Zoque, A Grammar of San Miguel Chimalapa (Johnson)

Copyright
by
Heidi Johnson
2000
A Grammar of San Miguel Chimalapa Zoque
by
Heidi Anna Johnson, B.A., M.S.
Dissertation
Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of
The University of Texas at Austin
in Partial Fulfillment
of the Requirements
for the Degree of
Doctor of Philosophy
The University of Texas at Austin

May, 2000
Approved by
Dissertation Committee:
Anthony C. Woodbury, Supervisor
Carlota S. Smith
Joel Sherzer
Stephen Wechsler
Terrence Kaufman
Acknowledgements
There are many people to thank for the completion of this dissertation, for
direct and indirect assistance, advice, and comfort at every stage of the project.
To begin at the very beginning, I must first thank my parents, Dale and Carmen
Johnson, for bringing my brothers and I along on their field expeditions to
Mexico, Guatemala, and New Mexico. My mother taught me Spanish (so I could
run errands for her) and my father won the grants that allowed us to spend nearly
every summer of my childhood romping around in Indian villages. What could be
more natural than tortillas and chile for breakfast?
Next I must thank my advisor, Anthony Woodbury, for inspiring me to
study an endangered language through his excellent course, A Survey of Native
American Languages. Once the idea was hatched, he magically summoned up a

field work opportunity from his network of Americanists, and I was off to Mexico
the very next month to work with the MesoAmerican Languages Documentation
Project, headed by Terrence Kaufman and John Justeson.
I can't thank Terry enough for his constant support of my research, from
the very first summer when I knew nothing about field work (nor even what
ergative meant) to the final stages of writing this grammar. Without his
iv
compendious knowledge and willingness to read draft after draft, this work would
be substantially less accurate and complete. There isn't anyone else in the world
that I can call up on a Wednesday night to ask "Is my verb kum- enterar or
enterrar?" and get an answer!
Another teacher, in the guise of a fellow student, is Roberto Zavala
Maldonado, who also joined the project that summer of 1994. I learned how to
organize field work tasks from Terry, and how to analyze texts from Tony, but I
learned how to actually do field work, day after day, sitting at a table with my
consultant, from Roberto. He has also helpfully read drafts and given me
whirlwind tours of MesoAmerican languages to save me hours in the library, for
which I owe him at least a couple of beers at the Siete Brujos in Catemaco.
Roberto is also the one who encouraged me to make a quick trip to San Miguel
Chimalapa at the end of my first summer in the field, and told me which
documents to get to impress the Fulbright board. Without his advice, I would
probably not have won the grants, and thus not been able to pursue this research.
My deepest and most heartfelt thanks go to Germán Sánchez Morales, my
principal consultant, advisor, caretaker, and dear friend. He is an extraordinary
teacher of languages, with infinite patience and an amazing capacity for
paraphrasing and re-phrasing and interpreting my lousy Zoque accent and my
highly-variable Spanish. "I could speak with a mute!", says Germán, and that is
nothing but the simple truth. He is also a kind, cheerful, good-natured, intelligent,
honest, and hard-working man, who was my collaborator in every stage of this
project. He made this enterprise his own, and this grammar, as well as the
v
dictionary and the collection of texts, are a testament to his vast knowledge of and
love for his language.
I would also like to thank his wife, Teófila Jimenez Cruz, and his children,
Griselda, Cecilia, Homero, and Rosa, for welcoming me into their family circle
during my stays in San Miguel. They fed me, housed me, encouraged me, and
taught me how to behave, with endless kindness and affection (not to mention the
excellect cooking).
Last, but certainly not least, I want to thank all the people of San Miguel
Chimalapa. They made me welcome in their community in every way, which I
sometimes failed to appreciate at the time, but will never forget. They held the
bus for me in Juchitán, they guided me, they explained customs and traditions,
and they shared their own histories with me. I wish I could offer them more than
a grammar, and I hope that someday this work will help someone remember what
a truly fine and wondrous thing it is to be a Zoque of San Miguel Chimalapa.
vi
Publication No._____________
Heidi Anna Johnson, Ph.D.
The University of Texas at Austin, 2000
Supervisor: Anthony C. Woodbury
The variety of Zoque described in this grammar is spoken in San Miguel
Chimalapa, a small town in southern Oaxaca, México. The town has some 5,000
citizens; there are perhaps 1,800 speakers of Zoque, all over the age of forty. The
language is thus moribund. Given the paucity of linguistic work on this and other
members of the Mixe-Zoque language family, my goal in writing this grammar
was to provide as comprehensive a description as possible. Grammatical
terminology is drawn from the functionalist theory of Role and Reference
Grammar. Zoque is an ergative, agglutinating, polysynthetic language. It is a
head-marking language. Core NPs are not case-marked; postpositions mark non-
core NPs. Word order amongst NPs is free, except that the actor NP must
precede the undergoer NP if it is possible to confuse them (if they are both
human, for example). The bulk of this grammar is concerned with the description
of verbal morphology. In addition to the pronominal agreement markers,
agreement with core arguments can be marked by the plural suffix or by the
vii
valency-increasing affixes - the causative and the applicative. Valency reducing
affixes are the passive, the antipassive, and the impersonal. There is a set of
positional affixes that refer to the resultant shape and state of the undergoer
argument. Both noun incorporation and verb stem compounding are highly
productive processes in this language. Dependent verb constructions can also be
formed with a small set of auxiliary verbs; these constructions exhibit an
agreement pattern known as ergative shift. Verb compounding is another
extremely productive and powerful process in this language. This grammar also
discusses syntax within the clause and in multi-clausal expressions, including
relative clauses, coordinated and comparative clauses, and subordinate clauses. It
includes chapters on question formation and aspect. Finally, there is discussion of
discourse-level processes, including word order and discourse markers. The use
of Spanish grammatical function words, independently and in tandem with Zoque
formatives, is discussed where relevant. This grammar also serves as
documentation for a dictionary of Zoque, with glosses in Spanish and English,
that is accessible as a searchable on-line database at
http://www.albany.edu/anthro/maldp/.
viii
Table of Contents
List of tables.......................................................................................................xv
List of figures....................................................................................................xvi
Morpheme gloss codes......................................................................................xvii
Morpheme boundary symbols............................................................................xxii
Chapter 1: Introduction....................................................................................1
1.1. The Mixe-Zoque language family..................................................................2
1.2. The data............................................................................................4
1.3. Methodology.....................................................................................6
1.4. Presentation of the data.....................................................................7
1.5. Organization of the book...................................................................9
Chapter 2: Grammatical Overview.................................................................11

2.2. Theoretical sketch............................................................................16
2.3. The Spanish invasion and Zoque grammar........................................21
Chapter 3: Phonology.......................................................................................25
3.1. Phonemes.........................................................................................26
3.2. Prosody............................................................................................28
3.2.1. Stress............................................................................................28
3.2.2. Syllable structure...........................................................................29
3.3. Morphophonological processes........................................................30
3.3.1. Gemination...................................................................................30
3.3.2. Vowel harmony............................................................................32
3.3.3. Alternation of /N/ and /w/.............................................................35
3.3.4. Voice assimilation........................................................................36
3.3.5. Glide absorption...........................................................................37
3.3.6. Affrication....................................................................................38
3.3.7. Glottal stop deletion.....................................................................38
3.3.8. Syllable contraction......................................................................40
3.3.9. Syllable deletion...........................................................................41
3.3.10. Glide deletion.............................................................................43
Chapter 4: Word Classes................................................................................47

4.1. Verbs..............................................................................................48
4.1.1. Intransitive verbs..........................................................................49
4.1.2. Transitive verbs............................................................................50
ix
4.1.3. Positional verbs............................................................................54
4.1.4. Affective verbs.............................................................................56
4.1.5. Auxiliary verbs.............................................................................56
4.2. Nouns.............................................................................................59
4.3. Pronouns.........................................................................................60
4.4. Quantifiers.......................................................................................64
4.4.1. Numbers.......................................................................................65
4.5. Adjectives........................................................................................68
4.6. Deictics............................................................................................69
4.7. Postpositions....................................................................................74
4.8. Adverbs...........................................................................................81
4.8.1. Direction and location adverbs......................................................81
4.8.2. Time adverbs................................................................................85
4.9. Intensifiers.......................................................................................87
4.10. Subordinators................................................................................88
4.11. Modals..........................................................................................91
4.12. Discourse markers.........................................................................92
Chapter 5: Inflectional Morphology................................................................94

5.1. Person agreement markers................................................................94
5.1.2. Plural marking...............................................................................99
5.2. Aspect and mood...........................................................................100
5.2.1. Completive aspect.......................................................................101
5.2.2. Incompletive aspect.....................................................................101
5.2.3. Imperative mood.........................................................................102
5.2.4. Volitive mood.............................................................................104
5.2.5. Exhortative mood.......................................................................105
5.3. Reciprocal......................................................................................106
5.4. Reflexive........................................................................................107
5.5. Negation........................................................................................108
5.5.1. ya...............................................................................................108
5.5.2. /u...............................................................................................109
5.5.3. Spanish negatives........................................................................110
5.6. Marking of dependent verbs in auxiliary verb
constructions............111
Chapter 6: The Basic Clause..........................................................................112

6.1. The arguments of a verb.................................................................113
6.2. Agreement.....................................................................................122
x
6.2.1. The ambiguity of mis&..................................................................125
6.2.2. The person hierarchy and inverse alignment.................................127
6.2.3. Cross-referencing via the plural suffixes.......................................129
6.3. Valency-changing affixes................................................................131
6.3.1. Causative yak.............................................................................131
6.3.2. Applicative hay...........................................................................137
6.3.3. Passive /´m................................................................................142
6.3.4. Antipassive /oy...........................................................................148
6.3.5. Impersonal An´m.......................................................................150
6.4. Word order....................................................................................151
6.5. Predicate clauses............................................................................152
6.6. Existential clauses..........................................................................154
Chapter 7: Derivational morphology.................................................................158

7.1. Verbs.............................................................................................158
7.1.1. Directional prefixes.....................................................................159
7.1.1.1. /aN..........................................................................................161
7.1.1.2. /ok..........................................................................................163
7.1.1.3. ho............................................................................................164
7.1.1.4. h´s&...........................................................................................165
7.1.1.5. ko............................................................................................166
7.1.1.6. k´............................................................................................167
7.1.1.7. ni.............................................................................................169
7.1.1.8. nik...........................................................................................170
7.1.1.9. win..........................................................................................171
7.1.1.10 yuk.........................................................................................172
7.1.2. Positional suffixes........................................................................172
7.1.2.1. Assumptive ney.......................................................................173
7.1.2.2. Depositive wý........................................................................175
7.1.2.3. Stative na.................................................................................176
7.1.2.4. Perseverative ten......................................................................177
7.1.4. The mysterious yet ubiquitous suffix /ý.....................................181
7.2. Noun and adjective formation.........................................................182
7.2.1. Participles and result nouns..........................................................182
7.2.2. Instrumentals...............................................................................184
7.2.2.1. kuy/........................................................................................185
xi
7.2.2.2. y´k..........................................................................................187
7.2.2.3. ni.............................................................................................188
7.2.3. Measure nouns............................................................................189
7.3. Verb formation suffixes..................................................................192
7.3.1. Spanish verbs + the light verb c´k-.............................................192
7.3.2. Versive /a...................................................................................197
7.3.3. Versive /ý.................................................................................199
7.4. Deadjectival nouns.........................................................................200
Chapter 8: Dependent Verb Constructions...................................................201

8.1. Auxiliary verb constructions...........................................................202
8.2. Dependent verb constructions.........................................................214
8.3. Verb compounds............................................................................217
8.3.1. Morphosyntax of verb compounds..............................................217
8.3.2. Functions of the components of verb compounds........................223
8.3.2.1. V2 is a directional verb............................................................226
8.3.2.2. V2 is an aspectual verb............................................................230
8.3.2.3. V2 is a stative or process verb.................................................231
8.3.2.4. V2 is a transitive verb..............................................................232
8.3.2.5. V1 object is V2 subject...........................................................238
Chapter 9: Noun Phrases..............................................................................241

9.1. Components of a noun phrase.......................................................241
9.2. Definiteness..................................................................................243
9.3. Modification with adjectives.........................................................245
9.4. Noun compounds.........................................................................248
9.5. Quantification...............................................................................250
9.5.1. Quantity words..........................................................................251
9.5.2. Quantifying clitics......................................................................256
9.5.3. Only..........................................................................................260
9.6. Coordination and comparison.......................................................262
9.7. Possession....................................................................................264
Chapter 10: Noun Incorporation..................................................................268
Chapter 11: Multi-clause Expresions............................................................279

11.1. Relative clauses...........................................................................282
11.1.1. Basic relative clauses................................................................282
xii
11.1.2. Relative clauses with bi............................................................288
11.2. Coordination and disjunction.......................................................289
11.3. Comparative clauses....................................................................294
11.4. Purpose clauses...........................................................................295
11.5. 'If' clauses....................................................................................298
11.6. Locative clauses..........................................................................299
11.7. Temporal clauses.........................................................................301
11.8. Spanish subordinators..................................................................302
11.9. 'That' clauses: verbs of speaking, perception, and cognition..........303
11.9.1. Speaking...................................................................................304
11.9.2. Perception.................................................................................305
11.9.3. Cognition..................................................................................307
Chapter 12: Questions....................................................................................312

12.1. Yes-no questions..........................................................................312
12.2. Question-word questions..............................................................314
12.3. Indirect questions.........................................................................324
12.4. Question modals...........................................................................325
12.4.1. Dubitative b´/...........................................................................325
12.4.2. Disbelief geta............................................................................326
12.4.3. Irrealis mo/...............................................................................328
12.4.4. Generalizing /aber....................................................................329
Chapter 13: Aspect and Mood.......................................................................330

13.1. Aspect..........................................................................................330
13.1.1. Completive................................................................................331
13.1.2. Perfect.......................................................................................334
13.1.2.1. Negative perfect.....................................................................337
13.1.3. Remote perfect..........................................................................338
13.1.4. Incompletive.............................................................................340
13.1.5. Progressive...............................................................................345
13.1.6. Temporal modifiers...................................................................348
13.1.6.1. Adverbial suffixes...................................................................348
13.1.6.2. Clitics.....................................................................................352
13.1.6.3. Verb compounds....................................................................354
13.1.6.4. Temporal adverbs, deictics, and clauses..................................357
13.2. Mood...........................................................................................358
13.2.1. Imperative.................................................................................358
13.2.2. Negative imperative...................................................................360
xiii
13.2.3. Exhortative...............................................................................361
13.2.4. Volitive / optative.....................................................................362
13.2.5. Contrafactual............................................................................365
13.2.6. 'Seems' clauses..........................................................................366
Chapter 14: Discourse...................................................................................368

14.1. The text corpus...........................................................................368
14.2. Word order and the presentation of information...........................372
14.2.1. Clauses by type.........................................................................372
14.2.2. Intransitive clauses....................................................................376
14.2.3. Transitive clauses......................................................................380
14.3. Discourse markers.......................................................................392
14.3.1. Sequencing markers..................................................................393
14.3.2. Discourse markers in dialog......................................................398
14.3.3. Beginners and enders................................................................400
Appendix A: The MIG Zoque lexicon..............................................................402

Appendix B: MIG Zoque time words...............................................................410
Appendix C: MIG Zoque locatives and directionals..........................................411
Appendix D: MIG Zoque deictics.....................................................................413
Appendix E: MIG Zoque numbers....................................................................414
Appendix F: Word order examples...................................................................416
References........................................................................................................420
Vita..................................................................................................................424
xiv
List of Tables
Table 2.1: Verbal affix positions.........................................................................13
Table 3.1: MIG Zoque consonant inventory........................................................26
Table 3.2: MIG Zoque vowel inventory..............................................................26
Table 3.3: Borrowed or derived consonants that appear in Zoque words.............27
Table 4.1: Pronouns............................................................................................61
Table 4.2: The many uses of ney........................................................................63
Table 4.3: MIG Zoque quantifiers.......................................................................64
Table 4.4: The deictic system..............................................................................70
Table 4.5: Root morphemes of spatial adverbs and postpositions........................75
Table 4.6: Non-spatial postpositions...................................................................79
Table 4.7: Subordinators....................................................................................89
Table 4.8: Modals...............................................................................................92
Table 5.1: Pronouns and person agreement markers............................................95
Table 5.2: Negation and inflection.....................................................................100
Table 6.1: Agreement markers..........................................................................123
Table 7.1: Directional prefixes..........................................................................159
Table 9.1: MIG Zoque quantifiers.....................................................................250
Table 12.1: MIG Zoque question words...........................................................314
Table 14.1: Number of clauses..........................................................................375
Table 14.2: Intransitive clauses.........................................................................376
Table 14.3: Word order in intransitive clauses...................................................378
Table 14.4: Transitive clauses...........................................................................381
Table 14.5: Transitive clauses with only an overt object NP..............................384
Table 14.6: Transitive clauses with only an overt subject NP.............................386
Table 14.7: Transitive clauses with both subject and object NPs........................388
Table 14.8: Discourse markers..........................................................................393
Table A.1: Lexical database fields.....................................................................404
Table A.2: MALDP orthographic conventions..................................................405
Table A.3: Grammatical codes..........................................................................407
Table A.4: Semantic fields for verb roots..........................................................409
xv
List of Figures
Figure 1.1: The Mixe-Zoque language family.......................................................2
Figure 2.1: The layered structure of the clause....................................................14
xvi
Morpheme gloss codes
The first column contains the English gloss code used in this book. The
second column contains the Zoque morpheme. The morpheme separators
described in Table ii are used to indicate the morphological status of the Zoque
forms. The Third column contains a brief description of the morpheme.
English Zoque Description

1A d´ first person absolutive
1E /ń+ first person ergative
1/2PL -tam first or second person plural
1PSN tńti/ninti/ first person possessive noun
1Prn d´s& first person pronoun
1>2 mis& first person subject; second person object
2A /´m+ second person absolutive
2E /´m+ second person ergative
2PSN minti/ second person possessive noun
2Prn mis& second person pronoun
2>1 mis& second person subject; first person object
3A 0 third person absolutive
3E /ý+ third person ergative
3PL -s&uk third or second person plural
3PSN /ýti/ third person possessive noun
3>2 mi third person subject; second person object
ACC +hńaN accompaniment
ANTIP ./oy antipassive
APPL .hay applicative
ASSUM .ney assumptive
AWAY k´. directional prefix: away
xvii
BACK h´s&. directional prefix: back
BNF +go/ benefactive
CAUS yak. causative
CEL .(pak)p´ celeritive
COM -w´ completive
dCOM -E dependent completive
nCOM -w´ negative completive
CONFAC pin´k contrafactual
DCT1 y´ proximal deictic
DCT2 te neutral deictic
DCT3 ka distal deictic
DEF bi definite article
DEM .d´ suffix that attaches to deictics forming a pronoun
DEPOS .wý depositive
DIR1 +h´Ń/heeN/h directional: (out) from
aaN/hńaN
henaN/hanaN
DIR2 +hiiN directional: over there
DIR3 +honaN directional: from
DIR4 +t´Ń/hooN directional: from
DIR5 +/aNh´/ directional: over to where X is
DIR6 +/aNhńaN directional: towards
DIR7 +/aNh´Ń directional: towards
DIS geta disbelief
DOWN /ok. directional prefix: down
DUBIT .b´/ dubitative
EXP =tayu postpound: expert
FACE win. directional prefix: face
FIRST .co/c suffix: first
HORT -taaN (ex)hortative
IERG ney first person inclusive ergative
IF bi/t subordinator: if
xviii
IMPV -A/ imperative
nIMPV -w´ negative imperative
INC -pa incompletive
dINC -w´ dependent incompletive
nINC -A negative incompletive
INDEF -An´m indefinite; impersonal
INH .way/ nominal suffix: inhabitant of
INSTR +pi/t instrument
INSTR1 .kuy/ instrument
INSTR2 y´k. instrument
INSTR3 ni. instrument
INTO ho. directional prefix: into; through
IPrn ney first person inclusive pronoun
IPSN neyti/ first person inclusive possessive pronoun
IRR mo/ irrealis
ITER1 .ney iterative1
ITER2 .wý iterative2
LOC1 +hi/ha//h´/ locative: here; there
LOC2 +ho/ locative: to
LOC3 +/aNhi/ locative: near
LOC4 +g´s&i locative: on
LOCREL +hi locative relative
MEAS .neeN/naaN measure
MOUTH /aN. directional prefix: mouth
NEG ya negative
NEGimpv /u negative imperative
NOM1 ./ nominalizer: only deictics
NOM2 .A nominalizer: result
NOM3 .E nominalizer: participle
NOM4 ./aN nominalizer: very rare, numbers?
NOM5 0 nominalizer: zero suffix
NOW +/am now
xix
NPL +d´kkay plural marker for nouns
NPL2 +haa/ plural marker for pronouns and some nouns
ONLY +s&taa/ only
cOPT -w´ optative completive
iOPT -A/ optative incompletive
PASS ./´m passive
nPERF yampa negative perfect
PRB .ki/ps& probative
PROG n´mm´ progressive
PRSV .ten perseverative
PSE ni directional prefix: purpose
PURP go/ subordinator: purpose clause
RCP -A- reciprocal suffix
ney reciprocal pronoun
REFL win reflexive pronoun
REL +V/k relative
REL2 +p´/k relative, also forms nouns from adjectives
REM mae/ remote perfect
REPET .ke/t repetitive
RVS .pu/ reversive
SEEM b´s&e modal: seems as if
SIM ./s&e similative, only with deictics
SOC ko. prefix: with or for another person
STAT .na/ stative
STILL +nam/ postverbal clitic: still
SUF ./ý suffix whose function is unknown
SURF nik. directional prefix: surface
TEMREL /ora temporal relative
TMP .y temporal, only with deictics
UP yuk. directional prefix: up
VERS1 ./a versive, forms verbs from nouns/adjectives
xx
VERS2 ./ý versive
VOL yakk´ volitive
WITH .mot together; with another
X unknown affix
XE dń first person exclusive ergative pronoun
XPSN tńti-haa/ first person exclusive possessive pronoun
xxi
Morpheme boundary symbols
- inflectional affix
. derivational affix
= compound
+ clitic
The symbols shown in the table are used to separate morphemes in the
morpheme breakdown line of each data example. They appear on the side of the
larger unit to which the morpheme belongs syntactically. This is illustrated in the
example below. The '+' that marks a clitic appears on the right of the person
agreement marker /ý, because it belongs to the verb complex on its right. This
is mirrored by the '+' that marks /am as a post-verbal clitic. The '=' separates two
compounded lexemes (kowak is clearly a lexicalized form, because the root wak
does not appear in any underived forms in the modern language). The '.' is placed
between the prefix and the verb root; the '-' is placed between the root and the
inflectional suffix.
(ii) /ń h´mkowakkaèm

/ń+ h´m=ko.wak-w´+/am
1E+ scrape=OTHR.empty_out-COM+NOW
'I scraped it out.'
xxii
Johnson - A Grammar of San Miguel Chimalapa Zoque
Chapter 1: Introduction
San Miguel Chimalapa is a town of about 5,000 people in southwestern
Oaxaca, Mexico. Most of the residents of the town are Zoques, although there are
also Zapotecs and non-indigenous Mexicans living there. Outlying communities
that belong to the San Miguel municipio are more likely to be non-Zoque the
farther down the mountain they lie. Going up the mountain, there are tiny
hamlets of Zoques speaking the San Miguel dialect (hereafter, MIG Zoque), until
one passes Cofradía, after which one enters the Santa María Chimalapa (MAR
Zoque) municipio. These two dialects are mutually intelligible, though quite
different in many ways (Kaufman, 1996).
Estimates of numbers of speakers are rough, and tend to conflate the two
Chimalapan communities. There were around 2,000 speakers of MIG Zoque in
1990 (Grimes, 1992) and another 3-4,000 speakers of MAR Zoque. There are no
active speakers of MIG Zoque under the age of 40, although there are many
between the ages of 20 and 40 who understand the language. There are now two
generations of Zoques in San Miguel who have not acquired the Zoque language
as their first. Everyone in this community speaks Spanish.
The Chimalapas are a high wilderness area on the Isthmus of
Tehuantepec. A large tract of this region is officially Zoque territory (Rojas,
1994), although recent years have seen incursions by Tzeltals and Tzotzíls from
Chiapas. The area was accessible only on foot until the early 1960's, when roads
were built to the two municipios, and schools, clinics, electricity, and outsiders
1
arrived. The principal market city of the region is Juchitán, a Zapotec city, and
the lowlands around the southern rim of the Chimalapas are dominated by
Zapotecs. Hence, many Zoques also speak some Zapotec, since they are most
likely to find work in Juchitán.
1.1. The Mixe-Zoque language family
Oaxacan Zoque is a member of the Mixe-Zoque (MZ) language family,
shown in figure 1.1 (adapted from Kaufman & Justeson, 1993). MZ languages
are spoken in southern Mexico, in the states of Oaxaca, Chiapas, Tabasco, and
Veracruz.
Mixe-Zoquean
Zoquean
Mixean
Zoque Veracruz Zoque
Oaxaca Zoque Chiapas Zoque Sierra Popoluca Texistepec

Popoluca
Santa Maria San Miguel
Chimalapa Chimalapa
Figure 1.1: The Mixe-Zoque language family
None of the languages in the MZ family is well-documented, although that
situation is being rectified by participants in the MesoAmerican Languages
Documentation Project (MALDP), led by Terrence Kaufman and John Justeson.
2
This project began in 1993, with the initial goal of gathering lexical data for the
MZ languages to aid in the decipherment of Epi-Olmec (a Zoquean language)
inscriptions (Kaufman & Justeson, 1993). The current work is an outgrowth of
that project, in which I participated in the summers of 1994 and 1995. Other
work produced by project participants includes a thesis on Sierra Popoluca verbs
(Himes, 1997) and a dissertation on Oluta Popoluca, a Mixean language (Zavala,
forthcoming).
Dictionaries of MZ languages (and several Zapotecan languages) are
being published by the project on-line at http://www.albany.edu/anthro/maldp/.
There are currently two: the San Miguel Chimalapa Zoque Lexicon (Johnson and
Kaufman, 1997), and the Oluta Popoluca Lexicon (Zavala, 1997). A third, the
Santa María Chimalapa Zoque Lexicon, by Terrence Kaufman, will be placed on-
line this year. These are searchable databases, originally developed as Shoebox
databases (Davis & Wimbish, 1993). The plan is to publish analyzed texts as well
as lexicons over the course of the next five years. Information on the structure of
the MIG Zoque lexicon is provided in Appendix A.
Wichman (1993) is an excellent survey of both the demographic situation
in Mixe and Zoque communities and of the literature on all Mixe-Zoquean
languages. He mentions the following as containing some MIG Zoque data:
Spear, 1872; Cerda Silva, 1941; Cordry & Cordry, 1941; Cruz Lorenzo, 1987.
Cruz Lorenzo is a Zoque from San Miguel Chimalapa who has also written a
primer for schoolchildren that contains some vocabulary and a few short texts
(Cruz Lorenzo, 1981). He is revising his grammar of the language for publication
in the near future. In my analysis of MIG Zoque verbal morphology, I made use
3
of Wonderley's analysis of the verbal morphology of Copainalá Chiapas Zoque
(Wonderley, 1951-2). For the most part, however, my principal resource on MZ
lanaguages in general and Oaxacan Zoque in particular has been the vast
knowledge of Terrence Kaufman, which I refer to somewhat inadequately as
(Kaufman, 1996), indicating the collection of notes and handouts and other
materials distributed to the MALDP participants.
1.2. The data
The data used in the present study was collected in the field in the
summers of 1994 and 1995, under the auspices of MALDP, and during the 1995-
1996 academic year, during which time I resided in Oaxaca with aid of grants
from the Fulbright Commission and the National Science Foundation. I made one
follow-up visit of two weeks during the summer of 1998.
My principal consultant throughout this time has been Germán Sánchez
Morales, a native speaker of Zoque from San Miguel. He is in his mid-fifties, and
although he does not read or write, is a gifted narrator and language teacher. He
spent many years of his youth on a ranchería (a very tiny hamlet) with his
grandmother, and thus speaks a more conservative variety of MIG Zoque than
many of his peers. He began to learn Spanish at the age of twelve, when he
moved back to San Miguel. All of the data used in this work, even that which
originated with other consultants, was reviewed with Sr. Sánchez. Most of the
translations into Spanish of text and lexical items are also his.
4
The lexicon is based initially on tapes containing about 2000 lexical items
that were made in San Miguel in 1994 by two assistants of Terrence Kaufman,
Benigno Robles Reyes and Ester Martinez Sánchez, and two Zoque consultants,
Gelasio Sánchez Morales and Camilo Miguel Sánchez. These tapes were
transcribed by Kaufman. I extended the lexicon during the summers of 1994 and
1995 with Sr. Sánchez. The lexicon was reviewed in its entirety by Kaufman and
Sr. Sánchez during the summer of 1995, and partially reviewed again by those
two the following summer. It now consists of around 4,000 entries, with
translations in both Spanish and English. Lexical entries contain as much
information as we could produce for each item: morphological analysis, historical
attributes of underlying forms, usage and grammatical codes, examples, principal
derived forms, and much cross-referencing with root forms and derived
expressions.
During my year in the field, I taped some 15 hours of narrative texts with
ten different speakers, both men and women. These texts were transcribed by me,
usually with Sr. Sánchez, but occasionally with the narrator, and then translated
into Spanish by Sr. Sánchez. English translations were produced by me from the
Zoque texts. They are all entered into Shoebox databases and most have been
analyzed using Shoebox's interlinearization tools. In addition to these natural
texts, there are several small databases of elicited sentences, which I constructed
and then tested with Sr. Sánchez and Sr. Camilo Miguel Sánchez. The texts, the
elicited examples, and the lexicon, all comprise the data on which this grammar is
based, and are collectively referred to henceforward as the corpus.
5
1.3. Methodology
The foundation of this grammar are the natural texts in the corpus. The
dictionary work, supplemented by discussions with Kaufman and others on the
project and intensive training by Sr. Sánchez, gave me an initial grasp of the MIG
Zoque language. During the months of taping, transcribing, translating, and
interlinearizing texts, the principal grammatical patterns of the language emerged.
Since the texts tended to be quite similar in style, usage, and lexical range, I
began constructing sentences based on those found in the texts that would test the
full range of syntactic and morphological possibilities. As the work began to
organize itself into categories (noun phrases, agreement, etc.), I occasionally
translated example sentences from other grammars into Zoque (Foley & Van
Valin, 1984; Dixon, 1977; Craig, 1977; Aissen, 1987) to test the grammatical
possibilities discussed in those works. I tested my constructions with both Sr.
Sánchez and Sr. Miguel, correcting them as directed and noting variations in
grammaticality judgements. Corrections included pragmatic errors as well as
grammatical ones1. Their judgements were generally consistent, with minor
differences such as Sr. Sánchez's preference for a middle ("it happened")
translation for passives as opposed to Sr. Miguel's preference for an impersonal
("they did it") reading. Their judgements were always very clear, ranging from
praise for my astonishing cleverness to complete lack of comprehension. My
hand is visible in these sentences in that I tend to put the verb first (since it
1Sr. Sánchez rejects examples in which things behave inappropriately. So, for example, tables
can't walk and trees can't cut people.
6
required the most work to figure out) and I use the definite article vastly more
often than any Zoque speaker. The consultants invariably volunteered numerous
related sentences during these elicitation sessions, which I included in the
elicitation data set.
Wherever possible, I have tried to draw examples from the natural texts.
These are certain to be correct Zoque, and usually include enough context to give
a solid picture of the usage of the construction in question. When paradigmatic
data is relevant, these are nearly always drawn from the elicited set. Finally, for
examples of the various uses of some morpheme, such as a particular prefix, I
relied on the lexicon for complete sets of representative samples.
1.4. Presentation of data
Most of the supporting data in this book is presented in four lines, as
shown in the example below.
(1.1)
dey /ń campa tum /istorya
de.y /ń+ cam-pa tum /istorya
DCT2.TMP 1E+ chat-INC one history
'Now I'm going to tell you a story.' (ZOH1R6 001)
The first line is a direct phonemic transcription of the expression that
shows any elisions or contractions that were pronounced. The second line is a
morphemic representation of the first, in which underlying forms are given for
each morpheme. The third line provides glosses for each morpheme. (A
7
complete list of morpheme glosses is given on page iv.) The fourth line is a free
translation of the expression. Exceptions occur when the example consists of a
single morpheme, in which case the breakdown line would be superfluous.
Most of the examples were drawn from texts, not elicited specifically to
illustrate grammatical points. The part of the example that corresponds to the
topic under discussion will be written in bold-face type as an aid to the reader.
So, if example (1.1) were part of the discussion of time deictics, the first word,
dey 'now', would have been bold-faced.
The following symbols are used to separate morphemes. When a bound
morpheme is mentioned in the text, it is preceded or followed by the appropriate
symbol. Verb roots are conventionally indicated with a following hyphen,

although they can take affixes on either side; for example, n´k- 'to walk.'
- inflectional affix
. derivational affix
= compound root
+ clitic (on the side of the element to which it belongs syntactically)
If an example was elicited, the word 'elicited' appears in parentheses to the
right of the translation. If the example comes from a text, the identifier of the
source text and the line number are given in parentheses at the right of the
translation line. Texts are labelled by the resource identifiers used in the Archive
of the Indigenous Languages of Latin America (AILLA:www.ailla.org); all texts
referenced here are available in the archive. If not otherwise specified, the
example comes from the lexicon.
8
1.5. Organization of the book
An overview of MIG Zoque grammar and a sketch of the theoretical
perspective adopted in this work are presented in chapter 2. A sketch of the
phonology is given in chapter 3. The word classes of MIG Zoque, including the
sub-classification of verbs, are defined and discussed in chapter 4. This section
includes the complete descriptions of pronouns and deictics. Discussion of
morphology is divided into two chapters: verbal inflectional morphology is
presented in chapter 5, and all derivational morphology in chapter 7. (Only verbs
have any inflectional morphology.) Chapter 6 contains a description of the basic
clause, which means single, declarative clauses. This chapter includes discussion
of verbal arguments, agreement, word order, predicate and existential clauses.
The valency-changing suffixes and their effects on argument structure are also
discussed here. Dependent verb constructions, including verb stem compounding,
are described in chapter 8. The structure of a noun phrase is presented in chapter
9; this includes discussion of quantifiers and definiteness. Noun incorporation is
described in chapter 10. Multi-clause expressions, including relative clauses,
coordination, and subordinated clauses, are discussed in chapter 11. Questions
and the modal operators that pertain solely to questions are discussed in chapter
12. A deeper discussion of aspect (beyond the simple facts of inflection) appears
in chapter 13. Finally, an analysis of MIG Zoque narrative text conventions and
discourse markers appears in chapter 14. This will also involve further discussion
of word order, as it relates to issues of topic and recency. There are six
9
appendices. Appendix A describes the on-line lexicon. Appendices B-D list
complete tables of deictics, time, and space adverbials. Appendix E gives a larger
set of number words than the brief discussion in section 4.4.1, and Appendix F
provides a set of examples of permissible permutations of word orders in
sentences with varying numbers of core arguments.
I have tried to make this grammar as complete as possible, but much has
necessarily been left out. It is in many cases impossible to determine
conclusively if some sub-construction is an error, albeit a commonly-made one, or
an alternative means of expression. For example, there are several instances in
the corpus of an auxiliary verb construction (chapter 8) in which the pronominal
agreement argument is duplicated at the left edge of the phrase. I do not know if
this happened because the speaker changed his or her mind in mid-sentence, or if
it is a grammatical alternate. I was not able to elicit examples of this kind, and so
chose not to include it in the description of auxiliary verb phrases. People have
an untidy habit of speaking without regard for the difficulties of the poor
grammarian, who wants her data neatly sorted into perfectly discrete
compartments; unfortunately, this means that we preserve only the bits that fit
into the compartments, leaving much of the natural, unruly, fully expressive,
language behind.
10
Johnson / A Grammar of San Miguel Chimalapa Zoque Chapter 2
Chapter 2: Grammatical Overview
MIG Zoque is an ergative, polysynthetic language with an abundance of
highly-productive word formation processes including verb stem compounding
and noun incorporation. It is a head-marking language (Nichols, 1983):
pronominal agreement markers that agree with actor and undergoer arguments
appear at the left edge of the verb complex. (A table of agreement markers
appears in section 5.1. Discussion of agreement appears in section 6.2.)
Dependents of the verb are not case-marked; nor are nouns, adjectives or
determiners marked for agreement with one another in any way. Word order of
constituent phrases inside a clause is free, except that the actor NP must precede
the undergoer NP if it is possible to confuse them (if they are both human, for
example).
This language exhibits many features of typological interest.
Phonologically, it is typical of a MesoAmerican language (discussed in chapter
3). Its morpheme classes include a set of body-part prefixes, which is more
common among languages north of the MA area (chapter 7). There is also a class
of positional verb roots that identify particular shapes or postures of the human
body, and of inanimate objects. This feature is shared by other MZ languages and
also Mayan languages (England, 1983), but is otherwise unusual, at least in
MesoAmerica. Positional verbs are discussed in chapter 4; a set of positional
suffixes is discussed in chapter 7.
MIG Zoque has a set of auxiliary verbs, similar to those found in other
11
MZ languages. This is another connection with Mayan languages, which also
have auxiliary verbs with similar semantic and syntactic properties. (See Zavala,
2000 for a discussion of auxiliaries as an areal feature.) Auxiliary verbs can be
compounded with a main verb root in complex lexical constructions in MIG
Zoque, as in the other MZ languages. However, in MIG Zoque these
constructions exhibit a range of expressive power that goes far beyond the simple
associated motion constructions described for Mayan languages, or the serial verb
constructions described in West African and South Asian languages (Foley &
Olson, 1985). Auxiliaries and verb compounds are discussed in chapter 8.
MIG Zoque, like other MZ languages, exhibits a phenomenon known as
ergative, or dependent, shift in dependent verb constructions. This is not an
example of the split ergativity found in some Mayan languages (Kaufman, 1996),
but appears to be a peculiarity of the MZ language family. Ergative shift is also
discussed in chapter 8. Another feature of the MIG Zoque agreement system
shared generally with other MZ languages is inverse role-marking, in which first
and second person patients are marked on the verb in preference to third person
agents. This situation is discussed in chapter 6. External possession is another
result of the person hierarchy (that prefers first and second persons to third). In
these constructions, the verb is marked to agree with a first person possessor of
the patient, rather than with a third person agent. External possession is also
discussed in chapter 6.
An affix template is a handy way to provide an overview of the
components of a verbal word. There are eleven slots or positions for clitics and
12
affixes in a MIG Zoque verb, shown in the table below. Position 1, Negative, is
better classified as a word rather than a clitic, but since it functionally belongs to
the verb complex it is included here for convenience.
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11
Neg Pers Caus Pre V Suf Adv Pl Rcp (T)AM Post
ya (5.1) yak /aN I1 /´m ke/t tam A w´ /am
/u h´s& I2 /oy p´ s&uk pa s&taè/
yakk´ win T1 hay A/
/ok T2 An´m E
ho T3 ney
ko P wý
k´ na
ni ten
nik /ý
yuk
Table 2.1. Verbal affix positions
Phonologically, the negative and personal agreement morphemes
(positions 1 and 2) are not part of the verb word; that is, there is no
morphophonological interaction between these elements and the verb stem, and
there may be pauses between them. They are functionally part of the verbal
complex, however, and nothing can intervene between the negative morphemes
and the personal agreement markers (which usually will be cliticized onto a
preceeding negative). The only element that can appear between a personal
13
agreement marker and the verb word to which it belongs is an incorporated noun
or adjective. Thus, although I place a space between position 1 and 2 morphemes
and the rest of the verbal complex in writing, to indicate their phonological status
as separate words, they are considered part of the verbal complex in every other
respect.
Of the eleven position classes, only 2, Pronominal agreement markers, and
10, (Tense) Aspect Mood, are obligatory. Thus, the minimal MIG Zoque verb
consists of three positions, Pron + V + Infl (2 + 5 + 10), as illustrated in the
following examples.
(2.1)
(i) /ń wanpa (ii) /´m c´k´/
/ń+ wan-pa /´m+ c´k-A/
1E+ sing-INC 2E+ do-IMPV
'I sing it.' 'Do it!'
(iii) n´kk´ /ý p´ki (iv) d´ n´ktamm´

0 n´k-w´ /ý+ p´k-E d´+ n´k-tam-w´
3A go-COM 3E+ grasp-dCOM 1A+ go-1/2Pl-COM
'He went to get it.' 'We went.'
As the preceding examples show, it is not necessary for overt nominal
expressions to appear as the arguments of verbs, although it is possible. When
nouns do appear in core argument roles, if more than one role is played by a
human referent, the actor argument will come first; otherwise, word order is free.
(2.2)
(i) /ý hayhayy´ bi pń bi yomaè/ tum toto/
/ý+ hay.hay-w´ bi pń bi yomaa/ tum toto/
3E+ write.APPL-COM DEF man DEF woman one paper
'The man wrote the woman a letter.' (elicited)
14
15
(ii) bi mecaN maNkuyp´/k /ý hupwanakk´ /ý tuhkuy/

bi mecaN maN.kuy/+p´/k /ý+ hup=wanak-w´ /ý+ tuh.kuy/
DEF two step.INSTR1.REL 3E+ pull=go_down-COM 3E+ shoot.INSTR1
'The two-legged one drew his gun.' (ZOH1R26 122)
A maximal MIG Zoque verbal complex would consist of one member
from each of the position classes. Although the corpus does not contain any word
in which all the position slots are filled, there is no reason in principle why such a
word could not exist; indeed, there are surprisingly few co-occurence restrictions
among the classes or among specific members of the classes. One of the most
complete examples in the corpus is given below. In addition to the obligatory

person agreement marker (/ý+, position 2) and inflectional suffix (-w´,10), this
verb complex has a causative (yak-, 3), a directional prefix (win-, 4),
compounded verb roots (ten=cý, 5), the antipassive suffix (-/oy, 6), and a post-
inflectional clitic (+/am, 11).
(2.3) bi pńd´kkay yakwintencýyoyya@m

bi pń+d´kka /ý+ yak.win.ten=cý./oy-w´+/am
DEF man+NPL 3E+ CAUS.FACE.hit=get_stuck.ANTIP-COM.NOW
'The men now intercepted him.' (ZOH1R6 021)
16
2.2. Theoretical sketch
My goal in this grammar is to present the facts of MIG Zoque with as little
theoretical machinery as possible. The only theory that I found that applies well
to this language without significant modification is the functionalist theory of
Role and Reference Grammar (RRG). In this section, I will give a very brief
sketch of this framework, touching only on those parts of it that are used in this
description. The basis of this sketch is Van Valin and La Polla (1997). Other
relevant works are Van Valin 1993b; Van Valin and Foley, 1980; and Foley and
Van Valin 1984.
Clauses are analysed into three layers: the nucleus, which contains only
the predicate; the core, which contains the nucleus and the arguments lexically
specified by the predicate; and the periphery, which contains all non-core
arguments and adjunct expressions. Predicates are typically verbs, but they may
also be adjectives or nouns, in languages like MIG Zoque that do not require a
copular verb in predicating expressions such as 'Mary is an astronaut.' This
division of the clause is illustrated in the following figure.
CORE PERIPHERY
Germán told a story in the patio.

NUCLEUS
Figure 2.1. The layered structure of the clause
17
18
Core arguments are those that are specified by the lexical entry for a verb
root or other predicate. The set may be increased or decreased by derivational
processes, such as the addition of affixes such as causatives or passives. In MIG
Zoque, the subject of a verb (either transitive or intransitive) and the object of a
transitive verb are realized by the pronominal agreement marker. Any core
argument may be referenced by a plural suffix on the verb (section 6.2). Noun
phrases that co-reference core arguments are optional; their appearance is

governed by discourse considerations such as focus and recency.
According to Foley and Van Valin (1984:79), "The main coding feature
distinguishing core from peripheral arguments is that core arguments tend to
occur in unmarked morphological or syntactic forms and peripheral arguments in
marked, often adpositional, codings." In English, core arguments are syntactically
marked by their position with respect to the verb. In a simple transitive clause,
the subject is that argument that occurs to the left of the verb, while the object
appears to the right. Additional arguments, such as time or place, will typically
be marked by a preposition. In MIG Zoque, noun phrases co-referenced with
core arguments are not marked by case endings1, position in the clause, or
adpositions. Oblique arguments, such as locations and instruments, are marked
by postpositions (section 4.7).
1MAR Zoque has case markings for core arguments: +/is, ergative, and +k´, absolutive
(Kaufman, p.c.).
19
RRG employs the useful notion of semantic macroroles for the description
of the argument structure of verbs (Dowty, 1979; Van Valin and LaPolla,
1997:141 ff). Cross-linguistically, subjects of verbs tend to be selected from a
restricted set of possible semantic roles: agent, experiencer, instrument, recipient,
source, and force. Objects are similarly restricted to a small set of roles: patient,
theme, recipient, source and location. These sets can be generalized under the
headings actor and undergoer, respectively, greatly simplifying discussions of

sets of predicates with essentially similar argument structures, but slight
differences in the precise role played by the most prominent arguments2. In MIG
Zoque, the sets are actually more restricted, since only animate or quasi-animate
entities (like the wind) can be actors. English sentences with non-animate actors,
such as 'the rock hit the wall' or 'the knife cut the bread' would have to be
paraphrased along the lines of '(someone) threw the rock at the wall' or 'the bread
was cut with a knife'3. This restriction is similar to that described for Jacaltec
Mayan by Craig (1977).
2 There appears to be a sort of thematic hierarchy operating in MIG Zoque, in that the texts show
a strong preference for volitional (human) entities as subjects, either as actors or agents, and for
inanimate entities as patients. I did not study this systematically, and so have none of the negative
evidence that is necessary to fully demonstrate the idea.
3 Expressions of this kind are acceptable in MAR Zoque (Kaufman, p.c.).
20
Operators are elements "which are qualitatively different from predicates
and their arguments" (Van Valin and LaPolla, 1997:40). These include clausal
elements such as tense, aspect, negatives, etc. These modify different layers of
the clauses in which they appear; thus, aspect is a nuclear operator, mood (deontic
modals expressing such notions as obligation) is a core operator, and tense is a
clausal operator. Operators may be affixes (e.g., the progressive suffix -ing),
function words (e.g., English auxiliary verbs), or content words (e.g., adverbs like
'frankly' that affect the illocutionary force of a clause).
Clauses are combined into complex sentences by means of junctures at the
various levels: nuclear, core, and clause (including the periphery). Causative
constructions in English are an example of a nuclear juncture, as in "The woman
made the child eat." Although there are two predicates, 'make' and 'eat', they
function together as a single, complex predicate. Most verb stem compounds in

MIG Zoque are nuclear junctures. In the example below, ha/k- 'to drown' and
ka/- 'to die' are compounded inside the verb complex, forming a single complex
predicate.
(2.3.) g´ tyempu mae ha/kkapa rroberta

g´ tyempu mae/ 0 ha/k=ka/-pa rroberta
that time REM 3A drown=die-INC roberta
'That time Roberta nearly died by drowning.' (ZOH1R15 075)
Core junctures combine two cores, each with its own set of arguments.
An example from English (from Van Valin and La Polla, 1997:444) is "I ordered
Fred to force the door open." The two cores are 'I ORDER Fred' and 'Fred
21
FORCE the door open'. Some verb stem compounds in MIG Zoque are core
junctures. In example (2.4), the two cores are 'I HELP my mother' and 'my
mother WASH clothes'.
(2.4) /ń cekocoNN´ /ń mama bi yote/

/ń+ ce/=ko.coN-w´ /ń+ mama bi yote/
1E+ wash=OTHR.join-COM 1E+ mother DEF clothes
'I helped my mother wash the clothes.' (elicited)
Clause junctures combine two clauses, including separate sets of
peripheral elements. Coordinated and subordinated clauses are typical clause
junctures, as in "Because the woman fed the pigs earlier, now she can go to the
river with her friend." An example of clause juncture in MIG Zoque is shown in
(2.5).
(2.5) d´ kah/ukpas&taèm d´ n´kpam go@/

d´+ kahwe=/uk-pa+s&taa/ +/am d´+ n´k-pa+/am goo/
1A+ coffee=drink-INC+ONLY+NOW 1A+ GO-INC+NOW PURP
'I'll just drink some coffee now so I can go.' (ZOH1R10 151)
22
2.3. The Spanish invasion and Zoque grammar
The Spanish invasion of Mexico began in 1519. The Oaxacan Zoques
were isolated in their vast, high, Chimalapan wilderness, and perhaps suffered
less intrusion than lowland groups of indigenous people. However, every level of
Zoque grammar has been affected by contact with Spanish to some degree.
Borrowing from Spanish into Zoque appears to range from category (2) to
category (3), on the borrowing scale of Thomason and Kaufman (1988:74-75).
Content words, of course, have been and continue to be borrowed freely. A
contrast between an early and later borrowing can be seen in the words for 'cattle',
animals that were not known in MesoAmerica before the Spanish brought them.
One consultant had given us the word ganadu, which is simply Spanish ganado
with the final vowel raised (a regular rule of transforming a Spanish word into a
Zoque one). Sr. Sánchez objected to this word as being just Spanish again, and
offered us a Zoque word: wakas&. This is clearly the Spanish vacas (note the
plural ending), which was doubtless borrowed long before the reach of even Sr.
Sánchez's capacious memory, and completely converted to Zoque phonology.
Note that both words can be used as either singular or plural forms, whereas in
Spanish ganado is a mass noun - 'cattle' - and vaca is a count noun - 'cow'.
23
These examples illustrate two effects of borrowing at the phonological and
morphological levels. Neither /g/ nor /d/ are phonemes in MIG Zoque (apart from
the result of intervocalic voicing); these and other phonemes, such as /s/, are
generally confined to the borrowed words. Spanish inflectional morphemes, like

the plural /s/ of wakas&, vacas, are also confined to loan words. There are no
derivational morphemes borrowed from Spanish into MIG Zoque.
Spanish verb stems are 'Zoque-fied' by being incorporated with the root
c´k-, 'to do' (section 7.3.1), illustrated in example (2.6). Spanish verbal
inflections never appear in Zoque sentences, although the negative words no and
ni are sometimes used in addition to the MIG Zoque negative ya (section 5.5.3).
Spanish pronouns only appear in relative clause constructions: /el ke X, él que X,
'he who X'.
(2.6) d´s& mis& respaldac´kpa

d´s& mis&+ respaldar=c´k-pa
1Prn 1>2+ support=do-INC
'I will support you.' (ZOH1R24 402)
24
Many Spanish function words have been borrowed, most notably the
conjunctions y, 'and', o, 'or', and pero, 'but'. Discourse markers like entonces,
'then', and de ahí, 'from there' have been borrowed, as have words for times and
places that apparently were not part of the pre-Hispanic culture, like /ora, hora,
'hour', and parke, parque, 'park'. Where there is a Zoque word, it tends to be
preferred. I seldom see the word mañana, 'morning', in place of /aNnamcu/, for
example.
So far we have a case of category (2) borrowing: phonology and
morphology restricted to the loan words with which they are associated, and
function words that had no native equivalents. Category (3) borrowing includes
adpositions and a more extensive set of function words. The Spanish prepositions
de, 'of' and para, 'for', appear in MIG Zoque sentences, preceding the nouns in
accordance with Spanish syntax, as shown in example (2.7). The Zoque way to
say this would employ the applicative suffix -hay to reference the recipient.
(2.7) ke /iw´ /ý manak ci/oba para y´d´ pń

ke /iw´ /ý+ manak 0 ci/./oy-pa para y´d´ pń
that who 3E+ child 3A give.ANTIP-INC for this man
'Who will give his daughter to this man?' (ZOH1R18 221)
25
Function words that do have MIG Zoque equivalents are also common in
the texts, such as the pronoun /otro, otro, 'other' (MIG Zoque /eya@/k), the
subordinator si, si, 'if' (MIG Zoque bi/t), and relative pronoun ke, que, 'that'
(MIG Zoque +V/k, REL) which appears at the start of the relative clause, as
opposed to the MIG Zoque clitic which attaches to the end of the relative clause's
verb complex. This sort of borrowed function word frequently appears in tandem
with the native form, with the Spanish word on the left and the Zoque morpheme
on the right. This behavior is discussed in chapter 11, where examples are given
of expressions with just the MIG Zoque subordinator, just the Spanish
subordinator, and both forms together in one clause.
26
Chapter 3: Phonology
This chapter presents the phoneme inventory of MIG Zoque, notes about
prosody, including stress and syllable structure, and the morphophonological
processes that occur.
The phonology of MIG Zoque is typical of a MesoAmerican language,

sharing nearly all of the traits described for the area in Cambell, Kaufman, and
Smith-Stark, 1986 (pp. 537-544). The phoneme inventory does not include any
contrastive (underlying) voiced stops or fricatives. There are no uvular, aspirated,
or implosive consonants, and there are no retroflexed sounds (apart from Spanish
loan words). The vowel inventory includes the 'sixth' vowel /´/, discussed below.
There are no tones, and there are no vowel sequences, other than those produced
by the process of glide deletion (3.3.10).
MIG Zoque has some phonological processes that are similar to those of
many other MesoAmerican languages: voicing of obstruents after sonorants, fixed
stress (on the penultimate syllable), and a limited form of vowel harmony. MIG
Zoque does not have the striking metathesis process of Copainlá (Chiapas) Zoque
(Wonderley, 1951:117-118), in which glides and glottal stops metathesize with
obstruents and sonorant consonants, respectively. The most unusual process in
MIG Zoque is the gemination of final consonants discussed in section 3.3.1. This
process does not occur in either Copainalá Zoque or in Sierra Popoluca
(Veracruz) Zoque (Himes, 1997).
25
3.1. Phonemes
MIG Zoque has a rather small phonemic inventory, consisting of 12
consonants and 6 vowels. The first two charts shown below (tables 3.1 and 3.2)
include only the native phonemes. The third one (table 3.3), gives the set of non-
native consonants that appear in words in the MIG Zoque lexicon. Some of these
appear in Zoque words, derived by regular phonological processes (discussed in
the subsections below); others were borrowed along with Spanish loan words.
labial alveolar palatal velar glottal

voiceless stop p t k /
nasal m n N
fricative s& h
affricate c
glide y w
Table 3.1. MIG Zoque consonant inventory
front central back

high i u
mid e ´ o
low a
Table 3.2. MIG Zoque vowel inventory
26
labial alveolar palatal velar
voiced stop b d g
fricative f s
affricate c&
liquid l, r
Table 3.3. Borrowed or derived consonants that appear in Zoque words
The voiceless alveolar affricate /c/ (the sound at the beginning of the word
'tsunami', functions as part of the natural class of voiceless consonants, with
respect to syllable structure (section 3.2.2).
Voiced consonants appear (a) at the beginning of pronouns, deictics, and a
few other function words, and (b) word-internally after the operation of a voicing
rule. The affricate /c&/ occurs as the result of a morphophonological process
(section 3.3.6) and in some loan words. The fricatives /s/ and /f/ and the liquids
/l/ and /r/ appear in only a few odd words of unknown origin, affective (sound
symbolism) verbs (section 4.1.4), and Spanish loan words.
/´/ in MIG Zoque is a mid back unrounded vowel. In the other MZ
languages, including MAR Zoque, the "sixth vowel" is typically a high back
unrounded vowel, /u_/. Lengthened vowels may result from syllable shape or from
syllable deletion (section 3.3.9), but there is no underlying phonemic contrast in
vowel length.
27
3.2. Prosody
3.2.1. Stress
MIG Zoque words have primary stress on the penultimate syllable. Final
stress (which will always be marked with an accent in the examples) may arise for
one of two reasons: the word is a loan word from Spanish, borrowed with the
original stress intact; or, two syllables have been collapsed by a

morphophonological rule (section 3.3.8). In some cases this contraction may
have occurred at an earlier stage of the language, but it also remains as an
ongoing process.
The first example in (3.1) is of a word with regular, penultimate stress,
which is predictable and therefore not marked. Example (ii) is a Spanish loan
word borrowed with the original stress intact. Example (iii) is a MIG Zoque
word, whose irregular final stress developed at an earlier stage of the language.
In example (iv), the measure suffix -na@N carries its own stress. It is usually word-
final (section 7.2.3). This morpheme is analyzed as having two vowels
underlyingly, which contract by the rule discussed in section 3.3.8 to yield a
single, stressed, syllable1. Example (v) illustrates this process more clearly: the
irregular final stress is the result of the contraction of two syllables at the end of
the word.
(3.1)
(i) hukut´k (ii) /anmaèl
1Historical reconstruction is beyond the scope of this synchronic study of MIG Zoque grammar.
However, I need to look back in time for this suffix and for a few similar suffixes used with
deictic roots (section 4.6) in order to account for the irregular stress pattern.
28
'fire' 'animal'
(iii) cikwièt (iv) s&u/knaèN

'basket' s&u/k.naaN
kiss.MEAS
'kiss'
(v) n´kt´paèm
0 n´k.t´/-pa+/am
3A go.want-INC+NOW
'He wants to go now.'
3.2.2. Syllable structure
The following syllable shapes are allowed in MIG Zoque:
(i) CV bi 'the'
(ii) CVC t´k 'house'
(iii) CV/C (where C = /p,t,k,c/) ha/p- 'to crush'
(iv) CVCs& (where C = /p,k/) /´ks&- 'to shell corn'
(v) CV/Cs& (where C = /p,k/) ho/ps&- 'to muzzle'
(vi) CVC/ (where C = /m,n,N,y/) /awin/ 'brother'
In general, syllables are required to begin with a consonant, as in the other

Mixe-Zoquean languages (Kaufman, p.c.). There are only a small number of
inflectional morphemes that are vowel-initial, such as the reciprocal suffix -A-.
These will acquire an onset from the coda of the preceding syllable. The vast
majority of MIG Zoque syllables are CV or CVC.
29
Note that the 'glottal rimes' in (iii) and (vi) are in complementary
distrubution2. The effect of the glottal stop on the pronunciation of the syllables
is similar in both cases, however: the preceding vowel or consonant is strongly
laryngealized.
3.3. Morphophonological processes
3.3.1. Gemination
When the completive suffix -w´ or a glottal stop initial suffix (-/ý,
passive -/´m, or antipassive -/oy) is attached to a stem ending in a consonant, the
/w/ or /// disappears and the final consonant is geminated. This does not occur if
the stem-final coda consists of a (/)Cs& cluster. In that case, the /w/ or /// is
simply deleted. (More examples illustrating the gemination caused by each of
these suffixes can be seen in sections 5.2.1, 6.3.3, 6.3.4, and 7.1.3.)
There are thus two rules:

(1) {/,w} ---> C1 / V (/) C1 _____
(2) {/,w} ---> 0 / V (/) C1 s&_____
(3.2)
(i) cakk´mm´ hus&tis& /aNhi/
0 cak./´m-w´ hus&tis&+/aNhi/
3A leave.PASS-COM mayor+LOC3
'He remained at the mayor's.' (lexicon)
(ii) /ý was&s&´

/ý+ was&-w´
3E+ bite-COM
2 I am grateful to Anthony Woodbury for pointing this out to me.
30
'It bit him.' (lexicon)
31
(iii) /ý yakh´/ks&´
/ý+ yak.h´/ks&-w´
3E+ CAUS.exhaust-COM (lexicon)
'She exhausted it.'
(iv) /ý cuks&´

/ý+ cuks&-w´
3E+ pinch-COM
'He pinched it.'
(lexicon)
(v) behc&a c´mmoba

behc&a 0 c´m./oy-pa
horse 3A carry.ANTIP-INC
'The horses will carry (the load).' (ZOH1R24 090)
There are many tokens in the corpus showing that the depositive suffix
wý does not always have this effect; that is, the /w/ is clearly audible. There are
also tokens from several consultants (particularly older men) in which a /// fails
to induce gemination, particularly after /N/, and sometimes also after /y/ and /k/.
There are no exceptions to the gemination induced by the completive suffix -w´.
(3.3)
(i) /ý cactuktukwýy´
/ý+ cac=tuk.tuk.wý-w´
3E+ break=cut.cut.DEPOS-COM
'She broke it in pieces.' (lexicon)
(ii) /ý /otoN/oyy´

/ý+ /otoN./oy-w´
3E+ talk.ANTIP-COM
'He spoke.' (lexicon)
32
3.3.2. Vowel harmony
There are five vowel-initial suffixes in MIG Zoque:

1. result noun -a/-´ (~ -a//-´/);
2. participle -i/-e (~ -i//-e/);
3. indefinite -an´m/-ń´m;
4. imperative -a//-´/;
5. reciprocal -´/-a.
Each has two basic alternations, in which the choice of vowel depends on
the height of the preceding vowel. /´/ must be classified as a high vowel for this
system, although phonetically it is a mid vowel. The 'sixth vowel' in the other
Mixe-Zoquean languages is the high central vowel /u_/; the MIG Zoque vowel
harmony system conforms with that inventory. So, the set of high vowels for
these rules is {/i/, /u/, /´/}. The mid vowels are {/e/, /o/}. The set of non-mid
vowels is {/i/, /u/, /´/, /a/}.
There are two rules:

(1) ´ ----> a / V[mid] C ____
(2) e ----> i / V[high] C ____
The morpheme breakdowns in data examples use the symbol A to

indicate a vowel that appears on the surface as /a/ or /´/; the underlying vowel is
/´/. For example, the imperative is represented as -A/. The following examples
illustrate the operation of rule (1).
33
(3.4)
(i) weha/ (ii) nema/
weh.A/ nem.A/
shout.IMPV flame.NOM2
'call him!' 'spark'
(iii) /ops&a/ (iv) /o/ka/

/ops&.A/ /o/k.A/
foam.NOM2 calm_down.NOM2
'foam' 'stillness'
(v) /in´/ (vi) hips&´/

/in.A/ hips&.A/
get_cloudy.NOM2 get_burned.NOM2
'cloud' 'burned; overcooked'
(vii) tćń´mmaèm (viii) h´/ks&´ /´m c´k´/

0 tć.An´m-w´+/am h´/ks&-w´ /´m+ c´k-A/
3A be_dry.INDEF-COM+NOW hurry-COM 2E+ do-IMPV
'drought' 'hurry! do it!'
(ix) hehan´mpa (x) /ac´/

0 heh.An´m-pa /a/c.A/
3A live.INDEF-INC burn.NOM2
'they live' 'fire'
(xi) /okku/ps&´/ (xii) hup´/

/ok./u/ps&.A/ hup.A/
DOWN.clouds_rise.NOM2 pull.IMPV
'southern clouds' 'pull!' (ZOH1R25 154)
34
The morpheme breakdowns in data examples use the symbol E to indicate
a vowel that appears on the surface as /e/ or /i/; the underlying form is /e/. The
dependent suffix is represented as -E. The following examples illustrate the
operation of rule (2).
(3.5)
(i) huki (ii) /anemuks&i
huk.E /an.E=muks&.E
smoke.NOM3 heat.NOM3=fold.NOM3
'cigarette' 'filled (folded) tortilla'
(iii) /aNwiti/ (iv) hampici

/aN.wit.E/ ham=pic.E
MOUTH.walk.NOM3 lime=put_corn_in_lime.NOM2
'visitor' 'corn with lime'
(v) /´h´hi/ (vi) k´/ti/

/´h´h.E/ k´/t.E/
whimper.NOM2 grind.NOM2
'whimper' 'ground'
(vii) /ece/ (viii) /ukheye/

/ec.E/ /uk=hey.E/
dance.NOM2 drink=stir.NOM2
'dancer' 'pozole' (a thick corn
drink)
(ix) /ohe/ (x) koks&i/

/oh.E/ koks&.E/
cough.NOM3 resound.NOM2
'cough' 'the sound of joints cracking'
(xi) hape (xii) naks&e/

ha/p.E naks&.E/
break.NOM3 pound.NOM2
'broken' 'pounded'
35
There are a few lexemes that appear to be exceptions to these harmony
rules. Some of them look intriguingly like the result of a total harmony rule that
would have applied in an earlier stage of the language. There aren't very many of
these, indicating that this is not an ongoing process.
(3.6)
(i) maki (ii) we/c&i
mak.E we/c&.E
fish_with_a_net.NOM3 curve.NOM3
'net' 'crooked'
(iii) tupu/ (iv) noco/

tu/p.X no/c.X
crumble.X split.X
'piece' 'crevice'
3.3.3. Alternation of /N/ and /w/
/N/ and /w/ appear in mutually exclusive contexts: there are no syllables
that begin with /N/ and none that end with /w/. An underlying /w/ becomes /N/ at
the end of a syllable. When one of the vowel-initial suffixes is attached to a stem
ending in /N/, the underlying /w/ surfaces due to the re-syllabification of the
resulting word.
(3.7)
(i) hopowe (ii) way k´wi/
ho.poN.E way kŃ.E/
IN.burn.NOM3 hair paint.NOM3
'fire' 'gray-haired'
36
3.3.4. Voice assimilation
Generally, intervocalic stops are voiceless, but the voiceless stop

consonants /p,t,k/ may become voiced when surrounded by members from the set
{vowels, nasals, /y/}. This process is variable, depending on speaker, rate and
carefulness of speech, and on the semantic prominence of the morpheme in
question. Consonants of verb roots, for example, are rarely affected (3.8 i), nor
are the instrumental suffix -kuy/ (i) or incompletive -pa (ii). Suffixes like
repetitive -ke/t (iii) and first/second plural -tam (iv) are always voiced in such
contexts.
(3.8)
(i) /ý hupn´kk´ /ý caNkuyg´s&i
/ý+ hup=n´k-w´ /ý+ caN.kuy/+g´s&i
3E+ pull=go-COM 3E+ hit.INSTR1+LOC5
'She took him by the hand and went along.' (lexicon)
(ii) /ń cahcoNpan toto/

/ń+ cah=coN-pa /ń+ toto/
1E+ glue=join-INC 1E+ paper
'I'm going to glue my paper together.' (elicited)
(iii) pic´mge/tt´ /ot tum´

0 pic´m.ke/t-w´ /otro tum´/
3A leave.REPET-COM another one
'Another one came out.' (ZOH1R18 319)
(iv) /awind´kka mis& /´m witudampa

/awin+d´kkay mis& /´m+ witu/-tam-pa
sibling +NPL 2Prn 2A+ return-1/2PL-INC
'Brothers, you're going to go back.' (ZOH1R12 165)
37
3.3.5. Glide absorption
When a suffix ending in /y/ (indirective -hay, assumptive -ney,
antipassive -/oy, or verbalizer -/ý) is followed by a suffix beginning with a
voiceless stop, such as the incompletive -pa or repetitive -ke/t, the stop may be
voiced (due to 3.3.4) and the glide deleted.
(3.9)
(i) d´s& /ń /okcamm´ba
d´s& /ń+ /ok.cam./ý-pa
1Prn 1E+ DOWN.relate.SUF-INC
'I tell [the tale].' (ZOH1R45 001)
(ii) /aNmayyobaè/
/aN.may./oy-pa+V/k
MOUTH.count.ANTIP-INC+REL
'teacher' (lexicon)
(iii) mis& n´mhage/ttampa ke /aNmaytamm´ ney /awin/

mis& n´m.hay.ke/t-tam-pa ke /aN.may-tam-w´ ney /awin/
1>2 say.APPL.REPET-1/2PL-INC that MOUTH.count-1/2PL-OPT our brother
'I say to you again that we should teach our brothers.' (ZOH1R57 035)
(iv) /un /okhoNNodamm´ ney /aNpń

/u /ń+ /ok.hoN./oy-tam-w´ ney /aN=pń
NEGimpv 1E+ DOWN.get_dizzy.ANTIP-1/2PL-COM our mouth=man
'Don't let us forget our language.' (ZOH1R57 037)
Glide absorption is a variable process, varying according to speaker.
Three of my male consultants (ages 38-60) always apply the rule; none of the
38
other consultants (including other older men) ever did. All the women said '-
oypa' instead of '-oba'.
3.3.6. Affrication
When a verb stem ending with the alveolars /t/ or /c/ is followed by a
morpheme beginning with /s&/ (like the third person plural suffix -s&uk), the result
of the combination is the affricate /c&/.
(3.10)
(i) /ý pa/c&ukk´ tum /aNmayyoba@/k pń
/ý+ pa/t-s&uk-w´ tum /aN.may./oy-pa+V/k pń
3E+ meet-3Pl-COM one MOUTH.count.ANTIP-INC+REL man
'They met a teacher.' (ZOH1R43 005)
(ii) ye/c&ukk´
0 ye/c-s&uk-w´
3A arrive-3Pl-COM
'They arrived.' (ZOH1R11 003)
3.3.7. Glottal stop deletion
There are three contexts in which a glottal stop is deleted: (a) between
vowels; (b) syllable-finally before a C-initial syllable; and (c) word-finally before
another word (not utterance-finally).
The (a) case, intervocalic deletion, is shown in (3.11). The final /´/ in (i)
first changes to an /a/ under the influence of the clitic syllable. Once the glottal
stop has deleted, the two like vowels contract, as described in (3.3.8).
39
(3.11)
(i) dey d´ minnaèm
dey d´+ min-w´+/am
now 1A+ come-COM+NOW
'Now I have come.' (ZOH1R11 013)
(ii) d´ n´kpaèm
d´+ n´k-pa+/am
1A+ go-INC+NOW
'Now I'm going.' (ZOH1R18 242)
The simple case for (b), syllable-final deletion, occurs when a glottal stop-
final root such as t´/-, 'to want' is followed by a consonant-initial morpheme, like
a plural suffix. Remember that there aren't very many vowel-final morphemes in
this language, and no vowel-final verb roots. When a morpheme-initial glottal
stop fails to delete, it serves as evidence that the preceding morpheme does indeed
end in a glottal stop. This is a useful diagnostic for determining the underlying
shape of glottal stop-final verb roots, like t´/-, 'to want', whose final consonant
generally disappears in context.
(3.12)
(i) /ń t´dampa tamn´/
/ń+t´/-tam-pa tam/=n´/
1E+want-1/2PL-INC bitter=water
'We want beer.' (elicited)
(ii) yoteces&ukk´
0 yote/=ce/-s&uk-w´
3A clothes=wash-3PL-COM
'They washed clothes.'
(elicited)
40
(iii) t´//´mpaè/k
t´/./´m-pa+V/k
want.PASS-INC+REL
'a serviceable thing' (lexicon)
(iv) /ý m´//ýy´

/ý m´/./ý-w´
3E wife.VERS2-COM
'He got married.' (lexicon)
The more interesting case appears when a vowel-initial suffix (see 3.3.2)
attaches to a stem in the shape CV/C. The word is re-syllabified so that the final
C of the stem's coda becomes the onset of the suffix syllable. This leaves the
glottal stop in syllable-final position, from which it is deleted.
(3.13)
t´ki woke
t´/k.E wo/k.E
hiccup.NOM3 scrape.NOM3
'hiccup' 'scraped'
3.3.8. Syllable contraction
When two vowels are juxtaposed, through deletion of a glottal stop (3.3.7)
or some (unknown) historical process, they contract to form a single syllable.
This is evident at the ends of words where the contraction produces an irregular
primary stress on the final syllable. This is the result we would expect if stress
were assigned to the penultimate syllable, according to the regular rule, and then
the ultimate syllable is lost.
41
(3.14)
(i) dey d´ minnaèm (ii) kas&na@N
dey d´+ min-w´+/am kas&.naaN
now 1A+ come-COM+NOW step.MEAS
'Now I have come.' 'step'
In example (3.14 i), the /´/ of the completive suffix becomes an /a/, in
harmony with the clitic vowel. Then the intervocalic glottal stop deletes, and then
the vowels contract. The completive suffix syllable, which had the stress at the
beginning of this process by the regular penultimate stress rule, keeps it. The
vowel that survives the contraction is the one that had the stress, so the stress
stays here instead of moving back to the preceding syllable (although in context,
sometimes this final stress is very weak).
So, the rules apply in the following order:

(1) d´ min-w´+/am
(2) stress assignment d´ min-w´@+/am
(3) vowel harmony d´ min-wa@+/am
(4) glottal stop deletes d´ min-wa@am
(5) vowels contract d´ min-wa@m
(6) gemination d´ minna@m
3.3.9. Syllable deletion
The final vowel of short words is optionally deleted in compounds or
incorporation constructions. This happens most often with adjectives, which tend
to have the shape CVCV(/). (A final glottal stop is deleted by the normal
process.) In these cases, the initial vowel retains the length of a vowel in a
stressed, open syllable, even though one might expect the word to be re-
42
syllabified, taking the onset of the deleted syllable for the coda of the remaining
one, and thus shortening the vowel to the normal closed-syllable length.
I will mark these long vowels in the example data with a following ':' to
make it easier to read the transcriptions as they are pronounced, and as a reminder
that a syllable has been omitted. The same convention applies to entries and
example sentences in the lexicon. This lengthening is not, however, in any way
contrastive, and there are no prefixes or verb roots that might be confused with
these shortened adjectives.
(3.15)
(i) d´ w´:hpic´mhayy´
d´+ w´h´=pic´m.hay-w´
1A+ good=leave.APPL-COM
'Things turned out well for me.' (lexicon)
(ii) /ý ne:nc´kký win

/ý+ nena/=c´k-w´+/ý win
3E+ bad=do-COM+3E REFL
'She took her clothes off.' (lexicon)
43
3.3.10. Glide deletion
There are no underlying sequences of vowels in MIG Zoque (nor in any of
the Mixe-Zoquean languages generally.) However, under certain circumstances

the glides /y/ and /w/ are deleted intervocalically, thus producing a vowel
sequence. Basically, when a morpheme whose coda consists of a glide is suffixed
by a vowel-initial morpheme, and the two vowels meet the requirements

discussed here shortly, the glide will be deleted. The set of vowel initial
morphemes is given in section 3.3.2. In these cases, the two vowels do not then
contract according to the rule discussed in 3.3.8, which applies to vowels that are
identical (after assimilation applies).

