UyFrances Irene GSAPPUP 2016 Thesis

Energy Pricing
in the Philippines and its
Effect on Economic Growth

A Thesis Presented to the Faculty of
the Graduate School of Architecture, Planning & Preservation
COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY

In Partial Fulfillment
of the Requirements for the Degree
Master of Science in Urban Planning

by
Frances Irene Uy

March 2016
Table of Contents

I. Introduction…………………………………………………………………………………...3
II. Literature Review……….……….……….……….……….……….……….……….….....7
III. Research Question and Design……….……….……….……….…………………….9
IV. Analysis……….……….……….……….……….……….……….……….……….………....13
a. Probing into Your Electric Bill……….……….……….……….……….……..17
b. History of the Energy Industry……….……….……….……….……….…….26
c. Electric Power Industry Reform Act……….……….……….……….……..34
d. Pricing Mechanisms……….……….……….……….……….……….……….…...39
V. Findings……….……….……….……….……….……….……….……….……….…………42
VI. Scope of Study……….……….……….……….……….……….……….……….…………44
VII. Policy Implications……….……….……….……….……….……….……….……….…44
VIII. Conclusion……….……….……….……….……….……….……….……….……….……..46

1
Abstract

This study explores why energy prices in the Philippines are high. A comparison of
the components of energy cost among selected cities in Asia reveals that Manila has
the third highest generation cost, highest grid cost and the third highest value added
tax imposed on energy. An examination of a residential bill in Manila further reveals
an energy cost component unique to the Philippines. At least 15 percent of a
residential electric bill comprises of miscellaneous charges that represent subsidies
for the elderly and marginalized end-‐‑consumers, rural electrification, subsidies to
incentivize development of renewable energy and the cost of debt incurred by the
government in the past. The history of the energy industry in the Philippines reveals
that loose implementation policies especially at the local level, external economic
factors such as currency depreciation and increase in interest rates and oil prices,
ineffective demand projections and poor pipeline planning as well as political
influences led to the massive debt incurred by the government. Due to the
government’s fiscal constraints, the industry was privatized. Pricing is regulated by
the Energy Regulatory Commission but oligopolies and conflicts of interest in the
industry, as well as the current pricing mechanisms suppress demand and impede
the reduction of energy prices. Absence of public participation leaves the general
public at a disadvantage because the burden of paying for miscellaneous energy
costs falls on them.

