ge : e by colvin r. de silva 8.5, Pe Bannteresar-hawCommunism ? f rh BY COLVIN R. DE SILVA, B. A., Ph. D,, Barvister-al Law. T a time when’ the terms “Communism” and “Bolshevism” are being freely bandied about to divert attention from the misdeeds of a bankrupt leadership by drawing a literally ved” herring across the trail of genuine criticism, I must thank the Editor of the Ceylon Daily News for affording me the opportu- nity of placing the Communist or Socialist point of view before the public. At the same time-Communism being a completa and unified philosophy of sociul life,—I trust that it will be fully realised that an adequate exposition, with all its attendant qualifications, of so vast a subject is impossible in the short space of a single article.* Means of Production Historical analysis proves that society is not a stable entity bub a devoloping or evolving organism subject to the process of growth and decay. A particular set of relationships characterizes any particular society and distinguishes it from those that precede or sticesed it. Thus the characteristic relutionships of primitive society are different from those of feudalism and they in turn ftom tHose of capitalism. Sir Henry Maine defiaes the change from feudal society to- capitalist society as the progress from status to eontract as the basis of social relations. This is the legal aspect. But as Law is only the definition of already ostablished social relations it is more important to grasp the economic change that underlies this process The basic factor is the ownership of the means of production Tho maintenance of life is based on production. Consequently the question of the ownorship of the means of production is of vittl importance to society. The characteristic feature of feudal Production ix tho ownership of the means of produetion by the producer and the appropriation by him of the product, * Published November 11th 1935,ee With the growth of scientific knowledge and the development of machine techuique, individual possession of the tools of production by the producer became increasingly impossible, The producer has been divorced from the ownership the means of production. Socialised modes of production came into being, but, as before, the owner of the means of production continued to appropriate the resultant product. Thus we arrive at that characteristic feature of capitalist economy—individual ownership and appropriation of the product of a socialised productive process. This contradiction itself affords the clue to the direction of social change in modern society. Basic Objective From a social point of view the resolution of this contradiet- ion is the basic objective of Communism. Tho defence of capitalism has always been based not on its moral desirability but on its achievement in expanding production. The moment that justification is absent its entire position is undermined. That production has expanded under capitalism is true, But ibis today equally true that the capitalist structure has itself come to be the most serious drawback to the oxpansion of produc- tion. What is more, it is amply demonstrable that the inherent contradietions of capitalism have themselves developed pari-passw to such a point as to make it impossible even to maintain the level of production already attained. The League of Nations’ Economic Survey has shown that world production has slipped back in 1933 from the 1929 level to the 1913 level while population has increased during the same period. Motive of Capitalistic Production The reason for this is to be found in the fundamental motive on which capitalism is based, The motive of capitalist production is private profif-and not public use. From this derives the notorious paradox of poverty amidst plenty, Thus we: have, on one hand, such modern phenomena as the destruction of Canadian wheat while Chinese across the Pacific are dying of starvation; of vobtou being ploughed in by order of government in U. 8. As of fish being thrown back into the sea and millions of oranges being(s:) dumped in the deep in England while tho unemployed oried for food; of live-stock and coffes being incinerated in U.S.A. and Brazil, ete. etc... These are exainples amongst innumerable which could be quoted, of things which have been actually produced being destroyed in a hunger-stricken and unemployment-ridden world, On the other hand wo have the doliberate restriction of production in the interests of private profit. Thus we have the well-Jmown world-restriction schemes like the rubber, tin, and ten restriction schemes. There are many such others, official and unofficial, on a smaller scale, Simultaneously 30 million are known to be unemployed in the industrialized capitalist countries alone, for the rest of the world no statistios are available. For instance American production today is only at 40 per cent expacity while there are over 10 million unemployed in the country. Thus capitalist society has outlived its usefulness. The capita- list shell which was usoful at one stage of expansion of production has now become a fetter. : Unemployment A second evil deriving from private ownership of the means of production is unemployment, This is but another way of saying that large numbers of the true productive agents, i.e , the workers, are dénied access to the moans of production, or, it you wish it, of taking part in the productive process. The reason can he shortly stated. In capitalism, labour power has become a commodity bought and sold in the open market. Thorofore, the owners of tho means of production would only employ workers if profit would result to themselves. A maximum of output with a minimum of labour becomes the objective. Thus, labour-saving devices ara made the agents of private profit and public misery, i.e, un- employment. Further, the search for profit creates a drive towards Imperialism and War, Large scale capitaiist production requires assured markets. Capitalist groups working behind the veil of Nationalism compete for the monopoly of markets the world over. Thus arises the search for colonies which under modern capitalist conditions afford the only asgured markets, Within these Imperialboundaries the controiling capitalist organizations establish monopolies by way of tariff preferences, quotas and such like restrictions. Imperialism A War-Process This is the procass known as Imperialism which itself is, clearly a war-proxess howsoever if may be disguised. This in turn contains the seeds of a wider tragedy. Expanding Imperialisms, ever in search of wider monopolistic markets, inevitably clash. Thus the local tragedies of colonial wars merge into the world tragedy of modern Imperialist) war. So much for capitalism. It is clear on the above analysis that the main contradiction of capitalist society is itself the cause of the manifold evils that afflict the world today. If this contradic- tion can be resolved, the resultant evils, so clearly traceable to if, would disappear. This is what communism sets out to achieve. The problem is solved ii the produet of socialized industry is soclally appropriated, The essential means to this is social owner- ship of the means of production, distribution and eachange Thus the problem of unemployment is solved because the produesr has free access to the means of production; the problem of overproduc- tion ceases to exist because production will be conditioned only by actual human need and not by the desire for profit; the expan- sion of production will directly redound to tha benefit of all instead of to the profit of a few and the misery of the many, Tho achievements of science will from now on contribute to the real happiness of mankind by affording that comfort, leisure and freedom to develop its culture which to date has been the preserve ofa few. Imperialism and imperialist war will disappear with tle causes that gave them birth. Mankind will advance to a higher stage of development instead of receding again into that confused and primitive tribalism from which it once emerged. Mankind will move from pre-history fo history. The Class-War Above all, that class-war which is the curse of modern eapita- list society will then inevitably disappear, The economic basis of capitalist society, which has already been illustrated, has very definite social repercussions, Capitalist society has been of oaCams: necessity divided into two classes which witimately out across all divisions of caste, colour and ereed. Those are the classes termed, on a strict analysis, the bourgeoisie or capitalists and the proletariat or working class,i.e., the owners of the means of production and the possessors of labour power, These classes have essentially antagonistic interests, for the wages of the one come from the profits of the other ov, rather yice versa. And this will last till the abolition of capitalism, It is this conflict which so detnonstrably oxists and which tho capitalist system has created, that communists are accused of forging anew on the anvils of Moseow. Ifis not the least monstrous paradox of today that those who seek the abolition of the evil are supposed themselves to create the evil. New Set of Principles It is clear that the achievement of Communism thus in itself constitutes @ revolution inasmuch as it implies the substitution of a Society based on one set of principles by a Society based on a different set of principles. It is setting an inyerted pyramid on its base or setting human idealism, which has hitherto stood on its head, on its feet. How this revolution is to ha accomplished is a pute question of method. Ata time whon Constitutions are being changed