There are two separate rules. /y/ is deleted when it appears in coda
position either before or after a front vowel. (The front vowels are /i/ and /e/.)
The one exception is that it is not deleted between two /e/s. (I only have one
example of this exception, shown in 3.16 vi.) The productive rule is thus:
y --> 0 / [/i/, /u/, /o/, /´/, /a/] _____ V[front]
(3.16)
(i) /aNkí (ii) huptui
/aN.ký.E hup=tuy.E
MOUTH.carry_flat.NOM3 pull=stretch.NOM3
'covered' 'something stretched out'
(iii) c´khae (iv) tokoe/

c´k.hay.E tokoy.E/
do.APPL.NOM3 be_lost.NOM3
'witchcraft' 'something lost'
44
(v) kae (vi) /ukhheye
kaye /uk=hey.E
street drink=beat.NOM3
'street' (Sp. calle) 'pozole' (a corn drink)
There are four monomorphemic lexical items in the corpus that contain
vowel sequences from between which a /y/ (examples 3.17 i-ii) or a /// (examples
iii-iv) might have been deleted at some earlier stage of the language. Note that in
the (iii) and (iv), the 'front' vowel that supplies the appropriate context is /´/. This
is further evidence for the fact that this vowel functions in the MIG Zoque system
as its correlate /u_/ does in the other MZ languages. The second vowel in these
words is always strongly laryngealized.
(3.17)
(i) mea (ii) nea/
'sea' (Sp. mar) 'wall'
(iii) má/ (iv) kák

'deer' 'sandal'
45
/w/ is deleted between an /o/ and an /e/ or an /a/. A syllable-final /w/ will
normally appear on the surface as /N/ (section 3.3.3). But when the /w/-final
morpheme is followed by a vowel-initial suffix, the resulting stem is re-
syllabified with /w/ as the onset of the added syllable. So, it ends up between the
two vowels. The rule is this:

/w/ --> 0 / /o/3 ____ [/e/, /a/]
(3.18)
(i) wiki coa/ (ii) moe/as&pa
wiki coN.A/ 0 moN.E=/as&-pa
finger join.NOM2 3A sleep.NOM3=open_mouth-INC
'knuckles' 'She's yawning.'
I found only two exceptions to this rule in my corpus, shown in (3.19 i-ii).
It should be noted that a /w/ occurring in the position in which this rule regularly
applies is a rather subtle sound - it is quite possible that I simply heard these
examples wrong, or that the glide was the result of the emphasis sometimes
employed in citation speech. The rule does not apply to /w/ in syllable-initial
position4, as can be seen in example (3.19 iii).
3 I have no examples with a /u/ next to a /w/. It seems to be a strongly disfavored conjunction of
sounds.
4 There are no syllables in MIG Zoque with contiguous /y/ and /i/. There are verb roots that begin
with /ye/, such as yem-, 'to fan', but none of these happen to appear in the corpus with the vowel-
final prefixes ni- (PSE), ho- (INTO), or ko- (SOC).
46
(3.19)
(i) s&owa/ (ii) towa/
a type of bird toN.A/
blister.NOM2
'blister'
(iii) /ń howanpa

/ń+ ho.wan-pa
1E+ INTO.sing-INC
'I'm reading.'
There are four monomorphemic lexical items in the corpus that contain
vowel sequences from between which a /w/ might have been deleted at an earlier
stage of the language. Again, the second vowel in these words is strongly
laryngealized.
(3.20)
(i) hoa/ (ii) noa/
'deep' 'canyon'
(iii) poa/ (iv) poe/

a type of tree 'sand'
47
Chapter 4: Word Classes
I define 12 classes of words for MIG Zoque: verbs, nouns, pronouns,
quantifiers (including numbers), adjectives, deictics, postpositions, adverbs,
intensifiers, subordinators, modals, and discourse markers. Criteria used for
determining class membership are either formal or functional.

The class of verb roots (section 4.1) is determined formally by the affixes
that are required for these roots to appear in words. Verb roots are not considered
words, since they never appear without at least minimal inflection (section 2.1)
and an agreement marker (section 6.2) or a nominalizing affix (section 7.2). A
verbal word, then, would be a verb stem with the obligatory inflection and
whatever optional affixes it might have. Verb stems can also be formed from
nouns and adjectives (section 7.3). A verbal word requires marking with one of
the agreement markers, which are clitics that lean to the left and so form part of
the phonological word preceding the verb word. The clitic's host word might be a
negative or volitive morpheme, which also belongs syntactically to the verb
phrase. It is clearer and simpler to refer to the whole agglomeration (shown in
table 2.1) as a verb complex. The term verb stem is used in this book to refer to
something more than a root but less than a complex; for example, a root with a
directional prefix would be considered a stem.
The other classes are lexeme classes, some of whose members may be
monomorphemes and some of which may be derived forms. Functionally, nouns
(section 4.2), pronouns (section 4.3), quantifiers (section 4.4), and deictics
47
(section 4.6) can fill argument roles. The argument structure of verbs and the
kinds of roles that are required by different verb classes is discussed in chapter 6.
Adjectives (section 4.5) and intensifiers (section 4.9) appear in modifying
positions in noun and verb phrases, respectively. Postpositions (section 4.7) are
clitic forms that attach to the right edge of a noun phrase. Adverbs (section 4.8)
indicate time, direction, or location, but are separate words that may appear in
various places in the clause, which distinguishes these forms from postpositions.
Subordinators (section 4.10) and modals (section 4.11) are function words with
restrictions on their positions within the verb phrase. Discourse markers (section
4.12) are not morphosyntactically integral to the clauses in which they appear,
serving instead to structure the discourse as a whole.
4.1. Verbs
Verbs are unambiguously classifiable as those roots that must appear with
an aspect or mood suffix and an agreement marker. Verb roots may be grossly
subclassified as intransitive or transitive, according to which set of pronominal
agreement markers is used for the subject. Intransitive verbs appear with
absolutive subject markers, and transitive verbs appear with ergative subject
markers. Intransitive verbs are discussed in section 4.1.1. Transitive verbs can be
further divided into three sub-classes. These are discussed in section 4.1.2.
Two smaller classes of verbs can also be defined by formal criteria:
positional verbs and affective verbs. The positional class consists of those verb
roots that can take the assumptive suffix -ney. These are discussed in section
4.1.3. Affective verbs, also known as sound symbolism verbs, take the
48
reduplicative suffix -ney. They are discussed in section 4.1.4. Apart from these
definitional restrictions, any verbal affix may appear with any verb.
Auxiliary verbs are a small class of verbs with unique syntactic properties.
The set of auxiliaries and the grounds for determining membership in this set are
discussed in section 4.1.5. The inflectional morphology of auxiliary verb phrases
is discussed in section 5.6. The syntactic properties of auxiliary verb phrases are
discussed in chapter 8.
4.1.1 Intransitive verbs
Intransitive verb roots appear with absolutive person agreement markers.
In the lexicon, these roots are further divided into two groups: I1, or unergative
verbs, in which the subject is the actor or agent of the verbal event; and I2, or
unaccusative verbs, in which the subject is the patient or theme of the verbal
event (Perlmutter & Postal, 1984). There are no formal criteria for distinguishing
the two subclasses; the division was made based on the understanding of
Kaufman and myself of the meanings of these roots. The label Ix was used for
roots that we were unable to classify as either I1 or I2. Most verbs of speaking
fall into the I1 class, as well as the verbs of motion. The distinction made in the
lexicon is an artifact of the research process. Since we were unable to find any
formal criteria for subdividing the class of intransitive verbs, the distinction is not
carried into this grammar.
49
(4.1) Intransitive (unergative?) verbs
/as&- 'to open the mouth' /otoN- 'to speak'

h´/ks&- 'to hurry' mek- 'to lie'
nos&- 'to bathe w/out soap' n´m- 'to say'
n´k- 'to go' woh- 'to bark'
(4.2) Intransitive (unaccusative?) verbs
/om- 'to emit smoke' ha/k- 'to

drown'
heh- 'to live' moN- 'to sleep'
nay- 'to grow (of plants)' nuc- 'to be hot'
poc- 'to be tired' tuk- 'to end'
4.1.2. Transitive verbs
Transitive verb roots take two arguments. They are divided into three
classes. The first division is based on the formal requirements for the appearance
of these roots in clauses without an object, in which case they take absolutive
agreement markers. Those that require the antipassive suffix -/oy to
detransitivize them are designated T3 verbs. This class is by far the largest. Verb
roots that do not require a detransitivizing suffix are classified as T1 or T2,
according to whether the subject is construed as an agent or a patient.
T1 verbs do not require a detransitivizing affix to drop an argument.
Many of the verbs in this class are verbs of perception, speaking, ingestion,
cooking, and verbs expressing motions that can be expressed with objects, like
/ec- 'to dance'. (One can dance the fandango, or simply dance.) Given these
semantic classes, it is not surprising that when an argument is dropped, the
remaining argument is the actor. A sample of the verbs in this class is given in
50
(4.3) and some examples of both transitive and intransitive uses of two typical
members of this class are shown in (4.4).
(4.3) T1 unergative transitive
/amma- 'to look at; to see' /uk- 'to drink'

ha/c- 'to go into debt' kek- 'to hop'
num- 'to steal' pen- 'to plant'
cam- 'to chat; to talk' wan- 'to sing'
(4.4)
(i) /ń /ammaw´ pa caphńaN
/ń+ /amma-w´ para cap+hńaN
1E+ look-COM for up+DIR1
'I looked up (at something.' (lexicon)
(ii) d´ /ammapa y´h´@N kaha@N

d´+ /amma-pa y´.h´Ń ka.haaN
1A+ look-INC DCT1.DIR1 DCT3.DIR1
'I'm looking here and there (all around).' (lexicon)
(iii) tim c´kpa y´ hama? d´ s&e/ps&pa

ti /´m+ c´k-pa y´ hama d´+ s&e/ps&-pa
what 2E+ do-INC DCT1 day 1A+ make_rope-INC
'What are you doing today? I'm making rope.' (lexicon)
(iv) /ý s&e/ps&´ s&ackuyhńaN

/ý+ s&e/ps&-w´ s&ac.kuy/+hńaN
3E+ make_rope-INC twist.INSTR1+ACC
'He twisted the rope with a screw.' (lexicon)
51
T2 verbs can also appear with only one argument without any
detransitivizing suffix. These roots generally indicate things that can happen
naturally (like a mud house crumbling down of old age) but that can also be done
by human agents. They correspond to intransitive verbs of natural processes (like

puc-, 'to rot'), but they can appear with ergative subject agreement markers
without being transitivized by the causative prefix. There are very few T2 verbs,
all of which are presented in the data shown below in (4.5). Examples of two of
these verbs used both transitively and intransitively are given in (4.6).
(4.5) T2 unaccusative transitive
/um- 'to spill' hum- 'to crumble'

h´m- 'to make drowsy' kum- 'to bury'
muy- 'to dent' noN- 'to spring
back'
wi/t- 'to twist' xi/t- 'to tangle'
(4.6)
(i) /ý /ummý kafe@
/ý+ /um-w´ /ý+ kafe@
3E+ spill-COM 3E+ coffee
'She spilled her coffee.' (lexicon)
(ii) /umm´
0 /um-w´
3A spill-COM
'It spilled'. (lexicon)
(iii) t´k /ý hums&ukpa

t´k /ý+ hum-s&uk-pa
house 3E+ crumble-3PL-INC
'They're tearing down the house.' (lexicon)
52
53
(iv) ney humm´ bi t´k
ney hum-w´ bi t´k
self crumble-COM DEF house
'The house tumbled down by itself.' (lexicon)
T3 verbs must be detransitivized with the antipassive suffix -/oy in order
to appear without objects. The antipassive forms of these verbs means to perform
the act in a general way, as in 'I'll harvest (some unspecified crops) in the fall' or
'They were eating (some unspecified food)'. This class is by far the largest of the
transitive classes.
(4.7) T3 transitives
/ek- 'to harvest' /uc- 'to measure'

him- 'to touch in passing' ke/c- 'to chew'
mac- 'to rub' mot- 'to mix'
tuk- 'to cut' wo/k- 'to scrape'
(4.8)
(i) /ý /is&s&´ gaha@N
/ý+ /is&-w´ ga.haaN
3E+ see-COM DCT3.DIR1
'She saw something over there.' (lexicon)
(ii) d´ /is&s&oba
d´+ /is&./oy-pa
1A+ see.ANTIP-INC
'I'm going to see.' (lexicon)
(iii) /´m has&s&a@m bi s&is&?

/´m+ has&-w´+/am bi s&is&
2E+ roast-COM+NOW DEF meat
'Have you roasted the meat yet?' (lexicon)
54
(iv) d´ has&s&oba
d´+ has&./oy-pa
1A+ roast.ANTIP-INC
'I'm roasting (something).' (lexicon)
4.1.3. Positional verbs
Positional verb roots are those that can take the assumptive suffix -ney.
Roots in this class are typically T3 transitives, although there are a few
intransitives. Positional roots express very abstract notions of shape, position, or
spatial extension, such as 'wrapped around and around' or 'stretched out'. The
range of meanings expressed by MIG Zoque positional roots is similar to that
described for the Mayan language Mam (England, 1983).
When positionals appear as the only root in a verbal complex, the meaning
is usually a concretization of the abstract sense, along the lines of pit- 'to roll a
cigar' (by wrapping the tobacco leaf around and around), or hup- 'to pull' (a long
thing like a rope, so that it ends up stretched out). In constructions with
compound verb roots, the abstract sense will usually predominate. Further
discussion of this phenomenon appears in chapter 8.
The glosses given in (4.9) are those that pertain to the verb root
functioning by itself in the verbal complex. The examples given in (4.10) show
that it is the resulting shape or position of the patient that matters, not the specific
means of achieving that position or the nature of the patient itself.
55
(4.9) Positional verbs
/´/p- 'to lever' heken- 'to wrap'

hup- 'to pull' paks&- 'to fold'
naN- 'to spread' wat- 'to fasten'
s&om- 'to imprison' c´m- 'to load'
kap- 'to carry on the shoulders'
(4.10)
(i) hohope/tt´
0 hoho=pe/t-w´
3A palm=weave-COM
'She wove palm strips.' (lexicon)
(ii) maNkuype/tt´
0 maNkuy/=pe/t-w´
3A foot=weave-COM
'He crossed his legs.' (lexicon)
(iii) hekenn´mm´ cahin

0 heken./´m-w´ cahin
3A coil.PASS-COM snake
'The snake coiled around itself.' (lexicon)
(iv) nas&ho/ pacneyy´ las&u /ý hekenn´

nas&+ho/ 0 pac.ney-w´ las&u /ý+ heken-w´
earth+LOC2 3A throw.ASSUM-COM rope 3E+ coil-COM
'The rope was thrown on the ground; she rolled it up.' (lexicon)
56
4.1.4. Affective verbs
Affective, or sound-symbolic, verbs rarely appear in texts but are easily
elicited. Affective verbs in MIG Zoque are examples of imitative sound
symbolism (Hinton, et.al. 1994). They typically represent rhythmic motions (like
shoes slapping or water dripping) or animal sounds. These words sometimes
include speech sounds that are not part of the native MIG Zoque phoneme
inventory, like /s/ and /l/. They are always reduplicated and marked with the
reduplicative suffix -ney. They can be used with either completive or
incompletive aspect.
(4.11) Affective verbs

sumsumneba maw/maw/neba
sum.sum.ney-pa maw/.maw/.ney-pa
X.X.REDUP1-INC X.X.REDUP1-INC
the sound of buzzing what the cat says
ko/ks&ko/ks&neba leps&leps&neba
ko/ks&.ko/ks&.ney-ba leps&.leps&.ney-pa
X.X.REDUP1-INC X.X.REDUP1-INC
the sound of shoes slapping on the floor the flapping udder of a bitch
4.1.5. Auxiliary verbs
Dependent verb constructions consist of a sequence of two verb
complexes in which the second is syntactically dependent on the first. The first
verb is inflected for aspect or mood using one of the eight independent suffixes
(see table 5.2). The second verb is inflected with one of the two dependent
57
suffixes: -E if the first verb has completive aspect, and -w´ if it is in the
incompletive or a non-declarative mood. Only the second verb is marked for
agreement with the subject (and object), and the agreement marker is always
selected from the ergative set, regardless of the transitivity of the verb root. This
ergative shift is discussed further in Chapter 8. Example (4.9 i) shows a
dependent construction with incompletive aspect, and (ii) shows a dependent
construction with completive aspect.
(4.12)
(i) karreta n´kpa /ý hupp´kkoyy´∂
karreta n´k-pa /ý+ hup=p´k./oy-w´∂
cart go-INC 3E+ pull=get.ANTIP-dINC
'A cart goes to haul them.' (ZOH1R22 020)
(ii) tum poN n´kký koyos&e tum rranc&o

tum poN n´k-w´ /ý+ ko.yos&.E tum rranc&o
one time go-COM 3E+ SOC.work-dCOM one ranch
'He went to work in a small farming village.' (ZOH1R18 023)
Generally, dependent verb constructions can be translated "V1 while V2-
ing" (e.g., 'whistle while working'). Auxiliary verbs are consistently translated as
"Aux to V1" (e.g., 'begin to sow', 'know how to speak Zoque'). As a set, they
meet Steele's cross-linguistic criteria for auxiliary verbs (1981): they are a small,
closed set; they are constituents (contrasted with verb root compounds, section
8.3); and some of them mark tense and mood. The two most frequently used
auxiliary verbs, n´k-, 'to go', and min-, 'to come', indicate the direction of motion
of the dependent verb. Direction is considered an operator of equal syntactic
status as tense in RRG (Van Valin & La Polla, 1997:42-3).
58
The set of auxiliaries consists of six intransitive verbs of motion, aspect or
manner. All of these also function as independent verbs and appear in compound
verb constructions. Other verbs that occasionally behave like auxiliaries (such as
tuk-, 'to finish') are discussed in chapter 8.
(4.13)
(i) Motion (ii) Manner
n´∂k- 'go' h∂´/ks&- 'hurry'
min- 'come' mus&- 'know'
tih- 'go & return'
(iii) Aspect
/okmaN- 'begin'
59
4.2. Nouns
Nouns are those words that can appear with the definite article bi, or
similarly, with one of the deictics. This is not strictly a root class, since there are
many derivational suffixes that form nouns from verb roots or from adjectives
(section 7.2). Noun compounding is common, although it can be difficult to
determine whether the result is a word or a phrase (section 9.4). Relative clauses
may also be headed by the definite article (section 11.1), in which case they are
functioning simply as nouns.
(4.14)
(i) kuy (ii) hukut´k
'tree' 'fire'
(iii) kumkuyhaè/ (iv) kas&naèN

kum.kuy/.haa/ kas&.naaN
bury.INSTR1.NOM4 step.MEAS
'townspeople' 'step'
(v) hoho t´k (vi) hamatin

hoho t´k hama=tin
palm house day=shit
'palm house' 'money'
(vii) n´mpa bi /anhmayyobaè/k yo:m/une maryalena

0 n´m-pa bi /anh.may./oy-a+V/k yom´/=/une/ maryalena
3A say-INC DEF MOUTH.count.ANTIP-INC+REL female=child marialena
'says the young woman teacher Marialena' (ZOH1R15 021)
There is no set of nouns in MIG Zoque that is obligatorily possessed, as is
the case in some MesoAmerican languages (Suarez, 1983). There are no nouns
60
for which possession is ungrammatical, although certainly some such collocations
are pragmatically absurd (/ń /in´/, 'my cloud', for example).
Plurals are formed by means of the plural clitic +d´kkay (NPL), which
usually appears in one of it's reduced forms: +d´k (usually phrase-medial) or
+d´kka. The unreduced form appears most often in careful speech and at the
ends of phrases.
(4.15)
(i) kuyd´kka (ii) gad´k
kuy+d´kka ga./+d´kkay
tree+NPL DCT3.NOM1+NPL
'trees' 'they; them'
(iii) /aNmayyobaè/kd´kkay
/aN.may./oy-pa+V/k+d´kkay
MOUTH.count.ANTIP-INC+REL+NPL
'teachers'
4.3. Pronouns
Pronouns and deictics overlap in the set of words that refer to the third
person. Since the third person roots participate in a wider system of suffixes than
the first and second person pronouns, I separate them into a distinct class, which
is discussed in detail in section 4.6. So, only the first and second person forms
are included in the pronoun class.

Pronouns accept the nominal plural clitic +haè/, which can also appear
with nouns that refer in some way to a group of people (like the word
kumkuyhaè/, 'townspeople', in example 4.16 iii)1. A table listing all of the first
1 This clitic also has a quantifying function and is discussed further in section 9.5.
61
and second person pronouns is shown below. First person plural pronouns are
divided into two sets: exclusive (X) forms refer to the speaker and some other
person(s), but not everyone present, while the inclusive (I) forms refer to all
persons present together.
Singular Plural Possessive Possessive

(singular) (plural)
X d´s& d´s&haè/ tńti/ tńtihaè/
I neyhaè/ neyti/ neytihaè/
neywin ney
2 mis& mis&haè/ minti/ mintihaè/
Table 4.1. Pronouns
The exclusive forms are the ones that are in general use. The exclusive
plural d´s&ha@/ appears abundantly in texts, in any context involving the speaker
and someone else. The inclusive forms are rarely used, except for ney, which is
the form most commonly used to mean 'our'. There are no cases in which the
contrast between exclusive and inclusive plural is deliberately exploited. There

are two texts in which the inclusive forms appear frequently, both exhortations
made by Sr. Sánchez to his fellow Zoques (on tape, not in person) to preserve and
remember the ways of their ancestors. Examples from this text are shown in
(4.16).
(4.16)
(i) neywin komo ken /okhoNN´dampaèm
neywin komo ke /ń+ /ok.hoN./ý-tam-pa+/am
IPL komo ke 1E+ DOWN.get_dizzy.SUF-1/2PL-INC+NOW
62
'we, since we're forgetting' (ZOH1R57 003)
(ii) /aNmaytaèN ney /awin d´kka bi ney /aNpń

/aN.may-taaN ney /awin/+d´kkay bi ney /aN=pń
MOUTH.count-HORT IPoss brother+NPL DEF IPoss MOUTH=man
'Let's teach our brothers our language.' (ZOH1R57 010)
(iii) yakku neyhaè/ yuhkuyho/ d´ yos&tampaè/

yakku/ ney+haa/ yuh.kuy/+ho/ d´+ yos&-tam-pa+V/k
poor I.NPL2 raze.INSTR1+LOC2 1A+ work-1/2PL-INC+REL
'poor us, the farmers' (ZOH1R16 001)
ney participates in many pronominal constructions with various sorts of
endings, suffixes or other pronouns2. (Note that when two nouns or pronouns are
juxtaposed in the speech stream, there is no phonological evidence, such as stress,
to indicate whether or not the two are compounded or simply neighboring forms.
The simplest assumption is that they are two distinct words.) Table 4.2 lists all
the ney collocations with their English and Spanish translations. Semantically,
they fall into three groups: first person plurals, reflexives, and 'some
(thing/one/time)' words. These are not necessarily all cases of the same
morpheme, but reflect different stages of the development of MIG Zoque

(Kaufman, p.c.). The original meaning is 'self', still apparent in the reciprocal
morpheme. The meaning shifted to 'same' in a variety of uses. The first person
plural sense of ney is a relatively recent innovation of MIG Zoque.
2 Kaufman proposes that ney should be considered a clitic or affix that occupies a position
immediately to the right of the person agreement markers. I only have one example of ney with
an agreement marker (4.14 ii), and none with the negative ya or causative yak-, so I'm unable to
determine conclusively how it might relate to these neighboring elements. In the example, the
absolutive first person agreement marker appears because this is an inverse construction (section
6.2.2).
63
Zoque English Spanish
ney RECIP RECIP
ney same; self; only mismo; nada más
ney d´s& I myself yo mismo
ney mis& you yourself tu mismo
ney ga/ he/she him/herself el/ella su mismo
ney some; any algun(a)
ney /iw´/ someone alguien
ney tum´ alone solo
ney hu/ somewhere en alguna parte
ney hut´èN anywhere dondequiera
ney kayna in a while hace rato
ney we; our nosotros; nuestro/a
neywin we nosotros
neyti/ ours nuestro/a
neytihaè/ ours nuestro/a
neyhaè/ we nosotros
Table 4.2. The many uses of ney.
The pronominal form of ney also appears in a few idiomatic constructions
such as those shown in (4.17). ney=ci/- is a lexicalized form that means 'to give
as a gift, free and clear'. Since it appears as an ordinary verb stem with
pronominal agreement markers outside the ney, it isn't reasonable to attempt to
squeeze this idiom into the rest of the pattern.
(4.17)
(i) ney k´s&s&oyy´
ney k´s&./oy-w´
self eat.ANTIP-COM
64
'She ate without paying' (at someone else's expense) (lexicon)
(ii) d´ neycis&ukk´ y´d´ hamatin

d´+ ney=ci/-s&uk-w´ y´.d´ hamatin
1A+ self =give-3PL-COM DCT1.DEM money
'They gave me this money as a gift.' (ZOH1R18 275)
4.4. Quantifiers
The set of MIG Zoque quantifiers are shown in table 4.3. Note that the set
includes two clitics, +ha@/ and +s&ta@/.

/ic&i@N few; a little poco
/ome@N a little poquito
m´hm´ many; a lot mucho; bastante
mes&i few poco
hemhi/ all todo
s&´h´/ several; a lot; many varios; bastante; mucho
+ha@/ each cada quien
+s&ta@/ only; just; no more no más
Table 4.3: MIG Zoque quantifiers
The distribution of quantifiers in noun phrases is described in detail in
section 9.5. They also appear independently as arguments in clauses, thus
functioning as pronouns. Unlike pronouns, quantifiers and numbers appear with

the versive suffix -/a, as shown in example (4.18 iii and iv).
(4.18)
(i) tey ye/c&ukk´ mas mes&i
65
tey 0 ye/c-s&uk-w´ mas mes&i
now 3A arrive-3PL-COM more few
'Now fewer arrived.' (ZOH1R18 010)
(ii) dey ye/c&ukk´ /i/ps&aN/ /ý komeca@N

dey 0 ye/c-s&uk-w´ /i/ps&aN/ /i ko.mecaaN
now 3A arrive-3PL-COM twenty and SOC.two
'Now twenty-two arrived.' (ZOH1R18 011)
(iii) mecaNNadamm´s&ta@/
mecaN./a-tam-w´+s&taa/
two.VERS1-1/2PL-COM+ONLY
'We're just two.' (ZOH1R10 308)
(iv) yahakha@/ g´ hamatin m´hm´/am ga/

yahakhaa/ g´ hamatin m´hm´./a-w´+/am ga/
long_ago that money many.VERS1-COM+NOW that
'Long ago, that was a lot of money.' (ZOH1R18 257)
4.4.1. Numbers
MIG Zoque numbers operate on a base twenty system, as do virtually all
MesoAmerican languages (Campbell, et al., 1986). There are words for the
numbers from one to ten, shown in (4.18) (examples of the rest of the system up
to 300 are shown in Appendix E).
66
(4.18)
1 tum´ 6 tuhta@N
2 meca@N 7 w´s&tuhta@N
3 tuwa@N 8 tuguruta@N
4 maktas&s&a@N 9 maktuhta@N
5 mos&s&aN 10 makkaN
There is evidently a suffix in common marking the numbers from 2

through 10. This suffix is probably -/aN, although it never appears on the surface
in any other environments. It is probably cognate with a suffix in neighboring

MAR Zoque -i/iN/-e/eN, which creates a unit of measure or unitary event
(Kaufman, p.c.). This in turn is clearly related to the MIG Zoque measure suffix -
na@N/-ne@N, discussed in section 7.2.3. We can reasonably deduce that the MIG
Zoque numeral suffix is -/aN by the fact that there are geminate consonants in the
forms maktas&s&aN (4), mos&s&aN (5), and makkaN (10). This gemination would be
regularly produced by a glottal-stop initial suffix in accordance with the rule
discussed in 3.3.1. Note further that the final syllable in these two forms is not
stressed, although in all the other forms it is stressed. Final stress generally
indicates that a syllable has been deleted (section 3.3.8). We can thus deduce that
the other forms had a final vowel, although we can not know precisely which
vowel it was.
The counting system is illustrated in example (4.19) with the numbers for
something-two. Numbers from 10 to 19 are formed by prefixing the basic

numbers with mak-. (Note that mak- is also used to mark the numbers 4,
maktas&s&aN, and 9, maktuhta@N.) Number twenty is a new morpheme, /i/ps&aN/.
67
Numbers 21 through 30 are formed with /i/ps&aN/ followed by the numbers from
1 to 10. At 31, we begin adding the prefix ko- to the second part of the number.
(This ko- is not to be confused with the verbal prefix discussed in section 7.1.1).
40 is two twenties, 60 is three twenties, and so on.
(4.19) 2 meca@N
12 makmeca@N
22 /i/ps&&aN/ komakmeca@N
42 mecaN /i/ps&aN/ komakmeca@N
62 tuwaN /i/ps&aN/ komakmeca@N
It should be noted that only the first three Zoque numbers are commonly
heard; for larger figures, Spanish is invariably used. It is something of an
accomplishment these days to be able to count to ten in Zoque, and it was a major
feat for Sr. Sánchez to summon up the complete system for us from the depths of
his memory.
68
4.5. Adjectives
Adjectives specify a quality or dimension of the nouns that they modify.
Physical description is rare in MIG Zoque texts, so they appear but seldom.
There are about 45 adjectives in the dictionary, with the following sorts of
meanings: quantity, dimensions/directions, physical characteristics, personal
characteristics, and colors. Representatives from each set are shown below, along
with all five color words. (The color terms in Zoque conform perfectly with the
hierarchy of color terms defined in Berlin and Kay, 1969.)
(4.20) /ic&ièN m´hm´ komi/

'little' 'a lot' 'large'
yaj´/ hoa/ wayay

'far' 'deep' 'cold'
kica/ p´mi/ cuway

'thin' 'strong' 'foolish'
w´h´ /apu/ home

'good' 'old (man)' 'young'
popo/ y´ky´k capac

'white' 'black' 'red'
cus& pu/cpu/c
'green' 'yellow'
Adjectives can appear either before or after the noun, but in the
postnominal case the adjective is marked with the relativizer +V/k (+p´/k after a
69
consonant). This vowel-initial syllable elides, leaving an irregular final stress.
The final /k/ of the relativizer is rarely audible in utterance-final position.
(4.21)
(i) peka yote/ (ii) yote pekaè/
peka yote/ yote/ peka+V/k
worn_out clothes clothes worn_out+REL?
'used clothes' 'used clothes'
(iii) tuwaN pń (iv) pń tuwaNp´/k

'three men' pń tuwaN+p´/k
man three+REL
'three men'
(v) has&e/k s&is& (vi) s&is& has&eè/

has&.E+V/k s&is& s&is& has&.E+V/k
roast.NOM7+REL meat meat roast.NOM7+REL
'roast meat' 'roast meat'
Paragraph about how description is accomplished.
4.6. Deictics
This class includes words that function as pronouns (third person) and as
adverbs (time, space and manner). I consider them a distinct class because all the
words are formed from three roots, forming a system of deixis with three axes:
proximal, neutral and distal.

Proximal y´- (DCT1) means closer to the speaker: 'this' in English; este/a
in Spanish. Neutral de- (DCT2) deictics indicate a vague middle ground rather
than closeness to the listener; they are glossed with the Spanish neutral, ese/a,
'that', but the temporal form is generally glossed ahora, 'now', rather than
70
entonces, 'then'. Distal ga- (DCT3) deictics are distant from both the speaker and
the hearer and may in fact not be visible at all. These are glossed with the
Spanish distal, aquel/aquella, 'that'.
A concrete description may help to clarify the system. Don Germán and I
were sitting at a table in the patio, in adjacent chairs. To refer to his chair, or a
hat sitting right in front of him (which he touched as he spoke), he used DCT1.
To refer to a hat hanging on the back of a chair on the opposite side of the table
(no nearer to me than to him), or a shrub near our table, he used DCT2. To refer
to a shrub near the wall surrounding the patio, or the street outside the garden wall
(not visible to us) he used DCT3.
Gloss Suffix Proximal Neutral Distal

code y´ (DCT1) te (DCT2) ka (DCT3)
NOM1 / this this that
DEM d´ this this that
TMP y right now; soon now then
LOC1 hi/ here here there
LOC1 h´ here
LOC1 ha there
DIR1 hńaN to here
DIR1 h´èN to here
DIR1 heèN to(wards) there
DIR1 haèN to there; on the side
DIR1 hanaN to there; on the other
side; elsewhere
DIR2 hièN to this point and from there; thence up to there
no further
SIM /s&e like this like this/that like that
Table 4.4. The deictic system
71
NOM1 is identified as a suffix to make this system work. It is possibly
also a nominalizing suffix that appears in a few deverbal forms (e.g., s&aN./,
'wind', perhaps derived from the root s&aN-, 'to cut with a machete' or more
generally, 'to make a swinging/swishing/whooshing motion'). DEM is a suffix
that yields a pronominal form from the deictic root. There is no apparent system
or rule for choosing to use this suffix. The variant DEM form -g´ occasionally
appears with DCT3: gag´, 'that', and even sometimes alone.
(4.22)
(i) y´/ pń pwes n´kt´pa hohi
y´./ pń pwes 0 n´k=t´/-pa hohi
DCT1.NOM1 man well 3A go=want-INC tomorrow
'"This man wants to go tomorrow."' (ZOH1R10 046)
(ii) /´m n´kpa y´d´ /awinhńaN benigno

/´m+ n´k-pa y´.d´ /awin/ +hńaN benigno
2A+ go-INC DCT1.DEM sibling +ACC benigno
'"You'll go with this fellow, Benigno."' (ZOH1R10 029)
(iii) /i de ti me/c&ukpa
/i de./ ti /ý+ me/c-s&uk-pa
and DCT2.NOM1 what 3E+ look_for-3PL-INC
'"And those guys, what are they looking for?"' (ZOH1R10 097)
(iv) hum p´pa /´m n´kk´ ded´ hamatin /´m p´kcoNpa@/

hu /´m+ p´/-pa /´m+ n´k-w´ de.d´ hamatin /´m+ p´k=coN-pa
where 2E+ put-INC 2E+ go-dINC DCT2.DEM money 2E+ get=join-INC
'Where are you putting that money you're receiving?'
(ZOH1R28 105)
(v) gad´k /ý mus&s&ukpa

ga./ +d´kka /ý+ mus&-s&uk-pa
DCT3.NOM1 +NPL 3E+ know-3PL-INC
'They know.' (ZOH1R10 264)
72
(vi) p´/ttamm´ gad´ n´ho/ pwenteho/ pwes
(d´) p´/t-tam-w´ ga.d´ n´/ +ho/ pwente +ho/ pwes
(1A) pass-1/2PL-COM DCT3.DEM water +LOC2 bridge +LOC2 well
'Well, we passed on that river on the bridge.' (ZOH1R10 269)
There is a limited sort of vowel harmony operating in the LOC1 and DIR1
sets of alternate forms, such that the vowel of the suffix is matched to the vowel
of the deictic root. This can be seen in the set of forms using the DIR1
postposition: y´h´@N, dehe@N, and gaha@N. There is also some redundancy among
the forms, with variant ways of saying the basic things: y´h´, y´hi/ 'here';
gaha, gahi/ 'there'; y´/, y´d´ 'this', etc.
The initial consonants of the neutral de- and distal ga- are undoubtedly
underlyingly voiceless, given the phoneme inventory of this language (section
3.1), although they rarely appear unvoiced in the corpus. There are a few such
cases, however, usually at the beginning of an utterance. The distal temporal

form usually appears as kay instead of as gay. A distal directional also appears
in a common idiom with a voiceless initial consonant, as shown in example (4.23
iii).
(4.23)
(i) y´hi n´mmń camm´ familyahńaN
y´.hi/ n´mm´ /ń+ cam-w´ familya +hńaN
DCT1.LOC1 PROG 1E+ chat-COM family +ACC
'I'm here chatting with the family.' (ZOH1R10 018)
(ii) y´hŃ hehpa tum tal lewteryo ga/

y´.h´Ń 0 heh-pa tum tal lewteryo ga./
DCT1.DIR1 3A live-INC one such leuterio DCT3.NOM1
'That fellow Eleuterio lives over here.' (ZOH1R10 273)
73
74
(iii) /ń me/cpanam ney d´s& y´h´èN kahaèN
/ń+ me/c-pa+nam/ ney d´s& y´.h´Ń ka.haaN
1E+ look_for-INC+STILL self 1Prn DCT1.DIR1 DCT3.DIR1
'I'm still looking myself, here and there' (ZOH1R23 465)
(iv) dehi ney pa/ttamapa

de.hi/ ney pa/t-tam-A-pa
DCT2.LOC1 RECIP find-1/2PL-RECIP-INC
'We'll meet each other there.' (ZOH1R10 159)
(v) /ń t´k tehi/apa dehe@N

/ń+ t´k tehi./a-pa de.heeN
1E+ house there_is.VERS1-INC DCT2.DIR1
'My house is over there.' (ZOH1R58 087)
(vi) de/s&e p´/tt´ /ý n´ki bi s&epe

de./s&e p´/t-w´ /ý+ n´k.E bi s&epe
DCT2.SIM pass-COM 3E+ go.dCOM DEF month
'That's how the months passed.' (ZOH1R28 033)
(vii) n´mm´ yey gaha mis& /is&tukpa

0 n´m-w´ y´.y ga.ha mis& /is&=tuk-pa
3A say-COM DCT1.TMP DCT3.LOC1 1>2 see=finish-INC
'He says, "I'll wait for you there."' (ZOH1R10 154)
(viii) d´ minn´ kumkuy gaha@N

d´+ min-w´ kumkuy/ ga.haaN
1A+ come-COM town DCT3.DIR1
'I'm coming from the other side of town.' (ZOH1R58 122)
(ix) /entonses cakk´mdamm´ ga/s&e ke d´ n´ktampa

/entonses cak./´m-tam-w´ ga./s&e ke d´+ n´k-tam-pa
then leave.PASS-1/2PL-COM DCT3.SIM that 1A+ go-1/2PL-INC
'Then we were left like that, that (yes) we were going.' (ZOH1R10 128)
75
4.7. Postpositions
Postpositions are clitics that attach to a preceding noun. This constraint
on their position formally distinguishes the postpositions from the spatial adverbs,
which can appear independently from the noun phrase to which they are relevant.
The two sets or lexemes perform the same function, of locating objects in space or
directing the motion of an object through space.
The postpositions appear at the end of a noun phrase, which may consist
of a phrase or compound (4.24 i), a noun with the plural clitic (ii), or a possessive
noun phrase (iii).
(4.24)
(i) komo ke ney /iw´hńaN d´ tuks&it´pa
komo ke ney /iw´+hńaN d´+ tuks&i=t´/-pa
like what some who +ACC 1A+ fight=want-INC
'As if I wanted to fight with someone.' (ZOH1R18 202)
(ii) tihtammń yos&tame y´d´ yaNked´khńaN

tih-tam-w´ /ń+ yos&-tam-E y´d´ yaNke +d´kka+hńaN
go&return-1/2PL-COM 1E+ work-1/2PL-dCOM this yankee +NPL +ACC
'We went to work with these gringos.' (ZOH1R18 009)
(iii) y´d´ /anmal makimaki witpa y´d´ t´k /ý kohapho/

y´d´ /anmal makimaki 0 wit-pa y´d´ t´k /ý+ kohap+ho/
this animal spider 3A walk-INC this house 3E+ hat +LOC2
'This animal the spider is walking on the ceiling of this house.' (ZOH1R58
12)
All of the spatial terms (except the deictics) are listed together in a table in
Appendix C, with both English and Spanish glosses. Postpositions are marked in
the table with preceding +. Since the entries are listed alphabetically, it is easy to
76
see that most of the spatial terms in MIG Zoque are based on five morphemes,
shown in the following table.
Zoque English Gloss Code Spanish Gloss Code

/aN MOUTH BOCA
h´s& BACK ATRAS
k´ AWAY AFUERA
cap on encima
win FACE CARA
Table 4.5: Root morphemes of spatial adverbs and postpositions
/aN-, h´s&-, and win- also appear as verbal prefixes, whence their gloss
codes3. These three forms appeared as independent words at an earlier stage of

the language (Kaufman, p.c.; see section 7.1.1 for more discussion). Because of
this historical independence and because of the clear relatedness amongst the
forms, I'm inclined to class all of the lexemes based on these morphemes as
adverbs, rather than postpositions, whether I have direct evidence of their current
independent status or not. However, there is a small subset of the /aN- forms
(/aNhi/, /aNh´/, /aNhńaN, and /aNh´@N) that consistently behave like
postpositions, in that they only appear immediately after the noun phrase to which
they pertain, and they often seem to affect the stress of the preceding noun, which
an independent lexeme would not do. For example, in the phrase hus&tis&/aNhi/,
3This k´- is not the same as the verbal prefix k´-, AWAY. Historically, this one is k´/, roughly
meaning 'lower part' (Wichman, 1995).
77
'at the mayor's office', as it appears in ZOH1R11 003, the primary stress falls on
/aN-, and only a very weak secondary stress falls on the syllable hus&, which
would receive full primary stress if there were no postposition.
The following examples illustrate the problem of assigning lexemes to the

right class. +ho/ (i) is uncontroversially a postposition, while the appearance of
kowiti@N (ii) after the verb places it decisively in the adverb class. Examples (iii)
and (iv) show a fuzzier case, that of k´h´@N, 'below'. In example (iii) it follows
immediately after the noun phrase, like a normal postposition. There are many
examples of k´h´@N in this position in the corpus. In example (iv), however, it
appears independently, as part of the predicate 'to be below'.
(4.25)
(i) ye/cc´ /ana herma@N /ý t´kho/
ye/c-w´ /ana herma@N /ý+ t´k+ho/
arrive-COM ana germán 3E+ house+LOC2
'Ana arrived at Germán's house.' (ZOH1R55 001)
(ii) y´d´ t´k /ý /aNpahs&ukk´ kowiti@N

y´d´ t´k /ý+ /aN.pah-s&uk-w´ kowitiiN
this house 3E+ MOUTH.nail-3PL-COM around
'They fenced all around this house.' (ZOH1R58 021)
(iii) d´ tuNNapa y´d´ nip´/t k´h´@N

d´+ tuN./a-pa y´d´ ni.p´/t k´h´Ń
1A+ road.VERS1-INC this INSTR3.pass below
'I'm going to walk under this bridge.' (ZOH1R58 105)
(iv) /ń t´k tehi/aw´ k´h´@N

/ń+ t´k 0 tehi./a-w´ k´h´Ń
1E+ house 3A there_is.VERS1-COM below
'My house is down below.' (ZOH1R58 086)
78
There is also a small set of entries in the table (ho/, ho@N, honaN, and
hńaN) that are similar in phonological form, but probably not derived from the
same root morpheme. These are uncontroversially postpositions: they appear
frequently in the corpus, always immediately after a noun phrase, and never
appear independently. +ho/ is the only unstressed monosyllabic form in the set.
When it is postposed to a noun, stress appears on the final syllable of that noun:
ko@c´k => koc´@kho/.
The indeterminacy between these two word classes is certainly not unique
to MIG Zoque - the English word 'down' exhibits the same behavior. Generally,
if a word appears in an independent position even once, I class it with the

adverbs, and if most of the words based on a root morpheme (like cap-) are
adverbs, I put the rest of the similarly-based lexemes in the adverb class, too. The
exception to this algorithm are the four stress-altering /aN- lexemes mentioned
above.
(4.26)
(i) yec&ukk´ t´k/aNh´ hus&tis&/aNhi/
0 yec-s&uk-w´ t´k/aNh´/ hus&tis&+/aNhi/
3A arrive-3PL-COM San Miguel mayor +LOC3
'They arrived in San Miguel at the mayor's office.' (ZOH1R11 003)
(ii) n´kpa ga/s&e maryo lopes /aNh´/ /ń cakk´mm´

n´k-pa ga./s&e maryo lopes+/aNh´/ /ń+ cak./´m-w´
go-INC DCT3.SIM mario lopez +DIR5 1E+ leave.PASS-COM
'I'll go stay over at Mario Lopez'.' (ZOH1R55 007)
(iii) /ń t´k tehi/aw´ mas&ant´k/aNh´@N

/ń+ t´k tehi./a-w´ mas&an=t´k+/aNh´Ń
1E+ house there_is.VERS1-COM holy=house +DIR7
'My house is next to the church.' (ZOH1R58 078)
79
80
(iv) tenn´ bi mis&tu nas&ho/
0 ten-w´ bi mis&tu/ nas&+ho/
3A stand-COM DEF cat earth+LOC2
'The cat is standing on the ground.' (ZOH1R58 059)
(v) d´ n´kpan t´kho/

d´ n´k-pa /ń+ t´k +ho/
1A go-INC 1E+ house +LOC2
'I'm going home.' (ZOH1R58 092)
(vi) d´ t´kk´ba camkuyho/

d´ t´k./ý-pa camkuy/+ho/
1A house.VERS2-INC mountain +LOC2
'I'm going into the mountains.'
(ZOH1R58 096)
(vii) d´ n´kpa camkuyhonaN

d´ n´k-pa camkuy/+honaN
1A go-INC mountain +DIR3
'I'm going towards the mountains.' (ZOH1R58 095)
(viii) d´ n´kpa parkehonaN

d´ n´k-pa parke+honaN
1A go-INC park +DIR3
'I'm going to the park.' (ZOH1R58 003)
(ix) d´ minn´ t´kho@N

d´ min-w´ t´k +hooN
1A come-COM house+DIR4
'I'm coming from home.' (ZOH1R58 117)
(x) d´ pic´mpam t´khoNho@N

d´ pic´m-pa +/am t´k=hoN +hooN
1A leave-INC +NOW house=inside+DIR4
'I'm going out from inside the house.' (ZOH1R58 098)
81
(xi) /ý p´w´ mes&g´s&i hemhi bi /ay/d´kka
/ý+ p´/-w´ mes&a +g´s&i hemhi bi /ay/ +d´kka
3E+ put-COM table +LOC4 all DEF leaf +NPL
'He put all the leaves on the table.' (ZOH1R10 614)
There are three non-spatial postpositions, shown in table 4.5. If MIG

Zoque had a complete case system, these would simply be a part of that. +hńaN,
ACC, is usually translated by con, 'with', and shows the same ambiguity as the
English and Spanish equivalents: it can indicate either an instrument or a
companion.
Form English Spanish Gloss code

go/ beneficiary beneficiario BNF
hńaN accompaniment acompañamiento ACC
pi/t instrument instrumento INSTR
Table 4.6. Non-spatial postpositions.
+go@/ (BNF) and +pi/t (INSTR) are historically the same morphemes as
the subordinators go@/ (PURP) and bi/t (IF) (Kaufman, p.c.). I have split them
into two separate classes because their syntactic behavior is different in MIG
Zoque. Postpositions mark the function of a non-argument noun phrase;
subordinators mark the relation of a subordinate clause to a superordinate clause.
The benefactive postposition is only used in the '(good) for a headache' sense
shown in example (4.27 i), never in the 'on behalf of a person' sense. The Spanish
loan word para is always used to convey the latter meaning, as shown in example
(v). Actually, both +pi/t and +go@/, in the postposition forms, are rarely used in
82
the corpus. +go@/ appears only in the text about traditional healing practices
(t18a1, an interview with Sr. Omobono Sánchez Miguel) and there are many other
ways to express the instrument relation, including the use of +hńaN.
(4.27)
(i) de/ pa kopak toe/ /ýtigo@/
de./ para kopak toy.E/ /ýti/+goo/
DCT2.NOM1 for head hurt.NOM3 3PosN + BNF
'That is for headache.' (ZOH1R36 086)
(ii) y´d´ mansana /ý kohtens&ukk´ tŃkuyhńaN

y´d´ mansana /ý+ koh.ten-s&uk-w´ tŃ.kuy/ +hńaN
this apple 3E+ punch.PRSV-3PL-COM cut_w_machete.INSTR1 +ACC
'They speared this apple with an iron (an arrow).' (ZOH1R58 033)
(iii) tihtammń yos&tame y´d´ yaNked´khńaN

tih-tam-w´ /ń+ yos&-tam-E y´d´ yaNke +d´kka+hńaN
go&return-1/2PL-COM 1E+ work-1/2PL-dCOM this yankee +NPL +ACC
(iv) /i ney mismo /aypi/t n´mmobam /omm´

/i ney mismo /ay/+pi/t n´mmo-pa /´m+ /om-w´
and same same leaf +INSTR be_able_to-INC 2E+ cense-dINC
'And you can cense with the same leaf.' (ZOH1R36 115)
(v) ke /iw´ /ý manak ci/oba para y´d´ pń

ke /iw´ /ý+ manak 0 ci/./oy-pa para y´d´ pń
that who 3E+ child 3A give.ANTIP-INC for this man
'Who will give his daughter to this man?' (ZOH1R18 221)
83
4.8. Adverbs
Adverbs are words that indicate time, direction, or location. (There also
are a very few words that express manner, such as ponhi, 'softly; slowly'.) Their
semantic function is thus similar to that of the postpositions, but syntactically
their behavior is different. These elements are words, not clitics, and are thus not
constrained to follow immediately after a noun.
4.8.1. Direction and location adverbs
MIG Zoque has sets of adverbs relating a figure to a ground in a common
pattern: above, below, in front of and behind. There are also a few adverbs
referring to position on a slope, and three adverbs that are only used to refer to
locations in the town of San Miguel.
(4.28)
(i) y´d´ nu tehi/aw´ /aNk´ho de /ý t´k
y´d´ nu/ 0 tehi./a-w´ /aNk´ho/ de /ý+ t´k
this dog 3A there_is.VERS-COM outside of 3E+ house
'This dog is outside of his house.' (ZOH1R58 057)
(ii) bi kuy/okos& tenn´ /aNkecho/

bi kuy=/okos& 0 ten-w´ /aNkec+ho/
DEF tree=shrub 3A stand-COM on_the_side
'The tree is standing on the side (of the hill). (ZOH1R58 152)
(iii) d´ n´kpa mas&ant´k /aNtome/

d´ n´k-pa mas&an=t´k /aNtome/
1A go-INC holy=house near
'I'm going over near the church.' (ZOH1R58 106)
84
(iv) y´d´ t´m tehi/aw´ y´d´ s&uyu hoNho/
y´d´ t´m 0 tehi./a-w´ y´d´ s&uyu/ hoNho/
this fruit 3A there_is.VERS1-COM this pot inside
'This fruit is inside this bowl.' (ZOH1R58 051)
(v) ya komo dey h´s&ho@N mi nukpa

ya komo dey h´s&hooN mi+ nuk-pa
NEG like now from_behind 3>2+ grab-INC
'Not like now, they grab you from behind.' (ZOH1R24 041)
(vi) g´ winnaw´@/ /i n´kpa h´s&ho/

g´ 0 win./a-w´+V/k /i 0 n´k-pa h´s&ho/
DCT3 3A FACE.VERS1.COM+REL and 3A go-INC behind
'He who got ahead and he who got behind.' (ZOH1R24 113)
(vii) d´ n´kpa gaha /ic&i@N k´hńaN

d´+ n´k-pa gaha/ /ic&iiN k´hńaN
1A+ go-INC there little down_there
'I'm going a little way down there.' (ZOH1R58 100)
(viii) y´ cńkuy k´h´/ tehi/aw´ tum pelota

y´/ cń.kuy/ k´h´/ tehi./a-w´ tum pelota
this sit.INSTR1 below there_is.VERS1-COM one ball
'There's a ball under this chair.' (ZOH1R58 022)
(ix) d´s& d´ /aNpahpa /as&ta koc´k k´t´kh´

d´s& d´+ /aN.pah-pa /as&ta koc´k k´t´kh´
1Prn 1A+ MOUTH.nail-INC until hill from_under
'I'm going to fence to just under the hills.' (ZOH1R58 005)
(x) mis&tu yukpoyy´ pic´mi kuy/okos& k´t´kh´@N

mis&tu 0 yuk.poy-w´ pic´m.E kuy=/okos& k´t´kh´Ń
cat 3A UP.flee-COM leave.NOM3 tree=shrub from_under
'The cat ran out from under the bush.' (ZOH1R58 074)
85
(xi) tehi/aw´ tum toto caphi pńna@m
0 tehi./a-w´ tum toto/ caphi 0 pń-w´+/am
3A there_are.VERS1-COM one paper on 3A be_placed-COM+NOW
'There is a book. It is set on top (of the shelf).' (ZOH1R58 013)
(xii) mis&tu k´maNNýy´ tum kuy/okos&g´s&i

mis&tu 0 k´.maN./ý-w´ tum kuy=/okos&+g´s&i
cat 3A AWAY.*step4.SUF-COM one tree=shrub+on
/i kay caph´ tenn´

/i kay caph´/ 0 ten-w´
and now on_top 3A stand-COM
'The cat went up in the tree and now it's standing up there.' (ZOH1R58 062)
(xiii) t´k /ý /aNtuN winho/ tenn´ bi mis&tu/

t´k /ý+ /aN.tuN winho/ 0 ten-w´ bi mis&tu/
house 3E+ MOUTH.road in_front 3A stand-COM DEF cat
'The cat is standing in front of the door.' (ZOH1R58 065)
(xiv) yakk´ /ý p´/ tum kas&naN winho@N

yakk´ /ý+ p´/-A/ tum kas&.naaN winhooN
VOL 3E+ put-IMPV one step.MEAS from_in_front
'Let him take a step forward.' (ZOH1R24 170)
There are three spatial adverbs that refer only to directions or locations in
San Miguel Chimalapa. The river Espíritu Santo runs from north to south,
downhill from the Chimalapa wilderness. The road to Santa María Chimalapa
begins at the northernmost, uppermost edge of town, and the road to Juchitán
begins at the southernmost, lowest edge of town. Uphill towards Santa María can
4 The * indicates a verb root that never appears independently (without some derivational affixes)
in the modern MIG Zoque lexicon. So, for example, you can't say d´ maNpa, 'I will step'. Many
of these roots, like maN-, appear so frequently in derived stems that it is possible to deduce their
meaning and provide a gloss, but the * is used to remind us that this gloss is my guess, and not a
native speaker translation.
86
be indicated with k´s&ńaN, and downhill can be indicated by /okhonaN. These
terms only apply within the town - if you want to say 'up into the mountains', you
have to use another term. The third term, gaha/k wintu/k, 'across the river',
refers only to the neighborhood on the other side of the Espíritu Santo river from
the main part of town (where the church is).
(4.29)
(i) /ń t´k tehi/aw´ k´s&ńaN
/ń+ t´k 0 tehi./a-w´ k´s&ńaN
1E+ house 3A there_is.VERS1-COM up_there
'My house is up there.'
(ZOH1R58 084)
(ii) d´ n´kpa /as&ta gaha /okhonaN

d´+ n´k-pa /as&ta gaha /okhonaN
1A+ go-INC until there down_there
'I'm going over to the downhill side of town.' (ZOH1R58 110)
(iii) /ń t´k tehi/aw´ pahak gaha/k wintu/k

/ń+ t´k 0 tehi./a-w´ pahak gaha/k wintu/k
1E+ house 3A there_is.VERS1-COM river across
'My house is across the river.' (ZOH1R58 039)
It should be noted that this language provides many means of adding
directional and positional information directly to the verb, in the form of
directional prefixes, positional suffixes, and compounds including a motion verb.
So, for example, although there is no adverb that means 'through', this sense can
be conveyed in different ways depending on what is passing or has passed
through what. In the following examples, (i) is a description of a drawing of a
piece of paper on a spindle; the spike passed through the paper. Example (ii)
shows the common formulation for expressing the directional 'through', as in

87
walking through water or through the town. In example (iii), kuk 'center' appears
again, expressing the notion of cutting directly across the street.
(4.30)
(i) y´d´ toto kohtenn´
y´d´ toto/ 0 koh.ten-w´
this paper 3A punch.PRSV-COM
'This paper is punched through.' (ZOH1R58 029)
(ii) d´ tuNNapan n´kk´ ný kuk

d´+ tuN./a-pa /ń+ n´k-w´ n´/ /ý+ kuk
1A+ road.VERS1-INC 1E+ go-dINC water 3E+ center
'I'm going to walk through the water.' (ZOH1R58 042)
(iii) /ń kukkaptukpa tuN

/ń+ kuk=kap=tuk-pa tuN
1E+ center=carry=cut-INC road
'I'm going across the street.' (ZOH1R58 044)
4.8.2. Time adverbs
All of the MIG Zoque time words are listed in Appendix B. The
language divides the day into five parts: morning, noon, afternoon, evening, and
night. There are words for day, month and year. Words for hour and minute are,
not surprisingly, borrowed from Spanish. There are also words for next year and
last year, and for four days into the future.
There are three time adverbs formed from the deictic roots. The proximal
one indicates a time in the immediate future: 'right now', 'soon', 'in a minute'. The
neutral and distal time adverbs are both regularly translated with ahora, 'now', but
their specific reference depends on subtle characteristics of the events in the
88
narrative. They are much used as discourse markers, and will be discussed in
greater detail in chapter 14.
The narrative texts in the corpus are generally structured sequentially with
respect to time, so I don't see phrases along the lines of "before X, they Y'ed". If
this sort of expression is required, the Spanish loan word antes, 'before', is used,
as shown in example (4.31 vii), below. Example (vi) shows the most commonly
used expression for advancing to the next day in a story. This expression appears
in virtually every text whose story spans more than one day.
(4.31)
(i) yey d´ witupa
y´.y d´+ witu/-pa
DCT1.TMP 1A+ return-INC
'I'll be right back.' (ZOH1R10 066)
(ii) d´s& dey d´ me/c&ukk´

d´s& de.y d´+ me/c-s&uk-w´
1Prn DCT2.TMP 1A+ look_for-3PL-COM
'Now they looked for me.' (ZOH1R10 072)
(iii) gay hemhi d´s&ha@/ d´ h´s&p´kt´dampa@m

ga.y hemhi d´s&ha@/ d´+ h´s&.p´k=t´/-tam-pa +/am
DCT3.TMP all we 1A+ BACK.get=want-1/2PL-INC +NOW
'Now he wants to kick out all of us.' (ZOH1R28 054)
(iv) yecpa y´h´ winhoha@/

0 yec-pa y´h´ winho/+haa/
3A arrive-INC here in_front +NPL2
'You arrive here in earlier years.' (ZOH1R24 075)
89
(v) wanakpa mecaN winho/
0 wanak-pa mecaN winho/
3A go_down-INC two in_front
'Two went down first.' (ZOH1R24 450)
(vi) hoypi/t s&Ńkehan´mm´

hoypi/t 0 sŃ=keh-An´m-w´
next_day 3A fiesta=appear-INDEF-COM
'The next day dawned.' (ZOH1R10 143)
(vii) /entonse bi matumu de tuwaN hama /antes

/entonse bi matumu de tuwaN hama /antes
then DEF mayordomo of three day before
/ý nukcýs&ukpa
/ý+ nuk=cý-s&uk-pa
3E+ grab=get_stuck-3PL-INC
'Then the mayordomos, three days before, they have sex.' (ZOH1R22 006)
4.9. Intensifiers
There are three intensifiers in MIG Zoque: wenu (we:n), bayun (ban)
and hakke (hak). These are frequently shortened to the forms given in
parentheses. They all mean the same thing - 'very; a lot'. All three intensifiers
can modify either verbs or adjectives. The corpus shows a preference for
hakke with verbs and ban with adjectives; wenu is considerably rarer. The
examples in (4.32) were taken from the lexicon or elicited.
(4.32)
(i) ban toppa (iii) bayun toya/
bayun 0 top-pa bayun 0 toy.A/
very 3A be_hot-INC very 3A hurt.NOM2
'It's very hot.' 'very sick'
90
(ii) hakke /aNhe/kk´ (iv) hak hununkuy/
hakke 0 /aN.he/k-w´ hakke 0 hunun.kuy/
very 3A be_afraid-COM very tickle.INSTR1
'He was very scared.' 'very ticklish'
(v) wen hayy´ (vi) wenum witt´

wenu 0 hay-w´ wenu /´m+ wit-w´
very 3A be_late-COM very 2A+ walk-COM
'She was very late.' 'You walked a lot.'
(vii) hakke d´ kuytŃpa

hakke d´+ kuy=tŃ-pa
very 1A+ tree=cut_w_machete-INC
'I'm going to cut a lot of trees.'
(viii) wenu d´ kuytŃN´

wenu d´+ kuy=tŃ-w´
very 1A+ tree=cut_w_machete-COM
'I cut a lot of trees.'
4.10. Subordinators
Subordinators mark subordinate clauses, which are discussed in detail in
chapter 11. A list of these forms is shown in table 4.7. The relativizers
+V/k (REL) and +hi (LOC_REL) are included in this class even though they are
clitics, not words, because (a) they share the function of subordinating clauses,
and (b) they alternate with Spanish subordinators (que, 'that', and donde, 'where',
respectively) like the other members of this class.
91
Zoque English Spanish Gloss code
+V/k relativizer relativizador REL
+hi/ locative relative relativizador locativo LOC_REL
/ora temporal relative relativizador TEM_REL
temporal
bi/t if si IF
go/ for; in order to para PURP
/oNke even though aunque
porke because porque
kom kwando as if como cuando
Table 4.7. Subordinators
Spanish subordinators have been freely borrowed into MIG Zoque, as is
the case in many MesoAmerican languages (Thompson and Longacre, 1985).
Three of the most common ones are included in the table. Zoque subordinators
appear at the right edge of the verbal complex5; Spanish ones, in accordance with
the rules of Spanish grammar, appear at the left edge of the subordinate clause.
The Zoque forms go@/ and bi/t appear much less frequently than their Spanish
equivalents, para and si; when they do occur, they are often paralleled by the
Spanish term at the beginning of the clause (examples iii and iv).
(4.33)
(i) minpa bi/t lusyo yos&ta@N gahńaN
0 min-pa bi/t lusyo yos&-taaN ga.hńaN
3A come-INC IF lusyo work-HORT DCT3.ACC
'If Lucio comes, let's work with him.' (elicited)
5 go/ and bi/t show a tiny degree of flexibility with respect to position, as shown in examples
(4.31 i and ii). See chapter 11 for further discussion of this variability.
92
(ii) minpa lusyo bi/t yos&ta@N gahńaN
0 min-pa lusyo bi/t yos&-taaN ga.hńaN
3A come-INC lusyo IF work-HORT DCT3.ACC
'If Lucio comes, let's work with him.' (elicited)
(iii) /ń hayhayyaèm

/ń+ hay.hay-w´+/am
1E+ write.APPL-COM+NOW
pan n´ktampa go@/ /ń yos&tamm´

para /ń+ n´k-tam-pa goo/ /ń+ yos&-tam-w´
so_that 1E+ go-1/2PL-INC PURP 1E+ work-1/2PL-COM
'I've already written to him so that we can go work.' (ZOH1R10 174)
(iv) si n´kpan /is&tampa bi/t

si n´k-pa /ń+ /is&-tam-pa bi/t
if go-INC 1E+ see-1/2PL-INC IF
'If we go see him' (ZOH1R10 357)
/ora, (hora, 'hour') has been partially grammaticalized as a temporal
relative, parallel to the locative relative +hi. It thus sometimes appears in the
Zoque subordinator position, immediately after the verb complex, as shown in

example (4.34 i). It is also used in the expression la /ora ke (la hora que, 'the
hour that') in the Spanish subordinator position at the beginning of the clause, as
shown in example (ii). The common term for introducing a when clause is
kwando (cuando, 'when'), is shown in example (iii).
93
(4.34)
(i) nas&ey yaknikpoyyoba /ora /ý ciw´ /as&ta gaha@N
nas&e /ý+ yak.nik.poy./oy-pa /ora /ý+ ci/-w´ /as&ta gaha@N
truth 3E+ CAUS.SURF.flee.ANTIP-INC when 3E+ give-COM until there
'In fact, when he jumped on top of him, he knocked him over there.'
(ZOH1R18 334)
(ii) la /ora ke tayna n´kk´

la /ora ke tay.na n´k-w´
the hour that be_face_up.STAT-COM
/ý nipenwakk´ /ý mac&ete

/ý+ ni.pen=wak-w´ /ý+ mac&ete
3E+ PSE.grasp-*empty-COM 3E+ machete
'When he went over on his back, he pulled out his machete.' (ZOH1R18 077)
(iii) kwando /ý nihaminnýy´ ke ga bi papń

kwando /ý+ ni.hamin./ý-w´ ke ga/ bi papń
when 3E+ PSE.X.SUF-COM that DCT3 DEF devil
'When he remembered that that was the devil.' (ZOH1R18 085)
4.11. Modals
Modals affect the mood or aspectual interpretation of the clause in which

they appear. The complete set is shown in table 4.8. geta and mo/ are used only
in questions, and they are discussed further in chapter 12. They appear after the
question word, but not necessarily immediately after, as shown in example (4.35
i). The other modals are discussed in chapter 13. b´s&e and pin´k exhibit
considerable freedom with respect to position, often appearing at the beginning of
the clause, as shown in example (ii).
94
Form English Spanish Gloss code
b´/ "isn't it?" "¿no?" DUBIT
b´s&e as if; seems like parece SEEM
geta "the hell!" "¡onde!" DIS
mo/ I wonder será IRR
pin´k I wish; would that it were malaya CONFAC
Table 4.8. Modals
(4.35)
(i) huce@N karro mo/ pic´mpa hohi
huceeN karro mo/ 0 pic´m-pa hohi
how_many bus IRR 3A leave-INC tomorrow
'I wonder how many buses will leave tomorrow?' (elicited)
(ii) ke malay pin´k /ń /aNnittampa hemhi ney t´kho/

ke malay pin´k /ń+ /aNnit-tam-pa hemhi ney t´k +ho/
that i_wish CONFAC 1E+ have-1/2PL-INC all IERG house+LOC2
'That hopefully we'd have everything in our house.' (ZOH1R13 090)
4.12. Discourse markers
This class contains the words that are often labelled particles in other
grammars. Since I agree with Zwicky (1985) that the term particle is of no
analytical value, and since I find these little words to appear as structuring
elements in texts, I believe it is more useful to group them together in this super-
syntactic category.
Conversation words, such as h´/, 'yes', and n´/tti, 'no', belong in this
class (4.36 i). Words that indicate summation or reflection on a preceding
95
passage, like piceNho/, 'therefore', and nas&e, 'truth', are also included (ii). The
deictic time words dey, 'now', and kay, 'then' are commonly used to structure
narratives, as are some related expressions like de gahi, 'from there', shown in
(iii). There are also several Spanish imports in the set of discourse markers, such
as bweno (bueno, 'good; ok'), pwes, (pues, 'well), and /entonses (entonces,
'then') (iv).
(4.36)
(i) n´/tti tenyente d´s& tehin tuhkuy/
n´/tti tenyente d´s& tehi /ń+ tuh.kuy/
no lieutenant 1Prn there_is 1E+ shoot.INSTR1
'"No, lieutenant, I have my weapon.' (ZOH1R11 057)
(ii) piceNho d´s&ha@/ m´hm´ kas&tigo /ń p´/ttampa

piceNho/ d´s&ha@/ m´hm´ kas&tigo /ń+ p´/t-tam-pa
thus we a_lot grief 1E+ pass-1/2PL-INC
'That's why we have so much grief.' (ZOH1R13 015)
(iii) de gahi n´mpa benigno y´his&ta@/ wanakta@N

de ga.hi/ 0 n´m-pa benigno y´.hi/ +s&taa/ wanak-taaN
from DCT3.LOC1 3A say-INC benigno DCT1.LOC1 +ONLY go_down-HORT
'Then Benigno says, "Let's get down right here."' (ZOH1R10 272)
(iv) bweno d´ n´ktamm´

bweno d´+ n´k-tam-w´
ok 1A+ go-1/2PL-COM
'OK, we went.' (ZOH1R11 076)
96
Johnson / A Grammar of San Miguel Chimapala Zoque
Chapter 5: Inflectional Morphology
Obligatory inflection consists of a person agreement marker (5.1) and a
mood or aspect suffix (5.2). Optional inflectional morphology consists of
reciprocals (5.3), reflexives (5.4), negation (5.5), and marking of verbs as
dependent in auxiliary constructions (5.6).
5.1. Person agreement markers
Table 5.1 shows the set of person agreement markers. There are three
person categories in common use in the modern language: first, second, and third.
Historically, there were two first person categories: exclusive (X), which referred
to the speaker and hearer, but not everyone present, and inclusive (I), which
included to all persons present. The markers for these categories are included in
the table, but they occur very rarely in the corpus and were never offered in
elicitation sessions.
MIG Zoque, like the other MZ languages, is ergative: subjects of

intransitive verbs (S) and objects of transitive verbs (O) are marked with
Absolutive case, while subjects of transitive verbs (A) and possessors of nouns
are marked with Ergative case (Dixon, 1994). This is superficially a mixed
system. The first and third person markers are prototypically ergative, with
identity of forms for S and O and distinct forms for A. The second person
markers show an accusative pattern: S and A are the same, while there are various
94
ways to mark O, depending on the person of the agent. The merging of second
person forms is a relatively recent innovation in MIG Zoque (Kaufman, p.c.).
Absolutive Absolutive Ergative

(intransitive subject) (transitive object) (transitive subject;
also possessive)
1s d´ d´ 3>1 /ń (n)
2s /´m (m) mis& 2>1 /´m (m)
mis& 1>2
mis&+/ń 1>2
mi 3>2
3s 0 0 /ý (y)
1p d´ d´ /ń (n)
2p /´m (m) mis& X>2 /´m (m)
3p 0 0 /ý (y)
X dń
tń
I ney
RCP ney
Table 5.1. Pronouns and person agreement markers.
In the second column - Absolutive (transitive object) - the first and second
person forms are followed by an indication of which grammatical person is acting
on the object. For example, if a third person agent is acting on a second person
patient, the agreement marker is mi (3>2). If a first or second person agent is
acting on a second or first person patient, respectively, the agreement marker will
95
be mis& (1>2; 2>1). A more detailed discussion of agreement marking is given in
chapter 6. Examples that clarify this compact notation are given in the paradigms
in examples 5.1 and 5.2.
(5.1) Ergative paradigm
/ń tukk´ 'I cut it'

/´m tukk´ 'you cut it'
/ý tukk´ 'he/she cut it'
/ń tuktamm´ 'we cut it'

/´m tuktamm´ 'y'all cut it'
/ý tuks&ukk´ 'they cut it'
mis& tŃN´ 'I cut you' or 'you cut me'

mis& tŃtamm´ 'you cut us' or 'we cut you'
d´ tŃtamm´ 'he/she cut us'

mi tŃN´ 'he/she cut you'
mi tŃtamm´ 'he/she cut y'all'
(5.2) Absolutive paradigm
d´ pic´mpa 'I arrive'

/´m pic´mpa 'you arrive'
pic´mpa 'he/she arrives'
d´ pic´mdamm´ 'we arrive'
/´m pic´mtamm´ 'y'all arrived'
pic´ms&ukk´ gad´kkay 'they arrived'
All of the agreement markers are clitics, in that they belong
morphophonologically to the preceding word. The three glottal stop initial
96
markers, /ń, /´m and /ý provide the clearest evidence for this classification.
They occur in two forms: unreduced, as shown in the paradigms above, and
reduced. The reduced forms are shown in parentheses in the table. The
unreduced forms appear at the beginning of an utterance and in emphatic or
slower sections of a narrative. Since there's no preceding word in these cases,
there is nothing for the clitic to lean against, and thus no preceding form to merge
with phonologically.
The reduced forms are clearly clitics, satisfying most of the tests for clitic-
hood discussed in Zwicky (1985) and in Zwicky and Pullum (1983). They
"exhibit a low degree of selection with respect to their hosts" (Zwicky and
Pullum, 1983:503); indeed, they attach to whatever element is to the left of the
verb complex. All MIG Zoque clitics lean to the left, clearly evidenced by pauses
of some length between the host+clitic and the rest of the verbal complex in some
of the texts. Person agreement clitics appear in the corpus attached to Zoque
negatives, the volitive yakk´, auxiliary verbs, and Spanish function words like
para, que and si.
(5.4)
(i) yay yakkas&ukk´
ya /ý+ yak.ka/-s&uk-w´
NEG 3E+ CAUS.die-3PL-COM
'They didn't kill it.' (ZOH1R12 051)
(ii) /um /ukk´

/u /´m+ /uk-w´
nIMPV 2A+ drink-nIMPV
'Don't drink it.' (ZOH1R12 115)
97
(iii) nyay tann´

ni ya /ý+ tan-w´
ni NEG 3E+ complete-COM
'He didn't kill it either.' (ZOH1R11
049)
(iv) yakký k´s&s&uk´

yakk´ /ý+ k´s&-s&uk-A/
VOL 3E+ eat-3PL-iOPT
'So they could eat.' (ZOH1R12 064 )
(v) sim ye/cmus&pa

si /´m+ ye/c=mus&-pa
if 2E+ arrive=know-INC
'if you manage to get there' (ZOH1R12 162)
(vi) hemhi de lo kem t´pa

hemhi/ de lo ke /´m+ t´/-pa
all of it that 2E+ want-INC
'everything that you want' (ZOH1R12 110)
(vii) p´k´ y´/ pam refresko

p´k-´/ y´/ para /´m+ refresko
grasp-IMPV this for 2E+ soda
'Take this for your soda.' (ZOH1R11 093)
(viii) /ń c´ktammń c&ik hakalhaè/

/ń+ c´k-tam-w´ /ń+ chik hakal+haa/
1E+ do-1/2Pl-COM 1E+ small shelter+EACH
'We each built our own little shelter.' (ZOH1R7 011)
The remainder of the Zwicky and Pullum criteria for distinguishing clitics
from affixes are also met. There are no gaps in the set of clitics: all persons are
represented. There are no morphophonological idiosyncrasies in the set, since the
alternations are dependent on context (whether the host ends in a vowel or a
98
deletable glottal stop) and on register (reduced forms in rapid or casual speech;
full forms in careful speech). There are clearly no semantic idiosyncracies.
5.1.2. Plural marking
The plural suffix for a first or second person argument is -tam (1/2PL).
The plural suffix for a third person argument is -s&uk (3PL). These suffixes may
actually be co-referenced with any core argument (see section 6.2.3 for further
discussion). Number agreement between the verb and an overt nominal argument
is not obligatory in MIG Zoque, where the number of a given argument is often
allowed to be vague or inferred from the discourse context.
(5.5)
(i) huce@N hama d´ haytampa
huceeN hama d´+ hay-tam-pa
how_many day 1A+ tarry-1/2PL-INC
'How many days are we going to stay?' (ZOH1R10 055)
(ii) ye/c&ukk´ helasyo kamilo /i benigno

0 ye/c-s&uk-w´ helasyo kamilo /i benigno
3A arrive-3PL-COM gelasio camilo and benigno
'Gelasio, Camilo, and Benigno arrived.' (ZOH1R10 015)
99
5.2. Aspect and mood
The following table summarizes the relations among negative markers and
the mood and aspect suffixes. The astute reader will notice a plethora of -w´'s. It
is not clear whether these all derived from same morpheme (Kaufman, p.c.); they
are split in this analysis to clarify their various functions.
Detailed discussion of the meanings and uses of MIG Zoque moods and
aspects is given in chapter 13.
Negator Aspect/Mood Suffix Gloss code

--- completive -w´ COM
--- incompletive -pa INC
--- imperative -A/ IMPV
exhortative -taaN HORT
yakk´ volitive -A/ cOPT
-w´ iOPT
ya completive -w´ nCOM
ya incompletive -A nINC
/u imperative -w´ nIMPV
--- dependent incompletive -w´ dINC
--- dependent completive -E dCOM
Table 5.2. Negation and inflection.
100
5.2.1. Completive aspect
The completive suffix is -w´. Wonderly's definition of this term is
"punctiliar or completed action, usually but not always in past time" (Wonderly,
1951: 155). This suffix is nearly always translated with the Spanish preterite
tense in the corpus, which specifically indicates a completed action in the past.
(5.6)
(i) d´ n´ktamm´
d´ n´k-tam-w´
1A go-1/2Pl-COM
'We left.' (ZOH1R10 194)
(ii) y´/ d´s&s&ń /is&s&´@/ gag´ /amint´

y´/ d´s& /ń+ /is&-w´+V/k gag´ /amint´
this 1Prn 1E+ see-COM+REL that year
kwandu tihh´ rebolusyo@n

kwandu 0 tih-w´ rebolusyo@n
when 3A go&return1-COM revolution
'This is what I saw that year when there was a revolution.' (ZOH1R24 001-
2)
5.2.2. Incompletive aspect
The incompletive suffix is -pa. Wonderly defines the incompletive as
"action not yet completed or non-punctiliar action, usually but not always in
present or future time" (Wonderly, 1951:155). The progressive reading is the
most common in the corpus. Auxiliary constructions and certain verb compounds
are more commonly used to express future tense (chapter 8).
1 The root tih- is used to form the past tense of an existential predicate (section 6.6).
101
(5.7)
(i) /ý /ammapa (ii) mis&s&ń t´pa
/ý+ /amma-pa mis& /ń+ t´-pa
1E+ see-INC 2Prn 1E+ love-INC
'She sees it.' 'I love you.'
5.2.3. Imperative mood
The imperative suffix is -a//-´/, underlyingly -´/, glossed as -A/. The
alternation is due to the harmony rule described in section 3.3.2. It is used to
express commands in the conventional fashion. This suffix also appears with the
volitive mood (section 5.2.4).
(5.8)
(i) p´k´ y´/ pam refresko
pck-A/ y´/ para /´m+ refresko
grasp.IMPV this for 2E+ soda
'Take this for your soda.' (ZOH1R11 093)
(ii) mis& ceka tum naka de plomo

mis& ce/k-A/ tum naka de plomo
2Prn ask.IMPV one skin of lead
'Ask for a skinful of lead.' (ZOH1R12 345)
(iii) min´m k´s&s&oy /ombre

min-A/ /´m+ k´s&./oy-w´ /ombre
come-IMPV 2E+ eat.ANTIP-COM man
'Come eat, man!' (ZOH1R12 301)
(iv) mis& ci/ /ń mac&ete

mis& ci/-A/ /ń+ mac&ete
2Prn give.IMPV 1E+ machete
'Give me my machete.' (ZOH1R12
401)
102
In the last example (iv), we see the complete reduction of the imperative
vowel, a not uncommon phenomenon that makes these forms difficult to detect.
The last example provides one of the few glimpses of a final glottal stop in a verb
root; normally, these are deleted by the following context.

