed-improved
well-being than nonbereaved adults. Perhaps because these
(7.8% of sample) (10.2%) deaths were sudden and violent, 62% still had recurring
thoughts that the death was unfair or that they had been
Common grief Resilience Chronic cheated, and 68% said that they had been unable to find any
(15.6%) (45.9%) grief (15.6%)
meaning in the death.
F i g u r e 17.3 Depression symptom scores of five In sum, the loss of a spouse can be a painful and damag-
subgroups of elderly widows and widowers an average ing experience. During the first wreeks and months after the
of 3 years before, 6 months after; and 18 months after death, the psychological pain is typically most acute, and the
the death of their spouse. In parentheses are the risks of developing serious physical or mental health problems
percentages of the sample showing each pattern. Notice that or even dying are at a peak. Some widows and widowers ex-
resilience—a low level of depression all along—is the most common
perience emo tional aftereffects for years, yet up to half of eld-
response, contrary to our belief that all bereaved people must go
erly widows and widowers show7 resilience and manage to
through a period of significant distress.
cope without becoming highly distressed.
W he Loss of a Child
acterizing almost half the sample. What is more, the resilient
My child has died! My heart is torn to shreds. My body
grievers were not just cold, unfeeling people who did not re-
is screaming. My mind is crazed. The question is always
ally love their partners. Rather, as indicated by the data col-
present on my mind. Why? How could this possibly have
lected before their spouses died, they seemed to be well ad-
happened? The anger is ever so deep, so strong, so
justed and happily married people with good coping
frightening. (Bertman, 1991, p. 323, citing a mother's re-
resources (Bonanno et al., 2002). Nor wras there indication
flections on how she reacted to her 16-year-old daugh-
that they were defensively denying or avoiding painful feelings
ter's death in a car accident after the initial numbness
or that they needed counseling to help them express their grief
wore off)
(Bonanno, Wortman, & Nesse, 2004). Rather, although they
experienced emotional pangs in the first months after the No loss is more difficult for an adult than the death of a
death, they were more comforted than most by positive child (Cleiren, 1993; Rubin & Malkinson, 2001; Stroebe &
thoughts of their spouses and simply seemed to cope effec- Schut, 2001). Even when there is forewarning, the loss of a
tively with their loss. Other research suggests that we should child is experienced as unexpected, untimely, and unjust
expect a greater proportion of young and middle-aged wid- (Sprang & McNeil, 1995). Compared with adults who have
ows and widowers to display the common grief and chronic lost a spouse or a parent, parents who have lost a child are ex-
grief patterns of response, perhaps because the death of a ceptionally angry, guilty, and depressed, and they have a
spouse at these ages is off-time, unexpected, and more often greater number of physical complaints (Sanders, 1979-1980;
violent (Kitson, 2000; Nolen-Hoeksema & Ahrens, 2002). Sprang & McNeil, 1995). Understandably, they experience a
The individuals in Bonanno's study who were depressed raging anger and often feel that they failed in their role as par-
before the death but recovered afterward are intriguing. They ent and protector (Rando, 1991). Their beliefs that the world
may have cared for spouses with dementia, cancer, and other is a good place, that life is meaningful, and that they are wor-
terminal conditions for months or even years. Richard Schulz thy people can all be shaken (Matthews & Mar wit,
and his colleagues (Schulz et al., 2003) find that it is common 2003-2004). In one study, only 12% of parents whose adoles-
among those who care for family members with dementia to cent or young adult child died of an accident, suicide, or
experience more depression before the death than after. homicide had found meaning in the death 1 year later, and
Indeed, more than 70% admit that the death came as a relief only 57% had found it 5 years later (Murphy, Johnson, &
their parents remain warm and supportive and encourage
open discussion of feelings, they are likely to fare better
•(Applebaum & Burns, 1991; Graham-Pole et al., 1989).
Finally, grandparents also grieve following the death of a
child, both for their grandchild and for their child, the be-
reaved parent. As one grandparent said, "It's like a double
whammy!" (DeFrain, Jakub, & Mendoza, 1991-1992, p. 178).
Grandparents are likely to feel guilty about surviving their
grandchildren and helpless to protect their adult children
from pain (Fry, 1997). Clearly, then, those who are attempting
to help bereaved families need to include the whole family in
their efforts.
T h e Loss of a Parent
Even if we escape the death of a child or spouse, the death of
a parent is a normative life transition that most of us will ex-
perience. As noted already, some children experience long-
lasting problems after the death of a paren t. Fortunately, most
of us do not have to face this event until we are in middle age.
We are typically less emotionally dependent on our parents by
then, and most of us are heavily invested in our own families.
€ The death of a child can be devastating for parents. Moreover, we expect that our parents will die someday and
have prepared ourselves, at least to some degree.
Perhaps for all of these reasons, adjusting to the death of
Lohan, 2003b). The age of the child who dies has little effect a parent is usually not as difficult as adjusting to the death of
on the severity of the grief: parents can experience severe grief a spouse or child (Leahy, 1992-1993). Yet it can be a turning
reactions even after a miscarriage (Broen et aL, 2004). point in an adult's life with effects on his identity and rela-
Moreover, the death of an adult child is usually no less diffi- tionships with his spouse, children (who are grieving the loss
cult to bear than the death of a younger child (Lesher & of their grandparent), surviving parent, and siblings
Bergey, 1988; Rubin & Malkinson, 2001). (Umberson, 2003). Adult children may feel vulnerable and
The death of a child alters the family system, affecting the alone in the world when their parents no longer stand be-
marital relationship, parenting, and the well-being of surviv- tween them and death, and they may redefine themselves to
ing siblings and grandparents. The marital relationship is either take on the parent's qualities or reject them. Guilt about
likely to be strained because each partner grieves in a unique not doing enough for the parent who died is also common
way and is not always able to provide emotional support for (Moss etaL, 1993). These concerns take a toll: compared with
the other (Bohannon, 1990-1991). Strains are likely to be es- adults who are not bereaved, adults who have lost a parent in
pecially severe if the marriage was shaky before the death. The the past 3 years have higher rates of psychological distress, al-
odds of marital problems and divorce tend to increase after cohol use, and health problems (Umberson, 2003).
the death of a child, although most couples stay together and
some feel closer than ever (Dijkstra & Stroebe, 1998; Najman
et aL, 1993).
Grieving parents may also have difficulty giving their sur- The view that has guided much of the research on bereave-
viving children the love and support they need to cope with ment we have described has come to be called the grief work
their loss. Children are deeply affected when a brother or sis- perspective—the view that to cope adaptively with death, be-
ter dies, but their grief is often not fully appreciated (Lohan & reaved people must confront their loss, experience painful
Murphy, 2001-2002; Silverman, 2000). Siblings of children emotions, work through those emotions, and move toward a
battling cancer, for example, may resent it if they are neglected detachment from the deceased (Stroebe, 2001a). This view,
by their parents, may be anxious about their own health, may which grew out of Freudian psychoanalytic theory, is widely
feel guil ty about some of the unsavory feelings of rivalry they held in our society, not only among therapists but among peo-
have, and may feel pressure to replace the lost child in their ple in general, and it influences what we view as an abnormal
parents' eyes (Adams & Deveau, 1987). One 12-year-old boy reaction to death (Wortman & Silver, 2001). From the grief
whose brother died described his experience this way: "My work perspective, either a chronic grief that lasts longer, is
dad can t talk about it, and my mom cries a lot. It's really hard more intense than usual, or both, or an absence, inhibition, or
on them. I pretend I'm O.K. I usually just stay in my room" delay of grief, in which the bereaved denies the loss and never
(Wass, 1991, p. 29). If siblings are isolated from their under- seems to confront and express painful feelings, is viewed as
standably upset parents or if their grief is not taken seriously, "pathological" or "complicated" grief (see, for example,
they may have an especially hard time recovering, whereas if Raphael, 1983). This grief work perspective has now come un-
der serious attack; questions have been raised about its as-
sumptions that there is a right way to grieve, that bereaved
people must experience intense grief to recover, and that they
must sever their bonds with the deceased (Bonanno, 2004;
Wortman & Silver, 2001).
First, cross-cultural studies reveal that there are many
ways to grieve and suggest that the grief work model of be-
reavement may be culturally biased. An Egyptian mother may
be conforming to her culture's norms of mourning if she sits
alone, withdrawn and mute, for months or even years after a
child's death. Likewise, a Balinese mother is following the
rules of her culture if she is calm, composed, and even seem-
ingly cheerful soon after a child's death (Wikan, 1988, 1991).
We would be wrong to conclude, based on our own society's
norms, that the Egyptian mother is suffering from chronic
grief or the Balinese mother from absent or inhibited grief.
Second, there is surprisingly little support for the grief
work perspective's assumption that bereaved individuals must
confront their loss and experience painful emotions to cope
successfully (Bonanno, 2004; Wortman & Silver, 2001). As you
saw earlier, bereaved individuals who fail to show7 much emo-
tional distress during the early months after the loss do not
seem to pay for their lack of grief with a delayed grief reaction <[ Is it pathological t o maintain a relationship with a deceased parent
later—as the grief work model says they should. On the con- for many years? Probably not. It is common practice in Japan to re-
trary, the individuals who adjust best to death are the resilient m e m b e r each morning during worship ancestors who have died, to
*
leave them food and otherwise care for them, and t o tell them
ones who display relatively little distress at any point in their about one's triumphs and disasters (Klass, 2001). Continuing attach-
bereavement, experience many positive emotions and ment t o rather than detachment from the deceased is normal in
thoughts, and manage to carry on with life despite their loss some cultural contexts.
(Bonanno, 2004; Bonanno & Field, 2001).
Finally, the grief work view that we must break our bonds
to the deceased to overcome our grief is being challenged. This
view goes back to Sigmund Freud, who believed that bereaved them experienced relatively low7 levels of distress. By contrast,
people had to let go to invest their psychic energy elsewhere. those who used their spouse's possessions to comfort them-
By contrast, John Bowlby (1980) noticed that many bereaved selves showed high levels of distress at the 6-month mark and
individuals revise their internal working models of self and little decrease in grief over the coming months. Continued ob-
others and continue their relationships with their deceased session with the deceased is probably not healthy; in a follow-
loved ones on new terms (Bonanno & Kaltman, 1999; Noppe, up to Field's study, maintaining a continuing bond with the
2000). Recent research supports Bowlby, suggesting that many deceased turned out to have more negative than positive ef-
bereaved individuals maintain their attachments indefinitely fects 5 years after the death (Field, Gal-Oz, & Bonanno, 2003).
rather than severing those bonds, especially if they enjoyed a Still, we should be cautious about labeling as abnormal indi-
secure attachment before the death (Waskowic & Chartier, viduals who sense the presence of a lost loved one and consult
2003). Bereavement rituals in some cultures (in Japan, for in- with him about important decisions years alter a death.
stance) are designed to ensure a continued bond between the So, norms for expressing grief vary wi dely across cultures;
living and the dead (Klass, 2001). Moreover, individuals who it is not clear that a person must experience emotional distress
continue their bonds do not necessarily show poorer adjust- to adjust to a loss or that bereaved people who do not experi-
ment than those who do not, and some benefit from the con- ence emotional distress will pay later with a delayed grief re-
tinuing relationship (Field et al., 1999; Lohnes & Kalter, 1994). action; and people need not sever their attachment to the de-
Nigel Field and his colleagues (1999) have discovered that ceased to adjust to a loss. More fundamentally, researchers are
some forms of continuing attachment are healthier than oth- now questioning the idea, embedded in the grief work model,
ers, however. They investigated whether continuing attach- that grief is a pathological process—like a disease that we
ment to a deceased spouse was positively or negatively related catch, suffer from, and eventually get over (Bonanno, 2001).
to levels of grief symptoms among widows and widowers at 6 As you saw earlier, only about 15% of bereaved individuals ex-
months, 14 months, and 25 months after their loss. It de- perience complications of grief so severe that they can be de-
pended on the type of continuing attachment behavior dis- scribed as pathological (Bonanno & Kaltman, 2000). What is
played. Those who expressed their continuing attachment by more, it is common to experience positive emotions with the
having and sharing fond memories of the deceased and by negative ones and to feel in the end that one has benefited
sensing that their loved one was watching over and guiding from one's loss (Davis & Nolen-Hoeksema, 2001; Folkman &
Moskowitz, 2004; Harvey, 2001). Overall, we must conclude T h e N a t u r e of the Loss
that grief takes many forms, involves positive and negative Bereavement outcomes are also influenced by characteristics
emotions, and is more complex and less pathological than the of the event with which the person must cope. The closeness
grief work model implies. of the person's relationship to the deceased is very important.
Children grieve especially hard for parents to whom they were
closely attached (Umberson 8c Chen, 1994), and spouses
grieve especially hard for partners with whom they shared a
Even if it is difficult to find the line between normal grief and common identity and on whom they were highly dependent
pathological grief, we can still ask what risk and protective fac- (Carr et al., 2000; DeGarmo & Kitson, 1996). The cause of
tors distinguish people who cope well with loss from people death can also influence bereavement outcomes. One reason
who cope poorly. Coping with bereavement is influenced by the death of a child is so painful is that children's deaths are
the individual's personal resources, the nature of the loss to often the result of "senseless" and violent events such as car ac-
be coped with, and the surrounding context of support and cidents and homicides.
stressors.
T h e C o n t e x t of Supports and Stressors
Personal Resources
Finally, grief reactions are influenced positively by the pres-
Just as some individuals are better able to cope with their own ence of a strong social support system and negatively by addi-
dying than others are, some are better equipped to handle the tional life stressors (Lopata, 1996; Stroebe & Schut, 2001).
stresses of bereavement. Bowlby's attachment theory empha- Social support is crucial at all ages. It is especially important
sizes that early experiences in attachment relationships influ- for the young child whose parent dies to have good substitute
ence the internal working models we form of self and other, parenting (Raveis, Siegel, & Karus, 1999). Brothers and sisters
how wre later relate to others, and how we handle losses of re- can help each other cope (Hurd, 2002). Indeed, family mem-
lationships (Shaver & Tancredy, 2001; Noppe, 2000). If infants bers of all ages recover best when the family is cohesive and
and young children receive loving and responsive care, they family members can share their emotions (Kissane et al., 1996;
form internal working models of self and other that tell them Traylor et al., 2003). Bereaved individuals indicate that they
that they are lovable and that other people can be trusted (see are helped most by family and friends who say they are sorry
Chapter 14). Having a secure attachment style is associated to hear of the loss, make themselves available to serve as con-
with coping relatively wrell with the death of a loved one (Field fidants, and let bereaved individuals express painful feelings
et al., 2001; Waskowic & Chartier, 2003). freely (Herkert, 2000; Lehman, Ellard, & Wortman, 1986). It
By contrast, infants or young children who receive incon- often falls to the bereaved person to teach would-be support-
sistent care or who suffer the loss of an important attachment ers howr best to be supportive because many of us have no idea
figure are likely to develop an insecure attachment style and what to do or say (Dyregrov, 2003-2004).
may have difficulty coping with loss later in life. They may, for Just as social support helps the bereaved, additional stres-
example, develop a resistant (or ambivalent) style of attach- sors hurt. For example, outcomes tend to be poor for widows
ment that leads them to overly depend on others and to dis- *
play extreme and chronic grief and anxiety after a loss who must cope with financial problems after bereavement and
(Bowlby, 1980; Shaver & Tancredy, 2001). Or they may de- for widowers who have difficulty managing household tasks
velop an avoidant attachment style. Recent research suggests without their wives (Lopata, 1996; Umberson, Wortman, &
that adaptation to loss is likely to be good if the individual is Kessler, 1992). Widows and widowers may have more than the
avoidant in the sense of being independent and does not need
close relationships as much as most people do but that the
grieving process is likely to be more difficult if the individual
is both avoidant and anxious about relationships—that is, if 5
she is afraid to get close to others for fear of being abandoned

(Fraley & Bonanno, 2004).
Personality and coping style also influence how success-
fully people cope with death. For example, individuals who
have difficulty coping tend to have low self-esteem (Lund et
al., 1985-1986), to lack a sense that they are in control of their
lives (Haas-Hawkings et al., 1985), and to be highly dependent
(Bonanno et al., 2002). Many were experiencing psychological
problems such as depression before they were bereaved
(Bonanno, Wortman, & Nesse, 2004); many rely on ineffective
coping strategies such as denial and escape through alcohol
and drugs (Murphy, Johnson, & Lohan, 2003a). So, the endur-
ing capacity of the individual to cope with life's problems is an (L Sensitive social support can make all the difference t o the
important influence on bereavement outcomes. bereaved.
usual difficulty adjusting if they must also take on the chal- Summing Up
lenges of caring single-handedly for young children, finding a
All d e a t h s in t h e family have t h e potential t o c a u s e e m o -
new job, or moving (Parkes, 1996; Worden & Silverman,
tional d a m a g e and t o p e r t u r b t h e family system, although
1993).
many w i d o w s and w i d o w e r s are resilient T h e death o f a
By taking into account the person who has experienced a
child o f t e n t a k e s a g r e a t e r t o l l than t h e death o f a p a r e n t
death, the nature of the death, and the context surrounding it,
R e c e n t r e s e a r c h challenges t h e grief w o r k p e r s p e c t i v e ,
we can put together a profile of the individuals who are most
which holds t h a t t h e r e is a " n o r m a l " w a y t o grieve and
likely to develop long-term problems after bereavement. These
t h a t it involves e x p e r i e n c i n g and working t h r o u g h painful
individuals have had an unfortunate history of interpersonal
emotions and breaking the bond to the deceased.
relationships, perhaps suffering the death of a parent when
P r o l o n g e d grief is especially likely a m o n g individuals w h o
they were young or experiencing insecurity in their early at-
have insecure attachment styles o r ineffective coping
tachments. They have had previous psychological problems
skills; w h o had c l o s e relationships with loved o n e s w h o
and generally have difficulty coping effectively with adversity.
died violently and senselessly; and w h o lack positive s o -
The person who died is someone on whom they depended
cial s u p p o r t , f a c e additional s t r e s s o r s , o r b o t h . Y e t positive
greatly, and the death was untimely and seemingly senseless.
e m o t i o n s and p e r s o n a l growth a r e c o m m o n a m o n g t h e
Finally, these high-risk individuals lack the kinds of social sup-
bereaved. 0
port that can aid them in overcoming their loss, and they are
burdened by stresses in addition to the stress of bereavement.
The grief work perspective 011 bereavement has tended to put

the focus on the negative side of bereavement—on the dam-
Several efforts are under way to help children and adults who
aging effects of loss and the need to "recover" from "symp-
are dying or who are bereaved grapple with death and their
toms" of grief. As you have seen, however, psychologists are
feelings about it. Here is a sampling.
coming to appreciate that bereavement and other life crises
also have positive consequences and sometimes foster per-
sonal growth (Davis & Nolen-Hoeksema, 2001; Folkman &
Moskowitz, 2004; Tedeschi & Calhoun, 2004). Granted, it can
Dramatic changes in the care of dying people have occurred
be a painful way to grow, and we could hardly recommend it
with the past few decades, thanks partly to the efforts of
as a plan for optimizing human development. Still, the litera-
Elisabeth Kubler-Ross and others. Still, many signs suggest
ture on death and dying is filled with testimonials about the
that hospital personnel continue to place much emphasis on
lessons that can be learned.
curing terminally ill patients and keeping them alive and little
Many bereaved individuals believe that they have become
on controlling their pain and allowing them to "die with dig-
stronger, wiser, more loving, and more religious people with a
nity." Out of such concerns has arisen an approach to caring
greater appreciation of life (Tedeschi & Calhoun, 2004). Many
for the dying person that is intended to be more humane: the
widows master new skills, become more independent, and
hospice.
emerge with new identities and higher self-esteem, especially
A hospice is a program that supports dying people and
those who depended heavily on their spouses and then dis-
their families through a philosophy of "caring" rather than
cover that they can manage life on their own (Carr, 2004;
"curing" (Connor, 2000; Saunders, 2002). One of the founders
Lopata, 1996). These testimonials make the point:
of the hospice movement and of St. Christopher's Hospice in
A bereaved spouse: "I feel that [in] my present relation- London, Dr. Cicely Saunders (2002), puts it this way: "I re-
ship I'm better able to be a real good friend, and I don't main committed to helping people find meaning in the end of
take things so personally." (Davis & Nolen-Hoeksema, life and not to helping them to a hastened death" (p. 289).
2001, p. 735) The hospice concept spread quickly to North America,
A widow, surprised by how successfully she had built where hospices have been established in most communities to
a new and satisfying life: "I'm . doing things I never serve individuals with cancer, AIDS, and other life-threatening
thought I could do. I hate being alone but I have good diseases. In many hospice programs today, however, there is
friends and wTe care about each other. I'm even traveling. 110 care facility like St. Christopher's; instead, dying patients
I enjoy my work. I never thought I'd hear myself say that stay at home and are visited by hospice workers.
I don't mind being single." (Silverman, 1981, p. 55) What makes hospice care different from hospital care?
And a mother whose infant died: "Now I can survive Whether hospice care is provided in a facility or at home, it
anything." (DeFrain, Taylor, & Ernst, 1982, p. 57) entails these key features (Connor, 2000; Corr & Corr, 1992;
Siebold, 1992):
So perhaps it is by encountering tragedy that we learn to
cope with tragedy, and perhaps it is by struggling to find 1. The dying person and his family—not the "experts"—
meaning in death that we come to find meaning in life. decide what support they need and want.
2. Attempts to cure the patient or prolong his life are of grief and greater well-being 1 to 2 years after the death than
deemphasized. similar relatives who had coped with a death without benefit
3. Pain control is emphasized. 'of hospice care (Ragow-O'Brien, Hayslip, & Guarnaccia,
4. The setting for care is as normal as possible (preferably 2000).
the patient s own home or a homelike facility that does The hospice approach may not work for all, but for some
not have the sterile <rtmosphere of many hospital wards). it means an opportunity to die with dignity, free of pain and
5. Bereavement counseling is provided to the family before surrounded by loved ones. The next challenge may be to ex-
and after the death. tend the hospice philosophy of caring rather than curing to
children. Of children who die of cancer, half die in a hospital
Do dying patients and their families fare better when they
and many suffer from pain that is not adequately controlled,
spend their last days together receiving hospice care? Hospice
possibly because their doctors and parents cannot accept that
leaders point to suggestive evidence that patients have less in-
the child is dying and so continue to treat the cancer aggres-
terest in physician-assisted suicide when they have access to
sively (Wolfe et al., 2000; Stillion & Papadatou, 2002).
hospice care and their pain is better controlled (Foley &
Hendin, 2002). In one study, a third of individuals cared for by
a home health care agency, nursing home, or hospital felt they
received too little emotional support, whereas only about 20%
Most bereaved individuals do not need psychological inter-
of those receiving home hospice services felt this way (Teno et
ventions to help them cope with death; they deal with this
al., 2004). And an evaluation of hospice facility care, at-home
normal life transition on their own and with support from
hospice care, and conventional hospital care in Great Britain
significant others. At the same time, there are many options
found that hospice patients spent more of their last days with-
for bereaved individuals, ranging from counseling intended to
out pain, underwent fewer medical interventions and opera-
prevent problems before they develop to interventions de-
tions, and received nursing care that was more oriented to
signed to treat serious psychological disorders precipitated by
their emotional needs (Seale, 1991). Their families grieved as
a loss (Kazalc & Noll, 2004; Raphael, Minkov, & Dobson,
much as those of hospitalized patients but were more satisfied
2001). Bereaved individuals at risk for depression—because of
with the care they received (see also Teno et al., 2004). In still
a history of losses, a history of depression or other psycholog-
another study, spouses, parents, and other relatives of dying
ical disorders, a lack of social support, or other factors—may
people who received hospice care displayed fewer symptoms
benefit from therapy or counseling aimed at preventing them
from becoming depressed (Murray et al., 2000; Zisoolc &
Shuchter, 2001). And, like anyone with major depression, be-
reaved individuals who become seriously depressed can bene-
fit from individual or group psychotherapy and antidepres-
sant medication (see Chapter 16).
Because death takes place in a family context, a family sys-
tems approach and family therapy often make a good deal of
sense, especially when children are involved (Kazak & Noll,
2004; Moore & Carr, 2000). Family therapy can help bereaved
parents and children communicate more openly and share
their grief. It can also enable parents to maintain the kind of
warm and supportive parenting style that can be so important
in facilitating their children's recovery.
Another approach to helping the bereaved that has
proven popular is the mutual support or self-help group
(Goodkin et al., 2001; Silverman, 2000; Zisook & Shuchter,
2001). One such program is Compassionate Friends, serving
parents whose children have died. Other groups are aimed at
widows and widowers. Parents without Partners, TFIEOS
(They Help Each Other Spiritually), The Widowed Persons
Service, and similar groups bring widows and widowers to-
gether to offer everything from practical advice on such mat-
ters as settlingfinancesor finding a job to emotional support
and friendship.
Bereavement support groups have also been designed for
HIV-infected individuals who have experienced the AIDS-
related deaths of partners, family members, and friends. Karl
Goodkin and his colleagues (2001) have found that such
C Hospice care helps people live even while they are dying. groups can reduce the distress these people experience, help
them adopt more effective coping strategies, and increase their widows who do not participate in support groups, partici-
use of social support. Moreover, the researchers were able to pants tend to be less depressed and anxious, use less medica-
demonstrate that the intervention had significant positive ef- tion, and have a greater sense of well-being and self-esteem
fects on participants neuroendocrine and immune system (Lieberman & Videka-Sherman, 1986). Perhaps this is be-
functioning and reduced the number of times they visited cause other bereaved people are in the best position to un-
doctors, suggesting that support groups might have positive derstand what a bereaved person is going through and to of-
effects on health outcomes. fer effective social support. One widow summed it up this
Participation in mutual support groups can be beneficial way: "What's helpful? Why, people who are in the 'same boat.'
for bereaved parents, helping them find meaning in the death Unless you've been there you just can't understand" (Banlcoff,
of their child (Murphy et al., 2003a). And, compared with 1983, p. 230).
itive personality traits and coping skills, who had close relationships
with individuals who died violently and senselessly, and who lack so-
1. In defining death as a biological process, the Harvard defini- cial support, face additional stressors, or both.
tion of total brain death has been influential; many controversies sur- 12. Successful efforts to take the sting out of death have in-
round issues of active and passive euthanasia and assisted suicide, cluded hospice programs for dying patients and their families and in-
and the social meanings of death vary widely. dividual therapy, family therapy, and mutual support groups for the
2. The average life expectancy for a newborn in the United bereaved.
States has risen to 76!/2 years, higher than that in less developed coun-
tries. Death rates decline after infancy and rise after early adulthood
Critical Thinking
as accidents give way to chronic diseases as the primary causes of
death.
1. Look carefully at the five stages of dying that Elisabeth
3. Programmed theories of aging hold that aging is governed by
Kubler-Ross believes terminally ill patients experience and at the four
species heredity and individual genetic endowment, whereas damage
phases of adjustment bereaved people experience according to Colin
theories of aging focus on an accumulation of random damage
Murray Parkes and John Bowlby. What common themes do you see,
caused by destructive free radicals and other agents.
and how do they differ?
4. Elisabeth Kubler-Ross stimulated much concern for dying pa-
2. Lucy (age 3), Lilly (age 9), and Lally (age 16) have all been di-
tients by describing five stages of dying, but, as Edwin Shneidman
agnosed with cancer. They have been given chemotherapy and radi-
emphasized, the dying experience ever-changing emotions, depend-
ation treatments for several months but seem to be getting worse
ing on the course of their disease and on their personality.
rather than better. Write a short monologue for each child conveying
5. Bereavement precipitates grief and mourning, which are ex- (a) how she understands death and (b) her major concerns and
pressed, according to the Parkes/Bowlby attachment model, in over- wishes based on what you know of normal development at her age.
lapping phases of numbness, yearning, disorganization and despair,
3. Many people have misconceptions about what is normal and
and reorganization.
what is abnormal when it comes to grieving, as this chapter has illus-
6. Infants may not comprehend death but clearly grieve,
trated. Identify three such misconceptions and, using relevant re-
protesting and despairing after separations.
search, show why they are just that—misconceptions.
7. Children are curious about death and usually understand by
4. On what can proponents of assisted suicide and proponents
age 5 to 7 that it is a final cessation of life processes that is irreversible
of hospice care agree—and how do their views differ?
and universal, later realizing that it is ultimately caused by internal
biological changes. Terminally ill children often become very aware
of their situation, and bereaved children often experience bodily
symptoms, acadcmic difficulties, and behavioral problems.
8. Adolescents understand death more abstractly and cope with total brain death, 485 free radical theory, 491
dying and bereavement in ways that reflect the developmental assisted suicide, 486 antioxidants, 491
themes of adolescence.
living will, 486 caloric restriction, 492
9. Widows and widowers experience many physical, emotional,
and cognitive symptoms and are at increased risk of dying. The death euthanasia, 487 denial, 492
of a child is often even more difficult for an adult to bear; the death life expectancy, 488 bereavement, 495
of a parent, because it is expected, is often easier. programmed theories of grief, 495
10. The grief work perspective has been challenged; what is nor- aging, 489 mourning, 495
mal depends on the cultural context, and many people display re-
damage theories of aging, 489 anticipatory grief, 495
silience, adjusting well by expressing few negative and many positive
emotions after the death and by continuing rather than severing their maximum life span, 489 Parkes/Bowlby attachment
attachments. Hayflick limit, 490 model of bereavement, 495
11. Intense and prolonged grief is especially likely among indi-
telomere, 490 grief work perspective, 504
viduals who had painful early attachment experiences, who lack pos-
progeria, 490 hospice, 507
Supercentenarians
The Gerontology Research Group maintains a web page devoted to
Websites to Explore ^centenarians. It lists the names and profiles of "supercentenarians"—
individuals who have lived to age 110 or older—worldwide; it also in-
Visit Our Website cludes the photos of many.
the book's companion website at http://psychology.wadsworth.com/ Understanding the Data: Exercises on the
sigelman_rider5e. You can also connect directly to the following sites: Web
The End of Life: Exploring Death in America For additional insight on the data presented in this
The National Public Radio show All Things Considered aired a 6- chapter, try the exercises for the following table and figure at
month special starting in November 1997 on death. Its companion http://psychology.wadsworth.com/sigelman__rider5e:
website has an archive of audio files and transcripts for each of the Table 17.1 Leading causes of death for different age groups in
episodes, additional readings, and resources for exploring death from the Unites States
different angles.
Figure 17.3 Depression symptom scores of five subgroups of
elderly widows and widowers an average of 3 years before, 6
Hospice
months after, and 18 months after the death of their spouse
This site has good material on many death and dying topics, includ-
ing articles about the hospice concept, talking to children about
Life-Span CD-ROM
death, pain relief, and more.
Partnership for Caring study of the concepts in this chapter. The CD-ROM in-
This website is a source of living wills and other advance directives cludes narrated concept overviews, video clips, a multimedia glos-
for those who want to plan their dying experience. sary, and additional activities to expand your learning experience.
Widows and Widowers video library:
This website on coping with grief and loss, maintained by the VIDEO The Hayflick Limit
American Association of Retired Persons (AARP), has useful guid-
VIDEO The Hospice Approach
ance for bereaved people of all ages. The AARP s Widowed Persons
Service provides support groups for widows and widowers. VIDEO Bereavement
DEVELOPMENTAL
Compassionate Friends PsychologyONow TM
This site is for parents and others coping with the death of a child. It
includes media stories on grief and the results of a survey of bereaved Developmental PsychologyNow is a web-based, intelli-
parents. gent study system that provides a complete package of di-
.wadsworth. com/sigelman_rider5e/now.
*
E P I L O G U E
R-;
aior T r e n d s i M a j o r T h e m e s in H u m a n W e Are Individuals, Becoming

More Diverse with Age
W e Develop in a Cultural and
Infants (Birth to Age 2) Mature and Nurture Truly
in Development
through 5) We Are Whole People throughout Development
School-Age Children (Ages the Life Span
Development Is a Lifelong Process
through I I ) Development Proceeds in Multiple
Development Is Best Viewed
Multiple Perspectives
Young Adults (Ages 20 through 39) There Is Both Continuity and
Discontinuity in Development
There Is Much Plasticity in
Older Adults (Age 65 and Development
O U R SURVEY OF H U M A N D E V E L O P M E N T from As the cortical centers of the brain mature and become
c o n c e p t i o n t o d e a t h , and o f t h e m a n y f o r c e s t h a t i n f l u e n c e organized, and as infants gain sensory and motor experience,
it, is n o w c o m p l e t e . In this e p i l o g u e , o u r goal is t o help y o u many automatic reflexes disappear and are replaced by volun-
i n t e g r a t e w h a t y o u have l e a r n e d — t o s e e t h e " b i g p i c t u r e . " tary motor behaviors. In a predictable sequence, infants sit,
W e s u m m a r i z e significant t r e n d s in physical, c o g n i t i v e , p e r - creep and crawl, and then walk independently, around 1 year
sonal, and social a s p e c t s o f d e v e l o p m e n t , age p e r i o d by a g e of age; during their first year, they also perfect a pincer grasp
p e r i o d . W e t h e n pull t o g e t h e r t h e m a j o r t h e m e s t h a t have and become better able to manipulate objects with their
e m e r g e d f r o m r e c e n t t h e o r y and r e s e a r c h . hands. As they become more able to make sense of the per-
ceptual world, and as their motor skills advance, they explore
the world around them more effectively—and actively con-
M ajor T r e n d s tribute to their own cognitive development in the process.
In Development As babies progress through Jean Piaget's sensorimotor pe-
riod, they develop their minds through their own active efforts
to perceive and act upon the world. They come to understand
Throughout this book, you have seen that each phase of the
that objects have permanent existence, even when they are out
life span has distinct characteristics. Here, at the risk of over-
of sight. They also acquire symbolic capacity—the ability to let
simplifying, we offer portraits of the developing person in
one thing stand for another—which is central to intellectual
seven periods of life—sketches that show7 how the strands of
activity throughout the remainder of the life span. By the end
development, intertwined, make a whole person.
of the sensorimotor period, they can use symbols such as im-
ages to mentally devise solutions to problems before trying
infants (Birth to Age 2) them. Meanwhile, their capacities to learn and remember are
What is most striking about infant development is the stag- expanding, allowing them, toward the end of the first year, to
gering speed with which babies acquire all the basic capacities recall events in the absence of cues and imitate actions after a
that make us human. Because of orderly and rapid develop- delay and, by age 2, to deliberately reconstruct events that hap-
ment before birth, a newborn starts life marvelously equipped pened months earlier. After cooing and babbling, they will ut-
to adapt to her environment using reflexes, to take in infor- ter their first words at age 1 and form two-word sentences such
mation through all of her senses, and to learn from and reas "Go car" by age 2. As Lev Vygotsky would remind us, these
member her experiences. T h e rapid growth of body and brain cognitive and linguistic breakthroughs grow out of the child's
during the first 2 years after birth then transforms this social interactions with parents and other guides.
neonate into a toddler who is walking, talking, and asserting a As their cognitive capacities expand, infants become
newfound sense of self. more aware of themselves as individuals. By 18 months, they
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€ Throughout history, artists have tried t o capture the nature of life-span development,
recognize themselves in the mirror and know that they are follow rules of morality. And in no time, they also learn what
girls or boys. But infants are individuals from birth, each with they must know to be a boy or a girl in their society.
a distinctive and genetically influenced temperament that Preschool children's attachments to their caregivers con-
serves as a foundation for later personality. tinue to be central in their social worlds, but they hone their
Infants5 temperaments, with their parents' styles of inter- social skills in interactions with peers, learning to take their
acting with them, influence howr successfully they resolve Erik playmates' perspectives, engage in cooperative play, and form
Eriksons first psychosocial conflict, that of trust versus mis- friendships. Preschoolers are endlessly fascinating: charming
trust, and whether they form secure, resistant, or avoidant at- and socially skilled but a bit egocentric, immensely curious
tachments to their caregivers starting around 7 months. The and intellectually alive but sometimes illogical, here one mo-
parent-child attachment relationship dominates the social ment but off on some new adventure the next.
world of the infant and is a training ground for later social re-
lationships, as theorized by John Bowlby and Mary Ainsworth.
Cognitive advances and daily exchanges with attachment fig-
ures produce more sophisticated social skills that infants then Compared with preschool children, elementary school chil-
apply in their at first clumsy encounters with peers. Equipped dren seem considerably more self-controlled, serious, skilled,
with the ability to perceive and act upon the environment, with and logical. Their bodies grow slowly and steadily each year,
impressive cognitive and linguistic capacities, with an aware- and they continue to refine their motor skills and use their
ness of self, and with internal working models of self and other senses ever more intelligently by directing their attention
derived from their experiences in attachment relationships, in- where it most needs to be directed. As they enter Piaget's con-
fants are ready to venture into a larger social world. crete operations stage, they become able to perform in their
heads actions that previously had to be performed with their
hands. They can mentally add, subtract, classify, and order ob-
jects; grasp conservation problems that fool preschoolers; and
During the preschool years, 2-year-olds who toddle and teeter draw logical conclusions about the workings of the physical
along and speak in two-word sentences become young chil- world. They master the fine points of the rules of language,
dren ready for formal schooling. As their brains continue to use what Vygotsky called private speech (speech inside the
mature and as they gain motor experience, preschool children head) as a tool in problem solving, and become better able to
acquire the gross motor control they need to hop and catch take the perspectives of their listeners in conversations. They
balls and the fine motor skills they need to trace letters and use acquire the memory strategies and other information-
scissors. processing skills needed to do schoolwork. And, although
During Piaget's preoperational stage of cognitive devel- their scores on intelligence tests can fluctuate from year to
opment, young children make wonderful use of their sym- year, their IQs begin to predict fairly well their intellectual
bolic capacity, mastering all the basic rules of language (with standing as adolescents or as adults.
the help of adults willing to converse with them) and joining The cognitive growth that occurs during the school years,
other children in imaginative sessions of social pretend play. combined with social experience, allows children to under-
However, young children often have difficulty with problems stand themselves and other people in terms of inner personal-
that require logical thinking. They fail Piaget's tests of conser- ity traits and underlying motives. School-age children work
vation, thinking that the juice poured from a stocky glass into through Erikson's conflict of industry versus inferiority as
a tall, narrow glass somehow becomes "more juice." They are they attempt to master new skills, compare themselves to their
egocentric at times, failing to appreciate differences between classmates, and absorb feedback about where they stand in
their own perspectives and those of other individuals and as- their reading groups and where they finish in races. The un-
suming that their listeners know what they know. They are realistically high self-esteem of the preschooler drops as
distractible and lack some of the information-processing skills children gain a more accurate view of their strengths and
that allow older children to think about two or more aspects weaknesses. Most children also develop fairly consistent per-
of a problem at once and to use strategies such as rehearseil sonalities, at least parts of which survive into adulthood.
and organization to learn and remember more efficiently. School-age children also continue to learn about and
Preschoolers' personalities continue to take shape as they conform to prevailing social standards regarding how boys
struggle with Eriksons conflicts of autonomy versus shame and girls should behave, but their thinking is more flexible
and initiative versus guilt. If all goes well, they develop the than that of preschoolers. Under the guidance of parents and
confidence to assert themselves and to carry out bold plans, teachers, and through their interactions with peers, children
and their self-esteem is high. They learn a good deal about learn the values and moral standards of the society around
themselves and other people, developing a theory of mind them. Most are at Lawrence Kohlberg's level of preconven-
that allows them to predict and explain human behavior in tional morality, in which what matters most is whether their
terms of mental states, although they still describe people acts will be rewarded or punished.
largely in terms of physical characteristics and activities rather The social world of school-age children is more extensive
than inner qualities. Although relatively lacking in self- than that of infants and preschool children. Family life is still
control, they increasingly become socialized to internalize and important, but more time is spent with peers—usually peers
of the same sex—playing organized games and developing friendships with same- and other-sex peers, and dating rela-
caring friendships, or chumships. Youngsters who are rejected tionships, often showing heightened conformity to gender-role
by their peers and who do not have friends miss these impor- norms. Heightened conformity to peer influence gives many
tant social learning opportunities and tend to become malad- adolescents a brush or two with the law, but the peer group
justed adults. Teachers, coaches, TV characters, and sports serves the useful function of helping children who depend
stars also help children gain the skills and values they will need heavily on their parents become adults who are less reliant on
to do the serious work of adulthood. either parents or peers. Although about 20% of adolescents ex-
perience emotional storm and stress during this period of the
life span, most teenagers emerge with impressive physical, in-
tellectual, and social competencies and with at least prelimi-
Adolescence, the passage between childhood and adulthood, nary notions of who they are and what they will become.
is a time of substantial physical, cognitive, and social change.
Adolescents adjusting to their growth spurt and to the sexual
maturation of their bodies around 12 to 14 years are naturally
preoccupied with their physical appearance and are often The years of infancy, childhood, and adolescence are all a
more upset by their misshapen noses or gargantuan feet than preparation for entry into adult life. Physiologically, young
by any intellectual or character flaws they may possess. adults are at their peak; strength, endurance, reaction time,
Puberty brings not only new physical capacities and unfamil- perceptual abilities, and sexual responsiveness are all optimal,
iar sexual urges but also new, more adultlike relationships even though the aging process is taking slight, and usually not
with members of the other sex and with parents. even noticeable, tolls. Early adulthood is also a period of peak
Meanwhile, as the brain undergoes a growth spurt, par- cognitive functioning. Some young adults will solidify and
ticularly in the prefrontal areas of the cortex that are involved possibly expand upon their command of formal operational
in planning and sustained attention, the mind undergoes its thought, especially in their areas of expertise. Most adults con-
own metamorphosis. The child who could reason logically tinue to be conventional moral reasoners, but about one in six
about real-world problems becomes the adolescent who can begins to think at the level of postconventional morality,
think systematically about worlds that do not even exist and grasping the moral principles underlying society's rules and
ideas that contradict reality. When adolescents fully master regulations. And, if they continue to use their minds, young
Piaget's formal operations, they can formulate and test hy- adults wTill often improve on the 1Q test scorcs they obtained
potheses to solve scientific problems and can grasp abstract as adolescents and gain expertise.
theories and philosophies. These and other new cognitive ca- It is good that young adults are physically and intellectu-
pacities sometimes leave adolescents susceptible to adolescent ally capable, because they face many challenges. They must of-
egocentrism, confused about what to believe, painfully aware ten continue to work on the adolescent task of identity for-
of gaps between what is and what should be, and rebellious mation, exploring different options before settling on a career
when their parents or other authority figures are not "logical" direction. Meanwhile, they are likely to be working through
enough for their tastes. Erikson's early-adult crisis of intimacy versus isolation, testing
Cognitive gains also put adolescents in a position to think relationships, and, if all goes well, committing themselves to a
about themselves and other people in more sophisticated partner. Young adults are changed and often stressed by mar-
ways. Teenagers begin to describe themselves in more abstract riage, new parenthood, and other events of the family life cy-
terms, referring to their core values and philosophies of life. cle; challenging work can expand their capacities but unem-
They are more introspective and self-aware than they were as ployment can threaten their self-esteem.
children and can analyze themselves and other people to de- In view of the many life changes experienced by young
termine what makes them tick. By late adolescence, many can adults, perhaps it is not surprising that this period is character-
integrate their self-perceptions into a coherent sense of who ized by higher divorce rates and more stress-related mental
they are, resolving Erikson's conflict of identity versus role health problems than the later adult years. However, for most
confusion and charting careers and other life goals. young adults, this is also an exciting and productive time of life,
Conventional moral reasoning is achieved as young adoles- a time for gaining expertise, independence, and confidence.
cents first emphasize the importance of being a "good boy" or
"good girl," as defined by parents and society, and later appre-
ciate the need for law and order in the larger social system.
Partly because teenagers become more physically and cog- Middle adulthood often strikes as a more settled period than
nitively mature, and partly because society demands that they early adulthood, but it is not devoid of change. Gradual
prepare themselves for adult roles, social relationships undergo changes in the body's characteristics and capacities that began
their own transformations during the adolescent years. The in the 20s and 30s may become noticeable. Gray hairs (or no
balance of power in the family shifts so that adolescents, al- hair), a shortness of breath after exercise, and a need for read-
though best served by an authoritative parenting style, increasing glasses or a louder TV proclaim that a person is aging.
ingly participate in making decisions about their lives. Women experience the changes of menopause around age 50;
Adolescents become more involved in peer activities, intimate both men and women become more vulnerable to heart dis-
C As a teenager; Alice loved
sports. She played on a Softball
team and started playing tennis
with her father at age 10. At I 8,
she was the first Women's State
Tennis Champion in Wisconsin, a
title she would earn twice. In col-
lege, she worked hard t o help sup-
port her family through the
Depression. Finally she had t o
drop out of medical school. She
continued taking night courses and
met her future husband, whom
she followed t o California.
<[ Alice at 6 months old. She C As a 2-year-old, Alice was

was born July 9, 1906, in very active. O n e of her earli-
Holly Michigan, t o Gertrude est memories is riding in a
Belie Wright and John Henry basket swing suspended from
Alger. the living room ceiling.
d Still active at 92, Alice plays tennis 3 days a week and is seen here fly-
ing a sailplane in the Santa Ynez Valley, California. She is also a Literacy
Volunteer and knits cotton bandages for lepers through the Direct
<[ Alice married in 1939 at age C At 45, Alice enjoyed out-
Relief Foundation. She reads voraciously and loves crossword puzzles.
33. She and her husband, ings with her three young
She sadly gave up playing bridge at age 9 0 because she was tired of be-
George, traveled frequently and children at Monterey,
ing the "designated driver"
visited Catalina during the first California. She was involved in
year o f their marriage.Three her children's activities at
years later; they started a family. home and school.
Alice worked as a manuscript
typist for several well-known
authors in Santa Barbara,
California, and taught tennis to
help support the family.
([ At 95, Alice is still active