2
I. Introduction
Energy prices in the Philippines remain one of the most expensive
compared to its Asian neighbors. An overall comparison among selected cities in
Asia shows that Manila has the second highest overall residential electricity
tariff next to Tokyo.1 If not for the 2011 Great East Japan Earthquake of
magnitude 9.0 that led to the decommissioning of Fukushima power plants,
Manila’s energy prices might even be the highest in Asia.2 Furthermore, Manila
has the third highest generation cost and the highest grid cost in Asia based on
residential electricity tariffs.3 These costs associated with producing energy
combined with a 12% Value Added Tax make energy prices in the Philippines
one of the most expensive in Southeast Asia.4
Several Asian cities, with the exception of Tokyo, Singapore, Hong Kong
and Manila, embed subsidies in its electricity pricing which results in energy
prices that are not reflective of its true cost. A Filipino economist I interviewed
with expertise on the energy industry of the Philippines explains that Asian
countries like Malaysia, Indonesia, Vietnam and China are able to subsidize
electricity because they export natural resources like gas, coal, hydro and oil to
other countries at real cost.5
1 The Lantau Group. (2013). Global Benchmark Study of Residential Electricity Tariffs. Retrieved from
https://www.ema.gov.sg/cmsmedia/Electricity/Consumers/Residential/Global_Benchmarking_Study_of_R
esidential_Electricity_Tariffs_%202013.pdf
2
World Nuclear Association. (2016). Fukushima Accident. Retrieved from http://www.world-
nuclear.org/information-library/safety-and-security/safety-of-plants/fukushima-accident.aspx.
3
The Lantau Group. (2013). Global Benchmark Study of Residential Electricity Tariffs. Retrieved from
4
Ibid.
5 20160108-‐‑CV
3
In the absence of energy subsidies, Manila’s energy prices are
significantly higher than its Asian neighbors. While Manila’s high energy prices
can be partially attributed to the absence of energy subsidies, providing
subsidies will not be effective as this strategy has been found to exacerbate the
fiscal burden of the government and does not address the long-‐‑term affordability
of energy as proven in other Southeast Asian countries. To illustrate this, Taipei’s
Taipower incurred a loss of NT$1.62bn (US $55.8m) in 2012 and South Korea’s
KEPCO incurred a loss of KWR 2,473bn (US $2.3bn) in 2011.6 Coxhead wrote in
Asia Pathways that “energy subsidies are a hidden tax on economic development”
and emphasized the high opportunity cost of public spending on energy
subsidies.7
The Philippines has recognized the dangers of energy subsidies but
reforms in the industry are necessary and urgent. Population growth in the
Philippines is exponential yet as of 2013, 21 million Filipinos still do not have
access to reliable energy services.8 Addressing the underserved demand will not
only promote economic growth; reforms in the energy industry will positively
impact health and education as well.9
6 The Lantau Group. (2013). Global Benchmark Study of Residential Electricity Tariffs. Retrieved from
7
Coxhead, I. (2014, August 27). Southeast Asia’s energy subsidies are a tax on development. Retrieved
from http://www.asiapathways-adbi.org/2014/08/southeast-asias-energy-subsidies-are-a-tax-on-
devedevelopment/
8
International Energy Agency. (2015). Southeast Asia Energy Outlook 2015. Retrieved from
https://www.iea.org/publications/freepublications/publication/WEO2015_SouthEastAsia.pdf
9 International Energy Agency. (2015). Southeast Asia Energy Outlook 2015. Retrieved from
https://www.iea.org/publications/freepublications/publication/WEO2015_SouthEastAsia.pdf
4
The Philippines is abundant in natural resources and has a diverse mix of
energy sources. Some of Luzon’s resources include a 1,200MW natural-‐‑gas fired
Ilijan power plant, a 1,000MW Sual coal-‐‑fired power plant, a 345MW San Roque
hydropower plant, a 603MW hydroelectric power plant in Ambuklao and a
52.5MW Bacon-‐‑Manito geothermal power plant.10 Visayas and Mindanao are
largely powered by geothermal and hydroelectric power plants and have huge
untapped potential for renewable energy.11 Despite the country’s abundance in
natural resources, energy consumption well exceeds energy production by 20
Mtoe (Million Tonnes of Oil Equivalent).12 However, in terms of electricity
production and consumption, the inverse is true. In 2013, the Philippines
produced 75 terrawatt-‐‑hours of electricity and consumed only 62 terrawatt-‐‑
hours.13
Emerging economies like China and India have experienced growth in
energy consumption in correlation with its economic growth. However, the same
cannot be said of the Philippines. As an emerging economy, the instability of
energy supply and prices has profound effects on the economic growth of the
country. High energy prices are reflected in the costs of doing business in the
Philippines which make it difficult to attract new investments in the country. In
the 2nd European Union -‐‑ Philippines Meeting on Energy, a Philippine Chamber
10 KPMG Global Energy Institute. (2014). Growth and Opportunities in the Philippine Electric Power
Sector (2013-2014 Edition). Retrieved from
https://www.kpmg.com/Global/en/IssuesAndInsights/ArticlesPublications/Documents/energy-report-
philippines.pdf
11 Ibid.
12
Enerdata. (2014). South-East Asia Energy Data 2014. Retrieved from
https://yearbook.enerdata.asia/#asean-energy-primary-production-data.html
13 Ibid.
5
of Commerce survey was presented showing significant revenue loss per hour of
power shortage in the agriculture, industry and service sectors of Mindanao.14
Furthermore, Foreign Direct Investments in the Philippines remain at $1.5bn per
year at the same level it was 25 years ago whereas Thailand, Indonesia and
Malaysia experience a growth between $7bn to $18bn per year in Foreign Direct
Investments.15 According to Enerdata, “The high cost and sketchy reliability
of electricity supplies in the Philippines are now the main deterrents to investing
in the country, according to foreign business leaders who see the problem as a
persuasive reason to invest elsewhere.”16
Given the apparent need to address long-‐‑term affordability of energy in
the Philippines as well as accessibility to reliable energy sources across the
country, it is worthwhile to explore why energy prices in the Philippines are
egregiously high. I intend to uncover the underlying reasons behind high energy
prices in the Philippines by investigating energy cost components and how
energy pricing is determined. To understand energy pricing in the Philippines, I
will also trace the history of the energy industry in the Philippines which is
fundamental in understanding the components of the energy bill and its pricing
mechanisms. Existing studies have concluded that Philippine economy is energy
dependent and that existing energy policies may adversely impact or impede
14
Philippe Reveilhac. (2013, May). Electricity and the cost of doing business in the Philippines. Presented
at the 2nd European Union - Philippines Meeting on Energy. Retrieved from
http://eeas.europa.eu/delegations/philippines/documents/page_content/electricityanddoingbusiness.pdf
15
Enerdata. (2014). Philippines high electricity price is keeping foreign investors away (Executive Brief).
Retrieved from http://www.enerdata.net/enerdatauk/press-and-publication/energy-news-001/philippines-
high-electricity-price-keeping-foreign-investors-away_26287.html
16 Ibid.
6
economic growth. Despite its abundance in natural resources, the problem of
high electricity rates in the country remains unsolved.
This study seeks to uncover: Why are energy prices in the Philippines
high? To shed light to this, the following questions need to be investigated: How
is the energy supply chain structured? What pricing scheme is applied at each
stage of the supply chain? How do energy policies affect energy pricing? Has the
privatization of the industry addressed shortage of supply and affordability of
electricity?
II. Literature Review
Energy is a widely discussed topic not only in the US but also among
emerging economies. However, most of the discussions on energy revolve
around energy consumption and its relationship with economic growth. Killian
highlights methodological developments on the topic up until 2008. Killian
posited that energy price fluctuations have largely impacted the U.S. economy
since the 1970s.17 At the time, oil price increase was the culprit for drivers of
energy prices. He explored the origins of energy price shocks and its effect on the
U.S. economy and came to conclude that crude oil prices in the U.S. was not a
significant contributing factor to the rise in energy prices. Killian explains that
“in 1990, crude oil prices rose by 83 percent, whereas intermediate energy
prices only rose by 12 percent.”18 Killian further suggests that the importance of
17
Kilian, L. (2008). The Economic Effects of Energy Price Shocks. Journal of Economic Literature, 46(4),
871-909. Retrieved from http://dx.doi.org.ezproxy.cul.columbia.edu/10.1257/jel.46.4.871
18
Kilian, L. (2008). The Economic Effects of Energy Price Shocks. Journal of Economic Literature, 46(4),
871-909. Retrieved from http://dx.doi.org.ezproxy.cul.columbia.edu/10.1257/jel.46.4.871
7
energy supply channel and its transmission remains open for a debate.19 Killian
also confirms that high energy prices causes a reduction in aggregate demand
for energy.20 Since then, studies surrounding energy and economic growth have
focused on energy consumption.
Five years after Killian’s study, oil price change has become the focus of
discussion in Asia, particularly Malaysia. Mohamed and Abdul investigated the
effects of world oil price change on economic growth and energy demand in the
context of Malaysia. Findings suggest that energy demand and GDP had a
bidirectional causality relationship which means that growth in one variable
leads to growth in the other and vice versa.21
In recent years, the nexus between energy consumption and economic
growth, particularly in Southeast Asian countries have become a topic of interest.
Magazzino theorizes that the relationship of the variables fall into one of the
following causal relationships: neutrality hypothesis, conservation hypothesis,
growth hypothesis and feedback hypothesis.22 Magazzino finds that in summary,
the growth hypothesis holds true for ASEAN countries which means that
19 Ibid.
20 Ibid.
21
Mohamed, N. Y. B., & Abdul, N. W. B. (2013). Measuring the effects of world oil price change on
economic growth and energy demand in malaysia: An ARDL bound testing approach. International
Journal of Trade, Economics and Finance, 4(1), 29. Retrieved from
http://dx.doi.org.ezproxy.cul.columbia.edu/10.7763/IJTEF.2013.V4.256
22
Magazzino, C. (2014). A Panel VAR Approach of the Relationship Among Economic Growth, CO2
Emissions, and Energy Use in the ASEAN-6 Countries. International Journal of Energy Economics and
Policy, 4(4), 546-553. Retrieved from
http://ezproxy.cul.columbia.edu/login?url=http://search.proquest.com.ezproxy.cul.columbia.edu/docview/1
619896939?accountid=10226
8
limitations on energy consumption restricts economic growth.23 This suggests
that energy consumption is a bottleneck in the region’s development process.
Rezitis and Ahammad also investigated the relationship between energy
consumption and economic growth in Southeast Asian countries with more in-‐‑
depth findings in the context of each member country. Findings show that the
Philippines, in particular, support the feedback hypothesis, which means that not
only does limitation on energy consumption restrict economic growth, but a
slowdown in economic growth also restricts energy consumption. 24 This
suggests that both variables are interdependent of each other.
As of 2015, no other study discusses the relationship between energy
prices and economic growth even in the Philippine context. Existing literature
has established that limitations on energy consumption restrict economic
growth and in the Philippine context, understanding energy pricing is crucial to
addressing the cap on energy consumption.
III. Research Question and Design
Philippine economy is largely dependent on energy. While an
understanding the relationship of energy consumption and economic growth is
crucial, it is only a starting point to uncover the underlying reasons why energy
23 Magazzino,C. (2014). A Panel VAR Approach of the Relationship Among Economic Growth, CO2
Emissions, and Energy Use in the ASEAN-6 Countries. International Journal of Energy Economics and
Policy, 4(4), 546-553. Retrieved from
619896939?accountid=10226
24
Rezitis, A. N., & Ahammad, S. M. (2015). The relationship between energy consumption and economic
growth in south and southeast asian countries: A panel VAR approach and causality analysis. International
Journal of Energy Economics and Policy, 5(3)
701253270?accountid=10226
9
prices in the Philippines remain high. Energy consumption is capped by energy
prices and unlocking economic potential in the country requires addressing the
problem of expensive energy prices. This study provides frameworks and
identifies key events in the industry’s history that explain egregious electricity
rates in the Philippines. Without identifying the reasons why energy prices are
high and tracing the history that led to this phenomenon, there is no way of
assessing whether policies surrounding energy regulations are effective in
reducing energy prices. Economic growth in the country has been consistently
strong; addressing problems in the energy industry now will improve
momentum in economic growth and will unlock possibilities for long-‐‑term
development in the country.
While there is a shortage of total energy production in the Philippines,
there is no indication that energy prices are affected by a disequilibrium in
electricity demand and supply because there is no shortage in electricity
production as suggested by Enerdata’s energy statistics.25 The demand for
electricity, especially since it is at a level below the supply of electricity, does not
affect energy pricing. However, it is possible that energy prices constrain the
demand for electricity thereby giving a false sense of adequacy in the supply of
electricity. Oplas identifies high electricity prices and low power generation as
25 Enerdata.
(2014). South-East Asia Energy Data 2014. Retrieved from
https://yearbook.enerdata.asia/#asean-energy-primary-production-data.html
10
constraints for electricity consumption, which is crucial in an emerging
economy.26
Energy supply in the Philippines was originally served both by public and
private entities. However in 1972, the industry underwent reforms and the
industry was nationalized giving the National Power Corporation, a public entity,
monopoly on the energy industry. The National Power Corporation eventually
became insolvent and the industry transformed from being served by public
entities to a complete privatization of the industry. This study explored the
effects of the industry’s reforms on energy prices.
With the unique and complex pricing structure of energy in the
Philippines, policies and guidelines regulating the pricing scheme of energy
supply may shed light on why energy prices in the Philippines are high. This
study also explored whether policies adopted include embedded costs and are
designed to protect the interests of certain stakeholders.
The lack of interconnectivity between energy supply terminals due to
archipelagic geography certainly resonate with the proposals made to address
lack of access to reliable energy services in different regions in the Philippines.
However, since this research is focused on the pricing scheme of energy supply,
the above can be explored for further studies.
Existing studies show that Manila has one of the most expensive energy
prices in Asia on an aggregate level. To supplement available data on Manila’s
energy prices, this study uncovered the components of an electricity bill from a
26
Bienvenido S. Oplas, Jr. (2015, August 13). The Philippine electricity market: Monopoly and competition.
BusinessWorld. Retrieved from http://www.bworldonline.com/weekender/content.php?id=113411
11
Meralco electric bill. While the sample electric bill is not representative of
Manila’s energy consumption and cost distribution, it provides the energy cost
components of an electric bill in the Philippines as of November 2015. The bill is
then categorized into four components, namely, production costs, transmission
costs, taxes and other charges. Singapore is used as a benchmark because it is
similar in terms of geographic area and like Manila, its energy prices are
reflective of true costs because it does not provide energy subsidies. Singapore
was used a benchmark because its energy prices are lower than Manila’s and it
revealed discrepancies between energy cost components and identified what
components of Manila’s energy cost can be reduced.
Existing literature on the subject matter employed purely quantitative
methods to analyze data. While quantitative analysis establishes correlations
between variables, it only establishes the relationship of energy prices and
economic growth. Since the nature of this research is to uncover underlying
reasons why energy prices are high in the Philippines, employing quantitative
analysis alone will prove insufficient. For a substantive and in-‐‑depth research,
interviews with key stakeholders were conducted and policies were reviewed.
This research employed the use of qualitative data to augment existing
quantitative analysis.
Representatives from both the public and the private sector were
selected to be interviewed. Organizations that were involved in the energy
supply chain and consequently energy pricing was identified. Initially, this
comprised of the Energy Regulatory Commission, generation companies,
12
transmission and distribution utilities. Interviewees were contacted through
cold emails, LinkedIn and the researcher’s network of contacts, especially those
who previously worked and currently work in the industry and the government.
Getting in touch with interviewees and scheduling a meeting was difficult and
because of the sensitivity of the subject matter, interviewees are more likely to
respond positively based upon the recommendation of a common contact. The
researcher’s list of interviewees further expanded with the help and
recommendation of previous interviewees.
The interviews revealed that the industry’s history is essential in
explaining the current energy pricing scheme. Interviewees also highlighted key
documents that regulate pricing mechanisms and define the roles of government
agencies. Furthermore, interviews further illuminated the veracity of
monopolies in the industry that contribute to high energy prices. More
importantly, interviews highlighted that energy pricing is not just determined by
technical and economic forces; political factors are equally important in defining
energy pricing.
IV. Analysis
A Global Benchmark Study of Residential Electricity Tariffs by The Lantau
Group shows a comparison of electricity tariffs among selected cities in the
world. Manila’s generation cost is only third highest in Asia yet Manila has the
second, if not the highest, overall residential electricity tariff.
13
Figure 1: World city residential tarrif and its cost components, January 2013
Source: The Lantau Group. (2013). Global Benchmark Study of Residential Electricity Tariffs.

