Journal of Environmental Psychology(1994) 14, 1-19 0272-4944/94/010001+19508.

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© 1994 Academic Press Ltd

PSY0LOGY
COGNITIVE MAPS:
WHAT ARE THEY A N D WHY STUDY THEM?

ROBERTM. KITCHIN
Department of Geography, University College of Swansea, Wales SA2 8PP, U.K.

Abstract

It is often implicitly assumed by researchers that their readers understand what cognitive map and
cognitive mapping are, and their justification for study. This paper differs in this respect by explaining
explicitly the 'what' and 'why' questions often asked, demonstrating cognitive mapping's multidisciplinary
research worth. First, it examines questions concerning what cognitive maps are, the confusion inherent
from the use of the term 'map', and the usage and reasons for alternative expressions. Second, it examines
the theoretical applications or conceptual research, concerning cognitive maps role in the influencing and
explaining spatial behaviour; spatial choice and decision making; wayiinding and orientation; and the
cognitive maps utility and role as a mnemonic and metaphorical devise; a shaper of world and local attitudes
and perspectives; and for creating and coping with imaginary worlds. Third, it discusses cognitive mapping's
practical and applied worth, concerning the planning of suitable living environments; advertising; crime
solving; search and rescue, geographical educational issues, cartography and remote sensing; and in the
designing and understanding computer interfaces and databases, especially Geographical Information
Systems (GISs).

Introduction What are Cognitive Maps and Cognitive

Mapping?
This paper aims to discuss explicitly what
cognitive maps are and their justification for The traditional definition used and accepted by
study. It is intended as a broad overview of the m a n y researchers states that:
subjects multidisciplinary nature and its current cognitive mapping is a process composed of a series
and potential applications, and to highlight the of psychological transformations by which an indi-
inherent definitional problems associated with vidual acquires, stores, recalls, and decodes informa-
such a wide range of users. Such a review is tion about the relative locations and attributes of the
necessary to stimulate and encourage more phenomena in his everyday spatial environment
(Downs & Stea, 1973a, p. 7)
collaboration between researchers from different
backgrounds, reveal applications t h a t individually Cognitive mapping can thus be thought of as a
we m a y have not been aware of, and to try and marriage between spatial and environmental cogni-
strengthen definitional problems, hopefully intro- tion, where spatial cognition is defined as:
ducing an element of conformity in term use, so ...the knowledge and internal or cognitive represen-
far lacking because of a multidisciplinary research tation of the structure, entities, and relations of
background. It is not intended as an in-depth space; in other words, the internalized reflection and
review of specific applications, nor as a platform reconstruction of space in thought (Hart & Moore,
to discuss, critique or explain the m a n y other 1973, p. 248)
issues, such as the m a n y theories concerning and environmental cognition refers to:
learning, development, content, form, structure,
thought, brain location and measurement of cog- the awareness, impressions, information, images,
and beliefs that people have about environments...it
nitive map knowledge. It deliberately contains implies not only that individuals and groups have in-
m a n y references to allow and promote cross- formation and images about the existence of these
disciplinary reading. environments and of their constituent elements, but
2 R.M. Kitchin

also that they have impressions about their charac- In effect, a cognitive map is a mental devise and
ter, function, dynamics, and structural interrelated- store which helps to simplify, code and order the
ness, and that they imbue them with meaning, endlessly complex world of h u m a n interaction with
significance, and mythical-symbolic properties
the environment (Walmsley, et al., 1990). Downs
(Moore & Golledge, 1976, p. xii).
and Stea (1973a) refer to them as 'convenient short-
In this way cognitive mapping refers to a 'place h a n d symbols t h a t we all subscribe to, recognise
cognition' as described by H a r t and Conn (1991), so and employ'. This subscription does not have to be
t h a t rather t h a n dealing exclusively with either the performed consciously, but can be if necessary. It is
spatial aspect or the environmental aspect of how in effect a mental representation of spatial/environ-
we think about everyday environmental and geo- mental knowledge (N.B. the term representation is
graphical data, it combines the relevant sections of not m e a n t to imply image).
the two so that: This construct is thought to exist because it is
...one is brought closer to meaning and action, for assumed t h a t people store information about their
"place" is the focus of human intentions. Conse- environment which they then use to make spatial
quently, the study of place leads us to the simultane- decisions which guide behaviour, and is, in effect
ous investigation of thinking, feeling, and acting in responsible for geographical 'survival' knowledge.
the environment (italics added) (Hart &Conn, 1991,
(Stea 1969; Kaplan 1973b). Kaplan (1973b)
p. 278)
similarly hypothesizes t h a t cognitive maps develop
Cohen (1985, p. 9) sums such a 'place cognition' as: as a means of quick and efficient mechanism for
A union of spatial knowledge, social knowledge, and handling information thus giving man a selective
an understanding of the physical and social nature advantage in a difficult and dangerous world. They
of environments--all in relation to...cognitive ~hnc. ~re in effect 'evolutionary adaptive' giving m a n a
tioning. '~ense of place' necessary for survival (Stea, 1976).
Tolman (1948) first used the term 'cognitive map', Downing (1992, p. 442) in a discussion of images
to describe how rats, and by analogy, h u m a n s wrote a passage which neatly describes cognitive
behaved in the environment. He hypothesized t h a t maps. Cognitive maps:
we construct a map-like representation within the suspend impressions, thoughts, feelings and ideas
'black box' of the nervous system which is used to until, for some reason, consciously or unconsciously,
guide our everyday movements. This representation the mind solicits, changes, and often distorts or ma-
is actually structured in the same way as a carto- nipulates its contents for some immediate purpose.
g r a p h i c map, gaining euclidean properties with In this way cognitive maps (images) allow us to
bridge time, by using past experiences to understand
repeated experience. The t e r m gained little recogni- present and future situations.
tion until it was resurrected by experimental and
development psychologists in the early 1970s, and Cognitive maps, though, are not just a set of
although used with extreme caution for a time spatial mental structures denoting relative position,
owing to behaviourist connotations (Allen 1985), they contain attributive values and meanings. As
the phrase eventually took hold, especially among Wood and Beck (1989) explain, the cognitive map is
geographers to whom the term had appeal (Downs not independent of meaning, of role, of function, of
& Stea, 1973a, Boyle & Robinson, 1978). need, of end, and of purpose. This distinction leads
At its most general, a cognitive map is a mental to the conclusion t h a t a cognitive map includes
construct which we use to understand and know the knowledge about places as well as knowledge con-
environment (Kaplan, 1973a). The term assumes sisting of spatial relationships (Kaplan, 1976) and
t h a t people store information about their environ- t h a t cognitive maps involve the integration of
ment which they then use to make spatial decisions. 'images, information and attitudes about an
Tversky (1992, p. 134) suggests t h a t at its broadest environment' (Spencer & Blades, 1986 p. 240). They
definition a cognitive map is the: are in effect 'representations of objects and their
associations' involving generic and motivational
cognitive apparatus that underlies...behaviour.
information (Kaplan, 1973b). As Spencer et al.
while Stea and Blaut (1973, p. 227) describe it as a (1989, p.108) state:
construct which enables a person:
. . . cognitive maps are not isolated and contextless
to predict the environment which is too large to be entities: they are formed during purposive activity in
perceived at once, and to establish a matrix of envi- the everyday world of the child, and, in as much as
ronmental experience into which a new experience they encode the resources, valued friends, memories,
can be integrated. and aspirations as well as factual information about
 Cognitive Maps 3