over- night Communists or Socialists cannot eonfine themselves to any particular method. They can only say two things. On the one hand methods must be determined by circumstances, On the "., othor, hietory teaches us that no class has abdicated from power voluntarily. Force has been the midwife of every old Society ‘prognant with the new. All that ean be said is that historically the ruling class in evary decaying society has clung to its waning Power till foreibly flmg off by the remorseless pressure of his- torieally engendered forees. Communism is thus both a method of thought which dictates a mode of action and a practical ideal towards which that action is directed. By its study of the historical process and its applica- tion of the lessons derived therefrom it seeks to help society in its own movement towards that goal of sceial and economic equality whieh is the essential basis for the progress of mankind,Geis) Lanka Samasamaja Party 2ND ANNUAL CONFERENCE 18th December 1937 PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS DELIVERED BY i DR. COLVIN R. De SILVA. Comrades, Barely two years have elapsed since the Lanka Samasamaia Party was inaugurated. During the short period we have not only grown rapidly in power and influence we have acknow- ledgedly developed into the only organised and disciplined political foree in Ceylon. Accordingly, I am proud ta be honoured for the third successive occasion with the responsibility of being your President. Ii is indeed a responsibility to be your leader. The day is long past when politics were the dilettante’s pastime. Modern polities demands sustained thonght and unceasing vigilance. Hspecially is thisso with those who hold such a creed as ours. The object wa have placed before us is nothing short of the creation of a new society based on principles completely antithe tic to those which underlie the social structure in which we live Those principles ave neither peculiar to us or new, bit constitute the ereod of a powerful international movement. Such being the ease it behoves us to look to wider horizons than those of our little Island and constantly to place our little local destinies in the setting of world events and tendencies. These be stirring times in which we live. None will deny that it is a period that is unusually fateful with the future. In the years that lie immediately ahead there will inevitably he decided the yital political issue that will decide the character and climate of human existence for centuries to come. That issue is the issue between decaying Capitalism and rising Socialism. I say decaying Capitalism advisedly. The system termed Capitalism that has dominated the world unchallenged for such alength of timeis today visibly in decay. There may be those to whom this statement comes as a surprise. Has there nob bee a 5(i) in recent years it will be asked, a recovery of the system which proves its unsuspected resilience ? That is indeed so. The world has admittedly climbed out of the trough cf depression to the crest of a deceptive boomlet. There has been even a partial resurgence of economic hope. Yet sober analyis will lay bare the decaption. There has heen an increase in production but—un- employment continues. There has been a rise in prices—but engineered by restriction schemes both voluntary and compulsory. There has been business recoyery—but largely dependant on unproductive armament expenditure. On such an unstable basis has been staged the so-called recovery of Capitalism. Who can doubt that when the next depression comes—and it is perilously near at hand already—it will surpass even the last in its devasta- tion and consequent misery. So that our analysis remains as true as ever, Capitalism has noi only reached the limits of its developement, but already, so to Speak, turned in upon itself. This system so admirably designed to expand the productive capacity of the world has by reason of its inherent contradictions und depondance on the profit motive proved utterly incapable of utilising that capacity actually to produce ina manner to satisfy the needs of the masses. That is the paradox of ‘poverty amidst plenty’, more correatly stated as ‘poverty amidst potential plenty.” Within this decaying organism, nevertheless, are the very seeds of future growth, It is Capitalism itself that has created the basis of the Socialist world to be; and within Capisalism it self has grown that class which will be the instrument of destruct- ion of the system that gave if birth as also the agent of the creation of the new and more rational society that will ab last enable mankind to rise to its full stature. I refer of course to the working class that has alresdy captured for itself one-sixth of the habitable globe and will surely capture for itgglf the rest. It will not therefore surprisc you that I contrepose decaying Capitalism with rising Socialism, Yet, let us not deceive ourselves with illusions of inevitability. Thore is nothing inevitable in the historical process except there be the organised will of human beings to mould it to their aims. There can of course be no Capitalism, that will not tend to dis-ne ruption whatever the teformists may say; but if that disruption is toend in Socialism instead of black reaction there must be convinead Sosialists who will courageously work to ensure it. That is the responsibility which history casts on us—and the post-war period has undorlined the lesson with the fateful failure cf the German and Chinese revolutions. 2. Conscious thus of our destiny let us face the current situation yoalistically. We who are Sooialists know the path the world should tread. Bub not 4ill we have spread that knowledge far and wide will that path be taken by humanity, Besidesgtis replacement of decaying Capitalism with a more veesuetae Boa humane system is necessarily a slow process. In the meantime vast masses of humanity undergo the needless suffering that in- exorably accompanies the decay of a system which most of them do not even understand. It is uot therefore strange that this is an age of confusion and frustration. Indeed, the helpless state of the contemporary world beggars description, Outside the confines of the U.S. 8. B., life bas become to most an Odyssey of meaningless suffering. The dominant contemporary emotion is that of despair, as is demonstrated by the rise in the suicide rate throughout the world. Amidst if all, declining Capitalism has assumed the monstrous shape of Fascism. Tet there be no mistake about the true nature of this eon- temporary phenomenon. Fascism does noi represent the emer- gency of a new and antithetical system to replace the old, Fascism is Capitalism with the gloves off—and even the gloves were dirty cnough. Capitaliom in expansion developed in its monopolistic phase into imperialism; now in its decadence it assumes the form of Fascism, Fascism is Capitalism that em- ploys nake@ instead of masked foree. The characteristic figure ot developing Capitalism is the policoman even us the true vepresentative of Imperialism is the soldier—the proper symbol of Fascism is the thug. For Fascism is Capitalism consciously and unserupalously organised to perpetuate itself and the dominaney of its principles. The mere affixing of a new label dows nob invalidate the analysis. oOo.It follows that it is as true as ever that the only system that is antithetical to Capitalism, whether in its Fascist or bourgeois demoératic form, is Socialism. It is as well to remind overselyos of that fact ata time when many a red herring is sought to be ava wn across the trail of truth in the namo of Social Jugtice and other undefined but actively propaguted obscurities. The isstie is not between Oapitalism and Fascism or Democracy and Dictatorship; the issue is between Capitalism and Socialism. Im that framework completely fall the lesser rivalries and eon- flicts that litter the world of political edntroversy. *Sugh boing tha basic alignment of world forces, let us assess thé edherate situation. Only a fool would deny that Fascism is today in full flood, Large portions of Hurope and Asia are already ground under the Fascist heel. Much of the remainder is tending similarly as threatened Capitalism becomes increasingly conscious of itself. And accompanying the spread of Fascism haa grown the spectre of War. The second Imperiulist World War already looms over the world with an imminence that overshadows all olse. Mankind is desperately in search of penco; yet such is the remorseless destiny of Imperialism thit this very search is being harnessed to create the psychology that war demands, Such are the para- doxes that the contradictions of Capitalism generate. Why is war imminent ii a world that thirsts for peace? Ths answer does not lie in the insatiable ambition of evanescent dictators. It lics rather in the inevitable trends of World forces. Capitalism in its insensate search for markets partitioned the world into rival Imperialisms. Today, with the rape of Abyssinia by Italy, the process of partition is complete. But the pressure for expansion within each Imperialism is beyond the possibility of restraint, Capitalism, whether in its Imperialist or any othér form, must expand or burst. It is immaterial to Capitalists that the system must anyjiow come to grief. It is sufficient for Gapitalisin to postpone the inevitable day. Bul the drive to expansion in a fully partitionad world leads direct to Imperialist World war. There being no other direction in which to expand, Imperialiem must clash against Imperialism in mortal combat to repartition the world The process has already begun,( 10 ) During the world War