and continues t o play weekly
tennis matches. Here she is
€ At 80, Alice poses with her grown children and husband o f 4 7 * seen tending fruit trees in the
years in Santa Barbara, California. orchard at her home.
ease, cancer, and other chronic illnesses. Yet most of the phys- solve the conflict of generativi ty versus stagnation if they can
ical changes that middle-aged adults experience occur slowly invest their energies in nurturing the younger generation or in
and are not severe, giving people plenty of time to adjust to ^producing something of lasting value, but they may experi-
and compensate for them. ence a sense of stagnation if they feel they have failed their
Meanwhile, although intellectual capacities generally are children or are preoccupied with their own needs. Midlife cri-
in top form, middle-aged adults gradually gain some intellec- sis is quite rare. Indeed, after the nest empties and middle-
tual capacities and lose others. They amass knowledge and aged adults are freed of major parenting responsibilities, they
often perform better than young adults on measures of can enjoy their marriages, take pride in their grown children
crystallized intelligence (vocabulary or general information). and grandchildren, contribute to their communities, and be-
Moreover, they build expertise that allows them to solve come more androgynous, expressing both their masculine
everyday problems effectively, and they reach peaks of creative and feminine sides.
achievement in their careers. Yet toward the end of middle
adulthood, some individuals may feel that their memories are
slipping or may begin to struggle with the sorts of unfamiliar
problems that measure fluid intelligence. The poet Robert Browning expressed a very positive image of
Personalities that took form during childhood and that late adulthood when he wrote: "Grow old along with me! The
solidified during adolescence and early adulthood tend to per- best is yet to be, the last of life for which the first was made"
sist into later adulthood, although significant change is possi- By contrast, William Shakespeare, in A5 You Like It (Act II,
ble. According to Erikson, middle-aged adults successfully re- Scene 7), characterized the seventh and final age of life as "sec-
Summary of Physical, Cognitive, Personal, and Social Developrinent across the Life Span
WBKMMSM
Period Physical Development Cognitive Development
Infant (Birth to 2 years) Brain rapidly grows and is pruned; physical Sensorimotor period: Through senses and actions,
growth is rapid. Reflexes are followed by more infants acquire symbolic capacity and object-
permanence concept. Cooing and babbling are fol-
voluntary motor control; walking occurs at 1
lowed by one-word and two-word sentences.
year. Functioning senses are available at birth; /
there is an early ability to understand sensory Learning capacity and recognition memory are pres-
information. ent from birth; there are improvements in recall.
Preschool child (2 to 5 years) Rapid brain development continues. Preoperational stage: Thought is guided by percep-
Coordination and fine motor skills improve. tions rather than logic. Symbolic capacity (language
Perceptual abilities are good; attention span is acquisition and pretend play) blossoms. There are
short. some limits in information-processing capacity, use
of memory strategies, and reasoning.
School-age child (6 to 11 years) Physical growth is slow; motor skills gradually Concrete operations stage: Logical actions occur in
improve. Children have increased ability to con- the head; children master conservation. They also
trol attention and use the senses intelligently. master fine points of language; memory strategies
and problem solving with concrete objects improve.
IQs begin to stabilize.
Adolescent (12 to 19 years) Adolescents experience a brain spurt, a growth Formal operations stage: Hypothetical and abstract
spurt, and attainment of sexual maturity. thought emerge; scientific problem solving begins.
Physical functioning improves. They are con- Attention and information-processing skills con-
cerned with body image. tinue to improve, linked to brain growth spurt.
Young adult (20 to 39 years) This is the time of peak functioning, but a Intellectual functioning is mostly stable, and peak
gradual decline in physical and perceptual ca- expertise and creative achievement often occur.
pacities begins. Fluid intelligence may begin to decline, but crystal-
lized knowledge is maintained well.
Middle-aged adult (40 to 64 Physical declines become noticeable (e.g., some These adults develop sophisticated cognitive skills,
years) loss of endurance, need for reading glasses). especially in areas of expertise. There is the possibil-
Chronic illness increases. Menopause and male ity of growth beyond formal thought and gains in
andropause occur. knowledge.
Older adult (65 years and Physical decline continues; more chronic dis- Declines in cognition are common but not in-
older) ease, disability, and sensory impairment are evitable. Slower learning, memory problems, de-
common; and reaction time slows. But there is clines in IQ and problem solving occur, especially if
also continued plasticity and reorganization of skills are rarely exercised, but crystallized intelli-
the brain in response to intellectual stimulation. gence survives longer than fluid.
ond childishness and mere oblivion; sans teeth, sans eyes, sans tion as younger adults do. They do not crumble when facing life
taste, sans everything" The truth lies somewhere between the changes such as retirement or widowhood. They continue to
two: Old age brings some losses and declines in functioning, lead active social lives, use their sophisticated social cognitive
but it is also, for most, a period of continued growth and skills to understand other people and to engage in complex
many satisfactions. moral reasoning, and enjoy close ties with both family and
By the time adults are in their 60s and 70s, most of them friends. In the end, most are able to successfully resolve
have a physical impairment—a chronic disease, a disability, fail- Erikson s conflict of integrity versus despair,findingmeaning in
ing eyesight or hearing, or, at the least, a slower nervous system their lives and coming to terms with the inevitability of death.
and slower reactions. Aging and disease, it seems, are insepara- These, then, are the broad themes of later life. Yet what
ble. As they enter their 80s and 90s, more adults take longer to may be most striking of all about elderly adults is their im-
learn things, experience occasional memory lapses, or have dif- mense diversity. Many older adults are healthy, active, and
ficulty solving novel problems. Although the odds of highly capable; others show signs of physical, sensory, or cog-
Alzheimer's disease increase relentlessly with age, only about 5% nitive decline; still others suffer from Alzheimer's or other in-
of elderly people have it or other forms of dementia. Most retain capacitating diseases. Moreover, each adult carries into old age
the knowledge that they have crystallized over a lifetime and the unique abilities, knowledge, personality traits, and values, and
cognitive and linguistic skills that they practice every day. each will cope with the challenges of aging and dying in his
Moreover, most adults adapt to physical and cognitive de- own characteristic way.
clines. They typically continue to carry out daily activities effec- Table 18.1 summarizes much of this information about
tively, and they enjoy just as much self-esteem and life satisfac- physical, cognitive, personal, and social development within
Personal Development Social Development
Infants acquire a sense of self, self-recognition, and early signs of These are social beings from birth. They are attached to a caregiver
theory of mind such as joint attention. They gain awareness of gen- at 7 months; separation and stranger anxiety follow. They increase
der identity. Temperament becomes a basis for later personality. social skills with parents and peers and gain the capacity for simple
They undergo Erikson's conflict of trust versus mistrust. pretend play. Theirs is a family-centered lifestyle.
Concrete, physical self-concept. A gender role is rapidly acquired. Parent-child relationship is still central in the social world.
Children master the theory of mind concept that people can have Increased social cognitive abilities allow more cooperation with
false beliefs; they have an early conscience at 2 years but largely have peers; social pretend play blossoms. First exposure to schooling oc-
a self-serving morality. There are conflicts of autonomy versus curs.
shame and initiative versus guilt.
Self-concept includes psychological traits. Personality "gels." Strong Involvement with same-sex peers increases; close chumships are
gender typing occurs. Children have mostly preconventional moral- formed. Role-taking skills advance. Play centers on organized games
ity centered on consequences for themselves. Much social compari- with rules. School and television are important socialization agents.
son occurs when they are coping with the conflict of industry ver-
sus inferiority.
Adolescents have a more abstract and integrated self-concept. They Peak peer involvement and conformity occurs. More emotionally
adjust to sexuality and a gender role. Conventional moral reasoning intimate friendships are followed by dating relationships.
reflects internalization of society's rules. They experience a conflict Parent-child relationship becomes more equal; autonomy increases.
of identity versus role confusion. School and career exploration prepare them for adult roles.
Identity continues to be defined. Some shift from conventional to Social networks continue to expand; romantic relationships form.
postconventional moral reasoning. There is increased confidence. Most establish families and assume roles as spouses and parents.
Some experience a divergence of gender roles with new parenthood. Careers are launched; job switching is common. This is a period of
Personality is fairly stable. They face a conflict of intimacy versus much life change; there is a high risk of divorce and psychological
isolation. problems.
Personality continues to be stable; for a minority, midlife question- The nest empties and the grandparent role is often added to exist-
ing and androgyny shift. There may be a conflict of generativity ing roles. High responsibility is taken for younger and older genera-
versus stagnation. tions. Career is more stable, and peak success is attained. Family
and work roles dominate.
Most maintain their characteristic personality traits, self-esteem, Close ties to family and friends continue; loneliness is rare.
and life satisfaction. Many grow as they resolve conflict of integrity Generally there is a smooth adjustment to retirement and continu-
versus despair. ity of social activities. For women especially, loss of spouse is nor-
mative and requires adjustment.
each period of the life span. This table can serve as a handy de- have influence whether our genetic potentials are realized or
scription of typical developmental changes. However, an un- not (gene-environment interactions), and the genes we in-
derstanding of human development is not complete without herit influence what experiences we seek and have and how we
an understanding of some of the processes behind these respond to them (gene-environment correlations). When
changes. there is goodness of fit between genetic predisposition and en-
vironment, nature and nurture work together in the person's
favor.
M a j o r Tliemes in H u m a n The twin and adoption studies—and, more recently, mo-
lecular genetics studies—conducted by behavior geneticists
Development also testify to the importance of both nature and nurture.
Genetic differences among us help explain variation in virtu-
Another way in which to leave you with the big picture is to ally every human trait that has been studied, from hair color
highlight some major generalizations about human develop- to verbal ability to depression proneness and social attitudes.
ment and the processes behind it. Many of these larger themes Yet environmental factors count, particularly the unique
are incorporated in the life-span developmental perspective (nonshared) experiences that make us different from our sib-
introduced in Chapter 1 (Baltes, 1987; Baltes, Lindenberger, & lings. Depending on which aspect of human development we
Staudinger, 1998); some represent stands on the developmen- study, we may find that either heredity or environment is
tal issues laid out in Chapter 2; and most have been echoed more influential, but we cannot escape the conclusion that de-
throughout this book. We leave you with the following velopment always reflects the ongoing, interacting, and ever
thoughts. fascinating contributions of both.
N a t u r e and N u r t u r e Truly interact W e A r e W h o l e People throughout
The nature-nurture issue, which we have spotlighted through- As our review of major developments in each life phase
out this book, has been largely resolved. It is clear that multiple should make clear, it is the intermeshing of physical, cognitive,
causal forces, representing both nature and nurture and rang- personal, and social development that gives each period of the
ing from changes in cell chemistry to changes in the prevailing life span—and each individual human-—a distinctive and co-
culture, conspire and interact to shape the course of human herent quality. Thus, that 7-month-old infants become at-
development. Biological and environmental influences jointly tached to their caregivers is not a milestone in social develop-
explain both universal developmental trends and individual ment divorced from other aspects of development. The
differences in development. This is precisely the perspective maturation of sensory and motor abilities permits infants to
taken by contextual and systems theories of development (such crawl after their parents to maintain the proximity they desire,
as Urie Bronfenbrenners bioecological model, introduced in and their cognitive growth makes them aware that caregivers
Chapter 1, or Gilbert Gottlieb's evolutionary-epigenetic sys- continue to exist when they leave the room (and therefore can
tems perspective, introduced in Chapter 2). be retrieved). The emergence of attachment bonds, in turn, af-
Consider a universal accomplishment such as acquiring fects development in other areas—for example, by providing
language. Biological maturation, guided by a specieswide ge- toddlers with the security that cillows them to explore the
netic blueprint, clearly makes this achievement possible be- world around them and, in the process, develop their motor
cause no amount of stimulation from adults can make a
1-month-old speak sentences. Yet, even though an infant is
maturationally ready, language skills will not be acquired
without the input from the environment available in all
societies—namely, opportunities to converse with speakers of
the language. So it goes for many other developmental mile-
stones: Little happens unless the individual is maturationally
ready to learn and has the requisite learning experiences.
Why do individuals differ in, for example, their command
of language skills? We could argue that it is because different
people inherit different intellectual potentials, but we would
also have to acknowledge that a genetic potential for high in-
telligence will never be realized if a child has no opportunities
for intellectual stimulation. We could stress the importance of
stimulation, but we would have to acknowledge that children
with the genes for high intelligence are more likely to actively
seek, elicit, and profit from such stimulation than children C Advances in m o t o r development open up possibilities for cogni-
with limited genetic potential. In short, the experiences we tive and social development.
skills and cognitive capacities. All the threads of development tive development, but we now know that these advances in
are interwoven in the whole developing person. cognitive development are achieved gradually and occur faster
in familiar than in less familiar domains of cognitive func-
tioning (Flavell, Miller, & Miller, 1993). It seems that develop-
ment often proceeds in a continuous, gradual manner that
leads to stagelike discontinuities—qualitatively different per-
Chapter 5 introduced Heinz Werner's (1957) orthogenetic formances that make us appreciate just how much growth has
principle, which states that development proceeds from global occurred.
states to states of increasing differentiation and integration of Similarly, you have seen that some traits, including
specific, differentiated states into coherent wholes. The ortho- general intelligence and Big Five personality traits such as
genetic principle is a useful way of summarizing many devel- extraversion-introversion, carry over from childhood and be-
opmental trends. The single, undifferentiated cell formed at come even more stable and consistent during adulthood.
conception becomes billions of highly specialized cells (neu- However, this continuity or consistency is imperfect, and there
rons, blood cells, and so on), all organized into functioning is ample room for change. A bright child may lose intellectual
systems (such as the brain). The young infant flails its whole capacity if she is abused and neglected at home or attends in-
body as a unit (global response); the older child moves specific ferior schools, and an introverted child may gain confidence
parts of the body on command (differentiation) and coordi- and blossom into a more outgoing individual with the aid of
nates separate movements to ride a bike (integration). supportive friends. Such discontinuity means that predicting
Similarly, young children describe other people's personalities the character of the adult from knowledge of the child is risky,
in global terms ("He's nice5' or "She's mean"); school-age chil- even in the face of much continuity in development.
dren develop a more differentiated vocabulary of personality
trait labels; and adolescents become true personality theorists,
integrating all they have learned about their companions—
contradictions included—into coherent theories about what Repeatedly you have seen that humans of all ages are charac-
makes these people tick. terized by considerable plasticity—by a remarkable capacity
Yet not all developmental change is a matter of acquiring to change in response to experience and to get off one devel-
more complex and organized behaviors or progressing toward opmental pathway and onto another. Thus, infants whose in-
some "mature" endpoint. As you have seen, human develop- tellectual development is stunted by early malnutrition can
ment involves gains and losses at every age and systematic catch up if they are given an adequate diet and enriching ex-
changes that make us neither better nor worse than we were periences. Adults not only learn new intellectual tricks but
before but simply different. Thus, children who are gaining sprout new neural synapses and even new neurons in response
many academic learning skills are also losing some of their in- to experience—evidence that the brain is plastic throughout
trinsic motivation to learn as they progress through school, the life span and that the first 3 years after birth are not the
and. older adults are losing mental speed but gaining knowl- only years during which intellectual stimulation is important
edge, and sometimes even wisdom, that helps them compen- (Thompson & Nelson, 2001).
sate for slower information processing. Evidence of plasticity and change in later life is especially
Paul Baltes has suggested that every gain may have its cor- heartening to those who want to foster healthy development.
responding loss, and every loss its corresponding gain. Alice Contrary to what Sigmund Freud believed, early experiences
James, sister of pioneering psychologist William James and rarely make or break us. Instead, there are opportunities
author Henry James, saw this even as her vision failed: "All loss throughout the life span—within limits—to undo the damage
is gain. Since I have become so near-sighted I see no dust or done by early traumas, to teach new skills, and to redirect lives
squalor, and therefore conceive of myself as living in splen- along more fruitful paths. If adverse early experiences are fol-
dor" (James cited in Baltes, Smith, & Staudinger, 1992, p. 158). lowed by adverse later experiences, we can expect poor out-
We simply must abandon the tired view7 that human develop- comes. But if potentially damaging early experiences are offset
ment consists of growth or improvement up to adulthood, by favorable later experiences, we can expect developing hu-
stability into middle age, and decline in old age. mans to display considerable plasticity and resilience.
As you have seen throughout this book, developmentalists In any human development textbook, there is a tendency to
have long grappled with the issue of continuity versus dis- emphasize developmental phenomena shared by all or most
continuity in human development. You should now appre- individuals—to highlight the regularities and commonalities.
ciate the wisdom of staking out a middle ground on the We share a good deal with our fellow developing humans. But
continuity-discontinuity issue. remember that each of us is truly one of a kind. Indeed, the di-
For example, research supports Piaget's claim that chil- versity of developing humans is so great that it often seems
dren progress through qualitatively different stages of cogni- impossible to generalize about them.
Individuality is apparent starting at birth if you look historical events and social changes yet to take place may all
closely at each infant's temperament, daily rhythms, and rate make human development in the 21st century different from
of development. As people age, their individual genetic en- human development in the 20th century.
dowments express themselves more fully, and they increas-
ingly accumulate their own unique histories of life experi-
ences. The result? You can tell a good deal about an individual
knowing that he is 2 weeks or 2 years old, whereas you know Early developmental theorists tended to view humans as pas-
little about a person simply knowing that she is 25 or 65. sively shaped by forces beyond their control. Sigmund Freud
Because diversity increases with age, elderly adults are the saw the developing child as driven by biological urges and
most diverse group of humans and therefore the age group molded by early experiences in the family; John Watson and
you should work hardest to avoid stereotyping (Andrews, other early learning theorists emphasized that human behav-
Clark & Luszcz, 2002; Morse, 1993). ior is controlled by environmental stimuli. Jean Piaget did
much to alter this image of developing humans by emphasiz-
ing how children actively explore the world around them and
We Develop in a Cultural and actively invent their own understandings, rather than merely
absorbing lessons fed to them by adults. Piaget's insights
Repeatedly you have seen that humans are embedded in a so- about the developing child are firmly embedded in our as-
ciocultural context that affects their development, a central sumptions about human development at all ages. Certainly we
theme in the sociocultural theory of Vygotsky and the bioeco- are affected by those around us and are sometimes the passive
logical theory of Bronfenbrenner (Bronfenbrenner & Morris, recipients of environmental influence. But just as certainly, we
1998; Vygotsky, 1978). Human development takes different create our own environments, influence those around us, and,
forms in different cultures, socioeconomic groups, racial by doing so, contribute to our own development. It is this on-
groups, and ethnic groups; human development in the 12th or going, dynamic transaction between an active person and a
17th century was different from human development in the changing environment, each reciprocally influencing the
20th century; and each person's development is influenced by other, that steers development.
social changes and historical events occurring during his life-
time.
We know, for example, that children reach puberty earlier
and adults live longer now than they did a century ago. Developmentalists are more aware than ever of the importance
Today's cohorts of adults are also healthier and are function- of understanding links between earlier and later development,
ing better intellectually and maintaining their intellectual ca- as illustrated by the emergence of the field of developmental
pacities longer than adults who were born early in the 20th. psychopathology with its emphasis on the various pathways
century and who received less education and poorer health that can lead to normal or abnormal developmental outcomes.
care (Costa, 2002). Future cohorts of adults may maintain It is valuable to study infancy, adolescence, or any other devel-
their physical and mental abilities even longer. Changes in the opmental period. But it is more valuable to view behavior dur-
family and in mens and women's roles, technological and sci- ing any one phase of life from a life-span perspective. It helps
entific breakthroughs such as the World Wide Web and the to understand that the teenage girl who bickers with her par-
Human Genome Project, the terrorist attack on the World ents in an effort to forge her own identity might not have the
Trade Center and Pentagon and its aftermath, and significant confidence to do so unless she had enjoyed a warm, secure at-
tachment with them as an infant and child—and that this ado-
lescent's quest for a separate identity and increased independ-
ence will ready her for intimacy and interdependence with
another person. Because development is a process, it helps to
know where it started and where it is heading.
As this book testifies, many disciplines have something to con-