Oplas extracted the figures from The Lantau Group’s Global Benchmark
Study of Residential Electricity Tariffs and highlights that Manila’s generation
costs are lower than Tokyo’s and Singapore’s.27 According to the data extracted
by Oplas, Manila’s energy cost drivers are the grid charges and value added tax.
Figure 2 shows that Manila’s grid charges are priced at 8.2 SGD¢ / kWh
compared to Tokyo’s 6.7 SGD¢ / kWh and Singapore’s 4.8 SGD¢ / kWh.28 Manila’s
value added tax are significantly higher at 12% compared to Tokyo’s 5% and
Singapore’s 7%.
27 BienvenidoS. Oplas, Jr. (2015, August 13). The Philippine electricity market: Monopoly and
competition. BusinessWorld. Retrieved from
http://www.bworldonline.com/weekender/content.php?id=113411
28 Ibid.
14
Figure 2: Electricity Prices, January 2013

Source: Bienvenido S. Oplas, Jr. (2015, August 13). The Philippine electricity market: Monopoly and
competition. BusinessWorld.

While data suggests that Manila’s generation costs are at an acceptable
level, an interviewee from a generation company argues that generation costs
comprise 60% of one’s electricity bill and reduction in generation cost will
substantially decrease electricity tariffs.29 Higher grid charges, on the other hand,
are not surprising. An interviewee from a distribution utility cites Singapore as a
comparison and explains that Singapore only has one distribution utility that
serves the entire country whereas the Philippines has 140 distribution utilities
29 20120108-‐‑CV
15
with assigned franchises. 30 The interviewee contends that having several
distribution utilities makes the network atomistic and each distribution utility is
unable to achieve economies of scope and economies of scale.31
Aside from the distribution network’s effect on energy pricing, the
atomistic nature of the network also affects the reliability of energy supply as it
makes communication lines between generation companies and transmission
lines difficult. It is important to note that the Philippines, compared to Singapore,
is an archipelago and because of the country’s geographic nature, it might be
difficult to implement the same system adopted in Singapore.
The interviewee further attributes high energy prices in the Philippines
to the tax imposed on energy; he cites that other countries don’t impose taxes on
energy.32 However, as shown in Figure 2, other countries apply taxes on energy
too albeit at lower rates than Manila. Hong Kong is the only city that does not
impose taxes on energy.33
Aside from Manila’s grid charges and value added tax, Figure 1 shows
another component that drives Manila’s energy cost: a miscellaneous charge
categorized as “other charges”. What comprises the “other charges” component
of Manila’s energy cost?
30 20120114-‐‑LF
31 Ibid.
32 Ibid.
33 Bienvenido
S. Oplas, Jr. (2015, August 13). The Philippine electricity market: Monopoly and
16
a. Probing into Your Electricity Bill
Figure 3 shows a sample Meralco Electricity Bill that lists the components
of a residential electricity bill. The rates that apply for each component of the bill
vary depending on the consumer’s consumption. Higher rates are applied to
consumers with higher energy consumption. While the sample electric bill is not
representative of a resident’s average energy consumption and cost distribution,
it provides the energy cost components of an electric bill in the Philippines as of
November 2015.
Figure 3: Meralco Electricity Bill, page 1
17
The above residential electric bill from Manila Electric Company (Meralco)
shows the following breakdown of energy cost components.
Table 1. Residential Energy Cost Components

Bill Subgroup Percentage
Generation 45.79%
Transmission 9.04%
System Loss 4.81%
Distribution (Meralco) 25.22%
Subsidies 1.26%
Government Taxes 9.48%
Universal Charges 3.95%
FIT-‐‑All (Renewable) 0.46%
Source: Meralco Residential Bill
For this particular bill, generation comprises 45.79% of the total bill. Grid
charges include transmission, system loss and distribution, which sums up to
39.07% of the total bill. Transmission refers to charges paid to the National Grid
Corporation of the Philippines for the cost of delivery from power generators to
the distribution utilities through transmission grids. Distribution, on the other
hand, are charges recovered by the distribution utility for the cost of delivery of
energy from transmission grids to end users. Lastly, system loss refers to the
cost of energy lost from the delivery of energy through transmission and
distribution lines. Energy is transmitted through copper wires and a percentage
of energy delivered is lost in the process. Meralco explains that “the maximum
level of losses that may be recovered by private distribution utilities was set at
9.5% by the Republic Act No. 7832 which was reduced to 8.5% starting 2010, as
provided under ERC Resolution No.17, Series 2008.”34
34 Meralco.
Meralco Bill Components. Retrieved from http://www.meralco.com.ph/consumer-
information/understanding-your-bill/meralco-bill-components.
18
The remaining 15.15% of the electricity bill comprises the “other charges”
of Manila’s energy cost. This includes subsidies, government taxes, universal
charges and FIT-‐‑All (Renewable). Moreover, contrary to what is stipulated in
Republic Act No. 9136, Chapter II, Section 6 which states that “pursuant to the
objective of lowering electricity rates to end-‐‑users, sales of generated power by
generation companies shall be value added tax zero-‐‑rated,” the above
components of the electricity bill including generation cost are still applied a
12% Value Added Tax.
Figure 4: Meralco Electricity Bill, page 2
19
What exactly are residents paying for? The second page of Meralco’s
electricity bill breaks down the subcomponents of the bill.
Subsidies are comprised of a Lifeline Rate Subsidy, Senior Citizen
Subsidy and Tax Recovery Adjustment Charge. A lifeline subsidy as explained by
Meralco is “a socialized pricing mechanism under Section 73 of the EPIRA to
benefit marginalized/low-‐‑income captive market customers. In Meralco's case,
as approved by the ERC, residential customers using up to 100 kWh in a given
month enjoy a Lifeline Discount to be applied to the total of the generation,
transmission, system loss, distribution, supply and metering charges. The
discount varies according to consumption and is funded by a Lifeline Subsidy
Charge to be paid by all other customers.”35
Senior citizen subsidy, on the other hand, “is a socialized pricing
mechanism for senior citizens provided under Republic Act No. 8884 or the
Expanded Senior Citizens Act of 2010. There are two Senior Citizens Discounts
provided to end-‐‑users. The first provides a maximum of 5% discount on the
electricity bills of residential accounts registered under the name of a senior
citizen which consume not more than 100 kWh a month. The second grants a
50% discount on the electricity bills of senior citizen institutions accredited by
the Department of Social Welfare and Development (DSWD). The discounts are
applied on the qualified customers' total generation, transmission, system loss,
distribution, supply and metering charges amount, net of lifeline discount, and
35 Meralco.
Meralco Bill Components. Retrieved from http://www.meralco.com.ph/consumer-
20
are funded through a subsidy to be paid by customers that are not availing of the
Senior Citizen Discount or the Lifeline Discount.”36
Tax Recovery Adjustment Charge “is an LGU-‐‑specific charge collected
from customers of the different local government units (LGUs -‐‑ cities and
provinces) where local franchise taxes prior to rate unbundling were already
paid by Meralco but not yet recovered from customers. Prior to the unbundling,
there was no recovery mechanism for local franchise tax payments. Billing of
TRAC started last April 2012 in accordance with the ERC approval in its Decision
under ERC Case No. 2011-‐‑045 RC.”37 Mr. Larry Fernandez, Head of Meralco’s
Utility Economics explains that “Under the regulations, the cost of power
includes all of the cost of delivering service which includes the various business
permits, taxes and fees that are imposed by the government including the local
government.”38
The Feed In Tariff charge is a specialized payment system passed on to
consumers to incentivize the development of renewable energy sources.39 After
delaying the implementation of the Feed In Tariff since 2009, the Energy
Regulatory Commission adopted the FIT in 2012 and provided renewable
36 Meralco. Meralco Bill Components. Retrieved from http://www.meralco.com.ph/consumer-