geographical layout and routes, they should perhaps Kuipers (1978) has called 'common-sense know-
better be described as cognitive/affective maps. ledge' a cognitive map and again this is not strictly
Golledge and Timmermans (1990) have reported true. Kuipers (1978, p. 129) defines common-sense
t h a t cognitive maps are in effect a series of know- knowledge as:
ledge structures which consist of different levels of knowledge about the physical environment that is
detail and integration. These knowledge structures acquired or used, generally without concentrated
develop with age and education, thus increasing the effort, to find and follow routes from one place to
another, and to store and use the relative positions of
information held. By combining different knowledge places.
structures and information using cognitive pro-
cesses relating to perception, storage, retrieval and This implies the ability to make inferences and
reorganization t h a t interact with memory struc- propositions, both of which are not necessarily
tures a cognitive map is formed for specific tasks needed to be able to complete a cognitive mapping
(Golledge et al., 1985). This, if interpreted literally exercise, but r a t h e r exercises needing the use of
means there is no one cognitive map in memory but configurational knowledge (knowledge of the associ-
rather we construct t h e m for specific events (Siegel ations between, and relative locations of places).
& Cousins, 1985). In this respect cognitive maps are Although there is a general acceptance as to what
dynamic. cognitive mapping refers to, there still remains
It m u s t also be recognized t h a t cognitive maps much misunderstanding in the use of the word 'map'
are not independent of time and space and t h a t i~ the term 'cognitive map', and thus the form of
'since each environment exists in a time-space con- cognitive maps. The form of cognitive maps (images,
text, so too will cognitions of those environments' conceptual-propositional, dual coding, holograms,
(Moore & Golledge, 1976 p. 11). In s u m m a r y then, genetic coding) are not investigated within this
and for the purpose of this paper, cognitive maps paper, but there are four main viewpoints t h a t can
constructed from the knowledge store contain be adopted in explaining the use of the term 'map'
information concerning, spatial relations and which has caused confusion and misuse in the past
environmental attributive data which reside within (see the debate between G r a h a m 1976, 1981 and
a Space-time context allowing the possessor to Downs 1981):
operate within an environment and to process
(1) Is it the case t h a t the cognitive map is a carto-
environmental and geographical data. They are
graphic map (Explicit statement)?
'complex, highly selective, abstract and generalised'
(2) Is it the case t h a t the cognitive map is like a
structures which are 'incomplete, distorted, schema-
cartographic map? (Analogy)
tised, and augmented' (Downs & Stea, 1973c, p.18)
(3) Is it the case t h a t a cognitive map is used as if
it were a cartographic map (Metaphor)?
Problematic definitions and the confusion created
(4) Is it the case t h a t the cognitive map has no
using the term 'map'
real connections with what we understand to be a map,
i.e. a cartographic map, and is neither an explicit
Buttenfield (1986, p. 238) has reported t h a t the cog-
statement, analogy or a metaphor but rather an un-
nitive map is not in fact the internal representation
fortunate choice of phrase: 'a convenient fiction?'
of the environment but rather the external product
(Siegel, 1981). I n effect just a hypothetical construct.
of measurement.
Because it reflects an internal, spatial memory, the Explicit Statement: A cognitive Map is a map.
external reported information reflects a cognitive O' Keefe and Nadel (1978) have hypothesized t h a t
process, and so is called a cognitive map.
the hippocampus, a part of the brain associated
Gatrell (1983) has noted this confusion as to with long-term memory, is a cognitive map, and
whether a cognitive map is an inferred internal rep- t h a t this map is a three-dimensional, euclidean
resentation or an elicited external representation. model of the world, with rigid geometrical properties.
Buttenfield's position is not advocated here: a cogni- This belief is based on findings of several experiments
tive map refers to the internal thinking of the every- which found the activity of the rats hippocampal
day spatial environment. The external form of this neurons correlated with the rats location in the
thought, elicited through an appropriate methodo- maze. Other neuroscientists such as Lieblich and
logy, is called a spatial product, a term initially used Arbib (1982) have agreed t h a t the hippocampus
by Liben (1981) which has gained some standard does play a role in wayfinding but are not so sure
recognition. of its role as a store of the whole 'world graph'
4 R.M. Kitchin

(cognitive map), but r a t h e r argue t h a t it holds a properties' (Garling et al., 1985, p. 147) do though
'chart of the local neighbourhood t h a t m u s t be imply a representation with map-like qualities.
presumably read from a whole atlas stored in long- Downs and Stea (1973c, p. 11) used the term 'map'
term memory' and is effectively a situation recog- to denote a functional analogue. 'The focus of atten-
niser' (Lieblich & Arbib, 1982 p. 640). Few, though, tion is on a cognitive representation which has the
have drawn the same conclusion t h a t neurons functions of the familiar cartographic map but not
within the brain act as a three-dimensional model of necessarily the physical properties of such a pictorial
the world. The main argument suggesting otherwise graphic model' and consequently argue it is an
focuses upon scale change, that is, every neuron is an analogy to be used, not believed. One of the problems
individual and so to cover all experiences the cognitive encountered by readers are these deceptive and
map would have to be huge. Second, there is no allow- misleading qualities of the analogy (Downs & Stea,
ance for an update of new data, which would effec- 1973c).
tively m e a n a rebuilding of each neurons identity.
Metaphor: A Cognitive Map works as if it were a
Analogy: A Cognitive Map is like a map. Alterna- map. The reason for believing t h a t the cognitive
tively, an implicit argument for cognitive maps having map is a metaphor is the belief t h a t we act as if we
map-like properties are the same results which dis- possess a map in our minds (Kaplan, 1973a; Graham,
cover euclidean spatial relationships within the spatial 1976). If being used as a metaphor, the cognitive
products. If the spatial products we obtain in experi- map should be interpreted, 'it was like he had a
ments are euclidean or can be considered to be map in his head':
euclidean after t a s k strategy error is removed, The problem is, it is easy to slip into the belief that a
surely it is implied t h a t the spatial relation map is something that people have stored away
knowledge held within the mind is also euclidean somewhere in the head (Downs, 1976, p. 68).
in nature. Kaplan (1973a, pp. 275-276) initially
As Spencer et al. (1989, p. 108) state:
hypothesized this viewpoint:
It further assumes that this information is coded in a The metaphor of a map in the head is so persuasive
structure which people carry around in their heads, that we are tempted to believe that there is no
and this structure corresponds, at least, to a reason- metaphor, but rather that our questioning of the sub-
able degree, to the environment it represents. ject is the search for the dimensions of a real 'thing'.