tribute to a comprehensive understanding of human develop-
ment, and we need them all. Geneticists, developmental biol-
ogists, neuroscientists, and other representatives of the
biological sciences must help us understand the genes, hor-
mones, and neural networks that guide human development
and aging and how they both affect and are affected by envi-
ronmental factors. Meanwhile, psychologists must help us un-
([ W e develop in a cultural and historical context. derstand the individual and his social relationships, and an-
thropologists, sociologists, historians, and economists must Often, it seems that the more you learn about a topic, the
contribute their analyses of the changing sociocultural con- more you realize how much more there is to learn. This is cer-
text in which that individual develops. tainly true of human development. As developmental scien-
Multiple theories must also be brought to bear on the task tists increasingly incorporate contextual assumptions into
of understanding human development. As we noted in their thinking, they are asking new questions that might not
Chapter 2, many developmental scientists are eclectics: They have occurred to them in the past about how transactions be-
embrace several theories rather than feeling that they must se- tween changing people and their changing environments play
lect one and reject the rest. Psychoanalytic, social learning, themselves out over the years. In the study of human develop-
cognitive developmental, and contextual and systems theories ment, then, there are always more questions than answers. We
all have something important to say about how and why we find this both a humbling and an inspiring thought And we
change and remain the same as we age. We can thank stage hope that you, too, feel both humbled and inspired as you
theories for showing us that people all over the world develop complete your introduction to life-span human development.
along certain well-worn pathways and contextual theories and We hope that you are intrigued enough to observe more
for adding that human development can take different direc- closely your own development and that of those around
tions depending on the day-to-day transactions between the you—or even to take further course work. And we sincerely
maturing individual and the particular social world in which hope that you will use what you learn to steer your own and
she is developing. others' development in healthier directions.
t
A, not B, error The tendency of 8- to 12- with puberty and ends when the individual tested for chromosomal abnormalities and
month-old infants to search for a hidden has acquired adult competencies and re- other genetic defects,
object in the place they last found it (A) sponsibilities. amnion A watertight membrane that sur-
rather than in its new hiding place (13). adolescent egocentrism A characteristic of rounds the developing embryo, regulating
ability grouping The practice in education adolescent thought that involves difficulty its temperature and cushioning it against
of grouping students according to ability differentiating between the person's own injuries.
and educating them in classes with stu- thoughts and feelings and those of other amoral Lacking any sense of morality;
dents of comparable academic or intellec- people; evident in the personal fable and without standards of right and wrong,
tual standing; also called ability tracking or imaginary audience phenomena, androgenized female A genetic female who
simply tracking. adolescent growth spurt The rapid increase was exposed to male sex hormones during
acceptance-responsiveness A dimension of in physical growth that occurs during ado- the prenatal period and therefore devel-
parenting capturing the extent to which lescence. oped malelike external genitals and some
parents are supportive, sensitive to their age effects In developmental research, the masculine behaviors.
children's needs, and willing to provide af- effects of getting older or of developing. androgens Male hormones that help trigger
fection and praise when their children meet Contrast with cohort effects and time of the adolescent growth spurt and the devel-
their expectations. measurement effects. opment of the male sex organs, secondary
accommodation In Piaget's cognitive develop- age grades Socially defined age groups or sex characteristics, and sexual motivation,
mental theory, the process of modifying exist- strata, each with different statuses, roles, androgyny A gender-role orientation in
ing schemes to incorporate or adapt to new privileges, and responsibilities in society, which the person blends both positive
experiences. Contrast with assimilation. In vi- age norms Expectations about what people masculine-stereotyped and positive
sion, a change in the shape of the eye's lens to should be doing or how they should behave feminine-stereotyped personality traits,
bring objects at differing distances into focus, at different points in the life span, androgyny shift A psychological change
acquired immune deficiency syndrome age of viability A point (around the 24th that begins in midlife, when parenting re-
(AIDS) The life-threatening disease in prenatal week) when a fetus may survive sponsibilities are over, in which both men
which the human immunodeficiency virus outside the uterus if the brain and respira- and women retain their gender-typed qual-
(HIV) destroys the immune system and tory system are well enough developed and ities but add to them qualities traditionally
makes victims susceptible to rare, so-called if excellent medical care is available, associated with the other sex, thus becom-
opportunistic, infections that eventually kill ageism Prejudice against elderly people, ing more androgynous,
them. AIDS is transmitted through sexual agency An orientation toward individual andropause The slower and less-dramatic
activity, drug needle sharing, and from action and achievement that emphasizes male counterpart of menopause, character-
mother to child before or during birth, traits of dominance, independence, as- ized by decreasing levels of testosterone
activity A dimension of temperament that sertiveness, and competitiveness; consid- and symptoms that include low libido, fa-
refers to the energy level of an individual, ered masculine. tigue and lack of energy, erection problems,
activity-passivity issue The issue in devel- age-related macular degeneration Damage memory problems, and loss of pubic hair,
opmental theory centering on whether hu- to cells in the retina responsible for central anorexia nervosa A life-threatening eating
mans are active contributors to their own vision. disorder characterized by failure to main-
development or are passively shaped by aging To most developmentalists, positive, tain a normal weight, a strong fear of
forces beyond their control, negative, and neutral changes in the mature weight gain, and a distorted body image;
activity theory A perspective holding that organism; different from biological aging. literally, "nervous lack of appetite."
aging adults will find satisfaction to the ex- alphabetic principle The idea that the let- anoxia A lack of sufficient oxygen to the
tent that they maintain an active lifestyle. ters in printed words represent the sounds brain that may result in neurological dam-
Contrast with disengagement theory. in spoken words. age or death.
adaptation In Piaget's cognitive develop- anticipatory grief Grieving before death for
Alzheimer's disease A pathological condi-
mental theory, a person's inborn tendency to what is happening and for what lies ahead,
tion of the nervous system that results in
adjust to the demands of the environment, antioxidant Vitamins C, E, and similar sub-
an irreversible loss of cognitive capacities;
consisting of the complementary processes stances that may increase longevity, al-
the leading cause of dementia in later life,
of assimilation and accommodation, though not for long, by inhibiting the free
amniocentesis A method of extracting am -
adolescence The transitional period be- radical activity associated with oxidation
niotic fluid from a pregnant woman so that
tween childhood and adulthood that begins and in turn preventing age-related diseases.
fetal body cells within the fluid can be
G-1
Apgar test A test routinely used to assess a ness in which adults lay down clear rules behavioral inhibition A temperamental
newborns heart rate, respiration, color, but also grant a fair amount of autonomy characteristic reflecting a person's tendency
muscle tone, and reflexes immediately after to their children and explain the rationale to withdraw from unfamiliar people and
birth and 5 minutes later; used to identify for their restrictions, situations.
high-risk babies. autism A pervasive and severe develop- behaviorism A school of thinking in psy-
artificial insemination A method of con- mental disorder that begins in infancy and chology that holds that conclusions about
ception that involves injecting sperm from is characterized by such problems as an human development should be based on
a woman's partner or from a donor into aversion to social contact, deviant commu- controlled observations of overt behavior
the uterus. nication or mutism, and repetitive, stereo- rather than on speculation about uncon-
Asperger syndrome An autistic spectrum typed behavior. scious motives or other unobservable phe-
disorder in which the child has normal or autobiographical memory Memory of nomena; the philosophical underpinning of
above-average intelligence, has good verbal everyday events that the individual has ex- early theories of learning,
skills, and wants to establish social relation- perienced. belief-desire psychology The theory of
ships but has seriously deficient mind- automatization The process by which in- mind reflecting an understanding that peo-
reading and social skills, formation processing becomes effortless ple's desires and beliefs guide their behav-
assimilation Piaget's term for the process and highly efficient as a result of continued ior and that their beliefs are not always an
by which children interpret new experi- practice or increased expertise, accurate reflection of reality; evident by
ences in terms of their existing schemata. autonomous morality The most mature age 4. Contrast with desire psychology.
Contrast with accommodation. Piagetian stage of morality in which rules bereavement A state of loss that provides
assisted reproduction technologies (ARTs) are viewed as agreements between individ- the occasion for grief and mourning,
A range of methods used to help a couple uals that can be changed through a consen- beta-amyloid A toxic protein that injures
conceive a child, from fertility drugs to in sus of those individuals and in which the neurons and is located in the senile plaques
vitro fertilization. older child or adolescent pays more atten- associated with Alzheimer's disease,
assisted suicide Making available to indi- tion to intentions than to consequences in big-fish-little-pond effect The phenome-
viduals who wish to commit suicide the judging actions. Contrast with heterono- non in which a student's academic self-
means by which they may do so, such as mous morality. concept and performance are likely to be
when a physician provides a terminally ill autonomy The capacity to make decisions more positive in an academically unselec-
patient who wants to die with enough independently, serve as one's own source of tive school than in a highly selective one
medication to overdose, emotional strength, and otherwise manage with many high-achieving students.
at risk Children who have a higher than life tasks without being overdependent on Big Five The five major dimensions used to
normal chance of either short-term or other people; an important developmental characterize people's .personalities: neuroti-
long-term problems because of genetic task of adolescence. cism, extraversion, openness to experience,
defects, prenatal hazards, or perinatal agreeableness, and conscientiousness,
autonomy versus shame and doubt The
damage. bioecological model Bronfenbrenner's
psychosocial conflict in which toddlers at-
model of development that emphasizes the
attachment A strong affectional tie that tempt to demonstrate their independence
roles of both nature and nurture as the de-
binds a person to an intimate companion from and control over other people; second
veloping person interacts with a series of
and is characterized by affection and a de- of Erikson s stages,
environmental systems (microsystem,
sire to maintain proximity, avoidant attachment An insecure
mesosystem, exosystem, and macrosystem).
attachment theory The theory of close re- infant-caregiver bond or other intimate re-
biological aging The deterioration of or-
lationships developed by Bowlby and lationship characterized by little separation
ganisms that leads inevitably to their death,
Ainsworth and grounded in etiological anxiety and a tendency to avoid or ignore
blastocyst A hollow sphere of about 100 to
theory (with psychoanalytic theory and the attachment object upon reunion,
150 cells that the zygote forms by rapid cell
cognitive theory); it says that close emo- babbling An early form of vocalization that
division as it moves through the fallopian
tional bonds such as parent-child attach- appears between 4 and 6 months of age
tube.
ments are biologically based and contribute and involves repeating consonant-vowel
to species survival. combinations such as "baba" or "dadada." breech presentation A delivery in which
attention Focusing perception and cogni- baby biographies Carefully recorded the fetus emerges feel first or bullocks first
tion on something in particular, observations of the growth and develop- rather than head first,
attention deficit hyperactivity disorder ment of children by their parents over a bulimia nervosa A life-threatening eating
(ADHD) A disorder characterized by atten- period; the first scientific investigations of disorder characterized by recurrent eating
tional difficulties, impulsive behavior, and development. binges followed by purging activities such
overactive or fidgety behavior, baby boom generation The huge genera- as vomiting.
authoritarian parenting A restrictive style tion of people born between 1946 (the caloric restriction A technique demon-
of parenting combining high demanding- close of World War II) and 1964. strated to extend the life span of laboratory
ness-control and low acceptance-respon- beanpole family A multigenerational fam- animals involving a highly nutritious but
siveness in which adults impose many ily structure characterized by many small severely calorie-restricted diet,
rules, expect strict obedience, and often generations. caregiver burden The psychological distress
rely on power tactics rather than explana- behavioral genetics The scientific study of associated with providing care for someone
tions to elicit compliance, the extent to which genetic and environ- with physical, cognitive, or both types of
authoritative parenting A flexible style of mental differences among individuals are impairment.
parenting combining high demandingness- responsible for differences among them in carrier In genetics, individuals who pos-
control and high acceptance-responsive- traits such as intelligence and personality. sesses a recessive gene associated with a dis-
ease and who, although they do not have mosomes in the nucleus of each cell, communality An orientation that empha-
the disease, can transmit the gene for it to chromosome abnormalities Conditions in sizes the well-being of others and includes
offspring. which a child has too few, too many, or in- traits of emotionality and sensitivity to
case study method An in-depth examina- complete chromosomes because of errors others; considered feminine,
tion of an individual that often involves in the formation of sperm or ova. comorbidity The co-occurrence of two or
compiling and analyzing information from chronosystem In Bronfenbrenner s bioeco- more psychiatric conditions in the same in-
a variety of sources such as observing, test- logical approach, the system that captures dividual.
ing, and interviewing the person or people the way changes in environmental systems, componential subtheory An aspect of
who know the individual, such as social trends and life events, are Sternberg's triarchic theory of intelligence
cataracts A pathologic condition of the eye patterned over a person's lifetime, that focuses on the information-processing
involving opacification (clouding) of the lens chumship A close friendship with a peer of skills used to arrive at answers and their ef-
that can impair vision or cause blindness, the same sex that emerges from age 9 to 12, ficiency.
catch-up growth A phenomenon in which according to Sullivan, conception The moment of fertilization,
children who have experienced growth class inclusion The logical understanding when a sperm penetrates an ovum, forming
deficits will grow rapidly and catch up to that parts or subclasses are included in the a zygote.
the growth trajectory they are genetically whole class and that the whole is therefore concordance rate The percentage of cases in
programmed to follow, greater than any of its parts, which a particular attribute is present for
categorical self A person's classification of classical conditioning A type of learning in both members of a pair of people (for exam-
the self along socially significant dimen- which a stimulus that initially had no effect ple, twins) if it is present for one member,
sions such as age and sex. on the individual comes to elicit a response concrete operations stage Piaget's third
centenarian An individual who lives to be because of its association with a stimulus stage of cognitive development, lasting
100 years of age. that already elicits the response, from about age 7 to age 11, when children
centration In Piaget's theory, the tendency clinical method An unstandardized inter- are acquiring logical operations and can
to focus on only one aspect of a problem viewing procedure used by Piaget in which reason effectively about real objects and ex-
when two or more aspects are relevant, a child's response to each successive ques- periences.
cephalocaudal principle The principle that tion (or problem) determines what the in- conditioned response A learned response
growth proceeds from the head (cephalic vestigator will ask next, to a stimulus that was not originally capa-
region) to the tail (caudal region), clique A small friendship group that inter- ble of producing the response,
cerebral cortex The convoluted outer cov- acts frequently. See crowd. conditioned stimulus An initially neutral
ering of the brain involved in voluntary cochlear implant A surgically implanted stimulus that elicits a particular response
body movements, perception, and higher amplification device that stimulates the au- after it is paired with an unconditioned
intellectual functions such as learning, ditory nerve to provide the sensation of stimulus that always elicits the response,
thinking, and speaking, hearing to a deaf individual, confidant A spouse, relative, or friend to
cerebral palsy A neurological disability codominance In genetics, an instance in whom a person feels emotionally close and
caused by anoxia that is associated with which two different but equally powerful with whom that person can share though ts
difficulty controlling muscle movements, genes produce a phenotvpe in which both and feelings.
cesarean section A surgical procedure in genes are expressed.
conformity The tendency to go along with
which an incision is made in the mothers coercive family environment A home in the opinions or wishes of someone else or
abdomen and uterus so that the baby can which family members are locked in power to yield to group pressures,
be removed through the abdomen, struggles, each trying to control the other conservation The recognition that certain
child-directed speech Speech used by through aggressive tactics such as threaten- properties of an object or substance do not
adults speaking with young children, it in- ing, yelling, and hitting, change when its appearance is altered in
volves short, simple sentences spoken cognition The activity of knowing and the some superficial way.
slowly and in a high-pitched voice, often processes through which knowledge is ac- constraint-seeking questions In the Twenty
with much repetition and with exaggerated quired (for example, attending, perceiving, Questions task and similar hypothesis-
emphasis on key words, remembering, and thinking), testing tasks, questions that rule out more
childhood amnesia A lack of memory for cohabitation When two single adults live than one answer to narrow the field of pos-
the early years of a person s life, together as an unmarried couple, sible choices rather than asking about only
child effects model A model of family influ- cohort A group of people born at the same one hypothesis at a time,
ence in which children are believed to influ- time; a particular generation of people, constructivism The position taken by
ence their parents rather than vice versa, cohort effects In cross-sectional research, Piaget that children actively create their
chorion A membrane that surrounds the the effects on findings that the different age own understandings of the world from
amnion and becomes attached to the uter- groups (cohorts) being compared were their experiences, as opposed to being born
ine lining to gather nourishment for the born at different times and had different with innate ideas or being programmed by
embryo. formative experiences. Contrast with age the environment.
chorionic villus sampling An alternative to effects and time of measurement effects. contact comfort The pleasurable tactile
amniocentesis in which a catheter is in- collectivist culture A culture in which peo- sensations provided by a parent or a soft,
serted through the cervix to withdraw fetal ple define themselves in terms of group terry cloth mother substitute; believed to
cells from the chorion for prenatal testing memberships, give group goals higher pri- foster attachments in infant monkeys and
to detect genetic defects, ority than personal goals, and socialize possibly humans.
chromosome A threadlike structure made children to seek group harmony. Contrast contextual subtheory An aspect of
up of genes; in humans, there are 46 chro- with individualistic culture. Sternberg's triarchic theory of intelligence
that defines whether behavior is intelligent crowd A network of heterosexual cliques trol over decisions and set and enforce
or unintelligent in terms of the sociocultu- that forms during adolescence and facili- rules; also called permissiveness-
ral context in which it is displayed, tates mixed-sex social activities. See clique. restrictiveness.
contextual systems theories Theories of crystallized intelligence Those aspects of dementia A progressive loss of cognitive
development holding that changes over the intellectual functioning that involve using capacities such as memory and judgment
life span arise from the ongoing interrela- knowledge acquired through experience. that affects some aging individuals and that
tionship between a changing organism and Contrast with fluid intelligence. has a variety of causes,
a changing world. cued recall memory Recollecting objects, denial A defense mechanism in which
continuity-discontinuity issue The debate events, or experiences in response to a hint anxiety-provoking thoughts are kept out of,
among theorists about whether human de- or cue. Contrast with pure recall memory or isolated from, conscious awareness,
velopment is best characterized as gradual and recognition memory. dependent variable The aspect of behavior
and continuous or abrupt and stagelike, cultural-familial retardation Mental retar- measured in an experiment and assumed to
contour The amount of light-dark transi- dation that appears to be caused by some be under the control of, or dependent on,
tion or boundary area in a visual stimulus, combination of low genetic potential and a the independent variable,
conventional morality Kohlberg's term for poor family environment rather than by a depression See major depressive disorder.
the third and fourth stages of moral rea- specific biological cause. Contrast with or- desire psychology The earliest theory of
soning in which societal values are inter- ganic retardation. mind: an understanding that desires guide
nalized and judgments are based on a de- culture A system of meanings shared by a behavior (for example, that people seek
sire to gain approval or uphold law and population of people and transmitted from things they like and avoid things they hate).
social order. one generation to the next, Contrast with belief-desire psychology.
convergent thinking Thinking that involves culture bias The situation that arises in development Systematic changes in the in-
"converging" on the one best answer to a testing when one cultural or subcultural dividual occurring between conception and
problem; what IQ tests measure. Contrast group is more familiar with test items than death; such changes can be positive, nega-
with divergent thinking. another group and therefore has an unfair tive, or neutral.
cooing An early form of vocalization that advantage. developmental norm The age at which half
involves repeating vowel-like sounds, cumulative-deficit hypothesis The notion of a large group of infants or children master
cooperative learning Procedures that in- that impoverished environments inhibit in- a skill or display a behavior; the average age
volve assigning studen ts, usually of differ- tellectual growth and that these inhibiting for achieving a milestone in development,
ent races or ability levels, to work teams effects accumulate over time, developmental psychopathology A field of
that are reinforced for performing well as cystic fibrosis A disease caused by a muta- study concerned with the origins and
teams and that encourage cooperation tion that builds up sticky mucus in the course of maladaptive or psychopathologi-
among teammates. lungs, makes breathing difficult, and short- cal behavior.
correlation coefficient A measure, ranging ens the lives of affected children, developmental quotient (DQ) A numerical
from +1.00 to - LOO, of the extent to damage theories of aging Theories that measure of an infant's performance on a
which two variables or attributes are sys- emphasize several haphazard processes that developmental test relative to the perform-
tematically related to each other in either a cause cells and organ systems to deterio- ance of other infants the same age.
positive or a negative way rate. Contrast with programmed theories of developmental stage A distinct phase within
correlational method A research technique aging. a larger sequence of development; a period
that involves determining whether two or dark adaptation The process by which the characterized by a particular set of abilities,
more variables are related. It cannot indi- eyes become more sensitive to light over motives, behaviors, or emotions that occur
cate that one thing caused another, but it time as they remain in the dark, together and form a coherent pattern,
can suggest that a causal relationship exists decentration The ability to focus on two or diathesis-stress model The view that psy-
or allow us to predict one characteristic more dimensions of a problem at one time, chopathology results from the interaction
from our knowledge of another, decontextualization Separation of prior of a person's predisposition to psychologi-
creativity The ability to produce novel re- knowledge and beliefs from the demands of cal problems and the experience of stressful
sponses or works. the task at hand. events.
critical period A defined period in the decontextualized language Language that is differentiation In brain development, the
development of an organism when it is not bound to the immediate conversational progressive diversification of cells that re-
particularly sensitive to certain environ- context and that is about past or remote sults in their taking on different character-
mental influences; outside this period, events. istics and functions.
the same influences will have far less defense mechanisms Mechanisms used by difficult temperament Characteristic mode
effect. the ego to defend itself against anxiety of response in which the individual is irregu-
crossing over A process in which genetic caused by conflict between the id's im- lar in habits and adapts slowly, often with
material is exchanged between pairs of pulses and social demands, vigorous protest, to changes in routine or
chromosomes during meiosis. deferred imitation The ability to imitate a new experiences. Contrast with easy tempera-
cross-modal perception The ability to use novel act after a delav.
i
ment and slow-to-warm-up temperament.
one sensory modality to identify a stimulus delirium A clouding of consciousness char- diffusion status Identity status characteriz-
or a pattern of stimuli already familiar acterized by alternating periods of disori- ing individuals who have not questioned
through another modality, entation and coherence, who they are and have not committed
cross-sectional design A developmental re- demandingness-control A dimension of themselves to an identity,
search design in which different age groups parenting reflecting the extent to which disengagement theory A perspective that
are studied at the same point and compared. parents as opposed to children exert con- holds that successful aging involves a mu-
tually satisfying withdrawal of the aging in- something to contribute to our under- ronment, jointly bring forth development in
dividual and society from each other. standing. ways that are difficult to predict at the out-
Contrast with activity theory. ego Psychoanalytic term for the rational set, according to Gottliebs evolutionary-
disorganized-disoriented attachment An component of the personality, epigenetic systems perspective,
insecure infant-caregiver bond, common egocentrism The tendency to view the equity A balance of contributions and gains
among abused children, that combines fea- world from the person s own perspective in a social relationship that results in neither
tures of the resistant and avoidant attach- and fail to recognize that others may have partner feeling over- or underbenefited.
ment styles and is characterized by the indifferent points of view, estrogen The female hormone responsible
fant's dazed response to reunion and elaboration A strategy for remembering for the development of the breasts, the fe-
confusion about whether to approach or that involves adding something to or creat- male sex organs, and secondary sex charac-
avoid the caregiver. ing meaningful links between the bits of teristics and for the beginning of menstrual
divergent thinking Thinking that requires information the person is trying to retain. cycles.
coming up with a variety of ideas or solu- Electra complex Female version of the ethnic identity A sense of personal identifi-
tions to a problem when there is no one Oedipus complex, in which a 4- to 6-year- cation with the individuals ethnic group
right answer. Contrast with convergent old girl is said to envy her father for pos- and its values and cultural traditions,
thinking. sessing a penis and would choose him as a ethology A discipline and theoretical per-
dominant gene A relatively powerful gene sex object in the hope of sharing this valu- spective that focuses on the evolved behav-
that is expressed phenotypically and masks able organ that she lacks, ior of different species in their natural en-
the effect of a less-powerful recessive gene, embryo See embryonic period. vironments.
double standard The view that sexual behav- embryonic period Second phase of prena- euthanasia Literally, "good death"; specifi-
ior appropriate for members of one gender is tal development, lasting from the third cally, hastening, either actively or passively,
inappropriate for members of the other. through the eighth prenatal week, during the death of someone suffering from an in-
Down syndrome A chromosomal abnor- which the major organs and anatomical curable illness or injury,
mality in which the child has inherited an structures begin to develop, evolutionary-epigenetic systems perspec-
extra 21st chromosome and is, as a result, emergent literacy The developmental pre- tive Gottlieb s perspective that development
mentally retarded; also called trisomy 21. cursors of reading skills in young children, is the product of complex interplays be-
DSM-IV The fourth edition of the including knowledge, skills, and attributes tween nature and nurture, between inter-
Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental that will facilitate the acquisition of reading acting biological and environmental forces
Disorders, which spells out defining fea- competence. that form a larger system,
tures and symptoms for the range of psy- emotion regulation The processes involved executive control processes Processes that
chological disorders, in initiating, maintaining, and altering direct and monitor the selection, organiza-
dynamic assessment An approach to as- emotional responses. tion, manipulation, and interpretation of
sessing intelligence that evaluates how well emotionality A dimension of temperament information in the information-processing
individuals learn new material when an ex- that refers to the tendency to be easily or system, including executive functions,
aminer provides them with competent in- intensely irritated by events, executive dysfunction hypothesis View that
struction. empathy The vicarious experiencing of an- autistic individuals are deficient in the ex-
dynamic systems approach A perspective other persons feelings, ecutive functions that make it possible to
on development applied to motor develop- empiricist An individual whose approach plan, change flexibly from one course of
ment which proposes that more sophisti- to human development emphasizes the action to another, inhibit actions already
cated patterns of motor behavior emerge contribution of environmental factors; begun, and the like.
over time through a "self-organizing" specifically, a person who believes that in- executive functions The planning and or-
process in which children modify their mo- fants enter the world as blank slates and ganizational functions that reside in the
tor behavior in adaptive ways on the basis know nothing except what they learn prefrontal cortex of the brain,
of the sensory feedback they receive when through their senses. Contrast with nativist exosystem In Bronfenbrenners bioecologi-
they try different movements, empty nest The term used to describe the cal approach, settings not experienced di-
dyslexia Serious difficulties learning to read family after the last child departs the rectly by individuals still influence their de-
in children who have normal intellectual household. velopment (for example, effects of events at
ability and no sensory impairments or encoding The first step in learning and re- a parent's workplace on children's develop-
emotional difficulties that could account membering something, it is the process of ment).
for their learning problems, getting information into the information- expansion A conversational tactic used by
easy temperament Characteristic mode of processing system, or learning it, and or- adults in speaking to young children in
response in which the individual is even- ganizing it in a form suitable for storing, which they respond to a child's utterance
tempered, content, and open and adaptable endocrine gland A type of gland that se- with a more grammatically complete ex-
to new experiences. Contrast with difficult cretes chemicals called hormones directly pression of the same thought,
temperament and slow-to-warm-up tem- into the bloodstream. Endocrine glands experiential subtheory An aspect of
perament. play critical roles in stimulating growth and Sternberg's triarchic theory of intelligence
echolalia The repetition of sounds, such as regulating bodily functions, that highlights the role of experience in in-
when an autistic child parrots what some- environment Events or conditions outside telligence and distinguishes between what
one else says. the person that are presumed to influence is smart in response to novelty and what is
eclectic In the context of science, an indi- and be influenced by the individual, smart in response to familiar tasks,
vidual who recognizes that no single theory epigenetic process The process through experiment A research strategy in which
can explain everything but that each has which nature and nurture, genes and envi- the investigator manipulates or alters some
aspect of a person's environment to meas- during pregnancy, including a small head, gender intensification A magnification of
ure its effect on the individual's behavior or widely spaced eyes, and mental retardation, differences between males and females dur-
development. fetal period The third phase of prenatal de- ing adolescence associated with increased
experimental control The holding of all velopment, lasting from the ninth prenatal pressure to conform to traditional gender
other factors besides the independent vari- week until birth; during this period, the roles.
able in an experiment constant so that any major organ systems begin to function ef- gender role A pattern of behaviors and
changes in the dependent variable can be fectively and the fetus grows rapidly, traits that defines how to act the part of a
said to be caused by the manipulation of fetus See fetal period. female or a male in a particular society,
the independent variable, filial responsibility Children's obligation to gender-role norms Society's expectations
explicit memory Memory that involves their parents. or standards concerning what males and fe-
consciously recollecting the past. Contrast fine motor skills Skills that involve precise males should be like and how they should
with implicit memory. movements of the hands and fingers or feet behave.
extended family household A family unit and toes. Contrast with gross motor skills. gender-role stereotypes Overgeneralized
composed of parents and children living fixation In psychoanalytic theory, a defense and largely inaccurate beliefs about what
with other kin such as grandparents, aunts mechanism in which development is ar- males and females are like,
and uncles, cousins, or a combination of rested and part of the libido remains tied to gender schema (plural: schemata)
these. Compare with nuclear family. an early stage of development, Organized sets of beliefs and expectations
externalizing problem Childhood behav- fluid intelligence Aspects of intelligence about males and females that guide infor-
ioral problem that involves "undercon- that involve actively thinking and reasoning mation processing.
trolled" behavior such as aggression or to solve novel problems. Contrast with gender segregation The formation of sepa-
acting out difficulties that disturb other crystallized intelligence. rate boys' and girls' peer groups during
people. Contrast with internalizing Flynn effect The rise in average IQ scores childhood.
problem. over the 20th century, gender stability The stage of gender typing
extinction The gradual weakening and dis- foreclosure status An identity status char- in which children realize that their sex re-
appearance of a learned response when it is acterizing individuals who appear to have mains the same over time,
no longer reinforced, committed themselves to a life direction gender typing The process by which chil-
extreme male brain hypothesis Baron- but who have adopted an identity prema- dren become aware of their gender and ac-
Cohen's theory that individuals with turely, without much thought, quire the motives, values, and behaviors
autism have brains that are more mascu- formal operations stage Piaget's fourth and considered appropriate for members of
line, or skilled at systematizing, than femi- final stage of cognitive development (from their biological sex.
nine, or skilled at empathizing, age 11 or 12), when the individual begins gene A functional unit of heredity made up
eyewitness memory Remembering and re- to think more rationally and systematically of DNA and transmitted from generation
porting events the person has witnessed or about abstract concepts and hypothetical to generation.
experienced. ideas. gene-environment correlation A systematic
factor analysis A technique that identifies fragile X syndrome A chromosome abnor- interrelationship between an individual's
clusters of tasks or test items (called fac- mality in which one arm of the X chromo- genes and that individual's environment;
tors) that are highly correlated with one some is only barely connected to the rest of ways in which genes influence the kind of
another and unrelated to other items, the chromosome; the most common hered- home environment provided by parents
failure to thrive A condition observed in itary cause of mental retardation, (passive gene-environment correlation), the
infants who, because of either physical fraternal twins Twins who are not identical social reactions to the individual (evocative
causes or emotional deprivation, are char- and who result when a mother releases two gene-environment correlation), and the
acterized by stunted growth, weight loss, ova at roughly the same time and each is types of experiences the individual seeks
and delays in cognitive and socioemotional fertilized by a different sperm, (active gene-environment correlation),
development. free radical theory The theory of aging that gene-environment interaction The phe-
false belief task A research paradigm used views it as damage caused by free radicals, nomenon in which the effects of people's
to assess an important aspect of a theory of chemically unstable byproducts of metabo- genes depend on the kind of environment
mind, mainly the understanding that peo- lism that have an extra electron and reacL they experience and in which the effects of
ple can hold incorrect beliefs and be influ- with other molecules to produce toxic sub- the environment depend on their genetic
enced by them. stances that damage cells, endowment.
family life cycle The sequence of changes in functional grammar An analysis of the se- gene therapy Interventions that involve
family composition, roles, and relationships mantic relations (meanings such as naming substituting normal genes for the genes as-
that occurs from the time people marry and locating) that children express in their sociated with a disease or disorder; other-
until they die. earliest sentences. wise altering a person's genetic makeup,
family systems theory The conceptualiza- fuzzy-trace theory The view that verbatim generativity versus stagnation The psy-
tion of the family as a whole consisting of and general or gistlike accounts of an event chosocial conflict in which middle-aged
interrelated parts, each of which affects and are stored separately in memory, adults must gain the sense that they have
is affected by every other part, and each of gender consistency The stage of gender produced something that will outlive them
which contributes to the functioning of the typing in which children realize that their and genuinely care for younger generations
whole. sex is stable across situations or despite to avoid self-preoccupation; seventh of
fetal alcohol syndrome (FAS) A group of changes in activities or appearance, Erikson's stages.
symptoms commonly observed in the off- gender identity Individuals' basic aware- genetic counseling A service designed to
spring of mothers who use alcohol heavily ness that they are either a male or a female. inform people about genetic conditions
they or their unborn children are at risk of males than females because it is associated id A psychoanalytic term for the inborn
inheriting. with a sex-linked gene on the X chromo- component of the personality that is driven
genetic epistemology The study of how hu- some. by the instincts or selfish urges,
mans come to know reality and basic di- heritability The amount of variability in a ideal self Idealized expectations of what one's
mensions of it such as space, time, and population on some trait dimension that is attributes and personality should be like,
causality; Piaget's field of interest, attributable to genetic differences among ideational fluency The most common
genotype The genetic endowment that an those individuals. measure of creativity; the sheer number of
individual inherits. Contrast with pheno- heteronomous morality A term meaning different, including novel, ideas that a per-
type. subject to authority and referring to the son can generate.
germinal period First phase of prenatal de- childhood beliefs that rules are handed identical twins Monozygotic twins who de-
velopment, lasting about 2 weeks from down by authority figures and are sacred velop from a single zygote that later divides
conception until the developing organism and unalterable and that wrongness should to form two genetically identical individuals,
becomes attached to the wall of the uterus, be judged on the basis of consequences identification Freud's term for the individ-
gerontology The study of aging and old rather than intentions; typical of children ual's tendency to emulate, or adopt the atti-
age. ages 6 to 10, according to Piaget. Contrast tudes and behaviors of, another person,
giftedness The possession of unusually with autonomous morality particularly the same-sex parent,
high general intellectual potential or of holophrase A single-word utterance used identity A self-definition or sense of who
special abilities in such areas as creativity, by an infant that represents an entire sen- one is, where one is going, and how one fits
mathematics, or the arts, tence's worth of meaning. into society.
glaucoma A condition in which increased Home Observation for Measurement of identity achievement status An identity
fluid pressure in the eye damages the optic the Environment (HOME) inventory A status characterizing individuals who have
nerve and causes progressive loss of pe- widelv used instrument that allows an ob-
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carefully thought through identity issues
ripheral vision and ultimately blindness, server to determine how intellectually stim- and made commitments or resolved their
goodness of fit The extent to which the ulating or impoverished a home environ- identity issues.
child's temperament and the demands of ment is. identity versus role confusion The psy-
the child's social environment are compati- horizontal decalage A term used by Piaget chosocial conflict in which adolescents
ble or mesh, according to Thomas and to characterize that different cognitive skills must form a coherent self-definition or re-
Chess; more generally, a good match be- related to-the same stage of cognitive devel- main confused about their life directions;
tween person and environment, opment emerge at different times, fifth of Erikson's stages,
grief The emotional response to loss. hormone replacement therapy (HRT) imaginary audience A form of adolescent
Contrast with mourning. Taking estrogen and progestin to compen- egocentrism that involves confusing one's
grief work perspective The view commonly sate for hormone loss because of own thoughts with the thoughts of a hy-
held, but now challenged, that to cope adap- menopause in women, pothesized audience for behavior and con-
tively with death bereaved people must con- hospice A program that supports dying cluding that others share these preoccupa-
front their loss, experience painful emotions, persons and their families through a phi- tions.
work through these emotions, and move to- losophy of caring rather than curing, either imaginary companion A play companion
ward a detachment from the deceased, in a facility or at home, invented by a child in the preoperational
gross motor skills Skills that involve large hot flash A sudden experience of warmth stage who has developed the capacity for
muscles and whole body or limb move- and sweating, often followed by a cold symbolic thought.
ments (for example, kicking the legs or shiver, that occurs in a menopausal woman, implicit memory Memory that occurs un-
drawing large circles). Contrast with fine human agency Ways in which humans de- intentionally and without consciousness or
motor skills. liberately exercise cognitive control over awareness. Contrast with explicit memory.
growth The physical changes that occur their environments and lives, according to imprinting An innate form of learning in
from conception to maturity, Bandura. which the young of certain species will fol-
growth hormone Hormone produced by Human Genome Project A massive, gov- low and become attached to moving ob-
the pituitary gland that stimulates child- ernment-sponsored effort to decipher the jects (usually their mothers) during a criti-
hood physical growth and the adolescent human genetic code. cal period early in life,
growth spurt. Huntington's disease A genetic disease in vitro fertilization (IVF) A method of
guided participation A process in which caused by a single, dominant gene that conception in which fertilized eggs are
children learn by actively participating in strikes in middle age to produce a deterio- transferred to a woman's uterus in the
culturally relevant activities with the aid ration of physical and mental abilities and hopes that one will implant on the wall of
and support of their parents and other premature death. the uterus.
knowledgeable individuals, hyperactivity See attention deficit hyperac- inclusion The educational practice of inte-
habituation A simple form of learning that tivity disorder (ADHD). grating handicapped students into regular
involves learning not to respond to a re- hypothesis A theoretical prediction about classrooms rather than placing them in seg-
peated stimulus; learning to be bored by what will hold true if we observe a phe- regated special education classes; also called
the familiar. nomenon. mainstreaming.
Hayflick limit The estimate that human hypothetical-deductive reasoning A form incomplete dominance A condition in
cells can double only 50 times, plus or mi- of problem solving in which a person starts which a stronger gene fails to mask all the
nus 10, and then will die. with general or abstract ideas and deduces effects of a weaker partner gene; a pheno-
hemophilia A deficiency in the blood's abil- or traces their specific implications; type results that is similar but not identical
ity to clot. It is more common among " if-then" thinking. to the effect of the stronger gene.
independent variable The aspect of the en- intimacy versus isolation The psychosocial they can improve their abilities. Contrast
vironment that a researcher deliberately conflict in which young adults must com- with performance goal.
changes or manipulates in an experiment mit themselves to a shared identity with an- libido Freud's term for the biological en-
to see its effect on behavior; a causal vari- other person or remain aloof and uncon- ergy of the sex instinct,
able. Contrast with dependent variable. nected to others; sixth of Erilcson's stages, life expectancy The average number of
indirect effect The instance in which the intonation Variations in pitch, loudness, years a newborn baby can be expected to
relationship between two individuals in a and timing when saying words or sentences, live; now 76.5 years in the United States,
family is modified by the behavior or atti- intuitive theories Organized systems of life review Process in which elderly adults
tudes of a third family member, knowledge, believed to be innate, that allow reflect on unresolved conflicts of the past
individualistic culture A culture in which children to make sense of the world in ar- and evaluate their lives; it may contribute
individuals define themselves as individuals eas such as physics and psychology, to a sense of integrity and readiness for
and put their own goals ahead of their joint attention The act of looking at the death.
group's goals, and one in which children same object at the same time with someone life structure In Levinsons theory of adult
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are socialized to be independent and self- else; a way in which infants share percep- development, an overall pattern of life that