37 Ibid.
38 GMA News Online. (2012). Meralco, tataas ang singil sa kuryente sa pagpataw ng Tax Recovery
Adjustment Charge. Retrieved from http://www.gmanetwork.com/news/video/114882/24oras/meralco-
tataas-ang-singil-sa-kuryente-sa-pagpapataw-ng-tax-recovery-adjustment-charge
39 Rappler. (2015). Effective January: New electric bill for renewable energy. Retrieved from
http://www.rappler.com/business/industries/173-power-and-energy/79787-billing-renewable-energy-
january.
21
energy sources with fixed tariff benefits as stipulated in ERC Decision Case No.
2011-‐‑006 RM.40
Universal Charges are comprised of Missionary Electrification Charge,
Environmental Fund, NPC Stranded Contract Costs, NPC Stranded Debts and DU
Stranded Contract Costs. Missionary Electrification Charge is a charge used to
fund the electrification of off-‐‑grid islands in the Philippines.41 As mandated by
EPIRA, Section 70, “the missionary electrification function shall be funded from
the revenues from sales in missionary areas and from the universal charge to be
collected from all electricity end-‐‑users as determined by the ERC.”
Figure 5: Coverage of Missionary Electrification

Source: Philippine Energy Plan 2012-‐‑2030
40 International
Energy Agency. (2015). Feed-In Tariff for Electricity Generated from Biomass, Ocean,
Run-of-River Hydropower, Solar and Wind Energy Resources. Retrieved from
http://www.iea.org/policiesandmeasures/pams/philippines/name-43253-en.php.
41 20160106-MV
22
Environmental Charge “is a universal charge that accrues to an
environmental fund to be used solely for watershed rehabilitation and
management. Such fund is managed by the National Power Corporation (NPC)
under existing arrangements and, under Section 34(d) of the Republic Act No.
9136, or the Electric Power Industry Reform Act (EPIRA), is pegged at
PhP0.0025 per kWh.”42
Stranded Debts of NPC, is defined under the EPIRA as “any unpaid
financial obligations of NPC which have not been liquidated by the proceeds
from the sales and privatization of NPC assets.”
NPC Stranded Contract Cost of NPC or distribution utility is defined under
the EPIRA as “the excess of the contracted cost of electricity under eligible
contracts over the actual selling price of the contracted energy output of such
contracts in the market.” A former officer of the Power Sector Assets and
Liabilities Management Corporation, a government entity tasked to liquidate
NPC’s assets to recover its financial losses, explains that in the past, NPC bought
energy produced by Independent Power Producers for a period of time at fixed
and variable rates through Power Purchase Agreements.43 NPC then sold power
to Distribution Utilities, usually at a loss. Under the EPIRA, these power
purchase agreements are transferred to PSALM Corporation, an entity
mandated to privatize the assets as well as the Independent Power Producer
contracts of NPC. PSALM Corporation is then in a position to liquidate
42 Meralco.Meralco Bill Components. Retrieved from http://www.meralco.com.ph/consumer-

43 20160114-SS
23
ownership of plants as well as the capacity to supply energy. Similar to NPC’s
mechanism of selling power to Distribution Utilities, PSALM yields earnings or
losses from the sale of contract depending on how much it sells the contract for
and how much PSALM owes the Independent Power Producers.
Government Taxes are comprised of Local Franchise Tax and Value
Added Tax. Local Franchise Tax “is levied by provinces and cities for businesses
enjoying a franchise, and paid to such local government units, in accordance with
the provisions of Sections 15 and 137 of the Local Government Code. This is a
pass-‐‑through charge for Meralco paid and collected in accordance with ERC
Regulations.”44 However, It is unclear how the Local Franchise Tax differs from
the Tax Recovery Adjustment Charge. GMA News Online attributes energy price
hikes in 2012 to the local franchise tax collected by Meralco under the Tax
Recovery Adjustment Charge.45
Value added tax “is a consumption tax imposed on the sale of electricity
and related services through all the stages of generation, transmission,
distribution and sale of electricity to the final consumer. It is a form of indirect
sales tax because the total of the VAT collected on each sale transaction in all the
stages mentioned is charged to the final consumer as part of the purchased price
with sellers and utilities acting merely as tax collectors.”46 The Value Added Tax

45 GMA News Online. (2012). Meralco, tataas ang singil sa kuryente sa pagpataw ng Tax Recovery
Adjustment Charge. Retrieved from http://www.gmanetwork.com/news/video/114882/24oras/meralco-
tataas-ang-singil-sa-kuryente-sa-pagpapataw-ng-tax-recovery-adjustment-charge
24
is applied to all components of energy cost except for a portion of the
transmission charge, the universal charges and the Feed-‐‑In-‐‑Tariff charge.
Table 2: Miscellaneous Charges and Policy References

Miscellaneous Charges Reference
Subsidy
- Lifeline Rate EPIRA, Section 73
- Senior Subsidy Republic Act 8884 (Expanded Senior
Citizen’s Act of 2010)
- Tax Recover Adjustment Charge Energy Regulatory Case No. 2011-‐‑045
RC
Feed-‐‑In Tariff Energy Regulatory Case No. 2011-‐‑006
RM
Universal Charge
- Missionary Electrification Charge EPIRA, Section 70
- Environmental Fund EPIRA, Section 34(d)
- NPC Stranded Contract Costs EPIRA, Section 32
- NPC Stranded Debts EPIRA, Section 32
Government Taxes Section 15 and 137 of Local Government
Code, ERC Regulations