He continues to state t h a t 'this map is far from This though does not mean t h a t we do in fact
a cartographer's map, however. It is schematic, possess such a map, and assuming we do, removes
sketchy, incomplete, distorted, and otherwise sim- the metaphors heuristic value (Tuan, 1975). What
plified and idiosyncratic' (Kaplan, 1973a, p. 276). makes the spatial metaphor 'map' so useful is that it:
In effect, the analogy is t h a t the 'map in the head' makes the relationships explicit and because it
inspected by the 'mind's eye' is functionally identical provides the necessary guidance for using imagery to
to a graphical map inspected by the physical eye remember abstract conceptual relationships that are
(Kuipers, 1982). That is, cognitive map information not easily imaged (West et al., 1985, p. 22).
is isomorphic to information held in a graphical The main argument against such a cognitive map
map, so t h a t information added to, and retrieved construct is the non-euclidean properties discovered
from, the cognitive map is similar or the same as by some methods of investigating our knowledge
operations used to add or retrieve information from structures, and the fact t h a t we have incomplete
a graphical map (Kuipers, 1982). Although this does knowledge not integrated into one single 'map' but
not mean t h a t there m u s t be a region in the brain r a t h e r disconnected components (Kuipers, 1983).
onto which the environment is physically mapped
(Stea, 1969; Kuipers 1982), but r a t h e r t h a t there Hypothetical Construct: a convenient fiction. Cog-
will be a correspondence between i n p u t - o u t p u t be- nitive m a p s described as hypothetical constructs
haviours of the storage and retrieval functions of the render the word 'map' redundant. In this context
two representations (Kuipers, 1983). Statements such 'map' has no literal meaning and although the term
as 'Every person acquainted with an environment could be misinterpreted to imply t h a t a cognitive
possesses a simplified cognitive structure of the map is a map, or is like a map, or works like a map,
environment' (Goodchild, 1974, p. 157); '...integrating the implication is not intended:
information.., to form an overall representation As hypothetical constructs, cognitive maps have an
something like a survey map' (Newcombe, 1982, p. 74) allegedly real status; they refer to hypothesised
and '...that give the cognitive map its maplike underlying entities or processes that there is reason
 Cognitive Maps 5

to believe do exist, which are inprinciple observable .... Why Are There Variations in Definitions
Thus, as a hypothetical construct, the term cognitive
map and its approximate synonyms refer to covert, Cognitive mapping's varying defmitions are basically
non-observed processes and organisations of ele-
ments of knowledge (Moore & Golledge, 1976, p. 8). the result of its multidisciplinary nature. Cognitive
mapping has no one strong subject base and is es-
The reasoning behind such arguments are spatial sentially a research topic with inputs from most of
products with non-euclidean natures, such as in- the social sciences. Papers and books can be found
travisity (A is estimated greater t h a n B, B is esti- from geographers, planners and architects, psychol-
mated greater t h a n C, C is estimated greater t h a n ogists, sociologists, anthropologists, political scien-
A, where A, B and C are interpoint distances) or tists, cognitive scientists and neurologists. This has
non-communicavity (distance from A to B, is not advantages, giving the subject a wide base of knowl-
equal to the distance from B to A i.e. asymmetry), edge and viewpoints, but does tend to m e a n that
and leads to arguments of 'impossible figures' or there is no strong united philosophical and theoreti-
'spaces' (Tversky, 1981; Baird et al., 1982). Whether cal base. This position has led to a variety of stand-
these hypothetical internal entities' (Newcombe, 1985, points that currently exist. The movement towards
p. 277) are like, or work like, a map is immaterial; integration (Garling & Evans 1991; Garling &
the term map is used just to represent a set of Golledge, 1993) should help to alleviate the situation.
processes which are believed to exist and affect our One additional problem noted by Allen (1985) is
everyday spatial behaviour. As Siegel and Cousins the fact that the t e r m 'cognitive map' has become
(1985, p. 349) state: an all-purpose, unrestricted entity describing all
...cognitive maps are hypostatizations--abstractions behaviour and thought concerning the spatial
that we create and use in understanding the sequence environment. The t e r m has no practical constraints
and development of the continual activity of cognitive or boundaries. As a result he (Allen, 1985) calls for
mapping. In this sense, cognitive maps are a con- the use of more rigorous constructs from the study
venient fiction.
of cognition. The position advocated here is that
The position adopted for this paper and explained the term should be used in this utilitarian way
earlier, is t h a t cognitive maps are hypothetical con- to represent the knowledge of, and interactions
structs. with, the everyday environment, and geographical
information gained through other secondary sources
Alternative expressions. This confusion concern- such as maps, and that a new set of terms such as
ing the meaning and context of the term has also led Liben's (1981) 'spatial thought', 'spatial storage',
to the use of surrogate terms. These terms while and 'spatial product' should be used to represent
being defined and used in some papers in a slightly specific concepts.
different context to a cognitive map, have been used
in others, instead of, or to imply 'cognitive map'.
This is not aided by the fact that several authors are Theoretical Worth: C o n c e p t u a l R e s e a r c h
using the terms interchangeably across articles and
in some cases within articles. Possible surrogates General: influences and explains behaviour
include abstract maps (Hernandez, 1991), cognitive
configurations (Golledge, 1977), cognitive images In the early 1960s, the behavioral approach in
(Lloyd, 1982), cognitive representations (Downs geography evolved as an answer to positivism
& Stea, 1973b) cognitive schemata (Lee, 1968), (Golledge, 1981), as researchers began to realize
cognitive space (Montello, 1989), cognitive systems t h a t to exist in, and comprehend the environment,
(Canter, 1977), conceptual representations (Stea, we formed cognitive maps from the m a s s of 'to
1969), configurational representations (Kirasic, whom it m a y concern' messages emanating from the
1991), environmental images (Lynch, 1960), mental world in which we live (Golledge & Stimson, 1987).
images (Pocock, 1973), mental maps (Gould & The belief was that we could increase the explana-
White, 1974) mental representations (Gale, 1982), tory powers and the understanding of geographers
orientating schemata (Neisser, 1976), place by incorporating behavioural variables, along with
schemata (Axia et al., 1991), spatial representations others, within a decision making framework that
(Allen et al., 1978), spatial schemata (Lee, 1968), sought to comprehend and find reasons for overt
topological representations (Shemyakin, 1962), spatial behaviour r a t h e r t h a n describing the spatial
topological schemata (Griffin, 1948), and world manifestations of behaviour itself (Golledge, 1981).
graphs (Lieblich & Arbib, 1982). In effect it was an:
6 R.M. Kitchin