reliant. Contrast with collectivist culture. tual experiences with their caregivers, reflects the person's priorities and relation-
induction A form of discipline that in- karyotype A chromosomal portrait created ships.
volves explaining why a child's behavior is by staining chromosomes, photographing life-span perspective A perspective that
wrong and should be changed by empha- them under a high-power microscope, and views development as a lifelong, multidi-
sizing its effects on other people, arranging them into a predetermined pat- rectional process that involves gain and
industry versus inferiority The psychoso- tern. loss, is characterized by considerable plas-
cial conflict in which school-aged children Klinefelter syndrome A sex chromosome ticity, is shaped by its historical-cultural
must master important cognitive and social abnormality in which males inherit two or context, has many causes, and is best
skills or feel incompetent; fourth of more X chromosomes (XXY or XXXY); viewed from a multidisciplinary perspec-
Eriksons stages. these males fail to develop secondary sex tive.
infant states Coherent patterns of waking characteristics and often show deficiencies literacy The ability to use printed informa-
and sleeping evident in the fetus and young on tests of verbal abilities, tion to function in society, achieve goals,
infant (for example, quiet sleep, active knowledge base A person's existing infor- and develop potential,
sleep, and active waking), mation about a content area, significant for living will A document in which people
information-processing approach An ap- its influence on how well that individual state in advance that they do not wish to
proach to cognition that emphasizes the can learn and remember. have extraordinary medical procedures ap-
fundamental mental processes involved in Lamaze method Prepared childbirth in plied if they are hopelessly ill.
attention, perception, memory, and deci- which parents attend classes and learn longitudinal design A developmental re-
sion making. mental exercises and relaxation techniques search design in which one group of sub-
initiative versus guilt The psychosocial to ease delivery. jects is studied repeatedly over months or
I-
conflict in which prcschool children must language A symbolic system in which a years.
learn to initiate new activities and pursue limited number of signals can be combined long-term memory Memory store in which
bold plans or become self-critical; third of according to rules to produce an infinite information that has been examined and
Eriksons stages. number of messages. interpreted is stored relatively permanently,
instinct An inborn biological force as- language acquisition device (LAD) A set of looking-glass self The idea that a person's
sumed to motivate a particular response or linguistic processing skills that nativists be- self-concept is largely a reflection of the
class of responses. lieve to be innate; presumably the LAD en- ways in which other people respond to that
integrity versus despair The psychosocial ables a child to infer the rules governing person.
conflict in which elderly adults attempt to others' speech and then use these rules to love withdrawal A form of discipline that
find a sense of meaning in their lives and to produce language. involves withholding attention, affection,
accept the inevitability of death; eighth of latchkey children Children who care for or approval after a child misbehaves,
Eriksons stages. themselves after school with little or no macrosystem In Bronfenbrenner's bioeco-
intelligence quotient (IQ) A numerical adult supervision. logical approach, the larger cultural or sub-
measure of a person's performance on an lateralization The specialization of the two cultural context of development,
intelligence test relative to the performance hemispheres of the cerebral cortex of the macular degeneration See age-related mac-
of other examinees of the same age, typi- brain. ular degeneration.
cally with a score of LOO defined as average, learned helplessness orientation A ten- major depressive disorder An affective or
internal working model In attachment the- dency to avoid challenges and to cease try- mood disorder characterized by at least one
ory, cognitive representation of self and ing in the face of failure primarily because episode of feeling profoundly sad and
other that children construct from their in- of a tendency to attribute failure to lack of hopeless, losing interest in almost all activi-
teractions with caregivers and that shape ability and therefore to believe that little ties, or both.
their expectations about relationships, can be done to improve the results. mastery motivation An intrinsic motive to
internalizing problem Childhood behav- Contrast with mastery orientation. master and control the environment evi-
ioral problem that represents an "overcon- learning A relatively permanent change in dent early in infancy,
trolled" pattern of coping with difficulties behavior (or behavioral potential) that re- mastery orientation A tendency to thrive
and is expressed in anxiety, depression, and sults from a person's experiences or practice, on challenges and persist in the face of fail-
other forms of inner distress. Contrast with learning goal A goal adopted by learners in ure because of healthy attributions that
externalizing problem. which they seek to learn new things so that lead to the belief that increased effort will
pay off. Contrast with learned helplessness miliar route and then creating images link- morality of justice Gilligan's term for what
orientation. ing each item to be learned to a landmark she says is the dominant moral orientation
maternal blood sampling A noninvasive along the route. of males, in which moral dilemmas are
method of prenatal diagnosis involving microsystem In Bronfenbrenner's bioeco- viewed as inevitable conflicts between the
testing for substances in maternal blood; logical approach, the immediate settings in rights of two or more parties that must be
more recently analysis of fetal cells that which the person functions (for example, settled by law. Contrast with morality of care.
have slipped through the placenta into the the family). moratorium period A period of time in
mothers blood. middle generation squeeze The phenome- high school or college when young adults
maturation Developmental changes that non in which middle-aged adults some- are relatively free of responsibilities and can
are biologically programmed by genes times experience heavy responsibilities for experiment with different roles to find their
rather than caused primarily by learning, both the younger and the older generations identities.
injury, illness, or some other life experi- in the family. moratorium status Identity status charac-
ence. midlife crisis A period of major question- terizing individuals who are experiencing
maximum life span A ceiling on the num- ing, inner struggle, and re-evaluation hy- an identity crisis or actively exploring iden-
ber of years that any member of a species pothesized to occur in an adult's early 40s. tity issues but who have not yet achieved an
lives; 120 years for humans, mild cognitive impairment A level of identity.
mediation deficiency The initial stage of memory loss between normal loss with age morphology Rules governing the forma-
mastery of memory strategies in which and pathological loss from disease, tion of words from sounds (for example,
children cannot spontaneously use or ben- mitosis The process in which a cell dupli- rules for forming plurals and past tenses),
efit from strategies even if they are taught cates its chromosomes and then divides mourning Culturally prescribed ways of
to use them. into two genetically identical daughter displaying reactions to a loss. Contrast with
meiosis The process in which a germ cell cells. grief
divides, producing sperm or ova, each con- modified extended family An arrangement mutation A change in the structure or
taining half of the parent cell's original in which nuclear families related by kinship arrangement of one or more genes that
complement of chromosomes; in humans, maintain separate households but fre- produces a new phenotype.
the products of meiosis normally contain quently interact rather than functioning in mutually responsive orientation A close,
23 chromosomes. isolation. affectively positive, and cooperative rela-
menarche A female's first menstrual molecular genetics The analysis of particu- tionship in which child and parent are at-
period. lar genes and their effects, including the tached to each other and are sensitive to
menopause The ending of a woman's men- identification of specific genes that influ- each other's needs; a contributor to moral
strual periods and reproductive capacity ence particular traits and the comparison development.
around age 51. of animals or humans who have these spe- myelin A fatty sheath that insulates neural
mental age A measure of intellectual devel- cific genes and those who do not. axons and thereby speeds the transmission
opment that reflects the level of age-graded moral affect The emotional component of of neural impulses.
problems that a child "is able to solve; the morality, including feelings of guilt, shame, nativist An individual whose approach to
age at which a child functions intellectually, and pride regarding one's conduct, human development emphasizes the con-
mental retardation Significant, subaverage moral disengagement According to tribution of genetic factors; specifically, a
general intellectual functioning associated Bandura, the ability to avoid self condem- person who believes that infants enter the
with impairments in adaptive behavior and nation when engaged in immoral behavior world equipped with knowledge that allows
manifested during the developmental pe- by justifying, minimizing, or blaming oth- them to perceive a meaningful world from
riod. ers for one's actions. the start. Contrast with empiricist.
mesosystem In Bronfenbrenner's bioeco- moral reasoning The cognitive component natural selection The evolutionary princi-
logical approach, interrelationships be- of morality; the thinking that occurs when ple that individuals who have characteris-
tween microsystems or immediate environ- people decide whether acts are right or tics advantageous for survival in a particu-
ments (for example, ways in which events wrong. lar environment are most likely to survive
in the family affect a child's interactions at moral rules Standards of conduct that fo- and reproduce. Over many generations, this
a day care center). cus on the basic rights and privileges of in- process of "survival of the fittest" will lead
meta-analysis A research method in .which dividuals. Contrast with social-conventional to changes in a species and the develop-
the results of multiple studies addressing rules. ment of new species.
the same question are synthesized to pro- morality The ability to distinguish right naturalistic observation A research method
duce overall conclusions, from wrong, to act on this distinction, and in which the scientist observes people as
metacognition Knowledge of the human to experience pride when doing something they engage in common everyday activities
mind and of the range of cognitive right and to experience guilt or shame in their natural habitats. Contrast with
processes, including thinking about per- when doing something wrong. Morality structured observation.
sonal thought processes, has affective, cognitive, and behavioral nature-nurture issue The debate over the
metalinguistic awareness Knowledge of components. relative importance of biological predispo-
language as a system. morality of care Gilligan's term for what sitions (nature) and environmental influ-
metamemory A person's knowledge about she says is the dominant moral orientation ences (nurture) as determinants of human
memory and about monitoring and regu- of females, in which the individual empha- development.
lating memory processes, sizes concern and responsibility for the negative punishment The process in oper-
method of loci A mnemonic technique that welfare of other people rather than abstract ant conditioning in which a response is
involves establishing a mental map of a fa- rights. Contrast with morality of justice. weakened or made less probable when its
consequence is the removal of a pleasant organogenesis The process, occurring dur- which adults love their children but make
stimulus from the situation, ing the period of the embryo, in which few demands on them and rarely attempt
negative reinforcement The process in op- every major organ takes^shape in a primi- to control their behavior,
erant conditioning in which a response is tive form. personal fable A form of adolescent ego-
strengthened or made more probable when orthogenetic principle Werner's principle centrism that involves thinking that oneself
its consequence is the removal of an un- that development proceeds from global and and one's thoughts and feelings are unique
pleasant stimulus from the situation, undifferentiated states toward more differ- or special.
neglectful parenting A parenting style low in entiated and integrated patterns of re- personality The organized combination of
demandingness-control and low in accept- sponse. attributes, motives, values, and behaviors
ance-responsiveness; uninvolved parenting, osteoarthritis A joint problem among older that is unique to each individual,
neonatal Pertaining to events or develop- adults resulting from a gradual deteriora- phenotype The way in which a person s
ments in the first mon th after birth, tion of the cartilage that cushions the genotype is expressed in observable or
neuron The basic unit of the nervous sys- bones and keeps them from rubbing to- measurable characteristics,
tem; a nerve cell. gether. phenylketonuria (PKU) A genetic disease
nonshared environmental influences osteoporosis A disease affecting older in which the child is unable to metabolize
Experiences unique to the individual that adults in which bone tissue is lost, leaving phenylalanine; if left untreated, it soon
are not shared by other members of the bones fragile and easily fractured, causes hyperactivity and mental retarda-
family and that tend to make members of overextension The young child's tendency to tion. '
the same family different. Contrast with use a word to refer to a wider set of objects, phoneme One of the basic units of sound
shared environmental influences. actions, or events than adults do (for exam- used in a particular spoken language,
normal distribution A symmetrical (bell- ple, using the word car to refer to all motor -phonological awareness The understanding
shaped) curve that describes the variability vehicles). Contrast with underextension. that spoken words can be decomposed into
of characteristics within a population. Most overregularization The overgeneralization some number of basic sound units, or
people fall at or near the average score; of observed grammatical rules to irregular phonemes; an important skill in learning to
there are relatively few high or low scores, cases to which the rules do not apply (for read.
nuclear family A family unit consisting of example, saying mouses rather than mice). phonology The sound system of a language
husband-father, wife-mother, and at least parent effects model A model of family in- and the rules for combining these sounds
one child. Compare with extended family fluence in which parents (particularly to produce meaningful units of speech,
household. mothers) are believed to influence their pincer grasp A grasp in which the thumb is
object permanence The understanding that children rather than vice versa, used in opposition to the fingers, enabling
objects continue to exist when they are no parental imperative The notion that the an infant to become more dexterous at lift-
longer visible or otherwise detectable to the demands of parenthood cause men and ing and manipulating objects,
senses; fully mastered by the end of infancy, women to adopt distinct roles and psycho- pituitary gland The "master gland" located
observational learning Learning that re- logical traits. at the base of the brain that regulates the
sults from observing the behavior of other Parkes/Bowlby attachment model of be- other endocrine glands and produces
people; emphasized in Bandura's social reavement Model of grieving describing growth hormone.
cognitive theory. four predominant reactions to loss of an placenta An organ, formed from the
Oedipus complex Freud's term for the con- attachment figure: numbness, yearning, chorion and the lining of the uterus, that
flict that 4- to 6-year-old boys experience disorganization and despair, and reorgani- provides for the nourishment of the un-
when they develop an incestuous desire for zation. born child and the elimination of its meta-
their mothers and a jealous and hostile ri- peer A social equal; a person who functions bolic wastes.
valry with their fathers, at a level of behavioral complexity similar plasticity An openness of the brain cells (or
olfaction The sense of smell, made possible to that of the self, often someone of similar of the organism as a whole) to positive and
by sensory receptors in the nasal passage age. negative environmental influence; a capac-
that react to chemical molecules in the air. perception The interpretation of sensory ity to change in response to experience,
operant conditioning Also called instru- input. polygenic trait A characteristic influenced
mental conditioning, a form of learning in perceptual salience Phenomenon in which by the action of many gene pairs rather
which freely emitted acts (or operants) be- the most obvious features of an object or than a single pair.
come more or less probable depending on situation have disproportionate influence population A well-defined group that a re-
the consequences they produce, on the perceptions and thought of young searcher who studies a sample of individu-
organic retardation Mental retardation be- children. als is interested in drawing conclusions
cause of some identifiable biological cause performance goal A goal adopted by learn- about.
associated with hereditary factors, diseases, ers in which they attempt to prove their positive punishment The process in oper-
or injuries. Contrast with cultural-familial ability rather than to improve it. Contrast ant conditioning whereby a response is
retardation. with learning goal weakened when its consequence is an un-
organization In Piaget's cognitive develop- perinatal environment The environment pleasant event.
mental theory, a person's inborn tendency surrounding birth. positive reinforcement The process in op-
to combine and integrate available schemes perinatal period The period surrounding erant conditioning whereby a response is
into more coherent and complex systems birth. strengthened when its consequence is a
or bodies of knowledge; as a memory strat- permissive parenting A lax style of parent- pleasant event.
egy, a technique that involves grouping or ing combining low demandingness-control postconventional morality Kohlberg's term
classifying stimuli into meaningful clusters. and high acceptance-responsiveness in for the fifth and sixth stages of moral rea-
soiling, in which moral judgments are based presbyopia Problems of the aging eye, es- punishment Consequences that decrease
on a more abstract understanding of demo- pecially loss of near vision related to a de- the probability that an act will recur. See
cratic social, contracts or on universal princi- creased ability of the lens to accommodate positive punishment and negative punish-
ples of justice that have validity apart from to objects close to the eye. ment.
the views of particular authority figures, pretend play Symbolic play in which one quasi experiment An experiment-like study
postformal thought Proposed stages of actor, object, or action symbolizes or stands that evaluates the effects of different treat-
cognitive development that lie beyond for- for another. ments but does not randomly assign indi-
mal operations. private speech Nonsocial speech, or speech viduals to treatment groups,
postnatal depression An episode of severe, for the self, commonly used by preschool- random assignment A technique in which
clinical depression lasting for months in a ers to guide their activities and believed by research participants are placed in experi-
woman who has just given birth; to be con- Vygotsky to be the forerunner of inner mental conditions in an unbiased or ran-
trasted with milder cases of the "baby speech, or silent thinking in words, dom way so that the resulting groups are
blues/' in which a new mother is tearful problem solving The use of the informa- not systematically different,
and moody in the first days after birth, tion-processing system to achieve a goal or random sample A sample formed by identi-
posttraumatic stress disorder A psycholog- arrive at a decision. fying all members of the larger population
ical disorder involving flashbacks to trau- of interest and then selecting a portion of
production deficiency A phase in the mas-
matizing events, nightmares, and feelings of them in an unbiased or random way to par-
tery of memory strategies in which chil-
helplessness and anxiety in the face of dan-
dren can use strategies they are taught but ticipate in the study; a technique to ensure
ger experienced by victims of extreme
cannot produce them on their own. that the sample studied is representative or
trauma such as soldiers in combat and sex-
progeria A genetic disorder caused by a typical of the larger population of interest,
ually abused children.
single dominant gene that makes victims reaction time The interval between the pres-
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age prematurely and die early, entation of a stimulus and a response to it.
power assertion A form of discipline that
programmed theories of aging Theories recall memory Recollecting or actively re-
involves the use of superior power to ad-
that emphasize the systematic genetic con- trieving objects, events, and experiences
minister spankings, withhold privileges,
trol of aging processes. Contrast with dam- when examples or cues are not provided.
and so on.
age theories of aging. Contrast with cued recall memory and
pragmatics Rules specifying how language
prosocial behavior Positive actions toward recognition memory.
is to be used appropriately in different so-
cial contexts to achieve goals, other people such as helping and cooperat- recessive gene A less powerful gene that is
preconventional morality Kohlberg's term ing. not expressed phenotypically when paired
for the first two stages of moral reasoning, protective factors Factors such as personal with a dominant gene.
in which society's rules are not yet internal- resources and a supportive postnatal envi- reciprocal determinism The notion in so-
ized and judgments arc based on the pun- ronment that work to prevent at-risk indi- cial cognitive theory that the flow of influ-
ishing or rewarding consequences of an act. viduals from developing problems, ence between people and their environ-
preimplantation genetic diagnosis Prenatal proximodistal principle In development, ments is a two-way street; the environment
diagnostic procedure in which a mother's the principle that growth proceeds from may affect the person, but the person's
eggs are fertilized in the laboratory using in the center of the body (or the proximal re- characteristics and behavior will also influ-
vitro fertilization techniques, DNA tests are gion) to the extremities (or the distal re- ence the environment,
conducted 011 the first cells that result from gions). recognition memory Identifying an object
mitosis of each fertilized egg, and only eggs psychoanalytic theory The theoretical per- or event as one that has been experienced
that do not have chromosome abnormali- spective associated with Freud and his fol- before, such as when a person must select
ties or genes associated with disorders are lowers that emphasizes unconscious moti- the correct answer from several options.
implanted in the uterus, vations for behavior, conflicts within the Contrast with cued recall memory and recall
premenstrual syndrome (PMS) Several personality, and stages of psychosexual de- memory.
symptoms experienced shortly before each velopment. reconstituted family A new family that
menstrual period that include having ten- • psychometric approach The research tradi- forms after the remarriage of a single par-
der breasts, feeling bloated, and being irri- tion that spawned standardized tests of in- ent, sometimes involving the blending of
table and moody. telligence and that views intelligence as a two families into a new one.
premoral period According to Piaget, a pe- trait or a set of traits that can be measured reflex An unlearned and automatic re-
riod during the preschool years when chil- and that varies from person to person, sponse to a stimulus,
dren show little awareness or understand- psychosexual stages Freud's five stages of regression A defense mechanism that in-
ing of rules and cannot be considered to be development, associated with biological volves retreating to an earlier, less trau-
moral beings. maturation and shifts in the libido: oral, matic stage of development,
prenatal environment The physical envi- anal, phallic, latency, and genital, rehearsal A strategy for remembering that
ronment of the womb, psychosocial stages Erikson's eight stages of involves repeating the items the person is
preoperational stage Piaget's second stage development (trust, autonomy, initiative, trying to retain.
of cognitive development, lasting from industry, identity, intimacy, generativity, reinforcement Consequences that increase
about age 2 to age 7, when children think and integrity), emphasizing social influ- the probability that an act will recur. See
at a symbolic level but have not yet mas- ences more and biological urges less than positive reinforcement and negative rein-
tered logical operations, Freud's psychosexual stages, forcement.
presbycusis Problems of the aging ear, puberty The point at which a person relativistic thinking A form of postformal-
which commonly involve loss of sensitivity reaches sexual maturity and is physically operational thought in which it is under-
to high-frequency or high-pitched sounds. capable of conceiving a child. stood that there are multiple ways of view-
ing a problem and that the solutions people scheme (or schema; plural: schemes or sensorimotor stage Piaget's first stage of
arrive at will depend on their starting as- schemata) A cognitive structure or organ- cognitive development, spanning the first 2
sumptions and perspective. ized pattern of action os thought used to years of life, in which infants rely on their
REM sleep A state of active, irregular sleep deal with experiences, senses and motor behaviors in adapting to
associated with dreaming; named for the schizophrenia A serious form of mental ill- the world around them,
rapid eye movements associated with it- ness characterized by disturbances in logi- sensory register The first memory store in
research ethics Standards of conduct that cal thinking, emotional expression, and in- information processing in which stimuli
investigators are ethically bound to honor terpersonal behavior, are noticed and are briefly available for fur-
to protect their research participants from scientific method An attitude or value ther processing.
physical or psychological harm, about the pursuit of knowledge that dic- sensory threshold The point at which low
reserve capacity The ability of many organ tates that investigators must be objective levels of stimulation can be detected,
systems to respond to demands for extraor- and must allow their data to decide the separation anxiety A wary or fretful reac-
dinary output, such as when the heart and merits of their theorizing, tion that infants display when separated
lungs work at maximal capacity, script A mental representation of a typical from their attachment objects,
resilience The self-righting or recuperative sequence of actions related to an event that sequential design A developmental re-
capacity that allows many children to reis created in memory and that then guides search design that combines the cross-
cover from early disadvantages and return future behaviors in similar settings, sectional approach and the longitudinal ap-
to a normal course of development, secular trend A trend in industrialized so- proach in a single study to compensate for
resistant attachment An insecure ciety toward earlier maturation and greater the weaknesses of each,
infant-caregiver bond or other intimate rela- body size. seriation A logical operation that allows a
tionship characterized by strong separation secure attachment An infant-caregiver person to mentally order a set of stimuli
anxiety and a tendency to show ambivalent bond or intimate relationship in which the along a quantifiable dimension such as
reactions to the attachment object upon re- individual welcomes close contact, uses the height or weight.
union, seeking and yet resisting contact, attachment object as a source of comfort, sex-linked characteristic An attribute de-
retinitis pigmentosa (RP) A group of and dislikes but can manage separations, termined by a gene that appears on one of
hereditary disorders that involve gradual secure base A point of safety, represented the two types of sex chromosomes, usually
deterioration of the light-sensitive cells of by an infant's attachment figure, that per- the X chromosome.
the retina. mits exploration of the environment, sexual orientation A person's preference for
retrieval The process of retrieving informa- selective attention Deliberately concentrat- sexual partners of the same or other sex,
tion from long-term memory when it is ing on one thing and ignoring something often characterized as primarily heterosex-
needed. else. ual, homosexual, or bisexual,
reversibility In Piaget's theory, the ability to selective breeding A method of studying shared environmental influences
reverse or negate an action by mentally genetic influence that involves deliberately Experiences that individuals living in the
performing the opposite action, determining whether a trait can be bred in same home environment share and that
<0-
rhythmic stereotypies Repetitive move- animals through selective mating, work to make them similar. Contrast with
ments observed in infants shortly before a selective optimization with compensation nonshared environmental influences.
new motor skill emerges, The concept that older people cope with short-term memory The memory store in
role reversal A switching of child and par- aging through a strategy that involves fo- which limited amounts of information are
ent roles late in life such that the parent be- cusing on the skills most needed, practicing temporarily held; called working memory
comes dependent and the child becomes those skills, and developing ways to avoid when its active quality is being emphasized,
the caregiver. the need for other skills, sibling rivalry A spirit of competition, jeal-
role-talcing skills The ability to assume self-concept People's perceptions of their ousy, or resentment that may arise between
other people's perspectives and understand unique attributes or traits. two or more brothers or sisters,
their thoughts, feelings, and behaviors, self-conscious emotion A "secondary emo-
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sickle-cell disease A genetic blood disease
rubella A disease that has little effect on a tion" such as embarrassment or pride that in which red blood cells assume an unusual
pregnant woman but may cause several se- requires an awareness of self unlikely to sickle shape and become inefficient at dis-
rious birth defects, such as blindness, deaf- emerge until about 18 months of age. tributing oxygen throughout the body,
ness, and mental retardation, in unborn self-esteem People's overall evaluation of single gene-pair inheritance The genetic
children exposed in the first 3 to 4 months their worth as based on an assessment of mechanism through which a characteristic
of gestation; German measles, the qualities that make up the self- is influenced by only one pair of genes, one
rule assessment approach Siegler's ap- concept. gene from the mother and its partner from
proach to studying the development of self-recognition The ability to recognize the father.
problem solving that determines what in- oneself in a mirror or photograph, which size constancy The tendency to perceive an
formation about a problem children take in occurs in most infants by 18 to 24 months object as the same size despite changes in
and what rules they then formulate to ac- of age. its distance from the eyes,
count for this information, semantics The aspect of language centering slow-to-warm-up temperament A charac-
sample The group of individuals chosen to on meanings. teristic mode of response in which the in-
be the subjects of a study, semenarche A boy's first ejaculation, dividual is relatively inactive and moody
savant syndrome The phenomenon in sensation The process by which informa- and displays mild resistance to new rou-
which extraordinary talent in a particular tion is detected by the sensory receptors tines and experiences but gradually adapts.
area is displayed by a person who is other- and transmitted to the brain; the starting Contrast with easy temperament and diffi-
wise mentally retarded. point in perception. cult temperament.
sociability A dimension of temperament tors as income, education, occupational they are able to succeed in life in their
that refers to die individual's degree of in- status, and the prestige of their neighbor- sociocultural context.
terest in and responsiveness to people, hoods. sudden infant death syndrome (SIDS) The
social clock A personal sense of when socioemotional selectivity theory death of a sleeping baby because of a fail-
things should be done in life and when the Carstensen's notion that our needs change ure of the respiratory system; linked to ma-
individual is ahead of or behind the sched- as we grow older and that we actively ternal smoking.
ule dictated by age norms, choose to narrow our range of social part- superego The psychoanalytic term for the
social cognition Thinking about the ners to those who can best meet our emo- component of the personality that consists
thoughts, feelings, motives, and behavior of tional needs. of the individual's internalized moral stan-
the self and other people, sociometric techniques Methods for deter- dards.
social cognitive theory Bandura's social mining who is well liked and popular and surfactant A substance that aids breathing
learning theory, which holds that children who is disliked or neglected in a group, by preventing the air sacs of the lungs from
and adults can learn novel responses somatic symptoms Physical or bodily signs sticking together.
merely by observing the behavior of a of emotional distress such as loss of appetite symbolic capacity The capacity to use sym-
model, making mental notes on what they or disruption of normal sleep patterns, bols such as words, images, or actions to
have seen, and then using these mental rep- species heredity The genetic endowment represent or stand for objects and experi-
resentations to reproduce the models be- that members of a particular species have ences; representational thought,
havior; more broadly, a theory emphasizing in common; a contributor to universal synapse The point at which the axon or
the importance of cognitive processing of species traits and patterns of maturation, dendrite of one neuron makes a connec-
social experiences. spillover effects Events at work affect home tion with another neuron,
social comparison The process of defining life, and events at home carry over into the synchronized routine Harmonious, dance-
and evaluating the self through compar- work place. like interaction between infant and care-
isons with other people, spirituality A search for ultimate meaning giver in which each adjusts behavior in re-
social convoy The changing cadre of signif- in life that may or may not be carried out sponse to that of the other,
icant people who serve as sources of social in the context of religion, syntax Rules specifying how words can be
support to the individual during the life static thought In Piaget's theory, the combined to form meaningful sentences in
span. thought characteristic of the preoperational a language.
social learning theory See social cognitive period that is fixed on end states rather syphilis A common sexually transmitted
theory; than on the changes that transform one disease that may cross the placental barrier
social norm A socially defined expectation state into another. Contrast with transfor- in the middle and later stages of pregnancy,
about how people should behave in partic- mational thought. causing miscarriage or serious birth defects,
ular social contexts. stem cell Undifferentiated, primitive cells systemize The brain's ability to analyze and
social pretend play A form of play that in- that have the ability both to multiply and explore how things work,
volves both cooperation with playmates to differentiate into a variety of specific tabula rasa The idea that the mind of an
and pretend or symbolic activity, cells. infant is a "blank slate" and that all knowl-
social referencing Infants' monitoring of stereotype threat An individual's fear of edge, abilities, behaviors, and motives are
companions' emotional reactions in am- being judged to have the qualities associ- acquired through experience.
biguous situations and use of this informa- ated with negative stereotypes of his or her Tay-Sachs disease A genetic disease com-
tion to decide how they should feel and be- social group. mon among Jewish children that is caused
have. storage In information processing, the by a pair of recessive genes and that results
social support The several forms of assis- holding of information in the long-term in a degeneration of the nervous system
tance from other people that bolster indi- memory store. and death.
viduals and protect them from stress, storm and stress Hall's term for the emo- telegraphic speech Early sentences that
social-conventional rules Standards of con- tional ups and downs and rapid changes consist primarily of content words and
duct determined by social consensus that - that he believed characterize adolescence, omit the less meaningful parts of speech
indicate what is appropriate within a par- stranger anxiety A wary or fretful reaction such as articles, prepositions, pronouns,
ticular social setting. Contrast with moral that infants often display when approached and auxiliary verbs.
rules. by an unfamiliar person. telomere A stretch of DNA that forms the
social-role hypothesis Eagly's view that Strange Situation A series of mildly stress- tip of a chromosome and that shortens af-
gender-role stereotypes are created and ful experiences involving the departure of ter each cell division, possibly timing the
maintained by differences in the roles that the parent and exposure to a stranger to death of cells.
men and women play in society rather than which infants are exposed to determine the temperament A genetically based pattern
being inherent in males and females, quality of their attachments; developed by of tendencies to respond in predictable
sociocultural perspective Vygotsky's con- Ains worth. ways; building blocks of personality such
textual theory of development, which structured observation A research method as activity level, sociability, and emotion-
maintains that cognitive development is in which scientists create special conditions ality.
shaped by the sociocultural context in designed to elicit the behavior of interest to teratogen Any disease, drug, or other envi-
which it occurs and grows out of children's achieve greater control over the conditions ronmental agent that can harm a develop-
social interactions with members of their under which they gather behavioral data. ing fetus.
culture. Contrast with naturalistic observation. terminal drop A rapid decline in intellec-
socioeconomic status (SES) The position successful intelligence Sternberg's concept tual abilities that people within a few years
people hold in society based on such fac- that people are intelligent to the extent that of dying often experience.
test norms Standards of normal perform- ments in a serial order (for example, that if utilization deficiency The third phase in
ance on psychometric instruments based A is taller than B, and B is taller than C, mastery of memory strategies in which
on the average scores and range of scores then A must be taller thgn C). children fail to benefit from a memory
obtained by a large, representative sample triarchic theory of intelligence An infor- strategy they are able to produce,
of test takers. mation-processing theory of intelligence vascular dementia The deterioration of
testosterone The most important of the that emphasizes three aspects of intelligent functioning and cognitive capacities caused
male hormones, or androgens; essential for behavior: the context in which people dis- by a series of minor strokes that cut off the
normal sexual development during the pre- play intelligence, the previous experience blood supply to areas of the brain; also
natal period and at puberty, they have with cognitive tasks, and the in- called multi-infarct dementia,
thalidomide A mild tranquilizer that, taken formation--processing components they use vicarious reinforcement In observational
early in pregnancy, can produce a variety of to solve problems. learning, the consequences experienced by
malformations of the limbs, eyes, ears, and trust versus mistrust The psychosocial models, because of their behavior, that af-
heart. conflict of infancy in which infants must fect the learner's likelihood of engaging in
theory A set of concepts and propositions learn to trust others to meet their needs in the behavior.
designed to organize, describe, and explain order to trust themselves; first stage in visual accommodation The ability of the
a set of observations, Erikson's theory. lens of the eye to change shape to bring ob-
theory of mind The understanding that Turner syndrome A sex chromosome ab- jects at different distances into focus,
people have mental states (feelings, desires, normality in which females inherit only visual acuity The ability to perceive detail
beliefs, intentions) and that these states un- one X chromosome (XO); they remain in a visual stimulus.
derlie and help explain their behavior, small in stature, fail to develop secondary visual cliff An elevated glass platform that
theory-of-mind hypothesis The theory that sex characteristics, and may show some creates an illusion of depth and is used to
autism is rooted in a limited understanding mental deficiencies. test the depth perception of infants,
of mental states and their role in human ultrasound Method of examining physical vocabulary spurt A phenomenon occurring
behavior—that individuals with autism organs by scanning them with sound around 18 months of age when the pace of
lack a theory of mind, waves—for example, scanning the womb word learning quickens dramatically,
time of measurement effects In develop- and thereby producing a visual outline of weak central coherence hypothesis A the-
mental research, the effects on findings of the fetus to detect gross abnormalities, ory that autism is rooted in a focus on de-
historical events occurring when the data umbilical cord A soft tube containing tails and an inability to integrate percep-
for a study are being collected (for exam- blood vessels that connects the embryo to tions, take into account the surrounding
ple, psychological changes brought about the placenta and serves as a source of oxy- context, and see the "big picture" or form
by an economic depression rather than as a gen and nutrients and as a vehicle for the generalizations.
function of aging). Contrast with age effects elimination of wastes, wisdom Exceptional insight or judgment
and cohort effects. unconditioned response The unlearned regarding life's problems,
total brain death An irreversible loss of response elicited by an unconditioned working memory A memory store, often
functioning in the entire brain, both the stimulus. referred to as a mental "scratch pad," that
higher centers of the cerebral cortex that unconditioned stimulus A stimulus that t e m p o r a r i l y holds information when it is
are involved in thought and the lower cen- elicits a particular response without prior being actively operated upon; the active use
ters of the brain that control basic life learning. of the short-term memory store.
processes such as breathing, unconscious motivation Freud's term for X chromosome The longer of the two sex
transactional model A model of family in- feelings, experiences, and conflicts that in- chromosomes; normal females have two X
fluence in which parent and child are be- fluence a person's thinking and behavior chromosomes, whereas normal males have
lieved to influence each other reciprocally, even though they cannot be recalled, only one.
/
transformational grammar Rules of syntax underextension The young child's ten- Y chromosome The shorter of the two sex
that allow a person to transform declarative dency to use general words to refer to a chromosomes; normal males have one Y
statements into questions, negatives, im- smaller set of objects, actions, or events chromosome, whereas females have none,
peratives, and other kinds of sentences, than adults do (for example, using candy zone of proximal development Vygotsky's
transformational thought In Piaget's theory, to refer only to mints). Contrast with term for the difference between what a
the ability to conceptualize transformations, overextension. learner can accomplish independently and
or processes of change from one state to an- universality-context-specificity issue The what a learner can accomplish with the
other, which appears in the stage of concrete debate over the extent to which developmen- guidance and encouragement of a more
operations. Contrast with static thought tal changes are common to everyone (uni- skilled partner.
transitivity The ability to recognize the versal, as in most stage theories) or different zygote A single cell formed at conception
necessary or logical relations among ele- from person to person (particularistic). from the union of a sperm and an ovum.
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Bennett, R, 104 Bjork, E. L., 207 Borch, IC, 101 Brody, E., 440-441, 442 Burke, D. M., 345
Benoit, D., 396, 415, 465 Bjork, R. A., 207 Borg, I., 103 Brody, E. B., 235 Burke, J. R., 480
Ben-Porath, I., 490 Bjorklund, B. R., 211 Boris, N. W., 465, 466 Brody, E. M., 335 Burke, L. B., 471
Benson, J. B., 177 Bjorklund, I). F., 45,57, 181, Borkenau, P., 311 Brody, G. H., 368, 433 Burkhalter, J. E., 508
Benton, D., 441 202, 203, 205, 206, 207, Borkowski, J. G., 436 Brody, M., 235, 244 Burks, V. S., 373, 375
Berenbaum, S. A., 292, 329 208,211,213, 355,425, Bornstcin, M. FI., 23, 79, 95, Broe, G. A., 478 Burn, S., 329
Berg, C. A., 223, 238 432, 498, 500 157 Broen, A. N., 504 Burnelli, T., 166
Berg, L., 216, 479 Bjorkqvist, K., 325 Bosse, R., 317 Bromley, D. B., 295, 357 Burnham, IX, 262
Berg, S., 74, 238, 480 Bjornson, L., 344 Bost, K. IC, 406 Bromnick, R., 188 Burns, G. L., 504
Berg, W. fC., 152 Black, I E., 140 Boston, A., 414 Bronfenbrenner, U., 15, 22, 23, Burns, T., 442
Bergamasco, N. H. R, 156 Black, A., 492 Boston Retinal Implant 27, 44, 4 7 , 4 8 , 5 1 8 , 520 Burston, A., 444
Bergem, A. L.,481 Black, I. E., 115, 140, 301 Project, 163 Bronfman, E., 466 Burt, C. 1). B., 215
Bergeman, C. S., 77 Black, K. N., 333 Botkin, D. R., 324 Bronstein, M. FL, 429, 430 Burton, L. M., 4, 422, 423, 424,
Berger, A. S., 485 Black, M. M., 465 Bouchard, T. J. Jr., 56, 69, 72, Bronstein, P., 269 439, 440, 441
Bergey, K. J., 504 Blackburn, J. A., 188, 190,194 77, 235, 236, 241,244, 292 Brook, J., 472 Burton, R., 125, 365
Berglund, P., 490 Blackmail, D. IC., 161 Boudreau, J. P., 127 Brookover, W., 273 Burton, R. V., 368
Bergman, A., 290 Blair, R. J., 357, 371 Bouldin, P., 178-179 Brooks, M. W., 490 Burwell, R. A., 474
Bering, J. M., 498, 500 Blake, S. M„ 347 Boulerice, B., 374 Brooks-Gunn, J., 23, 108, 133, Bus, A. G., 271,291-292
Berk, L. E., 195, 196 Blakemore, J. E., 327, 328 Bourdony, C. J., 131 134, 246, 290, 294, 346, Busch, A. L , 449
Berkman, L., 439, 495 Blakeslee, S., 447 Boutin, P., 293 347, 399, 428, 475 Buschke, FI., 9, 139, 238, 480
Berkowitz, M. W., 376 Blanchard-Fields, F., 221, Bowen, B. A., 188, 282 Broughton, J. M., 156 Busch-Rossnagel, N. A., 266
Berliner, L., 344 358-359 Bower, T. G. R., 156 Brown, A. L , 207, 213 Bushman, B. J., 17
Berman, A. L., 476, 477 Blaney, N. T., 508 Bowlby, J., 386, 387, 391, 392, Brown, B. B., 276, 280, Bushnell, E. M., 127
Berman, S., 262 Blasi, A., 368,371 397, 403,414, 436, 495, 409-410 Bushnell, E.W., 156
Berman, W. H., 407 Blass, E. M., 154 497, 505, 506,513 Brown, C., 138 Buss, A., 72-73
Bermann, FI, 422 Blatchford, P., 272 Boyce, R M., 104 Brown, D., 97, 461 Buss, A. H., 324-325
Bernal, M. E., 302 Blazer, D. G., 477, 478, 479 Boyd, J. PL, 479 Brown, E., 149 Buss, D. M., 330
Bernat, D. H, 276 Blazey, M. L., 282 Boykin, A. W., 235, 244 Brown, J., 95, 168, 245,355 Buss, R.R., 188
Bernbaum, J. C , 108 Blehar, M., 386, 392, 394, 395 Boyle, E, 104, 504 Brown, J. L., 121,376 Busse, j., 324
Berndt, T. J.,407, 4 0 9 , 4 ) 0 Blevins, D., 486 Brabeck, M., 380 Brown, R., 260, 261 Bus well, B. N., 325
Bcrnier, H., 293 Blieszner, R., 416, 443 Brabyn, J., 161 Brown, R. D., 208 Butcher, R R., 148, .159
Bernieri, F., 72 Bloch, M., 68 Bracey, I. R., 302 Brown, S. L., 443 Butler, R., 268, 269, 295, 313
Butler, R. N., 140 Carpenter, M., 257 Chase, W. G., 214 Clauser, J., 128 Conner, K. A., 438
Butter field, D. A., 491 Carpenter, M. G., 158 Chase-Lansdale, L., 347 Cleckner- Smith, C.S., 137 Connidis, I. A., 417
Butter fields S. A., 128 Carper, R., 116,463 Chase-Lansdale, P. L , 447 Cleiren, M , 503 Connolly, J., 408
Butters, M. A., 478,481 Carr, A., 508 Chasin, J., 500 Clement, C. ]., 256 Connolly, K.)., 158
Buunk. B. R, 306 Carr, D., 506, 507 Chassin, L., 133 Cleveland, H. H., 373, 374 Connolly, Y., 508
Buyck, R, 295 Carr, M. B., 329 Chatoor, I., 465 Clinch, J.)., 486 Connor, iVL, 464
Buysse, V., 275 Carr, P. L , 315 Chatters, L.M., 415 Clingempell, W. G., 427 Connor, S. R., 441,507
Byam, G., 271 Carrera, M., 43 Chavous, T. IvL, 276 Clinton, W. I., 2 Connors, B. W., 261
Byers, R. H., 97 Carriger, M. $., 232, 291 Chawarska, K., 460, 461 Clyburn, L. D., 442 Connor-Smith, J. K., 500
Byne, W., 345 Carroll, J. B., 227 Chazan-Cohen, R., 399 Clyman, R. B., 365, 366 Conrade, G., 334
Byrd, ]. E., 96 Carroll,J. M., 270 Chen, C , 278-279 Coats, P. B., 334 Cons tan tine, J., 399
Byrd, M., 303 Carskadon, M. A , 122-123 Chen, D., 155 Coats worth, D., 446 Constantino, j. N., 461
Byrd, X , 335 Carson, B. S., 115 Chen, H. R , 7 Cobb, R. W , 165 Convyn, R. R, 242
Byrk, A. S., 335 Carsrud, A. L , 281 Chen, J. Q., 227-228 Cobliner, W. G., 43 Conway, A. R. A., 219
Byrne, B., 269 Carsten, O., 164 Chen, L., 467 Cody, M., 481 Conway, M., 324
Byrnes, J. R, 201,214, 325 Carstensen, L. L , 218, Chen, M. R , 506 Coffey, S. A., 265 Conway, S. A., 215
305-306,314,318, Chen, M. J., 139 Cohen, B. B., 107 Coohey, C., 449
411-413, 439 Chen, X., 406 Cohen, C., 415 Cook, A. S., 487-488
Cabral, H., 95, 168 Carter, A. S., 470 Chen, Y., 221 Cohen, D., 449 Cook, B. G., 275
Cabrera, N. J., 426, 443 Carter, S. L, 101 Chen, Z., 212 Cohen, G. L., 346 Cook, E. H., 463
Cacioppo, J. T., 418 Cartwright, B. S., 179 Cheng, A. IC, 155 Cohen, J., 508 Cook, R., 85
Caddell, D. P., 486 Casadesus, G., 492 Cherlin, A., 438 Cohen, IVL, 212 Cook, W. L , 429
Caggiula, A. W., 137 Case, R., 192, 205, 206, 234 Cherlin, A. J., 447 Cohen, P., 7, 472 Cooke, L. M., 57
Cain, A. C , 500 Casey, B. J., 116, 117 Cherry, IC E., 140, 216, 222, Cohen, R., 406 Cool bear, J., 465
Cain, K. M., 268 Casey, B. M., 106 487,496, 501,502 Cohen, S. E., 414 Coolen, R., 256
Cairns, R. B., 10, 11,49 Casey, P. H., 108 Chess, S., 292-294 Coie, {. D., 372, 405-406 Cooley, C , 291
Calabrese, J. M., 347 Casey, R. J., 365 Chessor, D, 299 Coiro, M. I., 447 Coon, H. M., 307
Calabrese, V., 491 Casey, V., 508 Chetwynd, A., 238 Coladarci, T., 280 Cooney, T. M., 439
Caldera, Y., 329 Casper, L. M., 439 Chi, M., 208 Colapinto, J., 332-333 Coontz, S., 6, 422