the weakest link in the Capitalist ehain, Russia, gave way beneath the strain. Today the weakest contemporary Capitalism, China, is falling a prey te predatory Imperialist adventure. That is the explanation:of the Chinese sifuation. It is not that Japanese Imperialism is unnaturally rapacious, if is that Japanese imperialism has no other more convenient direction in which to expand. Her trade drive, based on the intensive exploitation of a terrorised population, broke on the rocks of prohibitions, quotas and trade restrictions, Peaceful economic penetration proying impossible, sho is forced to capture new monopolist markets by sheer physical foree, Aud ib is characteristic of Capitalist hypoerisy that every other Imperialism in the world, whom Japan is only brazenly imitating, should hold up its hands in horror at its aggressively apt pupil. Japan is only flagrantly illustrating that the ultimate sanction of Imperialism is force. Yet, to those who will look honestly, no such illustration is necessary. Blood flows freely today in Palestine even as it does in China, The difference is the difference between an imperialism on the defensive and Imperialism on the offensive. Japan bombs the Chinese to get what she would keep; Britain bombs the. Arabs to keep what she has got. Both do it inthe name of psace—and, what is more, in the name of God There is a curious parallel between General Matsua's declaration that God brought the Japanese to Shanghai and our new Governor's dictum thas the British Empire is the product of a divine plan. One thing isclear anyhow; both gentlemen un- consciously accept that God is on the side of the big battalions. In the light of this philosophy, it is not strange that every country in the world is arming to the limit of its capacity. The British Empire foo has entered ths armament race. The burden of that expenditure must ultimately fall on us too. As subjects of the British Empire we would therefore do well to arrive at some estimate of the posjtion of the British Empire in fhe present world situation. The British Empire is tho oldest and still the most powerful Empire in “the world, But her relative: position has grown woaker. Her far-flung system of communications is threatened at point after vital point by the newer and younger [mperialiams S( il} whose rise to powor has increasingly occupied the attention of the post-war world. Hven as she is threatened from without she is also beginning to disintegrate from within, The rising tide of the colonial movement for fresdom has had many an overt expression in yarious parts of the Empire within the last few years. Thus preoseupied with herself, the British Empire has not been able to play thab decisive part in world polities to whieh the past has accustomed us. Indead, throughout the world the British Empire is on the defensive. Her role in eyery crisis is very much that of the lawyer—the continued adjustment of recurring differences while always conserving the interests of one’s own client. Master of the richest portions of the habitable globe, she has little to gain by war and all to lose. Sha is what is tarmed popularly a sated Imperialism, though in fact there is no point of satiety for any Imperialism. Accordingly Peace has become her interest—and she serves the onuse of her interest as always with apostolic fervour. Mr, Anthony Eden trois from conference to conference in immaculate elothes and with immaculate words. Butin the light of Britain's new armament programme the world is inoreasingly aware that the voice that breathes through Hden has the tone of conscious might. Glearly, the peace that Britain seeks is not moral but legalistic, She conceives of peace not as the outcome of a system that enthrones economie and political justice, but as itself a system embodying a balanced relationship between respective systems of organised force, The wolf is to lie down with the lamb; all Imperialisms woak or poworful (and Britain is the most power- ful of them all) are to live ab peace with evch other; but within each Imperialism the wolf is to continue, as always, to devour the lamb, It is within such aconeaption of Peace alone that the speeches of Mr. Eden and the bombing expeditions in Palestine and on the North West Frontier can be permanently reconciled. It is of such an attitude that has beon born the monstrous farce termed non-intervention, Non-interyention is a typically British product that is being vended in the international market with characteristic British salesmanship. We had partial non- intervention in Abyssinia and complete non-intervyention in theColao Suar; we have so-called non-interyention in Spain and as yet, watchful non-intervention in China. In every oasa British influence has been the decisive factor. That influence hag always operated on the basis of self-interest. Non-intervention is the policy ao long as British intorests are not too divectly threatened. There is a magical change when it is otherwise, as was proved in the case of piracy in the Mediterrancan, In any event, we who are Socialists cannot be deceived. So long as the U.S. 8. R. exists an assauli on the Socialist citadel must ever prosont itself as necessary to her Capitalist. neighbours, Threatened from within and without they may ally themselves for the final holocaust the ultimate outcome of which none can precisely prophesy. Will the international working class moye- ment go under and the world recale into the darkness of desolation ? Or will it conquer and so lay the basis of the only system in which peace is inherent? For only in tho Sociplist world can peace be possible. There are not lacking signs that the answer will be favourable It is true that the working clags movement has suffered soyere set backs in many countries. Ii is crushed in Germany and almost so in many other countries. But there are signa of a resurgence in Italy and of possible dominance in the Franes of the Popular Front. Republican Spain continues fo resist, and Chinese rosistance has showa unexpected quality, Admittedly the invader is in Nanking; but China cannot be mopped up like a puddle and there is a significant absence of news from North China where the erstwhile Chinese Red armies are operating. In India tho rising mags movement has placed Congress in cffice, and although Congress in office, not being a disciplined Socialist organisation, is already showing signs of barren Constitulionalism, nevertheless, the workers and peasants movement, impatient of hesitant leader- ship, is beginning to develop ou new and bolder lines, Bgypt has won forma] independence and so also the Phillipines. There is revolt in Moroceo and rebellion in Palestine, The oppressed masses within the various Imperialisms aro showing signs of inereased consciousness. Above all the U. 8. $.R. goes from victory to victory in production. The plago of the U, 8. 8. B. in world polities is beyond ordinary importanes, Itis to her that the international working class1B)2) movement ultimatly looks for the concrete exemplification of the hope that animates it. Every rise in the standard of living in the U S.8,R., every victory under her successive five year plans, every little growth in her relative strength, infuses into the oppressed of the world frosh courage to continue the desperate struggle in which they are engaged, For on her every action depends the nearing of the day when a Socialist world, released from the threat of war and want, can bend its energies unhampered to the task of finally making man the master of clroumstance When wo turn nearer home to this our little island, it will be seen thab this preliminary survey of the world situation is essential toa proper understanding of eyents in Ceylon itselt. Byery world trend also manifests itself here in keeping with local circumstances. The growth o! the International Socialist Move- ment reflects itself in the rise of the Lanka Samasameja Party, apitulism is reflected oven as the increasing self couseiousness of loeally in the many manifestations of ineroasing cooperation amougst our local Capitalists. The basically Fascist trend of British Tmpevia iam is locally exemplified by the steadily inereasing Police interference in strikes The Bracegirdle affair indicated, through the “Limes” newspaper, the source from which Fascism in Ceylon will find its main strength, namely Furopean Planterdom ; even as the upsurge of mass protest during the sama incident and in the Dowbiggin demonstrations showed that there ate vast reasryes of strength to be tappad for the canse of freedom in our toiling masses, Frightened by the growth of popular fesling our local Capita- ligis and laud owners with the remnants of decaying Feudalism are burning steadily to their natural allies, the Imperialists, The nature and constibution of the Town Hall Meeting against Tax increases, coupled with the rising yolume of projests through the capitaliss “Daily News’ against Social Service expenditure, particularly for education, affords support for this contention, Tf proof be necessary, the Memorandum to the Secretary of State this has resulted from the Towa Hall Meeting provides it. Anyone who reads intalligently evan the carefully worded extracts that haye been published will see that the Memorandum is directed not so much against Taxation as aguinst the Universal Franchise, The pressure of the masses on the State Council is beginning toCw) produce results which are already proving distasteful to the ruling classes of Ceylon. The answer sought to be given by Cinnamon Gardens is not concession but repression How has this situation eome about? Despite the rotund phrases of pampered propagandists, every fact points fo the depths of rural and urban misery. No doubt, there has been a partial return of prosperity with the improvement in tea, rubber and eoconut prices, But the benefits have nob been so widesproad or go sufficient as genuinely to relieve the weight of poverty on the mass of our population, Unemployment is still widespread and under employment general. The rise in world prices has depressed the standard of living of urban workars, for wages have lagged hohiad prices. That is the explanation of the rising wave of spontaneous strikea in Colombo and outside, At the same time the extent of rural misery is boing steadily reflected in the growing volume of protest and complaint from every part of the country that reaches the correspondencs columns of our vernacular news- paper the “Samasamajaya.”’ Even the plantation labourers are getting conscious, and planterdom is preparing with repression against the anticipated day of fate. Tn this situation the ruling classes of Ceylon are organising themselves, The white lords are seeking, as in India, for brown allies, and find them readily in our Jandowning and feudal elements. Negotiations are going on behind the scones hetween the Britishers and certain of our Jand-owning leaders; and that fact has to be read together with the recent proposal in the Buropean Association to found a so-called Moderate Party. The basis for common organisation is being provided by the attack on the universal franchise. The growing volume of mass protest has alarmed our ruling classes, and the responsiveness of even the present State Counoil to organised mass pressure has seared them. The instrument by which that pressure can be regularly and legally exercised, even if rapregsive legislation comes, is the universal franchise. You may forbid the right of public mesting and protest, bat so long as the universal franchise remains there is always the possibility of expressing protest by the type of representatives sent to Council, Besides, so long as the Council is answerable to a popular electo- rate, repressive logislation would not bo easy, while recourse fortee} that purpose to the Governor's special powers would too readily brand roprossive legislation for the thing it is. Imperialism in Ceylon still requires a liberal facade and also ab least to preserve appearances. Therefore, the initial attack has to be directed against the universal franchise. Its abolition would clear the way to repres- sive legislation designed to throttle the growing mass movement and to remove its leadership. Ience the defence of the universal frauchise has becoming a pressing necessity, and it will be our duty in the coming year to teach our people the danger with which they are faced. There is, however, more in it than that: The universal franchise is not an end itself, but a means to an end. Though Socialism can alone fulfil the needs of the masses, as things are, it is only through the aniyersal franchise that the masses can for the present wring any concessions whatsoever from their oppres- sors, Tho Capitalist and land-owning, avd feudal classes know this well, and hence the beginnings of organisation among them The important question is what the masses are to do in the face of this growing throat The answer is both simple and obvious. The masses are not Socialist, but they are liberty loving and demand an improvement in their condition. That fact should afford the basis for action. Clearly a United Front of all anti-Imperialist elements was and is the need of the day, and I do nob doubt the masses realise ib. The difficulty lies elsewhere. Moyed by a realization of the need during the last year we mado an honest and sustained effort to work a United Front with the so-ealled Labour Party, The effort has failed as if was sabotaged by the acknowledged leader of this so-called Party. On this matter tho ubmost frankness is necessary. We have never over-estimated the Labour Party, nor on the other band under-estimated it, To begin with, we know that its trumpet- blares of self-adyertisement only hide the lack of any real organisation A Labour Party that needs to have recourse to governorial patronage is really confessing to bankruptey of influence Tis ideas of organisation are so primitive as to be con- fined to the reeruitment of handy allies in the State Council who(E67) rapidly fall away at any little crisis It is nob’enough to administer an oath, it is necessary to choose the right material to whom the oath is to be administered. It is nob, therefore, strange that the Labour Party has reverted to its original and perennial member- ship of one in the State Council So inuch for its organisation, What of its influence? That, we should not under-estimate, The Labour Party, or rather its perpetual leader lives on past uehieyements. The day was when it wes the spear head of the working class attack. To those days we eball always pay tribute. But from leadership it has steadily turned to sabotage From boing tho leader of working elas action it has become the agent of employer control. No other reason ean be given for the constant insistence of the employers in every labour trouble thet they will recognise none other as the represen- tative of the labourers save Mr. Goonesinhe, And it speaks much for the natural loyalty of workers that despite act after act of sabotage they have till lately clung to the party that once was truly theirs. But the time has arrived when tho truo function of the Labour Party has come to be realised. The Hunupitiya strike showed is in its true colours. Thatstrike was soon converted [rom an economic to a political battle. The leadership of the strike was provided by our Party; our opponent was perhaps the strongest local unit of British business. The occasion was therefore consciously utilised to try to smash the Party, Tha Government allied itself by permitting the railway to be used on a special agreement to conyey scabs The Minister for Labour delayed to use the conciliation machinery provided by law. ‘he Colombo Commercial Company refused to negotiate, and the Labour Party directly encouraged black-legging. The result was that ihe strike was smashed, bub the Party emerged intact. There can be no Labour organisation worthy of the name that can encourage strike-breaking for any reason whatsoever. The day that was first done openly in the name of political principles, the Labour Party was doomed. I state it thus for this reason. Four years ago tuo the Labour Party indulged in strike-breaking ab the Wellawatte Mill Strike Ou that occasion it did so in the name of racialism, and the workers of Colombo were there-by deceived ag to the true significance of thie phenomenon of a Labour Letdat( 17) who included strike breaking as 2 weapon in his political armoury. Bosidos, that strike succeeded. It needed the Hunupitiya Strike, which ended in disaster for this very reason, namely organised black-legging, to open the eyes of the workers of Colombo in particular—hy the way the Labour Party has never been a political force out-side Colombo, Above all, for the first time there was a working class Party with ‘sufficient theoretical equip- ment patiently to explain to the workers the true meaning of the situation. Our arguments were met with abuse: but that was not merely because our opponents regularly mistake abuse for argument bui also because in this case they had no argument at all, The results are now becoming apparent. The realisation is becoming ganeral that the Labour Party has finally lost its claim to leadership of the workers, and working class leadership has now finally and irrevocably passed into our hands. It is not therefore to be concluded that we have abandoned the United Front tactic. Rather we are compelled to adapt i to the new position and apply it ina different manner, There is no Labour Party in fact to work with—it lias become nothing but an electoral organisation for the backi of Mr. Goonesinghe’s candidature in Central Colombo. We have to turn elsewhere and seok a new orientation. For that purpose the situation must ba re-examined. ‘The basis for the now application of the United Front tactic ig to be found in the fact that the anti-Imperialist miovement is gathering force. Capitalism in Ceylon, though highly developed, is really vety peculiar in form. I6 is not so much an indigenous as a foreign growth from European exploitation of the resourees of this country. Cheek by jowl with it survives our ancient feudal structure whose survival is dependent parely on the support it gets from British Imperialism. ‘The latter finds i6 too convenient an instrument to be swept away. Accordingly, within Ceylon feeling ig directed more against feudal survivals than capitalist. oppression as is shown by the tremendous feoling against the Headmen System. Against capitalism as such there is not so much feeling, for capitalist exploitation is really concentrated on the plantations. There, it is immigrant Inbour that is largely employed. That labour isnot yet sufficiently conscious to become, what it ultimately nus become, the mein centre of the attack on Capitalism in( 1s ) Ceylon. The real point on which feeling is widespread, cutting across all racial divisions, is Imperialism. ‘The call for Freedom is genuine and deep, and is increasingly finding expression as was shewn in the Dowhiggin demonstrations, the Kamala Devi tour and the Bracogirdle episode. It is with that subject that the Party, will have to be increasingly occupied. If that analysis be trae the United Front tactic needs re- direction. There are broad strata cf our population which though