-/o is an irregular form of the imperative that appears only with the verb
roots n´k- 'to go' and min- 'to come'. The underlying form is -/oy-a/ (ANTIP-
IMPV), which is reduced to -/o by the syllable contraction process discussed in
section 3.3.8. I have no explanation for the application of the antipassive suffix to
these two intransitive motion verbs.
(5.9)
(i) n´mmń /awin ke h´/ n´kko
n´m-w´ /ń+ /awin/ ke h´/ n´k-/o
say-COM 1E+ brother that yes go-IMPV
'My brother said, "Yes, go."' (ZOH1R10 079)
(ii) n´kkom is&s&´ gaha

n´k-/o /´m+ /is&-w´ gaha
go-IMPV 2E+ see-dINC there
'Go see over there.' (ZOH1R24 183)
(iii) /ý n´mhayy´ pwes yakk´ minno /ý tuhkuy p´ks&ukk´

/ý+ n´m.hay-w´ pwes yakk´ min-/o /ý+ tuhkuy/ p´k-s&uk-w´
3E+ say.APPL-COM well VOL come-IMPV 3E+ weapon get-3PL-dINC
'He told them, well, they should come get their weapons.'
(ZOH1R24 390)
103
5.2.4. Volitive
The volitive morpheme yakk´ precedes the person agreement markers
and is accompanied by the imperative suffix. yakk´ is often shortened in context
to yak, in which case it can be confused with the causative yak-, except that the
causative prefix is rarely in a position to receive even secondary stress, and the
first syllable of yakk´ always receives stress even when the second syllable is
lost.
The volitive is "a designation of the verbal form or mood used in
expressing an intention, wish, etc." (Pei and Gaynor, 1954). This form is used in
MIG Zoque to express polite or indirect requests, and to express a wish or
expectation that something should (possibly soon) happen.
(5.10)
(i) hemhi n´kt´pa@/ n´mpa
hemhi 0 n´k=t´/-pa+V/k 0 n´m-pa
all 3A go=want-INC+REL 3A say-INC
yakk´ /ý p´/ tum kas&na@N winho@N

yakk´ /ý+ p´/-A/ tum kas&.naaN winhooN
VOL 3E+ put-IMPV one step.MEAS in_front
'All those who want to go, he says, let them take a step forward.'
(ZOH1R24 169-70)
(ii) yakký nip´ /ń yuhkuy /ý /acihńaN

yakk´ /ý+ nip-A/ /ń+ yuh.kuy/ /ý+ /aci +hńaN
VOL 3E+ sow-IMPV 1E+ clear.INSTR1 3E+ uncle +ACC
'that he should sow my cornfield with his uncle' (ZOH1R10 092)
(iii) /entonses /is&tuktam´ yakk´ yeca

/entonses /is&=tuk-tam-A/ yakk´ 0 ye/c-A/
then see=finish-1/2PL-IMPV VOL 3A arrive-IMPV
104
'Then let's wait until it comes.' (ZOH1R10

241)
5.2.5. Exhortative
The exhortative mood is a first-person plural imperative: "Let's do it!".

The underlying form of the suffix is -taaN. The two vowels contract (section
3.3.8), so the suffix is typically stressed. There is also an irregular form -i that
appears only with the verb n´k- 'to go', as shown in the last two examples.
(5.11)
(i) n´kta@N k´s&s&oda@N
n´k-taaN k´s&./oy-taaN
go-HORT eat.ANTIP-HORT
'Let's go eat!' (ZOH1R10 178)
(ii) camta@N ney /aNpń

cam-taaN ney /aN=pń
converse-HORT IE MOUTH=man
'Let's speak our language.' (ZOH1R57 005)
(iii) n´ki /is&ta@N bi karro

n´k-i /is&-taaN bi karro
go-IMPV see-HORT DEF bus
'Let's go see the bus.' (ZOH1R10 219)
(iv) n´mm´ benigno w´h´ n´ki

n´m-w´ benigno w´h´ n´k-i
say-COM benigno good go-IMPV
'Benigno said, "OK, let's go."' (ZOH1R10 192)
105
5.3. Reciprocal
The reciprocal is used when two actors are mutually acting on one
another. The pronoun ney appears instead of the usual agreement marker and is
accompanied by the reciprocal suffix. There are a few cases such as that shown
in example (5.12 ii) in which the first person agreement marker is used rather than
ney. Since there are only a few such cases, I can't say whether they are a variant
form or simply errors.
(5.12)
(i) ney me/ks&uk´w´
ney me/ks&-s&uk-A-w´
RCP hug-3Pl-RCP-COM
'They hugged each other.' (lexicon)
(ii) y´h´ y´ kumkuyho san diunisyu d´ /is&tuktamapa

y´h´ y´/ kumkuy+ho/ san diunisyu d´+ /is&=tuk-tam-A-pa
this DCT1 town +LOC2 san dionisio 1A+ see=finish-1/2PL-RCP-INC
'Here in this town we'll wait for each other.' (ZOH1R24 061)
(iii) ney cis&uk´pa

ney ci/-s&uk-A-pa
RCP give-3PL-RCP-INC
'They were hitting each other.' (ZOH1R18 062)
106
5.4. Reflexive
In reflexive constructions, the actor is acting on him or herself. The
ergative agreement marker in the appropriate person marks the verb and is then
repeated after the verbal word as the possessor of win, the all-person reflexive
marker.
(5.13)
(i) /ý komacpay win
/ý+ ko.mac-pa /ý+ win
3E+ OTHR.massage-INC 3E+ REFL
'One cleanses oneself?' (ZOH1R36 083)
(ii) /aNcahi /´m monpa /´m win

/aNcahi /´m+ mon-pa /´m+ win
evening 2E+ wrap-INC 2E+ REFL
'In the evening you wrap yourself up.' (ZOH1R36 075)
(iii) mukk´ /ý golpyac´kký win

muk-w´ /ý+ golpya=c´k-w´ /ý+ win
fall-COM 3E+ hit=DO-COM 3E+ REFL
'He falls and he hurts himself.' (ZOH1R36 217)
107
5.5. Negation
There are two morphemes expressing negation in MIG Zoque, ya and /u.
In addition to these two, the Spanish contrastive negative ni 'neither' is regularly
used in Zoque discourse.
5.5.1. ya
This negative morpheme appears with declarative and interrogative verb
phrases and with noun phrases. The suffix used for negative sentences with
completive aspect is -w´; for incompletive aspect the suffix is -A (-´/-a).
(5.14)
(i) ya n´mmoy minn´ ni kamilo
ya n´m-/oy-a /ý+ min-w´ ni kamilo
NEG be_able-ANTIP-nINC 3E+ come-dINC nor camilo
'Camilo can't come either.' (ZOH1R10 006)
(ii) /i mis&ha@/ yam /okc´kk´dam´ /aNko@/

/i mis&+haa/ ya /´m+ /ok.c´k./ý-tam-A /aNkoo/
and 2Prn+NPL2 NEG 2E+ DOWN.do.SUF-1/2PL-nINC well
'And you, well, don't you have time?' (ZOH1R10 032)
(iii) yay k´s&s&uks&ukk´ bi s&is&

ya /ý+ k´s&=s&uk-s&uk-w´ bi s&is&
NEG 3E+ eat=finish-3PL-nCOM DEF meat
'They didn't finish eating the meat' (ZOH1R12 077)
108
ya also appears with noun phrases, yielding the negation of an existential
predicate:
(5.15)
(i) ga/ bi mas /enkantada@/ ya bi /a:prey
ga/ bi mas /enkantada+V/k ya bi /apu=rey
DCT3 DEF more enchanted+REL NEG DEF old=king
'She is the most enchanted, not the old king.' (ZOH1R12 308)
(ii) d´s& bi d´ yos&pa@/ ya mis&

d´s& bi d´+ yos&-pa+V/k ya mis&
1Prn DEF 1A+ work-INC+REL NEG 2Prn
'I'm the one that will work, not you.' (ZOH1R12 259)
(ii) porke nas&e de/ ya tummaNha@/

porke nas&e de/ ya tummaN+haa/
because truth DCT2 NEG equal +NPL2
'Because the fact is we're not all equal.' (ZOH1R28 117)
5.5.2. /u
/u is used to negate imperative expressions. It appears before the
agreement markers and is accompanied by the negative imperative suffix -w´.
(5.16)
(i) /un kinkadamm´
/u /ń+ kinka/-tam-w´
NEGimpv 1E+ get_mad-1/2PL-nIMPV
'Let's not get mad at each other.' (ZOH1R28 015)
(ii) /u ney poycaktamaw´

/u ney poy=cak-tam-A-w´
NEGimpv RCP flee=leave-1/2PL-RCP-nIMPV
'Let's not leave each other.' (ZOH1R28 016)
109
(iii) g´/ frenu /um hupp´

g´/ frenu /u /´m+ hup-w´
DEM rein NEGimpv 2A+ pull-nIMPV
'Don't pull on those reins.' (ZOH1R12 348)
(iv) /umis& me/ks&´ /umis& s&uk´

/u mis&+ me/ks&-w´ /u mis&+ s&uk-w´
NEGimpv 2>1+ hug-nIMPV NEGimpv 2>1+ kiss-nIMPV
'Don't hug me and don't kiss me.' (ZOH1R12 663-4)
5.5.3. Spanish negatives
The Spanish function word ni 'neither' appears in many places in the

corpus. There is no precisely corresponding Zoque word, since the negative ya
doesn't carry the specifically contrastive sense of ni. The Spanish negative no
appears quite rarely, and perhaps examples such as the one shown below are best
regarded as simple speech errors.
(5.17)
(i) nyay tuhs&ukk´
ni ya /ý+ tuh-s&uk-w´
nor NEG 3E+ throw-3PL-COM
'They didn't hit it either.' (ZOH1R11 039)
(ii) noy s&oms&ukk´ yakku wan

no /ý+ s&om-s&uk-w´ yakku wan
no 3E+ jail-3PL-COM poor Juan
'They didn't jail poor Juan.' (ZOH1R12 489)
110
5.6. Marking of dependent verbs in auxiliary verb constructions
The second verb in an auxiliary + verb construction is referred to as the
dependent verb. In these constructions, the auxiliary appears first, inflected for
aspect but not preceded by the expected person agreement markers. These appear
between the auxiliary and the dependent verb, which is then marked with -w´,
(dINC) for the incompletive, or with -E (dCOM) for the completive. The
dependent incompletive suffix is also used with the imperative, volitive, and
exhortative moods. Dependent verb constructions are discussed further in chapter
8.
(5.18)
(i) piceNho dey minn´ mis& /is&tame
piceNho/ dey min-w´ mis&+ /is&-tam-E
thus now come-COM 2>1+ see-dCOM
'That's why we came to see you now.' (ZOH1R10
031)
(ii) n´kký ciwi

n´k-w´ /ý+ ciN-E
go-COM 3E+ bathe-dCOM
'He went to bathe.' (ZOH1R10 282)
(iii) n´kpay nćnukk´

n´k-pa /ý+ nć=nuk-w´
go-INC 3E+ armadillo=grab-dINC
'He's going to grab an armadillo.' (ZOH1R3 007)
(iv) /i tigo@ ya n´ki /ń m´me/ctamm´

/i ti+goo/ ya n´k-i /ń+ m´/=me/c-tam-w´
and what+BNF NEG go-IMPV 1E+ wife=look_for-1/2PL-dINC
'And why don't we go search for wives.' (ZOH1R12 014)
111
112
Chapter 6: The basic clause
In this chapter, I will discuss the structure of simple declarative clauses.
The clause type that occurs most frequently in MIG Zoque narratives is a single
verbal complex with no noun phrases. Core arguments are cross-referenced on
the verb and thus do not need to be explicitly mentioned in every utterance. This
is illustrated in the example below, in which the hero of the story, Román, is
mentioned in the first sentence, but not referenced by any noun phrase or pronoun
in the second two.
(6.1)
/entonses rroma@n tuNp´kk´. n´kw´. nas&e ye/cc´ gahi.
/entonses rroma@n tuN=p´k-w´ 0 n´k-w´ nas&e 0 ye/c-w´ gahi.
then román road=grab-COM 3A go-COM truth 3A arrive-COM there
'Then Román took to the road. He went. In fact, he arrived there.'
(ZOH1R18 044-6)
Although most of the data samples presented in this chapter will include
noun phrases referencing the core arguments for clarity of exposition, it should be
borne in mind that these could be omitted without loss of grammaticality or
coherence, given an appropriate context.
Section 6.1. describes the set of possible core arguments allowed by
verbs1 in MIG Zoque and shows how core NPs are distinguished from non-core
NPs. Section 6.2 describes the agreement system, including the mapping of
1 In this chapter, I use the term verb to denote both simple verb roots and verb stems, which might
include derivational affixes, compounded verb roots, and/or an incorporated noun. In order to
talk about arguments and agreements, I need to be able to refer to a nearly complete verb
complex, that includes everything except the agreement markers and inflectional affixes.
112
pronominal agreement markers to arguments and possible referents of the plural
suffixes. This section includes a description of inverse alignment in MIG Zoque.
In section 6.3, I present the valency-changing suffixes (causative, applicative,
antipassive, passive, and impersonal) and discuss their effects on the argument
structure of the clause. There is additional discussion of inverse clauses in the
section on the applicative suffix. Section 6.4. describes the basic facts about word
order in MIG Zoque; discussion of variation in word order for narrative purposes
is continued in chapter 14. Section 6.5. describes predicate clauses and section
6.7. describes clauses using the MIG Zoque existential terms, tehi-, 'there are',
and nńti, 'there aren't'.
6.1. The arguments of a verb
The pronominal agreement markers indicate the subjects of transitive and
intransitive verbs and the objects of transitive verbs. Other core arguments may
be referenced by a plural suffix or implied by the causative or applicative affixes.
(The details of these cases are discussed below). Noun phrases that are cross-
referenced by these verbal elements are unmarked in MIG Zoque. There are no
morphological cases or adpositions that distinguish the roles of core NP
arguments, nor are they constrained to appear in specific positions with respect to
the verb. There is a possible total of four core arguments: actor, undergoer,
recipient (or benefactor or location - the third argument), and causer.
Every verb will specify at least one of the macroroles actor and undergoer
(defined in chapter 2). Both will be specified by a transitive verb; either may be
113
the single argument of an intransitive verb. In general, actors in MIG Zoque
clauses may be humans, animals, or other quasi-animate entities like the wind or
the river. Only a few of the semantic roles subsumed under the macrorole 'actor',
as defined by RRG (Van Valin and La Polla, 1997:140-141) are actually allowed
as subjects of MIG Zoque clauses: agent, experiencer, recipient, and force (if
taken to mean natural force, like the river). Instruments and sources are not
allowed as subjects.
(6.2) examples of actors

(i) agent - human
/ń cepan pici
/ń+ ce/-pa /ń+ pic.E
1E+ wash-INC 1E+ put_corn_in_lime.NOM3
'I'll wash my corn.' (ZOH1R53 004)
(ii) experiencer - see

n´kpan /is&s&´ /ń hatoN /ń mama
0 n´k-pa /ń+ /is&-w´ /ń+ hatoN /ń+ mama
3A go-INC 1E+ see-COM 1E+ father 1E+ mother
'I'm going to see my father and my mother.' (ZOH1R18 254)
(iii) experiencer - cognitive

den mus&tampa ke hehpa
dey /ń+ mus&-tam-pa ke 0 heh-pa
now 1E+ know-1/2PL-INC that 3A live-INC
'Now we know that he's alive.' (ZOH1R18 367)
(iv) recipient
/ń p´kcoNN´ tum toto/
/ń+ p´k=coN-w´ tum toto/
1E+ get=join-COM one paper
'I received a letter.' (ZOH1R24 060)
114
(v) force
d´ h´/tn´kpa
d´+ h´/t=n´k-pa
1A+ flood_river=go-INC
'The river is carrying me off.'
(lexicon)
(vi) actor (intransitive verb)

d´ n´kpa molinu
d´+ n´k-pa molinu
1A+ go-INC mill
'I'll go to the corn-grinder.' (ZOH1R53 005)
Undergoers may be patients or themes. There are very few examples of
clauses whose verbs have non-animate subjects in the texts, although the lexicon
contains many intransitive verb roots whose subjects must be inanimate entities,
such as puc-, 'rot'. Recipients are not undergoers in MIG Zoque, rather they map
to the third argument, discussed below. There are no examples of sources as
unmarked arguments.
(6.3) examples of undergoers

(i) patient
/ý poNpa gay nippam bi /api/
/ý+ poN-pa gay /ý+ nip-pa+/am bi /api/
3E+ burn-INC then 3E+ sow-INC+NOW DEF chayote
'He burns it (the field) then, now he sows the chayote.' (ZOH1R53 015)
(ii) theme
/ń p´dampa s&uyuho/ bi s&is&
/ń+ p´/-tam-pa s&uyu/+ho/ bi s&is&
1E+ put-1/2PL-INC pot+LOC2 DEF meat
'We put the meat in the pot.' (ZOH1R29 080)
115
(iii) location
/ń cedampa bi s&uyu/
/ń+ ce/-tam-pa bi s&uyu/
1E+ wash-1/2PL-INC DEF pot
'We'll wash it (the meat) in the pot.' (ZOH1R29 078)
(iv) benefactor
d´s&s&ń manak d´kka /ń /is&tukpa
d´s& /ń+ manak+d´kkay /ń+ /is&=tuk-pa
1Prn 1E+ child+NPL 1E+ see=finish-INC
'I'll wait for my children' (ZOH1R53 026)
(v) patient, subject of intransitive

kapa de s&iki bi sato
0 ka/-pa de s&ik.E bi sato
3A die-INC of laugh.NOM3 DEF satornino
'Sato is dying of laughter.' (ZOH1R25 130)
(vi) patient, subject of intransitive

bi tren hapneyy´
bi tren hap.ney-w´
DEF train be_face_down.ASSUM1-COM
'The train was turned over.' (ZOH1R25 139)
(vii) patient, subject of intransitive

hoypi/t s&Ńkehan´mm´
hoypi/t 0 s&Ń=keh.An´m-w´
next_day 3A fiesta=appear.INDEF-COM
It has been noted that the single argument of an intransitive verb may be
either an actor or an undergoer, and that there is no formal way to distinguish
unaccusative intransitive verb roots from unergative ones in MIG Zoque. So,
there are many verb roots and stems for which it is not possible to determine if the
sole argument is an actor or an undergoer.
116
(6.4)
(i) bi pń tencýy´
bi pń 0 ten=cý-w´
DEF man 3A stand=get_stuck-COM
'The man stood still.' (ZOH1R27 027)
(ii) hýyokmaNN´
0 hý=/okmaN-w´
3A cry=begin-COM
'He began to cry.' (ZOH1R12 179)
Locations are rather a special case in MIG Zoque. They do appear in
clauses unmarked by a locative postposition or adverb, particularly when the NP
is a proper noun. It isn't reasonable to include location in the undergoer
macrorole, however, because there is always a patient or theme at least implied in
clauses that include an unmarked locative NP. The postposition that would be
used for these NPs is +ho/, 'in; to'. It's not clear whether it is simply optional or
if there's some underlying rule about when to mark a location explicitly and when
not to. Place names never appear with the postposition +ho/, although they do
appear with the other postpositions.
(6.5)
(i) /iyaNha@/ d´ mintamm´ y´hi katemako berakrus
/iyaNhaa/ d´+ min-tam-w´ y´hi/ katemako berakrus
who_all 1A+ come-1/2PL-COM here Catemaco Veracruz
'Who all of us came here to Catemaco, Veracruz' (ZOH1R18 002)
(ii) /ý /ukpay /ukheye montanya

/ý+ /uk-pa /ý+ /uk=hey.E montanya
3E+ drink-INC 3E+ drink=stir.NOM3 forest
'He'll drink his pozole in the forest.' (ZOH1R53 010)
117
(iii) ye/c&ukk´ tum noaho/
0 ye/c-s&uk-w´ tum noa/+ho/
3A arrive-3PL-COM one canyon+in
'They arrived in a canyon.' (ZOH1R12 025)
(iv) porke tuNho/ pic´mpa tum papń

porke tuN+ho/ 0 pic´m-pa tum pa=pń
because road+in 3A leave-INC one wild=man
'Because a devil comes out in the road' (ZOH1R18 031)
(v) /ý p´kk´ /ý weka/

/ý+ p´k-w´ /ý+ weka/
3E+ grab-COM 3E+ horn
'He (a bull) grabbed it (a train) on his horn.' (ZOH1R25 126)
(vi) wekaho/ /ý yukpacc´

weka/+ho/ /ý+ yuk.pac-w´
horn+in 3E+ UP.throw-COM
'He lifted it up on his horn.' (ZOH1R25 127)
MIG Zoque clauses can have a third core argument. Verb roots whose
meaning involves some kind of exchange, such as ci/-, 'give', specify a recipient
role. The applicative suffix -hay (APPL) adds a recipient, benefactor, or location
role. The prefix ko- (SOC) also sometimes adds a benefactor. The causative
prefix yak- (CAUS) adds a causee role (since the causer is the actor in the
clause). It is possible for a verb stem with both the causative prefix and the
applicative suffix to have four core arguments. Although no such examples with
transitive verbs occurred in the texts, my consultants assured me that they were
perfectly acceptable and understandable. In example (6.6 iv), the agreement
118
marker mis& (2>1) references the second person as the agent (causer), while the
first person is the recipient, an argument added by the applicative suffix.
(6.6)
(i) de yos&kuy/ mi cipa /ń hatoN
de/ yos&.kuy/ mi+ ci/-pa /ń+ hatoN
that work.INSTR1 3>2+ give-INC 1E+ father
'My father gives you that work.' (ZOH1R12 256)
(ii) /ý p´hayy´ /ý ca/

/ý+ p´/.hay-w´ /ý+ ca/
3E+ put.APPL-COM 3E+ rock
'He put its rock in it (a sling).' (ZOH1R11 062)
(iii) y´/ pń yan yakyos&tam´

y´/ pń ya /ń+ yak.yos&-tam-A
this man NEG 1E+ CAUS.work-1/2PL-nINC
'We're not going to make this man work.' (ZOH1R18 207)
(iv) /i tigo@ dey mis& yakp´/thadampa

/i ti+goo/ dey mis&+ yak.p´/t.hay-tam-pa
and what+BNF now 2>1+ CAUS.pass.APPL-1/2PL-INC
'And why do you pass it (a job) to me now?' (ZOH1R10 035)
(v) bi hus&tis&a /ý yakciw´ bi pń bi yoma@/ bi toto/

bi hus&tis&a /ý+ yak.ci/-w´ bi pń bi yomaa/ bi toto/
DEF authority 3E+ CAUS.give-COM DEF man DEF woman DEF paper
'The mayor told the man to give the letter to the woman.' (elicited)
(vi) bi hus&tis&a bi pń /ý yakc´khayy´ bi yoma@/ tum t´k

bi hus&tis&a bi pń /ý+ yak.c´k.hay-w´ bi yomaa/ tum t´k
DEF authority DEF man 3E+ CAUS.make.APPL-COM DEF woman a house
'The mayor told the man to build a house for the woman.' (elicited)
Non-core arguments include the direction, location, and time adverbs
(example i, below), and the deictics when composed with one of the locative,
119
directional or temporal suffixes. Noun phrases filling this sort of role will be
marked by postpositions (ii), with the exception of location expressions, discussed
above. Other non-core arguments that are marked by postpositions are
instruments (iii) and accompaniments (iv).
(6.7)
(i) time adverbial
y´hama byernes d´ k´s&c´ktampa
y´.hama byernes d´+ k´s&.E=c´k-tam-pa
DCT1.day friday 1A+ eat.NOM3=do-1/2PL-INC
'Today, Friday, we will make food.' (ZOH1R29 065)
(ii) directional NP
d´ pic´mdamm´ hýtih´@N
d´+ pic´m-tam-w´ hýti+h´Ń
1A+ leave-1/2PL-COM juchitán+DIR1
'We left Juchitán.' (ZOH1R10 248)
(iii) instrument
tum caNkuypi/ts&ta@/ /ń nukk´
tum caNkuy/+pi/t+s&taa/ /ń+ nuk-w´
one hand+INSTR+ONLY 1E+ grab-COM
'I grabbed it with just one hand.' (ZOH1R25 187)
(iv) accompaniment
tihhń yos&e yaNked´khńaN
tih-w´ /ń+ yos&-E yaNke+d´k+hńaN
go&return-COM 1E+ work-dCOM gringo+NPL+ACC
'I went to work with the gringos.' (ZOH1R14 003)
Certain Spanish-origin prepositions are also available to Zoque speakers,
which allows them to mark arguments that would normally be core (via the
applicative suffix, usually) as non-core. We also see the doubling of a Spanish
preposition and a Zoque postposition, both meaning essentially the same thing.
120
This is not as common as the doubling of clause subordinators discussed in
chapter 11.
(6.8)
(i) ney tat/apd´kka /ý cakk´ para neywin
ney tata=/apu+d´kka /ý+ cak-w´ para neywin
IPrn grandfather=old+NPL 3E+ leave-COM for IPrn
'Our grandfathers left it for us.' (ZOH1R57 006)
(ii) kahi tehi/aw´ tuwaN platu de k´s&i

kahi/ tehi./a-w´ tuwaN platu de k´s&.E
there there_are.VERS1-COM three plate of eat.NOM3
'There are three plates of food.' (ZOH1R12 120)
(iii) n´ks&ukpa para mń´hńaN

0 n´k-s&uk-pa para mń´+hńaN
3A go-3PL-INC to santa_maría+DIR1
'They are going to Santa María Chimalapa.' (ZOH1R2 006)
The set of examples given below, using the intransitive verb root /otoN-,
'to speak', illustrates the options available to the Zoque speaker for manipulating
the core argument structure of a verb. In (i), there is just the one argument
required by the verb. In (ii), a recipient, or hearer, argument has been added by
the applicative suffix. In (iii), the recipient noun phrase is marked as non-core by
the accompaniment postposition. Finally, in (iv), the mysterious suffix -/ý
serves here as a transitivizer, so that the hearer NP is now the object phrase
referenced by the verb's agreement markers in the usual fashion.
121
(6.9)
(i) /entonse /otoNN´ kamilo
/entonse 0 /otoN-w´ kamilo
then 3A speak-COM camilo
'Then Camilo spoke.' (ZOH1R10 025)
(ii) d´s& d´ /otoNhas&ukpa

d´s& d´+ /otoN.hay-s&uk-pa
1Prn 1A+ speak.APPL-3PL-INC
'They will talk to me.' (ZOH1R10 012)
(iii) d´s& d´ /otoNpa /awind´khńaN

d´s& d´+ /otoN-pa /awin/+d´k+hńaN
1Prn 1A+ speak-INC brother+NPL+ACC
'I talk with my brothers.' (ZOH1R56 027)
(iv) /ń /is&p´kpa@/k hented´kka /ń /otoNNýy´

/ń+ /is&=p´k-pa+V/k hente+d´kka /ń+ /otoN./ý-w´
1E+ see=get-INC+REL people+NPL 1E+ speak.SUF-COM
'The people that I know I spoke to.' (ZOH1R10 299)
6.2. Agreement
Dixon (1979, 1994) defines three primitive argument relations: A, the
subject of transitive verbs; S, the subject of intransitive verbs; and O, the object of
transitive verbs. These terms are useful in describing the MIG Zoque verb
agreement system, in which transitive verbs are marked to agree with both subject
and object, and intransitive verbs are marked to agree with the subject. In the
overview in chapter 2, I characterized this language as ergative. Table 2.1 shows
the pronominal agreement markers that cross-reference the A, S, and O relations.
122
A S O Possessive Pronoun
1 /ń d´ d´ (3>1) /ń d´s&
mis& (2>1)
2 /´m /´m mi (3>2) /´m mis&
mis& (1>2)
3 /ý 0 0 /ý <deictics>
Table 6.1: Agreement markers
The third person system is prototypically ergative: S and O are the
unmarked absolutive case, and A is specially marked as ergative. The first person
system is almost as purely ergative, in that A is distinctively marked as ergative
and the S and O relations are referenced by the same absolutive marker, except in
the case where A references a second person actor who is acting on a first person
undergoer. Here the ambiguous morpheme mis& is employed. The second person
system actually follows the prototypical accusative pattern, marking A and S with
the same morpheme and distinguishing O. Ergative markers also indicate the
person of the possessor of an NP (examples in 10.7). Absolutive markers also
indicate the subject of a predicate noun or adjective (examples in 6.4).
(6.10)
(i) 1>3
n´kpan kumtamm´ bi c&anitu
n´k-pa /ń+ kum-tam-w´ bi c&anitu
go-INC 1E+ bury-3PL-COM DEF Chanito
'"We're going to bury Chanito."' (ZOH1R27 031)
123
(ii) 2>3
/´m s&os&pa bi /ay/
/´m+ s&os&-pa bi /ay/
2E+ cook-INC DEF leaf
'You boil the leaves.' (ZOH1R36 026)
(iii) 3>3
/ý p´s&ukk´ tum kahaho/
/ý+ p´/-s&uk-w´ tum kaha+ho/
3E+ put-3PL-COM one box -in
'They put him in a box (a coffin).' (ZOH1R27 020)
(iv) 3>1
yakk´ n´kko d´ kums&ukk´
yakk´ n´k-/o d´+ kum-s&uk-w´
VOL go-IMPV2 1A+ bury-3PL-dINC
'"Let them go bury me."' (ZOH1R27 056)
(v) 3>2
/ý n´mhayy´ c&anitu hu mi p´kn´ks&ukpa
/ý+ n´m.hay-w´ c&anitu hu/ mi+ p´k=n´k-s&uk-pa
3E+ say.APPL-COM Chanito where 3>2+ get=go-3PL-INC
'He said to Chanito, "Where are they taking you?"' (ZOH1R27 041)
We can see in the transitive constructions shown above that marking of
the object is not transparent on the surface. The absolutive third person marker is
0, and thus not evident when any subject acts on a third person object (1>3, 2>3
and 3>3). We might expect to see both markers whenever the object is first or
second person. This is exactly what we get when the subject is also a first or
second person in MAR Zoque, Chiapas Zoque, and proto-Mixe-Zoque (Kaufman,

1996). But in MIG Zoque we have an innovation, the morpheme mis&, which
applies to both 1>2 and 2>1 situations.
124
6.2.1. The ambiguity of mis&
mis& is potentially ambiguous, and my consultants consistently rephrased
my examples using this morpheme in elicitation sessions. They seemed to prefer
the 2>1 reading where there was no disambiguating pronoun, but generally
preferred to specify the actor argument with either the first or second person
pronoun. The marker appears in texts without disambiguating pronouns and
caused no conflicts in translation; presumably, the rich context of a narrative
resolves the ambiguity completely, while the bare sentences that we worked with
in elicitation sessions tended to highlight it.
(6.11)
(i) mis& huyhadamm´ kahcay
mis&+ huy.hay-tam-w´ kahcay
2>1+ buy.APPL-1/2PL-COM hammock
'Y'all bought us a hammock.' (elicited)
(ii) mis& huyhayy´ tum kahcay pa d´s&haè/

mis&+ huy.hay-w´ tum kahcay para d´s&-haa/
2>1+ buy.APPL-COM one hammock for 1Prn-NPL2
'Y'all bought a hammock for us.' (elicited)
(iii) mis&s&ń huyhadamm´ kahcay

mis&+/ń huy.hay-tam-w´ kahcay
2Prn+1E buy.APPL-1/2PL-COM hammock
'I bought y'all a hammock.' (elicited)
(iv) * mis& huyhadamm´ kahcay

mis& huy.hay-tam-w´ kahcay
1>2 buy.APPL-1/2PL-COM hammock (elicited)
125
(v) dey c&anitu ya n´mmo mis& /anecidamma@m
dey c&anitu ya n´m./oy.E mis&+ /ane=ci/-tam-w´+/am
now Chanito NEG DO -ANTIP-nINC 1>2+ tortilla give-1/2PL-COM-NOW
'"Now, Chanito, we can't give you tortillas anymore."' (ZOH1R27 007)
(vi) si ya mis& /anecit´damma@m

si ya mis&+/ane=ci/=t´/-tam-w´+/am
if NEG 2>1+ tortilla=give-want-1/2PL-nINC-NOW
n´k´ mis& kumtamm´

n´k-A/ mis&+kum-tam-w´
go-IMPV 2>1+ bury-1/2PL-dINC
'"If you don't want to give me tortillas now, go bury me."' (ZOH1R27 008)
In example (i), the agreement marker was accepted with the reading that
the second person was buying the hammock for the first person, but not with the
opposite reading (example iv), which ought to have been possible also. Example
(ii), in which the recipient first person is explicitely mentioned and marked with a
Spanish preposition (there is no Zoque equivalent for this form), was considered
better than example (i). Example (iii) was the only acceptable way of expressing
a first person buyer and a second person recipient in elicitation sessions, although
example (v) shows clearly that this reading is acceptable given the right context2.
In example (iii), then, the recipient is not cross-referenced on the verb, except by
means of the plural suffix.
2This is a story about a man who is so lazy, that when his friends refuse to feed him any longer,
he tells them to just go ahead and bury him.
126
6.2.2. The person hierarchy and inverse alignment
MIG Zoque exhibits a person hierarchy (Silverstein, 1976), in which first
and second persons outrank third person entities. (There are no grammatical
distinctions among possible sorts of third person entities, as in an animacy
hierarchy.) When a higher-ranked agent acts on a lower-ranked patient, or when
both agent and patient have equal rank, we have a direct role-marking situation.
The first three examples in (6.10) illustrate direct role-marking - first or second
person agents acting on third person patients, or a third person agent acting on a
third person subject. Similarly, the examples in (6.11) show first or second
person agents acting on equally-ranked first or second person patients; these are
also all examples of direct role-marking.
However, when a lower-ranked agent acts on a higher-ranked patient (6.10
iv-v), we have an inverse role-marking situation (Klaiman, 1992). In these
situations it is the higher-ranked argument that is encoded on the verb. When a
third person agent acts on a first person patient, the verb is marked with the first
person absolutive marker d´ (examples 6.12 i-iii)3. When a third person agent
acts on a second person patient, the verb is marked with the 3>2 marker mi.
Inverse role-marking does not produce any ambiguous constructions, since if the
agent in these cases were anything other than a third person entity, a different
marker would necessarily be chosen. Inverse role-marking only occurs with
3 Kaufman (1996) suggests that the third person ergative marker /ý+ is absorbed by the
preceding vowel, noting that the order of agreement markers is OSV generally in Mixe-Zoquean
languages. I'm not entirely convinced of this, since there are many cases of /ý+ cliticizing onto a
wide variety of preceding phonological contexts in which the final glide is still clearly audible.
127
transitive (or ditransitive) verbs in the Zoquean languages, never with passives of
bivalent verbs or derived intransitives as in Olutec Mixe (Zavala, 2000).
(6.12)
(i) hemhi neywin d´ salbac´ktamm´
hemhi neywin d´+ salbar=c´k-tam-w´
all IPrn 1A+ save=do-1/2PL-COM
'He saved all of us.' (ZOH1R18 224)
(ii) d´s& gad´ papń /ý sekretu d´ ciw´

d´s& gad´ pa=pń /ý+ sekretu d´+ ci/-w´
1Prn that wild=man 3E+ secret 1A+ give-COM
'That devil gave me his secret.' (ZOH1R18 286)
(iii) d´ /okcamhadamm´
d´+ /ok.cam.hay-tam-w´
1A+ DOWN.tell_story.APPL-1/2PL-COM
'He told us a story.' (ZOH1R18 022)
(iv) gay mi wehs&ukpa@m

gay mi+ weh-s&uk-pa+/am
then 3>2+ call-3PL-INC+NOW
'Then they will call you.' (ZOH1R29 120)
(v) mi cis&ukpa@m bweltu

mi+ ci/-s&uk-pa+/am bweltu
3>2+ give-3PL-INC+NOW money
'Now they'll give you the money.' (ZOH1R29 121)
(vi) de yos&kuy mi cipan hatoN

de/ yos&.kuy/ mi+ ci/-pa /ń+ hatoN
that work.INSTR1 3>2+ give-INC 1E+ father
'My father gave you that work.' (ZOH1R12 256)
128
6.2.4. Cross-referencing via the plural suffixes
The plural suffixes can refer to any core argument. The choice seems to
be related to discourse considerations such as topicality rather than grammatical
restrictions. Following are examples of a plural suffix cross-referencing actor (i,
ii), undergoer (iii, iv), recipient (v, vi), and causee (vii).
(6.13)
(i) bi /aNkimmoba@/ pń yampan /aNce/khadamm´
bi /aN.kim./oy-pa+V/k pń yampa /ń+ /aNce/k.hay-tam-w´
DEF MOUTH.go_up.ANTIP-INC-REL man nPERF 1E+ ask.APPL-1/2PL-COM
'We haven't asked the boss.' (ZOH1R10 625)
(ii) d´ wehhas&ukk´
d´+ weh.hay-s&uk-w´
1A+ shout.APPL-3PL-COM
'They called me.' (ZOH1R25 070)
(iii) /ýaho@N cńpa komo ke ya d´ /is&p´ktam´

/ýa+hooN 0 cń-pa komo ke ya d´+ /is&=p´k-tam-A
other+DIR4 3A sit-INC how that NEG 1A+ see=get-1/2PL-nINC
'He sits on the other side as if he doesn't know us.' (ZOH1R19 014)
(iv) d´s& /ń manakd´kka /ń t´s&ukpa hemhi

d´s& /ń+ manak+d´kka /ń+ t´/-s&uk-pa hemhi
1Prn 1E+ child+NPL 1E+ want-3PL-INC all
'I love all my children.' (ZOH1R56
049)
(v) mis& /ayudc´ktam´

mis&+ /ayudar=c´k-tam-A/
2>1+ help=make-1/2PL-IMPV
'Help us.' (addressee is one person, Satornino) (ZOH1R25 074)
129
(vi) /ń cńkuycis&ukk´ /i cńs&ukk´
/ń+ cń.kuy/=ci/-s&uk-w´ /i 0 cń-s&uk-w´
1E+ sit.INSTR1=give-3PL-COM and 3A sit-3PL-COM
'I gave them some chairs and they sat down.' (ZOH1R10 023)
(vii) tey mis& yakk´s&&odamma@m

tey mis&+ yak.k´s&./oy-tam-w´+/am
now 2>1+ CAUS.eat.ANTIP-1/2PL-COM+NOW
'Now you fed us.' (ZOH1R12 072)
130
6.3. Valency-changing suffixes
There is one valency-changing prefix: the causative yak-. There are four
suffixes that affect the argument structure of a verb: the passive -/´m, the
antipassive -/oy, the applicative -hay and the indefinite -An´m.
6.3.1. Causative yak
The causative morpheme in this language is the prefix yak. Two
morphophonemic alternations occur with this prefix: gemination caused by glottal

stop deletion, and the obligatory merging of yak- and the prefix /aN- to produce
yaN-.
(6.14)
(i) n´kký yakkis&s&uki
n´k-w´ /ý+ yak./is&-s&uk-E
go-COM 3E+ CAUS.see-3PL-dCOM
'They went to show him.' (ZOH1R12 232)
(ii) /ý yaNwaks&ukk´ bi t´k

/ý+ yak./aN.wak-s&uk-w´ bi t´k
3E+ CAUS.MOUTH.*empty-3PL-COM DEF house
'They opened the office.' (ZOH1R24 367)
131
The causative appears with both intransitive and transitive verb roots. It
increasing the valency of the verb by one argument (the Causer). Intransitive
verbs become transitive (Causer and Causee).
(6.15)
(i) /ý yakcńn´ /ý wintug´s&i
/ý+ yak.cń-w´ /ý+ wintu/ +g´s&i
3E+ CAUS.sit-COM 3E+ neck +LOC4
'He sat him on his neck.' (the big buzzard) (ZOH1R12 214)
(ii) si yakwituw´ /o n´/tti

si /ý+ yak.witu/-w´ /o n´/tti
IF 3E+ CAUS.return-COM or no
'If he returned it or not.' (ZOH1R28 081)
(iii) ke yakki ya yakp´t´@/

ke yakki/ ya /ý+ yak.p´/t-A/+V/k
that noone NEG 3E+ CAUS.pass-nIMPV+REL
'(the one) that allows no one to pass.' (ZOH1R18 087)
(iv) mis& yakkapa

mis& yak.ka/-pa
2>1 CAUS.die-INC
'You're going to kill me.' (ZOH1R18 094)
Transitive verbs become three-argument verbs (Causer, Causee and
Patient). The general meaning is 'Causer orders or allows Causee to Verb
Patient.' NPs corresponding to these three roles are not distinguished by case-
marking or postpositions, since they are all still core arguments.
(6.16)
(i) sim yaknukpam win
si /´m+ yak.nuk-pa /´m+ win
IF 2E+ CAUS.grab-INC 2E+ SELF
'If you let them grab you' (ZOH1R15 079)
132
(ii) minný yakc´ks&uki
min-w´ /ý+ yak.c´k-s&uk-E
come-COM 3E+ CAUS.do-3PL-dCOM
'They came to order it done.' (ZOH1R28 095)
(iii) bi /une/ n´kpay yakhays&ukk´

bi /une/ n´k-pa /ý+ yak.hay-s&uk-w´
DEF child go-INC 3E+ CAUS.write-3PL-COM
'He goes to make them record the babies (births).' (ZOH1R28 151)
(iv) /aber ti yos&kuy /ý yakc´kt´pay kumkuyho/

/aber ti yos&.kuy/ /ý+ yak.c´k=t´-pa /ý+ kum.kuy/+ho/
lets_see what work.INSTR1 3E CAUS.do=want-INC 3E+ bury.INSTR1+LOC2
'Whatever work he wants to have done in his town.' (ZOH1R28 158)
(v) /ý yakhokumpay witt´

/ý+ yak.ho.kum-pa /ý+ wit-w´
3E+ CAUS.INTO.bury-INC 3E+ walk-dINC
'They go around getting them filled in (the streets)'. (ZOH1R28 169)
(vi) /ý yakw´h´/aw´ bi hente d´kka

/ý+ yak.w´h´./a-w´ bi hente d´kka
3E+ CAUS.good.VERS1-COM DEF people NPL
'She cured the people.' (ZOH1R32 056)
133
Incorporated adjectives or nouns may appear inside (to the right of) the
causative prefix.
(6.17)
(i) ga biy yakpaha/kw´hpa g´ way/
ga bi+/ý yak.paha/k=w´h-pa g´ way/
DCT3 DEF+3E CAUS.sweet=smell-INC DEM hair
'That gives a sweet odor to the hair.' (ZOH1R3 034)
(ii) bi kae /ý yakw´˘c´kpa

bi kae /ý+ yak.w´h´=c´k-pa
DEF street 3E CAUS.good=do-INC
'They have the streets cleaned.' (ZOH1R28 168)
(iii) bi hus&tis&a /ý yaktamn´p´kk´ bi pń

bi hus&tis&a /ý+ yak.tam=n´/=p´k-w´ bi pń
DEF authority 3E+ CAUS.bitter=water=get-COM DEF man
'The mayor told the man to bring beer.' (elicited)
The causative in MIG Zoque is for the most part quite straightforward.
One common usage involves the pairing of the causative with the antipassive. It
is easy to understand the function of this pairing in the case of an intransitive verb
that has been made transitive by adding the causative; if one then wishes to
suppress the object, the antipassive must be used.
(6.18)
(i) minpa@m yaNwakkoy y´hama
min-pa /´m+ yak./aN.wak./oy-w´ y´=hama
come-INC 2E+ CAUS.MOUTH.*empty.ANTIP-COM DCT1=day
'Now you come to open up today.' (ZOH1R28 266)
(ii) nas&e yakwintentukkoyy´

nas&e 0 yak.win.ten==tuk./oy-w´
in_fact 3A CAUS.FACE.stand=finish.ANTIP-COM
'In fact, he stopped right in front.' (ZOH1R18 049)
134
(iii) n´mpa yakn´mmoyy´ tuNho/
0 n´m-pa 0 yak.n´m./oy-w´ tuN+ho/
3A say-INC 3A CAUS.say.ANTIP-COM road+LOC2
'He says he spoke (to him) in the road.' (ZOH1R18 025)
We also find causatives and antipassives in a complex formed with a
transitive verb root. Sometimes there is a subtle shift in the meaning of the verb,
as in example (6.19 i) where the causative added to the verb k´s&- 'to eat' yields an
expression meaning 'to feed' (and 'to eat' is regularly rendered with the verb root
and the antipassive, since k´s&- is a T3 verb root that requires the antipassive in
order to appear without an expressed object).
Most commonly, the antipassive is used to suppress the verb root's normal
object and then the causative is used to make this objectless form transitive. This
highlights the causing of the event, discarding the patient as relatively
unimportant.
(6.19)
(i) kahi de cad´kka kom kwando ney /iw´ yakc´kkoyy´
ga.hi/ de/ ca/+d´kka kom kwando ney /iw´ 0 yak.c´k./oy-w´
there those rock +NPL as when some who 3A CAUS.do.ANTIP-COM
'There are those rocks as if someone made (them).' (ZOH1R15 111)
(ii) kom kwando ney /iw´ yakkukp´ktukkoyy´

kom kwando ney /iw´ 0 yak.kuk.p´k=tuk./oy-w´
as when some who 3A CAUS.center.get=cut.ANTIP-COM
'As if someone cut (it) in half.' (ZOH1R15
118)
(iii) pa n´kpay yakkocoNNos&ukk´

para n´k-pa /ý+ yak.ko.coN./oy-s&uk-w´
135
so_that go-INC 3E+ CAUS.SOC.join.ANTIP-3PL-COM
'So that they could go help.' (ZOH1R24 016)
(iv) yey yakkis&tukkos&ukpa y´h´/

yý 0 yak./is&=tuk./oy-s&uk-pa y´h´/
now 3A CAUS.see=finish.ANTIP-3PL-INC here
'Now they'll wait here.' (ZOH1R24 226)
(v) /ý yakkokwittoypa@/

/ý+ yak./ok.wit./oy-pa+V/k
3E+ CAUS.DOWN.walk.ANTIP-INC+REL
'One who walks around with him.' (ZOH1R24 427)
(vi) bi hus&tis&a kumkuy ga/ yakp´//oba

bi hus&tis&a kumkuy/ ga./ /ý+ yak.p´/-/oy-pa
DEF authority town that 3E+ CAUS.put.ANTIP-INC
'The mayor, the town elects him.' (ZOH1R28 121)
(vii) mis& yakk´s&s&oyya@m dey

mis&+ yak.k´s&./oy-w´+/am dey
2>1+ CAUS.eat.ANTIP-COM.NOW now
'Now you have already fed me.' (ZOH1R12 053)
(viii) n´kpay yak/ayu:dc´kkos&ukk´

n´k-pa /ý+ yak./ayud=c´k./oy-s&uk-w´
go-INC 3E+ CAUS.help=do.ANTIP-3PL-dINC
'They'll go to help.' (ZOH1R28 110)
(ix) /ý yakci/ot´pa

/ý+ yak.ci/./oy=t´/-pa
3E+ CAUS.give.ANTIP=want-INC
'He wanted to hit him.' (ZOH1R18
303)
136
A stem formed from the causative and a verb root functions as a normal
transitive verb form in that it can now be modified with other valency-changing
affixes such as the passive or indefinite.
(6.20)
(i) yakcakk´mm´ y´hi/
0 yak.cak./´m-w´ y´hi/
3A CAUS.leave.PASS-COM here
'She was told to stay here.' (ZOH1R15 105)
(ii) gahi wakas& yakkan´mpa

gahi/ wakas& 0 yak.ka/.An´m-pa
there cow 3A CAUS.die.INDEF-INC
'There (where) they kill cattle.' (ZOH1R28 177)
6.3.2. Applicative hay
The function of the applicative suffix -hay is to create an additional core
argument, usually a recipient or beneficiary. Remember that NPs corresponding
to core arguments in MIG Zoque are not case-marked or otherwise distinguished
in any way. The use of the applicative suffix to add a new core argument thus
contrasts with the use of a postposition (+hńaN, ACCOM) or a Spanish
preposition (para, 'for') to indicate a non-core recipient or beneficiary.
(6.21)
(i) d´ /okcamhadamm´
1A+ DOWN.chat.APPL-1/2PL-COM
'He told us a tale.' (ZOH1R18 022)
137
(ii) /ý p´hayyý tza/
/ý+ p´/.hay-w´ /ý+ tza?
3E+ put.APPL-COM 3E+ rock
'He loaded its rock into it (a bola).' (ZOH1R11 062)
(iii) /u@ltimo yos&kuy/ mis& c´khaba

/u@ltimo yos&.kuy/ mis&+ c´k.hay-pa
last work.INSTR1 2>1+ do.APPL-INC
'the last job you'll do for me' (ZOH1R12 392)
(iv) /´m c´khabam win

/´m+ c´k.hay-pa /´m+ win
2E+ do.APPL-INC 2E+ REFL
'You hurt yourself.' (ZOH1R36 101)
(v) /um n´mm´ mis& ke yakki ya mi n´mhayy´

/u /´m+ n´m-w´ mis& ke yakki/ ya mi+ n´m.hay-w´
NEGimpv 2E+ say-COM 2Prn that nobody NEG 3>2+ say.APPL-COM
'Don't say that nobody told you.' (ZOH1R18 040)
(vi) /ý kń´kkephayyý poho/k

/ý+ k´.n´k=kep.hay-w´ /ý+ poho/k
3E+ AWAY.go=kick.APPL-COM 3E+ egg
'He went and kicked him in the balls.' (ZOH1R18
074)
(vii) mis& me/chadamm´

mis&+ me/c.hay-tam-A/
2>1+ find.APPL-1/2PL-IMPV
'Find me one.' (ZOH1R18 215)
(viii) /ń n´mhayy´ d´s& benigno

/ń+ n´m.hay-w´ d´s& benigno
1E+ say.APPL-COM 1Prn benigno
'I said to Benigno...' (ZOH1R10 050)
138
(ix) si mis& cakhaba hamatin d´ n´kpa
si mis&+ cak.hay-pa hamatin d´+ n´k-pa
if 2>1+ leave.APPL-INC money 1A+ go-INC
'If you'll leave me some money, I'll go.' (ZOH1R10 121)
(x) tum kaso /ń p´/thayy´@ wayay n´ho/

tum kaso /ń+ p´/t.hay-w´+V/k wayay n´/+ho/
one case 1E+ pass.APPL-COM+REL cold water+LOC2
'a thing that happened to me in Agua Fria.' (ZOH1R7 001)
(xii) minpa d´ cakhadamm´ mesaho tum bandeha de hý´/

min-pa d´+ cak.hay-tam-w´ mesa+ho/ tum bandeha de hý´/
come-INC 1A+ leave.APPL-1/2-PL-COM table+LOC2 one tray of flower
'He comes to leave a tray of flowers on the table for us.'(ZOH1R32 008)
(xiii) /ý w´:hc´khaba hoNho bi toypa@/

/ý+ w´h´=c´k.hay-pa hoNho/ bi toy-pa+V/k
3E+ good=do.APPL-INC inside DEF be_sick-INC+REL
'He cleanses what hurts him inside.' (ZOH1R36 031)
The applicative also induces a phenomenon known as external possession
(Payne and Barshi, 1999) or possessor ascension (Aissen, 1987). Generally,
external possession occurs when the undergoer of a clause is possessed by a first
or second person and the actor of the clause is a third person. The person
hierarchy again comes into play, requiring that the more prominent entity be
marked on the verb in preference to the lowly possessed object. So, we get the
first person absolutive agreement marker d´ or the 3>2 marker mi instead of the
expected third person ergative marker /ý.
In example (6.22 i), the first-person possessor of the shirt outranks the
third person agent of the tearing event; hence it is marked with the first person
139
absolutive marker. Examples (ii - iv) are included to illustrate the limits of this
phenomenon. If I tear my own shirt (ii), the first person agent is of equal rank
with the first person recipient, and so the agreement marker is first person
ergative. (iii) shows that the applicative construction is not obligatory: I can
simply say that my shirt was torn, using the passive form of the verb. Oddly, I
can also say 'my shirt was torn for me', as in (iv), in which both the applicative
and the passive suffixes appear. This is the only circumstance under which two of
the valency-changing suffixes can appear together. Another example of this type
is shown in (v). Example (vi) shows the limits of the possessor-raising: the shirt
belongs to the father that is mine, evidently not sufficiently close to warrant the
external possession construction.
(6.22)
(i) d´ w´thayyń y´kwih
d´ w´t.hay-w´ /ń+ y´kwih
1A tear.APPL-COM 1E+ shirt
'He tore my shirt.' (elicited)
(ii) /ń w´ttń y´kwih

/ń+ w´t-w´ /ń+ y´kwih
1E+ tear-COM 1E+ shirt
'I tore my shirt.' (elicited)
(iii) w´tt´mmń y´kwih

0 w´t./´m-w´ /ń+ y´kwih
3A tear.PASS-COM 1E+ shirt
'My shirt was torn.' (elicited)
(iv) d´ w´tt´mhayyń y´kwih

d´+ w´t./´m.hay-w´ /ń+ y´kwih
1A+ tear.PASS.APPL-COM 1E+ shirt
'My shirt was torn.' (elicited)
140
(v) d´ cakk´mhayy´ tum yos&kuy/
d´+ cak./´m.hay-w´ tum yos&.kuy/
1A+ leave.PASS.APPL-COM one work.INSTR1
'One job remained to me.' (elicited)
(vi) /ý w´thayyý y´kwih /ń hatoN /ýti

/ý+ w´t.hay-w´ /ý+ y´kwih /ń+ hatoN+/ýti
3E+ tear.APPL-COM 3E+ shirt 1E+ father+POSS
'He tore my father's shirt.' (elicited)
(vii) gaha d´ /uchas&ukkń tareya

gaha/ d´ /uc.hay-s&uk-w´ /ń+ tareya
there 1A+ measure.APPL-3PL-COM 1E+ work
'They measured out my work for me there.' (ZOH1R32 026)
(xi) /ń cehaypan /une yote d´kkay

/ń+ ce/.hay-pa /ń+ /une/ yote/+d´kkay
1E+ wash.APPL-INC 1E+ child clothes+NPL
'I'll wash my children's clothes.' (ZOH1R53 052)
There are some cases in which the argument added by the applicative
suffix is opaque. (6.23 i) may mean 'He arrived to or for him, maybe'. There's a
clearer usage of this kind shown in (ii). It's possible that the applicative in (iii) is
referencing the locative phrase koc´k+ho/, 'in the hills', along the lines of
example (6.22 ii), above. Otherwise, it's quite mysterious: there are no other
actors in this particular stretch of text4.
4 Sr. Omobono Sánchez Miguel uses the applicative suffix a lot in this text, which is long
interview with him about his healing practices (he is a curandero). Perhaps he uses it because
everything that he talks about is done on behalf of someone else - the patient he is treating -
although he doesn't explicitly mention the patient in every clause.
141
(6.23)
(i) ga yakku pń bweno ne/ ye/chayya@m /umm´
ga yakku/ pń bweno ne/ 0 ye/c.hay-w´+/am /umm´
that poor man good also 3A arrive.APPL-COM+NOW maybe
'That poor man, ok, now he's arrived too, maybe.' (ZOH1R24 240-1)
(ii) kwandum ye/chaba@m ded´ mal

kwandu /´m+ ye/c.hay-pa+/am ded´ mal
when 2E+ arrive.APPL-INC+NOW that bad
'When that illness is arriving (coming) at you' (ZOH1R36
158)
(iii) koc´kho n´kpan cechayy´ bi naka

koc´k+ho/ n´k-pa /ń+ cec.hay-w´ bi naka
hills+LOC2 go-INC 1E+ sand.APPL-COM DEF bark
'I'll go scrape the bark in the hills.' (ZOH1R36 037)
6.2.3. Passive /´m
In a passive construction the undergoer of a verb becomes the subject and
the agent is suppressed. There are no passive constructions that allow the overt
expression of an agent, in a postpositional phrase or otherwise. It is really most
accurate to say that the passive suffix bleaches all the semantic features from the
agent argument: the thing was done, obviously someone did it, but we have no
idea who. Typologically, this is the most common kind of passive in the world's
languages (Shibatani, 1986). The passive suffix creates an intransitive verb from
a transitive one, so the person agreement markers appear in the absolutive case.
I found slight variations in the translation of passive expressions with
different consultants. Some preferred an indefinite, but human, agent reading
("someone broke it" or "they broke it"), while others insisted on a perfectly
142
agentless, middle voice reading ("It got broken, we don't know how.") In either
case, there is never an actual agent argument lurking around to be referenced by a
subsequent clause, such as a conjoined clause.
(6.24)
(i) /ń cahcoNpan toto /ý w´tt´mm´hi
/ń+ cah=coN-pa /ń+ toto/ /ý+ w´t./´m-w´+hi
1E+ glue=join-INC 1E+ paper 3E+ tear.PASS-COM+LOCREL
'I'm going to glue together my paper where it was torn.' (elicited)
(ii) ti minpay c´kk´mm´ rroberta

ti min-pa /ý+ c´k./´m-w´ rroberta
what come-INC 3E+ do.PASS-dINC roberta
'what comes to be done to Roberta.' (ZOH1R15 064)
(iii) hekenn´mm´ cahin

0 heken./´m-w´ cahin
3A coil.PASS-COM snake
'The snake was coiled.' (lexicon)
(iv) pa/tt´mm´ dey de komas&an gaha g´ kopaynala@

0 pa/t-/´m-w´ dey de/ komas&an gaha/ g´ kopaynala@
3A find-PASS-COM now that saint there (in) DEM Copainalá
'Now that saint was found in Copainalá.' (ZOH1R4 001)
(v) gay c´kk´mma@m y´d´ bi pwente nucpa n´hi/

gay 0 c´k./´m-w´+/am y´d´ bi pwente nuc-pa n´/+hi/
then 3A do.PASS-COM-NOW this DEF bridge be_hot-INC water+LOC1
'Then this bridge at Aguas Calientes had been built.' (ZOH1R28 092)
(vi) /a/ppaNwakk´mm´
0 /a/p./aN=wak./´m-w´
3A split_open.BOCA=*empty.PASS-COM
'It split open (by itself, the fruit).' (lexicon)
143
(vii) /amma/´mm´ bi pń
0 /amma./´m-w´ bi pń
3A look.PASS-COM DEF man
'They saw the man.' (lexicon)
(viii) kepp´mm´ bi pelota gahanaN

0 kep./´m-w´ bi pelota ga+hanaN
3A kick.PASS-COM DEF ball DCT3+DIR1
'They kicked the ball over there.' (elicited)
(ix) /ecc´mm´ bi migelenya

0 /ec./´m-w´ bi migelenya
3A dance.PASS-COM DEF migelenya
'They danced the Migeleña.' (lexicon)
(x) his&s&´mm´ bi k´s&i

0 his&./´m-w´ bi k´s&.E
3A scoop_w_tortilla.PASS-COM DEF eat.NOM3
'They tasted the food.' (lexicon)
(xi) hu/cc´mm´ bi wakas&

0 hu/c./´m-w´ bi wakas&
3A stab.PASS-COM DEF cow
'They killed the cow.' (lexicon)
(xii) kekk´mm´ bi noa/

0 kek./´m-w´ bi noa/
3A hop.PASS-COM DEF arroyo
'They jumped over the arroyo.' (lexicon)
144
There are some intransitive verbs that accept the passive suffix, in which
case we naturally get the middle voice reading.
(6.25)
taNN´mm´ de maNgu /okos& ya hak p´hitukk´
taN./´m-w´ de./ maNgu /okos& ya hakke p´hi/=tuk-w´
be_wide.PASS-COM DCT2.NOM1 mango shrub NEG very large=finish-COM
'This mango shrub grew wide, it didn't grow tall.' (lexicon)
Many transitive verb roots do not allow the passive suffix, although I am
unable to divine any feature common to them all that would explain this
resistance. None of the 'hit' or 'cut' verbs, such as caN-, 'to hit with the fist',
naks&-, 'to hit with a piece of wood', or nem-, 'to cut with a scissors' , allow a
passive, which at first suggested that it was the entailed instrument argument that
was somehow blocking the passive. (Perhaps it is too agentlike?). However,

other verbs that entail an instrument, such as heps&-, 'to scoop with a dipper', and
hi/p-, 'to move with a little stick', do admit passivization, so that hypothesis went
south. There are roots from all three classes (T1, T2, and T3) in the no-passives
group. Judgements about passive forms were generally the most unstable of all
the grammatical phenomena tested: one year (or week) my consultants would
accept some root with a passive suffix, and the next time they would not. These
forms appear very rarely in the corpus, other than in the idiomatic constructions
shown in (6.27). Perhaps it's simply a marginal form, and we should not make too
much of these inconsistencies. It is effectively a form of impersonal in MIG
Zoque, and there are other ways of impersonalizing verbs (including the suffix -
145
An´m, IMPERS), so perhaps the passive is simply less preferred in most
contexts.
Attempts to construct sentences adding the passive suffix to roots from the
no-passives groups generally produced scowls and odd explanations that seemed
to pick up on a more abstract sense of the verb. For example, Sr. Sánchez said
that the sentence in (6.26 iii) was unacceptable because people would understand
it to mean that the rock was also broken (giving an accompaniment interpretation
for +pi/t.) The unacceptability of (iv) was said to be due to the fact that the boy
couldn't be doubled over a chair. This seems to be picking out a very deep,
abstract, connotation of naks&-, along the lines of 'to be forked like a stick'. I've
only seen one other usage of this root that picks up that connotation, shown for
convenience in example (v)5.
(6.26)
(i) heps&´mm´ bi n´ cimapi/t
heps&./´m-w´ bi n´/ cima/+pi/t
scoop.PASS-COM DEF water gourd+INSTR
'The water was scooped up with a gourd.' (lexicon)
(ii) no/cc´mm´ bi limeta

0 no/c./´m-w´ bi limeta
3A break.PASS-COM DEF bottle
'The bottle was broken.' (elicited)
(iii) * no/cc´mm´ bi limeta capi/t

0 no/c./´m-w´ bi limeta ca/+pi/t
5 The context for this sentence is a story in which a boy falls off a short cliff onto the head of a
deer and lies spread out across the deer's antlers. The story was told from the picture book, 'Frog,
Where Are You?' Sr. Camilo Miguel Sánchez invented the story on the fly, as an interpretation of
the pictures in the book.
146
3A break.PASS-COM DEF bottle rock+INSTR
'The bottle was broken with a rock.' (elicited)
147
(iv) * naks&´mmý manak
0 naks&./´m-w´ /ý+ manak
3A hit_w_wood.PASS-COM 3E+ child
'His son was hit with a stick.' (elicited)
(v) naks&neyy´ bi ha:y/une bi má /ý wekag´s&i

naks&.ney-w´ bi haya=/une bi má /ý+ weka/+g´s&i
hit_w_wood.ASSUM1-COM DEF male=child DEF deer 3E+ horn+LOC4
'The boy was stuck spread out on the horns of the deer.' (ZOH1R46 088)
The idiom cak./´m-, 'to remain', or 'to be left', accounts for the vast
majority of passives found in the corpus (examples i and ii, below). It may be a
calque on the Spanish expression quedarse, 'to stay; to remain'. Another idiom
that appears to be a calque on a Spanish se expression is p´k=n´k./´m-, 'to get
along', llevarse in Spanish (example iii). p´k=n´k, 'get=go', is the most common
way to say 'to take' in MIG Zoque. Literally, the stem would mean 'to be taken'.
Also note that the construction shown in (iii) is transitive.
(6.27)
(i) y´hi cakk´mm´
y´hi 0 cak./´m-w´
here 3A leave.PASS-COM
'Here he stayed.' (ZOH1R24 276)
(ii) de/ para yakcakk´mm´ go/ kontentu ded´ pń

de/ para /ý+ yak.cak./´m-w´ go/ kontentu ded´ pń
this so_that 3E+ CAUS.leave.PASS-COM BNF content that man
'This is so that man stays happy.' (ZOH1R18 237)
(iii) ya p´kn´kk´ms&ukka@m bi froylaN d´khńaN

ya /ý+ p´k=n´k./´m-s&uk-w´+/am bi froylaN +d´kka+hńaN
NEG 3E+ get=go.PASS.3PL-COM+NOW DEF froylan +NPL +ACC
'They don't get along with Froylan's people.' (ZOH1R24 566)
148
Finally, there are some T3 verbs allow passives, but the resulting stem
expresses an idiomatic or more strictly narrowed meaning.
(6.28)
(i) yam t´//´mm´ n´mpa bi cikin kahaN
ya /´m+ t´/./´m-w´ 0 n´m-pa bi cikin kahaN
NEG 2A+ want.PASS-COM 3A say-INC DEF spotted tiger
'"You won't do", said the spotted tiger.' (ZOH1R26 052)
(ii) s&acc´mm´
0 s&ac./´m-w´
3A rub_btwn_hands.PASS-COM
'The material (palm, whatever) was softened (by rubbing).' (lexicon)
6.3.4. Antipassive /oy
The antipassive suffix -/oy is added to a transitive verb to suppress the
object. The resulting meaning is generally 'Subj Verbs (something)'. The
absolutive agreement markers are used with antipassive constructions. All of the
Zoquean languages have an antipassive affix, but none of the Mixean ones do
(Kaufman, 1996; Zavala, 2000b).
(6.29)
(i) /´m wattoba@m des&de y´hama
/´m+ wat./oy-pa+/am des&de y´/ hama
2E+ earn.ANTIP-INC+NOW from DCT1 day
'Now you're earning as of today.' (ZOH1R18 173)
(ii) d´s& d´ kurac´kkoypa

d´s& d´+ kura=c´k./oy-pa
1Prn 1A+ cure=do.ANTIP-INC
'I heal. (I'm a healer.)' (ZOH1R32 086)
149
(iii) k´s&s&oyy´ bi hahcukud´kka
0 k´s&./oy-w´ bi hahcuku +d´kka
3A eat.ANTIP-COM DEF ant +NPL
'The ants ate.' (ZOH1R12 035)
(iv) behc&a c´mmoba

behc&a 0 c´m./oy-pa
'The horses will carry (the load).' (ZOH1R24 090)
(v) gad´ lugar yakkiw´ ya /is&s&o

ga.d´ lugar yak /iw´ ya 0 /is&./oy-A
that place nobody NEG 3A see.ANTIP-nINC
'Nobody knew that place.' (ZOH1R2 010)
While the patient is suppressed, another core argument, such as a
recipient, may still appear. Note that in this case the verb remains intransitive
(suggesting that the third argument does not affect transitivity.)
(6.30)
ga/ /aNcoNNoba hented´kka
ga./ /aN.coN./oy-pa hente+d´kka
DCT3.NOM1 MOUTH.join.ANTIP-INC people+NPL
'He answers the people.' (ZOH1R28 106)
150
The antipassive is normally a very straightforward suppressor of objects,
only once producing an idiosyncratic new lexical item. When this suffix is added
to the root ci/-, 'to give', it derives a stem meaning 'to give as a gift', which allows
an object.
(6.31)
/iwý manak ci/oba para y´d´ pń
/iw´ /ý+ manak ci/./oy-pa para y´.d´ pń
who 3E+ child give.ANTIP-INC for DCT1.DEM man
'Who will give his daughter for this man?' (ZOH1R18 221)
6.2.5. Impersonal An´m
This morpheme means "people do Verbing" or "someone does Verbing"
or simply "Verbing happens". These forms also appear with absolutive agreement
markers, always necessarily the 0 morpheme that marks the absolutive third
person singular. The initial vowel is frequently elided when it appears in an
unstressed syllable position, as shown in examples (iii-iv).
(6.32)
(i) s&´kkekan´mpa
s&´k=/ek.An´m-pa
bean=shell.INDEF-INC
'People are shelling beans.' (lexicon)
(ii) hoypi/t s&Ńkehan´mm´

hoypi/t s&Ń=keh.An´m-w´
next_day fiesta=appear.INDEF-COM
151
(iii) cumukn´mpa@m
cu/=muk.An´m-pa+/am
night=fall.INDEF-INC-NOW
'Now night is falling.' (ZOH1R10 358)
(iv) nas&e wen ye/cn´mma@m

nas&e wenu ye/c.An´m-w´+/am
in_fact very arrive.INDEF-COM-NOW
'In fact, a lot of people have come.' (ZOH1R10 450)
(v) hehan´mpa ban cuway ney hente

0 heh.An´m-pa ban cuway ney hente
3A live.INDEF-INC very foolish our people
'Our people live very foolishly' (ZOH1R3 040)
6.4. Word order
Word order in MIG Zoque is free, provided that subjects precede objects
in cases where some ambiguity might obtain. A further discussion of preferences
in word order in narrative texts appears in chapter 14. The following set of
(elicited) data illustrates the freeness of word order. My consultants agreed that
the following sentences all mean exactly the same thing. Complete paradigms
exhibiting word order for 1, 2, 3, and 4 argument verbs (including causative and
applicative constructions) are given in Appendix F.
152
(6.33)
(i) bi nu/ /ý was&s&´ bi mis&tu/ SVO Agent = dog
bi nu/ /ý+ was&-w´ bi mis&tu/
DEF dog 3E+ bite-COM DEF cat
'The dog bit the cat.'
(ii) bi mis&tu/ /ý was&s&´ bi nu/ SVO Agent = cat
(iii) bi nu/ bi mis&tu/ /ý was&s&´ SOV Agent = dog
(iv) bi mis&tu/ bi nu/ /ý was&s&´ SOV Agent = cat
(v) /ý was&s&´ bi nu/ bi mis&tu/ VSO Agent = dog
(vi) /ý was&s&´ bi mis&tu/ bi nu/ VSO Agent = cat
6.5. Predicate clauses
There is no copular verb that means 'to be' in the sense of 'for a state of
affairs to obtain' (parallel to the Spanish ser). Predicate expressions describing a
present state of affairs thus have no verb - the subject is simply juxtaposed to the
predicate expression.
When the subject is the first or second person, it is expressed by means of
an absolutive personal agreement marker.
(6.35)
(i) porke d´s& hakke d´ kontentu
because 1Prn very 1A+ content
'Because I am very happy.' (ZOH1R15 128)
153
(ii) hemhi d´s&haè/ komo /ic&iN d´ tristehaè/
hemhi d´@s+haa/ komo /ic&iN d´+ triste+haa/
all 1Prn+NPL2 like little 1A+ sad+NPL2
'Since all of us are a little sad' (ZOH1R10 516)
(iii) dey ban d´ triste

now very 1A+ sad
'Now I'm very sad' (ZOH1R10 561)
(iv) nikete /une/

ni.ket.E /une/
PSE.wrap.NOM3 child
'The baby is wrapped up.' (lexicon)
(v) hakke w´h´ ga pń

very good DCT3 man
'That man is very good.' (ZOH1R24 050)
(vi) ke d´ /aNpń pńhaè/

ke d´ /aN=pń pń+haa/
that 1A MOUTH=man man+NPL2
'that yes, we are men who speak Zoque.' (ZOH1R57 024)
(vii) /um n´mtamm´ ke yam /aNpń pńhaè/

/u /´m+ n´m-tam-w´ ke ya+/´m /aN=pń pń+haa/
NEGimpv 2E+ say-1/2PL-COM that NEG+2E MOUTH=man man+NPL2
'Don't say that you're not men who speak Zoque.' (ZOH1R57 041)
154
The verb root tih- 'to go and return' is used for past tense predicate
constructions. This could actually be a homophonous, but different, root - there
are too few examples of this kind to speculate.
(6.36)
mis& hunaN /´m tihh´
mis& hunaN /´m+ tih-w´
2Prn how 2A+ go&return-COM
kwandum tihh´ hay/une/

kwandu /´m+ tih-w´ haya=/une/
when 2A+ go&return-COM male=child
'How were you when you were a young man?' (ZOH1R25 059)
6.6. Existential clauses
There are MIG Zoque words meaning 'there is/are', tehi-, and 'there
isn't/aren't', nńti. Both of these words are locative expressions, and refer to
existence or presence in space, rather than to a state or condition.

tehi- appears to be the neutral deictic with a locative suffix. This stem
appears with the versive suffix -/a, VERS1, inflected for aspect and sometimes
number in the usual fashion. The last two syllables are often elided.
(6.37)
(i) tehi de /artiyero
tehi./a-w´ de /artiyero
there_is.VERS1-COM of artillery
'There's artillery.' (ZOH1R24 092)
155
(ii) y´hi tehi tum nas&tuN
y´.hi tehi./a-w´ tum nas&=tuN
here there_is.VERS1-COM one earth=road
'There's a shortcut here.' (ZOH1R24 127)
(iii) tehi /amint´ yan c´kmus&tam´

tehi./a-w´ /amint´ ya /ń+ c´k=mus&-tam-A
there_is.VERS1-COM year NEG 1E+ do=know-1/2PL-nINC
'There are years we don't succeed.' (ZOH1R13 002)
(iv) tehis&ukkaèm gaha gay nikopakho/

tehi./a-s&uk-w´+/am ga.ha ga.y ni.kopak+ho/
there_is.VERS1-3PL-COM+NOW DCT3.LOC1 DCT3.TMP INSTR3.head+LOC1
'Now they're there at the top of the hill.' (ZOH1R24 108)
(v) tehis&ukk´ tann´ w´s&tuhtaN hama

tehi./a-s&uk-w´ tan-w´ w´s&tuhtaN hama
there_is.VERS1-3PL-COM finish-COM seven day
'Seven days were completed.' (ZOH1R24 259)
(vi) tey d´ tehidamm´ katemako

te.y d´ tehi./a-tam-w´ katemako
DCT2.TMP 1A there_is.VERS1-1/2PL-COM catemaco
'Now we're in Catemaco.' (ZOH1R14 079)
(vii) /adondhu /ý kon´ms&ukpa ke tehi/aw´ bi papń