Caldera, Y. M, 327 Casper, V, 395 Chi, M. T. H., 214 Colbert, K. K., 190 Cooper, C. R., 303, 305
Caldwell, B. M., 97, 242, 244 Caspi, A., 76, 191,296, 297, Chia, E. M., 162 Colburn, D., 93, 158, 166 Cooper, D. H., 270
Caldwell, C. H., 276 311,371,373, 439, 447, Chilamkurti, C., 357 Colburne, K. A, 327 Cooper, E. H., 214
Caldwell, P., 104 451,459, 472 Chinsky, J. JVL, 181, 206 Colby, A , 361, 367, 370, 375, Cooper, J M . L.,410
Calhoun, L. G., 507 Cassia, V. M., 147 Chipperfield, j. G., 439 378 Cooper, P., 104, 396
Calkins, S. D., 369, 390-391 Cassia Berenguel, R., 156 Chiriboga, D., 440 Colditz, G. A., 129, 439 Cooper, P. J., 104
Call, J., 355 Cassidy, D. J., 207 Chisholm, K., 397 Cole, A. K., 401 Cooper, R. P., 153, 262
Call, K. T., 279 Cassidy, J., 414 Chitwood, D. G., 248 Cole, D. A., 298 Coopersmith, S., 296
Callanan, M. A., 260, 433 Cassidy, K. W., 263 Chiu, C , 490 Cole, H. E., 407 Copeland, D. R., 499
Camaioni, L , 257, 258 Castro, A., 103 t h i u , S., 196 Cole, M.G., 481 Copeland, J. R., 478
Camicioli, R., 479, 481 Castro, C., 135 Chochinov, H. M., 486, 494 Cole, R M., 344, 365, 374, 389, Coppotelli, H., 405
Camp, C. J., 218, 221 Catalano, M., 305 Choi, J., 324 390,430 Coppozzoli, M., 158
Camparo, L.> 467 Catalano, P. M., 98 Choi, $., 258 Cole, R., 272, 275, 276 Corbley, G. J., 137
Campbell, A., 336 Cattell, R., 227 Chomsky, N., 259, 261 Cole, W„ 122 Corcoran, J., 48, 50
Campbell, B., 346 Caughlin, J. R, 439 Chopak, J. S., 346 Coleman, A. L., 162 Corey, L., 73
Campbell, R A., 235, 399 Cauley, J. A., 162 Choudhury, N., 160 Coleman, J., 276 Corley, R., 77
Campbell, L., 436 Cavanaugh, J. C., 216, 219 Christ, S. E., 147 Coleman, P., 305 Cornelius, M. D., 93
Campbell, S. B., 457, 458 Caya, L., 406 Christensen, A., 467 Coles, L. S., 489, 493 Cornelius, S. W., 191
Campbell, V. A., 161 Caya, M., 311 Christen sen, II., 71 Coles, R., 416 Cornell, D. P., 341
Campos,)., 125 Caygill, L , 336 Christensen, M., 456, 458 Co ley, I. E)., 214 Corns, K.M.,431
Campos, J. ]., 149 Cazden, C , 260 Christensson, K., 155 Colin, V., 392, 397 Corr, C. A., 500, 501, 507-508
Camus, V., 478 Ceci, S. J., 210,211,235,236, Christiansen, S. L , 313 Coll, C G., 242 Con , 1). JVL, 507-508
Canfield, R. L , 97, 150 280 Christie, R, 259, 270 Colley, A , 336 Correa-Chavez, M., 39, 304
Cannon, M., 74 Centers for Disease Control, Christie, J. P., 270 Collins, R, 58 Corter, C , 396
Cano, A., 450 135 Christofalo, V. J., 136 Collins, E S., 65, 490 Cor win, J., 167
Cantor, N. L., 485,486, 487 Ceponiene, R., 152 Christoffel, K. K., 122 Collins, L. M., 134 Corwyn, R. E, 428
Cantrell, P. J., 328 Cernoch, J. M., 155 Christopher, J. S., 417 Collins, W. A., 79, 388, 407, Cory-Slechta, D. A., 97
Cantwell, C , 477 Cerutti, D. T„ 38 Chu, L., 504 408, 409,410, 429, 430 Cossette, L., 326
Capaldi, D. M.,315 Chacko, A., 467, 468 Chukwu, N., 85 Colon, A. R., 6 Costa, D. L, 7, 520
Capelli, C. A., 185 Chaiyasit, W., 458 Chumlea, W. C , 131 Coltrane, $., 443 Costa, P. T. Jr., 73, 251,288,
Caplan, L. J., 218 Chakrabarti, S., 461 Churchill, J. a , 458, 459 Columbo, J., 232 297, 308, 309-310,311,
Capozzoli, M. C., 159 Chali, J.S., 271 Cicchetti, I I , 356, 369, 396, Comer, J. P., 273 315
Capps, L., 354, 355, 460, 461 Chamberlain, G., 101 417, 451,457,466, 473 Comfort, A., 348 Costanzo, P. R., 406
Carabellese, C., 166 Champaud, C., 259 Cicirelli, V. G., 440, 442, 449 Committee on Adolescence, Costello, E. J., 137,466,472
Cardno, A , 74 Champson, R. $., 257 Cillessen, A IT., 371, 405, 406 456 Costenbader, V., 275
Carels, R. A., 274 Chandler, M., 354 Cipriani, N., 343 Commons, M. L., 189, 190 CosLigan, K. A., 90, 99
Carey, S., 355, 498 Chandler, M. J., 101, 367 Clark, D. C., 501 Compas, B. E., 459, 475, 500 Costos, D., 440
Carlesimo, G. A., 216 Chandler, $., 105 Clark, D. O., 136 Compian, L., 410 Cota-Robles, S., 374
Carlo, G.t 411 Chang, B., 357 Clark, E. V., 257 Compton, K., 372 Cote, J. K., 303-304
Carlson, E., 137, 374 Chantala, K., 346 Clark, H. H., 257 Compton, N. C., 500 Cote, R., 293
Carlson, E. A., 392, 401, 466 Chao, R., 430-431 Clark, J.G., 165 Condon, J. T, 137 Couch, R., 381
Carlson, S., 122 Chapman, A. J., 185 Clark, J. L , 157 Condron, D. J., 433 Coughlin, J. F., 165
Carlson, S. M., 179,355 Chapman, A. R.y 492 Clark, K. E., 400 Condry, J., 326 Courage, M. L., 210,211
Carlson, V., 396 Chapman, L. L., 105 Clark, L. A , 294, 467 Condry, S., 326 Courchesne, E., 116, 463
Carlton, M. P., 195 Chapman, M., 182 Clark, M., 3, 520 Conduct Problems Prevention Coval, J. J., 136
Carlton, R. P., 449 Chapman, V., 97 Clark, R., 103 Research Group, 273, Covington, M. V., 268,269
Carlton-Ford, S., 298 Chappell, R. J., 162 Clark, R. D. Ill, 366 376, 405 Cowan, C. R, 339, 427, 436
Carmichael, S. L., 99 Charles, S. T„ 218, 315, 412, Clark, S. E., 355 Congdon, N., 163 Cowan, P. A., 339, 343, 427,
Carnes, B., 491 418 Clark, W. R., 480, 489 Conger, K. J., 428, 429 436
Carries, B. A., 490 Charles-Luce, J., 256 Clarke-Stewart, A., 396, Conger, R. D., 373, 414, 427, Coward, R. T., 441
Carobbi, S., 100 Charlesworth, W. R., 10 398-399, 439 428, 449, 466, 475-176 Co war I, B. J., 167
Caron, C., 293 Charman, T., 354,461 Clarke-Stewart, K. A., 270 Congleton, L., 481 Cox, C , 97
Caron, S. L., 345-346 Charness, N., 250 Clark-Lempers, D. S., 407 Connell, A. M., 471 Cox, M. I., 396, 425, 426, 436,
Caron, W., 442 Charney, D. S., 478 Clarkson, B.H., 139 Conneli, C. M., 415 446
Carpendale, J. I., 363 Charpentier, P., 495 Clarkson, M. G., 152 Connell, J. P., 390 Cox, S., 99
Carpenter, E. M., 406 Chartier, B. IVL, 505, 506 Clarridge, B. R., 508 Connellan, J., 462 Cox, T. H., 316, 436
Gov, K. G , 369 Daley, S. P., 374 Demarest, J., 336 Dodds, J. B., 124
Coyle> T. R., 207 Dallal, G. E., 129, 131 DeMarie, D , 207, 209, 210 Dodge, K. A., 48, 371, 372, 373, Eagly, A. H, 324-326
Coyne, J. G , 459 Dalsgaard, S., 468 DeMaris, A., 443 374, 375, 376, 377, Earles, J. L., 139,217,219
Craft, S. A., 273 Dal ton, D. S., 164 de Medina, R, 99 405-406 Easley, J. A. Jr., 194
Crago, M., 128, 474 Dame, A., 479 de Meeus, T., 133 * Dolen, L. $., 359 Easteal, S., 71
Crago, M. B., 261 Damon, W., 294, 295, 297, 327, DeiMeis, D. K., 326 Domino, G., 75, 250 Easterbrook, M. A., 147, 291,
Craig, I. W., 61, 62, 68, 71, 451, 370 de Mendonca, Lima, G A., 478 Dominy, N. L., 475 471
459, 480 Damphousse, K. R., 280 Demetriou, H., 367 Domjan, M. J., 38 Eastman, I<. L., 458
Craig, W. M., 371 Damush, T. M., 103 Demo, D. H., 424, 436, 446 Donaldson, G. A., 280 Eaton, W. O., 130
Craik, R L, 221 Daneman, M., 166 DeMonner, S. M., 98 Dondis, E. H., 247 Eaves, L., 73, 77
Crain, W., 194 Danieli, R., 407 Dennerstein, L, 138 Donehower, L. A., 490 Eaves, L. J., 137
Craven, R., 295, 299 Daniels, M., 69 Denney, N. W., 191,217 Dong, Q., 498 Ebbeck, M., 279
Crawford, J. R., 217 Danielsen, B., 98, 101 Dennis, T. A., 389, 390 Donnellan, M. B., 5, 76, 305 Eberly, M., 437
Crawford, M., 346 Darling, C. A., 347 Dennis, W., 251 Donnelly, D., 348 Ebersole, P., 315
Creasey, G., 414 Darling, N., 426 Denny, N. W., 222-223 Donner, A. R, 139 Ebin, V., 347
Creasey, M., 478 Darlington, R., 235 DeNoon, D., 97 D'Onofrio, B„ 75 Ebstein, R. R, 72, 293
Creehan, P. A., 96, 103 Darroch, J. E., 48 Denton, K., 381 Doris, J., 451 Eccles, I S., 133, 268, 276, 277,
Cregger, M. E., 216 Darrow, G. N., 287-288 Deppe, M., 115 Dorn, L. D., 134 296, 298, 302, 326, 334,
Creskoff, N., 465 Darwin, G , 10, 45, 56, 389 Derby, G A., 9, 480 Dornbusch, S. M., 269, 276, 335,346, 409,410
Creusere, M. A., 185 Das Eiden, R., 95 DeRosier, M. E., 406 279, 427 Echenrode, J., 451
Crews, R, 33 Dasen, P. R., 158 Deruelle, G , 148 Dornbush, S. M., 276, 277 Eckerman, C. O., 401
Crews, J. E., 161 Davalos, M., 99 Derzon, J. H., 376 Dosoky, M , 132, 133 Ecklund-Flores, L., 153
Crick, N.R., 325, 371,372 Davey, A., 441 Desai, A. K., 480, 481 Doucette, A., 456 Eddy, J. M., 372
Crijnen, A. A., 467 Davidson, A., 436 Descartes, R., 144 Dougherty, T. M., 232 Edelbrock, G., 467
Criss, M. M., 406 Davidson, J., 333 Deschonen, S., 148 Doughty, A. S., 137 Edelbrock, C. S., 467
Cristofalo, V. J., 490 Davidson, J. K., 347 de Schonen, $., 157 Dowden, A., 203, 204 Edelsohn, G., 470
Crockenberg, S., 294 Davidson, R. G., 65, 66, 68 Desjardins, R. N., 152 Dowe, D. L., 506 Edelstein, W.,378
Crockett, L J., 346 Davies, L., 417 Desmarais, S., 327 Downdney, L., 500 Eder, R. A., 295
Crombie, G., 305 Davies, P. T., 457, 458 DesRosiers, M. E., 291 Downey, D. B., 243, 273, 433 Edmonds, $., 272
Cromer, C. C., 403 Davies, S. L., 48 Dessens, J. A. G., 136 Downey, J., 64 Edvardsson, H., 222
Crook, I . H., 218 Davis, C. G., 505, 507 d e S t Aubin, E., 281, 313 Doyle, A. B., 296,410 Edwards, C. P., 328
Crooks, R., 342 Davis, K. L., 480 Deutsch, F. M., 325, 425 Doyle, A. E., 468 Edwards, J. N., 438
Crosby, L., 373 Davis, L. B., 155 Deutsch, G., 115,116 Drack, A. V., 157 Edwards, L., 46
Crosby, R. A., 48 Davis, M., 146 Deveau, E. J., 501, 504 Drager, B., 115 Efsthatiou, Z., 85
Crosignani, P. G., 97 Davis, N. O., 470 Devenny, D. A., 247 Draper, P., 48 Eftekhari, A., 432
Cross, C. E., 9 Davis, S. E, 97 Deveny, K., 347 Driscoll, D. A., 67 Egeland, B., 392, 401, 449-50,
Cross, D., 355 Davis, S. M , 229 DeVincent, C. J., 99 Driskell, R. A., 79 453,466
Cross, S. E., 307 Davis, W. E., 280 DeViney, $,,317, 439 Droege, K. L., 357 Ehrenberg, R. G., 273
Grossman, R. E., 187 Davison, M. L., 189 Devlin, B., 69 Dropik, P. L., 204 Ehrhardt, A. A., 64, 330, 331,
Crouch, J. L., 450 Dawson, G., 466 DeVries, B., 378 Drosdick, D., 480 332-333, 345
Crouter, A. G , 329, 334,429, Dawson, T. L., 378 DeVries, M. W., 196, 293 Druley, J. A., 441 Ehri, L , 269-270
433, 435, 443 Day, K., 247, 334 Dew, M. A., 481 Dubas, J. S., 134 Eichen, E. B., 155
Crowe, A., 136 Day, L , 433 Dewar, R. E., 165 Dubiner, IC., 158 Eichorn, D. H., 234
Crowcll, J., 401 Day, N. L., 93, 501 de Weerth, C., 99 Dublin, L. I., 7 Eichstedt, J. A., 327
Cro well, J. A., 413, 435 Day, R., 501 De Wolff, M. S., 395, 396 Duckett, E., 432 Eidelman, A. I.,391
Crowley, T. J., 73 Day, R. D., 425, 446 Dews, S., 185 Ducournau, P., 104 Eimas, P.D., 152, 256
Crown, C. L., 256, 391 Deal, J., 296 Dezateux, C-, 157 Dudgeon, D., 486 Eisdorfer, C., 449
Cruickshanks, K. J., 162, 164 de Araujo Peres, C., 156 Diamond, J., 474 Dudley, E., 138 Eisen, M., 297
Cruikshank, L., 3 Dearing, K. E, 12, 13, 20 Diamond, M., 332 Dudley, W. N., 346
Eisenberg, N., 268, 361, 372,
Cruikshank, M., 23 Deary, I J., 236, 237 Diaz, J., 89, 93, 95 duFort, G.G.,481
381 "
Cruise, L.J., 167 Deater-Deckard, K., 78, 373, DiRlasio, F. A., 40 Dumaret, A., 244
Ekeberg, (.)., 504
Cruts, M., 222 429, 467 Dick, D. M., 134 Dumas-Hines, E, 268
Ekerdt, D. J., 317
Csikszentmihalyi, M., 249 Deaux, IC, 326 Dick, T., 275 Dumble, VI., 490
Ekstrom, B., 138
Csoka, A. B., 490 DeBaryshe, B. D., 372 Dick, T. M., 489 Dumitrescu, A., 398
Elbourne, D., 103
Guarnaccia, C. A., 508 de Bode, S., 115, 155 Dickson, E C., 439 Dunbar, J. L., 154
Elder, G. H. Jr., 9, 23,297,414,
Cui, M., 414 Debus, R., 295 DiClemcnte, R. J., 48 Duncan, C., 108
415, 428, 466, 475-476
Cullen, M. J., 245 DeBusk, E L., 490 Diekman, A. B., 336 Duncan, G., 246
Eleazer, G. P., 481
Cultice, J., 206 DeCaprio, J. A., 490 Diener, E., 311 Duncan, H., 275
Elias, S., 58, 63, 65, 66, 67
Culver, C., 389, 390 DeCasper, A. J., 153 Dierker, L. J., 98 Duncan, R. M., 195-196
Elicker, J., 401
Gumming, E., 317 de Cassia Xavier Balda , R., 156 Diessner, R., 359, 377 Dunlosky, J.,213, 221
Eliot, L., 152, 156,415
Gumming, R. R., 162 Deci, E. L., 268, 269 Dietz, L. I., 265, 266 Dunn, J., 73, 262, 355, 367,
Elkin, F, J., 64
Cummingham, N., 395 Deegan, L. J., 489 Dietz, W. H., 129 390, 431,432 Elkind, D.,6,187,188, 266
Cummings, E. ML, 418, 457, de Faire, U., 74 Digman, J. M., 288 Dunn, J. R, 73 El lard, J. H., 506
458 DeFrain, J. D„ 504, 507 Dilorio, C., 346 Dunne, M. R, 70, 345, 346 Ellenbogen, J. M., 508
Cummings, S. M., 162, 309 DeFries, J. C . , 6 I , 6 2 , 68, 69, Dijkstra, I. G , 504 Dunning, S., 500 Elliot, E., 269
Cunningham, D. A., 136, 139 71,75, 76, 77, 292, 447, DiLalla, L. R, 242, 243, 292 Dunphy, D., 408 Elliott, B., 247
Cunningham, H., 6 480 Dillon, M., 375 Dunsmore, J. C., 501 Elliott, D. S., 374, 377
Currie, C., 134 DeGarmo, D., 446 Dillon, P., 447 DuPaul, G. J., 467, 468, 469 Elliott, J. G., 229
Currier, J. L., 490 DeGarmo, IX S., 430, 506 Dilworth-Anderson, P., 423 Durham, M. R., 486 Ellis, B. J., 48, 133
Curry, J. R, 302 de Gaston, J. R, 347 DiMatteo, M. R., 103 Durik, A. M., 103 Ellis, J. B., 340
Curtiss, S., 115, 155 de Haan, M., 147, 148 Dimmock, P.W., 137 Durkin, S., 490 Ellis, L , 345
Cushman, L., 436 Dehaene, R, 94 Dinmore, I., 282 Dustman, R. E., 140 Ellis, R. A., 309
Cutler, A., 256 de Jong-Gierveld, J., 416 Dinwiddie, S. H., 346 Dutra, A., 490 Ellis, S., 173, 403
Cutting, A. L., 367 DeKoekkoek, P. D.,3J 6,317 DiPietro, J., 85, 89, 90, 99 Duursma, S. A., 136 Eilision, P. T., 133
Cytron, B. D., 488 DeLamater, J., 342, 343, 347 Dishion, T. J., 372,373, 377, Duvail, E., 423 Ellwanger, P., 437
Cytryn, L , 465, 470 de la Rochebrochard, E., 100 410,433 Duyme, M., 244 El-Messidi, A., 358
Czaja, S. J., 442 DeLeire, T. C., 439 Dissanayaka, C., 291 Dweck, C., 268, 269, 277, 357 Elshout, J. J., 193
Delery, D. B., 256 Dittman, R. W., 331, 345 Dworkin, D. S., 487-488 Ely, R., 259, 260
D Delevati, N. M., 156 Dittmann-Kohli, F., 313 Dwyer, J. T., 129 Emanuel, E. J., 487, 508
Dabbs, J. M., 331 De Lisi, R„ 188 Diversi, M., 378 Dwyer, J. W., 441 Embleton, G., 104, 504
daCosta, G. A., 344 Delia Sala, S., 359 Di vision of Vital Statistics, 104 Dyk, P. H., 313 Emde, R. N., 365, 366, 456, 458
Daglisli, L., 327 DeLoach, J. S., 207, 212 Dixon, R. A., 221,223, 238, Dyregrov, K., 506 Emerson, P. E., 392, 395
Daher, M., 154 DelSer, T., 418 239 Dywan, J., 116 Emery, R. E., 436, 444, 446,
Dahl, R. K , 123 Delsol, C., 449 Djelmis, J., 93 Dziuba-Leatherman, J., 447, 452, 474
Dale, P. S., 258 DelVecchio, W., 308 Dobson, M., 508 450 Emmorey, K., 265
Endley, R. C , 338 Feeney, J. A., 413 Flannery, R. B. Jr., 449 Fretts, R. C., 98 Garbarino, J., 422
Engedal, K.,48l Fegley, S., 279 Flavell, j. H., 172, 181, 191, Freud, A., 35 Garber, J., 133, 459,464, 469,
Engelhardt, J. R, 79 Feil, M.» 471 205, 206, 207, 352, 354, Freud, S., 27, 30-32, 34-35, 40, 470
England, P., 316 Feingold, A., 324, 326 519 43,49, 50, 287, 341-342, Garcia, M. M., 432
Englander-Golden, P., 137 Feinman, S., 390 Fleeson, W., 417 360, 366, 385, 497 Garcia Bacete, R J., 372
Engle, R.W.,219 Feinstein, R. A., 347 Fleming, G., 456, 458 Freudigman, K., 121 Garcia-Preto, N., 488
Engiund, M., 329, 401 Feiring, C , 408, 409 Fleming, J. S., 269 Freund, A. M.,219, 305-306, Gard, M G , 474
Engoran, F., 84 Feld, $., 281 Fleming, P. L., 97 316,318 Gardner, G. O., 458
Ennemoser, M., 207, 271 Feldlaufer, H., 277 Fleming, W. S., 407 Freund, L., 195 Gardner, II., 200, 227-228,
Enns, J. T., 159 Feldman, D., 250 Fletcher, A. E., 162 Frey, K. S., 336 250, 465
Enoch, J. M., 161 Feldman, D. II., 196 Fletcher, J. M., 271 Friedman, D. J., 107 Garland, A., 476
Enright, R., 188 Feldman, I I., 437 Fletcher, K. L., 206 Friedman, D. S., 163 Garmezy, N., 472
Ensminger, M. E., 280 Feldman, J. F., 206, 232, 388 Fletcher, M. A., 352 Friedman, L. I., 34, 35 Garner, R., 266
Eppler, M. A., 158 Feldman, J. J., 154 Flieller, A., 1.86 Friedman, R. FI., 315 Garnham, A., 355
Epstein, H. T., 116 Feldman, R., 95, 391 Flinch, C. E., 489 Friedman, R. J., 374 Garovich-Szabo, L., 324
Erber, J. X , 163, 164, 168 Feldman, S. S., 341 Flint, M., 138 Friedrich, L., 14 Garvey, C , 404
Erdley, C. A., 268, 406 Feldstein, S., 256, 391 Flood, P., 273 Frier, B. M., 237 Gasiewski, E., 187
Erdos, M. R., 490 Fellman, V., 152 Florian, V., 498 Fries, J. E, 128 Gathercole, S. E., 206
Erdwins, C. J., 281 Felton, B. J., 416 Florsheim, P., 436 Frieske, D., 221 Gatz, M.> 217, 315, 480,481
Erickson, J., 488 Feng, U , 435 Flouri, E., 426 Frieswijk, N., 306 Gatza, C., 490
Erickson, M. F., 449-450 Femxema, E., 324, 325 Floyd, M., 221 Frieze, I. II., 305, 335 Gau, B. A, 480
Ericson, K. A., 214 Fenson, L., 258 Flum, H., 303 Fristad, M., 500 Gaugler,). E., 441
Ericsson, K. A., 250 Ferbeyer, G., 490 Flynn, G„ 459, 469 Frith, C. D.? 355 Gau tier, X , 333
Erikson, E., 27, 33-35, 40,49, Ferenz-Gilles, R., 407 Flynn, J., 243 Frith, U., 352, 353, 372, 460 Gauvain, (VL, 195
50, 239, 287-288, 300, Ferguson, S. A., 164 Foley, D. J., 139 Fritz, A. S., 354 Gauze, C., 406
311-315,385-386, Fergusson, D. M., 48,407 Foley, K., 508 Fritz, J., 430 Gavin, N., 417
513-514,516 Ferligoj, A., 305 Folkman, S., 20, 21, 505-506, Frolkis, M„ 490 Gaylord, K. K., 453
Eriksson, M., 490 Fern aid, A., 152, 262 507 Fromhoff, F. A., 209 Gazzaniga, M. S., 115
Eriksson, P. S., 115 Ferraro, K. J., 449 Fombonne, E., 461 Frosch, E., 469 Ge, X., 5, 76, 427, 429, 475-476
Erkanli, A., 466, 472 Ferring, D„ 440 Fonagy, P., 32-33 Frost, M., 2 Geary, D. C , 48
Ernst, L , 507 Ferron,)., 207, 209 Fontaine, R., 373, 375 Fruhna, J. G., 93 Geithner, G. A., 131
Ernst, M., 93 Feuerstein, R., 229 Foorman, B. R., 271 Fry, A. F., 220 Gel dart, $., 157
Eron, L. D., 374 Ficher, I., 444 Foos, R VV., 215, 218 Fry, G. L., 4 Gelles, R. J., 449, 450
Esau, S. P., 163 Field, D., 194, 238,310, 506 Ford, C. S., 342 Fry, P. S.j 317, 318, 504 Gelman, R., 181, 182
Escalona, S., 232 Field, J., 282 Ford, X , 473 Fryauf-Bertschy, H., 155 Gelman, S. A., 151, 257-258
Escott, D., 98 Field, N. P., 505 Fordham, S., 276 Fujita, E, 311 Gene, M., 96
Eskritt, M„ 207 Field, P. A., 105 Forgatch, M. S., 430, 446 Fujita, K., 164 Gentaz, E., 156
Esposito, A., 392, 434 Field, X , 99, 452 Foroud, X , 489 Fukui, L, 262 George, C., 451
Espy, IC A., 242, 243 Field, X M . , 156, 391,466 Forrest, J. D., 347 Fukui, R., 436 George, L. J., 439
Essa, E. L., 499 Fields, J., 424 Forslin, L., 105 Fukumoto, A., 365 George, L. IC, 317, 477, 478,
Esterberg, K. G., 444 Fiese, B. FL, 396 Fortin, ML, 165 Fuligni, A. J., 279,356,410, 479
Estes, L. S., 474 Fifer, W. R, 99, 152, 154, 155 Forys, K., 134 433, 434 Gershoff, E. T., 38, 368
Estevan, R. A., 372 Figueredo, A. J., 449 Fosket, I. R., 138 Fulker, D. VV., 77, 78, 292, 373 Gershoni, R., 408
Ests, C. M., 128 Filipp, S., 440 Foss, J. W., 221 Fulkerson, J. A., 473, 474 Gerstel, N., 441
Etaugh, C., 304 Filipp, S. H., 281 Foster, B., 104, 504 Fullilove, R. E., 275 Gersten, M., 331
Evans, A. C., 116 Fillenbaum G. G.,317 Foster, S. N., 98 Fung, FL FL, 404 Gervai, J., 336
Evans, D. E., 297 Finch, M. D., 279, 280 Fowler, R. C., 196 Furman, E., 497 Gest, S. D., 406
Evans, D. R.,31.7 Fincham, R D., 435, 447 Fowles, D. G., 369, 370 Furman, VV., 387, 403, 406, Getzels, J. VV., 249
Evans, G. VV., 22, 428 Findling, R. L., 468 Fox, B., 436, 437 407, 408, 409,410,417, Geuze, R. FL, 148, 159
Evans, J. R., 162, 163 Fine, M. A., 378, 422, 424, 447 Fox, N. A., 292 432, 440 Ghatala, E. S., 213
Evens, D. E., 291 Fingerman, K. L., 422 Fox, P.W., 214 Furstenberg, F. F. Jr., 7, 40, 50, Ghisolfi, A., 480
Evenson, K. R., 502 Finitzo, X, 157 Fozard, J. L., 161-162, 163, 346, 347, 438, 447 Giaconia, R. M., 473
Ewing, S. K., 162 Finkel, D., 74, 217, 222 164, 165,166 Futterman, A., 478 Giambra, L. iVL, 349
Ey, S., 475 Finkelhor, D., 344, 450 Fraley, R. G., 413, 415, 506 Futterweit, L. R., 206 Giampiccolo, J. S. Jr., 247
Eyberg, S., 504 Finkelstein, J. A., 167 Francis, H., 282 Giarrusso, R., 435
Eyler, A. A., 135 Finn, J. D., 272 Francis, H. VV., 155 G Gibbs, J. C„ 357, 361, 362, 367,
Fiori-Cowley, A., 396 Francis, K. L., 139 Gable, S., 129 370,371,372, 375,376,
F Firth, U., 461-463 Frank, D. A., 93, 95,168 Gabriel, IC, 93 380
Faber, C. E., 166 Fischer, A., 265 Frankel, V., 185 Gabrieli, J. D.,271 Gibbs, V., 356
Fahes, R. A., 5, 328, 372, 403 Fischer, C. S., 411 Frankenburg, K. VV., 124 Gabrielian, S., 378 Gibson, E. J., 145, 149, 150,
Fabregren et, M., 148 Fischer, E. E, 413 . Frankie, G., 333 Gadsden, V., 422 158
Fadda, L., 216 Fischer, J. L., 313, 411 Franklin, C., 50 Gage, J. D., 105 GieddJ.N., 116, 117
Fagan, J., 95 Fischer, I. S., 79 Franklin, M. B., 135 Gagnon, J., 113, 343 Gigy, L., 445
Pagan, J. R, 147 Fischer, K. W., 177, 1.88, 190, Franks, E. A., 470 Gagnon, M. D., 439 Gil, D. G., 450
Fagot, B. I., 327, 328, 334, 335, 192,282, 291,457 Franks, M. M , 442 GaiDard, M., 478 Gilbert, A. N., 167
372, 402, 429 Fischer, M., 467 Fraser, G. A., 344 Galambos, N. L., 329 Gilbert, J. Ii. V., 152
Faix, J. D., 113 Fischer, R. B., 282 Fraser, M. VV., 108 Gall, X L . , 317 Gilbert, N., 450
Falcon, L. M , 478 Fischer, W. R, 368 Fraser, R. B., 98 Gallagher, H. L„ 355 Gilbert, W.M., 98, 101
Faloon, S., 214 Fisher, G., 256 Frattola, L., 166 Gallagher, J. D , 128 Gill, J. K., 347
Fanaroff, A. A., 89 Fisher, G. B., 21 Frawley, VV., 193 Gallagher, J. M., 194 Gillberg, C., 464, 475
Fang, F., 378 Fisher, E. P., 405 Fredrickson, B. L., 477 Gallagher, ML, 439 Gillberg, I. C., 475
Fang, G., 378 Fisher, L., 397 Fredriksenand, K., 122 Gallagher, S. IC, 441 Gillette-Guyonnet, S., 480
Fantz, R. L., 147 Fisher, L M., 139 Freedman, J., 261 Gallagher-Thompson, D., 478 Gilliam, R. B., 270
Faraone, S., 467 Fisher, M. M., 347 Freeland, R. L., 125 Gallimore, R., 433 Gillick, M. R., 479
Faraone, S. V., 468 Fisher, S., 33 Freels, S., 449 Gallo, L. G., 413 Gilligan, G., 378, 380, 382
Farber, N., 48, 50,51 Fisk, N. M., 99 Freeman, C. P., 474 Gallup, G. G. Jr., 291 Gillis, J.} 58
Farmer, S. J., 317 FitzGerald, D. P., 407 Freeman, J. M., 115 Gal-Oz, E., 505 Gillis, J. R., 7
Farrell, M. R, 315 Fitzgerald, I . M . , 2 1 5 Freeman, R., 474 Gamble, VV., 407 Gilman, S. E„ 474
Farrington, D. P., 371 Fitzsimmons, C., 214, 218 Freeman, S. P., 246 Gamoran, A., 272, 280 Ginsberg, A. P., 147
Farver, J. A., 404, 405 Fivush, R., 209,210,211 Freeman-Gallant, A., 373 Ganchrow, J. R., 154 Ginsburg, E., 304
Faulkner, D., 1.94 Fjallberg, M., 122 Freid, P. A., 488 Gandelman, R., 47, 331 Ginsburg, G. S., 269
Faulkner, K. VV., 499 Flaherty, J. H., 481 Freid, V. M., 476 Ganguli, M., 478 Giordano, P. C., 408
Faust, M. A., 270 Flaks, D. K., 444 French Pediatric HIV Infection Ganiban, J., 465 Gipson, P. Y., 459
Feder, X , 334 Flanagan, K. D., 12, 13, 20 Study Group, 97 Gannon, L., 138 Girard, C., 476
Federal Interagency Forum, 136 Flannery, D., 188, 378 Frenkel, O. {., 396 Gantz, B. J., 155 Girgus,). S., 476
Gist, Y. j., 488 Gostin, L.O.,21 Griffiths, P., 336 Haight, VV. L., 404 Harris, G.T.,373
Gitlin, L N., 442 Goswami, U., 270 Grigorenko, E. L., 233 Hainline, L., 146, 156 Harris, J. A., 74-75
Gitter, A. J., 139 Gotlib, I. I I., 469, 475 Grilo, C. M., 74 Mains, S. M., 153 Harris, J. R., 73, 74, 136,
Glascock, J., 336 Gotlib, I PI., 3 Grizenko, N., 358 Haith, Mo 150 289-290, 388
Glaser, B. G., 494 Gott. M 0 348 Grober, E., 479 Flaith, M. M., 177, 232 Harris, M., 262, 263
Glaser, R., 214 Go ties man, I. 1., 73, 74, 75, Grodsky, A., 349 Hajdu, J., 98 Harris, M. J., 72
Glasgow, K. L , 269, 427 292, 463 Grollman, E. A., 498 Hajjar, 1., 481 Harris, P. L., 354, 404
Glass, G.V., 16, 272-273 Gottfredson, L. S., 236, 304 Grolnick, VV. J., 390, 391 Hala, S., 354 Harris, T., 500
Glavas, M., 93 Gottfried, A. E., 233, 242, 243, Groinick, VV. S., 390 Halberstadt, A. G., 340 Harrison, L., 399
Glazer, S., 317 244, 248, 269 Grontvcd, A. M., 166 Hale, J. 1,, 187 Harrist, A. W., 406
Glcason, T. R.> 179 Gottfried, A. W., 233, 242, 243, Grose-Pifer, J., 152, 154, 155 Hale, So 139, 220 Hart, Do 294, 295, 297, 370
Gleaves, D. FL, 33 244, 248, 269, 293 Gross, M. S., 222 Hale, S. Mo 334 Hart, H. M., 313
Gleicher, N., 85 Gottlieb, G., 44, 45, 46, 47,49, Gross, S., 229 Haley, A., 75 Hart, K. J.,381
Glenzer, N., 270 51,56, 60, 70, 76, 80, 109, Grossberg, G. T., 480, 481 Flaley, W. E., 503 Hart, M. A., 98
Giick, J. C., 191 518 Grossman, A. W.7 458, 459 Ilalford, G. S., 205 Harter, S., 287, 291, 294, 295,
Glick, M., 296 Gottlieb, L., 105 Grossman, G., 465 Hall, C. B., 9, 480 296, 298
Glod, C A., 468 Gottlob, L. R., 163 Grossman, J. A., 137 I-Iall, C. So 30 Hartmark, C., 7
Gloth, E M., 168 Gottman, J. M., 436, 439, 444 Grossmann, K., 396 Hall, G. So 11, 473 Hartshorne, FI., 368
Glover, A., 334 Gould, D. C., 139 Grossmann, K. E., 396 .. Hall, J. A., 340 Hartup, W. W., 179, 297, 406,
Glover, T. W., 490 Gould, M. S., 476 Grotevant, FI. D., 303, 305, Hall, J. Go 87 407
Glover, V., 99 Gowers, S., 475 397-398 Hall, L. K., 218 Harvey, J. FI., 422, 447,
Glowinski, A. L., 459, 475 Gowne, L. K., 410 Gruber, IL, 208 Hall, S. IC, 341 505-506
Glynn, M. VV., 490 Goy, R.W., 331 Gruber, R., 121, 122 I-Iall, VV. G., 47 Harwell, M. R., 378
Gnepp, J., 357 GraberJ. A., 134 Gruber-Baldini, A. L , 239 Hallgren, A., 105 Hasemeier, C. M., 131
Goebel, A. E., 501 Grabill, C. M., 469 Gruen, R. $., 345 Halligan, S. L., 104 Haskett, M. E., 450
Goetz, L., 275 Graceffa, A. M. S., 216 Grunendahl, M., 477 Halperin, J. M., 160 Hassing, Y., 263
Gogate, L. L., 256 Grady, J. G.,216 Grusec, J. E., 368, 369 Halpern, C. J., 346 Hastings, P. D., 371
Gold, A., 208 Graf, P., 201 Grych, J. H., 447 Halpern, D. E, 235, 236, 244 Halano, G., 378
Gold, A. E., 237 Graham, C. A., 471 Guacci, N., 381 Halpren, $. H., 103 Hatch, T., 181
Gold, E. B„ 138 Graham, N., 478 Guarnaccia, P. J., 458 Halverson, G. E, 296, 297, 325, Hatfield, E.,413
Goldberg, A. P., 136, 140 Graham, S., 377 Guay, E, 296 337-338 Hattie, J., 220
Goldberg, G. R., 99 Graham-Bermann, S. A., 406 Guegan, J., 133 Hambrick, D. Z., 168 Hau, K. To 299
Goldberg, S., 394, 396 Graham-Pole, J., 504 Gueldner, S. H., 238, 506 Hamburg, B., 377 Flauf, A. M., 473
Goldberg, VV. A., 443 Gralinksi, H., 268 Guerin, D. W., 233, 242, 243, Hamburg, P., 474 Flaug, K., 93
Golden, C. J., 468 Gralinski, J. H., 294 244, 248, 293 Hamilton, B. E., 103 Haught, P. A., 222
Goldenberg, R. L., 97 Grand, A., 480 Guerra, N. G., 371, 374, 377 Hamilton, C. E., 414 Hausdorff, J. M., 308
Goldfarb, W., 397 Grandjean, I I., 480 Gugula, S., 327 Hamilton, J. A., 328 Havemann, J., 347
Gold field, B. A., 257, 258 Granger, R. I I., 95 Guilford, J. P., 249 Hamilton, L., 270 Havens, B., 439
Goldhaber, D. E., 40, 48,49 Granic, I., 433 Guinsburg, R., 156 Hamilton, V.L., 335 Haverkock, A., 294
Golding, J., 336, 444 Grant, A., 487 Guite, I., 467 Hamm, J. V., 407 Flavighurst, R. J., 317
Goldman, S», 355 Grant, E., 487 Gulko, J., 327, 338 Hammcn, C. L., 3, 469, 475 I-Iavill, V.Lo 296
Goldschmidt, L., 93 Grant, K. E., 459 Gunnar, M. R., 397-398, 401, Flammer, L. D., 134 I-Iavlik, R. J., 480
Goldsmith, D., 105 Grant, K. S., 475 415,418 Hammer, M., 222 I-Iawley, R. S., 58, 60, 64, 67, 79
Goldsmith, H. II., 390 Grantham-McGregor, S., 99 Gunnarson, A. D., 157 Hammond, N. R.,211 Flay, D. E, 104, 401
Goldsmith, M., 210, 211 Gravel, R., 154 Gunner, M., 396 Iiampson, J., 257 I lay, J. Go 79
Goldstein, R., 325 Gray, C., 244 Gunter-Witt, K., 100 Han await, A.B., 6 Haydel, F., 134
Goldston, D., 470 Gray, J., 478 Gupta, S., 208 Hanckock, H. E., 168 Hayden, D. C., 501
Gold water, O. D., 273 Gray, J. I., 209 Guralnick, M. J., 235 Handy, A., 492 Hayes, K. C., 163
Goldwyn, R., 396 Gray, N., 128, 474 Guralnik, J. M., 139, 480 Hanish, L. D., 403 Hayes, R., 192,196
Golinkoff, R. M., 256, 257 Gray, S. W., 235 Gurewitsch, E. D., 99 Hankin, J. R., 93 Hay flick, U 489, 490, 491, 493
Golombok, S., 85, 336, 444 Gray, VV. M., 188 Gurland, B.,481 Han Ion, Co 261 Hayne, FL, 203, 204, 209, 211
Goltzman, D., 135 Grav-Little, B., 274, 298, 302 Gurung, R. A., 417 Hanlong, C., 261 Haynes, O. M., 95
Golub, M., 99 Grayson, D. A., 478 Gusella, J., 68 Ilans, S. L., 374, 396 liayslip, B. Jr., 311,497, 502,
Gonzales, L. S., 467 Grbich, C., 495 Guteri, E, 33 Hansen, B. C., 492 506, 508
Gonzalez, B., 137 Green, C., 216 Guthrie, I. IC, 372 Hansen, IX, 99 Hayward, C., 134,410
Good, C., 245 Green,)., 396 Guthrie, J., 138 Hansen, D.J., 417,451 Haywood, H. C., 229
Goodkin, K., 508 Green, M., 500, 501 Gutman, L. M., 272, 275, 276 Hansson, R., 497 Hazan, C., 414, 415
Goodman, G. S., 211 Green, R., 345 Gutmann, D., 339, 340-341 Hansson, R.O.,316, 317 Heath, A., 73, 77
Goodman, R., 473 Green, S. B., 129 Guttentag, R. E., 217, 219 Hanushek, E. A., 272 Heath, A. C , 137, 346, 459, 475
Goodman, S. H., 104, 466, 471 Green, S. K.,411 Guttmacher, A. E., 65 Hany, E. A., 238, 239 Heaton, T. B., 443, 461
Goodnow,). J., 369, 378 Greenberg, J., 485 Guyer, B., 107 Happe, F. G., 359, 372, 462 Hebebraiid, J., 474
Goodship, D., 56 Greenberg, J. S., 441 Guyer, F., 104 Hardiosn, C. M., 245 Hechtman, L. T., 468
Goodwyn, S., 257 Greenberg, R. P., 33 Gwinn, M., 97 Hardy, M. A., 441 Heckhausen, J., 477
Goodyer, I. M., 1U4 Greenberg, '1'., 476 Flare, B., 355 Fledges, L. V., 324
Goodz, N., 256 Greenberger, E., 279-280, 443 H Flaring, M., 502-503 liedlund, B.,315
Goossens, F. A., 391,396 Greene, J. G., 138 Ilaan, N.,310 Harkins, S.W., 139 Ileeren, T., 95
Goossens, L., 434 Greene, K., 187 Haas, A., 465 Harley, K., 210 Fleffernan, K., 474,475
Gopnik, A., 191, 258, 354, 355 Greene, S. M., 446 Haas-Hawkings, G., 506 Harlod, G. T., 475 Hegel, S. L., 260
Gordis, E. B„ 372, 450, 451 Greenfield, P. M., 261, 356 Habek, D., 93 " Harlow, H., 394 Heh, S. So 104
Gordon, B. N., 206,211,343 Greenhalgh, R., 105 Habek, J. C., 93 Harman, D.,488,491,492 Heikkincn, R., 128
Gordon, D. H., 186 Greenhouse, S. VV., 140 I-Iaber, D., 129, 135, 140 Harman, S. M., 137 Helderman, R. S., 56
Gordon, K., 7 Greenley, R. N., 470 Flack, M 0 89,107 Harmon, R. J., 266,291 Helfgott, D , 250
Gordon, L B., 490 Greenough, W. T., 115, 140, Haddow, J. E., 113 Harold, G. T., 104, 459 Helgeson, V. S, 305, 306
Gordon, L. L, 210 301,458, 459 Hadjistavropoulos, T., 442 Harold, R. D., 268, 276, 326, Ilellige, J. B., 115
Gordon, P., 263 Greenspan, S. L, 144 Haegerstrum-Portnoy, G., 161 334 Hellstrom-Lindahl, E., 93
Gordon, R. A., 473, 474 Gregg, V., 371 Haertel, G. D., 272 Harper, G., 282 Helmreich, R. L., 281, 340
Gordon-Salant, T., 163, 164, Greisiger, R., 158 Hafdahl, A. R., 298, 302 Harper, L., 5, 76 Helms, J. E., 244
165, 166 Gresham, F. M., 464 Haffner, VV. H. J., 97 Harper, S., 135 Helms, M. J., 480
Gorey, K., 344 Gressens, P., 93 Hagan, R., 328 Harquail, C. V., 316, 436 Helms-Erkison, H., 433
Gorey, K. M., 266 Greve, VV., 306 Hagberg, J. M., 136, 140 Harrington, A. E, 336 Helsen, M., 301,303
Gorlick, P., 449 Greydarms, D. E., 475 Hagekull, B., 297 Harrington, D. M., 250 Helson, R., 310, 341
Gorman, J., 465 Grich, J., 436 Flagestad, G. O., 439 Harrington, I I., 76, 296, 451, Helwig, C. C , 367
Gorman, K. S., 99, 160 Grier, I I. E., 508 Flahn, C. S., 85 459 Hemphill, S. A., 294, 296, 297,
Gortmaker, S. 1.., 129 Griffin, K. VV., 266 I lahn, W. C., 490 Harrington, K. F., 48 429
Gosling, $. D., 289, 325 Griffin, W. A., 446 Haight, B.K.,313, 314 Harrington, L. C., 103 Henderson, A. J., 449
Henderson, A. S., 71 I-Ijertholm, E., 196 Hourx, P.J., 140 Ippen, C. G., 500 Johnson, E., 492
Henderson, B., 98 Ho, R., 334 House, J. $., 506 Irgens, L. M., 93 Johnson, J., 263
Henderson, C. R., 97,98 Hoagwood, K., 471 Houston, D. M., 256 Irwin, R. R., 190 Johnson, J. G., 472
Henderson, H. A., 292 Hobbes, T., 29 Flouts, R. M., 439 Isaacowitz, D. M., 412 Johnson, M., 147, 148
Henderson,J. E., 135 Hobbins,J. G., 96 Houx, P. J., 222 Isaacs, K. R., 140, 301 Johnson, M. FL, 88, 148
Henderson, V. IC, 426 Hobbs, E B.,7, 137 Howard, J., 317, 396 Isabella, R. A., 395-396 Johnson, M. IC, 222
Hendin, I-I., 508 Hobbs, S. A., 417 Howard, K. I., 433 Ivanisevic, M., 93 Johnson, M. P., 449
Hendricks, L. A., 154 I lock, E., 437 Howe, C., 93 Ivnik, R. J.,216 Johnson, R. T., 275
Hendrie, H. C., 480 I lockenbury, D., 417 Howe, M. L., 205, 209,210, Izard, G., 389 Johnson, S., 95, 168
Hcnig, R. M.,61 Hodapp, R. M., 247 211 Johnson, S.R, 150
Henker, B., 325, 467 Hodges, J., 399 Howe, N., 432 Johnson, T. R. B., 90
I
Henning, K. H., 376 Hodgson, D. M., 90 Howes, C , 328, 399, 404 Jaakkola, R., 498 Johnson, Vo 140, 348,349
Henningsen, H., 115 Hodgson, J. W., 313 Howes, P., 396 Jacklin, C N., 324, 325, 328, Johnson, W. B., 475
Henriksen, T. B., 93, 468 Hodnett, E.D., 101,103 Iiowieson, IX B., 479 331,333 John-Steiner, V., 195
Henry,}. D.,217 Hoek, H., 473 Howieson, N., 250 Jackson, P. W., 249 Johnston, E E., 132
Henry, W. E.,317 Hof, P., 116, 117 I-Iowlin, P., 464 Jacobs, A., 329, 397 Johnston, K., 336
Henseler, $., 355 Hofer,S. M., 71,221 Hoyert, D. L., 107 Jacobs, H. S., 139 Johnston, T. 1.X, 46, 47
Hepburn, K. W., 442 Hoff, E., 256, 258-259, 260 Hoyt, D. R., 466 Jacobs, I. E., 298, 326, 334 Joiner, R., 194
Herbener, E. S., 439 Hofferth, S., 426, 443 Hrebickova, M., 288 Jacobs, R. R., 95 Joint Committee on Infant
Herbert, B., 56 Hoffman, C , 442 Hrncir, E. J., 265 Jacobs, S. G., 495 Flearing, 158
Herbert, J., 104, 204 Hoffman, K., 280 Hruda, L , 329 Jacobsen, G., 93 Jo lies, J., 140, 222
Herdt, G., 113,333, 343 Hoffman, L. W , 329, 366, 443 Hrychko, S., 358 Jacobsen, T., 401 Jones, C., 310
Herkert, B. M., 506 Hoffman, M., 311 Iisieh, K., 440 Jacobson, G. IC, 443, 461 Jones, IX, 162
Herman-Giddens, M. E., 131 Hoffman, M. B., 360 I-Isu, L. K., 473, 474 Jacobson, J. L., 94 Jones, IX P., 326
Hermans, H. J., 315 Hoffman, M. L , 368-369, 380 Huang, H., 153 Jacobson, K., 151 Jones, Mo 101
Hermelm, B., 229 Hoffman, R. P., 64 Hubbard, J. A., 12, 13, 20, 372 Jacobson, K. C , 73, 374 Jones, M. C., 134
I lermer, L., 150 Hoffman, S. L, 498 Hubbard, L., 272 Jacobson, S. W., 94 Jones, N. A 0 99
Hermos, R. J., 113 Hoffmann, V., 401 Hubel, IX, 115 Jacobsson, L., 478 Jones, P., 74
Hernandez, D. J., 424 Hofman, J. E., 408 Huber, A., 467 Jacobvitz, D., 449, 453, 468 Jones, P. W., 137
Hernandez, E„ 33 Hofmann, C., 93 Hubert, H. B., 128 Jacques, R E, 129 Jones, S. M., 376
Hernandez-Guzman, L., 133 Hofsta, M. B., 472 Hubert, N. G., 468 Jaffe, J., 256, 391 Jones, S. S., 203
Herold, E. S., 346 Hogan, IX, 107-108 Huck, $., 466 Jaffee, S., 380, 440 Jones, W. Ho 417
Herpertz-Dahlmann, B. M., Hogan, M. J., 447 Hudley, C , 377 Jagers, R. J., 374 joosken,)., 263
474 Hogarty, P. S., 233 Hudson, J., 211 Jaggli, N., 336 Jordyn, M., 303
Herrnstein, R. J., 245 Hogg, K., 334 Hudson, L. M., 188 Jakub, D. K., 504 Jorm, A. P., 71, 478
Hersch, R, 409 Hoicowitz, T., 410 Huesmann, L. R., 15, 374 James, W., 145, 156 Joseph, Go 444
Hcrscn, M., 439 Holahan, G., 248, 275 Huggins, M., 68 Jan car, J., 247 Joseph, J. A., 492
Hersh, R. E.,213 Holahan, J. M., 271 'Hugh, IX, 336 Janevic, M. R., 411 Joseph, M. R., 462
Hershey, S. W., 335 Hoi den, G. W., 427 Hughes, IX, 106 Jang, K. L, 74-75 Joung, P., 260
Hertsgaard, L. A., 204 Holden, IC., 502 Hughes, E, 342 Jankowiak, W. R.,413 Joura, E., 102, 103
Hertzog, C.,219, 221 Holen, A., 505 Huguley, S., 449 Jankowski, J. J., 206, 232, 388 Judge, So 397
Iierzog, D. B, 474 Holl, G., 247 Huizink, A. C., 99 Jannings, L. R., 208 Judge, T Ao 315
Hess, T. M., 218, 358, 359 Holland, K.,443, 461 Hulefeld, R , 8 Janos, P. M„ 248 Judy, Bo 381
Hesse, E., 394 Holland, R., 304 Hull, A., 485 Janus, C. L., 343 Juffer, F., 401, 417
Heston, L. L., 73, 481 Hollen, S. LX, 478 Hulme, C., 270 Janus, J. S., 343 Jung, Co 34, 341
Hetherington, E. M., 78, 79, Hollenstein, T., 433 Hultsch, D.F.,219, 222 Jaquish, G. A., 251 Jung, J. E., 67
333, 388, 424, 427, 429,- Holley, J., 494 Humphrey, K., 152 Jarvelin, M. R., 468 Jungblut, P. R., 128
430,445-447,448,471 Hollich, G., 256 Hunsberger, B., 359, 375, 377 Jasnow, M. IX, 256, 391 Juola, J. R, 163
Hetu, R., 165 Hollich, G.J., 257 Hunt, J. V., 234 Jaycox, L. H., 470, 471 Jurica, P. J., 222
Hewitt, J. K., 73 Holliday, R., 491 Hunt, M., 185 Jeffery, R., 104 Jusczyk, P. Wo 256, 263
Heyman, G. IX, 268 Holmbeck, G. N., 187, 432, 470 Hunt, P., 275 Jeffry, A., 436 Jusko, T. Ao 97
Hezlett, S. A, 236 Holmgren, R., 372 Hunter, J. E., 137, 236 Jenen, P. S., 471 Jussim, L , 335
I-Iibbert, J. R., 427 Ilolowka, S., 116 Huntington, R., 487 Jenkins, R , 247 Justice, E. Mo 208
Ilickey, P. R., 156 Holt, A. R., 453 Huotilainen, M., 152 Jenkins, J. M., 355
Higgins, D. A., 5 Holt, C. L., 340 Hurd, L., 136 Jenkins, R. R., 43 K
Higgins, E. T., 268, 329 Holt, S. E., 490 Hurd, R. C., 506 Jenkins, S. R., 315 Kabacoff, R. L, 439
Hilgard, E.R.,211 Holtz, P. M., 85 Husslein, P., 102, 103 Jenkins, W , 271 Kacew, S., 92
Hill, E. L , 462 Holzer, G. E. 111,477 Huston, A. C., 129, 327, 329 Jennings, IC D., 265, 266 Kagan, J., 266, 292, 331, 365,
Hill, J. B., 97 Homeycr, L., 405 Huston, M., 444 Jensen, A. R.,214, 233, 235, 393,396
Hill, J. P., 329 Honey, K. L., 104 Huston, T. L., 435, 439 236, 238, 244, 245 Kagawa-Singer, M., 138
Hill, L. A., 222 Iioneycutt, H., 46. Hutchinson, IC E., 71 Jensen, L., 347 Kahlenberg, So 336
Hill, N. E., 273 Iioneyman, M., 75, 250 Hwang, C. P., 243 Jensen, P. S., 469 Kahn, R. L, 128,217,381
Hill, P., 473 Honzik, M. P., 234 Hyde, J. S., 5, 103, 324, 325, Jeong, FI. So 441 Kail, R., 1 16, 130,200,205,
Hill, R., 423 Honzik, m. P., 232 342, 343, 347, 380 Jesse 11, To 115 206, 213, 219, 220, 234
Hill, S. IX, 291 Hood, I. E., 344 Hymel, S., 405 Jessor, R., 473 Kakuma, R., 481
Hilton, N. Z., 373 Hooker, K., 282 Hyson, M. C., 266 Jia, Go 263 Kalil, A , 439
Hilton, S. C., 90 Hooper, F. H., 190
Jipson, J., 260 Kalmuss, IX, 436
Himes, I. H., 131 Hooper, J. O., 190
I Jobes, IX A., 476, 477 Kalter, N., 500
Himura, N., 374 Hooper, R., 396
Iachine, I. A., 74 Jobse, Jo 263 Kaltiala-Heino, R., 134
Hinchliff, S., 348 Hopfer, C.J., 73
Iacono, W. G., 74, 75, 241 Jodl, IC. Mo 424 Kaltman, S., 496, 502, 505
Hinde, R. A., 45 Hopkins, J., 396.
lalongo, K. S., 470 Joffe, K. Mo 163 Kalverboer, A. E, 148, 159
Mine, T., 6 Hopkins, T. L., 325
larocci, G-, 159 Johanson, R. B., 101 Kamin, L. Jo 70
Mines, D. A., 452 Horiuchi, S., 489
Iborra, A., 303 Johansson, B., 480 Kaminer, A., 99
Hines, M., 336 Horn, J., 227
Iedema, J., 301,303 Johansson, S. E., 488 Kaminester, Do 358
Mines, P. M., 488 Horn, J. M.,241
Imel, S., 282 Johansson, IX, 115 Kaminski, P. L., 502, 506
Hinklley, G., 103 Horn, M. C., 477
Imperato-McGinley, J., 333 John, (X P., 73 Kamkar, K . , 4 I 0
Hinney, A., 474 Horney, K., 34
Ingersoll-Dayton, B., 415 Johnansson, B., 238 Kamphaus, R. W., 244
Hinrichscn, G., 478 Horowitz, L. M., 413
Ingoldsby, B.B., 435 Johnson, Co 406, 503-504, Kan del, E. R., 115
Hinshaw, S. P., 467 Horowitz, M. J., 505
Ingram, D. K., 492 506,509 Kaneko, So 490
Hinton, J.,495 Horvath, J., 152
Ingram, R. E., 459 Johnson, C A., 450 Kant, I., 144
Hip well, A. E., 391 Horwood, L. J., 48
Ingrassia, M., 381 Johnson, C. L., 416, 424, 441, Kanwisher, No 355
Hirschman, R., 449 Hosaka, X , 154
Inhelder, B.,42, 181, 183, 188 443, 474 Kaplan, A. S., 218
Hirsch-Pasek, K., 256, 257, liougham, G. W„ 417
In man, J. W., 128 Johnson, D., 438, 443 Kaplan, D. S., 280
263, 266 IIough-Eyamir, W. P., 261
Insabella, G. M., 448 Johnson, D. R., 424, 439 Kaplan, D. W , 347
Hirth, V., 481 Hoult, L.A., 107
Inslicht, M , 245 Johnson, IX W., 275 Kaplan, H. B., 280
Kaplan, H. L, 481 Kendell, R., 74 Klein, E. B., 287-288 Kraimer, M. L., 315 Lamy, P. P., 140
Kaplan, J., 185 Kendig, II. L., 416 Klein, J., 165 Kramer, L., 432 Landau, S., 196
Kaplan, N.,414 Kendler, K. S., 75, 77, 137, 458, Klein, J. D., 347 Kramer, M., 479 Landers, K., 336
Kaplan-Estrin, M. G., 94 474 Klein, N. C , 107 • Krause, N., 415, 418 Landreth, G., 405
Kaplan R. M., 488 Kendrick, C., 431,432 Klein, R J., 204 Kravetz, S., 498 Landry, S. H., 242
Kappelman, M., 499 Keniston, K., 7 Klein, R., 162, 163, 164 Krebs, D. L., 380, 381 Lane, M. A., 492
Kappes, M. E.> 331, 345 Kennedy, Q., 412 Klein, R. E., 396 Kreiss, L., 23 Lang, E R . , 411, 413
Kappes, M. I I., 331, 345 Kennell, J. H., 103, 391 Klein, R. Z., 113 Krettenauer, T., 376 Lang, M. E., 436
Kaprio, J., 134 Kenny, E. D., 453 Klein, W., 259 Kreye, M , 393 Lang, S., 396
Karande, V., 85 ICenny, M. E., 407 Klepac, L., 401 Krile, D., 358 Lange, G., 220
Karel, M. J., 478 Kenny, S. L., 188, 190, 192 Kliegl, R., 220 Kringlen, E., 481 Langer, A., 149
Karno, M., 479 Kent, A., 475 Klimes-Dougan, B., 451 Krishnakumar, A., 465 Langer, E., 219, 309
Karrahker, K. H., 332 Kent, P., 222 Klin, A., 460, 461,463 Kroger, J., 301, 303 Langer, J., 150
Karraker, K. EL, 326 Kenyon, B. L., 498 Kline, D. W., 165 Krogh, K.M.,281 Langer, M., 102, 103
Kart, C. S., 135 Keough, J., 134 Klineberg, O., 233 Krohn, M. D., 373 Langevin, J. P., 358
Karus, D., 506 Keough, K., 245 Kling, K. C., 325 Kroonenberg, P. M., 396 Langhahl, H. So 412
Kasen, S., 7, 472 Kerka, $., 282 Klinger, L. J., 328 Krowitz, A., 149 Langley, L. K., 163
Kashima, Y., 291 Kermoian, R., 125, 149 Klitsch, Mo 95 Krucoff, C., 135 Langley-Evans, A. J., 99
Kasl, S. V., 495 Kerns, I<. A., 401 Klump, K. L., 75, 474 Krueger, R. F., 77 Langley-Evans, S. C., 99
Kasl-Godley,J., 481 Kerr, M., 429, 434 Knaack, A., 369 Kruger, A. C., 377 Langlois, I. A., 139
Kaslow, N., 469 Kerr, M. A., 465 Knecht, $., 115 Krull, J. L., 432 Langsford, J. E., 413
Kass, R., 260 Kershaw, K., 414 Knight, B. G., 441 Krupp, G., 490 Lanphaer, B. P., 97
Kastelic, E. A., 469 Kersten, A. W., 219 Knight, G. J., 113 Krzysik, L., 406 Lansford, J. E., 373, 375
Kastenbaum, R„ 494, 497, 498 Kcskitalo, P., 74 Knight, G. P., 302 Kubat-Silman, A. K., 221 Lantz, P. M., 93
Kasworm, C. E., 223 Keskivaara, P., 296 Knight, J. A., 5, 490, 491 Kiibler-Ross, E„ 491-495, 507 Lanza, S., 298
Katayama, T., 164 Kesmodel, U., 93 Knight, W. G., 93 Kucera, E., 431 Lanza, S. X , 134
Katona, C., 478 Kessen, W., 399 Knopf, I., 160 Kuczkowski, R., 188 Laplante, 11, 293
Katsura, II., 307 Kessler, R. C.,77, 137,414, Knutsen, K. L., 112 Kuczynski, L., 368, 369 Laplante, D. R, 147
Katz, D. B., 145 470, 478, 506 Kobak, R. R., 392, 407, 434 Kuebii,)., 210 Lapp, A. L., 406
Katz, K. I-I., 108 Kestenbaum, R., 396 Kobayashi, L., 103 Kuehncr, C., 475, 478 Lapsley, D. IC, 188, 376, 378,
Katz, M.)., 9, 480 Kett, ]. E, 6 Koch, C., 475 Kuhl, P. K., 152 407
Katz, P., 269 Kettle, H. B. D., 57 Koch, G. G., 131 Kuhn, C., 99 Larid, M., 451
Katz, P. A., 342 Kettunen, S., 93 Kochanska, G., 294, 361, 365, Kuhn, D., 186, 207 Larkby, C. A., 93
Kauffman, M., 49 Key, $., 97 368, 369, 370, 400 Kuhne, N., 478 Larson, E., 101
Kaufman, A. S., 229, 237, 238, Keyes, C. L., 416 Kodama, K., 97 Kuhnert, M. E., 474 Larson, R. W., 279, 432
244 Keyl, P. M., 139 Kodish, I. M., 458, 459 Kuijpers, C., 256 Larsson,!., 343
Kaufman, J., 449 Khurts, S., 490 Koegel, R. K., 464 Kuk, L. S., 303 LaRue, A. A., 328
Kaufman, N. L., 229, 238, 244 Kiecolt-Glaser, J. IC, 439 Koegel, R. L., 464 Kulik, C. C , 248, 272 Laski, Ko 467
Kavanaugh, K., 429 Kiernan, K. E., 447 Koenen, K. C , 451 Kulik, J. A., 248, 272 Lauenbach, V., 93
Kavanaugh, R. D., 404 Kiesner,)., 372, 373 Koenig, A. L., 369 Kulin, H. E., 131 Laughlin, I. E.,219
Kawacbi, L, 439 Kihlgren, IVL, 105 Koestner, R., 269, 434 Kuller, L. H., 137 Laumann, F.. O., 118, 147
Kawas, C., 479 Kilbourne, B. S., 316 Koff, E., 133 Kumar, M., 508 Laumann-Billings, L., 447, 452
Kaye, J. A., 479 Killen, J. D., 128, 134,474 Kogan, N., 249, 250, 344 Kumar, R., 391 Laurendeau-Bendavid, M., 186
Kaye, J. W., 43 Kim, K. ]., 151,373, 449 Kohl, G. O., 273 Kumwenda, R., 97 Laurent, C., 99
Kaye, R. A., 348, 349 Kim, S. I-I., 67 Kohlberg, L., 30, 196, 336-337, Kuncel, N. R., 236 Laursen, B., 302, 407, 408,
Kaye, W., 474 Kim, T., 313 361-364, 367-368, 370, Kunz, T., 100 409
Kazak, A. E., 508 Kim, Y. K., 405 375, 376, 378, 379-380, Kupersmidt, J. B., 246, Lauterbach, M. D., 325
Kazdin, A. E., 38, 470, 471, 473 Kimura, D., 331 381,396,513 405-406 La Vecchia, Co 97
Kazmi, H., 263 Kincaid, D., 221 Kohn, M. L., 316, 427 Kurdek, L. A., 358, 435, 437, Lavigne,J, V., 122
Kazura, K. L., 406 Kinella, K., 488 Kohn-VVood, L., 276 439, 443, 444 LaVoie, D., 218
Keane, S. P., 369, 405 King, A. C , 135 Kojima, H., 4 Kurtz-Costes, B., 398 Law, I<. Lo 93
Keasey, C. B., 375 King, P. M., 189 Kolassa, J., 74 Kusdil, M. E., 288 Lawrence, C., 474
Keel, P. K., 473, 474 Kingma, M., 478 Kolb, B., 115, 118 Kushnerenko, E,, 152 Lawson, A., 116
Keeler, G., 466 Kingston, H. M., 64, 65,71 Koller, H., 107 Kuslansky, G., 9, 139, 480 Lawson, D. S., 265
Keenan, T., 356 Kingston, P. W., 443 Kolstad, V., 204 Kusumakar, V., 410 Lawson, E. J., 99
Kehlc, T. J., 378 Kinney, D., 409 Konarski, R., 408 Kwan, V. $., 310 Lawson, J., 463
Keicolt-Glaser, J. K.,418 Kintsch, W.,214 Konner, M. J., 105 Kwong, M. J., 449 Lawson, K., 107
Keith-Spiegel, P., 21 Kirby, D., 50 Koocher, G. R, 21, 498, 500 Lawson, K. R., 159
Keleman, W. L., 213 Kirk, R., 105 Koopmans-van Beinum, R J., L Layburn, IC, 303
Kellam, S. G., 470 Kirsner, K., 215 256 Labouvie-Vief, G., 189, 190 Lazar, I., 235
Keller, B. B., 369 Kisilevsky, B. S., 147, 153, 156 Koops, W., 6 Lachman, M. E., 447 Leaf, P. J., 477
Keller, G., 472 Kislcer, E., 399 Koot, H. M., 467, 472 L-achs, M. S., 140 Leahy, J. M., 504
Keller, I-I., 255, 257, 356, 391 Kissane, D. W., 506 Kopelman, B. I., 156 Ladd, G. W., 269, 400, 405, Leaper, C., 328, 334,336
Keller, M., 378 Kistner, J., 451 Kopka, T. L., 282 406,417 Le Blanc, M., 308
Kelley-Buchanan, C., 96 Kitamura, C., 262 Kopp, C. B., 268, 294, 390 Laflamme, D., 425 Lebowitz, B. D., 478
Kellman, P. J., 145,150 Kitayama, $., 307 Korbin,}. E., 450 LaGasse, L. L., 93 Leckman, J. R, 73
Kellowav, E. K., 280 Kitchener, K. S., 189 Koriat, A., 210, 211 Lagattuta, K. H., 356 LeCompt, D. C , 222
Kelly, J. B., 445 Kitson, G. C , 444, 503, 506 Korkman, M., 93 Lahti, I., 74 Lecouteur, A., 463
Kelly, M., 346 Kitzmann, IC. M., 426, 453 Korten, A. E.,71 Laible, D. J., 365-366,411 Lecuyer, R., 176
Kelsall, D. C., 166 Kivenson-Baron, I., 407 Kortenhaus, C. M., 336 Lakatta, E. G., 136 Ledger, W. J., 96
Kelsay, D. M. R., 155 Klaczynski, P. A., 186, 210, 223 Kory, R. C., 139 Lake, M. A., 326 Ledsky, R., 347
Kelsey, j. L, 138 Klapper, W., 490 Koshino, H., 163 Laksb mina r aya na n, V., 161 Lee, E., 488
Kelsey, S. R, 137 Klar, N., 508 Kosloski, K., 317 Laksy, K., 74 Lee, K. E., 153, 162, 207
Keltikangas-Jaervinen, L., 296 Klass, D., 487, 505 Koss, M. P., 449 Lalumiere, M. L., 371, 373 Lee, P. A., 131
Kember, D., 282 Klater, N., 505 Kosten, T. R., 495 Lamaz, F., 98 Lee, S., 439
Kemler Nelson, D. G., 263 Klaus, H. M., 391 Kotelchuck, ML, 396 Lamb, M. E., 243, 395, 399, Lee, S. S., 465
Kemmelmeir, M., 307 Klaus, M. Ii., 101 Kotimaa, A., 468 422, 425, 426, 446 Lee, S. Yo 278-279, 391
Kemp, S., 215 Klaus, P. I-I., 101 Koutstaal, W., 222 Lambert, S. R., 157 Lee, V. Eo 335
Kempe, C. H., 449 Klaus, R. A., 235 Kovacs, D. M, 98 Lamborn, S. D., 280, 410, 427, Lee, W. Wo 307
Kempe, R. S., 449 Klaver, C. C., 163 Kovacs, M., 470 434 Leeb, R., 327
Kempen, G. 1., 137 Kleban, M. H., 442 Kowal, A., 432 Lamon, S. J., 324, 325 Leeder, E. J., 422
Kemper, S., 260 Klebanov, P., 246 Kown, Y., 116 Lampers, J. D., 433 Leeds, B., 508
Kemtcs, K. A., 260 Klebanov, P. K., 108 Kozma, A., 140 Lampert, C , 474 Leerlces, E., 294
Kendall, M., 487 Klein, B. E., 162, 164 Kraemer, H. C , 134 Lampinen, P., 128 Lee-Shin, Y., 404, 405
Kendall-Tackett, K., 344 Klein, D. M., 422, 423 Krafft, K. C., 196 Lampl, M., 119, 131 Lefever, G. B., 396
Leggett, E. L , 268 Lieberman, A. E, 500 Lord, So 276 Maddox, G. L , 136 Marsh, H. Wo 104, 295,296,
Lehman, D. R„ 502-503 Lieberman, Mo 296, 367, 370, Lorenz, F. O., 428, 466, Maddux, J. E., 266 299,335
Lehman, H. C., 2 5 1 , 5 0 6 375, 447 475-476 Maehr, M., 255 Marsiglio, W., 348, 425, 426,
Lehoux, P. M., 432 Lieberman, M. A., 509 Lorenz, K., 45, 89, 386 Maestripieri, D., 391 446
Leichtman, M. D., 210 Liefbroer, A. C , 439, 443 Lorsbach, T. C., 213 Maffulli, No 135 Marsiske, M .,219, 223
Leifer, B. P., 479 Lieven, E. V., 263 Lorusso, So 216 Magai, C , 4 1 5 Martier, S. So 94
Leifer, M., 465 Light, L. L , 218, 219, 220 Lotka, A. Jo 7 Magill, L. FL, 325 Martin, Co 272
Leighton, B. L., 103 Likcr, J. Ko 9 Lou, H. Co 99 Magnus, K., 311 Martin, C. L , 325, 328, 329,
Leinbach, M. D., 327, 328, 334 Lillard, Ao 356, 405 Lourenco, 0 o 4 4 , 1 9 1 Magnusson, D., 133 337-338,403
Leirer, V., 214,218 Lillard, L.A., 445 Loury, M 0 167 Mahadevan, R . S . , 2 1 4 Martin, F. N., 165
Lejarraga, H., 119 Lim, Ko 185 Lovaas, O. L, 464 Mahaffy, K. A., 305 Martin, G. B., 366
be Mare, L.}., 358 Lima, S. a , 139 Love, I Mo 399 Mahapatra, M., 307, 379 Martin, Jo 217
Lemerise, E. A., 372 Lin, C. Go 498 Loveless, M. K 0 217 Mahler, M. S., 290 Martin, J . A 0 103, 107,426,
Lemire, R. J., 94 Lin, Y 0 411 Lowe, Do 166 Maiden, R. Jo 311 427
Lemke, L., 229 Lincoln, R., 40 Lowe, J. Co 4 Maier, E. Ho 447 Martin, J. Mo 298
Lempers, J. D , 407 Lindegren, M. L , 97 Lowe, S. Wo 490 Maier-Bruckner, W 0 298 Martin, ICAo 133
Lengua, L. J., 273, 446 Lindenberger, LI, 3, 9, 168, Lubart, T. L, 250 Main, M 0 394, 401, 414, 425, Martin, M r , 238, 477
Lenhardt, M. L., 139 182,219, 2 2 1 , 2 3 8 , 5 1 8 Lubinski, D , 247 451 Martin, No 73, 475
Lenneberg, £., 263 Lindesay, Jo 478 Luby, J. Lo 470 Main, S. R., 272, 273 Martin, N. Go 70, 345, 346
Leonard, K. E., 95 Lindsey, E. Wo 405 Lucas, X , 401 Major, Bo 326 Martin, R, 477
Leong, D. J., 194,195 Lingenfelter, Mo 336 Luchini, L 0 97 Maki, P. M o 218 Martin, R. R, 273
LePore, P. C., 279, 335 Linn, M. C., 324 Luchins, D.y 449 Makin, J. W„ 155 Martin, S. E., 389, 390
Lepper, H. S., 103 Linnet, K. M.y 468 Luciana, M 0 118 Makuch, R. W , 108 Martinez, C. N , 336
Lerner, L. V., 443 Lintern, V , 327, 329 Lueptow, L. Bo 324 Malatesta, C. Zo 389, 390 Martire, L. M 0 441
Lerner, M. J., 440 Lintz, Ao 272 Lueptow, M. Bo 324 Malcuit, Go 326, 425 Martlew, M., 158
Lerner, R. A., 490 Lipman, H. X , 282 Luk, S. L, 467 Malik, N. M., 406,417 Martorano, So 185
Lerner, R. M., 49, 80 Lipper, E. G., 465 Lundeberg, IC, 449 Malina, R. M., 131 Marttunen, Mo 134
Leroux, L., 380 Lippman, J. Go 500 Lundstrom, Ho 489 Malinosky-Rummell, Ro 451 Maruna, S., 313
Lesher, E. L., 504 Lipsey, M. W , 16, 376 Lundy, B. L., 99 Malinski, Do 311 Maruyama, Go 275
Leslie, A., 352, 353, 355 Lipsitt, L. R, 8, 124 Luria, A., 193,200 Malkinson, Ro 503, 504 Marvin, R. So 398, 432
Leslie, D., 344 Lipton, A. Mo 481 Luria, Z., 326 Malley-Morrison, K., 452 Marwit, S. Jo 503
Lester, B. M., 93, 396 Lipton, j. So 150 Luster, X , 296 Malmstrom, Mo 488 Marzolf, D., 390
Lester, D., 476 Lipton, R. Bo 9 , 4 8 0 Lustig, J. Lo 447 Malotte, C. IC, 347 Masataka, No 264, 265
Leung, A. K., 342 Liss, M. Bo 304 Lustina, M. Jo 245 Mandeli, J., 137, 348 Masciadrelli, B. R, 425
LeVay, S., 345 Lits, Bo 99 Luszcz, M. Ao 3, 221, 222, Mandler, Go 201 Mason, Bo 336
Leve, L. D., 334, 372 Litt, I. E, 134 520 Mandoki, M. W., 64 Mason, C. A 0 406
Levenkron, S., 473, 475 Little, B. Bo 95, 96 Lutz, So 129 Mangels, J. Ao 222 Mason, U , 150
Leveno, K. J., 106 Little, X D., 248 4Ly, D. Ho 490 Mangelsdorf, S. C , 390, 393, Massie, R. K.y 63
Levenson, R. W., 439, 444 Littleton, K., 194 Lyde, M., 347 396 Massie, S., 63
Leventhal, T., 23 Litvin, S. Jo 442 Lykken, D. X , 74, 241 Manke, B. Ao 329,432 Masson, J. Mo 33
Levey, A. I., 117 Litwak, Eo 440 Lyman, S., 164 Mann, L. L, 98 Masten, A. So 103, 265, 266,
Levin, A. V., 157 Liu, (Jo 347 Lynch, M 0 158 Manos, M. Jo 468 297
Levin, J. R., 207,213 Liu, Do 355 Lynch, M. Eo 329 Manset, G., 275 Masterpasqua, E, 444
Levin, S. B., 508 Liu,Jo 93 Lynch, S. M., 477, 478 Mantell, Ro 442 Masters, ].y 140
Levine, C , 303-304 Livesley, W. J 0 295, 357 Lynskey, M. X , 459, 475 Maraganore, A., 457 Masters, W , 348, 349
Levine, M. P., 475 Livson, E, 311 Lyonette, Co 442 Maraniss, EX, 485 Masutomi, K.y 490
LeVine, R., 378 Lizotte, A. Jo 373 Lyons, M., 498, 499 Maratsos, M., 261 Maszk, R, 372
Levine, S., 400-401 Llagas, Co 280 Lyons-Ruth, IC, 396, 465, 466 March ant, Go 214 Matas, Lo 393
Levinson, D. J., 287-288, Lianas, L , 466 Lytton, Ho 78, 334, 369, 373 Marchinone, IC Eo 271 Mather, M., 218
3 1 4 - 3 1 5 , 3 1 9 , 4 4 9 , 450 Lloyd, D. Ao 477 March of Dimes, 103 Matheson, C. C , 4 0 1 , 4 0 4
Levinson, M. H., 287-288 Lo, Co 307 M Marcia, Jo 300 Mathews, E, 99-100
Levition, A., 97 Loasses, Ao 216 Maas, L. Co 468 Marcoen, A 0 221,295 Mathews, Jo 279
Levitsky, D., 99 Lobel, Mo 99 Mabuchi, IC, 97 Marcon, R. Ao 273 Mattes, R. D , 167
Levitt, M. J., 381,416 Lobel, To 341 Macario,Ao 103 Marcovitch, S., 176 Matthews, K.AM 137, 138
Levkoff, S., 317 Lock, Ao 257 MacArthur Foundation, 217 Marcus, G. E, 261 Matthews, L. X , 503
Levy, B., 219 Lock, E., 263 MacCallum, X , 489, 492 Marcus, S. Co 476 Mattock, Ao 149
Levy, B. R., 308, 309 Lock, Mo 138 Maccoby, £. E , 68, 79, 241, Mare, R. D., 279 Matusov, Eo 192, 196
Levy, G., 327 Locke, B. Zo 479 324, 325, 326, 328, 333, Marean, G. C , 152 Maughan, A.y 356
Levy, P., 449 Locke, Jo 29, 36, 144 388,426, 427,429 Marentette, P. E, 264 Maughan, B 0 272, 273, 371
Levy, R. J., 447 Locke, J. Lo 263 MacDonald, C. IX, 406 Margand, N. A., 426 Maughn, BM 374
Levy, V. M., 207 Lockhart, D. J., 49.0 M a c D o n a l d , a , 116 Margit,W.,315 Mauras, No 113
Levy-Shiff, R., 3 1 1 , 4 3 6 Lockhart, K. L , 357 MacDonald, W , 443 Margolin, Go 372, 449, 450, Maurer, A., 497
Lewandowsky, S., 215 Lockhead, M. R , 342 MacDorman, M. R, 107 451 Maurer,Co 121
Lewinsohn, R M., 134 Locy, X , 471 Machado, Ao 44, 191 Marian, V.f 209 Maurer, Do 12 L 146, 156, 157
Lewis, B. A., 261 Loeber, R., 371 Ma elver, D. J., 272, 273, 276, Marini, Z., 205 Mauri, Mo 216
Lewis, D. A., 117 Loehlin, J. Co 69, 73, 76, 235, 277 Markestad, To 93 Mavandadi, So 418