neither working class nor Socialist are genuinely anti-Tmperialist In that struggle they are ready to go fax, and we should therefore seek increasingly to draw them into the struggle. A basis of action must be found suffieiently broad to draw them into a united front against Imperialism. Of course the working class will nuturally be the principal element in such a movement, but the point is that she movement will not havea purely working class content. Ceylon is peouliar in that it has a completely cowardly bourgeoisie that never has and never will ati any stage provide national leadership against Imperialism. The, result has been the unique fact that the leadership in the anti-Imperialish moyement has fallen entirely upon the van-guard of the working class organised as the Lanka Samasamaja Pariy—and that within an year of is emergence. This throws upon us a responsibility that necessitates a change of emphasis in the immediate tactics of struggle. In every colonial country the foremost question that confronts every oppressed section including the working class, is the incidence of Imperialism. Gonsequently the political movement constantly tends to supersede the purely economic. This i $0 our concrete experience in Ceylon. Therefore the Party, while building the organs of working class economic action and providing their leadership, is at present compelled, in the particular context of Ceylon experience, to admit the unavoidably dominant importance of political struggle. Indeed it has been the experience of the Party that, in the absence of ather anti-Imporialist organisations, both the peasants and other seattered petit bourgeois elements are coming into or rallying around it. As such, the unifed font we need has to be sought not so much as between different organisa- tions of the working class as generally with antitmperialist elements. 9 oO{| 2195 5) Such a policy needs delicate handling, and suecess is dependant not only on soundnoss of leadership bus also on mobility of organisation. If the Lanka Samasamaja Party is to be the sifective instrument of working class policy while working a united front against Imperialism with non-working class elements, it-must edueate and strengthen itself. For the Lauka ‘ amasamaja Party must ever keep in mind that the overthrow of Imperialism is only a stage, though a necessary stage, in the battle for achievement. of working class power as the essential pre-requisite for building the Socialist Society. In this context I should like to address a few words on tho argenisational resolutions that will be placed before you today They are designed to make the L.S.S.P. a closely organised fighting unit that will be the spear-head of the working class attack. Haphazurd growth is dangerous; mere mass mombership is attractive but does not generate power. What the Pariy must do is to draw in all conscious eleinents while holding its inflnence over the masses gouerally. Such a policy will need careful avoidance of the Seylla of sectionalism and the Charybdis of ideological adulteration. On its success however depends absolutely our growth in influence and power, The importance of this point can be seen from another angle, Our opponents are powerful even when unorganised. They are now beginning to organise themselves and to mobilise the multifudinous resources at their command. We are being eold- bianketed in the Press when we are no: doliberately misrepresen- ted. No opportunity to weaken us isle) pass, and should that not suffice the day is inevitable when open repression will be resorted to for the parpose of smashing us. Against that not very distant day we must organise and propare if the working class is not to be left broken and destitute of leadership. The lesson of Germany must be learnt if here too the tale is not to be repeated. We must inter-ponetrate the masses without losing our Socialist basis: we must permeate the anti-Imperialist movement without losing our organisational identity, If we do so successfully we may he beaten but never broken, Such is the great task that lies immediately abead of us, Yet this change of emphasis in policy must not ohseure the nature( 90) of the work to ba done, Although much of our energy ‘will ‘be devoted to the anti-Imporialist movement, the continued task of working class organisation aud day to day struggle must he sustained. We may point to anti-Imperiniist work as the erying need of the hour, but we shall not cease to agitate for improve- ments in working class conditions, We shall seek a United Front, but only on a progressive basis. It shal] be our business to join in every anti-Imperialist action, but we shall utilise every opportu- nity to spread our creed, Thus with the growing lanti-[mperialist movement will grow simultaneously the Socialist movement for whose capture of power it is our duty unceasingly to work. Accordingly, I would like to stress the block of resolutions in today’s agenda that embody the immediate demands of the toiling masses. They have been deliberately formulated by your Fxecutive to provide the conerete basis for agitation and propaganda in the year to come. It would be our duty to explain them to the masses in their proper setting so that they are seen as a stage along the road and not as the end of the road itself. Through such work shall we spread onr influence in ithe country and also find those new reeraits of whom thers ean never be too many for the Party to absorb in useful work. Comrades, I think IT hava spoken long enough. You will have noted that Ihave deyoted myself almost entirely to an analysis of the current political and economic situation. I haye done so deliberately as I feel itis more important to provide you with the theoretical basis of future action than with an account of the past. That is not because the past has no victories worthy of being recounted. The Dowbiggin demonstrations which we organised first proved the possibilities of mass pressure. The Kamala Devi tour was an achievement of which no other organisa- tion in Ceylon is capable. The Bracegirdle drama, which must go down to history, was of our instrumentation. Our influence is wide and our strength unplumbed. Our paper is a power in the land, and our propaganda the object of fear in our opponents, All that is true. But all that is unimportant save as it affords courage for the future. We have had our successes and defeats, and we shall have our share of both in the years to come. What matters is this alone that’ conscious of the responsibility of our acknowledged mission, we shall go into the long fight that will give to mankind through Socialism the first proper opportunity of realising, developing and utilising to the full those powers and potentialities whose application and use will prove that the real history of mankind has only just began. If we are to be the makers of the future let us rise to the full stature of our responsibility and destiny.(a1) PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS 3RD ANNUAL CONFERENCE DELIVERED RY DR. COLVIN R. DE SILVA. Jomrades ! Oar Party is entering on the fourth year of its existence. For the fourth time you hava placed on me the responsibility of being your President. I undertake the duty with the knowledge that the year ahead is likely to be eritical in our development It is deliberately that I stress this point at the very outset of my address. Ibis ot that I under-estimate the work that the Party has done and the ground that it has covered. That our growth has been rapid the Report already in your hands amply establishes: that our influence is wide is common knowledge: and that our activity is continuous you are yourselves. aware. But those are the very {acts that give so much importance to the year ahead, The more rapid the growth, the sooner are the limits of easy expansion reuched: the wider our influence, the more far- reaching are the consequences of mistakes: and the more continuous our activity, the more sensitive and ‘adaptable must we he bo changing cireumstances. Though the ultimate success of « political Party is dependent on the historical rightness of its fundamental principles and policy, its current power and influence is dependent on continuous integration of its strategy and tactics to changing cireumstances and the variations of day to day struggle. Our fundamental policy, based on Glass needs, remains constant; but the manner of our application of the policy is necessarily dependent on the changing relationship of class forces. Such a process involves the constant issuing of fresh directives; but the proper practical carrying out of stich directives is only possible ina Party with a well-knit and efficient organisation which, besides, possesses cadres of a high politieal level. Every factor in the current political situation, as also the present stage and state of Party development, underlines the urgeticy of training such cadres and achieving such organisation.