The above analysis of the energy cost component of the Philippines
suggests that end-‐‑consumers not only pay for the current cost of producing
energy but also shoulder the cost of debt incurred by the government in the past,
electrification of underserved areas as well as subsidizing the elderly and
marginalized end-‐‑users. The Philippine average monthly wage is approximately
P11,700 (US $279). 47 For an average earner, the 15.15% miscellaneous
component of one’s energy bill, translates to P345 that can be spent on other
basic needs. Where did these miscellaneous costs come from and why do end-‐‑
consumers shoulder these costs that have no direct benefits to them? These
47 Rappler. (2012). PH at bottom 3 of ‘world’s wages’. Retrieved from
http://www.rappler.com/nation/4612-‐‑philippines-‐‑at-‐‑bottom-‐‑3-‐‑of-‐‑world-‐‑s-‐‑wages.
25
costs can be traced back to the history of the energy industry of the Philippines
as well as the policies adopted throughout the restructuring of the industry.
b. History of the Energy Industry
1890 was a historical year for the Philippines because it was the year the
country was first introduced to electricity; three electric arc lamps were
installed in Escolta Manila succeeded by the first power station in 1895.48 In
1901, private electric utilities were emerging in major cities and towns
nationwide with Manila Electric Light and Railroad Company (Meralco) serving
the demand in Manila and 57 other municipalities.49 In November 3, 1936, the
government adopted Commonwealth Act 120 for the purpose of creating the
National Power Corporation and prescribing it power to undertake development
of hydroelectric power in the country.50 Power generation was served by both
the public and private sectors. When Meralco decided to focus its business in the
Manila area in 1953, NPC acquired Meralco’s assets outside of Manila.51 By 1956,
one-‐‑third of the country’s energy was generated by NPC with the remaining two-‐‑
thirds accounted for by 336 private and municipally owned electric utilities,
more than half of which was generated by Meralco.52
48
Ma. Rowena M. Cham. The Philippine Power Sector: Issues and Solutions. The Philippine Review of
Economics. Vol. XLIV No. 1 June 2007p. 33-63.
http://pre.econ.upd.edu.ph/index.php/pre/article/view/218/631
49 Ibid.
50 Chan Robles. Commonwealth Act No. 120. Virtual Law Library. Retrieved from
http://www.chanrobles.com/commonwealthacts/commonwealthactno120.html#.Vu91fJMrLVr
51 Ma. Rowena M. Cham. The Philippine Power Sector: Issues and Solutions. The Philippine Review of
52 Ibid.
26
In the early 1950s when the energy sector was just growing, only 20
percent of the population, mostly residents of Manila, had access to electricity.53
Due to inadequate transmission systems, it was a challenge to transmit reliable
electricity between the main islands. Recognizing the need to expand
electrification nationwide, the government created the Electrification
Administration in 1960 and enjoined the private sector in energy distribution in
rural areas by awarding franchises.54 Ten years later, despite efforts in rural
electrification, only a meager 23 percent of the population had access to
electricity. 55 Many private distributors encountered technical and financial
problems causing them to cease operations. Private distributors were then
replaced by rural electric cooperatives upon the creation of the National
Electrification Administration (NEA).
To put the national electrification program into action, the National
Electrification Administration was empowered to grant loans and borrow funds.
The National Electrification Administration was responsible for funding the
construction of distribution network and delegating its ownership to rural
electric cooperatives with the understanding that rural electric cooperatives will
repay the National Electric Administration from the tariffs they collect.56 The
National Electrification Administration gained financial support from
international commercial banks, financial assistance from donors and strong
54 Ibid.
55 Ibid.
56 Ibid.
27
government support during the 1970s and 1980s.57 With the combined efforts of
NPC and NEA, electricity was made available to 50 percent of rural areas.58
While the electrification program significantly improved electrification
rate in rural areas, political patronage, unrealistically low tariffs, weak collection
efficiency led to the insolvency of NEA in 1989.59 Moreover, several interviewees
alluded that local politics came into play, which not only made expansion of
networks and power plants difficult but also affected the capacity of rural
electric cooperatives to repay the National Electrification Administration.60 An
interviewee involved in the rural electrification program contends that local
politicians have control over rural electric cooperatives and divert tariff
revenues elsewhere rather than use the funds to repay the National
Electrification Administration for the development of rural distribution
networks.61 The interviewee further observes that the National Electrification
Administration fails to regulate rural electric cooperatives and is loose in policy
implementation.62
Hosting the development of energy generating facilities is supposed to be
attractive for local governments given the benefits the local government units
will be entitled to. Pursuant to Republic Act Nos. 7638 and 9136, communities
hosting energy generating facilities will receive an electrification fund,
58 Ibid.
59 Ibid.
60 20120106-‐‑JW, 20120112-‐‑IM, 20120115-‐‑CH
61 20120115-‐‑CH
62 Ibid.
28
development and livelihood fund, and reforestation, watershed management,
health and/or environmental enhancement fund.63 Furthermore, pursuant to
Republic Act 9136 and the Local Government Code, host communities are
entitled to subsidies that shall be applied to lower the cost of electricity.64
Despite this, local governments are unsupportive of energy development
efforts. An interview with a project developer explains that development of
power plants requires permit approvals from local government.65 The permits
process is critical to any project because it determines whether the project is
built. The interviewee further reveals that in order to secure permit approvals,
developers have to expend miscellaneous expenses as local government
approvals are contingent on monetary conditions. 66 These miscellaneous
expenses then add up to the project’s cost and since developers need to recover
their investment, this expense is eventually passed on to consumers.
Another case reveals that local government in Mindanao resist the
development of energy generating facilities because they argue that additional
sources of energy will drive electricity prices up.67 An interviewee from a
national government agency argues that the local government fails to realize
that shortage of electricity supply is more costly to the region than the electricity
63 Department of Energy. Benefits to Host Communities. Retrieved from

http://www.doe.gov.ph/doe_files/pdf/Researchers_Downloable_Files/Brochures/Benefits_to_Host_
Communities.pdf
64 Ibid.
65 20120106-‐‑JW
66 Ibid.
67 20120112-‐‑IM
29
price increase brought about by new sources of energy.68 The interviewee
explains that addressing electricity supply and balancing it with the affordability
of energy requires convincing not only the local government but also the general
public because energy price increases affect the popularity of local politicians.69
Republic Act 9136, Section 60 addressed NEA’s insolvency by
transferring outstanding obligations of electric cooperatives to the National
Electrification Administration amounting to P18.07 billion worth of loans to the
Power Sector Assets and Liabilities Management Corporation.70
In 1972, Presidential Decree 40 nationalized the power sector of the
Philippines granting NPC monopoly in power generation and transmission in
major islands of the country for the purpose of total electrification of the
country. 71 To put this plan into action, NPC acquired foreign financing,
purchased Meralco’s generating capacity and invested $1.9 billion in the
construction of the 2x600 MW Bataan Nuclear Power Plant.72 The plant was
completed in 1984 and is considered to be one of the best nuclear power
stations in the world as it was built to withstand an intensity 8 earthquake and is
well protected against tidal waves and tsunamis.73 Despite the International
68 20120112-‐‑IM
69 Ibid.
70 Inquirer. (2011). PSALM assumes power cooperatives’ debt worth P12B. Retrieved from
http://business.inquirer.net/17961/psalm-‐‑assumes-‐‑power-‐‑cooperatives%E2%80%99-‐‑debt-‐‑worth-‐‑
p12b
71 Department of Energy. Presidential Decree No. 40. Retrieved from
http://www.doe.gov.ph/doe_files/pdf/OCSP/PD_40.pdf
73 Napocor. (2014). Bataan Nuclear Power Plant. Retrieved from
http://www.napocor.gov.ph/index.php/bataan-‐‑nuclear-‐‑power-‐‑plant
30
Atomic Energy Agency’s approval for the plant’s commercial operations, the
power plant was not operated because of “safety” concerns. Mauro Marcelo Jr.
manages the decommissioned Bataan Nuclear Power Plant and explains that the
plant was never operated because of the Chernobyl accident in 1986.74 Despite
the irrelevance of the incident to the Bataan Nuclear Power Plant, political
indecision has left the country’s only nuclear plant, which could significantly
drive energy prices down, idle and deteriorating.75
Depreciation of the peso, increase in interest expense on foreign loans
and increasing oil prices in the 1970s as well as economic and political crisis in
1983, which prompted the government to declare a moratorium on payment of
its foreign obligations contributed to the deterioration of NPC’s financial
position.76 NPC’s weak financial position made rehabilitation and maintenance of
systems difficult and with the absence of new generating plants to augment
existing capacity and serve rapidly growing demand, the country experienced
blackouts and power system failures. To address this, the government revoked
NPC’s exclusive rights to power generation and enjoined the private sector in
energy production as Independent Power Producers.77 Power shortage in the
74 The Telegraph. (2014). Why has the Philippines nuclear power plant been dormant for 30 years?
Retrieved from http://www.telegraph.co.uk/finance/newsbysector/energy/11030508/Why-‐‑has-‐‑
this-‐‑Philippines-‐‑nuclear-‐‑power-‐‑plant-‐‑been-‐‑dormant-‐‑for-‐‑30-‐‑years.html
75 Ibid.
77 Ibid.
31
country was addressed but NPC’s financial position was still weak because of
decreasing profitability and rising debt load.78
Independent Power Producers were only beginning to operate their
newly built power plants when the 1997 Asian economic crisis significantly
decreased the demand for electricity in the country.79 Because of the nature of
contracts between Independent Power Producers and NPC, IPPs were not
affected by the economic crisis as NPC was obligated to pay IPPs a minimum
contracted volume equivalent to 85 percent plant factor even if IPPs were only
producing at an average plant factor of 36 percent during 1991 to 2000.80 These
costs were ultimately shouldered by end consumers and with government
intervention in 2002, stranded costs associated with IPP contracts were
estimated at Php1.09 per kWh; tariff increase shouldered by end consumers was
limited to Php0.40 per kWh with the remaining balance of stranded costs to be
shouldered by NPC.81 The peso further depreciated from P26 to a dollar in 1996
to P44 to a dollar in 2000 thereby exacerbating NPC’s outstanding obligations.82
Furthermore, tariff increases passed on to consumers were annulled by the
courts in 2004.83 Utlimately, NPC was declared insolvent and the government
recognized the need to involve the private sector in providing the country with
sustainable energy. The Electric Power Industry Reform Act transferred NPC’s
79 Ibid.
80 Ibid.
81 Ibid.
82 Ibid.
83 Ibid.
32
liabilities to the Power Sector Asset and Liabilities Management Corporation,
which recovers NPC’s financial losses by liquidating its assets and collecting
universal charges from end consumers.
Table 3: Key Events in the Philippine Energy Industry