attempt to base the explanation of human spatial it is hypothesized are influenced by our ability to
activities on a foundation of human behavioral understand the everyday environment, i.e. cognitive
processes (Golledge, 1985, p. 113); maps (Golledge et al., 1976). As Baird et al. (1979,
to define models of m a n that were alternatives to p. 92) point out:
the classic models of normative economic rationality The ability to plan and execute movement in a famil-
used in the past (Pocock, 1972) using data collected iar environment seems to require that one possess a
at the individual/micro-scale rather than using cognitive map [representation] of that environment
large scale governmental data (Golledge, 1985), and in addition to the stimulus information directly
available to the sensory systems.
analysed using a series of:
methods and models tied to non-normal statistical This has led Cadwallader (1976, p. 316) to suggest
populations, non-parametric data, non-linear distri- that the cognitive maps affect at least three types of
bution activities, with an interest in multidimen- decisions:
sional spaces, as well as physical spaces (Golledge,
1985, p. 113). (1) The decision to stay or go.
(2) The decision of where to go.
Thus the black box of man (an unknown constant (3) The decision of which route to take.
in the study of environment/behaviour relation-
ship) is replaced by a white box, in which the Garling et al. (1985, p. 143) add one more decision to
variable nature of m a n is recognized as being of this list:
fundamental importance (Downs, 1970). As Couclelis (4) The decision of how to get there.
(1986) explains we have become interested in
'answers to questions such as "how do people really One of a cognitive map's functions then is to re-
behave" or "how do people really make decisions".' hearse spatial behaviour in the mind so that when
The g e n e r a l belief is that cognitive mapping we are actually travelling, we can act with a degree
explains and leads not only to the understanding of of assurance that we would otherwise not have
spatial behaviour, b u t the cognitive map is a mental (Tuan, 1975). They are in effect advanced organizers
construct (be it explicit, analogical, metaphorical or that influence the impact of later direct experience
hypothetical) that actually influences behaviour, of the environment (Liben, 1991).
and by examining a whole range of spatial products The arguments concerning cognitive maps and
(external representation of our cognitive map spatial behaviour are circular though, and although
knowledge) we can understand spatial decision 'our knowledge of the external world impinges upon
making and subsequent behaviour. Lynch (1976, p. our actions...our acts affect our knowledge' (Webber
xiii) explains that: et al., 1975, p. 100). This suggests that our cognitive
maps are not stable entities, b u t are dynamic: con-
People's behaviour in large-scale environments can stantly changing and evolving. We are constantly
be explained more completely through recourse to
internal, subjective factors than by more traditional learning and altering the information we use to
external, "objective" factors, and that behaviour make spatial decisions. 'Behaviour modifies and is
is mediated by the image (cognitive map) of the modified by interaction with the spatial environ-
environment. ment' (Matthews, 1980, p. 178).
A sentiment shared by MacEachren (1992, p. 245): Boyle and Robinson (1979) have expressed doubts
as to what a cognitive map is, and define it as a
The knowledge of space (cognitive maps) is critical figural image with a cartographic form, in a sense
to attitudes toward, decision making about and
behaviour within places an analogy. Upon this basis they argue that
cognitive maps have a use in explaining h u m a n
and strongly advocated by Downs and Stea (1973c, behaviour but conclude that 'cognitive maps play
p.10): only a minor and intermittent role in effective
We are postulating the cognitive map as the basis thinking and that it is misleading to impute to them
for deciding upon and implementing any strategy any great significance in the co-ordination of our
of spatial behaviour .... We view cognitive mapping spatial activities' (Boyle & Robinson, 1979, p. 64).
as basic component of human adaptation, and the A more effective argument against the utility of
cognitive map as a requisite both for human survival
and for everyday environmental behaviour. cognitive maps in explaining spatial behaviour has
been argued by Piaget & Inhelder (1956) who state
It is argued that we all have daily navigation that behaviour in space and representation of space
decisions to make involving choice processes, for are in fact very different and they make the distinc-
example, migration, shopping or recreation, which tion between 'practical' space (the capacity to act in
 Cognitive Maps 7

space) and 'conceptual' space (the capacity to to another in large-scale space (Gluck, 1991). Spatial
represent space. The capacity to act and move orientation refers to the process by which a person
intelligently through space may well occur before, knows where he or she is relative to something else
and possibly in the absence of, the capacity to (Garling & Golledge, 1989). These both use high
represent that space (Spencer et al., 1989). This level cognitive processes and are different from
argument is accepted, but it is argued that the kinaesthetic senses of orientation and wayfinding
subject still possesses cognitive map knowledge, which are low level reflexes for maintaining equilib-
which they find difficult to represent externally. rium (Gluck, 1991).
Research concerning spatial behaviour within the Gluck (1991) has divided up wayfinding research
environment can be divided into three main strands into two main categories: Competence and Perfor-
of spatial problem solving: spatial decision making mance literature. Both can be split into two further
(whether, why and where questions), wayfinding categories. The competence literature subdivided
(how questions) and development of acquisition and into computational models and information process-
learning (what and when questions). ing models, both of which can be interpreted as
acquisition and learning models. These are often
Spatial problem solving: spatial choice and spatial still implicitly or explicitly based in the theoretical
decision making frameworks of environmental cognition. The perfor-
mance literature can be divided between general
It is hypothesized that the cognitive map provides studies (applicable across all groups) and specific
information necessary for spatial decision making studies (children, elderly, special needs).
and to execute the consequent behaviour (Briggs, Computational models of wayfinding are the
1973). The cognitive map as discussed, therefore result of the continuing expansion of artificial
plays a role in four vital questions: whether to go intelligence to research in the social sciences. There
somewhere; why go there; where it is that is the are two main model types: cognitively based and
destination; and how to get there. Researchers have biologically (connectivist) based. The cognitively
investigated these questions from the perspective of based models are centred around memory struc-
cognitive mapping in relation to a series of applica- tures and information processing and the biologi-
tion areas: consumer behaviour (Coshall, 1985a,b); cally based around the behaviour of neurons and
residential and business location (Pacione, 1978, are often referred to as parallel distributive process
1982); movement patterns within an urban area models (PDP) (Golledge & Timmermans, 1990). A
(Johnston, 1972; Briggs, 1973) and recreational and further distinction in artificial intelligence is made
leisure destinations (Golledge & Timmermans, 1990). between 'scruffies' and 'neats' (Zimring & Gross,
These all have real world applications, concerning 1991). The 'scruffies' primary focus is on producing
planning, teaching and advertising. These are dis- a computational model where the outcomes mimic
cussed later, but the general argument is that if we human behaviour and in general are searching for
can understand where people want to go and why, direct links between the environment and be-
then planners both governmental and commercial haviour. 'Neats' are interested in reproducing
can plan for their needs. Another application could human outcomes, but adopt cognitive science
be advertising. For example, it is now noticeable approaches that attempt to model people's mental
within the marketing of business parks the use of processes accurately as well (Zimring & Gross,
centrality and ease of access as factors that sell. If 1991). It is generally the case that biological models
you can alter peoples cognition of distance you could are scruffy, whereas cognitive models are neat.
attract more custom. Studies that have looked at Most popular among social scientists are cog-
cognitive mapping in relation to spatial decision nitively based models. These models attempt to
making though, tend to only take theory and inves- simulate human mental processes with computer
tigate its worth, without then re-contributing to programs (Kuipers, 1982) with the belief that an
theory making. 'individuals permanent knowledge structure pro-
vides the basis for interpreting objects, actions and
Spatial problem solving : wayfinding and spatial events in the external environment' (Smith et al.,
orientation 1982, p. 307). In general, they attempt to simulate a
wayfinder that learns the paths and landmarks in a
Wayfinding is the ability to learn and remember a large-scale space, and then can navigate through
route through the environment (Blades, 1991) with the space it knows, solving route-planning tasks.
the overall goal being able to relocate from one place Models are often distinguished in terms of how the
8 R.M. Kitchin