(32) What is the current political situation ? In the international arena, despite cross-currents and confusions, the fundamental world-wide issue hetween Capitalism and Socialism is being posed with increasing definiteness. ‘The basic affinity of Imperialism and Fascism, which are but variants of Capitalism, is being increasingly demonstrated. The series of events that culminated in the Munich Pact for the dismemberment of Czechoslavakia i# from this point of view, beyond ordinary significance. The Munich Pact itself is not so much the fruition of a policy as the foundation fora renlignmoent of political forees,” Imperialism and Fascism ave on the way to reconciliation, at least temporarily though uneasily, on the basis of internal and external alignment against the eommon foe the international working class, Thence has flowed the sudden, but complete, diplomatic isolation of the U.8.S. R., and the final break-down of she Popular Eront in France. These are fucts of decisive importanca. The disappearance of the last bourgeois democratic state in Central and South Bastern Europe and the dominance of Nazi Germany in those regions though important is not decisive. Capitalism in decay was bound to slough off the bourgacis democratic skin of the days of its expansion; so the disappearance of hourgeois democracy fro the world wasand isa mere matter of time. milavly industrial Germany is an economic teomplexus whose inherent expansive - power could never have been confined and prevented from over flowing its existent political boundaries—that too had to come. What is decisive is that “fated” Imperialism has decided to boy off hungry and aggressive Fascism ai the expense of the lesser states and the U.$.S.B. The change from Hden to Chamberiain, as indeed the change from Blum to Daladier, signifies » conscious poliey of snapending, as far as possible, inter Capitalist riywlry for the co-operation of Imperialism and Fascism in an assault on the international working class in general and the U.$. §. R.in particular. T do not, of course, suggest that Capitalist rivalry is, will be or can be thereby ended. It is of the very nature of Capitalism that its riyal groups can neyer permanently combine eyen against a common foe, The basic Anglo-American inter-Imperialish vivalry remains as acute as before despite the verbiage about Anglo-American friendship; and the American-Japaneseantagonisin has developed to a new stage where the imevitability ofa clash has become palpable, Tho point I im seexing to stress however is the existence, in particular in Britain, of a conscious effort towards such combination and the consequences that: flow from it. The principal consequence is a recession of working elass power in the contemporary world. The basically Pascist trend of the British National Geyernment is increasingly coming to the surface; the recent successful challenge by Daladier to the power of the Confederation du Travail proves not only the break-down ofthe Pupwlar Front but also the renowed upsurge of Fascist forces in France; and the new trends in the U. 8. A. point ir the same direction, When you collate wibh these facts the prostration of working class or and the diplomatic isol: is complete. isation within the openly Faseist countries ion of the U,S, 8, R., the picture of gloom Nevertheless the international pichure is nob entirely cheer- loss. The heroic resistance of the Spanish Republitans and -the aggle of the Chinoso people are proof of the couragoous st continued potency of progressive forecs throughout the world. Above all, the new circumstances have rosulted in a falling away of the U. § §. B, from capitalist alliances and ingreased reliance on the international working class move- meant, Though temporarily defeated thorefore, we are not broken in favour of a renewed or crushed. This re-emphasis of the importance of tho international working class movement comes at an appropriate juncture. A new depréssion envelopes tle world, the full effects of which are only masked by the armaments boom. The sseond Imperialist world war already looms large on the international horizon and the already decaying economies of the Capitalist world are strained heyond precedent by the elforts involved in an armament race. The burden of it all, as always under Capitalism, falls on the working class generally in the industrial countries and on the colonia! peoples in particular, There can be no doubt whatsoever that, with the steady decay of Capitulism and the heightened demands of ye-armament, colonial exploitation has been deepened and intensified. The( 34) power of finance capital in the colonies has been reinforced by the permanent welding into the Imperialistic structure of tarifis and quotxs, Moreover, Imperial defence divectly seeks colonial contributions either as such or in the masked shape of so-called civilian improvements in patently military areas. Hand in hand with intensified exploitation go measures for the suppression of ll manifestations of consequent resentment. The tendency towards suppressing in the colonies even such modicum of civil liberties as existed is universal. What is more the tendency has reacted on the Imperialist countries themselves, resulting in a steady restriction on one pretext or anothor of oivil liberties even within their confines. Imperialism in difficulties is steadily approximating to Hascism. ven so is it with the British Empire. The British Empire is breaking up before our very eyes. The rising tide of colonial reyolt has reached the stage of armed resistance in Palestine-—and successful artmed resistance at that, The centrifugal tendencies ofthe big Déminions, which are developing into independent Capitalist organisms, are beginning to assert themselves with greater frequeney. The compotitive position of British Capitalism has deteriorat-d, and the pressure on British Imperialism from within and without is so great that it has had to eschew fresh adventures and coneentrate on preserving the status quo. That is the explanation of the malignant role of Britain in the international sphore. Britain did not act us the broker to Gorman Fascism out of philanthropy: she did so as usual in the hope of profit—that profit was the provision of a further breathing space during which it is hoped to reweld Imperial interests and intensify Imperial reurmament It is in that sense that “peace”” has become a British “interest.”’ It is from that which flowed and flows the monstrous farce of “‘non-intorvention” in Spain and the proservation of ‘ peace at any cost” in the cases of Austria and Czechoslovakia. With the deterioration of Britain's competitive position in the world market had come » clarification of the true nature of British Imperialism. The benevolent role of self uoclaimed iliser” has rapidly given place to the true function of pitiless oxploiter. The colonial reaction has been the stiffening ofresistance, The struggle for colonial {reedom has upsurged afresh and the Arabs of Palestine have taught to Imperialism and the world a lesson that perhaps needed reminder. The true significance of the Palestine revolt is not the display of naked force by British Imperialism but the capitulation of British Imperialism to doter- mined armed resistance. Amidst the repeated declarations that the Arab revolt has been crushed, let it nob be forgotten that the object of the reyolf has been accomplished—the plan for the partition of Palestine is dead beyond resurrection. Ths living power of the colonial movement is thus demonstra- ted in Palestine. Similarly the compelling urge for colonial freedom is being signalised afresh and in different ciroumstances in India, British-India has known revolt; it is a refreshing sign that the States peoples are also now on the moys, The feudal Princes of India are anachronisms; they are also pillars of British rule, It isin the States that reaction in alliance with Imperialism sits most openly enthroned, The repercussions of the struggle of the States peoples are therefore bound to be moré’ wide-spread than can accurately be gauged. At the Joust, the movement will rovitalise a Congress in whom office has tended to induce torpor. Such is the relationship of world forces and the condition of the British Empire of which our country is no unimportant unit. Strategically our position in the Imporial scheme is vital, for Trincomalee in clearly the true pivot of Imperial defence in the East. It isin the setting of these wider facts therefore that we should ussess the political situation in Ceylon In setting out to doso, Lam constrained to remark that every politieal trend in the past yoar has been in keeping with the anticipations made in my last Conference address. I then pointed out that the rising Mass movement was scaring the white Tinperialists and their brown Jackeys into making common cause against the toiling masses, and prophesied that the coming year would see the laying of the foundation for the counter attack on that movement. My prophecy has, I fear, been only too completely fulfilled, The development of every major question that engaged the attention of our country during the last year has brought sharply to the surface the direct class issue and served to expose the truealignment of political forees. The growth of the mass movement has rapidly induced in the bourgeoisie an overt class consciousness, Its instinotive fear of the masses is beginning to get a rationalised political basis that elevates it to the position of a conscious philosophy, Unable in conditions of Capitalist decline and in- tensified colonial exploitation to make minor concessiona with which to purchase the quiescence of the masses, our land owning bourgeoisie furns to its natural allies to suppress its elass onomy Those allies aro the relics of ont-worn Ceylonese feudalism and the local representatives of British Imperialism. Ii is noteworthy that the economic and political interests of these three section are by no means identioal. On the one hand it was only by smashing feudal power thal British Imperialism first consolidated its position in Ceylon: by the deliberate replace- ment of a degenerate aristocracy with an upstart brown olflicialdom On tho other, the basic economic and political interest of the Ceylonesa bourgeoisie is tho substitution in Ceylon of brown