Lewis, L., 478 236, 241, 244,311, 331 MacKay, A. P., 476 Markides, IC So 441 Mawhood, L 0 464
Lewis, L. D., 474 Loevinger, B. Lo 502 Mackey, R. Ao 438 Markiewicz, Do 296,410 Maxon, A. B 0 155
Lewis, L. M., 447 Loewenstein, Go 347 Mackinnon, Ao 478 Markison, S.y 167 Maxwell, S. E.y 298
Lewis, M., 290, 291, 294, 327, Loftus, E. E, 211 MacKinnon, A. Jo 71 Markman, E. Mo 257 May, D. C , 443
387, 389, 392 Logan, R. L , 281,313 MacKinnon-Lewis, Co 405 Markman, H. Jo 396 May, Mo 368
Lewis, R G., 500 Lohan, J. A., 503-504, 506, 509 MacLean, K 0 397 Markon, K. E., 77 Mayberry, R. L, 155, 263, 265
Lewis, T. L., 157 Lohmann, H., 115 MacLeod, D., 273 Markowitz, J. Co 478 Mayes, L. C, 95
Lewontin, R. C., 70, 245 Lohnes, K. L , 500, 505 MacLeod, M. S 0 2 1 7 Marks, H. M.y 335 Mayeux, L , 371
Lcyendecker, B., 422 Lollis, So 380 MacMillan, D. Lo 464 Markstrom, C. A., 303 May lor, E. Ao 359
Li, K. Z. Ho 219, 221 Lombardi, Lo 166 Macmillan, M., 33 Markstrom-Adams, C 0 302, Maynard, A 0 356
Li, L. Wo 439, 441 Lombroso, R Jo 73 Macomber, Jo 151 303 Mayseless, 0 o 407
Li, So 44, 45, 46 Long, J. a , 373 MacPhee, a , 430 Markus, Ho 378 Maziade, Mo 293
Liang, Jo 417 Lonigan, C. Jo 270 MacPherson, S. E 0 359 Markus, H. R., 307 Mbwara, L, 346
Liaw, E, 108 Loomis, C. Co 268 MacRae, P. Go 139,140 Marlowe, J 0 377 McAdams, D. R, 281,313
Liben, L. So 328, 338, 342 Loovis, E. Mo 128 MacTurk, R. H , 265, 266 Marolla, E, 99 McAdoo, H. R, 242, 296
Licht, Ro 116 Lopata, I-I. Z., 502, 506, 507 Madden, C. M 0 185 Marottoli, R. Ao 139 McArdle, J.Jo 217
Lickliter, R., 46, 47 Lopez, E. Co 244 Madden, D. J., 163 Marquis, Jo 129 MCarton, C., 107
Lidz, C. So 229, 261 Lopez, S. Ro 458 Madden, P. A 0 346, 459, 475 Marret, S., 93 McCabe, M., 296, 427
Lie, Eo 210 Lord, C , 460, 463 Maddocks, L, 495 Marschark, M.y 155 McCabel, M. R, 474
McCall, E.J., 15 Medin, D. L., 214 Miller, ]., 379 Morelli, G., 105, 397, 434 Must, A., 129, 131
McCall, M.E., 313 Medina, J., 491 Miller, J. A., 79 Morgan, D. L , 418, 481 Muster, A. J., 128
McCall, R., 232 Medina, J. J., 485 Miller, J. B.,410 Morgan, G. A., 265, 266, 393 Mustillo, S., 466, 472
McCall, R. B., 232, 233 Medina, R. A., 223 Miller, J. G., 307 * Morgan, M., 104, 139 Myers, J., 256,477, 479
McCann, C„ 436 Medvedev, Z. A., 489 Miller, J. P., 216, 479 Morgan, S. P., 347 Myers, K. P., 47
McCarthy, M. E., 266 Meeus, W., 301,303 Miller, J. W., 450 Mori, C. A., 58, 60, 64, 67, 79 Myers, M., 99
McCartney, K., 72, 76, 77, 79, Meeuwsen, I. B. A. E., 136 Miller, IC R, 212 Moriarty, D. G., 161 Myerson, J., 139
429, 439 Mehan, H., 272 Miller, N. B., 427 Moriarty, V., 272 Mylod, D. E., 436
McCarton, C , 232 Meier, R. P., 264, 265 Miller, P., 378 Moride, Y., 481
McCarlon, C. M., 108 Meijer, J., 193 Miller, P. C., 427 Morin, G. B., 490 N
McCarty, C. A., 458 Meilahn, E. N., 137 Miller, P. II., 28, 44, 160, 191, Morinaga, Y., 305 Naarala, M-, 74
McCaugey, B., 85 Meilman, P., 300-302 206, 207,519 Moring, J., 74 Naatanen, R., 152
McCaugey, K., 85 Mcincrt, C. L., 108 Miller, R. A., 492 Morishima, A., 64 Nagarajan, S., 271
McCaul, E. J., 280 Meinz, E. J., 168 Miller, S. A., 191,207, 242,519 Morisky, D. E., 347 Nagarajan, S. S., 271
McClain, C. U 103 Meir, E. I., 305 Miller, S. D., 344 Morizot, J., 308 Nagel, S. K., 443
McClearn, G. E., 61, 69, 75, Mekos, D., 448 Miller, S. L, 271 Morley, J. E., 481 Nagell, K., 257
136 Melhuish, E. C , 391 Miller-Heyl, J., 430 Morris, J., 98 Nagumey, A. J., 416
McClintic, S., 267 Mellinger, J. C., 28) Miller-Johnson, S., 235, 406 Morris, J. C , 216, 479 Nahom, A., 139
McClintock, M. K., 113, 343 Mellon, M. K., 155 Mills, C. J., 268 Morris, J. E., 324 Naigles, L. G., 257-258
McCloskey, L. A., 449 Meltzer, H., 473 Millsap, R. E., 310 Morris, J. T., 336 Najman, J. M., 104, 504
McConkey-Robbins, A., 154 Meltzoff, A. N., 177, 203, 204, Milne, B., 76, 296 Morris, P. A., 22, 48, 520 Nakagawa, N., 185
McConnell, E E., 155 354,355 Milofsky, E., 313 Morris, R., 331 Nanayakkara, N., 480
McCord, J., 377 Memmo, M., 472 Milstead, M., 188 Morrison, D. M., 43, 347 Nanez, J. E., 148
McCormick, M., 266 Memon, A., 211 Minard, K. L., 121 Morrison, D. R., 447 * Nangle, D.W.,406,417
McCormick, M. C., 108 Menaghan, E. G., 447 Minde, IC, 396 Morrongiello, B., 334 Narasimham, G., 186
McCrae, R. R., 73, 251, 288, Mendel, G., 6 1 , 6 8 Mingroni, M. A., 243 Morrow, D., 214, 218, 260 Narayan, M., 150,217
297, 308, 309-310,311, Mendelsohn, A. B., 503 Minkier, M., 417 Morrow, J., 477 Nardi, A. H., 222
315 Mendelson, M. J., 407 Minkov, C., 508 Morse, C. A.,-138 Nargeot, M. C., 478
McCubbin, J. A., 99 Mendola, R, 131 Minnes, S., 95 Mortimer, J. A., 480 Narvaez, D., 376, 381
McCune, L , 256 Mendoza, B. L., 504 Mintz, J., 404 Mortimer, J. T., 279, 280 Nash, A., 401
McDonald-Miszczak, L., 219 Menken, J., 40 Mintzer, M. B., 469 Morton, J., 148 Nash, S. C , 341
McDougall, P., 405 Mennella, J. A., 154, 155 Miralt, G., 500 Morton, M. R., 140 National Academy of Science,
McDowell, E. E., 486 Mennuti, M. T., 67 Mischel, W., 289 Morton, S. C., 103 122, 123
McEachin, J. J., 464 Menon, B. K., 101 Mishara, B. L , 486 Mory, M. S., 409 National Adult Literacy
McFarlane, J. A., 137 Ment, L. R., 108 Mistry, R., 329 Moses, L. J., 356 Survey, 282
McGarth, C., 270 Meredith, P., 436 Mitchell, D. B.,218 Moses, T. Y., 490 National Campaign to Prevent
McGarth, $., 103 Meredith, W., 310 Mitchell, J. E., 331 Moshman, D., 380 Teenage Pregnancy, 347
McGaw, B., 16 Merette, C., 293 Mitchell, M. L., 113 Moskey, E. G., 345-346 National Center for Education
McGeary, J.,71 Merikangas, K. R., 470 Mitchell, P., 162, 290, 355 Moskowitz, J. T„ 20, 21, Statistics, 280, 282
McGee-Bidlack, B., 259 Merrick, S., 401 Mitzner, T. L., 260 505-506, 507 National Center for Health
McGhee, P. E., 185 Mertesacker, B.,294, 391 Miura, K., 335 Moss, M.. •$., 504 Statistics, 117, 127, 131
McGoldrick, M.> 488 Merzenich, L. L., 271 Miyake, K., 397, 434 Moss, S. Z., 504 National Institute on Aging,
McGovern,A., 185 Merzenich, M. M., 271 Miyawaki, K., 152 Moulson, J. M.> 359 166,479,480,481 1
McGrath, E. P., 269 Meschke, L. L., 48, 346 Mize, J., 405 Mourn, T., 504 National Institute on Deafness,
McGraw, S. A., 138 Mesle, F., 489 Mizuta, I., 374 Mounts, N. S., 280,410, 427 166
McGue, M., 72, 75, 222, 241 Mesman, J., 472 Mobbs, C , 116, 117 Mouton, C., 138 National Institutes of Health,
McGuffin, P., 61, 62, 68, 69, 71, Messer, D. J., 266 Mock, D., 489, 492 Mouton, C. P., 502 79,137,138
73, 75, 475, 480 Messerschmidt, A. R, 86 Modell, J., 23 Moye, J., 500 National Reading Panel, 271
McGuinn, M., 122 Messervey, D., 410 Moen, P., 7,315 Mroczek, D. K., 412 National Research Council, 7
McGuire, S„ 432 Messinger-Rapport, B. I., 164, Moerk, E. L., 262 Mud en da, V., 97 National Sleep Foundation,
McGwin, G., 164 165 Moffitt, T. E., 76, 296, 371, 373, Mueller, E., 401 123 '
Mcliale, S. M., 329, 432, 433, Metcalf, P., 487 439, 451,459, 472 Muir, D.W., 147, 156 Navarro, J., 103
435 Metcalfe, J., 213 Mohoney, D., 503 Mulatu, M. S., 316 Neale, M., 73,77, 137,345
Mclnnes, L., 238 Metress, E. K., 135 Mohr, R E., 1.54 Mulder, E. J., 99 Nearing, G., 99
Mclntire, D. D., 106 Metress, S. P., 135 Moilanen, L, 468 Mullally, P. R., 307 Nebes, R. D., 478, 481
Mcintosh, G. C , 100 Metter, E. J., 165, 167 Moise-Titus, J., 374 Mullan, J. T., 441 Neddleman, Ii., 97
McKay, K. E., 160 Metz, G. B., 490 Molfese, D. L., 271 Mulsant, B. H., 478, 481 Nedersend, S., 329
McKee, B., 287-288 Meydani, M., 491 Molfese, V. J., 242, 243 Muncer, A. M., 359 Neece, W. M., 316, 317
McKeel, D.,216, 479 Meyer, B. A., 99 Molina, B. S. G., 133 Mundfrom, D. J., 108 Needham, A., 150
McKenzie, D. P., 506 Meyer, H., 255 Molina, G. B., 40, 51 Munore, R., 5 Nehrke, M. F.,314
McKinney, B. C , 458, 459 Meyer, J., 73 Molinari, V., 313 Munoz, B., 163 Neiderhiser, J. M., 78, 429, 430,
McKitrick, L.A., 221 Meyer-Bahlburg, H. E, 64, 345 Moller, L. C., 328 Munro, G., 303 471
McKnew, D. H., J. R., 470 Meyers, C. E., 247 Mollnow, E., 97 Munroe, R. L., 8 Neil, A., 99-100
McKncw, D. ]. Jr., 465 Michel, 5. E., 390 Moiidloch, C. J., 156,157 Murakami, S„ 490 Neimark, E. D., 188
McLanahan, S. S., 4, 477 Mickelson, K., 305, 306 Moneta, G., 432 Murnen, S. K., 336, 474 Neisser, U., 209, 235, 236, 244
Mcleod, J., 266 Mickelson, IC D., 414 Monete, J., 481 Murphy, B. C., 372 Nelson, C. A., 118,519
McLeod, P. J., 262 Middleton, K. A., 449 Money, J., 330, 331, 332 Murphy, C., 167, 168 Nelson, D. G., 256
McLoyd, V. C., 427-428, 430 Midgley, C , 276, 277 Monk, C. E., 99, 152, 154, 155 Murphy, D. R., 166, 221 Nelson, E. S., 381
McMahon, R. J., 273 M id la r sky, E., 381 Monsour, A., 298 Murphy, E. M., 449 Nelson, G., 266
McMahon, S. D., 459 Miell, D., 194 Montemayor, R., 297 Murphy, G. L., 218 Nelson, IC, 210, 211, 257, 258,
McMaster, J., 138 Mike, E., 467 Montero, P., 137 Murphy, L. M., 409, 410 355
McMickell, M., 163 Mikulincer, M., 386, 394, 413, Montgomery, A., 138 Murphy, S. A., 502-503, Nelson, S., 366
McNeal, M. A., 128 4)5 Moolchan, E. T., 93 503-504, 504, 509 Neppl, 'L, 373, 449
McNeely, C. S., 347 Milburn, N., 415 Mooney-Somers, J., 444 Murphy, S. L., 106 Nes, S. L., 193
McNeil, I., 503 Milgram, J. I., 440 Moore, D., 436 Murrary, L., 104 Nesbitt, T. S., 98, 101
McNeill, D., 261 Milhausen, R. R., 346 Moore, E. G., 244-245, 246 Murray, C , 85, 245, 444, 499 Nesse, R. M., 457, 502-503,
McNemey, E. K., 464 Milich, R., 468 Moore, J. W., 4 Murray, I., 103 506
McPartland, J. M., 277 Milkie, M. A., 326, 339, 436 Moore, M., 508 Murray, J. A., 508 Nesselroade, J. R., 136
McPherson, D. D., 128 Millberger, S., 467 Moore, M. IC, 156, 177, 203 Murray, K., 369 Nettelbeck, T., 229, 244
McPherson, R.,415 Miller, A., 138, 268 Moore, S. M., 133 Murray, L., 104, 396 Neufield, S. J., 390
McQuiston, S., 266 Miller, B. C., 40 Moorehouse, M., 443 Murray, M. P., 139 Neugarten, B. L.,4, 317
Mead, G. H., 291 Miller, D. A., 103 Moors, E., 434 Murray, R. M., 74 Neville, B., 425
Meade, C. S., 346 Miller, D. C , 325 Mor, V., 508 Murray, S. A., 487 Neville, H. J., 265
Meadows, L. A., 469 Miller, E. G„ 2 Morell, C. H., 165 Murtran, E. J., 439 Nevitt, M., 162
Meadows-Orlans, K. P., 166 Miller, Ii., 334 Morel I, R. W., 221 Mussen, P. Ii., 333 Newberry, J., 139
Newcomh, R., 343 Ochs, A. L., 139 Otte, S. L , 458,459 Payami, H., 479 Phillips, So 315
Newcombe, N. S„ 210 Ochs, Eo 263 Oullette, Mo 490 Payne, C., 425 Phillips, S. Lo 411
Newell, A., 200 Ochse, Ro 250 Oumar, E, 396 Payot, W., 311 Phinney, J. S 0 23, 302
Newell, M. L., 97 O'Colmain, Bo 163 Ousset, P. J., 480 Peacock, E. Jo 282 Phipps, B. J., 304
Newell, W., 406 O'Connell, B., 258, 262 Overley, E. T , 164 Pearce, K. A , 191, 223 Phipps, M. Go 98
Newman, C., 177 O'Connell, C. Mo 488 Overman, S. Jo 334 Pearce, M. E., 139 Phipps, T. Mo 304
Newman, D. L., 373, 472 O'Connor, B. R, 188,416 Overton, W. E, 49 Pearlin, L. L, 441, 477 Phoenix, C. Ho 331
Newman, J. E., 406 O'Connor, M. L, 93 Owen, M. Jo 73 Pears, K. C., 356 Piacentini, Jo 477
Newman, J. L , 329 O'Connor, T. G., 78, 373, Owen, M. T , 426, 439 Pearson, J. £>., 165, 167 Piaget, Jo 11,27,41-44, 49, 50,
Newman, T. N., 480 397-398, 429, 447 Owens, Jo 122 Pearson, J. Lo 476 116,172-177, 178, 179,
Newport, E., 263 O'Dempsey, T. J. D., 104 O wsley, Co 164 Peay, L., 266 181-184,188, 189,
Newsom, J., 416 Oden, M. H., 248 Oyserman, D., 307 Pecheux, ivL, 156 191-192,196, 203, 212,
Newsom, J.T.,256,418 Oden, So 417 Ozer, D. J., 439 Peckham, W., 345 262,283,297,361,
Newstead, A. IrL, 139 O'Donnell, A. M., 275 Ozonoff S., 462 Pedersen, Jo 401 366-368, 376, 381, 387,
Newton, R. R., 486 O'Donnell, H. M., 135 Ozturk, Mo 279 Pedersen, N. L , 69, 74, 136, 405, 512-514
Newton, T. L., 439 O'Donnell, W. To 64 217, 480 Piak, Ao 347
Nezlek, J. B., 411 O'Donoghue, G. M>, 155 P Peeke, L. G., 298 Pianta, Ro 449
Ng, E. S., 162 O'Donovan, M. C , 73 Paavonen, E. J., 122 Peeples, D. R., 146 Pianta, R. Co 269
Niaura, R., 93 Offer, Do 433, 473 Page, To 250 Pegalis, L. Jo 341 Pick, A. Do 145, 150, 158
NICHD Early Child Care Office of Human Research Paik, A , 138 Pegg, J. Eo 262 Pickens, J., 156
Research Network, Protections, 20 Paikoff, R. L., 133 Pelham, W , 467, 468 Pickren, W. Eo 274
398-399 Ogbu, J. U., 23, 244-245, 276, Pak, Eo 490 Pell, To 93 Pierce, So 220
Nicholas, M> 260 431 Pal, Ao 98 Pella, T , 129 Pierluigi, M., 100
Nicholls, J. G., 268 Ogletree, S. Mo 336 Paley, Bo 425 Pellegrini, A. Do 12, 45,57, Pierroutsakos, S., 212
Nichols, C , 505 O'Grady, J. P., 101 Palkovitz, Ro 313, 436, 437 355, 373, 425, 432 Pietro, P. Ao 99
Nichols, K. Eo 369 O'Halloran, C. Mo 498 Palmer, G., 334 Peng, S. So 282 Pigott, T. A , 325
Nichols, Mo 85 O'Hanlon, A . M 0 2 2 1 Palm ore, E. B.,317 Penner, S. G., 263 Pike, Ro 73
Nichols, W. C , 489 O'Heir, C. E., 113 Palomaki, G. E., 113 Pennisi, E., 57, 58 Pillard, R. C , 69, 345
Nicolich, L. M 0 404 Ohlsson, Ao 103 Pan, B. A, 257 Pepper, S. C , 49 Pillas, D. Jo 115
Nielsen, Mo 291 Oja, I-L, 74 Pancer, S. M.,359, 375 Peralta, D., 415 Pillemer, D. 11, 209
Nielson, N. L , 3 1 7 Okagaki, L., 231 Paneth, N. So 106 Perez-Granados, D. R., 433 Pillsuk, M, 417
Nikolic, Jo 188 Okami, R, 343 Panis, C. W , 445 Perfilieva, E, 115 Pilowsky, T , 462
Nikolopoulos, T. R, 155 O'Kelly, Jo 275 Pansky, A , 210, 211 Pericak-Vance, M. Ao 464 Pine, R, 290
Niles, Wo 376 Olds, D. L , 98 Pantel, M. S 0 154 Perkins, C , 347 Pinker, So 29, 46, 261
Nilsson, L , 222 Olejnik, A. B., 328 Papadatou, D., 508 Perkins, D., 226 Pinquart, Mo 416, 441
Nilsson, Mo 115 Olejnik, So 504 Papalia, D. E., 188, 190, 194 Perkins, H. W., 326 Pipp, So 291
Niobe, Wo 122 Oles, P. Ko 315 Papousek, M., 262 Perl mutter, M., 196, 205, 216, Pipp, S. L , 188, 192
Niparko, J. K 0 154, 155 Oleske, D. M., 85 Paradise, R., 39, 304 223 Pipps, S. L , 190
Nippold, M. A , 260 Olfson, Mo 476 Paradiso, M. A , 261 Perloff, Ro 235, 236, 244 Pisani, Lo 396
Nishishiba, M 0 418 Oliver, E.I., 259 Parazzini, E, 97 Perrault,Ao 481 Pittelkow, Y, 416
Noam, Go 457 Oliver, P. Ho 293 Parham, I. A , 309 Perrotta, M., 396 Pittinsky, T. L., 245
Nobile, Co 122 Olmedo, L. E, 347 Park, D. C , 2 2 1 Perry, B 0 444 Pittman,). \\ 304
Nock, S. L , 443 Olmstead, R., 343 Park, Jo 107-108 Perry, D. G 0 38, 368 Pitts, Mo 138, 346
Noh, E. R , 443 0'Loughlin,Ao 478 Parke, K . C . , 4 1 5 Perry, G., 492 Plassman, B. Lo 480
Noh, So 436 01 rick, J. To 398 Parke, R. D., 10, 28, 38,49, Perry, H. L , 488 Piatt, R. W , 481
Nolen-Hoeksema, So 476, 478, Olsen, J., 99,468 368, 422, 425, 426 Perry, M., 324-325 Pleck, J. IL, 425, 443
503, 5 0 5 , 5 0 7 Olsen, S. Fo 93 Parker, D., 495 Perry, T. B., 407 Plomin, Ro 58, 61, 62, 68,69,
Noll, R. Bo 508 Olshan, A. E, 100 Parker, E. Ho 12, 13, 20 Perry, W., 190 7 0 , 7 1 , 7 2 - 7 3 , 7 5 , 76, 77,
Noiler, R, 413, 436 Olshansky, S. Jo 490, 491 Parker, E L , 266 Perry-Jenkins, M., 443 78, 136, 241,250, 261,
Nomaguchi, K. M 0 436 Olson, C. Mo 99 Parker, J. G., 329 Persson, G., 348 291-292, 373,429, 447,
Nondahl, D. MM 164 Olson, H. Co 93, 94 Parker, IC C , 498 Pesonen, A., 296 471,480
Noppe, I. Co 496, 500, 505, 506 Olson, J. Mo 74-75 Parker, R. M 0 237 Pessin, EL, 494 Podolski, CI, 374
Noppe, L. A , 500 Olson, L. M., 378 Parkes, C. M., 488, 495, 502, Peters, A , 116,439, 443 Poehlmann, J., 396
Norberg, A 0 105 Olsson, I!, 103 503, 507 Peters, M. L , 155 Pogue-Geile, M. E, 74
Nordbcrg, A , 93 Oltjenburns, K. A., 500 Parkhurst, J. T , 405 Petersen, A., 79 Polcari, A , 468
Nordin, So 167, 168 O'Neil, A IC, 329 Parnham, Jo 282 Petersen, A C . , 134,329,475 Po Id rack, R. A , 271
Nordvik, HO 324 O'Neil, Ro 443 Parson, A. Bo 479, 480 Petersen, J. Ho 137, 374 Pollack, H., 93
Norman, Ao 210 Ones, D. S 0 236 Parten, M., 403 Petersen, R. Co 216 Pollak, A. Po 86
Norris, J. E 0 358, 375 Onghena, P., 506 Parwaresch, R 0 490 Peterson, B. E , 356,441 Pol lick, H Go 478
Norris, L , 221 Oosterwegel, A., 296 Pascalis, O., 148 Peterson, C., 211, 268 Pollina, Lo 418
Norton, J. Ao 99 Oppenheim, Do 105, 365, 366, Passman, R. Ho 393 Peterson, C. Co 204, 355, 356, Pomerantz, E. M., 268, 334
Notarius, C. L, 436 395, 399 Passrello, L. C., 347 367 Pomerleau, A 0 326, 425
Nourhashemi, R, 480 Oppenheimer, L., 296 Pasternak, D., 471 Peterson, G. W , 334 Ponirakis, A , 134
No well, A.. 124 Op wis, K., 208 Pasupathi, M., 239-240, 314, Peterson, TC, 129 Ponton, L., 346
Nozyce, M., 395 Orlans, H„ 166 375 Peterson, M., 163 Poon, I-L E, 491
Nsamenang, A. 11, 105 Orlofsky, J. L , 35 Peterson, P. L , 273 Poon, L. Wo 166,215
Patel, D. R., 475
Nucci, L R , 3 6 7 , 3 6 8 , 3 7 6 , 3 8 1 Ormel, J., 137 Peterson, R. E., 333 Poortinga, Y. H., 158
Patel, S. So 101
Nucci, M. SO 367 Ornstein, P. Ao 10, 28, 49, 206, Peterson, S. A 0 311 Pope, C So 101
Paterson, D. EL, 136
Nunes, M., 162 211 Pethick, S. Jo 258 Pope, S. Ko 481
Patterson, C. U 246, 345, 444,
Nurss, J. R., 237 Orth, L. C , 273 451 Petitto, L. A , 116, 264- Popenoe, D., 423-424, 435, 442
Nutt, R. L , 273 Ortmeyer, H. K,> 492 Patterson, Do 64 Pettit, G. So 48, 371, 373, 374, Popp, Do 346
Nyberg, L., 222 Orvaschel, H., 477 Patterson, D. W , 316, 317 375, 377,406 Porter, A. C., 280
Nyborg, H., 236 Orvus, Ho 98 Patterson, G. Ro 372, 376, 377, Petty, Ro 139 Porter, C. L , 325
Nyborg, V. M., 302 Orwar, O., 115 410,433 Peyton, V., 329 Porter, R. H., 155-156
Nydegger, CO 435 Ory, M. Go 442 Patton, J. Ro 247 Pfeffer, C. Ro 470, 476 Portes, Ao 273
Nyirati, L, 98 Osborn, R. W , 100, 103 Paul, J. R, 345 Phares, V., 425, 437 Posada, G., 397
Osgood, D. Wo 298
o Paul, R. Ho 103 Phelps, Eo 250 Pott, Mo 397, 434
Osstorne, J. A., 128 Pauli-Pott, U , 294, 391 Philippoussis, M 0 327 Potter, Jo 325
Oates, Go 316 Ostendorf, R, 288 Pauls, D. Lo 73 Philliber, $., 43 Poulin, R, 372, 373, 377
Obel, C , 468 Osterweis, M 0 500, 501 Paulsell, Do 399 Phillips, A. To 354 Poulin-Dubois, D 0 256, 327
Obler, L K., 260 Ostfeld, A. Mo 495 Paveza, G. J., 449 Phillips, C , 480 Pous, Jo 480
O'Boyle, C„ 334 Ostrov, Eo 433 Pavlopoulous, V., 296 Phillips, D. Ao 399 Powe, N. Ro 155
O'Brian, P. M., 137 Ostrove, J. Mo 303 Pavlov, L, 36 Phillips, J- Go 139 Powell, A. Lo 474
O'Brien, B. A , 438 Ostwald, S. Ko 442 Pawlby, So 104 Phillips, L. Ho 217, 359 Power, T. Go 296, 407
O'Brien, M., 327, 329, 437 Otero, Ao 418 Pawliuk, 358 Phillips, Mo 273 Powers, D. V, 478
Powers, T. A., 434 Read, J. A., 99 Rideout, R., 204 Roman, G. C., 481 Ruhlihng, R. O., 140
Powlishta, K. K., 188,324,327, Ready, R., 294 Rider, E., 134 Rome, E. S., 347 Ruiz, J. M., 413
338 Reagor, P., 344 Riegel, K. E, 44, 190 Romney, D. M., 334, 369 Rumsey, C., 355
Poyah, G., 138 Ream, G. L., 345 Riemann, R., 311 0 Rook, IC So 417, 418 Runco, M. Ao 249, 250
Prager, IC, 476 Reame, N., 138 Rierdan, R., 133 Rose, Eo 488 Ruoppila, I., 128
Pratt, A., 359, 375, 377 Reavis, R., 276 Rieser, J., 155 Rose, J. Ii., 481 Rushton, J. P., 368
Pratt, C , 178-179 Recchia, A., 267 Rieser, J. J., 10, 28, 49 Rose, M. R., 406 Russ, S. Wo 250
Pratt, II. D., 475 Rechnitzer, P. A., 139 Rieser, P., 112 Rose, R. Jo 134 Russell, A., 334
Pratt, M.W., 195-196, Redding, R. R , 266 Rietveld, M. Jo 241 Rose, S. A., 70, 107, 135, 206, Russell, E. Mo 140
358-359, 359, 375, 377 Reddy, R., 122 Rigg, Do 508 232, 388 Russell, R. J., 439
Prentice, A. M., 99 Reder, L., 217 Riggs, W. Wo 325 Rosen, K. H., 449 Rust, J., 336
Prescott, C. A., 458 Reed, A., 370 Riley, E., 103 Rosen, L. R., 345 Rusting, C L., 222
Presler, N., 355 Reed, M ? I., 265, 266 Riley, K. R, 480 Rosen, R. C , 138 Ruth, J. E., 305
Pressley, ML, 207, 208, 213, 271 Reed, T., 105, 489 Rimm-Kaufman, S., 269 Rosenbaum, D., 122 Rutherford, E., 333
Price, D.W.W.,211 Rees, M., 131 Rimpela, M., 134 Rosenbaum, P. L., 107 Rutter, Mo 78, 229, 246, 272,
Price, J., 406 Reese, E., 210 Riualdi, G. M., 432 Rosenberg, Ao 331 273,371,373,397-398,
Price, J. L.,216, 479 Reese, H. W., 49 Ringelstein, E., 115 Rosenberg, D. R., 117 429, 457, 464, 472
Price, J. M., 371, 373, 375, 459 Regier, D. A., 477, 479 Ringler, L. L., 501 Rosenberg, H.-J., 315 Rutz, Wo 478
Prinstein, M. J., 346 Reich, J. W., 416 Ripple, C., 266 Rosenberg, J., 106 Ruusuvirta, T., 152
Pritchard, M., 356-357 Reichlin, R. E.,313 Ripple, R. Eo 251 Rosenberg, S. D., 315 Ruxlilin, H. So 140
Profeli, R., 315 Reid, D., 440, 506 Rittenhouse, R. K-, 154 Rosenblatt, E., 185 Ruzany, N., 295
Proffitt, ]. B., 214 Reid, J., 377 Ritter, P. L., 269, 427 Rosenblatt, P. G., 487 Ryan, R. M., 188, 268, 269
Pronczuk, A., 163 Reid, L. L., 316 River, L. M., 374 Rosenblum, M. A., 387 Ryff, C , 305
Protopapas, A., 271 Reid, R T., 325 Rivera, So 150 Rosenfeld, Bo 494 Rynders, M., 161
Provenzano, R J., 326 Reimer, J. R, 213 Riviere, J., 176 Rosenfeld, R. G., 113 Ryu, So 279, 280
Pu, S. J., 139 Reingrabner, M„ 102, 103 Roach, M. Jo 444 Rosengren, K., 196
Pugh, K. R., 271 Reinherz, H. Z., 473 Robbins, C. M., 490 Rosenholtz, S. J., 276 S
Pulkkinen, L., 315 Reis, 11,429 Roberto, K. A., 416, 443 Rosenthal, G., 424, 440, 441 Saarni, C., 390
Pullen, S . M . , 2 1 8 Reis, H.T.,411 Roberts, B., 308 Rosenthal, P. A., 470 Sabattini, L., 336
Pulsifer, M. B., 115 Reis, O., 303 Roberts, B. W.,311 Rosenthal, S., 470 Sackett, P. R., 245
Pungello, B. P., 235, 398 Reise, D., 415 Roberts, J. Mo 103, 297 Rosenwasser, S. Mo 336 Sacks, 0., 354
Purcell, S., 451 Reiser, L. W., 133 Roberts, L R., 329 Roses, A. Do 480 Sadeh, A., 121, 122
Purdie, N., 220 Reiss, D., 69, 73, 77, 78, 448, Robertson, D. L., 430 Roskos, K. A., 270 Sadker, D., 335
Purifoy, R E., 349 471 Robertson, N. R. G., 113 Rosner, P>., 163 Sadker, M., 335
Putallaz, M., 406 Reiss, $., 246 Robertson, S., 103 Ross, Go 399 Sadler, T/W, 84, 86,91,96
Putnam, R W., 344 Reitzes, D. C., 439 Robins, L. N., 477,479 Ross, G. A., 344 Sadock, B.Jo 481
Pykalainen, L., 74 Reker, G. T., 282 Robins, P. IC, 339, 447 Ross, Ho 380 Saenger, Go 99
Pynoos, R. S., 501 Relyea, N., 12, 13,20 Robins, R. VV., 298,305,311, Ross, I-I. Go 440 Safron, D. J., 279
Pyszczynski, T., 485 Rely\reld, J., 137 325, 439 Ross, H. So 432 Safron, J. G., 279
Remschmidt, J., 474 Robinson, B. R , 447 Ross, L, 247 Sagall, R. J., 93
Renaud, E , 1 3 3 Robinson, C. C., 336 Ros$, M„ 215,432 Sagi, A., 395, 397, 399
Qu alter, A., 185 Renshaw, P., 405 Robinson, G., 137 Ross, R. To 247 Sagi-Schwartz, A., 399
Quigg, R. I., 128 Renshaw, P. F., 468 Robinson, J., 214, 37.1 Rossell, C. EL, 274 Saigal, So 107
Quigley, B. A., 282 Rentfrow, P. J., 289 Robinson, J. P., 326, 339 Rosser, R., 146 Sakin, J. W , 431
Quill, T. E., 486 Renzulli, J., 248 Robinson, M. L., 93 Rossor, M. No 119 Sakornbut, E. L., 96
Quinsey, V. L., 371, 373 Repacholi, B., 355, 356-357 Robinson, N. M., 248, 324 Roth, E., 207, 271 Salamone, L., 138
Quintana, S. M., 188,378 Repetti, R. L., 269, 443 Robinson, P., 348 Roth, F. R, 270 Salem-Schatz, S., 508
Resch, N., 504 Robinson, S. R , 88 Roth, G. S., 492 Salend, S. J., 275
R Rescorla, L., 266 Robles de Medina, P. G., 99 Roth, P. L., 280 Sales, B. D., 20,21
Rabbitt, P., 238 Rest, J., 376, 381 Robson, W. L , 342 Rothbart, M. K., 159, 291,297 Saltarelli, L M., 158
Rabiner, D. L , 405 Reuman, D. A., 272, 273, 277, Roccella, M., 93 Rothbaum, F., 397 Salthouse, T. A., 139, 168, 188,
Rabinowitz, M., 97 281 Rochat, R, 290 Rothbaum, R., 434 191,205,218,219, 220,
Racine, T., 381 Reyna,V.R,210 Roche, A. E, 131 Rothberg, A. D., 99 234,238
Rae, D. F., 479 Reynolds, A. J., 430 Roche, L , 299 Rotheram-Borus, M. J., 347, Saltz, T., 271
Raeikkoenen, K., 296 Reynolds, C. A., 74, 217, 315 Rochtchina, Eo 162 477 Saltzman, FL, 500
Raffaelli, M., 411 Reynolds, C. R, 478 Rock, S. Lo 244 Rothermund, K., 306, 308, 477 Salvator, A., 95
Ragow-O'Brien, D., 508 Reynolds, D., 272, 273 Rockc, C , 487, 496, 501 Roug-Hellichius, L , 256 Sameroff, A. J., 101,241,272,
Rahhal, T. A., 215 Reynolds, $., 467 Rodgers, J. L , 241, 243 Rousseau, J. J., 29 275, 276, 302, 429, 457
Rahi, J. S., 157 Reynolds, T., 451 Rodgers, J. Mo 8 Rovee-Collier, C., 145, 177, Sampson, P. D., 93, 94
Rahman, Q., 346 Reznick, J. S., 257, 258, 292, Rodgers, R. H., 423 202, 203, 204, 209,210 Samson, M. M., 136
Raikes, I I., 399 331 Rodier, P. M., 92 Rovine, M. J., 399, 436 Samuels, C. A., 341
Raikes, II. A., 386, 392 Reznikoff, M., 75, 250 Rodin, J., 309 Rovner, S., 479 Samuels, S. G., 480
Rakoczy, H., 404 Reznik,V. M., 374 Rodriguez, A., 468 Rowan, J., 500 Samuelson, R. J., 317
Ramey, C. T., 233, 235, 244, Rhee, S. II., 373 Rodriguez, T., 354 Rowe, D. Co 70,71,73, 75, 76, Samuolis, Jo 303
399 Rhodes, J., 122 Roeder, K., 69 77, 241, 292, 374 Sanchez, L., 436, 500
Ramey, $. L., 233 Rhodes, S. R., 316 Roen, R. C , 347 Rowe, J.W., 128,217 Sanchez-Bernardos, M. L., 288
Ramos, M., 416 Rholes, W. S., 436 Roenkae, A., 315 Rowlandson, K., 355 Sander, C. J., 325
Ramsden, S. R., 12, 13, 20 Ricciardelli, L. A., 474 Roenker, D. L., 164 Roy, C., 329 Sandkuji, L. A., 474
Ramsey, B. IC, 235 Ricciuti, H. N., 393 Rogan,W. J., 97 Rozga, A., 396 Sandle, 1. N., 446
Ramsey, E., 372 Rice, A., 103 Rogers, K. A., 280 Rubin, D. C., 187,215 Sangster, S., 506
Rando, T. A., 495, 503 Rice, C. L , 136 Rogers, M., 97 Rubin, Eo 460, 461 Sanson, A., 294, 296, 297, 429
Randolph, B., 159 Rice, R, 459, 475 Rogers, M. T., 248 Rubin, E. Ii., 216, 479 Sansone, R., 100
Rantanen, R, 134 Rice, K. G., 407 Rogers, S. J., 424, 438, 439, 443 Rubin, I-I. R., 155 Santor, D. A., 410
Raphael, B., 501, 504, 508 Rice, M. E., 373 Rogers, VV. A., 216 Rubin, J. Z., 326 Sanz, J., 288
Rapkin, B. D., 282 Richards, E A., 189,190 Rogler, L. Ii., 9 Rubin, K.H., 292,358, 406 Saraceno, B., 478
Rapson, R. L., 413 Richards, M. EL, 133, 432 Rogoff, Bo 5,12, 22,23, 39, Rubin, S. S., 503, 504 Sargant, N., 282
Rastam, M., 475 Richards, R., 249 105,194,195, 304, 396, Rubinow, D. R., 331 Sarigiani, P. A., 329
Ratcliffe, S. D., 96 Richards, S. B., 244 403, 430, 433 Rubinstein, D., 23 Sarkisian, N., 441
Raudenbush, S. W., 443 Richardson, G., 501 Rogosch, F. A., 356, 369, 417, Rubinstein, R., 504 Sarno, S. J., 218
Raveis, V. I-I., 506 Richardson, G. A., 93 457, 466, 473 Ruble, D. N., 268, 295, 329, Sarno, S. R.,215
Raviv, A., 121, 122 Ricbey, G. A., 450 Roizen, N. J., 64 336, 337, 357 Satake, T., 131
Ray, L. A., 441 Richgels, D. J., 270 Rojewski, J. W., 305 Ruchlin, H. S., 140 Satariano, W. A., 128
Raya, P., 457 Richot, K. F. Mo 130 Rolater, So 94 Ruff, H.Ao 158, 159 Saucier, J., 374
Raz, S., 325 Riconda, D. L., 64 Rollins, B. Co 437 Ruffman, T., 355, 359 Saudino, K. J., 292
Razani, L. J., 167 Riddle, M. A., 469 Rolls, B. J., 167 Ruggles, S., 422 Saunders, A. M., 480
Saunders, C , 507-508 Schtirch, B., 99 Sharma, V., 160 Simmons, R. Go 134, 277, 298 Smith, J. Bo 277
Saunders, P. R., 288 Schut, Ho 503, 506 Sharp, Do 104 Simon, H. Ao 200 Smith, IC. Eo 242
Savage-Rumbaugh, E. S., 261 Schutz, R. Wo 134 Sharp, T. M., 128, 474 Simon, X , 228 Smith, L., 126
Savickas, M. L., 304, 315 Schwartz, D. Mo 474 Sharpe Potter, J., 346 Simon, X Jo 150 Smith, L. A., 439
Savin-Williams, R. C., 345, 444 Schwartz, Lo 494 Shaver, P. Ro 386, 394,410, Simon, W., 343 Smith, L. Bo 145
Savoie, L., 397 Schwartz, R, 444 413,414,415, 506 Simonoff, Eo 246, 463 Smith, M. A., 492
Savoy, K., 359, 375 Schwartz, S. T , 160 Shaw, B. Ao 415 Simons, R. E, 12, 13, 20, 372, Smith, M. Do 432
Sawin, D. B.> 425 Scbwartzman, R, 485 Shaw, Co 138 429 Smith, M. L., 16
Sawin, L. L., 281 Schwarz, I. Eo 260 Shaw, D. So 432 Simons, R. Lo 427, 428, 466, Smith, P. Bo 288
Saxe, R., 355 Schweitzer, J 0 273 Shaw, G. Mo 99 475-476 Smith, P. Ko 327, 347, 403
Saxon, J. L., 334 Schwitzgebel, E , 192 Shaw, L. Ko 257 Simonton, D. Ko 249, 250, 251, Smith, Ro 108
Saxton, M., 263 Scialfa, C. T , 163, 165 Shayer, Mo 194 315 Smith, S., 435
Sayer, L. C., 326, 339 Scibetta, W. Co 103 Shaywitz, B. Ao 271 Simpson, Co 276 Smith, S. Eo 439
Sayre, N. E., 128 Scogin, E, 221 Shaywitz, S. Eo 271 Simpson, J. A., 436 Smith, X , 347, 464
Sbarra, D. A., 447 Scott, D. To 108 Sheared, Y , 282 Simpson, J. Lo 58, 63, 65, 66, Smith, T. Wo 345, 413
Scafidi, E A., 156 Scott, J. R, 416 Shearer, D. Eo 140 67 Smith, W , 162
Scanlon, D. M., 271 Scott, K. a , 101 Sheiner, R. L., 103 Simpson, K. R 0 96, 103 Smithmyer, C. Mo 12, 13, 20,
Scapagnini, G., 491 Scott, Lo 490 Shelton, X L , 369 Simpson, Lo 106 372
Scaramella, L., 373, 449 Scott, Ro 296, 427 Shepard, Bo 389, 390 Simutis, Zo 368 Smithson, J., 280
Scaramucci, A., 315 Scott, W. Ao 296, 427 Shepard, Ro 128 Sinclair, Do 104 Smock, P. J., 315
Scarisbrick, D., 139 Scourfield, Jo 475 Shepard, X H , 94 Singer, D. Go 179 Smolak, L., 474, 475
Scarr, S., 72, 76, 77, 244, 246, Seale, Co 508 Sheps, S. Bo 68 Singer, Jo 490 Smoll, E L., 134
429 Seanah, C. H , 465 Sherman, A. Mo 413 Singer, J. Lo 179 Smotherman, W. P., 88
Schaal, B.» 155 Sears, Ro 248 Sherman, J. Jo 99 Singer, L. X , 95 Smyke, A. T., 398
Schacter, D. L., 222 Sebald, H , 4 1 0 Sherry, So 466 Singer, X , 221, 238 Snarey, J. R., 378
Schaefer, H. R., 426 Sebanc, A. Mo 179 Shiba'ta, EL, 417 Singh, L, 457 Sneed, C. D , 347
Schafer, W. D., 325 Seccomb, Ko 428, 429 Shield, Ro 508 Singh, Ko 279 Snider, J. B., 427
Schaffer, D. M., 99 Secher, N. Jo 93 Shiffrin, R , 200 Singh, So 48, 347 Snidman, No 331
Schaffer, H. R., 392, 395 See, S. Ko 166 Shigematsu, L, 97 Sinkala, M., 97 Snow, C. E., 258, 263
Schaie, K.W.,7, 19, 237-238, Seecher, N. Jo 93 Shigeoka J . W., 140 Sinke, R. J., 474 Snow, T. K., 135
239,260, 309 Seefeldt, X , 436 Shih, Mo 245 Sinnott, J., 189, 190 Snowdon, D. Ao 479,480
Schalock, R. L., 247 Seeley, J. Ro 134 Shihadeh, Ao 102 Sionean, C , 48 Snowling, M. Jo 270
Schanberg, S., 99 Seeman, X E 0 417 Shimamura, A. R, 222 Sipay, E. Ro 271 Snyder, D , 352
Schanberg, S. M.> 156 Segal, N. Lo 69 Shiner, R. L , 297 Sippola, L. Ko 406 Snyder, J., 372
Schank, R. Go 210 Segall, Mo 158 Ship, J. Ao 167 Sirota, L, 391 Snyder, R. D., 506
Scharf, M., 407 Segalowitz, S. J., 116 Shirley, L 0 336 Skakkebaek, N. E., 137 Snyder, X D., 280
Scheering, M. S., 466 SegerJ.Yo 134 Shisslak, C. Mo 128,474 Skakkebaek, N. Mo 374 Sobol, A. Mo 129
Schell, L , 112 Seibert, S. Eo 315 Shneider,
• A. E., 271 Skilling,XAo371,373 Sobolewski, J. M., 445-446
Schery, T. K., 155 Seid, Mo 269 Shneidman, E„ 494 Skinner, B. E, 27, 36-38, 38, Society for Research in Child
Schiaffino, K. Mo 303 Seidell, J., 473 Shoda, Yo 289 40, 49, 50, 200,215, 260 Development, 20
Schiavi, R. C., 137, 348 Seidman, L. Jo 468 Shonk, S. Mo 451 Skinner, M. Lo 410 Sodian, B., 207, 354
Schieffclin, B. B 0 263 Seier, W. So 206 Shore, Co 258, 262 Skinner, M.W., 154 Soederberg, L. M., 217, 260
Schieken, Ro 73 Seifer, Ro 241, 396 Short, E. Jo 468 Skjaerven, R., 93 Soet, J. E., 346
Schiff, Ao 160 Seiffge-Krenke, I., 133, 134, Shortt, J. Wo 372 Skold, Mo 103 Sohlberg, M. M., 260
Schiffman, H. R., 146, 165 410, 476 Showers, C. Jo 325 Skwerer, D. R, 355 Sokol. B. Wo 367
Schiffman, S. So 167, 168 Seigler, R. So 211-212 Shuchter, S. Ro 508 Slaby, R. Go 371, 377 Sokol, R. J., 94
Schindl,Mo 102, 103 Seitamaa, Mo 74 Shue, V. Mo 481 Slade, Lo 355 Sokoloff, Lo 140
Schindler, C , 100 Selby, J. Mo 401 Shuey, Ko 441 Slade, R, 98, 105 Sollie, D. Lo 411
Schippmann, J. So 280 Seleen, D. Ro318 Shukla, D., 188 Slaets, J. R, 306 Solomon, F., 500, 501
Schlagman, No 367 Selikowitz, M , 467, 468 Shulman, Co 462 Slaten, Eo 440 Solomon, J., 394
Schlarb, J 0 495 Selkoe, D. J., 479 Shulman, S 0 329, 440 Slater, A. Mo 146, 148,149, 150 Solomon, S., 485
Schmeelk-Cone, Ko 276 Sellers, M. Jo 396 Shu mway- Co ok, A 139 Slater, C. L , 3 1 3 Solomonica-Levy, D., 462
Schmidt, E Lo 137, 236 Selman, R. L , 357-358, 363 Shurkin, J 0 248 Slaughter, V.} 355, 356-357, Somers, D. G., 440
Schmidt, P. Jo 331 Seltzer, J. A 0 442 Shute, No 470, 471 498,499 Somers-Smith, M.)., 101
Schmitz, So 292 Seltzer, M. IvL, 439, 441 Shweder, Ro 379 Slavin R. Eo 275 Somerville, S. C., 206
Schmohr, M., 439 Selvin, So 99 Shweder, R. Ao 307, 378 Slavkin, M m 341 Sommers, M. S., 260
Schneider, B. Ao 166, 221 Semla, X , 449 Sibulesky, Lo 163 Sliwinski, Mo 9, 139, 238, 480 Somsen, R. J. M., 116
Schneider, B. Ho 400 Semmel, M. L, 275 Siebold, C , 507-508 Sloane, M. E , 164 Son, L K., 203, 213
Schneider, K. C , 108 Senior, Go 139 Siegal, Mo 356, 367 Slobin, D. L, 259 Song, J. Wo 477
Schneider, W , 202, 205, 206, Sen M. Go 327 Siegel, Ko 506 Slomkowski, Co 355, 432 Sonleitner, F. J., 137
207, 208,213,233, 271 Senter, M. So 282 Siegler, I. Co 282,318 Slone, Mo 341 Sonnega, J., 502-503, 506
Schnitzer, P. Go 100 Senter, R 0 282 Siegler, R. So 173 Slora, E. J., 131 Sorell, G. X , 411
Scholl, B. Jo 355 Serbin, L. A 0 327, 328,338, Sieving, R. E., 347 Slotkin, T. A 0 93 Sorensen, A. B., 4, 477
Scholmerich, Ao 391 342 Sigelman, C. K., 329 Slusarcick, A. Lo 280 Sorensen, L. C., 101
Schonert-ReicW, K. Ao 473 Seroczynski, A. D., 298 Sigman, M 0 396, 460, 461 Slutske, W. So 346 Sorensen, S., 416,441
Schonfeld, D. Jo 499 Sersen, E..A., 247 Signorella, M. L , 328, 335, Smagorinsky, R, 193 Soriano, F. I., 374
Schooler, C , 218, 316 Sesack, S. Ro 117 338 Smailes, Ko 472 Sorri, A., 74
Schott, J. Mo 119 Seta, Co 342 Sigmundson, H. Ko 332 Small, B. Jo 222 Sosik, J. J., 316
Schottenfeld, R., 95 Sethna, B. W , 248 Silberg, J. Lo 73, 137 Small, G. W , 481 Sostek, A. M., 23
Schreiner-Engel, P., 137, 348 Settersten, R. Ao 4 Silva, P. Ao 133,373,440,472 Small, So 472 Souder, E., 481
Schrepferman, L., 372 Sexton, Go 479 Silver, R. Q , 503, 504, 505 Small, S. Go 271 Soussignan, R., 155
Schreuder, R, 93 Shaffer, D , 470, 476 Silverberg, S. B., 410, 437 Smallish, L , 467 Span, R, 438
Schriener, Co 271 Shaffer, D. Ro 341, 368 Silverman, A. Bo 473 Smarsh, B 0 185 Spangler, S., 396
Schroeder, C. S 0 343 Shaffer, L , 410 Silverman, L, 324 Smart, Do 294, 296, 297, 429 Sparling, P. B., 135
Schubel, E. Ao 468 Shah, R, 325 Silverman, L W , 360, 380 Smart, J. L , 116, 220 Sparrow, S. S., 229
Schubert, C. M., 131 Shallop, J. Ko 166 Silverman, L., 248 Smeeth, Lo 162 Spear, L., 117
Schucngel, C 0 394 Sham, R, 79 Silverman, L. K 0 248 Smetana, J. G., 367, 433 Spearman, C., 227
Schuienberg, J. E., 279 Shanahan, M,, 4 Silverman, P. R 0 499, 500, 501, Smith, A. Do 122,216,217,219 Speece, D. L , 270
Schuller, X , 282 Shanahan, M. Jo 279, 280 502, 504, 507, 508 Smith, Bo 154 Speece, M. W , 498
Schultz, P. Go 490 Shannon, Eo 147 Silverman, W. R, 247 Smith, C. Ao 373 Speisman, J. C., 440
Schultz, Ro 442, 503 Shapiro, E. Ro 502 Silverstein, Mo 416, 435 Smith, C. L , 369 Spelke, E. S., 145, 150, 151, 396
Schultz, R. To 460, 463 Shapiro, Ho 124 Simcock, G 0 209 Smith, E. Go 150 Spence, J.T.,281,340, 341
Schulz, Ro 133, 477, 494, 495 Shapiro, J. Ro 390 Simion, E, 147 Smith, G. Eo 216 Spence, M., 95,96
Schumperl, Jo 481 Shapshak, R, 508 Simkin, L 0 347 Smith, Jo 218, 222, 223, 240, Spence, M. J., 153
Schunn, C. IX, 214 Sharabany, Ro 407, 408 Simmons, A. Do 474 519 Spencer, M. B., 302
Spencer, P. E., 265 Stevenson, H. VV., 269, Susser, E., 74 Teti, D. Mo 431 Treiman, R., 269, 270, 271
Sperling, M. B., 407 278-279, 391 Susser, M., 99 Thai, D. J., 258 Treisman, E. Mo 275
Spiker, D., 108 Stevenson, J., 270 Sussman, E. Jo 134, 152 Thapar, A., 459, 468, 475 Tremblay, M. S., 128
Spilby, H., 98, 105 Stevenson, M. R., 333 Sutton, P. a , 103 Tharinger, D., 344 Tremblay, R. E., 374, 376
Spilich, G., 214 Steverink, N., 306 Sutton-Brown, M./68 Thase, M. E., 478 Trempel, R. E., 164
Spinath, R M., 72, 241,311 Stewart, A. J., 303 Suwanlert, S., 458 Thearle,Jo 104, 504 Trevethan, S. IX, 371
Spindler, A., 374 Stewart, R. B., 432 Svanborg, A., 348 Theilmann, J., 68 Triandis, H. C , 307
Spirduso, W. VV., 139, 140 Stewart, S. A., 490 Svartengren, M., 74 Thelen, E., 125,126 Trickett, P. K., 344
Spirito, A., 122 Stifter, C , 396 Svedberg, P., 480 Thelen, M. FL, 474 Trinke, S. J., 449
Spitz, R. A., 466 Stigler, J. R,, 279 Svedin, C.> 343 Theodore, R. F., 76, 296 Troll, L , 416, 424, 443
Spitze, Go 438 StiglerJ.W., 269, 391 Swank, P. R., 242 Thiede, K.W.,213 Tronick, E. Z., 391
Spokane, A. R., 305 Stillion, J. M., 486 Swann, VV. B., 289 Thivierge, L, 293 Troop-Gordon, W., 406
Spraggins, R. E., 439 Still on, ]. M., 508 Swanson, H. A., 165 Thoma, S., 376 Trotter, K. IL, 325
Sprang, G., 503 Stine, E. A., 260 Swanson, H. L , 206, 219 Thoman, E. B., 121 Trover, L., 269, 427
Springen, K., 91, 381 Stine-Marrow, E. A. L., 217 Swanson, K., 396 Thomas, A., 292-294 Trudeau, E. B., 107
Springer, S., 115, 11.6 Stinger, J. S., 97 Swarr, A. Eo 133 Thomas, C. VV., 293 True, M. M., 396
Squire, L. R., 201 Stipek, D. J., 266, 267, 268, Switzer, F. So 280 Thomas, R, 133 Trueheart, C., 489
Squires, S., 7 275-276, 294,357 Sy, S. Ro 279 Thomas, J., 279 Truss, C. V., 281
Sroufe, L. A., 329, 390, 392, Stirling, So 162 Symons, D. K., 355 Thomas, J.M.,-291,406 Tryon, R. C., 68, 69
393, 400,401,449, 453, Stith, S. Mo 449 Szalacha, L., 315 _ Thomas, J. R., 129, 130, 139 Trzesniewski, K. IL, 298, 305,
457, 468 Stoddart, T., 329 Szinovacz, M. E., 317, 439 Thomas, K. M., 116, 117 325
St. George, D., 448 Stolberg, U., 393 Szkrybalo, J., 337 Thomas, K. T., 130, 139 Tucker, B. R, 155
St. George, I. M., 133 Stone, E. J., 129 Thomas, R, 97 Tucker, M. L., 478
Staddon, J. E. R., 38 Stone, K., 162 T Thomas, To 500 Tucker, P., 332
Stager, C. L., 156 Stone, M. R., 409 Tabcredy, C. M., 506 Thompson, A. M., 116 Tuckett, A., 282
Staidomger, U.M., 218 Stone, Ro 100 Taddio, A., 156 Thompson, J. R., 257 Tuckman, B. W., 128
Stallings, M., 71 Stoner, G., 467, 468, 469 Taeschner, T., 262 Thompson, L., 194, 261, 478, Tuer, Mo 436
Stambrook, M , 498 Stones, Mo 140 Tafarodi, R. Wo 307 503 Tuholski, S. Wo 219
Stams, G. J., 401 Stones, M. J., 442 Taft, L. B., 314 Thompson, P. M., 116 Tulloch, Ao 162
Stanley, J. C., 248, 325 Stool miller, M., 69, 410 Tager, I. Bo 128 Thompson, R. A., 290, Tuokko, Ho 442
Stanley-Hagan, M., 448 Storandt, M., 216,479 Tager-Flusberg, Ho 259, 461,462 365-366, 386, 390, 392, Turati, C., 147
Stanovich, K.. E., 186, 269 Story, T., 357 Taintor, Z;, 478 445, 519 Turiel, E., 329, 367
Stanovich, R J., 269 Stoskopf, B. L., 107 Takahashi, K., 396, 412 Thompson, R. E, 66, 115 Tur-Kaspa, I., 85
Stanowicz, L., 263 Stout, J. P., 97 Talbert, G. B., 137 Thomsen, A. H., 500 Turk-Charles, S., 3 1 8 , 4 1 1 , 4 1 8
Starr, B., 347 Stouthamer-Loeber, M., 354 Tallal, P., 271 Thomsen, P. Ho 468 Turkewitz, G., 153
Starr, J. M„ 236 Strange, VV., 152 Tamis-LeMonda, C. S., 425, Thomson, E., 436 Turlcheimer, E., 69, 76, 243
Staska, M., 262 Stranger, C., 291 426, 443 Thonneau, P., 100 Turner, J., 436
State, M. W., 73 Stratton, K„ 93 Tan, M., 116 Thornberry, T. P., 373 Turner, L. Ao 213
Statham, D.J., 346 Straubhaar, S., 158 Tan, R. S., 139 Thorndike, R. L., 234 Turner, R, 104
Stattin, H., 429, 434 Straus, M., 449 Tan, U., 116 Thorne, B., 344, 408 Turner, P. Jo 336
Staudinger, U. M., 3, 9, 222, Strauss, A. L., 494 Tanaka, A., 415 Thorne, C., 97 Turner, R. J., 477
223, 239-240, 375, 518, Strauss, S., 498 Tangney, J. P., 360 361 Thorpe, B., 415 Turner, T. R., 336
519 Strauss, V., 374 Tanner, J. Mo 116, 131,160 Thurm, A. R, 459 Tweed, R. Go 502-503
Staudt, J., 188 Streiner, D. L., 107 Tanzi, R. E., 479, 480 Thurstone, L. L , 227 Tweng, J. Mo 309, 324
Stearns, P. N., 6 Streissguth, A. P., 93, 94 Tardif, T., 355 Thurstone, T. Go 227 Tyler, R. S., 155
Steele, C M., 245 Streri, A., 156 Tardiff, C., 400 Thys-Jacobs, So 137 Tyil, M. D., 508
Steen, T. A., 268 Striano, T., 290, 404 Target, Mo 32-33 Tiernari, P., 74 Tyner, S., 490
Steenari, M., 122 Stright, A. D., 341 Tataryn, D., 486 Tierney, Mo 440 Tyre, P., 140
Steffen, V. J., 324-325 Strigini, R, 100 Tatlebaum, R., 98 Tietjen, A. Mo 378 Tyson, J., 108
Steffenburg, S., 464 Strober, M. } 474 Taylor, Ao 451, 459 Tilmont, E. M., 492 Tyson-Rawson, K. J., 501
Steffens, 11 C., 480 Strobino, D. M., 107 Taylor, C. Bo 134 Timmer, E., 313 Tzuriel, D., 229
Stein, A., 14,104 Stroebe, E., 506 Taylor, C. G., 128, 474 Tinbergen, N., 45
Stein, J. Ii., 133 Stroebe, M., 503 Taylor, H. G., 107 Tisak, J., 367 u
Stein, ML R„ 401 Stroebe, M. S., 504 Taylor, J., 507 Tisak, M. So 367 U.S. Agency for International
Stein, R., 491 Stroebe, VV., 503 Taylor, J. H., 377 Tischler, G. L , 477 Development, 488
Stein, Z., 99 Stroud, 1. Ro 93 Taylor, K., 129 Tizard, B., 399 U.S. Census Bureau, 50,423,
Stein, Z. A., 99 Strupp, Bo 99 Taylor, L. A., 359 Tobin, S. So 317 424,442,488
Steinberg, E. P., 85 Stuckey, M. K., 474 Taylor, L. C., 273 Todd, R. D., 461 U.S. Constitution, 363
Steinberg, L., 48, 79, 269, 276, Stuebing, K. K., 271 Taylor, M., 179, 329, 355 Toga, A. W., 116 U.S. Department of Education
279-280, 388,410,426, Stumpf, H., 325 Taylor, M. D., 237 Tokura, H., 256 282
4 2 7 , 4 2 9 , 4 3 0 , 433, 434, Sturla, Eo 333 Taylor, M. R., 487 Tomasello, M., 257, 262, 355, U.S. Department of Health
437,459,460 Styles, I., 234 Taylor, R. K , 244 377,404 and Fluman Services, 448,
Steiner, J. E., 154 Suchindran, Co 346 Taylor, R. L, 422 Tomeo, D. L., 8 449
Stella to, R., 138 Suchowersky, O., 68 Taylor, S. E., 417 Tomkiewicz, S., 244 U.S. Department of Labor,
Stelmach, G. E., 129,130,139 Sudhalter, v!, 259 Teachman, J. D., 424, 443,444, Tomlin, C , 291 326, 398
Stemmler, M., 475, 476 Suess, G., 396 448 Tomlinson-Keasey, C., 248, 375 U.S. Department of
Stemp, P. S., 436 Sugden, D , 134 Tedeschi, R. Go 507 Tompson, M. Co 470,471 Transportation, 164
Stepanian, M. L, 358 Sugden,IC., 451,459 Tees, R. C., 152 Tonascia, J., 108 Uchida, N., 164
Stephan, VV. G., 274 Sugihara, Y., 417 Teeter, P. A., 467 Tonelotto, J 0 156 Uchino, B. N., 418
Stephens, M. A., 441,442 Sugisawa, H., 417 Teicher, M. H., 468 Tonick, I. Jo 342 Udobi, I. L., 85
Stepp, L. S., 499 Suh, K., 372 Tein, J . Y , 446 Torrance, E. P., 250 Udry, J. R., 346
Stern, D., 391 Suitor, J. J., 276 Teixeira, J. M., 99 Toth, S. L., 356,417, 466 Uematsu, S., 115
Stern, M., 332 Sullivan, E. M., 85 Tellegen, Ao 74 Tousignant, M., 2 Uhland, R. L., 282
Sternberg, R. J., 226, 230, 231, Sullivan, H. So 34, 406 Teller, D . Y , 146 Toussaint, K. L., 486 Uhlenberg, P.,416
233, 235, 236, 239, 241, Sullivan, M. VV., 290,291 Temple, E., 271 Townsend, A. L.,441 Umana-Taylor, A. J., 302
244,249,250 Sullivan, P. F., 474 Tenenbaum, H. R., 334 Trabasso, T., 182 Umberson, D., 138, 440, 504,
Sternfeld, B., 138 Sullivan, S., 359 Teno, J. M., 508 Trabucchi, M., 166 506
Sternglanz, S. H., 342 Sumida, E., 436 Teran, L , 40, 51 Tracy, J. L., 298, 325,410 Underwood, A., 481
Stevens, A. B., 221 Sumner, G. S., 64 Terman, L., 248, 249 Trafford, A., 7 Underwood, L. E., 112
Stevens, D. P., 281 Sun, Y , 406 Terry, D. J., 508 Tram, J. M., 298 Unger, J. B., 40, 5)
Stevens, G., 263 Sunderland, T., 478 Terry, Ro 128, 372,405 Traylor, E. S., 502, 506 Ungerer, J. A., 399
Stevens, M., 444 Sundquist, J., 488 Tesch, S., 312 Treas, J., 343 Uniacke, S. IC., 489
Stevens, M. M., 501 Suomi, S.Jo 400-401 Tesla, Co 355 Treblay, M. S., 129 Unsal, A., 116
Stevens, N., 406, 407 Super, C M . , 304, 315 Tesman, J. Ro 389, 390 Treboux, D., 401, 435 Unzner, L., 396
Stevens, R. J., 275 Super, D. E., 304, 315 Testa, Do 94 Treffert, D. Ao 229 Updegraff, K., 334, 433
Urban, J., 329 Vik, T., 93 Wang, Q., 307 Welsh-Bohmer, K. A, 480 Williams, A, F., 164
Urbina, $., 235, 236, 244 Viken, R. J., 134 Wang, X., 271 Wen, L., 296 Williams, J., 71,479, 480
Urofsky, M. L, 485 Villaneueva, L, 272 Wang, Z., 153 Wender, R H., 468 Williams, J. E., 324
Usher, B., 371 Villar, G. P, 85 Ward, C. D., 153 Wenglinsky, H., 272 Williams, J. M., 134
Usher, R. H., 98 Vinen, P. G., 356 Ward, J.W., 97 Wenner, J. A., 204 Williams, J. R., 113
Viner, R., 131 Ward, M. J., 465 Wentz, E., 475 Williams, K., 404
V Vining, E. P.G., 115 Ward, R., 438 Wentzel, K. R., 324, 406 Williams, K. C , 194
Vaden, N. A., 246 Vink, T., 474 Ward, S. A., 1.35 WerkerJ. F., 152, 262 Williams, K. J., 374
Vailiant, G. E., 313 Visser, G., 99 Ward, S. IC, 305 Werner, E., 108 Williams, K. R., 377
Valdez-Menchaca, M. G , 260 Vita, A. J., 128 Wardle, J., 474 Werner, H , 119,519 Williams, L., 344
Vail in, J., 489 Vitaro, R, 409, 410 Ware, J. H., 97 Werner, J.S., 161 Williams, M. E., 479
van Aken, A. G., 311 Vitiello, B., 471 Warin, J., 327, 337 Werner, L. A., 152 Williams, M. M., 309
vanBaal, G. C., 241 Vivian, D., 450 Waring, S. C , 216 Werth, J. L. Jr., 486 Williams, M. R., 117
Van Beveren, T. T., 95, 96 Vobejda, B., 347, 424 Wark, G., 381 Wessels, H., 243 Williams, M. V , 237
Van Broeckhoven, C., 222 Voegeli, T., 100 Wark, G. R., 380 West, E., 43 Williams, P. T., 129
Vance, J. C , 104, 504, 508 Vogel, D. A, 326 Warkentin, V., 291 West, R. F., 186 Williams, So 133
Vance, M. L., 113 Vohr, B., 108 Warner, C. B., 163 West, R. L., 218 Williams, T. M., 137
Vandell, D. L., 388, 401, 439 Volkmar, E R., 460, 461, 463, Warr, P., 315 West, S. G., 446 Williams, V., 302
Van den Bergh, B. R., 99 464 Warren, J. R., 279, 335 Wester veld, M., 108 Williams, W. M., 236, 280
van den Boom, D. C., 294, 417 Vollebergh, W., 301,303 Warren, S. T., 64 • Westhues, A., 266 Willis, S. Lo 7, 223, 239
van den Dikkenberg-Pot, 1., Vondra, J., 449 Warwick, Z. S., 168 Weston, D. R., 401, 425 Willms, J. Do 128, 272
256 Vondracke, F. W.,315 Waskowic, T. D., 506 Wethington, E., 7 Wilmoth, J.,416
van der Ende, J., 467, 472 Vorhees, C. V, 97 Wass, PI., 500, 504 Wetle, T., 508 Wilmoth,J. R., 489
van der Heijden, R G., 378 Vorster, J., 263 Wasserman, A., 406 Wewerka, S. S., 204 Wilson, A. Eo 215, 432
van der Molen, M. W., 116 Voss, K., 296 Wasserman, M. S., 473 Weyandt, C. K., 467, 468 Wilson, Co 244
van der Waals, R, 23 Voyer, D., 324 Wasserman, R. C , 131 Whalen, C. K., 325, 467 Wilson, IX I!, 16
van Elburg, A. A., 474 Voyer, S., 324 Wassertheil-Smoller, S., 502 Whaley, S. E, 93 Wilson, D. Mo 134
van Engeland, I I., 474 Vreeling, R W., 140, 222 Waterman, A. S., 303, 304 Whalley, L. J., 236 Wilson, G. T., 129, 474, 475
van Galen, G. P., 129, 130 Vu on tela, V., 122 Waternaux, C , 97 Wheeler, M. E., 325 Wilson, K. S., 401
Van Giffen, K., 150 Vurpillot, E., 159 Waters, E., 386, 392, 393, 394, Wheelwright, So 462, 463 Wilson, Mo 367
van Goozen, S. Ii.> 474 Vygotsky, L., 27, 44-45, 47, 49, 395,400, 401,435 Whiffen, V. E., 459 Wilson, R.,72, 315
Vanhasselt, V. B., 439 172, 192-196, 229, 255, Waters, J. L., 248 Whipp, B. J., 135 Wilson, So 416
van Ilees, Y., 99 283,512, 520 Watkinson, B., 488 Whipple, E. Eo 450 Wilson, S. J., 376
van I loeken, D., 473 Watson, D., 467 Whishaw, I. Qo 115,118,125, Winberg,)., 155
van Hofsten, C., 126 W Watson, J., 58, 355 126 Winch, Go 341
van Hoof, A., 300, 303 Wachs, T. D., 9, 16, 44, 75, 99, Watson, J. B., 35, 36, 40, 49 Whitbeck, L. B., 428,466 Win die, M., 476
Van Horn, P., 500 100 Watt, 1, M.,314 Whitbourne, S. K., 116, 136, Windle, R. C , 476
van IJzendoorn, M. I I., 271, Wade, T. D.,474 Walters, R., 474 165,312 Wineberg, II., 486
394, 395, 396, 397, 399, Wadworth, M. E., 500 Waxman, S., 181,261,352 White, D., 137 Winfrey, O., 2
401,406,415,417,436, Waechter, E. H., 499 Wayne, A., 273 White, J. A., 481 Wing, R. Ro 137
449, 471 Wagner, S. H., 305 Weathers, K. J., 336 White, J. M., 422, 423 Wingfield, A., 166
van Kleeck, A., 270 Wahlberg, K. E., 74 Webb, J., 356 White, Ko 440 Wingood, G. M., 48
van Klooster, B. J., 116 Wahlsten, D., 45, 46, 47 Weber, R. A., 381 White, L., 424, 438 Wink, P., 341,375
Van laningham, J., 438 Wainryb, C., 367 Weber, W , 468 White, M. E, 164 Winkler, I., 152
van Lieshout, C. E, 297,406 Waisbren, S E., 113 Webster, J.D., 313, 314, 415 White, P. A., 280 Winn, H. No 96
van Os, J., 79 Waite, L. J.,416, 439 Wechsler, D., 228 White, S. Ho 209 Winner, E., 185, 247, 248,250,
Vansant, I., 434 Wakeley, A., 150 Weed, S., 347 Whitebread, D.,212 359
Varady>A., 134 Walberg, H. J., 272, 274 Weeks, J. C , 508 Whitebrook, M., 399 Winsler, A., 195
Varea, C., 137 WaldenJ.G., 139 Weeks, M. O., 324 Whitehead, B. D., 423-424, Winslow, E. B., 432
Varendi, H., 155 Waldenstrom, U., 103 Wehner, J. M., 69 435, 442 Winstanley, M., 436
Vartanian, L R., 188, 324 Waldholz, M., 68 Wei, J. Y., 308 Whitehurst, G. J., 260, 270 Winter, E. M., 136
Vartoukian, R., 211 Waldman, I. D., 244, 246, 373 Weiffenbach, J. M., 167 Whitesell, K. R., 298 Winterich, J. A., 138
Vaughn, B. E., 396, 406 Waldron, M., 75 Weigel-DiFranco, C., 163 Whiteside, L., 108 Wippman, J., 400
Vazonyi, A. T., 427 Waldron, M. C., 447 Weinberg, J., 93 Whiting, B. B., 328 Wisborg, Ko 93, 468
Vedantam, D., 471 Walford, R. L., 489, 492 Weinberg, R. A., 72, 244, 246, Whitlatch, C. J., 441 WTiseman, R. A., 103
Veenstra-Vanderweele, j., 463 Walk, R., 149 490 Whitman, T. L., 436 Wisenbaker, J., 273
Vellas, B., 480 Walkenfeld, E R, 355 Weiner, M., 347 Whitmore, M. R., 137 Wisneiwski, K. E., 247
Vellution, F. R., 271 Walker, D. K., 107 Weiner, M. E, 481 Whitney, M. P., 121 Wisniewski, S. R., 442
Veiling, D. M., 476 Walker, L J., 371, 375, 376, Weinert, F. E., 233, 238, 239 Whyte, E. M., 481 Witt, So 341
Venkalachalam, S., 490 377, 378, 381 Weinfield, N. S., 392, 401 Whyte, P., 68 Wlodkowski, R. J., 281
Venter, J. C., 58 Walker-Andrews, A. S., 156, Weingartner, H., 218 Wible, C , 217 Wolchik, S. A., 446, 447
Ventura, S., 107 157 Weinraub, M., 327, 392 Wickens, A. P., 489, 490, 491, Wolf, D., 250
Verbrugge, R„ 152 Wall, S., 103,386, 392 Weinrott, M., 377 492 Wolf, R. So 449
Verdery, R., 489, 492 Wallace, C. S., 115 Weisberg, P., 41 Widaman, K. F., 437 Wolfe, J., 508
Verghese, J., 9, 480 Wallace, I., 107 Weisfeld, G. E., 409-410 Wideroe, M., 93 Wolfe, Ro 477
Verhaar, H. J. J., 136 Wallace, I. F., 108, 232 Weisner, T. S., 433 Widmayer, $., 452 Wolff, P. FI., 391
Verhaeghen, P., 3, 221 Wallace, P. S., 125, 126 Weiss, B., 469, 470, 471 Widmer, E. D., 343 Wolfner, G. D., 449, 450
Verbu 1st, F. C., 467, 472 Wallace, R. B., 139 Weiss, G., 468 Wiehe, V. R., 449,452 Wolfsen, C , 481
Verma, S., 279 Wallander, J. L , 468 Weiss, L., 446 Wicland, D., 481 Wolfson, A. R., 122-123
Vermeulen, A., 139 Wallberg, H. J., 272 Weiss, IVL, 291 Wiesel, T., 115 Women's Health Imitative,
Vermund, S. H., 97 Wallen, IC, 331 Weiss, M. G., 160 Wigfield, A , 268, 276, 296, 138
Vernon, P. A., 74-75 Waller, G., 475 - Weiss, R., 58 298 Wong, C. A , 302
Veroff, J., 281 Wallerstein, J. S., 447 Weiss, R. S., 495, 503 Wiggins, S., 68 Wong, P. T., 282, 314
Verquer, M. L., 305 Wallman, L. M.,317 Weissbluth, M., 122 Wikan, U., 505 Wong, X., 404
Verrillo, R. T., 168 Walls, R. T., 222, 304 Weissman, M. M., 477 Wilbur, J., 138 Wong-Kim, E., 138
Verrillo, V., 168 Walsh, C., 361 Weisz, J., 397, 471 Wilcock, A., 103 Wood, A., 113
Verschueren, K., 295 Walsh, C. E., 79 Weisz, J. R., 458 Wilcox, So 135, 502 Wood, Eo 327
Vesterdal, W. J., 241 Walsh, P. V., 342 Weizman, A. O., 258 Wildes, J. Eo 474 Wood, J. So 140
Vicary, J. R., 346 Walster, E., 416 Welch, L. C., 508 Wiley, R. L., 164 Wood, P. K., 189
Victor, J. B., 296 Walster, G., 416 Weller, A., 391 Wilkner, K., 155 Wood, R. C , 139
Vidali, A., 85 Walters, L. I I., 187 Weller, E. B., 500 Wilks, J., 410 Woodfield, Ro 288
Videka-Sherman, L., 509 Wancata, J., 478 Weller, R. A., 500 Will, A. Lo 247 Woodhill, B. M., 341
Vietze, P. M., 23, 266 Wandrei, M. L., 187 Wellman, H. M., 151, 205, 206, Willats, P., 204 Woods, R.P., 116
Vihman, M. M , 256 Wang, J. J., 162 354-355,356 Wilier man, L., 241 Woodward, A. L., 256, 257
Vijayan, S., 261 Wang, M. C., 272 Wells, P. A., 439 Williams, A., 503 Woodward, L., 48, 407, 410
Woodworth, G. G.y 155
Woolacott, M., 139
Wynn, K 0 150
Wynne, L. Co 74
Yarrow, M. R., 140
Yashin, A. L, 74
z Zhang, So 503
Zack, M. M., 161 Zheng, W L , 508
Worchel, R R, 499 Ye, H. Ho 153
Zahn-Waxler, C., 10, 28, 49, Zick, C. Do 443, 502
Worden, J. W., 500, 501, 507 X Yeates, Ko 242, 357-358
365, 366,371,374 Ziegler, M., 506
Worfolk, J. B., 168 Xia, Ho 476 Yeatts, D. E., 486 *
Zaia, A. E, 406 Zigler, E., 245, 246, 247, 276,
Wo r ma Id, R. R, 162 Xie, X., 153 Yeh, Ho 433
Zaiac, R., 211 ' 296,449,476
Worthen, L. T., 486 Yendovitskaya, T. V., 159 Zajonc, R. B., 243 Zimmer-Gem beck, M. Jo 409
Wortman, C. B, 502-503, 504,
506
Y Yirmiya, No 462 Zander, L., 101 Zimmerman, M. Ao 276
Yaegcr, Jo 196 Yonas, A., 148, 155 Zaporozhets, A. V., 159 Zimmerman, R 0 394
Woynarowska, B., 131 Yaffe, K., 128 Yoon, K. So 268, 276 Zappitelli, M., 358 Zimprich, Do 238
Wright, G., 465 Yaggi, K. Eo 432 York, Co 502, 506 Zarit, S. EL, 238, 441 Zisoolc, So 508
Wright, J., 154 Youn, G. Yo 441
Yamaguchi, S 0 307 Zaslow, Mo 23, 402 Zmuda, M. Do 478
Wright, J. C , 129 Young, Ro 229
Yamazaki, S. K 0 8 Zeanah, C. Ho 396, 398, 465, Zonderman, A. B., 218
Wright, K., 92 -Young, S. No 154
Yan, Bo 189 466 Zucherman, B., 93
Wright, M , 217 Young, W. Co 331
Yan, J. Ho 129, 130, 139 Zelazo, D., 176 Zucker, A. N., 303
Wright, V., 372 Youngbladc, L. M., 355
Yancy, S., 347 Zelazo, P. D., 367 Zucker, K. Jo 344
Wrosch, C., 477 Youngman, L., 99-100
Yang, B., 305 Z e m e l , B o 118 Zuckerberg, Ao 115
Wu, C. Y., 139 Youngs, P., 273
Yang, C. M o 498 Zcntall, S. Ro 48, 271 Zullig, Mo 100
Wu, T., 131 Youniss, Jo 303
Yang, Y. H., 67 Zhang, Ao 107 Zunzunegui, M. V., 418
Wyatt, K. M., 137 Yu, Eo 490
Yanowitz, IC. L., 336 Zhang, Ko 153 Zuo, Yo 93
Wyly, M. V., 121 Yu, T. Jo 139
Yardley, L., 442 Zhang, Lo 190 Zuroff, D. Co 434
Wymbs, B., 467, 468 Yussen, S. R., 207
Yarrow, L. J., 266 Zhang, M. L.,481 Zweig, J. Mo 346
Yuzda, E., 463
SuJbiect Index
A obesity, 129 mid-life generativity, 313 knowledge base, 218 Apolipoprotein E, 71