/adonde hu/ /ý+ ko.n´m-s&uk-pa ke tehi./a-w´ bi pa=pń
where where 3E+ OTHR.say-3PL-INC that there_is.VERS1-COM DEF wild=man
'Where they say the devil is' (ZOH1R18 047)
(viii) ded´ papń tehiaw´ tuNho/

de.d´ pa=pń tehi./a-w´ tuN+ho/
DCT2.XDEM wild=man there_is.VERS1-COM camino+LOC1
'That devil is in the road.' (ZOH1R18 112)
156
(ix) puro kopak pak tehi/aw´
puro kopak pak tehi./a-w´
purely head bone there_is.VERS1-COM
'There were just skulls.' (ZOH1R18 162)
(x) hunaNhaè/ tehi/aw´ bi nombradud´kkayhńaN

hunaN+haa/ tehi./a-w´ bi nombradu+d´kkay+hńaN
how+NPL2 there_is.VERS1-COM DEF named +NPL +ACC
'How it is with the officials' (ZOH1R28 005)
(xi) gahi tehiamott´ mae/ /ń n´mhadampa

gahi tehi./a.mot-w´ mae/ /ń+ n´m.hay-tam-pa
there there_is.VERS1-WITH REM 1E+ say.APPL-1/2PL-INC
rehidora de /edukasyon
rehidora de /edukasyon
minister of education
'There used to be there with them the one we call the Minister of
Education' (ZOH1R28 042)
There are a few examples in the corpus in which tehi- is used to express a
state or condition of a non-locative type. I suspect this is the result of influence of
Spanish grammar, which requires a copular verb.
(6.38)
(i) dey tehidammaèm libre
dey tehi-tam-w´+/am libre
DCT2.TMP there_is-1/2PL-COM+NOW free
'Now we're free.' (ZOH1R18 228)
(ii) pwes rroma@N tehi/aw´ nesyo

pwes rromaèN tehi./a-w´ nesyo
well román there_is.VERS1-COM stubborn
'Well, Román is stubborn.' (ZOH1R18 071)
157
nńti, 'there isn't', is never affixed or inflected, although it too may appear
with the NOW clitic. There is a variant form, nńtiya/. Although it very much
appears to be a composition of several morphemes, it is not clear what the
component parts might be.
(6.39)
(i) nńtiam ded´ papń
nńti+/am ded´ pa=pń
there_isn't+NOW that wild=man
'Now that devil isn't there.' (ZOH1R18 158)
(ii) nńtiya de/s&e komo tey p´kwic&ukpa

nńtiya/ de./s&e komo tey p´k=wit-s&uk-pa
there_isn't DCT2.SIM like now carry=walk-3PL-INC
'There aren't any like that like the ones they use now.' (ZOH1R24 073)
(iii) nńtiam tuN kem c´kpa tum hama

nńti+/am tuN ke /´m+ c´k-pa tum hama
there_isn't+NOW road that 2E+ do-INC one day
'There isn't a road that you can travel in one day.' (ZOH1R24 074)
(iv) gay n´mpa bi nńtiam

ga.y n´m-pa bi nńti+/am
DCT3.TMP say-INC DEF there_isn't+NOW
'Now he says there aren't any more.' (ZOH1R24 205)
(v) /ý n´mhayy´ nńtiam yakti

/ý+ n´m.hay-w´ nńti+/am yakti
3E+ say.APPL-COM there_isn't+NOW nothing
'He told them now there's nothing.' (ZOH1R24 288)
(vi) tey n´mpa nńti hus&tis&a h´b´è/

te.y 0 n´m-pa nńti hus&tis&a h´/.b´è/
DCT2.TMP 3A say-INC there_isn't authority yes.DUB
'Now he says, "There's no mayor, right?"' (ZOH1R24 342)
158
Chapter 7: Derivational Morphology
The discussion in this chapter is divided into three parts: verbal affixes
that have primarily semantic import, including directional prefixes and positional
suffixes (7.1); affixes that derive nouns and adjectives from verb roots (7.2); and
affixes that derive verbs from nouns, adjectives, and numbers (7.3).
7.1. Verbal affixes
A complete template of verbal affixes is shown in table 2.1. Inflectional
affixes are discussed in chapter 5, valency-changing affixes are discussed in
chapter 6, and those suffixes and post-verbal clitics that have an effect on aspect
are discussed in chapter 14. This chapter covers the remaining verbal affixes,
whose function is most purely semantic; that is, they chiefly serve to alter the
meaning of the verb root, rather than to manipulate its grammatical structure. The
directional prefixes are covered in section 7.1.1. Positional suffixes are discussed
in section 7.1.2. Section 7.1.3. contains a description of the perseverative suffix -

ten, which is in some ways similar to the positional suffix -ney, but carries a
volitional or intentional meaning as well. Section 7.1.4. discusses the suffix -/ý,
whose function and possible contribution to meaning are opaque.
158
7.1.1. Directional prefixes
The derivational prefixes in MIG Zoque are termed 'directional' because
historically they indicated directions based on parts of the body, a common
enough scheme in MesoAmerican languages (body part prefixes in Totonac,
McKay 1991; directional affixes in Nahuatl, Campbell and Kartunnen, 1989).
The full set of these prefixes and the direction or body part to which they
correspond are shown in the table below.
Prefix Gloss Code Description

/aN MOUTH near, at the mouth
/ok DOWN down or south
ho INTO into, inside
h´s& BACK behind or on the back
ko SOC for another, or at another's house
k´ AWAY away, elsewhere
ni PSE not clearly related to any direction
nik SURF spattered or scattered on the surface
win FACE in front of or on or near the face
yuk UP up
Table 7.1: Directional prefixes
The semantic contribution of these prefixes to the verb complex is
sometimes clearly directional, but more commonly their contribution is shifted
well away from any directional interpretation and may be completely
idiosyncratic. Some of these prefixes have no discernable directional sense, such

as ko-, SOC, which generally means "to do VERB for someone else". There are
159
also many cases in which it's not clear that the prefix has contributed any new
information to the verb complex; that is, the meaning of the prefixed form is the
same as that of the unprefixed form. It may be that choices of optional affixes are
determined by stylistic or discourse considerations, as described for Kuna in
Sherzer (1989). Where possible, the first few examples given here for each prefix
will illustrate the directional sense of the morpheme and the rest of the examples
will cover the range of meanings contributed.
The syntax of these prefixes is simple. None of them exhibits a preference

for verbs of any particular class. With the exception of ko-, SOC, discussed in
7.1.1.5., none of them has any predictable effect on the argument structure of the
verbal complex. Sometimes adding the prefix to an intransitive root results in a
transitive verb, but this is not a regular characteristic of any of these morphemes.
Many of the prefixes co-occur with the suffix -/ý (section 7.1.4), whose
meaning and function are unknown. The frequency of such co-occurrence is
noted for each prefix.
Three of the prefixes - /aN-, MOUTH; h´s&-, BACK; and win-, FACE -
are historically nominal prepounds. They do not appear as independent words in
the modern language, but do appear in a few compounds with other nouns and as
directional adverbs, in frozen forms with postpositions attached. For the most
part, however, they pattern with the directional prefixes, appearing most
frequently as affixes on verbs. The first examples given for these three prefixes
160
will demonstrate their semi-nominal status; the remainder will exhibit their
behavior as affixes.
We'll look at each prefix in the subsections that follow, in alphabetical
order. Unless otherwise noted, the examples in this section come from the
lexicon. Some of these were elicited by running most of the verb roots in the
language through a grid of the prefixes. Many of the words discovered in this
fashion were either novel, but acceptable, coinages, or words that my consultants
hadn't heard for a very long time (it wasn't always possible to tell the difference).
My general observation from this task is that such quasi-neologisms were most
likely to be translated with a clearly directional meaning assigned to the prefix.
The example below was clearly a new or forgotten word that my consultant
visibly parsed in his head before translating (by miming the motions indicated):
(7.1) /ý /okkes&s&ýy´

/ý /ok./es&./ý-w´
3E DOWN.pin.SUF-COM
'She took it down from where it had been pinned up'. (elicited)
7.1.1.1 /aN
In nominal compounds, this morpheme clearly carries the meaning
"mouth", hence its gloss code, MOUTH.
(7.2)
(i) /aNnaka (ii) /aNn´/
/aN=naka /aN=n´/
MOUTH=skin MOUTH=water
'cheek' 'drool'
161
(iii) /aNway/ (iv) /aNpń
/aN=way/ /aN=pń
MOUTH=hair MOUTH=person
'beard' the Zoque language
In verbal constructions, /aN- sometimes adds the meaning of being in
front (of someone or something) or speaking. There are also many words having
to do with doors: opening, closing, barring, locking, even the word for 'door'
itself. It does not require a great leap of the imagination to see that the door is the
mouth of a house. This prefix often occurs with verb roots that do not appear
independently in the corpus.
(7.3)
(i) /aNkamm´ (ii) /aNkí
0 /aN.kam-w´ /aN.ký.E
3A MOUTH.press-COM MOUTH.carry_in_the_hand.NOM3
'It closed. 'door'
(iii) /aNwakk´ (iv) /ý /aNwi/tt´

0 /aN.wak-w´ /ý+ /aN.wi/t-w´
3A MOUTH.*empty-COM 3E+ MOUTH.twist-COM
'It opened.' 'She locked the door with a key.'
(v) /ý /aNnekk´ (vi) /aNnaks&

/ý+ /aN.nek-w´ /aN.naks&.0
3E+ MOUTH.stack-COM MOUTH.pound _w_wood.NOM5
'He put a stick across the 'a stick placed over the roof
door so no one can get in.' so it won't blow off'
(vii) /aNkimmoyy´ (vii) /aNmayy´

0 /aN.kim./oy-w´ 0 /aN.may-w´
3A MOUTH.go_up.ANTIP-COM 3A MOUTH.count-COM
'He commanded.' 'She learned it.'
(viii) /aNcoNNoyy´ (ix) /aNwitt´
162
0 /aN.coN./oy-w´ 0 /aN.wit-w´
3A MOUTH.meet.ANTIP-COM 3A MOUTH.walk-COM
'She answered.' 'He went visiting.'
There are many constructions with no clearly compositional meaning:
(7.4)
(i) /ý /aNpenn´ (ii) /ý /aNyohh´ kakawhńaN
/ý+ /aN.pen-w´ /ý+ /aN.yoh-w´ kakao-hńaN
3E+ MOUTH.plant-COM 3E+ MOUTH.pay-COM cocoa-ACC
'It sprouted.' 'She exchanged it for cocoa.'
7.1.1.2. /ok
This prefix usually, but not always, co-occurs with the suffix -/ý. Like,
yak-, /ok- combines with /aN- to produce /oN- (example vi), although this is a
rare occurrence. The most consistent contribution that /ok- makes to the meaning
of the verb complex is DOWN, hence the gloss code. /ok- and yuk-, UP, are the
most consistently directional prefixes of the set. Finally, on a cultural note, /ok-
also indicates 'south', since one goes down in order to go south in San Miguel
Chimalapa, most clearly shown in example (v).
(7.5)
(i) /okhonaNp´/ (ii) /ý /oknukkýy´
/ok+honaN+p´/ /ý+ /ok.nuk./ý-w´
DOWN+DIR3+REL 3E DOWN.grasp.SUF-COM
'lowlander' 'She let go of it.'
163
(iii) d´ /okcamhadamm´
1A+ DOWN.chat.APPL-1/2PL-COM
'He told us a tale.' (ZOH1R18 022)
(iv) /ý /oks&e/ps&hayy´

/ý+ /ok.s&e/ps&.hay-w´
3E DOWN.make_rope.APPL-COM
'He hurled it down at him.' (ZOH1R18 078)
(v) /okku/ps&s&´
0 /ok./u/ps&-w´
3A DOWN.get_cloudy-COM
'Clouds rose up in the south.' (lexicon)
(vi) /ý yak/oNce/kkoba /ý hatoN

/ý+ yak./ok./aN.ce/k./oy-pa /ý+ hatoN
3E+ CAUS.DOWN.MOUTH.ask.ANTIP-INC 3E+ father
'His father asked him.' (ZOH1R18 279)
7.1.1.3. ho
This prefix never appears with the suffix -/ý. ho- has the general sense
INTO, but sometimes seems to mean 'thoroughly' and sometimes 'in another
place.'
(7.6)
(i) /ý ho/is&s&´ (ii) /ý hon´mm´
/ý+ ho./is&-w´ /ý+ ho.n´m-w´
3E+ INTO.see-COM 3E+ INTO.say-COM
'She examined it.' 'He translated it.'
(iii) hokehtukkoba (iv) /ý hopiNN´

0 ho.keh=tuk./oy-pa /ý+ ho.piN-w´
3A INTO.see=finish-INC 3E+ INTO.collect-COM
'It is transparent.' 'She chose it.'
164
(v) /ý ho/ukk´ (vi) hohehh´
/ý+ ho./uk=-w´ 0 ho.heh-w´
3E+ INTO.drink-COM 3A INTO.live-COM
'He drank all of it, to the last drop.' 'She lived with other people
(because she didn't have her
own house.'
7.1.1.4. h´s&
This stem appears with nominal case endings, indicating that it once was a
Zoque noun, and still functions as one in a few specific constructions. The
general meaning 'back' is made clear in these constructions.
(7.7)
(i) h´s&honaN
h´s&+honaN
BACK+FROM
'from behind'
(ii) n´kpa h´s&ho/

0 n´k-pa h´s&+ho/
3A go-INC BACK+LOC2
'He fell behind.' (ZOH1R24 113)
In verbal constructions, the meaning is also usually clearly 'out' or 'back',
particularly in neologisms.
(7.8)
(i) /ý h´s&hecc´
/ý+ h´s&.hec-w´
3E+ BACK.scrape-COM
'She scraped it out.'
(ii) /ý h´s&p´ks&ukk´

/ý+ h´s&.p´k-s&uk-w´
3E+ BACK.get-3PL-COM
'They kicked him out.' (ZOH1R24 391)
165
(iii) /ý h´s&ciw´
/ý+ h´s&.ci/-w´
3E+ BACK.give-COM
'He turned his back on someone.' (lexicon)
(iv) /ý h´s&w´ks&ý tuhkuy/

/ý+ h´s&.w´ks&-w´ /ý+ tuh.kuy/
3E+ BACK.hang-COM 3E+ shoot.INSTR
'He unslung his firearm.' (ZOH1R24 199)
7.1.1.5. ko
A prefix with this shape and similar function appears in Copainalá Zoque,
and is glossed by Wonderley as marking "action performed for or on the property
of another person" (Wonderley, 1951:148). He gives the prefix the label
'associative'. This meaning applies to many of the forms in the MIG Zoque
corpus, so I assign this morpheme the symbol SOC (for asSOCiative). ko-
sometimes also means 'do again' or 'do more'.
The first two examples support the SOC reading; the second two indicate
the AGAIN reading; and the last two suggest a MORE reading. There are a few
constructions in which ko- adds an argument to its host verb root. An example is
shown in (7.9 vii). I wasn't able to invent or elicit any other acceptable
constructions with this valency-changing capability.
(7.9)
(i) /ý kotenn´ (ii) /ý kocoNN´
/ý+ ko.ten-w´ /ý+ ko.coN-w´
3E+ SOC.stand-COM 3E+ SOC.join-COM
'She stood caring for it.' 'He helped someone.'
166
(iii) /ý kohus&s&´ (iv) /ý konipp´
/ý+ ko.hus&-w´ /ý+ ko.nip-w´
3E+ SOC.roast-COM 3E+ SOC.sow-COM
'She re-heated it.' 'He re-seeded it.'
(v) /ý kohuyy´ (vi) /ý ko/is&s&´

/ý+ ko.huy-w´ /ý+ ko./is&-w´
3E+ SOC.buy-COM 3E+ SOC.see-COM
'She bought another little thing besides.' 'He looked at it to see if
he wanted it'
(vii) kos&ŃNadam´ y´d´ /awin/

ko.s&Ń./a-tam-A/ y´d´ /awin/
SOC.fiesta.VERS1-1/2PL-IMPV this brother
'Let's have a fiesta for this friend.' (ZOH1R18 189)
7.1.1.6. k´
Wonderley names the corresponding prefix found in Copainalá Zoque
'chance-associative', saying it "marks action performed along with another person
[...]; the subject of the verb takes a subordinate or chance part in the action". He
further notes that "[i]n other sequences, prefix 12 marks some specialized
meaning" (Wonderley, 1951:148). In MIG Zoque, the "specialized" meaning
seems to have overtaken the other, since this prefix seldom makes a clear
contribution to the meaning of the whole construction. In neologisms, it tends to
contribute the sense AWAY or 'outside', but only vaguely. The gloss code is
chosen to reflect the related morpheme with that meaning that appears in
directional and locative lexical items such as /aNk´/, 'outside'. k´- nearly always
co-occurs with the suffix -/ý.
167
(7.10)
(i) /ý k´/aNhe/kk´ (ii) /ý k´m´/cc´
/ý+ k´./aNhe/k-w´ /ý+ k´.m´/c-w´
3E+ AWAY.be_afraid-COM 3E+ AWAY.look_for-COM
'She discouraged him. 'He found out something.'
(iii) /ý yakk´wakký hac´

/ý+ yak.k´.wak-w´ ha/c.E
3E+ CAUS.AWAY.*empty-COM borrow.NOM3
'He paid off his debt.'
(iv) /ý kć´kkýy´ /ý haya

/ý+ k´.c´k./ý-w´ /ý+ haya
3E+ AWAY.do.SUF-COM 3E+ man
'She deceived her husband.'
(v) k´hawayyý s&ah

0 k´.haway-w´ /ý+ s&ah
3A AWAY.ache-COM 3E+ armpit
'His armpit began to ache.'
There is a special frame for creating new verbs that consists of k´.n´k +
VerbRoot + /ý. The frame is generally glossed 'completely' or 'a lot', and seems
to create an emphatic version of the action of Verbing.
(7.11)
(i) /ý kń´kn´mmýy´
/ý+ k´.n´k=n´m./ý-w´
3E+ AWAY.go=say.SUF-COM
'He spoke suddenly.'
(ii) kń´kkoks&ýy´ ta/ks&i/

0 k´.n´k=/oks&./ý-w´ ta/ks&.E
3A AWAY.go=go_out.SUF-COM burn.NOM3
'All the lights went out.'
(iii) /ý kń´kk´ks&ýyý mok
168
/ý+ k´.n´k=/´ks&./ý-w´ /ý+ mok
3E+ AWAY.go=shell.SUF-COM 3E+ corn
'She shelled all of her corn.'
(iv) /ý kń´kwijjýy´

/ý+ k´.n´k=wij./ý-w´
3E+ AWAY.go=dive.SUF-COM
'He dove in.' (ZOH1R15 064)
(v) kń´ks&eps&ýy´
0 k´.n´k=s&eps&./ý-w´
3A AWAY.go=make_rope-COM
'He stepped back and twisted around.' (ZOH1R11 064)
7.1.1.7. ni
Wonderley terms this prefix 'incompletive' (Wonderley, 1951:148).
Kaufman (1994) gives it the gloss 'purpose'. I find little support for either of these
interpretations in the MIG Zoque corpus, so have rather arbitrarily chosen

PurpoSE (PSE). ni- rarely co-occurs with the suffix -/ý.
(7.12)
(i) /ý nihi/tt´ (ii) /ý nip´/tt´
/ý+ ni.hi/t-w´ /ý+ ni.p´/t-w´
3E+ PSE.stain-COM 3E+ PSE.pass-COM
'She stained it.' 'He overtook her.'
(iii) /ý nip´kwakk´

/ý+ ni.p´k=wak-w´
3E+ PSE.grasp=*empty-COM
'She took it from him.'
169
(iv) niwi/tt´mm´ bi poh kuyg´s&i
0 ni.wi/t./´m-w´ bi poh kuy+g´s&i
3A PSE.twist.PASS-COM DEF vine tree+LOC4
'The vine is twisted around the tree.'
7.1.1.8. nik
This morpheme means 'VERB on the surface of X', hence the gloss code
SURF(ace). It especially applies to verbs of spraying, spreading, or splattering,
and particularly applies to VERBing on someone's body. Productive use of this
prefix by the unwary may cause embarassment, since it apparently is used in a

number of off-color terms. nik- always co-occurs with the suffix -/ý.
(7.13)
(i) nikkohhýy´ (ii) /ý nikcuhhýy´
0 nik./oh./ý-w´ /ý+ nik.cuh./ý-wc
3A SURF.cough.SUF-COM 3E+ SURF.spit.SUF-COM
'He coughed on her.' 'She spit at him.'
(iii) /ý nikhe/kkýy´

/ý+ nik.he/k./ý-w´
3E+ SURF.hoe.SUF-COM
'He picked it up with a hoe and threw it on top of something.'
(iv) nńikkeccýy´
0 n´/=nik.kec./ý-w´
3A water=SURF.sprinkle_w_hand.SUF-COM
'She threw water on it (with her open hand).'
(v) /ý yaknikpoyy´ba /ora /ý ciw´ /axta gaha@N

/ý+ yak.nik.poy./ý-pa /ora /ý+ ci/-w´ /as&ta ga+haaN
3E+ CAUS.SURF.flee.SUF-INC TEMREL 3E+ give-COM until DCT3+DIR1
'When he jumped on top of him he knocked him over there.'
(ZOH1R18 333)
170
7.1.1.9. win
This morpheme was once an independent noun, as attested by a few
lexical items with nominal case endings and a few compounds (7.14 i and ii). The
gloss for this item is clearly 'surface' or 'front', although, as always, there are
many verbal constructions with no clearly compositional interpretation. The
gloss code for this morpheme is FACE. It sometimes co-occurs with the suffix -
/ý.
(7.14)
(i) winhonaN (ii) winmanak
win+honaN win=manak
FACE+DIR3 FACE=child
'from in front' 'first-born child'
(i) /ý win/is&s&´ (ii) winhuptukkuy/

/ý+ win./is&-w´ win.hup=tuk.kuy/
3E+ FACE.see-COM FACE.pull=finish.INSTR1
'He saw it from over there.' 'apron'
(iii) winn´ktenwýy´ (iv) winpakcoNN´

0 win.n´k=ten.wý-w´ 0 win.pak=coN-w´
3A FACE.go=stand.DEPOS-COM 3A FACE.tighten=meet-COM
'She stood in front of' him.' 'He met her.'
(v) g´ winnaw´@/
g´ win./a-w´+V/k
DCT3 FACE.VERS1-COM+REL
'he who got ahead' (ZOH1R24 112)
171
7.1.1.10 yuk
yuk- has the clearly directional meaning 'up', and so it receives the gloss
symbol UP. It also frequently means 'to begin', in which sense it can apply to any
verb root. It never appears with the suffix -/ý.
(7.15)
(i) /ý yukki/tt´ (ii) /ý yukkes&s&´
/ý+ yuk.ki/t -w´ /ý+ yuk./es&-w´
3E+ UP.put_finger_in-COM 3E+ UP.pin-COM
'He picked it up with one finger.' 'She pinned it up.'
(iii) yukhehh´ (iv) yukkecc´

0 yuk.heh-w´ 0 yuk./ec-w´
3A UP.live-COM 3A UP.dance-COM
'He was resurrected.' 'She began to dance.'
(v) ga/ /ý yukp´kpay toto/

ga/ /ý+ yuk.p´k-pa /ý+ toto/
that 3E+ UP.get-INC 3E+ paper
'She gets it (written) up in her notebook.' (ZOH1R28 311)
7.1.2. Positional suffixes
There are three positional suffixes in MIG Zoque: the assumptive, the
depositive, and the stative. When these appear with a verb root, they tend to
highlight deep, abstract, notions of shape and position that are inherent in the
meaning of the root, but less apparent when the root is used in an underived stem.
For example, the root hup-, when used without a positional suffix, is translated as
'to pull': /ý hupp´, 'he pulled it'. With the assumptive suffix, however, the
abstract positional meaning of the root becomes apparent: hupneyy´, 'it is
stretched out'. There are many MIG Zoque verbs that entail very particular
172
notions of position or shape, of the hands, body, or other objects, and it is often
the positional suffixes that make these meanings apparent. (see chapter 13 for
more discussion).
7.1.2.1. Assumptive ney
This suffix is diagnostic of the Positional verb root class. Verbs with the
assumptive suffix appear with absolutive agreement markers, indicating that they
are intransitive. Assumptive means "to assume the shape or orientation of V-ing"
(Kaufman, 1996). This generally translates as "to be in the position of having
been V-ed". These are not always transparently positional to our sensibilities, as
the first example shown below illustrates.
The suffix may also highlight an underlying, or nearly buried, sense of
positionality that is not the focus of the active verb root. In example (v), the root
naks&- generally means 'to hit or pound with a stick'. It's often included in verb
compounds (chapter 8) to supply a wooden instrument to the event described by
the other verb root. In this example, however, the visual character of sticks is
referenced: that they have branches that things can hang on. The assumptive
suffix may also focus on the act that produces the result that is generally the focus
of the root. In example (vi), below, the verb root koh- usually means 'to pierce or
punch a hole in something'. With the assumptive suffix, the focus is on the
position of the piercing instrument in the act of piercing: the stick is stuck through
the fruit.
173
(7.16)
(i) s&omneyy´
0 s&om.ney-w´
3A jail.ASSUM-COM
'He was in jail.' (ZOH1R12
334)
(ii) t´mmawń mok /as&ta /aps&neyy´

0 t´m./a-w´ /ń+ mok /as&ta 0 /aps&.ney-w´
3A fruit.VERS1-COM 1E+ corn until 3A harvest_corn.ASSUM-COM
'My corn bore fruit until it was hanging down.' (lexicon)
(iii) nas&ho pe/cneyy´

nas&+ho/ 0 pe/c.ney-w´
earth+LOC1 3A draw_up_legs.ASSUM-COM
'She's sitting on the ground with her legs pulled behind her.' (lexicon)
(iv) gahi sol kopak pacneyy´

gahi/ solo kopak 0 pac.ney-w´
there only head 3A throw.ASSUM-COM
'There were just skulls thrown down.' (ZOH1R18 167)
(v) hupneyy´ tum hupkuy n´/

0 hup.ney-w´ tum hup.kuy/ n´/
3A pull.ASSUM-COM one pull.INSTR1 water
'A bucket of water was drawn.' (ZOH1R18 310)
(vi) naks&neyy´ bi yote/

0 naks&.ney-w´ bi yote/
3A hit_w_wood.ASSUM-COM DEF clothes
'The clothes are hung (on a stake in the wall).' (lexicon)
(vii) kohneyy´ de kuy yatig´s&i

0 koh.ney-w´ de/ kuy yati/+g´s&i
3A punch_hole.ASSUM-COM that tree sweetsop+LOC4
'That stick is stuck through the sweetsop (fruit).' (lexicon)
174
The assumptive suffix focusses on the current position of the object in
question, without expressing how it got into that position. This lack of expressed
agency distinguishes the assumptive from the perseverative (section 7.1.3). The
following examples contrast the agentless character of the assumptive with the
intentional character of the perseverative examples shown in (7.20).
(7.17)
(i) kapneyy´ bi kuy
0 kap.ney-w´ bi kuy
3A carry_on_shoulder.ASSUM1-COM DEF tree
'The tree is lying on the ground (after it fell down).' (lexicon)
(ii) ketneba bi /une/

0 ket.ney-pa bi /une/
3A cover.ASSUM1-INC DEF child
'The child is covered up.' (lexicon)
(iii) pahneyya@m bi t´k /ý kohom

0 pah.ney-w´+/am bi t´k /ý+ kohom
3A set_post.ASSUM-COM+NOW DEF house 3E+ post
'The post of the house is still standing.' (lexicon)
7.1.2.2. Depositive wý
The term depositive means "to place something that has the shape created
by V-ing it", or "Take X and put it" (Kaufman, 1996). This morpheme never
appears with other non-inflectional suffixes. The initial /w/ of this suffix triggers
gemination of the preceding consonant just like the completive suffix -w´. This
means that there are many cases in which it is difficult to determine whether we're
looking at -wý or -/ý. In these cases, only the meaning provides a clue to the
underlying construction. Even allowing for possible mis-parses, there are very
175
few depositive forms in the corpus. The following examples, except for (7.18 v),
are taken from the lexicon.
(7.18)
(i) hummćcýy´ (ii) hi/ppýy´
0 hum=mć.wý-w´ 0 hi/p.wý-w´
3A tumble_down.X.DEPOS-COM 3A move.DEPOS-COM
'It swung.' 'It was set on one side'
(iii) winn´ktenwýy´
0 win.n´k=ten.wý-w´
3A FACE.go=finish.DEPOS-COM
'He stood in front of her.'
(iv) /ý paNNýy´ de/s&e

/ý+ paN.wý-w´ de./s&e
3E+ *lean.DEPOS-COM DCT2.SIM
'He leaned it like that.'
(v) si kumm´ /o ney gahi /ý paccýcakk´

si 0 kum-w´ /o ney gahi/ /ý+ pac.wý=cak-w´
if 3A bury-COM or same there 3E+ throw.DEPOS=leave-COM
'If he was buried or they just left him thrown down there.' (ZOH1R26 145)
7.1.2.3. Stative na
The stative suffix indicates a static position, much like the definition given
for assumptive. There are only 11 expressions using this suffix in the corpus, all
but one of which follow the pattern Verb.na Verb-Infl. This leads me to conclude
that this suffix generally produces a stative adjective, or participle, from one of a
few positional verbs. (Whether it's incorporated is impossible to tell with the
third person absolutive 0 morpheme.) The first two examples occur with
positional roots that do not appear as independent roots; that is, they can not be
176
directly inflected. *hap- appears frequently in compounds and evidently means
something like 'mouth' or 'face down'. *tay- appears only in other positional
expressions (like tay.ney-w´, 'he was lying face up'). The following examples
come from the lexicon.
(7.19)
(i) hapna moNN´ (ii) tayna moNN´
0 hap.na moN-w´ 0 tay.na moN-w´
3A *face_down.STAT sleep-COM 3A *face_up.STAT sleep-COM
'She slept face down.' 'He slept face up.'
(iii) ceNna tenn´ (iv) hapna yow´

0 ceN.na ten-w´ 0 hap.na yo/-w´
3A be_on_one_side.STAT stand-COM 3A *face_down.STAT fall-COM
'She stood sideways.' 'He fell face down.'
(v) cńna wanakk´ (vi) cńna moNN´

0 cń.na wanak-w´ 0 cń.na moN-w´
3A sit.STAT go_down-COM 3A sit.STAT sleep-COM
'She sat down.' 'He slept sitting up.'
(vii) ceNnaminpa /i ceNnan´kpa

0 ceN.na=min-pa /i 0 ceN.na=n´k-pa
3A be_on_one_side.STAT=come-INC and 3A be_on_one_side.STAT=go-INC
'She staggered.'
7.1.3. Perseverative ten
This suffix means roughly "to keep something V-ed", or perhaps more
precisely, "to V, and as a result to have something V-ed". One of my consultants
often translated expressions with this suffix as "to V the day before". It is the
volitional counterpart of assumptive -ney, which does not imply intentional
action. Something can assume a position of having been stretched, for example,
177
without a human being deliberately doing the stretching, but if -ten is used, the
fact that the stretching was done deliberately is made clear. Compare the first
five examples shown below with examples in (7.17) above.
(7.20)
(i) /ń kaptennń toto/
/ń+ kap.ten-w´ /ń+ toto/
1E+ carry_on_shoulder.PRSV-COM 1E+ paper
'I've got my notebook set on my shoulder.' (elicited)
(ii) /ý mama /ý kettenn´ bi /une/

/ý+ mama /ý+ ket.ten-w´ bi /une/
3E+ mama 3E+ cover.PRSV-COM DEF child
'His mother has the child covered up.'
(lexicon)
(iii) /ý pahtenn´ bi kuy

/ý+ pah.ten-w´ bi kuy
3E+ set_post.PRSV-COM DEF tree
'He set the post (where he needed it).' (elicited)
(iv) yan montenn´ g´ hamatin

ya /ń+ mon.ten-w´ g´ hamatin
NEG 1E+ wrap.PRSV-COM DEM money
'I don't have the money wrapped up.' (ZOH1R23 460)
(v) /ý hupnukk´ mý´, /ý nuktenn´

/ý+ hup=nuk-w´ mý´ /ý+ nuk.ten-w´
3E+ pull=grab-COM thunder 3E+ grab.PRSV-COM
'He snatched the lightning bolt, he had it grasped.' (ZOH1R25 217)
The perseverative is not necessarily related to having something in a
particular position. It simply means that the event was done ahead of time, or in
time, or deliberately. Thus, the perseverative appears with non-positional verbs
as well.
178
(7.21)
(i) /ý /uctenný mok
/ý+ /uc.ten-w´ /ý+ mok
3E+ measure.PRSV-COM 3E+ corn
'She has her corn measured.'
(ii) /ý haytenna@m bi totog´s&i

/ý+ hay.ten-w´+/am bi toto/+g´s&i
3E+ write.PRSV-COM+NOW DEF paper+LOC4
'He's got it written on the paper.'
(iii) /ý huytenn´ bi coy/

/ý+ huy.ten-w´ bi coy/
3E+ buy.PRSV-COM DEF medicine
'She's bought her medicine.'
(iv) /ý mahtenn´ bi hý´/

/ý+ mah.ten-w´ bi hý´/
3E+ water.PRSV-COM DEF flower
'He's got the flowers watered.'
(v) /ý maytenn´ bi hamatin

/ý+ may.ten-w´ bi hamatin
3E+ count.PRSV-COM DEF money
'She's got the money counted.'
Sometimes the translations of verb roots with perseverative suffixes
focussed on the moment of the actual event, especially roots indicating some
particular motion or position of the hands, or of moving things with sticks. In all
such cases, my consultants thought the perseverative forms were odd, but
willingly offered translations. The meanings of the suffixed forms were generally
"to have the hand or stick in the position of V-ing and not move it for a little
while".
179
(7.22)
(i) /ý hectenn´ bi wowo
/ý+ hec.ten-w´ bi wowo
3E+ scratch.PRSV-COM DEF hole
'He put his hand in to scratch out a hole and didn't take it out for bit.'
(ii) /ý hi/ptenn´ bi nć

/ý+ hi/p.ten-w´ bi nć
3E+ move_w_stick.PRSV-COM DEF armadillo
'He's got the armadillo pinned (in its hole).'
(iii) /ý hu/ttenn´ bi k´s&i

/ý+ hu/t.ten-w´ bi k´s&.E
'3E+ stir.PRSV-COM DEF eat.NOM3
'She's got the stirrer set ready in the atole.'
(iv) /ý keptenn´ bi pelota

/ý+ kep.ten-w´ bi pelota
3E+ kick.PRSV-COM DEF ball
'He's got his foot placed, ready to kick the ball.'
(v) /ý ko/ctenný wae

/ý+ ko/c.ten-w´ /ý+ wae
3E+ touch_w_flat_hand.PRSV-COM 3E+ masa
'She has the masa in the palm of her hand.'
180
7.1.4. The mysterious yet ubiquitous suffix '/ý'
This suffix usually appears with one of the directional prefixes discussed
in section 7.1.1. I have not been able to determine what it means or what its
function could be in the verbal complex. If it's a circumfix, why do the prefixes
that co-occur with it also freely occur without it? I tried to make a case for
collapsing this -/ý with the versive VERS2 that derives verbs from nouns, but
this did not hold up. There were too few cases in which the stem to which -
/ý was attached could be reasonably construed as nominal. It does not
consistently make intransitive roots transitive, or otherwise affect the argument
structure of the verb complex. The search for revealing parallels in other Mixe-
Zoque languages has also been fruitless (Kaufman, p.c.), so I'm forced to concede
defeat and simply gloss the irritating little morpheme SUF and have done with it.
(7.23)
(i) helasyo yay /okc´kký
helasyo ya /ý+ /ok.c´k./ý-A
helasyo NEG 3E+ DOWN.do.SUF-nINC
'Gelasio doesn't have time.' (ZOH1R10 004)
(ii) tihh´ d´ /okcakký /ń ha:y manak parada

tih-w´ d´+ /ok.cak./ý-E /ń+ haya manak parada
go&return-COM 1A+ DOWN.leave.SUF-dCOM 1E+ male child stop
'My son accompanied me to the bus stop.' (ZOH1R10 165)
(iii) d´ k´maNN´damm´ karruho

d´+ k´.maN./ý-tam-w´ karru+ho/
1A+ AWAY.*step.SUF-1/2PL-COM bus+LOC1
'We got on the bus' (ZOH1R10 170)
181
(iv) /ń /is&p´kpa@/k hente d´kka /ń /otoNNýy´
/ń+ /is&=p´k-pa+V/k hente +d´kka /ń+ /otoN./ý-w´
1E+ see=get-INC+REL people +NPL 1E+ speak.SUF-COM
'The people that I know I spoke to.' (ZOH1R10 299)
(v) tigo mis& maNkuy kń´kkepp´ba

tigo/ mis&+ maNkuy/=k´.n´k=kep./ý-pa
why 2>1+ foot=AWAY.go=kick.SUF-INC
'Why do you stick your foot out at me?' (ZOH1R18 323)
7.2. Noun and adjective formation
This section describes the affixes that are used to form nouns and
adjectives from verb roots.
7.2.1. Participles and result nouns
There are two suffixes that form deverbal adjectives and nouns that have a
participial or resultative character. The definition is fuzzy because the meanings
of nouns formed with these suffixes varies, but all have the general sense of 'the
result of V-ing' or 'the condition of having been V-ed'.

Each has a set of phonological alternations. NOM2 labels the set
[a, a/, ´, and ´], represented by A in the morpheme breakdown line of the
examples. NOM3 labels the set [e, e/, i, and i], represented by E in the
morpheme breakdown line. The choice of vowel is governed by the vowel
harmony process discussed in section 3.3.2. Given the general preference of MIG
Zoque for CVC syllables, I think it is likely that originally there were only the
182
glottal stop-final alternants, but it is not possible to determine this conclusively
given the fragility of word-final glottal stops in this language.
NOM2 is much less abundantly attested than NOM3. I tried to elicit both
forms for every verb root in the lexicon, and found very few roots that would
accept NOM2, whereas nearly every root allows NOM3. There seems to be
interference from the imperative suffix, which has the same phonological shapes
as NOM2. NOM2 forms are more likely to be clearly nouns, while NOM3 forms
are more likely to be participle-like adjectives.
(7.24)
(i) /aNnops&a (ii) /in´/
/aN./ops&.a /in.´/
NEG speak.NOM2 get_cloudy.NOM2
'mute' 'cloud'
(iii) wiki cowa/ (iv) hok´w´/

wiki coN.a/ ho.kŃ.´/
finger join.NOM2 INTO.burn.NOM2
'knuckle' 're-burned'
(v) keta de toto/ (vi) hac´

ket.a de toto/ hac.´
cover.NOM2 of paper get_into_debt.NOM2
'book cover' 'debt'
(vii) nisota/ (viii) s&aw´/

niso/t.a/ s&aN.´/
bud.NOM2 cut_w_machete.NOM2
'bud' 'cut with a machete'
NOM3 is vastly more common. Nearly all the verb roots that I tested
allow a NOM3 form. NOM3 forms generally have a participial meaning. This is
183
invariably the sort of translation I was given when I tried eliciting NOM3 and
NOM2 forms for all the roots in the lexicon, suggesting that the exceptions (forms
whose meanings are more nominal, as in example 7.25 ii) have become
lexicalized and shifted away from an earlier, more directly participial sense.
(7.25)
(i) hape (ii) /ohe/
ha/p.e /oh.e/
break.NOM3 cough.NOM3
'broken' '(a) cough'
(iii) s&is& has&e (iv) kukwene/

s&is& has&.e kuk=wen.e/
meat roast.NOM3 middle=divide.NOM3
'roasted meat' 'divided in the middle'
(v) t´wi (vi) /´wi/

tŃ.i /Ń.i/
cut_w_machete.NOM3 fall_from_above.NOM3
'a thing cut with a machete' 'fallen fruit'
(vii) huki (viii) /aNwiti/

huk.i /aN.wit.i/
smoke.NOM3 MOUTH.walk.NOM3
'cigarette' 'visitor'
7.2.2. Instrumentals
Instrumentality is an important concept in MIG Zoque, to judge by the
abundance of means for expressing the notion. In addition to the instrument

postposition +pi/t (INSTR), there are three affixes that form instrument nouns
from verb roots. There are also many verb roots that entail a specific instrument
as part of their meaning, such as hi/p-, 'to move with a little stick'. These can be
184
compounded with another verb root to add an instrument to the clause (see
chapter 8 for examples).
7.2.2.1. kuy/
This is a highly productive affix. I could easily earn my approval points
for the day by naming one of my common tools (pencils, lighters, etc.) with a new
instrumental using -kuy/. It frequently appears attached to stems with the
antipassive suffix -/oy, reasonably, since there's no need to be specific about
objects when identifying a tool. There are also examples of this suffix with
prefixed stems, compounded stems, and even stems with an incorporated noun.
The meaning of words formed with -kuy/ are usually instrumental, sometimes
locative, and sometimes purely idiosyncratic. The gloss for this morpheme is
INSTR1.
(7.26) Simple forms
(i) /ukkuy/ (ii) /uckuy/

/uk.kuy/ /uc.kuy/
drink.INSTR1 measure.INSTR1
'drunkenness' 'measure'
(iii) haykuy/ (iv) hununkuy/

hay.kuy/ hunun.kuy/
write.INSTR1 tickle.INSTR1
'pen' 'ticklish'
(v) kumkuy/ (vi) kŃkuy/

kum.kuy/ kŃ.kuy/
X.INSTR1 paint.INSTR1
'town' 'color'
185
(vii) maNkuy/ (viii) caNkuy/
maN.kuy/ caN.kuy/
*step.INSTR1 hit_w_fist.INSTR1
'foot' 'hand'
(ix) /ammakuy/ (x) /aNhe/kkuy/

/amma.kuy/ /aNhe/k.kuy/
look.INSTR1 be_afraid.INSTR1
'vision; the eyes' 'fear'
(7.27) Antipassive stem
(i) pennokuy/ (ii) monnoykuy/

pen./oy.kuy/ mon./oy.kuy/
tighten.ANTIP.INSTR1 wrap.ANTIP.INSTR1
'squeeze' 'wrapper'
(iii) kń´khuppokuy/ (iv) hu/ccokuy/

k´.n´k==hup./oy.kuy/ hu/c./oy.kuy/
AWAY.go=pull.ANTIP.INSTR1 puncture.ANTIP.INSTR1
'whip' 'arrow'
(v) /aNNunnokuy/ (vi) /is&s&okuy/

/aN./un./oy.kuy/ /is&./oy.kuy/
MOUTH.deceive.ANTIP.INSTR1 see.ANTIP.INSTR1
'gossip' 'the eye'
186
(7.28) Other derived stems, compounds, and incorporation structures
(i) /anecaNkuy/ (ii) hampoNkuy/

/ane=caN.kuy/ ham=poN.kuy/
tortilla.hit_w_fist.INSTR1 lime=burn.INSTR1
'tortilla maker' 'oven for cooking lime'
(iii) honcihhokuy/ (iv) kocahkuy/

hon=cih./oy.kuy/ ko.cah.kuy/
bird=throw_rock.ANTIP.INSTR1 SOC.stick.INSTR1
'bola' 'paste'
(v) koyos&kuy/ (vi) numcńkuy/

ko.yos&.kuy/ num=cń.kuy/
SOC.work.INSTR1 steal=sit.INSTR1
'work (done) for someone else' 'hiding place'
7.2.2.2. y´k
Unlike instrumental -kuy/, y´k- is only prefixed to verb roots, not to
derived stems. There is also one interesting form that employs both instrumental
affixes (7.29 vii). The gloss code for this morpheme is INSTR2.
(7.29)
(i) y´kyum (ii) y´kwć
y´k.yum y´k.wć
INSTR2.boil INSTR2.comb
'copper pot' 'comb'
(iii) y´kheps& (iv) y´khup

y´k.heps& y´k.hup
INSTR2.scoop INSTR2.pull
'shovel' 'bucket'
187
(v) y´kkep (vi) y´kmoN
y´k.kep y´k.moN
INSTR2.kick INSTR2.sleep
'shoe; huarache' 'bed'
(vii) y´kkukkuy/
y´k./uk.kuy/
INSTR2.drink.INSTR1
'cup'
7.2.2.3. ni
This morpheme, INSTR3, generally has a locative meaning, although
there are several examples with an instrumental meaning. Although it is
homophonous with the verbal prefix discussed in section 7.1.1.7, its function is
sufficiently different to warrant analysis as a distinct morpheme. MAR Zoque

also has a prefix ni- that means ùse X as an instrument for doing VERB'1
(Kaufman, p.c.). Like y´k-, ni- never appears with a derived verb stem.
(7.30)
(i) nik´s& (ii) nimoN
ni.k´s& ni.moN
INSTR3.eat INSTR3.sleep
'table for eating at' 'mattress'
1 MAR Zoque has a nearly-homophonous prefix ni/-, which means `VERB on it, esp. someone's
body'. Both prefixes co-occur with the suffix -/ý. (Kaufman, p.c.). We commonly find that final
glottal stops in MAR Zoque have been deleted in the MIG Zoque dialect. This ni/- prefix,
however, most closely corresponds semantically with the MIG Zoque prefix nik-, discussed in
section 7.1.1.8.
188
(iii) nic´m (iv) nicń
ni.c´m ni.cń
INSTR3.carry INSTR3.sit
'pad placed under a load' 'seat'
(v) nihin (vi) nis&uy

ni.hin ni.s&uy
INSTR3.refregar INSTR3.cover
'thing for bathing with' 'blanket; sheet'
7.2.3. Measure nouns
This is another suffix with alternate forms: -naaN/-neeN. The latter form
is relatively rare and does not appear to be phonologically conditioned, since -

naaN appears with verb stems containing all of the six possible vowels. In
accordance with the regular rule of syllable contraction (section 3.3.8), the suffix
receives primary stress even though it is the last syllable in the word. This suffix
is probably cognate with a suffix in neighboring MAR Zoque -i/iN/-e/eN, which
creates a unit of measure or unitary event (Kaufman, p.c.).
I call these measure nouns, because the first ones that I encountered
indicated units of measure based on some action, such as taking a step or holding
something in the closed fist (a fistful). When the event expressed by the verb
stem implies some sort of spatial limit, this suffix will predictably produce a noun
identifying that limit.
189
(7.31)
(i) muyna@N (ii) wa/ks&na@N
muy.naaN wa/ks&.naaN
have_in_mouth.MEAS divide_load.MEAS
'mouthful' 'a load (one side of
the burro)'
(iii) cuks&ne@N (iv) cunne@N

cuks&.neeN cun.neeN
pinch.MEAS drip.MEAS
'a little piece' 'drop'
(v) yucna@N (vi) cacne@N

yuc.naaN cac.neeN
grab_w_fist.MEAS tear.MEAS
'handful' 'strip (of paper)'
(vii) ki/tna@N (viii) hecna@N

ki/t.naaN hec.naaN
put_finger.MEAS scratch.MEAS
'the amount of (food) that you 'the amount you can
can pick up with one finger' scratch up with one hand'
Applying the measure suffix to a verb with a typically iterative
connotation, such as sneezing or stepping, produces a noun indicating one
instance or iteration of the action.
(7.32)
(i) kas&na@N (ii) kekna@N
kas&.naaN kek.naaN
step.MEAS hop.MEAS
'(a) step' '(a) hop'
(iii) s&u/kna@N (iv) nemna@N

s&u/k.naaN nem.naaN
kiss.MEAS cut_w_scissors.MEAS
'(a) kiss' '(one) snip'
190
(v) neNna@N (vi) hatiks&na@N
neN.naaN hatiks&.naaN
make_waves.MEAS sneeze.MEAS
'(a) wave' '(a) sneeze'
(vii) hinna@N (viii) hotna@N

hin.naaN hot.naaN
scrub.MEAS pick_coffee.MEAS
'(a) scrub' 'one stroke of the
hand, picking coffee'
With verb stems that express a more complex event, the measure suffix
yields a noun indicating a single occurrence of the event.
(7.33)
(i) /omna@N (ii) h´/tna@N
/om.naaN h´/t.naaN
cense.MEAS flood.MEAS
'a censing (ritual)' 'one flooding'
(iii) kehna@N (iv) me/cna@N

keh.naaN me/c.naaN
appear.MEAS look_for.MEAS
'one sighting' 'a search'
(v) s&omna@N
s&om.naaN
jail.MEAS
'a jail term'
191
Finally, there are more abstract nouns formed with the measure suffix,
denoting a result of the event expressed by the verb stem.
(7.34)
(i) kuy wocna@N (ii) tanne@N
kuy woc.naaN tan.neeN
tree saw.MEAS complete.MEAS
'sawdust' 'completed'
(iii) /onne@N (iv) noNna@N

/on.neeN noN.naaN
mess_up.MEAS dent&spring_back.MEAS
'a crumpled bit of garbage' 'a dent'
7.3. Verb formation suffixes
There is one suffix used to create MIG Zoque verbs from Spanish verbs
and Zoque nouns: c´k-, 'to do'. There are two versives for forming verbs from
nouns, adjectives, and other words.
7.3.1. Spanish verb stems + the Zoque light verb c´k-
To import a Spanish verb into MIG Zoque, one strips the inflectional
suffix from the (present tense) Spanish verb (probably the third person singular
form) and compounds the stem with the light (semantically nearly empty) verb
c´k-, 'to do'. The argument structure of the combined form is determined by the
Spanish verb. Evidence that the Spanish donor form is the third person singular
can be seen in examples (iv) and (viii), below. Here, the Zoque verbs were
formed from irregular Spanish verbs: conseguir 'to get', and aprobar, 'to approve'.
The third person singular forms for these two verbs are consigues and apruebes.
192
The irregular vowel alternations of these verbs is reflected in the vowels in the
second syllables of the Zoque words.
This process frequently results in the use of speech sounds that are not
part of the regular MIG Zoque inventory. There may be some assimilation of the
final consonant of the Spanish stem, although sometimes an apparently hard-to-
pronounce form is left unchanged (compare examples 7.35 ii and iii). If the
Spanish stem vowel (a, e, or i) is dropped, the preceding vowel is lengthened. If
this would result in a consonant cluster, the stem vowel is retained (examples 7.35
v and vi).
This is an extremely common process, since all living speakers of MIG
Zoque are bilingual and many Spanish words are simply more readily available to
the tongue. Spanish verbs have apparently replaced whole lexical categories
(probably quite long ago), such as religion, cognition, and emotion. It is very
difficult to find Zoque words in these domains, and some of those that appear in
texts are not readily recognized by other speakers. I include the whole Spanish
infinitive form in the morpheme breakdown line for clarity.
(7.35)
(i) /um n´mm´ mis& ke yam ga:nc´kk´
/u /´m+ n´m-w´ mis& ke ya /´m+ ganar=c´k-w´
NEGimpv 2E+ say-COM 2Prn that NEG 2E+ earn=do-nINC
'Don't say that you're not earning.' (ZOH1R18 171)
(ii) ya n´mmo mis& /ayu:dc´ktam´

ya n´m./oy-e mis&+ /ayudar=c´k-tam-A
NEG DO.ANTIP-X 2>1+ help=do-1/2PL-nINC
'Can't you help us?' (ZOH1R25 073)
193
(iii) porke d´s&s&ń /atenc´kpa
porke d´s& /ń+ /atender=c´k-pa
because 1Prn 1E+ pay_attention=do-INC
'because I pay attention (to her)' (ZOH1R32 097)
(iv) /´m konsi:gc´kk´ /algo

/´m+ konsigir=c´k-w´ /algo
2E+ get=do-COM something
'Did you get anything?' (ZOH1R10 086)
(v) /ý nombrac´ks&ukpa@m bi komite@

/ý+ nombrar=c´k-s&uk-pa+/am bi komite@
3E+ name=do-3PL-INC+NOW DEF committee
'Now they're naming the committee.' (ZOH1R32 060)
(vi) y´ pń /ý salbac´kka@m y´d´ kumkuy pń

y´/ pń /ý+ salbar=c´k-w´+/am y´d´ kumkuy/ pń
this man 3E+ save=do-COM+NOW this town man
'This man saved these townspeople.' (ZOH1R18 210)
(vii) de gahi /eNfwa:dc´kk´ rroma@N

de gahi/ 0 /enfadar=c´k-w´ rroma@N
of there 3A get_tired_of=do-COM román
'Then Román got tired of (the place).' (ZOH1R18
241)
(viii) /ý /apre:pc´kk´

/ý+ /aprobar=c´k-w´
3E+ test=do-COM
'He tried it.' (ZOH1R25 173)
(ix) d´s& mis& respaldac´kpa

d´s& mis&+ respaldar=c´k-pa
1Prn 1>2+ support=do-INC
'I will support you.' (ZOH1R24 402)
194
(x) ga bi /ý gus&c´kk´ lugar
ga/ bi /ý+ gustar=c´k-w´ lugar
DCT3 DEF 3E+ like=do-COM place
'That was the place that they liked.' (ZOH1R2 024)
c´k- is also used to form verbs from nouns and adjectives. This produces
a transitive verb, with the general sense of 'to make X'. It can also be used to
make a Zoque verb from a Spanish noun (example vi). The contrast in meaning
between versives =c´k- and ./a- can be seen by comparing examples 7.36 (i) and
7.38 (i), in which each formative is applied to the adjective paha/k, 'sweet'.
(7.36)
(i) /ý paha/kc´kk´
/ý+ paha/k=c´k-w´
3E+ sweet=do-COM
'He sweetened it.'
(ii) n´mmý w´:hc´ks&ukk´

n´mm´ /ý+ w´h´=c´k-s&uk-w´
PROG 3E+ good=do-3PL-COM
'They were repairing it.' (ZOH1R25 064)
(iii) n´kpay mac´ks&ukk´

n´k-pa /ý+ ma/=c´k-s&uk-w´
go-INC 3E+ sale=do-3PL-COM
'They went to sell.' (ZOH1R2 030)
(iv) ha:mc´ktam´ tin c´kmintamm´

hamV=c´k-tam-A/ ti/ /ń+ c´k=min-tam-w´
X=do-1/2PL-IMPV what 1E+ do=come-1/2PL-COM
'Remember what we came to do.' (ZOH1R18 003)
195
(v) /ý tummaNc´kk´
/ý+ tummaN=c´k-w´
3E+ aligned=do-COM
'He straightened (or levelled) it.'
(vi) gay rrwidoc´kpa@m /ý t´kho/

gay 0 ruido=c´k-pa+/am /ý+ t´k+ho/
then 3A noise=do-INC+NOW 3E+ house+LOC2
'Now it makes a noise in his house.' (ZOH1R37 162)
c´k- often combines with deverbal nouns, to yield a verb with much the
same meaning as the original, underived root, but with the focus on perhaps some
particular part of the event. This is a fine example of the stylistic range available
to the Zoque speaker.
(7.37)
(i) /´m moNkuyc´kpa
/´m+ moN.kuy/=c´k-pa
2E+ sleep.INSTR1=do-INC
'You go to bed.' (ZOH1R36 076)
(ii) topac´kk´
0 top.A=c´k-w´
3A be_hot.NOM2=do-COM
'It's hot.'
(iii) toyac´kkhayy´
0 toy.a=c´k.hay-w´
3A be_sick.NOM2=do.APPL-COM
'He got sick.'
(iv) /ý yuhkuyc´kk´

/ý+ yuh.kuy/=c´k-w´
3E+ clear_field.INSTR1=do-COM
'He cleared a field.'
196
7.3.2. Versive -/a
This versive (VERS1) most commonly appears with adjectives with the
general meaning 'to become or be X' (examples 7.38 i and ii). It is also used to
form verbs from demonstratives, numbers, and other function morphemes
(examples iii-v). It verbalizes nouns, with the general meaning 'to have or do X'
(examples vi-viii). It also combines with the irregular stem tehi- to produce a
stem meaning 'to exist' or 'to be located' (example ix), and nńti/, 'there isn't'
(example x).
(7.38)
(i) paha/kkaw´
0 paha/k./a-w´
3A sweet.VERS1-COM
'It became sweet.'
(ii) tey w´h´/awa@m

tey 0 w´h´./a-w´+/am
now 3A good.VERS1-COM+NOW
'Now it's gotten well.' (ZOH1R36 134)
(iii) g´ winnaw´@/
g´ 0 win./a-w´+V/k
DEM 3A FACE.VERS1-COM+REL
'He who got ahead' (ZOH1R24 112)
(iv) /´m huceNNadamm´

/´m+ huceN./a-tam-w´
2E+ how_many.VERS1-1/2PL-COM
'How many are you?' (ZOH1R10 306)
197
(v) mecaNNadamm´s&ta@/
mecaN./a-tam-w´+s&taa/
two.VERS1-1/2PL-COM+ONLY
'(We're) just two.' (ZOH1R10 308)
(vi) y´hńaN n´mmobam tuks&i/aw´ kon m´hm´ hente

y´+hńaaN n´m./oy-pa /´m tuks&i/./a-w´ kon m´hm´ hente
DCT1+ACC DO.ANTIP-INC 2E+ fight.VERS1-COM with many people
'With this you can fight with many people' (ZOH1R18 097)
(vii) y´hama d´ s&ŃNadampa

y´=hama d´+ s&Ń./a-tam-pa
DCT1=day 1A+ fiesta.VERS1-1/2PL-INC
'Today we'll have a fiesta.' (ZOH1R18 185)
(viii) /ý wehhaNkukkaw´

/ý+ weh=/aN.kuk./a-w´
3E+ shout=MOUTH.center.VERS1-COM
'He called them together.' (ZOH1R24 023)
(ix) myentras ke d´s& d´ tehi/aw´

myentras ke d´s& d´+ tehi./a-w´
while that 1Prn 1A+ exist.VERS1-COM
'While I am here' (ZOH1R18 053)
(x) porken manak nńti/aw´ tey t´kho/

porke /ń+ manak nńti/./a-w´ tey t´k+ho/
because 1E+ son there_isn't.VERS1-COM now house+LOC2
'Because my son isn't home right now.' (ZOH1R10 060)
198
7.3.3. Versive -/ý
This versive (VERS2) is most commonly used to form verbs from nouns
with the general meaning 'to have X', but also appears with adjectives (7.39 iv).
Its most common usage is with the noun t´k, 'house', to mean 'to enter' (v and vi).
(7.39)
(i) si puci/ýy´m yo/k
si 0 pu/c.E./ý-w´ /´m+ yo/k
if 3A rot.NOM3.VERS2-COM 2E+ throat
'If your throat has granules (irritation)...' (ZOH1R36 048)
(ii) rroma@N komo /animo/ýy´

rroma@N komo 0 /animo./ý-w´
román how 3A courage.VERS2-COM
'Since Román had courage' (ZOH1R18 060)
(iii) /ý y´kmaNNýy´

/ý+ y´k.maN./ý-w´
3E+ INSTR2.*step.VERS2-COM
'He put his shoes on.' (ZOH1R24 160)
(iv) /ý poyya:hýy´

/ý+ poy=yah´/./ý-w´
3E+ flee=far.VERS2-COM
'He threw them away.' (ZOH1R24 630)
(v) gahi t´kk´s&ukk´

ga.hi/ 0 t´k./ý-s&uk-w´
DCT3.LOC1 3A house.VERS2-3PL-COM
'There they entered.' (ZOH1R24 009)
199
(vi) t´kk´dam´ hoNho/
t´k./ý-tam-A/ hoN+ho/
house.VERS2-1/2PL-IMPV inside+LOC2
'Come inside.' (ZOH1R24 036)
7.4. Deadjectival nouns
The +p´/k relative clause marker also serves as a means of nominalizing
adjectives: "that which is X".
(7.39)
(i) paha/kp´/
paha/k+p´/k
sweet+REL
'candy'
(ii) ga capacp´/k /i y´ky´k

ga capac+p´/k /i y´ky´k
DCT3 red+REL and black
'Those red and black ones.' (elicited)
(iii) ga mecaNp´/k
ga/ mecaN+p´/k
DCT3 two+REL
'Those two.' (elicited)
200
Johnson / A Grammar of San Miguel Chimalapa Zoque
Chapter 8: Dependent Verb Constructions
In MIG Zoque, one verb root can be dependent on another in two ways:
morphologically or syntactically. Morphological dependency obtains when two
verb stems are compounded in a single verb complex. These constructions are the
most varied, and so are discussed last, in section 8.3.

Syntactically dependent verb constructions consist of a sequence of two
verb complexes in which the second (V2) is dependent on the first (V1). V1 is
inflected for aspect or mood as it would be if it were the only verb in the clause,
using one of the eight aspect/mood suffixes shown in Table 5.2. V2 is inflected
with one of the two dependent suffixes: -E if V1 has completive aspect, and -w´
if it is in the incompletive or a non-declarative mood. Only V2 is marked for
agreement with the subject (and object), and the agreement marker is always
selected from the ergative set, regardless of V2's transitivity. The whole
construction has only one argument structure.
(8.1) s&us&s&ń nipin mok

s&us&-w´ /ń+ nip-E /ń+ mok
whistle-COM 1E+ sow-dCOM 1E+ corn
'I whistled while I sowed my corn.' (elicited)
The auxiliary verbs defined in section 4.1.5. can appear in a dependent
construction with any other verb (pace pragmatic obstacles, as in, for instance,
'the mangoes hurried to rot'). A complete description of auxiliary verb
constructions is given in section 8.1. Other dependent verb constructions are
201
generally translated 'to V1 while V2-ing' (as in example 8.1), and are more
limited in terms of acceptable combinations. These are discussed in section 8.2.
8.1. Auxiliary verb constructions
There are six auxiliaries in MIG Zoque, all intransitive roots of motion,
manner, or aspect:
(8.2)
(i) Motion (ii) Manner
n´∂k- 'go' h∂´/ks&- 'hurry'
min- 'come' mus&- 'know'
tih- 'go & return'
(iii) Aspect
/okmaN- 'begin'
An example of each one is given in (8.3). n´k-, 'to go', and min-, 'to
come', are far and away the most commonly used. tih-, to go and return', is used
when the round-trip character of the motion is relevant. Both mus&-, 'to know',
and /okmaN-, 'to begin', appear most commonly in verb root compound
constructions; in fact, I found no examples of /okmaN- in the dependent verb
construction in the texts. h´/ks&-, 'to hurry', is extremely rare in any form.
Relative frequency in the corpus notwithstanding, it is easy to elicit examples of

any of the auxiliaries, while other likely suspects1 (such as tuk-, 'to finish') are
roundly rejected.
1Sierra Popoluca, an Gulf (Veracruz) Zoquean language, has yah-, 'to finish' in its set of auxiliary
verbs (Himes 1997).
202
(8.3)
(i) hemhi gahi n´kpay p´kcoNN´
hemhi gahi/ n´k-pa /ý+ p´k=coN-w´
all there go-INC 3E+ get=join-dINC
'They all go there to receive them.' (ZOH1R21 032)
(ii) rranc&u minn´ mi /aNNunn´dame

rranc&u min-w´ mi+ /aN./un./ý-tam-E
rancho come-COM 3>2+ MOUTH.deceive.SUF-1/2PL-dCOM
'The (people of the) rancho came to deceive you.' (ZOH1R16 070)
(iii) tihtammń yos&tame y´d´ yaNked´khńaN

tih-tam-w´ /ń+ yos&-tam-E y´d´ yaNke+d´k+hńaN
go&return-1/2PL-COM 1E+ work-1/2PL-dCOM this gringo+NPL+ACC
(iv) h´/ks&pay minn´ hugay

h´/ks&-pa /ý+ min-w´ hu/ ga/
hurry-INC 3E+ come-dINC where that
'He comes hurrying to where it is.' (ZOH1R42 067)
(v) pwes kom d´s&ha@/ mus&pan yuntamm´

pwes komo d´s&haa/ mus&-pa /ń+ yun-tam-w´
well since we know-INC 1E+ swim-1/2PL-dINC
n´ktampa hoNhonaN
(d´+) n´k-tam-pa hoN+honaN
(1A+) go-1/2PL-INC inside+DIR3
'Well, since we know how to swim, we're going in.' (ZOH1R15 045)
(vi) /okmaNN´ wan /ý caNNoy

/okmaN-w´ wan /ý+ caN./oy-E
begin-COM juan 3E+ cut_w_machete.ANTIP-dCOM
'Juan began to clear (brush with a machete).' (lexicon)
203
The following examples show the inflectional possibilities of auxiliary
verb constructions. Examples (i) and (v) demonstrate the use of ergative
agreement markers even though the valency of the whole construction is
intransitive. In (i), V2 is made intransitive by the addition of the antipassive

suffix; in (v), it is intransitive because the patient - tuhkuy/, 'gun' - has been
incorporated. The absolutive d´+ (1A) appears in example (ii) because the clause
is in the inverse: the third person agents of V2 are searching for a first person
patient, so the more important first person argument must be explicitly marked.
In example (vii), both the auxiliary and V2 are inflected directly for mood.
Double marking only occurs with this particular construction: the auxiliary n´k-
and the hortative mood. It is a very common way to say "Let's go do something!".
(8.4)
(i) completive aspect - intransitive V2
minnń mus&s&oydame
min-w´ /ń+ mus&./oy-tam-E
come-COM 1E+ know.ANTIP-1/2PL-dCOM
'We came to know (about it).' (ZOH1R23 172)
(ii) completive aspect - inverse marking

minn´ d´ me/c&uki
min-w´ d´+ me/c-s&uk-E
come-COM 1A+ look_for-3PL-dCOM
'They came to look for me.' (ZOH1R30 001)
(iii) incompletive aspect

minpa /ý cakk´ /ý wakas&d´kkay
min-pa /ý+ cak-w´ /ý+ wakas&+d´kkay
come-INC 3E+ leave-dINC 3E+ cow+NPL
'They come to leave their cattle.' (ZOH1R32 072)
204
(iv) imperative mood

ha/a@ min´m /ammaw´
ha/a@ min-A/ /´m+ /amma-w´
Ha! come-IMPV 2E+ look-dINC
'Ha! Come look at it!' (ZOH1R25 031)
(v) volitive mood

/aNkimmoba@/ /ý n´mhayy´ pwes
/aNkimmoba@/ /ý+ n´m.hay-w´ pwes
leader 3E+ say.APPL-COM well
yakk´ minno /ý tuhkuyp´ks&ukk´

yakk´ min-/o /ý+ tuhkuy/=p´k-s&uk-w´
VOL come-IMPV2 3E+ gun=get-3PL-COM
'The leader said to them, well, that they should come get their guns.'
(ZOH1R24 390)
(vi) negative
si d´s& ya d´ minnń tuks&i/ay
si d´s& ya d´+ min-w´ /ń+ tuks&i/./a-E
if 1Prn NEG 1A+ come-nCOM 1E+ fight.VERS1-dCOM
'If I didn't come to fight' (ZOH1R18 056)
(vii) hortative mood

n´mm´ bi yos&/awind´kka n´kta@N kumta@N
0 n´m-w´ bi yos&=/awin/+d´kka n´k-taaN kum-taaN
3A say-COM DEF work=sibling+NPL go-HORT bury-HORT
'The work friends said, "Let's go bury him!"' (ZOH1R27 017)
205
The plural can be marked on either or both verbs, though there seems to be
a preference for marking V2 (which determines the argument structure of the
whole).
(8.5)
(i) kay n´ks&ukpam /ý caks&ukk´
kay n´k-s&uk-pa+/am /ý+ cak-s&uk-w´
then go-3PL-INC+NOW 3E+ leave-3PL-dINC
'Now they go to leave it.' (ZOH1R23 141)
(ii) n´kpay h´s&p´ks&ukkam bi came

n´k-pa /ý+ h´s&.p´k-s&uk-w´+/am bi cam.E
go-INC 3E+ BACK.get-3PL-dINC+NOW DEF talk.NOM3
'Now they go to get the agreement.' (ZOH1R23 142)
(iii) n´ktammń huy boleto

n´k-tam-w´ /ń+ huy-E boleto
go-1/2PL-COM 1E+ buy-dCOM ticket
'We went to buy tickets.' (ZOH1R10 475)
V2 determines the valency of the whole construction. Affixes that affect
argument structure will thus appear only on V2. Actually, the causative is the
only valency-changing affix that could potentially apply to any of the auxiliaries,
since they are generally intransitive in their independent forms2. The causative
usually affects only the semantic structure of V2, as shown in examples (8.6 i) -
'you go to cause it to be filled' - and (ii) - 'they went to cause him to see'. But a
2 mus&- 'to know' is the only exception, but its meaning and argument structure are slightly
different in the auxiliary form - 'to know how to V2' - so it wouldn't accept the antipassive or
passive suffixes anyway.
206
causative on V2 can apply to the whole auxiliary construction, as in (iii) - 'he
caused him to come speak Zoque'.
(8.6)
(i) causative
tey si n´kpam yaktas&s&´
tey si n´k-pa /´m+ yak.tas&-w´
now if go-INC 2E+ CAUS.be_filled-COM
'Now if you go to fill it up.' (ZOH1R23 586)
(ii) causative
pwes n´kký yakkis&s&uki
pwes n´k-w´ /ý+ yak./is&-s&uk-E
well go-COM 3E+ CAUS.see-3PL-dCOM
'Well, they went to show him.' (ZOH1R12 232)
(iii) causative
ye/cc´ t´k/aNh´ benigno helasyo /ý t´kho/
0 ye/c-w´ t´k/aNh´/ benigno helasyo /ý+ t´k+ho/
3A arrive-COM san_miguel benigno gelasio 3E+ house+LOC2
para ke minpa /ý yakcamm´ bi /aNpń

para ke min-pa /ý+ yak.cam-w´ bi /aNpń
for that come-INC 3E+ CAUS.talk-dINC DEF zoque
'Benigno arrived in San Miguel at Gelasio's house to get him to
come speak Zoque (on the project).' (ZOH1R10 001-2)
(iv) passive
peru ti minpay c´kk´mm´
peru ti min-pa /ý+ c´k./´m-w´
but what come-INC 3E+ do.PASS-dINC
'But what's happening? (lit. What comes to be done?)' (ZOH1R43 098)
207
(v) applicative
n´mpa rroma@n si n´kpam n´mhayy´
0 n´m-pa rroma@N si n´k-pa /´m+ n´m.hay-w´
3A say-INC román if go-INC 2E+ say.APPL-dINC
'Román says, "If you're going to go tell him"' (ZOH1R18
125)
(vi) antipassive
/eyaho@N ga n´kkam /ý nukoe
/eya/+hooN ga/ n´k-w´+/am /ý+ nuk./oy-E
elsewhere that go-COM+NOW 3E+ grab.ANTIP-dCOM
'He went to get something elsewhere.' (ZOH1R25 010)
Derivational affixes that affect the meaning of the verb stem appear,
naturally, on V2, as shown in examples (8.7 i-ii). V2 can be any sort of derived
or compounded stem. In example (ii), V2 consists of the root cń- 'to sit'
compounded with the derived stem /ok.heh-, 'to rest'. Derivational affixes that
affect the meaning of the event as a whole, such as time adverbials, may appear
on the auxiliary or on V2 or on both. Examples of these are shown in (iii-v).
(8.7)
(i) tihpay kocńke/c&ukk´
tih-pa /ý+ ko.cń.ke/t-s&uk-w´
go&return-INC 3E+ SOC.sit.REPET-3PL-dINC
'They'll go to guard it again.' (ZOH1R45 080)
(ii) mintamm´ y´hńaN cńnokhehtame parkeho/

min-tam-w´ y´hńaN (/ń+) cń=/ok.heh-tam-E parke+ho/
come-1/2PL-COM to_here (1E+) sit=DOWN.live-1/2PL-dCOM park+LOC2
'We came over here to sit and rest in the park.' (ZOH1R10 212)
208
(iii) dey minna@m mis& /is&kete

dey min-w´+/am mis&+ /is&.ke/t-E
now come-COM+NOW 1>2+ see.REPET-dCOM
'Now I've come to see you again.' (ZOH1R26 138)
(iv) minnom p´kcoNtamma@m has&akeha@/

min-/o /´m+ p´k=coN-tam-w´+/am has&ake+haa/
come-IMPV2 2E+ get=join-1/2PL-dINC+NOW female_in_law+NPL2
'Now come meet your mothers-in-law.' (ZOH1R23 432)
(v) tum domiNgo tihhń witke/ttame kuyho/

tum domiNgo tih-w´ /ń+ wit.ke/t-tam-E kuy+ho/
one sunday go&return-COM 1E+ walk.REPET-1/2PL-dCOM tree+LOC2
'One Sunday we went to walk in the bush again.' (ZOH1R10 591)
Other constituents of the clause can appear between the auxiliary and V2,
provided that they are not too long. This isn't common: there is a clear preference
to put any noun phrases or adverbials after the auxiliary construction, as in

examples (8.7 iv-v), above. The modal operator pin´k is shown inside the
auxiliary construction in (8.8 iii), but this is not required (iv). A noun phrase that
appears between the ergative marker and V2 is incorporated. Examples (v) and
(vi) illustrate this contrast.
(8.8)
(i) kay minpam bi hented´kkay /is&s&ukk´ bi santu
kay min-pa+/am bi hente+d´kka /ý+ /is&-s&uk-w´ bi santu
then come-INC+NOW DEF people+NPL 3E+ see-3PL-dINC DEF saint
'Now the people are coming to see the saint.' (ZOH1R32 044)
209
(ii) n´ktampa dehi /ń /is&tamm´ ded´ cawowo

n´k-tam-pa dehi/ /ń+ /is&-tam-w´ ded´ ca/=wowo
go-1/2PL-INC there 1E+ see-1/2PL-dINC that rock=hole
'We're going there to see that cave.' (ZOH1R15 037)
(iii) ya min´ pin´k /´m koyos&s&´

ya min-A pin´k /´m+ ko.yos&-w´
NEG come-nINC CONFAC 2E+ SOC.work-dINC
'You wouldn't come to work for others.' (ZOH1R19 067)
(iv) ney de/s&e pin´k n´kpam yos&tamm´ /eya/ho/

ney de/s&e pin´k n´k-pa /´m+ yos&-tam-w´ /eya/k+ho/
same thus CONFAC go-INC 2E+ work-1/2PL-dINC other+LOC2
'The same way maybe you'd go to work elsewhere.' (ZOH1R10 040)
(v) pic bi n´k-pay hamatinp´ks&ukk´ kada s&epe

pic bi n´k-pa /ý+ hamatin=p´k-s&uk-w´ kada s&epe
because DEF go-INC 3E+ money=get-3PL-dINC each month
'Because he goes to get money every month.' (ZOH1R28 331)
(vi) ga hamatin n´kpa /ý p´ks&ukk´@/ kada s&epe

ga/ hamatin n´k-pa /ý+ p´k-s&uk-w´+V/k kada s&epe
that money go-INC 3E+ get-3PL-dINC+REL each month
'That money that he goes to get each month.' (ZOH1R28 332)
The irregular form n´mmo- 'to be able to' also appears in the dependent
verb construction and functions as an auxiliary verb. I treat it as an unanalyzed
stem and gloss it 'be_able' because although it is a derived stem, it is clearly

lexicalized. Its analysis is n´m./oy-, 'DO.ANTIP'. The root n´m- with this
meaning appears, though rarely, in compound verb constructions (an example is

shown in 8.9 v); otherwise it exists only in this special collocation. n´mmo-
clauses always have incompletive aspect. The progressive n´mm´- (PROG) also
210
behaves syntactically like an auxiliary verb. One example of this form is given in
(vi); it is discussed further in chapter 14.
(8.9)
(i) tuNho ya n´mmom yakp´/tt´ gad´ papń
tuN+ho/ ya n´mmo-A /´m+ yak.p´/t-w´ gad´ pa=pń
road+LOC2 NEG be_able-nINC 2E+ CAUS pass-dINC that wild=man
'That devil doesn't allow you to pass in the road.' (ZOH1R18 043)
(ii) y´hńaN n´mmobam tuks&i/aw´ kon m´hm´ hente

y´+hńaN n´mmo-pa /´m+ tuks&i/./a-w´ kon m´hm´ hente
DCT1+ACC be_able-INC 2E+ fight.VERS1-dINC with many people
'With this you can fight with many people' (ZOH1R18 097)
(iii) ya n´mmoy minn´ ni kamilo

ya n´mmo-A /ý+ min-w´ ni kamilo
NEG be_able-nINC 3E+ come-dINC nor camilo
'Camilo can't come either.' (ZOH1R10 006)
(iv) n´mmoban n´ktamma@m de tuNho/

n´mmo-pa /ń+ n´k-tam-w´+/am de/ tuN+ho/
be_able-INC 1E+ go-1/2PL-dINC+NOW that road+LOC2
'Now we can go on that road.' (ZOH1R18 133)
(v) n´mn´mhay´/
n´m=n´m.hay-A/
DO=say.APPL-IMPV
'Go tell him!' (ZOH1R18 126)
(vi) n´mmń kos&ŃNadamm´ y´d´ pń

n´mm´ /ń+ ko.s&Ń./a-tam-w´ y´d´ pń
PROG 1E+ SOC.fiesta.VERS1-1/2PL-dINC this man
'We're having a fiesta for this man.' (ZOH1R18 204)
There is one syntactic construction that is peculiar to the two most

common auxiliaries - n´k- 'to go' and min- 'to come' - and to the verb root wit-,
211
'to walk'. Attempts at eliciting wit- in the basic auxiliary verb construction were
unsuccessful, although it is a plausible candidate for the auxiliary set, since other
Zoquean languages have a 'walk' auxiliary (Himes, 1997).
In this construction, the auxiliary follows the main verb. The main verb is
directly inflected for aspect, while the auxiliary bears the dependent suffix. The
main verb is marked for agreement with whichever set of markers is appropriate,
absolutive or ergative, and an ergative marker appears between the two. The
syntax follows this template:
<Agreement marker> - <V1-Infl> - <Ergative marker> - <AuxV-depInfl>
(8.10)
(i) hemhi /ý p´kpay n´kk´
hemhi /ý+ p´k-pa /ý+ n´k-w´
all 3E+ get-INC 3E+ go-dINC
'He goes around grabbing everyone.' (ZOH1R18 199)
(ii) hemhi p´/tpa /ý n´kk´@/

hemhi 0 p´/t-pa /ý+ n´k-w´+V/k
all 3A pass-INC 3E+ go-dINC+REL
'Everyone who goes passing by' (ZOH1R18 034)
Verbs in this construction have a clearly continuative aspectual force,
whether they are in the incompletive or the completive. This construction means
'to go/come/walk around doing V1'. The meaning of n´k-, 'to go', is somewhat
bleached semantically, as can be seen in examples (8.11 i) and (ii). In (i), the
little jaguar doesn't actually go anywhere until after he grows up. The semantic
force of wit-, 'to walk', is very evident, however; it only appears in this
construction when the V1 event is something that can be done while walking
212
around (iii-iv). The clear literalness of the motion of the action in these
constructions perhaps explains why tih-, 'to go and return', doesn't appear in
them: it would mean 'to go back and forth V1-ing', which perhaps would seem too
disturbed for Zoque sensibilities.
(8.11)
(i) w´ttýyý n´ki bi c&ik cikin kahaN
0 w´ti./ý-w´ /ý+ n´k-E bi c&ik cikin kahaN
3A big.VERS2-COM 3E+ go-dCOM DEF small spotted jaguar
'The little spotted jaguar went on growing up.' (ZOH1R26 007)
(ii) pa gahi yopa /ý n´kk´ bi c&ik hamatin

para gahi/ 0 yo/-pa /ý+ n´k-w´ bi c&ik hamatin
for there 3A fall-INC 3E+ go-dINC DEF small money
'Because there goes falling a little tax' (ZOH1R28
195)
(iii) /ý /aNpakpay witt´