capitalist exploitation for white, It is this basic divergence of interosts that make them uneasy bed fellows. But at one point nevertholess their interests completely coincide, The upstart officialdom has developed aristocratic pretensions whieh the attack on the headmen system vitally endangors. ‘The brown bourgeoisie dreads an agararian upheaval which threatens their position as big tand-owners and parasitic business mon, White Imperialism fears amass movement for independence which alone ean hope to overthrow its entrenched power, In other words, for widely different reasons they find that their interests coincide at one point. And at that point stands the baleful figure of the Hon. Mr. D. 8, Senanayake The role of Mr D.S. Senanayako in the contemporary politi- cal scone is deserving of careful characterisation and definition. Who is this man who embodies in himself the combination of three otherwise divergont tendences? What is his policy and whither doos he seck to lead, or rather manoeuvre the peoples of this island? On the answers to those questions largely hinges the correct shaping of our political strategy and tactics in the year ahoad,Mr, D.S. Senanayake is the present head of a land-owning family of greab wealth and many ramifications who rose to prominence in the Martial Law period and later climbed to power on the shoulders of his lato patriotic brother Mr, ¥. R, Senanayake, Since the introduetion of the Donoughmore Constitution, although only Minister of Agrieulbure he bas steadily gravitated to the centre of the political stage. ‘Today he is the acknowledged leader of the land-owning hourgooisie of Ceylon, Sir Baron Jayatilaka may be the formal leader of the present ministerial puppet show; but the hand that holds the strings is thatot Mr. D. 8. Sena- nayake, Sir Baron remains not becanse he is leader but because he provides thab oseential liberal facade behind which reactionary manoouvres can most successfully be ongineered. Alona among the popular leaders of the older schoo! Mr. Seranayake has a fully developed class consciousness, That veneer of vague liberalism which charactarised the reformist leaders who created the Ceylon National Congress, Mr. Senanayake has never had. Lacking the culture and scholarly refinement of Sir Baron, yet possessad of a primitive onergy and abundant drive that reflect themselves even inthe blundering coastruction of his wnodited speeches, he has clarity of immediate objective wecompanied by a complete dis- regard of the methods employed in achievement. The methods employed in the Dedigama electorate ab the lash General Hilection afford the most flagrant, though not tho only example of that fact. Tb ism» wondor that he has become the dark symbol of bourgeois reaction, Tndesd Mr, D. S, Senanayake has introduced into national politics the spirit and methods of the sucvessful village mudalali. There is the same shrewdness in pereeiving self interest, the same capacity for tortuous manocuyres, the samo short sighted clarity of vision with the same incapacity to look beyond the immediate need, and indead the same religiosity that conceals astuteness, Tt is not without significance that Mr, Senanayake heads an organisation for the administration of the Ramannya Nikays. All great bourgeuis politicians have known how to use the church! Sueh are the attainments of the new leader that has displaced Sir Baron, in every sonse except the formal, from the centre of our political stage. Around the central sun constellate many a lesser planet, all held together by the gravitation of blood( 28) relationship and marital ties. The Senanayake group is essentially a family group that has painted itself with a national colouring. The politics of this group is inherently simple—its sole object is the preservation of its class dominance at any cost, The rising mass movement in the last three years, wrested many a concession from the ruling classes. A still politically wndifforontiated Council passed progressive measures, temporarily oblivious of class interest. But the Bracegirdle issue sharply posed the problem of anti-imperialist struggle and the development of mass forces, In one year the country was rapidly educated politically and in the process our bourgeoisie developed class consciousness to a high degree. The mass movement in Ceylon is agrarian in constitution and anti-imperialist and antifeudal in character. A landless and down-trodden peasantry has turned against its oppressera as exemplified in the headmen systom, and its nationalist tendency has been given a consciously anti-imperialist direction by Sama Samajist propaganda. Thus it was that despite all the manoeuvres of the Senanayake group that on the one hand the anti-headmen bill was driven through Couneil and on the other the masses originally foreed the hands of council in the Bracegirdle episode. But the fruits of these hard won victories aro already being snatched away. Mass pressure, especially when unorganised, is spasmodic in character, while class interest is perennial. What the bourgesisie and Imperialism could not prevent at the height of the mass moyoment, Mr. Senanayake with the Imperialists is taking away by adroit parliamentary and political manocuyre, This fact is well proved by the history of every one of the important issues that engaged the attention of the country in the past year. An Order in Council robbed us completely of the fruits of the Bracegirdle judgment; the masses roge once again in indignant protest; every thing was ripe for a new political crisis: when along came Mr, Senanayake witha talk of constitutional reform that side-tracked the whole issue and forever fixed the Governor's powers on the country, Mr, Senanayake then showed clearly that he was the new guardian of Imperialist interests. Then came the question of constitutional reform itself, In a dyarchioal constitution such as ours no reform can be characterised—e——< se Oe = ( 29 ) as progressive that does not entrench upon the Governor's powers, But the Senanayake xreform move is not that—though they formally attack the Governor’s powers they actually seek only a readjustment of the constitution, a setting right of the balance of power within the country itself and not as between ourselves and Imperialism. That is the significance of the attack on the ; committee system. The true gravamen of the charge is that the committee system mukes the Council singularly responsive to publi opinion and mags pressure. That does not suit either the bourgeoisie or the Imperialist book. $0, the committeo system will go, and a cabinet system will be introduced that will to some extent neutralise the present influence of the universal franchise. The definite class character of the move is obvious and apparent. Even more go is this the case with the Headmén issue. Everyone knows the Council decision regarding the Headmen System, in partioular to abolish the so-called Chief Headmen; and everyone is now familiar with the heroic efforts of Mr. D, 8. Senanayake to thwart that decision. The Vidane Aratchies and Udayars have been given a new lease of life on specious pleas and by sheer manoenvring; it is even being sought to save the Mohan- divams, It would be wise to remember in this connection the remark of Mr. D, §. Senanayake that when the Houso is wrong he claims the power to put it righb—which is only another way of saying that he claims the right to flout the considered decisions of > the State Council where his august self differs from the Assembly. T cannot help feeling that the real intention is to make the Head- ren System—and of course, the Police—the basia of the coming 5 counter attack on the mass movement. Ifthe Headmen issue exposed the Senanayake menveuvre of a bourgeois—feudal alliance, the Cattle Shooting and Immigrant Labour issues disclosed the bourgeoisieand the Imparialists in close embrace. The legalised shooting of stray cattle on European estatos has not only seriously affected village economy but also generated deep resentment. Yet the proposal to restrict the right of shooting stray cattle only to properly fenced estates begot a ready alliance between brown and white planters to protect their pockets at the expense of justice, The Minister for Agriculture has indeed a finished techinuge—he knows to protect the interests of the big landowners while preserving an eluborate pretence of helping the peasantry.