Year Events
1890 Electricity was introduced in the Philippines.
1901 Meralco was the electricity provider for Manila & 57 other municipalities.
1936 NPC was created to develop hydroelectric power in the country.
1953 NPC acquired Meralco's assets outside of Manila.
NPC accounted 1/3 of the country's generation capacity. The remaining
1956 2/3 was served by the private sector.
1960 Electrification Administration was created to expand access to electricity.
Power distribution system franchises were awarded to the private sector.
National Electrification Administration was created. NEA was mandated to:
(1) develop distribution networks
(2) empowered to borrow funds and grant loans RECs
(3) regulate RECs for distribution of electricity in rural areas.
Ownership of distribution systems developed by NEA were devolved to
1969 RECs.
RECs were responsible for meeting operational expenses. RECs were also
obliged to repay NEA for development of distribution networks from tariff
revenue collected.
Increases in oil prices, depreciation of the peso, and a substantial increase
1970 in interest expense resulted to NPC's financial losses.
1972 NPC was granted monopoly in power generation and transmission.
1977 NPC began the construction of the Bataan Nuclear Power Plant.
The government declared a moratorium on payment of foreign obligations
1983 resulting to shortage of financing for NPC's projects.
Private sector was enjoined in power generation.
1989 NEA was declared insolvent.
The government arranged for NPC to enter into fast-‐‑track power project
1993 contracts with the private sector to address capacity shortfalls.
1996 Sharp depreciation of the peso exacerbated NPC's financial problems.
NPC's contract with Independent Power Producers obligated NPC to pay
1997 power producers a minimum contract amount.
Source: Ma. Rowena M. Cham. The Philippine Power Sector: Issues and Solutions.

33
The industry’s history reveals that the Philippines has struggled to find a
balance between providing reliable energy supply and affordable electricity
rates. Ultimately, loose implementation policies at the local level, external
economic factors such as currency depreciation, increase in interest rates and oil
prices, ineffective demand projections and poor planning of the pipeline as well
as political influences led to the current conditions of the country’s energy
industry. While the private sector has been effective in addressing the shortage
of energy supply in the country, the issue of affordability remains an issue.
c. Electric Power Industry Reform Act
An annual average of US $1bn was estimated to fund the country’s
generation, transmission and distribution network. 84 Considering the
government’s fiscal constraints and taking a long-‐‑term perspective on the
complex issues of the power sector, the government restructured the industry to
privatization. Under the Electric Power Industry Reform Act, the industry was
divided into four sectors: generation, transmission, distribution and supply.
In accordance with Republic Act 9136, Section 31, retail competition and
open access requires the privatization of at least 70 percent of NPC’s total
capacity of generating assets in Luzon and Visayas. Except for the power plants
owned by NPC in Mindanao, the generation sector is mostly owned and operated
by the private sector. Section 6 of Republic Act 9136 states that “the prices
charged by a generation company for the supply of electricity shall not be
84 Ma.
Rowena M. Cham. The Philippine Power Sector: Issues and Solutions. The Philippine Review of
34
subject to regulation by the ERC.” However, since the ERC regulates pricing of
distribution utilities that source its energy supply from generation companies,
the cost of generation is indirectly regulated by ERC as well. The primary factor
driving generation cost is the mix of energy sources in the Philippines. KPMG’s
2013-‐‑2014 Energy Report on the Philippines shows that majority of the
country’s energy is supplied by coal. An interviewee explains that with the
reduction in coal prices, this raw material makes energy production cheaper.85
In fact, the Department of Energy is encouraging power producers to build coal
power plants in response to a forecast of an additional consumption 10 to 15
million tonnes in the next 10 or 20 years by the Philippine Chamber of Coal
Mines.86 A Filipino economist with expertise on power generation cautions
against encouraging development of coal power plants because of its
environmental consequences. Furthermore, taking a short-‐‑term view on the
energy mix of the country may prove futile because by the time coal power
plants are ready to operate, coal prices may have changed. The interviewee
further explains that in the long run, renewable energy might be a more
sustainable and affordable source of energy.87 While the fixed cost required to
produce power from renewable sources exceeds that of coal’s, the variable cost
or renewable sources is cheaper than coal’s and the demand will reach a point
where it is cheaper to use renewable sources of energy.
85 20160108-‐‑CV
86 Reuters. (2015). Philippines coal demand to grow by up to 15 mln T in a year. Retrieved from
http://www.reuters.com/article/philippines-‐‑energy-‐‑coal-‐‑idUSL3N1341BP20151110
87 20160108-‐‑CV
35
Figure 6: Philippines Installed Generation Capacity by Fuel Type (2011)

Source: KPMG The Energy Report Philippines 2013-‐‑2014
While Section 28 of the EPIRA stipulates dispersal of ownership and de-‐‑
monopolization of public utilities, only a handful of companies serve the
country’s energy needs. It is important to note that the industry is capital
intensive. This being the case, only large-‐‑scale corporations with financial
capabilities are able to penetrate the market. KPMG provides a breakdown of the
energy market share in the Philippines.
36
Figure 7: Energy Market Share

37
Figure 8: Top Power Producers in the Philippines
38
While transmission, distribution and supply pricing are regulated by the
Energy Regulatory Commission. Several interviewees have alluded that
oligopolies in the power industry make it possible for these companies to control
supply and consequently have a hand on energy pricing.88 An interviewee
pointed out that a high level official of the National Grid Corporation of the
Philippines has vested interests in a generation company indicating that conflicts
of interests exist in the industry.89
d. Pricing Mechanism
One of the mandates of Republic Act 9136, also known as the Electric
Power Industry Reform Act (EPIRA) is to “ensure transparent and reasonable
prices of electricity in a regime of free and fair competition and full public
accountability to achiever greater operational and economic efficiency and
enhance the competitiveness of Philippine products in the global market.” To
achieve this, the National Power Corporation’s functions was segregated and
electric rates were unbundled to transparently reflect generation, transmission
and distribution costs.
The distribution utilities collect tariffs from end-‐‑consumers which
include the cost to produce energy (generation, transmission and distribution)
as well as the other components indicated in the electric bill. The generation
component of a residential electric bill will vary depending on where the
distribution utility contracts its energy supply. A distribution utility can source
its energy supply from the Wholesale Electricity Spot Market, a market that
88 20160106-‐‑MV, 20160114-‐‑SS, 20160115-‐‑CH