environment is represented, and to the extent This is often looked at the general scale where
to which the knowledge is seen as procedural, topo- results are considered applicable to all types of sub-
logical, or metric (Golledge 1992). The aim is to groups of people. Some studies though concentrate
determine the types of knowledge that exist, the at the more specific level concerning the wayfinding
manner in which such knowledge is represented and orientation of specific subgroups of the popula-
and organized, the mechanisms by which it is acti- tion such as children (see work by Blades &
vated, and the elementary and higher level cognitive Spencer), the elderly (see work by Ohta; Kirasic) and
processes that operate upon the knowledge base to those with special needs be it mental or physical
produce new knowledge, inferences, evaluations (see work by Spencer & Blades; Golledge et al.,
and external behaviours' (Smith et al., 1982, p. 307). 1979, 1983).
In other words to discover how we store, think
about and carry out wayfinding activities. It is Spatial problem solving: acquisition and learning
though not intended to replace theory but add to its
development (Garling & Golledge, 1989). The previous section dealt with wayfinding and
Example cognitive programs include, TOUR discussed two types of investigation that looked at
(Kuipers, 1978); TRAVELLER (Leiser & Zilbershatz, the acquisition and development of wayfinding and
1989) ELMER (McCalla et al., 1982); SPAM orientating skills. This section discusses cognitive
(McDermott & Davis, 1983); MERCATOR (Davis, map development as a whole, and why this research
1983); CRITTER (Kuipers, 1985); NX Robot is important at a academic, intellectual level and
(Kuipers & Levitt, 1988); and Qualnav (Levitt the implications for both theoretical and applied
et al., 1987, 1988). NAVIGATOR (Gopal et al., 1989) research.
combines elements from spatial cognition and Research in this area has been traditionally been
neurologically based information processing. Appli- dominated by psychologists particularly those of
cation studies includes G011edge et al. (1985) on developmental persuasion (Spencer & Blades, 1985),
wayfinding of children in a suburban area, an and can be split into three competing philosophical
Couclelis's (1986) navigation in an airport. traditions which attempt to explain the develop-
Information Processing models are the second ment of cognitive mapping (Matthews 1992). These
category proposed by Gluck (1991) These are effec- can be neatly represented by three questions
tively non-computational process models of how and (Table 1).
why we acquire and learn the everyday environ- From a purely academic standpoint the study of
ment, including routes for wayfinding. Much of development and acquisition is vital to our under-
the work in this area has been carried out by the standing of how a cognitive map is composed, con-
Environmental Psychology Research Group at the structed and organized, and when changes occur in
University of Umea, Sweden (Garling et al., 1981, the development of this knowledge (Hazen et al.,
1985, 1986; Saisa et al., 1986) concerning the use of 1978). Such studies are 'admirable because they
travel plans to link cognitive map information pro- portray an unfolding process' (Lynch, 1976, p. v)
cessing with actual behaviour. These travel plans and essentially form the 'basic cornerstone in the
are in essence action plans, and are predetermined understanding of mature forms of understanding an
courses of action to reach a desire destination with experience' (Moore, 1976, p. 138). The implications
the minimum investment of effort. of this research are therefore fundamental in the
The Performance Literature is concerned with the development of models of spatial behaviour and in
actual collecting and assessment of data rather than practical applications such a teaching and planning
the building of acquisition and learning theories. It
focuses on problems of measurement, discussing TABLE1
how to collect distance, direction or locational esti- Philosophical traditions of development research
mates to assess the route knowledge individuals
1 Is cognitive mapping ability given innately, and closely
possess for wayfinding. The aims of this research is aligned to language acquisition (nativism)?
to find factors that affect the cognitive map, thus 2 Is cognitive mapping ability built up empirically from
route knowledge and hence wayfinding, and then sensations derived from experiences of different geo-
to integrate the results into existing theory. The graphical environments (empiricism)?
number of factors are huge, ranging from personal 3 Is cognitive mapping ability constructed out of some
sort of interaction between inherited and experiential
characteristics, traits, meaning and ability; per- factors (constructivism)?
ceptual context; environmental influences to social
influences. Source: Matthews (1992, p. 69).
 Cognitive Maps 9

because it reveals what knowledge people know and ing a basis for improved international understand-
when this knowledge can be expected to develop. ing (Walmsley et al., 1990). Saarinen and his assis-
tant MacCabe have been investigating the world
Mnemonic and metaphorical devise 'images' of students (3863) from all over the world
(49 countries) as part of a large scale study (see
Tuan (1975) suggests that one of the functions of a Saarinen, 1988; Saarinen et al., 1988, 1992) Studies
cognitive map is as a mnemonic devise. They are of cognitive mapping reveal how we do think about
important because if 'we wish to memorize events, places, and certain studies show the connection
people, and things, it helps to know their locations between attitudes and planning, such as Gould
or even assign them arbitrary locations' (Tuan, 1975, (1969), Banerjee & Lynch (1977) and Lynch (1977).
p. 210). Cognitive maps are therefore a means to
structure and store knowledge (Saarinen et al., Creating and coping with imaginary worlds
1988). Gilmartin (1985) has suggested that the visu-
alization component (the images we can form on the Tuan (1975) has hypothesized that cognitive maps
'mind's eye') has been used for thousands of years to also act as imaginary worlds. They depict attractive
enhance the learning and recall of information and goals that tempt people out of their habitual rounds.
Bellazza (1983, p. 830) describes such visualization We can as h u m a n beings construct mental descrip-
as the 'oldest known mnemonic devise'. West et al. tions of places we have never been to, from text such
(1985) explain that this involves imagining to-be as a novel or word of mouth, such as a friend's
remembered items in locations in a familiar environ- description of a holiday area. What we essentially
ment, and then remembering the items by taking a do is fit them into our schema of similar events we
'mental' walk through that environment. Spatial have experienced either first hand or secondhand
thinking is often used as a metaphor for non-spatial through the media. In this w a y our cognitive map
tasks, where people performing non-spatial tasks schemata allow us to create and cope with unknown
involving memory, imagery and inference use spatial place information. This m a y h a v e practical rele-
knowledge to aid processing the task (Downs, 1985). vance to studies of our attitudes towards places
as discussed above, or to historical geography in
Local / world attitudes and perspectives explaining why people migrated to certain destina-
tions (Tuan, 1975).
The cognitive map as explained earlier extends be-
yond knowledge of spatial relations to contain social
and environmental meaning knowledge. This infor- A p p l i e d Worth: I n s t r u m e n t a l R e s e a r c h
mation is used to shape our attitudes towards, and
perspectives of, the world, and hence our behaviour Understanding cognitive maps for geographers and
patterns at the local and national level. This, urban planners
Golledge & Timmermans (1990) hypothesize mani-
fests itself in everything from public reactions to General. The general implicit belief, especially
events, to individual decision making as reflected in amongst geographers (Aitken, Downs, Golledge,
tourism and investment. These attitudes are more Gold, Humphreys, Pocock, MacEachren) and plan-
than just 'ignorance surfaces' as discussed by Gould ners (Appleyard, Lynch, Moore, Okabe) is that:
(1983) b u t rather models on which people make knowledge gained about perceptual-cognitive pro-
everyday decisions. Obviously studies which reveal cesses may improve the quality of human environ-
how we think about 'places' can give us insights into ments through policy, planning, and design, to the
how 'we' are cognized and how we cognize other extent that it tells us how to plan and design envi-
ronments that do not interfere with the proper func-
areas, and clues as to how to change our 'image' to tioning of these processes (Garling & Golledge, 1989,
create a more favourable one. As pointed out by p. 2O3).
Saarinen (1973, p. 148):
Lynch (1976, p. xi) clarifies this by stating:
It seems important in a world continually upset by ...[we] can better plan, design and manage the envi-
international conflicts to try and gain an under- ronment for and with people if we know how they
standing of variations in world views. image the world.
The underlying belief is that when current world In effect, there is increasing evidence that environ-
'images' are understood, education can be designed ment and behaviour are interdependent (Lee, 1968),
to remedy any weaknesses revealed, thereby provid- so that environments can influence behaviour, and
10 R.M. Kitchin