{ 30 ) Tho immigration issue was eyen more revealing The testrie- tion of immigration at a time of widespread unemployment can surely be no matber fer controversy: nevertheless we had the spectacle of our bourgeoisio rushing to protect the interosts of planterdom on a mere assurance regarding the employment of local labour unaccompanied by any collective guarantee for ite observance. It ig indeed yemarkable how this group is tonder and sensitive to every Buroneon intorest. Hvery military or nayal domand reeeived from the same quatters ready support. Is it in recognition of political reliability that even the water service at Trincomalee has been taken from the control of Mr. Bandaravaike and handed over to Mr, D, S, Senanayake! However that may bo, the fundamentally pro-imperialist role of Mr. D. 8. Senanayake was never more completely demonstrated than in tho Jayatilaka—Banke affair. Our tactics in that mattor sueceeded completely in that tho personal aspect of the matter soon cane to be overshadowed by the real question—the struggle between a popularly elected State Council and the permanent bureaucracy, Sir Baron himself faced the issue reluctantly and fought it only hesitantly-—after all a mere change in eireumstanes cannot alter tho habits of x life-time, ‘This former shock-abgorber of Imperialism could not well start suddenly at this date to administer shocks himself. It is therefore no matter for real surprise that when the eritical moment for the final denouement came and the anti-imperialist struggle become living issue, the bourgeoisie recoiled from the prospective ecngequences of their own acis. They made heroie speeches; they passed a milk and ~ wator resolution; and they seuttled in alarm at the first sign of political risk. There can be no doubt that the presont course of events must he ascribed to Mr. D, S, Senanayake. The amendment to Comrade Philip Gunawardena's motion was of his engineering: tho present hesitaney of Sir Bayon is clearly of his influencing; the virulent newspaper eaimpaign against those who would force a orisis is of his inspiring; and the debacle on ministerial resignations is un- Aoubtedly of his creation.sate) In this matter we have had 2 clear view of Senanayake tactics. None made more radical and demagogie speeches in Council on this issue; yet none acted more reactionarily in the matter, ‘That is the technique—mililant pub!ic speeches to cover surrender behind the scenes. The next step in the plan is already becoming clear. The familiar trick used on the Order in Council issue is being resucitated. The talk of reforms is again vociferously raised. The Wijeywardena paper, in keeping with policy, will join in the pro-imperialist chorus, The slogan will be, “no action on this issue that will imperil the reforms,” Thus will cowardly inaction be invested with the appoarance of political wisdom. The reason for this attitude is, of course, not far to seek, Our bourgeoisie have no stomach for the anti-imperialist struggle. They cannot face the rising mass movement for national liberation and economie emancipation eyen in alliance with the feudal elements; only the strong arm of Imperialism can sustain them for certain, Hence do they rise to the Imperialist bait but recently dangled hefora them by Major Oldfield in a public speech at the Grand Oriental Hotel. Referring to the debate on the Bracegirdle Commission’s report and the Danks Samasamaja Party's position that they definitely wanted to sever the Imperial tie, ho said :— “We Imow where we are and you know now what you have got to face and itis upto the Buropean community and those others whom Sir Thomas Villiers referred to, the permanent population of this country landowners who have got more to lose than some of us. Tt is up to you to seo what can be done to counteract that insidious propaganda which we know is going on from the headquarters of that Party.” Ido not wish to lay undue stress on the fact that the gallant Major scoms to think that only the landowners constitute the permanent poptlation of this country, The quarter or more of our peasantry that is landless, the industrial proletariat of our towns, they, of course, do not form part of the permanent popula- tion-they have of course no othor stake in the country but their unhappy lives. Such little confusions of thought must be forgiven( 32} the gallant Major when he wanders in the unaccustomed realms cf politieal rhetoric. Partienlarly must he be forgiven when he, consciousiy or unconsciously, lays bare the truth, namely, that the Imperialists and the bourgeoisie in Ceylon are in need of close alliance to face and fight the upsurging masses That is the true menace with which we are faced. The Lanka Samasameja Party, as the fighting unit of the advanced mass elements must warn tho toiling masses and prepare them for the counter-attack that is developing on tho basis of this alliance. In particular should they be made to understand the true nature of that demagogie appeal to romantic racialism which is seaking to divert them from the anti-imperialist struggle to the barren realms of parochial sectarianism, I refor to the newly coined propaganda of that hybrid organisation which masquerades as a political party under the name of the Sinhala Maha Sabha. This body represents the alliance of the degenerate aristocracy of the uplands with the upstart aristocracy of the low. Flitting about inside it indeed are cortain political indeterminates and social pretenders: but the fundamental basis of the Sinhala Maha Sabha is as I have stated, One of its members, Captian Nugawola, even admitted more or less the samo thing in a public dobate. This body makes a veritable specialty of the technique of radical speeches masking reactionary polities. The Maha Sabha lion always roars challenge to Imperialism while fitting ite tail firmly between its lega in preparation for beating a retreat. Indeed the Maha Sabha lion looks an exaggerated mongrel, If proof be needed of this contention, witness the hehaviour of the Sinhala Maha Sabha during the recent ministerial and Council crisis overthe Banks—Jayatilaka issuo. There ean be no doubt that this is a dangerously reactionary body. The nature of its appeal isobyious from the fact thas ib finds its best. response in’ the politically backward Kandyan Provinees and the more easte-ridden areas of the low-country, Tn other cixeumstances it would have represented the local variant of brown Fascism; but as things are, it is doomed to defeat: through lack of leadership, a steadily narrowing social base, and the natural opsration of historie forces. In any event it embodies only anothor form of bourgeoisie reactioney eee ag 5 ae ( 33) Thus we return to our original point. The mass movement for national liberation and economic emancipation which has developed undor our leaderchip is fnced with a counter-attack. The opposing forces have combined with a view to smashing the ‘movement and are organising all their resources to that end. ‘What then ‘are the political tasks that face us? Clearly the first task is to prepare the masses with fore- knowledge. This necessitates the intensification and deepening of our propaganda, the widening of the circulation of our newspaper, and the publication of a steady stream of political literature. The quality of the mass movement must be improved. Our propaganda should cease being merely agitational, and aim at being also educative, The masses must not only be roused; they must also be taught. Simultaniously their militant spirit must’ be sustained and deepened. This ean only be done by the proper integration to politics of their day to day struggies. Immediate mass needs must not only be made the ocension for struggle but also the opportunity for explaining the political basis of action. The fight against the headmen system must be renewed and sustained; the anti- imperialist movement must be given ever greater consciousness ; agrarian discontent must be given political direction. All this needs effective organisation of the masses. But such a process can only be undertaken by an efficient and organised party : which factor lends me to our main task in the coming year ~-the perfecting of Party organisation. The Lank, Sama Samaja Party is the political instrument of the toiling masses, whose organised van-guard it constitutes. As such its duty is two-fold. On the one hand it must educate the masses and lead them, On the other it must perfect itself as an instrument of political action. ‘The latter need becomes urgent as the counter-attack develops. ‘An ill organised Party is easily smashed; anda broken Party reacts to the disorganisation of the mass movement it represents. Only a thoroughly organised, strongly centralised Party with extensive and well trained cadres can face repression without being broken.(34) I must therefore repent what Istressed before. Party organi- sation is still loose despite the new steps taken last. year. . The Party has a head, but still lacks body, so to speak. Branches.are not only too few, but are also not sufficiently active. . There is not énough political activity in relation to local needs. Thera aré no properly organised study classes to train cadres. There is not'a close enough linking of branches with the centre. Not until there is a Samasamajist nucleus in every village in Ceylon, anda Sama- samaja Party branch for every group of villages, can it be said that the Party is extensive enough: and not until avery such branch has its own trained leadership can we sav that our’ organi- sation is intensive enough. To that énd should we work always in the knowledge that time is short and tepression’is imminent. In this connection I wish to make a special appeal to the youth of this country. All over the world youth is playing an unprecedented pars in the work of national regeneration. It cannot be otherwise in Oeylon. Our youth is surely as patriotic, freedom-loving, and self-sacrificing, as any in the world. That heing.so T call on them confidently to join the ranks of the only Party that fights forthe freedom of our people from Imperialist’ exploitation and Capitalist oppression, to work in it and to organise it against the day when their vision of hope will be converted into reality. . Comrades, I have done. T have endeavoured in this address to define our immediate tasks on the basis of a sober estimate of current reality, Ihave not sought in any manner to under-rate the difficulties that beset us: as Marxists our duty is to deal with ~ living realities, not wishful abstractions. We havelalong way to 80 helore we achieve our goal; we shall bave to face many defeats | before the final vietory. That will not deter-us. We shall march onwards confident of the future. For ours is the greatest cause the world has known—the struggle for the deliverance of meee Ps from the bondage of economic circumstance.