/ý+ /aN.pak-pa /ý+ wit-w´
3E+ MOUTH.grasp-INC 3E+ walk-dINC
'He walks around inviting them.' (ZOH1R22 023)
(iv) y´hi bi rebelded´kka numpay witt´

y´hi/ bi rebelde+d´kka 0 num-pa /ý+ wit-w´
here DEF rebel+NPL 3A steal-INC 3E+ walk-dINC
'The rebels went around stealing here.' (ZOH1R24 004)
(v) wehpa /ý minn´ wis&id´kka busbusbusbus

0 weh-pa /ý+ min-w´ wis&i+d´kka busbusbusbus
3A shout-INC 3E+ come-dINC buzzard+NPL busbusbusbus
'The buzzards come crying, "Busbusbusbus!"' (ZOH1R12 079)
213
(ii) /ý c´kk´ /ý milagruy mini

/ý+ c´k-w´ /ý+ milagru /ý+ min-E
3E+ do-COM 3E+ miracle 3E+ come-dCOM
'She came around doing her miracles.' (ZOH1R32
055)
(vi) /entonses p´/tpay n´kk´ hama

/entonses 0 p´/t-pa /ý+ n´k-w´ hama
then 3A pass-INC 3E+ go-dINC day
'Then the days go passing by' (ZOH1R19 047)
8.3. Dependent verb constructions
There are also dependent verb constructions in which neither V1 nor V2 is
an auxiliary. There are a few examples in which V1 has an aspectual meaning, as
shown in examples (8.12 i) and (ii), and perhaps example (iii). There are also
some examples in which V1 indicates direction of motion, as shown in (iv). In
these cases, V1 functions as an auxiliary. In RRG terms, it is a nuclear operator
modifying the aspectual or directional character of the event denoted by V2. The
only surprising thing about these constructions is that there aren't more of them,
since there are many examples of compounds that include a root with aspectual or
directional meaning.
(8.12)
(i) /okwakký /otowe
/ok.wak-w´ /ý+ /otoN-E
DOWN.*empty-COM 3E+ speak-dCOM
'He finished speaking.' (ZOH1R43
078)
214
(ii) tukpa kah/ukw´

0 tuk-pa (/ý+) kahwe=/uk-w´
3A finish-INC (3E+) coffee=drink-dINC
'They finish having breakfast.' (ZOH1R29
092)
(iii) pocca@m /ń /anecidame

poc-w´+/am /ń+ /ane=ci/-tam-E
get_tired-COM+NOW 1E+ tortilla=give-1/2PL-dCOM
'Now we've gotten tired of giving him tortillas.' (ZOH1R27 035)
(iv) yukpoypay k´maNNýy´ koc´kho/

yuk.poy-pa /ý+ k´.maN./ý-w´ koc´k+ho/
UP.flee-INC 3E+ AWAY.*step.SUF-dINC hills+LOC2
'They are running up into the hills.' (ZOH1R58 137)
More commonly, the events denoted by the two verbs must be
simultaneous -V1 while V2 - which makes these constructions more limited than
verb compounding. There are very few examples of this construction in the texts,
and examples for eliciting judgements had to be crafted very carefully to get the
pragmatics right. It seems there are not that many things that can be done with
the strict simultaneity required by this construction. The most acceptable were
those in which the actor was somehow vocalizing while performing the action.
(8.13)
(i) hýpan /ecc´
hý-pa /ń+ /ec-w´
cry-INC 1E+ dance-nINC
'I'm crying while dancing.' (elicited)
215
(ii) rroberto s&us&pay kapn´k´ de kuy

rroberto s&us&-pa /ý+ kap=n´k-w´ de/ kuy
roberto whistle-INC 3E+ carry_on_shoulder=go-dINC that tree
'Roberto is whistling and carrying that wood.' (elicited)
(iii) hatiks&pay mo/cc´ ded´ niwi/

hatiks&-pa /ý+ mo/c-w´ ded´ niwi/
sneeze-INC 3E+ grind-dINC that chile
'She sneezes while grinding that chile.' (elicited)
(iv) wannń s&os&en s&´k

wan-w´ /ń+ s&os&-E /ń+ s&´k
sing-COM 1E+ cook-dINC 1E+ bean
'I sang while cooking my beans.' (elicited)
Either or both verb roots can be transitive in these constructions. There is
only one argument structure, however, and thus there can only be one actor and
one patient. This is why it's easier to construct these with verbs of speaking: they
are generally T1 roots, that only optionally take patient arguments. If both roots
are T3, one of them must be intransitivized by means of the antipassive suffix.
(8.14)
k´s&s&oban hayyń toto/
k´s&./oy-pa /ń+ hay-w´ /ń+ toto/
eat.ANTIP-INC 1E+ write-dINC 1E+ paper
'I'm eating while writing my letters.' (elicited)
216
8.3. Verb compounds
Verb complexes with compound stems are ubiquitous in MIG Zoque
discourse. Compounding stems is the most common means of expressing
adverbial modification, such as manner, means, and direction of motion. In this
section, I will first describe the morphosyntax of compounds, and then the many
functions that they serve.
8.3.1. Morphosyntax of verb compounds
The most common sort of compound consists of two unadorned roots.
Three-root compounds are rare. The last example shown below (8.15 v), is
debatably a three-root compound in MIG Zoque. The root t´/-, 'to want', is
cognate with a frustrative affix in other Zoquean languages (Wichmann, 1995;
Kaufman, 1996), and thus might be classified as an affix in MIG Zoque as well. I
analyze it as a verb root in this grammar, because that analysis seems simpler,
given the power of verb compounding in this language, than proposing that some
roots are actually affixes.
(8.15)
(i) de gahi makkokmaNN´ bi pń
de gahi/ 0 mak=/okmaN-w´ bi pń
from there 3A fish=begin-COM DEF man
'Then the man began to fish.' (ZOH1R20 015)
217
(ii) /ń wakas& /ý pacwaNkaw´ tren

/ń+ wakas& /ý+ pac=waNka-w´ tren
1E+ cow 3E+ throw=turn_over-COM train
'My bull threw over a train.' (ZOH1R25 261)
(iii) g´ tyempu mae ha/kkapa rroberta

(iv) mis& /is&p´kpa

mis&+ /is&=p´k-pa
1>2+ see=get-INC
'I know you.' (ZOH1R26 103)
(v) bi nu/ /ý was&numt´pa bi cinu /ý t´k

bi nu/ /ý+ was&=num=t´/-pa bi cinu/ /ý+ t´k
DEF dog 3E+ bite=steal=want-INC DEF bee 3E+ house
'The dog wanted to sneak up and bite the bee hive.' (ZOH1R46 057)
Derived stems can be combined in a compound construction. These
"inner stems" can be composed of a root and a directional prefix (8.16 i-ii), a root,
a directional prefix, and the suffix -/ý (iii-iv), or sometimes an antipassive that
applies only to one of the compounds (v). Brackets are placed in the examples
that follow to indicate the morpho-syntactic constituent structure.
(8.16)
(i) den kńaks&tuktampa
dey /ń+ [[k´.naks&]=tuk]-tam-pa
now 1E+ [[AWAY.hit_w_stick]=finish]-1/2PL-INC
'We finish clearing (the field).' (ZOH1R13
006)
218
(ii) kwandu /ý h´s&mu/kkoktukka@m kay ney yopa

kwandu /ý+[[h´s&.mu/k]=[/ok.tuk]]-w´+/am kay ney 0 yo/-pa
when 3E+ [[BACK.suck]=[DOWN.cut]]-COM+NOW then self 3A fall-INC
'When he finishes sucking it out, it falls out by itself.' (ZOH1R36
443)
(iii) y´hi p´kk´maNN´da@N y´d´ kuyd´kka

y´hi/ [[p´k=[k´/.maN./ý]]-taaN y´d´ kuy+d´kka
here [[get=[AWAY.*step.SUF]]-HORT this tree+NPL
'Let's lift up these boards here!' (ZOH1R25 075)
(iv) /ý nikkekk´t´w´ bi mecaN maNkuyp´/k pń

/ý+ [[nik.kek./ý]=t´/]-w´ bi mecaN maNkuyp´/k pń
3E+ [[SURF.jump.SUF]=want]-COM DEF two legged man
'He wanted to jump on the two-legged man.' (ZOH1R26 120)
(v) de/s&e bim wattot´dampa

de/se bi /´m+ [[wat./oy]=t´/]-tam-pa
thus DEF 2E+ [[earn.ANTIP]=want]-1/2PL-INC
'This is how you want to be earning.' (ZOH1R25 029)
It is also possible for prefixes and suffixes to be applied to a compound
stem; that is, for the verb stems to be linked in series and then affixed. The
causative always applies to the whole compound stem, as illustrated in (8.17 i), as
does the applicative suffix (ii). In example (iii), tuk-, 'to finish', is an aspectual
modifier of /ek-, 'to harvest', which is a T3 verb that requires an antipassive
suffix in order to supress its patient. So, the antipassive pertains to the whole root
compound. In example (iv), the actor is passing by stepping; the prefix nik- adds
the sense both of repetition and of spreading the legs to step across something
(since it has to do generally with spreading or scattering); hence, it applies to the
219
complex action denoted by both compound roots. In (v), the actor ends up facing
forward, the fundamental action conveyed by the two verb stems. The causative
is used because he does this deliberately - he causes himself to face forward. The
antipassive is added to defeat the transitivity of the causative - he's not causing
someone else to face forward, he's moving himself. Finally, in (vi), the repetitive
suffix applies to the action of killing a deer with a blow (it's the second deer).
The jaguar doesn't repeatedly swipe his paw at the deer to kill it.
(8.17)
(i) /ý yakyumtćpa
/ý+ [yak.[yum=tć]]-pa
3E+ [CAUS.[boil=be_dry]]-INC
'He boils it dry.' (ZOH1R36 405)
(ii) /ý w´ktukhayy´ /ý wintu/

/ý+ [[w´k=tuk].hay]-w´ /ý+ wintu/
3E+ [[cut_w_knife=cut].APPL]-COM 3E+ neck
'He cut his neck for him.' (ZOH1R18 091)
(iii) d´ /ektukodampa
d´+ [[/ek=tuk]./oy]-tam-pa
1A+ [[harvest=finish].ANTIP]-1/2PL-INC
'We finish harvesting.' (ZOH1R13 095)
(iv) /ý nikkas&p´/tke/tpa /as&ta ke /okwakpa

/ý+ [nik.[kas&=p´/t]].ke/t-pa /as&ta ke 0 /ok.wak-pa
3E+ [SURF.[step=pass]].REPET-INC until that 3A DOWN.*empty-INC
'He steps across it again until it's done3.' (ZOH1R36 206)
(v) /entonse nas&e yakwintentukkoyy´

/entonse nas&e 0 [[yak.[[win.ten]=tuk]]./oy]-w´
then truth 3A [[CAUS.[[FACE.stand]=finish]].ANTIP]-COM
3 As part of the cure for ghost sickness, the affected person has to step across the grave of the one
that's haunting him several times while the healer prays and burns incense.
220
'Then, in fact, he stopped himself right in front.' (ZOH1R18 049)
(vi) /ý caNkage/tt´

/ý+ [caN=ka/].ke/t-w´
3E+ [hit_w_fist=die].REPET-COM
'Again, he killed it with one blow of his paw.' (ZOH1R26
077)
Verbs derived from nouns or adjectives can be included in a compound
construction (8.18 i-ii), as can stems formed from a verb with an incorporated
argument (iv-v).
(8.18)
(i) hemhi piNNaNkukkadam´
hemhi/ piN=[/aN.kuk./a]-tam-A/
all pick_up=[MOUTH.center.VERS1]-1/2PL-IMPV
'Gather them all up!' (ZOH1R24 200)
(ii) porke /amint´/k /ń tehit´kkadamm´ gaha/

porke /amint´/k /ń+ tehi=[t´k./a]-tam-w´ gaha/
because last_year 1E+ there_are=[house.VERS1]-1/2PL-COM there
'Because last year we were together there.' (ZOH1R18 288)
(iii) /ý poyyahýy´

/ý+ poy=[yah´/./ý]-w´
3E+ flee=[far.VERS2]-COM
'He threw them aside.' (ZOH1R24 630)
(iv) /ý camcokoypow´

/ý+ cam=[cokoy=po/]-w´
3E+ talk=[heart=be_born]-COM
'He consoled her.' (lexicon)
(v) d´ kah/uktukk´
d´+ [kahwe=/uk]=tuk-w´
1A+ [coffee=drink]=finish-COM
221
'I finished drinking coffee.' (ZOH1R10 162)
When a verb compound construction is negated, it is the action denoted by
V2 that is negated, not that denoted by V1. In example (8.19 i), Roberto comes
but doesn't bring the paper. In (ii), my mother washed the clothes, but without my
help. The translations for the rest of the examples clarify which part of the
complex action is negated.
(8.19)
(i) rroberto yay p´kminnń toto/
rroberto ya /ý+ p´k=min-w´ /ń+ toto/
roberto NEG 3E+ get=come-COM 1E+ paper
'Roberto didn't bring my paper.' (elicited)
(ii) yan cekocoNN´ /ń mama bi yote/

ya /ń+ ce/=ko.coN-w´ /ń+ mama bi yote/
NEG 1E+ wash=SOC.join-COM 1E+ mother DEF clothes
'I didn't help my mother wash the clothes.' (elicited)
(iii) yay caNwaNkaw´

ya /ý+ caN=waNka-w´
NEG 3E+ hit_w_fist=turn_over-COM
'He didn't knock him over (but he hit him).' (elicited)
(iv) c&ik ha:y/uned´kka yay cihno/cc´ bi limeta

c&ik haya=/une/+d´kka ya /ý+ cih=no/c-w´ bi limeta
small male=child+NPL NEG 3E+ throw_rock=break-COM DEF bottle
'The little boys didn't break the bottle by throwing rocks at it
(but they did throw the rocks).' (elicited)
(v) ya d´ witpocc´
ya d´+ wit=poc-w´
NEG 1A+ walk=get_tired-COM
'I didn't get tired from walking (but I did walk).' (elicited)
222
8.3.2. Functions of the components of verb compounds
Foley & Olson (1985) present a set of characteristics of serial verb
constructions (SVCs) as part of their argument that such constructions constitute
single clauses. Their discussion centers around serial verbs in West African
languages, but they include compound constructions from languages like Yimas
(Papua-New Guinea) that are very much like the MIG Zoque data described in
this section. The description of the various functions served by MIG Zoque verb
compound constructions will be organized around the Foley & Olson
characteristics.
They present three fundamental arguments in favor of the single clause
analysis of SVCs: that in some languages they are a single word, that the meaning
of one of the components may be different in a series than in isolation, and that
one of the components may actually be ungrammatical in isolation. Verb
compounds in MIG Zoque are uncontroversially a single word, since they take
only one agreement marker and one inflectional suffix.
There are several roots that appear frequently in compounds with shifted
meanings, as shown in the examples in (8.20). The root poy- means 'to flee' when
used by itself, generally referring to animals. In compounds, it means 'briefly;

for/in a minute' (i-ii). num- by itself means 'to steal'; in compounds, it means
'secretly' (iii). yoh- by itself means 'to pay'; in compounds, it indicates reciprocity
or repetition (iv-v). witu/- by itself means 'to turn around'; in compounds, it can
mean 'all around; around and around' (vi).
223
(8.20)
(i) poycńtam´
0 poy=cń-tam-A/
3A flee=sit-1/2PL-IMPV
'Sit down for a while.' (ZOH1R10 065)
(ii) mis& poy/is&tuktam´

mis&+ poy=/is&=tuk-tam-A/
2>1+ flee=see=finish-1/2PL-IMPV
'Wait for me a minute.' (ZOH1R10 309)
(iii) /i ga pńd´kka numcńs&ukk´

/i ga/ pń+d´kka 0 num=cń-s&uk-w´
and that man+NPL 3A steal=sit-3PL-COM
'And those men hid themselves.' (ZOH1R24 461)
(iv) huceN poN /ń n´mhoyohke/tt´

huceN poN /ń+ n´m=ho.yoh.ke/t-w´
how_many time 1E+ say=IN.pay.REPET-COM
'How many times did I repeat it?4' (ZOH1R14 056)
(v) yohci/os&ukk´
0 yoh=ci/./oy-s&uk-w´
3A pay=give.ANTIP-3PL-COM
'They exchanged greetings.' (ZOH1R17 022)
(vi) /´m heywitupa

/´m+ hey=witu/-pa
2E+ beat=return-INC
'You stir it all around.' (ZOH1R32 130)
4 This sentence comes from a text in which Sr. Sánchez is talking about how much work he has
done to teach me Zoque, and the construction actually indicates tremendous repetition. First, he
chooses the root yoh- in its repetitive sense. Then he prefixes it with ho-, which indicates IN
when used directionally, but can also be used to express repetition. Finally, he adds the repetitive
suffix, giving the whole thing the sense of him saying things over and over and over again.
224
There are many compounds in MIG Zoque in which one of the roots
would be ungrammatical in isolation because it is no longer a living morpheme in
the language. In the examples in (8.21), the underlined root does not occur
independently.
(8.21)
(i) /ý nipenwakký mac&ete
/ý+ ni.pen=wak-w´ /ý+ mac&ete
3E+ PSE.grasp.*empty.COM 3E+ machete
'He pulled his machete out of it's scabbard.' (ZOH1R18 077)
(ii) /´m winnomwakpa

/´m+ win./om=wak-pa
2E+ FACE.emit_smoke=*empty-INC
'You cense it out.' (ZOH1R36 117)
(iii) /ý maNnaka/cc´

/ý+ maN=naka/c-w´
3E+ *step=crush-COM
'He crushed it with his foot.' (lexicon)
(iv) /ý paNhas&s&´

/ý+ paN=has&-w´
3E+ *lean=toast-COM
'She toasted it.' (by leaning it against the griddle) (lexicon)
Foley and Olson propose a cross-linguistic hierarchy of the classes from
which the second verb (V2) in a series can be drawn. The hierarchy ranges from
the most common class, the directional verbs 'to come' and 'to go', to the least
common, in which V2 is a transitive verb. MIG Zoque verb compounds span the
hierarchy, with many different functions served by transitive V2s.
225
8.3.2.1. V2 is a directional verb
The most common type of SVC cross-linguistically is that in which V2 is

one of the directionals 'to come' or 'to go'. These are the auxiliary verbs min- and
n´k- in MIG Zoque, along with the round-trip directional tih-. All of these
appear as V2 in compound constructions, as illustrated in examples (8.22 i-iii).
(8.22)
(i) /ý p´kminna@m bi c&ik morral
/ý+ p´k=min-w´+/am bi c&ik morral
3E+ get=come.-COM+NOW DEF little bag
'He has brought the little bag.' (ZOH1R11 022)
(ii) /ý pń´ks&ukka@m kay bi cawi/

/ý+ p´/=n´k-s&uk-w´+/am kay bi cawi/
3E+ put=go.3PL-COM+NOW then DEF monkey
'Now they've brought the monkeys.' (ZOH1R11 078)
(iii) y´ /ń p´ktihtamm´è/

y´/ /ń+ p´k=tih-tam-w´+V/k
this 1E+ get=go&return-1/2PL-COM+REL
'This one that we brought along.' (ZOH1R11 081)
(iv) hamc´ktam´ tin c´kmintamm´

ham(V)=c´k-tam-A/ ti /ń+ c´k=min-tam-w´
*mind=do-1/2PL-IMPV what 1E+ do=come-1/2PL-COM
(v) wakas& tin /ý ko/cn´kpa

wakas& tin /ý+ ko/c=n´k-pa
cow shit 3E+ carry_in_hand=go-INC
'She goes carrying the cow patty in her hand.' (ZOH1R21 070)
226
In keeping with its character as an almost-auxiliary verb, wit-, 'to walk',
appears frequently in verb compounds to indicate motion, but with no particular
direction specified. It generally appears with verbs of carrying, as shown in
examples (8.23 i-ii), but also with other sorts of verbs, where it means 'going
around V1-ing' (iii).
(8.23)
(i) bi nu/ ney ga/s&e /ý c´mwitpa bi bote /ý kopakho/
bi nu/ ney ga/s&e /ý+ c´m=wit-pa bi bote /ý+ kopak+ho/
DEF dog same thus 3E+ cart=walk-INC DEF boot 3E+ head+LOC2
'Just like that the dog went along with the boot on his head.' (ZOH1R46 038)
(ii) mis& p´k´ y´/ d´s&s&ń p´kwitpa@/

mis& p´k-A/ y´/ d´s& /ń+ p´k=wit-pa+V/k
2Prn get-IMPV this 1Prn 1E+ get=walk-INC+REL
'You take this that I'm carrying.' (ZOH1R18 095)
(iii) n´ks&ukpa /i mins&ukpa /i ya n´msuk´

0 n´k-s&uk-pa /i 0 min-s&uk-pa /i ya 0 n´m-s&uk-A
3A go-3PL-INC and 3A come-3PL-INC and NEG 3A say-3PL-nINC
ti bi c´kwits&ukpa
ti bi /ý+ c´k=wit-s&uk-pa
what DEF 3E+ do=walk-3PL-INC
'They go and they come and they don't say what it is that they're
going around doing.' (ZOH1R28 051)
The other directional roots in MIG Zoque are not part of the set of
auxiliary verbs, but they do appear frequently in compound constructions.
Syntactically, the examples in (8.24) are a mixed bag. In (i-iii), V1 and the
motion verb share the same actor: the water cuts going down, the jaguar turns as it
227
jumps, and the man stands stock-still. In (iv-vii), the subject of the intransitive
V2 motion verb is actually the object (undergoer) of the transitive V1. They are
all included here to illustrate the range of possibilities in directional verbs.
(8.24)
(i) dondhutŃ tŃwanakpa bi n´/
donde+hut´Ń 0 tŃ=wanak-pa bi n´/
where+to_where 3A cut_w_iron=go_down-INC DEF water
'Where the waterfall cuts down.' (ZOH1R15 008)
(ii) kekwituw´ bi kahaN

0 kek=witu/-w´ bi kahaN
3A jump=turn-COM DEF jaguar
'The jaguar turned and jumped.' (ZOH1R26 119)
(iii) bi pń tencýy´

bi pń 0 ten=cý-w´
DEF man 3A stand=get_stuck-COM
'The man stopped still.' (ZOH1R27 027)
(iv) /ý caNwaNkaw´

/ý+ caN=waNka-w´
3E+ hit_w_fist=turn_over-COM
'He knocked him over with a blow.' (ZOH1R18 309)
(v) /ý p´kt´kkýy´ tum caNkuy/

/ý+ p´k=t´k./ý-w´ tum caNkuy/
3E+ get=house.VERS25-COM one hand
'He put in a hand.' (ZOH1R24 589)
(vi) y´hi p´kk´maNN´da@N y´d´ kuyd´kka

y´hi/ p´k=k´/.maN./ý-taaN y´d´ kuy+d´kka
here get=AWAY.*step.SUF-HORT this tree+NPL
'Let's lift up these boards here!' (ZOH1R25 075)
5 This construction means 'to enter'.
228
(vii) de gahi /ý kapye/c&ukk´

de gahi/ /ý+ kap=ye/c-s&uk-w´
from there 3E+ carry_on_shoulder=arrive-3PL-COM
'Then they arrived, carrying him on their shoulders.' (ZOH1R27 060)
At the next level in the hierarchy appear what Foley and Olson call
'postural verbs', which are termed positional verbs in this grammar. A compound
with a positional verb root as the V2 component is shown in example (8.25 i).
Positional verbs more commonly appear as the V1 component (ii-iv).
(8.25)
(i) numcńn´ pakpakho/
0 num=cń-w´ pakpak+ho/
3A steal=sit-COM shrubbery+LOC2
'He hid in the shrubbery.' (ZOH1R46 076)
(ii) /ý muks&wanakk´ /ý kohap

/ý+ muks&=wanak-w´ /ý+ kohap
3E+ *be_folded=go_down-COM 3E+ hat
'He turned down the brim of his hat.' (lexicon)
(iii) cńnokhehtamm´ parkeho/

cń=/ok.heh-tam-w´ parke+ho/
sit=DOWN.live-1/2PL-COM park+LOC1
'We sat and rested in the park.' (ZOH1R10 212)
(iv) /ý paNhas&s&´

/ý+ paN=has&-w´
3E+ lean=toast-COM
'She toasted it.' (by leaning it against the griddle) (lexicon)
229
(v) /ý kutp´kk´ c´mig´s&i

/ý+ kut=p´k-w´ c´m.E+g´s&i
3E+ walk_on_knees=get-COM carry.NOM3+LOC4
'He got his knee on the load (to steady it).' (ZOH1R25 161)
8.3.2. V2 is an aspectual verb
Foley and Olson don't mention aspectual roots in their hierarchy, but since
they are nuclear operators on the level of directionals in the RRG framework, it
seems reasonable to consider them as being at more or less the same level in the
hierarchy. The auxiliary /okmaN-, 'to begin', only appears in the texts as the
second root in a compound construction. The various roots that mean 'to end' or
'to finish' also appear as V2, as does the root cak- 'to leave', which means 'to stop
doing V1' in compound constructions.
(8.26)
(i) d´s& d´ n´mpa ke d´ nippokmaNpanam hohi
d´s& d´ n´m-pa ke d´ nip=/okmaN-pa+nam/ hohi
1Prn 1A say-INC that 1A sow=begin-INC+STILL tomorrow
'I say that I'm still going to begin sowing tomorrow.' (ZOH1R10 047)
(ii) /ń yos&t´kkaw´ tum yaNke/

/ń+ yos&=t´k./a-w´ tum yaNke/
1E+ work=enter-COM one yankee
'I started to work with a gringa.' (ZOH1R14 005)
(iii) d´ w´/ttukkodampa
d´+ w´/t=tuk./oy-tam-pa
1A+ fell_trees=finish.ANTIP-1/2PL-INC
'We finish cutting down trees.' (ZOH1R13 008)
230
(iv) /ý yohtans&ukk´

/ý+ yoh=tan-s&uk-w´
3E+ pay=finish-3PL-COM
'They paid him in full.' (ZOH1R18
264)
(v) yay k´s&s&uks&ukk´ bi s&is&

NEG 3E+ eat=finish-3PL-COM DEF meat
'They didn't finish eating the meat.' (ZOH1R12 077)
(vi) /ý /okc´kcakkoba@m bi kuyho@/k yos&kuy/

/ý+ /ok.c´k=cak./oy-pa+/am bi kuy+ho/+V/k yos&.kuy/
3E+ DOWN.do=leave.ANTIP-INC+NOW DEF tree+LOC2+REL work.INSTR2
'Now they stop doing the work of the fields.' (ZOH1R13 075)
8.3.3. V2 is a stative or process verb
The second level in the Foley & Olson hierarchy consists of SVCs in
which the second component is a stative or process verb.
(8.27)
(i) t´kkýy´ cokoho/ hu/tkamm´
0 t´k./ý-w´ coko/+ho/ 0 hu/t=kam-w´
3A house.VERS2-COM mud+LOC2 3A stir=get_stuck-COM
'It went into the mud. It got stuck.' (ZOH1R25 182-3)
(ii) ney camkehs&uk´pa@m

ney cam=keh-s&uk-A-pa+/am
RCP tell=appear-3PL-RCP-INC+NOW
ke mecaNp´ p´/tpa kom yaNke

ke mecaN+p´/k 0 p´/t-pa komo yaNke
that two+REL 3A pass-INC like gringo
'Now they were revealing that the two were passing as gringos.'
231
(ZOH1R17 047)
(iii) /ý ko/antćc´

/ý+ ko./an=tć-w´
3E+ SOC.warm_up=get_dry-COM
'He dried it by the fire.' (lexicon)
(iv) witcunn´
0 wit=cun-w´
3A walk=be_happy-COM
'She walked around with her nose in the air.' (lexicon)
(v) s&iNh´tta@m bi s&iwi/

0 s&iN=h´t-w´+/am bi s&iN.E/
3A swell=reduce-COM+NOW DEF swell.NOM3
'Now the swelling has gone down.' (lexicon)
8.3.4. V2 is a transitive verb
At the highest level of the Foley & Olson hierarchy (the least-common,
cross-linguistically), V2 is a transitive verb. In MIG Zoque, transitive verbs can
appear as either V1, or V2, or both, performing a variety of functions.
The most common of these functions is manner modification, in which V1

denotes the manner in which V2 is performed or happens. The simplest function
is to amplify the action: V1 and V2 mean essentially the same thing.
(8.28)
(i) /ý poNkŃs&ukpa dondhu s&aNNos&ukk´
/ý+ poN=kŃ-s&uk-pa donde=hu/ 0 s&aN./oy-s&uk-w´
3E+ burn=burn-3PL-INC where=where 3A cut_w_machete.ANTIP-3PL-COM
'They're burning (the fields) where they cleared.' (ZOH1R60 012)
232
(ii) bi pahak /ý yakh´thumm´ bi t´k

bi pahak /ý+ yak.h´t=hum-w´ bi t´k
DEF river 3E+ CAUS.reduce=crumble-COM DEF house
'The river tumbled down the house.' (ZOH1R60 079)
(iii) /ý hupnukk´ mý´

/ý+ hup=nuk-w´ mý´
3E+ pull=grab-COM thunder
'He grabbed a lightning bolt.' (ZOH1R25 215)
Another form of manner modification exploits the instrument entailed by
many of the verb roots in MIG Zoque. All of the verbs of cutting specify a
particular instrument, for example: n´m- 'to cut with scissors', w´k-, 'to cut with
a knife', tŃ-, 'to cut with a machete', etc. Compounds formed with these verbs as
the first component mean 'to V2 by V1-ing', with an emphasis on the instrument
employed.
(8.29)
(i) /ń cahcoNpa /ń toto/
/ń+ cah=coN-pa /ń toto/
1E+ glue=join-INC 1E paper
'I'm going to glue my paper together.' (elicited)
(ii) /ý hi/ppaNkukkaw´

/ý+ hi/p=/aN.kuk./a-w´
3E+ move_w_stick=gather-COM
'She pushed them into a heap with a stick.' (lexicon)
(iii) c&ik ha:y/uned´kka /ý cihno/cc´ bi limeta

c&ik haya=/une/+d´kka /ý+ cih=no/c-w´ bi limeta
small male=child+NPL 3E+ throw_rock=break-COM DEF bottle
'The little boys broke the bottle with a rock.' (elicited)
233
The most common form of manner modification expressed by verb
compounds is 'to V2 by V1-ing'. Since I think it's been well-established that
transitive verbs can appear in the V2 slot, I can shift the focus of this section to
the variety of functions performed by the first verb in a compound construction.
The remainder of the examples in this section will include both transitive and
intransitive verbs in either position. The last two examples in (8.30) illustrate the
sub-genre 'to die or kill by V1-ing'.
(8.30)
(i) d´ witpoctampa
d´+ wit=poc-tam-pa
1A+ walk=get_tired-1/2PL-INC
'We get tired from walking.' (ZOH1R13 070)
(ii) kyen sab syan huptuk´

kyen sabe si ya /ń+ hup=tuk-A
who knows if NEG 1E+ pull=cut-nINC
'Who knows if I won't break it by pulling on it?' (ZOH1R25 155)
(iii) bi nu/ /ý s&u/kmecpay witt´

bi nu/ /ý+ s&u/k=mec-pa /ý+ wit-w´
DEF dog 3E+ smell=look_for-INC 3E+ walk-dINC
'The dog walked along searching for it by sniffing.' (ZOH1R46 028)
234
(iv) ya n´mmon huy/okpoynuktamma@m

ya n´mmo /ń+ huy=/ok.poy=nuk-tam-w´+/am
NEG be_able 1E+ buy=DOWN.flee=grab6-1/2PL-COM+NOW
porke hakke yoha@m

porke hakke yoh.A+/am
because very pay.NOM2+NOW
'Now we can't afford them because they're so expensive.' (ZOH1R45 106)
(v) /´m mactu/ppa y´d´ /ay/

/´m+ mac=tu/p-pa y´d´ /ay/
2E+ rub=crumble-INC this leaf
'You crumble this leaf by rubbing it.' (ZOH1R36 081)
(vi) /i wehhaNkukkaw´
/i 0 weh=/aN.kuk./a-w´
and 3A shout=MOUTH.center.VERS1-COM
'And he called the people together.' (ZOH1R24 023)
(vii) g´ tyempu mae ha/kkapa rroberta

(viii) n´mmý naks&kas&ukk´

n´mm´ /ý+ naks&=ka/-s&uk-w´
PROG 3E+ hit_w_stick=die-3PL-COM
'They were beating it to death.' (ZOH1R25 232)
There are a few cases in which V1 seems to serve as the patient of V2.
While the first example (8.31) could be analyzed as 'she spoke, lying' or 'she lied
while speaking', the other examples don't conform nicely to the 'V2 by V1-ing'
6 This is indeed a compound with a compound as one of its components (V2 is itself a compound
form). But it's not that exciting, because /okpoynuk- is a clearly lexicalized construction
meaning 'to reach' or 'to catch up to'.
235
template. It doesn't make sense to interpret (ii), for instance, as 'it lost its color by
being painted.'
(8.31)
(i) /aNNunnotoNN´
0 /aN./un=/otoN-w´
3A MOUTH.deceive=speak-COM
'She told a little lie.' (lexicon)
(ii) kŃkowakk´
0 kŃ=ko.wak-w´
3A paint=OTHR.empty-COM
'It lost its color.' (lexicon)
(iii) /ý /aNkimcakk´ yakký c´kk´ neyti/

/ý+ /aN.kim=cak-w´ yakk´ /ý+ c´k-w´ neyti/
3E+ MOUTH.mount=leave-COM VOL 3E+ do-COM something
'He left word that she should do something.' (elicited)
(iv) kas&p´p´w´ t´k/aNh´@/

0 kas&=p´/.p´/-w´ t´k+/aNh´/+V/k
3A step=put.CEL-COM house+LOC3+REL
'A Migeleño quickly took a step forward.' (ZOH1R24 172)
Another common function of compound verb constructions is to describe
compactly two actions that are performed or occur simultaneously. The
compounds with directional verbs and a common actor described above fall into
this group, but they can be composed of other sorts of roots as well.
236
(8.32)
(i) /ý macp´kk´
/ý+ mac=p´k-w´
3E+ massage=grab-COM
'He grabbed it, rubbing it.' (ZOH1R25 170)
(ii) /Ńmukpa
0 /Ń=muk-pa
3A fall(fruit)=fall(people)-INC
'He's nodding out (falling asleep sitting up).' (lexicon)
Another type of compound construction involves the transitive verbs

/aNmay-, 'to learn', and t´/-, 'to want' as the V2 component. V1 is then the
clausal complement of V2: 'learn to V1' or 'want to V1'.
(8.33)
(i) ney komo /u:nd´kka kwandu /otoN/aNmays&ukk´
ney komo /une+d´kka kwandu 0 /otoN=/aN.may-s&uk-w´
same like child+NPL when 3A speak=learn-3PL-COM
'Just like children when they learn to walk.' (ZOH1R14 048)
(ii) piceNho d´s& d´ mint´ge/tpa

piceNho/ d´s& d´+ min=t´/.ke/t-pa
thus 1Prn 1A+ come=want.REPET-INC
'That's why I want to come back again.' (ZOH1R15 121)
(iii) d´ s&ŃNat´dampa
d´+ s&Ń./a=t´/-tam-pa
1A+ fiesta.VERS1=want-1/2PL-INC
'We want to have a party.' (ZOH1R15 133)
There are a few constructions in which the two actions denoted by the
components of the compound verb can be interpreted as happening sequentially.
237
This only works if each root denotes one part of what is essentially a single
continuous motion on the part of the actor. I was not able to elicit expressions
such as */ń s&aN=poN-w´ bi yuhkuy/, 'we cleared the fields and burned them'.
(8.34)
(i) mis& tennaNwaktam´
mis& ten=/aN.wak-tam-A/
2>1 stand=clear_out-1/2PL-IMPV
'Stand back!' (ZOH1R11 063)
(ii) d´ nitenwitudamapa
d´ ni.ten=witu/-tam-A-pa
1A PSE.stand=return-1/2PL-RECIP-INC
'We'll turn and stand (facing each other).' (ZOH1R26 112)
(iii) c&ik hay/une d´kka /ý cihno/cc´ bi limeta

c&ik haya=/une+d´kka /ý+ cih=no/c-w´ bi limeta
small male=child+NPL 3E+ throw_rock.break.COM DEF bottle
'The boys threw a rock at the bottle and broke it.' (elicited)
8.3.5. V1 Object is V2 Subject
In most of the examples that have been discussed so far, V1 and V2 have
been nuclear junctures; that is, they are linked in the nucleus of the clause and
thus share precisely the same arguments. In (8.34 ii) above, both the jaguar and
the man turn and they both stand facing each other - they are the mutual actors of
the clause. MIG Zoque compound verb constructions also allow core junctures in
which "two cores, each with their own nucleus and corresponding arguments, are
joined together to form a larger complex core" (Foley & Olson, 1985:47).
The two cores are constrained to share an argument, which Foley & Olson
claim must be either the actor or the undergoer. A common form of core juncture
238
in Zoque is one in which the undergoer of a transitive V1 is the undergoer of an
intransitive V2, as shown in the examples in (8.35). Foley & Olson refer to these
as "causative serial verb constructions" (1985:25). Many compounds involving
directional verbs work this way: V1 tells us how the agents moved the patient,
and V2 tells us in what direction the patient was moved.
(8.35)
(i) /ý caNwaNkaw´
/ý+ caN=waNka/-w´
3E+ hit=turn_over-COM
'He knocked him over.' (ZOH1R18 309)

bi mecaN maNkuy/+p´/k /ý+ hup=wanak-w´ /ý+ tuhkuy/
DEF two foot+REL 3E+ pull=go_down-COM 3E+ gun
(iii) /ý naks&huhs&ukpa

/ý+ naks&=huh-s&uk-pa
3E+ hit_w_stick=lay_eggs-3PL-INC
'They were beating it (a turtle) to make it lay eggs.' (ZOH1R20 008)
In some compound verb constructions formed with /is&-, 'to see', the
patient of the 'see' event is the agent or actor of the V2 event. So, in example
(8.36 i), the boy sees the man and the man is fishing7.
(8.36)
(i) /ý /is&makk´ bi ha:y/une bi pń
/ý+ /is&=mak-w´ bi haya=/une/ bi pń
7 /is&- also appears in several idiosyncratic compounds, such as /is&=tuk- (see=finish) 'to wait', and
/is&=p´k- (see=get) 'to recognize'. In these cases, both verbs share the same agent.
239
3E+ see=fish-COM DEF male=child DEF man

'The boy saw the man fishing.'
(elicited)
(ii) /ý /okkis&n´kkýyý manak

/ý+ /ok./is&=n´k./ý-w´ /ý+ manak
3E+ DOWN.see.go.SUF-COM 3E+ son
'She stayed, watching her son leave.' (ZOH1R26)
(iii) /ý /is&t´kkýs&ukk´

/ý+ /is&=t´k./ý-s&uk-w´
3E+ see=house.VERS2-3PL-COM
'They saw her go inside.' (ZOH1R24 730)
Finally, in compounds with ko.coN-, 'to help', as the V2 component, V1
can be a transitive verb with its own patient argument. The helper and the helpee
(agent and patient of ko.coN-) are both the agents of the V1 event. These two
constructions - see+V2 and V1+help - are extreme examples of core junctures, in
which the two verbs do share an argument, but that argument fills a different role
for each verb.
(8.37)
(i) /ń cekocoNN´ /ń mama bi yote/
/ń+ ce/=ko.coN-w´ /ń+ mama bi yote/
1E+ wash=OTHR.join-COM 1E+ mother DEF clothes
'I helped my mother wash the clothes.' (elicited)
(ii) /´m yukp´kkocoNpa bi yo:m/uney cikwi@t

/´m+ yuk.p´k=ko.coN-pa bi yom´/=/une/ /ý+ cikwiit
2E+ UP.get=OTHR.join-INC DEF female=child 3E+ basket
'You're going to help the girl lift up her basket.' (elicited)
240
Chaper 9: Noun Phrases
In this chapter, I set forth the components of noun phrases (9.1) with a
description of possible orderings amoung these parts. I then describe the function
of each part. The definite article and the issue of definiteness in general are
discussed in section 9.2. Modification with adjectives is described in section 9.3.

Nominal compounds are described in section 9.4. The set of MIG Zoque
quantifiers, including the plural clitic +haa/ (NPL2), is discussed in section 9.5.
Coordination and comparison in noun phrases are described in section 9.6.
Possessed nouns are described in section 9.7. Although relative clauses are
properly components of noun phrases, they are discussed in chapter 11 because
they share characteristics with other kinds of subordinate clauses.
9.1. Components of a noun phrase
The components of a MIG Zoque noun phrase are quantifiers, deictics, the
definite article bi, adjectives, nouns (which may be compounded), possessed
nouns, relative clauses, and postpositions such as locatives and /ýti/, 'of; about'.
The noun phrases found in the corpus are usually simple in terms of structure and
number of components, most commonly including only a deictic and a noun.
Deictics are vastly more common than the definite article. Relative clauses seem
to be the preferred means of supplying additional information about characters
and objects in Zoque narratives, so quantifiers and adjectives are rare.
241
While the order of noun phrases in a clause is free, the order of
components within a noun phrase is not. The general schema is shown below:
Quantifier Relative clause

Negative - Deictic - Adjective - Mod Noun - Head Noun - Plural - Possessed noun
Definite Postposition
I use the term head noun to refer to the noun that is required, the one that
is filling an argument role of a verb. In RRG terms, this is the nucleus of the
noun phrase. The following examples were elicited to illustrate this order when
most of the possible elements are included.
(9.1)
(i) minpa hemhi bi komi papńd´kka
0 min-pa hemhi/ bi komi/ papń+d´kka
3A come-INC all DEF big devil+NPL
bi hehs&ukpa@/ camkuyho/
bi 0 heh-s&uk-pa+V/k camkuy/+ho/
DEF 3A live-3PL-INC+REL forest+LOC2
'All the big devils that live in the forest are coming.' (elicited)
(ii) /ń huyy´ hemhi capac y´kwihd´kka @

/ń+ huy-w´ hemhi/ capac y´kwih+d´kka
1E+ buy-COM all red shirt+NPL
/ý t´pp´ /´m /awin bi /aNmayyoba@/

/ý+ t´p-w´ /´m+ /awin/ bi /aN.may./oy-pa+V/k
3E+ sew-COM 2E+ sibling DEF MOUTH.count.ANTIP-INC-REL
'I bought all the red shirts that your sister the teacher sewed.' (elicited)
242
9.2. Definiteness
Nouns are not obligatorily marked as to definiteness, but can be marked as

definite with the article bi or a deictic. Nouns not marked as definite are not
necessarily interpreted as indefinite. There is no morpheme to mark

indefiniteness. tum 'one' may be used as an indefinite article, perhaps on analogy
with Spanish uno/a 'one; an'.
(9.2) definite
(i) bi wit /awin lusyo /i rromaèN
bi wit=/awin lusyo /i rromaèN
DEF walk=brother lucio and román
'the friends Lucio and Román' (ZOH1R18
018)
(ii) bi kumkuy hented´kka /ý n´ks&ukk´

bi kum.kuy/ hente+d´kka /ý+ n´k-s&uk-w´
DEF bury.INSTR1 people+NPL 3E+ go-3PL-COM
'The townspeople went.' (ZOH1R18 150)
(iii) n´mpa bi /aNkimmobaè/

0 n´m-pa bi /aN.kim./oy-pa +V/k
3A say-INC DEF MOUTH.mount.ANTIP-INC +REL
'The mayor says...' (ZOH1R24 033)
(9.3) unmarked, indefinite

(i) y´/ d´s&s&ń /is&s&´è/
y´/ d´s& /ń+ /is&-w´+V/k
this 1Prn 1E+ see-COM+REL
gag´ /amint´ kwandu tihh´ rebolusyoèN

gag´ /amint´ kwandu 0 tih-w´ rebolusyoèN
that year when 3A go-COM revolution
'This that I saw in that year when there was a revolution'
(ZOH1R24 001)
243
(ii) behcha c´mmoba
behcha 0 c´m./oy-pa
'Horses will carry (them).' (ZOH1R24 090)
(9.4) unmarked, definite

(i) n´mm´ gobyernu /ń cidampa
0 n´m-w´ gobyernu /ń+ ci/-tam-pa
3A say-COM government 1E+ give-1/2PL-INC
The goverment said, "We're going to let them have it.". (ZOH1R24 010)
(ii) toto ye/cpa bi /aNkimmobaè/ /aNhi

toto/ 0 ye/c-pa bi /aN.kim./oy-pa+V/k+/aNhi/
paper 3A arrive-INC DEF MOUTH.mount.ANTIP-INC+REL+LOC3
/i kocunu/aNhi/
/i kocunu+/aNhi/
and soldier+LOC3
'A letter arrived to where the commander and the soldiers were.'
(ZOH1R24 038-9)
(9.5) marked indefinite with 'one'

(i) /ń p´kcoNN´ tum toto/
/ń+ p´k=coN-w´ tum toto/
1E+ get=join-COM one paper
'I received a letter.' (ZOH1R24 060)
(ii) n´kpa tum tenyente hoseè /ý n´hi

0 n´k-pa tum tenyente hoseè /ý+ n´hi
3A go-INC one lieutenant josé 3E+ name
'A lieutenant named José goes.' (ZOH1R24 098)
(iii) ga/ /okmaNN´ tum tuks&i/

ga/ /ok.maN-w´ tum tuks&i/
that DOWN.step-COM one fight
'That started a fight.' (ZOH1R24 003)
244
9.3. Modification with adjectives
Adjectives appear before the nouns that they modify. Descriptive phrases
are rare in Zoque narratives, so there are very few 'live' examples of adjective-
noun phrases. The following examples are taken from the lexicon or from
elicitation sessions.
(9.6)
(i) wayay n´/ (ii) home yaNke
'cold water (soft drink)' 'young gringo'
(iii) c&ik cikin kahaN (iv) /apu pń

'small spotted jaguar 'old man'
(v) capac /as&a (vi) yakku hahcuku

'red blouse' 'poor ants'
(vii) kupi pń (viii) cuway pń

'lazy man' 'foolish man'
(ix) niNki y´kwih (x) waha nas&

'thick shirt' 'hard earth'
Adjectival or existential relative clauses appear after the nouns that they
modify. There are two alternate forms of the relative clause marker: +V/k and
+p´/k. The vowel-initial alternate follows words or phrases that end in vowels
(as all verb complexes do, since all the inflectional suffixes are vowel-final). The
consonant-initial alternate follows words that end in consonants, and thus appears
with many of the adjectives. Relative clauses are discussed further in section
11.1.
245
(9.7)
(i) komi/k kuy /okos& (ii) mes&a komi@/
komi/+V/k kuy /okos& mes&a komi/+V/k
large+REL tree shrub table large+REL
'large tree' 'large table'
(iii) /as&a capacp´/ (iv) y´kwih home@/

/as&a capac+p´/k y´kwih home+V/k
blouse red+REL shirt new+REL
'red blouse' 'new shirt'
The existential relative clause construction is always employed when
modifying a noun with a deverbal adjective derived with the NOM3 suffix, -E
(and less frequently, the NOM2 suffix, -A). The relative marker is required for
these forms whether they appear before or after the noun. Note that the stress in
the second example of each of the pairs shown below is on the final syllable of
the relative clause, as expected, since a vowel has been contracted (section 3.3.8).
Stress falls on the first syllable in the first example of each pair, possibly because
there is some aesthetic constraint preventing two primary stresses from occurring
right next to each other. Nouns typically have only one or two syllables, unless
they are formed from complex verb stems.
(9.8)
(i) has&e/k s&is& (ii) s&is& has&e@/
has&.E+V/k s&is& s&is& has&.E+V/k
roast.NOM3+REL meat meat roast.NOM3+REL
'roasted meat' 'roasted meat'
246
(iii) /umi/k k´s&i (iv) k´s&i /umi!/
/um.E+V/k k´s&.E+V/k k´s&I /um.E+V/k
spill.NOM3+REL food.NOM3+REL food spill.NOM3+REL
'spilled food' 'spilled food'
(v) hape/k pici (vi) pici hape@/

hap.E+V/k pic.E+V/k pici hap.E+V/k
crush.NOM3+REL soak_corn.NOM3_REL nixtamal crush.NOM3+REL
'crushed nixtamal' 'crushed nixtamal'
(vii) hips&´/k s&´k (viii) s&´k hips&´@/

hips&.A+V/k s&´k s&´k hips&.A+V/k
burn.NOM2+REL bean bean burn.NOM2+REL
'burned beans' 'burned beans'
(ix) hoke/k nea/ (x) nea/ hoke@/

hok.E+V/k nea/ nea/ hok.E+V/k
smoke.NOM3+REL wall wall smoke.NOM3+REL
'smoky wall' 'smoky wall'
247
9.4. Noun compounds
Noun-noun compounds are vastly more common in the corpus than
Adjective-Noun phrases. Many names of plants and animals are nominal
compounds, and it seems to be a common way to add new terms to the language.
The syntax of nominal compounds is analogous to that in English: the first noun
modifies the second.
(9.9)
(i) hoho t´k (ii) nć pak
'palm house' 'armadillo shell'
(iii) tuh n´/ (iv) limeta /aNhap

'rain water' 'bottle cap'
(v) /as&us& poh (vi) koc´k mu/k

'garlic vine' 'hill grass'
It can be difficult to determine if a compound is actually one word or two.
Stress is the only clue, and if both parts have more than one syllable, it will not be
a definite guide. Some compounds are formed from nouns that no longer appear
independently in the language; these can be safely assumed to be one word.
(9.10)
(i) papń (ii) /aNway/
pa=pń /aN=way/
wild=man mouth=hair
'devil' 'beard'
248
In the following example, primary stress falls on the penultimate syllable
of the compound, indicating that it is a single phonological word. (This is the
only example with this stress pattern in the corpus.)
(9.11)
hamatin
hama=tin
sun=shit
'money'
In the next set of examples, stress falls on the penultimate syllable of each
part of the compound, or, in the case of a one-syllable component, on that single
syllable. The primary, strongest, stress for the whole is the primary stress of the
second component. This is the normal case for compounds with components of
more than one syllable.
(9.12)
(i) kape /aNkí (ii) maca s&oho/k
kape /aN=ký.E maca/ s&oho/k
reed MOUTH=carry_in_hand.NOM7 star grass
'door made of reeds' a type of grass
In compounds of two monosyllabic nouns, which are very common, stress
is roughly equal for each component (examples i-iii). Stress on the second
syllable indicates that we have two phonological words (examples iv-v).
249
(9.13)
(i) hamca/ (ii) mńnas& (iii) kuyt´m
ham=ca/ mń=nas& kuy=t´m
lime=stone yam=earth tree=fruit
'limestone' 'yam farm' 'avocado'
(iv) kuy /aNkas& (v) hama mok

kuy /aN.kas&.0 hama mok
tree MOUTH.step.NOM6 day corn
'tree branch' 'spring corn planting'
9.5. Quantification
The set of quantifying terms in MIG Zoque can be formally divided into
two groups: the quantity words, such as m´hm´, 'a lot'; and the clitic morphemes
+ha@/ (NPL2) and +s&ta@/ (ONLY), which have quantifying effects on the phrases
to which they attach.

/ic&i@N few; a little poco
/ome@N a little poquito
m´hm´ many; a lot mucho; bastante
mes&i few poco
hemhi/ all todo
s&´h´/ several; a lot; many varios; bastante; mucho
+ha@/ each cada quien
+s&ta@/ only; just; no more no más
Table 9.1: MIG Zoque quantifiers
250
9.5.1 Quantity words
There is some overlap in meaning among the six quantity words. /ic&i@N,
/ome@N, and mes&i all specify a small quantity, 'few; a little'. m´hm´ and s&´h´/
both specify a large quantity, 'many; a lot'. Syntactically, m´hm´, s&´h´/, and
mes&i exhibit the same behavior: they can either quantify nouns or function as
pronouns, and all can be made into verbs with the versive ./a. There are no
versive forms of either hemhi/ or /ic&i@N. hemhi/ is unique in its ability to co-
occur with the definite article. /ic&i@N functions most commonly as an adverb,
limiting the scope of the action (e.g., "hurry a little"), but it can also be used to
limit a quantity of objects. /ome@N may no longer be in common use - I found no
example of it in the corpus, apart from its entry in the lexicon.

m´hm´ and s&´h´/ are very similar in most respects, except that s&´h´/
can not be used to quantify mass entities, such as water or salt. m´hm´ can be
used of any kind of object, and appears much more frequently in the corpus. It
can also be used as an intensifier with adverbs (example 9.14 i) and verbs (ii).
Both words appear as pronouns (iii and iv), as quantifiers of noun phrases (v and
vi), and with the versive (vii and viii).
(9.14)
(i) hoNho /okcun´mpa komo ga/ cawowo /i m´hm´ hoNho/
hoNho/ 0 /ok.cu/./A-An´m-pa komo ga/ ca/=wowo
inside 3A DOWN.night.VERS1-INDEF-INC like that rock=hole
/i m´hm´ hoNho/
/i m´hm´ hoNho/
and a_lot inside
'It's dark inside since it's a cave and very far inside.' (ZOH1R15 050)
251
(ii) si m´hm´ /ý kas&ti:gc´kpa@m /ý mama
si m´hm´ /ý+ kastigar=c´k-pa+/am /ý+ mama
if a_lot 3E+ hurt=do-INC+NOW 3E+ mother
'If it's hurting its mother a lot' (ZOH1R36 942)
(iii) tihtamm´ m´hm´

tih-tam-w´ m´hm´
go&return-COM many1
'Many of us went.' (ZOH1R18 005)
(iv) s&´h´ tehidamm´ y´hi y´d´ /otelho/

s&´h´/ tehi./a-tam-w´ y´hi/ y´d´ /otel +ho/
many there_are.VERS1-1/2PL-COM here this hotel +LOC2
'There are a lot of us here in this hotel.' (ZOH1R55 113)
(v) mis& ciw´ m´hm´ kopaktoe

mis&+ ci/-w´ m´hm´ kopak=toy.E
2>1+ give-COM many head=hurt.NOM3
'You gave me a lot of headaches.' (ZOH1R14 059)
(vi) toma@s /ý /aNwitcoNN´ s&´h´ poN katemako

toma@s /ý+ /aN.wit=coN-w´ s&´h´/ poN katemako
tomás 3E+ MOUTH.walk=join-COM many time catemaco
'Tomás visited Catemaco many times.' (elicited)
(vii) yahakha@/ g´ hamatin m´hm´/a@m ga/

yahakhaa/ g´ hamatin 0 m´hm´./a-w´+/am ga/
long_ago that money 3A a_lot.VERS1-COM+NOW that
'Long ago, that was a lot of money, that was.' (ZOH1R18 257)
(viii) porke ded´kka s&´h´sukk´

porke de/ +d´kka 0 s&´h´/./a-s&uk-w´
because that +NPL 3A many.VERS1-3PL-COM
'Because there are a lot of them.' (ZOH1R25 089)
1It doesn't seem to be necessary to use the first person agreement marker d´ in these clauses with
quantifiers referencing the subject.
252
/ic&i@N, /ome@N, and mes&i can all refer to the same sorts of objects, both
countable and mass entities. mes&i behaves syntactically just like s&´h´/: it can
appear as a pronoun (9.15 i), quantify a noun phrase (ii), or appear with the
versive (iii).
(9.15)
(i) tey ye/c&ukk´ mas mes&i
tey 0 ye/c-s&uk-w´ mas mes&i
now 3A arrive-3PL-COM more few
'Now fewer arrived.' (ZOH1R18 010)
(ii) mes&i cus&pń k´maNNýy´ karruho/

mes&i cus&=pń 0 k´.maN./ý-w´ karru +ho/
few green=man 3A AWAY.*step.SUF-COM bus +LOC2
'A few soldiers got onto the bus.' (elicited)
(iii) /en bes de ke d´ s&´hadampa pin´k

/en bes de ke d´+ s&´h´./a-tam-pa pin´k
in time of that 1A+ a_lot.VERS1-1/2PL-INC CONFAC
mas d´ mes&s&adampa
mas d´ mes&i./a-tam-pa
more 1A few-VERS1-1/2PL-INC
'Instead of perhaps becoming more we are becoming fewer.'
(ZOH1R16 079)
/ic&i@N has the most varied syntactic behavior of the quantity words. It
appears to be most commonly used as a lessening adverb, parallel with the

intensifiers hakke and wenu (examples 9.16 i-iii). It can also quantify a noun
phrase (iv). Unlike the other quantity words, it can also appear with the plural
clitic +haa/, when it means something like 'little by little' (v and vi).
253
(9.16)
(i) n´mpa rroma@N /is&tam´ gahi /ic&i@N
0 n´m-pa rroma@N /is&-tam-A/ gahi/ /ic&iiN
3A say-INC román see-1/2PL-IMPV there a_little
'Román says, "Look over there a little way."' (ZOH1R18 159)
(ii) para ke /ic&i@N pin´k /ý meho:rc´kpa kumkuy/

para ke /ic&iiN pin´k /ý+ mehorar=c´k-pa kumkuy/
for that a_little CONFAC 3E+ improve=do-INC town
'So that he improves the town a little.' (ZOH1R28 372)
(iii) pero /ic&i@N h´/ks&tam´

pero /ic&iiN h´/ks&-tam-A/
but a_little hurry-1/2PL-IMPV
'But hurry up a little.' (ZOH1R25 036)
(iv) /ý s&os&s&´ /ic&i@N s&´k

/ý+ s&os&-w´ /ic&iiN s&´k
3E+ cook-COM a_little bean
'She cooked a few beans.' (elicited)
(v) d´ /otoNpa /aNpń /ic&iNha@/

d´+ /otoN-pa /aNpń /ic&iiN +haa/
1A+ speak-INC zoque a_little +NPL2
'Little by little, I'm speaking Zoque.' (elicited)
(vi) /ý ha:mc´kpa b´s&e /ic&iNha@/

/ý+ ham(V)2=c´k-pa b´s&e /ic&iiN +haa/
3E+ *mind=do-INC SEEM a_little +NPL2
'He seems to be remembering little by little.' (ZOH1R12 724)
2 The form, class and meaning of this morpheme are obscure. It seems to mean something like
'mind', and possibly was at some stage of the language a noun with a final vowel. MAR Zoque
has a verb ham´h, 'to remember it' (Kaufman, p.c.). The MIG Zoque form appears in this
construction, compounded or incorporated with c´k- and in another likely incorporation
construction, hamV=/oktokoy-, (*mind=DOWN.get_lost), 'to go crazy'.
254
hemhi/, 'all', can be used as a pronoun (9.17 i and ii) or to quantify noun
phrases (ii). It is the only quantity word that co-occurs with the definite article
bi (iii). It exhibits the most freedom of position of the quantity words, appearing
both before and after the noun phrase that it quantifies (iv - vi). There is no
versive form of this word.
(9.17)
(i) ded´ pńd´kka wichukpa komo nums&ukpa hemhi/
ded´ pń+d´kka 0 wit-s&uk-pa komo 0 num-s&uk-pa hemhi/
that men+NPL 3A walk-3PL-INC like 3A steal-3PL-INC all
'Those men went around stealing everything.' (ZOH1R24 007)
(ii) gad´ papń hemhi p´/tpa /ý n´k´è/ /ý yakkapa

gad´ pa=pń hemhi/ p´/t-pa /ý+ n´k.E+V/k /ý+ yak.ka-pa
that devil all pass-INC 3E+ go.dINC+REL 3E+ CAUS.die-INC
'That devil, all who go passing by, he kills.' (ZOH1R18 034-5)
(iii) /ý wehs&ukk´ hemhi bi hented´kka gad´ kumkuyho/

/ý+ weh-s&uk-w´ hemhi/ bi hente+d´kka gad´ kumkuy/+ho/
3E+ call-3PL-COM all DEF people+NPL that town +LOC1
'They called all the people in that town.' (ZOH1R18 141)
(iv) ga meru /ý /aNkimpa bi kocunud´kka hemhi/

ga/ meru /ý+ /aN.kim-pa bi kocunu+d´kka hemhi/
that exactly 3E+ MOUTH.mount-INC DEF soldier+NPL all
'That very one commands all the soldiers.' (ZOH1R24 048)
(v) hemhi ga bencec´kk´

hemhi/ ga/ 0 bencer=c´k-w´
all that 3A be_beaten=do-COM
'They were all beaten.' (ZOH1R24 375)
(vi) gay mahpa ga hemhi/

ga/ /ý+ mah-pa ga/ hemhi/
that 3E+ water-INC that all
'He waters them all.' (ZOH1R24 458)
255
The related form hemhi/ok means 'all over'. All the examples that I have
of this word come from the interview with the healer, in which it always refers to
the body (example 9.18). This is the only occurrence of this ./ok morpheme (not
the same as the prefix DOWN) in MIG Zoque, but MAR Zoque has an affix ./ok
that means 'the end of beginning of a thing' (Kaufman, p.c.).
(9.18)
nakac´ /´m kwerpuho hemhi/ok
naka/c-A/ /´m+ kwerpu+ho/ hemhi./ok
crush-IMPV 2E+ body+LOC2 all.X
'Crush it (tobacco leaves) all over your body.' (ZOH1R36 319)
9.5.2. Quantifying clitics
+ha@/ (NPL2) has related functions: (a) plural-marking first and second
person discourse participants; (b) set distribution (an 'each' function); (c) and
creating plural forms of question words3. I am perhaps guilty of excessive
lumping by grouping these together in a single morpheme, rather than splitting
them into three phonologically identical ones, but there seems to be a continuum
of related function here.

As a plural-marker, +ha@/ applies to pronouns (9.19 i, iii, and iv), noun
phrases (ii and iii), and predicative adjectives (iv and v). Examples (vi and vii)
are included in this set to show the contrast between the use of +ha@/ and
+d´kkay, the third person plural marker.
3 MAR Zoque has hate/ (Kaufman, p.c.).
256
(9.19)
(i) d´s&ha@/ d´ yaNkeha@/
d´s&+haa/ d´+ yaNke+haa/
1Prn+NPL2 1A+ yankee+NPL2
'We're gringos.' (ZOH1R17 026)
(ii) /um n´mtamm´ ke yam /aNpń pńha@/

/u /´m+ n´m-tam-w´ ke ya /´m+ /aNpń pń+haa/
NEGimpv 2E+ say-1/2PL-COM that NEG 2A+ zoque man+NPL2
'Don't say that you're not people who speak Zoque.' (ZOH1R57 041)
(iii) mis&ha@/ kumkuypńha@/ me/ctam´

mis&+haa/ kumkuy/ pń+haa/ me/c-tam-A/
2Prn+NPL2 town man+NPL2 look_for-1/2PL-IMPV
bi s&eme pńd´kkay
bi s&em.E pń+d´kkay
DEF play.NOM3 men+NPL
'You townspeople look for the musicians.' (ZOH1R18 187)
(iv) d´s&ha@/ komo d´ nas&maNkuyha@/ d´ nas&n´ktampa

d´s&+haa/ komo d´+ nas&=maNkuy/+haa/ d´+ nas&=n´k-tam-pa
1Prn+NPL2 since 1A+ earth=foot+NPL2 1A+ earth=go-1/2PL-INC
'We, since we were on foot, we were walking.' (ZOH1R15 028)
(v) neywin ban cuwayha@/

neywin ban cuway+haa/
we very foolish+NPL2
'We are very foolish.' (ZOH1R16 110)
(vi) hehan´mpa ban cuway ney hente

0 heh-An´m-pa ban cuway ney hente
3A live-INDEF-INC very foolish IE people
'Our people lived very foolishly.' (ZOH1R3 040)
257
(vii) kumkuypńd´kka cuns&ukpa
kumkuy/ pń+d´kka 0 cun-s&uk-pa
town man+NPL 3A be_happy-3PL-INC
'The people of the town are happy.' (ZOH1R18 194)
When +ha@/ appears with a third person entity, it adds a distributive
meaning. It is used with number words to mean 'one by one', 'two by two', etc., as
shown in example (9.20 i). tumha@/, 'one+NPL2' is also translated 'each' in the
appropriate context (ii)4. It is used with measure nouns to mean 'unit by unit', as
shown in example (iii). Examples (iv and v) illustrate the distributional meaning
most clearly. In (iv), the men are worried about their families, since they're far
away from home working on an endless dictionary project. But each man is
concerned about his own family, not about all the families as a unified set. In (v),
a group of students is about to enter a dark cave, so each gets his or her own lamp.
(9.20)
(i) tumha@/ n´ks&ukpa
tum+haa/ 0 n´k-s&uk-pa
one+NPL2 3A go-3PL-INC
'They went one by one.' (ZOH1R25 137)
(ii) piceNho/ tumhaè/ /ń /aNmaytamm´

piceNho/ tum.haa/ /ń+ /aN=may-tam-w´
because one.NOM4 1E+ MOUTH=count-1/2PL-COM
'For this reason, we each taught one of them.' (ZOH1R57 033)
4 MAR Zoque has the form hate/, 'each' (Kaufman, 1996).
258
(iii) cunnenha@/ wanakpa@m
cun.neeN+haa/ 0 wanak-pa+/am
drip.MEAS+NPL2 3A go_down-INC+NOW
'It falls drop by drop.' (ZOH1R36 538)
(iv) yan mus&tamm´ hunaN tehi/aw´ bi dń familyaha@/

ya /ń+ mus&-tam-w´ hunaN tehi./a-w´ bi dń familya+haa/
NEG 1E+ know-1/2PL-COM how there_is.VERS-COM DEF XE family+NPL2
'We don't know how our families are.' (ZOH1R10 517)
(v) /ń p´ktammń lamparaha@/ d´s&ha@/

/ń+ p´k-tam-w´ /ń+ lampara+haa/ d´s&+haa/
1E+ get-1/2PL-COM 1E+ lamp+NPL2 1Prn+NPL2
'We got our lamps.' (ZOH1R15 049)
Finally, +ha@/ is used to form plural interrogatives, shown in the examples
in (9.21). These have a somewhat distributional flavor5.
(9.21)
(i) /iyaNha@/ d´ mintamm´ y´hi katemako berakrus
/iw´./aN+haa/ d´+ min-tam-w´ y´hi katemako berakrus
who.X+NPL2 1A+ come-1/2PL-COM here catemaco veracruz
'Who all of us came here to Catemaco, Veracruz' (ZOH1R18 002)
(ii) tiyaNha@/ /´m /okupc´kpa

ti./aN+haa/ /´m+ /okupar=c´k-pa
what.X+NPL2 2E+ use=do-INC
'What all do you use?' (ZOH1R36 014)
(iii) gay /okcamm´ba hunaNha@/ /ý p´/thayy´

ga/ /ý+ /ok.cam./ý-pa hunaN+haa/ /ý+ p´/t.hay-w´
that 3E+ DOWN.chat.SUF-INC how+NPL2 3E+ pass.APPL-COM
'He tells them how it went with him.' (ZOH1R18 290)
5 Actually, these forms are reminiscent of a use of the plural marker 'all' in my own dialect, which
also applies to interrogatives. For example: "What all'd y'all get for Christmas?" and "Where all'd
y'all go in Europe?"
259
9.5.3. Only
The clitic +s&ta@/ can attach to any word class in MIG Zoque, except
probably the intensifiers. Its general meaning is the same in all cases: it limits the
set or extent or scope of the action. It attaches outside (to the right of) a plural
clitic (9.22 i) or postposition (v amd viii), but inside the adverbial clitic +/am
(NOW), shown in example (ii). Example (iii) shows that even when attached to
the verb complex, it can serve to delimit one of the verb's arguments. In (iv),
+s&ta@/ is limiting the scope of the action: they just sit, they don't work. Example
(v) shows the clitic limiting a noun phrase to one out of a possible two, and
example (vi) shows it setting a precise limit, when attached to a number.