89 20160106-‐‑MS
39
functions like a stock market, where prices fluctuate depending on the demand
and supply conditions. An interviewee from the Philippine Electric Market
Corporation, an organization incorporated by the Department of Energy and
represented by various sectors of the energy industry for the purpose of
regulating the spot market, confirms that market irregularities often happen and
that this is because generation companies are able to withhold supply thereby
pushing prices at irregularly high levels.90 The interviewee adds that despite
reporting these incidents to the Energy Regulatory Commission, no action has
been taken to address the matter.91 Such a pricing mechanism should not be
applied to basic commodities like electricity because it is prone to market
irregularities and shortage of the commodity results to price increases.
Electricity is a basic need and is inelastic to price; demand for electricity is
insensitive to price changes. Therefore, a shortage in electricity is indicative of
the need to produce more energy and policies should prevent opportunistic
price increases.
Distribution utilities also have the option to directly contract energy
supply from Independent Power Producers through bilateral contracts. This
mechanism supposedly lowers electricity rates passed on to consumers.
However, Oplas observes that “electric companies and DUs [distribution utilities]
have bilateral contracts with different gencos [generation companies], and such
bilateral arrangement is sometimes suspected of being ‘sweetheart’ deals,
wherein both the gencos [generation companies] and DUs [distribution utilities]
90 20160115-‐‑CH
91 Ibid.
40
benefit to the disadvantage of the customers.”92 He also suspects that cross-‐‑
ownership of generation companies and distribution utilities contribute to high
energy prices.93
While the Energy Regulatory Commission regulates energy pricing, an
interviewee contends that the Energy Regulatory Commission treats petitions
for tariff increases as a legal document rather than deciding on the petitions
based on its economic impact and its effect on end-‐‑consumers.94 The interviewee
further questions whether the Energy Regulatory Commission commits to its
mandate of protecting public interest and cites that for a period of time, certain
generation companies and distribution utilities have doubled their assets while
affordability of electricity in the country has not yet been addressed. 95
Interestingly, even the private sector complains of tight financial margins and
asserts that the energy industry is not financially lucrative. 96 However,
aggressive investments in the energy industry does not support this claim. While
the Energy Regulatory Commission is mandated to protect public interest, it is
also responsible for balancing public and private interests to ensure the
reliability of energy supply in the country. A representative from the Energy
92 Bienvenido S. Oplas, Jr. (2015, August 13). The Philippine electricity market: Monopoly and
93 Ibid.
94 20160114-‐‑SS
95 Ibid.
96 20120114-‐‑LF
41
Regulatory Commission says, “We can never really please everyone. For as long
as everyone is on the same level of unhappiness, we are okay with that.”97
The determination of pricing is a heavily top-‐‑down process with minimal
or absent public participation. The Energy Regulatory Commission has complete
discretion on how to regulate energy prices. Similarly, the government’s
financial obligation incurred by NPC in the past is passed on to consumers
through the Electric Power Industry Reform Act. In addition to the cost of
producing, transmitting and distributing energy as well as debt repayment of the
government’s financial obligations in the past, the Electric Power Industry
Reform Act also obliged end-‐‑consumers to subsidize marginalized end-‐‑users.
Consumers who consume less than 100kWh of electricity are qualified as
marginalized end-‐‑users; this criterion qualifies 4.5 million residential customers
who may not necessarily need the subsidy.98 Furthermore, in promoting the
development of renewable energy in the country, the implementation of the
Feed-‐‑In Tariff under the Republic Act 9513 was implemented in 2011 and
further burdened end-‐‑consumers with increased tariffs.99
V. Findings
Examining a Meralco residential electric bill led to the discovery of
miscellaneous charges that are unique to Philippine energy pricing. These
97 20120112-‐‑IM
98 GMA News Online. (2011). Senators want new criteria for EPIRA lifeline users. Retrieved from
http://www.gmanetwork.com/news/story/222189/money/senators-‐‑want-‐‑new-‐‑criteria-‐‑for-‐‑epira-‐‑
lifeline-‐‑users.
99 Bienvenido S. Oplas, Jr. (2015). Business World. Feed-‐‑in tariff means more expensive electricity.
Retrieved from http://www.bworldonline.com/content.php?section=Opinion&title=feed-‐‑in-‐‑tariff-‐‑
means-‐‑more-‐‑expensive-‐‑electricity&id=118551
42
miscellaneous charges can be traced back to the convoluted history of the
Philippine energy industry. The government has struggled to find a balance
between expanding energy access across the nation and providing reliable and
affordable electricity. In the process of expanding energy access in the country,
the government incurred massive financial obligations caused by loose
implementation policies, currency depreciation, increases in interest rates and
oil prices, ineffective demand projections and poor pipeline planning, as well as
political influences in the energy industry. At present, end-‐‑consumers shoulder
the cost of energy reduction, transmission and distribution, debt repayments of
the government’s financial obligations and subsidies to marginalized users,
senior citizens and development of renewal energy.
Even the industry’s current pricing mechanisms are ineffective at
maintaining the affordability of energy. With a growing population, the country’s
energy needs will inevitably grow and adopting the Wholesale Electricity Spot
Market as a pricing mechanism suppresses demand for energy. Furthermore,
oligopolies in the industry allow for generation companies to have control over
supply and consequently, energy pricing.
The top-‐‑down process of the determination of energy pricing and the
absence of public participation result to end-‐‑consumers carrying the burden of
subsidizing seniors and the marginalized. However, a loose definition of who
qualifies as marginalized result to subsidizing end-‐‑consumers who may not
necessarily need the subsidy and unnecessarily burden consumers who shoulder
these subsidies. Lastly, providing subsidies for the development of renewable
43
energy in the country create an imbalance in public and private interests in favor
of developers.
VI. Scope of Study
This study uncovered the underlying reasons why energy prices remain
high in the Philippines by focusing on the history, policies and pricing scheme
surrounding it. The study was limited to the supply side of the supply chain,
particularly energy generation, transmission and distribution. This entailed
limiting interviewees to representatives of government agencies responsible for
regulating energy supply as well as organizations responsible for energy
generation, transmission and distribution. This study covered the history of the
energy industry of the Philippines beginning in 1890 until 2015 to provide a
comprehensive understanding of how current energy prices are affected by the
restructuring of the industry. The Philippines is comprised of three regions,
divided into 7,107 islands; since regulations are applied at a national level, the
scope of this study includes Manila and the rural provinces.
VII. Policy Implications
The findings of this research will help inform policy makers on the
underlying reasons behind why energy prices remain high in the Philippines.
Policy makers have learned from the industry’s history that reliance on foreign
financing and oil imports make the industry susceptible to external economic
factors. The energy crisis preceded by the 1997 Asian economic crisis was a
result of ineffective demand projections and poor pipeline planning that ignored
the international scene. At the time, especially since the government relied
44
heavily on foreign financing, taking into account international events that affect
the country’s energy demand and supply was crucial. The government’s failure
to accurately plan the country’s energy demand and supply led them to enter
into emergency contracts with independent power producers making the cost to
produce energy more expensive.
Given the government’s fiscal constraints and massive financial
obligations, the industry was privatized. While the privatization of the industry
has addressed the instability of supply in the country, the problem of
affordability remains unsolved. The government should not leave energy pricing
to market forces and balance the interests of the private and public sector. The
government should refrain from providing incentives to the private sector at the
expense of the public. In as much as the private sector needs to realize profits to
expand its capacity to produce energy, the public cannot bear these costs
entirely especially since the public pays taxes on energy too.
Provisions to regulate energy pricing and prevent monopolies and
oligopolies in the industry are stipulated in the Electric Power Industry Reform
Act but implementation and monitoring are loosely defined. To address high
energy prices in the country, implementation and monitoring policies need to be
reformulated and further defined. Adopting stringent implementation policies
especially in rural areas is crucial in ensuring the sustainability of the energy
industry in the country. Furthermore, this will prevent end-‐‑consumers from
shouldering the cost of rural electrification.
45
Policymakers should also review the pricing mechanisms applied to
energy. The Wholesale Electricity Spot Market should not be applied to basic
commodities such as electricity because it is dependent on demand and supply
interactions. Such a pricing mechanism suppresses demand because shortage of
electricity drive prices up. Furthermore, oligopoly in the market enables
generation companies to control supply and consequently energy pricing.
Furthermore, oligopolies and conflicts of interest in the industry impede the
reduction of energy prices.
Policy makers should also take a long-‐‑term perspective on the
sustainability of the industry and should not adopt policies that only achieve
affordability of energy in the country. Policy makers should be cognizant of
environmental issues and the security of energy supply in the country.
Lastly, the determination of pricing has historically been a top-‐‑down
process. This being the case, end-‐‑consumers end up shouldering the cost to
subsidize the elderly and the marginalized as well as industry programs
incentivizing renewable energy. Without public participation, these costs passed
on to the public are unjustified and the affordability of electricity for end-‐‑
consumers is not ensured.
VIII. Conclusion
A comparison of the components of energy cost among selected cities in
Asia reveals that Manila has the third highest generation cost, highest grid cost
and the third highest value added tax imposed on energy. An examination of a
residential bill in Manila further reveals an energy cost component unique to the
46
Philippines. At least 15 percent of a residential electric bill comprises of
miscellaneous charges that represent subsidies for the elderly and marginalized
end-‐‑consumers, rural electrification, subsidies to incentivize development of
renewable energy and the cost of debt incurred by the government in the past.
Power generation in the Philippines was originally served by both the public and
private sector. To expand energy access in the country, the government
nationalized the industry in 1972. The history of the energy industry in the
Philippines reveals that loose implementation policies especially at the local
level, external economic factors such as currency depreciation and increase in
interest rates and oil prices, ineffective demand projections and poor pipeline
planning as well as political influences led to the massive debt incurred by the
government. To repay the government’s debt, the Electric Power Industry
Reform Act mandated the Power Sector Asset and Liabilities Management
Corporation to liquidate the National Power Corporation’s assets as well as
collect universal charges from end-‐‑consumers. The government also recognized
the need for reforms in the industry but due to the government’s fiscal
constraints, the industry was privatized. Pricing is currently regulated by the
Energy Regulatory Commission but oligopolies and conflicts of interest in the
industry, as well as the current pricing mechanisms suppress demand and
impede the reduction of energy prices. Furthermore, the process of determining
who shoulders the cost of subsidizing the elderly and the marginalized end-‐‑
consumers, the cost of repaying the government’s debt, the cost to expand
energy access in the country, and the cost to encourage development of
47
renewable energy sources is dictated by lawmakers with little or no public
participation. Without public participation, the general public is at a
disadvantage because they have to shoulder the burden of paying for these
miscellaneous costs.
The problem of the energy industry in the Philippines is not just a
technical and economic problem; it is largely a political problem. The Energy
Regulatory Commission is the only deciding body that ultimately decides on how
energy is priced. Without a balance of power, and without defined pricing
regulations, pricing distortion is inevitable. This, combined with the oligopolistic
nature of the industry, allows the private sector to control supply and influence
energy pricing. It appears that the government incentivizes the private sector by
not addressing the oligopoly in the market, providing subsidies and exempting
them from sharing the losses the government incurred during the energy crisis
preceded by the 1997 Asian economic crisis. Joseph Stiglitz describes this
problem as rent seeking, where the private sector is rewarded much more than
what they are contributing to society and where those rewards are taken from
the less-‐‑privileged and uninformed.100 The private sector creates wealth by
taking it from others, not by creating value and in so doing, creates inequality
without growing the economy.
100 Stiglitz, Joseph. The Price of Inequality. New York: W. W. Norton & Company, Inc. 2013. Print.
48
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51