explanations of behaviour can be used to influence TABLE 2

the make-up of environments. Indeed Golledge and Reasons for planning for children
Timmermans (1990, p. 76) report that: 1 Children and adults differ in behaviour patterns, with
specific applications of the models and knowledge play and education having a major role for children.
gained from investigations of cognitive mapping and 2 Their land uses and facilities differ; or, where shared,
the acquisition of spatial knowledge are occurring are often used for different purposes.
with increasing frequency in environmental design, 3 Daily ranging patterns differ, in ways that reflect
architecture and planning. adult's greater autonomy and access to resources.
4 Children face different (and possibly greater) threats
The challenge then-is to provide both information from their environment.
about how people experience the physical environ- 5 Children are entirely outside the politico-economic
ment, and the sorts of h u m a n needs that the physi- decision-making process that determines land-use;
cal environment m u s t satisfy, to planners relatively adults have a greater chance of participating
6 Children and adults differ in their interpretation of
starved of detailed behavioural data, so that there is plans.
adequate planning in the built environment that
reflects the behavioral propensity of residents and Source: Spencer et al. (1989, p. 223).
other users (Kaplan, 1973a; Aitken et al., 1989).
This has resulted due to pressure on public decision- be included in the design process (including cogni-
makers to provide structures and facilities which tive mapping knowledge) beyond analytical, objec-
are useful and acceptable to their intended users tive knowledge. As Goldberg (1983, p. 24) states:
(Lowery, 1973). By studying the spatial products of
the cognitive map, such data will hopefully become subjective and value laden intuitive knowledge merit
equal credibility as sources of planning know-how.
available, rather than designers relying on intuition, Experientially rooted synthetic knowledge is an
rule-of-thumb and details from past work, to decide essential complement to the deductive analytical
on what places of the future will look like (Kaplan, information base of the present.
1973a, Downing, 1992).
If cognitive mapping can be used to improve en- Children's environments. Can research concern-
vironmental design then this should be explored. ing cognitive mapping provide us with information
Canter (1977) has preliminarily examined the idea concerning the environmental needs of children?
of encorporating cognitive mapping into design, but The previous section suggests that they can. If they
there has been little conceptualization of guidelines can, why should we want to plan environments for
or policy. A fact of which Siedel (1985) is critical. children? (Hill and Michelson (1981) have offered
The implication of this are discussed later. some reasons (Table 2).
Examples of where policy has been suggested These points mean that children and adults
include Golledge et al.'s (1979, 1983) investigation cognize and use the environment in different ways
of policy guidelines needed to allow the mentally for different means. If how children cognize the
retarded a full and active use of their local environ- environment affects their behaviour, activity patterns
ments. Carpmen et al. (1985) explored the effects of and interaction environment, r e s e a r c h into how
hospital design upon wayfinding, and found that children do cognize the environment could be valu-
poor design caused increased environmental stress able to both sociologists and architectural planners,
to staff, patients and visitors. They suggest that with a view to creating environments more suited
this could be avoided through the introduction of a to children's needs, and m a y go someway to help
policy of clear maps, directories, you-are-here maps alleviate the growing youth social problem. One
at key decision points, as well as trained staff able study that has tried to do this was an international
to give clear and concise directions. project sponsored by UNESCO, and carried out in
Passini (1992) has also examined wayfinding and Mexico, Poland, Australia and Argentina (Lynch
the role of planners and designers in environmental 1977). This research focused on low-income, low-
design. He presents a guideline design method, which resource areas of cities, and was intended to suggest
conceptualizes wayfinding as a spatial-problem public policy for neighbourhood improvement.
solving process. There are seven steps, the first four
area analytical, and the last three are aimed at Elderly environments. The elderly have been
stimulating reflection to arrive at a design solu- studied by a small number of researchers (Ohta,
tion. 1983; Ohta & Kirasic, 1983; Regnier, 1983 Kirasic,
Seelig and Seelig (1986) have noted that it must 1985, 1989, 1991; Kirasic et al., 1992) interested
be made c l e a r that other types of knowledge must in how the elderly learn new environments. It is
 Cognitive Maps 11