Examples (vii and viii) show +s&ta@/ with a locative deictic and a postpositional
phrase.
(9.22)
(i) ga/ komo n´mtampa c´hń koked´kkas&ta@/
ga/ komo (/ń+) n´m-tam-pa c´hń koke+d´kka+s&taa/
that like (1E+) say-1/2PL-INC X fish +NPL +ONLY
'He is, as we say, just the big fish6.' (ZOH1R28 258)
(ii) /awind´kka /ń hamc´ktampas&ta@m de rroma@N

/awin/+d´kka /ń+ ham(V)=c´k-tam-pa+s&taa/+/am de rroma@N
sibling+NPL 1E+ *mind=do-1/2PL-INC+ONLY+NOW of román
'Brothers, now we only remember Román.' (ZOH1R18 292)
6 c´hń koke is a type of large fish. The local idiom 'the big fishes' means 'the powerful ones'.
260
(iii) cńn´s&ta@m /ý manakd´kka
0 cń-w´+s&taa/+/am /ý+ manak+d´kka
3A sit-COM+ONLY+NOW 3E+ child+NPL
'Now only his sons are seated.' (ZOH1R24 543)
(iv) pic n´kpas&ta@n cńtamm´

pic n´k-pa+s&taa/ /ń+ cń-tam-w´
thus go-INC+ONLY 1E+ sit-1/2PL-COM
'That's why we just go to sit.' (ZOH1R28 275)
(v) tum caNkuypi/ts&ta@/ /ń nukk´

tum caNkuy/+pi/t+s&taa/ /ń+ nuk-w´
one hand+INSTR+ONLY 1E+ grab-COM
'I grabbed it with just one hand.' (ZOH1R25 187)
(vi) nńtiam hak cńkuy/ /apena tuwaNs&taè/ /as&ta h´s&ho

nńtiam hakke cń.kuy/ /apena tuwaN+s&taa/ /as&ta h´s&.ho/
there_isn't very sit.INSTR1 hardly three+ONLY until BACK.LOC2
'There weren't many seats, barely just three in the back.' (ZOH1R10 451)
(vii) y´his&taè/ wanaktaèN

y´.hi+s&taa/ wanak-taaN
DCT1.LOC1+ONLY go_down.HORT
'Let's get down right here.' (ZOH1R10 272)
(viii) s&is&hos&ta@/ /ý p´kk´

s&is&+ho/+s&taa/ /ý+ p´k-w´
meat+LOC2+ONLY 3E+ get-COM
'They got her just in the flesh (a flesh wound).' (ZOH1R24 750)
261
9.7. Coordination and comparison
Noun phrases or parts of noun phrases can be coordinated by means of the

Spanish conjunction y, 'and' (transcribed /i in Zoque), or by simply juxtaposing
the conjoined elements. The Spanish conjunction method is the most common.
(9.23)
(i) /ń huyy´ mecaN /as&a tum´ capacp´/ /i tum´ y´ky´k
/ń+ huy-w´ mecaN /as&a tum´ capac+p´/k /i tum´ y´ky´k
1E+ buy-COM two huipil one red+REL and one black
'I bought two huipils, one red and one black.' (elicited)
(ii) m´hm´ yo:m/une tihh´ /i m´hm´ ha:y/une/

m´hm´ yom´/=/une/ 0 tih-w´ /i m´hm´ haya=/une/
many female=child 3A go&return-COM and many male=child
'Many girls went and many boys.' (ZOH1R15 043)
(iii) /´m wattoba /´m k´s&kuy moNkuy hemhi/

/´m+ wat./oy-pa /´m+ k´s&.kuy/ moN.kuy/ hemhi/
2E+ earn.ANTIP-INC 2E+ eat.INSTR1 sleep.INSTR1 all
'You'll earn your food, lodging, everything.' (ZOH1R18 292)
Comparison in noun phrases, as in verb phrases, is done by means of the

Spanish comparative mas, 'more', and follows the Spanish syntactic pattern. I
find no hints in the corpus as to how this might have been done before the
invasion, but Suarez (1983:110) observes that in Tlahuitoltepec Mixe
"comparison of superiority is rendered by two clauses, one asserting the quality
for the item compared, the other negating it for the term of comparison". This
would produce phrases like "he is tall, I am not so tall".
262
(9.24)
(i) de bi mas triste
de/ bi mas triste
that DEF more sad
'That's the saddest.' (ZOH1R18 363)
(ii) /ý ce/kpa mas pń

/ý ce/k-pa mas pń
3E ask-INC more man
'He asked for more men.' (ZOH1R24 015)
(iii) yoya bi mas s&as&a /ý k´s&pa mas mok

yoya bi mas s&as&a/ /ý+ k´s&-pa mas mok
pig DEF more fat 3E+ eat-INC more corn
'The fattest pig eats the most corn' (elicited)
(iv) tehi mas w´h´ ke mis&

tehi./a-w´ mas w´h´ ke mis&
there_is.VERS-COM more good that 2Prn
'There is one better than you.' (ZOH1R26 021)
(v) mas de kuk cakk´mpa pa ga/

mas de kuk 0 cak./´m-pa para ga/
more of center 3A leave.PASS-INC for that
'More than half remained for him.' (ZOH1R28 334)
263
9.7. Possession
The ergative set of person agreement markers is used to mark possessors
of nouns. Possessed nouns can be further specified with the definite article or a
deictic, as shown in examples (9.25 iv - vi).
(9.25)
(i) /ń hatoN (ii) /´m y´kwih (iii) /ý mac&ete
1E+ father 2E+ shirt 3E+ machete
'my father' 'your shirt' 'his machete'
(iv) ya toyya@m bim cek

ya 0 toy-w´+/am bi /´m+ cek
NEG 3A hurt-COM+NOW DEF 2E+ belly
'Now your belly doesn't hurt.' (ZOH1R36 022)
(v) gahi tehi/aw´ d´s& bi dń m´/

gahi 0 tehi./a-w´ d´s& bi dń m´/
there 3A there_is.VERS1-COM 1Prn DEF XE wife
'There is my wife.' (ZOH1R12 200)
(vi) d´s& mama /ń p´kpa@m den tuN

d´s& mama /ń+ p´k-pa+/am de/ /ń+ tuN
1Prn mama 1E+ get-INC+NOW that 1E+ road
'I, mama, now I'll take my road.' (ZOH1R26 011)
The syntax of a phrase in which both possessor and possessee are
referenced by nouns (rather than merely by agreement markers) is:
Possessor Noun - Ergative marker - Possessed Noun

agreeing with Possessor
264
(9.26)
(i) bi kocunu /ý /aNkimpa@/
DEF soldier 3E+ leader
'the leader of the soldiers' (ZOH1R24 034)
(ii) rranc&o /ý n´hi kahaN

ranch 3E+ name jaguar
'a little town called Jaguar' (ZOH1R18 106)
(iii) nas&ey pa/c&ukk´ bi rroma@n bi /okpń /ý t´kho/

nas&e /ý+ pa/t-s&uk-w´ bi rroma@n bi /oko=pń /ý+ t´k+ho/
truth 3E+ find-3PL-COM DEF román DEF old_woman=man 3E+ house+LOC2
'In fact they found the Román in the old woman's house.'
(ZOH1R18 143)
There are possessive pronouns for each of the three discourse persons:
tńti/, 'mine', minti/, 'yours', and /ýti/, 'hers/his/its/theirs'. They may be
used redundantly with the possessive agreement marker, as seen in examples
(9.26 ii and iii). A chain of possessive noun phrases is shown in example (vi).
(9.27)
(i) mis&s&´m c´k´ minti ne/
mis& /´m+ c´k-A/ minti/ ne/
2Prn 2E+ do-IMPV 2PosN also
'You do yours too.' (ZOH1R24 401)
(ii) tńtin kopakho /ń /aNnitpa

tńti/ /ń+ kopak+ho/ /ń+ /aNnit-pa
1PSN 1E+ head+LOC2 1E+ have-INC
'I have it in my head (the knowledge).' (ZOH1R32 119)
(iii) tńtin yo:mmanak /ń cipa

tńti/ /ń+ yom´/=manak /ń+ ci-pa
1PosN 1E+ female=child 1E+ give-INC
'I'll give my daughter.' (ZOH1R18 232)
265
(iv) /ý h´s&hupp´ /ý mac&ete romaèN/ýti/
/ý+ h´s&.hup-w´ /ý+ mac&ete romaèN +/ýti/
3E+ BACK=pull-COM 3E+ machete román +3PosN
'Román pulled out his machete.' (ZOH1R18 090)
(v) p´/tpa moso bi /alegria santa wani:t/ýti/

0 p´/t-pa moso bi /alegria santa wanita +/ýti/
3A pass-INC beautiful DEF happiness saint juanita +3PSN
'The festivities of Santa Juanita pass beautifully.' (ZOH1R32 065)
(vi) /ý w´thayy´ /ý y´kwih /ń hatoN/ýti

/ý+ w´t.hay-w´ /ý+ y´kwih /ń+ hatoN +/ýti/
3E+ tear.APPL-COM 3E+ shirt 1E+ father +3PSN
'He tore my father's shirt.' (elicited)
The third person possessive /ýti/ can also mean 'about', just as 'of' in
English can be used to indicate possession or topic. The Spanish preposition de,
'of', may also be used for this purpose. In example (9.27 i), both the Spanish and
the Zoque morphemes appear, bracketing the noun phrase between them7.
7 This redundant construction, with the Spanish function word on the left and the Zoque function
morpheme on the right, is a particular favorite of this speaker, Sr. Omobono Sánchez Miguel.
Text ZOH1R36 is a 90-minute interview with him about traditional medicine (he's a curandero);
this text is the source of most of my examples of the pairing of Spanish and Zoque function words
because he is so consistent about using them together.
266
(9.28)
(i) de n´pin tini/ýti /ń campa
de n´pin/ tin.E +/ýti/ /ń+ cam-pa
of blood shit.NOM3 +3PSN 1E+ talk-INC
'I'm going to talk about dysentery.' (ZOH1R36 002)
(ii) /ń campa tum kwentu soldao/ýti /i satornino

/ń+ cam-pa tum kwentu soldao +/ýti/ /i satornino
1E+ talk-INC one story soldier +3PSN and satornino
'I'm going to tell you a story about the soldiers and Satornino.'
(ZOH1R11 001)
267
Chapter 10: Noun Incorporation
In noun incorporation (NI) constructions, an argument of the verb is
compounded with the verb stem, thus appearing inside the agreement markers and
forming part of the whole verb complex. This is a highly productive process in
MIG Zoque. The incorporated noun usually fills the patient role, but other
arguments can be incorporated as well. Adjectives may also be incorporated
(example 10.1 iii; further discussion below). Modifiers of the incorporated noun
can be stranded outside the verb complex, provided they also are non-specific,
such as adjectives or relative clauses (iv; further discussion below). NI in MIG
Zoque is an example of type I incorporation, according to Mithun's hierarchy
(Mithun, 1984).
(10.1)
(i) d´ s&´kwis&tamm´
d´+ s&´k=wis&-tam-w´
1A+ bean=uproot-1/2PL-COM
'We were uprooting bean plants.' (ZOH1R7 010)
(ii) k´s&kuyme/cpay witt´

0 k´s&.kuy/=me/c-pa /ý+ wit-w´
3A eat.INSTR1=look_for-INC 3E+ walk.dINC
'He's walking along looking for food.' (ZOH1R26
062)
(iii) /ý mal/aNcoNN´

/ý+ mal=/aN.coN-w´
3E+ bad=MOUTH.join-COM
'He answered badly.' (ZOH1R24 581)
268
(iv) n´kpay kuytŃN´ rrama
n´k-pa /ý+ kuy=tŃ-w´ rrama
go-INC 3E+ tree=cut_w_machete-dINC branch
'They're going to cut tree branches.' (ZOH1R22 020)
The incorporated argument is most commonly the patient, in which case
the verb complex is made intransitive and marked with one of the absolutive
agreement markers. The incorporated noun does not function as a classifier, as in
classificatory NI (Mithun, 1984), so no additional, more-specific noun may
appear in the role of patient. Incorporated patients are non-specific: you can say
"I was tree-cutting", but not "I was that-tree-cutting" with reference to a particular
tree.
(10.2)
(i) d´s& dey d´ mokp´kminpa
d´s& dey d´+ mok=p´k=min-pa
1Prn now 1A+ corn=get=come-INC
'I'm carrying corn now.' (ZOH1R28 047)
(ii) d´s& ya d´ tuks&meca

d´s& ya d´+ tuks&i/=me/c-A
1Prn NEG 1A+ fight=look_for-nINC
'I'm not looking for a fight.' (ZOH1R18 340)
(iii) /aybeses porke hakkem niwik´s&pa

/ay beses porke hakke /´m+ niwi/=k´s&-pa
there_are times because a_lot 2A+ chile=eat-INC
'Sometimes (it's) because you eat a lot of chile.' (ZOH1R36 067)
(iv) nas&hecpa
0 nas&=hec-pa
3A earth=scratch-INC
269
'He's scratching the ground (a bull).' (ZOH1R25 116)
(v) c´wihuys&ukpa
0 c´wi/=huy-s&uk-pa
3A tobacco=buy-3PL-INC
'They buy tobacco.' (ZOH1R17 008)
As mentioned in chapter 8, when NI occurs inside a dependent verb
construction, the agreement marker is ergative, even though the construction as a

whole is intransitive. This is the result of the ergative shift that occurs in these
dependent constructions.
(10.3)
(i) minn´ /ý koyos&kuymece
min-w´ /ý+ ko.yos&.kuy/=me/c-E
come-COM 3E+ SOC.work.INSTR1=look_for-dCOM
'He came to look for a job.' (ZOH1R18 206)
(ii) n´mmń kahwec´ktamm´

n´mm´ /ń+ kahwe=c´k-tam-w´
PROG 1E+ coffee=do-1/2PL-COM
'We were making coffee.' (ZOH1R7 017)
(iii) n´kpay s&os&/anecakhays&ukk´

n´k-pa /ý+ s&os&=/ane=cak.hay-s&uk-w´
go-INC 3E+ bean=tortilla=leave.APPL-3PL-dINC
'They go to leave bean tamales for him.' (ZOH1R22 026)
270
It is possible to incorporate patient arguments that refer to human entities,
although most patients tend to be non-human.
(10.4)
(i) n´kký hentep´ki
n´k-w´ /ý+ hente=p´k-E
go-COM 3E+ people-get-dCOM
'He went to get some people.' (ZOH1R24 643)
(ii) /´m /awinme/cpa pam /ekpa

/´m+ /awin/=me/c-pa para /´m+ /ek-pa
2A+ sibling=look_for-INC for 2E+ harvest-INC
'You look for a friend so you can harvest (corn).' (ZOH1R13 051)
It isn't always possible to tell if the single argument of an unaccusative
verb has been incorporated or not, since the third person absolutive marker is 0.
One way of testing this is to make the expression negative, in which case the
incorporated noun will appear inside the negative marker (10.5 i). In example
(ii), phonological evidence suggests that the noun hama 'day' has been
incorporated, because it has been shortened to a single syllable. Examples (iv)
and (v) may or may not be incorporation constructions, thought it seems likely
that they are, especially (iv) which is probably lexicalized.
(10.5)
(i) ya /aNpń/otowa
ya 0 /aNpń=/otoN-A
NEG 3A zoque=speak-nINC
'She doesn't speak Zoque.' (elicited)
271
(ii) ya t´m/´w´
ya 0 t´m=/Ń-A
NEG 3A fruit=fall-nINC
'Fruit isn't falling (because of the cold).' (elicited)
(iii) /ń /´ks&pan mok para ha:mp´/tpa

/ń+ /´ks&-pa /ń+ mok para 0 hama=p´/t-pa
1E+ shell-INC 1E+ corn for 3A day=pass-INC
'I shell my corn so the day passes (well).' (ZOH1R53 048)
(iv) cu:mukn´mpa
cu/ muk-An´m-pa
night fall-IMPERS-INC
'Night falls.' (ZOH1R36 057)
(v) /as&ta ke t´mtukpa

/as&ta ke t´m=tuk-pa
until that fruit finish-INC
'Until the fruit sets' (ZOH1R13 048)
The incorporated noun phrase can be modified by elements external to the
verb complex; that is, modifiers may be stranded. These must be non-specific
sorts of modifiers, such as relative clauses. The examples in (10.6) illustrate the
contrast between modification of an incorporated noun (i) and of an
unincorporated noun (ii). Notice that in (i) the modifying adjective has been
relativized: "He builds houses that are big."
(10.6)
(i) t´kc´kpa komi@/
0 t´k=c´k-pa komi/+V/k
3A house=do-INC big+REL
'He builds big houses.' (elicited)
272
(ii) ko:mt´k /ý c´kpa
komi/=t´k /ý+ c´k-pa
big=house 3E+ do-INC
'He builds big houses.' (elicited)
Non-existential relative clauses are also allowed as stranded modifiers
(10.7 i-v). These can be full clauses, with no restrictions on mood, polarity,
valency, etc.
(10.7)
(i) t´kc´kpa syempre humpa@/
0 t´k=c´k-pa syempre 0 hum-pa+V/k
3A house=do-INC always 3A crumble-INC+REL
'He builds houses that always fall down.' (elicited)
(ii) t´kc´kpa s&ŃNan´mpahi

0 t´k=c´k-pa 0 s&Ń./a-An´m-pa+hi
3A house=do-INC 3A fiesta.VERS1-INDEF-INC+LOCREL
'He builds houses where they have parties.' (elicited)
(iii) yotekomm´ /ý p´kminhaw´@/ bi hente

0 yote/=kom-w´ /ý+ p´k=min.hay-w´+V/k bi hente
3A clothes=mend-COM 3E+ get=come.APPL-COM+REL DEF people
'She mends clothes that people bring her.' (elicited)
(iv) yotekomm´ yakki yay kommus&s&´@/

0 yote/=kom-w´ yakki ya /ý+ kom=mus&-w´+V/k
3A clothes=men-COM nobody NEG 3E+ mend=know-COM+REL
'She mends clothes that nobody can mend.' (elicited)
(v) ga t´myukpiNNý mini /ŃN´@/

ga/ 0 t´m=yuk.piN-w´ /ý+ min-E 0 /Ń-w´+V/k
that 3A fruit=UP.pick_up-COM 3E+ come-dCOM 3A fall-COM+REL
'She came along picking up fallen fruit.' (elicited)
273
Other kinds of stranded modifiers that are allowed are possessive nouns
(i), an indefinite quantifier like mas, 'more' (ii), and a modifying noun (iii).
(10.8)
(i) d´ yotekomm´ /ń manak/ýti/
d´+ yote/=kom-w´ /ń+ manak+/ýti/
1A+ clothes=mend-COM 1E+ child+3PSN
'I mended my children's clothes.' (elicited)
(ii) n´kký pńp´ki mas

n´k-w´ /ý+ pń=p´k.E mas
go-COM 3E+ man=get.dCOM more
'He went to get more men.' (ZOH1R24 644)
(iv) n´kpay kuytŃN´ rrama

n´k-pa /ý+ kuy=tŃ-w´ rrama
go-INC 3E+ tree=cut_w_machete-dINC branch
'They're going to cut tree branches.' (ZOH1R22 020)
The incorporated patient must be non-specific; that is, it must be an
uncounted, indefinite, entity. I can say that I am going to 'tree-cut', but I can't
point to a particular tree and then say "I will tree-cut (that one)". Example (10.9
i) is ungrammatical: determiners, deictics, and definite quantifiers can not be
stranded, because they would make the incorporated noun specific.
(10.9)
(i) * d´ yotekomm´ y´d´
d´+ yote/=kom-w´ y´d´
1A+ clothes=mend-COM this
* 'I clothes-mended these'
274
NI thus serves as a means of modifying the verb, narrowing its denotation
to a particular subtype of action. In example (10.10 i), 'to coffee-drink' is actually
the common idiom for 'to eat breakfast'. While it generally involves drinking
coffee, it doesn't specify one cup or two, and most likely includes eating a piece
of bread as well. In texts, NI can be a way of describing the action that is being
performed without introducing an essentially irrelevant entity into the discourse
context (ii). The beans have nothing to do with the story told in this text; the
narrator is just setting up the background by explaining what they were doing at
the beginning of the story.
(10.10)
(i) h´/ d´ kahwe/ukpas&ta@m
h´/ d´+ kahwe=/uk-pa+s&taa/+/am
yes 1A+ coffee=drink-INC+ONLY+NOW
'Yes, I'm just going to drink some coffee.' (ZOH1R10 150)
(ii) d´ s&´kyuhtamm´ wayay n´ho/

d´+ s&´k=yuh-tam-w´ wayay n´/+ho/
1A+ bean=clear-1/2PL-COM cold water+LOC2
'We were clearing a bean field in Agua Fria.' (ZOH1R7 002)
When the verb complex has three arguments, whether because the root is
bivalent (like ci/-, 'to give') or because affixation has increased its valency, the
third argument is typically a human recipient or benefactor. If the patient
argument is incorporated, the complex remains transitive. The recipient (or
benefactor, etc.) argument can not be incorporated, so you can't say, for example,
"He girl-gave flowers." This type of NI resembles Mithun's type II (1984:856-
275
859), in that the presence of the third argument allows the incorporating verb
complex to remain transitive.
(10.11)
(i) /ń cńkuycis&ukk´ /i cńs&ukk´
'I gave them seats and they sat down.' (ZOH1R10
023-4)
(ii) dey c&anitu ya n´mmo mis& /anecidamma@m

dey c&anitu ya n´m./oy-A mis&+/ane=ci/-tam-w´+/am
now chanito NEG DO.ANTIP-nINC 1>2+ tortilla=give-1/2PL-dINC+NOW
'Now, Chanito, we can't give you tortillas anymore.' (ZOH1R27 007)
(iii) peru syempre yakk´ d´ yos&kuyci/

peru syempre yakk´ d´+ yos&kuy/=ci/-A/
but always VOL 1A+ work=give-iOPT
'But let her always give work to me.' (ZOH1R14 053)
(iv) tigo@ mis& maNkuykń´kkepp´ba

ti+goo/ mis&+ maNkuy/=k´.n´k=kep./ý-pa
what+BNF 2>1+ foot=AWAY.go=kick.SUF-INC
'Why do you stick your foot out at me?' (ZOH1R18 323)
(v) gay mas&ant´kho/ /ý t´mp´hays&ukpa

gay mas&an=t´k+ho/ /ý+ t´m=p´/.hay-s&uk-pa
then church=house+LOC2 3E+ fruit=put.APPL-3PL-INC
'Then they put fruit for them in the church.' (ZOH1R21 030)
(vi) /ý pamac´khays&ukpa

/ý+ pama=c´k.hay-s&uk-pa
3E+ bed=do.APPL-3PL-INC
'They make the bed for themselves.' (ZOH1R22 007)
276
Arguments other than the patient may be incorporated, although such
constructions are considerably less common. In (10.12 i), the incorporated
argument is the goal. (Note that the additional conjuncts are stranded outside the
verb complex.) In (ii-iv), the incorporated noun is a location (iv means literally
"It hurt me in the head'). In example (v), a location is incorporated into an
intransitive verb of motion. I was unable to elicit sentences with other sorts of
incorporated arguments, such as instruments.
(10.12)
(i) /ý koke/aNyohpa wece kana
/ý+ koke=/aN.yoh-pa wece kana
3E+ fish=MOUTH.pay-INC shrimp salt
'They trade it for fish, shrimp, and salt.' (ZOH1R2 072)
(ii) /ń huku:tnekkŃNýpa

/ń+ hukut´=nek=kŃ./ý-pa
1E+ fire=stack=burn.SUF-INC
'I stack it up near the fire.' (ZOH1R53 003)
(iii) gay d´ /ornohuku:tt´ba

gay d´+ /orno=hukut´k./ý-pa
then 1A+ oven=fire.VERS2-INC
'Then I make a fire in the oven.' (ZOH1R31 013)
(iv) bweno d´ kopaktoyy´

bweno d´+ kopak=toy-w´
good 1A+ head=hurt-COM
'I had a lot of headaches.' (ZOH1R14 076)
(v) d´ nas&n´ktampa
d´+ nas&=n´k-tam-pa
1A+ earth=go-1/2PL-INC
'We're going on foot.' (ZOH1R15 028)
277
Adjectives can also be incorporated. (Strictly speaking, they are then
functioning as adverbs, since they are modifying the verb, rather than some noun.)
This naturally has no effect on the transitivity of the verb complex. Examples
(10.13 i) and (ii) illustrate the difference between an non-incorporated adverbial
modifier and an incorporated one.
(10.13)
(i) pwes w´h´m c´kk´
pwes w´h´ /´m+ c´k-w´
well good 2E+ do-COM
'Well, you did well.' (ZOH1R18 178)
(ii) n´mm´ /ý w´:hc´ks&ukk´

n´mm´ /ý+ w´h´=c´k-s&uk-w´
PROG 3E+ good=do-3PL-dINC
'They were repairing it.' (ZOH1R25 064)
(iii) /ý mal/aNcoNN´

/ý+ mal=/aN.coN-w´
3E+ bad=MOUTH.join-COM
'He answered badly.' (ZOH1R24 581)
(iv) n´mmoba /ý kuktŃs&ukk´

n´m./oy-pa /ý+ kuk=tŃ-s&uk-w´
DO.ANTIP-INC 3E+ center=cut_w_machete-3PL-dINC
'They can cut it in half.' (ZOH1R29 077)
278
Chapter 11: Multi-clause Expressions
In this chapter we'll look at the various types of sentences that can be
composed of more than one clause. Relative clauses are discussed in section
11.1. In section 11.2, we look at coordinated clauses. Section 11.3 has a
discussion of comparative constructions. These are formed on the model of

Spanish grammar, using connectives borrowed from Spanish. We return to MIG
Zoque connectives in sections 11.4 and 11.5, to discuss purpose clauses and 'if'
clauses, respectively. Section 11.6 contains a discussion of clauses using
Spanish subordinators. In section 11.7, we look at 'that' clauses, which appear
with verbs of speaking, perceiving, and wanting. Section 11.8 contains a
description of locative clauses.
In general, MIG Zoque syntax does not entail requirements on the referent
of third person agreement markers in subordinate clauses. The referents of
subject or object agreement markers are determined pragmatically. The following
two examples illustrate this point.
(11.1)
(i) bi pń /ý caNN´ bi yomaè/ /i yow´
bi pń /ý+ caN-w´ bi yomaa/ /i 0 yo-w´
DEF man 3E+ hit_w_fist-COM DEF woman and 3A fall-COM
'The man hit the woman and she fell;
The man hit the woman and he fell.' (elicited)
(ii) bi hay/une /ý s&u/kk´ bi yom/une /i yukpoyy´

bi haya=/une/ /ý+ s&u/k-w´ bi yom´=/une/ /i 0 yuk.poy-w´
DEF male=child 3E+ kiss-COM DEF girl=child and 3A UP.flee-COM
279
'The boy kissed the girl and he ran away;
The boy kissed the girl and she ran away.' (elicited)
My consultant preferred the first translation given for each of the
examples above; that is, it was the woman who fell down and the boy who ran
away. He said that it was logical: if you hit someone, they're more likely to fall
than you are, and a boy who kisses a girl is liable to be so embarassed by his act
that he runs away. He also accepted the opposite interpretation for both sentences
- the man falling and the girl running away - but thought that although they were
acceptable as sentences, they were less plausible as events.
In English, the syntax admits only one interpretation of such sentences:
the elided subject of the second clause must refer to the same entity as the subject
of the preceding clause. It must be the man who falls and the boy who runs away.
The subject is the syntactic pivot: the "syntactic argument [that] bears the
privileged grammatical function in the construction" (Van Valin & La Polla,
1997:275). In MIG Zoque, it is neither the syntactic subject nor the semantic role
(in both the examples, agent) that controls the interpretation of the second clause,
but the pragmatics of the situation; thus, MIG Zoque can be said to have a
pragmatic pivot.
Another general feature of subordinate clauses in MIG Zoque is the
importation of Spanish subordinators expressing the relation of the subordinate
clause to the superordinate one. There are three native subordinators: the relative
clause clitic +V/k, the purpose clause marker go@/, and the 'if' clause marker bi/t.
Other kinds of clauses are introduced by Spanish loan words, such as /oNke,
280
aunque, 'although', and kom kwando, como cuando, 'as if'. The native
subordinators co-exist in ordinary discourse with their Spanish counterparts: que,
'that', para, 'in order to', and si, 'if'. (Actually, para and si appear more frequently
in the corpus than go@/ and bi/t.) Over the course of a single narrative produced
by a single speaker, we find examples of both the MIG Zoque forms and the
Spanish forms. It is common to find them both together in single clause, with the
Spanish morphemes on the left and the Zoque ones on the right. The infiltration
of Spanish function words is a characteristic of many Mesoamerican languages
(Thompson & Longacre, 1985; Kaufman & Thomason, 1988).
(11.2)
(i) hemhi de lo ken p´kwitpa@/
hemhi de lo ke /ń+ p´k=wit-pa+V/k
all of it that 1E+ get=walk-INC+REL
'Everything that I carry' (ZOH1R10 133)
(ii) pa /awin d´kka go/ p´/tpaèm

para /awin+d´kka goo/ 0 p´/t-pa+/am
so_that brother+NPL BNF 3A pass-INC+NOW
'so that our fellows can pass (there) now.' (ZOH1R18 089)
(iii) si /´/ks&iam bi/t /ń p´kn´kpa

si /´/ks&.E+/am bi/t /ń+ p´k=n´k-pa
if shell.NOM3+NOW IF 1E+ get=go-INC
'If it's shelled, I'll take it.' (ZOH1R27 053)
281
11.1 Relative clauses
Relative clauses are ubiquitous in MIG Zoque narratives, bearing most of
the burden of description or elaboration of discourse entities. For convenience,
I'll refer to the relative clause as SREL, and use the term head noun to refer to the
noun phrase being modified by SREL. When I need to distinguish the head noun in
its capacity as an argument of the SREL, I'll call it the NPREL (following Keenan,
1985). There are two ways to form a relative clause, by attaching a clitic marker
to the end of the SREL verb complex (section 11.1.1.), or by simply heading the
SREL with the definite article bi (section 11.1.2). The second method is used only
for clauses of the general form Pronoun (is) bi SREL (That is the one that S...).
11.1.1. Basic relative clauses
This is most common and most general form of relative clause. This type
is marked by a clitic that attaches to the right edge of the verb complex. As
noted in section 9.3, there are two forms of this clitic: +V/k and +p´/k. The first
form appears with vowel-final words and the second with consonant-final words.
Since most verb complexes end in vowels (because the inflectional suffixes are all
vowel-final), the examples in this section will generally show the +V/k form.
The clitic syllable contracts with the preceding syllable, producing a stressed final
syllable. The final stress on relative clauses is usually highly salient, and in
emphatic or especially careful speech, the final //k/ can be heard.
282
The head noun always precedes the SREL verb complex, and there may be
other arguments or adverbs between it and the verb. There is no relative pronoun
in MIG Zoque, nor are personal pronouns or deictics used to delimit the relative
clause. Since word order is restricted in relative clauses, whereas it is free in the
general case, it seems reasonable to refer to MIG Zoque relative clauses as
externally-headed. Subjects and objects are marked on both the matrix and
subordinate verbs by the person agreement markers, and the head noun of the
relative clause is simply construed with both of them.
There are no restrictions on which of the verb's arguments can be
relativized. Similarly, any argument in the matrix clauses can be modified by a
relative clause. In the vast majority of the examples in the texts, NPREL is the SREL
patient (11.3), but there are a few with actors (11.4). I was able to elicit sentences
with relativized recipients (11.5 i, ii), sources (iii), possessed nouns (iv) and
accompaniments (v). Clauses in which NPREL is an agent tend to be used in a
slightly different fashion, which will be discussed below.
(11.3) NPREL = patient

(i) /ý nikpakkýy´ de/s&e n´/ ta/ks&pa@/
/ý+ nik.pak./ý-w´ de./s&e n´/ 0 ta/ks&-pa+V/k
3E+ SURF.sprinkle.SUF-COM DCT2.SIM water 3A burn-INC+REL
'They poured out the gasoline.' (ZOH1R24 212)
283
(ii) hu p´pa /´m n´kk´ ded´ hamatin /´m p´kcoNpa@/
hu/ p´/-pa /´m+ n´k-w´ ded´ hamatin /´m+ p´k=coN-pa+V/k
donde put-INC 2E+ go-dINC that money 2E+ get=join-INC+REL
'Where are you putting that money that you receive?' (ZOH1R28
105)
(11.4) NPREL = actor

(i) hemhi n´kt´pa@/ n´mpa
hemhi 0 n´k=t´/-pa+V/k 0 n´m-pa
all 3A go=want-INC+REL 3A say-INC
'All who want to go, say (so).' (ZOH1R24 169)
(ii) n´mpa tum tenyente /iw´ /otoNpa@/

0 n´m-pa tum tenyente /iw´ 0 /otoN-pa+V/k
3A say-INC one lieutenant who 3A speak-INC+REL
'A lieutenant says, "Who is it who speaks?"' (ZOH1R24 063)
(11.5) NPREL = other

(i) /ń me/cpa bi yoma@/ /´m ciw´@/ /´m y´kwih
/ń+ me/c-pa bi yomaa/ /´m+ ci/-w´+V/k /´m+ y´kwih
1E+ look_for-INC DEF woman 2E+ give-COM+REL 2E+ shirt
'I'm looking for the woman you gave your shirt to.' (elicited)
(ii) ga /ń ce/khayy´@/ tum koke yay /aNnitt´

ga/ /ń+ ce/k.hay-w´+V/k tum koke ya /ý+ /aN/it-w´
that 1E+ ask.APPL-COM+REL one fish NEG 3E+ have-COM
'The woman that I asked for a fish didn't have any.' (elicited)
(iii) bi yoma@/ /´m huyhayy´@/ /´m y´kwih

bi yomaa/ /´m+ huy.hay-w´+V/k /´m y´kwih
DEF woman 2E+ buy.APPL-COM+REL 2E+ shirt
d´ huyciw´ tum nis&uy

d´+ huy=ci/-w´ tum nis&uy/
1A+ buy=give-COM one blanket
'The woman you bought your shirt from sold me a blanket.' (elicited)
284
(iv) /ń /is&p´kpa bi yoma@/ /ý /une kaw´@/
/ń+ /is&=p´k-pa bi yomaa/ /ý+ /une/ 0 ka-w´+V/k
1E+ see=get-INC DEF woman 3E+ child 3A die-COM+REL
'I know the woman whose baby died.'
(elicited)
(v) d´ hayhayy´ tum toto

d´+ hay.hay-w´ tum toto/
1A+ write.APPL-COM one paper
/ń wit/awin /ń /aNmayy´@/hńaN

/ń+ wit=/awin/ /ń+ /aN.may-w´+V/k+hńaN
1E+ walk=sibling 1E+ MOUTH.count-COM-REL+ACC
'I wrote a letter to my friend that I studied with.' (elicited)
The last example has a postposition marking the entire relative clause as
an accompaniment (oblique) phrase. These elicited examples are the only ones of
their kind in the corpus, so although they are acceptable, they are certainly not
commonly used. When I tried to elicit instrumental relative clauses, I got mixed
judgements. Sr. Miguel considered the first example shown in (11.6)
grammatical, but Sr. Sánchez hated it, and offered example (ii) in its place1. My
conclusion is that relativizing oblique arguments of verbs is at best a rare and at
worst a marginal construction in this language.
(11.6)
(i) /ń me/cpa bi cahńaN /ń no/cc´@/ bi limeta
/ń+ me/c-pa bi ca/+hńaN /ń+ no/c-w´+V/k bi limeta
1E+ look_for-INC DEF rock+ACC 1E+ break-COM+REL DEF bottle
'I'm looking for the rock that I used as a breaking tool.' (elicited)
1Note that this example includes an incorporated instrument noun, another very unusual
construction (see chapter 10 for further discussion of noun incorporation).
285
(ii) /ń me/cpa bi ca/ /ń no/ckuyc´kk´@/
/ń+ me/c-pa bi ca/ /ń+ no/c.kuy/=c´k-w´+V/k
1E+ look_for-INC DEF rock 1E+ break.INSTR1=do-COM+REL
'I'm looking for the rock that I broke the bottle with.' (elicited)
Relative clauses whose head nouns are the agents of a transitive verb are
very common, but they tend to be treated simply as noun phrases; that is, they can
be pluralized with the clitic +d´kka, and they often appear as modifiers of
another noun (most commonly pń, 'man'). Many of these clauses are lexicalized,
especially those that identify some occupation, such as mayor, teacher, or
fisherman. The first examples in (11.7) are of this kind. The line between stable
lexicalization and productive morphology is impossible to draw in a language like
this one - some examples that are probably not lexicalized are shown in the later
examples.
(11.7)
(i) d´ ye/ctamm´ bi /aNmayyoba@/k yoma@/aNhi/
d´+ ye/c-tam-w´ bi /aN.may./oy-pa+V/k yomaa/+/aNhi/
1A+ arrive-1/2PL-COM DEF MOUTH.count.ANTIP-INC-REL woman+LOC3
'We arrived at the woman teacher's house.' (ZOH1R10 195)
(ii) g´ /ora toto ye/cpa bi /aNkimmoba@/

g´ /ora toto/ 0 ye/c-pa bi /aN.kim./oy-pa+V/k
that hour paper 3A arrive-INC DEF MOUTH.go_up.ANTIP-INC+REL
'At that hour, a letter came for the commander.' (ZOH1R24 039)
(iii) bi makpa@/k pń /ý /is&mus&s&´

bi mak-pa+V/k pń /ý+ /is&=mus&-w´
DEF fish-INC+REL man 3E+ see=know-COM
'The fisherman saw them.' (ZOH1R20 009)
286
(iv) /ý kobrac´kpa bi k´s&ima//´ba@d´kkay
/ý+ kobrar=c´k-pa bi k´s&.E=ma/./ý-pa+V/k+d´kka
3E+ charge=do-INC DEF food.NOM3=sale.SUF-INC+REL+NPL
'He charges the food vendors.' (ZOH1R28 058)
(v) /ý /oNce/kkýy´

/ý+ /oNce/k./ý-w´
3E+ ask.SUF-COM
gad´kkay bi kapn´kkos&ukpa@d´kkay
ga/+d´kkay bi kap=n´k./oy-s&uk-pa+V/k+d´kkay
that+NPL DEF carry_on_shoulder=go.ANTIP-3PL-INC+REL+NPL
'He asked the ones that were carrying (a coffin).' (ZOH1R27 028)
Relative clauses may also be formed on the Spanish model, using the
Spanish relative pronoun ke, que, 'that', after the head noun and before the SREL, in
accordance with Spanish syntax. While hardly rare, these are much less common
in the corpus than the MIG Zoque relatives.
(11.8)
(i) /el ke d´ me/cpa d´s&s&ń cipa
/el ke d´+ me/c-pa d´s& /ń+ ci/-pa
he that 1A+ look_for-INC 1Prn 1E+ give-INC
'The one that looks for me, I'll hit him.' (ZOH1R18 339)
(ii) n´mmoba /ń c´ktamm´ de lo ke /ń c´kt´dampa

n´m./oy-pa /ń+ c´k-tam-w´ de lo ke /ń+ c´k=t´/-tam-pa
DO.ANTIP-INC 1E+ do-1/2PL-dINC of it that 1E+ do=want-1/2PL-INC
'We could do what we want to do.' (ZOH1R16 058)
(iii) /ý kompo:nc´kpa hemhi lo ke /ý ce/kcoNs&ukpa

/ý+ komponer=c´k-pa hemhi lo ke /ý+ ce/k=coN-s&uk-pa
3E+ fix=do-INC all it that 3E+ ask=join-3PL-INC
'She cured everything that they asked for.' (ZOH1R32 057)
287
11.1.2. Relative clauses with bi
Another type of relative clause is marked only by the definite article bi,
without the final clitic. The matrix clause in this case is always an existential
clause, and the head noun is always a pronoun, a deictic or the interrogative ti,
'what'. The general form here is Pronoun (is) bi SREL, 'That is the one that S...'.
(11.9)
(i) de bin /aNhe/kpa d´s&
de./ bi /ń+ /aNhe/k-pa d´s&
DCT2.NOM1 DEF 1E+ be_afraid-INC 1Prn
'That's what I'm afraid of.' (ZOH1R25 200)
(ii) de/s& de/ biy t´pa

de./s&´ de./ bi /ý+ t´-pa
DCT2.SIM DCT2.NOM1 DEF want-INC
'That is how he wants it.' (ZOH1R18 313)
(iii) d´s& bin sufric´kk´

d´s& bi /ń+ sufri=c´k-w´
1Prn DEF 1E+ suffer=DO-COM
'I'm the one that suffered.' (ZOH1R14 043)
(iv) yakký /is&s&ukkam gad´kka ti biy c´ks&ukpa

yakk´ /ý+ /is&-s&uk-w´+/am ga/+d´kka ti bi /ý+ c´k-pa
VOL 3E+ see-3PL-COM+NOW that+NPL what DEF 3E+ do-INC
'Now let them see what it is that they will do.' (ZOH1R11 111)
(v) ga/s&e bi /okmaNN´

ga./s&e bi 0 /ok.maN-w´
DCT3.SIM DEF 3A DOWN.*step-COM
'That's how it began.' (ZOH1R10 229)
288
11.2 Coordination and disjunction
Clauses are usually conjoined by means of the Spanish connective /i, (y,
'and'), as shown in example (11.10 i). They can also be coordinated by simple
juxtaposition, with no connective, as shown in example (ii). This was probably
the standard form of coordination prior to the invasion, although it appears
infrequently now in the corpus. The intonation pattern in such constructions is
like that used in a list of nouns: each conjunct has its own rising-falling contour,
with a slight pause between the two. The drop in pitch in the first conjunct is not
as steep as it would be if it were truly the end of the utterance.
(11.10)
(i) /ń cńkuycis&ukk´ /i cńs&ukk´
'I gave them seats and they sat down.' (ZOH1R10
023-4)
(ii) para dey c´kpa /ý p´kke/tpa

para de.y /ý+ c´k-pa /ý+ p´k.ke/t-pa
so_that DCT2.TMP 3E+ do-INC 3E+ get.REPET-INC
'So that he does it and gets it again.' (ZOH1R24 349)
There is no restriction on conjuncts with respect to aspect, mood, or
polarity. In example (11.11 i) completive clauses are conjoined with an
incompletive (which indicates an ongoing action in the past, in this case). In (ii),
an incompletive clause with future reference is conjoined with a present perfect
clause. In (iii), an incompletive clause (a purpose clause) is conjoined with a
289
volitive clause. Example (iv) shows the conjunction of positive and negative
incompletive clauses.
(11.11)
(i) gay tum´ c&ikha:y/une wehh´ /i wehh´
gay tum´ c&ik=haya=/une/ 0 weh-w´ /i 0 weh-w´
now one little=male=child 3A shout-COM and 3A shout-COM
/i wehec´kpa
/i 0 weh.E=c´k-pa
and 3A shout.NOM3=do-INC
'And a little boy shouted and shouted and he was making a great noise.'
(ZOH1R24 466)
(ii) mecaN s&epes&ta@m pa pic´ms&ukpa

mecaN s&epe+s&taa/+/am para 0 pic´m-s&uk-pa
two month+ONLY+NOW for 3A leave-3PL-INC
/i yakti yos&kuy yampay c´k´

/i yakti yos&kuy/ yampa /ý+ c´k-A
and nothing work nPERF 3E+ do-nINC
'Now it's only two months until they leave and they haven't done any
work.'
(ZOH1R28 098-100)
(iii) para ken n´mhaba /i hu d´ n´kpa d´s&

para ke /ń+ n´m.hay-pa /i hu/ d´+ n´k-pa d´s&
for that 1E+ say.APPL-INC and where 1A+ go-INC 1Prn
/i yakký nip´ /ń yuhkuy/ /ý /acihńaN

/i yakk´ /ý+ nip-A/ /ń+ yuhkuy/ /ý+ /aci+hńaN
and VOL 3E+ sow-iOPT 1E+ field 3E+ uncle+ACC
'so I can tell him where I'm going and that he should sow my field
with his uncle.' (ZOH1R10 091-2)
290
(iv) si n´mmobam nippń yuhkuy d´ n´kpa
si n´m./oy-pa /´m+ nip-w´ /ń+ yuhkuy/ d´+ n´k-pa
if DO.ANTIP-INC 2E+ sow-COM 1E+ field 1A+ go-INC
/i si n´/tti ya d´ n´k´
/i si n´/tti ya d´+ n´k-A
and if no NEG 1A+ go-nINC
'If you can sow my field, I'll go, and if not, I won't go.' (ZOH1R10 077)
Duplicate arguments may be omitted from the conjoined clause. The
examples in 11.12 show constructions in which patient arguments are omitted
from the second conjunct. Example (iii), in which the antipassive is used in the
second conjunct to supress the patient, was not considered as felicitous as (ii), in
which the patient was simply omitted. Both sentences are grammatical - my
consultants just said that the version without the antipassive sounded better. This
could be because the antipassive is normally used to express general actions, like
cooking or doing some mending, rather than to supress reference to a specific
object that is known in the discourse context.
(11.12)
(i) /ń s&aNN´ bi yuhkuy /i /ń poNN´
/ń+ s&aN-w´ bi yuhkuy /i /ń+ poN-w´
1E+ cut_w_machete-COM DEF field and 1E+ burn-COM
'I cleared the field with a machete and I burned (it).' (elicited)
(ii) /ń huyy´ bi koke /i /ń s&e/tt´

/ń+ huy-w´ bi koke /i /ń+ s&e/t-w´
1E+ buy-COM DEF fish and 1E+ fry-COM
'I bought the fish and I fried (it).' (elicited)
291
(iii) /ń huyy´ bi koke /i /ń s&e/ttoyy´
/ń+ huy-w´ bi koke /i /ń+ s&e/t./oy-w´
1E+ buy-COM DEF fish and 1E+ fry.ANTIP-COM
'I bought the fish and I fried (it).' (elicited)
The examples in (11.13) were constructed to test the possible
interpretations for conjoined clauses in which the second clause lacks a specific
NP indicating the agent. If both the agent and patient (or recipient) of the first
conjunct are human and thus equally capable of filling either role, which will be
construed as the agent of the second conjunct? The determination is made
pragmatically, not syntactically. In the first example, it's the woman who burns
the letter, because (as it was explained to me) if the man wrote it, he sent it, and
once he'd sent it, he couldn't very well burn it. In the second example, it's the
mayor who reads the letter, because he's the one who sent for it. In the fourth
example, it could be the man who falls down, but it's more sensible that it be the
woman. In the fifth example, it could similarly be the woman who leaves, but the
favored interpretation is always that the man leaves. There is a clear preference
for the agent of the first conjunct also being considered the agent of the second,
although this is not strictly required.
(11.13)
(i) /ý hayhayy´ bi pń bi yomaè/ tum toto /i /ý poNN´
/ý+ hay.hay-w´ bi pń bi yomaa/ tum toto/ /i /ý+ poN-w´
3E+ write.APPL-COM DEF man DEF woman one paper and 3E+ burn-COM
'The man wrote a letter to the woman and she burned it.' (elicited)
292
(ii) /ý yakp´kminn´ bi toto bi hus&tis&a bi pń
/ý+ yak.p´k=min-w´ bi toto/ bi hus&tis&a bi pń
3E+ CAUS.carry=come-COM DEF paper DEF mayor DEF man
/i /ý howann´
/i /ý+ ho.wan-w´
and 3E+ INTO.sing-COM
'The mayor told the man to bring the paper and he read it.' (elicited)
(iii) /ý pa/tt´ bi pń bi yomaè/

/ý+ pa/t-w´ bi pń bi yomaa/
3E+ meet-COM DEF man DEF woman
/i /ý n´mhayy´ ke yak n´k´

/i /ý+ n´m.hay-w´ ke yakk´ n´k -A/
and 3E+ say.APPL-COM that VOL go-iOPT
'The man met the woman and she told him to go.' (elicited)
(iv) /ý caNN´ bi pń bi yomaè/ /i yow´

/ý+ caN-w´ bi pń bi yomaa/ /i 0 yo-w´
3E+ hit-COM DEF man DEF woman and 3A fall-COM
'The man hit the woman and she fell down.' (elicited)
(v) /ý /otoNhayy´ bi pń bi yomaè/ /i n´kw´

/ý+ /otoN.hay-w´ bi pń bi yomaa/ /i 0 n´k-w´
3E+ speak.APPL-COM DEF man DEF woman and 3A go-COM
'The man spoke to the woman and he went away.' (elicited)
293
The Spanish disjunctives o 'or' and pero 'but' are also used. Their behavior
parallels that of the conjunctive expressions.
(11.14)
(i) d´s& d´ n´kpa pero d´ nippanam
d´s& d´+ n´k-pa pero d´+ nip-pa+nam/
1Prn 1A+ go-INC but 1A+ sow-INC+STILL
'I'll go but I'm still going to sow (my corn).' (ZOH1R10 043)
(ii) d´s& d´ /otoNhas&ukpa /o d´ n´mhas&ukpa

d´s& d´ /otoN.hay-s&uk-pa /o d´ n´m.hay-s&uk-pa
1Prn 1A speak.APPL-3PL-INC or 1A say.APPL-3PL-INC
'They will talk to me or they will tell me.' (ZOH1R10 012)
11.3 Comparative clauses:
Comparative clauses are constructed on the Spanish model, using mas,
'more'. The standard of comparison, if there is one, is introduced with the Spanish
comparative ke (que, 'than').
(11.15)
(i) mas /aNhe/kpa bi /awind´kka
mas 0 /aNhe/k-pa bi /awin/+d´kka
more 3A be_afraid_INC DEF sibling+NPL
'The companions were more afraid.' (ZOH1R24 328)
(ii) ga/ mas /ý y´khuppýy´ bi yoma@/

ga/ mas /ý+ y´k.hup./ý-w´ bi yomaa/
that more 3E+ INSTR2.pull.SUF-COM DEF woman
'He blamed the woman more.' (ZOH1R28 087)
294
(iii) tehiwa@m mas kawa@m ke hehpa
0 tehi./a-w´+/am mas 0 ka-w´+/am ke 0 heh-pa
3A there_is.VERS1-COM+NOW more 3A die-COM+NOW that 3A live-INC
'Now he was more dead than alive.' (ZOH1R24 708)
(iv) /en bes de ke d´ s&´hadampa pin´k

/en bes de ke d´+ s&´h´./a-tam-pa pin´k
en time of that 1A+ a_lot.VERS1-1/2PL-INC CONFAC
mas d´ mes&s&adampa
mas d´+ mes&i./a-tam-pa
more 1A+ few-VERS1-1/2PL-INC
'Instead of becoming more we are becoming fewer.' (ZOH1R16 079)
(v) pok y´/ /ý c´kk´ mas ke c&ik woyneNp´/k parkeho/

porke y´/ /ý+ c´k-w´ mas ke c&ik woy.neeN+p´/k parke+ho/
because this 3E+ do-COM more that little roll.MEAS+REL park+LOC2
'Because this one built more than a little gazebo in the park.'
(ZOH1R28 351)
11.4. Purpose clauses
The subordinator go@/ (PURP) marks a purpose clause. While it most
typically appears immediately after the verb complex, it may also appear after the
first word or noun phrase in the clause. The Spanish subordinator para, 'in order
to', is also used to construct purpose clauses; in fact, both may appear together,
with the Spanish subordinator at the beginning of the clause and the Zoque
subordinator somewhere inside the clause. In the corpus, para alone (11.16 i - ii)
is more common than para together with go@/ (iii - v), which in turn is more
common than just go@/ (v-vii).
295
(11.16)
(i) yakkokn´kk´ ded´ tuN pa n´kpa san diyunisyu
yakk´ 0 /ok.n´k-w´ ded´ tuN para 0 n´k-pa san diyunisyu
VOL 3A DOWN.go-cOPT that road so_that 3A go-INC san dionisio
'They should follow that road to go to San Dionisio.' (ZOH1R24 105)
(ii) /ý mandac´kk´ bi hamatin pay yos&s&ukpa

/ý+ mandar=c´k-pa bi hamatin para /ý+ yos&-s&uk-pa
3E+ send=do-INC DEF money so_that 3E+ work-3PL-INC
'They sent them the money so they could work.' (ZOH1R28 067)
(iii) /ń hayhayyaèm

/ń+ hay.hay-w´+/am
1E+ write.APPL-COM+NOW
pan n´ktampa go@/ /ń yos&tamm´

para /ń+ n´k-tam-pa goo/ /ń+ yos&-tam-w´
so_that 1E+ go-1/2PL-INC PURP 1E+ work-1/2PL-COM
'I've already written to him so that we can go work.' (ZOH1R10 174)
(iv) n´ki /is&taèN de/unabe@s pa tempran go@/ c´kk´mpa

n´k-i /is&+taaN de/unabe@s para tempranu goo/ 0 c´k./´m-pa
go-IMPV see+VOL at_once so_that early PURP 3A do.PASS-INC
'Let's go see (him) at once so that it's done early.' (ZOH1R10 365)
(v) rroma@N n´mm´ /ń yakkapa

rroma@N 0 n´m-w´ /ń+ yak.ka/-pa
román 3A say-COM 1E+ CAUS.die-INC
pa /awin d´kka go@/ p´/tpaèm

para /awin+d´kka goo/ 0 p´/t-pa+/am
so_that brother+NPL PURP 3A pass-INC+NOW
'Román said, "I'll kill him so our fellows can pass now.' (ZOH1R18 088-9)
(vi) d´ kah/ukpas&taèm d´ n´kpam go@/

d´+ kahwe=/uk-pa+s&taa/ +/am d´+ n´k-pa+/am goo/
1A+ coffee=drink-INC+ONLY+NOW 1A+ GO-INC+NOW PURP
'I'll just drink some coffee now so I can go.' (ZOH1R10 151)
296
(vii) rroberto /ý numm´ toto/
rroberto /ý+ num-w´ toto/
roberto 3E+ steal-COM paper
/uy howan´ go@/ bi /aNkimmobaè/

/u /ý+ ho.wan-A goo/ bi /aN.kim./oy-pa+V/k
NEGimpv 3E+ IN.sing-IMPV PURP DEF MOUTH.mount.ANTIP-INC+REL
'Roberto stole the letter so the director couldn't read it.' (elicited)
There are a few examples in which go@/ means 'because'. Predictably, in
these cases it often appears in tandem with the Spanish porque.
(11.17)
(i) /o porke yah´ go@/ bi yos&kuy/
/o porke yah´ goo/ bi yos&.kuy/
or because far PURP DEF work.INSTR1
'Or because the work is far away' (ZOH1R10 036)
(ii) de gahi /ý /ammat´pa go@/ d´ golpeac´ks&ukk´

de gahi /ý+ /amma=t´/-pa goo/ d´+ golpear=c´k-s&uk-pa
from there 3E+ look=want-INC PURP 1A+ hit=do-3PL-INC
'Then, because they wanted to see it, they were hitting me.' (ZOH1R32 041)
(iii) de/s&e /ý n´mhayy´ go@/

de./s&e /ý+ n´m.hay-w´ goo/
DCT2.SIM 3E+ say.APPL-COM PURP
mas kiNkapa gad´ ha:y/une/

mas kiNka-pa ga.d´ haya=/une/
more be_angry-INC DCT3.XDEM male=child
'Because he said that to him, the boy got angrier.' (ZOH1R18 329-30)
297
(iv) pork kwandum /aNnitpa yam p´/tt´ trabaho
porke kwandu /´m+ /aN/it-pa ya /´m+ p´/t-w´ trabaho
because when 2E+ have-INC NEG 2E+ pass-COM work
'Because when you have (enough), you don't have to work.' (ZOH1R13 105)
11.5. 'If' clauses
Both the MIG Zoque subordinator bi/t and the Spanish si are used to form
'if' clauses. Their use conforms with that described for subordinate clauses in
general. The examples in (11.18) show si alone (i-ii), si and bi/t marking the
same clause (iii-iv), and bi/t alone (v-vi).
(11.18)
(i) sim c´kpa mal kon mal /´m yohpa ne/
si /´m+ c´k-pa mal kon mal /´m+ yoh-pa ne/
if 2E+ do-INC bad with bad 2E+ pay-INC also
'If you do evil, with evil you will be paid.' (ZOH1R20 048)
(ii) pero sim n´kt´pa@m mis&s&´m mus&pa

pero si /´m+ n´k=t´/-pa+/am mis& /´m+ mus&-pa
but if 2A+ go=want-INC+NOW 2Prn 2E+ know-INC
'But if you want to go now, you know (best).' (ZOH1R18 248)
(iii) sim hamatinnýy´ bi/t ti bi me/cpa y´hi/

si /´m+ hamatin./ý-w´ bi/t ti bi /´m+ me/c-pa y´hi/
IF 2E+ money.VERS2-COM IF what DEF 2E+ look_for-INC here
'If you have money, what are you looking for here?' (ZOH1R19 064-5)
(iv) sim t´dampa bi/t cidam´ ded´ /o:kcawi

si /´m+ t´/-tam-pa bi/t ci/-tam-A/ ded´ /oko=cawi/
IF 2E+ want-1/2PL-INC IF give-1/2PL-IMPV that old_woman=monkey
'If you want them (the babies), shoot the mother monkeys.' (ZOH1R11 034)
298
(v) yam t´ bi/t pic´m´ y´h´èN
ya /´m+ t´/-A bi/t pic´m-A/ y´.h´Ń
NEG 2E+ want-nINC IF leave-IMPV DCT1.DIR1
'If you don't like it, leave here.' (ZOH1R18 324-5)
(vi) /ý kobrac´kk´ bi k´s&i ma//´paè d´kkay

/ý+ kobra=c´k-w´ bi k´s&-E=ma/./ý-pa+V/k+d´kkay
3E+ charge=DO-COM DEF eat-NOM3=sale.VERS2-INC+REL+NPL
wakas& yakkan´mpa bi/t

0 wakas&=yak.ka-An´m-pa bi/t
3A cow =CAUS.die-IMPERS-INC IF
'They charge the food vendors if someone butchers cattle.' (ZOH1R28 197)
(vii) n´mmam bi/t h´/ n´mmaèm

0 n´m-w´+/am bi/t h´/ 0 n´m-w´+/am
3A say-COM+NOW IF yes 3A say-COM+NOW
'If he's said yes, he's said it.' (ZOH1R10 109)
11.6. Locative clauses
Loacative clauses can be formed with the postverbal clitic +hi, following
the same pattern as relative clauses. Like relative clauses, these are
nominalizations.These constructions rarely appear in the texts, although they are
easy to elicit. Since they are nominals, they can be preceded by the definite
article bi, as shown in example (11.19 ii). The ergative markers that precede the
locative nominals in examples (i-iii) are possessives: the train is arriving at its
passing place (i); we go to the man's sleeping place (ii); and I glue the pot at its
broken place (iii).
299
The Spanish relative/interrogative pronoun donde, 'where', is more
commonly used for locative clauses, appearing in a variety of forms in MIG

Zoque, sometimes compounded with the Zoque word for 'where', hu/. Examples
of this type of locative clause are shown in (11.19 iv-vi).
(11.19)
(i) ye/cpa@m bi tren /ý p´/tpahi
0 ye/c-pa+/am bi tren /ý+ p´/t-pa+hi
3A arrive-INC+NOW DEF train 3E+ pass-INC+LOCREL
'Now the train is arriving where it passes.' (ZOH1R25 109)
(ii) mehor d´ n´ktampa /as&ta gaha biy moNN´hi

mehor d´+ n´k-tam-pa /as&ta gaha bi /ý+ moN-w´+hi
better 1A+ go-1/2PL-INC until there DEF 3E+ sleep-COM+LOCREL
'Better that we should go to where he's sleeping.' (ZOH1R36 171)
(iii) /ń /aNcahpan s&uyu /ý no/cc´mm´hi

/ń+ /aN.cah-pa /ń+ s&uyu/ /ý+ no/c./´m-w´+hi
1E+ MOUTH.glue-INC 1E+ pot 3E+ break.PASS-COM+LOCREL
'I'm going to glue my pot where it was broken.' (elicited)
(iv) /adondhu toyhaypa /ý kwerpu

/adonde=hu/ 0 toy.hay-pa /ý+ kwerpu
where=where 3A hurt.APPL-INC 3E+ body
'Where their body hurts.' (ZOH1R32 107)
(v) gay gag´ dolo@r /ý /aNnitpa@m y´hi donde /ý paktukk´
gay gag´ dolo@r /ý+ /aNnit-pa+/am y´hi donde /ý+ pak=tuk-w´
then that pain 3E+ have-INC+NOW here where 3E+ grab=end-COM
'Then that pain that he now has here where he pulled it out.'
(ZOH1R36 220)
(vii) /adondhu /aNmaypa bi /uned´kka
/adonde=hu/ 0 /aN.may-pa bi /une/+d´kka
where=where 3A MOUTH.count-INC DEF child+NPL
'where the children study' (ZOH1R28 070)
300
11.7. Temporal clauses
Temporal clauses are most commonly constructed on the Spanish model,

using the subordinators la /ora ke (la hora que, '(at) the time when'), kwando
(cuando, 'when') and myentras (mientras, 'while').
(11.20)
(i) la /ora ke tayna n´kk´ /ý nipenwakk´ /ý mac&ete
la /ora ke tay.na n´k-w´ /ý ni.pen=wak-w´ /ý mac&ete
the hour that X.STAT go-COM 3E PURP.grasp=empty-COM 3E machete
'When he went over on his back, he pulled out his machete.' (ZOH1R18 076)
(ii) /ń ha:mc´ktampa kwando d´ /okcamhadamm´

/ń+ hamV=c´k-tam-pa kwando d´+ /ok.cam.hay-tam-w´
1E+ *mind=do-1/2PL-INC when 1A+ DOWN.talk.APPL-1/2PL-COM
'We remember when he told us a tale.' (ZOH1R18 022)
(iii) yakki ya p´t´ myentras ke d´s& d´ tehi/aw´

yak=/iw´ ya 0 p´/t-A myentras ke d´s& d´+ tehi./a-w´
no_one NEG 3A pass-nINC while that 1Prn 1A+ there_is.VERS1-COM
'Nobody passes while I am here.' (ZOH1R18 022)
The Spanish word hora, 'hour', has also been borrowed as a MIG Zoque
subordinator. It appears immediately after the verb complex, syntactically

parallel to the relative and locative clitic subordinators. This one isn't a clitic,
since if it were the initial syllable would contract with the final syllable of the
preceding word. I believe this is the only case in MIG Zoque of a borrowed
Spanish function word being used in accordance with the Zoque syntax, rather
than importing the Spanish syntax along with the word2.
2 Terrence Kaufman points out that the Zapotec of Juchitán also uses hora in this way, but it is a
right-branching construction in that language.
301
(11.21)
(i) nas&ey yaknikpoyyoba /ora /ý ciw´ /as&ta gahaèN
nas&e+/ý yak.nik.poy./oy-pa /ora /ý ci/-w´ /as&ta ga.haaN
truth+3E CAUS.SURF.flee.ANTIP-INC hour 3E give-COM up_to DCT3.DIR1
'In fact when he jumped on top of him he knocked him over there.'
(ZOH1R18 333-4)
(ii) /ý p´/tpa /ora caN/onp´s&ukk´

/ý p´/t-pa /ora caN =/on.p´/-s&uk-w´
3E pass-INC hour hit_w_hand=X.put-3PL-COM
'When he passed, they (jaguars) gave it (a serpent) a blow.'
(ZOH1R12 421)
(iii) minnń /awin d´ yotecepa /ora
min-w´+/ń /awin/ d´+ yote/=ce/-pa /ora
come-COM+1E brother 1A+ clothes=wash-INC hour
'My brother came while I was washing clothes.' (elicited)
(iv) /´m wann´ t´kk´w´ bi hente d´kka /ora

/´m wan-w´ 0 t´k./ý-w´ bi hente d´kka /ora
2E sing-COM 3A house.VERS2-COM DEF people NPL hour
'You were singing when the people entered.' (elicited)
11.8. Spanish subordinators
Spanish, like English, has a large set of subordinators, all of which are
available to MIG Zoque speakers. Examples of some of those that are most
frequently used are given in this section: /oNke (aunque, 'although');
kom kwando (como cuando, 'as if'); and koN pa (con para, 'with the result that').
(11.22)
(i) pwes hehpa /oNke yay tehimot´ d´s&hahńaN
pwes 0 heh-pa /oNke ya /ý+ tehi./a.mot-A d´s&haa/+hńaN
well 3A live-INC although NEG 3E+ exist.VERS1.WITH-nINC we+ACC
302
'Well he's alive, even though he's not here with us.' (ZOH1R18 365-6)
(ii) /en bes de ke pic´mpa

/en bes de ke 0 pic´m-pa
in stead of that 3A leave-INC
mas kom kwando /ý nicńnaw´ bi pń

mas komo kwando /ý+ ni.cń./a-w´ bi pń
more like when 3E+ INSTR3.sit.VERS1-COM DEF man
'Instead of getting out (of the water), more as if she sat up on the man.'
(ZOH1R15 065)
(iii) /i dehi minke/ttammń yos&ke/ttamm´ y´h´

/i dehi min.ke/t-tam-w´ /ń+ yos&.ke/t-tam-w´ y´h´
and there come.REPET-1/2PL-COM 1E+ work.REPET-1/2PL-COM here
konh pa d´ n´ktamp por /okhonaN

kon para d´+ n´k-tam-pa por /okhonaN
with so_that 1A+ go-1/2PL-INC for down
''And here we came again, we worked again here
with the result that we went down (in the town).' (ZOH1R32 023)
11.9. 'That' clauses: verbs of speaking, perception and cognition
The Zoque ke, 'that', is borrowed from the Spanish que. It appears
between the two clauses that it conjoins. Examples i and ii in this section were
elicited.
11.9.1 Speaking
There are three verb roots for acts of speaking in MIG Zoque: n´m-, 'to
say'; /otoN-, 'to speak'; and cam-, 'to chat; to converse; to tell'. There are also
many derived forms, such as ho.n´m- (INTO.say), 'to translate'. /otoN- is an
303
intransitive root that is rarely accompanied by a report of what was said. One
example of its use is given in (11.23 i). cam- (ii) means to converse together, or
more commonly, to tell a story. It is also not used to introduce reported speech.
n´m- is the root that's used for reporting speech, and it is ubiquitous in the
corpus. The preferred syntax is: n´m- Speaker Speech. If it is introducing dialog
(iii-iv), no connective or special marker is used. The Spanish complementizer

ke (que, 'that') is used to present indirect quotes (v-vi).
(11.23)
(i) h´s&ho@N /otoNN´
h´s&hooN 0 /otoN-w´
from_behind 3A speak-COM
'She spoke backwards.' (lexicon)
(ii) /ń campa tum came

/ń+ cam-pa tum cam.E
1E+ tell-INC one tell.NOM3
'I'm going to tell a story.' (lexicon)
(iii) /ý n´mhas&ukk´ minn´ mis&s&ń cidame awsilyo

/ý+ n´m.hay-s&uk-w´ min-w´ mis& /ń+ ci/-tam-E awsilyo
3E+ say.APPL-3PL-COM come-COM 1>2 1E+ give-1/2PL-dCOM help
'They said to them, "We came to give you some help."' (ZOH1R24 030)
304
(iv) n´mm´ benigno /iw´ mis& me/cha tum´
n´m-w´ benigno /iw´ mis& me/c.hay-A/ tum´
say-COM benigno who 2>1 look_for.APPL-IMPV one
'Benigno said, "Who? Find one for me."' (ZOH1R10 007)
(v) n´ms&ukpa ke numpay wic&ukk´

0 n´m-s&uk-pa ke num-pa /ý+ wit-s&uk-w´
3A say-3PL-INC that steal-INC 3E+ walk-3PL-COM
'They say that they went around stealing.' (ZOH1R24 012)
(vi) /um n´mm´ mis& ke yakki ya mi n´mhayy´

/u /´m+ n´m-w´ mis& ke yak=/iw´ ya mi n´m.hay-w´
NEGimpv 2A+ say-COM 2Prn that nobody NEG 3>2 say.APPL-nCOM
'Don't you say that nobody told you.' (ZOH1R18 040)
11.9.2. Perception
There are two verb roots of visual perception in Zoque: /is&- and /amma-.
The first is the most generally used, meaning 'to see'; the second generally means
'to watch' or 'to observe'. /amma- appears infrequently, and is not used to
introduce subordinate clauses describing the situation being observed. Examples

of its use are shown in (11.24 i-ii). /is&- is extremely common - as an unadorned
root, as a derived stem, and as a member of a pair of compound roots. Its
behavior in compounds is discussed in chapter 8. As an underived root, it can be
used to simply present an act of seeing (example iii), or to introduce a clause
describing the perceived situation (examples iv-vi). As example (iv) illustrates,
this can be an abstract situation perceived with the mind.
305
(11.24)
(i) y´h´@N kaha@N /ammapa
y´.h´Ń ka.haaN 0 /amma-pa
DCT1.DIR1 DCT3.DIR1 3A look-INC
'He's looking over here and over there.' (ZOH1R24 492)
(ii) /ń /ammaw´ kwanduy tŃN´ bi pń bi kuy

/ń+ /amma-w´ kwandu /ý+ tŃ-w´ bi pń bi kuy
1E+ watch-COM when 3E+ cut_w_machete-COM DEF man DEF tree
'I watched while the man cut down the tree with the machete.' (elicited)
(iii) n´kpan /is&s&´ /ń hatoN /ń mama

n´k-pa /ń+ /is&-w´ /ń+ hatoN /ń+ mama
go-INC 1E+ see-dINC 1E+ father 1E+ mother
'I'm going to see my father and my mother.' (ZOH1R18 254)
(iv) gahim /is&tampa si mis& /o d´s& ney n´mhas&uk´pa

gahi/ /´m+ /is-&tam-pa si mis& /o d´s& ney n´m.hay-s&uk-A-pa
there 2E+ see-1/2PL-INC if 2Prn or 1Prn RECIP say.APPL-3PL-RECIP-INC
'Then we'll see if you or I will say to one another...' (ZOH1R24 044)
(v) kay /ń /is&tampa@m ke mas h´s&ho@N minn´mpa

kay /ń+ /is&-tam-pa+/am ke mas h´s&hooN 0 min-An´m-pa
then 1E+ see-1/2PL-INC+NOW that more from_behind 3A come-INDEF-INC
'Then we see that more is coming farther back (inside the cave).'
(ZOH1R15 054)
(vi) gad´kka /is&s&os&ukpa kwandu nńti/aw´

ga/+d´kka 0 /is&./oy-s&uk-pa kwandu 0 nńti./a-w´
that+NPL 3A see.ANTIP-3PL-INC when 3A there_isn't.VERS1-COM
'They see when there isn't any.' (ZOH1R28 234)
The verb root that means 'to hear' is matoN-. It occurs only rarely in the
corpus, but elicitation sessions revealed that the syntax of its use parallels that of
306
/is&-, 'to see'. It can introduce a subordinate clause described the perceived event,
with or without the borrowed complementizer ke.
(11.25)
(i) /ń matoNN´ wann´ kamilo
/ń+ matoN-w´ 0 wan-w´ kamilo
1E+ hear-COM 3A sing-COM camilo
'I heard Camilo sing.' (elicited)
(ii) /ń+ matoNN´ ke rroberto ko/ks&´ /aNmaykuyt´kho/

/ń+ matoN-w´ ke rroberto 0 ko/ks&-w´ /aNmaykuyt´k+ho/
1E+ hear-COM that roberto 3A snore-COM school+LOC2
'I heard that Roberto was snoring in the schoolhouse.' (elicited)
11.9.3. Cognition
In this section, we look at an assortment of verbs that express cognitive
events, such as wanting, knowing, and thinking.

t´/- means 'to want'. As an independent root it can be used transitively
(example i) or to introduce a subordinate clause, with or without ke (ii-iii). t´/-
is most commonly used as the second root in a compound verb construction,
which will be discussed in chapter 8. In those constructions it means 'to want X
to V'.
(11.26)
(i) d´s& hamatin t´pa
d´s& (d´+) hamatin=t´/-pa
1Prn (1A+) money=want-INC
'I want some money.' (ZOH1R28 142)
307
(ii) d´s&s&ń t´pa yakcńn´ kastro lo krus
d´s& /ń+ t´/-pa yak.cń-w´ kastro lo krus
1Prn 1E+ want-INC CAUS.sit-COM castro lo cruz
'I want Castro lo Cruz to be elected.' (ZOH1R24 357)
(iii) /ń t´pa ke mis& wehhaypa /aNnamcu/

/ń+ t´/-pa ke mis&+ weh.hay-pa /aNnamcu/
1E+ want-INC that 2>1+ shout.APPL-INC morning
'I want you to call me early.' (elicited)
The verb root mus&-, 'to know', is a member of the set of auxiliary verbs,
and as such can appear in three types of constructions: as an independent root, in
the auxiliary construction, and in a verb root compound. The meaning of the
morpheme shifts slightly in each case. When it is used independently, it means 'to
know', and it may be used with ke, 'that' (11.27 i-iii). When it is used in the
auxiliary construction, it means 'to know how to V' (iv). In compound

constructions, mus&- means 'to succeed in V-ing'; this is discussed in chapter 8.
(11.27)
(i) gay mus&s&ukpa@m ke n´kpay tuks&i/as&ukk´
gay 0 mus&-s&uk-pa+/am ke n´k-pa /ý+ tuks&i/./a-s&uk-w´
then 3A know-3PL-INC+NOW that go-INC 3E+ fight.VERS1-3PL-dINC
'Now they know that they're going to fight.' (ZOH1R24 088)
(ii) den mus&tampa ke hehpa

dey /ń+ mus&-tam-pa ke 0 heh-pa
now 1E+ know-1/2PL-INC that 3A live-INC
'Now we know that he's alive.' (ZOH1R18 367)
308
(iii) /i netu komo mus&s&oba /ý pń´kpa toto/
/i netu komo 0 mus&./oy-pa /ý+ p´/=n´k-pa toto/
and neto since 3A know.ANTIP-INC 3E+ put=go-INC paper
'And since Neto knows how (to read), he carries the documents.'
(ZOH1R24 564)
(iv) pwes kom d´s&ha@/ mus&pan yuntamm´

pwes komo d´s&haa/ mus&-pa /ń+ yun-tam-w´
well since we know-INC 1E+ swim-1/2PL-dINC
n´ktampa hoNhonaN
(d´+) n´k-tam-pa hoN+honaN
(1A+) go-1/2PL-INC inside+DIR3
'Well, since we know how to swim, we're going inside.' (ZOH1R15 045)
Only one of my consultants, Sr. Agripino Sánchez Gutiérrez (Sr. Germán
Sánchez's father), used any non-Spanish terms to refer to believing, using an
expression that means 'put it in one's heart.' (examples 11.28 i-ii). Sr. Germán
Sánchez felt that this sounded peculiar in elicitation sessions, although he is the
one that translated them in the first place. Sr. Agripino Sánchez was the oldest of
my gifted storytellers, and may have learned these very old-fashioned expressions
along with the stories.
Other verbs of mentation are formed with a morpheme that is no longer
used independently in MIG Zoque; that is, it only appears in derived verb stems.
It has the form ham(V) or hamin, and appears to have once been a noun meaning
something like 'mind'. It now appears in derived forms that mean 'remember' (iii-
iv), and 'to go mad'. The verb stem /ok.hoN- 'to forget' is based on a root that
means 'to get dizzy' (v). The stem y´k.t´/-, 'to understand' (vi), is formed from
309
the root 'to want' and a prefix whose function in derived verb stems is unclear (it
is homophonous with an instrumental prefix). All of these forms take clauses as
arguments.
The last example (vii) shows an idiom that occurs only once in the corpus.
The narrator of this text, Sr. Camilo Miguel Sánchez, is the youngest of my
consultants and one of the youngest fluent speakers in the community. He is both
a man who identifies very strongly with his culture and a very creative person,
musically and verbally gifted. He may have made this expression up on the spur
of the moment to avoid using a Spanish loan word.
(11.28)
(i) ga p´/oyy´ komo n´kwa@m
ga/ 0 p´/./oy-w´ komo 0 n´k-w´+/am
that 3A put.ANTIP-COM how 3A go-cOPT+NOW
'He thought how he should go now.' (ZOH1R24 483)
(ii) yay p´ /ý cokoyho/

ya /ý+ p´/-A /ý+ cokoy/+ho/
NEG 3E+ put-nINC 3E+ heart+LOC2
'He doesn't believe it.' (ZOH1R25 247)
(iii) /ń hamc´ktampa kwando d´ /okcamhadamm´

/ń+ ham(V)=c´k-tam-pa kwando d´+ /ok.cam.hay-tam-w´
1E+ *mind=do-1/2PL-INC when 1A+ DOWN.tell.APPL-1/2PL-COM
'We remember when he told us a tale.' (ZOH1R18 022)
310
(iv) /ý nihaminnýy´ ke ga bi papń
/ý+ ni.hamin./ý-w´ ke ga/ bi papń
3E+ PSE.*mind.SUF-COM that that DEF devil
ka yakki ya yakp´t´@/
ke yakki ya /ý+ yak.p´/t-A+V/k
that nobody NEG 3E+ CAUS.pass-nINC+REL
'He remembered that that is the devil that doesn't let anyone pass.'
(ZOH1R18 087)
(v) piceNho dey por rratu /ń /okhoNN´dampa de pensyamento

piceNho/ dey por rratu /ń+ /ok.hoN./ý-tam-pa de/ pensyamento
thus now for time 1E+ DOWN.get_dizzy.SUF-1/2PL-INC that thought
'That's why, for a while, we forget that thought.' (ZOH1R10 575)
(vi) /ý y´kt´ba@m hemhi de lo ke n´mhaba@/

/ý+ y´k.t´/-pa+/am hemhi de lo ke /ń+ n´m.hay-pa+V/k
3E+ X.want-INC+NOW all of it that 1E+ say.APPL-INC+REL
'Now she understands everything that I say.' (ZOH1R14 024)
(vii) pwes /aber hunaN bi kopak si yos&mus&pa

pwes /aber hunaN bi kopak si 0 yos&=mus&-pa
well let's_see how DEF head if 3A work=know-INC
'Well, let's see how he thinks, if he knows how to work.' (ZOH1R28 115)
311
Chapter 12: Questions
There are three types of questions in MIG Zoque that will be discussed in
this chapter: yes-no questions (section 12.1), question-word or information
questions (section 12.2), and indirect questions (section 12.3). There is also a
small set of modals that apply only to questions, which are discussed in section
12.4.
12.1. Yes-no questions
Yes-no questions are marked by rising intonation, with no special markers
or changes in word order. The first example in (12.1 i) is a common morning
greeting amongst intimates1. In texts, yes-no questions usually occur within bits
of dialog, and are introduced with a word that means 'to ask' (example ii).
Example (iii) illustrates the syntactic identity between a yes-no question and a
declarative statement. The line spoken by Sr.Germán Sánchez Morales has rising
question intonation, while the answer spoken by Sr. Omobono Sánchez Miguel
(the curandero) has falling declarative intonation: otherwise, the two expressions
are identical.
1 A common greeting in public is 'hum n´kpa?' ('Where are you going?'). Conventional
responses are (in Spanish) 'a un mandado' ('on an errand') or 'gahanaN' ('over there').
312
(12.1)
(i) /´m ciNNaèm
/´m+ ciN-w´+/am
2E+ bathe-COM+NOW
'Have you bathed?'
(ii) "yakti yam senc´k´ rroma@N?"

yakti ya /´m+ sentir=c´k-A rroma@N
nothing NEG 2E+ feel=do-nINC román
yak/oNce/kkoba /ý hatoN. "N´/tti, yakti."