Abecedarian Project, 266 parents' attachments, 407 moral development, learning and, 216-217 Artificial insemination, 85
Ability grouping, 272 parents' influence, 375-378, 380-381 memory and, 215-222 Artificial tasks, 217
Absolutism, 190 410-411,433-434 perception decline, memory tasks, 218 ARTs. See Assisted reproduc-
Abstract thinking, 183 peer pressure, 276 160-168 menopause onset, 137 tion technologies
Abuse. See Sexual abuse perception, 160 personality, 305-316 metamemory, 218-219 Asians
Acceptance, 494 personal fable, 187-188 personality ranking, 308 motor skills, 139 aging parents, 441
Accommodation, 173 personality, 297-305 physical behavior, 139-140 nature/nurture, 491 math skills, 278-279
Achievement motivation physical behavior, 134-135 psychopathology, 477-482 nervous system, 140 metamemory, 219
adolescents, 274-280 pregnancy, 33, 35, 40, 48, relativism, 190 parents, 441-442 peer pressure, 276
adults, 281-282 50-51 self-esteem, 305-307 personality and, 317-318 reading skills, 274-275
children, 267-269 problem solving, 183-184 sensation decline, 160-168 physical changes, 135-136 science skills, 278-279
self-esteem and, 299 progress/mastery, 184-186 sexuality, 347-349 physical impact, 139-140 self-conception and, 307
Acquired immunodeficiency psychopathology, 472-477 single, 423 pregnancy and, 98-100 ASL. See American sign lan-
syndrome, 97 pubertal changes, 276-277 sleep deprived, 122-123 problem solving and, guage
Active genes, 76 relativism, 190 social cognition, 358-359 222-223 Asperger syndrome, 461
Activity risk taking by, 117 social networks, 411,413 programmed theories of, Assimilation, 173
infants, 291-292 science ability, 186, structural changes, 489-4-90 Assisted reproduction tech-
passivity, assumptions, 29 277-279 135-136 psychological aspects, nologies, 85
theory, 317-318 self-conceptions, 297-298 taste decline, 167-168 136-137 Assisted suicide, 486
Adaptation self-esteem, 298, 300 vision decline, 161-164 recall, 218 Asymmetry. See Lateralization
definition, 173 sensation, 160 visual search, 163-164 self-esteem and, 305-306 Athletes, 128
genetic, 56-57 sexuality, 344-347 vocation al development, self-perceptions, 308-309 Attachment
organization and, 1/3 sexual maturation, 315-317 sensory changes, 220-22.1 adolescents, 407-411
ADHD. See Attention deficit 131-133 Affect. See Emotions sexual activity, 348-349 adults, 411-418
hyperactivity disorder sleep deprived, 123 African Americans sleep deprivation, 123 avoidant, 394
Adler, Alfred, 34 social networks, 408-409 aging parents, 441 slowing, 491 caregiver's, 391-392
Adolescents stress of, 11, 473 IQ test bias, 245-246 smell, sense of, 167-168 children, 402-406
absolutism, 190 therapy, challenges, peer pressure, 276 social cognition, 358-359 contextual aspects,
abstract thinking, 183 470-471 reading skills, 274-275 stereotypes, 308-309 396-397
achievement decline, 276 violence, 376 siclde-cell disease, 63 taste, sense of, 167-168 disorganized-disoriented,
achievement motivation, vocational identity, Age theories of, 489-490 394
275-280 304-305 grades, 4 timed tasks, 217 implications, 387. 397
anorexia nervosa, 473-475 Adolescents' suicides, 475-477 groups, 3 - 4 trends, 517-518 nature/nurture, 386-387
antisocial, 371 Adoption studies, 69 language and, 268 unexercised skills, 217 Parkes/Bowlby model,
attachments, 407-411 Adult Attachment Interview, norms, 4, 458 unfamiliar content, 217 495-497
autonomy, 433-434 414 Ageism, 136 viability, 89 play and, 403-404
creativity in, 249-250 Adult Intelligence Scale, 237 Agency, 324 wisdom potential, 239-240 quality of, 392, 394
dating, 409-410 Adults. See also Aging Aggression work attitudes, 316-317 resistant, 394, 395
death, 500-501 absolutism, 190 in children, 12-17 working memory, 219 styles, 413-415, 436
depression, 475-477 achievement motivation, cultural differences, 5-6, 8 Agreeableness, 288 theory,/7 386
development rate, 281-282 gender differences, 5, 324 AIDS. See Acquired immuno- Attention
131-132 appearance changes, testosterone and, 331 deficiency syndrome development, 159
development trends, 514 135-136 Aging. See also Adults Alcohol abuse, 93-95, 140 joint, 256-257
early development, 134 attachment, 411-418 artificial tasks, 217 Alphabetic principle, 269-270 selective, 159
education, 275-276 autobiographical memory, associated disease, 140 Alzheimer's disease spans, 159
endocrine glands, 113 215 attachment styles, 415 apoE4 gene, 71 systematic, 159
in family system, 433-434 cognitive impairment, basic processing, 219-220 causes, 479-480 Attention deficit hyperactivity
lb r m al - operation al 481-482 brain, 116-118 characterization, 479 disorder
thought, 186-188 creativity, 249-250 cognition and, 190-191 American sign language, 263, causes, 468
friendship, 407-408 development trends, 514, damage theories of, 264-265 characterization, 467
gender roles, 329 516-517 490-491 Amniocentesis, 66 developmental course,
growth, 130-131 early conflicts, 312-313 dementia, 478-479 Amnion, 86 467-468
historical context, 6 - 7 education, 281-282 depression and, 478 Androgenized females, 331 treatment, 468-469
hypothetical thinking, 183 endocrine glands, 113 diversity in, 519-520 Androgyny, 339-341 Attitudes, 342
identity, sense of, 300-301 expertise development, driving and, 164-165 Anger, 492-493, 495-496 Authoritarian parenting, 426
identity crisis, 34 214-215 effects, in longitudinal Anorexia nervosa Authoritative parenting, 426
identity formation, 303 in family system, 435-443 studies, 19 bulimia vs., 473-474 Authority, 362
imaginary audience, friendships, 416 effects, in research design, causes, 474-475 Autism
187-188 gender roles, 338-341 17 characterization, 473 case study, 460
intuitive reasoning, 186 hearing decline, 164-167 family relations, 439-442 treatment, 475 causes, 461-464
IQs, 234-235 historical context, 6 - 7 gender changes, 340-341 Anoxia, 101 executive dysfunction,
late development, 134 intimacy, 312-313 health aspects, 136 Antioxidants, 491 461-462
mathematics and, 277-279 IQs, 234-235, 236-240 individual differences, Anxiety identification, 460-461
memory, 213 life structure, 314 139-140 defense against, 31 male brain and, 462-464
morality, 370-375 memory, 214-223 integrity and, 313-314 pregnancy and, 99 outcomes, 464
muscles development, 131 mid-life crisis, 314-315 IQ and, 237-240 stranger, 393-394 theory-of-mind, 461-462
SI-l
Autism (continued) Birth order, 243, 289 depression, 469-471 language and, 260 Cooperative learning, 275
treatment, 464 Blastocyst, 86 friendship, 406 mild impairment, 217 Coordination, infant, 125-126
weak central coherence, Blood sampling, 67 gender roles, 327-329 moral development, Correlational method, 15-17
462-463 Blood types, 56 hearing impaired, 157-158 361-363 Correlation coefficient, 15
Autobiographical memory, Bobo doll experiment, 39 historical context, 6 personality, 290 Counting, infant, 150
209-210,215 Bodily-kinesthetic intelligence, imaginary companions, teen achievement, 276 CR. See Conditioned response
Autonomy 228 178-183 Cohabitation, 442-443 Crawling, 124-125
doubt vs., 312 Bones, 119, 135 intellectual development, Cohort effects Creativity
shame vs., 312 Brain 172-173, 178-183 in cross-sectional studies, in adolescence, 249-250
teen, 433-134 aging, 116-118 IQs, 233 18 in adulthood, 250-251
Avoidant attachment, 394 Alzheimer's, 479 language development, in longitudinal studies, 19 childhood, 249-250
chemicals, 114, 117 267-274 in research design, 17 definition, 249
B
IT'S
death, 485 latchkey, 443 Collectivist culture, 307 genetic influences,
Babbling, 41, 256 degeneration, 116-118 limiting, 104 Color vision, 146 249-250
Babinski reflexes, 119, 121 development, 115-116 memory, 205-212 Commitment, 300 intelligence vs., 249
Baby biographies, 10 early experience on, metamemory, 207-208 Communality, 324 measures of, 249
Baby-sitters, 393 157-158 moral development, Compensation, 31.6 waning, 251
Balance, 139 fetal development, 89-90 366-370 Compensatory education, 235 Cross-modal perception,
Bandura, Albert. See also Social hemispheres, 115 parent attachments, Complex tasks, 163-164 156-157
cognitive theory lateralization, 115-116 403-405 " Conception, 84—85 Cross-sectional design, 17-18
on morality, 363-364 male, autism and, 462—464 parents, family system, Concordance rates, 69 Crowds, 408-409
teen pregnancy, 40-41 plasticity, 115, 118 426-433 Concrete operations stage Crystallized intelligence, 227
theories, 39-41 processing, 115 personality, 294-297 conservation, 182 CS. See Conditioned stimulus
Bargaining, 493 speech areas, 261 physical behavior, 128-130 description, 43 * Culture
Bayley scales, 125 women's, 324 preoperational stage, preoperational vs., 182 aggression and, 5-6, 8
Behavior Branching, 114 178-179 Conditioned response, 36 aging parents and, 441
antisocial, 371 Brazelton neonatal behavioral preschool, 181-182,513 Conditioned stimulus, 36 autonomy, 434
evolutionary roots, 45 assessment scale, 105-106 preschool intervention, Conditioning, classical. See bereavement, 495
exploratory, 158, 392 Breast-feeding, 1.55-156 234-235 Classical conditioning in childbirth, 103-105
gender and, 342 Breech presentation, 101 progeria, 490 Conditioning, operant. See collectivist, 307
gender-typed, 328-329 Breeding, 68-69 psychopathology, 466-473 Operant Conditioning development and, 520
genetic basis, 47 B roc as area, 261 psychosocial stages, 34-35 Confidentiality, 21 DSM-IV and, 456
morality, 360, 368 Bulimia nervosa, 473-474 punishment, 37-38 Conflict, psychosocial, 34 familial retardation,
newborn, 121 Burton, Linda, 4-5 reaction time, 130 Conscience, 363 246-247
observations, 12-13 Bushy dendrites, 114 rule understanding, 367 Conscientiousness, 288 gender norms, 324
c/7 **
physical (See Physical be- s school age, 513-514 Conservation individualistic, 307
havior) scripts, 210-211 concrete operations stage, IQ and, 244
prosocial, 360, 366 Calment, Jeanne Louise, 489 self-esteem, 295-296 182 math skills and, 277-278
repetitive, 461 Caloric restriction, 492 sense of humor, 185 lack of, 179, 181 menopause, 138
sexual, 343-344, 346-347 Cardiovascular system, 139 sexual abuse, 344 tests, 180 Theory of mind develop-
stereotypes, 461 Caregiver burden, 441-442 sexuality, 342-344 Constraint-seeking questions, ment and,356-357
Behavioral genetics Caregiver roles, 34 siblings and, 430-433 222-223 morality and, 374, 379
controversies, 79-80 Cataracts, 161 sleep deprived, 122-123 Constructivism neonatal, 105-106
correlations, 76-77 Cells social cognition, 352-357 adolescents, 183-188 perception, 158-159
definition, 68 embryonic, 86 social networks, 403-405 adults, 188-191 perinatal, 103-105
estimating influences, environment, 46 steady growth of, 127 aging and, 190-191 science skills and, 277-278
69-70 glial, 88 therapy, challenges, children, 178-183 self-conception and, 307
evolution and, 57 meiosis, 58 470-471 concrete operations stage, sensation, 158-159
examples, 76 migration, 88 Chorion, 86 182 thought and, 192-193
individual differences, mitosis, 58 Chorionic villus sampling, 67 conservation, 179,181 CVS. See Chorionic villus sam-
71-75 proliferation, 88 Chromosomes contextual-systems, 45-49 pling
IQ and, 71-72 sperm, 59 abnormalities, 63-64, 66 * definition, 3 Cystic fibrosis, 65
measures, 77-78 Centration, 179 characterization, 57 description, 41-42
psychological disorders, Cephalocaudal principles, 118, death and, 489 egocentrism, 181 D
' 73-74 127 four, 489 formal operations stage, Damage theories of aging,
temperament and, 72-73 Cerebral palsy, 101 gender and,330 183-188 490-491
twin studies, 69 Cervix, 101 karyotypes, 60 humor and, 185 D a rk a da p ta l ion ,161
Behavioral inhibition, 292 Cesarean sections, 102-103 pairs, 58 infants, 174-178 Darwin, Charles, 10
Belief Childbirth. See also Pregnancy X, 60, 62 intelligence, 172-174 Data collection, 12
assumptions, 28 anoxia, 101 XO, 64 object permanence, Data support, 27
desire psychologies, cultural factors, 103-105 Y, 60, 62, 113 175-177 Dating, 409-410
354-355 del iver y co m pi i catio n s, Classical conditioning, 36 sensorimotor state, 174-175 Day care, 398-399
false, 353 101-103 Classification difficulties, stages, 42-43, 173-174 Deafness. See Hearing
Bereavement depression and, 104-105 181-182 strengths, 43-44 impairment
child, 500 father's experience, 105 Class inclusion, 181 symbols and, 177 Death
cultural aspects, 495 medications, 103 • Clinton, Bill, 2 weaknesses, 43-44 adolescent, 500-501
definition, 495 mother's experience, Cliques, 408-409 Contextual subtheory, 230-231 bereavement, 495-497
development, 507 103-105 Cocaine, 95-96 Contextual-system theories biological definitions,
easing pain of, 508-509 process, 101 Cochlear implants, 154-155 evolutionary-epigenetic 485-487
grief work, 504-506 Child-directed speech, 262 Coercive environments, systems, 45-47 causes, 488-489
models, 495-497 Child effects model, 429 372-373, 377 founders, 27 characterization, 485
support groups, 508-509 Children Cognition memory and, 221-222 child, 499-500, 503-504
support/stressors, 506-507 abused, 448-453 definition, 172 perspective, 49-50 child's concept, 498-499
Beta-amyloid, 479 ADHD, 467—469 improvement, 193-194 sociocultural, 44-45 coping, 506-507
Bias, 244 aggression, 12-17 morality of, 360 strengths, 47-48 delaying, 492
Big-fish-little-pond effect, 299 attachments, 402-406 social. See Theory of mind weaknesses, 47-48 easing pain of, 507-509
Big five personality dimensions attention development, Cognitive development theo- Continuing education, 282 experience of, 491-495
age-group differences, 297 159 ries. See also Continuity family context, 502-504
description, 288-289 cognitive process, 130 Constructivism; assumptions, 29 grief work, 504-506
longitudinal studies, 310 conservation, lack of, 179, Sociocultural theories behavior and, 472 hastening, 486
mapping, 297 181 children, 130 discontinuity, 519 infants, 497
universality, 310 creativity in, 249-250 founders, 27 Contraception, 48 nature of, 506
Biochemical environment, 46 deaf, 264-265 gender role, 336-338 Contract, morality of, 362 parent, 504
Bioecological model, 44 death, concept of, 498-499 identity formation, 303 Contrast reinforcement, 37-38 personal resources,
Biosocial theory, 330-333 death of, 499-500, information processing Convergent thinking, 249 506-507
Birth. See Childbirth 503-504 and, 205-206 Cooing, 256 social meaning, 487-488
spouse, 502-503 Discontinuity Emotions child-rearing, 437 Functional grammar, 258
stages, 492-493 assumptions, 29 early relationships, 389 children in, 426-433 I<uzzy-1race theory, 210
theories of, 489-490 behavior and, 472 infants, 291-292 coercive environments,
total brain, 485 continuity, 519 morality of, 359-360 372-373 G
Debriefing, 21 Discrimination of patterns, pregnancy and, 99 death in, 502-504 Gardner's theory of multiple
Deceleration, 179 147-148 primary, 389-390 divorcing, 444-448 intelligence, 227-230
D eco n tex tual i ze d 1 a n gu a ge, Disengagement theory, regulation, 390-391 dual-career, 443 Gay men. See Homosexuality
259-260 317-318 in relationships, 412 empty nest, 437-438 Gender
Defense mechanism, 31 Disorganization, 496 Empathy, 360 establishing, 435 consistency, 336-337
Deficiency, 206-207, 297 Disuse, 140 Empiricists, 144 extended household, 422 curriculum, 334
Delirium, 481 Divergent thinking, 249 Empty nest, 437-438 gay, 444 typing process, 339
Demanding-control, 426 Divorce Encoding information, 201 grandparents in, 438-439 Gender differences
Dementia, 4 7 8 - 4 7 9 , 4 8 1 adjustments, 446-447 Endocrine system, 112-113 infants in, 425-426 age-associated illness, 140
Denial, 492-493 aftereffects, 445-448 English as second language, 263 life cycle, 423 aggression, 5 - 6
Den rites, bushy, 114 impact, 444-445 Environment models of influence, career goals and, 315
Dependent variables, 14 remarriage and, 448 attachment and, 396-397 429-430 depression, 477-478
Depression DNA, 57, 71 cells, 46 modified extended, 440 identifying, 324-326
adolescents, 475-477 Dole, Robert, 2 coercive, 372-373, 377 new baby, 431 -432, observations, 324
age factors, 477-478 Dominance, 61-62 definition, 5 435-436 sexual maturation,
children, 469-471 Dosage, 91 gene interactions {See nuclear, 422 131-132
death stage, 493 Double standard, 346 Behavioral genetics) puberty and, 133 socialization, 134-135
diagnostic criteria, 456 Doubt, autonomy vs., 312 genetic influence, 56 reconstituted, 448 Gender roles. See also Sex-
gender differences, 477-478 Doula, 101 growth and, 112 relationship changes, adolescent, 329
infants, 464-466 Down syndrome influence rates, 69-70 439-442 adult, 338-341
postnatal, 104-105 characterization, 63-64 IQ and, 241-243, 246 single parent, 424 attitudes, 342
stage of dying, 493-494 deterioration, 247 neonatal, 105-109 singles in, 442-446 behavior, 342
Depth perception, 148-149 genetic factors, 246 perinatal, 101-105 size, IQ and, 243 biosocial theory, 330-333
Descartes, Rene, 144 Drop-offs, 149 postnatal, 108-109 system theory, 422-424 changes, 338-339
Desire psychologies, 354-355 Drugs poverty fit, 277 teen achievement, 276 children, 327-329
Despair, 313, 496 abuse, 140 prenatal (See Prenatal en- Family violence cognitive theories,
Details, perceiving, 146 birthing, 103 vironment) abused, 450 " 336-338
Determinism, reciprocal, 40 prenatal environment and, role in learning, 49 abuser, 449-450 early learning, 327
Development. See also Specific 91-96 selective breeding and, causes, 449-450 impact, 323-324
domains DSM-IV, 456-457 68-69 combating, 376 infants, 326-327
context, 9 Dual-career families, 443 twin studies and, 69 context, 450 norms, 323
continuity in, 519 Dynamic systems approach, Epigenetic process, 46 effects of, 450-451 physical aspects, 323
control over, 520 126-127 Epistemology, 172 impact, 448-449 psychoanalytic theory, 333
cultural context, 520 Dyslexia, 271 ' Erikson, Erik. See also intervention, 452 role attitudes, 303
definition, 2 Psychosocial theories FAS. See Fetal alcohol syndrome social learning theory,
discontinuity in, 519 E life-span changes, 311-314 Faust, 251 333-336
diversity of, 519-520 Easy temperament, 292-293, teen pregnancy, 35 Fears, attachment-related, 392 stereotypes and, 324
domains, 2 296 theories, 34—35 Fears, drop-offs, 149 theory integration, 338
ecological context, 21-23 Eating disorders. See Anorexia Estrogen, 113, 137 Feedback. See Negative feedback Gender schema theory,
individuality of, 519-520 nervosa Ethics, 20-21 Femininity, 339-340 337-338
influences, 9 - 1 0 Echolalia, 461 Ethnicity. See also specific Fetal alcohol syndrome, 93 Gender stability, 336
learning theorists, 9 - 1 0 Ecological model, 22-23 groups Fetus Gender typing, 323-324
as life process, 520 Education aging parents care, 441 development, 87-90 Gene-environment correla-
major themes, 518-521 ability grouping, 272 death, views of, 487-488 differences in, 90 tions, 76-77
major trends, 512-517 adult, 281-282^ identity development, 302 disease and, 96-97 Gene-environment interac-
multidirectonal aspects, 9 compensatory, 235 IQ and, 244 drugs and, 91-96 tions
multiple directions, 519 continuing, 282 sexual maturation, 131-132 father's state, 100 aging and, 489-490
multiple perspectives, early, 266 Ethology, 45 mother's state, 98-100 correlations, 76-77
520-521 elementary, 272-274 Evocative genes, 76 movement, 90 evolution and, 57
norms, 124 financial resources, 272 Evoked potentials, 145 pollutants, 9 7 - 9 8 examples, 76
plasticity, 9, 519 goodness of fit, 273, 277 Evolution, heredity and, 56-57 radiation, 97 morality and, 373-374
prenatal (See Prenatal de- high school, 274-276 Evolution, theory of, 56-57 vulnerability, 91 parenting and, 430-431
velopment) inclusion, 274-275 Evolutionary-epigenctic sys- Fine motor skills, 124 personality differences,
process, 9 information processing, tems, 45-47 Fixation, 31 72-73
psychosexual, 31-32 283 Executive control process, 202 Flavors, 155 teratogens, 91
quotients, 232 integration, 274-275 Executive dysfunction hypoth- Fluid intelligence, 227 Generativity, 313
stages, 29 intelligence research, 283 esis, 461-462 Flynn effect, 243 Genes
understanding, 10 IQ, 239 Exercise, physical, 129 Folic acid, 87 active, 76
Develop men tal psycho - mastery motivation, 269 Exosystems, 22 Forcep extraction, 102 adaptation and, 56-57
pathology mathematics, 277-279 Expansion, 263 Foreclosure status, 300-301 autismv 463-464
adolescents, 472-477 moral development, 374, Experiential subtheory, 231 Forgetting, normal, 216 creativity and, 249-250
adults, 477-482 377-378 Experimental methods, 14-15 Formal-operational thought, death associated, 490
age norms, 458 pathway to adulthood, 280 Expertise development, 186-188 dominant, 61
children, 466-473 perceptual research, 283 214-215 Formal operations stage environment interaction
description, 457-458 Piaget's theories and, 283 Explicit memory, 201-202 abstract thinking, 183 (See Behavioral
diathesis-stress model, preschool, 181-182, Exploratory behavior, 158, 392 adults, 188-190 genetics)
459-460 234-235,513 Extended households, 422 description, 43, 183 evocative, 76
DSM-IV criteria, reading, 271-274 Extraversion, 288 hypothetical thinking, 183 function, 57-58
456-457 science, 277-279 Eye-blink reflex, 120 Fragile X syndrome, 6 4 - 6 5 influence, 60-61
infants, 460-466 sensory research, 283 Eyes, function, 146 Free radical theory, 491 interactions, 76
issues, 458 single-sex, 335 Eyewitness memory, 210-211 Freud, Anna, 34 IQ and, 2 4 1 , 2 4 5 - 2 4 6
nature/nurture, 471-472 theory contributions, Freud, Sigmund. See also language development
social norms, 458 283-284 F Psycho an alytic theo ry and,261
Diathesis-stress model, Vygotskys theories and, Facial expression, 154 influence, 3 3 - 3 4 morality and, 374
459-460 283 Facial hair, 131 main ideas, 30-32 multiple, identification,
Differen ti al reinforcement, work integrating, 279-280 Factor analysis, 288 moral development, 71
333-335 Egg-sperm penetration, 84-85 Failure to thrive, 465 360-361 passive, 76
Difficult temperament, Ego, 31 False belief task, 353 sexuality, 333 relatedness, 59-60
292-293, 296 Egocentrism, 181 Falsifiability, 27 Friendship tongue-curl, 61
Diffusion status, 300 Elaboration, 206-207 Families adolescents, 407-408 uniqueness, 59-60
Dilemmas, Kohlbergs, Eleclra complex, 32, 333 adolescents in, 433-434 adults, 416 variation, 56, 57
367-368 Emergent literacy, 270 adults in, 435-443 children, 406 Gene therapy, 79
Genetic code Hearing impairment Inclusion, 274 psychopathology, 460-466 progress/mastery, 184-185
basic units, 58 adults, 164-167 Incomplete dominance, 61 rapid growth, 119 psychometric approach, 227
function, 57-58 aid devices, 166 Independent variable, 14 recall, 204 scientific reasoning, 186
translation, 60-61 basic capacities, 164-166 Individualistic culture, 307 reflexes, 119,121 sensorimotor stage and,
Genetic epistemology, 172 children, 154-155 Individuality REM sleep, 121 174-176
Genetic potential, 76 infants, 157-158 aging, 139-140 resilience of, 108-109 social interaction and,
Genetics language acquisition, infants, 121 at risk, 106-108 193-194
behavioral (See Behavioral 264-265 intelligence, 71-72 secure, 400-401 sociocultural theory,
genetics) theory of mind, 356 morality of, 363 semantics, 256-257 192-196
counseling, 65-68 Heavy metals, 97 Individual rights, 362 sensations, 153-156 spatial, 228
diagnosis, 65-68 Helfgott, David, 250 Infants sensing, 121, 124 tools of, 194-196
molecular, 70-71 Hemophilia, 65 attachment issues, 391-400 sensory integration, triarchic theory, 230-231
Genotype, 61 Heredity autism, 460-464 156-157 Intelligence quotient
German measles. See Rubella evolution and, 56-57 autobiographical memory, sensory role, 158 adolescents, 234-235
Germinal period, 86 genetic code, 57-58 209-210 sensual abilities, 145 adult, 236-240
Gerontology, 9 genetic relatedness, 59-60 babbling reinforcement, 41 seriation, 182 aging and, 237-240
Giftedness genetic uniqueness, 59-60 behavioral states, 121 sexuality, 341-342 birth order and, 243
identification, 247-248 inheritance mechanisms, breast-fed, 155-156 smell, 153-156 children's, 233
longitudinal study, 248 61-63 classification difficulties, sounds, 256 culture bias, 244
outcomes, 248 mutations and, 63 181-182 speech, 152-153 environment and,
self-esteem and, 299 personality and, 311 cognitive development, stranger anxiety, 393 241-243, 246
Glial cells, 88 polygenic, 62-63 " 42-43 symbols and, 177 ethnicity, 244
Goals sex-linked, 62 concrete operations stage, synchronized routines, 391 family size and, 243
changing, age and, 305 Heritability 182 taste, 153-156 . genes and, 241, 245-246
learning, 268 different traits, 74-75 counting ability, 150 temperament, 291-294 group averages, 244
performance, 268 homosexuality, 69-70 crawling, 124-125 temperature, 156 health and, 236-237
Goethe, Johann Wolfgang, 251 influences on, 75 day care and, 398 touch, 156 heritability, 68, 70
Goodness of fit IQ, 68, 70 death of, 93, 497 transitivity, 182 high, 247-248
adolescents, 277 schizophrenia, 73-74 depression, 464-466 vision, 146-147, 157 infants, 232
change and,311 Hispanics, 276, 302 development trends, walking, 125 low, 246-247
definition, 273 History 512-513 Influences, mutual, 46 memory and, 222
temperament and, 293 of life span, 6 - 7 egocentrism, 181 Information encoding, 201 motivation and, 244-245
Gottlieb, Gilbert. See also of study of life span, 10 emotional regulation, Information processing. See occupational success and,
Evolutionary-Epigenetic HIV. See Human immunodefi- 390-391 Social information pro- 236
systems ciency syndrome evoked potentials, 145 cessing race and, 244
strengths, 47-48 Hobbes, Thomas, 29 exploratory behavior, 158 Informed consent, 21 school achievement,
teen pregnancy, 48 Holophrases, 257 failure to thrive, 465 Inheritance. See Heredity /
235-236
theories, 45-48 Home inventory, 242 first words, 257 Inhibition, 292 school grades and, 272
weaknesses, 47-48 Homosexuality gender role, 326-327 Instincts, 30 score gains/losses, 233
Grammar, 258, 259 experimentation, 345 growth principles, Instrumental conditioning. See scores, 71-72
Grandparents, 438-439 family experience, 444 118-119 Operant conditioning shared environment and,
Grasp, pincer, 1.26 heritability of, 69-70 habituation, 145 Instrumental hedonism, 362 75
Grasping reflex, 120 I Iormone replacement ther- hearing, 152-153 Integration social class and, 243-244
Grief apy, 135, 138-139 hearing impaired, 154-155 gender theories, 338 standardization of, 41
definition, 495 Hormones. See also specific imitation, 202-203 racial, 274 test development, 228-229
focus of, 493 hormone individuality, 121 school and work, 279-280 traditional test, 228-229
grief work perspective, gender, 330 information processing, Integrity, 313-314 training, 239
504-506 growth influence, 114 202-205 Intelligence Intentions, 366-367
Gross motor skills, 124 Homey, Karen, 34 insecure, 400-401 abilities, differences, 71-72 Interactionist theories,
Growth Hospice, 507 intelligence development, bodily-kinesthetic, 228 262-263
adolescent, 130-131 Hot flashes, 137 174-177 brain development and, 116 Interactions, gene, 76
brain, 115-116 IIRT. See Hormone replace- IQs, 232 children development, InLernal consistency, 27
catch-up, 112 ment therapy language development, 178-183 Interpersonal intelligence, 228
cephaloeaudal principles, Human agency, 39-40 265-266 classification, 181 Intimacy, 312-313
127 Human Genome Project, 58 learning, 121, 124 cognitive development, Intrapersonal intelligence, 228
children, 127 Human immunodeficiency locomotor development, ' 172-174 Intuitive reasoning, 186
complexity, 112 syndrome, 97 124-125 concrete operations stage, Intuitive theories, 151
endocrine role, 112-113 Humor, 185 low birth weight, 106-108 182 Invariant sequence, 42
environmental factors, 112 Huntington's disease, 65, 68 mastery motivation, creativity vs., 249 In vitro fertilization, 67, 85
hormonal influences, 114 Hypotheses, 11 265-266 crystallized, 227 Isolation, 312-313, 492-493
infant, 118-119 Hypothetical-deductive rea- memory, 202 decline in, 237-239 IVF. See In vitro fertilization
nervous system, 113-115 soning, 184 moral development, definition, 226-227
orthogenetic principle, 125 Hypothetical thinking, 183 365-366 definition, Piaget's, 172-173
principles, 118—119 motor skills, 126-127 development of, 173-174 James, Henry, 519
proximodistal principles, nervous system, 144 egocentrism, 181 James, William, 145, 156-157,
127 Id, 31 object manipulation, extremes, 246-247 519
rate of; 112 Ideal self, 296 125-126 fluid, 227 Joint attention, 256-257
spurts, 131 Ideational fluency, 249 object organization, formal-operational Joints, stiffening, 135-136
Growth hormone, 113 Identity
/
149-150 thought, 186-188 Jung, Carl, 34
Guided participation, 194 achievement status, 301 object permanence, formal operations stage,
Guilt, 495-496 crisis, 34 175-177 183-188
ethnic, 302 pain, 156 infant development, K-ABC-I1 test, 229
gender, 326-327 parent attachment, 391-392 174-177 Kant, Immanuel, 144
Habituation, 145, 203 influences on, 303-304 parents, family system, infants, 232 Karyotype, 60
Harm, 21 religious, 310 425-426 interpersonal, 228 Keller, Helen, 255
Harvard Bereavement Study, role confusion, 300 pattern perception, 147-148 intrapersonal, 228 Kibbutzim, 259
502 sense of, 300-301, 303 peers, 401-402 intuitive reasoning, 186 King, Martin Luther Jr., 2, 362
Hayflick limit, 490 vocational, 304-305 perceptual abilities, later, 232 Klinefelter syndrome, 64
Head Start, 266 Imaginary audience, 187-188 145-150 linguistic, 228 Knowledge
Health, 236-237, 317 Imaginary companions, perceptual development, logical-mathematical, 228 base, 208,218
Hearing 178-183 157 measuring, 228-229 change and, 207-208
basic capacities, 152 Imagination, 404 personality, 290-294 multiple, 227-230 metacognitive, 207
decline, 164-165 Imitation, 202-203 preferential looking, 145 musical, 228 Kohlberg, Lawrence. See also
early experience, 157-158 Implants, cochlear, 154-155 preterm, 120 naturalist, 228 Cognitive development
speech perception, Implants, retina, 163 problem solving by, preschool, 181-182 theories
152-153 Implicit memory, 201-202 174-175, 204-205 as process, 41-42 dilemmas, 367-368
gender typing, 336 Lens, 161-163 problem solving and, Mothers Neonatal environment
moral development, Lesbian women. See 211-212 childbirth and, 103-105 associated risks, 106-108
361-364 Homosexuality recall, 201 child IilV transmission, cultural differences,
moral influence, 375-376 Life expectancy, 488 recognition, 201 97 105-106
theory bias, 378-379 Life span. See also Adolescents; retrieval, 201 child relationships, interventions, 107-109
theory supplements, Adults; Children short term, 200, 206 425-426 Nervous system
380-381 childhood, 6 storage, 201, 207 fetus health and, 98-100 aging, 140
Korbut, Olga, 250 conceptualizing, 3 - 5 strategies, 219 postnatal depression, basic unit, 113-114
Kubler-Ross, Elisabeth, describing, 8 - 9 strategy changes, 206-207 104-105 characterization, 113
491-494 development through, systems, 200-20) Moth study, 57 immature, 14.4
518-519 tasks, 218 Motivation personality and, 311
L dividing, 4 working, 200, 219 achievement (See Neural tube defects, 86-87
Labor. See Childbirth enhancing, 8 - 9 Men. See also Gender roles Achievement motiva- Neurons
LAD. See Language acquisition explanation, 8 gender norms, 324 tion) features, 113-114
device family, 423 physicality, 324-325 IQ and, 244-245 fetal, 88
Lamaze method, 98 IQ and, 239 spatial ability, 324 mastery, 267-269 loss, 116
Language. See also Speech maximum, 489-490 vulnerability, 325 unconscious, 30 parts, 114
aspects, 255 modern perspective, 9 - 1 0 Menarche, 131-132, 137 Motor skills Neuroticism, 288
cognition and, 260 optimization, 8 - 9 Menopause aging and, 139 Neurotransmitters, 114, 117
decontextualized, 259-560 periods, 4 cultural differences, 138 emergence, 126-127 Newborns. See Infants
definition, 255 sexuality, 341-344 HRT, 135,138-139 fine, 124 Norms
deviant, 461 Life structure, 314 impact, 138 gross, 124 age, 458
mastering, 255-256 Linguistic intelligence, 228 onset, 137 Mourning, 495 developmental, 124
native, 263 Literacy. See also Reading symptoms, 137-138 Movement, 147 gender, 323
second, 263 adult, 282 Mental illness. See also Specific Multimodal Treatment of social, 458
Language acquisition device, emergent, 270 diseases Attention Deficit Novel tasks, 163-164
261-262 Locke, John, 29, 144 gender differences, Hyperac tivity Disorder Nuclear family, 422
Language development Locomotor development, 325-326 Study, 469 Numbers, concept of, 181
achievement motivation, 124-125 heritability, 7 3 - 7 4 Multiple intelligence theory, Numbness, 495
267-269 Logical-mathematical intelli- predisposition to, 74 227-230 Nurture. See also Nature,
age difference, 268 gence, 228 Mental retardation Muscles Environment
children, 267-274 Longitudinal design, 17-19 causes, 246 adolescent, 131 aging, 491
course of, 256-259 Looking-glass self, 291 outcomes, 247 atrophy, age-associated, 140 attachment and, 386-387
critical period, 263-264 reading and, 274 infant growth, 119 belief assumptions, 28-29
hearing impairment and, M socioeconomic aspects, Musical intelligence, 228 development interaction,
264-265 Ma, Yo Yo, 250 246-247 Mutations, 63 518
early education, 266 Macrosystems, 22-23 types, 246 Mutual influences, 46 framing issues, 5, 8
generalizations, 258 Maladaptiveness, 456 Mesosystems, 22 Myelin, 116 gender differences, 5, 326
infants, 256-257, 265-266 Manipulations, 14 Metamemory, 207-208, Myelination, 114-115 importance, 5
intcractionist theories, Marriages 218-219 intelligence development,
262-263 changes in, 439 Michelangelo, 251 N 173-174
later, 258-259 childless, 443 Microsystems, 22 Native Americans, 303-304 lean ling tlieoiies, 36-38
learning perspective, ending, 444-448 Mid-life crisis, 314-315 NativisL theories, 144, m o raid eve 1 op m en t,
260-261 establishing, 435 Mid-life generativity, 313 261-262 373-375
literacy, 269-272 postponed, 423 Mild cognitive impairment, Naturalistic observations, 12-13 morality and, 368-369
mastery motivation, sex and, 347-348 217 Naturalist intelligence, 228 passivity issue, 29
265-266 spouse death, 502-503 Mitosis, 58 Natural selection, 57 perceptual abilities,
nativist perspective, Masculinity, 339-340 Modified extended family, 440 Nature. See also Nurture 144-145
261-262 Mastery motivation Molecular genetics, 70-71 activity issue, 29 primary emotions, 389-390
pre-word, 256-257 description, 267-269 Moral affect, 360 aging, 491 psychopathology and,
process, 260-263 parent's role, 268-269 Moral development attachment and, 386-387 471-472
telegraphic speech, 258-259 schools' role, 269 adults, 375-378, 380-381 badness of, 29 sensory abilities, 144-145
theory of mind, 355 Mastery orientation, 268-269 basic components, 359-360 belief assumptions, 28 theory of mind, 355-357
Latchkey children, 443 Maternal blood sampling, 67 children, 366-370 development interaction, Nutrition, 99-100, 131-132
Lateralization, 115-116 Maturation, process of, 5 cognitive development 518
Law, 362-363 Measurements theories, 361-363 framing issue, 5, 8
Lead, 97 in longitudinal studies, 19 cultural aspects, 374, 379 gender differences, 5, 326 Obesity, 129
Learned helplessness orienta- physiological, 13 educational aspects, 374 goodness of, 29 Objects
tion, 268 in research design, 17 gene-environment interac- importance, 5 manipulation, 125-126
Learning. See also Education time of, 17 tions, 373-374 intelligence development, organization, 149-150
aging and, 216-217 Mediation deficiency, 206-207 infants, 365-366 173-174 per man ence, 175-177
contextual contributors, Medications. See Drugs influences, 375-376 moral development, Observational learning, 38,
221-222 Meiosis, 58 nature/nurture, 373-375 373-375 333,335-336
cooperative, 275 Melanin, 60 psychoanalytic theory, perceptual abilities, Observations
definition, 5 Memory. See also Forgetting 360-361 144-145 behavioral, 12-13
early gender identity, 327 adolescent, 213 social learning theory, primary emotions, 389-390 naturalistic, 12-13
goals, 268 adults, 214-223 363-365 psychopathology and, structured, 13
infant, 121, 124 aging and, 215-222 Morality 471-472 Occupation. See Work
memory and, 208-209 autobiographical, adolescent, 370-375 sensory abilities, 144-145 Oedipus complex, 32, 333
observational, 38, 333, 209-210,215 behavior, 368 theory of mind, 355-357 Old age. See Aging
335-336 capacity, 206 conventional, 362 Nature-nurture issue, 5, 45, Olfaction. See Smell
operant conditioning and, changes, 207-208 disengagement, 363 57, 70, 72, 73, 7 6 , 9 1 , 9 3 , Openness to experience, 288
36-38 children, 205-212 dilemmas, 367-368 108, 112, 115, 116, 131, Operant conditioning
skills, improving, 220 contextual theories and, nurturing, 368-369 137, 144, 157, 158, 173, infant perception, 145-146
Learning theories 221-222 postconventional, 192, 205, 2 0 8 , 2 1 8 , 2 2 1 , language development,
assumptions, 35-36, 49 decline, 216-217, 218 362-363 241,246, 260, 274, 292, 260-261
classical conditioning, 36 development, 205 preconventional, 362 310, 329, 3 4 5 , 3 5 5 , 3 7 3 , learning and, 36-38
development, 9 - 1 0 explicit, 201-202 reason and, 370-371, 376 3 8 6 , 3 8 9 , 4 0 0 , 4 1 3 , 425, memory, 203-204
founders, 27 eyewitness, 210-211 sexual, 345-346 429, 430, 451,459, 463, Optimization, 316
language development, habituation, 203 social-information pro- 468, 471,474, 479, 489 Oral gratification, 31
260-261 implicit, 201-202 cessing, 371-372 Negative feedback, 276 Organic retardation, 246
operant conditioning, improving, 220 Moratorium period, 300 Negative punishment, 38 Organization, 149-150,173
36-38 infants, 202-204 Moratorium status, 301 Negative reinforcement, 37 Organogenesis, 86
social cognitive, 39-40 learning and, 208-209 Morning-after pill, 48 Neglectful parenting, 426 Organ systems, 88
strengths, 40-41 operant conditioning, Moro reflex, 120 Neonatal behavioral assess- Or thogenetic principle, 119, 125
weaknesses, 40-41 203-204 Morphology,''255 ment scale, 105-106 Osteoporosis, 135
Ovaries, 113 hazards, 101-1.03 Positive punishment, 37-38 Psychosexuality, 333 perspectives on, 385-386
Overextension, 257 positive track, 108 Positive reinforcement, 37-38 Psychosocial theories stronger, building, 417
Ovum, 84 Permissive parenting, 426 Post formal thought, 189 adulthood paths, 311-312 support from, 418
Oxygen uptake, 128 Personal distress, 456 Postnatal depression, 104-105 description, 3 Relativism, 190
Personal fable, 187-188 Postnatal environment, early adult intimacy, Relativistic thinking, 189
p Personality 108-109 312-313 Religion, 301
Pain, 156, 167-168 adolescents, 297-305 Poverty, 107, 277 early intimacy, 312-313 REM sleep, 121
Parent effects model, 429 adults, 305-316 Pragmatics, 255 life-span development, Reorganization, 496
Parenting aging and,317-318 Preferential looking, 145 311 Reproduction. See Sex
family aspects, 437 birth order and, 289 Pregnancy. See also Childbirth mid-life generativity, 313 Reproduction technologies, 85
gene-environment interac- changes, 308-311. emotions and, 99 old age integrity, 313-314 Re p r o d uc t i ve system,
tions, 430-431 children, 294-297 first trimester, 88-89 stages, 34-35 137-139
mastery motivation, continuity, 307-311 neural tube, 86-87 Puberty Research
268-269 definition, 287 nutrition and, 99-100 definition, 130 correlational method,
mind development, differences in, 72-73 second trimester, 89 eating disorders and, 474 15-17
355-356 dimensions, 288-289, 297 teenage, prevention, 50-51 education and, 276-277 data collection, 12
socioeconomic aspects, discontinuity, 307-311 teenage (Bandura), 40 family relations, 133 design, 17-20
427-428 establishment of, 34-35 teenage (Erikson), 35 psychology of, 133 ethics, 20-21
styles, 426-429 forming, 296-297 teenage (Freud), 33 stress and, 133 experimental methods,
Parents Freudian, 31 teenage (Gottlieb), 48 suicide and, 475 14-15
aging, 441-442 individual differences, teenage (Piaget), 43 Punishment measurements, 13
child attachments, 34-35 third trimester, 89-90 corporal, 38 observations, 12-13
403-405, 440-441 infants, 290-294 Preimplantation genetic diag- negative, 38 participants, 20-21
death of, 504 psychoanalytic theory, nosis, 67 and obedience orientation, regulations, 21
empty nest, 437-438 287-288 Premenstrual syndrome, 137 362 sample selection, 11-12
infant attachment, scale, 289 Prenatal development positive, 37-38 scientific method, 11
391-392, 394-395 social learning theory, conception, 84-85 reinforcement and, 37-38 theory of mind, 354
infants, family system, 289-290 embryonic period, 86 Pupil change, 161 Verbal reports, 12
425-426 temperament relationship, fetal period, 87-90 Reserve capacity, 136
influence, 410-411
new, 435-436
296-297
trait theory, 288-289
germinal period, 86
Prenatal environment
Q
Quantitative changes, 29
Resilience, 108
Resistant attachment, 394
self-esteem and, 296 Phallic stage, 32 disease effects, 91, 96-97 Questions, 222-223 Response, 36
single, 424 Phenotype, 61 drugs, 92-96 Quintan, Karen Ann, 485-486 Retardation. See Mental
teens, attachment, 407 Phenylketonuria father's state, 100 Retardation
teens, conflict in, cause, 79 influence, 91 R Retina, 163
433-434 genetic counseling, 65 mother's state, 98-100 Race. See also specific groups Retirement, 317
teens' identity, 303 retardation and, 246 pollutants, 97-98 death, views of, 487-488 Retrieval memory, 210
Parkes/Bowlby attachment test for, 79 radiation, 97 IQ and, 244 Reversibility task, 179
model, 495-497 Phonics, 271 substance abuse and, sexual maturation, 131-132 Rhythmic stereotypes, 126
Participation, guided, 194 Phonology, 255 91-96 Radiation, 97 Risk(s)
Passive genes, 76 Physical activity, 128-129, 325 Preoperational stage, 43, Random assignment, 14 infants at, 1.06-108
Patterns Physical behavior 178-179, 182 Random sample, 11-12 neonatal, 106-108
discriminate, 147-148 adolescents, 134-135 Presbycusis, 165 Reaction time, 130 taking, 117
moderately complex, 147 adults, 139-140 Presbyopia, 162 Reading. See also Literacy Role confusion, 34, 300
perception, 147-148 children, 128-130 Primary mental abilities, 227 alphabetic principle, Role-taking skills, 357-358
Peers infants, 124-127 Primitive reflexes, 119-120 269-270 Roosevelt, Franklin Delano, 2
acceptance, 405-406 Physical development, 2-3 Private speech, 195 education, 271-274 Rousseau, Jean Jacques, 29
definition, 387 Physical laws, 150-152 Problem solving emergent literacy, 270 Rubella, 96
friendship, 406 Physiological measurements, 13 ability advances, 174-175 inclusion and, 274 Rules, 367, 405
s
infants, 401-402 Piaget, Jean. See also Cognitive adolescents, 183-184 integration and, 274
networks, 403-405 development theories aging and, 222-223 learning, 269-272
pressure, 276 challenges to, 191-192 infants, 204-205 phonics approach, 271 Samples
teen, influence, 410-411 contributions, 191 information processing, skilled, 271 definition, 1 1
theories on, 387-388 moral development, 202 teaching, 271-272 random, 11-12
Pendulum task, 183 361-363 memory and, 21.1-212 unskilled, 271 selection, 11-12
Perception. See also Sensation preschool child, 181-182, Production deficiency, 297 Reagan, Ronald, 479 Santa Claus, 178
adolescent, 160 194-195 Progeria, 490 Reasoning, 370-371,376 Schema, 172-173
adult decline in, 160-168 principal ideas, 42-43 Progesterone, 113,137 Recall Schema theory, 337-338
assessing, 145-146 teen pregnancy, 43 Programmed theories of aging, infants, 204 Schizophrenia, 73-74
children, 159 theories, education and, 489-490 recognition vs., 218 Schools. See Education
cross-modal, 156-157 283 Prosocial behavior, 360, 366 verbal, 209-210 Scientific method, 11
cultural variation. Vygotsky vs., 196 Protection from harm, 21 Recal 1 me m o ry, 2 01 Scientific reasoning, 186
158-159 Pincer grasp, 126 Proximal development, 193 Reciprocal determinism, 40 Scripts, 210-211
decline, 145 Pituitary glands, 113 Proximodistal principles, Recognition, 201,218 Secular trends, 132-133
depth, 148-149 PKU. See Phenylketonuria 118-119,127 Reconstituted families, 448 Segregation, 328-329
detail, 146 Placenta, 86 Psychic energy, 30-31 Reflexes Selective attention, 159
development, influences, Placental barrier, 86 Psychoanalytic theory Babinski, 119, 121 Selective optimization, 316
157 Plaques, senile, 116-117 founders, 27 definition, 119 Self
hearing, 152-153 Plasticity Freudian, 31-33 infants, 119, 121 conception of, 307
hearing decline, 164-165 brain, 115 gender roles, 333 primitive, 119 emerging, 290-291
nature/nurture, 144-145 development, 9 moral development, survival, 119 ideal, 296, 305
object organization, evidence of, 519 360-361 Reinforcement looking-glass, 291
149-150 Play neo-Freudian, 34-35 babbling, 41 multiple, 298
pattern, 147-148 benefits, 405 personality development, definition, 37 sense of, adolescents,
research, education and, imaginative, 404 287-288, 290 differential, 333 297-298, 300
283 rule-governed, 405 Psychology types, 37-38 sense of, child, 294-295
spatial, 149 social aspects, 403-404 aging, 136-137 vicarious, 39 Self-esteem
speech, 152-153, 165-167 social pretend, 404 menopause, 137-138 Relationships. See also adolescent, 298, 300
vision, 146-152 types of, 403 puberty, 133 Attachment age and, 305-306
Perceptual salience, 179 PMS. See Premenstrual syn- Psychometric approach, 227 attachment theory, children, 295-296
Performance goals, 268 drome Psychopathology. See 386-387 definition, 287
Perinatal environment. See also Pollutants, 97-98 Developmental psy- changing, 439-442 gender differences,
Childbirth Polygenic inheritance, 62-63 chopathology early emotional, 389 325-326
cultural aspects, 101 Popularity, 405-406 Psychosexual development, emotional aspects, 412 high, goal of, 299
description, 101 Population, 11 31-32 peer, 387-388 influences, 296
multidimensional aspects. learning, improving, 220 perception decline, Temperament Vision
295 math, 278-279 165-167 aspects, 72-73 adult decline, 161-164
violence and, 449-450 motor, 124, 139 private, 195 dimensions of, 291-292 basic capacities, 146-147
Self-organizing process, 126 reading, 274-275 sounds, 152 infants, 156, 291-294 color, 146
Self-perceptions, 308-309 role-taking, 357-358 telegraphic, 258-259 personality relationship, depth perception,
Self-recognition, 290 science, 278-279 Sperm cells, 59 296-297 148-149
Semantics unexercised, 217 Sperm-egg penetration, slow-to-warm-up, 293 early experience, 157
definition, 255 Skinner, B. F. See also Operant 84-85 Temperature, sense of, 156, impairments, 161-163
errors, 257-258 conditioning Spina bifida, 86 167-168 infant, 146-147
infants, 256 strengths, 40-41 Stability, 336 Teratogens lens change, 161-163
Semenarche, 131 theories, 36-38 Stages definition, 91 object organization,
Senile plaques, 116-117 weaknesses, 40-41 assumptions, 49 diseases, 96-97 149-150
Sensation. See also Perception Sleep, 121-123 death, 492-493 drugs, 91-96 pattern perception,
adolescent, J 60 Slow-to-warm-up tempera- definition, 29 principles, 91-92 147-148
adult decline in, 160-168, ment, 293 Stagnation, 313 Terminal drop, 238 pupil change, 161
220-221 Smell, sense of, 153-156, Stanford-Binet test, 248 Termites, 248 retinal changes, 163
changes, aging, 220-221 167-168 Statistical deviance, 456 Testosterone, 331 Visual acuity, 146
children, 159 Social cognition. See Theory of Status Thalidomide, 92-93 Visual search, 163-164
cultural variation, 158-159 mind diffusion status, 300 Theories. See also Specific Vocabulary spurt, 257
decline, 145 Social cognitive theory foreclosure, 300-301 theories Vocations. See also Work
infant's role in, 158 classic experiment, 39 identity achievement, 301 applying, 51 adults, 315-317
infant's sense of, 121, 124, concepts, 39-40 moratorium, 301 definition, 11 gender and,315-317
145 definition, 39 socioeconomic {See development of, 49-50 identity, 304-305
integration, 156-157 differential reinforcement, Socioeconomic evaluation criteria, 27 Vygotsky, Lev. See also
nature/nurture, 144-145 333-335 status) evolution, 56-57 Sociocultural theories
pain,156,167-168 gender roles, 333-336 Stem cells, 88 exploration box, 52 evaluation of, 196
process, 144 language development, Stepping reflex, 120 function of, 50-51 Piaget vs., 196
research, education and, 260-261 Stereotypes intuitive, 151 preschool child, 194-195
283 moral development, aging, 136-137, 308-309 major viewpoints, 27-30 strengths, 47-48
smell, 153-156, 167-168 363-365 gender, 327-328 practice and, 50 theories, 44-45
taste, 153-156, 167-168 observational learning, gender norms and, 324 Theory of mind theories, education and,
temperature, 156, 167-168 333,335-336 threat, 245 adults, 358-359 283
touch, 156, 158 personality, 289-290 Sternberg's triarchic theory, autism, 461-462 weaknesses, 47-48
Sensorimotor stage, 42-43, Social information processing 230-231 children, 352-357
174-176 aggression and, 371-372, Stimulus definition, 352 w
Sensory register, 200-201 377 conditioned, 36 descriptive ability and, 357 Walking, 125
Sensory stimulation, 46-47 capacity, 208 pleasant, 38 development, 352-354 Watson, John B. See also
Sequential processing, 115 cognitive development unconditioned, 36 moral development, Classical conditioning
Seriation, 182 and,205-206 unpleasant, 38 367-368 strengths, 40-41
Sex. See also Gender complexity of, 202 Stranger anxiety, 393-394 nature/nurture and, theories, 36-38
determination, 60 description, 200 Stress 355-357 weaknesses, 40-41
knowledge of, 343 infants, 202-205 adolescent, 473 research on, 354 Weak central coherence hy-
linked inheritance, 62 • memory systems, bereavement, 506-507 role-taking skills, pothesis, 462-463
social labeling and, 200-201 pregnancy and, 99 357-358 Wechsler Adult Intelligence
332-333 problem solving, 202 puberty onset, 133 Thought. See Intelligence Scale, 237
Sexual abuse, 344 processing, 1.15 Structured observations, 13 Thyroid gland, 113 Wernicke's area, 261
Sexual differentiation, 87 skills, building, 377 Sudden infant death syn- Timed tasks, 217 Wisdom potential, 239-240
Sexuality Social interaction, 193-194 drome, 93 Tobacco, 93 Women. See also Gender role:
adolescent, 344-347 Socialization Suicides, 475-477, 486 Tools, 194-196 Mothers
adult, 347-349 comparison, 259 Sullivan, Harry Stack, 34 Touch, sense of, 156, 167-168 aging, 136-137
childhood, 342-344 deprivation, 400 Superego, 31, 360 Trait theory, 288-289 androgenized, 331
infant, 341-342 deviant, 460 Support, social, 418, 508-509 Transactional model, 429 depression, 475-476
life span, 341-344 gender-role, 134-135 Survival reflex, 119-120 Transformational grammar, 259 eating disorders, 474
morality and, 345-346 infants, 291-292 Swallowing reflex, 120 Transformational thought, 179 education, 335
Sexual maturation Social labeling Swimming reflex, 120 Transitivity, 182 gender norms, 324
early, 134 biology, 330 Symbols, 43, 177 Translation, 60-61 reproductive system,
late, 134 influences, 332-333 Synapse, 114 Triarchic theory, 230-231 137-139
physical aspects, 131-133 sex and, 332-333 Synchronized routines, 391 Trisomy 21. See Down syn- suicide, 475-476
process, 131 Social learning theory. See Syntax, 255 drome verbal ability, 324
psychological aspects, 133 Social cognitive theory Syphilis, 96-97 Trust/mistrust, 311 voices, 153
rate of, 131-132 Social networks Systematic attention, 159 Turner syndrome, 64 vulnerability, 325
Sexual orientation, 345 adolescents, 408-409 Systemize, 324 Twins Work. See also Vocations
Shame, 312 adult, 411,413 fraternal, 60 career establishment,
Short-term memory, 200-201, children, 403-405 T genetic studies, 69 315-316
206 Social norms, 458 'labula rasa, 144 identical, 59-60 older workers, 316-317
Sibling relationships
u
Social order, 362 Tasks retirement, 317
ambivalence, 432 Social pretend play, 404 artificial, 217 school integrating,
changes, 439-440 Social-role hypothesis, false belief, 353 Ultrasound, 66 279-280
complexity, 430-431 325-326 formal-operational, Unconditioned response, 36 success, IQ and, 236
development role. Social support, 385 186-188 Unconditioned stimulus, 36 Working memory, 200, 219
432-433 Sociocultural theories, 44—45, memory, 218 Underextension, 257
genetic factors, 59-60 192-193 pendulum, 1.83 Unfamiliar content, 217 Y
new baby, 431-432 Socioeconomic status reversibility, 179 Yearning, 495
Sickle-cell disease V
z
health, 236-237 timed, 217
characterization, 63, 65 IQ and, 243-244 Taste Vacuum extraction, 102
diagnostic tests, 66 parenting and, 427-428 buds, 153-154 Variables, 14 Zone of proximal develop-
risks, 66-67 retardation and, 246-247 decline, age-associated, Variation, 56 ment, 193
Simultaneous processing, 115 Somatic symptoms, 465 167-168 Vascular dementia, 481 Zygotes
Single-celled zygote, 58 Spanking, 38 facial expression, 154 Verbal ability, 324 description, 57
Size constancy, 148-149 Spatial intelligence, 228, 324 infants, 153-156 Verbal recall, 209-210 development, 85-86
Skills Spatial perception, 149 Tay-Sachs disease, 65 Verbal reports, 12 sex determination and, 6i
fine motor, 124 Speech. See also Language Teenagers. See Adolescents Viability, 89 single-celled, 58
gross motor, 124 child-directed, 262 Telegraphic speech, 258-259 Vicarious reinforcement, 39 X, 60
information processing, perception, infants, Television, 12-17 Villi, 86
377 152-153 Telomeres, 490 Violence. See Family violence
c-
Nature—Nurture Til erne I nd
Chapter I Chapter 5
Gender differences in physically aggressive behavior (5) Genetic and environmental factors influencing height (112)
Development of the brain and its plasticity in response to ex-
perience (115)
Lateralization of the brain and handedness (116)
Chapter 2 Age differences in physical and sexual maturation (131)
Biological versus social influences on women's perceptions of
Gottlieb and the evolutionary-epigenetic systems theory o f their menstrual cycles (137)
development (45)
Chapter 6
Chapter 3
Views on perception (144)
Evolution and the color of KettlewelPs moths in England The role of early sensory experience in perceptual develop
(57) ment (157)
Buss and Plomin s study of personality (70) Cultural variation in perceptual competencies (158)
Changes across the lifespan in genetic and environmental in-
fluences (72)
Genetic and environmental influences on schizophrenia (73)
Caspi's molecular genetics study of depression in New Chapter 7
Zealand (76)
Maturation and experience in the cognitive development of
children (173)
Culture and thought (192)
Chapter 4
Prenatal development and its influence on the developing