hypothesized that age-related decrements in the The arguments run circular so that, we need suit-
ability to learn and wayfind in an environment able environments for special needs groups to oper-
could have a impact on the quality of life for elderly ate in, and cognitive mapping research tells us
adults (Gold & Goodey, 1987; Kirasic et al., 1992). whether such environments exist and point clues as
As Kirasic states (1985, p. 185): to how to improve them. Golledge et al. (1979, 1983)
It is ...imperative that we understand the nature of have studied the cognitive maps of mentally re-
any spatial cognitive changes that occur with the in- tarded subjects with the aim of understanding how
creasing of age because any age related decline in they cognize the environment they operate, so that
spatial abilities should have a clear and significant guidelines could be provided for enhancing the envi-
impact on the elderly's individual's transactions with ronmental behaviour competence, and to discover
his or her spatial environment.
which elements of the environment facilitated and
A possible solution to this would be to discover impeded their use. Such information has dual pur-
the type of environments the elderly map cogui- poses of enhancing education and providing details
tively, and hence can learn most quickly. These to planners.
'optimum' environments m a y be more suitable as a
living area, and as such should be useful to plan- Understanding cognitive maps for education and
ners creating places used predominantly by elderly computer interfaces
people, such as residential homes and hospitals (Axia
et al., 1991). They should not, however, disregard Geographical education: general. Children's cog-
environmental features that appeal to the elderly's nitive mapping research has been and continues to
environmental assessment, but should contain a be studied for the purpose of improving education
mix of easy to remember and pleasing features. It is (Catling, 1979; Matthews, 1980, 1992). There are
also important that they contain features of practi- two hypotheses. First, it is believed that the spatial
cal importance, such as needed resources (shops products reveal clues as to the level of geographical
and services) (Regnier, 1983). development of individuals, and provide us with
information which we can use to improve education,
Environments for special needs people (both physi- increasing the range of spatial stimuli and elicit
cally and mentally handicapped). People with spe- more suitable techniques of teaching (Hart &
cial needs often come to know the environment in Moore, 1973). Second, that cognitive mapping
different ways to the fully-abled. For some, interac- exercise could be used as a means of enhancing
tion may be hampered due to some type of physical the child's personal geography and as such is a way
or mental handicaps, meaning fewer and less- of enriching the teaching of geography, especially
active participation with their surroundings. Others at the personal level (Catling, 1978a,b, 1979). The
might suffer from less interaction due to impaired approach advocated is that children examine their
perceptual development or loss--most commonly own and their peer's cognitive maps to learn about
blindness (Spencer et al., 1989). The need for re- their experiences with the environment, with the
search into how these section of society form and aim of increasing awareness of places, details, and
use cognitive maps is vital to the planner and edu- patterns in the neighbourhood (Spencer et al., 1989)
cationalist if we are going to be able to maximize and to introduce a number of aspects of map
their interaction and enjoyment of everyday envi- work and geographical and environmental studies
ronments. (Catling 1978b). Such thoughts have provoked a
Fears are based around the notion that an im- number of researchers to argue for environmental
mobile child will become an immobile adult, suffering education becoming central to the contemporary
dependency problems which could lead to psycho- curriculum (Goodey & Gold, 1985; Matthews, 1986).
social and adjustment problems (Spencer et al., 1989). As H a r t & Moore (1973, p. 283) point out:
The aim is to improve the life style of these groups to
Geographic education has only recently begun to
the point where they can 'travel safely, comfortably, take note of the crucial importance of considering
gracefully and independently' (Foulke, 1983). For the development of the child's conception of space.
this to be realized individuals have to possess basic
cognitive maps, that is they have to know where they Beyond the confines of a classroom and academic
are, where their goal is, and how to get between them. learning, Brewster and Blades (1989) have found
This requires that motor, perceptual and representa- that both children and adults can be taught how to
tional skills are attained by the traveller (Spencer et improve their cognitive maps, and to operate in an
al., 1989) and cognitive map knowledge built. enviro nment more efficiently, thus leading to
12 R.M. Kitchin

greater environmental awareness and ability. A research can be used to provide evidence for this
reason for study noted by Pocock (1980). This social justice issue.
finding has yet to be carried into the classroom,
where the lack of studies mean that evaluation of Geographical education: cartography and remote
the impact of such teaching make it difficult to sensing. It is believed that cognitive mapping
assess. Do children performing such exercises gain (Thorndyke, 1981; MacEachren, 1991) and associated
a better environmental awareness, greater graphi- spatial abilities (Self et al., 1992) could have an
cacy and locational skills to those that are not? effect on more technical aspects of geography
(Spencer et al., 1989). including cartography, remote sensing and GIS
(discussed next section). There are two ways to
Geographical education: concern for gender differ- approach the problem, which are interrelated. First,
ences. Another area of concern focuses upon gender you can try and discover how we cognize and use
abilities of boys and girls to perform to the same cartographic maps with a view to improving spatio-
level at geographical problem solving tasks. Saarinen visualization skills and general understanding and
et al. (1988) have noted that females consistently comprehension of spatial relations. The second
performed below males on the NCGE Geographic method is by improving cartographic based material
Competency Test and in their sketch map to make learning easier (see next section). Both in-
experiments. Other researchers have noted similar volve the use of cognitive mapping skills.
such differences (Kail et al., 1980; Jahoda, 1979; Research concerning how we cognize and use
Moore, 1979; Brown & Broadway, 1981; Spencer & cartographic maps with a view to improving spatio-
Weetman, 1981; Gilmartin, 1984; Matthews, 1986; visual and geographical understanding focuses
Brewster & Blades, 1989; Downs & Liben, 1991) but around two central research themes. The first is
others have found none or expressed reservations concerns how we literally perceive the map and in-
and unhappiness with the findings (Feldman & tegrate this knowledge into the cognitive map, with
Acredolo, 1979; Liben & Golbeck, 1980; Gilmartin & the aim of teaching these skills more effectively.
Patton, 1984; Webley & Whalley, 1986; Allen, 1988; Much of this work focuses around improving map
Garling, 1989; Blades, 1990; Self et al., 1992). The reading and interpretation skills, and spatial ability
reasons for this are a contentious issue and a (Thorndyke & Statz, 1979; Gilmartin & Patton,
large debate is currently in progress centring 1984).
around the spatial ability literature (for possible The second concerns how we use other geographical
reasons see Table 3). knowledge in understanding the map. As Golledge
Obviously if such differences actually exist, we et al. (1992) notes one of the unanswered questions
need to determine the reasons, so that we have the is how do we convert travel experiences upon which
opportunity to alter our curriculum to readdress the we base much of our understanding of space and
balance. As noted earlier cognitive mapping and spatial properties into comprehension of simple spa-
spatial ability influence other subjects beyond tial processes such as nearest neighbour, distance
geography and the ability to navigate within the decay, regionalization and others fundamental for
environment both of which are important issues. comprehending maps and diagrams and interpret-
If the reason is due to social roles and stereotypes ing them for use in human activity (Golledge et al.,
1992)? Such research is necessary if we are to im-
TABLE3 prove cartographic based education and open up
Possible reasons for differences between male and female such areas to naive users.
spatial products
I do not know of any research that specifically in-
1 Malesand females having different ways of approaching vestigates the utility of remote sensing to improving
the same problem, using different cognitive strategies. geographical education although a few investigators
2 Performance and behaviour indicators favouring boys. have looked at effect of gathering spatial products
3 Males and females possess different cognitive maps through aerial photography recognition Stea &
and information.
4 Males and females are taught differently, and attend- Blaut, 1973; Matthews, 1984).
ing different courses.
5 Females positively react to stereotypes. Improving cartography and remote sensing. By
6 Females have different social role constraints limiting investigating ways in which we currently integrate
their opportunities for environmental experience.
7 Males and females have biological differences affecting map information into the cognitive map, and how
the ability to understand and perform the task. this information is subsequently used in navigation
and to interpret other maps it is hoped we can learn
 Cognitive Maps 13