0 yak./ok./aN.ce/k./oy-pa /ý+ hatoN n´/tti yakti
3A CAUS.DOWN.MOUTH.ask.ANTIP-INC 3E+ father no nothing
'"Don't you feel anything Roma*n", his father asked him.

"No, nothing."' (ZOH1R18 278-80)
(iii) Don Germán asks: /´m nihi/tpam win?

/´m+ ni.hi/t-pa /´m+ win
2E+ PSE.smear-INC 2E+ REFL
'Do you smear it on yourself?'
Don Omobono answers: /´m nihi/tpam win

/´m+ ni.hi/t-pa /´m+ win
2E+ PSE.smear-INC 2E+ REFL
'You smear it on yourself.' (ZOH1R36 359-360)
(iv) "/ń huppa?" /ń n´mhayy´

/ń+ hup-pa /ń+ n´m.hay-w´
1E+ pull-INC 1E+ say.APPL-COM
'"Should I pull it?", I said to him.'
"h´, hup´/!" n´mm´ bi pń

h´/ hup-A/ 0 n´m-w´ bi pń
yes pull-IMPV 3A say-COM DEF man
"Yes, pull!", said the man.' (ZOH1R25 153-4)
313
12.2. Question-word questions
There are eleven question words in MIG Zoque, shown in table 12.1.
These always appear at the beginning of the question. This type of question also
has rising intonation.

/iw´/ who quien
ti/ what que
huti/ which cual
huceN how many cuantos
tigo/ why porque
hutiya/ when cuando
hunaN how como
hu/ where donde
hutièN from where de adonde
huteèN in what direction en cual dirección
hut´èN from where por donde
Table 12.1: MIG Zoque question words
Spanish question words appear occasionally in the corpus, but are not
nearly as commonly used as the MIG Zoque words. One example of such usages
will be given at the end of each of the example sets in this section.
314
/iw´ 'who' can be used to question any argument that references a human
being. In texts, it typically refers to the actor, as shown in examples (12.2 i-ii).
Example (iii) can be interpreted two ways: /iw´ can refer to either the giver or
the recipient. In example (iv) it refers to the patient argument. Examples (v-vi)
show that the question word can refer to an argument in a subordinate clause. In
(v), /iw´ refers to the recipient of 'tell' and in (vi) to the agent of 'close'.
(12.2)
(i) /iw´ d´ t´pa
/iw´ d´+ t´/-pa
who 1A+ want-INC
'Who loves me?' (ZOH1R56 014)
(ii) /iw´ /ý manak ci/oba para y´d´ pń

/iw´ /ý+ manak 0 ci/./oy-pa para y´d´ pń
who 3E+ child 3A give.ANTIP-INC for this man
'Who will give his daughter for this man?2' (ZOH1R18 221)
(iii) /iwý ciw´ bi pń bi toto/

/iw´ /ý+ ci/-w´ bi pń bi toto/
who 3E+ give-COM DEF man DEF paper
'Who gave the letter to the man?' or
'Who did the man give the letter to?' (elicited)
(iv) /iw´m me/cpa

/iw´ /´m+ me/c-pa
who 2E+ look_for-INC
'Who are you looking for?' (ZOH1R10 199)
2 This looks like an antipassive form with an expressed object (the daughter), but the stem ci/.oy-
seems to be a lexicalized form meaning 'to give as a gift'. It thus does not obey the normal rules
for antipassive constructions.
315
(v) /iw´ ce/khayy´ rrosa bi yom/une
/iw´ /ý+ ce/k.hay-w´ rrosa bi yom´=/une/
who 3E+ ask.APPL-COM rosa DEF female=child
ke yakký n´mhay´ ke /ý cetann´ bi yote

ke yakk´ /ý+ n´m.hay-w´ ke /ý+ ce/=tan-w´ bi yote/
that VOL 3E+ say.APPL-COM that 3E+ wash=finish-COM DEF clothes
'Who did Rosa ask the girl to tell that she finished washing the clothes?'
(elicited)
(vi) /iw´ n´mm´ rrosa key mus&pa bi /aNmayyoba@/

/iw´ 0 n´m-w´ rrosa ke /ý+ mus&-pa bi /aNmayyoba@/
who 3A say-COM rosa that 3E+ know-INC DEF teacher
ke bi /aNmaykuyt´k /ý yaNkampa hohi

ke bi /aNmaykuyt´k /ý+ yak./aN.kam-pa hohi
that DEF school-house 3E+ CAUS.MOUTH.get_stuck-INC tomorrow
'Who did Rosa say that the teacher knows will close the school tomorrow?'
(elicited)
(vii) kyen sab syan huptuk´ n´mm´

kyen sabe si ya /ń+ hup=tuk-A 0 n´m-w´
who(quien) knows if NEG 1E+ pull=cut-nINC 3A say-COM
'"Who knows if I might not break it?", he said.' (ZOH1R25 155)
ti 'what' is also general in reference. As might be expected, in the texts it
most commonly refers to a patient (12.3 i-iii), but it can also refer to an actor, if
the actor is thought not to be human (iv). It can refer to abstractions, such as the
potential events implied in examples (vi). ti is also used with postpositions to
reference non-core arguments (vii). It can be used to specify a noun phrase, as

shown in example (viii). It can be pluralized with the clitic +ha@/ (NPL2) (ix).
316
Finally, it can refer to arguments in subordinate clauses, as in example (x), where
it references the patient of 'buy'.
(12.3)
(i) tim t´dampa
ti /´m+ t´/-tam-pa
what 2E+ want-1/2PL-INC
'What do y'all want?' (ZOH1R25 072)
(ii) ti satom wehpa

ti sato /´m+ weh-pa
what sato 2E+ shout-INC
'What are you shouting at Sato?' (ZOH1R25 084)
(iii) ti bi p´/thayy´
ti bi 0 p´/t.hay-w´
what DEF 3A pass.APPL-COM
'What is it that happened to him?' (ZOH1R18 348)
(iv) ti bi yaknukkoyy´ bi haya/a:nma@l

ti bi 0 yak.nuk./oy-w´ bi haya=/a:nma@l
what DEF 3A CAUS.grab.ANTIP-COM DEF male=animal
'What is it that grabbed (got into) that bull?' (ZOH1R25 110)
(v) tin yakn´mpa tuhkuy/

ti /ń+ yak.n´m-pa tuhkuy/
what 1E+ CAUS.DO-INC gun
'What do I want with a gun?'
(lit. 'What would I make a gun do?') (ZOH1R25 231)
(vi) tim /ofrec´kpa /amigo

ti /´m+ /ofrecer=c´k-pa /amigo
what 2E+ offer=do-INC friend
'What can we do for you, friend?' (ZOH1R12 195)
317
(vii) tihńaN /´m preparc´kpa
ti+hńaN /´m+ preparar=c´k-pa
what+ACC 2E+ prepare=do-INC
'With what do you prepare that?' (ZOH1R36 250)
(viii) ti coy /´m c´khaba

ti coy/ /´m+ c´k.hay-pa
what medicine 2E+ do.APPL-INC
'What remedy do you make for that?' (ZOH1R36 214)
(ix) tiyaNha@m /oku:pc´kpa gahi

ti./aN+haa/ /´m+ /okupar=c´k-pa gahi/
what.X+NPL2 2E+ use=do-INC there
'What all do you use there?' (ZOH1R36 190)
(x) ti /ý mus&pa rrosa ke n´mm´ bi /aNmayyoba@/

ti /ý+ mus&-pa rrosa ke 0 n´m-w´ bi /aN.may./oy-pa+V/k
what 3E+ know-INC rosa that 3A say-COM DEF teacher
ke n´kpa /ý huyy´ bi hus&tis&a hohi

ke n´k-pa /ý+ huy-w´ bi hus&tis&a hohi
that go-INC 3E+ buy-COM DEF mayor tomorrow
'What does Rosa know that the teacher said that the mayor is going to buy
tomorrow?' (elicited)
318
huti/ 'which' selects from a set of possible alternatives. It appears alone
(example 12.4 i), but also appears with the clitic +hate/ (ii). This is a relative of
the pluralizing clitic +ha@/ that was discussed in section 9.5, which also has a set-
selection connotation3. This clitic only appears attached to the question word
huti/ in MIG Zoque.
(12.4)
(i) huti s&oh naka - y´ks&oh /o po:ps&oh
huti/ s&oh naka - y´ky´k=s&oh /o popo=s&oh
which encino bark - black=encino or white=encino
'The bark of which encino - black encino or white encino?' (ZOH1R36 564)
(ii) "hu:thate /´m t´pa?" "ga mecaNp´/."

huti/+hate/ /´m+ t´/-pa ga/ mecaN+p´/k
which+NPL2 2E+ want-INC that two+REL
'"Which ones do you want?" "Those two."' (elicited)
3 In MAR Zoque, +hate/ means 'each'.
319
huceN 'how many' only appears a few times in the text corpus, but its
meaning and syntax are clear. It is simply used to elicit a specific quantity. The
idiom for asking the price of something is shown in example (12.5 iii). Like the
quantifiers discussed in section 9.5, huceN can be made into a verb with the
versive suffix (iv). There is also the form huceti (possibly huceN=ti,
how_many=what) that can be used with a noun phrase to indicate an unknown
(questioned) quantity (v).
(12.5)
(i) huceN /une /´m /aNnitpa
huceN /une/ /´m+ /aNnit-pa
how_many children 2E+ have-INC
'How many children do you have?' (ZOH1R53 037)
(ii) /ń n´mhayy´ huceN hama d´ haytampa

/ń+ n´m.hay-w´ huceN hama d´+ hay-tam-pa
1E+ say.APPL-COM how_many day 1A+ tarry-1/2PL-INC
'I said to him, "How many days will we stay?"' (ZOH1R10 055)
(iii) huceNho/
'How much is it?' (elicited)
(iv) n´mm´ /ý yoma!/ h´/ /´m huceNNadamm´

0 n´m-w´ /ý+ yomaa/ h´/ /´m+ huceN./a-tam-w´
3A say-COM 3E+ woman yes 2E+ how_many.VERS1-1/2PL-COM
'It's lady (owner) said, "Yes, and how many are you?"' (ZOH1R10 306)
(v) sim t´pa mis& neycipa pam k´s&s&oba huceti hama

si /´m+ t´/-pa mis& ney=ci/-pa /´m+ k´s&./oy-pa hutceti hama
if 2E+ want-INC 2Prn self=give-INC 2E+ eat.ANTIP-INC how_many day
'If you want, I'll give it to you so you can eat for a few days.'
(ZOH1R27 048)
320
The adverbial question words - tigo@/ 'why' (12.6 i-ii), hutiya/ 'when' (iii),
and hunaN 'how' (iv-v) - behave as one might expect, referring to adverbial
phrases in the usual fashion. tigo@/ is actually the question word ti with the
benefactive clitic +go@/ attached: 'for what'. hunaN admits the pluralizing clitic
+ha@/ to elicit a set of means or methods (vi). hutiya/ rarely appears in the
corpus; it seems to have been replaced almost entirely by the Spanish

interrogative cuando (kwando in the MIG Zoque orthography).
(12.6)
(i) d´ n´mpa tigo@ yakki ya p´t´
d´+ n´m-pa ti+goo/ yak=/iw´ ya 0 p´/t-A
1A+ say-INC what+BNF nobody NEG 3A pass-nINC
'I say, "Why doesn't anyone pass?"' (ZOH1R18 033)
(ii) senyor tigo@ yam /oknuk´

senyor ti+goo/ ya /´m /ok.nuk-A
señor what+BNF NEG 2E+ DOWN.grab-nINC
'Señor, why don't you let him go?' (ZOH1R36 185)
(iii) hutiya n´kpam /aNwitcoNN´ /´m ma:m/oko

hutiya/ n´k-pa /´m+ /aN.wit=coN-w´ /´m+ mama=/oko
when go-INC 2E+ MOUTH.walk=join-COM 2E+ mother=old_woman
'When are you going to visit your grandmother?' (elicited)
(iv) /ý n´mhas&ukk´ ha:ymanak hunaN /´m p´/tt´

/ý+ n´m.hay-s&uk-w´ haya=manak hunaN /´m+ p´/t-w´
3E+ say.APPL-3PL-COM male=child how 2E+ pass-COM
'They said to him, "Son, how did you get by?"' (ZOH1R18 108)
321
(v) n´mpa mis& hunaN /´m tihh´
0 n´m-pa mis& hunaN /´m+ tih-w´
3A say-INC 2Prn how 2A+ go&return-COM
kwandum tihh´ ha:y/une/

'He says, "You, what were you like when you were a boy?"' (ZOH1R25 058-
9)
(vi) hunaNha@/ /´m prepa:rc´kpam coy

hunaN=haa/ /´m+ preparar=c´k-pa /´m+ coy
how=NPL2 2E+ prepare=do-INC 2E+ medicine
'How all do you prepare your medicines?' (ZOH1R36 648)
hu/ 'where' appears by itself to ask about a location (examples 12.7 i-ii).
It also takes a small set of directional suffixes. These are similar but not identical
to the suffixes used with the ZOH1R58 bases (Appendix D). -t´Ń can indicate
either motion towards (iii) or motion away from (iv), whereas the ZOH1R58
forms distinguish the two directions. -hutńaN indicates a general or vague
direction, 'whereabouts' (v).
(12.7)
(i) /i hum k´s&s&oba mis& y´hi/
/i hu/ /´m+ k´s&./oy-pa mis& y´hi/
and where 2E+ eat.ANTIP-INC 2Prn here
'And where do you eat here?' (ZOH1R10 294)
(ii) /ý n´mhayy´ hum n´kpa mis&

/ý+ n´m.hay-w´ hu/ /´m+ n´k-pa mis&
3E+ say.APPL-COM where 2E+ go-INC 2Prn
'He said to him, "Where are you going?"' (ZOH1R18 050)
322
(iii) d´ n´mhas&ukk´ hut´@N /´m n´kpa
d´+ n´m.hay-s&uk-w´ hut´Ń /´m+ n´k-pa
1A+ say.APPL-3PL-COM to_where 2A+ go-INC
/i /ń n´mhas&ukk´ d´ n´kpa t´kho/

/i /ń+ n´m.hay-s&uk-w´ d´+ n´k-pa t´k+ho/
and 1E+ say.APPL-3PL-COM 1A+ go-INC house+LOC2
'They asked me "Where are you going to?" and I said to them
"I'm going to my house."' (ZOH1R58 001)
(iv) d´ /oNce/kk´ hut´@N /´m minn´

d´+ /ok./aN.ce/k-w´ hut´Ń /´m+ min-w´
1A+ DOWN.MOUTH.ask-COM from_where 2E+ come-COM
/i d´ n´mhas&ukk´ wahakahonaN
/i d´+ n´m.hay-s&uk-w´ wahaka+honaN
and 1A+ say.APPL-3PL-COM oaxaca+DIR3
'They asked me, "Where are you coming from?" and
I said to them, "From Oaxaca."' (ZOH1R58 008)
(v) d´ /oNceks&ukk´ hutńaN n´kpam yos&s&´

d´+ /ok./aN.cek-s&uk-w´ hutńaN n´k-pa /´m+ yos&-w´
1A+ DOWN.MOUTH.ask-3PL-COM whereabouts go-INC 2E+ work-dINC
/i /ń n´mhas&ukk´ d´s& gaha tuNho/

/i /ń+ n´m.hay-s&uk-w´ d´s& gaha tuN+ho/
and 1E+ say.APPL-3PL-COM 1Prn there road+LOC2
'They asked me "Where are you going to work?", and
I said to them, "There in the road."' (ZOH1R58 006)
323
12.3. Indirect questions
Indirect questions are essentially the same as direct ones, except that they
are usually introduced by verbs that can take clauses as arguments, like 'to know'
and 'to remember'.
(12.8)
(i) saber /iw´ de p´/oyy´
saber /iw´ de/ 0 p´/./oy-w´
know who that 3A put.ANTIP-COM
'Who knows who put it there?' (ZOH1R12 125)
(ii) hamc´ktam´ tin c´kmintamm´

ham(V)=c´k-tam-A/ ti /ń+ c´k=min-tam-w´
*mind=do-1/2PL-IMPV what 1E+ do=come-1/2PL-COM
(iii) dey yan mus&tam´ hutiya d´ n´ktampa

dey ya /ń+ mus&-tam-A hutiya/ d´+ n´k-tam-pa
now NEG 1E+ know-1/2PL-nINC when 1A+ go-1/2PL-INC
'Now we don't know when we're going.' (ZOH1R10 622)
(iv) yan /is&s&a@m huy p´w´

ya /ń+ /is&-w´+/am hu/ /ý+ p´/-w´
NEG 1E+ see-COM+NOW where 3E+ put-COM
'Now I haven't seen where they put him.' (ZOH1R26 143)
324
(v) tńtin kopakho/ /ń /aNnitpa
tńti /ń+ kopak+ho/ /ń+ /aNnit-pa
1PSN 1E+ head+LOC2 1E+ have-INC
hunaN /ń c´ktampa bi rremedyo

hunaN /ń+ c´k-tam-pa bi rremedyo
how 1E+ do-1/2PL-INC DEF remedy
'I have it in my head, how we will make the medicine.' (ZOH1R36 119-
20)
12.4. Question modals
There are three MIG Zoque modals that apply only to questions,
b´/ (DUBIT), geta (DIS), and mo/ (IRR). The Spanish loan word /aber (aver,
'let's see') is also used with question words.
12.4.1. Dubitative b´/
b´/ expresses doubt about the thing being questioned; that is, the
questioner thinks they know what the answer is, but aren't perfectly certain. It
most commonly appears with h´/, 'yes', where it essentially has the same
communicative effect as a tag question. In the first example (12.9 i), the son-in-
law has been eavesdropping during a tall-tale-swapping session between two old
rascals. Some of the tales are wildly implausible, but others are almost possible,
so he isn't sure they're really just kidding. In example (ii), the devil is offering
Román his secret weapon, but Román isn't sure that it might not be a trick of
some kind. In example (iii), b´/ is used to bring a discourse entity (the baby)
back into the foreground, since the prior conversation had digressed somewhat.
325
(12.9)
(i) me:r n´mmń /aNmekkýtamm´ h´b´/
meru n´mm´ /ń+ /aN.mek./ý-tam-w´ h´/+b´/
exactly PROG 1E+ MOUTH.deceive.SUF-1/2PL-dINC yes+DUBIT
n´mpa bi mu/t
0 n´m-pa bi mu/t
3A say-INC DEF son_in_law
'"You're just fooling, aren't you?", said the son-in-law.' (ZOH1R25 256)
(ii) n´mpa rroma@n tim p´kwitpa b´/

0 n´m-pa rroma@n ti /´m+ p´k=wit-pa b´/
3A say-INC román what 2E+ get=come-INC DUBIT
'Román says, "So what are you carrying, then?"' (ZOH1R18 101)
(iii) bi /une h´b´/ winnomwakpa

bi /une/ h´/+b´/ (/´m+) win./om=wak-pa
DEF child yes+DUBIT (2E+) FACE.smoke=*empty-INC
'The baby, right? You cense4 it.' (ZOH1R36 137)
12.4.2. Disbelief geta
When used in questions, as it most usually is, geta expresses unequivocal
disbelief - even outrage. It could be perfectly translated in English as 'the hell' or
'on earth', as in "Why the hell are you leaving now?" or "Where on earth did you
get that hat?" The questions it marks are thus a little confrontational, as shown in
examples (12.10 i-ii). It also appears in indirect questions or occasionally in
declarative clauses, where it expresses simple doubt (iii-iv).
4 You pass the baby through the smoke from an herbal preparation to cure it of ghost sickness.
326
(12.10)
(i) tigo geta yam /okc´kký
tigo/ geta ya /´m+ /ok.c´k./ý-A
why DIS NEG 2E+ DOWN.do.SUF-nINC
'Why in heaven's name don't you have time?' (ZOH1R10 333)
(ii) hutigetam hepke/tpa si mis& mas /´m w´h´

huti/ geta /´m+ hep.ke/t-pa si mis& mas /´m+ w´h´
which DIS 2E+ strip_maguey.REPET-INC if 2Prn more 2A+ good
pam tuks&i/apa
para /´m tuks&i/./a-pa
for 2E+ fight.VERS1-INC
'Surely you're not going to strip rope fibers, when you're the best
at fighting!" (ZOH1R39 091)
(iii) /amint´hi saber /iw´ geta ya yeca /o desfaydc´kk´

/amint´hi saber /iw´ geta ya 0 ye/c-A /o 0 desfadar=c´k-pa
next_year know who DIS NEG 3A arrive-nINC or 3A die=do-INC
'Next year who knows who won't arrive or is going to die.' (ZOH1R18 374)
(iv) gahi@N hayke/tt´ /otro s&epe tum s&epe geta

gahi@N 0 hay.ke/t-w´ /otro s&epe/ tum s&epe/ geta
from_there 3A tarry.REPET-COM another month one month DIS
'Then another month went by, it might have been a month.'(ZOH1R32 011-2)
327
12.4.3. Irrealis mo/
This modal suggests that the thing or event in question might not exist or
transpire; hence its designation as an irrealis. It is often translated with the

Spanish future tense, which can be used for conjectures. mo/ is also used as a
softener to make a question more polite, as shown in examples (12.11 iii-iv)5.
(12.11)
(i) n´mpa bweno tigo@ mo/ /ń hatoN
0 n´m-pa bweno ti+goo/ mo/ /ń+ hatoN
3A say-INC good what+BNF IRR 1E+ father
ya d´ yak/aNmayy´
ya d´+ yak./aN.may-w´
NEG 1A+ CAUS.MOUTH.count-COM
'He says, "All right, I wonder why, my father, didn't you send me
to school?"' (ZOH1R56 009)
(ii) tigo@ mo/ de/s&e /ý c´ks&ukpa

ti+goo/ mo/ de/s&e /ý+ c´k-s&uk-pa
what+BNF IRR thus 3E+ do-3PL-INC
'I wonder why would they act that way?' (ZOH1R56 029)
(iii) ti poh mo/

ti poh mo/
what vine IRR
'What vine might that be?' (ZOH1R36 524)
5 In this text, Sr. Germán Sánchez Morales is interviewing Sr. Omobono Sánchez Miguel about
traditional medicine. They have known each other since childhood, of course, but are here acting
in their professional roles: linguistic consultant and healer. Sr. Sánchez Morales often played the
interviewer, as a way of getting people to talk more and to flesh out their stories or explanations;
if I did it, they would politely accommodate to my language problems by switching to Spanish.
328
(iv) ti /a:nma@l mo/ d´ was&tampa paran c´ktampa
ti /a:nma@l mo/ d´+ was&-tam-pa para /ń+ c´k-tam-pa
what animal IRR 1A+ bite-1/2PL-INC so_that 1E+ do-1/2PL-INC
de waykay toya
de/ waykay toy.A
that malaria be_sick.NOM2
'What animal might it be that bites us so we get that malaria disease?'
(ZOH1R36 633)
12.4.4. Generalizing /aber
The Spanish loan word aver is used to generalize a question word,
similarly to the use of the English suffix -ever.
(12.12)
(i) de y´hama pa winhonaN /aber /iw´ /ý w´:hc´kpa
de y´.hama para winhonaN /aber /iw´ /ý+ w´h´=c´k-pa
from DCT1.day toward in_front let's_see who 3E+ good=do-INC
'From this day on, whoever she cures...' (ZOH1R32 198)
(ii) /aber ti d´ n´mhaba

/aber ti d´+ n´m.hay-pa
let's_see what 1A+ say.APPL-INC
'Whatever he says to me...' (ZOH1R18 135)
(iii) /itiho/ /u /aber hu n´kpam yos&s&´

/iti/+ho/ /u /aber hu/ n´k-pa /´m+ yos&-w´
town+LOC2 or let's_see where go-INC 2E+ work-dINC
'In the town or wherever you go to work.' (ZOH1R36 550)
329
Chapter 13: Aspect and Mood
The main indicators of aspect or mood in MIG Zoque are the mutually
exclusive set of suffixes that may appear in position 10 of the verb complex, as
shown in table 2.1. These suffixes offer two choices for aspect: completive
(section 13.1.1) or incompletive (13.1.4). There are syntactic means for

constructing perfects (13.1.2), a remote perfect (13.1.3.), and progessives
(13.1.5). Satellite forms that contribute to the aspect of a particular expression
include a small set of adverbial suffixes (13.1.6.1), two clitic morphemes
(13.1.6.2), a small set of verbs used in compound verb constructions (13.1.6.3),
and temporal adverbs, deictics and clauses (13.1.6.4). The position 10 suffixes
offer four choices for mood (other than the declarative): imperative (13.2.1),
negative imperative (13.2.2), hortative (13.2.3), or optative (13.2.4). There are
also three modal morphemes expressing different degrees of possibility (13.2.5-
6).
MIG Zoque does not have a system of inflection for tense. Location of an
event at a particular time is done by means of temporal adjuncts. This is typical
of MesoAmerican languages, areally speaking (Campbell, et al. 1986).
13.1. Aspect
The aspectual system of MIG Zoque offers a choice of two viewpoints, the
perfective and the imperfective. These are termed the completive and
330
incompletive, respectively, in MesoAmerican linguistics, to avoid confusion with
the terms 'perfective' and 'imperfective' used in the Spanish tense system (and
others). The choice of one of these viewpoints is obligatory. Both the completive
and incompletive inflectional suffixes can be used with any type of verb. There
are also two syntactic constructions for forming the perfect and the progressive.
13.1.1. Completive
Completive aspect "present[s] a situation as a single whole" (Smith,
1991:103), including both endpoints of a situation. Verbs with completive aspect
are consistently translated with the Spanish preterite tense. The completive is the
most usual choice in narrative texts; since it presents the endpoint of a situation, it
is used to move the events of the story forward in time.
(13.1)
(i) tum poN n´kký koyos&e tum rranc&o
tum poN n´k-w´ /ý+ ko.yos&-E tum rranc&o
one time go-COM 3E+ SOC.work-dCOM one ranch
'Once he went to seek work on a ranch.' (ZOH1R18 023)
(ii) kwando ye/cc´ sena /ora

kwando 0 ye/c-w´ sena /ora
when 3A arrive-COM dinner hour
tihh´ /ý yakse:nc´ki

tih-w´ /ý+ yak.senar=c´k-E
go&return 3E+ CAUS.dine=do-dCOM
'When dinner time came, she went to give him his dinner.'(ZOH1R12 248,50)
331
Existential predicates can be presented as completed (past) situations by
using the verb root tih- with completive aspect1.
(13.2)
(i) n´mpa mis& hunaN /´m tihh´
0 n´m-pa mis& hunaN /´m+ tih-w´
3A say-INC 2Prn how 2A+ go&return-COM
kwandum tihh´ ha:y/une/

'He says, "You, what were you like when you were a boy?"'(ZOH1R25 058-
9)
(ii) si d´s& tihh´ de beras ha:ymanak

si d´s& (d´+) tih-w´ de beras haya=manak
yes 1Prn (1A+) go&return-COM of really male=child
'Yes, I was really a manly lad.' (ZOH1R25
061)
tehi./a-, 'there is', with completive aspect, means 'to be located' or 'to be
present with' (similar to Spanish estar), as shown in examples (13.3 i-ii).
Incompletive aspect seems to be used only to present the situation of being

somewhere for an indeterminate period of time in the past. The contrast is
illustrated by a few lines from a text about a fellow who didn't get along well with
the other consultants on the MALDP project. At first, he went around with them
and was together with them (iii), but later he 'went over to the other side2' and
1 Remember that existential predicates do not employ a verb to convey a present situation (section
6.6). There is no copular verb in Zoque analogous to the Spanish verb ser, 'to be', that appears
with incompletive aspect.
2 This is a pun: el otro lado, 'the other side' is slang for 'the United States' (the other side of the
border), and it also refers to the other end of the long dinner table in Catemaco. We generally
332
would only associate with his linguist, spurning the company of his fellow
Indians (iv).
(13.3)
(i) tey d´ tehidamm´ katemako
tey d´+ tehi./a-tam-w´ katemako
now 1A+ there_is.VERS1-1/2PL-COM catemaco
'Now we were in Catemaco.' (ZOH1R18 015)
(ii) gahi /otoNpa bi papń y´hi yakki ya p´t´

gahi/ 0 /otoN-pa bi papń y´hi/ yak=/iw´ ya 0 p´/t-A
there 3A speak-INC DEF devil here nobody NEG 3A pass-nINC
myentras ke d´s& d´ tehi/aw´

myentras ke d´s& d´+ tehi./a-w´
while that 1Prn 1A+ there_is.VERS1-COM
'There the devil speaks: "Nobody passes here, while I'm here.'
(ZOH1R18 052-3)
(iii) kwando ye/cc´ witpa d´s&hahńaN

kwando 0 ye/c-w´ 0 wit-pa d´s&haa/+hńaN
when 3A arrive-COM 3A walk-INC we+ACC
tehi/apa d´s&hahńaN
0 tehi./a-pa d´s&haa/+hńaN
3A there_is.VERS1-INC we+ACC
'When he arrived, he was going around with us, he was with us.'
(ZOH1R19 002-4)
segregated at meals, so the (mostly American) linguists could talk in English about linguistics (is
there another topic?), and the Indians could get a break from the endless lexical inquiry.
333
(iv) /adyo tehidamm´ komo mecaN s&emana
/adyo 0 tehi./a-tam-w´ komo mecaN s&emana
later 3A there_is.VERS1-1/2PL-COM like two week
kay /eyaho@N n´kpa@m

kay /eyahooN 0 n´k-pa+/am
then elsewhere 3A go-INC+NOW
'Later, we had been here around two weeks, now he's going over
to the other side.' (ZOH1R19 005-6)
13.1.2. Perfect
There are two forms of the perfect in MIG Zoque, one negative and one
positive. The negative form is discussed below. The positive perfect is formed
by adding the clitic +/am (NOW) to a verb complex with completive aspect.
Expressions in this form are generally translated with morphological accuracy as
'now' with the Spanish preterite tense; for example, (13.4) was translated 'Román,
well, now he died.'
(13.4)
rroma@N pwes kawa@m
rroma@N pwes 0 ka/-w´+/am
román well 3A die-COM+NOW
'Román, well, he has died.' (ZOH1R18 019)
However, an examination of the uses of this construction in texts reveals
that it clearly meets the definitional criteria for the perfect given in Smith
(1991:146): "(a) the situation precedes reference time; (b) the construction has a
resultant stative viewpoint; and (c) a special property is ascribed to the subject,
due to participation in the situation." Perfects, in general, really perform two
functions in a tense/aspect system: they situate an event in the past, thus ordering
334
the event temporally, and they present a state, which tends to be the result of the
past event (Smith, p.c.). Perfectives in MIG Zoque conforms to this two-part
definition. They present the result of a past event as an on-going state of affairs,
but do not move the narrative forward.
(13.5)
(i) dey d´ minna@m mis& /is&kete
dey d´+ min-w´+/am mis&+ /is&.ke/t-E
now 1A+ come-COM+NOW 1>2+ see.REPET-dCOM
'Now I've come to see you again.' (ZOH1R26 138)
(ii) /´m /ukpa despwes ke /´m /aNhomuyya@m

/´m+ /uk-pa despwes ke /´m+ /aN.ho.muy-w´+/am
2E+ drink-INC after that 2E+ MOUTH.IN.get_wet-COM+NOW
'You drink it after you have soaked it.' (ZOH1R36 052)
(iii) rrikotukka@m
0 rriko=tuk-w´+/am
3A rich=finish-COM+NOW
'Now he has become very rich.' (ZOH1R20 056)
(iv) ya ken kýuhtamma@m puNN´ba g´ mok

ya ke /ń+ k´.yuh-tam-w´+/am 0 puN./ý-pa g´ mok
now that 1E+ AWAY.clear-1/2PL-COM+NOW 3A ear.VERS2-INC that corn
'Now that we've weeded, the corn sets ears.' (ZOH1R13 028)
335
(v) pwes wan komo /ý mus&s&a@m
pwes wan komo /ý+ mus&-w´+/am
pues juan like 3E+ know-COM+NOW
naks&hoNhoNN´ba /okmula /ý kopak

(/ý+) naks&=hoN.hoN.wý-pa /ok=mula /ý+ kopak
(3E+) hit_w_stick=get_dizzy.get_dizzy.ITER2-INC old_woman=mule 3E+ head
'Well, Juan, since he knew3, was beating the heck out of the
old mule's head.' (ZOH1R12 368)
The example in (13.6) appears to be a future perfect. Having learned that
two of his friends from the previous summer did not return to the project (one had
died and the other couldn't come), Sr. Sánchez Morales is speculating about what
changes the year ahead might bring about.
(13.6)
tey n´mpa y´d´ /awind´kka /amint´hi
tey 0 n´m-pa y´d´ /awin/+d´kka /amint´hi
now 3A say-INC this sibling+NPL next_year
yan mus&tam´ /iw´ ya minna@m

ya /ń+ mus&-tam-A /iw´ ya 0 min-w´+/am
NEG 1E+ know-1/2PL-nINC who NEG 3A come-nCOM+NOW
'Now he says, "These friends, next year, we don't know
who won't have come."' (ZOH1R18 356-8)
3 He knew that the mule was a sorceress in disguise, having been warned by the Princess.
336
13.1.2.1. Negative perfect
The negation of the perfect has a special marker, yampa (nPERF), that
precedes the verb complex in the same position as the negative marker ya. It
appears to be a polymorpheme composed of the negative ya and the incompletive
suffix pa, but the middle portion is unidentifiable4. It denotes a situation that
failed to obtain in the past and continues to fail to obtain in the present. The verb
complex is marked with the incompletive suffix.
(13.7)
(i) yampa yecay /ora pa pic´mpa bi karru
yampa 0 ye/c-A /ý+ /ora para 0 pic´m-pa bi karru
nPERF 3A arrive-nINC 3E+ hour for 3A leave-INC DEF bus
'The time for the bus to leave hasn't arrived.' (ZOH1R10 180)
(ii) /i yakti yampay yos&s&uk´

/i yakti yampa /ý+ yos&-s&uk-A
and nothing nPERF 3E+ work-3PL-nINC
'And they haven't done any work.' (ZOH1R25 006)
(iii) /ý p´kpam /ý n´kk´ porke yampa kambyac´k´

/ý+ p´k-pa+/am /ý+ n´k-w´ porke yampa /ý+ kambiar=c´k-A
3E+ get-INC+NOW 3E+ go-dINC because nPERF 3E+ change=do-nINC
/eya@/ yak/aNmayyoba@hńaN
/eyaa/k yak./aN.may./oy-pa+V/k+hńaN
other CAUS.MOUTH.count.ANTIP-INC+REL+ACC
'Now she's getting it, because she hasn't changed to another teacher.'
(ZOH1R14 032)
4 It looks like the clitic +/am (NOW), but this never attaches to any other function morphemes.
337
(iv) ya nas&e meka porke yampan is&tam´
ya nas&e mek.A porke yampa /ń+ /is&-tam-A
NEG truth lie.NOM3 because nPERF 1E+ see-1/2PL-nINC
'It's not certain to be a lie, because we haven't seen it.' (ZOH1R43 113-4)
(v) tey bi /aNkimmoba@/ pń

tey bi /aN.kim./oy-pa+V/k pń
now DEF MOUTH.mount.ANTIP-INC+REL man
yampan /aNce/khadam´
yampa /ń+ /aN.ce/k.hay-tam-A
nPERF 1E+ MOUTH.ask.APPL-1/2PL-nINC
'We haven't asked the boss yet.' (ZOH1R10 625)
13.1.3. Remote perfect
mae/ (REM) indicates a state of affairs that used to obtain, but no longer
does. It refers to a situation that is wholly in the past, with no effects carrying
over into the present. This contrasts with the perfective discussed in 13.1.2, in
which the perfective event did have some effect that persists to the time of
speaking. The morpheme can appear anywhere in the clause. In example (13.8
i), the woman was there (in office) with them, but isn't any longer. In (ii), Yermo
almost drowns, but doesn't, when he goes to rescue Roberta, which he also doesn't
do. It appears with both incompletive (ii) and completive (i,iii) aspects. mae/
can also indicate a potential state of affairs that fails to obtain, as in (iv) and (v).
(13.8)
(i) gahi tehiamott´ mae/
gahi/ 0 tehi./a.mot-w´ mae/
there 3A there_is.VERS1.WITH-COM REM
'She was there with them.' (ZOH1R28 042)
338
(ii) ha/kkapa mae/ yermo lopes
0 ha/k=ka/-pa mae/ yermo lopes
3A drown=die-INC REM yermo lopez
porke n´kpay h´s&p´kk´ mae g´ rroberta

porke n´k-pa /ý+ h´s&.p´k-w´ mae/ g´ rroberta
because go-INC 3E+ BACK.get-dINC REM that roberta
'Yermo Lopez almost died drowning because he tried
to go get Roberta out.' (ZOH1R15 076)
(iii) /i tum´ n´kk´ mae/ yaNkame bi t´k

/i tum´/ n´k-w´ mae/ /ý+ yak./aN.kam-E bi t´k
and one go-COM REM 3E+ CAUS.MOUTH.get_stuck-dCOM DEF house
'And one of them tried to go close up the house.' (ZOH1R24 593)
(iv) d´s&ha@/ s&uktampa mae/

d´s&+haa/ (d´+) s&uk-tam-pa mae/
1Prn+NPL2 (1A+) finish-1/2PL-INC REM
'We were going to finish.' (ZOH1R24 147)
(v) /entonses bi hamatin /ý /aNkimpa mae/

/entonses bi hamatin /ý+ /aN.kim-pa mae/
then DEF money 3E+ MOUTH.mount-INC REM
piceNho /entonse bi h´s&p´ks&ukk´

piceNho/ /entonses bi h´s&.p´k-s&uk-w´
therefore then DEF BACK.get-3PL-COM
'Then the money that they might send, therefore it's just what
they take out (take for themselves).' (ZOH1R28 282-3)
339
13.1.4. Incompletive
Incompletive "viewpoints present part of a situation with no information
about its endpoints" (Smith, 1991:111). The incompletive is used to refer to
ongoing situations in the past, to habitual or present situations, to generic
situations, and to situations that will obtain in the future. It is translated with the
Spanish imperfect or present tense, depending on the discourse context. (The

Spanish present tense is also covers habitual, ongoing, and future situations.)
In the narrative texts in the corpus, the imperfect is used to describe
ongoing background situations, like the waterfall in example (13.9 i), or to set the
scene by describing situations that were ongoing at the time the story begins. It is
also used to present the immediate context of some specific situation, appearing in
a subordinate clause (iii-v).
(13.9)
(i) ye/c&ukk´ rroyo c&orro dondhutŃ wanakpa bi n´/
0 ye/c-s&uk-w´ rroyo c&orro donde hutŃ 0 wanak-pa bi n´/
3A arrive-3PL-COM arroyo waterfall where where 3A go_down-INC DEF water
'They arrived at the waterfall canyon, where the water goes down'
(ZOH1R11 027)
(ii) kwandu tihh´ rebolusyo@N [...]

kwandu 0 tih-w´ rebolusyo@N [...]
when 3A go&return-COM revolution [...]
y´hi bi rrebelded´kka numpay witt´

y´hi/ bi rrebelde+d´kka num-pa /ý+ wit-w´
here DEF rebel+NPL steal-INC 3E+ walk-dINC
'When there was a revolution [...], here there were the rebels
that go around stealing' (ZOH1R24 002,4)
340
(iii) porkey t´pa pic´mm´
porke /ý+ t´/-pa 0 pic´m-w´
because 3E+ want-INC 3A leave-COM
'Because he wanted to, he left.' (ZOH1R24 311)
(iv) numcńs&ukk´ pńd´kka pork minpa

0 num=cń-s&uk-w´ pń+d´kka porke 0 min-pa
3A hide=sit-3PL-COM man+NPL because 3A come-INC
'The men hid because he was coming.' (ZOH1R24 463)
(v) /ý h´s&p´ks&ukpa kwandu minn´ bi /apu

/ý+ h´s&.p´k-s&uk-pa kwandu 0 min-w´ bi /apu
3E+ BACK.get-3PL-INC when 3A come-COM DEF old_man
'They were getting him out when the old man arrived.' (ZOH1R24 612)
In many of the texts in the corpus, the narrator is describing his or her
work or daily life. Since these are descriptions of habitual activities, the
incompletive is used. The examples in (13.10) are taken from a text by Sra.
Teófila Sánchez Morales (Sr. Germán Sánchez Morales's sister), in which she
describes the typical work day of a Zoque housewife (which begins an hour
before dawn and continues until ten o'clock at night.)
(13.10)
(i) /ń huku:tnekkŃNýpa
/ń+ hukut´k=nek=kŃ./ý-pa
1E+ fire=stack=burn.SUF-INC
'I stack up the firewood.' (ZOH1R53 003)
341
(ii) /ń cepan pici/
/ń+ ce/-pa /ń+ pic.E/
1E+ wash-INC 1E+ put_corn_in_lime.NOM3
'I wash my nixtamal.' (ZOH1R53 004)
(iii) d´ n´kpa molinu

d´+ n´k-pa molinu
1A+ go-INC mill
'I go to the corn-grinder.' (ZOH1R53 005)
The incompletive is used for situations in the present. This usage
generally occurs in dialogs when characters tell each what they're doing, as shown
in examples (13.11 i-ii). There are a few texts in which Sr. Sánchez Morales is
describing his current situation and thus uses the incompletive with present
reference. Example (iii) comes from a text that he recorded shortly after hearing
about the death of one of the consultants from the previous summer's project.
Example (iv) is from a text describing Sr. Sánchez's trip to the project and the
work he was doing there. He ends the account by wondering when it will be over
so we can all go home.
(13.11)
(i) n´mpa "tim c´kpa?"
0 n´m-pa ti /´m+ c´k-pa
3A say-INC what 2E+ do-INC
'He says, "What are you doing?"' (ZOH1R10 017)
342
(ii) d´s& n´mpa "/ń mu/t tey y´hi tehi/aw´
d´s& (d´+) n´m-pa /ń+ mu/t tey y´hi/ 0 tehi./a-w´
1Prn (1A+) say-INC 1E+ son_in_law now here 3A there_is.VERS1-COM
kahi s&ikpa"
gahi/ 0 s&ik-pa
there 3A laugh-INC
'I say now my son_in_law is here. He's laughing over there.'(ZOH1R25
244,6)
(iii) piceNho dey /ń hamc´ktampa

piceNho/ dey /ń+ ham(V)=c´k-tam-pa
that's_why now 1E+ *mind=do-1/2PL-INC
'That's why we remember him now.' (ZOH1R18 013)
(iv) yan mus&tam´ hutiya@/ d´ tuktampa

ya /ń+ mus&-tam-A hutiya/ d´+ tuk-tam-pa
NEG 1E+ know-1/2PL-nINC when 1A+ finish-1/2PL-INC
'We don't know when we'll finish.' (ZOH1R10 624)
The incompletive is also used to present future situations. Again, these
generally appear in dialogs, but the last example in (13.12) describes a situation
that is in the future relative to the time of narration.
(13.12)
(i) /´m yos&tampa dehńaN y´hi/
/´m+ yos&-tam-pa de/+hńaN y´hi/
2A+ work-1/2PL-INC that+ACC here
'You'll work with him here.' (ZOH1R10 038)
(ii) pwes yey n /is&tampa si nas&e ya d´ p´t´

pwes yey /ń+ /is&-tam-pa si nas&e ya d´+ p´/t-A
well now 1E+ see-1/2PL-INC if truth NEG 1A+ pass-nINC
'Well, now we'll see if I'm not going to pass.' (ZOH1R18 073)
343
(iii) minpa de /ń /okwaktamm´
min-pa dey /ń+ /ok.wak-tam-w´
come-INC now 1E+ DOWN.*empty-1/2PL-dINC
pa d´ n´ktampa d´ t´kye/ctampa
para d´+ n´k-tam-pa d´+ t´k=ye/c-tam-pa
for 1A+ go-1/2PL-INC 1A+ house=arrive-1/2PL-INC
'We'll come to finish this, so we can go, we can arrive at home.'
(ZOH1R10 628-9)
Future tense can be indicated by an auxiliary verb construction with the

directional verb root n´k- 'to go', similar to the periphrastic future constructions
in English and Spanish. But in MIG Zoque, n´k- always adds its directional
sense to the meaning of the utterance; that is, it is only used when the actor will
actually move through space to perform the act in question. This constrasts with
the usage in English and Spanish, in which 'go' can be used for a future situation
that does not involve motion. If I say "I'm going to finish this chapter today", I
will do so by remaining seated at my desk. In Zoque, I could only say that if I
had to move to the desk to sit down and start writing.
(13.13)
(i) n´kpay kums&ukk´
n´k-pa /ý+ kum-s&uk-w´
go-INC 3E+ bury-3PL-dINC
'They're going to bury him.' (ZOH1R27 023)
(ii) n´kpam camm´ bi ney /aNpń

n´k-pa /´m+ cam-w´ bi ney /aNpń
go-INC 2E+ talk-dINC DEF our zoque
'You're going to speak our Zoque.' (ZOH1R10 030)
344
(iii) n´mpa bi /okpń pwes d´s& n´kpan n´mhayy´ hus&tis&a
0 n´m-pa bi /okpń pwes d´s& n´k-pa /ń+ n´m.hay-w´ hus&tis&a
3A say-INC DEF old_woman well 1Prn go-INC 1E+ say.APPL-dINC mayor
'The old woman says, "I'm going to tell the mayor."' (ZOH1R18 122)
13.1.5. Progressive
The progressive in MIG Zoque is an auxiliary verb construction with the

auxiliary n´mm´ (PROG). Neither the beginning nor the end of a situation is
visible from the progressive viewpoint, which "focus on the internal stages of
non-stative events" (Smith, 1991: 112). In narratives, the progressive is generally
used to present a background situation, one that is ongoing when the event of
importance occurs.
(13.14)
(i) n´mmń kahu/ukk´ kwando ye/cc´ benigno
n´mm´ /ń+ kahwe=/uk-w´ kwando 0 ye/c-w´ benigno
PROG 1E+ coffee=drink-dINC when 3A arrive-COM benigno
'I was having breakfast when Benigno arrived.' (ZOH1R10 147)
(i) y´hi n´mmń camm´ familyahńaN

y´.hi/ n´mm´ /ń+ cam-w´ familya+hńaN
DCT1.LOC1 PROG 1E+ chat-dINC family+ACC
'I'm here chatting with the family.' (ZOH1R10 018)
345
(iii) n´mpa bi hus&tis&a tigo@/ /´m n´kpa
0 n´m-pa bi hus&tis&a ti+goo/ /´m+ n´k-pa
3A say-INC DEF mayor what+BNF 2A+ go-INC
si yakki ya n´mm´ mi poykekk´

si yak=/iw´ ya n´mm´ mi+ poy=kek-w´
if nobody NEG PROG 3>2+ flee=jump-dINC
'The mayor says, "Why are you going, if nobody is kicking you out?"'
(ZOH1R18 243-4)
(iv) n´mmý /okcammýy´

n´mm´ /ý+ /ok.cam./ý-w´
PROG 3E+ DOWN.tell.SUF-dINC
'He is telling the story.' (ZOH1R25 098)
(v) kwand tum´ gay n´mm´ /ý kuhh´

kwando tum´ gay n´mm´ /ý+ kuh-w´
when one then PROG 3E+ push-dINC
/ý yakwanaks&ukk´
/ý+ yak.wanak-s&uk-w´
3E+ CAUS.go_down-3PL-COM
'Then while one was pushing, they brought him down.' (ZOH1R24 602-3)
Progressive viewpoint is a subset of the incompletive viewpoint, which

can also be used to present a situation that is ongoing. The progressive, however,
cannot be used for future or habitual situations. The overlapping reference of the
two viewpoints is illustrated by the following pair of examples. In this text, a
fisherman comes upon a group of boys who are beating a sea turtle with clubs, to
make it lay its eggs. (The fisherman saves the turtle who turns out to be magical
and grants him his every wish.)
346
(13.15)
(i) n´mmý naks&kas&s&ukk´
n´mm´ /ý+ naks&=ka/-s&uk-w´
PROG 3E+ hit_w_stick=die-3PL-dINC
'They were beating it to death.' (ZOH1R20 007)
(ii) /ý naks&huhs&ukpa

/ý+ naks&=huh-s&uk-pa
3E+ hit_w_stick=lay_eggs-3PL-INC
'They were beating it to make it lay eggs.' (ZOH1R20 008)
347
13.1.6. Temporal modifiers
Modifiers that serve to focus the aspectual viewpoint or temporal
reference of a clause are found at every level of the grammar: verbal affixes,
clitics, verb roots in compound constructions, words such as deictics and temporal
adverbs, and temporal subordinate clauses.
13.1.6.1. Adverbial suffixes
There are five verbal affixes that affect aspect: the prefix yuk- 'to begin V-
ing'; the suffix -ke/t, 'to V once again'; the complex suffix -(pak)p´, 'to V
rapidly; all at once'; and the iterative suffixes -wý and -ney, 'to V repeatedly;
with force'.
yuk- is a verbal prefix that can indicate an upward direction with verb
roots that involve motion, holding, or carrying, as illustrated in examples (13.16 i-
ii). It can also appear with any kind of verb root to mean 'to begin V-ing' (iii).
This prefix is also discussed in section 7.1.1.10.
(13.16)
(i) /aNnamcu yuktenpa
/aNnamcu/ 0 yuk.ten-pa
morning 3A UP.stand-INC
'He gets up early in the morning.' (ZOH1R53 002)
(ii) /ý yukp´kk´ tum h´kaN tum´ tum h´kaN

/ý+ yuk.p´k-w´ tum h´kaN tum´/ tum h´kaN
3E+ UP.get-COM one side one one side
'One lifted up one side and the other the other side.' (ZOH1R25 093)
348
(iii) yukkotoNN´ bi kahaNd´kka
0 yuk./otoN-w´ bi kahaN+d´kka
3A UP.speak-COM DEF jaguar+NPL
'The jaguars began to speak.' (ZOH1R12 070)
The suffix -ke/t means "to do V once again". This is not an iterative: the
action is repeated only once. It can also refer to a second actor performing some
act, rather than the same actor re-performing the act, as shown in example (v).
(13.17)
(i) /ý kapn´kke/ts&ukk´ panteoNho/
/ý+ kap=n´k.ke/t-s&uk-w´ panteoN+ho/
3E+ carry_on_shoulder=go.REPET-3PL-COM cemetery+LOC2
'They carried him to the cemetery again.' (ZOH1R27 059)
(ii) /ý s&omke/ts&ukk´ wan

/ý+ s&om.ke/t-s&uk-w´ wan
3E+ jail.REPET.3PL-COM juan
'They jailed Juan again.' (ZOH1R12 332)
(iii) n´mmń hop´/tke/ttamm´

n´mm´ /ń+ ho.p´/t.ke/t-tam-w´
PROG 1E+ IN.pass.REPET-1/2PL-dINC
de lo ken yos&tamm´ g´ /amint´/

de lo ke /ń+ yos&-tam-w´ g´ /amint´/
of it that 1E+ work-1/2PL-COM that year
'We're reviewing what we worked on that year.' (ZOH1R14 081)
(iv) cuhiam /ý /ukke/tpa /otro tum´

cuhi/+/am /ý+ /uk.ke/t-pa /otro tum´/
afternoon+NOW 3E+ drink.REPET-INC other one
'Now in the afternoon he drinks another one again.' (ZOH1R36 273)
349
(v) pic´mge/tt´ /ot tum´/
0 pic´m.ke/t-w´ /otro tum´/
3A leave-REPET-COM other one
'Another one left.' (ZOH1R18 319)
The celeritive suffix appears most commonly with verbs of motion or
carrying and has the meaning 'rapidly' or 'all at once'. It has two phonological
shapes: -p´/ or -pakp´/. The second is obviously compositional, but I have no
idea what the pak morpheme might be. The celeritive appears only very rarely in
the corpus.
(13.18)
(i) kas&p´p´w´ t´k/aNh´@/
0 kas&=p´/.p´/-w´ t´k/aNh´/+V/k
3A step=put.CEL-COM san_miguel+REL
'A Migeleño quickly took a step.' (ZOH1R24 172)
(ii) /ý yukc´mp´w´

/ý+ yuk.c´m.p´/-w´
3E+ UP.load.CEL-COM
'He loaded it up rapidly.' (lexicon)
(iii) /ý wenp´w´

/ý+ wen.p´/-w´
3E+ divide.CEL_COM
'She divided it all at once.' (lexicon)
Verb complexes with the suffixes -ney (ITER1) and -wý (ITER2)
contain reduplicated verb roots, and have an iterative or emphatic meaning.

These never appear with any other prefixes or suffixes. In the -ney constructions,
350
the verb root that bears the central meaning of the complex is reduplicated, as
shown in the following examples, all but the first taken from the lexicon.
(13.19)
(i) yŃyŃneyba
0 yŃ.yŃ.ney-pa
3A tremble.tremble.ITER1-INC
'He started to tremble.' (ZOH1R24 178)
(ii) nemnemneba (iii) camcamneba

0 nem.nem.ney-pa 0 cam.cam.ney-pa
3A flame.flame-ITER1-INC 3A chat.chat.ITER1-INC
'It is flaming a lot.' 'He's talking nonsense.'
(iv) cuncunneba (v) yumyumneba

0 cun.cun.ney-pa 0 yum.yum.ney-pa
3A drip.drip.ITER1-INC 3A boil.boil.ITER1-INC
'It's dripping constantly' 'It's boiling vigorously.'
In the -wý constructions, the verb root that contributes the central
meaning of the complex is followed by a second, reduplicated, root. This second
root is most commonly one that means something like 'to cut', but 'to get' and
others also appear5. I don't know what the criteria for choosing one of these roots
over another might be; perhaps it's a function of assonance or some subtle
semantic feature.
5 Note that in example (13.19 iii), only the second syllable of the emphasizing root is repeated.
There are very few two-syllable verb roots in this language, and no others that mean a kind of
forceful action, so I can't conclusively state that this conforms to a reduplication rule or not.
351
(13.20)
(i) /i g´ montura /´m naks&tuktukw´ba
/i g´ montura /´m+ naks&=tuk.tuk.wý-pa
and that saddle 2E+ hit_w_stick=cut.cut.ITER2-INC
'And you beat on that saddle several times.' (ZOH1R12 347)
(ii) /i nas&e c&e /ý yukp´kp´kwýs&ukk´

/i nas&e c&e /ý+ yuk.p´k.p´k.wý-s&uk-w´
and truth INTENS 3E+ UP.get.get.ITER2-3PL-COM
'And in fact they really got them up fast (the boards).' (ZOH1R25 092)
(iii) /im cihnaka/cka/cwýpa /i tum cima n´/

/i /´m+ cih=naka/c.ka/c.wý-pa /i tum cima/ n´/
and 2E+ throw_rock=crush.crush.ITER2-INC and one gourd
water
'And you crush it really well and (add) one gourd of water.'(ZOH1R36 334)
(iv) ga/ /ý tŃtuktukwýpa por pedasitu

ga/ /ý+ tŃ=tuk.tuk.wý-pa por pedasitu
that 3E+ cut_w_machete=cut.cut.ITER2-INC for little_piece
'He cuts that into tiny tiny pieces.' (ZOH1R36 389)
13.1.6.2. Clitics
+/am with the incompletive simply means 'now'.
(13.21)
(i) tey n´mmoban wittamma@m
tey n´m./oy-pa /ń+ wit-tam-w´+/am
now DO.ANTIP-INC 1E+ walk-1/2PL-COM+NOW
'Now we can walk (there).' (ZOH1R18 132)
(ii) kay minpa@m bi hented´kkay /is&s&ukk´ bi santu

352
(iii) /ý poNpa gay nippa@m bi /api/
/ý+ poN-pa ga/ /ý+ nip-pa+/am bi /api/
3E+ burn-INC that 3E+ sow-INC+NOW DEF chayote
'He burns it (the field), now he sows the chayote.' (ZOH1R53 015)
+nam/, (STILL) only appears with the incompletive (i-ii). It can appear
attached to nouns in existential predicates (iii-iv).
(13.22)
(i) n´kpanam tuwaN hama
0 n´k-pa+nam/ tuwaN hama
3A go-INC+STILL three day
'It goes on for three days.' (ZOH1R32 159)
(ii) d´s& d´ n´kpa pero d´ nippanam/

d´s& d´+ n´k-pa pero d´+ nip-pa+nam/
1Prn 1A+ go-INC but 1A+ sow-INC+STILL
'I'll go but I'm still going to sow.' (ZOH1R10 043)
(iii) n´/tti mokpaknam/

n´/tti mok=pak+nam/
no corn=shell+STILL
'No, it's still unshelled.' (ZOH1R27 051)
(iv) n´kta@N /is&ta@N si kaynam s&is&

n´k-taaN /is&-taaN si kay+nam/ s&is&
go-HORT see-HORT if then+STILL meat
'Let's go see if there's still any meat.' (ZOH1R23 925)
353
13.1.6.3. Verb compounds
Super-lexical morphemes "modulate the focus of a situation rather than
determining the situation itself" (Smith, 1991:76). In MIG Zoque, super-lexicals
that focus on one of the endpoints of a situation are verb stems used in compound
verb constructions.
Two of these stems focus the initial endpoint of a situation: /okmaN- 6'to
begin to V' and t´k./ý- 'to enter into V-ing'. /okmaN- can be used with any
verb, but t´k./ý- has a directional sense as well, and so really means 'to go in
somewhere and start V-ing'.
(13.23)
(i) wan k´s&s&okmaNNoyy´
wan 0 k´s&=/okmaN./oy=w´
juan 3A eat=begin.ANTIP-COM
'Juan began to eat.' (ZOH1R12 129)
(ii) /ý nukkokmaNN´

/ý+ nuk=/okmaN-w´
3E+ grab=begin-COM
'He started to grab him.' (ZOH1R18 079)
(iii) /ń camt´khas&ukpa

/ń+ cam=t´k./ý.hay-s&uk-pa
1E+ talk=house.VERS2.APPL-3PL-INC
'I'm going to chat with them.' (ZOH1R10 386)
6 /ok.maN is a derived stem: DOWN.*step. I treat it as a single form because the compositional
semantics are not obvious, unless you can remember that one generally starts a journey from San
Miguel Chimalapa by going down from the mountains.
354
(iv) /ń yos&t´kkaw´ tum yaNke/
/ń+ yos&=t´k./a-w´ tum yaNke/
1E+ work=enter-COM one yankee
'I started to work with a gringa.' (ZOH1R14 005)
There are a variety of stems that focus the final endpoint of a situation.
tuk- 'to finish' and s&uk- 'to finish' are virtually identical, although tuk- is much
more common (examples 13.24 i-ii). My consultants say that the two are
interchangeable and can each be used with any sort of verb, but they always use
tuk- in their stories. ko.wak- is a stem derived from the root *wak-, which no
longer can be used independently in MIG Zoque. Its meaning is something like
'to be empty', and it appears in many compounds and derived forms with the
connotation of emptying or clearing something out (iii). /ok.wak- also means 'to
end', but I didn't find any examples of it in compound constructions. tan- means
specifically 'to complete', and is generally used in situations involving quantities,

such as payments for services rendered (iv). cak- means 'to leave off or stop V-
ing', before the natural or expected termination of the situation (v).
(13.24)
(i) den kńaks&tuktampa
dey /ń+ k´.naks&=tuk-tam-pa
then 1E+ AWAY.hit_w_stick=finish-1/2PL-INC
'Then we finish clearing.' (ZOH1R13 006)
(ii) yay k´s&s&uks&ukk´ bi s&is&

NEG 3E+ eat=finish-3PL-COM DEF meat
'They didn't finish eating the meat.' (ZOH1R12 077)
355
(iii) /Ńkowakk´ y´ /okos& /ý t´m
0 /Ń=ko.wak-w´ y´/ /okos& /ý+ t´m
3A fall=SOC.*empty-COM this shrub 3E+ fruit
'This tree's fruit is through falling.' (lexicon)
(iv) yohtans&ukk´
/ý+ yoh=tan-s&uk-w´
3E+ pay=complete-3PL-COM
'They paid him in full.' (ZOH1R18
264)
(v) syempre yam kowitcak´

syempre ya /´m+ ko.wit=cak-A
always NEG 2A+ SOC.walk=leave-nINC
'Never leave off going to visit (your cornfield).' (ZOH1R13 047)
Finally, poy-, 'to flee', specifies the duration of the situation as being very
brief. (Perhaps, as in the second example, one only wishes that it be very brief.)
(13.25)
(i) poycńs&ukk´
0 poy=cń-s&uk-w´
3A flee=sit-3PL-COM
'They sat down for a little while.' (ZOH1R23 539)
(ii) si ya poytakkńam
si ya 0 poy=tak-A+nam/
if NEG 3A flee=rain-nINC+STILL
/ń /is&tuktampa /as&ta kwan takpa

/ń+ /is&=tuk-tam-pa /as&ta kwan 0 tak-pa
1E+ see=finish-1/2PL-INC until when 3A rain-INC
'If it still doesn't rain, we wait until it rains' (ZOH1R13 013)
356
13.1.6.4. Temporal adverbs, deictics, and clauses
These elements have all been discussed in other places - adverbs and
deictics in chapter 4, and temporal subordinate clauses in chapter 11. Appendix B
contains a list of words pertaining to time in MIG Zoque (parts of the day, etc.).
This section will just provide some examples of the way they are used to
sequence narrative events and locate events in time.
Since MIG Zoque lacks tense, temporal adjuncts are used to specify the
time of events. In examples (13.26 i-ii), the events are located at exact times with
respect to the time of speaking. In (iii), the temporal adjunct specifies the
sequence of events in the narrative, indicating the passage of time in the story
itself. In (iv-v), the temporal clauses sequence link events in the world of the
narrative: when(ever) the serpent comes burbling out, you run away; the farmer
always burns the field after he clears it.
(13.26)
(i) y´ha:m byernes d´ k´:s&c´ktampa
y´.hama byernes d´+ k´s&.E=c´k-tam-pa
DCT1.day friday 1A+ eat.NOM3=do-1/2PL-INC
'Today, Friday, we're going to make food.' (ZOH1R29 065)
(ii) /amint´/k d´ tihtamm´ /ń yos&tame forti@n de las flores

/amint´/k d´+ tih-tam-w´ /ń+ yos&-tam-E forti@n
last_year 1A+7 go&return-1/2PL-COM 1E+ work-1/2PL-dCOM fortín
'Last year we went to work in Fortín.' (ZOH1R18 004)
7 I don't know why this extra agreement marker is here. There are not quite enough of these
examples in the corpus to declare it a sub-pattern of agreement, but they do appear in texts from
many speakers. It could be that the speaker started to just say "we went" and then decided in mid-
utterance to make it an auxiliary phrase.
357
(iii) hoypi/t bwen /ora d´ yukkoNtamm´
hoypi/t bwen /ora d´+ yuk.koN-tam-w´
next_day good hour 1A+ UP.crawl-1/2PL-COM
'The next day, very early, we got up.' (ZOH1R10 430)
(iv) la /ora ke hu/upa /ý minn´ mis& poy yah´/

la /ora ke 0 hu/u-pa /ý+ min-w´ mis& poy-A/ yah´/
the hour that 3A make_noise-INC 3E+ come-dINC 2Prn flee-IMPV far
'When it(the serpent)comes rumbling along, you run away.'(ZOH1R12 387-8)
(v) /ý /api/ despwe@s de /ý yuhpa gay /ý poNpa

/ý+ /api/ despwes de /ý+ yuh-pa gay /ý+ poN-pa
3E+ chayote after of 3E+ clear-INC then 3E+ burn-INC
'His chayote field, after he clears it, then he burns it.' (ZOH1R53
014)
13.2. Mood
The morphologically marked moods of MIG Zoque are all types of
imperatives: the imperative, the negative imperative, the exhortative, and the
volitive or optative. There are also two modal words that characterize the
probability or possibility of an event: a contrafactual and a word that means
'seems'.
13.2.1. Imperative
This is a simple second person imperative, marked by the suffix -A/
(IMPV). It applies to all types of verb roots, apart from pragmatic constraints
(you can't order it to rain, for example). It appears frequently in dialogs in the
358
texts, where it is used between peers or family members, or from a superior to a
subordinate.
(13.27)
(i) yey mama yukp´ktam´
yey mama yuk.p´k-tam-A/
now mama UP.get-1/2PL-IMPV
'Now, mama, (y'all) put it up.' (ZOH1R18 276)
(ii) /ay n´mpa rroma@N /is&tam´ gahi /ic&i@N

/ay 0 n´m-pa rroma@N /is&-tam-A/ gahi/ /ic&iiN
later 3A say-INC román see-1/2PL-IMPV there a_little
'Then Román says, "Look over there a little way!"' (ZOH1R18 159)
(iii) yos&s&a@m mis& pam k´s&s&oba

yos&-A/+/am mis& para /´m+ k´s&./oy-pa
work-IMPV+NOW 2Prn for 2A+ eat.ANTIP-INC
'Now you work so you can eat!' (ZOH1R27 009)
(iv) /ý n´mhayy´ /amma

/ý+ n´m.hay-w´ /amma-A/
3E+ say.APPL-COM look-IMPV
'He said to him, "Watch it!"' (ZOH1R18 321)
359
13.2.2. Negative imperative
The negative imperative has its own negative morpheme, /u (NEGimpv),
followed by a person agreement marker in its cliticized form. The verb is

inflected with the negative imperative suffix -w´ (nIMPV). In the second person,
it simply means "Don't do X!", illustrated in example (13.28 i-iii). In the first or
third persons, however, it has a more subjunctive quality: "that I (he/she/they/it)

shouldn't do X". The remaining examples in (13.28) illustrate this usage.
(13.28)
(i) /ý n´mhayy´ /um n´kk´
/ý+ n´m.hay-w´ /u /´m+ n´k-w´
3E+ say.APPL-COM NEGimpv 2A+ go-nIMPV
He said to him, "Don't go." (ZOH1R18 029)
(ii) /um /ukk´

/u /´m+ /uk-w´
NEGimpv 2E+ drink-nIMPV
'Don't drink it!' (ZOH1R12
115)
(iii) g´ frenu /um hupp´

g´ frenu /u /´m+ hup-w´
that rein NEGimpv 2E+ pull-nIMPV
'Don't pull on those reins!' (ZOH1R12 348)
(iv) de/s&e d´ n´mhas&ukk´ gaha winho@N

de/s&e d´+ n´m.hay-s&uk-w´ gaha winhooN
thus 1A+ say.APPL-3PL-COM there in_front
ke /un minn´
ke /u /ń+ min-w´
that NEGimpv 1E+ come-nIMPV
'That's how they told me there before, that I shouldn't come.'
(ZOH1R18 113-4)
360
(v) tigo@ /un /okhoNN´damm´
tigoo/ /u /ń+ /ok.hoN./ý-tam-w´
why NEGimpv 1E+ DOWN.get_dizzy.SUF-1/2PL-nIMPV
'Why must we not forget?' (ZOH1R57 038)
(vi) pa /uy t´kkýy´ /´m cokoyho gag´ mal

para /u /ý+ t´k./ý-w´ /´m+ cokoy/+ho/ gag´ mal
for NEGimpv 3E+ house.SUF-COM 2E+ heart+LOC2 that bad
'So that that poison won't enter into your heart.' (ZOH1R36 350)
(vii) w´tt´ba g´ mok

0 w´ti/./ý-pa g´ mok
3A large.VERS2-INC that corn
pa /uy yakmolesc´kkýy´ g´ camm´

para /u /ý+ yak.molestar=c´k./ý-w´ g´ camm´
for NEGimpv 3E+ CAUS.bother=do.SUF-COM that weed
'The corn gets bigger so the weeds won't bother it.' (ZOH1R13 027)
13.2.3. Exhortative
The suffix -taaN (HORT) indicates the exhortative mood, which is a first
person plural imperative: "Let's do it!". n´ki is an irregular first person
imperative used only with this particular verb root.
(13.29)
(i) n´ki /is&ta@N n´mpa hus&tis&a
n´k-i /is&-taaN 0 n´m-pa hus&tis&a
go-IMPV3 see-HORT 3A say-INC mayor
'"Let's go see!", says the mayor.' (ZOH1R18 140)
361
(ii) /aNmayta@N ney /awind´kka bi ney /aNpń
/aN.may-taaN ney /awin/+d´kka bi ney /aNpń
MOUTH.count-HORT IE brother+NPL DEF IE zoque
'Let's teach our language to our brothers.' (ZOH1R57 010)
(iii) camta@N
cam-taaN
talk-HORT
'Let's talk.' (ZOH1R25 054)
13.2.4. Volitive / Optative
The volitive or optative mood is marked by the volitive morpheme yakk´
(VOL) which precedes the verb complex, and by one of the the inflectional
suffixes: -w´ (cOPT, completive optative) or -A/ (iOPT, incompletive optative).
The person agreement markers appropriate for the verb follow yakk´. The
second syllable of yakk´ is often elided, making it easy to confuse with the
causative.
It is used as a third-person imperative in reported speech ("He said that
they should V"), as shown in examples (13.30 i-ii). It is also used as an indirect
imperative ("Let her V"), as shown in examples (iii-iv), as a very polite second-
person imperative (v-vi), and as an expression of a desired or potential state of

affairs ("That it should V"), as shown in examples (vii-ix).
362
(13.30)
(i) n´mm´ ga /aNkimmoba@/
0 n´m-w´ ga/ /aN.kim./oy-pa+V/k
3A say-COM that MOUTH.mount.ANTIP-INC+REL
yakn´kk´ kuk
yakk´ 0 n´k-w´ kuk
VOL 3A go-COM center
'That commander said that they should go to the center.'(ZOH1R24 )
(ii) d´s&s&ń ce/kk´ yak d´ kums&uk´

d´s& /ń+ ce/k-w´ yakk´ d´+ kum-s&uk-A/
1Prn 1E+ ask-COM VOL 1A+ bury-3PL-iOPT
'I asked them to bury me.' (ZOH1R27 042)
(iii) yakký p´/ tum kas&naèN winhoN

yakk´ /ý+ p´/-A/ tum kas&.naaN win+hoN
VOL 3E+ put-iOPT one step.MEAS FACE+DIR1
'Let him take one step forward.' (ZOH1R24 170)
(iv) yakký me/c&uk´ bi toto/

yakk´ /ý+ me/c-s&uk-A/ bi toto/
VOL 3E+ look_for-3PL-iOPT DEF paper
'Let them look for paper.' (ZOH1R29 089)
(v) yakk´ mis& c´mk´maNN´dam´

yakk´ mis&+ c´m=k´.maN./ý-tam-A/
VOL 2>1+ carry=AWAY.*step.SUF-1/2PL-iOPT
'Please carry me up.' (ZOH1R12 197)
(vi) t´pa ke yakk´ mis& c´khadam´ tum fabor

(/ń+) t´/-pa ke yakk´ mis&+ c´k.hay-tam-A/ tum fabor
(1E+) want-INC that VOL 2>1+ do.APPL-1/2PL-iOPT one favor
'I'd like you to do me a favor.' (ZOH1R12 210)
363
(vii) /ń /is&tuktampa yaktak´ tuh
/ń+ /is&=tuk-tam-pa yakk´ 0 tak-A/ tuh
1E+ see=finish-1/2PL-INC VOL 3A rain-iOPT rain
'We wait for it to rain.' (ZOH1R13
012)
(viii) /´m /awinme/cpa yak mi c´mha go/ /´m mok

/´m+ /awin/=me/c-pa yakk´ mi+ c´m.hay-A/ goo/ /´m+ mok
2A+ sibling=look_for-INC VOL 3>2+ carry.APPL-iOPT PURP 2E+ corn
'You look for a friend that he should carry your corn.' (ZOH1R13 052)
(ix) c´kta@N yakk´ /ý /amma go/ dyos

c´k-taaN yakk´ /ý+ /amma-A/ goo/ dyos
do-HORT VOL 3E+ look-iOPT PURP god
ke neywin d´ yos&tampa
ke neywin d´+ yos&-tam-pa
that we 1A+ work-1/2PL-INC
'Let's do it so that God should see that we are working.' (ZOH1R13 088)
364
13.2.5. Contrafactual
The contrafactual pin´k (CONFAC), comparable to /in´k in the Zoque of
Copainalá, Chiapas (Kaufman, 1996), expresses a desired, but non-existent, state

of affairs. It can appear anywhere within the clause. pin´k is often immediately
preceded by the Spanish words malaya, or ojalá, which appear to mean much the
same thing: 'I hope so!', or 'I wish it were!'. Example (13.31 iv) shows the use of
pin´k to form an extremely polite request.
(13.31)
(i) ke malay pin´k /ń /aNnittampa hemhi ney t´kho/
ke malay pin´k /ń+ /aN/it-tam-pa hemhi/ ney t´k+ho/
that one_hopes CONFAC 1E+ have-1/2PL-INC all IE house+LOC2
'That hopefully we'll have everything in our house.' (ZOH1R13 090)
(ii) piceNho/ neywin yan /okhoNNodam pin´k

piceNho/ neywin ya /ń+ /ok.hoN./oy-tam-w´ pin´k
because we NEG 1E+ DOWN.get_dizzy.ANTIP-1/2PL-nINC CONFAC
'Therefore, may we not forget.' (ZOH1R57 022)
(iii) pwes /ohala@ pin´k n´mpa ke h´/ d´ yos&tampa t´k/aNh´/

pwes /ohala@ pin´k 0 n´m-pa ke h´/ d´+ yos&-tam-pa t´k/aNh´/
well I_hope CONFAC 3A say-INC that yes 1A+ work-1/2PL-INC san_miguel
'Well, I hope she says that, yes, we're going to work in San Miguel.'
(ZOH1R14 061)
365
(iv) /ń n´mhayy´ de kaswalida@d ya mus&´ hunaN
/ń+ n´m.hay-w´ de kaswalida@d ya /´m+ mus&-A hunaN
1E+ say.APPL-COM of accident NEG 2E+ know-nINC how
bi nu@mero de tele@fono mis& cipa pin´k

bi nu@mero de tele#fono mis&+ ci/-pa pin´k
DEF number of telephone 2>1+ give-INC CONFAC
'I said to her, "You wouldn't happen by chance to know the telephone
number? Could you perhaps give it to me?"' (ZOH1R10 204-5)
13.2.6. 'Seems' clauses
b´s&e/ (SEEM) means 'seemingly; apparently'. It can appear anywhere in
the clause after the first word, with either incompletive (examples 13.32 i-iii) or
completive aspect (iv-v), but it always has a present tense force.
(13.32)
(i) gahi /ý n´mhayy´ tey nńtiam b´s&e/
gahi/ /ý+ n´m.hay-w´ tey nńti +/am b´s&e/
there 3E+ say.APPL-COM now there_isn't+NOW SEEM
'Then he told them that now there don't seem to be any.' (ZOH1R24 287)
(ii) n´mpa d´s& komo b´s&e d´s& yan /okc´k´ dey

0 n´m-pa d´s& komo b´s&e d´s& ya /ń+ /ok.c´k-A dey
3A say-INC 1Prn like SEEM 1Prn NEG 1E+ DOWN.do-nINC now
'I'm saying that it looks like now I don't have time.' (ZOH1R10 331)
(iii) kay /ic&iNha@/ b´s&e /ý hamc´kpa@m

kay /ic&iiN+haa/ b´s&e /ý+ ham(V)=c´k-pa+/am
then a_little+NPL2 SEEM 3E+ *mind=do-INC+NOW
'Now he seems to be remembering little by little.' (ZOH1R12 719)
366
(iv) tey komo d´ w´tt´dammaèm
tey komo d´+ w´ti./ý-tam-w´+/am
now how 1A+ big.VERS2-1/2PL-COM+NOW
komo de b´s&e ney hatoN yay p´/tt´ trabaho

komo de b´s&e ney hatoN ya /ý+ p´/t-w´ trabaho
how of SEEM IE father NEG 3E+ pass-COM work
'Now that we've grown up it seems that our fathers didn't work hard.'
(ZOH1R13 121)
(v) /ay n´mpa ye/cca@m b´s&e /ý /ora

/ay 0 n´m-pa 0 ye/c-w´+/am b´s&e /ý+ /ora
later 3A say-INC 3A arrive-COM+NOW SEEM 3E+ hour
'Later he says, "Now it looks like the time has come."' (ZOH1R10 217)
367
Chapter 14: Discourse
In this chapter, I will give a description of some features of MIG Zoque
narrative styles and strategies. After a brief survey of the kinds of texts in the
corpus, I will give summaries of the four texts that provided the data for this
chapter. In section 14.2, I discuss the appearance of noun phrases that cross-
reference core arguments, making generalizations about word order and the
presentation of new and given information. In section 14.3, I describe the various
sorts of discourse markers and their functions in structuring narratives. This set
consists chiefly of a variety of terms for 'then' or 'thence', both MIG Zoque native
words and Spanish loan words.
14.1. The text corpus
The texts in the corpus range from two or three minutes to ninety minutes
in length. Most of them were recorded by Sr. Germán Sánchez Morales1, my
principal consultant, but there are texts narrated by ten other people - five men
and five women. Most of the texts are personal narratives, about the narrator's
work or daily life, or about some notable event such as a wedding or the way in
which their family's household saint was found. There are a few fables, including
a few that were adapted from Spanish stories; descriptions of local customs or
history; a couple of humorous stories; and two stories about a well-known
1Sr. Sánchez liked to record texts by himself in his hotel room at the MALDP project. Although
he is a wonderful story-teller, he didn't like to have an audience.
368
raconteur of the previous generation, Satornino. There are also two long
interviews conducted by Sr. Sánchez: one with a curandero, a healer, about
traditional medicine, and one with a regidor, a city council member, about the
workings of local government.
All the texts were elicited, in the sense that Sr. Sánchez and I made
appointments with people in advance and I paid them for their time. He always
accompanied me so that he could make introductions and explain the process to
each narrator in Zoque. We did this in an effort to keep people from constantly
translating their words into Spanish for my benefit; being polite and hospitable
people, their natural inclination was to accommodate to my linguistic handicap.
There is not a strong tradition of story-telling in San Miguel Chimalapa,
and what there may once have been has been replaced by television and radio.
People looked puzzled when I asked for "traditional" stories or stories their
parents might have told them. The women were particularly uncomfortable with
the task, and their texts are among the shortest in the corpus. Only two speakers
were comfortable with telling long stories: Sr. Sánchez and his father, Sr.
Agripino Sánchez Guitiérrez. Sr. Sánchez Guitiérrez loves to tell stories, and was
apparently one of the few fathers who regaled his children with tales at night
around the fire (in the days before electricity).
For the analysis presented in this chapter, I chose four medium-length
texts by four different speakers. The first is a local-hero story called 'Satornino
and the Soldiers', narrated by Sr. Sánchez (tape ZOH1R11). Satornino was a real
person, a member of the generation previous to Sr. Sánchez Guitiérrez, from
whom Sr. Sánchez learned this story. Satornino was a well-known teller of tall
369
tales, all about himself and his adventures. This story took place (if it is true)
during the time of the Mexican Revolution in the 1920's. Satornino guides a
group of Mexian soldiers into the jungle to capture some baby monkeys. The
plan is to shoot some mother monkeys down from the trees, and then take away
the babies that they are carrying on their backs. The Mexican soldiers try in vain
to shoot the monkeys with their rifles. Finally, they ask Satornino to help, and he
immediately kills two of them with two shots from his bola2. They all head back
to town and recount the story to the mayor, and then to Satornino's wife.
The second story was told by Sr. Camilo Miguel Sánchez, who translated
it on the fly from a Spanish children's story. It is called 'The Two-Legged One'
(tape ZOH1R26). This story is about a little spotted jaguar, who goes forth into
the jungle to seek his own prey. He is searching for the Two-Legged One, a
creature that he has only heard about and desires to confront to prove his prowess
as a hunter. He encounters several animals along the way, whom he questions,
kills, and eats. Finally, he meets a man - the Two-Legged One. They agree to a
duel, and count off the paces. The little jaguar turns and leaps at the man, who
pulls out his gun and shoots him. The little jaguar manages to return to his
mother, but then he dies.
The third text was narrated by Sra. Teófila Sánchez Morales (Sr.
Sánchez's sister). It is called 'A Housewife's Day' (tape ZOH1R53), and is an
account of her daily routine. She begins by describing her husband's work -
2 This is a rope with a leather pocket at the end used for hurling rocks. Bolas are still used today
to chase birds out of the cornfield.
370
clearing a planting a chayote3 field. Then she details her work: grinding corn,
preparing food, washing clothes, tending her children, etc.
The last text was narrated by Sr. Omobono Sánchez Miguel4, a local
practioner of traditional medicine. The title of this text is 'The Appearance of
Santa Juanita' (tape ZOH1R32). It tells the story of how he found his patron
saint, Santa Juanita de los Arcos, from whom his gift as a healer derives. He was
working on the crew that built the road up to San Miguel (sometime in the early
1960's), when he was assigned to work on a hillside not far from town. He pried
loose a large boulder, and there behind it was a small hole, with the plaster figure
of Santa Juanita tucked inside. This was indeed a great miracle, and he brought
the saint home and began to celebrate her fiesta every year. She taught him the
healing arts, and people would come from all around to be cured by her powers.
The first two texts are third person narratives, and consist chiefly of the
main character moving from place to place and talking with other characters. The
central action of the story - the killing of the monkeys or the finding of the two-
legged one - is repeated in dialog several times. All stages of motion are
mentioned, typically following the pattern of plan ("let's go"), movement (they
went), and completion (they arrived). Dialog constitutes the bulk of a third
person narrative.
The second two texts are first person narratives, and contain little or no
dialog. Since these are accounts of daily events or things that happened (usually
3Known in English as a 'mirleton', this is a mildly-flavored squash-like vegetable.