Appendices
A. Interview / Survey Protocol

Beginning Script

Hi Mr. / Ms. [Insert name],

Thank you for taking the time to meet me. I am Irene Uy, a graduate
student of Urban Planning in Columbia conducting research for my thesis
on the relationship of energy and economic growth in the Philippines.

I have been reading about your work as [insert position] in [insert
organization] and I’m particularly interested in your experiences and
insight on the industry.

Consent

I asked to meet with you because I wanted to interview you about your
opinion on the energy industry in the Philippines, particularly about (a)
the supply chain (b) demand projections (c) supply efficiencies /
inefficiencies (c) energy pricing scheme (d) policies and (e) privatization
of the industry.

I’d like to ask for your consent to interview you and to use the materials
for my research. Please feel free to tell me if you are uncomfortable
answering any question I might ask during the interview. You are not
obligated to answer anything you do not want to disclose.

Thesis Topic & Significance

Developing countries like China and India experienced sharp increases in
energy consumption congruent with its economic growth. Despite the
abundance of natural resources in the Philippines and its growing
population, energy consumption, constrained by energy price, is not
growing at the same rate. The National Economic Development Authority
of the Philippines cites that high cost of electricity deters investments in
the region’s industries and consequently potential economic growth in
the region.

I believe that understanding the issues of the energy industry will
contribute significantly not only to potentially improving the industry but
also to unlocking economic potential in the country.

52
Interview

a. In your opinion, how does energy affect economic growth in the
Philippines?
b. How is energy priced in the Philippines? Why do you think energy pricing
in the Philippines is higher than its neighboring countries? Do you think it
is necessary to reduce energy prices to induce economic growth? Do you
think the existing pricing scheme is an effective way to price energy?
What is your opinion on the policies regulating the energy pricing
scheme?
c. How can the energy industry be improved to induce (rather than deter)
economic growth? Would you say that the problem in the energy industry
lies in the shortage of energy supply? If not, how would you frame the
problem of the energy industry?
d. Do you think energy consumption is constrained in the Philippines? Why
or why not? Is this solely because of high energy prices or are there other
factors to be considered? What are these factors?
e. In your opinion, does the current supply of energy constrain demand?
How is demand projected? Is it possible that projections do not account
for underserved communities?
f. How is energy generated, transmitted and distributed? Are there
inefficiencies in energy production? What are they? Do you think
streamlining inefficiencies in energy production will contribute
significantly to the reduction of energy prices? How do you think it can be
improved?
g. What existing policies affect / contribute to the determination of energy
pricing? How do you think these policies affect energy pricing in the
country? Do you agree with the policies or are there amendments you
would like to be considered?
h. Do you think that the privatization of the energy industry has created a
better economic environment for the country? How can the
organizational structure of the industry be improved to create a balance
between the interest of private companies and the general public?

Ending Script

Again, thank you so much for taking the time to meet me. I hope you don’t
mind if I get in touch with you for follow up in the subsequent months. I
am confident that my research will progress significantly and I believe
you have more valuable insight that we have not captured during this
interview. May I have your contact information please?

Would you happen to know anyone else I can get in touch with who might
provide light on this topic?

53
My email address is [insert] and my phone number is [insert] if you have
any clarifications / if you want to discuss this further.

B. List of Interviewees & Organizations
Organization Role Sector

Energy Regulatory Commission Regulatory Commission Public
National Power Corporation Generation Public
First Gen Generation Private
Energy Development Corporation Generation Private
National Grid Corporation of the Transmission Private
Philippines
Manila Electric Company Distribution Private
Philippine Electricity Market Market Operator Public /
Corporation Private
Power Sector Assets and Liabilities Management of NPC’s Public
Management liabilities

54

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II. Literature Review……….……….……….……….……….……….……….……….….....7

III. Research Question and Design……….……….……….……….…………………….9

a. Probing into Your Electric Bill……….……….……….……….……….……..17

b. History of the Energy Industry……….……….……….……….……….…….26

c. Electric Power Industry Reform Act……….……….……….……….……..34

VI. Scope of Study……….……….……….……….……….……….……….……….…………44

VII. Policy Implications……….……….……….……….……….……….……….……….…44

an energy cost component unique to the Philippines. At least 15 percent of a

for the elderly and marginalized end-­‐‑consumers, rural electrification, subsidies to

ineffective demand projections and poor pipeline planning as well as political

public at a disadvantage because the burden of paying for miscellaneous energy

costs falls on them.

Energy prices in the Philippines remain one of the most expensive

magnitude 9.0 that led to the decommissioning of Fukushima power plants,

residential electricity tariffs.3 These costs associated with producing energy

one of the most expensive in Southeast Asia.4

other countries at real cost.5

can be partially attributed to the absence of energy subsidies, providing

and emphasized the high opportunity cost of public spending on energy

The Philippines has recognized the dangers of energy subsidies but

Philippines is exponential yet as of 2013, 21 million Filipinos still do not have

impact health and education as well.9

hydropower plant, a 603MW hydroelectric power plant in Ambuklao and a

52.5MW Bacon-­‐‑Manito geothermal power plant.10 Visayas and Mindanao are

untapped potential for renewable energy.11 Despite the country’s abundance in

natural resources, energy consumption well exceeds energy production by 20

Mtoe (Million Tonnes of Oil Equivalent).12 However, in terms of electricity

production and consumption, the inverse is true. In 2013, the Philippines

produced 75 terrawatt-­‐‑hours of electricity and consumed only 62 terrawatt-­‐‑

Emerging economies like China and India have experienced growth in

cannot be said of the Philippines. As an emerging economy, the instability of

power shortage in the agriculture, industry and service sectors of Mindanao.14

Investments.15 According to Enerdata, “The high cost and sketchy reliability

persuasive reason to invest elsewhere.”16

Given the apparent need to address long-­‐‑term affordability of energy in

the Philippines as well as accessibility to reliable energy sources across the

country, it is worthwhile to explore why energy prices in the Philippines are

prices in the Philippines by investigating energy cost components and how

high electricity rates in the country remains unsolved.

privatization of the industry addressed shortage of supply and affordability of

II. Literature Review

emerging economies. However, most of the discussions on energy revolve

highlights methodological developments on the topic up until 2008. Killian

focused on energy consumption.

discussion in Asia, particularly Malaysia. Mohamed and Abdul investigated the

bidirectional causality relationship which means that growth in one variable

leads to growth in the other and vice versa.21

In recent years, the nexus between energy consumption and economic

following causal relationships: neutrality hypothesis, conservation hypothesis,

that energy consumption is a bottleneck in the region’s development process.

Rezitis and Ahammad also investigated the relationship between energy

only does limitation on energy consumption restrict economic growth, but a

slowdown in economic growth also restricts energy consumption. 24 This

suggests that both variables are interdependent of each other.

As of 2015, no other study discusses the relationship between energy

has established that limitations on energy consumption restrict economic

addressing the cap on energy consumption.

III. Research Question and Design

Philippine economy is largely dependent on energy. While an

for the elderly and marginalized end-‐‑consumers, rural electrification, subsidies to

52.5MW Bacon-‐‑Manito geothermal power plant.10 Visayas and Mindanao are

produced 75 terrawatt-‐‑hours of electricity and consumed only 62 terrawatt-‐‑

Given the apparent need to address long-‐‑term affordability of energy in

momentum in economic growth and will unlock possibilities for long-‐‑term

charges and FIT-‐‑All (Renewable). Moreover, contrary to what is stipulated in

generation companies shall be value added tax zero-‐‑rated,” the above

benefit marginalized/low-‐‑income captive market customers. In Meralco's case,