how to improve cognitive map ability and the maps. TABLE4

As Lloyd (1989, p. 109) points out: Applications of cognitive maps to GIS
Cartographers hoping to provide better maps for 1 Cognitive map information could be used to supply
people to read should understand the cognitive designers with knowledge that could improve system's
processes used to read maps. interface, and thus make them easier to use.
2 Cognitive map information concerning how we store
Researchers such as Thorndyke and Hayes-Roth and think about geographical data could be useful in
(1982), and MacEachren (1991) have argued that improving database design and efficiency.
there needs to be an interface between h u m a n 3 Cognitive map information could be used to improve
perception and cognition and the graphic character- education, specifically to increase understanding of the
images displayed (discussed in the previous section).
istics of a map. Thorndyke (1981) has suggested
that how we judge distances can be affected by our
use of maps and that clutter on maps leads to over-
and attributive data assigned to specific places in a
estimation of distances. He suggests that We should
space-time framework. Work though into the possi-
consider presenting geographical displays that
ble connections has been confined to the application
supply requested information b u t minimize the
of spatial cognition to GIS, and a handful of investi-
amount of attendant, irrelevant data (Thorndyke
gations utilizing GIS for behavioural studies. Con-
1981). By understanding which elements of maps
centrating on the application of cognitive maps to
distort our cognitive maps it is hoped we can
GIS it hypothesized that cognitive maps could be
improve the map, in this case by removing un-
of importance in three main ways (see Table 4).
necessary clutter. There are other factors which
GIS suffers from two basic interface problems
influence the cognitive map such as the map projec-
that cognitive mapping research could be useful in
tion used (Gilmartin & Lloyd, 1991). The solution to
rectifying: unfriendliness reducing potential benefits
this is to produce maps applicable to specific needs
and misinterpretation leading to misuse. These
0nly, maybe a role of GIS in the future. MacEachren
problems need to be addressed if GIS is to succeed.
(1991, p. 161) sums up neatly by stating:
Medyckyj-Scott et al. (1990) have noted that the
Considering how people learn about space and how increased sophistication of GIS has not always been
they deal with the spatial aspects of their environ- accompanied by an improvement in usability,
ment on a daily basis will allow us to devise maps, because GIS makes considerable demands on its
and map presentation strategies, that facilitate
thinking and problem solving rather than memorising. users. The enlarged functionality makes the GIS in-
creasingly complex and daunting, especially if inter-
The same argument could be used to improve faced in a non-intuitive way, and leads to focusing
remote sensing, a situation noted by Edwards upon a small number of specific tasks reducing the
(1991). He has discussed how the cognitive map exploitation of potential benefits (Medyckyj-Scott &
may be a vital base upon which our inferences Blades, 1992). The utility of the GIS is being under-
concerning remote sensing data are based. In such mined. As Mark and Gould (1991, p. 1428) state:
cases we convert the images into two-dimensional
base maps, by utilizing our perceptual systems in When the user sits at a workstation and uses a GIS,
he or she should be thinking about real-world phe-
conjunction with our cognitive maps to identifying nomena, and not about computers or peripherals,
regions with similar spectral and textual properties, commands or syntax, layers or pixels.
the relationships between these regions and
neighbours, and knowledge about the physical The second problem of misuse through misinter-
connections between scene elements (Edwards 1991). pretation often stems from the first. Where efforts
If we understand how we cognize such images (most have been made to improve usability, the ease of
of which are false-colour composites) we could try to use, coupled with a lack of appreciation of the com-
improve them to increase user understanding. plexities of spatial data, has led to the employment
of the wrong data types, at the wrong scale/resolu-
Improving computer interfaces and databases tion, and in the wrong context to produce erroneous
focusing upon GIS. GISs and cognitive maps share results and conclusions (Medyckyj-Scott & Blades,
similar purposes. GISs being systems designed to 1992).
process data concerning the everyday geographical There are two ways to tackle this problem. The
• environment, and cognitive mapping concerning first expects the user to adapt to the system by
how we think, store, produce and utilize such data. learning about space in the systems terms, acquiring
Both contain data concerning spatial relationships a set of data structure-based concepts and the
14 R.M. Kitchin

accompanying vocabulary (Gould, 1991). The second in how computers m a y be designed and used in the
involves the GIS design to be centred upon how future.
people think and utilize everyday geographical space,
i.e. based upon people's cognitive map knowledge. A Other Applied Uses
view adopted by Mark (1989, p. 551) who asserts:
Optimal GIS interfaces will be based on the same David Canter has used cognitive mapping theory in
cognitive maps [image-schemata] that are used when tracking down criminals for the police (Canter &
the person involved interacts directly with the real- Larkin, 1993; Canter & Gregory, in press, Bouquet,
world phenomena represented in the GIS. 1994). He suggests that criminals' cognitive maps
The first method of learning is impractical both in shape and constrain the criminal and non-criminal
terms of time and resources. As such it is rejected, spatial activity of any offender (Canter & Gregory,
and the second approach of adaptation is advocated. in press). First-time offenders commit crimes in
In this approach adaptive interfaces are proposed, areas where they have good cognitive maps, usually
that operate at a level suitable to the user. Ideally their local neighbourhood and as they get more
(but probably not practically for a number of years) experienced they will stray further afield. Because
they should not only be 'user-friendly' but 'user- criminals on the whole are domicentric (reside in
intimate', changing its approach to suit the particular one location) and value familiarity with an area
operator's current needs (Turk, 1990). There are over the risks of being recognized (although there
three prototype systems based upon this idea of is a minimum distance of travel), by plotting the
adaptation: HyperArc; CUBRICON and ArcView. sites of the attacks their home location can be
The first two work on the principle of trying to con- determined (91% of criminals had circular ranges)
nect the package to the users view of the problem, (Canter & Larkin, 1993). Using this as a basis
and the third on the idea of reduced functionality, in coupled with a criminal profile, a rapist and
effect creating a non-expert GIS. murderer, John Duffy, was tracked down to
Cognitive maps may also aid the use of interfaces Cricklewood, in north-west London.
by allowing them to become more easily remem- Another possibility for an applied use, m a y be in
bered. This is because how we interface the GIS can search and rescue operations. Certain cognitive
be thought of as an analogy to wayfinding, and in mapping characteristics could in theory be profiled
the same w a y we use cognitive maps to facilitate onto victims who are lost, through the descriptions
movement in the environment we can build up and of relatives and friends. This m a y give a detailed
use conceptual models of the how to manoeuvre portrait of the victim revealing how they might
within the GIS. J u s t as when we are not familiar behave, w h a t type of strategy they are likely to use
with a region we stick to safe, known routes, the in trying to find their w a y again, and even how far
user will do so with the GIS, and as such fail to they might have strayed. This m a y make the
explore the system (Turk, 1990; Medyckyj-Scott & searchers job easier by suggesting where might be
Blades, 1992). In essence we form cognitive maps of an appropriate place to look for the victim, rather
the system, where certain screens are linked to than conducting large random or systematic searches.
meaning and the understanding of actions. In this
w a y cognitive maps act as mnemonic devices as dis-
cussed by Tuan (1975). If these cognitive maps can Conclusion
be improved so will user efficiency.
An understanding of cognitive maps may also This paper has broadly outlined what cognitive
improve database design and efficency. The brain maps and mapping are, the reasons for misunder-
is probably the most efficient user of data known standings and their theoretical and applied worth.
to man, and an implicit argument based upon It has been demonstrated that cognitive mapping has
such a statement is that, if we can start to under- a role to play in spatial behaviour, spatial decision
stand its structure and contents we can produce making, learning and acquisition theory making and
more efficient databases, both in terms of storage in real world applications, such as planning, teaching,
capacity and speed. If we can start to unravel map making and computer interfaces and data-
the complexities of the cognitive map, and bases. What should be made clear though is that
determine its structure the implicit argument conceptual research is considerably more developed
is we can design better GIS databases. The proto- and actively practised than applied research. There
type systems mentioned above are merely are three main reasons for this (see Table 5).
scratching the surface of a potential revolution In an age where it is increasingly difficult to
 Cognitive Maps 15

TABLE 5 Bouquet, T. (1994) Professor Canter: policing's secret weapon.

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