person (91) Chapter 8
Effects o f alcohol on fetal development (93)
Risk and resilience in prenatal and postnatal development: Explaining memory development (205)
Werner and Smith's longitudinal study in Kauai (108) The effect of knowledge base on memory performance (208)
Aging and memory (218, 221)
Cliapter 9 Cliapter 1 4
Factors influencing IQ scores (241) Bowlby s theory of human attachment (386)

Causes of mental retardation (246) Emotional development and social referencing (389)
Relationship between secure attachment and coping capaci-
ties (400)
Biological adaptivity of romantic attachment (413)
C k a p t e r 10
Theories of language development in children (260)

Factors influencing school effectiveness (274) Cliapter 1 5
Gender differences in the quantity and the quality of parent-

ing (425)
C l i a p t e r 11 Child development and the transactional model of family in-
fluence (429)
Behavioral inhibition and its biological and environmental Genes, culture, and parenting (430)
roots (292) Genetic influence on the long-term effects of child maltreat-
Stability and change in personality (310) ment (451)
Ckapter 12 Cliapter 1 6
Gender role development (329) The diathesis-stress model of psychopathology (459)

Sexual orientation development (345) Autism (463)
Attention deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) (468)
Developmental disorders from a family systems perspective
(471)
Cliapter 1 3 Eating disorders (474)
Alzheimer's disease (479)
Development of a theory of mind (355)
Severe antisocial behavior and Dodge and Pettit s integrative
model of aggression (373)
Cliapter 1 7
Theories of aging and maximum life span (489)

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2 Theories of Human Development 26

3 Genes, Environment, and Development 55

4 Prenatal Development and B i r t h 83

5 T h e Physical Self 111

8 Memory and Information Processing 199

9 Intelligence and Creativity 225

10 Language and Education 254?

11 Self and Personality 286

12 G e n d e r Roles and Sexuality 322

13 Social Cognition and Moral Development 351

14 Attachment and bocial Relationships 3 84

16 Developmental Psychopatliology 455

17 T l i e F inal Challenge: Death and Dying 484

Epilogue: Pitting the Pieces Together 511

Framing the Nature-Nurture Issue 5 CRITICAL T H I N K I N G 24

EXPLORATIONS: Historical Oranges in Periods of the Life KEY TERMS 24

Contextual—Systems Theories 44 A c c o u n t i n g f o r I n o. ivicinal D i f f e r e n c e s

CHAPTER 3 Controversies Surrounding Genetic Research 78

P r e n a t a l I ) evel o p m e n t T k e Physical Self 111

1 3 renatal D evelop m e n t 8 4 1) e v e l o p m e n t 112

Conception 84 The Endocrine System S12

EXPLORATIONS: Reproductive Technologies: New Conceptions of The Nervous System 113

1 lie P r e n a t a l J h n v i r o n m e n t 91 T k e Infant 119

Teratogens 91 Rapid Growth I 19

Age 98 Deprived? 122

I lie N e o n a t a l E n v i r o n m e n t 105 Sexual Maturation 131

KEY TERMS 109

Assessing Perceptual Abilities 145 CHAPTER 7

Taste and Smell 153

Other Advances 183

Piaget's Contributions 191

Vygotsky's S o c i o e u l t u r a l P e r s p e c t i v e 192 T k e Adult 214

CHAPTER 8 M E D I A RESOURCES 224

Memory and Information

1 lie I n f o r m a t i o n - P r o c e s s i n g ' A p p r o a c h 200 &>

Memory Systems 200

How Stable Are IQ Scores during Childhood? 233

The Adolescent 234 Mastering Language 2bO

What Must Be Mastered 255

T h e E x t r e m e s of I n t e l l i g e n c e 246 Learning to Read 269

W h a t Is C r e a t i v i t y ? 249 Effective Schools 272

M E D I A RESOURCES 284 in Old Age 308

The Emerging Self 290

Male and Female 323

T l ie A d L I It 338 Moral Affect: Psychoanalytic Theory and Beyond 360

Are Infants Sexual Beings? 341

Childhood Sexual Abuse 344

Changes in Moral Reasoning 370