4The astute reader will have noticed that everyone seems to have similar last names. This is
because they are all cousins, of some degree or another. Since Sr. Sánchez arranged our taping
consultations, we tended to work with his neighbors and relatives.
371
at home) in the past, there is less description of the movements of the main
character (the narrator). There is more discussion of plans and results: "I wait for
my children to come home from school so I can feed them".
14.2. Word order and the presentation of information
Core arguments are marked on the verb in MIG Zoque (section 6.1), so
noun phrases that cross-reference these arguments are syntactically optional.
(Henceforth I will refer to such noun phrases as 'overt NPs'.) Thus, many clauses
in a Zoque text have no overt NPs whatsoever, and many more have fewer than
the valency of the verb allows (only the object of a transitive verb, for example).
When overt NPs do appear, their order with respect to one another and to the verb
is free, except that when there is a possibility of confusion the subject must
precede the object (section 6.4).
In this section, I will give some statistics based on the four texts described
above, identifying the types of clauses and numbers of arguments that appear in
various possible orders. I will also examine the presentation of new and given
information in each of the four texts more closely, discussing the patterns of
usage that appear.
14.2.1. Clauses by type
For the purposes of this chapter I identified four types of clauses:
transitive, intransitive, existential, and speaking. I lump verbs that allow two or
more arguments together into the transitive class, since there are very rarely more
372
than two overt NPs in any clause. Intransitive verbs allow one argument.
Existential clauses in MIG Zoque have no verb on which to mark arguments, so
the subject and predicate NPs appear overtly by necessity. They do not therefore
figure in to calculations of word order or number of overt arguments.

The speaking verbs n´m-, 'to say', and n´m.hay- (say.APPL), 'to say to
someone', are singled out because their behavior is somewhat different from that
of other verbs, including other verbs of speaking (such as cam.hay- (tell.APPL),
'to tell someone', commonly used to introduce a story). The n´m- verbs are used
to introduce dialog, which, as mentioned above, often carries the bulk of a third
person narrative. They may appear twice, bracketing a single quoted clause.
(14.1)
/ý n´mhayy´ ke bwen soldadu mis& ciw´
/ý+ n´m.hay-w´ ke bwen soldadu mis&+ ci/-w´
3E+ say.APPL-COM that good soldier 2>1+ give-COM
/ý n´mhayy´
/ý+ n´m.hay-w´
3E+ say.APPL-COM
'He said to him, "What a good soldier you gave us", he said to him.
(ZOH1R11 080)
n´m- verbs don't obey the same rules for aspect as other verbs. Normally,
the aspect of a verb is directly related to the factual temporal character of the
event described: completive if the event is over and done with, incompletive if it
is on-going. There are other factors, such as the use of the incompletive in a
narrative set in the past to create a more vivid enactment of events, but generally,
choice of aspect obeys orderly discourse rules. The use of n´m-, however, seems
373
to lie outside this orderly domain, alternating between incompletive and
completive with no discernible pattern. The two clauses shown in (14.2) are
consecutive in the text. The first 'he' refers to the lieutenant, who has not yet been
specifically introduced, but whose presence can be inferred from the fact that a
group of soldiers (who have been mentioned) must have a leader. The mysterious
aspect alternation shown in these two examples continues throughout the
narrative.
(14.2)
(i) n´mpa ke cawi /ý t´s&ukpa /une cawi pwes
0 n´m-pa ke cawi/ /ý+ t´/-s&uk-pa /une/ cawi/ pwes
3A say-INC that monkey 3E+ want-3PL-INC baby monkey well
'He says that they want monkeys, well, baby monkeys.' (ZOH1R11 005)
(ii) /entonses n´mm´ hus&tis&a

/entonses 0 n´m-w´ hus&tis&a
then 3A say-COM mayor
/i /iw´ n´kpay yakwinwitus&ukk´ camkuyho/

/i /iw´ n´k-pa /ý+ yak.win.witu/-s&uk-w´ camkuy/+ho/
and who go-INC 3E+ CAUS.FACE.return-3PL-COM jungle+LOC2
'Then the mayor said, "And who will go guide them into the jungle?"'
(ZOH1R11 006)
Finally, the syntax of n´m- clauses is nearly invariant. When the speaker
is explicitly mentioned, the order is VSO. The object, which is the quoted
expression, always appears, and it always appears after the verb5.
5 Terrence Kaufman notes that in Epi-Olmec the order of such expressions was S V quote.
374
Table 14.1 gives the number of each of the four types of clauses and the
percentage of the total for each type. These numbers include all four texts.
Number Percentage
Transitive 440 61.5
Intransitive 173 24.2
Existential 54 7.6
Speaking 48 6.7
Total 715 100
Table 14.1: Number of clauses
The vast majority of clauses, not surprisingly, are transitive or intransitive
(86.7%). The remainder of this section will be concerned only with these clauses.
375
14.2.2. Intransitive clauses
We'll look first at intransitive clauses, the simpler case. Table 14.2
divides the set of intransitive clauses into those with no argument, those with a
subject (almost always an actor - there are very few passive verbs in these texts),
imperatives, and verbs that are intransitive because the object was incorporated.
Number Percentage
0 arguments 105 60.7
Subject 56 32.4
Imperative 6 3.5
Incorporated object 6 3.5
Total 173 100
Table 14.2: Intransitive clauses
Imperatives, of course, imply a second-person subject, which is rarely
overtly mentioned. Clauses with incorporated objects never appear with overt NP
subjects in these four texts. Incorporating the object serves to generalize the
activity denoted by the verb+object construction, de-emphasizing the patient
argument.
(14.3)
(i) nas&tahtampa@m
(d´+) nas&=tah-tam-pa+/am
(1A+) earth=dig-1/2PL-INC+NOW
'Now we're digging the dirt.' (ZOH1R32 017)
376
(ii) tihhń cawime/ctame
tih-w´ /ń+ cawi/=me/c-tam-E
go&return-COM 1E+ monkey=look_for-1/2PL-dCOM
'We went monkey-hunting.' (ZOH1R11 102)
The vast majority of intransitive clauses have no overt NP argument.
Most intransitive verbs in texts are verbs of motion, indicating the movements of
the principal characters in the story. In 'The Two-Legged One', for example, the
movement of the little spotted jaguar around the forest in search of his nemesis is
the principal theme of the story, and his motion forward is mentioned repeatedly.
The extract shown in (14.4) is a part of the basic frame of this story, repeated after
every encounter with a new animal.
(14.4)
n´kke/tt´
0 n´k.ke/t-w´
3A go.REPET-COM
'He went again.' (ZOH1R26 058)
tuNNaw´ /ý n´ki

tuN./a-w´ /ý+ n´k.E
road.VERS1-COM 3E+ go.dCOM
'He went walking along.' (ZOH1R26 059)
The listener certainly knows that it isn't the bird that was just killed and
eaten who is walking along, so it isn't necessary to mention the little jaguar
explicitly in these clauses. In first person narratives, the subject is unambiguously
marked on the verb, so when the first person pronoun is used, I count it as an
377
overt NP6. It normally appears before the verb, as do pronouns in second and
third person.
(14.5)
para ke d´s& d´ yos&pa
para ke d´s& d´+ yos&-pa
for that 1Prn 1A+ work-INC
'So that I could work' (ZOH1R32 085)
When an overt NP subject does appear, it appears slightly more frequently
after the verb than before it, as shown in table 14.3.
Number Percentage
SV 25 44.6
VS 31 55.4
Total (of intransitives) 56 100
Table 14.3: Word order in intransitive clauses
6 My sense is that the use of the first person pronoun is somewhat emphatic, since it is, strictly
speaking, redundant, but that it is not as markedly emphatic as the use of the first person pronoun
in a similar Spanish sentence. This judgement is based on the observation that first person
pronouns appear more frequently in Zoque texts than in Spanish conversations.
378
When a discourse entity is first mentioned in an intransitive clause, it is
most likely to appear after the verb. This is true regardless of whether or not the
entity is human, inanimate, or an abstraction, such as a unit of time.
(14.6)
(i) minn´ bi /apupń
0 min-w´ bi /apu/=pń
3A come-COM DEF old=man
'The old man came.' (ZOH1R32 007)
(ii) hayke/tt´ /otro s&epe

0 hay.ke/t-w´ /otro s&epe
3A delay.REPET-COM another month
'Another month went by.' (ZOH1R32 011)
(iii) toyhaypay kopak

0 toy.hay-pa /ý+ kopak
3A hurt.APPL-COM 3E+ head
'His head hurts.' (ZOH1R32 108)
(iv) kwando ya gay minpam bi weltu

kwando ya gay 0 min-pa+/am bi weltu
when now then 3A come-INC+NOW DEF money
'When now the money is coming' (ZOH1R32 047)
A common pattern used when introducing a new discourse entity is to
present a pair of clauses: in the first, the new information follows the verb; in the
second, the clause is essentially repeated, but with the now known information
preceding the verb (14.7 i-ii). This pattern is also used when the first clause is
transitive, and the new entity is the object of the transitive verb. Examples iii-iv
are Sra. Sánchez's answer to the question "How many children do you have?"
379
(14.7)
(i) /entonse ye/cc´ soldaod´kka
/entonse 0 ye/c-w´ soldao+d´kka
then 3A arrive-COM soldier+NPL
'Then the soldiers arrived.' (ZOH1R11 002)
(ii) /entonse y´/ soldaod´kka ye/c&ukk´

/entonse y´/ soldao+d´kka 0 ye/c-s&uk-w´
then this soldier+NPL 3A arrive-3PL-COM
'Then these soldiers arrived.' (ZOH1R11 004)
(iii) /ń p´w´ /este tuhta@N

/ń+ p´/-w´ /este tuhtaaN
1E+ bear-COM um six
'I bore, um, six.' (ZOH1R53 038)
(iv) h´ tuhta@N hehpa

h´/ tuhtaaN 0 heh-pa
yes six 3A live-INC
'Yes, six living.' (ZOH1R53 039)
14.2.3. Transitive clauses
Transitive clauses allow two arguments: an agent and a patient. There are
also some verb roots, like ci/-, 'to give', that allow a third argument (a recipient),
and several valency-increasing affixes that add a recipient, benefactor, or causer.

Since the overt mention of any third argument is extremely rare (0.7% of
transitive clauses) , I counted trivalent clauses in with the simple transitives.
Table 14.4 shows the distribution of overt NPs in transitive clauses. The
percentage given refers to the total number of transitive clauses. The term Dative
subsumes all the roles of the third argument - recipient, benefactor, etc. In
380
imperative clauses the subject is known to be the second person, so these are
counted separately.
Number Percentage
0 arguments 94 21.4
Subject only 21 4.8
Object only 130 29.5
Subject & Object 18 4.1
Dative (third argument) 3 0.7
Imperative w/Object 4 0.9
Total 440 100
Table 14.4: Transitive clauses
The most frequent type of clause includes an overt object NP (29.5%);
subjects are infrequently mentioned (4.8%). This makes sense, given that there
tend to be few characters in these stories, and the principal characters are usually
introduced with an intransitive (motion) verb. Objects provide the details of a
story: props, weapons, opponents, etc.
(14.8)
(i) /entonse y´/ soldadd´kka ye/c&ukk´
/entonse y´/ soldado+d´kka 0 ye/c-s&uk-w´
then this soldier+NPL 3A arrive-3PL-COM
'Then these soldiers arrived.' (ZOH1R11 004)
381
(ii) n´mpa ke cawi /ý t´s&ukpa /unecawi pwes
0 n´m-pa ke cawi/ /ý+ t´/-s&uk-pa /une/=cawi/ pwes
3A say-INC that monkey 3E+ want-3PL-INC child=monkey well
'He says that monkeys, well, they want some baby monkeys.'
(ZOH1R11 005)
(iii) n´kw´ bi /u:nkahaN

0 n´k-w´ bi /une/=kahaN
3A go-COM DEF child=jaguar
'The little jaguar went.' (ZOH1R26 041)
(iv) winho@N /ý pa/tt´ bi má/

winhooN /ý+ pa/t-w´ bi má/
in_front 3E+ find-COM DEF deer
'Up ahead he met a deer.' (ZOH1R26 043)
The next most frequent type of transitive clause has no overt NPs (21.4%).
Once a discourse entity is known, it doesn't need to be repeated explicitly unless
some other object intervenes. Also, in dialog, first and second person entities are
unambiguously referenced by the pronominal agreement markers on the verb, so
independent pronouns are not necessary. The examples in (14.9) are taken from
'The Two-Legged One'. The little jaguar meets a bird (a two-legged creature) on
line 063, and converses with it. The bird NP appears again in line 067, in one of
the few explicit mentions of a dative argument found in these texts. They
continue to talk, and no other entities appear on the scene, so that the transitive
clauses without overt object NPs in lines 075 and 076 are unambiguous. This
section of the tale is closed with a final mention of the bird NP in line 078. The
fact that this explicit mention is unnecessary for interpretation suggests that it has
382
an aesthetic purpose, that of marking the conclusion of an episode within the
story.
(14.9)
(i) winho@N /ý pa/tt´ bi cńhon
winhooN /ý+ pa/t-w´ bi cń=hon
in_front 3E+ find-COM DEF sit=bird
'Up ahead he met a bird.' (ZOH1R26 063)
(ii) "mis& /´m n´hi kacit/ok" /ý n´mhaba

mis& /´m+ n´hi/ kacit/ok /ý+ n´m.hay-pa
2Prn 2E+ name hunter 3E+ say.APPL-INC
bi cikin kahaN bi cńhon

bi cikin kahaN bi cńhon
DEF spotted jaguar DEF bird
'"Your name is 'hunter",said the spotted jaguar to the bird.'(ZOH1R26
067)
(iii) dey ke mis& pa/tta@m mis& k´s&pa

dey ke mis&+ pa/t-w´+/am mis&+ k´s&-pa
now that 1>2+ find-COM+NOW 1>2+ eat-INC
'"Now that I've met you, I'll eat you."' (ZOH1R26
075)
(iv) /ý caNkage/tt´

/ý+ caN=ka/.ke/t-w´
3E+ hit_w_fist=kill.REPET-COM
'He killed it with a blow.' (ZOH1R26 077)
(v) /ý k´s&s&´ bi hon

/ý+ k´s&-w´ bi hon
3E+ eat-COM DEF bird
'He ate the bird.' (ZOH1R26 078)
383
The vast majority of overt object NPs appear after the verb (83.8%), as
shown in table 14.5. This supports the idea that the post-verbal slot is the
preferred position for introducing new information (or re-newed information, as I
believe is the case in examples 14.9 (ii) and (v), above).
Number Percentage
OV 21 16.2
VO 109 83.8
Total 130 100
Table 14.5: Transitive clauses with only an overt object NP
The only case of an overt object preceding the verb in 'The Two-Legged
One' occurs on line 134; notably, this object is a relative clause - a heavy NP.
Similarly, in 'The Appearance of Santa Juanita', only clausal object NPs precede
the verb (14.10 ii).
(14.10)
(i) mis& n´mhayy´@/ came yan y´kt´/ý
mis& n´m.hay-w´+V/k cam.E ya /ń+ y´k.t´/./ý-A
2>1+ say.APPL-COM+REL tell.NOM3 NEG 1E+ INSTR2.want.SUF-nINC
'The words you told me, I didn't believe.' (ZOH1R26 134)
(ii) hemhi ded´ grande milagro /ý /aNnitpa@/ d´ cipa

hemhi ded´ grande milagro /ý+ /aNnit-pa+V/k d´+ ci/-pa
all that great miracle 3E+ have-INC+REL 1A+ give-INC
'All that great miracle that she has, she gives to me.' (ZOH1R32 092-3)
384
Sr. Sánchez places the object NP before the verb for rhetorical effect, in
two sets of parallel clauses. The first (14.11 i) is the narrator's account of the
dramatic peak of the story, when Satornino shoots two monkeys down from the
trees with his little bola. The second set (ii) appears in the lieutenant's recounting
of this event in the mayor's office. Placing the object before the verb highlights it;
using three such clauses in a parallel series highlights the whole scene.
(14.11)
(i) /otro /ý ciw´ de gahi
/otro /ý+ ci/-w´ de gahi
another 3E+ give-COM from there
'He hit another one (down) from there.' (ZOH1R11 070)
mecaN /o:kcawi /ý yakkaw´

mecaN /oko=cawi/ /ý+ yak.ka/-w´
two old_woman=monkey 3E+ CAUS.die-COM
/i mecaN /une /ý p´kmins&ukk´

/i mecaN /une/ /ý+ p´k=min-s&uk-w´
and two child 3E+ get=come-3PL-COM
'Two mother monkeys he killed, and two babies they brought.'
(ZOH1R11 071)
385
(iii) /in kambyo de/ mecaN poN /ý ciw´
/in kambyo de/ mecaN poN /ý+ ci/-w´
in change that two time 3E+ hit-COM
/i mecaN cawi /ý yakkaw´

/i mecaN cawi/ /ý+ yak.ka/-w´
and two monkey 3E+ CAUS.die-COM
/i dey mecaN /une /ń p´kmintamm´

/i dey mecaN /une/ /ń+ p´k=min-tam-w´
and now two child 1E+ get=come-1/2PL-COM
'In contrast that one, two times he shot, and two monkeys he killed,
and two babies we brought back.' (ZOH1R11 087-8)
Transitive clauses with only an overt subject NP are infrequent (only 4.8%
of all transitive clauses). When overt subjects do appear, they most frequently
appear before the verb, as shown in table 14.6.
Number Percentage
SV 17 81
VS 4 19
Total 21 100
Table 14.6: Transitive clauses with only an overt subject NP
As noted earlier, independent subject pronouns typically precede the verb.
This conforms nicely with the principal that new information follows the verb and
old information precedes it, since an independent subject pronoun just repeats the
information encoded on the verb by the agreement marker.
386
(14.12)
(i) pwes dey d´s&s&ń /is&pa hunaN d´ ha:mp´/tpa
pwes dey d´s& /ń+ /is&-pa hunaN d´+ hama=p´/t-pa
well now 1Prn 1E+ see-INC how 1A+ day=pass-INC
'Well, now I'll see how I'm going to get through the day.' (ZOH1R53 047)
(ii) kay ga n´kpay ma/ýy´ /itiho/

kay ga/ n´k-pa /ý+ ma/.ý-w´ /iti/+ho/
then that go-INC 3E+ sale.VERS2-COM town+LOC2
'Then she (a daughter) will go selling (fruit) in the town.' (ZOH1R53 035)
Pronouns account for the vast majority of overt subject NPs in transitive
clauses, particularly when the object is not also mentioned (see below). Other
kinds of NPs tend to appear in speaking clauses that use verbs other than n´m-
(which I counted separately). An example of this usage is shown in (14.13 i). In
verbs of speaking and perception, the preferred position for the subject is after the
verb, regardless of its newness as information. In the next example (ii-iii), the
discourse entity "the people" is introduced in a VSO clause on line 0447. The
subsequent stretch of texts details the complaints that people may bring to the
saint for curing, with no further explicit mention of "the people". The discourse
entity is then refreshed on line 059, with the NP positioned before the transitive
verb. The next section is topically different: now Sr. Omobono Sánchez Miguel
describes the planning for the saint's fiesta and all the fine things the people do to
celebrate her miracles.
7 I count an NP that appears between the auxiliary and the main verb as an instance of VS order,
to distinguish it from cases in which the NP precedes the whole auxiliary phrase.
387
(14.13)
(i) n´/tti /ý /aNcoNNýy´ bi cńhon
n´/tti /ý+ /aN.coN./ý-w´ bi cńhon
no 3E+ MOUTH.join.SUF-COM DEF bird
'"No", the bird answered him.' (ZOH1R26
068)
(ii) kay minpam bi hented´kkay /is&s&ukk´ bi santu

(iii) /i gahi@N gay bi hented´kkay /ý me/c&ukpa@m

/i gahiiN gay bi hente+d´kkay /ý+ me/c-s&uk-pa+/am
and thence then DEF people+NPL 3E+ look_for-3PL-INC+NOW
'And from there now the people seek her out.' (ZOH1R32 059)
Transitive clauses with both subject and object NPs are quite rare - only
4.1% of all transitive clauses. Table 14.7 shows the relative frequency of the
possible orderings of these NPs with respect to the verb8.
Number Percentage
SOV 3 16.7
SVO 11 61.1
VSO 4 22.2
Total 18 100
8 Technically, it is grammatical for object NPs to precede subjects when there is no possibility of
confusing the roles, such as when the object is inanimate and the verb requires an animate agent.
I elicited positive grammaticality judgements for examples of this kind (see Appendix F), but they
don't seem to appear in the texts. (I haven't made an exhaustive search for them.)
388
Table 14.7: Transitive clauses with both subject and object NPs
SVO order is the most frequent in this category, with 61.1% of transitive
clauses with both subject and object NPs appearing in this order. It is reasonable
to suppose that the preference for SV order when only subject NPs appear and
VO order when there is only an object NP is a reflection of this same preferred
pattern. Again, in many of these the subject NP is a pronoun, as shown in (14.14

i). Example (ii) is the climax of 'The Two-Legged One', when the little jaguar
finally has his showdown with the hunter, who shoots him fatally.
(14.14)
(i) /i d´s&s&ń cipa bi /ayd´kkay
/i d´s& /ń+ ci/-pa bi /ay/+d´kkay
and 1Prn 1E+ give-INC DEF leaf+NPL
'And I will give him the herbs.' (ZOH1R32 153)

bi mecaN maNkuy/+p´/k /ý+ hup=wanak-w´ /ý+ tuhkuy/
DEF two foot+REL 3E+ pull=go_down-COM 3E+ gun
There are only three examples of SOV clauses in this sub-corpus. Two of
them appear in 'Satornino and the Soldiers', where I believe Sr. Sánchez is again
fronting the object NPs for rhetorical effect. It appears to be part of his
performance of the pompous style of speech adopted by the two authority figures
in the story, the mayor and the lieutenant. The example in (14.15) occurs during
the lieutenant's retelling of the main events of the story. Note that the object NP
is repeated after the verb as well.
389
390
(14.15)
porke y´ /ń p´ktihtamm´@
porke y´/ /ń+ p´k=tih-tam-w´+V/k
because this 1E+ get=go&return-COM+REL
de meci /ý yakkaw´ bi /okcawi

de/ meci/ /ý+ yak.ka/-w´ bi /okcawi/
that both 3E+ CAUS.die-COM DEF mother_monkey
'Because that one that we brought, he killed them both,
the mother monkeys.' (ZOH1R11 081)
There are only four VSO clauses in this set of texts. Three of them are
verbs of speaking or seeing, illustrated in (14.16 i). The other is part of the most
dramatic section of 'Satornino and the Soldiers', and I assume this unusual order
was used to heighten the excitement of the scene. (This is the scene in which the
soldiers repeatedly miss their targets, with mounting frustration on the part of the
lieutenant.)
(14.16)
(i) yakk´ /is&s&ukka@m gad´kka ti bi c´ks&ukpa
yakk´ /ý+ /is&-s&uk-w´+/am ga+d´kka ti bi c´k-s&uk-pa
VOL 3E+ see-3PL-COM+NOW that+NPL what DEF do-3PL-INC
'Now let them see what it is that they will do.' (ZOH1R11 111)
(ii) /ý p´kk´ tenyentey tuhkuy/

/ý+ p´k-w´ tenyente /ý+ tuh.kuy/
3E+ get-COM lieutenant 3E+ shoot.INSTR1
'The lieutenant grabbed his rifle.' (ZOH1R11 047)
391
Interrogative pronouns, whether subjects (14.14 i) or objects (ii), always
appear at the beginning of their clauses.
(14.17)
(i) /entonses n´mm´ hus&tis&a
/entonses 0 n´m-w´ hus&tis&a
then 3A say-COM mayor
/i /iw´ n´kpay yakwinwitus&ukk´

/i /iw´ n´k-pa /ý+ yak.win.witu/-s&uk-w´
and who go-INC 3E+ CAUS.FACE.return-3PL-dINC
'Then the mayor said, "And who will go guide them?"' (ZOH1R11 006)
(ii) tin c´khaban n´pin/

ti /ń+ c´k.hay-pa /ń+ n´pin/
what 1E+ do.APPL-INC 1E+ blood
'What will I do for my blood?' (ZOH1R32
152)
Dative arguments are rarely mentioned in overt NPs: there are only three
such clauses in these texts. This argument is usually the one being spoken to, and
is thus easily inferred from the context. When an overt third argument does
appear, it generally appears directly after the verb.
(14.18)
(i) /ý ce/kcoNN´ /ý santu milagru
/ý+ ce/k=coN-w´ /ý+ santu milagru
3E+ ask=join-COM 3E+ saint miracle
'They asked their saint for a miracle.' (ZOH1R32 075)
392
14.3. Discourse markers
Schiffrin (1987) defines discourse markers as "sequentially dependent
elements that bracket units of talk", which can be understand as including whole
narrative texts, as well as bits of dialog inside such texts. MIG Zoque discourse
markers can be divided into three sub-classes: sequencing terms, which are
mostly variants of 'then' or 'thence'; markers that appear only in dialog; and
narrative beginners and enders. These sets are shown in table 14.8.
This section will look at each of the sub-classes in turn, attempting to
distinguish among their members and to provide a general characterization of
their use in narrative. There is some overlap among the classes; for example,
bweno is both a narration beginner and a turn-taking marker in dialog. There is
also some individual variation in the choice of markers, particularly from the
many members of the sequencing set; for example, Sr. Omobono Sánchez Miguel
is the only speaker who uses gahi@N, 'thence', regularly. I will draw on texts from
the whole corpus for the description in this section.
393
dey now; then (DCT2.TMP) ya; entonces (DCT2.TMP)
gay (kay) now; then (DCT3.TMP) ya; entonces (DCT3.TMP)
gahi@N thence (DCT3.DIR2) de ahí (DCT3.DIR2)
de gahi thence (of DCT3.DIR1) de ahí (de DCT3.DIR1)
/entonses9 then entonces
/adyo then; later entonces; luego
mas cuhiam later luego
bweno OK bueno
de/s&e de/ that's that así es
ga/s&e ga/ that's that that's that
pwes well pues

h´/ yes sí
n´/tti no no
Table 14.8: Discourse markers
14.3.1. Sequencing markers
There are many ways to say 'then', 'thence', and 'later' in MIG Zoque, with
some subtle differences in the use of the various options in structuring a narrative.
The first two in the list are the temporal adverbs formed from the deictic bases:
9This word has many variant forms: /entonse, /enton, /anto, etc. The most common is
probably /entonse.
394
dey and gay (kay utterance-initially), the neutral and distal forms, respectively10.
Both of these are used for sequencing events within the narrative - not for
structuring sections of the narrative itself. The distal gay places an event in a
narrative time that is more distant from the present time of narration, while the
neutral dey refers to a time somewhat closer to the present. Since stories often
begin at the beginning of an important event, such as the finding of Santa Juanita,
and continue up to the recent past, there is often a preponderance of gay's at the
beginning of a narrative that are gradually displaced by dey's as the story
approaches the present. Sr. Sánchez makes particularly skillful use of the contrast
in 'Satornino and the Soldiers'. The examples in (14.19) come from the end of the
narrative, and provide a clear illustration. Satornino has just told his wife about
the events of the day. He told her that he took some soldiers monkey-hunting,
that they were unable to shoot any but that he shot two down with his bola. She
asks if they paid him, and he assures her that they did. In example (i), she is
asking him what happened next in the story - what did the soldiers do after they
paid Satornino. His reply (ii) refers to that past time: they stayed at the mayor's.
In (iii), he brings his story-within-a-story up to the present, saying that now he is
back, and now they can see what they will do with themselves (he doesn't know
or care). Example (iv) also shows the use of proximal yey to refer to the near
future, contrasting with the present time reference of dey.
10 yey, the proximal temporal adverb, means 'right away' or 'soon', and is only used in dialog:
/entonse yey d´ witupa n´mm´ satornino
/entonse yey d´+ witu/-pa 0 n´m-w´ satornino
then now 1A+ return-INC 3A say-COM satornino
'Then, "I'll be right back", said Satornino.' (ZOH1R11 018)
395
(14.19)
(i) pwes /i kay
pwes /i kay
well and then
'"Well, and then?"' (ZOH1R11 109)
(ii) pwes kay hus&tis&a/aNhi cakk´ms&ukk´

pwes kay hus&tis&a+/aNhi/ 0 cak./´m-s&uk-w´
well then mayor+LOC3 3A leave.PASS-3PL-COM
'"Well, then they stayed at the mayor's."' (ZOH1R11 110)
(iii) /i dey d´ minna@m

/i dey d´+ min-w´+/am
and now 1A+ come-COM+NOW
'"And now I've come back."' (ZOH1R11 113)
(iv) tey yakk´ /is&s&ukka@m hu/ si n´kpa yey /o hohi

tey yakk´ /ý+ /is&-s&uk-w´+/am hu/ si 0 n´k-pa yey /o hohi
now VOL 3E+ see-3PL-COM+NOW where if 3E go-INC now or tomorrow
'"Now let them see where, if they go right away or tomorrow."'
(ZOH1R11 114)
The neutral dey is also used to refer to the recent past in dialog, where it
necessarily refers to the time of the story, rather than the time of narration. In the
following pair of examples, gay places the event in the remote past - the time
when the little jaguar finally meets the two-legged one. In the subsequent bits of
dialog, dey refers to the immediate past (ii) and the immediate future (iii), nicely
illustrating the flexibility of the neutral deictic. I'm not sure why he doesn't use
yey, the proximal form, in (iii): perhaps because the jaguar doesn't, in fact, eat the
man?
396
(14.20)
(i) mas winho@N gay pa/tta@m bi mecaN maNkuyp´/k
mas winhooN gay /ý+ pa/t-w´+/am bi mecaaN maNkuy+p´/k
more in_front then 3E+ find-COM+NOW DEF two foot+REL
'Farther ahead then he has found the two-legged one.' (ZOH1R26 094)
(ii) /a pwes dey ke mis& pa/tta@m

/a pwes dey ke mis&+ pa/t-w´+/am
ah well now that 1>2+ find-COM+NOW
'"Ah, well, now that I've found you," (ZOH1R26 100)
(iii) dey tehi ke mis& k´s&s&´

dey tehi ke mis&+ k´s&-w´
now there_is11 that 1>2+ eat-dINC
'now I'll have to eat you."' (ZOH1R26 101)
The next five words in table 14.8 are used to sequence sections of
narrative. They are more or less interchangeable, and the choice seems to be a
matter of personal taste. All speakers use /entonses, 'then', which is the most
frequent choice from this set. Sr. Omobono Sánchez Miguel is the only speaker
who regularly uses gahi@N, 'thence' (literally 'from there', DCT3.DIR2). All the
speakers use de gahi, 'thence' (also literally 'from there', and a calque on the
Spanish de ahí). Most speakers use /adyo, 'later', but mas cuhiam ('more
night.LOC1.NOM1.NOW') appears only once, in Sr. Sánchez Miguel's 'The
Appearance of Santa Juanita', and I believe it was prompted by his desire to speak
the purest Zoque for the tape recorder and the alert ears of Sr. Sánchez Morales.
11 Sr. Camilo Miguel Sánchez is the only speaker that uses this construction: tehi ke V, 'have to
V'. I believe it is a consequence of the fact that he is translating from a Spanish story as he
speaks.
397
These markers appear only at the beginnings of clauses, whereas dey and
gay always appear closer to the verbs they modify; that is, inside locatives or
other discourse markers. They can even appear in the same clause, demonstrating
clearly that they perform different functions. In the example in (14.21), gay is
locating the event of seeking in the remote past of the narrative (this sentence
comes from the beginning of the text). Note that the clause is in the incompletive:
the time is years ago (probably in the mid-1960's), but the event is one that is
ongoing with respect to the surrounding story. The gahi@N is used to mark a
transition in the narrative. Sr. Sánchez Miguel has just been describing the curing
miracles that Santa Juanita performs, and is now starting a section describing her
fiesta.
(14.21)
/i gahi@N gay bi hented´kkay /ý me/c&ukpa@m
/i gahiiN gay bi hente+d´kkay /ý+ me/c-s&uk-pa+/am
and thence then DEF people+NPL 3E+ look_for-3PL-INC+NOW
'And from there now the people seek her out.' (ZOH1R32 059)
Sr. Sánchez Morales uses /entonses as a scene-divider in 'Satornino and
the Soldiers'. Its general function is to bring characters onto the scene, and to
signal a change in speaker.
(14.22)
(i) /anto ye/cc´ witupa pwes bi satornino
/entonses 0 ye/c-w´ 0 witu/-pa pwes bi satornino
then 3A arrive-COM 3A return-INC well DEF satornino
'Then he arrived. Well, that Satornino came back.' (ZOH1R11 020-1)
398
(ii) /entonse n´mpa tenyente ke bwen soldadu pin´k mis&
/entonses 0 n´m-pa tenyente ke bwen soldadu pin´k mis&
then 3A say-INC lieutenant what good soldier CONFAC 2Prn
'Then the lieutenant says, "What a good soldier you would be!"'
(ZOH1R11 072)
/entonses is also frequently used to begin a story. Although it is always
translated ya 'now' in Spanish, a more apt translation in English would be 'once
upon a time'.
(14.23)
(i) /entonse ye/cc´ soldaod´kka
/entonse 0 ye/c-w´ soldado+d´kka
then 3A arrive-COM soldier+NPL
'Once upon a time, some soldiers arrived.' (ZOH1R11 002)
(ii) /entonses ga tum ha:y/une /ý /aNnitpa tum nu/

/entonses ga/ tum haya=/une/ /ý+ /aNnit-pa tum nu/
then that one male=child 3E+ have-INC one dog
'Once upon a time, there was a boy that had a dog.' (ZOH1R46 003)
14.13.2. Discourse markers in dialog
The next set of markers appears only in dialogs. h´/, 'yes', and n´/tti,
'no', signal agreement and disagreement, respectively. Since they always appear
at the beginning of an utterance, they also serve to signal a change of speaker. In
(14.26 i), the lieutenant has just tried to give Satornino a rifle to shoot the
monkeys with. Example (ii) uses bweno to mark a change of speaker and
simultaneously signal agreement or approval of the situation in general. Here, the
lieutenant has just finished his lengthy speech to the mayor, in which he rather
pompously sings Satornino's praises.
399
(14.24)
(i) n´/tti tenyente d´s& tehin tuhkuy/
n´/tti tenyente d´s& tehi./a-pa /ń+ tuhkuy/
no lieutenant 1Prn there_is.VERS1-INC 1E+ weapon
/ń n´mhayy´
/ń+ n´m.hay-w´
1E+ say.APPL-COM
'"No, lieutenant, I have my weapon", he said to him.' (ZOH1R11
057)
(ii) bweno mi tenyente d´s& n´kpa@m

bweno mi tenyente des& n´k-pa+/am
ok my lieutenant 1Prn go-INC+NOW
'"Ok, my lieutenant, I'm going now."' (ZOH1R11 092)
The marker pwes, 'well', ubiquitous in Mexican speech, most commonly
appears in MIG Zoque texts in dialog. An example of this is shown in (14.27 i),
from a portion of the story in which the leader is rallying the men to go and fight
the rebels. This is a normal, garden-variety use of the marker. pwes also appears
in non-dialog portions of texts to signal a description of the internal state of a
character. Example (ii) is from 'Satornino and the Soldiers'. Here, the soldiers
have just tried to shoot the monkeys four times and failed each time. This
passage is spoken very rapidly, all in one breath, expressing the intense frustration
of the lieutenant.
400
(14.25)
(i) pwes picko@/ d´ mintamm´ gahi
pwes picko@/ d´+ min-tam-w´ gahi
well that's_why 1A+ come-1/2PL-COM there
'"Well, that's why we came there."' (ZOH1R24 068)
(ii) /i pwes bi tenyente pwes /aflisyo@n pwes

/i pwes bi tenyente pwes /aflisyo@n pwes
and well DEF lieutenant well affliction well
porke cawi pwes /ý pa/c&ukka@m

porke cawi/ pwes /ý+ pa/t-s&uk-w´+/am
because monkey well 3E+ find-3PL-COM+NOW
/i nyay tuhs&ukk´
/i ni ya /ý+ tuh-s&uk-w´
and nor NEG 3E+ shoot-3PL-COM
'And the lieutenant, well, he's frustrated, well, because the monkeys,
well, they found them but they didn't shoot them.' (ZOH1R11 050)
14.13.3. Beginners and enders
We've just seen the use of /entonses as a story beginner, meaning
something like 'once upon a time.' Speakers often literally begin to speak by
saying either "I'm going to tell you a story about X", or by simply saying bweno,
'ok'. Some speakers also use bweno to restart the narrative after a digression. In
(14.26 ii), Sr. Sánchez is returning to the events in the narrative, after a section of
dialog in which the lieutenant tries to persuade Satornino to join his band of
soldiers. (All the speakers occasionally slip into first person, even when telling a
third-person narrative. This example refers to the group of Satornino and the
soldiers.)
401
(14.26)
(i) bweno matoNtam´
bweno matoN-tam-A/
ok listen-1/2PL-IMPV
'"OK, listen."' (ZOH1R32 001)
(ii) bweno d´ n´ktamm´

bweno d´+ n´k-tam-w´
ok 1A+ go-1/2PL-COM
'Ok, we went.' (ZOH1R11 076)
Many stories end with question about what the main characters will do
next (Sr. Sánchez is particularly fond of this technique). But personal narratives
don't admit this sort of wrap-up, and they are often terminated by saying "Well,
that's that". This expression, shown in (14.27), is formed on the neutral deictic.
The example is the end of 'A Housewife's Day'. Paired with its distal counterpart,
it is a normal way to signal the end of a section of conversation as well.
(Example (ii) is from my memory of such conversations.)
(14.27)
(i) pwes de/s&e de/ tey ya d´ minha ti bi n´mke/tpa
pwes de/s&e de/ tey ya d´+ min.hay-A ti bi n´m.ke/t-pa
well thus that now NEG 1A+ come.APPL-nINC what DEF say.REPET-INC
'"Well, that's that. Now it doesn't come to me what to say next."'
(ZOH1R53 054-5)
(ii) de/s&e de /i ga/s&e ga/

de/s&e de/ /i ga/s&e ga/
thus that and thus that
'That's that and that's that.'
402
Appendix A: The MIG Zoque lexicon
A MIG Zoque lexicon with around 4500 entries can be accessed on-line at
http://www.albany.edu/anthro/maldp/. This database was produced mainly by
me, but significant numbers of entries were made by Terrence Kaufman, and all
entries have been reviewed by him. The primary consultant for the lexicon was
Germán Sánchez Morales, although most of the entries were reviewed with other
speakers.
Lexicons for this and other MesoAmerican languages were developed by
the MesoAmerican Languages Documentation Project using Shoebox 2.0
databases. They are gradually being made available as on-line databases;
currently, those of MIG Zoque and Oluta Mixe (Roberto Zavala Maldonado) are
accessible at the MALDP web site, and the Santa María Chimalapa Zoque lexicon
(Terrence Kaufman) will appear soon.
An entry in the database is composed of many labelled fields, each of
which contains a line of textual information about the lexeme. Many of these
fields can be used as search criteria, in accordance with the instructions on the
web page. Unfortunately, the system requires some prior knowledge of how the
entries are composed and what sorts of information can be found in a given field;
providing that information is the object of this appendix.
Table A.1 gives the complete list of field names and with descriptions of
their contents. Not all of these fields are used in every lexical entry, and some of
402
them are peculiar to my lexicon. Entries are keyed by the lexeme, which is
entered in its underlying form.
403
Field Description
lex The lexeme. The key field of the database.
PSH The phonological shape (surface form) of the lexeme.
UND The underlying morpheme breakdown of a polymorphemic
lexeme.
MB Morpheme-by-morpheme glosses (in Spanish) of the UND field.
VAR Phonological variants of the lexeme.
GRAM The grammatical code of the lexeme.
USE Note about the usage of the lexeme; only used for bound
morphemes.
SPG Spanish translation of the lexeme.
ENG English translation of the lexeme.
SPL A supplemental form, used to determine the grammatical class of
a verb. This will be one of: passive, antipassive, causative,
assumptive, or perseverative.
SLGR The morpheme gloss code of the supplemental form.
SLGL Glosses of the supplemental form: Spanish // English
EXU An example, in underlying morpheme-breakdown form.
XPSH The 'phonological shape' of the example - written as it sounds.
XSP Spanish translation of the example.
XEN English translation of the example.
SYN Synonymous entries.
404
SEMF The semantic code for this root.
ASP The aspectual class of the root.
ARG The role of an argument that is specifically entailed by this root.
NOM Nominalized forms of this root.
SUB Subordinate entries - lexemes with this verb as root.
ETYM Word in the donor language - used for loan words.
ETL Language from which the lexeme was borrowed.
ROOT The root verb for this lexeme.
RTGR The grammatical code of the root: (verbs) T, I, or P.
DSRC Initials of the linguist who collected the data and the year it was
collected.
CMTS Comments - information that didn't fit anywhere else.
DATE Date that the entry was last modified.
Table A.1: Lexical database fields
405
The orthography used in the lexicons is different from that employed in
this grammar. We use an ASCII-compatible orthography to simplify data entry,
and to provide the speaker communities with orthographies that can be used on
typewriters as well. The alphabet is listed at the top of the lexicon's web page, but
some additional notes on the characters used are useful. Characters that may be
unfamiliar are shown in table A.2. @ represents the 'sixth vowel' in the lexical
databases. This is a high mid vowel in the other MZ languages, but a mid mid
vowel in MIG Zoque. So, although I use ´ for this vowel in the grammar, it will
appear as ü in the pretty-printed lexical entries retrieved by the search.
MALDP IPA
@ ´
7 /
nh N
x s&
j h
ch c&
tz c
Table A.2: MALDP orthographic conventions
Lexical entries are written in their underlying forms; that is, the morpheme
breaks are indicated by the appropriate morpheme break symbol. For example,
the entry for /aNkimmoba@/, 'leader', is 7anh=kim.'oy.pa+a7k, essentially the
morpheme breakdown of the word. The character ' is used to indicate a glottal
406
stop that gets deleted or that induces gemination of the preceding consonant, as is
the case with the initial glottal stop of the antipassive suffix 7oy.
Similarly, W is used to indicate a /w/ that induces gemination in the

preceding syllable. Such a W is found in the entry for /aNmayy´@/k, 'student':
7anh=may-W@+V7k (MOUTH.count.COM+REL). Another symbol intended to
provide information about historical connections among these languages is H,
which indicates a glottal fricative that does not appear on the surface in some
languages. These H's never appear on the surface in MIG Zoque, which is why I
don't use them in the morpheme breakdown lines in my examples. An entry with
this symbol is 7anh=kuk.'aH (/aNkukka-, 'to collect').
These orthographic conventions are used in all the fields that represent the
underlying form of the entry: lex, PHO, UND, VAR, and EXU (an example of the
entry's use).
The next field that might of interest as a search term is GRAM, used for a
grammatical code describing the entry. Some of these codes are shown in table
A.3. The codes are based on Spanish words, and may be combined into strings
reflecting the components of the lexical entry. For example, the code sms
indicates a noun (sustantivo) modifying another noun. This is not a constrained
set of items, and thus would be difficult to exploit in a fine-tuned search, but one
could use it to find all the transitive verbs, for example.
407
Code Spanish English
vt verbo transitivo transitive verb
vi verbo intransitivo intransitive verb
s sustantivo noun
av adverbo adverb
a adjectivo adjective
pron pronombre pronoun
indef indefinitivo indefinite
Table A.3: Grammatical codes
Below is the entry for the verb root tŃ-, 'to cut with a machete'. The
lexeme comes first, written as it appear in the lex field of the database. Next is
the grammatical code: vt for verbo transitivo. Then comes the Spanish
translation, followed by the English translation. Next will come the example
sentences, if there are any. If there is more than one example, they will be
numbered. Each example gets four fields: the underlying form (EXU), the surface
form (XPSH), the Spanish translation (XSP) and the English translation (XEN).
Supplemental forms follow the examples. These only appear in the entries for
verb roots, and are the derived forms that were used in classifying those roots: the
antipassive, passive, assumptive, perseverative, and sometimes causative forms.
(Only the antipassive and the assumptive turned out to produce useful
classifications, of T3 and P verbs, respectively.) Next, the root verb of the lexeme
408
is given, indicated with the symbol % and followed by its classification code in
parentheses. The underlying form of the lexeme comes last, written between //.
tünh vt cortar, con una machete o fierro // to cut, with a machete or iron
tool. Ex: 7üy+ tünh.ten-Wü. [7üy tünhtennü]. Lo tiene cortado. // He
had it all cut. Sup: 1 tünh.7oy %tünh (T3). Underlying form: //tünh//.
The semantic field (SEMF) may also be of interest for searches. Entries
for the names of plants and animals use this field to indicate the ethno-biological
group to which the lexeme belongs, such as /okos&, 'shrub', for short leafy plants.
These items can be found by entering EZ or EB in the semantic field box. I have
also used the SEMF field to make a rough lexical categorization of verb roots.
The categories are listed in table A.4. Some roots may belong to more than one
category; for example, caN-, 'to hit with the fist', is categorized as both hit and
hand. /an-, 'to warm by the fire', belongs to all of the categories fire, temp, cook,
and body.
409
spread
animal condition light
aspect cook move temp

bite corn nature touch
body cover perception trade
break emit pick water
build fall pick_up
carry farm plant
catch fire quantity
change hand scrape
clean hit sew
cognitive hunt size
color keep sound
Table A.4: Semantic fields for verb roots
410
Appendix B: MIG Zoque time words
/amint´hi next year el año que viene
/amint´/ year año
/amint´/k last year el año pasado
/aNnamcu/ very early; in the morning muy temprano; en la
mañana
/aNcahi in the evening en la nochecita
/oraytann´/k noon medio día
hama day día
hohi tomorrow mañana
hoypi/t the next day el otro día
maktuk´hi in four days en cuatro días
m´hm´ cuhi/ very late at night muy de noche
neyey in a moment; right away al momento; ahorita
ney kayna/ a long time ago "andenante"; hace rato
t´h´/k yesterday ayer
cayh´/ last night anoche
cu/ night noche
cuhi/ at night de noche
cuhiam afternoon tarde
winho/ first primero
winhoha@/ last time la vez pasada
w´s&t´khi/ the day after tomorrow pasado mañana
s&epe month mes
s&Ńkehan´mm´ it dawned amaneció
yaha/ before antes
yaha/kp´/ the past; antiquity; from anterior; antiguo; de antes
before
yeynam/ in a while; later al rato; despues
y´hama/g´hama today hoy
410
Appendix C: MIG Zoque locatives and directionals
/aka edge orilla
+/aNhi/ LOC3 (at) LOC3 (en)
+/aNh´/ DIR5 (over to where X is) DIR5 (ontal X)
+/aNhńaN DIR6 (over to X) DIR6 (ontal X)
+/aNh´@N DIR7 (over by X) DIR7 (por allá por X)
/aNkecho/ on the side en la ladera
/aNkechonaN along the slope; up the para la ladera
slope
/aNkecho@N down the slope de la ladera
/aNkechńaN at the bottom of the slope abajo de la ladera
/aNk´ outside; under afuera; abajo
/aNk´ho/ outside afuera
/aNk´ho@N outside afuera
/aNpecho/ to the right a la derecha
/aNpecho@N towards the right; to the por la derecha; al lado
right side derecho
/aNtome/ near cerca de
/eyaho@N on one side; elsewhere a un lado; a otro lado
gaha/k wintu/k across the river al otro lado del río
+g´s&i LOC4 (on; over) LOC4 (en; sobre)
+ho/ LOC2 (at; in; to) LOC2 (en; a)
+honaN DIR3 (to; towards) DIR3 (para)
hoNho/ inside adentro
+ho@N DIR4 ((out) from) DIR4 (de)
+hńaN DIR2 (towards) DIR2 (para)
h´mney1 north norte
h´s&ho/ back; behind atrás
h´s&honaN towards the rear para atrás
1This word only appears in the lexicon, in the phrase h´mney tuh, 'rain from the north'. It
contrasts with the expression /oktuh, 'rain from the south.
411
h´s&ho@N behind; from behind atrás; por atrás
h´s&pi/t backwards; inside out al revés
h´s&t´kho@N behind atrá de
kina@N limit - from, up to, over to limite - de, por
kowiti@N around alrededor
kukho/ in the middle; in the en medio; en el centro
center
kukkina@N by half; in half por mitad
k´hi/ down a little ways abajito
k´hiho/ below bajito
k´h´/ under debajo de
k´hńaN down there para allá abajo
k´h´@N under; to/from under debajo; por/de abajo
k´t´kh´/ outside the house near the afuera de la casa
wall; at the edge of the pegado a la pared;
house near the path orilla de la casa cerca
del pasillo
k´t´kh´@N out from under de abajo
k´s&ńaN up there (only in SMC) para arriba (solo en
SMC)
k´s&´@N from up there de allá arriba
neyhu/ somewhere en alguna parte
neyhut´@N wherever dondequiera
caphi over; on top; on the encima; por encima
outside
caph´/ above arriba
caphńaN to up there; on the top side para (allá) arriba; el
lado de arriba
caph´@N from up there de arriba
winho/ in front of adelante; enfrente de
winhonaN front; in front adelante; por adelante
winho@N ahead; from in front por delante; de frente
yakhu/ nowhere en ninguna parte
412
Appendix D: MIG Zoque deictics
y´ DCT1 DCT1
y´d´ this este/a
y´hi here aquí
y´h´ here aquí
y´hńaN towards here por acá/aquí
y´h´@N over here; towards here por aquí
y´hi@N to this point, no farther a este punto no más
yey soon; right now pronto; ahorita
ye/s&e thus; so así
de DCT2 DCT2
ded´ that ese/a
dehi here; there ahí
dehe@N towards there por ahí
dehi@N from there; thence de ahí
dey now; then ahora
ga DCT3 DCT3
gad´ that aquel/la
gaha/ there allá
gahi there allá; ahí
gaha@N over there; from one side por allá; de un lado
gahanaN over there; somewhere else por allá; en otro lado
gahi@N to there (and no further) de ahí (y no más allá)
kay then entonces
413
Appendix E: MIG Zoque numbers
1 tum´
2 meca@N
3 tuwa@N
4 maktas&s&aN
5 mos&s&aN
6 tuhta@N
7 w´s&tuhta@N
8 tuguruhta@N
9 maktuhta@N
10 makkanh
11 maktum´
12 makmeca@N
13 maktuwa@N
14 makmaktas&s&aN
15 makmos&s&aN
16 maktuhta@N
17 makw´s&tuhta@N
18 maktuguruhta@N
19 makmaktuhta@N
20 /i/ps&aN/
21 /i/ps&aN/ tum´
22 /i/ps&aN/ meca@N
23 /i/ps&aN/ tuwa@N
24 /i/ps&aN/ maktas&s&aN
25 /i/ps&aN/ mos&s&aN
26 /i/ps&aN/ tuhta@N
27 /i/ps&aN/ w´s&tuhta@N
28 /i/ps&aN/ tuguruhta@N
29 /i/ps&aN/ maktuhta@N
30 /i/ps&aN/ makkanh
31 /i/ps&aN/ komaktum´
32 /i/ps&aN/ komakmeca@N
414
33 /i/ps&aN/ komaktuwa@N
34 /i/ps&aN/ komakmaktas&s&aN
35 /i/ps&aN/ komakmos&s&aN
36 /i/ps&aN/ komaktuhta@N
37 /i/ps&aN/ komakw´s&tuhta@N
38 /i/ps&aN/ komaktuguruhta@N
39 /i/ps&aN/ komakmaktuhta@N
40 mecaN /i/ps&aN/
41 mecaN /i/ps&aN/ kotum´
60 tuwaN /i/ps&aN/
80 maktas&s&aN /i/ps&aN/
100 mos&s&aN /i/ps&aN/
120 tuhtaN /i/ps&aN/
140 w´s&tuhtaN /i/ps&aN/
160 tuguruhtaN /i/ps&aN/
180 maktuhtaN /i/ps&aN/
200 makkanh /i/ps&aN/
220 maktum /i/ps&aN/
240 makmecaN /i/ps&aN/
260 maktuwaN /i/ps&aN/
280 makmaktas&s&aN /i/ps&aN/
300 makmos&s&aN /i/ps&aN/
415
Appendix F: Word order examples
All of the examples in this appendix were created by me and judged
grammatical by my Zoque consultants.
1. Intransitive verb with Subject NP
bi nu/ moNpa parkeho/

bi nu/ 0 moN-pa parke+ho/
DEF dog 3A sleep-INC park+LOC2
'The dog is sleeping in the park.'
bi nu/ moNpa parkeho/

moNpa parkeho/ bi nu/
moNpa bi nu/ parkeho/
2. Transitive verb with both Subject and Object NPs
When the patient is inanimate, and thus not a plausible candidate for the
subject of the verb, the NPs can appear in any order, as shown in the (a) set of
examples. When both NPs are equally plausible as actors, the actor NP must
precede the patient NP, as shown in the (b) examples.
(a) bi pń /ý tŃN´ bi kuy

bi pń /ý+ tŃ-w´ bi kuy
DEF man 3E+ cut_w_machete-COM DEF wood
'The man cut the wood (with a machete).'
bi pń /ý tŃN´ bi kuy

bi kuy /ý tŃN´ bi pń
bi pń bi kuy /ý tŃN´

bi kuy bi pń /ý tŃN´
416
/ý tŃN´ bi pń bi kuy
/ý tŃN´ bi kuy bi pń
(b) bi nu/ /ý was&s&´ bi mis&tu/

bi nu/ /ý+ was&-w´ bi mis&tu/
DEF dog 3E+ bite-COM DEF cat
'The dog bit the cat.'
bi nu/ /ý was&s&´ bi mis&tu/ Actor = dog

bi mis&tu/ /ý was&s&´ bi nu/ Actor = cat
bi nu/ bi mis&tu/ /ý was&s&´ Actor = dog

bi mis&tu/ bi nu/ /ý was&s&´ Actor = cat
/ý was&s&´ bi nu/ bi mis&tu/ Actor = dog

/ý was&s&´ bi mis&tu/ bi nu/ Actor = cat
3. Transitive verbs with three overt NPs
The three arguments are Actor, Patient, and Dative, a term that covers
recipient, benefactor, or causer roles. Since in these cases the patient is always
inanimate, fixed word order is only required to disambiguate the Actor and Dative
arguments. Actor NPs must precede Dative NPs; Patient NPs can go anywhere.
(I should note that there are very few examples in texts of clauses with an overt
NP for the Dative argument, and even fewer with all three arguments expressed
by NPs.)
(a) bi pń /ý ciw´ bi toto bi yoma@/

bi pń /ý+ ci/-w´ bi toto/ bi yomaa/
DEF man 3E+ give-COM DEF paper DEF woman
'The man gave the letter to the woman.'
417
bi pń /ý ciw´ bi toto bi yoma@/ Actor = man
bi pń /ý ciw´ bi yoma@/ bi toto/ Actor = man
bi pń bi toto /ý ciw´ bi yoma@/ Actor = man
bi pń bi yoma@/ /ý ciw´ bi toto/ Actor = man
bi toto /ý ciw´ bi pń bi yoma@/ Actor = man
bi toto bi pń /ý ciw´ bi yoma@/ Actor = man
bi pń bi toto bi yoma@/ /ý ciw´ Actor = man

bi pń bi yoma@/ bi toto /ý ciw´ Actor = man
bi toto bi pń bi yoma@/ /ý ciw´ Actor = man
/ý ciw´ bi pń bi toto bi yoma@/ Actor = man

/ý ciw´ bi toto bi pń bi yoma@/ Actor = man
/ý ciw´ bi pń bi yoma@/ bi toto/ Actor = man
/ý ciw´ bi toto bi yoma@/ bi pń Actor = woman

/ý ciw´ bi yoma@/ bi pń bi toto/ Actor = woman
/ý ciw´ bi yoma@/ bi toto bi pń Actor = woman
(b) /ý yaktŃN´ bi pń bi ha:y/une bi kuy

/ý+ yak.tŃ-w´ bi pń bi haya=/une/ bi kuy
3E+ CAUS.cut_w_machete=COM DEF man DEF male=child DEF wood
'The man ordered the boy to cut the wood.'
/ý yaktŃN´ bi pń bi ha:y/une bi kuy Actor = man

/ý yaktŃN´ bi pń bi kuy bi ha:y/une Actor = man
/ý yaktŃN´ bi ha:y/une bi pń bi kuy Actor = boy
4. Transitive verb with four overt NPs
This argument structure can arise when the causative is used with a
trivalent root like ci/- 'to give', or when both the causative prefix and the
418
applicative suffix are used. The causer NP must precede the causee NP, which
must precede the recipient NP.
(a) bi hus&tis&a /ý yakciw´ bi pń bi yoma@/ bi toto/

bi hus&tis&a /ý+ yak.ci/-w´ bi pń bi yomaa/ bi toto/
DEF mayor 3E+ CAUS.give-COM DEF man DEF woman DEF paper
'The mayor told the man to give the woman the letter.'
bi hus&tis&a /ý yakciw´ bi pń bi yoma@/ bi toto/

bi hus&tis&a bi pń /ý yakciw´ bi yoma@/ bi toto/
(b) bi hus&tis&a bi pń /ý yakc´khayy´ bi yoma@/ tum t´k

bi hus&tis&a bi pń /ý+ yak.c´k.hay-w´ bi yomaa/ tum t´k
DEF mayor DEF man 3E+ CAUS.do.APPL-COM DEF woman one house
'The mayor told the man to build a house for the woman.'
bi hus&tis&a bi pń /ý yakc´khayy´ bi yoma@/ tum t´k

bi hus&tis&a tum t´k bi pń /ý yakc´khayy´ bi yoma@/
/ý yakc´khayy´ bi hus&tis&a bi pń bi yoma@/tum t´k
419
References
Aissen, Judith L. (1987). Tzotzil Clause Structure. Dordrecht: D. Reidel

Publishing Company.
Aissen, Judith L. (1994) "Tzotzil Auxiliaries." Linguistics, 1994, 32, 4-5(332-
333), 657-690.
Berlin, Brent and Paul Kay. (1969). Basic Color Terms: Their Universality and
Evolution. Stanford, CA: Center for the Study of Language and
Information.
Cambell, Lyle, Terrence Kaufman, and Thomas Smith-Stark. (1986). "Meso-
America as a linguistic area", Language 62:3, pp. 530-570.
Craig, Colette G. (1977). The Structure of Jacaltec. Austin: University of Texas

Press.
Dixon, R.M.W. (1977). A Grammar of Yidi¯. Cambridge: Cambridge University

Press.
Dixon, R.M.W. (1979). "Ergativity", Language 55:1. pp. 59-138.
Dixon, R.M.W. (1994). Ergativity. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Dowty, David. (1979). "Thematic proto-roles and argument selection.", Language

67:3, pp. 547-619.
England, Nora C. (1983). A Grammar of Mam, a Mayan Language. Austin, TX:

University of Texas Press.
Foley, William A. and Mike Olson. (1985). "Clausehood and verb serialization".
In, Johanna Nichols and Anthony C. Woodbury, (eds). Grammar Inside
and Outside the Clause. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. pp. 17-
60.
Grimes, Barbara F., ed. (1992). Ethnologue. Languages of the World. 12th
Edition. Dallas: SIL.
Himes, Valerie. (1997). Multi-Verb Constructions in Sierra Popoluca. M.A.

Thesis, Dept. of Linguistics, University of Pittsburgh.
420
Hinton, Leanne, Johanna Nichols, and John J. Ohala. (1994). Sound Symbolism.
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Johnson, Heidi and Terrence Kaufman. (1997). San Miguel Chimalapa Zoque
Lexicon. An on-line database available at the MesoAmerican Languages
Documentation Project website, http://www.albany.edu/anthro/maldp/ .
Kaufman, Terrence and John S. Justeson. (1993). "A decipherment of Epi-Olmec

hieroglyphic writing." Science 259, March 19, 1993. pp. 1703-1711.
Kaufman, Terrence. (1996). Field notes from the MesoAmerican Languages

Documentation Project. Unpublished collection of manuscripts.
Klaiman, M.H. (1992). "Inverse languages", Lingua 88, pp. 227-261.
Mithun, Marianne. (1984). "The evolution of noun incorporation", Language

60:4, pp. 847-894.
Nichols, Johanna and Anthony C. Woodbury, (eds). (1985). Grammar Inside and
Outside the Clause. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Nichols, Johanna. (1986). "Head-marking and dependent-marking grammar",

Language 62, pp.56-119.
Payne, Doris L. (1987). "Information structuring in Papago narrative discourse",

Language 63:4, pp. 783-804.
Payne, Doris L. and Immanuel Barshi, eds. (1999). External Possession.

Amsterdam:John Benjamins Publishing Co.
Rojas, Rosa. (1994). "Inestabilidad, problemas agrarios y ecológicos en Los

Chimalapas", La Jornada, viernes 5 de agosto, 1994. p. 40.
Rosen, Sara. (1989). "Two types of noun incorporation", Language 65:2, pp. 294-
317.
Schiffrin, Deborah. (1987). Discourse Markers. Cambridge: Cambridge

University Press.
Shopen, Timothy, ed. (1985). Language Typology and Syntactic Description,

Volume I: Clause Structure. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
421
Volume II: Complex Constructions. Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press.

Volume I: Grammatical Categories and the Lexicon. Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press.
Silverstein, Michael. (1976). "Hierarchy of features and ergativity.", In, R.W.

Dixon, (ed.), Grammatical Categories in Australian Languages. Canberra:
Australian Institute of Aboriginal Studies. pp. 112-171.
Steele, Susan, with Adrian Akmajian, Richard Demers, Eloise Jelinek, Chisato
Kitagawa, Richard Oehrle, and Thomas Wasow. (1981). An Encyclopedia
of AUX: A Study in Cross-Linguistic Equivalence. Cambridge, MA: The
MIT Press.
Suarez, Jorge A. (1983). The Mesoamerican Indian Languages. Cambridge:

Cambridge University Press.
Thomason, Sarah Grey and Terrence Kaufman. (1988). Language Contact,

Creolization, and Genetic Linguistics. Berkeley: University of California
Press.
Thompson, Sandra A. and Robert E. Longacre. (1985). "Adverbial clauses". In

Timothy Shopen, ed. Language Typology and Syntactic Description,
Volume II: Complex Constructions. Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press. pp. 169-234.
Van Valin, Robert. (1985). "Case marking and the structure of the Lakhota
clause". In, Johanna Nichols and Anthony C. Woodbury, (eds). Grammar
Inside and Outside the Clause. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
pp.363-413.
Van Valin, Robert and Randy J. LaPolla. (1997). Syntax: Structure, Meaning, and
Function. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Wichman, Soren. (1993). "Mixe-Zoquean linguistics: A status report." Paper

presented at the CIESAS, Mexico City, July-August 1993.
422
Wichman, Soren. (1995). The Relationship Among the Mixe-Zoquean Languages
of Mexico. Salt Lake City, UT: University of Utah Press.
Zavala Maldonado, Roberto. (1997). Oluta Mixe Lexicon. An on-line database

available at the MesoAmerican Languages Documentation Project
website, http://www.albany.edu/anthro/maldp/ .
Zavala Maldonado, Roberto. (2000a.) "Olutec motion verbs: Grammaticalization

under Mayan contact." Berkeley Linguistic Society Special Session:
Syntax and Semantics of the Indigenous Languages of the Americas,
February 18, 2000.
Zavala Maldonado, Roberto. (2000b). Topics in the Syntax of Olutec Mixe. Ph.D.
dissertation, Dept. of Linguistics, University of Oregon.
423
Vita
Heidi Anna Johnson was born in Lawrence, Kansas on June 27, 1956, the
daughter of Carmen Jean Acosta Johnson and Dale Ladsworth Johnson. She
attended both Lamar High School and the High School for the Performing and
Visual Arts in Houston, Texas. She attended the Colorado College in Colorado
Springs for two years, then transferred to the University of Texas at Austin, where
she received the Bachelors of Arts degree in 1979. She received a Masters of
Science degree at the University of Denver in 1992, and spent many years
working in the software industry. She returned to the University of Texas at
Austin to pursue a Doctor of Philosophy degree in Linguistics in September,
1992.
Permanent address: 1706 Waterston Ave., Austin, Texas 78703
This dissertation was typed by Heidi Johnson.
424

Zoque, A Grammar of San Miguel Chimalapa (Johnson)

Uploaded by

Copyright:

Available Formats

Zoque, A Grammar of San Miguel Chimalapa (Johnson)

Uploaded by

Document Information

Copyright

Available Formats

Share this document

Share or Embed Document

Sharing Options

Did you find this document useful?

Is this content inappropriate?

Copyright:

Available Formats

Zoque, A Grammar of San Miguel Chimalapa (Johnson)

Uploaded by

Copyright:

Available Formats

Copyright

Heidi Anna Johnson, B.A., M.S.

The University of Texas at Austin

for the Degree of

The University of Texas at Austin

Anthony C. Woodbury, Supervisor

Johnson, for bringing my brothers and I along on their field expeditions to

every summer of my childhood romping around in Indian villages. What could be

more natural than tortillas and chile for breakfast?

Next I must thank my advisor, Anthony Woodbury, for inspiring me to

study an endangered language through his excellent course, A Survey of Native

American Languages. Once the idea was hatched, he magically summoned up a

Project, headed by Terrence Kaufman and John Justeson.

enterrar?" and get an answer!

Another teacher, in the guise of a fellow student, is Roberto Zavala

whirlwind tours of MesoAmerican languages to save me hours in the library, for

My deepest and most heartfelt thanks go to Germán Sánchez Morales, my

principal consultant, advisor, caretaker, and dear friend. He is an extraordinary

teacher of languages, with infinite patience and an amazing capacity for

paraphrasing and re-phrasing and interpreting my lousy Zoque accent and my

love for his language.

Chimalapa. They made me welcome in their community in every way, which I

a truly fine and wondrous thing it is to be a Zoque of San Miguel Chimalapa.

Heidi Anna Johnson, Ph.D.

The University of Texas at Austin, 2000

Supervisor: Anthony C. Woodbury

The variety of Zoque described in this grammar is spoken in San Miguel

members of the Mixe-Zoque language family, my goal in writing this grammar

was to provide as comprehensive a description as possible. Grammatical

terminology is drawn from the functionalist theory of Role and Reference

Grammar. Zoque is an ergative, agglutinating, polysynthetic language. It is a

of verbal morphology. In addition to the pronominal agreement markers,

productive processes in this language. Dependent verb constructions can also be

formed with a small set of auxiliary verbs; these constructions exhibit an

agreement pattern known as ergative shift. Verb compounding is another

discusses syntax within the clause and in multi-clausal expressions, including

relative clauses, coordinated and comparative clauses, and subordinate clauses. It

includes chapters on question formation and aspect. Finally, there is discussion of

of Spanish grammatical function words, independently and in tandem with Zoque

formatives, is discussed where relevant. This grammar also serves as

documentation for a dictionary of Zoque, with glosses in Spanish and English,

that is accessible as a searchable on-line database at

Chapter 2: Grammatical Overview.................................................................11

Chapter 4: Word Classes................................................................................47

Chapter 5: Inflectional Morphology................................................................94

Chapter 6: The Basic Clause..........................................................................112

Chapter 7: Derivational morphology.................................................................158

Chapter 8: Dependent Verb Constructions...................................................201

Chapter 9: Noun Phrases..............................................................................241

Chapter 10: Noun Incorporation..................................................................268

Chapter 11: Multi-clause Expresions............................................................279

Chapter 12: Questions....................................................................................312

Chapter 13: Aspect and Mood.......................................................................330

Chapter 14: Discourse...................................................................................368

Appendix A: The MIG Zoque lexicon..............................................................402

Figure 2.1: The layered structure of the clause....................................................14

second column contains the Zoque morpheme. The morpheme separators

forms. The Third column contains a brief description of the morpheme.

English Zoque Description

(ii) /´n h´mkowakkaèm